Contemporary Parenting: A Global Perspective 9781848725737, 9781848725744, 9781315766423

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CONTEMPORARY PARENTING

Through a global, multidisciplinary perspective, this book describes how four factors  influence parenting practices:  a country’s historical and political background, the parents’ educational history, the economy and the parents’ financial standing, and advances in technology. Case studies that illustrate the impact these four factors have on parents in various regions help us better understand parenting in today’s global, interconnected world. Descriptions of parenting practices in countries from Europe, North and South America, Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean give readers a contemporary perspective. Both research and clinical implications when working with families from various cultures are integrated throughout. Part I reviews the four major factors that shape parenting practices. Part II features cases written by contributors with extensive experience in parenting practice and research, which bring to life the ways in which these four factors influence parenting within their regions. Each chapter in Part II follows the same format, to provide consistency for comparative purposes: an introduction, historical and political, economic, educational, and societal factors and parenting practices, and a conclusion. Each case reviews: •

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Historical and political factors such as slavery, war, and natural disasters and how these factors impact cultural beliefs, parenting behaviors, and a child’s development. Economic factors that impact the capacity for consistent, involved parenting, which can result in low IQ, behavioral problems, depression, and domestic conflict, and the need to account for financial factors when developing intervention programs.

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Parents’ educational levels’ impact on parenting practices and their children’s achievements. Advances in technology and their impact on parenting practices.

Intended for graduate or advanced undergraduate courses in families in global context, immigrant families, family or public policy, multiculturalism or cross-cultural psychology, social or cultural development, counseling, social work, or international development taught in human development and family studies, psychology, social work, sociology, anthropology, racial studies, and international relations, this book also appeals to practitioners and researchers interested in family studies and child development, and policy and program managers of governments, NGOs, and mental health agencies. Guerda Nicolas is a licensed clinical psychologist and Associate Professor at the University of Miami. Anabel Bejarano is Clinical Assistant Professor and Director of the Master’s Programs in Counseling at the University of Miami. Debbiesiu L. Lee is Associate Professor/Associate Chair of the Educational and Psychological Studies Department at the University of Miami.

CONTEMPORARY PARENTING A Global Perspective

Edited by Guerda Nicolas Anabel Bejarano Debbiesiu L. Lee

First published 2016 by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2016 Taylor & Francis The right of the editors to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Contemporary parenting (Routledge) Contemporary parenting : a global perspective / edited by Guerda Nicolas, Anabel Bejarano, and Debbiesiu L. Lee. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Parenting–Cross-cultural studies. I. Nicolas, Guerda. II. Title. HQ755.8.C6554 2015 306.874–dc23 2015018796 ISBN: 978-1-84872-573-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-84872-574-4 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-31576-642-3 (ebk) Typeset in Bembo by Out of House Publishing

The many families reflected in these pages represent parts of our own background and upbringing. We dedicate this work to the families who by virtue of grit, integrity, and wisdom gleaned from informal education managed to prepare their children for the challenges of life.

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CONTENTS

Preface List of Editors List of Contributors Acknowledgments

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PART I

Framework of Factors Affecting Contemporary Parenting 1

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3

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1

Overview of Historical and Political Factors Affecting Parenting Practices Guerda Nicolas

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Overview of Educational Factors Affecting Parenting Practices Anabel Bejarano and Guerda Nicolas

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Overview of Economic Factors Affecting Parenting Practices Guerda Nicolas

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Overview of Societal Change Factors Affecting Parenting Practices Debbiesiu L. Lee

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Contents

PART II

Illustrations of Contemporary Parenting Across the Globe

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5 Parenting and Culture in Argentina Patricia Carranza

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6 Understanding and Contextualizing Parenting in Brazil Giovanna Wanderley Petrucci, Juliane Callegaro Borsa, and Silvia Helena Koller

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7 Parenting in Contemporary China: The Dynamics of Interdependence and Independence Li Lin, Chen Huang, and Qian Wang

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8 Is There Something like German Parenting? Hiltrud Otto and Heidi Keller

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9 Parenting Practices and Culture in Haiti Marjory Clermont-Mathieu and Guerda Nicolas

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10 Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the Naqab Desert in Israel Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan, Hiltrud Otto, Dorit Roer-Strier, and Heidi Keller 11 Parenting in Nigeria: Contemporary Families, Extended Family Systems, and Religious Diversity Iyabo Fatimilehin and Amira Hassan

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12 Parenting Beliefs and Practices in Poland Grazyna Kmita

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13 Parenting and Attachment in Portuguese Families Marina Fuertes and Margarida Santos

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14 Contemporary Families in the Kingdom of Thailand: Where Ancient Buddhist Precepts Meet Modern Society Anusorn Payakkakom

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15 Challenges to Parenting and Families in the US Virgin Islands G. Rita Dudley-Grant, Sophia J. Parrilla, and Marsha Rivera-Gordon Index

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PREFACE

What factors shape our beliefs and perceptions of “good parenting” across the globe? What images are generated when one thinks of “a good parent?” Historically, such questions have guided the development of theories, approximately 164 measures, and over 50 evidenced-based interventions (e.g. behavioral parenting, family therapy, family skills training, etc.).These types of multifaceted parenting theories, measures, and interventions have been applied to a variety of populations, different cultural groups, and individuals varying in age and stages of development. There are many different definitions of culture, but what is clear is that it is not static. Rather, it is a fluid entity that changes over time. Recently, researchers have documented the interlocking role that cultural factors play with external factors. For example, one’s values, beliefs, and norms uniquely influence and are influenced by one’s social context, environment, and socialization experiences. Therefore, cultural and external factors together guide the parenting practices of most parents.The main premise and perspective of this book is that parenting practices across cultures must be understood from a global, contextual, socio-political, and historical perspective. For example, there are major events occurring across the globe (i.e. political wars, natural disasters, economic challenges, health crises, etc.) that significantly influence the parenting practices of families, but may not be thoroughly represented in literature that is investigating parenting practices.

The Focus of the Book The focus of this book is a socio-historical perspective on the following major factors that influence parenting beliefs and practices across various countries:  (1)  Historical and Political Context; (2)  Economy; (3)  Education; and (4)  Technology. We aim at understanding these factors within the umbrella

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of Contemporary Family Ecology (CFE), a lens and perspective we are using to conceptualize the interactions between these factors and the family. Specifically, by contemporary we are referring to developments that exist and are co-occurring in the present. Family ecology refers to understanding the ways that families function within social, historical, and political contexts.While these concepts are not new to the reader, we are emphasizing the importance of fusing ecological concepts in our understanding of contemporary families, as it allows for an examination of “the reciprocity between persons and their environments” where “attention is on the goodness of fit between an individual or group and the places in which they live out their lives.” The four factors used in this book represent areas of social context that are stable and consistent across time.The CFE framework is helpful in demonstrating ways that these factors are ever changing and co-occurring simultaneously in the lives of parents. Given the extensive number of theories focusing on parenting behavior, beliefs, and style, it is our belief that an in-depth focus on the socio-historical factors that can influence how a person raises their child would be a useful contribution to the existing literature on parenting practices. This book is divided into two parts. Part I consists of a rationale and overview of the four major factors believed to influence parenting practices globally. Part II includes case examples from various countries across the globe that illustrate the ways in which these four factors impact parenting practices within each culture. Individual chapters from colleagues with extensive experience in parenting practice and research, representing 11 different countries, will demonstrate ways that these elements influence parenting within their geographic regions. One of the most influential theories in human development, Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological paradigm was proposed as a means of conceptualizing the influence of different types of environmental systems on one’s development. Indeed, Bronfenbrenner specified the inclusion of social and historical circumstances that influence the individual, families, peers, coworkers, and others, with time having a dynamic influence on events. Thus, the focus of this book is not to analyze one theory or model and apply it across different cultural groups and geographical locations to which it might not be applicable. Rather, we aim for this book to focus on highlighting the ways that contemporary families are influenced by social and contextual factors, and their unique impact on parenting practices across different cultures in different regions. The following is a brief description of the four major factors that underlie the foundation of this book and that each of our contributing authors have addressed in their chapters on parenting in their respective countries.

Overview of Each Factor We recognize that there are many factors that are likely influencing the parenting practices of parents across the globe. We chose the following areas as the focus of the book as they have been established by research as factors that influence

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parenting. However, since these factors are constantly changing, we provide a snapshot view into contemporary issues within each of these factors. Therefore, we hope to deepen and expand our understanding of these factors, to gain a contemporary look at the role these factors play for parents from various cultural groups. Below is a brief introduction to each factor. More detailed information is provided in the subsequent chapters of this book. The foundation of this book is an examination of four factors (history, education, economy, and technology) and their influence on parenting practices across the globe. Many have argued the case that changing views of society and subsequent variations in parenting styles from generation to generation are associated with historical and economic change, increases in educational levels, and changes in technology.The factors highlighted in this book have been the subject of much research on parenting and allow us the opportunity to examine them in contemporary societies.

Intended Audience This multidisciplinary book will be of interest to a wide range of students in the academic setting. It will be adopted in classes such as systems theories, family counseling, family therapy, counseling with families, for upper division undergraduates and graduate students in such fields as psychology, psychiatry, international health, anthropology, cross-cultural psychology, social work, sociology, and race studies in departments of psychology, social work, international studies, nursing, psychiatry, family medicine, etc. Because of the global relevance of our topic, we expect that this book will attract a significant national and international readership. Many professional associations will be interested in this work, including the following:  American Psychological Association (in particular, these sections:  Clinical Psychology, Counseling Psychology, Community Psychology, Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues, International Psychology), American Psychological Society, American Psychiatric Association, National Association of Social Workers, American Nurses Association, Association for Cultural Studies, the World Health Organization Mental Health Division, the Association of Black Psychologists, the National Latino Psychological Association, and the Asian American Psychological Association. In addition to academicians and clinicians, the intended audience also includes mental health experts and practitioners, researchers, policy planners, NGOs, and governmental mental health agencies. Readers whose work focuses on youth, adolescents, families, culture, race, psychological health, and physical health issues will be interested in the book.

Final Thoughts We acknowledge that some of the factors we highlight in this book, such as economy and education, have been the subject of countless books and articles.

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Nonetheless, our goal in bringing this book to fruition was to build on these findings by showcasing ways that these factors are influencing the parenting practices of contemporary families. In order to provide a solid foundation, we provide brief overviews of these four factors prior to introducing the case studies of these factors by our contributing authors. We asked each of our contributing colleagues to provide us with an overview of how each of the above four factors are shaping contemporary parenting practices within their countries. This contemporary snapshot of families around the globe will provide a nuanced perspective of how these socio-historical factors impact family life, and the ways in which parents are raising their children. Finally, before proceeding, we feel it is important to offer one precautionary note. Although each of the contributing chapters is designed to represent a specific country, we recognize that there are significant cultural differences within countries as well as across countries. Thus, the information provided in the chapters may not be generalizable to all individuals within the culture. Although we asked our contributing authors to provide an overview of what is happening in relation to how these four factors are influencing contemporary parenting practices in their respective countries, we recognize that there are variances across subcultures within each country and that these “snapshots” may not be representative of all of the nations’ residents. We encourage the reader to engage in more research if interested in delving further into a particular country. Nevertheless, we hope that the information presented in this book will provide the reader with examples of ways that families are experiencing and managing the massive amount of social change occurring in various communities across the globe.

EDITORS

Dr Guerda Nicolas is a licensed clinical psychologist and Associate Professor at the University of Miami in the School of Education and Human Development, in the Department of Educational Psychological Studies. She obtained her doctoral degree in Clinical Psychology from Boston University. She completed her predoctoral training at Columbia University Medical Center and her postdoctoral training at the New York State Psychiatric Institute/Columbia University, Department of Child Psychiatry. As a multicultural (Haitian American) and multilingual psychologist (Spanish, French, and Haitian Creole), her research is reflective of her background and interests. Her current research focuses on the integration of race and culture and well-being for ethnically diverse and immigrant communities. Some of the projects that she is currently working on include: spirituality across the life span among ethnic minorities, and culturally effective mental health intervention for ethnic minority adolescents, with a specific focus on immigrant children, adolescents, and families. In addition, she conducts research on social support networks of Caribbean populations, with a specific focus on Haitians. She has published several articles and book chapters, and delivered numerous invited presentations at national and international conferences in the areas of women’s issues, depression and intervention among Haitians, social support networks of ethnic minorities, and spirituality. Her latest book, Social Networks and the Mental Health of Haitian Immigrants by Caribbean Studies Press, provides information regarding the lives of Haitian immigrants through research at the intersection of culture, social networks, and mental health. In addition, recommendations for providing culturally sensitive and effective services are included in the book. Dr Anabel Bejarano is a clinical psychologist, Clinical Assistant Professor, and Program Director of the Master’s Programs in Counseling at the University of

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Miami in the School of Education and Human Development, in the Department of Educational and Psychological Studies (EPS). She also directs the Latino Mental Health Program within EPS. She obtained her doctoral degree in Clinical Psychology from The City University of New  York, The Graduate Center, in 2000. She completed her predoctoral training at Columbia University and The Presbyterian Hospital, in the Department of Psychiatry at the New York State Psychiatric Institute. She teaches and specializes in multiculturalism, Latino mental health, child development, and the professional training of Master’s-level clinicians. Within the area of Latino mental health, her clinical and pedagogical interests are interpersonal violence and trauma, immigration and acculturation, and child development. She has presented locally and nationally on these issues. Dr Bejarano has been involved in the leadership of the California Psychological Association, the American Psychological Association, and the San Diego Psychological Association. She was in private practice in New York City and San Diego prior to relocating to Miami in 2011. Dr Bejarano was born in Bogotá, Colombia, and migrated to the US in early childhood. Dr  Debbiesiu L.  Lee is Associate Professor and Associate Chair at the University of Miami in the School of Education and Human Development, in the Department of Educational and Psychological Studies. She obtained her doctoral degree in Counseling Psychology from Arizona State University in 2005. Her research interests in the multicultural arena focus on examining issues of competence, training, and identity development. She is also currently conducting a comprehensive meta-analysis on how individuals cope with discrimination and the impact of discrimination on mental health. In her publications, Dr Lee advocates for the use of non-traditional methodologies in multicultural research. Dr Lee’s most recently completed research with students included developing a cross-cultural measure of parenting styles and exploring how attachment, personality development, and other interpersonal factors relate to mental health. Her articles have appeared in the Journal of Counseling Psychology, Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, and Psychotherapy. In her clinical work, Dr Lee’s passion is in working with low-income families of color. She has specialized in serving young children, adolescents, and their families, particularly in issues related to trauma and mood disorders. Since her time at UM, Dr Lee has taught courses focused on multicultural issues in counseling and psychology, clinical practicum, case conceptualization, and doctoral-level supervision. She is a member of the American Psychological Association (APA), APA Division 45 (Society for the Psychological Study of Ethnic Minority Issues), and APA Division 44 (Society for the Psychological Study of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Issues). She is a Fellow of the APA Minority Fellowship Program. Lastly, she is an active member of the Society for Interpersonal Theory and Research (SITAR).

CONTRIBUTORS

Juliane Callegaro Borsa, Assistant Professor and Coordinator of the Graduate

Program in Clinical Psychology of the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio). Coordinator of the Research Group “Psychological Assessment: People & Contexts (APlab).” Master’s degree in Clinical Psychology from the Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS), PhD and post-doctoral degree in Psychology from the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil (UFRGS). Her publications include books, articles, and chapters on psychological assessment, construction, adaptation and validation of psychological instruments, assessment of child emotional and behavioral problems, and assessment of mental health indicators. Patricia Carranza, Clinical Psychologist of Buenos Aires University, Argentina.

She is a PhD candidate in attachment theory at the Universidad de Ciencias Sociales de Buenos Aires. She has 30 years of experience working with children and families in vulnerable situations. Over the last ten years she has specialized in attachment theory-related instruments, which measure attachment, with the Family Relations Institute of Miami. She is a founding member of the International Attachment Society (IASA). Marjory Clermont-Mathieu, PhD R/I, Professor in the Department of

Psychology, Faculty of Human Sciences at the University D’Etat D’Haiti. She obtained a doctorate in Clinical Psychology in Research/Intervention at the University of Montreal, and completed a postdoctoral fellowship at the Hospital Ethnopsychiatry Jean Talon in Montreal. Her reputation has been built through experiences as a clinical psychologist, professor-researcher, and consultant to national and international organizations. In addition to clinical practice with

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families, couples, and teenagers, she has developed expertise in the social development of children from vulnerable communities with trauma histories. Professor Clermont-Mathieu is a founding member and past General Secretary of the Haitian Psychological Association. Her interests concern the impact of migration on parenting and family functioning, attachment practices, and acculturative stress as a risk factor for youth. G. Rita Dudley-Grant, Virgin Islands Behavioral Services, US Virgin Islands.

Dr Dudley-Grant is Clinical Director of Virgin Islands Behavioral Services, providing residential/community-based medical/mental health services for emotionally and behaviorally disturbed youth in the USVI. As past Assistant Commissioner of Health, she oversaw capacity expansion for community health, mental health, and substance abuse. Career areas of emphasis are: training for graduate psychologists; adolescent, family, and women’s mental health; and health promotion and protection in the Caribbean. Publications include books, articles, and chapters on Caribbean family therapy, women’s mental health, diversity, and spirituality in mental health. Dr Dudley-Grant is a founding member and past president of the Association of Virgin Islands Psychologists and Board Member of the Caribbean Alliance of National Psychological Associations. She has presented at the American Psychological Association and internationally on Caribbean family psychology, multiculturalism, women in treatment, psychology and Buddhism, and trauma. She is a Heiser Award for State Advocacy recipient and an APA Fellow. She is appointed by the Governor of the Virgin Islands to serve on the Juvenile Justice Board for the Territory. Iyabo Fatimilehin, Just Psychology CIC, Manchester, United Kingdom. Dr Fatimilehin is Consultant Clinical Psychologist and Director of Just Psychology CIC, a social enterprise that addresses the psychological and mental health needs of children, families, and communities, with a particular focus on cultural diversity, cultural competence, and social justice. Previously, she worked in the National Health Service for over 20 years, and was service leader for a specialist Child and Adolescent Mental Health service for Black and minority ethnic (BME) children and families for several years. She works as a trainer, therapist, supervisor, and consultant, and provides expert witness assessments for the courts. Her skills and experience include service development and management, facilitation of community participation and community development, research, and evaluation. She has published journal articles and book chapters on issues of race, culture, and ethnicity in relation to working with BME children and families. She has presented at national and international conferences on racial and ethnic identity development, community-based interventions, social exclusion, attachment, parenting, and working with culture. She is an Associate Fellow and chartered member of the British Psychological Society, and is a registered practitioner psychologist with the Health and Care Professions Council.

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Marina Fuertes, PhD in Psychology and External Researcher at Harvard Medical School at the Child Development Unit. She is Associate Professor in Early Childhood Education at the Education School of Lisbon Polytechnic Institute. Research and professional fields are: child development, infant attachment, and early childhood education. Amira Hassan, Children Rehabilitation Centre, Hamad Medical Corporation,

Doha, Qatar. Ms Hassan is a Chartered Counselling Psychologist and currently Head of Psychology for a pediatric psychology service for children with developmental delay and social communication difficulties in Qatar. Previously, she worked in the UK National Health Service for over ten years in Child and Adolescent Mental Health. The majority of her work in the UK was with Black and minority ethnic communities. She led innovative intergenerational work with Black and Muslim fathers and sons, which addressed issues of acculturation and relationships that are strained by migration and living between two cultures. Ms Hassan’s skills and experiences include the provision of culturally appropriate psychological assessment and intervention, service development, supervision, and training. She has presented at national and international conferences, and published journal articles and book chapters on issues of race and culture. Ms Hassan is a chartered member of the British Psychological Society and is a registered practitioner psychologist with the Health and Care Professions Council. Chen Huang, PLAI Behaviour Consulting. Chen Huang received her Master’s

degree in Psychology with an emphasis in developmental psychology from the Chinese University of Hong Kong in 2013. She currently works as a behavioral therapist providing early interventions to children with developmental disabilities and behavioral problems in home and in school settings. She develops and implements verbal behavior, skill acquisition, and behavior reduction programs for young children and their families from diverse cultural backgrounds. Her main research interests lie in the fields of children’s social and emotional development through parenting, as well as the delivery of Applied Behavior Analysis (ABA) services and positive behavior support to children with autism in China. Heidi Keller, PhD, Professor Emeritus at the University of Osnabrueck and a

co-director of NEVET, Greenhouse of Context-Informed Research and Training for Children in Need, School of Social Work and Social Welfare, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. She studied psychology, biology, and philosophy at Mainz University, where she received the PhD. She has held different fellowships and visiting professorships, e.g. Nehru Chair in Baroda, India, Universidad de Costa Rica in San Jose, UCLA, and Fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study in the Netherlands. She was the President of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology. Her research program is directed at studying the cultural solutions of universal developmental tasks in multiple sites with longitudinal designs. Besides her

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interest in basic science she is also active in applying culture-informed developmental patterns to counseling and early education. Grazyna Kmita, PhD, qualified in Psychology. Currently she has two appointments: Associate Professor, Faculty of Psychology, University of Warsaw, Department of Clinical Psychology of Child and Family, and Head of Department of Early Psychological Intervention, Institute of Mother and Child, Warsaw, Poland. Her area of expertise includes child clinical psychology, developmental psychopathology, and infant mental health. Selected research interests are: psychological mechanisms of resilience in preterm infants, self and interactive regulation in infancy, and parent–child interactions, parenting, and culture. Silvia Helena Koller, Full Professor and Chair of the Center for Psychological Studies of At-Risk Youth and Families in the Department of Psychology at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Porto Alegre, Brazil. Her research focuses primarily on positive developmental and applied psychology, ecological development, children’s rights, resilience, and prosocial moral development. She is committed to building capacity among youth, and fostering young people’s awareness of their human rights. Prior studies have been used to develop programs and social policies within the Brazilian Ministries of Health, Education, Housing, Social Welfare, and Justice. Li Lin, PhD, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University. Dr Lin is an Instructor in

the Department of Social Sciences of the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. She received her PhD degree in Psychology from the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Her main research interests involve adolescent development, parent–child relationships, positive youth development, and socio-cultural influence. She currently works for a large-scale project promoting positive youth development (Positive Adolescent Training through Holistic Social Programs), and teaches service leadership among college students. Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan, PhD candidate of the Paul Baerwald School of Social

Work and Social Welfare at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. Her research describes cultural perspectives of attachment among Bedouin families in the unrecognized villages in the Negev. She is Director of the Early Childhood Department at Sakhnin College and a resource center coordinator at NEVET, Greenhouse of Context-Informed Research and Training for Children in Need, School of Social Work and Social Welfare, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Hiltrud Otto, Postdoctoral Fellow of the Martin Buber Society of the Humanities at

Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. She is an early childhood scholar specializing in early socio-emotional development, as well as culture and attachment. Dr Otto participates in various national and international research projects promoting

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context-informed research and training for children in need. She is also a co-director of NEVET, Greenhouse of Context-Informed Research and Training for Children in Need, School of Social Work and Social Welfare, Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Sophia J.  Parrilla, PhD doctoral candidate, Clinical Psychology Program, Walden University, USA. Ms Parrilla has worked with children and their families in various capacities for the past 20  years. She has worked in the mental health field and in social welfare agencies providing parenting training and family counseling to adolescent parents and their families, abuse and neglect cases, highrisk adolescents with internalizing and externalizing behaviors, and the elderly. Agencies of employment or internships have included Catholic Charities of the VI, Department of Human Services, Department of Education, Virgin Islands Behavioral Services (VIBS), Women’s Coalition, and Island Therapy Solutions. She is the primary therapist for the therapeutic Boys Home of VIBS, providing trauma-informed individual, group, and family therapy to teenage boys with delinquent and trauma histories. Ms Parrilla’s goal is to promote positive social change in society. Ms Parrilla is a member of Psi Chi honor society, student member of the CANPA Caribbean Conference of Psychology, student member of the Association of Virgin Islands Psychologists, and a student member of the American Psychological Association. Anusorn Payakkakom, faculty member at the College of Social Sciences and Humanities, Mahidol University, Thailand. He received his PhD in Counseling Psychology from Arizona State University and completed his postdoctoral residency at Cornell University. He works with the Department of Non-Communicable Disease to bring awareness to healthcare providers in working with patients with chronic diseases. Dr  Payakkakom has also worked with the Psychology Department at Universidad Autonoma de Coahuila, Mexico. His research interests include academic performance and dropout, the effects of family relations and maternal well-being, adolescent sexual behaviors, and online/offline bullying. He has volunteered to work with underprivileged adolescent groups in remote areas of his native country. He maintains a part-time private practice. Giovanna Wanderley Petrucci, graduated in Psychology from the Federal

University of Paraíba, Brazil (UFPB). Her training is in Clinical Psychology, with an approach in Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy (CBT). She received a Master’s degree in Psychology from the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) and is a member of the Psychological Studies Center (CEP-Rua/UFRGS). Areas of interest are: psychological assessment, interpersonal relationships, social skills, behavior problems, and research on intervention. Marsha Rivera-Gordon, Government of the VI, Department of Education, Division of Special Education, US Virgin Islands. Mrs Gordon provides mental

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health services to at-risk youth exhibiting maladaptive behaviors. With a Master’s degree in Mental Health Counseling, she supervises interns participating in the psychology program at the University of the Virgin Islands. She is the primary therapist for a restrictive residential setting providing trauma-informed individual, group, and family therapy to teenage girls with abuse histories. As a school social worker at the Alternative Education Program, she is a member of the leadership team making decisions addressing students’ emotional and behavioral needs on the island of St Croix. She previously provided services to parents and their children who were suspected of having a disability for over 20 years. Mrs Gordon was also a Cancer Intervention Counselor at the Department of Health, Breast, and Cervical Cancer Early Detection Program. She has been a service provider in her community for almost 30 years and enjoys helping the members of her community meet their mental health needs. Dorit Roer-Strier, Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare, The

Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel. Dr Roer-Strier is a faculty member at the School of Social Work and Social Welfare and the Graduate Program for Early Childhood Studies at the Hebrew University. She has extensive research experience on international cross-cultural family and children studies. She is a clinical psychologist trained in family, community, and children interventions. She has developed theoretical models on children and families coping with risks related to cultural change, and has designed and supervised intervention programs among immigrant and refugee populations. Working with interdisciplinary research groups, she has designed multinational projects to build the new generation of researchers on cross-cultural studies in Israel. Her methodological approaches include qualitative, mixed, and action research methods. Margarida Santos, PhD in Psychology. She is Associate Professor in Human

Sciences in the School of Health Technology, Lisbon Polytechnic Institute. She lectures in the fields of Human Development, Health Psychology, Pediatric Psychology, and Communication. Her research focuses on parenting in chronic illness, children’s and adolescents’ health behavior, and communication in health services. Qian Wang, PhD in Developmental Psychology. She is Associate Professor at

the Chinese University of Hong Kong. She received her PhD in Developmental Psychology from the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. She is Director of the Centre for Chinese Family Studies at the Hong Kong Institute of Asia Pacific Studies. She is interested in research on social and personality development during childhood and adolescence, the roles of parents, teachers, and peers in children’s and adolescents’ development, and contextual (e.g. cultural, historical, and socioeconomic) influences on socialization and human development.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Collectively, we would like to express our heartfelt appreciation to all of the contributing authors for their hard work in producing exceptional examples of the key domains of the book. We also want to thank Anna Wheatley Scarbriel and members of the CRECER research team for their assistance in reviewing various draft documents of the book. We would also like to thank the valuable suggestions provided by the reviewers:  Mayra Bamaca (The Pennsylvania State University), April L. Few-Demo (Virginia Tech University), Ann K. Mullis (Florida State University), David Shwalb (Southern Utah University), and one anonymous reviewer. Lastly, our appreciation and thanks to Debra Riegert, Senior Editor at Routledge, for all of her assistance and support in bringing this book to completion. Additionally, Guerda would like to especially acknowledge the mothers who have made a significant influence in her life: birth mother Marie Agathe Jean, the mother who shaped me, Charmante Rinvil, the mother who adopted me, Peg Holbrook, and the one that provided me strength in the final stretch of writing this book, Heureuse L’Image. You are all phenomenal women who will always have made an imprint on the person and mother that I  am today and always! To my amazing daughters, Tatyana and Alexis, for asking me day after day, “how much work did you do on the book today, mum?” Those questions and your love and support gave me the push that I needed to get this done! To my siblings (Yveline, Guerline, and Kevin) for all of the encouragement, love, support, and understanding. Lastly, to my dear friend of 20 years, Pierre, who, despite many challenges during the journey, cheered me to the finish line. Anabel recognizes her mother Beatriz Lopez Annarumma, who demonstrated the skills needed to

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be successful and face life head on, while always making it look easy. Gracias por ser un ejemplo de mujer guerrillera! I  want to acknowledge my sister Crystal Annarumma Garcia, and all of her efforts as a wonderful first-time mother raising Gabryella Gerry Garcia to be a future guerrera! Gabby, may you grow to be a strong warrior and follow in the tradition. Debbiesiu Lee wants to first thank all of the contributing authors for breathing life and spirit into this book. There are layers of parental wisdom embedded within each of the chapters, and I admire and appreciate your talent in unraveling the complexities of parenting in your respective communities. I also want to thank my own parents, Yuen Git Lee and Annabelle Lee, for being my role models and heroes, both growing up and still. Without you both, none of this would be possible. Finally, I want to thank my dear partner, Christian Schonfeld, for your love, support, and encouragement, and our beautiful angels, Ari and Maya, as well as our eagerly anticipated son. Your collective shining brilliance compels me to be a better parent, and better person, every day. I love you all deeply.

PART I

Framework of Factors Affecting Contemporary Parenting

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1 OVERVIEW OF HISTORICAL AND POLITICAL FACTORS AFFECTING PARENTING PRACTICES Guerda Nicolas

Introduction For centuries, significant historical moments and political issues have impacted various countries, communities, and individuals. Historical events such as slavery, the holocaust, colonization, war, natural disasters, and political turmoil had made significant impacts at individual, community, and societal levels (Hoffman & Kruczek, 2011). Specific historical events such as the 9/11 attacks in the United States (US), the creation of the first cell phone, and political events such as the Russian war and the civil rights movement in the US, have all left unique marks at the individual, family, community, and society levels. As indicated by Elder (1994), Growing awareness of the link between human lives and their historical times has underscored the multiple levels, social embeddedness, and the dynamic features of the life course. Issues of timing, linked lives, and human agency identify key mechanisms by which environmental change and pathways influence the course and the substance of human lives. (p. 5) Drawing from Bronfenbrenner’s ecological paradigm (1989), it is useful to assess the ways in which these historical/political/social contexts and factors influence individuals, families, and parenting practices. Historical and political events thus impact both the microsystem, which includes the family and parent–child relationships, and the macrosystem, which includes cultural beliefs, values, and parenting behaviors (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Williams, 2010). For example, Williams’ (2010) study on refugee parenting found that racially and ethnically diverse refugee parents in South Australia (originally from the Sudan, Congo, Ethiopia, Liberia, Somalia, Afghanistan, and Iraq) experienced changes in their

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pre-existing values before their forced migration, and changes in their ideas and cultural practices regarding parenting and caretaking. Therefore, the experiences of life pre-migration, during migration and survival, and during post-migration adjustment had unique influences on their parenting behaviors and related values. Historical events and political turmoil are known to have significant repercussions on the cognitive, emotional, and psychological development and behavior of individuals (Goodwin & Tang, 1998; Goodwin, Willson, & Gaines, 2005). A culturally universal finding is that chronic danger and exposure to war contribute to anxiety, pessimism, depression, aggression, difficulty with attachment to primary figures, desensitization to violence and death, and cognitive impairment among children and adolescents (Garbarino, Bradshaw, & Vorrasi, 2002; McIntyre & Ventura, 2003).Thus, historical events and political turmoil can impact both the parenting practices of families, as well as the development and behavior of children. This is an area rarely assessed in parenting work and one that will likely impact the behaviors of parents and influence parenting practices of future generations.

Historical and Political Factors and Parenting Practices Research over the years has noted that parenting practices do not actually tend to continue from generation to generation, as perhaps expected by the adage that children are “just like their mother [or father]” (Campbell & Gilmore, 2007; Covell, Grusec, & King, 1995; Staples & Warden Smith, 1954; Woods, Glavin, & Kettle, 1960). Major events of the twentieth century, such as the Great Depression, World War II, and the rise of divorce rates, have been associated with changes in social behavior and family structure, whether as a direct or indirect result of these major events (e.g. Elder, 1974, 1994). Although many researchers have found strong correlations between parenting styles and cultural variables, such as collectivism and individualism (Baumrind, 1991), research on intergenerational transmission and continuity of parenting styles, behaviors, and values within families over the past 75 years provides strong evidence that parenting styles do change over time. Thus, it is likely that these changes are associated with specific cultural shifts, as influenced by historical, political, and social factors. For example, both Amato and Booth (1997) and Stearns (2003) found that children who grew up during the Great Depression got married at a much younger age than their parents and had significantly more children – related both to the stark economic context of the Depression era and the booming economy during the 1950s (when children of the Depression were just old enough to be married). In addition, Elder (1974) investigated parenting styles and found that (as parents) children of the Depression used more reasoning and autonomy-granting with their own children, indicating the beginning of a general shift from authoritarian to authoritative parenting styles. Similarly, parenting magazines and books during the 1950s and 1960s were noted to place increased emphasis on the consequences

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of stern parenting practices, advising parents against using strict obedience with their children and instead letting children make decisions on their own (Hulbert, 2003; Stearns, 2003). Two studies during this time indicated such a shift, finding that mothers were significantly more permissive than their grandmothers (Staples & Warden Smith, 1954; Woods, Glavin, and Kettle 1960). This trend continued into the late twentieth century, as parents became more permissive, and discipline shifted away from physical and harsh punishment methods, and parents began using talking, reasoning, and rationalization in their place (Stearns, 2003). In particular, some of this shift was purported to be associated with women’s increased work outside the home and divorced single-parenthood, which both resulted in an increase of children’s placement in out-of-home care. It is hypothesized that, with parents spending more time working and less time with their children, they felt an increased obligation to make time spent with their children more enjoyable and less punitive (Amato & Booth, 1997; Hulbert, 2003; Stearns, 2003). Furthermore, historical beliefs and attitudes related to men, masculinity, and fatherhood play an important role in parenting practices. Discussing the role of men and fatherhood in South Africa, Morrell (1998, as cited in Morrell & Richter, 2006) referred to “the historical legacy of racial emasculation by which African men were infantilized” (p. 8). Another important influence within South African culture was the migrant labor system, which “disrupted all aspects of family life,” including limited parental trust and intimacy, frequent dual family arrangements (e.g. men with one rural family and one urban), and frequent transitions among children. In this context, parenting from a father figure was generally unstable, as many of them were largely absent and “many young people lived with silent confusion and resentment at the behaviour of their parents” (Ramphele & Richter, 2006, p. 75). At the same time, poverty and financial instability further contributed to fathers’ “desertion . . . often prompted by their inability to bear the burden of being primary providers . . . who lack the capacity to generate enough income as uneducated and unskilled labourers” (Ramphele & Richter, 2006, p. 79). Thus, as Hunter (2006) proposes, “men’s abandonment of their social role of fatherhood through the denial of paternity emerges not simply from men’s power but from men’s disempowerment in certain spheres, including the economic” (p.  100). Unfortunately, such disruption in families and parenting has left its mark since colonization and apartheid. Similar social institutional influences can be seen through the treatment of Native populations throughout the Americas. An especially pervasive example comes from 1863 to 1996, when many aboriginal children in Canada were forced to attend Indian Residential Schools (IRSs), and were exposed to high rates of neglect, abuse, and trauma as a result of separation from their families and culture (Bombay, Matheson, & Anisman, 2011). Specifically, the lack of traditional parental role models for IRS survivors has been suggested as a factor that actually instilled negative parenting practices, as it disrupted the transmission of positive child-rearing practices (Evans-Campbell, 2008). Even

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offspring of IRS surviving parents self-reported that parental IRS attendance negatively affected the parenting that they received as children (AFN/FNIGC, 2007), hypothesized to be influenced directly, observed via modeling of negative caretaking practices in IRSs. Moreover, the AFN/FNIGC study suggests that the consequences of parenting deficiencies resulting from IRS experiences may have impacted whole communities over generations, altering social norms related to parenting, and maintaining factors promoting such parenting challenges (e.g. high rates of trauma exposure, low educational achievement; Bombay, Matheson, and Anisman 2014). Within a more modern context of the domestic sphere, the socio-political context of President Barack Obama’s position as a Black father has ushered in renewed conversations about the state of parenting within African American families (Chaney & Fairfax, 2013). Specifically, Chaney and Fairfax (2013) propose that the high-visibility of the Obamas [has resulted] in greater esteem for the Obamas as models for responsible parenting, greater self-efficacy with regard to the single or dual-parenting role, as well as a heightened need for parents to become the primary facilitators of increased interaction between themselves and their children. (p. 22) This also coincides with increased attention on racial socialization parenting practices, with an emphasis on Black families, for whom racial/ethnic identity and pride are proposed to serve as buffers against discrimination and other negative race-based experiences. In conclusion, just as the family is “an ideological concept, a symbolic construction, having its own history and politics” (Arendell, 1997, p.  4), so too is parenting subject to social and political factors and influences. Since social, political, and historical events do in fact impact family life, this raises questions and demands a deeper understanding of how such events may impact parenting practices. For example, it is worth considering the ways in which Haitian parenting has been impacted by the wake of the 2010 earthquake; how Palestinian and Israeli parenting has been impacted by the wake of the 2014 conflict escalations; how parenting arrangements are changing in light of IT advancements and flexible work schedules; and ways in which Black parenting has shifted in light of the surge in (or perhaps in media coverage of) questionable deaths of Black youths in the United States (e.g. Trayvon Martin, Jordan Davis, and Michael Brown). These examples highlight the complexities and intersections of both proximal and distal influences on individuals, families, and environments. Therefore, considering social, political, and historical factors in terms of their impact on parenting practices provides a rich and deep perspective that is needed in conversations relating to both parenting research and practice.

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References Amato, P. R., & Booth, A. (1997). A generation at risk: Growing up in an era of family upheaval. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Arendell, T. (1997). Contemporary parenting: Challenges and issues. Beverly Hills, CA:  Sage Publications. Assembly of First Nations (AFN)/First Nations Information Governance Committee (FNIGC) [AFN/FNIGC]. (2007). First Nations Regional Longitudinal Health Survey (RHS) 2002/03: The peoples’ report (Rev. 2nd edn). Ottawa, ON: AFN/FNIGC. Baumrind, D. (1991). Parenting styles and adolescent development. In R. M. Lerner, A. C. Peterson, & J. Brooks-Gunn (Eds), Encyclopedia of adolescence (Vol. 2, pp. 746–758). New York: Garland Publishing, Inc. Bombay, A., Matheson, K., & Anisman, H. (2011). The impact of stressors on second generation Indian residential school survivors. Transcultural Psychiatry, 48(4), 367–391. Bombay, A., Matheson, K., & Anisman, H. (2014). Student-to-student abuse in Indian residential schools:  An exploratory investigation. Ottawa, Canada:  The Aboriginal Healing Foundation. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development:  Experiments by nature and design. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1989). Ecological systems theory. In R.Vasta (Ed.), Six theories of child development: Revised formulations and current issues (Vol. 6). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Campbell, J., & Gilmore, L. (2007). Intergenerational continuities and discontinuities in parenting styles. Australian Journal of Psychology, 59, 140–150. Chaney, C., & Fairfax, C.N. (2013). The Obamas and the culture of Black parenting in America. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 5(10), pp. 20–49. Covell, K., Grusec, J. E., & King, G. (1995). The intergenerational transmission of maternal discipline and standards for behavior. Social Development, 4, 32–43. Elder, G. H. (1974). Children of the Great Depression. In Children of the Great Depression: Social change in life experience (pp. 271–297). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Elder, G. H. (1994).Time, human agency, and social change: Perspectives on the life course. Social Psychology Quarterly, 57, 4–15. Evans-Campbell, T. (2008). Historical trauma in American Indian/Native Alaska communities: A multilevel framework for exploring impacts on individuals, families, and communities. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 23(3), 316–338. Garbarino, J., Bradshaw, C. P., & Vorrasi, J. A. (2002). Mitigating the effects of gun violence on children and youth. The Future of Children, 12(2), 73–87. Retrieved January 26, 2015, from https://www.princeton.edu/futureofchildren/publications/docs/12_02_05.pdf. Goodwin, R., & Tang, C. (1998).The transition to uncertainty? The impacts of Hong Kong 1997 on personal relationships. Personal Relationships, 5(2), 2183–2190. Goodwin, R., Willson, M., & Gaines, S., Jr (2005). Terror threat perception and its consequences in contemporary Britain. British Journal of Psychology, 96, 389–406. Hoffman, M. A., & Kruczek,T. (2011). A bioecological model of mass trauma: Community and societal effects. The Counseling Psychologist, 39(8), 1087–1127. Hulbert, A. (2003). Raising America:  Experts, parents, and a century of advice about children. New York: Random House, Inc. Hunter, M. (2006). Fathers without amandla:  Zulu-speaking men and fatherhood. In L. Richter & R. Morrell (Eds), Baba: Men and fatherhood in South Africa. Cape Town, South Africa: HSRC Press.

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McIntyre, T. M., & Ventura, M. (2003). Children of war:  Psychosocial sequelae of war trauma in Angolan adolescents. In S. Krippner & T. McIntyre (Eds), The psychological impact of war trauma on civilians: An international perspective. Psychological dimensions to war and peace (pp. 39–53). Westport, CT: Praeger/Greenwood. Morrell, R., & Richter, L. (2006). Introduction. In L. Richter & R. Morrell (Eds), Baba:  Men and fatherhood in South Africa (pp. 1–12). Cape Town, South Africa: HSRC Press. Ramphele, M., & Richter, L. (2006). Migrancy, family dissolution and fatherhood. In L. Richter & R. Morrell (Eds), Baba: Men and fatherhood in South Africa (pp. 73–81). Cape Town, South Africa: HSRC Press. Staples, R., & Warden Smith, J. (1954). Attitudes of grandmothers and mothers toward child rearing practices. Child Development, 25, 91–97. Stearns, P. N. (2003). Anxious parents:  A  history of modern childrearing in America. New York: New York University Press. Williams, N. (2010). Establishing the boundaries and building bridges: A literature review on ecological theory, implications for research into the refugee parenting experience. Journal of Child Health Care, 14(1), 35–51. Woods, P. J., Glavin, K. B., & Kettle, C. M. (1960). A mother–daughter comparison on selected aspects of child rearing in a high socioeconomic group. Child Development, 31, 121–128.

2 OVERVIEW OF EDUCATIONAL FACTORS AFFECTING PARENTING PRACTICES Anabel Bejarano and Guerda Nicolas

Introduction Given the global focus of this book, we conceptualize “education” from a broad and wide lens for at least two compelling reasons. First and foremost is the role of culture, and second, as a corollary, the particular expectations that societies and families have for their youth. We recognize that both formal (school-based) and informal (home- and life-based) education impact parenting practices. Research focusing on more formal education will be highlighted, but we asked our colleagues to also consider the influence of informal education with respect to parenting practices in their respective countries.This is important, as it is commonly believed that 20 percent of your success as a professional comes from your IQ and 80 percent comes from your EQ; your IQ gets you hired and your EQ gets you promoted. Cultural background refers to racial, ethnic, and national identity, along with religious affiliation  – all of which encompass values that will guide parenting. The embedded values and infrastructure of a given culture may influence both the availability of formal education as well as how a parent’s education, skills, and knowledge are defined and valued. For example, in highly developed and industrialized environments, it would be expected that opportunities for formal education are more readily available. In developed countries, therefore, parents’ formal education might be emphasized in value, along with marketable job skills, and the status that accompanies the job or career. It follows that a person’s worth and self-worth in such a developed society becomes closely aligned with their educational attainment (Covington, 1992; Wigfield & Eccles, 2000). In contrast, in developing countries, opportunities for formal education may be limited to those with significant financial stability, may be prohibitive for girls and women (given proscriptive and traditional gender roles), or may

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be reserved for the elite (Trow, 2007). In developing and third-world societies, therefore, informal education may be more prominent within parenting practices. We venture to make the connection that in such environments, a person’s self-worth and value from the perspective of their society may be based on more than their educational history. In developing societies, a person’s worth may also be based on their wisdom in navigating life’s challenges, personal integrity, interpersonal skills, or work ethic (Branden, 1995; Shukla, 2012). Thus, value may be found in the “informal education” that influences these qualities and behaviors. Subsequently, parenting practices are likely to support and foster the associated qualities and behaviors. Whether a given culture values informal education over formal education, or vice versa, education may influence both what is expected of children, as well as the corresponding parenting practices. Furthermore, expectations of what is considered “appropriate child behavior” within a community will influence corresponding parenting practices. Expectations of appropriate child behavior depend on many factors within a community. An overarching and defining factor is the continuum of individualism (or individualistic) on one end, and collectivism (or collectivistic) on the other (Guisinger & Blatt, 1994; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Sampson, 1988). Depending on how much a family adheres to an individualistic or collectivistic worldview, that subjective worldview will define what parents consider to be healthy personality characteristics, and therefore will influence specific parenting practices to shape their children’s behavior to match those characteristics (Delgado Gaitan, 1993; Wolf, Lozoff , Latz, & Paludetto, 1996). Central to how communities and families define critical aspects of a healthy “self ” is whether the family leans more toward being collectivistic or individualistic. These aspects representative of individualism and collectivism, respectively, include whether the self is conceived to be primarily (a) self- or other-focused; (b) independent or interdependent; (c) maintaining firm boundaries with others or having fluid boundaries; and (d) having an internal or external locus of control (Hofstede, 2001; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Sampson, 1988).Therefore, depending on the family’s definition of a healthy self, parenting practices beginning in infancy may promote, for example, being autonomous and independent (i.e. from an individualistic perspective) over being group-oriented and interdependent with others (i.e. from a collectivistic perspective). The child’s behaviors would continue to be shaped by parents and caretakers throughout development in the direction deemed most appropriate, whether toward an individualistic or collectivistic self.

Formal and Informal Education Formal Education Across countries and diverse communities, formal education is often coveted and considered a prized commodity by its citizens. It is a system that is well defined

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with specific features. Formal education is considered to be the knowledge and skills gained from attending a school or university, with high school or college being a defining marker. The development and socialization that one undergoes by virtue of receiving a formal education is particularly valued in many societies. In addition to providing knowledge and skills with which to seek employment or a profession, the opportunity to “become educated” has over the ages been associated with developed countries, has differentiated the learned from the masses, and has implied exposure to distinct viewpoints and, therefore, flexible and sophisticated reasoning. Most countries strive to provide a basic level of primary education to their citizens, within the parameters of their economy, gendered or religious practices, and local geography and availability of schools. The relationships between formal education and rates of literacy (Kavé et al., 2012), rates of controllable diseases and health (Dionne et al., 2001; Pincus et al., 2004), economic livelihood of its citizens (Adams, 2002; Arendt, 2005; Hammond & Feinstein, 2006), and family well-being (Malin & Maidment, 2003; Shaw, Dorling, & Smith, 1999) are acknowledged by governments and global leaders alike. The value placed on formal education is reflected in the work of organizations such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), which coordinates the Education For All (EFA) initiative aimed at providing basic education to all youth and adults worldwide by the year 2015 (UNESCO, 2013). On a global scale, and at the level of macrosystems, there is little disagreement that education benefits society and its inhabitants. In a parallel fashion, at the microsystem level encompassing family life, caretakers’ education is commonly regarded as impacting parenting and parenting practices. In the literature, the links made between education and parenting practices are often situated within formal education. For example, research conducted in the United States shows that the educational levels of parents significantly influence parenting practices, the expectations parents have of their children in terms of achievement, and the educational outcomes of children. For instance, research shows that a parent’s education is an important predictor of their child’s achievement (Haveman & Wolfe, 1995; Klebanov, Brooks-Gunn, & Duncan, 1994; Smith, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1997). Alexander, Entwisle, and Bedinger (1994) found that parents with moderate to high levels of education and income held beliefs and expectations that were closer than those of low-income families to the actual academic performance of their children. Low-income families instead had high expectations and performance beliefs that did not correlate well with their children’s actual school performance. Alexander and colleagues (1994) suggest that parents’ ability to form accurate beliefs and expectations regarding their children’s performance is essential in structuring the home and educational environment so that children can excel in post-schooling endeavors, whether they are higher education or a vocational career. Halle, Kurtz-Costes, and Mahoney (1997), using a sample of low-income minority families, also found that mothers with higher education had higher expectations of their children’s academic achievement and that these expectations were related to their children’s subsequent

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achievement in math and reading. Halle and colleagues found that these positive beliefs and expectations predicted higher amounts of achievement-related behaviors by mothers in the home as well as more positive perceptions of achievement from the children in the home.

Informal Education Coombs and Ahmed (1974) defined informal education as the lifelong process by which every person acquires and accumulates knowledge, skills, attitudes, and insights from daily experiences and exposure to the environment. Vygotsky initially highlighted informal education in his focus on the role of culture in contextual learning and the transmission of knowledge to children by both adults and peers, regardless of formal education (Gauvain & Cole, 2005). From an international and emic perspective, it is noteworthy to consider the role and function of “informal education” found in all communities, and their impact on parenting practices (Hemmings, 2011; Jeffs & Smith, 2005). Research shows that children (from birth to adulthood) spend more time in informal education settings than in formal education (Kooreman & Kapteyn, 1987; Sargant et al., 1997). Informal education is more predominant in societies in which caretakers lack a formal education, such as in nomadic, agrarian, or rural communities (Coombs & Ahmed, 1974). While formal education is predominantly led by adults, through a curriculum accompanied with tests to assess learning, informal education can be directed by adults and children and also be self-directed by the child. Informal education is understood to be guidance and modeling of the skills and knowledge required in a given society in order to thrive.Thus, it is the learning that can happen spontaneously and therefore can be relevant to the child in the moment. As a result, informal education can be impacted by the values, beliefs, gender roles, and practices in a given society. Examples of informal education might include teaching a child to farm by having the child accompany the caretaker in the fields, demonstrating “appropriate” gendered behavior by modeling and explicit instruction, or transmitting bargaining skills in a trade-based community by having the child engage customers. Informal education often takes place in dyads and includes immediate feedback, unlike in a school setting where teachers’ attention is shared among many students and feedback is often delayed. Given that informal education is more student-centered, it tends to be more flexible in nature, responding to the immediate needs of the child and their level of knowledge. It is clear that such learning is central to the development of an individual and must be understood and valued in societies.

Education Factors and Parenting Practices The vast research on parenting and education in the US and abroad centers on the impact of parents’ educational history on their parenting practices,  their

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expectations, and the outcomes of their children. Specifically, research on the relationships between parental education and expectations of children often focuses on two main areas: expectations of children’s socio-emotional development beginning in infancy (De Wolff & Van IJzendoorn, 1997), and expectations of academic achievement and cognitive abilities (Davis-Kean, 2005). Research on parental education and parenting practices has focused on infant and toddler’s attachment style, parents’ affective and disciplinary style, and academic outcomes for children and youth. For example, Davis-Kean (2005) published a study about the impact of parent education and income on child achievement. The study proposed that by looking at the relationship through the lens of parents’ expectations and beliefs, there is an indirect relationship between parent education, family income, and child achievement (p. 295). The initial analyses involving descriptive statistics and correlations found that parents’ education and income were moderate to strong predictors of the child’s success. Similarly, Hortacsu (1995) studied Turkish parents and children to determine if there were relationships between parents’ education levels, beliefs about their children, their children’s cognitions, and academic achievement. Hortacsu (1995) hypothesized that higher levels of parent education would be associated with perspectivistic beliefs (seen as sensitive and responsive parenting), as opposed to categorical beliefs (where parents are seen as strict disciplinarians). Additionally, the researchers expected parents’ levels of education to be both directly and positively related to children’s grade point average (GPA). Their analysis of the data was divided to look at differences between mothers and fathers. The results confirmed the hypothesis, showing that for both mothers and fathers, high levels of education were associated with endorsement of perspectivistic beliefs and rejection of categorical beliefs.The level of education of the mothers in the study had a direct effect on multiple child outcome variables including GPA and efficacy, but the level of education of fathers only showed a significant direct effect on their children’s perceptions of self-efficacy. While formal education is often the indicator used to assess the relationship between education and parenting behaviors, there is something to be said for certain types of unconventional or informal education and their impact on parenting behaviors. For instance, one interesting aspect of assessing parenting behaviors related to education is looking at what some researchers call spiritual intelligence, defined as “the human’s ability in planning creatively created questions in life” (Mohammadyari, 2012, p. 2114). Brody, Zolinda, Douglas, and McCrary (1994) note that spiritual intelligence has the potential to increase parenting skills, which could positively impact children’s competence, self-regulation, psychosocial adjustment, and school performance.Therefore, it is critical to consider informal educational practices and their unique role when measuring the educational, social, and emotional stability and success of children. Several caveats found across studies on parenting require mentioning. First, a parent’s formal or informal education is not divorced from employment

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opportunities and family income. Therefore, education and income are intrinsically related as factors or variables across families, and ostensibly across cultures. It is difficult to speak of shades of poverty or wealth without mention of education and employment. Second, and related to the interlocking of education and income, is the overlap between education, income, and a family’s cultural background, and their impact on parenting and approaches to parenting. Third, although the terms parents or parental are often used, the mother or maternal figure is most often the subject of interest in the literature. This may be due to logistical factors regarding availability and interest in participation, or due to the latent belief and philosophy that mothers have a more significant impact on child rearing. Lastly, studies tend to use cross-sectional data that provide a snapshot of families or parent–child dyads at one point in time; therefore, the complexity of the pathways by which parental education (formal or informal) influences parenting remains to be understood (Davis-Kean, 2005).

Conclusion In conclusion, both formal and informal education occur in a child’s life, and both are necessary for development. The question lies in how to successfully integrate these two types of educational experiences and recognize the value that each contributes.While the literature is still emerging on informal education as a predictor of parenting behavior, it is important for researchers to consider this as a valuable way by which parents develop not only their own skills, but teach children valuable life skills. In general, it seems that higher levels of formal education are associated with positive parenting skills, but that the delineation of those skills depends on multiple factors including neighborhood, family size, family income, and other vital family characteristics. In order for researchers, educators, psychologists, and family advocates to better serve their families, they must come to an understanding of education that values not only formal schooling but also informal means of education (e.g. life experiences) as a valuable source of knowledge. Our goal in including education as one of the dimensions of the book is to expand this lens and provide an inclusive look at the ways in which parents’ educational histories influence their role as parents within their cultural context.

References Adams, S. J. (2002). Educational attainment and health: Evidence from a sample of older adults. Education Economics, 10(1), 97–109. Alexander, K. L., Entwisle, D. R., & Bedinger, S. D. (1994). When expectations work: Race and socioeconomic differences in school performance. Social Psychology Quarterly, 57(4), 283–299. Arendt, J. N. (2005). Does education cause better health? A panel data analysis using school reforms for identification. Economics of Education Review, 24, 149–160.

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Branden, N. (1995). The six pillars of self-esteem. New York: Bantam. Brody, G. H., Zolinda, S., Douglas, F., & McCrary, C. (1994). Religion’s role in organizing family relationships: Family process in rural, two-parent African American families. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 56, 878–889. Coombs, P. H., & Ahmed, M. (1974). Attacking rural poverty: How non-formal education can help. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Covington, M. V. (1992). Making the grade: A self-worth perspective on motivation and school reform. New York: Cambridge University Press. Davis-Kean, P. E. (2005). The influence of parent education and family income on child achievement: The indirect role of parental expectations and the home environment. Journal of Family Psychology, 19(2), 294–304. Delgado Gaitan, C. (1993). Research and policy in reconceptualizing family–school relationships. In P. Phelan and A. Davidson (Eds), Cultural diversity and educational policy and change (pp. 139–159). New York: Teachers College Press. De Wolff , M. S., &Van IJzendoorn, M. H. (1997). Sensitivity and attachment: A meta-analysis on parental antecedents of infant attachment. Child Development, 68, 571–591. Dionne, C. E., Von Korff , M., Koepsell, T. D., Deyo, R. A., Barlow, W. E., & Checkoway, H. (2001, July). Formal education and back pain:  A  review. Journal of Epidemiology Community Health, 55, 455–468. Gauvain, M., & Cole, M. (2005). Readings on the development of children (4th edn). New York: Worth. Guisinger, S., & Blatt, S. J. (1994). Individuality and relatedness: Evolution of a fundamental dialectic. American Psychologist, 49, 104–111. Halle, T., Kurtz-Costes, B., & Mahoney, J. (1997). Family influences on school achievement in low-income, African American children. Journal of Educational Psychology, 89, 527–537. Hammond, C., & Feinstein, L. (2006). Are those who flourished at school healthier adults? What role for adult education? London: Centre for Research on the Wider Benefits of Learning. Haveman, R., & Wolfe, B. (1995). The determinants of children’s attainments: A review of methods and findings. Journal of Economic Literature, 33(4), 1829–1878. Hemmings, H. (2011). Together: How small groups achieve big things. London: John Murray. Hofstede, G. (2001). Culture’s consequences: Comparing values, behaviors, institutions, and organizations across nations. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Hortacsu, N. (1995). Parents’ education levels, parents’ beliefs, and child outcomes. The Journal of Genetic Psychology, 56(3), 373–383. Jeffs, T., & Smith, M. K. (2005). Informal education:  Conversation, democracy and learning. Ticknall: Education Now. Kavé, G., Shrira, A., Palgi, Y., Spalter, T., Ben-Ezra, M., & Shmotkin, D. (2012). Formal education level versus self-rated literacy as predictors of cognitive aging. The Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 67(6), 697–704. Klebanov, P. K., Brooks-Gunn, J., & Duncan, G. J. (1994). Does neighborhood and family poverty affect mothers’ parenting, mental health, and social support? Journal of Marriage and the Family, 56(2), 441–455. Kooreman, P., & Kapteyn, A. (1987). A disaggregated analysis of the allocation of time within the household. Journal of Political Economy, 95, 223–249. Malin, M., & Maidment, D. (2003). Education, indigenous survival and well-being: Emerging ideas and programs. The Australian Journal of Indigenous Education, 23, 85–100. Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self:  Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98(2), 224–253.

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Mohammadyari, G. (2012). Relationship between parent’s spiritual intelligence, level of education, and children’s mental health. Social and Behavioral Sciences, 69, 2114–2118. Pincus, T., Keysor, T., Sokka, T., Krishman, E., & Callahan, L. F. (2004). Patient questionnaires and formal education level as prospective predictors of mortality over 10 years in 97% of 1416 patients with rheumatoid arthritis from 15 United States private practices. The Journal of Rheumatology, 31(2), 229–234. Sampson, E. E. (1988). The debate on individualism:  Indigenous psychologies of the individual and their role in personal and societal functioning. American Psychologist, 43(1), 15–22. Sargant, N., Field, J., Francis, H., Schuller,T., & Tuckett, A. (1997). The learning divide: A study of participation in adult learning in the United Kingdom. National Institute of Adult Continuing Education (NIACE). Shaw, M., Dorling, D., & Smith, G. D. (1999). Poverty, social exclusion and minorities. In M. Marmot & R. Wilkinson (Eds), Social determinants of health (pp. 211–239). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Shukla, S. (2012). Using introspective approach in improving interpersonal skills. International Journal of Reviews, Surveys, and Research, 1(1), 1–9. Smith, J., Brooks-Gunn, J., & Klebanov, P. (1997). Consequences of living in poverty for young children’s cognitive and verbal ability and early school achievement. In G. Duncan & J. Brooks-Gunn (Eds), Consequences of growing up poor. New York: Russell Sage. Trow, M. (2007). Reflections on the transition from elite to mass universal access: Focus and phases of higher education in modern societies since WWII. In P. Altbach (Ed.), International handbook of higher education. Dordrecht: Kluwer. United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization [UNESCO] (2013). Making Education a Priority in the Post-2015 Development Agenda:  Report of the Global Thematic Consultation on Education in the Post-2015 Development Agenda. Retrieved January 9, 2015, from http://www.unesco.org/new/en/education/themes/leading-the-international-agenda/ education-for-all. Wigfield, A., & Eccles, J. S. (2000). Expectancy-value theory of achievement motivation. Contemporary Educational Psychology, 25, 68–81. Wolf , A. W., Lozoff , B., Latz, S., & Paludetto, R. (1996). Parental theories in the management of young children’s sleep in Japan, Italy, and the United States. In S. Harkness and C. Super (Eds), Culture and human development. Parents’ cultural beliefs systems: Their origins, expressions, and consequences (pp. 364–384). New York: Guilford.

3 OVERVIEW OF ECONOMIC FACTORS AFFECTING PARENTING PRACTICES Guerda Nicolas

Introduction In addition to historical and political events and education, the economic stability of families is another factor influencing parenting practices and behaviors. The link between economic hardship and parenting behavior has long been established and is well documented by numerous studies (Conger et al., 1990; McLoyd, 1989). Nevertheless, in this chapter, we provide a summary of the research on the influence of economic factors and parenting. In addition, given the vast economic disparities across different countries, we asked our colleagues to highlight this factor as we examine parenting practices across the globe. McLoyd (1990) argues that, “poverty and economic loss diminish the capacity for supportive, consistent, and involved parenting and render parents more vulnerable to the debilitating effects of negative life events” (p. 312). Research with children, adolescents, and adults has consistently found that parental economic hardship is positively associated with a number of negative physical and psychological health outcomes, including low IQ, conduct problems, depression, and sexual abuse. Elder’s (1974) research on the detrimental impact of economic loss during the Great Depression on parenting practices and family life documented increased conflict between spouses (Liker & Elder, 1983), increased tempertantrums among children (Elder, Liker, & Jaworski, 1984; Elder,Van Nguyen, & Caspi, 1985), lowered sense of self and goal aspirations among girls, and loss of respect for the father among boys (Elder,Van Nguyen, and Caspi, 1985). Despite the documented impact of economic factors on parenting and family life, rarely do assessment instruments take into account financial stability when attempting to understand the parenting practices of different cultural groups. Furthermore, economic factors are virtually nonexistent among the myriad interventions that have been

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developed to improve parenting behaviors. In this book, you will find many examples of ways that economic factors influence the parenting practices of families living in different regions across the globe. Examination of the economy and parenting practices often centers on socioeconomic status (SES), a concept that has been measured in a plethora of ways (e.g. education level, income, and occupation status). Regardless of the way in which it is measured, the impact of socioeconomic status on parenting practices seems to remain consistent across the research. This is exemplified by the following quote from Deater-Deckard (2004), who suggests that, “the way parents feel about themselves, their situations, and their children goes hand in hand with the way parents behave towards their children” (p. 17). This statement encompasses what many parents know to be true, but have a hard time navigating, which is the stress of parenting while poor.

Poverty Studies on economics and parenting have focused on SES data from a single time point. Some researchers, however, believe that looking at the economic history of a family and the persistence of economic distress may give better insight into the psychological impact of poverty on parenting behaviors. McLeod and Shanahan (1993) studied the impact of poverty on parenting practices and children’s mental health in the US by taking into account both the previous and current financial hardship of families. They found that for many Black and Hispanic families, the impact of poverty was felt more frequently and with fewer prospects for economic improvement (oftentimes due to lack of access to resources), compared to their White non-Hispanic peers. With respect to parenting behaviors, McLeod and Shanahan found that poor mothers engaged in corporal punishment practices more frequently and were less responsive (emotionally and physically) to their children’s needs when compared to non-poor mothers, consistent with findings from previous studies about the impact of financial stress on parenting practices (McLoyd, 1990). However, when parenting behaviors were assessed across levels of persistent poverty, the authors found that mothers who had been poor for longer reported less use of corporal punishment when accounting for current levels of poverty.This led the authors to conclude that the negative long-term effects of financial hardship may not be linked directly to harsher parenting practices, as family interactions, and in some cases parenting behaviors, appear to stabilize as a family adapts to their economic situation (p. 361). In addition, poor children across racial groups appear to experience the same parenting disadvantages, such as parents reporting a decreased ability to respond appropriately to the child’s emotional and physical needs. Thus, it is clear that an understanding of the poverty level and the length of time that a family experiences poverty is an important aspect that should be assessed in relation to parenting practices.

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Employment Status One major facet of parents’ social context, often directly related to their financial status, is their employment status. Some researchers report that parental employment has a positive impact on parenting practices. For example, parents who work are often conscious of the limited time they have with their children, and therefore tend to have more intentional interactions with their children (Daly, 2001; Ginsburg, 2007). Other studies have shown a negative impact on parenting quality for parents who are employed: positing that work takes away from time spent interacting with children (Augustine, 2013). Aligned with these assertions, Puff and Renk (2014) note that some families experience work–family spillover, where parents who feel stressed at their jobs may (unintentionally) bring home negative attitudes, thus impacting interactions with their family. In an attempt to better understand the nuances of employment and its impact on parenting practices, Augustine (2013) conducted a study to assess whether the educational level of mothers in the US moderates the relationship between employment and parenting quality. Accounting for the complexity of the arguments both for and against parental employment and its impact on parenting, Augustine (2013) hypothesized that the level of mothers’ education may influence the type of employment they obtain, as well as the skills they possess to manage work-related stress. The study focused on three key dimensions: number of hours spent at work, occupation type, and work schedule. Results showed that mothers with higher-status occupations (professional or managerial positions) and part-time jobs had higher quality parenting behaviors related to child learning (p. 254).While part-time work was more common among mothers with less education and high-status occupations more common among mothers with more education, part-time work appeared to provide the largest boost in quality of parenting for the mothers in the study. Additionally, in contrast to the author’s expectations, less-educated women with lower-status occupations, when compared to women who were not working, resulted in higher-quality parenting. Overall, the findings suggest that, in general, paid labor can enhance parenting quality as opposed to non-employment, but that higher-status and part-time jobs have the largest positive impact on parenting behavior. Augustine (2013) posits that not only can education impact parents’ ability to make more informed decisions about employment opportunities, but also that employment, regardless of occupation status, may provide parents with the social capital and beneficial psychological resources to produce higher-quality parenting.

Financial Stress While studying the impact of economics on parenting is complex and multifaceted, to say the least, what is clear is the magnitude of the impact that financial hardship has on parents and their parenting practices. Stress caused by economic

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hardship can lead to insensitive parenting and potentially poor outcomes for developing children (McLoyd, 1990, 1998). Increased education, which could help lead to employment, is a great potential safeguard or moderator of that relationship. However, if parents and families experiencing financial hardship are burdened physically and emotionally by their current (and sometimes long-standing) unstable financial situation, it becomes more difficult to see the light at the end of the tunnel. Azad, Blacher, and Marcoulides (2014) suggest more research on the relationship between parental optimism and positive parenting practices. Providing families and parents with the resources to both improve their financial situation and to facilitate the development of coping skills to manage work, family, and financial stress seems crucial to positively affecting parenting practices.

Conclusion In summary, researchers are still attempting to find the best method to account for the impact of uncertain socioeconomic status, by assessing parental education level, occupation status, income, and current versus history of financial hardship (Augustine, 2013; Azad, Blacher, and Marcoulides, 2014; McLeod & Shanahan, 1993; McLoyd, 1990; Puff & Renk, 2014). Within this work, there is evidence that socioeconomic factors interact with numerous socio-cultural and psychological variables that impact parenting practices (Azad, Blacher, and Marcoulides, 2014). While one could hope that all parents have a desire to engage in positive parenting practices (e.g. through positive affect, sensitivity, cognitive stimulation, and lack of detachment toward their children), it can be difficult for parents in certain financial situations to maintain all or even some of those aspects regularly. Such hardship may lead parents to engage in undesired parenting practices that warrant further assessment by researchers and clinicians. For example, a lack of finances sometimes means that families live in unsafe areas. Azad and colleagues (2014) found that for some low-socioeconomic parents in these situations, strict or harsh parenting practices were related to teaching their children to be safe while navigating their neighborhoods. Although such parenting practices may not be traditionally seen as positive parenting, one could argue that the parents are engaging in behaviors motivated by love and protection toward their children. Thus, the multitude of layers related to the economy and its role in parenting practices is examined in different countries throughout the second part of this book.

References Augustine, J. (2013). Mothers’ employment, education, and parenting. Work and Occupations, 41(2), 237–270.

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Azad, G., Blacher, J., & Marcoulides, G. (2014). Longitudinal models of socio-economic status:  Impact on positive parenting behaviors. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 38(6), 509–517. Conger, R. D., Elder, G. H., Jr, Lorenz, F. O., Conger, K. J., Simons, R. L., Whitbeck, L. B., Huck, S., & Melby, J. N. (1990). Linking economic hardship to marital quality and instability. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 52, 643–656. Daly, K. J. (2001). Deconstructing family time: From ideology to lived experience. Journal of Marriage and Family, 63(2), 283–294. Deater-Deckard, K. (2004). Parenting stress. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Elder, G. H. (1974). Children of the Great Depression. In Children of the Great Depression:  Social change in life experience (pp. 271–297). Chicago:  University of Chicago Press. Elder, G. H., Liker, J. K., & Jaworski, B. J. (1984). Hardship in lives:  Historical influences from the 1930s to old age in postwar America. In K. McCluskey and H. Reese (Eds), Life-span developmental psychology:  Historical and cohort effects (pp. 332–358). New York: Academic Press. Elder, G. H.,Van Nguyen,T., & Caspi, A. (1985). Linking family hardship to children’s lives. Child Development, 56, 361–375. Ginsburg, K. R. (2007). The importance of play in promoting healthy child development and maintaining strong parent–child bonds. Pediatrics, 119(1), 182–191. Liker, J. K., & Elder, G. H., Jr (1983). Economic hardship and marital relations in the 1930s. American Sociological Review, 48, 343–359. McLeod, J., & Shanahan, M. (1993). Poverty, parenting, and children’s mental health. American Sociological Review, 58(3), 351–366. McLoyd,V. C. (1989). Socialization and development in a changing economy: The effects of paternal job and income loss on children. American Psychologist, 44, 293–302. McLoyd, V. C. (1990). The impact of economic hardship on black families and children:  Psychological distress, parenting, and socioemotional development. Child Development, 61, 311–346. McLoyd, V. (1998). Socioeconomic disadvantage and child development. American Psychologist, 53(2), 185–204. Puff , J., & Renk, K. (2014). Relationships among parents’ economic stress, parenting, and young children’s behavior problems. Child Psychiatry and Human Development, 45, 712–727.

4 OVERVIEW OF SOCIETAL CHANGE FACTORS AFFECTING PARENTING PRACTICES Debbiesiu L. Lee

Introduction Technological advances and trends such as the use of cellular phones, the Internet, and social media, have transformed the way in which individuals think, feel, and relate (Goggin, 2012). These changes permeate the family structure and influence parenting practices. Children and parents increasingly have access to new technology resources that often lead to increased and varied modes of distraction, education, and ways of engaging with each other. Social scientists are just starting to conduct studies to further understand the influence of these new and different forms of technology on the behaviors of individuals and families. As advances in technology lead to societal changes, the parenting practices of families are also affected. For some, these changes translate to parents having a way to keep in close contact with their children throughout the day, or with relatives in their country of origin while living abroad (Madianou & Miller, 2011). For others, technological advances represent a cause for fear and concern, as children’s knowledge and skillfulness with technology far surpasses that of their parents (boyd & Hargittai, 2013).This section introduces some of the technological advances that have affected societies across the globe, and how these advances may have altered parenting practices globally.

Technological Advances Affecting Families and Parenting Across the Globe Mobile Phones Dr  Martin Cooper introduced the first mobile phone from Motorola in 1973 (Time Magazine, 2015). Commercial mobile phones entered the global markets

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in the late 1970s and early 1980s (Agar, 2004). Since then, the number of mobile phone subscriptions has grown to over 7 billion globally. Mobile phones have drastically changed the landscape of how people communicate. Individuals now have the ability to communicate with others 24 hours a day, seven days a week using the method of their choice – whether it be calling, text messaging, or using email. The affordability of mobile phones has also allowed members of most economic groups to have access to others across the globe. In rural areas of China, for example, communication capabilities were limited when there was a reliance on telephone lines; however, mobile phones overcame the limitation of phone lines and have become quite prevalent in most areas. In fact, China now has the largest number of mobile phone subscribers at 1 billion subscriptions (Deccan Herald, 2013). Mobile phones have enabled parents and children in both urban and rural areas globally to engage in constant communication with each other.

Internet The invention of the Internet has allowed for information exchange across the globe.Those who have access to the Internet are able to be connected to a wealth of information that might not have otherwise been available to them. Of note, there are a plethora of websites that aim to educate parents and families on various important topics ranging from health, education, and child development to optimal child-rearing practices. Although there is no guarantee as to the quality or validity of this information, the creation of the Internet has made it relatively effortless for most people to access any and all kinds of information. This ease of access has also created fear. Some parents, for example, worry about the ways that their children may be exposed to the Internet, even through their personal cell phones or home computers (boyd & Hargittai, 2013). Although there are programs to ensure that children do not wander onto websites that might be inappropriate for their viewing, parents have reported feeling as though they are inadequately prepared to ensure the safety of their children, which includes protecting them from being hurt by a stranger, being exposed to violence or pornography, or bullying or being bullied (boyd & Hargittai, 2013). Further, the access youth now have to unlimited information via technology has shifted the role of parents and adults from being the go-to source of information and advice to youth now turning to the Internet for answers to their questions and inquiries. In addition to ease of access to information, the Internet has spawned new methods of instant communication, which have allowed family members living in different parts of the globe to communicate and connect with one another. Not only are families able to communicate via the Internet through email, but the freely available and wide use of Skype and other such communication applications has opened the door for families to connect in real time, being able to see and hear their family members across the globe. Finally, the Internet has spawned

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the possibility for global trade and idea sharing. Although every country differs in the types of regulations and restrictions placed on the Internet, the production of more online markets has opened the possibility to international trade and the exchange of goods. For example, Alibaba, China’s equivalent of Amazon, an online retailer in the United States, has recently begun to connect business and manufacturing in China to the global marketplace. Thus, parents and families are now able to access products that are not only available within their own continent, but also throughout the globe.

Social Media/Networking Websites such as Facebook and Twitter have allowed people internationally to communicate not just with one another, but also to create social movements with one another. Social movements are ignited through the use of social media, as it allows for like minds to congregate and to gain more power in getting their voices heard. For example, the ALS (Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis, also known as Lou Gehrig’s disease and Charcot’s disease) Ice Bucket Challenge not only spread across the United States due to its popular viewing on Facebook, but also spread globally, raising much awareness for this organization (Gibson, 2014). Even further, Arianna Huffington of the Huffington Post credited the use of the Internet and social media campaigns for Obama being elected president (Schiffman, 2009). In addition to networking and socializing in a positive way, social media have also opened up the possibility for cyber-bullying and predatory behaviors. In the United States, there have been a few notorious cases in which children were severely injured by other children or have committed suicide due to cyber-bullying (Price & Dalgleish, 2010; Smith et al., 2008). Thus, social media and networking have the same risks as other forms of interaction, such as social isolation or interpersonal violence. In 2013, the Youth Risk Behavior Survey uncovered the fact that 15 percent of all high school students in the US reported that they were the victims of electronic forms of harassment (Kann et al., 2013). Furthermore, sexual predators now have a new venue for finding vulnerable and unassuming targets through the use of social media and networking. In a recent survey, one in five 10–17 year-olds reported receiving sexual solicitation over the Internet. In addition, there were 4,500 reported cases in which predators were preying on teenagers across the United States in 2013 (Amos, 2014).

Online Education Not only are parents and families able to access information online, they are now able to earn college and other educational degrees solely online. This has opened up possibilities for those living in rural areas, remote areas, internationally,

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and those who do not otherwise have access to universities to obtain a formal education. The online education movement has spread from elementary school all the way up to professional degrees and doctorates. In fact, within the United States, the number of accredited online education programs has blossomed to over 500. Students are even able to acquire Harvard degrees with very little time being actually being spent at Harvard. In addition, a person’s skill sets are no longer determined by their graduate degrees, as universities are now also offering MOOCs (Massive Open Online Courses) that allow people, regardless of their prior educational background, to enroll and participate in courses from university instructors (Allen & Seaman, 2014). For example, Stanford University and other prestigious universities have trained thousands of people through this venue in various subjects, ranging from physics to business. This has changed the way in which various industries may interview and consider candidates, as the educational background of applicants may no longer be indicative of their actual skill sets and abilities.

Health and Mental Health Care via Teleconferencing There are many promising advances in providing health and mental health care services using professionals via teleconferencing (Antonacci et al., 2008; Griffiths, Blignault, & Yellowlees, 2006). In addition, there are websites that assist with diagnosing medical conditions, merely prompting patients to enter their symptoms and then providing a list of possible diagnoses.This has the potential for providing users with knowledge and possibilities for healing and remedying their ailments. This phenomenon is also seen in other professions. For example, information related to mental health is more widely available than ever before. Awareness of issues such as depression, anxiety, and developmental disabilities is growing, as is knowledge about possible interventions. Of course, this may alter how individuals think about their own cultural practices, as information is likely to be provided from a Western lens.

Research on How Technological Advances Affect Parenting Practices in the US There is relatively little research on how these social and technological advances have influenced parenting behaviors in the United States. One study conducted by researchers at Northwestern University explored how the use of technological advances, including cell phones, smart tablets, and computers, have influenced the way in which people parent (Wartella et  al., 2013). The study focused on children 0–8  years of age. The authors found that, while technology has become widespread, a majority of parents did not believe technology made parenting easier. They reported that parents used technology as a tool for

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managing daily life, but that the use of technology did not surpass books, toys, and other activities. The authors also found that parents sought the advice of friends and family over technology and media sources for information and advice on parenting. Half the parents reported feeling at least somewhat concerned about their children’s technology use, although the majority did not worry about their children becoming “addicted” to technology. Instead the focus seemed to be the amount of physical inactivity as a result of children’s media use. Furthermore, the survey found that there was a gap between higher- and lower-income families in terms of access to technology, with two thirds of families earning more than $100,000 owning a tablet, versus 19  percent among families earning less than $25,000 per year. Research has also documented other concerns parents have in relation to the use of technology by youth. In particular, there is a growing gap between youth and their parents with respect to the way in which they communicate, think, and process the use of technology. Youth are more likely to have exposure to technology in schools and through friends. Parents may fear that the changes that are occurring in relation to technology are creating rifts between parent and child (boyd & Hargittai, 2013).

Conclusion The possibilities truly are endless in terms of how technology might affect families, parents, and children. There are potential positive benefits, such as the possibility of having access to much-needed support from family and close others. There is also the possibility for social isolation and interpersonal violence. Finally, as technology is increasing international awareness and communication, there is a greater degree of connectedness across the globe. With increased information about different viewpoints, parents are able to better understand how their culture is similar to and different from those of others, and to make informed choices about how they would like to parent.

References Agar, J. (2004). Constant touch: A global history of the mobile phone. Cambridge, UK: Icon. Allen, I. E., & Seaman, J. (2014). Grade change:  Tracking online education in the United States. Babson Survey Research Group and Quahog Research Group, LLC. Retrieved January 29, 2015, from http://www.onlinelearningsurvey.com/reports/ gradechange.pdf . Amos, D. (2014, August 14). Online with a sexual predator. ABC News. Retrieved January 29, 2015, from http://abcnews.go.com/WNT/story?id=130735. Antonacci, D. J., Bloch, R. M., Saeed, S. A., Yildiram, Y., & Talley, J. (2008). Empirical evidence on the use and effectiveness of telepsychiatry via videoconferencing: Implications for forensic and correctional psychiatry. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 26, 253–269.

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Boyd, D., & Hargittai, E. (2013). Connected and concerned: Variation in parents’ online safety concerns. Policy and Internet, 5, 245–269. Covell, K., Grusec, J. E., & King, G. (1995). The intergenerational transmission of maternal discipline and standards for behavior. Social Development, 4, 32–43. Deccan Herald. (2013, May). There will be more mobile phones than people. Retrieved January 29, 2015, from http://www.deccanherald.com/content/332274/there-moremobile-phones-people.html. Gibson, M. J. (2014, August 18). ALS ice bucket challenge goes international. Time Magazine. Retrieved August 18, 2014, from http://time.com/3136487/als-ice-bucketchallenge-international/. Goggin, G. (2012). Cell phone culture: Mobile technology in everyday life. New York: Routledge. Griffiths, L., Blignault, I., & Yellowlees, P. (2006).Telemedicine as a means of delivering cognitive behavior therapy to rural and remote mental health clients. Journal of Telemedicine and Telecare, 12, 136–140. Kann, L., Kinchen, S., Shanklin, S., Flint, K., Hawkins, J., Williams, A., . . . Zaza, S. (2013). Youth risk behavior surveillance – United States, 2013. Retrieved January 29, 2015, from http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/pdf/ss/ss6304.pdf . Madianou, M., & Miller, D. (2011). Mobile phone parenting:  Reconfiguring relationships between Filipina migrant mothers and their left-behind children. New Media and Society, 13, 457–470. Price, M., & Dalgleish, J. (2010). Cyberbullying: Experiences, impacts, and coping strategies as described by Australian young people. Youth Studies Australia, 29(2), 51–58. Schiffman, B. (2009, January 9). Arianna:  “Were it not for the Internet, Barack Obama would not be president.” Huffington Post. Retrieved January 29, 2015, from http:// www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/01/09/flashback-arianna-were-it_n_156730.html. Smith, P. K., Mchevi, J., Carvalho, M., Fisher, S., Russell, S., & Tippett, N. (2008). Cyberbullying:  Its nature and impact in secondary school pupils. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 49(4), 376–385. Time Magazine. (2015). A photographic history of the cell phone. Retrieved from http:// content.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,1636836_1389497,00.html. Wartella, E., Rideout, V., Lauricella, A., & Connell, S. (2013). Parenting in the age of digital technology: A national survey. Report of the Center on Media and Human Development, School of Communication, Northwestern University.

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PART II

Illustrations of Contemporary Parenting Across the Globe

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5 PARENTING AND CULTURE IN ARGENTINA* Patricia Carranza

Anyone who imagines that all fruits ripen at the same time as the strawberries knows nothing about grapes. (Paracelsus)

Introduction The understanding of parenting styles in any culture depends largely on the ideas and visions held by that society in “constructing” the concept of infancy, with such construction depending on the integration of individual characteristics acquired through parenting styles passed from one generation to another, incorporating historical, socio-political, economic, and religious variables. The objective of this chapter is to describe relevant aspects from Argentine culture in order to better understand the context in which fathers and mothers from this nation raise their children. Relevant aspects to consider include the period of oppression known as the “Dictadura Militar” (Military Dictatorship), the great divide of socioeconomic inequity that separates the rich and the poor (which is characteristic of other Latin American countries and results in millions of children living below the poverty line), as well as the diverse migratory currents across 200 years of history that also influence the way in which children are brought up in Argentina. Finally, a case study demonstrates the importance of cultural aspects as a framework.

Historical and Political Factors and Parenting Practices In considering the different styles of parenting in Argentina, it is necessary to take into account relevant aspects of the country’s historical evolution, including the

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Spanish colonization in 1492, taking over the earliest aboriginal civilization, the European migration waves during the twentieth century, the increase in migration from other Latin American countries during recent years and the longest democratic period without interruption, which has lasted since the last military dictatorship (1976–1983) until today. During the European conquest, the indigenous cultures that inhabited the region suffered a demographic collapse, which was, in large part, a consequence of diseases introduced by the Europeans. It is estimated that when the Spanish arrived there were two million aborigines settled in the most fertile valleys of northeastern Argentina. According to the Encuesta Complementaria de Pueblos Indígenas (ECPI; in English:  Complementary Survey of Indigenous Towns), conducted in 2004–2005, there are 35 indigenous towns in Argentina, composed of approximately 1.5 million individuals (Binstock, Cerruti, & Stilman, 2010). Of these, the vast majority of inhabitants identify themselves as originating from an indigenous town, and the rest are first-generation descendants of those from these indigenous towns, equivalent to 5.6 percent of the total combined population. At least 50 percent of the population acknowledges having indigenous ancestry, but have lost a familial memory and sense of belonging to that ancestry. All of the indigenous cultures have been affected by a deliberate process of invisibility promoted by the State since the second half of the nineteenth century. The Mestizo (mixed race of White and Native Indian) population has been gradually decreasing since the massive European immigration of the twentieth century. Today, only 0.10  percent of the total population is purely indigenous (INDEC, 2001), but 56  percent have an aboriginal ancestor (Corach & Lao, 2010). It should be noted that within the characteristics of the traditional socio-political organization of the indigenous population, the aborigines were mostly monogamous, and consolidated their “marriages” through the buying and selling of women. They organized in families, and subsequently in lineages. They were governed by the “Consejo de Ancianos,” which translates to the “Council of Elders,” led by the eldest male of the lineage. The aborigines were divided into nomads and settlers, jointly responsible for farming and ranching (Mandrini, 2008). Argentina, like most of the American continent, was a former Spanish colony. Its original population belonged to different kinds of tribes with their own cultures and social organization. Spanish delegates took control over those tribes and organized the administration of the territories, using all the necessary means to force them to adhere to the rules of colonization. It is important to mention the role played by the Catholic Church in general, and the Jesuit Congregation in particular, which had a strong influence on the foundation of the new Argentinian country. The Catholic religion represented a fundamental pillar; through the use of canon law it defined many of the doctrines followed in the education of

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children, as well as the role of mothers and fathers within a marriage. In this way, the Jesuits promoted social and parenting norms. The territorial integration process consolidated the economic and political hegemony of Buenos Aires throughout the entire country. Educational and cultural homogenization was also a factor in integrating the heterogeneous population of Criollos (progeny of Spanish people born in South America), Mestizos, and the new European migration at the beginning of the twentieth century. This strategy of homogenization was the result of a political decision from the elites of the Buenos Aires Port, in order to consolidate the new nation by putting aside the history of the aboriginal population. The main consequence was the denial of essential rights of the aboriginals, such as their identity, their culture, ownership of their lands, and their participation in the decision-making process of their communities. Consequently, Argentina became a country full of migrants who were “co-founders” of Argentinian cultural identity, with Latin-European roots represented by the hegemonic values and beliefs of the dominant elites.

World War II In Argentina, the hegemonic discourse on migration accompanied the configuration of the national State and guided the politics at the end of the nineteenth century into the beginning of the twentieth century. The wave of European migration was at its peak, and European immigrants constituted 30  percent of the total population in the country, and 50 percent of the population in Buenos Aires (INDEC, 1914).This migration, far from satisfying the “civilizing” discourse, resulted in scarce training or educational opportunities, and conditions of extreme poverty in the southernmost areas of the country. On the other hand, job opportunities propelled an extraordinary migration from the rural sector to urban areas. The major part of this domestic migration was composed of Mestizos, who suffered a great cultural loss as a consequence of this uprooting, owing to the forced way in which they had to adapt to an urban culture (which was more individualistic), without their community ties to function as a mechanism of social stability. Beyond the limitations in their daily lives faced by the thousands upon thousands of Mestizo country folk and people from traditional professions in the interior of Argentina, they at least enjoyed the cultural and social sense of belonging that maintained them. The ties of solidarity between them permitted the survival of their families, although without great expectations of the future for themselves or their children. As a consequence of Argentina’s necessity to be autonomous in the face of European import restrictions due to World War II, the process of industrialization

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in Buenos Aires and its periphery was a factor that attracted incoming immigrants, who chose to break ties with traditional solidarity in order to be a part of an uncertain social ascent. In the early stages, these migrants lacked social containment, experienced a decrease in their quality of life, and were more vulnerable to various risk factors. Finally, political leadership helped them to become organized and develop a new sense of belonging, a new social identity, and a new citizenship. At the same time, this wave of immigrants defied the Argentine society’s capacity to maintain a certain level of social cohesion and to sustain ties of solidarity between the new neighbors, which would have favored the upbringing of children within the community. The new workers redefined their identities, developing a new social conscience as workers, participating in unions and benefiting from the public politics of inclusion that permitted them to incorporate themselves along with their families into a new model of social integration. A  significant part of this new influx of migrants settled in vulnerable communities on the periphery of Buenos Aires, called “villas de emergencia” or emergency villages, similar to the Brazilian “favelas.” These “villas de emergencia” are settlements that arose in an improvised manner from the arrival of the first immigrants to Argentina. In these settlements, the inhabitants construct housing in precarious conditions of overcrowding, many times without drinking water or sewage systems, in constructions at constant risk of collapse, or over terrain that is easily flooded. These installations begin with transitory intent; however, if economic conditions do not improve, this transitory state turns into a permanent situation, promoting similar behavior by other marginalized sectors of society. In such a complex and vulnerable context, young adolescents often become pregnant from the age of 12 or 13, and a large percentage of mothers have their first child before the age of 16. The precariousness of the living situation and the sense of urgency between living in the “villa de emergencia” or on the street promote a form of upbringing within a context of uncertainty. Survival is based on resolving problems and situations there and then, in the moment, and without the possibility of family planning, all of which augment the vulnerability of the children.

Education Factors and Parenting Practices The complexity of Argentine society demonstrates the importance of avoiding excessive generalizations and preconceptions toward societies that are younger and more peripheral to the global power centers. These biases are often transmitted through various cultural channels, such as through means of mass communication that, as in most societies, are usually concentrated and promote values and beliefs that represent the vision of the same proprietary economic groups. The strength of the hegemonic message has great influence on a society’s way of thinking, and so it is reasonable to think that parents could also be partially

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influenced in their beliefs on how to successfully carry forward their respective parental relationships. Culture does not change immediately and it cannot be changed by a decree. Yet, it is clear that in society there can be many cultural changes, and, consequently, those changes have an impact on their different sub-cultures, including the way of rearing children. It is certain that culture is a permanent social construction through families, education, media, and its reference models and institutions. UNESCO defines culture as a form of shared life, shaping our thinking, our image, and our behavior. Culture contains values, perceptions, images, forms of expression and communication, and many other aspects, all of which define the identity of a people and of a nation (UNESCO, 2010). From the beginning of the twentieth century, Argentina developed a secular and free education system from kindergarten to University. These policies represented the most powerful instruments in favor of social mobility throughout most of the century, and allowed the children of immigrants to gain access to positions in public administration and to become the first generation of liberal professionals. Although the essential features of the education system remained, social changes as a result of critical economic times had a strong impact on public schools, particularly on those in the peripheral areas of the urban centers. These schools not only began to provide educational services, but they also had to become systems of social support for students (providing food, clothing, etc.). Some of the recent inclusion policies promoted by the State to subsidize childhood require that parents or guardians demonstrate vaccination and primary schooling of their children. Bernardo Kliksberg, in a timely moment, said that the cultural struggle is one of the critical areas where the battle between opposing ethics arises. Reinforcing a culture based on values of fairness, inclusion, democratization, and ethical coherence is fundamental to deepen the current Argentine model of inclusion (Kliksberg & Sen, 2007). Undoubtedly, the result of this cultural struggle – between those who propose an ethic based on individualism and who view social inequality as inevitable, against those who hold models of solidarity and social inclusion – will have effects on the most vulnerable families and particularly on parenting styles. In terms of parenting, the responsibility of raising children in Argentina rests mainly on mothers. The majority of children under five years of age spend most of their time with their mothers. It should be noted, however, that in recent years the proportion of children who are under the care of fathers has increased, as well as the number of children under the supervision of relatives or third-party caregivers. An important parenting practice is the transmission of stories through oral tradition. Storytelling represents an important stimulus for the child with respect to the acquisition of language, the development of the imagination, and literacy skills, and also promotes deep connections between children and parents. In Argentina, the tradition of oral storytelling to children has decreased for a number of reasons.

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Surely, the incorporation of women into the labor market explains in part the reduction of free time for mothers to be with their children, and as a result, the reduction of moments to tell stories. The social inequality in the probability that a child will be stimulated through stories and oral histories is impactful for the poorest children. In 2009, 53.4 percent of children among the poorest 25 percent did not receive storytelling (Salvia and Tuñón, 2010). On the other hand, advances in civil rights matters during the longest period of democracy in the history of Argentina, occurring since 1983, were substantial and changed the cultural context. Good examples of such progress range from the divorce law and the recognition of all children as legitimate children, to the increase in the importance of the role of women in high-level political positions (a female president has been elected for the third time, there are women serving as ministers of the executive branch, 30 percent of electoral lists are women), and the right of homosexuals to marry. While the working class does not usually pressure children in their academic achievement, school often serves as an alternative home. A  large percentage of the food that children consume on a daily basis is obtained through the school. In school they learn basic rules of hygiene, and, especially in elementary school, teachers serve as a source of emotional support, or as a secure base to address the lack of parental figures in the household. The learning environment promoted by working-class fathers and mothers is less focused on promoting competition between their children and their student peers, and teachers therefore occupy a place of great support for the students. Currently, there is an increasing tendency for children to spend the majority of their leisure time within their homes. This tendency could be related to the increasing perception of insecurity felt by their families in the large cities of Argentina, and to the increasing importance of the use of new technologies by youth, particularly in the middle and upper social classes. On the other hand, children who live in poverty stay within their communities, in charge of domestic duties, helping with their younger siblings, or practicing other social and sport activities. It is important to mention that poor families also fear insecurity, but have fewer resources to defend themselves. In addition, we see the prevalence of the single-parent model of parenting in the poorest social sectors, usually the mother. The rearing of these children is typically shared with other members of the family (e.g. aunts, grandmothers, brothers) and neighbors, promoting a sense of solidarity in taking care of children. The expression of positive affection (kisses, hugs, etc.) among caregivers and children in Argentina’s families is common among all types of families in all social and economic classes. This can be an important factor in considering the strengths of parenting models in Argentina. An interesting cultural factor to take into account is the great influence of psychoanalysis in Argentina’s middle class over the last 50  years, particularly in Buenos Aires. It is said that Buenos Aires is the “capital of psychoanalysis.” It is possible that its influence has promoted a self-critical sense among caregivers

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about their efficacy in their function as parents. Moreover, there is a generalized belief that child-rearing styles have a strong influence on the future of the psychological development of the children when they become adults.

Economic Factors and Parenting Practices Although it is not the intention of this chapter to identify the economic issue as separate from the political, social, and cultural realities of Argentina, it is interesting to highlight that Argentina was one of the most important platforms where a neoliberal economic model was carried out – well ahead of Ronald Reagan in the United States and the experiences of Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom. Not only did the economic project privatize strategic sectors traditionally in the hands of the State (telecommunications, petroleum, energy, railways, flagship airline, etc.), but the indiscriminate approval of imports resulted in the destruction of the local industrial sector that was under development. Not only did the dictatorship push policies of deregulation in the financial system, but it also carried out a strategy of external over-indebtedness. As a result of these policies, Argentina as a developing country fell behind significantly in its historic quest to become an industrial and developed country. Unemployment and social inequality grew at an alarming rate, and the levels of dependence deepened, mainly from having contracted a foreign debt that grew exponentially (Ferrer, 1982). In the 1990s, in an international context characterized by the fall of the Berlin Wall and the triumph of liberal capitalism, various neoliberal reforms of democracy took place in Latin America. In Argentina, these reforms completed what the dictatorship had failed to carry out: a deepening in the process of privatization and the indiscriminate opening of the economy – creating, on the one hand, a process of modernization of the economy, and, on the other hand, serious social effects. Many small and medium-sized enterprises were forced to close due to the price of products that came mainly from Asian countries, which caused a dramatic increase in unemployment that rose to about 15–18 percent of the entire workforce of the population, in a country accustomed to full employment (Bocco & Golonbek Rozje, 1997). The defection of the traditional role of the State generated a culture of social Darwinism, which increased inequality. Not only did the gap between the rich and the poor increase, but the participation of the middle classes, a feature of Argentine society, decreased in its contribution to the economy. This context created conditions for an increase in the levels of social violence, such as robberies and homicides, which increased levels of risk for the most vulnerable families. These social consequences implied that this “new poverty” was added to structural poverty that already existed, amounting to 35.8 percent in 2001 (Ferrer, 2004), and creating a new division between the included people and excluded people within Argentine society, generating a growing sense of uncertainty and insecurity.

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The neoliberal matrix exploded in 2001, causing the worst economic and social crisis in the history of Argentina (Ferrer, 2004). The social contract was at serious risk, but the political class assumed responsibility for managing the emergency and containing social protest. They could not avoid, however, injuries and deaths that resulted from massive social protests expressing discontent with the situation. The Argentine government declared default, interrupting debt payments, and carried out a successful restructuring of the debt strategy. This enabled the economy to grow significantly, while the State carried out policies of social inclusion. At the same time, families had a spontaneous reaction of solidarity between them in the most dramatic moments of the crisis, as a typical behavior of a horizontal collectivist society (Hofstede, 1980). Ordinary people organized in every neighborhood to share the things they had and the services that they could offer, which is a benefit of a bartering culture. This culture of solidarity was stronger than the culture of individualism and selfishness encouraged by the neoliberal economic model. Without a doubt, that reaction of solidarity was essential in the initial period of the crisis to avoid a continued spiral of violence, allowing the preservation of the social contract. Uncertainty and insecurity were the main features of the normal context that the most vulnerable families had to deal with every day, and which also became the daily context for the newly poor, as a consequence of the crisis. Within this context of crisis, it is possible to identify different parenting approaches enacted by middle-class families and those of the working-class sectors. The approach of the middle class, driven by the possibility of planning granted by economic stability, has allowed planning for the arrival of a child and the future they can offer him or her. This promotes a parenting style in which parents promote activities for their children that will enable them to improve their social and economic status in the future. On the other hand, the approach of the working class, due to the significant challenges of economic growth and social mobility, is marked with the arrival of children as part of life itself – children come as a natural result of sexuality. Although there is awareness among the working class regarding contraception, the methods may fail and generally do fail as a direct consequence of a social context marked by failures. Unlike the middle class in Argentina, the arrival of a child from an unplanned pregnancy is generally well accepted in the working class, since they contribute to the emotional capital of prospective parents. Each new child is viewed as a supplementary capital of other scarcities, not only economic but also familial. Thus, young girls may view their child as the only thing that really belongs to them (Margulis et al., 2007). In parenting, working-class families tend to give great value to the feeding capacity and appetite of the baby; if the baby is chubby, then he or she is considered healthy.Attention to eating habits works detrimentally to the development of other virtues, and in general terms it is valued for babies to be quiet, not to cry, and not to bother adults with noise and requests for attention. Breastfeeding is a practice

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deeply rooted in the working class, as evidenced by statistics from the National Ministry of Health (Dirección Nacional de Maternidad e Infancia, 2011). In Argentina, even though 95 percent of newborn infants receive breast milk, only 54 percent of babies less than six months of age are exclusively breastfed, and only 30 percent of babies at six months of age. Breastfeeding is higher among women with less education or high levels of wealth (socioeconomic status). The provinces with the highest rates of breastfeeding were Santiago del Estero with 82 percent, Chaco with 79 percent, and Rio Negro with 69 percent (Dirección Nacional de Maternidad e Infancia, 2011). It is worth noting that family size and composition of a working-class family are not at all as defined as in the Argentine middle-class family, which is characterized as a father and mother with two children. In the situation of the working class, and especially in the “villas de emergencia,” several relatives live under the same roof, where mothers who are less than 20 years old live with grandmothers or grandfathers generally younger than 40 years of age. It is very common that when a woman becomes pregnant for the first time she and the father of her unborn child try to build another place for themselves in the villa, if possible, or they will cohabitate with family, relatives, or friends. Social bonds are characterized as collectivist; therefore, social bonds, as with family ties, are very tight. For example, relatives, members of the extended family, or friends may be called “uncles or cousins,” although they are not biologically related. Poverty in Argentina does not affect all the social classes equally. Children represent more than 40 percent of the poor, and older youths more than 20 percent. Poverty is more common in the northwestern provinces of Argentina and in large conglomerates such as the Buenos Aires conurbation.These regions have more serious conditions both in terms of unsatisfied basic needs (necesidades básicas insatisfechas, NBI) and the expanded human development index (el índice de desarrollo humano ampliado, IDHA), which gives an account of other dimensions beyond income (Kessler & Di Virgilio, 2008). In a society historically prominent in the Latin American context per its relative integration and the role of the middle classes, the impoverishment of a part of the middle class marked a turning point in the social identities and historical belief in collective progress (Kessler & Di Virgilio, 2008).

Societal Changes Factors and Parenting Practices The 1970s were a time of great international mobilization and upheaval, including the “Mayo Francés de 1968,” the Cuban revolution, the defeat of the United States in Vietnam, as well as youth initiatives in Latin America to promote democratic values of justice and equality within their societies. In Latin America, this resulted in the growth of social unrest, where the more conservative sectors felt threatened by their historic privileges. In Argentina, the response by the establishment – represented by the economically powerful sectors tied to the global financial centers – was to have the Fuerzas Armadas (Armed Forces) stage a coup d’état. Unlike the

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previous ones, however, this was more serious, both in the cruelty of the repressive actions as well as in the number of victims. Thousands of people were illegally detained and imprisoned in clandestine centers without constitutional rights, some savagely tortured. More than one million exiles and 30,000 “desaparecidos” (disappeared ones) represent only a part of the State-implemented terrorism in Argentina from 1976 until the year 1983 (CONADEP, 1984). All South American countries were also under dictatorial regimes, with the support of, or silence from, the most important countries in the international community. The systematic violation of human rights and the consequences of the implementation of the neoliberal economic project had a strong impact on all sectors of Argentine society, especially in the most populated regions. Without a doubt, such traumatic events had a significant effect on the parenting practices of all of society, promoting a feeling of fear, insecurity, and uncertainty about the future for a generation of adolescents who were victims of the dictatorial regime. It was common, both on the radio and on TV (which were controlled by the military regime), to promote fear about the friendships and activities of the youth, and generate a fear of anything that was different (e.g. physical appearance, clothing, etc.). Thousands of families found themselves forced into exile, where their children from one day to the next had to let go of their relationships with family and friends in order to be inserted into different societies. Even more unfortunate were the cases of children who had to go abroad with relatives or friends of the family in order to save their lives after the kidnapping or disappearance of their parents. In the 1980s, Argentina recovered its democratic path, and certain traditional values and beliefs were up for debate. In particular, in a mostly Catholic society, the promotion of a divorce law provoked much resistance from the more conservative sectors driven by the orthodox sectors of the Church. Argentina is a country whose educational system is secular and free, from kindergarten through college. Its health care system is also free for all those who live in the country, without discrimination to immigrants. Such conditions have and continue to make Argentina a very attractive country to other Latin American countries, particularly those neighboring countries. The Europeans were not the only migrants to Argentina. Along with them, from the birth of the nation and more or less steadily, a Latin American population also entered, initially as temporary workers in border areas and then with the intention of settling permanently in urban centers. It can be said that Latin American migration has remained steady and represents approximately 3 percent of the total population (Novaro & Diez, 2011). In addition to the historical and permanent migration from neighboring countries referred to above, a new wave of immigration from Peru, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Bolivia settled in the city of Buenos Aires and its periphery, near places with better job opportunities, increasing the population of some “villas de emergencia.” As a result, the new migrants, who joined many of their countrymen already in such settlements, share the same territory with the Mestizo population

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that has come from various provinces of Argentina. This multicultural scenario does not allow for the identification of one unique style of parenting or parental practice. Fieldwork in one of the “villas de emergencia”, provides the example of a sizable Bolivian community, where the women are mainly employed in textile work, and the men have inconsistent work in construction, in which they are quite exploited. With regard to their relationship with their children, Novaro and Diez (2011) found that different kinds of stressors affect these families, including:  their national and ethnic identification; loss of identification with their nationality of origin (and inclusion in the new country); subordinate forms of educational inclusion; new paradigms of multiculturalism in education; and invisibility/otherness in various social spaces, particularly in the school context. Those tensions are channeled through a tendency to settle with others of the same nationality, facilitated by networks that link contacts. This allows them to strengthen internal links, better manage situations of discrimination in the new society, and maintain certain national, ethnic, and regional identity references. In particular, the reconstruction of social bonds appears to be a fundamental condition to support migration (Novaro and Diez, 2011). This research also highlights some interesting elements about the educational stakes of the families in the immigration context. Parents expressed their concern over education and schooling, including a decision to widely disrupt the transmission of the “Quechua” language in the interest of promoting the development of children in the school context. They also repeatedly expressed questions regarding the lack of discipline, order, and control of the children in Argentinian schools, which appeared to be opposite to the expectation of respectful, submissive, and obedient children in Bolivia (Novaro & Diez, 2011). It is noteworthy that in recent years Latin American migration to Argentina has benefited from policies of inclusion and legalization. Laws that favor family reunification, education without restrictions, implementation of programs of documentary regulation, and even the right to vote in local communities represent Argentina’s extension of rights and its commitment to strengthen its Latin American regional identity. However, even though each migrant community has its own characteristics that have an impact on their children’s upbringing, it is clear that there is a common thread that runs through all of these communities, passing through the complexities of the identification process in children within situations of multiculturalism and inequality.

Case Study The family intervention to be described was conducted by a family psychotherapy team within the Mental Health department of a central hospital in the periphery of Buenos Aires. It is important to mention that this team had an interdisciplinary composition, made up of psychologists, social workers, and a lawyer.This

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team was quite cohesive, having worked together for ten years. These professionals did not receive a salary for their work in the institution. It is also relevant to note that, in Argentina, the Public Health System is completely free for everyone. The client is 20-year-old “María,” born and raised in a “villa de emergencia” in the suburbs of Buenos Aires. Her mother was originally from the province of Santiago del Estero. María had initially arrived in the city as an adolescent with her boyfriend. Upon referral, María was a victim of domestic violence; her former partner was physically and emotionally abusive toward her. They had two daughters, three and five years old. As a consequence of the domestic violence María had made several claims to the authorities. Therefore, the Court decided to limit the contact between María and the children with their father (via a legal restriction prohibiting his contact with the family), as a precautionary measure. Since María did not have any economic resources, she tried to find a new place in which to live with her two daughters, but had no success. As a consequence, the Court provided a space in a transitional housing facility, a special place for mothers with children in vulnerable situations. A referral was made by the professional staff of the transitional housing facility, asking for a consult to the mental health service of the hospital, after observing that María was not looking after her children adequately. She demonstrated a negligent approach, not only with their health and their school homework but also in their daily care habits. Therefore, they made a referral to the psychotherapy team. In the first interview, María expressed that she did not feel comfortable in the transitional housing because the staff instructed her in the caretaking of her children. She then shared her family history. When she was one year old her parents divorced, and her father had been in prison many times throughout her childhood. During her parents’ marriage, her father had children with other women; one of the children was the same age as María. María’s mother started living with another partner who took care of her, and who assumed the father role. María explained, “For me, Carlos is my father, he was an excellent person, he took care of me like a daughter.” Upon referral, María and her family were living in a dangerous situation in terms of several factors, including the father’s physical abuse of María, living without a home, lacking adequate income, limited access to medical care, and changing neighborhoods. María displayed a neglectful parenting style and was not responsive toward her offspring. Not only was she unable to provide basic material needs, but she also could not give her daughters the emotional support they needed. She herself had not had a secure base during infancy (Bowlby, 1989). The intervention included the following steps. First, an intake of the case was conducted with an interdisciplinary team of professionals. Second, there was an integrative diagnosis of the situation, and an attachment diagnosis using the Preschool Assessment of Attachment (Crittenden, 1988, 1994). Third was the development of an intervention with the transitional housing staff and the family,

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within an integrative psychotherapy frame. Fourth, the team planned a psychotherapy intervention with the mother. An integrative diagnosis includes a functional formulation of the situation in order to connect the problem with the potential solution, under the assumption that individuals organize their behavior to solve problems (Crittenden, 2008).The crucial issues are protection and reproduction, considering that all family members are a source of information and material, therefore including each member’s mental representations. The components of the functional formulation in this case are the following: 1)

2) 3)

4)

The current context is threatening, and the mother’s strategy is an adaptation to the threat. The family is living in a dangerous context because the father used to physically abuse the mother (domestic violence), they are homeless, they do not have adequate income, they have limited access to medical care, and are now in a different neighborhood. The mother’s developmental history included her representation of the abandonment by her biological father and how she relates to her adoptive father. The principal attachment pattern for María has been to reduce emotional risk in relationships, by maintaining access but without genuine emotional involvement in interpersonal aspects, such as negotiation, intimacy, or conflict. The therapist’s perspective includes a multifaceted point of view in trying to integrate all the components for therapeutic change (theory, treatment experience, etc.).

The team worked with the family to understand how to deal with the high-risk situations they faced. Instead of trying to teach María the way she had to rear her children, they worked to make sense of how the family understood the dangerous experiences from their own perspectives. For example, from analyzing the strange situation these reflective questions emerged: Why did María’s daughter need to display a defensive strategy with her? How did María learn about showing feelings or communicating her desires? Why had María organized a neglectful strategy toward her children? The psychotherapy intervention is a different space of reflection than the transitional house in which the focus was that “the mother must do the right thing with her children.” It is worth considering that the staff at the transitional housing displayed an authoritarian style of parenting toward the family. In contrast, the therapeutic interventions were oriented to working with the relations between the family members, and were focused on promoting discussion about feelings between them, thereby promoting an authoritative parental style. Particularly with María, the interventions focused on promoting deep structural change and on reflecting with her about her mental representations from infancy. The interventions focused on showing her the link between how she learned about dealing with feelings in infancy and how she was teaching her daughters about this in her role as a mother.

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Conclusion In conclusion, Argentina is a complex society where there is no single social category or social class with one parenting style. This is not only due to the characteristics of nation building, but also due to the different migration waves and macrosystem factors, such as the cyclical economic crises and the consequences of the interruptions of a democracy, particularly the role played by the last dictatorship. We observe that such economic insecurity has a direct effect on families at the microsystem level. Parents and caregivers experience anxiety over the dangerous and potential risks that children may be exposed to when economic instability leads to social unrest. Consequently, one may perceive parenting tendencies as either highly controlling or very neglectful behaviors for parents who live in vulnerable situations. More broadly, it is unclear whether these behaviors are a common pattern for socioeconomically disadvantaged people all over the world. Without taking into account cultural patterns, social inequity becomes a structural constraint for rearing children. As Irene Meler (2008) points out, El desafío actual consiste en comprender de qué modo se producen los estilos subjetivos contemporáneos en el contexto de las representaciones y de las prácticas colectivas. La construcción de sentidos compartidos y los modos establecidos para los intercambios sociales son poderosas usinas formadoras de las subjetividades. A la vez, la autonomía relativa y la creatividad de los sujetos, aportan dinamismo a las relaciones sociales y prometen alternativas para enfrentar las dificultades derivadas de la discordia y de la escasez. (p. 1) This is translated as: the current challenge is to understand how subjective contemporary styles occur in the context of collective representations and practices. The construction of shared meanings and modes for social exchanges are powerful industries in forming subjectivities. At the same time, the relative autonomy and creativity of the subjects bring dynamism to the social relations and promise alternatives to deal with the difficulties arising out of discord and scarcity.

Note *

This chapter was translated from Spanish to English.

References Binstock, G., Cerruti, M., & Stilman, C. (2010). Los pueblos indígenas en Argentina y el derecho a la educación: Los niños, niñas y adolescentes indígenas de Argentina: diagnóstico socioeducativo basado en la ECPI. Argentina: UNICEF. Bocco, A., & Golonbek Rozje, C. (1997). Regresividad tributaria y distribución del ingreso. Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada.

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Bowlby, J. (1989). A secure base:  Parent–child attachment and healthy human development. London: Routledge. CONADEP (1984). Nunca más. Informe de la comisión Nacional sobre la desaparición de personas. Buenos Aires: Editorial Eudeba. Corach, D., & Lao, O. (2010). Inferring continental ancestry of Argentinians from autosomal, chromosomal and mitochondrial DNA. Annals of Human Genetics, 74(1), 65–76. Crittenden, P. M. (1988, 1994). Preschool assessment of attachment manual. Unpublished manuscript. Miami, Florida. Crittenden, P. M. (2008). Raising parents: Attachment, parenting and child safety. Collumpton, UK: Willan Publishing. Dirección Nacional de Maternidad e Infancia del Ministerio de Salud de la Nación. (2011). Situación de la lactancia materna en Argentina. Buenos Aires. Ferrer, A. (1982). ¿Puede Argentina pagar su deuda externa? Buenos Aires: Editorial El Cid. Ferrer, A. (2004). La economia Argentina desde sus orígens hasta principios del Sigo XXI (3rd edn). Buenos Aires: Fondo de cultura Económica. Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences:  International differences in work-related values. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas y Censos (INDEC) (2001). Censo Nacional de Población, Hogares y Viviendas en la Argentina. Serie C. Población con dificultad o limitación permanente. – 1a ed. – Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires: Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos – INDEC, 2014. Kessler, G., & Di Virgilio, M. A. (2008). La nueva pobreza urbana: Dinámica global, regional y Argentina en las últimas dos décadas. Revista de la CEPAL, N 95. Buenos Aires. Kliksberg, B., & Sen, A. (2007). Primero la gente: Una mirada desde la ética del desarrollo a los principales problemas del mundo globalizado. Barcelona: Editorial Deusto. Mandrini, R. (2008). La Argentina aborígen de los primeros pobladores a 1910. Buenos Aires: Siglo Veintiuno Editores. Margulis, M., Urresti, M., Lewin, H., & Zicavo, E. (2007). Familia, hábitat y sexualidad en Buenos Aires. Embarazo adolescente en la Villa 3. Buenos Aires: Editorial Biblos. Meler, I. (2008). Subjetividad, salud mental y cambio social: Debates teóricos y prácticas psicológicas. XI Congreso Metropolitano de psicología. Buenos Aires: APBA. Novaro, G., & Diez, M. L. (2011). Procesos de identificación nacional en niños migrantes Bolivianos: Entre la escuela, las familias y las asociaciones. Avances a partir de dos investigaciones en Buenos Aires. Programa de Antropología y Educación, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras/ Universidad de Buenos Aires. Salvia, A., & Tuñón, I. (2010). Sobre el proceso de crianza y socialización en los primeros años de vida. In La Deuda Social con la niñez y adolescencia:  Magnitud, evolución y perfiles: Barómetro de la Deuda Social de la infancia. Buenos Aires:  Fundación Universidad Católica Argentina y Fundación Arco. UNESCO (2010). Cultura y desarrollo: Evaluación y Perspectivas. España: UNESCO.

6 UNDERSTANDING AND CONTEXTUALIZING PARENTING IN BRAZIL Giovanna Wanderley Petrucci, Juliane Callegaro Borsa, and Silvia Helena Koller

Introduction This chapter presents different factors that characterize the Brazilian macrosystem and discusses their potential effects on parenting practices occurring in the family microsystem. Among the macrosystem factors, the historical, political, socioeconomic, educational, and technological aspects stand out. These factors have generated an impact on both beliefs and values of parenting practices, and on the cognitive, emotional, psychological, and behavioral development of children (Cecconello & Koller, 2004; Tudge, 2008). The relation between the factors of macro- and microsystems can be explained through the bioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Parenting practices can be considered proximal processes that are developed within the family microsystem and, specifically, within the relationship between children and their parents. Depending on the quality of these processes, they can result in the development of competences or dysfunctions in childhood. These processes do not act alone, however. They can interact with factors of a broader context called the macrosystem, which can modify the effect of the proximal processes on individuals (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). Therefore, the objective of this chapter is to increase the understanding of different factors of the Brazilian macrosystem and how they can affect parenting education practices, thus impacting on child development.

Historical and Political Factors and Parenting Practices Brazil is a multicultural and ethnically diverse country, having been colonized by several peoples. Brazil’s history of statehood emerges from the start of Portuguese colonization in 1500. Previously, the country was inhabited by indigenous peoples

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organized in their collectivist societies, which were based on agriculture, hunting, and fishing. The arrival of the Portuguese resulted in a shift to urban culture that was organized into social classes and heavily influenced by European and Catholic culture. In 1822, Brazil declared its independence from Portugal. Since the abolition of slavery (1888), the end of the monarchy, and the proclamation of the Republic (1889), there have been many changes in Brazilian society. Important milestones in the history of civil rights include the implementation of labor laws (1943), the installation of the military dictatorship (1964–1985), and political liberalization, which led to the creation of the new Brazilian Constitution (1988). This Constitution ensures freedom and equal rights for all Brazilian citizens. Brazil has large territorial dimensions and is the largest country in South America, and the fifth largest in the world. Its population is over 200  million people, of which 51.3 percent are women. In addition, there is a greater concentration of women in metropolitan areas (IBGE, 2013), reflecting their significant participation in the activities performed in big cities, such as work, leisure activities, etc. Additionally, the age structure of the population has been changing, showing a rapid process of population aging in the last decade (IBGE, 2013). More recently, it has also received a significant number of Italian, German, Dutch, Arab, Japanese, and Latin immigrants, among others. Along with the indigenous peoples, these immigrants have formed a broad, rich, and diverse culture that is composed of many faces and many colors. The growing diversity in family structures and the social, political, and economic changes that are occurring in the Brazilian context are associated with changes in beliefs and parenting practices. In the early twentieth century, for example, social relations in the country were characterized by the distance between the adult world and the world of children. Parenting practices aimed to control the behavior of children through the use of authority and the imposition of limits, emphasizing the transmission of moral and religious values oriented toward obedience and respect for elders (Biasoli-Alves, 1997).The main goal of these practices was to prepare children for a stratified society that was characterized by different social roles for men and women. The values that were transmitted to girls, for example, were submission, purity, and practice of domestic and manual activities. In contrast, male values were domination and family subsistence (Biasoli-Alves, 2000). In the second half of the twentieth century, with the political expansion and the creation of a new Brazilian Constitution, as well as with technological advancements worldwide, parental beliefs about the care of children became directed toward the development of autonomy and children’s well-being. Educational practices were no longer based on restrictions and limitations (as was the case earlier in the century), but on dialogue, showing affection, and satisfaction of the child’s desires (Biasoli-Alves, 1997). Parenting practices thus shifted from an authoritarian model to a permissive model that is associated with greater stimulation of the child through play and leisure, with the aim of developing children’s autonomy and independence (Caldana, 1998).

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Education Factors and Parenting Practices For centuries, the education in Brazil aimed to meet the interests of a minority, sometimes as an instrument of coercion over the population, other times as a qualifying tool exclusive to the elite. In the twentieth century, the role of Brazilian education changed and started being directed to the whole population, including girls. The Brazilian Constitution of 1988 was essential for that, ensuring that education was a right for everyone and a duty of the State and the family. The Constitution also states that the objective of education is to promote a person’s development, preparing them to exercise their rights as a citizen and qualifying them for work (Brasil, 1988). The government is responsible for organizing and maintaining the Brazilian educational system, which is formally organized in basic education and higher education. Basic education is divided into early childhood education (0–5 years old), elementary school (6–14 years old), and high school (15–17 years old). The municipalities are responsible for early childhood education and elementary education, the State governments are responsible for high school, and the federal government is responsible for higher education (IBGE, 2013). The Brazilian educational public policies have aimed to increase the educational level of the population and promote equal access to quality education, in order to universalize the compulsory basic education (IBGE, 2013). In 2009, the compulsory basic education was extended to children aged 4–17 years old, which should be implemented by 2016 (IBGE, 2009). Due to the social inequalities and high number of low-income families in Brazil, the objective of this change is to universalize basic education in the first years of childhood, in order to contribute to the cognitive development of the population (IBGE, 2013). IBGE data show advances and challenges associated with the Brazilian educational system. In the last decade, there was an increase in the access of the population to the educational system. There was also an improvement in the student flow, resulting in a better match between a student’s age and the level of education attained (IBGE, 2013). Although Brazil has a high rate of early school dropout, this rate has decreased in the last ten years. Additionally, there was an increase in the average years of schooling of the population aged 25 or older, from 6.1 years in 2002 to 7.6 years in 2012. This increase represents the increase in the population’s access to education, mainly regarding the low-income population (IBGE, 2013). The changes in the role of education in Brazil were directly reflected in the increase of rates of population access to formal education, especially among women. Indirectly, these changes had an impact on Brazilian families and, consequently, on the relationship between parents and children. The changes have included an increase in family income, women’s access to the labor market, a reduction in the number of children per family, the division of financial responsibilities between men and women, and a growing diversity in family configurations.

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Throughout history, Brazilian society has assigned women the role of primary caregiver of the family, especially of the children. This role has been driven by social, political, cultural, and religious interests (Costa, 1979). Men, in contrast, have been supported by the Western patriarchal culture. This culture has placed men far from the domestic context, which mainly comprises women and children (Gomes & Resende, 2004; Narvaz & Koller, 2006). Due to this scenario, father–child and mother–child relationships have become quantitatively and qualitatively distinct (Borsa & Nunes, 2011). The changes in the contemporary family have been marked by the consolidation of the role of women in the labor market and, hence, the need for a more egalitarian division of labor in regards to children and the home. The belief remains, however, that the mother–child relationship is unconditional, universal, and psychologically more appropriate for the healthy development of the child than the relationship between the father and child (Borsa & Nunes, 2011). Brazil is currently experiencing a process of decline in fecundity, particularly in families of higher socioeconomic status. In 2012, the total fecundity rate in Brazil was 1.8 children per woman (IBGE, 2013). Similarly, motherhood is increasingly delayed, occurring after 30 years of age, on average.This trend seems to be directly related to the growth of women’s participation in the labor market, as reflected in the behavior and roles that women assume in the private realm. There has been, for example, a considerable increase in the proportion of women who are responsible for family maintenance (e.g. financial support). Today, women are the main providers in approximately 38 percent of households (IBGE, 2013). Despite these changes, however, household tasks are more often assigned to women than to men. Statistics have shown that men spend approximately 10 hours per week on household chores, whereas women spend approximately 20.8 hours per week (IBGE, 2013).The care of children is among the predominantly female household activities.

Economic Factors and Parenting Practices The increasing participation of Brazil in the world’s economy reflects the transformation of a predominantly rural country during the colonial period into an urban and industrial country. Currently, Brazil is one of the world’s major economies, characterized by the export of minerals, agricultural products, electronics, and other consumer goods. Additionally, the country is experiencing deep economic and social changes, especially regarding economically disadvantaged groups, thanks to the economic policies and income transfer programs developed by the federal government and implemented mainly in the last decade (IBGE, 2013). According to a study released by the Institute of Applied Economic Research (IPEA, 2013), 3.5 million Brazilians are estimated to have made it out of poverty in 2012. However, these changes do not eliminate the problem of social

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inequality in Brazil. Currently, approximately 15.7 million people live in poverty (family income per capita up to R$ 75), of which 6.5 million live below the poverty line (IPEA, 2013). In order to deal with this reality, the Brazilian government has adopted economic measures to prevent the increase of infl ation in the country and facilitate the purchase of credit by the low-income population. Changes in the consumption pattern of this group have contributed to an increase in the country’s economy, and has turned this group into a target of sales markets in several sectors. Whereas the Brazilian population used to have little access to the consumption of manufactured goods, due to the internal and external situation of the country, nowadays, the increase of the minimum wage has extended the purchasing power of the low-income population (IBGE, 2013). These changes have impacted the consumption pattern of families in all socioeconomic levels, reflecting on parenting practices as well. Now parents struggle to set boundaries in the relationship with their children, including when it comes to their consumption behavior. In a broader perspective, these changes in the beliefs and parenting practices of Brazilian parents can be connected to the globalization process. Although globalization has been occurring in different countries, it can present different results when it interacts with the characteristics of each society. Moreover, recent studies with the Brazilian population have showed particularities in the parenting practices due to the socioeconomic and geographic context (Martins et al., 2010; Tudge et al., 2012; Vieira et al., 2011). For example, a study conducted in the southern region of the country aimed to compare the child-rearing values of 14 middle-class families with higher education and formal employment, with those of 11 working-class families with low education and informal employment (Tudge et al., 2012). The values of autonomy, self-direction, and conformity in child-rearing were examined. The results indicated that working-class families placed greater emphasis on the value of conformity, whereas middle-class families gave greater emphasis to the values of autonomy and self-direction. The results showed that the sociocultural group in which the parents participated influenced child-rearing values in these families. However, these results cannot be generalized to the entire country, due to the cultural diversity among the States. Similarly, they cannot be generalized to the entire southern region, where the research was conducted, due to differences between the interior cities and the capital (Tudge et al., 2012). Brazil is a country with continental dimensions, and, as such, the geographical criteria that characterize it are associated with the socioeconomic and cultural factors of the population, which can be related to differences in parenting practices. A study performed in different regions of Brazil compared the parenting practices of mothers living in capitals and mothers living in small, urbanized towns (Martins et al., 2010). Generally, mothers living in capitals said that they perform more education practices of stimulation (referring to corporal stimulation, stimulation by

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objects, and face-to-face contact) than the mothers in small towns. The latter, on the other hand, reported to practice more primary care (including food, hygiene, accommodation, and safety) than the mothers in capitals. However, when educational practices were compared within each context, the mothers in both groups reported performing more primary care practices than stimulation. The higher frequency of primary care practices in the two groups may be associated with the cultural model of interdependence in the Brazilian context, which prioritizes group goals and focuses on the social roles of individuals. Moreover, the higher frequency of stimulation practices among mothers of the Brazilian capitals compared with mothers of small towns may be related to cultural features resulting from the urbanization and industrialization of the capital, where there is a greater value of autonomy compared to sparsely urbanized cities (Martins et  al., 2010). Moreover, mothers in the most urbanized contexts were significantly older, had higher education, and were more likely to be gainfully employed than mothers in small towns (Vieira et al., 2011). Findings show the association between geographical and socioeconomic factors of the Brazilian population and parenting practices.

Societal Advances Factors and Parenting Practices The economic and social changes that resulted in the Brazilian context have been associated with the increasing diversity in family structures. Similar to Western countries, the concept of the nuclear family, consisting of father, mother, and children, has become insufficient in accommodating the diversity of family configurations present in today’s Brazilian society. The number of single-parent families is growing, especially families comprising only the mother and her children. Women head approximately 89.8 percent of single-parent families, whereas men head 10.2 percent. Similarly, childless families are increasingly numerous. Over the past decade, there has been a reduction in the number of family arrangements that consist of couples with children (52.7 percent to 45.0 percent) and an increase in the number of couples without children (14 percent to 19 percent) (IBGE, 2013). One hypothesis for this change is, again, the greater participation of women in the labor market, leading to the postponement of pregnancy and delayed financial independence. According to the results of the 2010 Census, the phenomenon of reconstituted families (formed by divorced or widowed individuals who begin a new marriage) has also been significant. Approximately 16.3 percent of households that consist of married couples with children can be considered remarried or reconstituted families, i.e. families in which there are children only of the head of the family, children only of the spouse, or a combination of both. The increasing number of divorces also implies an increase in remarriages. Approximately 12 percent of couples have had at least one previous marriage (IBGE, 2010). The statistics

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concerning homosexual families remain scarce in Brazil. However, there is an increase in such families, especially since Draft Federal Law No. 1,151 (1995), which instituted a registered civil partnership. More recently, Resolution n. 175 (2013) requires Brazilian notaries to register civil marriages between people of the same gender. These are recent advances that guarantee the civil rights of Brazilian men and women.

Technology Technological advances have been a prerequisite for the socioeconomic development of Brazil. Research conducted by CGI.br (Comitê Gestor da Internet no Brasil – CGI.br, 2013b) indicates an accelerated growth in the number of users and frequency of internet use. In 2012, 80.9 million Brazilians were estimated to be using the Internet compared with the 75 million in the group aged 10 or older that did not use it. Of total users, 69 percent accessed the Internet daily, with an increase in this ratio as compared to 2008, when the rate was 53 percent (CGI. br, 2013b). The digital inclusion of the country has come with inequalities, however, due to the socioeconomic levels and geographic regions of the population, just as it has been identified in other countries since the 1990s (Rodrigues & Maculan, 2013). For example, approximately 45  percent of households in the south and southeast regions have access to the Internet, compared to only approximately 20 percent of households in the north and northeast regions. As for social classes, the percentage of higher-class households with access to the Internet is similar to European countries, reaching up to nearly 100 percent of households. In underprivileged classes, the percentage of households with access to the Internet is 5 percent or less (CGI.br, 2013a). Despite the inequalities, internet use has influenced all of the Brazilian population, especially children and adolescents.Younger people use the Internet more frequently, including new technologies (such as cell phones, laptops, and tablets) in their routines (CGI.br, 2013a) and actively participating in social networks (such as Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp). The Digital Revolution that occurred with the advent of the Internet is associated with benefits and risks, implying the need for adjustments in parenting practices. More opportunities for learning, greater participation in social life, and improvement of creativity and communication are some of the most visible benefits of the advent of the Internet. On the other hand, the use of the Internet is also associated with the expansion of risks existing outside of the Internet, such as sexual exploitation, pornography, bullying, and other risks particular to online relationships, such as seduction of children, violation of personal data and privacy, and tracking of geographical location (CGI.br, 2013a). Therefore, the use of the Internet can not only contribute to the acquisition of new skills and abilities, but also increase the risks existing in the offline world. It is essential to understand the role of parents and guardians in this changing scenario.

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In 2011, the results of ICT Households survey indicated that 67 percent of children and adolescents aged 10–15 were internet users, showing the high frequency of use in this age group (CGI.br, 2012). In 2012, CGI.br conducted a survey with 1,580 children and adolescents aged 9–16, who were internet users in Brazil (CGI. br, 2013a). From the results of this survey, Soares and Viana (2013) conclude that parents feel confident about their children using the Internet, seeming to overvalue the opportunities generated by the technology and to not recognize the risks associated with it. According to the authors, these parents seem to believe that their children know how to use the Internet, as they were born in this culture (Soares & Viana, 2013); this belief is directly associated with their parenting practices. Reflecting the bidirectional association between the micro- and macrosystem, the advance of technology (macrosystem) has influenced the beliefs and parenting practices of parents regarding the use of the Internet by their children (microsystem). On the other hand, the parent–child relationship characterized, for example, by the difficulties in setting boundaries (microsystem), has increased the free use of the Internet in this age group (macrosystem). There has been an increase in the number of children under five years old who are internet users, as well as in the development of games, videos, and music directed at these children. These advances clearly represent a scenario of benefits and risks associated with the Internet. The great challenge today is to develop strategies to reduce the risks and increase the benefits for children and adolescents resulting from technological advance.

Implications of Societal Changes of the Brazilian Macrosystem on the Family Microsystem The existing socio-cultural differences in the Brazilian population are largely consequences of the social inequality that exists in the country. This problem is directly reflected in the differences in income between families and, consequently, in greater or lesser access to adequate conditions for human development. Only a small percentage of the population has a high household income, and the vast majority of the population is in a vulnerable situation due to poverty (IBGE, 2013). This situation increases the social risks that are related to parenting problems and, in particular, the issue of domestic violence between parents and children (Brasil, 2001). This scenario has encouraged studies that aim to understand the risk and protective factors associated with the parent–child relationship in Brazilian families, especially in low-income families (Cecconello, 2003; Cecconello, De Antoni, & Koller, 2003; De Antoni & Koller, 2000). An important advancement in this direction was the creation of the Child and Adolescent Statute (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente – ECA) in the 1990s. This statute alerted the Brazilian population to the need to protect children and adolescents against possible risks in the family and in society.

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Cecconello and collaborators (2003) presented a literature review of risk and protective factors within the family context and in society associated with parenting practices of physical child abuse in Brazil. The authors used the Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1996) to identify factors at different contextual levels that may contribute to these practices. In the family microsystem, inconsistent educational practices within the family or between different microsystems, such as family and school, were identified. Inconsistency in these practices can confuse the child concerning what is expected of them in different situations, which can result in parent–child conflict. In the family macrosystem, factors such as cultural acceptance of the parents’ physical violence toward the child, the view that children must always obey their parents, the lack of commitment to children’s rights, and violence in the media were identified. Regarding the family exosystem, socio-political and economic decisions, which can result in aspects that facilitate or hinder the occurrence of family abuse, were identified. For example, certain political measures can increase financial hardship, unemployment, and difficulty in entering the labor market. As a result, families who are most affected by these policies may also face higher levels of stress due to social problems, thus increasing the likelihood of occurrence of abusive parenting practices. Regarding protective factors against domestic violence, the authors (Cecconello, De Antoni, and Koller, 2003) presented several characteristics that can facilitate problem resolution among Brazilian families at risk. For parents who were abused as children, protective factors that were able to break the cycle of domestic violence were as follows: maintaining a stable loving relationship, having a social support network with significant others, having resources available in the community, and having psychotherapy (Cecconello, 2003).With respect to adolescents who experienced family violence, the following indicators of family cohesion that could serve as protective factors were identified: a sense of belonging to the family group, shared activities, providing emotional support, and establishing dialogue (De Antoni & Koller, 2000). These data exemplify that various factors in the family and social context can directly or indirectly influence the parenting practice of domestic abuse, with an emphasis on individual characteristics, the parents’ childhood experiences, social support, and stressful life events. Although parent–child relationships occur within the family microsystem, a systemic view provides a greater understanding of the various social factors that interact with these practices. These aspects can encourage the creation of public policies that aim to improve the quality of the parent–child relationship through interventions that involve different contextual levels. As a result, such policies can reduce the practice of family violence, especially in families that are at risk due to low socioeconomic status.

Conclusion In socio-political and economic terms, although Brazil’s experience with democracy is recent, the country has been showing respectable economic and social

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development globally in the last decade. Also, the population’s access to formal education has been increasing, which can be considered an individual and social development tool (IBGE, 2013).Together with those changes, the advance of technologies is part of the daily lives of most of the population (CGI.br, 2013b). This Brazilian macrosystem overview has important impacts on the family microsystem, especially in the family structure, vis-à-vis the roles of men and women in society and parenting practices. Family structures are changing:  the number of children per household is decreasing and the quantities of single-parent, remarried, and homosexual families are increasing. At the same time, the number of women in the labor market is increasing, but they still maintain the main role in raising and educating their children. The different factors in the Brazilian macrosystem are intrinsically connected, influencing each other, resulting in values and beliefs that characterize the population. Although the objective of this chapter is to separately present the impact of different factors of the Brazilian macrosystem on parenting practices, it is important to highlight the intrinsic relation between these factors, which often cannot be separated. For example, social and economic changes are contributing to an increasing diversity in terms of family structure. Life expectancy is increasing while birthrates are decreasing. In current families, grandparents and grandchildren increasingly coexist. With the rising number of divorces, there are a growing number of single and remarried parents. Similarly, couples have chosen to establish themselves in the job market before having children, increasingly postponing parenthood (IBGE, 2010). These factors challenge society and mental health professionals to understand the changes in family organizations and their beliefs, values, and practices. As the structure of families changes, families become an important microsystem in which interactions and emotional exchanges serve as a model for interactions in other contexts. In contemporary times, it is no longer solely the law, parentage, or blood ties that identify the family, as noted by Lévi-Strauss (1972). Rather, the emotional bonds that sustain the relationships and bonds between people identify the family.

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7 PARENTING IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA The Dynamics of Interdependence and Independence Li Lin, Chen Huang, and Qian Wang

Introduction China, with its thousands of years of cultural heritage highly influenced by Confucianism, and its rising economic and political power in the globalizing world in the past few decades, has been receiving wide attention on various aspects of its people’s lives. In particular, educational and professional successes achieved by youth of Chinese descent and the stories of their upbringing have intrigued scholars and lay persons to scrutinize Chinese parenting (for a recent book which has popularized the image of Chinese “tiger parents,” see Chua, 2011). On the one hand, it is believed that Chinese parenting is epitomized by an overarching Confucianism-originated cultural orientation toward interdependence, which prescribes Chinese parents great authority and responsibility to raise children into individuals whose prioritized tasks in life are fulfilling duties and having harmonious relationships in the family and the society (e.g., Chao & Tseng, 2002; Luo, Tamis-LeMonda, & Song, 2013). On the other hand, it is observed that Chinese parenting is becoming independence-oriented in that parents in contemporary China, especially those residing in urban areas, are thinking and behaving increasingly in ways concerned with respecting and cultivating their children’s sense of self and autonomy (e.g., Chen, X. & Chen, H., 2010; Way et al., 2013). Focusing on the dynamics of interdependence and independence, we begin this chapter with a brief analysis of how history, policies, economics, education, and technology may have shaped parenting in contemporary China. We next review recent research conducted in Mainland China on interdependence- vs. independence-oriented parenting behaviors and their implications for children’s development, as well as parental values, goals, and beliefs that may foreshadow parenting behaviors.We conclude this chapter with some remarks on research and reality of contemporary Chinese parenting.

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Historical, Educational, Economic, and Societal Change Factors and Parenting Practices Among diverse ideologies that have molded Chinese culture historically, Confucianism may have exerted the most pervasive impact on the lives of Chinese people by stipulating precepts for social relationships. Specifically, filial piety represents the essence of the parent–child relationship, which emphasizes interdependence such that it is parents’ obligation to take charge of their children’s life, while it is children’s obligation to defer to their parents (see Ho, 1996). Traditional Chinese parenting guided by filial piety tends to be authoritarian and controlling, aiming to raise children to be self-restrained and dutiful. Notably, such Confucianism-prescribed parenting may have been necessitated adaptation to the economic and socio-cultural circumstances in China when it was an agricultural society, and then an industrializing socialist society since the early 1950s. In both cases, collective efforts and harmonious relationships were crucial for individuals to survive and thrive. Yet, two national policies enforced by the government in the past three decades or so have dramatically transformed the economic and socio-cultural landscape in China. Under the “Reform and Open-up” policy, China has gone through the transition from government-planned to market economy, resulting in the nation’s rapid and massive economic growth.The economic changes, as well as its ensuing increased opportunities for higher education and greater usage of advanced technology (e.g., the Internet), have extensively exposed Chinese people, especially those residing in urban areas, to Western ideologies and lifestyles that emphasize self-expression and personal agency. Under the “One-Child” policy, young generations born in China in the late 1970s and thereafter mostly have grown up as the only child in the family. Parents of these young generations are becoming increasingly concerned about nurturing their only children’s independence-oriented attributes, such as sense of self and autonomy, while they are also ever more anxious about ensuring their only children’s educational and professional achievements. At the same time, parents tend to still rely on interdependence-oriented socialization tools such as using heightened control in the academic arena of their only children’s life (see Fong, 2004). Taken together, cultural traditions and recent economic and socio-cultural changes brought about by government policies and related factors (including education and technology) have jointly shaped parenting in contemporary China. Parents in China nowadays dynamically adopt parenting behaviors oriented toward interdependence or independence when raising their children, driven by their values, goals, and beliefs. These parenting behaviors are shaped by the current economic and socio-cultural circumstances as well as the cultural traditions in China (for a recent review on the coexistence of orientations toward interdependence and independence in parenting, see Tamis-LeMonda et  al., 2008).We next review recent research conducted in Mainland China to illustrate

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the dynamics of interdependence and independence in contemporary Chinese parenting. Most extant research on Chinese parenting has followed Western-originated frameworks to pit interdependence- and independence-oriented parenting behaviors against each other (i.e., authoritarian vs. authoritative styles and psychological control vs. autonomy support). There is also emerging research examining parenting behaviors aimed to cultivate specific aspects of independence in children.

Authoritarian vs. Authoritative Parenting Styles Originally identified by Baumrind (1971) among American families and widely investigated since then, authoritarian parenting is manifested in parents being cold and critical toward children, lacking open communication with children, and discouraging and disallowing children to express themselves freely or make decisions for themselves, while also imposing strict standards and rules on children. In contrast, authoritative parenting entails parents being warm and accepting toward children, engaging in open communication with children, and encouraging and supporting children to express themselves freely and make decisions for themselves, while at the same time setting up reasonable standards and rules and providing necessary guidance for children. Initial research on Chinese parenting has generally revealed that Chinese parents tend to be more authoritarian and less authoritative than their Western counterparts. Such findings are often interpreted by characterizing China as an interdependence-oriented culture in contrast to independence-oriented Western cultures (Chao & Tseng, 2002; Sorkhabi, 2005). For instance, it is argued that authoritarian parenting may be in line with the notion of filial piety, and Chinese children may appreciate it as “normal”, or even good parenting, and be willing to comply with their parents. Hence, Chinese children may not experience negative effects of authoritarian parenting on their development as their Western counterparts do (e.g., socio-emotional, academic, and behavioral problems). With recent due attention to Chinese parenting per se (i.e., not in comparison to any Western “benchmark”; e.g., Chen, X. & Chen, H., 2010; Wang & Chang, 2010), it has been recognized that contemporary Mainland Chinese parents actually tend to adopt authoritarian parenting to a lesser extent than authoritative parenting (see Table 7.1). The historical imprints of Chinese parents’ adoption of authoritative parenting are evident in that mothers of primary-school children in Shanghai (a metropolis in eastern China) surveyed in 2002 reported greater warmth and encouragement of autonomy in their parenting practices than did their counterparts surveyed in 1998 (Chen, X. & Chen, H., 2010). Such historical changes have also been captured in Lu and Chang’s (2013) interviews of parents in Shenzhen (a metropolis in southern China), who believed that the parent–child

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relationship should be egalitarian with two-way communication, rather than hierarchical with parents being an absolute authority. Urban–rural differences have been observed in that urban parents were reported by their adolescent children to adopt authoritative parenting to a greater extent; intriguingly, urban parents were also reported by their adolescent children to adopt authoritarian parenting to a greater extent (Lin & Wang, 2012). Moreover, there is evidence that the higher parents’ educational attainment, the greater their adoption of authoritative parenting (Chen, X., Bian, Xin,Wang, & Silbereisen, 2010; Lin & Wang, 2012;Wu et al., 2002; Xu et al., 2005) or the lesser their adoption of authoritarian parenting (Huang & Wang, 2011). Similar to what is the case for Western children, it has been shown that authoritarian parenting is linked to dampened functioning among urban as well as rural Chinese children, whereas authoritative parenting is linked to enhanced functioning in multiple arenas in life (e.g., emotional adjustment, academic motivation and performance, and social competence with peers; Chen, S., Zhou, Eisenberg, Valiente, & Wang, 2011; Chen, X., Dong, & Zhou, 1997; Lin & Wang, 2012).

Parental Psychological Control vs. Autonomy Support Unlike authoritarian vs. authoritative styles (which reflect several dimensions of parenting altogether, such as warmth, communication, control, and autonomy granting), the control-support continuum represents a single dimension associated with parents’ degree of influence. Psychological control reflects one key dimension that captures parents’ attempts to repress and manipulate children’s thoughts and feelings (e.g., making children feel guilty or withdrawing love from children when they fail to meet parental expectations), whereas autonomy support reflects one key dimension that captures parents’ endeavors to appreciate and encourage children’s free expression of their thoughts and feelings (e.g., fostering verbal exchange and mutual understanding with children or giving children opportunities to make decisions for themselves; Silk, Morris, Kanaya, & Steinberg, 2003). It is speculated that psychological control may be deemed less negative, whereas autonomy support may be deemed less important in China than in Western cultures, given the Chinese cultural orientation towards interdependence that places greater value on individuals’ proper behaviors in the family and society vs. sense of self and autonomy (Ho, 1986). Yet, regardless of how contemporary Mainland Chinese parents may be compared with their Western counterparts, it has been shown that they are less psychologically controlling than autonomy supportive when parenting their children (see Table 7.1). Urban–rural differences have also been found in that urban parents were reported by their adolescent children to be more autonomy supportive, while urban and rural adolescents reported similar levels of parental psychological control (Lin & Wang, 2012). Moreover, there is evidence that the higher

Measures: Parents reported on their authoritarian (e.g., “use physical punishment as a way of disciplining our child,” “punish by taking privileges away from child with little if any explanations,” “tell child what to do”) and authoritative parenting (e.g., “responsive to child’s feelings or needs,” “emphasize the reasons for rules,” “encourage child to freely express himself/ herself even when disagreeing with parents”) on a 5-point scale (1=never; 2=once in a while; 3= about half of the time; 4=very often; 5=always). Reference: Huang & Wang (2011) Sample: Mothers of kindergarteners in Shenzhen (a metropolis in southern China) Measures: Mothers reported on their authoritarian (e.g., “I do not allow my child to question my decisions”) and authoritative parenting (e.g., “I encourage my child to be independent of me”) on a 7-point scale (1=not at all; 7=very much). Reference: Li et al. (2010) Sample: University students in Beijing Measures: Students reported on their mothers’ authoritarian (e.g., “My parents do not allow me to question their decisions”) and authoritative parenting (e.g., “My parents talk it over and reason with me when I misbehave”) on a 6-point scale (1=not at all; 6=extremely).

Authoritarian parenting Authoritative parenting Comparison of means M SD M SD t (df) p-value 3.78 0.97 4.80 0.77 -8.58 (136) < .001

Authoritarian parenting Authoritative parenting Comparison of means M SD M SD t (df) p-value 3.67 0.72 5.92 0.55 -44.55 (336) < .001

Authoritarian parenting Authoritative parenting Comparison of means M SD M SD t (df) p-value 2.27 0.44 3.72 0.53 -39.67 (424)