Conquest and survival in colonial Guatemala : a historical geography of the Cuchumatán Highlands, 1500-1821 9780773527416, 9780773545267, 9780773572065

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CONQUEST AND SURVIVAL IN COLONIAL GUATEMALA

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THIRD EDITION

Conquest and Survival in Colonial Guatemala A Historical Geography of the Cuchumatan Highlands, 1500-1821

W. GEORGE LOVELL

McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston « London « Ithaca

© McGill-Queen’s University Press 2005 ISBN 0-7735-2741-9

Legal deposit first quarter 1992 Bibliothéque nationale du Québec First published in cloth 1985 Second edition published in paper 1992

Printed in Canada on acid-free paper Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Lovell, W. George (William George), 1951Conquest and survival in colonial Guatemala: a historical geography of the Cuchumatan highlands, 1500-1821

Third ed. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7735-2741-9

1. Cuchumatanes Mountains Region (Guatemala) — Historical geography. 2. Cuchumatanes Mountains Region (Guatemala) — Colonization. 3. Indians of Central America - Guatemala — Cuchumatanes Mountains Region — History. 4. Guatemala — History — To 1821. I. Title.

F1466.4.L68 1992 = 911'.72817, = C92-090073-9

McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada

| Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book Publishing Industry Development Program (BPIDP) for our publishing activities.

The cover illustration by Angelika Bauer shows the “Guerra de Guatimala y sus provincias” as depicted by Diego Munoz Camargo in the Historia de Tlaxcala, a sixteenth-century manuscript housed in the Special Collections Department of Glasgow University Library. Warriors from Tlaxcala are seen assisting a mounted Spaniard, possibly meant to be Pedro de Alvarado, in the con-

quest of Guatemala. | , The lines from “Little Gidding” in Four Quartets are reprinted by permission of Faber and Faber Ltd from Collected Poems 1909-1962 by T.S. Eliot and by permission of Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc., from Four Quartets, copyright 1943 by T.S. Eliot; renewed 1971 by Esme Valerie Eliot. The lines from “The Hollow Men” are reprinted by permission of Faber and Faber Ltd and Har-

court Brace Jovanovich, Inc., copyright © 1963, 1964 by T.5. Eliot.

For Maureen, editor and muse, and in fond memory of Victor Perera (1934-2003)

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Contents

Tables / ix

Preface / xiii | Figures / xi

Plates / following xix

1 Geography and the Past / 3 PART ONE: THE REGIONAL SETTING

2 Physical and Human Geography / 11 PART TWO: CONTACT AND CONQUEST (1500-1541)

3 The Cultural Landscape on the Eve of Spanish Conquest / 37 4 Conquest and Subjugation by Imperial Spain / 58 5 The Cuchumatan Population at Spanish Contact / 67 PART THREE: THE COLONIAL EXPERIENCE (1541-1821) |

Empire / 75 |

6 In Pursuit of Order: Congregacién and the Administration of 7 Economic Demands and Ethnic Relations: Spanish Control of _ the Indian Population / 95

viii Contents

8 Working the Land: Landholding Patterns and the Agricultural Economy / 118

9 Collapse and Recovery: Demographic Change in the Native Population / 140

10 Refuge in the Mountains / 173 11 Quincentennial Reflections / 177 Epilogue / 199 Glossary / 221

Notes / 225 Bibliography / 271

Index / 295

Tables

1 Population of the Cuchumatan Highlands (1973) / 23 2 Pre-Hispanic Settlements / 42

3. Archaeological Sites and Settlement Chronology / 46 4 Indian Army Sizes (1525-30) / 69 5 ‘Towns Forming the Cuchumatan Highlands / 91 6 Cuchumatan Settlements Listed in the Cerrato Tribute Assessment (1549) / 97 7 Repartimientos de Mercancias (1561-1813) / 109 8 Abuses Committed by Spanish Clergy (1681~1819) / 112 9 Cofradia Assets (1770 and 1803) / 114 10 Spanish Landholding (1607-1759) / 122

11 Indian Landholding at Sacapulas / 127 12 Land Grants to Indian Caciques and Princtipales (1600-1711) / 128

13. Land Disputes between Indians and Non-Indians (1705-1822) / 132

14 Land Disputes between Indian Communities (1668-1822) / 133 15 Selected Cuchumatan Populations (1570-1604) / 141 16 Population of the Cuchumatan Highlands (1520-1825) / 145 17 General Outbreaks of Disease in Highland Guatemala (1519-1746) / 149

18 Local Outbreaks of Disease in the Cuchumatan Highlands (ca 1550-1819) / 150

19 Mortality in Cuchumatan Towns during the Smallpox Epidemic of 1780-1 / 158

20 Smallpox in the Ixil Country (1780) / 160 21 Vaccination against Smallpox among Cuchumatan Indians (1807) / 162

22 Population and Mortality Levels around the Time of the Typhus Epidemic of 1796-9 / 165 23 Awards of Encomienda in Early Colonial Guatemala / 182 24 Encomienda in the Sierra de los Cuchumatanes (1524-40) / 183

x Tables

25 Population of Huehuetenango and Subject Towns, 1530-1 and 1549 / 185

26 Encomienda Obligations in Huehuetenango in 1530-1 and 1549 / 186

27 Settlements Burned, Wholly or in Part, in Huehuetenango (1530) / 189

28 Towns Founded in Guatemala in the Sixteenth Century by Regular

and Secular Clergy / 191

Figures

1 The Cuchumatan highlands of Guatemala: regional setting and principal settlements / 12 2 The corregimiento of Totonicapan and Huehuetenango / 14 3. The partido of Huehuetenango / 16 4 The physiographic-tectonic provinces of Guatemala / 18 5 The annual cycle of agriculture in the Cuchumatan highlands / 28 6 Archaeological sites of the Cuchumatan highlands / 44 7 The fortress of Zaculeu / 63 8 Ecclesiastical administration of the Cuchumatan highlands / 92 9 Proposed division of Indian landholding at Sacapulas in the late eighteenth century / 136 10 The population of the Cuchumatan highlands, 1520-1825 / 146 11 Smallpox in the Cuchumatan highlands, 1780-1 / 155 12 The conquest of the Cuchumatdan highlands, as depicted in the Lienzo de Quauhquecholan / 204

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Preface

This book, the third edition of a work first published in 1985, is the outcome of events and circumstances dating back to my days as a graduate student thirty years ago. It seems appropriate at the outset, therefore, to say something about how it all began, how it all evolved. Early on the morning of 25 June 1974 I left the Mexican city of San

Cristobal de las Casas and travelled south, for the first time, towards Guatemala. Having been in Mexico for several weeks to conduct field research for my Master’s thesis, I planned to spend only a few days resting up in Guatemala before starting the long overland trip back to Canada. I stayed almost a month, absorbed and captivated by what I experienced. At the border town of La Mesilla, two casual passport checks allowed me to walk from one country into another. I was struck immediately by

the splendour of the scene. Colossal and imposing, the mountains that loomed ahead were lush and green, a pleasant change after the gaunt look of much of central Mexico. Compared especially with the gutted, eroded terrain of the Mixteca Alta —- I had spent a good deal of the summer in the highlands of Oaxaca — the earth here was much more inviting. Not at all sure what to expect, I felt myself drawn in. I bought a soft drink from a roadside vendor and climbed onto a waiting bus, already chock-full of passengers. We took off just as a deafening peal of thunder roared across the heavens. I gaped out the window. The features of landscape assumed an elemental, shifting guise: trees glimpsed, then eneulfed by mist; a grape-dark, menacing sky; a torrential downpour of rain; a wan burst of sun; all around, a kaleidoscopic play of shadow and light. Steep patchworks of fields and forests towered above the valley that followed the course of the Rio Selegua, its raging waters threatening to flood the road at every hairpin turn. The bus would screech to a halt mile after mile, dropping people off, picking people up, all of them carrying some item or other — a steel machete, a basket laden with fruit, a bundle of firewood, an armful of flowers, a chicken or a rooster, even a small pig. They were for the most part Indians - men, women, and children wrapped up

xiv Preface not just in startlingly colourful clothes but in exchanges beyond my ability

to comprehend, for their conversations were conducted in an idiom my Spanish could not access. [reached my destination mesmerized. In Huehuetenango’s central plaza, a three-dimensional relief map fifty

paces in circumference informed me that the mountains I had passed through were the Sierra de los Cuchumatanes, home to dozens of communities identified by the names of Catholic saints painted on tiny metal flags inserted across the surface of the map like candles on a birthday cake. The virtual topography someone had toiled hard to render was littered with broken glass, plastic bags, cigarette ends, and dog shit. But there it was in front of me, a doctoral dissertation topic cast in plaster and cement, framed by the curve of a low iron fence that toddlers ran around and sweethearts cuddled against. As I was about to turn in for the night — a bed at the Hotel Central went for a dollar, fleas included ~— a thought entrenched itself in my mind: why not write about the Cuchumatdan highlands and the Maya peo-

ples who inhabit them? That was the beginning of my relationship with Guatemala.

Three years later, after a period of intensive reading and a more scholarly formulation of ideas, my investigations began. The geography

of the Cuchumatdn highlands presented numerous challenges, but I opted for the task of reconstructing what happened to the land and the people under Spanish rule. Such an orientation called for me to consult unpublished archival sources, so I spent much of 1977 and 1978 gathering material in the Archivo General de Centroamérica, Guatemala City, and in the Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Spain. After three lengthy sojourns in these archives, I then set off, by bus and on foot, on a trip through remote parts of the Cuchumatanes I had never visited before,

bringing episodes I had read about in the documents back to life in my imagination. Having sacrificed the field for the archive for so long, I

found it exhilarating to walk once again over the hills and through

the corn. In December 1979 I defended the study I had written during the previous fifteen months as a doctoral dissertation. Since then I have had the opportunity to continue to work in Guatemalan and Spanish archives and

to visit the Cuchumatanes time and again. Although these later forays were undertaken with different research ends in mind, I always kept a close watch for Cuchumatdn data I had overlooked or did not know

about before. While the material I gathered as a graduate student constitutes the bedrock of the book, the study in its present form has benefitted from my subsequent inquiries and from the work of scholars in related fields. New findings and fresh insight signal innovation and change. Perhaps Engels was correct after all: nothing is eternal but eternal change.

Preface xv

His words certainly apply to developments in Mesoamerican research and in Latin American studies in general. The historiography of Latin America concentrates spatially on Mexico and Peru, to the detriment of our knowledge about colonial experiences

in other Hispanicized regions of the New World. Such a condition, though problematical, can hardly be considered surprising. It reflects the fact that the geographical focus of modern scholarship parallels closely the political and economic realities of colonial times: resource-rich “cores” such as Mexico and Peru were of considerably more importance to imperial Spain than resource-deficient “peripheries” such as Central America. The colonial destiny of the isthmus has been aptly characterized by William Taylor, who refers to Central America, situated “between the great mining centers and Indian populations of the Andes and Mexico,” as “a rainbow of Spanish illusions and frenzied activity between the two pots of gold.” In the Mesoamerican context, work is being done to redress the historiographical imbalance between core and periphery, with more and more scholars moving south and east from central Mexico to conduct research in Chiapas, Guatemala, Oaxaca, and Yucatén.* What clearly emerges from these investigations is that we can no longer assume that the colonial experience of a Mesoamerican periphery is a simplified variant, retarded in time and marginal in space, of conditions that prevailed in the central Mexican core. This book examines the vicissitudes of life in a region certainly of peripheral status in the Spanish scheme of empire, one that (as at

least one scholar suggests) could more precisely be considered a periphery of a periphery.’ But before dismissing a focus on such an area as being of minimal importance to an understanding of Spain in America, it should be remembered that poor rural backwaters are where most Hispanic Americans, prior to the juggernaut of twentieth-century urbanization, lived, worked, and died. For every Zacatecas or Potosi, for every Lima or Mexico City, there were (and are still) scores if not thousands of Huehuetenangos, modest provincial centres related in myriad functional ways to smaller, less prosperous, more inward-looking communities in the surrounding countryside. Research upon which the book is based, first and foremost, was made

possible by doctoral support from the Killam Program. Postdoctoral funding also from the Killam Program enabled me to rework my disserta-

tion into a series of articles and essays. Fellowships from Plumsock Mesoamerican Studies and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research

Council of Canada allowed me to consolidate my endeavours and, in 1985, publish Conquest and Survival in Colonial Guatemala with McGillQueen’s University Press. The first edition was followed, in 1992, by a

xvi Preface

revised second edition. In this third edition I have left intact the main body of the text, chapters one through ten, but furnished the reader with a new preface and a new epilogue. The latter contains its own bibliography, which highlights pertinent titles published between 1992 and 2003. Chapter 11, “Quincentennial Reflections,” is a reprise of the epilogue to the second edition. Little did I imagine on that June evening in Huehuetenango three decades ago that a book would result from my contemplation of that funky relief map. For their belief in that book, given a new lease of life by their encouragement, I thank Don Akenson, Philip Cercone, Joan McGilvray, and their associates at McGill-Queen’s University Press. In both Guatemala City and Seville, the staff of the archives was patient and helpful in guiding me through the customary growing pains of how to locate and request the necessary documents. The paleographic expertise of Carlos Estrada Lemus, Manuel Fuentes Mairena, Wendy Kramer, and Leonel Saraztia solved many a problem. After my research in the archives, the work of many scholars provided a crucial intellectual framework for interpreting the Cuchumatdan data, but it is important to single out the publica-

tions of the Berkeley School and the unrivalled contribution of Murdo MacLeod. During the dissertation stage of the study, as a graduate student at the University of Alberta, I profited not only from the flexible supervision of John F. Bergmann but also from the counsel and guidance of Olive | Dickason, Ruth Gruhn, Oscar H. Horst, and David C. Johnson.

Looking back to acknowledge my debts, both personal and professional, affords me mixed sentiments, for some of the individuals who influenced my thinking or who shaped who I am have passed on. Anyone I fail to mention by name I trust will forgive the oversight and remember instead the quality of the time we shared. Bjarne Tokerud, whom I met while enroled in my first seminar in anthropology, talked about Guatemala in a way that made me really want to go there, which I did after I got my Mesoamerican bearings, in situ, in Mexico. Tomislav Milinusic knew first-hand about other parts of Latin America, and his instincts set me straight. After I had ventured alone on a trip to South America, one that Tomislav and I had planned to undertake together, I was better prepared to return to Guatemala and get on with the job I knew by then awaited me. In Guatemala, bumping into William R. Swezey in Don Pancho’s tienda

in Antigua opened up a universe and created an everlasting bond. Swezey introduced me to Christopher H. Lutz, whose trail I had come across in the archives and whom I was most curious to meet. Chris and Swezey were busy dreaming up the remarkable research institute that

became the Centro de Investigaciones Regionales de Mesoamérica

Preface xvii

(cIRMA). The three of us struck up a partnership, which Chris and I invest in still, as board members of CIRMA, as editors (with Armando J. Alfonzo) of Mesoamérica, and as co-investigators and co-authors. I enjoy a similar working relationship with Noble David Cook, one that began when Henry F. Dobyns brought us together at the Newberry Library in Chicago. David and his wife, Sasha, are my Seville soulmates, two aficionados of a city that is now a cherished home base. There, at the Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, the Universidad Pablo de Olavide, and the Universidad de Sevilla, I mix with colleagues and students who constitute a stimulating Spanish equivalent to their counterparts at Queen’s University in Canada, where I have taught for twenty-five years. Having been hired at Queen’s in 1979 on a one-year, non-renewable contract, things (or so I like to believe) worked out just fine. Before I embarked on a tenure-track position at Queen’s, I spent a term as visiting scholar in the Department of Geography at the University of California at Berkeley. The great Carl Sauer had been dead a decade, but his legacy lived on. Being at Berkeley was inspirational. I relish conversations [had with Woodrow Borah, Bernard Nietschmann, James J. Parsons, Dan Stanislawski, and John H. Rowe, and through them the friendships I forged with Wayne Bernhardson, Susan E. Davis, and Maria Laura Massolo. Fellow geographers whose interests lie in Latin America, and whose company I enjoy and from whom I learn much, include Elisabeth and Karl W. Butzer, William V. Davidson, William M. Denevan, Bill Doolittle, Peter Herlihy, Linda A. Newson, Marie Price, and David J. Robinson. Among my writer friends, Eduardo Galeano, Tom Pow, Alastair Reid, and Ronald Wright sustain a creative presence, an esteem they share on my part with Mary Ellen Davis, Jan De Vos, José Hernandez Palomo, Juan Marchena Fernandez, John M. Kirk, José Manuel Pefia Girén, and Barbara

Potthast. Seldom do I agree with the visceral opinions of Michael Shawcross, but his eagle-eyed inspections of previous editions of this book have allowed me to tidy up the text of it considerably. Mike’s assessment of my work is what matters, not (mercifully) what he thinks of me. Florine Asselbergs and Michel Oudijk kindly furnished me with the image from the Lienzo de Quauhquecholan that appears in the epilogue. Maureen McCallum Garvie, in Barriefield and beyond, keeps me well and truly

grounded. Never did I dream of meeting someone whose passion about life north of Huehuetenango could match my own, but the intrepid Krystyna Deuss proved me wrong. To all those whose lives north of Huehuetenango I write about, Maya Indians especially, I dedicate this re-telling of their struggle for survival, which is not yet over.

I close my record of thanks with a few words about my parents. Like many of her generation, my mother had to leave school early to earn a

xviii Preface

wage that would help make family ends meet. She longed for me to get the education she herself was deprived of, and urged me to see the world as she never did. “Enjoy it for both of us, son.” Her words are with me always. So, too, are the stories my father told me as a boy, of the years he sailed the Spanish Main — not as a latter-day conquistador but as a merchant seaman employed by Royal Dutch Shell, working aboard oil tankers that chugged in and out of Aruba, Cuba, Curacao, and Venezuela after

World War II. |

My leaving Scotland to study in Canada, my parents soon realized, was only the beginning of the journey. Glasgow to Guatemala may seem an odd trajectory to some. Not, however, to my mother and my father. And certainly not to me.

Barriefield, Ontario , |

W. George Lovell July 2004

And what you thought you came for Is only a shell, a husk of meaning From which the purpose breaks only when it is fulfilled If at all. Either you had no purpose Or the purpose is beyond the end you figured And is altered in fulfilment. _ T.S. Eliot, Little Gidding

Photographs 1-8, 10-14, and 20 were taken by the author while conducting fieldwork in the region between 1975 and 1978.

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Figure 3 The partido of Huehuetenango, showing the jurisdiction’s eight parish seats and the relation of the Cuchumatan region to other administrative units in colonial Guatemala

Physical and Human Geography 17

entire upland area of north-western Guatemala. The beauty of this remote

and rugged country is unforgettable, and has moved to superlatives a number of writers, including Thomas Gage, John Lloyd Stephens, and Oliver La Farge.” Until quite recently an inaccessible and isolated part of highland Guatemala, the Cuchumatanes have a quality of landscape that is singular, mournful, and difficult to convey in words, although the lines of Guatemalan poet Juan Diéguez, writing in the mid-nineteenth century, evoke something of the ethereal splendour of the region: ; Oh cielo de mi Patria! ; Oh caros horizontes! ; Oh azules altos montes, Oidme desde alli! La alma mia os saluda, Cumbres de la alta Sierra, Murallas de esta tierra Donde la luz yo vi!*

THE PHYSICAL SETTING

Guatemala may be divided into four distinct physiographic-tectonic provinces (see figure 4), which are summarized below. 1. The Petén Lowland: A low, densely forested plain, generally flat but

with occasional undulating topography, the Petén Lowland has well

developed karst features formed on gently folded carbonates of Cretaceous or Tertiary age. 2. The Central American “Antillean” Mountain System: A rugged,

folded, and faulted upland region, this mountain system is the continuation in Guatemala of the plateau-like Sierra de San Cristobal of

Mexico, which cuts roughly west to east across northern Guatemala before descending into the Caribbean Sea to form the Cayman Ridge. The

“Antillean” range is divided into two physical subunits by the down-cutting of the Rio Chixoy. The Cuchumatanes lie to the west of the

river while a complex mountain system, which includes the Verapaz highlands, lies to the east. 3. The Pacific Volcanic Belt: A chain of volcanic peaks of Quaternary

origin that rises out of a dissected plateau of volcanic ash, the Pacific Volcanic Belt crosses south-western and south-eastern Guatemala before passing into Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. 4, The Pacific Coastal Plain: A region of detritus shed from volcanic activity, this tilted plain stretches from the lower slopes of the volcanic highlands to the Pacific coast and in places reaches a width of some eighty kilometres.

18 Conquest and Survival

| MEXICO | . :| |\| |Caribbean Sea . BELIZE | a ™. | | —

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| I-Petén Lowland Ill-Volcanic Highlands | II-Central American Mountain System IV-Pacific Coastal Plain

Figure 4 The physiographic-tectonic provinces of Guatemala (adapted from T.H. Anderson, “Geology of the San Sebastian Huehuetenango Quadrangle”)

Physical and Human Geography 19

The predominant tectonic grain of Guatemala trends approximately west to east across the country and is characterized by a series of parallel ridges and valleys belonging to the Central American Mountain System. Two great fault zones, occupied by deep and impressive valleys, traverse

Guatemala as arcs gently convex to the south. Known as the ChixoyPolochic and Motagua faults, these zones (see figure 4) are landward extensions of the Bartlett Fault System of the Caribbean Sea.° The precise age of the Bartlett Fault system is an issue of some controversy among geologists, but it may date from Miocene or Pliocene times and has been

subject to much vertical and lateral displacement since then. The Chixoy-Polochic fault, the northern axis of the Bartlett System in Guatemala, separates largely crystalline rocks to the south from sedimentary rocks to the north. Geologically, the Chixoy-Polochic fault may be considered the southern boundary of the Cuchumatanes.° The oldest formations in the region date back to before the Permian. Submergence from Pennsylvanian to Early Cretaceous times resulted ina vast continental accumulation; today, deposits of shale and limestone,

some with magnificent bands of fossils, are found throughout the Cuchumatanes. Salt-water springs are also present. The Cretaceous period was marked by the deposition of thick sequences of carbonates along a shallow shelf, resulting in the formation of the Ixcoy limestone.

The great thickness of this accumulation suggests that geosynclinal subsidence occurred during most of the Cretaceous, which was also characterized by vigorous local faulting. The Early Tertiary was the time

of the major Laramide orogeny. This orogeny formed the structural features of the Cuchumatanes most recognizable today. The ChixoyPolochic fault zone was particularly active and the important mineralization of lead, zinc, and silver in the Chiantla area probably occurred during this time. Late Tertiary uplift along the Chixoy-Polochic fault resulted in

rejuvenation of the elevated landscape and the formation of the Cuchumatan highlands as they exist today. The Quaternary volcanism of the highland region to the south of the Cuchumatanes led to the surface

deposition of thick pyroclastic layers of pumice and welded tuff, especially around Aguacatan and Chiantla. The Cuchumatan country, in

short, exhibits a great geological diversity. To this day, the region continues to be affected by major geological events, including volcanic eruption and movement along the still-active Chixoy-Polochic fault.” Viewed from the south (plate 1) the Cuchumatanes presenta formidable wall of parallel folds trending in a north-west direction, uplifted along the Chixoy-Polochic fault and gradually decreasing in elevation northward.

North of Chiantla the high front ranges rise in places well over one thousand metres along a steep scarp slope to an extensive carbonate

20 Conquest and Survival , plateau characterized by undulating karst topography. This lofty paramo or altiplano surface (plate 2), known during the colonial period as the Altos de Chiantla, is generally around three thousand metres in elevation, but in places reaches to almost thirty-seven hundred metres. The entire Cuchumatan pdramo is riddled with sink holes and other

karst features. The drainage system of the plateau is predominantly subterranean. East-flowing streams discharge into tributaries of the Rio Chixoy, subsequently draining into the Rio Usumacinta and the Gulf of Mexico. West-flowing streams drain into the Rio Selegua, which runs along a deep canyon near the southern edge of the Cuchumatanes before joining with the Rio Cuilco in Mexico to form the Rio Grande de Chiapas.°

Several valleys in the Cuchumatanes exhibit distinctive evidence of glaciation, chiefly in the form of ice-scoured rocks and morainic debris. The most conspicuous glacial features are a low terminal moraine and an

associated area of outwash in a northwest-trending valley twelve kilometres in length between the communities of San Sebastian Huehuetenango and Todos Santos. Behind the moraine an intermittent pond occupies a depression once filled with ice. Scattered throughout the till-covered valley are remnants of other recessional moraines. Loops of moraine, in this and other neighbouring valleys, mark the easternmost

advance of an ice-cap of around one hundred square kilometres in dimension that covered the highest parts of the Cuchumatanes, probably

towards the end of the Wisconsin or Wurm glaciation some ten to twenty-five thousand years ago. During the earlier Pleistocene glaciations the Cuchumatan region was not sufficiently uplifted to sustain the climatic conditions necessary for the development and maintenance of an icefield.” Away from the bleak, cold, Cuchumatan pédramo, elevation decreases

north and west to the humid, rainforest region of the Usumacinta basin. As holds true for all tropical highland areas, fluctuations in altitude result in an extreme variation of climate, especially in temperature regimes. This variation, in turn, leads to the existence of myriad types of vegetation and a marked diversity in agricultural potential. Stadelman and Recinos divide the Cuchumatan country into four altitudinal zones, each with its own distinctive environmental features.'° 1. Tierra caliente or “warm land”: This zone lies below eight hundred metres in elevation and has mean annual temperatures of around 25°C. It is Characterized by lush tropical growth and produces mahogany woods,

bananas, cacao, and coffee. ,

2. Tierra templada or “temperate land”: This zone ranges from eight hundred to around fifteen hundred metres in elevation and has mean

annual temperatures of 18°C to 23°C. It is characterized by the

Physical and Human Geography 21

gum-producing liquidamber tree and is capable of supporting coffee and sugar cane. Wheat can also be cultivated in the upper reaches of this zone. 3. Tierra fria or “cold land” (plate 3): This zone ranges from fifteen hundred to slightly over three thousand metres in elevation and has mean

annual temperatures of 15°C to 17°C, with occasional sub-zero temperatures and resultant frosts. It is characterized by hardy species of pine, fir, oak, and cedar, and may be used to raise apples, potatoes, and

wheat. Most land cultivated in tierra fria country, however, is farmed as milpa,'' which means that it is used to grow maize, el santo maiz,

the holy corn. 4. Regién andina or “Andean region”: This zone is upward of three thousand metres in elevation and has mean annual temperatures of below 10°C, with frequent sub-zero temperatures. Frosts are common and there

are occasional snow flurries during the cold season.’* Generally uncultivated and only lightly settled, the regidn andina, especially the Altos de Chiantla around La Capellania and Chancol (plate 4), is utilized primarily as pastureland for sheep, and was highly prized as such during the colonial period.

Throughout the Cuchumatanes two main seasons prevail: the rainy season and the dry season. The rainy season, or invierno (winter), begins towards the middle or end of May and generally lasts until October. A normal six-month rainy season will usually be interrupted at mid-season, some time in August, by a canicula, or dry period, which may last as long as two weeks. During the rainy season, convectional thunderstorms occur

almost daily, for the most part in the late afternoon. Spells of heavy, continuous rain lasting for several days on end are also common. Such downpours may cause roads and trails to wash out and greatly hinder access and communication. Severe hailstorms are further characteristic of

high elevations and pose a danger to cultivation. The yearly rains terminate in most parts of the Cuchumatanes by early November, when the dry season, or verano (summer), commences. Normally, little rain will then fall until May, when the cycle begins again.

The Cuchumatan highlands thus comprise many diverse physical environments, from the chilly, windswept lands of the paramo around Paquix and La Ventosa to the lush, temperate valleys of the north-west _ and the arid, dusty scrubland of the Sacapulas valley. A sense of this striking physical diversity has been nicely captured by Felix Webster McBryde:

An immense fault block that rises over 1000 metres above the trough of the Cuilco and Negro drainage basins, with a great escarpment forming the steep southern face, the Altos Cuchu-

22 Conquest and Survival

| matanes is the most elevated mountain region of its area in Central America. It is essentially a massif of dolomites and limestones in sharp contact with granite, presenting an extraordinarily rugged, deeply dissected surface. Above the thorny chaparral and cactus of the warm, dry canyon of the Rio Negro, the higher reaches of the mountains are covered with pines and coarse grass. Still higher, the smooth, undulant summit area of the Cuchumatanes, foggy, cool and moist the year round, is covered with scattered junipers, pines, and cypress, and with rolling meadows.” The diversity of the physical geography of the Cuchumatan highlands is matched by an equal diversity in the human geography of the region.

THE HUMAN SETTING Guatemala supports a population of 11.2 million, 41 percent of whom the national census of 2002 classifies as “Indian.” “Ladinos,” persons of mixed

Spanish and Indian descent, form the majority of the remainder.’ Predominantly Indian communities are located largely within the highland region of the country to the west of the capital, Guatemala City. Highland Guatemala, particularly the midwestern highlands around Lake Atitlan and the Cuchumatan highlands of the north-west, may therefore be regarded as Indian Guatemala, for it is within this upland region that

the highest concentrations of Indian-speaking peoples in Guatemala, over a dozen different language groups in all, are to be found. In 1973, according to the Octavo censo de poblacién, the population of the

Cuchumatan highlands numbered about one-half million, of whom 73 per cent, or roughly three out of four, were Indians (see table 1). The native peoples of the Cuchumatanes (plates 5-8) speak several closely related |

languages belonging to Mayan stock, the most important of which | are Aguacateca, Chuj, Ixil, Jacalteca, Kanjobal, Mam, Quiché, and Uspanteca. Human settlement is spread unevenly over the Cuchumatanes. Ladino

communities occupy the southern margins of the region (Chiantla, Huehuetenango, and La Democracia) and also proliferate in the fertile lands of the north and west (Barillas and Nentén). Predominantly Indian communities occupy the higher, more remote, and agriculturally less

productive terrain of the central and eastern Cuchumatan country. Settlements and the land surrounding them are grouped together to form municipios, small township divisions based on local ethnic affiliations. Anthropologists have considered these township divisions to be the most

Physical and Human Geography 23 TABLE 1

Population of the Cuchumatan Highlands (1973)

Indian Non-Indian Total

Municipio population population population

Aguacatan 15,875 2,613 18,492 Barillas 22,967 5,278 28,263

Chiantla 8,212 18,510 26,737 Colotenango7,120 9,133 986 325 8,107 9,458 Concepcién Cuilco 10,091 9,904 19,999

Huehuetenango 407 29,967 30,402 Ixtahuacan 12,430 1,314 13,745 Jacaltenango 15,161 640 15,802 La Democracia 6,487 7,609 14,099 La Libertad 3,534 11,219 14,756

Malacatancito 1,874 5,611 7,486 Nenton 9,308 3,304 12,613 San Antonio Huista 1,424 4,256 5,680 San Gaspar Ixchil7,814 3,060123 25 7,938 3,085 San Juan Atitan San Juan Ixcoy 8,032 San Mateo Ixtatan 7,476 14,754 556 877 15,632

san 13,9012,617 1,10711,371 15,011 SanMiguel Pedro Acatan Necta 8,752

San Rafael la Independencia 5,840 . 60 5,900

San Rafael Petzal 2,588 160 San Sebastian Coatan 7,273 42 2,749 7,316 San Sebastian Huehuetenango 7,472 352 7,824 santa Ana Huista 1,428 4,755 Santa Barbara 6,4963,324 30 6,526

Santa Eulalia 14,212 241 14,459 Santiago Chimaltenango 3,203 66 3,269

Soloma 14,126 1,138 15,304 Tectitan 2,131 1,013 3,144 Todos Santos Cuchumatan 9,795 818 10,613 Chajul 15,724 2,365 18,092 Cunén 8,296 1,463 9,762

Nebaj 25,092 2,155 oacapulas 15,406 1,05127,259 16,458

San Juan Cotzal 11,729 96735,000 12,698 Uspantan 25,532 9,465 TOTAL 356,125 131,551 487 ,836 SOURCE: Octavo censo de poblacién: Cifras definitivas (Guatemala: Direccién General de Estadistica 1975) NOTES: For statistical convenience, the Cuchumatan highlands are considered to comprise the corporate area of the entire 31 municipios of the Department of Huehuetenango plus six municipios of the Department of El Quiché — Chajul, Cunén, Nebaj, Sacapulas, San Juan Cotzal, and Uspantan.

24 Conquest and Survival

significant cultural units in highland Guatemala, for it was around the municipio that the classic form of what Eric Wolf has termed the “closed

corporate peasant community” gradually evolved.’? Evidence from anthropological field-work indicates that the Indian people of a municipio generally regard themselves to be ethnically distinct, differing even from

the inhabitants of a neighbouring municipio, who may speak the same native language.’®

Traditionally, each municipio has its own religious and _ political organization, its own hand-woven local costume, and its own Roman Catholic patron saint. It is common for Indians to be attached to their municipio by an almost mystical sense of belonging far stronger than the feeling of being part of the republic of Guatemala. Anthropologist Charles

Wagley, writing specifically on the Cuchumatanes, suggests that this sense of belonging may stem from the municipio being “a continuation of

the basic societal unit of preconquest society.”!” Wagley’s view is supported by the findings of George Collier in neighbouring Chiapas, where Tzotzil Maya communities “endured as ethnic entities through the

colonial period to modern times, often with significant continuities in their internal organization.”!® Such perspectives, however, have been challenged by Robert Wasserstrom, who claims that (at least for central Chiapas) Indian communities “remained quite homogeneous in both their internal structure and their position within the colonial order. Only after independence, it seems, and in fact toward the end of the _ nineteenth century, did such towns acquire the distinct ethnic identities which later fired the imaginations of anthropologists.”’? The reasoning of Oliver La Farge, whose knowledge of the Cuchumatanes had few equals in his lifetime, would tend to support Wasserstrom’s thesis that a good many features of contemporary Indian culture in southern Mesoamerica derive more from the events and circumstances of the nineteenth century |

than those of the colonial period.”° |

All municipios contain a cabecera, or township centre, which bears the

same name as the municipio itself. The cabecera is usually the hub of community life, whether the inhabitants of the municipio actually live there or in surrounding aldeas (villages) or caserios (hamlets). Morphologically, two main types of municipio can be recognized: “town nucleus”

(clustered settlement) municipios and “vacant-town” (dispersed settlement) municipios. Most of the residents of “town nucleus” municipios live in the cabecera and walk from their homes to outlying fields in order to perform the labour essential for the maintenance of agricultural holdings. Santiago Chimaltenango (plate 9) is a good example of such a nucleated

pattern of settlement.*’ In contrast, families living in “vacant town”

municipios are rural based, residing and working in the countryside and

Physical and Human Geography 25

having occasion to visit the cabecera only infrequently. In such communities the township centre may be of only modest proportions and

contain little else than a church, a plaza or market place, and a few Ladino-owned shops and dwelling houses. The majority of Cuchumatan municipios are of the “vacant-town” category, a classic example being

Todos Santos (plate 10), described quite appropriately by Stadelman sixty years ago as “a village within a maizefield.”** His words are not inaccurate today.

Agricultural activity in the Cuchumatanes, as throughout highland

Guatemala, centres traditionally on the cultivation of corn. Because of the deeply dissected nature of much of the Cuchumatan terrain and the ever-increasing pressure exerted by a growing population on limited land resources, corn is frequently planted on steep 45° to 65° slopes, close to

the limit at which an agricultural worker can stand upright without difficulty. Some 166 different varieties of corn have been recorded under cultivation in the Cuchumatanes at altitudes ranging from 1200 to 2750 metres.** Corn lands above two thousand metres are generally planted in February and March, long before the first rains. This planting is known as

the dry-season planting (siembra de verano). Corn lands below two thousand metres are generally planted in April and May, shortly before or

shortly after the first rains. This planting is known as the rainy-season planting (siembra de invierno). The higher fields planted during the siembra

de verano grow more slowly and yield less than the lower fields planted

during the siembra de invierno.~ There is a tremendous fluctuation throughout the Cuchumatanes in corn yields. Recently cleared forest lands, suchas those of the northern community of San Ramon, are capable

of producing one hundred to two hundred pounds of shelled corn per cuerda (0.04 hectares), but poorer, continuously worked holdings may yield as little as eight to fifteen pounds per cuerda.”° Beans and squash are usually cultivated in conjunction with corn and the three together constitute the age-old complex referred to by Eric Wolf

as “the Trinity of the American Indian.”*” Throughout highland Guatemala this staple plant trilogy has developed asymbiotic relationship

in which the tall corn stalk serves as a support for the climbing and soil-enriching bean, while squash, a creeper with broad leaves, provides _shade at ground level and prevents excessive erosion during the rainy season. In addition to the cultivation of corn there is a notable specialization at the township level in certain grains, fruits, and vegetables. Wheat is an important cash crop in San Juan Ixcoy, Santa Eulalia, San Mateo Ixtatan, and Soloma, with the finest quality grain coming from San Miguel Acatan and San Sebastian Coatan. Aguacatan is noted for its garlic and onions,

26 Conquest and Survival

Huehuetenango for its peaches, and Todos Santos for its apples. The communities of San Pedro Necta, Colotenango, and Cuilco are famed for their oranges. The Altos de Chiantla are more suited than any other part of the Cuchumatanes for growing potatoes, and the tierra templada around Barillas, likewise, for the cultivation of coffee.*® The local agricultural specialty is usually taken to market and sold. There, other foodstuffs are

purchased: corn, beans, squash, potatoes, chile, salt, onions, and tomatoes; a few kilos of panela (a brown, semi-refined sugar) for sweetening coffee; and perhaps some fish or meat, eaten at most only once

a week or, like eggs, bread, and honey, reserved for special festive occasions. The money obtained by selling specialty products at market is

therefore used primarily to buy basic provisions, particularly corn. Consumed mostly in the form of thin, unsalted bannocks known as tortillas, corn constitutes the mainstay of the Guatemalan Indian diet.” In addition to agriculture, two other land-related activities in parts of the Cuchumatanes merit mention: sheep raising and salt making.

Communities in the uppermost parts of the region have been traditionally involved with the raising of sheep since early colonial times, when the first flocks were driven to Guatemala overland from Mexico.” The 1964 Censo agropecuario recorded that the Department of Huehue-

tenango supported almost 200,000 head of sheep.*! Townships most associated with sheep raising include San Miguel Acatan, Santa Eulalia, Concepcion, San Juan Atitan, San Sebastian Coatan, Soloma, and Todos Santos.** Indian sheep farmers generally operate on a small scale with flocks of fifteen to twenty-five sheep.* In connection with sheep raising,

McBryde recorded Aguacatan, Chiantla, Huehuetenango, and Santa Barbara as important local wool-weaving centres during the early 1940s,

but noted that most of the Cuchumatan wool clip — then as now - is bought by itinerant merchants and transported to the Quiché town of Momostenango, the principal wool-weaving centre of Guatemala.™ Salt making in the Cuchumatanes is carried out at Sacapulas and San Mateo Ixtatan. Production methods are primitive, involving simply the evaporation by sun and fire of briny water leached from nearby mineral springs. Only small amounts of salt are obtained from each evaporation.” Sacapulas salt is sold in the form of round cakes at the local market and is said to be an effective medicine against eye infections. The same salt, however, lacking the vital iodine component of the sea salt of the Pacific coast, was for many years the principal cause of the high incidence of goitre in this part of Guatemala.”° Salt at Sacapulas comes from mineral springs scattered over the southern floodplain of the Rio Negro or Chixoy (plate 11). Production has declined in importance since the end of the rainy season of 1949 when the river, swollen by heavy rains, deposited

Physical and Human Geography 27

thousands of tons of sand and rock on its floodplain. The inundations buried, and hence destroyed, many salt-producing springs.°” At San Mateo Ixtatan, salt water is drawn from wells (plate 12) controlled and operated by town authorities.” Although sheep raising and salt working, along with some small-scale lead mining at Chiantla and involvement in several communities with the domestic handicraft industry, serve to complement agriculture in various

parts of the Cuchumatanes, for the majority of families the land itself remains the focus of human activity. For these people, everyday existence

is rooted in an attachment to the seasonal rhythm of the Cuchumatan agricultural cycle (see figure 5). Landholding within the townships of the Cuchumatan highlands must

be viewed in the context of national patterns of ownership and distribution. The fundamental characteristic of landholding in Guatemala in the present day is the concentration of sizable amounts of cultivable land in the hands of a small and wealthy minority, while an impoverished

but dignified peasant majority, predominantly Indian, ekes out an existence on a tiny percentage of the total national farmland. Three basic landholding units can be identified: first, large- and medium-sized farms referred to as latifundia, which range in extent from around forty-five to over nine hundred hectares and which generally contain the most fertile

agricultural land in Guatemala; second, modest, single-family farms termed familiares, which vary in size from seven to forty-five hectares; and

third, small, fragmented holdings known as minifundia, which are less than seven hectares in area and usually lack sufficient resources to sustain a family all year round in work and food.” Within the Cuchumatanes, the vast majority of landholders fall into the minifundia category and can be considered subsistence farmers, or minifundistas.“° The amount of land actually held and operated as a family unit can vary

considerably from place to place. In a study involving twenty-three Cuchumatan townships in 1940, Stadelman found that the average family holding varied from 10.8 acres (4.5 hectares) in Santiago Chimaltenango to

2.7 acres (1.1 hectares) in San Antonio Huista. The usual holding of a family of five persons was found to be between three and six acres (1.2 to

2.5 hectares).*" Many families therefore possess amounts of land that cannot provide year-round employment and that are unable to meet annual subsistence needs.** Consequently, thousands of minifundistas seek part-time employment as wage labourers on the coffee, cotton, and sugar plantations of the Pacific coast in order to supplement the meagre incomes derived from their own insufficient farm holdings. As early as 1913, the archaeologist-explorer Robert Burkitt observed at the town of Nebaj, in the bal country of the eastern Cuchumatanes, “an

28 Conquest and Survival

FEBRUARY Corn: siembra de verano/ ,

: R 3 | JULY Y | | | AUGUST F | | MARCH dry-season planting |

2 , S : |N , APRIL Corn: siembra de invierno/ |

, MAY rainy-season planting ,

| JUNE A 7 Ni

| Weeding of the corn fields S |

| SEPTEMBER O |

| OCTOBER Corn: harvest of the Migration of indian |

|| ay siembra de invierno and || NOVEMBER coastalPacific plainpiedmont where they work as wage labourers |

, iembra“cm de 7verano | JANUARY

| DECEMBER | Corn: harvest of the on coffee, catton and | Figure 5 The annual cycle of agriculture, for a normal year, in the Cuchumatan highlands

Physical and Human Geography 29

unceasing coming and going of labour contractors and plantation agents getting out gangs of Indians for the Pacific coast.”* Some of Burkitt's

remarks, phrased in his blunt but graphic style, are worth quoting at length. He writes: Years ago, when I first visited Nebaj, it was a different place from

now ... I had struck the place at an especially bad moment. The plantation agents were at the height of their activity, scattering money, advance pay for work, and every Indian was able to buy rum. The rum business and the coffee business work together in this country, automatically. The plantation advances money to the Indian and the rum seller takes it away from him and the Indian has to go to work again. Work leads to rum and rum leads to work. I used to think that Chichicastenango was the drunkenest town in the country, but now I think it is Nebaj. My plans at Nebaj were upset by rum. There are two ruin places that I know of that are to be got at from Nebaj and I did nothing at either of them, and one of them I never even saw. The Indians I was going to take were never sober.“ What Burkitt witnessed in operation at Nebaj was a coercive system of debt peonage, devised and sanctioned by the national government in the late nineteenth century, by which means seasonal labour was procured from Indian communities in the highlands and channeled into plantation agriculture on the Pacific coast.*” While the effects of such practices

altered irrevocably the fabric of native life throughout highland Guatemala, their impact on the bal country was particularly destructive.

Not only was the closed, corporate nature of Indian community life gradually broken down, but “temporary” labour on a plantation often

also signalled the beginning of a process that led, ultimately, to “permanent” removal. The Nebaj area between 1894and 1930 isestimated __ to have sent some six thousand labourers to work each year on coffee fincas, many of whom never returned home.*° In the 1930s, Stadelman noted that labour for the coffee harvest was

regularly furnished by various Cuchumatan communities, including Concepcion, Soloma, San Ildefonso Ixtahuacdn, and Todos Santos.*” Population increase between the time of Stadelman’s investigations and the present day, while lessening the need for coercive recruitment, has

served only to further Indian reliance on seasonal wage labour. The survival of thousands of families is now directly or indirectly dependent on it. Perhaps the best way to gain some appreciation of changing ecologic

30 Conquest and Survival

relationships in the Cuchumatdn highlands over the past sixty years or so is to focus on one specific community for which reliable and representative data exist. Santiago Chimaltenango, referred to simply as “Chimbal” by its

Mam-speaking inhabitants, is one such community. In the late 1930s, when first studied by Charles Wagley, Chimbal’s sixteen thousand acres of land supported fifteen hundred people.** An unequal distribution of land resulted in over three-quarters of the Chimbal population lacking the minimum amount necessary for independent family existence, estimated by Wagley at 120 cuerdas; the average landholding size was 101.5 cuerdas. The plight of the majority of heads of household was depicted thus:

The larger landholders in Chimaltenango cannot supply enough work for their poorer countrymen and in consideration of the limited terrains of the village, it seems doubtful whether they will ever be able to do so. The coffee plantations, needing large supplies of wage laborers for a short harvest, fill in the gap. The time of the coffee harvest falls in the period when Chimaltecos may leave their own fields; thus they have an opportunity to augment their income by plantation labor with no great slighting of their own fields. Unless, therefore, the present disparity of holdings is made more equal by government decree or internal changes, the labor at the coffee plantations will remain an important part of their economy.*? Since the time of Wagley’s study, the population of Chimbal has more than doubled, thus exerting even greater pressure on the land resources of the community. In 1964 the Agricultural Census of Guatemala recorded

the average Chimbal landholding as comprising 52.3 cuerdas; today, anthropologist John Watanabe estimates the average family unit at only 38.1 cuerdas.°° Two factors have mitigated the scarcity of arable land and

the swelling of human numbers: first, the employment, since the late 1960s, of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, which have increased annual

crop yields significantly, often as much as threefold; and second, the cash-cropping by Chimbal minifundistas of small amounts of coffee. Both these developments, however, have come about only because the people

of Chimbal have associated themselves even more closely with Guatemala’s agricultural export economy. In the first instance, the money

needed to buy fertilizers and pesticides is usually earned by a period of work ona coastal plantation; in the second instance, coffee is grown in the

generally sold.” ,

knowledge that there is a demand for it outside of the community, in places far beyond the town of Huehuetenango, where Chimbal coffee is

Physical and Human Geography 31

In 1978 Watanabe recorded 64 per cent of the Chimbal population as participating in the labour migration to the coast, where the majority of

migrants worked for two months or less.°* Improvement in the transportation system has greatly increased accessibility and mobility and, by enabling closer links to be maintained between the migrants and

their home community, has significantly reduced the impact of the “culture shock” that often accompanied seasonal migration in the past. Indeed, according to Watanabe, Chimaltecos now regard the work they perform on coastal plantations “as an extension of their own economic activities, not as the movement into another economic system.”” He also makes the point that “a new radio or a gleaming watch do not make a person a Ladino, especially when the money to buy them was earned by an activity as characteristically ‘Indian’ as subsistence agriculture — migratory labor on the plantations of the south coast.” As the traditional distinctions between Indian and Ladino become

increasingly blurred and arbitrary, redefinition of the categories is inevitable. Equally in need of reappraisal are our notions about how plantation labour is contracted. Indian minifundistas are apparently no longer completely at the mercy of Ladino habilitadores (labour contractors)

who sign up work parties by advancing money as wages to drunks on market day or during the community fiesta. Times have changed since the days of Robert Burkitt. Such practices as the ones he recorded for Nebaj,

founded on centuries of mistrust and exploitation, always carry with them the threat of violence, as is evidenced by the bloody incidents surrounding labour recruitment at San Juan Ixcoy in 1898.°° Today, many

plantations simply announce on the radio the work-force they need, the rates they pay, and the facilities they provide. These broadcasts penetrate even the most isolated highland communities, where potential workers,

seldom with enough land to till or food to give their children, are listening. Upon hearing what, when, and where work is available, a human tide drifts down from the mountains to bring in the harvest. Most Chimaltecos, for example, move to the coast without having contracts

arranged in advance.”° |

The people of Chimbal who form part of this seasonal labour force are representative of an ebb and flow that constitutes one of the great internal

migrations of Guatemala. It was estimated that some two hundred thousand people, the majority of them Indians, were involved in this migration in the 1950s; by the end of the 1960s this number had risen to

over three hundred thousand and in the mid-1970s had reached an

estimated five hundred thousand.”” Attached though he may be to his

land and his community, and however unattractive the often intense heat | of the lowlands may be compared with his cool mountain home, the Indian

32 Conquest and Survival minifundista throughout highland Guatemala, especially in marginal areas like the Cuchumatanes, is confronted by a situation that leaves him little alternative but to migrate for part of each year in search of work to keep himself and his family alive.°® There is a rather numbing resemblance between this contemporary migration and the ones that occurred during pre-conquest and colonial times, when Indians from the highlands were expected, indeed required, to work on estates in the lowlands in order to meet the tribute demands placed upon them for cacao.”

_ The unfavourable ecological relationships that lie behind seasonal migration to the plantations of the Pacific coast are not explained fully by the high rates of population growth Guatemala has experienced during

the twentieth century.” The present ecological crisis, and the roots of contemporary political conflict, can only be properly understood by looking at landholding in Guatemala from an historical perspective. One of the most notable features of the colonial experience in Guatemala, as in

| Oaxaca and Chiapas, was the moderate success of Indian communities in retaining control over much of their ancestral lands. Although during colonial times encroachment at the hands of estate-building Spaniards

was by no means unimportant, attrition of Indian holdings was significantly more marked after independence was attained, particularly

towards the end of the nineteenth century. |

Some fifty years after its formal political independence from Spain in

1821, Guatemala embarked on a land-reform program that was designed | to abolish the collective system of Indian landholding by subdividing ownership of communal lands among township inhabitants. Various attempts by the national government to force Indians to secure individual

titles to their lands met with little success. Consequently, Indian communal holdings were often classified by the Guatemalan government as “unclaimed” land and fell into the hands of Ladinos or Creoles much more conversant with the legal technicalities of landholding legislation than their non-literate, misinformed, and confused Indian countrymen. _Around 1875, as foreign investment in the coffee business began to alter

the economic prospects of Guatemala, more systematic and concerted efforts were made by the national government to reshape patterns of landholding. The fate of Indian communal lands was sealed by the administration of President Justo Rufino Barrios in 1877, when it ended the system of exacting rents for the use of land from townships as a whole,

a system dating back to colonial times. The Barrios administration also passed legislation requiring all individuals to demonstrate private ownership of land by possessing legal titles; old community titles were simply no longer recognized. Although legislation governing landholding had been radically altered by the late nineteenth century, the Indian communities most affected by the changes were not necessarily made

Physical and Human Geography 33

aware of them. Many simply continued to operate their lands in much the

same way as their forefathers. By the early twentieth century, Indian communities throughout Guatemala had lost legal possession of as much as half their traditional communal holdings either to enterprising coffee

planters, many of whom were German immigrants, or to arnbitious Ladinos capitalizing on the general ignorance and political vulnerability of the Indian.*! Since the time of President Barrios there has been marked individualization of Indian landholding. Ruth Bunzel, working in the 1930s, observed

that there was no longer communal ownership of land in the Quiché community of Chichicastenango.®* Manning Nash, working during the 1950s, noted that all but 15 per cent of the land within the township of

Cantel, near Quezaltenango, was individually owned.® For the Cuchumatan region, Wagley reported that all land in Santiago Chimaltenango in the 1930s, with the exception of some eighty acres utilized as common pasture or for the collection of firewood, was privately

owned.™ For the same time period, however, Stadelman noted the following:

A few of the towns, such as Santa Ana Huista, Jacaltenango, Ixtahuacan, and San Antonio Huista, are outstanding examples of municipalities still possessing a preponderant amount of land owned in common by the citizens. San Miguel [Acatan] lands are in great part privately owned, only about one-third belonging to the municipality. Cuilco, San Juan Ixcoy, Soloma, Chimaltenango, Santa Eulalia, and Concepcion have almost entirely dropped the system, while there is said to be no common land at all in the municipalities of La Libertad, Colotenango, Nenté6n and La Democracia. In some of the villages the change from communal to private ownership is comparatively

recent.”

The concept of holding land in common has therefore been slow in disappearing. Although legislation over the past century has radically altered the legal structure of ownership, traditional attitudes towards land tenure still prevail in many Cuchumatdn communities. To Indians, land represents the centre of existence, provides the roots of family life, forms the basis of community social structure, and is the source of bitter antagonism in the event of a dispute over ownership.” It is perceived as belonging to los antepasados, the ancestors. Custom therefore dictates that

land should not be sold but be passed on from father to son in order to honour, preserve, and continue ancestral tradition. In view of the existence of such intense and deep-rooted attachments, it

34 Conquest and Survival

is not surprising that many patterns of ritual and ceremony accompany the annual agricultural cycle. Indians perceive the natural world to be inhabited by supernatural beings who demand their constant respect. ©” The raising of corn is of particular ceremonial significance because of the grain’s central role in the native diet. According to the Popol Vuh, “the created man” was made by the “forefathers” Tepeu and Gucumatz from

corn and cornmeal dough: “After that they began to talk about the creation and the making of our first mother and father: of yellow corn and of white corn they made their flesh: of cornmeal dough they made the arms and legs of man. Only dough of cornmeal went into the flesh of our first

fathers, the four men, who were created.”

A fascinating array of ceremonial rites has, in the past, been associated with corn cultivation in Cuchumatdn townships. The planting of

corn may be preceded by the saying of prayers and the burning of candles and incense for the proper germination of the seed. The harvest of the ripened grain may be accompanied by offering the blood of a sacrificed rooster to the spirit of the cornfield. Prayers are also said for the protection of the corn against attack by frost and for the granting of sufficient rain.” La Farge, in the 1930s, recorded the following ritual at Santa Eulalia: “In July when the green ears are ripening, it is customary to play a clay flute in

the cornfields. As this is just before the beginning of a period of bad winds, not all people do this, since blowing on the flute may bring the wind. It is said that they play this music to protect the field, ‘to look and see if there might be any animals,’ and that ... when they are playing the

flute that way, the holy corn grows happily.””° |

Such beliefs, and the pattern of Indian life in general, indicate that aspects of Mayan culture flourish still throughout the Cuchumatdn highlands. Over the past five centuries, native communities have been subjected again and again to the relentless onslaught of outside forces, forces that not only signalled change and subordination but that, at times, even threatened extinction. Against shattering odds, Indians remain today a conspicuous element of the Cuchumatan landscape. It is the purpose of the pages that follow to examine various land-related aspects of native life in the Cuchumatanes as they have developed through time. This examination will be accomplished by reconstructing the cultural landscape of the

region during the period of its critical evolution, from the eve of the Spanish conquest in the early sixteenth century to the end of colonial rule in 1821. _

PART TWO

CONTACT AND CONQUEST (1500-1541)

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3 The Cultural Landscape on the Eve of Spanish Conquest

Writing over fifty years ago, Oliver La Farge declared “the pre-Conquest history of the Cuchumatanes is still a matter for guesswork.”' His words

are not at all invalid today. Although important contributions and sophisticated refinements have been made in the field of Mesoamerican studies since the time of La Farge, few major investigations have focused specifically on the Cuchumatan highlands. The reasons for this neglect are not easy to ascertain, but possible explanations may be related to the

physical isolation and relative inaccessibility of many parts of the Cuchumatanes, and to the greater potential for archaeological and ethnohistorical investigation afforded by other regions of Mesoamerica.

From an archaeological perspective, highland Guatemala has been worked much less than lowland Guatemala, owing principally to the greater size and complexity of the settlement remains in the latter region compared to the former. From an ethnohistorical perspective, the human groups in highland Guatemala that have attracted most scholarly atten-

tion have been the Quichean-speaking Indians, since it is chiefly for Quichean culture that native documentation relating to life in preconquest times exists. [he Cuchumatan area, predominantly a nonQuichean highland region, has thus been adversely affected by the lowland- and Quichean-oriented thrust of research within the Guatemalan context of Mesoamerican studies.

A strong case can in fact be made that the Cuchumatanes have unnecessarily suffered from scholarly neglect. Although the ethnohistorical potential of the region is limited, the same cannot be said of its rich archaeological heritage. Apart from Woodbury and Trik’s work at Zaculeu’ and two excavations at Nebaj, one by an American team in the late 1940s,° another by a French group in the mid-1960s,* there has been little done in the way of intensive, systematic archaeological investigation at other Cuchumatan sites.” The paucity of the archaeological record and

the limitations of the ethnohistorical record jointly pose a research problem of no small magnitude.

38 Conquest and Survival

Confronted with such a situation, any reconstruction of the cultural

landscape of the Cuchumatan highlands on the eve of the Spanish conquest must necessarily be tentative and incomplete. However, it is important to sketch even the thinnest strands in order to establish some outline, however hazy or indistinct, of land—life relationships during late pre-Hispanic times. To this end, four procedures will now be followed. First, a brief summary of the cultural history of highland Guatemala will be

presented to provide a frame of reference by chronological period and developmental stage. Second, the archaeological record that has been established for the Cuchumatanes will be set down with a view to placing the cultural development of the region in a general Mesoamerican context. — Third, the ethnohistorical sources that relate to the pre-conquest Cuchu-

matanes will be indicated, and comment made on the information

contained in them. And fourth, a reconstructive synthesis will be carried out with the objective of interpreting, from a fusion of the archaeological and ethnohistorical records, the broad features of late pre-Hispanic life. Wherever possible, inferences will be drawn from other better excavated or better documented areas close in time and space to the Cuchumatan region. The domain of the Quiché Maya is of crucial importance in this respect since the rich Quichean sources complement the sparse Cuchu- |

matan data and can be used comparatively to provide a clearer, more

critical reconstruction.°

PRE-CONQUEST HIGHLAND GUATEMALA | Highland Guatemala, which forms an important part of the cultural unit referred to by twentieth-century scholars as Mesoamerica,’ has a long record of human settlement. Excavation of an Early Man campsite at Los

Tapiales, in Totonicapan, has indicated that the site was probably occupied around 9000 Bc by a small group of hunters using fluted points, possibly to hunt big game.° At the other end of the time scale, one of the earliest surviving historical documents, written by the conguistador Pedro

de Alvarado at the time of the Spanish conquest in 1524, describes Guatemala as “well-populated, with many strong towns.”? This long period of human occupancy, stretching over at least ten thousand years,

can be divided into four major chronological-developmental stages known as Paleo-Indian, Pre-classic, Classic, and Post-classic. Paleo-Indian life dates back to the time of man’s first entry into the Guatemalan highlands, perhaps as early as 15,000 Bc, and lasted roughly until 5000 Bc. *° This long early period is perhaps best regarded as one of hunting and the gathering of such wild foodstuffs as grains, nuts, berries,

Cultural Landscape on the Eve of Spanish Conquest 39

seeds, and roots. The Paleo-Indian bands living at this time were small in number and essentially nomadic. After 5000 Bc a gradual but fundamental

shift occurred in subsistence patterns. Hunting and gathering were slowly abandoned in favour of a more settled agricultural life made possible by the successful domestication of certain food plants, the most important of which were maize, beans, squash, avocado, chile peppers, pumpkin, and tomato."* By about 1500 Bc, sedentary village life was a cultural reality that contrasted sharply with the migrant camp life of earlier times. The chronological period designated as Pre-classic or Formative began around 1500 sc and continued until Ap 300.'* During this time the peoples of highland Guatemala underwent a profound cultural transformation. Out of the simple, spatially confined, village style of life there emerged, by

500 sc, a more stratified society; and, within a few more centuries, the political notion of statehood. Paralleling this socio-political change was an intensification of the agricultural subsistence base and rapid population

growth. A sizable demographic increase is inferred from the greater number of settlements, their larger spatial extent, and indications of a marked socio-economic complexity within and among them.” Classic culture in highland Guatemala developed from the life-style of the Formative period around ap 300 and flourished throughout the region until about ap 1000. ‘* The Classic has long been considered a time of peace

and prosperity, characterized by a theocratic, essentially non-urban, non-imperialistic way of life. This traditional view of the period has recently been questioned, and it is perhaps most fruitful to regard the Classic as peaceful and prosperous only in relation to the more bellicose and turbulent times that were to follow.'? Although the zenith of Classic

civilization in the Maya area is more closely associated, in terms of architecture and artistic expression, with the great lowland settlements of

Copan, Tikal, Palenque, and Piedras Negras, a number of Classic settlements also developed in the Guatemalan highlands. The most important of these was the settlement of Kaminaljuyu, part of present-day Guatemala City. Around ap 400 Kaminaljuyu came under the sphere of

influence of the great Mexican city of Teotihuacadn. Locally there had

already evolved a highly organized and sophisticated society, the theocratic orientation of which is indicated by temple mounds located around ceremonial plazas to form acropolis-like complexes.'® Classic , settlements in the highlands were situated predominantly on open valley

floors or hill slopes in close proximity to running water, and were essentially undefended but strongly nucleated ceremonial centres. Large

populations were supported in the vicinity of these centres by an

40 Conquest and Survival

major role.’” |

intensive agricultural base that utilized as farming land areas peripheral to the ceremonial complex, and in which terracing and irrigation played a

The Post-classic period opened around Ap 1000 and closed with the Spanish conquest of Guatemala in 1524. As a chronological span, the Post-classic is generally divided into two units: the Early Post-classic of 1000 to 1200 and the Late Post-classic or Protohistoric of 1200 to 1524.'® Life in Post-classic times is generally depicted as fundamentally secular,

militaristic, and chaotic in comparison to the relatively settled, nonageressive, religious existence of the Classic. This characterization is substantiated by a move of populations away from unprotected valley bottoms or open land to fortified mountain slopes or hilltops, although

not all valley-situated Classic sites were abandoned. The tendency towards locational change, when and where it did occur, was precipitated

by internal strife and internecine warfare, resulting possibily from a population climax or crisis.’” According to Robert Carmack, the most important event of the Post-classic period in highland Guatemala was the arrival in the region around Ap 1250 of belligerent Mexican migrants led by a“Toltec” military priesthood. Entering from the Gulf Coast by way of

the Usumacinta and Chixoy rivers, these powerful and superbly organ- | ized invaders, the traditional founders of the Quiché dynasty, in the course of some two hundred years established political control over much of highland Guatemala.*° By the end of the Post-classic, however, the supremacy and hegemony of the Mexicanized Quiché over other Indian groups in Guatemala had greatly diminished. With their defeat in 1524, by the forces led by Pedro de Alvarado, Spanish domination began.

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE CUCHUMATAN HIGHLANDS

, The archaeological record reveals traces of human occupation in the Cuchumatanes from the Late Pre-classic through the Classic to Late Post-classic or Protohistoric times. As such, human settlement in the region spans three of the four major Mesoamerican chronological periods,

and can therefore roughly be dated back at least two thousand years, although humans were undoubtedly present long before this time. In the manuscript copy of the second edition of the Diccionario Geografico

de Guatemala, a total of 140 archaeological sites are listed for the entire Cuchumatan area.*’ Table 2 lists 56 sites in the region that have been most systematically excavated and figure 6 indicates their spatial distribution.* Of the 56 sites for which reasonable archaeological data exist, 34 can be

placed, chiefly by the establishment of ceramic sequences, in at least

Cultural Landscape on the Eve of Spanish Conquest 41

one major Mesoamerican chronological period. These sites are shown in table 3. The archaeological record reflects a pattern of cultural development for

the Cuchumatan region that is consistent with the broad evolutionary features previously outlined for the Guatemalan highlands as a whole. The stability and tranquility of Pre-classic and Classic life is suggested by

the undefended nature of such sites as Rio Blanco, Cambote, and Chalchitan (plate 15), all of which are situated without fortification in

open valley floors. These and other Classic settlements functioned primarily as administrative-ceremonial centres for dense populations living and farming in the surrounding areas. Within the Cuchumatanes, the settlements that probably attained the most refined Classical level in terms of art and architecture were those of Chacula (plate 16), a sizable complex associated with nearby Quen Santo, Uaxac Canal, and Yalambojoch, all of which most likely had considerable contact with the great lowland Maya centres to the north and east.*° The non-defensive layout and location of the Classic sites stand in marked contrast to the defensive morphology and situation of the majority of Post-classic sites, particularly those of the Late Post-classic or Protohistoric. During the Post-classic period, open and undefended valley sites

were generally abandoned in favour of more readily defensible upperslope or hilltop sites, many of which, including Pacot, Chutinamit, and

Chutixtiox (plate 17), are surrounded by deep ravines or gullies. Although some valley sites indicate an unbroken sequence of occupation from Classic through to Post-classic times that is not accompanied by a move towards appreciable fortification, these sites were later protected by

military outposts. Such was the case at Xolchun, established at the confluence of the Rio Blanco and Rio Negro and defended from the nearby hilltop site of Pacot (plate 18).** A similar arrangementalso prevailed at the

long settled Mam capital of Zaculeu, located on an open plain but protected by the surrounding hilltop sites of Cerro Pueblo Viejo, El Caballero, and Tenam, as well as having many defensive structures of its own.”” From the archaeological evidence, hostile and warlike times are inferred for most of the Post-classic. Such unsettled conditions have throughout Mesoamerican history been associated with densely settled areas operating at the upper threshold of their carrying capacity. This period of unrest

and flux was also characterized by a strong and pervasive Mexican influence, indicated by the presence in many Post-classic Cuchumatan sites of such diagnostic architectural features as altar shrines or platforms, double stairways, enclosed ball courts, round and long structures, and a

42 Conquest and Survival TABLE 2

Pre-Hispanic Settlements in the Cuchumatan Highlands

Topographic Occupational Site location Classification sequence

Acihtz Valley ND Late Post-classic Baschuc Valley ND Post-classic

Agua Blanca Intermediate — Early Classic (?)

Bijux ND Late Post-classic Buena Valley Vista Valley PD —

Cambote Intermediate ND Late Pre-classic to Early Classic

Caquixay Valley ND Late Classic and Late Post-classic

Carvao Spur PD Classic (?)

Cerro Pueblo Hilltop PD — Viejo Cucal Valley ND Pre-classic (?)

Cuyja Valley PD — PD — , Cu Manchén Intermediate

Chacula Valley -— Classic Chalchitan Valley ND Pre-classic (?)

to Early Post-classic

Chanquejelvé Intermediate PD —a , Chichel Intermediate ——

Chichoche Intermediate ND ——

Chicol Intermediate PD Classic

Chipal Intermediate PD Post-classic Chuchun Valley ND Classic Chutinamit Intermediate D Post-classic

Chutixtiox Hilltop D Late Post-classic

El Bosque Spur PD — :

E] Caballero Hilltop D Late Post-classic El Cedro Intermediate — Classic (?)

EF] Tigre Hilltop ND PD — — Huil Intermediate Huitchun Hilltop PD Classic (?) and Late Post-classic Lamak Valley — Late Post-classic

Malacatancito Top of ridge D Late Post-classic ,

Mutchil Hilltop ND — Nebaj Valley ND Early Classic

to Late Post-classic (?)

Oncap Intermediate ND Late Post-classic

PacotIntermediate Hilltop D Late Post-classic Piol ND — Pucal Hilltop PD — Pulai Valley ~ ND —— Quen Santo Inclined plain — Classic

Rio Blanco | Valley ND Late Pre-classic and

,SanLate Post-classic Francisco Intermediate PD —

Early Classic; possibly also

Cultural Landscape on the Eve of Spanish Conquest 43 TABLE 2 (Concluded)

Topographic Occupational Site location Classification sequence

Tenam Hilltop — Tilajy6n opur D ~—

Tixchun Valley ND Post-classic

Tuchoc Valley ND —

Tzicuay Intermediate PD Classic and Post-classic

Uaxac Canal Valley ~~ Classic

Vicaveval Hilltop D Late Post-classic Vitenam Intermediate ND —

Xetenam Hilltop PD — Xecataloj Valley ND oa Xoch Valley — —

Xolchun Intermediate D Late Post-classic (Huehuetenango)

Xolchun (Quiché) Intermediate PD Classic and Post-classic

Xolpacol Hilltop D Late Post-classic Yalambojoch Flat lowland — Classic

Zaculeu Intermediate D Early Classic to Late Post-classic NOTES: The topographic location “intermediate” means the site is on the slope of a hill. The classifications are D (defensive); PD (potentially defensive); and ND (non-defensive). For sources, see chap. 3, n. 22.

centralized position in the ceremonial plaza of the main temple-pyramid complex.”°

THE ETHNOHISTORY OF THE CUCHUMATAN HIGHLANDS The Indian peoples of the Cuchumatanes have left behind a scant and

insubstantial documentary record that makes the task of historical reconstruction at best only tentative. The most powerful autochthonous group of the region, the Mam, have but one early extant document, the Titulo Mam, an account dealing primarily with land disputes between the Mam and the Quiché in the Quezaltenango area during the mid-sixteenth century.’” The Sacapulas basin is the only part of the Cuchumatanes for which an important native record relating to life in pre-Hispanic times exists. This is the Quichean document entitled Titulo de los Senores de Sacapulas.*® The chronic paucity of the Cuchumatan ethnohistorical record

is partially supplemented by several of the rich Quichean sources that touch briefly but significantly on many aspects of pre-conquest history as

seen through Indian eyes. The Quichean sources, other than the Sacapulas document, that furnish useful references concerning the Cuchumatan region prior to the arrival of the Spaniards include the Popol

44 Conquest and Survival

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