Confronting Kabbalah: Studies in the Christian Hebraist Library of Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter (Supplements to the Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy, 36) 9004689516, 9789004689510

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Confronting Kabbalah

Supplements to The Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy Edited by Elliot R. Wolfson (University of California, Santa Barbara)

volume 36

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sjjt

Confronting Kabbalah Studies in the Christian Hebraist Library of Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter

By

Maximilian de Molière

leiden | boston

The Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available online at https://catalog.loc.gov lc record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2023053610

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/brill‑typeface. issn 1873-9008 isbn 978-90-04-68951-0 (hardback) isbn 978-90-04-68952-7 (e-book) doi 10.1163/9789004689527 Copyright 2024 by Maximilian de Molière. Published by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Brill Wageningen Academic, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau and V&R unipress. Koninklijke Brill nv reserves the right to protect this publication against unauthorized use. Requests for re-use and/or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill nv via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

To my family

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Contents Acknowledgments xi List of Figures xiii List of Tables xv Abbreviations and Transliteration xvi 1 Introduction 1 1 Widmanstetter’s Life and Library 3 2 Kabbalah and Its Christian Interpreters 3 Jewish Books in Christian Hands 14 4 The Book as a Material Object 19

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2 Christian Hebraist Book Collecting in the Era of Expulsions of Jews 25 1 Chronology of Acquisition 26 2 Traces of Late Medieval Jewish Libraries 30 2.1 Exiled Libraries 30 2.2 Italian Jewish Libraries 34 2.3 Spanish-Jewish Libraries 37 3 Books Acquired from Private Libraries 40 3.1 Books from Jewish Contacts 40 3.2 Books from Christian Libraries 46 4 Booksellers and Book Agents 55 4.1 Jewish Booksellers 58 4.2 Christian Booksellers and Book Agents 63 5 The Habsburg Ambassadors in Constantinople 76 5.1 Antun Vrančić 77 5.2 Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq 80 6 Conclusion 84 3 Coveted Kabbalah: Widmanstetter’s Collaboration with Jewish and Convert Scribes 87 1 The Availability of Kabbalistic Books 88 2 Editing a New Recension of the Zohar: Francesco Parnas (1536–1537) 91 2.1 Christian Hebraist Conceptions of the Zohar 92 2.2 Egidio da Viterbo’s Zohar Manuscript 95 2.3 Francesco Parnas as an Editor and a Scribe 100 2.4 Widmanstetter’s Extended Zohar Manuscript 102

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Compiling Kabbalistic Anthologies: Paulus Aemilius (1537–1538) 3.1 Paulus Aemilius as a Scribe 115 3.2 Compilations from Egidio da Viterbo’s Library 118 3.3 Copying the Kabbalistic Books of the Pope’s Son 119 Receiving the Manuscript of an Expert Scribe: Hayyim Gatigno (1553) 125 4.1 Hayyim Gatigno as a Scribe 125 4.2 Hayyim Gatigno’s Copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah 126 Losing Control: Moses Gad ben Tobiah (1555) 132 Conclusion 135

4 Barrels of Books: The Care of a Christian Hebraist Library 137 1 Protecting and Presenting: The Materiality of Christian Hebraist Books 139 1.1 Chests and Barrels as Library Furniture 139 1.2 Bindings and Their Origins 147 1.3 Rebound Books and One-Volume Libraries 156 2 Writing the History of Jewish Books: Title Inscriptions 162 2.1 Studying Jewish Texts without Bibliographies 163 2.2 Christian Perspectives on Jewish Book History 165 2.3 The Beginnings of Christian Hebraist Bibliography 172 3 Sorting Jewish Books into Christian Libraries 175 3.1 Descriptions of Widmanstetter’s Catalog 176 3.2 Early Modern Cataloging Theory 183 3.3 Sixteenth-Century Christian Hebraist Catalogs 186 3.4 Jewish Subject Classification 190 4 Conclusion 192 5 Exceeding Piety: Widmanstetter’s Hebraitas 193 1 Writing and Translating Hebrew 194 1.1 Widmanstetter’s Correspondence 194 1.2 Widmanstetter’s Hebraist Commonplace Book 197 2 Reading the Talmud 202 3 Wider Perspectives on Hebrew Texts 206 3.1 Hebraic Studies in the New Testament 206 3.2 Hebrew as a Gateway to the Arabic Tradition 211 4 Conclusion 218

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6 “Muhammad’s Jewish Heresies”: Reading the Quran through Kabbalistic Books 219 1 Studying Arabic in Early Modern Europe 221 2 Widmanstetter’s Polemic on the Quran 224 3 Muhammad’s Alleged Jewish Sources 228 3.1 Talmud 230 3.2 Kabbalah 233 4 Conclusion 253 7 Revisiting Kabbalah: The Sefirotic Tree in the Syriac New Testament 255 1 The Christian Elements of the Plate 261 1.1 Christ’s Mystical Wounds 261 1.2 St. John’s Divine Inspiration 263 2 The Printing of the Syriac New Testament 266 3 Guillaume Postel and Or Nerot ha-Menorah 272 4 Widmanstetter and the Ten Sefirot 276 4.1 Literary Traditions 277 4.2 Pictorial Traditions 286 5 Conclusion 299 Conclusion 302 1 The Afterlife of the Library 302 2 Confronting Kabbalah 304 Appendix A: Widmanstetter’s Correspondence 313 Appendix B: The Books of Bomberg’s 1543 Catalog in Widmanstetter’s Library 335 Appendix C: Widmanstetter’s Itinerary from 1539 to 1557 343 Appendix D: Catalog of Widmanstetter’s Hebraist Library 347 Index of Authors 569 Index of Titles 581 Index of Places 609 Index of Bindings 611 Index of Previous Owners 613 Index of Scribes 618 Bibliography 619 General Index 651

Acknowledgments Confronting Kabbalah is a revision of the doctoral thesis that I submitted in October 2020 to the History Department at the University of Munich (LudwigMaximilians-Universität München). This book is the result of many encounters with friends and colleagues to whom I would like to express my gratitude. First, I would like to thank Eva Haverkamp-Rott (University of Munich) for the trust that she showed in taking me on as her doctoral student. This book would not have been possible without her guidance, support, and encouragement throughout the years. I am also grateful to J.H. (Yossi) Chajes (University of Haifa), who became a trusted supervisor and mentor in the pictorial traditions of Kabbalah. This book has immensely profited from the expertise he and the team of the Ilanot Project have built over the last decade. This book was also shaped by the ideas I had the chance to discuss with in a course on book history taught by Ronny Vollandt (University of Munich), who was the first to invite me to discuss my research in front of the academic public. I also thank the Unit of Judaic Studies, at the Institute of Near and Middle Eastern Studies, University of Munich, for funding the editing of the book manuscript, which Timothy Curnow carried out. I have had the great fortune that Elliot R. Wolfson accepted this book for publication in the Supplements to The Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy series for which I want to express my gratitude. The PhD thesis grew out of a seminar given by Ilona Steimann (2014–2015) at the University of Munich, who introduced me to the world of early modern Christian Hebraists and inspired me to take on Widmanstetter’s library. I want to thank her for supporting me with her generous advice until her continuing interest in my work. Earlier and alternate versions of sections from this book have been published previously: a section from chapter 3 in Kabbalah: Journal for the Study of Jewish Mystical Texts 41 (2018): 7–52; parts of chapters 2 and 5 in Die Bibliothek— The Library–La Bibliothèque, edited by Andreas Speer and Lars Reuke, 775–792; materials from chapter 4 in The Jewish Book 1400–1600: From Production to Reception, edited by Katrin Kogman-Appel and Ilona Steimann, (forthcoming); and materials from chapter 7 in Morgen-Glantz 33 (2022): 77–100. I recognize that the publishers and editors of these publications have granted permission to include these materials in this monograph. My research year in Israel would not have been possible without financial support from the Freundeskreis der Jüdischen Geschichte, chaired by Michael Brenner and funded by Ron C. Jakubowicz. Additional funding was provided by the Campuslmu program of the University of Munich. Sarit Shalev-Eyni wel-

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comed me to the Hebrew University with open arms and made my stay both instructive and enjoyable. The staff of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München went out of their way and supported my requests to access Widmanstetter’s original manuscripts, printed books, and related materials. Among this group, I want to highlight Claudia Fabian, head of the manuscript department, and Juliane Trede, the supervisor of the manuscript reading room. I also thank Friederike Berger, Kerstin Hajdú, and Marina Molin Pradel, who were the first to take me behind the scenes of bsb during an internship in 2011. While working on this book, I also worked on materials sourced from the following institutions: Biblioteca Queriniana, Brescia; the Hebrew Union College Library, Cincinnati; the National Library of Israel, Jerusalem; the British Library, London; Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan; the Russian State Library, Moscow; the Archives of the Bavarian State (Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv), and the University Library Munich (Universitätsbibliothek München), Munich; the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, New York City; the Bodleian Library, Oxford; Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris; Biblioteca Angelica, Biblioteca Casanatense, and Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome; the Archives of Stuttgart (Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart); the Treasury and Court Archives (Finanzund Hofkammerarchiv) and the National Library of Austria (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek), Vienna. I want to thank the dedicated staff of these institutions for generously providing access to their precious materials. The book has also benefited from countless conversations with colleagues and with academic friends at conferences and during coffee breaks. Here, I want to mention Emma Abate, Daniel Abrams, Tiziano Anzuini, Elisheva Baumgarten, Albrecht Berger, Pier Giorgio Borbone, Saverio Campanini, Nikolaus Egel, Níels Páll Eggerz, Dana Eichhorst, Miriam Frenkel, Rachel Furst, Wilhelm Heizmann, Katrin Kogman-Appel, Peter Kuhn, Ahuva Liberles-Noiman, Paweł Maciejko, Paola Molino, Elke Morlok, Gerold Necker, Nil Palabiyik, Bill Rebiger, Ernst Rohmer, Andreas Speer, Ephraim Shoham-Steiner, Peter Tarras, Robert J. Wilkinson, and Helmut Zedelmaier. The long years of working on this book were sweetened by the emotional and culinary support given by Sophia Schmitt. I dedicate this book to my family—Franziska Kiesl, Marcus de Molière, Michael Kiesl, Christina Sybille, Florian-Mark de Molière, Katharina Kiesl, Maryse de Molière, Bastian Kiesl, and Alexander Winkler—the first who nurtured my love of books and paved the way to what was to come. Maximilian de Molière Leipzig, July 2023

Figures 1 2 3 4

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Cities and towns of Widmanstetter’s network in Europe 4 Cities and towns of Widmanstetter’s network in the Near East 5 The use of two different bindings in Widmanstetter’s printed books 29 Widmanstetter’s full-page note detailing the manuscript’s origin. bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. ir. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 49 Widmanstetter’s note about the exemplar of this copy. bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, f. 5r. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 109 Moses Gad ben Tobiah’s colophon. bsb, Cod.hebr. 81, f. 369r. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 133 Title-page of Gerard Veltwyck’s Itinera Deserti. bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 138 Limp parchment binding on bsb, Cod.hebr. 112. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 149 Widmanstetter binding on bsb, Cod.hebr. 201. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 151 Wolfgang Prommer’s Greek. bsb, Cbm Cat. 48, f. 3v. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 180 Wolfgang Prommer’s Greek catalog. bsb, Cbm Cat. 48, f. 4r. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 181 Wolfgang Prommer’s Hebrew catalog. bsb, Cbm Cat. 37, f. 90r. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 182 Table of Hebrew scripts assembled by Widmanstetter. bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. 74v. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 201 Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia dialogo explicata (Nuremberg: [Otto], 1543); title page. bsb, Res/4 A.or. 1590. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 220

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figures Widmanstetter’s notes in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 240 Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo (Vienna: Michael Zimmermann, 1555), D2b. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 256 Volvelle in Widmanstetter’s copy of Sefer Yetsirah. bsb, Cod.hebr. 115, f. 20v. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 288 Ilan ha-sefirot. bsb, Cod.hebr. 488. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 292 Depiction of the sefirot in a complex ilan ha-sefirot. bsb, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 24r– 25r. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 293 Sefirotic tree copied by Widmanstetter. bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 10v. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 296 Two sefirotic diagrams from Widmanstetter’s hand. bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 214v. courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen, used under cc by-nc-sa 4.0 / modified from the original 298

Tables 1 2 3

The structure of Widmanstetter’s copy of Otsar ha-Kavod compared with Egidio da Viterbo’s notebook 119 Christian Hebraist subject classifications compared with the booklist of Moses of Norsi 191 The diagrams in bsb, Cod.hebr. 115 and the hands of Aemilius and Widmanstetter 289

Abbreviations and Transliteration bav bl BnF bsb nli

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Rome British Library, London Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich National Library of Israel, Jerusalem

The transliteration of Hebrew terms mostly follows the guidelines of the Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception (ebr). Spellings, which have become canonical in English publications, are used in favor of the correct spellings (e.g. Kabbalah instead of qabbalah). Except for modern Israeli names, Hebrew names are given in the form suggested by the ebr. My own transcriptions from the Latin and the German normalize early modern spelling and expand abbreviations to make them easier to read; the exception are quotations from modern editions. Quotations from the Hebrew and Aramaic are given unchanged. In transliterations of Hebrew titles, the first word and any proper nouns are capitalized.

chapter 1

Introduction “The endless and extravagant opinions of this Kabbalah of the Jews have assaulted the church of Christ, as if led forth from the Trojan horse.”1 Thus the German Orientalist Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter (1506–1557) cautioned the readers of his commentary on the Quran, published in Nuremberg 1543, against Kabbalah, the Jewish mystical tradition. A pioneer in the humanist study of Oriental texts, Widmanstetter drew on Jewish sources for his numerous remarks in his polemical work to better understand the world from which the holy book of Islam had sprung. This warning against Kabbalah forms the conclusion of a detailed account of an idea called in Hebrew gilgul neshamot, or transmigration of souls, which he had encountered when studying Jewish mysticism in Italy in the 1520s and 1530s. To Jewish kabbalists, gilgul neshamot essentially offered souls a chance to pay for the offenses of their past lives by proving themselves as righteous in a new life. To the Christian Widmanstetter, who took gilgul neshamot to an extreme interpretation, it presented a possible threat to the Catholic Church and he warned that this idea opened the path to salvation to every kind of living being, including plants and animals. Accepting gilgul neshamot as a theological concept, Widmanstetter believed, would cast fundamental Christian doctrines about the immortality of the soul and salvation into doubt and thus had to be vigorously rejected. Despite this indictment, Widmanstetter was by no means an enemy of Jewish texts in general, nor of Kabbalah in particular. He amassed in his lifetime a library of some 195 manuscripts and printed volumes of Jewish books in Hebrew and other languages—an impressive collection for a sixteenth-century humanist. To these books he added countless remarks in the margins that document his insightful observations, comparisons with other texts, and his spontaneous reactions to his reading.2 More than that, Widmanstetter commis1 From Alcorani Epitome, no. xxxiii, in Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia dialogo explicata, Hermanno Nellingaunense interprete: Alcorani epitome Roberto Ketenense anglo interprete (Nuremberg: [Otto], 1543). For the full Latin text, see below. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are my own. 2 Research on Widmanstetter’s library was significantly advanced by Hans Striedl, “Die Bücherei des Orientalisten Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” in Serta Monacensia: Franz Babinger zum 15. Januar 1951 als Festgruß dargebracht, ed. Hans Joachim Kissling and Alois Schmaus (Leiden: Brill, 1952), 201–244; Hans Striedl, “Der Humanist Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter (1506–1557) als klassischer Philologe,” in Festgabe der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek: Emil

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_002

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sioned copies of rare kabbalistic texts, such as the Zohar, from Jewish and convert scribes, and he even took active part in these costly and time-consuming projects, by drawing sefirotic diagrams in his manuscripts himself. The most important expression of his esteem for Kabbalah is found in his Syriac New Testament, titled Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo and published in Vienna in 1555, another non-Jewish holy book which Widmanstetter supplemented with readings from his Jewish mystical sources. Here Widmanstetter, probably in collaboration with the French Orientalist Guillaume Postel, published a spectacular diagram depicting a sefirotic tree opposite the Crucifixion. Jewish kabbalists envisioned sefirotic trees as visual representations of the ten sefirot, processes within the divine realm which were closed off from ordinary human experience. The accompanying commentary explains that the evangelist St. John had received mystical insight into the sefirotic nature of God when he witnessed Christ’s mangled body on the cross. Shortly before his death, Widmanstetter thus presented the Gospel of John, part of the holy Scripture of his own faith, as containing kabbalistic ideas, despite having condemned Kabbalah only twelve years before as the inspiration for another, “heretical” creed. Confronting Kabbalah explores the complicated twists and turns in Widmanstetter’s attitude towards Kabbalah and Jewish texts in general, which oscillated between approbation and confrontation. This book interprets these contradictory expressions of his studies by drawing on hitherto unknown contents of his library. It thus offers the first comprehensive study of Widmanstetter’s Christian Hebraist library and his thought.

Gratzl zum 75. Geburtstag (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1953), 96–120; Hans Striedl, “Geschichte der Hebraica-Sammlung der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek,” in Orientalisches aus Münchner Bibliotheken und Sammlungen, ed. Herbert Franke (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1957), 1–37; Hans Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius an J.A. Widmanstetter, Briefe von 1543/44 und 1549: Aus dem Hebräischen übersetzt und kommentiert,” in Ars Iocundissima: Festschrift für Kurt Dorfmüller zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. Horst Leuchtmann and Robert Münster (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1984), 333–356. Striedl’s papers on Widmanstetter are today themselves part of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek (bsb, Ana 725 Hans Striedl). The definitive account of Widmanstetter’s life is still Max Müller, Johann Albrecht v. Widmanstetter 1506–1557: Sein Leben und Wirken (Munich: K.b. Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, 1907). Many important sources were first published in Joseph Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte der hebräischen und aramäischen Studien (Munich: Ackermann, 1884). The work of Joseph Prijs is drawing on materials from the archives of Heinrich Föringer and the Beckh-Widmanstetter family in Graz, Austria. See Joseph Prijs, Die Bibliothek des Diplomaten Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter (1506– 1557) (Munich: Joseph Prijs, 1927); Joseph Prijs, Die Bibliothek Johann Jakob Fuggers 1516–1575 (Munich: Joseph Prijs, 1927).

introduction

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Widmanstetter’s Life and Library

Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter emerged from relative obscurity to the highest echelons of sixteenth-century European politics, and he made a name for himself as a Christian Hebraist. He was born in 15063 in Nellingen, a small town in Swabia which belonged to the free imperial city of Ulm. Very little is known about Widmanstetter’s ancestry, other than that he came from a well-to-do family, which could afford to send him to university.4 In the autobiographical notes he made, Widmanstetter mentioned the parish priest Gregor Bauler from whom he received his initial tuition in his hometown and his fleeting contact with Johannes Reuchlin.5 In his notes, Widmanstetter emphasized an anecdote that Reuchlin, the famous Christian kabbalist and defender of Jewish books against Johann Pfefferkorn, had acknowledged Widmanstetter’s talent for languages when he was only a boy. The story goes that when Reuchlin visited Widmanstetter’s father, he saw the young Johann Albrecht drawing Greek letters and encouraged him to continue in his efforts.6 However, from this account we cannot conclude that Widmanstetter ever became Reuchlin’s student as he intimates.7 We do know that Widmanstetter studied in the 1520s at the univer3 Widmanstetter’s life is known partly from autobiographical notes that he published as part of his defense against Gumppenberg and partly from secondary sources like correspondence and notes in his books. For a discussion of clues that Widmanstetter left regarding his date of birth, see Müller, Widmanstetter, 8. Additional biographical information can cautiously be drawn from older accounts: Johann Georg Schelhorn, Amoenitates literariae quibus variae observationes, scripta item quaedam anecdota et rariora opuscula exhibentur (Frankfurt am Main: Bartholomäus, 1730), later translated into German as Johann Georg Schelhorn, Ergötzlichkeiten aus der Kirchenhistorie und Literatur in welchen Nachrichten von seltenen Büchern, wichtige Urkunden, merkwürdige Briefe, und verschiedene Anmerkungen enthalten sind, vol. 2 (Ulm: Bartholomäus, 1763). See also Georg Christoph Schwarz, Gesammelte und verbesserte Nachrichten von Johann Albert Widmanstad, Literarisches Wochenblatt 2 (Nürnberg, 1770); Georg Christoph Schwarz, Etwas von Johann Albert Widmanstad und besonders von einer unbekannten Verteidigung desselben wider Ambrosius von Gumpenberg, Literarisches Museum 2 (Altdorf, 1779). 4 Among the few sources are two colophons by his scribes in manuscripts that Widmanstetter had copied for his use: bsb, Codd.hebr. 103 and 217. 5 Widmanstetter mentions Reuchlin by name in Johann Albrecht Widmannstetter, Syriacae linguae: Iesu Christo, eiusque Matri Virgini atque Iudaeis omnibus, Christianae redemptionis euangelicaeque […] prima elementa […] (Vienna: Zimmermann, 1555), Giij; see Müller, Widmanstetter, 12n8. 6 See Müller, Widmanstetter, 12. 7 Reuchlin taught both Greek and Hebrew from 1520 until 1521 in Ingolstadt and then until his death in 1522 in Tübingen, meaning that in order to have studied under Reuchlin, Widmanstetter would have to have been admitted to university when he was fourteen years old, extremely young even by the standards of the time; see Ludwig Geiger, Johann Reuchlin: Sein

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Cities and towns of Widmanstetter’s network in Europe

sities of Tübingen and probably Heidelberg, as well as Basel (the major places of Widmanstetter’s network can be found on the maps in figures 1 and 2).8 Widmanstetter’s career as a Hebraist and diplomat begins with his stay in Italy, which lasted from 1527 to 1539 From this time his official positions often brought him into contact with Hebraists, Orientalists, and Jewish sages. He came to Italy as a cavalryman with the troops of Emperor Charles v where the Leben und seine Werke (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1871), 467. This assessment was made in Hartmut Bobzin, Der Koran im Zeitalter der Reformation: Studien zur Frühgeschichte der Arabistik und Islamkunde in Europa, Beiruter Texte und Studien 42 (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1995), 285. In fact, Widmanstetter refers to Reuchlin in the dedication of the Syriac New Testament by his humanist name “Capnion”: “superioris aetatis curriculum, in quod Capnionis virtus, doctrina atque industria incidit,” Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo (Vienna: Michael Zimmermann, 1555), 6b. Müller, Widmanstetter, 13, conceded that Widmanstetter merely wanted to stress that his own youth coincided with the renowned humanist’s career. 8 Müller, Widmanstetter, 13, points out that apart from Tübingen, which Widmanstetter mentioned by name in the dedication of the Syriac New Testament, fol. 6b, his places of study can only be inferred from a note in his defense against Gumppenberg; see Müller’s work for additional sources.

introduction

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Cities and towns of Widmanstetter’s network in the Near East

Habsburg monarch fought against the French king Francis i of Valois in the struggle for supremacy in Europe. Soon Widmanstetter left the service of the emperor and continued his studies in Turin, where he gave lectures for the first time. He met Teseo Ambrogio in Reggio nell’Emilia, who taught the young German the fundamentals of Syriac and bequeathed his own manuscript of the New Testament in Syriac to him, asking him to see to the text’s printing—a promise that would take Widmanstetter twenty-six years to make true.9 And he also studied for some months under Dattilus, the old teacher of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola.10 In 1530, we find Widmanstetter in Naples, where he became a frequent guest of the Jewish community’s leader, Samuel Abarbanel. In the house of Abarbanel, Widmanstetter not only intensified his studies of Kabbalah and the Talmud, but he also befriended high-ranking church officials who shared in his interest in Hebrew studies and lent invaluable support to his career.

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For more on Teseo Ambrogio and the Syriac New Testament, see Chapter 7, section 2. For the impression Dattilus made on Widmanstetter, see Chapter 6, section 3.2.

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Among these influential new friends Widmanstetter won in Naples is Bishop Girolamo Seripando, who introduced him to the famous Christian kabbalist Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo. Egidio soon invited him to Rome to study Hebrew and Arabic in the fall of 1532.11 Along with Egidio, Widmanstetter learned at the feet of the kabbalist and halakhic decisor Rabbi Michael Zemat.12 Although his studies in the cardinal’s house did not last longer than two months—the latter died on 13 November 1532—Widmanstetter considered himself Egidio’s student, and the pupil-teacher relationship becomes apparent in Widmanstetter’s library, which holds a sizable number of original manuscripts and copies from Egidio’s library. In the 1530s, Widmanstetter’s career gained momentum. Pope Clement vii, who shared in his affinity for Oriental studies, appointed him papal secretary, a post in which he served until the pope died on 25 September 1534. Clement’s successor, Paul iii, also nurtured a fondness for Widmanstetter and appointed him as comes palatinus on 27 December 1534.13 In addition, the young German profited from the contact with the pope’s natural son, Pier Luigi Farnese (1503–1547), who like Widmanstetter was an avid collector of books in Hebrew, copying several books of kabbalistic texts.14 Widmanstetter then left the Curia to become secretary to Cardinal Nikolaus von Schönberg until the latter’s death on 9 August 1537.15 For unknown reasons, Widmanstetter returned to his native Germany in 1539. There he served Duke Ludwig x of Bavaria-Landshut as councilor and in 1542 married the duke’s natural daughter, Anna von Leonsberg.16 His service

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13 14 15

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Widmanstetter wrote an enthusiastic letter to Egidio from Naples, bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,2; for the full Hebrew text and a translation see appendix A, no. 1. Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 177, asserted that this letter was never sent; Müller, Widmanstetter, 21, objected to this interpretation. On Zemat, see Angela Maria Lucia Scandaliato, “From Sicily to Rome: The Cultural Route of Michele Zumat, Physician and Rabbi in the 16th Century,” in The Italia Judaica Jubilee Conference, ed. Shlomo Simonsohn and Joseph Shatzmiller (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 199–211 and chapter 5. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 26. For these manuscripts, see Chapter 3, section 3.3. Ambrosius Gumppenberg who would later become a strong opponent of Widmanstetter’s felt it necessary to mention this appointment in a letter to Erasmus of Rotterdam: “Joannes Albertus Lucretius suus (i. e. Nicolai Cardinalis) secretarius, iuvenis circa xxiiii annorum, qui hic Romae intra theologos pro primo et doctissimo habetur, callit linguam caldeicam, hebreicam et grecam, quique te mirum in modum amat.” Cited from Müller, Widmanstetter, 27. Widmanstetter gave her the nickname “Lucretia” after his own humanist name; see Müller, Widmanstetter, 33, 50.

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to worldly and ecclesiastical princes in northern Europe frequently led Widmanstetter on official journeys across the continent and back to Italy, during which he occasionally met other Christian Hebraists, such as the Frenchman Guillaume Postel or the Dutchman Andreas Masius. Although Widmanstetter gathered a large library of Jewish and Oriental books, he published very little compared to his colleagues. The year 1543 saw the publication of Widmanstetter’s first printed work, a polemical commentary on the Quran called Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia. On 22 April 1545, Duke Ludwig died and Widmanstetter became councilor to the duke’s brother, Archbishop Ernst of Salzburg.17 From this post he entered the service of Cardinal Otto von Waldburg, the steward and bishop of Augsburg, for whom he worked as chancellor and archivist. During his time in Augsburg, he organized the imperial diet of 1547 that consolidated the status quo between the Catholic and the Protestant states in the German empire, through the Augsburg Interim. Widmanstetter’s role in the negotiations was that of a senior councilor, and he annotated the reply of the Prince Elector Council to Emperor Charles v’s proposal concerning a commission that was to debate the interim.18 Widmanstetter was also present with his cardinal and his family in 1550 for the coronation of Pope Julius iii in Rome.19 The high esteem Widmanstetter enjoyed at this time both as diplomat and scholar is demonstrated by his ennoblement by Emperor Charles v in 1548 and the bestowal of honorary citizenship by the city of Rome in 1551.20 Although he was often occupied by his official duties, Widmanstetter still made time for his scholarly work, contributing in 1548 a History of the Archbishops of Salzburg to Sebastian Münster’s Kosmographia.21 By 1551, however, the strain of his workload seems to have taken a toll on him and Widmanstetter asked the cardinal of Augsburg to grant him leave to focus on his studies. But this retirement did not last long, as the Prince Elector Moritz of Saxony, at the head of an anti-imperial coalition, raided Swabia in early 1552, forcing Widmanstetter and his family to flee from their estates. At the assembly in Passau which restored the peace, Widmanstetter entered the service of King Ferdinand i of Austria.22 Widmanstetter’s years in Ferdi17 18

19 20 21 22

See Müller, Widmanstetter, 55. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 57–58; Ursula Mochoczek, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl v: Der Reichstag zu Augsburg 1547/48. Zweiter Teilband, Deutsche Reichstagsakten. Jüngere Reihe 18 (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2006), 1699–1703. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 60. On this assessment, see Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 294. On Rome, see Müller, Widmanstetter, 58–61. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 59. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 62.

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nand’s service mark the crowning achievements of his career.23 As chancellor to the king, he supervised the reform of the University of Vienna and published the aforementioned Syriac New Testament in 1555—the first Oriental print that was produced in Europe. This work was followed in the same year by a Syriac primer, called Syriacae linguae prima elementa.24 On 18 May 1556, Widmanstetter’s wife Anna died aged thirty and was buried in the cloister of Regensburg Cathedral. Soon after this loss, Widmanstetter asked the king to relieve him of his duties and joined the cathedral chapter in Regensburg.25 Little more than a month later, on 28 March 1557, he died unexpectedly, at the age of fifty.26 As his three orphaned daughters were left without means to support themselves, they sold his library to the Duke of Bavaria-Munich in 1558, who used it as the kernel of his court library, the modern Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.27 Overall, 195 volumes can be identified as part of this collection, containing Jewish materials in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Arabic; manuscripts, as well as printed books. Widmanstetter signed most items with his name on one of the first pages. In other cases, it is possible to identify him as the owner through comparison of the type of binding or other characteristic features that will be discussed in detail as part of this study. To put the size of the library into perspective, some forty volumes of Jewish material (including Latin translations) can today be traced back to Widmanstetter’s teacher Egidio da Viterbo.28 Domenico Grimani amassed around 200 volumes of books in Hebrew, about half of which had come into his possession from Giovanni Pico della Mirandola.29 The oldest part of Widmanstetter’s collection is made up 23 24

25

26 27

28

29

Thus Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 294. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 63–64. The genesis of the New Testament has been studied in Robert J. Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah in the Catholic Reformation: The First Printing of the Syriac New Testament, Studies in the History of Christian Traditions 137 (Leiden: Brill, 2007). Widmanstetter followed the example of other humanists who survived their wives. When Reuchlin became a widower in 1516, he asked Egidio da Viterbo to admit him into the Augustinian order; see Geiger, Johann Reuchlin, 150. His remains were buried in the cloister of the cathedral of Regensburg. Müller, Widmanstetter, 70–72. On the founding of the court library, see Otto Hartig, Die Gründung der Münchener Hofbibliothek durch Albrecht v. und Johann Jakob Fugger (Munich: Verlag der Königlich Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1917). An inventory drawn up for Catherine de’ Medici suggests that the overall number was higher; see Charles Astruc and Jacques Monfrin, “Livres latins et hébreux du cardinal Gilles de Viterbe,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 23, no. 3 (1961): 551–554. The dispersion of Egidio’s books over Europe hampers the reconstruction of his library. See Jean-Pierre Rothschild, “Les bibliothèques hebraïques médiévales et l’exemple des

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of a manuscript of talmudic tracts likely produced in the thirteenth century (bsb, Cod.hebr. 6), while the oldest dated material is a miscellany of Moses Maimonides that was made in 1330 (bsb, Cod.hebr. 111). Among his manuscripts are items produced in the Ottoman Empire and the Holy Land, including a kabbalistic anthology (bsb, Cod.hebr. 325) copied in 1383 in Jerusalem. The script used to copy the manuscripts can be used as an indicator for their date and region of production. According to this analysis, the vast majority were produced in the fifteenth century: sixty-six of them were made in Sefarad. Italian hands may be found in fifty-one manuscripts, while Ashkenazic script is used in only twenty-seven manuscripts, and Byzantine and Oriental hands account for only nine manuscripts each. A smaller number of manuscripts can be dated to the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries, twenty-five and twenty-four items respectively. A significant group of manuscripts containing kabbalistic texts were created during Widmanstetter’s own lifetime, and it can be shown that he commissioned most of these books from Jews and Jewish converts.30 Beside his collection of Jewish books, he also gathered hundreds of printed books and manuscripts in Latin, Greek and European vernacular languages. It has been estimated that the non-Jewish part counts about 850 volumes of manuscripts and printed books.31 This book will mention and occasionally draw on these materials in order to contextualize the Jewish part of Widmanstetter’s library, but they are not at the center of our attention. Most of Widmanstetter’s prints date to the sixteenth century, although he owned some incunabula. Most of the printed books were produced in Italy, and among these the fifty-seven books from Venetian presses surpass in number those from all other cities. In Venice, Widmanstetter obtained one of the most valuable prints in his library, the nine-volume Bomberg Talmud (bsb, 2 A.hebr. 259 1–9). Other Italian places of publications found in his library are Soncino (five volumes), home of the famous family of printers of the same name, Mantua (one), Bologna (three), Rimini (three), Naples (two), Pesaro (one), Fano (one), and Rome (one). Beside these Italian works, Widmanstetter owned a

30 31

livres de Léon Sini (vers 1523),” in Libri, lettori e biblioteche dell’Italia medievale (secoli ix–xv), ed. Guiseppe Lombardi and Donatella Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda (Rome: iccu, 2001), 229–261 (231); Giuliano Tamani, “I libri ebraici del cardinal Domenico Grimani,” Annali di Ca’ Foscari 24, no. 3 (1995): 5–52. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 81, 96, 103, 112, 115, 217–219, 221, and 285. The latest survey of Widmanstetter’s entire library lists forty-five manuscripts in Latin, nine in German, fourteen in Greek, one in Italian, one in Hungarian, forty-nine in Arabic, one in Persian, seven in Turkish, three in Armenian, and two in Syriac; see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 217–220. The number of printed non-Jewish books (ca. 720) is far more uncertain; see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 233–236.

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sizable number of prints from the Ottoman Empire—four from Thessaloniki and fifteen from Constantinople. Printers from other countries are represented with only a few books: Augsburg and Isny with two prints, and Paris, Basel, and Hagenau with one title each. From a thematic perspective, Widmanstetter’s collection covers a wide range of genres, with Kabbalah contributing the largest number of texts (176). Works of medicine, astronomy, and philosophy each amount to about a hundred texts. Halakhic texts are represented equally strongly, but are for the most part integrated into the framework of commentaries and super-commentaries on the Talmud. More minor subjects are Bible commentaries, mathematics, poetry, grammar, and other reference works. Widmanstetter also collected works of Jewish ethics (musar), homilies, prayer books (maḥzor), responsa, Aramaic translations of the Pentateuch (Targum), and liturgical poetry (piyyut). Most of the library has survived through the centuries unscathed; the exceptions are the Bibles, which were destroyed during World War ii when the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek was hit by a bomb that destroyed numerous books shelved into this category.32

2

Kabbalah and Its Christian Interpreters

Widmanstetter belonged to a world where Christians had begun to study the texts of Jewish authors in earnest only a few decades before his birth and had developed an ambivalent position on Jews and their books. He was among the second wave of Christian scholars who attempted to unearth the wisdom of Judaism for the benefit of Christianity and to fuel Christian theology with supposedly undiluted insights into the nature of God. The Christian interest in Jewish texts relating to Kabbalah, Jewish mysticism, began in the latter half of the fifteenth century.33 These scholars, who have

32 33

See Striedl, “Bücherei,” 215. Some important studies are Gershom Scholem, “Zur Geschichte der Anfänge der christlichen Kabbala,” in Essays Presented to Leo Baeck on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday (London: East; West Library, 1954), 158–193; Joseph Dan, ed., The Christian Kabbalah: Jewish Mystical Books and Their Christian Interpreters (Cambridge: Harvard College Library, 1997); Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann, “Was ist Christliche Kabbala?” in Topik und Tradition: Prozesse der Neuordnung von Wissensüberlieferungen des 13.–16. Jahrhunderts, ed. Thomas Frank, Ursula Kocher, and Ulrike Tarnow (Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2007), 265– 286; Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala: Eine Bibliothek der Universalwissenschaften in Renaissance und Barock. vol. 1, 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, Clavis pansophiae 10 (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 2012); Joseph Blau, The

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become known as “Christian kabbalists,”34 regarded Jewish mystical texts as part of an ancient tradition of divine wisdom (philosophia perennis) that could also include Greek philosophy, the works attributed to mythic sages like Hermes Trismegistus and Zoroaster, and other traditions. Nicolaus of Cues (1401– 1464) laid the groundwork for this movement by suggesting that going back in the chain of transmission of these traditions enabled one to return to an undistorted Christian teaching35 and the Italian nobleman Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1462–1494) drew attention to kabbalistic ideas with his 900 Theses (1486), which inspired generations of Christian scholars after him who sought to prove the harmony of faiths.36

34

35

36

Christian Interpretation of the Cabbala in the Renaissance (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944); François Secret, Les kabbalistes chrétiens de la renaissance (Paris: Dunod, 1964). The term is problematic, as these men did not use it themselves to describe their work and it may give an incorrect idea of their attitude towards the Jewish material. These scholars merely integrated kabbalistic ideas into a larger framework of the disciplines that they sought to harmonize. Within this field, Kabbalah was only one of several building blocks, all governed by the desire to prove the truth of Christianity. The three-page list of mystical traditions that Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann set at the beginning of his Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala to delineate what does not constitute “Christian Kabbalah” gives a fair impression of the confusion surrounding this term; see Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:1–4. More recently, Judith Weiss has argued convincingly that the term “Christian kabbalist” is a misnomer, and suggests using “Christians engaging with Kabbalah” as an alternative; see Judith Weiss, A Kabbalistic Christian Messiah in the Renaissance: Guillaume Postel and the Book of Zohar [Hebrew], (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad, 2016), 20–23. Similarly vexing is the term “Christian Hebraist,” which erroneously implies that Christians were solely interested in the literary output of Jews composed in Hebrew; see Anthony Grafton and Joanna Weinberg, “I Have Always Loved the Holy Tongue”: Isaac Casaubon, the Jews, and a Forgotten Chapter in Renaissance Scholarship (Cambridge, MA: Belknap, 2011), 290. Despite the shortcomings of the traditional terms, this study will make use of them both because they are established. Since this book is concerned with precisely determining the nature of Widmanstetter’s Christian interpretations of kabbalistic texts, this is an acceptable shorthand. The following studies still give an overview of the discussions prevailing at the time: D.P. Walker, “Orpheus the Theologian and Renaissance Platonists,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 16, no. 1 (1953): 100–120; Charles B. Schmitt, “Perennial Philosophy: From Agostino Steuco to Leibniz,” Journal of the History of Ideas 27, no. 4 (1966): 505–532. An important study that links these currents is available in the form of Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann, Philosophia Perennis: Historical Outlines of Western Spirituality in Ancient, Medieval and Early Modern Thought (Dordrecht: Springer, 2004). See Nikolaus Egel, “Einleitung,” in Giovanni Pico della Mirandola: Neunhundert Thesen. Lateinisch-Deutsch, ed. Nikolaus Egel (Hamburg: Felix Meiner, 2018), vii–xliv (xxiii– xxx); Shlomo Simonsohn, “Giovanni Pico della Mirandola on Jews and Judaism,” in From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Jeremy Cohen,

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The Christian study of Jewish texts, and among them especially Kabbalah, was advanced by the efforts of the German lawyer and humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455–1522). He is credited with reformulating the classical Jewish tradition into terms that were familiar to Christian readers in his primer of Hebrew. In addition to his published work, Reuchlin was also a university teacher of Hebrew in the last years of his life. Following in Pico’s footsteps, Reuchlin believed that kabbalistic texts held the key to the truth of Christianity and published two major works in which he developed his ideas in detail. In the first work, De verbo mirifico (1494), he expounded the names of God, concluding that after the Messiah had come in the form of Jesus Christ the ineffable tetragrammaton, the four Hebrew letters yud he vav he, could be enunciated as “Jeshua.” In his De arte cabbalistica (1517), Reuchlin developed the idea that Pythagorean philosophy constituted the Greek branch of the kabbalistic tradition and held profound truths about Christianity.37 Another Christian kabbalist who had an irrefutable influence on Widmanstetter was Egidio da Viterbo (1472–1532), prior general of the Order of St. Augustine and later cardinal. This man gained respect and admiration as an articulate preacher, as a reformer of monastic life, and as Christian kabbalist.38

37

38

Wolfenbütteler Mittelalter-Studien 11. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996), 403–417; Chaim Wirszubski, Pico della Mirandola’s Encounter with Jewish Mysticism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989); Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:70–130. Reuchlin’s interpretation of Kabbalah has received attention from scholars: Charles Zika, “Reuchlin’s De verbo mirifico and the Magic Debate of the Late Fifteenth Century,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 39 (1976): 104–138; Moshe Idel, “Introduction,” in On the Art of the Kabbalah: De arte cabbalistica, tr. Martin and Sarah Goodman (Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), v–xxix; Joseph Dan, “The Kabbalah of Johannes Reuchlin and Its Historical Significance,” in The Christian Kabbalah, ed. Joseph Dan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard College Library, 1997), 55–95; Moshe Idel, “Johannes Reuchlin: Kabbalah, Pythagorean Philosophy and Modern Scholarship,” Studia Judaica 16 (2008): 30–55; Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala vol. 1; Elliot Wolfson, “Language, Secrecy, and the Mysteries of Law: Theurgy and the Christian Kabbalah of Johannes Reuchlin,” in Invoking Angels: Theurgic Ideas and Practices, ed. Claire Fanger (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2012), 131–208. On Reuchlin’s embroilment in the Pfefferkorn affair, see Daniel O’Callaghan, The Preservation of Jewish Religious Books in Sixteenth-Century Germany: Johannes Reuchlin’s Augenspiegel (Leiden: Brill, 2012); David H. Price, “Johannes Reuchlin and the Campaign to Destroy Jewish Books,” Jewish History 27, no. 1 (2013): 101–105; Norbert Flörken, Der Streit um die Bücher der Juden: Ein Lesebuch, vol. 9, Elektronische Schriftenreihe der Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln (Köln: Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2014), http://kups.ub.uni‑koeln.de/5731/. See Francis X. Martin, “Giles of Viterbo as a Scripture Scholar,” in Egidio da Viterbo O.S.A. et il suo tempo: Atti del v Convegno dell’Istituto storico Agostiniano, Roma-Viterbo, 20–23

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Egidio gathered and studied Hebrew manuscripts and prints from about 1500 with great zeal and at great expense. Egidio’s own works that are inspired by kabbalistic texts coupled eschatological expectations with political events of the time. In his main work, titled Historia xx Saeculorum (“The history of the twenty eras”), Egidio offered a kabbalistic interpretation of the salvation history. One of the lead roles in this work was filled by the ten sefirot, emanations of God which in Kabbalah permeate and govern all of reality. For Egidio, the sefirot became the driving forces behind the actions of cardinals and kings whom he saw as instruments in a divine plan for universal redemption. The Historia, thus, expressed the hope that Pope Leo x (1475–1521) would complete salvation by defeating the Ottomans and converting the Jews to Christianity. In his last and unfinished work, Scechina, Egidio connected similar expectations with Charles v of Habsburg, the Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire.39 Egidio wielded a decisive influence on Widmanstetter’s encounter with Kabbalah. The cardinal invited the young German in 1532 to study at his house in Rome. After Egidio died, Widmanstetter continued to frequent Egidio’s library of kabbalistic texts, later obtaining some of them and arranging for copies of others.40 It is possible that Widmanstetter’s critique of Kabbalah was a reaction to the work of another great Christian Hebraist who had gone to great lengths to demonstrate the harmony of transmigration of souls with Christian doctrine. In his De arte cabbalistica, Johannes Reuchlin attempted to make gilgul neshamot palatable to Christians by transferring its effects from the metaphysical to the physical realm. In what Widmanstetter would have regarded as a linguistic sleight of hand, Reuchlin explained that gilgul neshamot was not at

39

40

ottobre 1982, Studia Augustiniana historica 9 (Rome: Analecta Augustiana, 1983), 191–222 (195–196). More general works on Egidio are Francis X. Martin, Friar, Reformer, and Renaissance Scholar: Life and Work of Giles of Viterbo, 1469–1532, Augustinian Series 18 (Villanova: Augustinian Press, 1992); John W O’Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform: A Study in Renaissance Thought, vol. 5, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought (Leiden: Brill, 1968). A comprehensive presentation of Egidio’s kabbalistically inspired theology is SchmidtBiggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:347–383. Other essential studies are François Secret, Le Zôhar chez les kabbalistes chrétiens de la renaissance (Paris: Mouton, 1964), 106–126; Francis X. Martin, “The Writings of Giles of Viterbo,” Journal Augustiniana 29 (1979): 141–193; Daniel Stein-Kokin, “Entering the Labyrinth: On the Hebraic and Kabbalistic Universe of Egidio Da Viterbo,” in Hebraic Aspects of the Renaissance, ed. Ilana Zinguer, Melamed Abraham, and Zur Shalev, Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies 45 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 27–42. A commented Hebrew translation of Scechina is currently being prepared by Judith Weiss and Yehuda Liebes. see Chapter 2, section 3.2.

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all concerned with the souls of individuals but rather that it was the bodies that were being imprinted through souls which could be repurposed like molds used by artisans.41 Widmanstetter could justifiably be alarmed that ideas that in his view could harm Christendom, like gilgul neshamot, were already being adopted by his contemporaries, thus prompting him to put out his hyperbolic warning condemning Kabbalah as a “Trojan horse.” Gershom Scholem misinterpreted Widmanstetter’s comparison of Jewish mysticism with a Trojan horse as exemplifying the wariness some Christians felt towards Kabbalah. By interpretating Widmanstetter’s statement as a warning that all of Kabbalah was incompatible with Catholic theology and that naïvely applying its ideas to Christianity was endangering the church,42 Scholem shaped Widmanstetter’s image among scholars of Christian Hebraism. More recently, Robert Wilkinson showed that Scholem knew Widmanstetter’s commentary on the Quran only from extracts that present the sections in question out of context and demonstrated that Widmanstetter’s notion of Kabbalah was far more nuanced than Scholem had given him credit for.43 However, this new assessment was solely based on those few remarks that Widmanstetter made in his published works. My book brings these works into conversation with the marginal notes, original diagrams, and other materials by Widmanstetter in this library to give a comprehensive account of his engagement with kabbalistic texts and the conclusions he drew afterwards.

3

Jewish Books in Christian Hands

It could be considered ironic that Widmanstetter, who collected hundreds of books, published comparatively few works of his own. Many of his Oriental manuscripts and printed works display his studiousness and profound understanding of the material he had before him in the form of extensive marginal notes in red ink. Widmanstetter voiced his competing views on Kabbalah in the two publications already mentioned: his Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia,44

41 42 43 44

See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:186–189. see Chapter 6, section 3.2 for details. See Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 165–169. This work was analyzed as part of Hartmut Bobzin’s comparative study on early modern Quran commentaries, Der Koran im Zeitalter der Reformation. Bobzin demonstrated how humanist scholars of the sixteenth century, like Widmanstetter, still clung to medieval interpretations of the Quran which informed their view of Islam and Muhammad. Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 274–263.

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where he offered his polemical annotations on the Quran which he based on his readings of talmudic and kabbalistic texts from his extensive library, and the editio princeps of the Syriac New Testament,45 which he published with Guillaume Postel and Moses of Mardin and which also contains the plate depicting the correspondences between the sefirotic tree and the Crucifixion.46 In both works, Widmanstetter drew on Jewish sources to explain the Scriptures of Islam and Christianity. His contemporaries Johannes Reuchlin and Guillaume Postel presented Jewish texts as a viable source for the renewal of Christian theology and offered their interpretations in extensive bodies of published works; in contrast, despite his wealth in sought-after Jewish books, Widmanstetter never published an independent work that outlines his kabbalistic thought in a systematic fashion.47 Nonetheless, the thousands of notes that he left in the margins of the pages in his printed books and manuscripts often reveal Widmanstetter’s reactions to ideas he agreed with or which ran contrary to his beliefs. It is to these sources that this book will turn to uncover what motivated Widmanstetter’s interests in Hebrew books and how he proceeded to present his findings. The library of Widmanstetter has so far been only partially investigated, although it has aroused the interest of many scholars over time who have differed wildly in their assessments. Already during Widmanstetter’s lifetime, his

45 46

47

On this work see especially, Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah. Widmanstetter also published a number of other works, which are not original compositions and thus reveal less about his thought: Johann Albrecht Widmannstetter, Quibus de causis quibusque modis Ambrosius Gumpebergus, Ioannis Alberti Vidmestadii […] breves commentarii […] ([Naples], 1543) is part of Widmanstetter’s defense against bishop Ambrosius von Gumppenberg, and as such is primarily of concern as a biographical source. Johann Albrecht Widmannstetter, Von den gaistlichen unnd weltlichen Wappen aines Ritters […] (Dillingen: Mayer, 1552) is an edition of a medieval work that Widmanstetter issued; it deserves our attention insofar as it demonstrates that Widmanstetter’s interest in mysticism extended to Christian works, but it contains no kabbalistic material. Philipp Jacob Widmannstadt, De Societatis Iesu initiis progressu rebusque gestis nonnullis […] epistola (Ingolstadt, 1556) was written by Widmanstetter to help his cousin get accepted into the Jesuit order (see Müller, Widmanstetter, 66); it was republished in German a few years after Widmanstetter’s death as Philipp Jacob Widmannstadt, Vom Anfang und Ursprung der heiligen Gesellschafft Jesu: Gründtlicher wahrhafftiger Bericht […] (Dillingen: Sebaldus Mayer, 1560). Shortly after the Syriac New Testament, Widmanstetter also published a chrestomathy of Syriac texts in Widmannstetter, Syriacae linguae; the famous printer Christophe Plantin later republished this work as Johann Albrecht Widmannstetter, Syriacae linguae prima elementa (Antwerp, 1572). The first who noticed this puzzling fact was François Secret. He compared him to two other noted Christian Hebraists who collaborated with Widmanstetter, Egidio da Viterbo and Andreas Masius; see Secret, Kabbalistes chrétiens, 144.

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name became closely associated with the library. When Georg Wicelius in the preface to his 1542 treatise on biblical Hebrew sang the praises of the Christian Hebraist Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, the library received as much praise as the man: If only our Lucretius of Ulm had enough time, that he could toil in the matters of the Bible […] Indeed the same Lucretius has in all languages and all kinds of disciplines hardly an equal among our people. […] I had become acquainted with Lucretius, whose library exceeds unassuming piety. In fact, all I could do was shout with admiration for the exquisitely selected, rare books.48 Referring to Widmanstetter in humanist fashion by his nom de plume, Lucretius,49 Wicelius’ narrative draws a direct connection between the quality of the Hebraist library and the quality of the scholar who owns the books. This account is also instructive with regard to the image Widmanstetter fashioned of himself through the Oriental books he collected and put on display for his visitors. Another example of the excitement that Widmanstetter’s library created among his colleagues can be seen in the letter he received in 1544 from Paulus Fagius (1504–1549), a Christian printer of Jewish books.50 Fagius had been told

48

49

50

“Utinam Ulmensi Lucretio nostro tantum ab aula vacui temporis supersit, ut ipse quoque aliquid in Biblia moliri queat […] Equidem hoc ipso Lucretio in omni linguarum et disciplinarum genere superiorem vix habet nostra Natio. […] mihi cognitum Lucretium, cuius Bibliotheca fidem prorsus excedit. Ipse quidem preadmiratione nihil nisi exclamare in inusitatam librorum suppellectilem potui, quum illorum bonorum catalogus ab ipso mihi ostenderetur.” Georg Wicelius, Idiomata quaedam linguae sanctae in Scripturis Veteris Testamenti observata (Mainz: Franciscus Behem, 1542), A3b–A4a. Widmanstetter took this name from the ancient philosopher. His contemporary detractors took this choice as proof that he denied the immortality of the soul; see Müller, Widmanstetter, 19–20. Joseph Perles edited, translated, and commented on various sources pertaining to Widmanstetter, such as letters in Hebrew and some archival material. These materials belonged to the estate of Andreas Felix von Oefele, an eighteenth-century librarian of the ducal library in Munich (bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249), who had also prepared an inventory of them. Not all of the letters listed in Oefele’s inventory were still extant in Perles’ day, but a few of the missing ones were discovered in the late twentieth century. Perles reprinted the inventory of letters and discussed the extant and missing items; see Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 154–157. On the rediscovered letters, see Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius.” The letter from Fagius is among those that Perles believed to be lost, and its content is published here for the first time.

introduction

17

by a shared friend, the Dutch Hebraist Andreas Masius (1514–1573), “that my lord has in his possession many good and valuable books in all the languages— especially in the holy language, in the Chaldean language, and in the Arabic language,” and said that he very much wanted to print them.51 Writing in a Hebrew teeming with allusions and quotations from the Bible, Fagius extended his proposal to Widmanstetter to print any of the books from his library that he desired. Fagius was based in Isny, in southern Germany near Lake Constance, and had drawn attention to his work not least for his recent collaboration with the famed Jewish grammarian Elijah Levita (1469–1549).52 Widmanstetter’s reply to Fagius’ enthusiastic letter is unknown to us but the proposed collaboration between the book collector and the printer never materialized.53 In the case of one of these accounts of Widmanstetter’s library, the writer had seen some of the books, but had largely relied on Widmanstetter’s catalog to appraise the breadth of the collection, while the second author’s praise was purely based on the tales that he had heard from a third party. What both testimonies by Wicelius and Fagius have in common is the tendency to praise Widmanstetter’s knowledge based on the treasures they had seen in the library or heard about from others.54

51 52

53

54

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,17; see appendix A, no. 10, for the Hebrew text and a full translation. In another book printed two years before, Fagius had already lauded Widmanstetter as one of the foremost Christian Hebraists of his age, along with the Dutchmen Andreas Masius and Gerard Veltwyck: “Inter quos meo iudicio hi tres non infimi sed summi et praecipui sunt. Doctor Andreas Masius noster, qui ut ipse scribit in literis ad me datis, est ‫משרת‬ ‫וסופר לאדנו ההגמון דקונשטנציא ירח‬. Alter, insignis doctor, equesque auratus, doctor Ioannes Widmenstadius, à consiliis (ut audio) incliti ducis Bavariae. Tertius doctor Gerardus. Nunc à consiliis (ut aiunt) invictissimi Caesaris nostri Caroli. Qui tres coniuncti, pulchrè conficiunt triplicem istum funiculum de quo Ecclesiastes [4:12] scribit ‫החוט המשלוש‬ ‫ לא במהרה ינתק‬Immò unus solus quisque sufficeret, as expugnandum omnes omnium religionis nostrae hostium, maxime Iudaeorum, copias. Widmenstadii enim multifariam eruditionem, multarumque linguarum cognitionem, necnon et lepidam, mirabilemque hominis facundiam, apud me scriptis oreque non satis laudere potuerunt: praestanti viri iudicio, doctor Martinus Frechtus licentiatus, Ecclesiastes Ulmensis. Et doctor M. Ambrosius Blarerus Constantiensis.” Sefer Amana—Liber Fidei (Isny: Paulus Fagius, 1542), A3. One laconic note in Widmanstetter’s hand on the outside of Fagius’ letter discloses that he responded on 25 September 1544. In the same summer that Fagius wrote his letter to Widmanstetter, Martin Bucer helped Fagius to acquire the position of preacher and professor of Hebrew in Strasbourg. This may be the reason that Fagius’ plans to print texts from the library of Widmanstetter fell through. After his arrival in Strasbourg, Fagius edited only one more title, the Latin translation of Targum Onqelos in 1546. Other contemporary descriptions of Widmanstetter’s library can be proffered. Fagius’ assessment was based on the account of another scholar, Martin Frecht, who had visited Widmanstetter’s library during the imperial diet in Regensburg in 1541. Frecht kept a diary

18

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Over the centuries, however, the assessments of the Christian Hebraist library, and by extension of Widmanstetter as a scholar, were not always so glowing. Not even all of Widmanstetter’s contemporaries were as enamored with his collection as Wicelius and Fagius. After Widmanstetter died and his three daughters were left penniless, Duke Albrecht v of Bavaria-Munich pondered whether to acquire the library of the humanist. When the imperial chancellor and bibliophile Georg Seld was trying to gauge whether it would be worthwhile for Duke Albrecht v of Bavaria-Munich to purchase Widmanstetter’s library after his death, he indicated to the duke that he was critical of the collection’s composition. Through some unnamed source he had heard that Widmanstetter’s library was not the fabled collection of exquisite books that earlier visitors had made it out to be and warned the duke not to buy it before consulting the library’s catalog. Moritz Steinschneider, the great nineteenth-century bibliographer of Jewish literature, also gave a mixed opinion of Widmanstetter and his library: “We must give Widmanstad [sic] the full credit of an assiduous collector: [but] he did not reach the level of a connoisseur of the new Hebrew language and literature.” Steinschneider also suspected that Widmanstetter was only able to add the countless marginal comments found in his books with the help of Jews who helped him to make sense of them.55 The wide spectrum between the different assessments points to the many unanswered questions regarding both Widmanstetter and his library as well as the need to study the library that lies behind statements about Widmanstetter’s qualities as a Christian Hebraist. A reassessment of Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter and his library is all the more pertinent as he lives on in scholarly memory as a collector of a large library of manuscripts that are salient to the traditions of important Jewish texts—his many texts of Kabbalah being a particularly sought-after source.56

55

56

in which he recorded the memorable impression of the library where he saw “Greek and Hebrew manuscripts written in venerable antiquity, and not few of them were exquisite”; for Frecht’s full account, see Chapter 4, section 1.1. “Das Verdienst eines eifrigen Sammlers muss man Widmanstad in vollem Maasse zuerkennen: bis zum Kenner der neubebräischen Sprache und Literatur hat er es nicht gebracht, auch wenn wir einen, für Zeit und Verhältnisse verkleinerten Maassstab anlegen, obwohl er in Rom das Hebräische von Juden zu erlernen suchte und wohl auch bei seinen Notizen deren Hilfe in Anspruch nahm.” Moritz Steinschneider, “Die hebräischen Handschriften der k. Hof- und Staatsbibliothek in München ein Beitrag zur Geschichte dieser Bibliothek,” in Sitzungsberichte der Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, PhilosophischPhilologische Classe (Munich: Franz, 1875), 169–206 (174–175). The following is an incomplete list of publications that have utilized books from Widmanstetter’s library as a basis for their own scholarship: Jehiel Brill, ed., Perush Rabeni

introduction

19

Another point that makes a thorough study of the library a desideratum is the fact that it formed the kernel of the court library of Duke Albrecht v of Bavaria-Munich: the duke did eventually acquire Widmanstetter’s books, and over the centuries the collection developed into the modern Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, where most of the books are kept to this day.57 It is a paradox that although Widmanstetter is known for his library, very few details are known about it, such as how he came to amass his collection, how he organized his library, and what he learned from his reading. These gaps in scholarship have so far obstructed a clear view of his achievements. Confronting Kabbalah will systematically present different facets of Widmanstetter’s engagement with his library: the acquisition of Jewish books, the maintenance of the library, and his readings from this library for his own works. The findings of the proposed study correct earlier assessments of Widmanstetter, which only gave him credit as a collector, but not as a scholar of Jewish texts.

4

The Book as a Material Object

Widmanstetter’s original manuscripts and printed books, as well as his original works, afford an invaluable vantage point from which to observe his scholarly practices, the sixteenth-century book trade, and his outlook on Christian Kabbalah. His library differs markedly from other sixteenth-century collections of Hebraica which were assembled by figures who were not able to read Hebrew

57

Hananʾel al Masechet Pesachim, from a Manuscript (Paris: Hevrat Shomrei Torah, 1868); Israel Meir Freimann, ed., Sefer we-Hizhir: Le-Seder Shemot (Leipzig, 1873); Gershom Scholem, “An Index to the Commentaries on the Ten Sefirot” [Hebrew], Kiryat Sefer 10 (1933): 498–515; Bernard Farkas, “Das Buch der Weisheit der Seele: Sēfer Hokmat Han-Nēfeš” (Doctoral thesis, Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität zu Bonn, 1937); Judah Goldin, ed., The Munich Mekilta: Bavarian State Library, Munich, Cod.hebr. 117 (Copenhagen: Rosenkilde; Bagger, 1980); Hanna Liss, El’azar ben Juda von Worms: Hilkhot ha-Kavod. Die Lehrsätze von der Herrlichkeit Gottes, Texts and Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Judaism 12 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997); Abraham Abulafia, ʾImrei Shefer, ed. Amnon Gross (Jerusalem: Gros, 1999); Abraham Abulafia, Matsref ha-Sekhel, ed. Amnon Gross (Jerusalem: Gros, 2001); Daniel Chanan Matt, ed., The Zohar: Pritzker Edition, vol. 1 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004); J.H. (Yossi) Chajes and Eliezer Baumgarten, “Visual Kabbalah in the Italian Renaissance: The Booklet of Kabbalistic Forms,” The Vatican Library Review 1 (2022): 91–145. Otto Hartig’s seminal study portrays the acquisition of Widmanstetter’s library and its holdings together with the other early entries into the ducal court library, such as the Fugger collection; Hartig, Gründung der Münchener Hofbibliothek.

20

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and used their books as a prop to demonstrate their social rank. The findings from Widmanstetter’s library thus promise fresh insights into the acquisition, maintenance, and use of a Christian Hebraist collection. This study harnesses the material properties in Widmanstetter’s library to glean information about how it functioned and the environment that produced it. Attention to these facets will portray Widmanstetter as he interacted with his books in different stages of the library’s formation and maintenance. As the books are a product of the specific periods in which they were created, properties such as the script can be meaningful clues about a manuscript’s origin. Conversely, Widmanstetter’s ownership of these books left vestiges that can be used to understand the salient points of the library’s history. Material features like writing material and script are directly connected to the production of the books. As Widmanstetter collaborated with Jewish and convert scribes on some manuscripts, these properties will shed light on the specific situation that led to their production. The most visible change Widmanstetter made to many of his books was having them bound, and this can indicate at what date and under what circumstances Widmanstetter acquired his books. Another focal point are the practices of librarianship that Widmanstetter employed to organize the books—that is, their physical arrangement to integrate them within a library governed by Christian notions of subject classifications. These scholarly practices were tied to scholarly techniques characteristic of Widmanstetter’s time that can be drawn upon for comparisons. What distinguished Widmanstetter’s handling of his books from that of his contemporaries and how did he imitate them? The final stage of Widmanstetter’s material vestiges are his numerous marginal notes inside the books. Attention to the unpublished marginal notes holds the possibility of opening up new ways to understand Widmanstetter’s published works, the commentary on the Quran and the Syriac New Testament, by tracing back many of the ideas he espoused in his writings to the original sources in Jewish books. The aim of this study, then—to analyze the life cycle of Widmanstetter’s Jewish books from their acquisition to their absorption into the library—demands a thorough and systematic knowledge of the library’s various material properties. Since the extant catalogs of the Hebraica at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek do not take into account the material features of the collection that are required as a basis for a study of Widmanstetter’s scholarly practices, all original manuscripts and printed books were examined, measured, and entered into an updated catalog (found in appendix D).58 Previous reference works on the 58

For some items that were not accessible for reasons of book conservation, data was provided by the conservators at the bsb.

introduction

21

Hebraica at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek were incorporated into this catalog to manage the large number of volumes. Bibliographical information on the manuscripts is based on the catalog by Moritz Steinschneider and additional identifications of texts were gleaned from the online catalog of the National Library of Israel.59 A card index compiled by a former director of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Hans Striedl, was the point of departure to trace many of Widmanstetter’s printed books, and numerous unknown items were found during the research for this study.60 The newly added information include bindings, paper, script, marginal notes, entries of ownership, and colophons. One contribution of the present study is the observation of the material aspects of each and every item in the library that provide information on Widmanstetter’s habits of work. Some volumes that previous scholars did not consider part of Widmanstetter’s collection could be identified as his based on the bindings, script, and other characteristic features. An attempt was made to place the bindings found on his books in the tradition of these artifacts and to make use of them for the history of his collections. Similarly, the other traces he left were entered into the catalog and analyzed in the study: the presence of marginal notes is noted, and colophons and entries of ownership may allow conclusions to be drawn about the chronology and circumstances of their acquisition. Besides the library itself, additional sources were used in this study. Widmanstetter was in contact with many Christian Hebraists and Jewish scholars of his period. This study draws on Widmanstetter’s correspondence with these figures, as this can elucidate important aspects of the library’s history. Some of these sources are presented in appendix A for the first time, both as transcriptions of the Hebrew original and as translations into English. Christian Hebraists had to meet a host of challenges to acquire Jewish books in sixteenth-century Europe. Chapter 2 begins the investigation into Widmanstetter’s library by highlighting that humanists found the ideal conditions for realizing their interests in Italy. Feeding on the libraries of local Italian Jews and those who had been expelled from their home countries, Widmanstetter was able to obtain Jewish books with ease and in large quantities. Jewish booksellers specifically geared their stocks towards the needs of the

59

60

See Moritz Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften der k. Hof- und Staatsbibliothek in München, 2nd rev. ed. (Munich: Palm’sche Buchhandlung, 1895); Steinschneider, “Die hebräischen Handschriften (1875).” The card index mentioned here forms part of Striedl’s estate kept at the bsb, along with other materials; see bsb, Ana 725 Hans Striedl. Where corrections in the identification of texts or other data by Steinschneider or Striedl were necessary, this was done sub silentio.

22

chapter 1

local Jewish communities, which required prayer books and halakhic works to sustain communal religious practice. In other words, Jewish booksellers were not equipped to meet the demands of Christian Hebraists. The evidence from Widmanstetter’s collection indicates that he indeed eschewed the services of Jewish booksellers, because their stocks of titles did not meet his humanistic interests, in favor of the Christian booksellers Daniel Bomberg and Paulus Aemilius. When Bomberg left Venice in 1539, Widmanstetter was no longer able to continually acquire printed books from outside Europe. After this date, Widmanstetter intermittently received volumes through the Habsburg emissary Bishop Antun Vrančić with whom he corresponded in the 1550s after he had become chancellor at the court of King Ferdinand I in Vienna. Another challenge that Christian Hebraists had to overcome was the fact that it was exceedingly rare to find kabbalistic manuscripts in the early modern age. Widmanstetter used his contacts with prominent Catholic dignitaries to get access to some of the finest collections of kabbalistic manuscripts and collaborated with both convert and Jewish scribes to copy them. Chapter 3 chronicles the circumstances and motivations for creating these manuscripts. The levels of quality of these manuscripts varied greatly according to the talents of the scribe to whom the work was entrusted and Widmanstetter’s oversight of the process. When Widmanstetter was living in Italy in the 1530s, his direct influence on the manuscripts is palpable in the form of quires he copied himself or even diagrams he drew himself (bsb, Codd.hebr. 103, 112, 115, 217–219, 221). After he relocated to Germany, the scribes he hired to copy kabbalistic manuscripts in Italy did so without the benefit of his assistance, which yielded mixed results. While the copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah (bsb, Cod.hebr. 96) was even superior to the purported Vorlage, a critical error in the colophon of Eleazar of Worms’ works (bsb, Cod.hebr. 81) embarrassed Widmanstetter and prompted him to distance himself in a written note. The fourth chapter surveys the different scholarly practices Widmanstetter used to maintain his collection of Jewish books. Widmanstetter’s use of chests and barrels, uncovered through letters and contemporary accounts, reveals that his work as a diplomat in the service of the nobility and the clergy directly shaped how he could access his books. Even basic changes Widmanstetter made to his manuscripts, such as rebindings, were connected with editorial decisions. Texts that he had bound together point to his conception of Jewish literary genres. In particular, Widmanstetter showed great care to bind together works of Kabbalah, Halakha, Bible commentaries, and dictionaries into onevolume libraries. Similarly illuminating are the title inscriptions he left on the bindings and inside his books. These paratextual notes also demonstrate that his interests went beyond bibliographical information and extended to ques-

introduction

23

tions of the transmission history of Jewish texts and even their materiality. Widmanstetter was also among the first Christians who tried to reconstruct the history of Jewish texts based on textual considerations. This chapter considers how book collectors integrated disciplines outside the traditional Christian curriculum into the classifications used to structure and access knowledge and the wider Christian debate on the place of Jewish books in the literary canon. Chapter 5 looks at Widmanstetter’s command and use of Hebrew, comparing it with his teacher Egidio da Viterbo. As a humanist working on Hebrew texts, Widmanstetter also acquired an active command of the language and wrote letters to other Hebraists, as well as to Jewish scholars. An analysis of this corpus sheds light on his strategic use of Hebrew in various communicative situations and the sources he used to compose letters. A commonplace book of Hebrew and Aramaic phrases that Widmanstetter gathered from various works in his library formed the basis for his letters to Jewish and Christian Hebraist scholars, allowing him to communicate in an elevated style of Hebrew which secured him entry into the Hebraist republic of letters. On a more general level, a comparison of the titles in his library with those in his teacher’s collection reveals that his notion of Hebraism differed from that of other Christian scholars. While Egidio da Viterbo focused exclusively on Jewish mystical works and texts that could benefit his interpretation of them, Widmanstetter also used his knowledge of Hebrew to receive Hebrew translations of the Arabic tradition. This gave him an advantage over scholars who did not read Hebrew, as many Arabic works were only available in early modern Europe as Hebrew translations. Widmanstetter’s first assessment of Jewish mysticism maybe found in his commentary on the Quran (1543), which is an attack on the Quran and the Prophet Muhammad. Lashing out in both directions, this commentary on the Quran is largely a confrontation with numerous kabbalistic motifs. In its discussion of this work, chapter 6 retraces Widmanstetter’s notion that many of the concepts of the Quran that were heretical from a Christian perspective had been derived from Jewish sources, mostly Kabbalah, but also the Talmud. He claimed that Muhammad had either misunderstood them or that they were inherently heretical. Among the ideas he rejected as heresy is the transmigration of souls (gilgul neshamot), which is in fact a notion that Jewish authors discussed. To Widmanstetter, the purported adoption of this idea in the Quran highlights the danger inherent in the concept of philosophia perennis. Christian scholars like Johannes Reuchlin and Guillaume Postel believed that most religious and philosophical traditions are derived from Kabbalah and could be harmonized in order to return to an undistorted Christian teaching. By contrast, Widmanstetter was less optimistic about Kabbalah’s potential usefulness

24

chapter 1

to Christianity. He feared that theologians might introduce ideas that would subvert Christian doctrine and thus destroy the church from within. Another threat that Widmanstetter wanted to address was the emerging rift between Catholic and Protestant theologians, which began to divide Christendom. In this light, the commentary on the Quran is not only a polemic against an adversary of the Catholic Church, it is also a warning against what Widmanstetter would have seen as frivolous theological innovations that could potentially destroy the church from within. The editio princeps of the Syriac New Testament that Widmanstetter published in Vienna in 1555 adds another facet to his position vis-à-vis Kabbalah. As part of this book, Widmanstetter created with Guillaume Postel a plate depicting a sefirotic ilan and the Crucifixion. The idea was apparently that both the sefirot and the Crucifixion indicate the hidden nature of God. Chapter 7 follows Widmanstetter’s engagement with the ten sefirot, the conclusions he drew from this experience, and what it means for his general outlook on Kabbalah. Widmanstetter collected sefirotic diagrams extensively for at least two decades before the publication of the Syriac New Testament and even drew a considerable number himself. Using the motifs of the plate as a guide, the themes of his kabbalistic doctrine are reconstructed from the marginal notes of his copy of the Zohar and his manuscripts on the ten sefirot. This plate is not a reversal of Widmanstetter’s previous stance on Kabbalah, but is within the parameters that he established twelve years before in the commentary on the Quran, where he allowed the doctrine of the ten sefirot as one of the few kabbalistic ideas compatible with Christianity. Widmanstetter remained uncomfortable with the subject matter and discouraged reckless application of Kabbalah to Christian theology. The ideas dealt with through the book—Widmanstetter’s ways to procure books, his care of his library and his thematic interests in his books—are discussed in the conclusion in chapter 8, which looks at other Christian Hebraists and thinkers to contextualize his activities book and to offer an answer to the question what Widmanstetter’s goals were in gathering his library of Jewish books.

chapter 2

Christian Hebraist Book Collecting in the Era of Expulsions Widmanstetter acquired most of his Jewish books in Italy when he lived there between 1527 and 1539. Nevertheless, the largest portion of his Hebrew library, sixty-six volumes, consisted of manuscripts from Spain.1 These Sefardic books were probably brought to Italy by the Jewish exiles of the Spanish expulsion of 1492. Elijah Capsali vividly described in his Seder Eliyahu Zuta how a caravan of Jewish exiles was attacked and robbed in North Africa, leaving many dead and the survivors without their clothes. These refugees were left with nothing but their books—apparently worthless to the robbers—whose pages “they sewed together […] to cover their nakedness.”2 This account reflects that Sefardic Jews carried little more than their books with them into their exile in Italy and the Levant, as the Christian authorities forbade them from taking other valuables like money or jewelry with them.3 The expulsion from Spain in 1492 was an unprecedented disruption in Jewish life, prompting in its wake the arrival of thousands of Sefardic manuscripts in Italy.4 The effects of these turmoils are

1 For the methodology used to assign these manuscripts to Spain, see Chapter 1, section 4. 2 “‫ויהיו שניהם ערומים האדם ואשתו ולא יתבוששו ויתפרו הישראלים עלי ספרים קדש לכסות דבר‬ ‫ערוה ויתלבשו עמודי שמים ירופפו ויתגעשו‬,” Elijah Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, ed. Aryeh Shmuelewitz (Jerusalem: Mossad Yad Ben Zvi/Hebrew University, 1975), 224. The translation is cited from David T. Raphael, ed., The Expulsion 1492 Chronicles: An Anthology of Medieval Chronicles Relating to the Expulsion of the Jews from Spain and Portugal (North Hollywood, CA: Carmi House, 1992), 29. 3 The movements of Hebrew manuscripts in the context of expulsions from European countries has been briefly outlined in Benjamin Richler, “The Dispersion of Medieval Jewish Manuscripts and Its Significance for Understanding the Phenomenon of Hebrew Membra Disiecta,” in “Fragmenta ne pereant”: Recupero e studio dei frammenti di manoscritti medievali e rinascimentali riutilizatti in legature, ed. Mauro Perani and Cesarino Ruini, Le tessere 4 (Ravenna: Longo, 2002), 75–83 (esp. 80). 4 As recent scholarship has shown, the expulsion also left its mark on Jewish cultural production. See Moshe Idel, “Religion, Thought and Attitudes: The Impact of the Expulsion on the Jews,” in Spain and the Jews: The Sephardi Experience, 1492 and After, ed. Elie Kedourie (London: Thames & Hudson, 1992), 123–139; Moshe Idel, “Spanish Kabbalah after the Expulsion,” in Moreshet Sepharad: The Sephardi Legacy, ed. Haim Beinart, vol. 2 (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1992), 166–178; Hava Tirosh-Samuelson, “The Ultimate End of Human Life in Postexpulsion Philosophic Literature,” in Crisis and Creativity in the Sephardic World, 1391–

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_003

26

chapter 2

also visible in the library of Widmanstetter, as it contains for the most part manuscripts from this part of the Jewish world as well as from other countries that had expelled Jews. Widmanstetter’s library thus testifies to the specific situation of the Jewish book market in sixteenth-century Italy that was the result of external political events. At the same time, it documents the emergence of printing houses, like Soncino and Bomberg, that catered to the needs of both Jews and Christians and were also active as booksellers. This chapter will investigate how Widmanstetter amassed a Hebrew library in this period by following his hunt for Jewish books in various contexts and situations. First, it will briefly lay out the chronology of his activities as a book collector as it can be gleaned from the material evidence of his books. In the following section, the trajectories of some of his books from their original Jewish owners into Widmanstetter’s hands will be traced over centuries. Then it will discuss the Jewish and Christian private collectors from whom Widmanstetter obtained books. The subsequent section is concerned with the professional booksellers who provided Widmanstetter with Hebrew books from remote places of publication like Constantinople. And the final section presents the Habsburg officials in the Levant with whom Widmanstetter corresponded in order to obtain specific Jewish (and Oriental) books that he had been unable to find in Europe.

1

Chronology of Acquisition

The exact time and place of Widmanstetter’s first purchase of a Jewish book is unknown. There is a chance that Widmanstetter had already begun collecting Jewish books during his studies at the University of Tübingen in the 1520s. In this period, universities in Germany began offering Hebrew courses on a regular basis and supplied students with the necessary books. In a letter from 1521, the famous Christian Hebraist Johannes Reuchlin requested the printer Daniel Bomberg to produce Bibles for the students in his Hebrew courses. The

1648, ed. Benjamin R. Gampel (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 223–254. More general studies on the repercussions are Zeev Gries, “The Print as an Agent of Communication Between the Jewish Communities after the Expulsion from Spain” [Hebrew], Daat: A Journal of Jewish Philosophy & Kabbalah 28 (1992): 5–17; Henry Kamen, “The Mediterranean and the Expulsion of Spanish Jews in 1492,”Past & Present 119 (1988): 30–55; Eleazar Gutwirth, “The Expulsion from Spain and Jewish Historiography,” in Jewish History: Essays in Honour of Chimen Abramsky, ed. Ada Rapoport-Albert and Steven J. Zipperstein (London: Peter Halban, 1988), 141–161.

christian hebraist book collecting

27

university then imported these books for Reuchlin’s students.5 Widmanstetter indeed owned Daniel Bomberg’s Biblia Rabbinica of 1524–1525, but we cannot conclude that he acquired it during his university studies, since books frequently remained unsold in the bookstore for years or sometimes decades until a buyer acquired them.6 It is more likely that Widmanstetter began collecting Jewish books after going to Italy in 1527 to continue his studies in Turin, Naples, and Rome. There, he had ample opportunity to scour the shops of Italian booksellers and rummage through the libraries of his Christian and Jewish teachers. Italy was the center of Jewish book printing in the sixteenth century. Both Jewish family-run companies like the Soncinos as well as Christian businessmen such as Daniel Bomberg, a major force in the Jewish book market, served customers of both faiths. In Italy, exiled Jews were offering their books for sale or their expertise in copying fresh manuscripts of rare texts. The earliest datable acquisitions are a series of copies from kabbalistic manuscripts in the libraries of Egidio da Viterbo and Pier Luigi Farnese. These books can be dated to the years 1537–1538 from their colophons.7 Similarly, the dates of publication of his printed books are instructive regarding the terminus post quem of their purchase. Widmanstetter only acquired thirteen Hebrew printed books that were printed after his departure from Italy in 1539, and all of those books were printed in Venice—expediting acquisition to anyone passing through on the way between Germany and Rome or by ordering them from a local book agent.8 This finding is indicative of Widmanstetter’s decreasing ability to maintain his contacts with the cultural centers of Italy where Jewish books were produced. With his rise through the hierarchy at German princely courts, Widmanstetter’s activities as a collector of Jewish books became impeded by infrequent visits to Italy, resulting in reduced acquisitions of Jewish books. It was Widmanstetter’s physical absence from

5 See Stephen G. Burnett, Christian Hebraism in the Reformation Era (1500–1660): Authors, Books, and the Transmission of Jewish Learning (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 209. Widmanstetter probably did not study under Reuchlin, although he knew the pioneering Christian Hebraist since childhood, see Chapter 1, section 1. 6 See bsb, 2 B.orient. 16, Miqraʾot Gedolot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1524) and Angela Nuovo, The Book Trade in the Italian Renaissance, Library of the Written Word, the Handpress World 26 (Leiden: Brill, 2013), 350. 7 bsb, Codd.hebr. 81, 96, 103, 106, 112, 115, 217–219, 221, 285. These manuscripts will be discussed more closely below. 8 These books were published by Giustiniani (five), Adelkind (four), and Parenzo (two); the final two volumes are clearly from Venice, but with the publisher unknown: bsb, 2 A.hebr. 24 and 4 A.hebr. 310.

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Italy from the 1540s until his death in 1557 that reduced his connections to all Italian publishing houses except those at the northern commercial center of Venice. This periodization of Widmanstetter’s acquisitions can be substantiated using the material evidence of the bindings he chose for his printed books.9 The dates of publication provide a terminus post quem for the point in time at which Widmanstetter shifted from binding his books in one distinct type of binding to another type. In Italy, he used limp parchment bindings—the low-cost option for binding books in the early modern period consisting only of sturdy parchment that had been cut and folded to fit the book’s format. The last printed book in Widmanstetter’s library that is bound in a limp parchment binding is Daniel Bomberg’s edition of Gerhard Veltwyck’s polemic, Itinera Deserti, published in 1539.10 Widmanstetter used this type of binding on the majority of his printed books published until the end of his stay in Italy, so between 1527 and 1539. From the 1540s onward, he had all of his printed books bound into “Widmanstetter binding”: a binding made of sturdy pigskin on wooden boards that has been traced by historians of bindings to 1540s Augsburg.11 And it was in this southern German city that Widmanstetter served Cardinal Otto of Augsburg from 1546 to 1551. There are several pre-1539 books in Widmanstetter bindings that he might have bought during his visits to Italy after 1540 or possibly through book agents like Paulus Aemilius.12 However, the opposite observation cannot be made regarding the limp parchment binding: not a single printed book after 1539 is bound in a limp parchment binding, indicating that Widmanstetter stopped applying this type of binding after leaving Italy. Figure 3 illustrates that the sudden shift from one type of binding to the other coincided with moving from one country to the other.13 During his stay in Italy, he chose the low-price limp parchment binding, but as soon as he moved to Germany, we only find him binding his books into the sturdy Widmanstetter binding. The results of this analysis of the prints can also applied to Widmanstetter’s manuscripts where a clear trend in his activity as a collector emerges: forty-three out of 135 volumes containing manuscripts were bound in a limp parchment bind-

9 10 11 12 13

For a detailed discussion of the bindings Widmanstetter used, see Chapter 4, section 1.2. See bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411. The only exception being bsb, 2 A.hebr. 223, which is in an Italian Renaissance binding. These are bsb, 4 A.hebr. 242, 2 A.hebr. 67, Res/2 A.hebr. 182, 2 A.hebr. 31, 4 A.hebr. 283, L.as. 162, and Res/4 A.hebr. 310. We should keep in mind though that limp parchment bindings remained a popular choice due to their low price and that is possible that some manuscripts acquired after 1539 could have been bound into them.

29

christian hebraist book collecting

Binding Lim Wid

Sum

Ottoman Empire

60

40

20

0

Sum

Europe

60

40

20

1547

The use of two different bindings in Widmanstetter’s printed books. For a detailed list of bindings, see the index of the catalog in appendix D

ing against seventeen manuscripts in a Widmanstetter binding, suggesting that he purchased the bulk of his manuscripts during his years in Italy rather than in Germany. For the history of his book acquisitions this means that he apparently enjoyed better access to manuscripts before 1540.14 While the exact extent of his acquisitions during his studies in Germany in the 1520s remains unclear, the bibliographical and material evidence points to the 1527–1539 period in Italy as the high point of Widmanstetter’s collecting of Jewish books. Once he had left Italy, he only sporadically added books to his collection during the remainder of his life in Germany.

14

1549

1545

1546

1539

1544

1537

1538

1534

1523

1526

1519

1522

1517

1518

1513

1515

1497

1505

1488

1487

1483

1484

1472

figure 3

1476

0

For the exact numbers refer to the index of bindings in appendix D.

30 2

chapter 2

Traces of Late Medieval Jewish Libraries

Like many of his contemporaries, Widmanstetter followed the time-honored practice of buying extant libraries to quickly build his collection. The seventeenth-century French author Gabriel Naudé and advised scholars in his treatise, titled Advis pour dresser une bibliothèque (“Counsel regarding the establishment of a library”), that this was an efficient way to start a new library.15 Widmanstetter did not buy older libraries in their entirety, but selected those items that were of interest to him. We can tell that this was one of his main methods for obtaining Jewish books, because the previous owners left their signatures or sales contracts inside them, illuminating the lives of these books in earlier libraries. Widmanstetter likewise wrote his entry of ownership into the books, usually at the bottom of the first page.16 By analyzing the provenances from Widmanstetter’s books, it is possible to retrace the trajectory of individual books and even larger collections that eventually converged in his Christian Hebraist library. 2.1 Exiled Libraries The assembly of Widmanstetter’s books testifies to the cultural activities of late medieval and early modern Jewry and to the external forces which often intervened in their lives. Widmanstetter purchased many of his books from Italian Jews making his collection thus also a mirror of the situation in Italy where Jews had been living in relative stability for two millennia and were able to assemble large collections of books.17 Sometimes, however, Widmanstetter indirectly profited from the political events which displaced Jews and put their books into his path. Other parts of the Jewish world are represented with smaller numbers of manuscripts in Widmanstetter’s library. Only a small fraction of his manuscripts can be traced back to Ashkenaz. The Jews of this part of the world had suffered expulsions from cities since the fourteenth century. During Widmanstetter’s lifetime, the southern German city Regensburg cast out its Jewish

15

16 17

Naudé gives many examples from the history of libraries for the practices he recommends to his readers. For the method under discussion he mentions, for instance, the acquisition of Cardinal Bessarion’s books by the library of San Marco (fifteenth century) and Gian Vincenzo Pinelli’s books that came into the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan (sixteenth century); see Gabriel Naudé, Advis pour dresser une bibliothèque: Précédé de L’advis, manifeste de la bibliothèque érudite. Reproduction en fac-similé, ed. Claude Jolly (Paris: Amateurs des Livres, 1990), 105–107. A detailed index of previous owners can be found in the index of the catalog in appendix D. See Richler, “Dispersion of Medieval Jewish Manuscripts,” 80–81.

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citizens in 1519.18 Many of the entries by previous owners in Widmanstetter’s library record the histories of their exiles from Spain, Provence, and many German cities, as they were often among the few possessions they were allowed to take with them. Inscribed at the beginning of one of Widmanstetter’s manuscripts is the following account of two murders and looting that occurred in the summer of 1484. This event unfolded in the vicinity of the Provençal city of Arles, and two similar incidents followed in the subsequent days in two nearby towns: Today, on 11 Sivan 5244 [13 June 1484], a vile incident occurred in our tents: When two malicious and sinful men pillaged and plundered [them], they killed two women, Donna Morada and Belanga, the wife of Isaac Nasi. On 13 Sivan of the abovementioned year, the harvesters pillaged and looted the Holy Community of Arles and killed two women and threw them into the river and converted about fifty [people]. On 15 [Sivan] of the abovementioned [year], they pillaged the Holy Community of Tarascon.19 This note is remarkable in the context of the prehistory of Widmanstetter’s library, as it records a historical event that shaped the lives of the Jews who owned the book and by extension the trajectory of the book itself; although it is certainly a common trait of Jewish manuscripts as a whole. These events were the beginning of a series of persecutions both by the Christian inhabitants and the authorities that drove the Jews out of Provence in the decades before the year 1500—among them were likely the owners of this manuscript. Compared to the situation in France, the Jews of Provence had enjoyed a long period of relative stability. In the latter part of the fifteenth century, the count of Provence, René of Anjou, guarded the Jewish communities in his domain.20 After René’s

18

19 20

For a recent study of the expulsion from Regensburg based on documentary evidence, see Veronika Nickel, Widerstand durch Recht, Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden 28 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2018). Ilona Steimann has traced the paths of the Jewish books that were expropriated in these events and how they found their way into the hands of the German humanist Hartmann Schedel, suggesting that the Christian authorities targeted a specific range of books which they perceived as blasphemous. The confiscated books then shaped the collections of individuals like Schedel who profited from them; see Ilona Steimann, “‘Habent sua fata libelli’: Hebrew Books from the Collection of Hartmann Schedel” (Doctoral thesis, Hebrew University Jerusalem, 2014), 62. bsb, Cod.hebr. 271, f. 1r; see the catalog entry in appendix D for the Hebrew original. In 1453, the Jewish community of Arles faced blood-libel accusations that were only warded off when Count René intervened to save the Jews; see Ram Ben-Shalom, “The Blood Libel in Arles and the Franciscan Mission in Avignon in 1453: ‘Paris Manuscript,’

32

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death in 1480, the rule of Provence passed to his nephew, King Charles viii of France. Suddenly, the Jews of Provence found themselves under the rule of a king with avowed anti-Jewish sentiments, who imposed hardships on the Jews of Provence with his new policies. Although the French authorities initially renewed the time-honored privileges of the Jewish communities in 1482, violence against the Provençal Jews erupted in 1484. In the Provençal town of Arles, fifty members of the local community were forcibly converted to Christianity. The anonymous writer of the note in Widmanstetter’s manuscript gives an informative account of how the persecutions spread from town to town within a matter of days. Although Provençal officials sometimes attempted to intervene and place the Jews in their cities and towns under their protection, they were unable to prevent pogroms from breaking out again in the following year. For fear of falling victim to the periodically recurring persecutions, many Jews fled Provence over the next decade before the royal decree of expulsion of 1501. Another thirteen of Widmanstetter’s manuscripts originated in Provence or can be attributed to Provençal Jews on account of entries of ownership that bear names typical of the region or material properties that are indicative of the location of their production. These traces in the margins of Widmanstetter’s manuscripts bespeak the blossoming of Jewish life in fifteenth-century Provence that came to a sudden end after the death of Duke René.21 In the

21

Héb. 631,” Zion 63, no. 4 (1998): 391–408. This not to say that Count René did not seek and actively pursued the conversion of the Jews in his domain, but he detested the methods other rulers of his time applied to coerce Jews into conversion. Instead, he opted to offer incentives like forgiving debts and providing full legal rights; see Adolf Kober, “Jewish Converts in Provence from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century,” Jewish Social Studies 6, no. 4 (1944): 351–374 (345). Other manuscripts that have visible ties to Provence include bsb, Codd.hebr. 128 and 284. The first of these comprises Maimonides’ Commentary on the Mishnah and astronomical works, and may have originated in Provence in the latter half of the fifteenth century, given the Sefardic-Provençal cursive script. The second manuscript, which contains commentaries by Averroes, was copied in 1403 by Judah ben Solomon for his own use. It later passed to Abraham Astruc whose surname also indicates Provençal extraction; see Richard Gottheil, “Astruc,” in The Jewish Encyclopedia, ed. Isidore Singer, vol. 2 (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1902), 251. Many of the Provençal manuscripts bear entries of ownership with the surname “Orgier” (‫)אורגייר‬, which is a typical Provence surname and is among the most frequently recurring in Widmanstetter’s library—for example, there is a Provençal prayer book (Maḥzor Minhag Carpentras) which once belonged to Leon Crescas Orgier and Isaac Orgier (see bsb, Cod.hebr. 407, ff. iv, i’r). Most of the known material concerning the name Orgier has been compiled in Heinrich Gross, Gallia Judaica: Dictionnaire géographique de la France d’après les sources rabbiniques, trans. M. Bloch, Société des études juives (France) (Paris: Librairie Léopold Cerf, 1897), 28–29. On individuals with the

christian hebraist book collecting

33

time subsequent to the expulsion from Provence, these books crossed the path of Widmanstetter, likely in Italy, who finally absorbed them into his library. Like many other collections which were formed in this period, Widmanstetter’s Christian Hebraist collection is thus also a mirror of the influx of knowledge from the countries that expelled Jews.22 An even more momentous event for the formation of Widmanstetter’s library in terms of the number of manuscripts is the expulsion of the Sefardic Jewry at the end of the fifteenth century, touched upon at the beginning of this chapter.23 No less than sixty-six items, almost half of the overall number of manuscripts in the library, can be traced back to the Iberian peninsula. As the Sefardic Jews were forbidden from taking with them money or jewelry, books would have been among the most valuable possessions they brought with them.24 Indeed, some of the dramatic accounts by these refugees illustrate how they escaped with nothing but their books, as the kabbalist Judah Ḥayyat described in the preface to his commentary on Sefer Maʿarekhet haElohut. After arriving in the North African city Fez, Ḥayyat was seized by the Muslim authorities and had to be ransomed by local Jews to whom he gave about 200 of his books in payment for his redemption.25 The high proportion of

22

23 24 25

surname Orgier, see also Ernest Wickersheimer, Dictionnaire biographique des médecins en France au Moyen Âge (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1936), 111, 728; Moritz Steinschneider, “Jüdische Ärze,” Zeitschrift für Hebräische Bibliographie 17 (1914): 63–96, 121–167, passim; Moritz Steinschneider, “Salomon de Melgueil et Salomon Orgerius,”Revue des études juives 5 (1882): 277–281 (280); “Bibliographie: Revue bibliographique 3e et 4e trimestres 1883,” Revue des études juives 7 (1883): 287–315 (294); Isaak Münz, Die jüdischen Ärzte im Mittelalter: Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters (Frankfurt am Main: Kauffmann, 1922), 65; Isidore Loeb, “Un convoi d’exilés d’Espagne á Marseille en 1492,”Revue des études juives 9 (1884): 66–76 (67–68); Nathan Koren, Jewish Physicians: A Biographical Index (Jerusalem: Israel Universities Press, 1973), 106. Similar trajectories can be reconstructed from notes left by previous owners for the libraries of other Jews who were expelled from Provence. The Munich Talmud, bsb, Cod.hebr. 95, was in the possession of Yohannan ben Matatiah when he left Provence for Padua. Jacob ben Nathan sold it to Jews in southern Germany in 1480. For the next few centuries, the manuscript remained in the possession of the Jewish Ulma family. Through non-Jewish institutions, the Talmud and two manuscripts (bsb, Codd.hebr. 2 and 100) from the Ulma library were acquired by the Hofbibliothek in Munich, later the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, in the early nineteenth century. I thank Ronny Vollandt for bringing the history of these manuscripts to my attention. For a study on the problem of documentary evidence and how it might be overcome, see Kamen, “Expulsion of Spanish Jews.” See Kamen, “Expulsion of Spanish Jews,” 38. See Judah ben Jacob Ḥayyat, “Haqdamat Minḥat Yehudah Pirush Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut,” in Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut (Mantua, 1558), 1a–4a (3a): “‫נתתי להם בשכר הפדיון קרוב למאתים‬

34

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Sefardic manuscripts in Widmanstetter’s library may be indicative of the large number of books that streamed from Spain into Italy after 1492. In major Italian cities like Rome, Naples, Genoa, Livorno, and Venice, these newly arrived refugees were often pitted against long-established communities, but they also brought with them previously unknown ideas and texts that would reshape the intellectual landscape.26 After the expulsion, the particular Spanish brand of Kabbalah became current in Italy and eventually even supplanted the Italian canon of kabbalistic texts.27 As will be shown, Widmanstetter’s library preserves vestiges of this process in the selection of books from previous owners. For the most part, the names of previous owners occur only once within the library, but there are also larger samples of previous collections belonging to single owners that are today preserved in Munich and other libraries. Similar fates have been recorded in the libraries of other humanists. It is still noteworthy to call attention to them in order to better appreciate particular interests of these Jewish owners that helped to shape the thematic focus of Widmanstetter’s collection. 2.2 Italian Jewish Libraries One Jewish collection under discussion in Widmanstetter’s library reflects the situation among Italian Jews before the events of 1492. Like a snapshot, it captures part of the circulation of books within the Jewish community in Rome over some one hundred years. These books were accumulated over time by affluent families who handed their libraries down for generations. Among the libraries that can still be discerned in Widmanstetter’s collection are those of Abraham Alatrino and Mordecai ben Eliezer. Alatrino sold his books to Mordecai ben Eliezer before they eventually came into Widmanstetter’s Christian Hebraist library. Abraham ben Menahem Alatrino was the scion of an eminent Italian Jewish family that derived its name from a town by the name of Alatri, located in

26

27

‫ספרים שהיו לי‬.” For a biographical sketch of Ḥayyat based on this text, see Moshe Idel, Kabbalah in Italy, 1280–1510: A Survey (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), 213–214. In Rome, for example, the exiles were already competing with the Italian Jews for control of the community’s affairs by 1505, a situation which was temporarily resolved when Pope Julius ii intervened; see Shlomo Simonsohn, “The Jews in the Papal States to the Ghetto,” in Italia Judaica: Gli ebrei nello Stato pontificio fino al Ghetto (1555). Atti del vi convegno internazionale Tel Aviv, 18–22 giugno 1995 (Rome: Ministero per i beni e ambientali ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici, 1998), 11–29 (27–28). The influx of Sefardic motifs and texts into Italian Kabbalah is discussed at length in Idel, Kabbalah in Italy, 212–226.

christian hebraist book collecting

35

the Lazio region surrounding Rome.28 The owner of the manuscripts under discussion, Abraham Alatrino, is documented in various manuscripts. He actively collected books in the period from 1433 to 1461, while he probably lived in Rome. Alatrino owned a lengthy parchment manuscript of Midrash Rabah that had been copied by Menahem ben Samuel in 1418, which is among Widmanstetter’s books.29 In 1433, Alatrino had the scribe Eleazar ha-Kohen copy Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmaʿel along with various midrashim.30 Another manuscript from Alatrino’s library that found its way into the collection contains a florilegium of philosophic texts.31 Apart from Widmanstetter’s manuscripts at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, three more manuscripts bearing Alatrino’s entry of ownership are today found in Italian manuscript collections, thus allowing a more extensive vista of Alatrino’s interests. Apart from the Bible, which is represented by the Prophets, his selection of works points to an interest in Aristotelian philosophy and Kabbalah.32 Before coming into Widmanstetter’s possession, these books passed through the hands of another owner and his family, discernible by his entries of ownership and sales contracts. Two manuscripts contain contracts documenting the sale of these manuscripts on the same day, 5 November 1460, from Abraham Alatrino to Mordecai ben Eliezer.33 Another three volumes are documented as Alatrino’s property through his signature, although these manuscripts contain no sales contracts.34 Even so, Mordecai may have purchased these manuscripts along with the other two items. It is noteworthy, that Alatrino was not merely selling off inherited books that he had no interest in, but valuable items that he had commissioned for his personal use. 28

29 30 31 32 33

34

This family traced its oldest known member, Menahem ben Solomon of Fermo (near Ancona), to the year 1295. The last known Alatrino, Isaac ben Abraham, was a rabbi in Cingoli who is mentioned in sources dating to the seventeenth century; see Cecil Roth, The Jews in the Renaissance (New York: Harper & Row, 1965), 135, 269–270; Cecil Roth and Alessandro Guetta, “Alatrini,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed., vol. 1 (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), 579. See the catalog entry of bsb, Cod.hebr. 97 for the full colophon. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 117. This manuscript is also known as the Munich Mekhilta. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 201. The three manuscripts in question are Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 437; Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 337; and Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3152. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 97, f. 366v and Cod.hebr. 117, f. 218v. The first account of Mordecai ben Eliezer known to me is found in Hermann Vogelstein and Paul Rieger, Geschichte der Juden in Rom (Berlin: Mayer & Müller, 1895), vol. 2, 75. The explanation proffered by Vogelstein and Rieger is also based on the entries of ownership. However, their list of manuscripts is incomplete. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 201, f. 106v; Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 337, f. [1r]; and Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3152, f. 143v.

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Some of the manuscripts document a coherent chain of inheritance that extends until the generation of Mordecai’s grandchildren. According to the various notes he left in his manuscripts, Mordecai ben Eliezer was a Jewish physician who belonged to the Roman family Angeloni.35 Beside the five books that he bought from Alatrino, he also signed his name into three more books that he acquired from unnamed sources, suggesting that he might have been an affluent man through his work as a physician.36 The only book pertinent to Mordecai’s profession is an anthology of medical treatises.37 Apart from the exegetical and kabbalistic works he acquired from Alatrino, Mordecai owned several midrashim in an anthology.38 Before the books from the library of Mordecai came into Widmanstetter’s possession, some books were sold by Mordecai or his descendants and then reacquired by them. Mordecai himself sold off one manuscript to one Samuel Rafael ben Benjamin of Pisa. However, that manuscript also contains an entry of ownership by Mordecai’s son, Abraham, so it appears that a family member purchased it back from Samuel.39 A series of contracts and notes in the Munich Mekhilta manuscript documents the transmission of some of the books from Mordecai ben Eliezer to his daughter Hanna, who then bequeathed it to her son Reuben ben Jekutiel. The last entry on the page explains that just like his grandfather Mordecai and his father’s family before him, Reuben too worked as a physician. In addition, the notes in the Munich Mekhilta signal that both sides of Reuben’s parentage were physicians and thus had been established among the Jewish elite in Rome for generations.40 In sum, Mordecai ben Eliezer and his family belonged to the upper social echelons of Roman Jewry in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, and so could afford to build up sizable collections of Jewish books and maintain them over generations. These findings speak to the relative economic stability that Jews enjoyed in Rome in the Renaissance and to their high degree of learning.

35 36 37 38 39

40

See the entries of ownership in bsb, Cod.hebr. 117, f. 218v. These notes were already used in Steinschneider, “Jüdische Ärzte,” nos. 1456–1458. For the transcriptions, see the catalog. These manuscripts are bsb, Cod.hebr. 77; bsb, Cod.hebr. 111; and Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 10. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 111. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 77. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 2r, 171r. Mordecai also sold a manuscript to the physician Rafael Samuel Avir on 23 December 1465 which found its way into Widmanstetter’s hands; see bsb, Cod.hebr. 207, f. 103v. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 117, f. 217v—see the catalog entry for the full text. Vogelstein and Rieger, Geschichte, vol. 2, 135, recounts the acquisitions, sales, and inheritance of the manuscript over generations.

christian hebraist book collecting

37

We do not know if Widmanstetter received these books directly from Mordecai’s descendants, nor what prompted their sale. The period of acquisition can be estimated based on Widmanstetter’s entries of ownership. He signed all of the books that had passed through the hands of Abraham Alatrino and Mordecai ben Eliezer as “Joannes Alberti Widmestadii”—without the titles or epithets he later acquired. This points to the period before 1541, when Widmanstetter obtained the title of juris consultus at Siena that he would subsequently use to sign his name.41 This interpretation thus dates the acquisition to the main period of Widmanstetter’s activity as a collector of Jewish books in Italy (1527 to 1539) that was suggested at the beginning of the chapter. 2.3 Spanish-Jewish Libraries An altogether different picture for the books of Sefardic Jews coming to Italy after the expulsion from Spain emerges from another Jewish library that can be traced through two generations. This library was first assembled by a man only known as “Jehiel” and later by his sons Moses and Judah. In Widmanstetter’s library, a total of eleven manuscripts and one printed book bear Jehiel’s entry of ownership.42 The subject matters of his books indicate that Jehiel’s main interest was philosophy—mostly by Jewish authors.43 The remainder of his library reveals a mind occupied with questions of mathematics, astronomy, astrology, and the talmudic commentaries of Moses Nachmanides.44 He also possessed two volumes in Judeo-Arabic.45 Jehiel’s manuscripts are more recent than those of Abraham Alatrino and Mordecai ben Eliezer, the most recent dating from the fourteenth century. The earliest print in Jehiel’s collection is Maimonides’ Guide for the Perplexed from 1469–1472, intimating that he could have started collecting books in the late 1460s.46 Based on the colophon in one of the manuscripts, we know that the collection was expanded until at least the year 1487.47 On this basis, Jehiel’s activity as a book collector can be narrowed down to the last quarter of the fifteenth century. His sons probably sold the books sometime before 1513. This is because one volume first passed through the hands of Anto41

42 43 44 45 46 47

If we assume that Widmanstetter maintained a certain level of consistency when signing his name, this pattern also indicates that he did not buy the books piecemeal but as a whole. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 36, 70, 75, 110, 111, 120, 201, 202, 239, 280, Cod.arab. 236, and Res/4 A.hebr. 210. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 110, 111, 120, 239, and Res/4 A.hebr. 210. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 70, and 202. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 110 and Cod.arab. 236. See bsb, Res/4 A.hebr. 210. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 280, f. 241r.

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nio Flaminio, an Italian Christian Hebraist, who died in 1513.48 As Flaminio’s name is found in only one of Jehiel’s books, it remains unclear if he also possessed the rest of Jehiel’s library that Widmanstetter acquired. In sum, the library was in the hands of Jehiel and his heirs approximately between the 1480s and the early 1500s. This means the library was formed at a time when expelled Sefardic Jews arrived in Italy with their books. Unlike the collections of Abraham Alatrino and Mordecai ben Eliezer, Jehiel’s library contains four manuscripts that were copied in Sefarad.49 Jehiel’s identity is even more obscure than the period in which he actively collected books, because his surname is deleted in all the manuscripts. The space between the erased sections indicates that the surname consists of three components including the name of Jehiel’s father.50 As the latter part of Jehiel’s name likely contained the name of his father, its deletion could signal that he followed the Sefardic practice of omitting the name of his convert father from his appellation and applied it to his books.51 As Jehiel had recorded the name of his father in a manuscript dated to 1487 before he deleted it, it is plausible that the father converted as a result of the events of 1492.52 Jehiel then fled Spain with his family and settled in Italy, taking with him his books, from which he expunged his father’s name. After his death, Jehiel’s library became a family heirloom, as most of his books are also signed by his two sons Moses and Judah, who owned the manuscripts together.53 These two men also signed their names into two additional

48 49 50

51

52 53

Flaminio signed his name in bsb, Cod.hebr. 202, f. 163v. For more on the library of this Christian Hebraist, see Chapter 2, section 3.2 below. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 75, 239, 280, and bsb, Cod.hebr. arab. 236. It has been suggested that Jehiel was the son of Johanan ben Joseph Treves, the author of Kimḥa de-Avishuna, a rabbi and scholar who traveled widely through Italy in the sixteenth century; see Yehoshua Horowitz, “Treves, Johanan Ben Joseph,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed., vol. 20 (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), 135; Nehemia Brüll, “Das Geschlecht der Treves,” Jahrbücher für Jüdische Geschichte und Litteratur 1 (1874): 87–122. Brüll’s assessment was accepted by Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 265. See Paola Tartakoff, Between Christian and Jew: Conversion and Inquisition in the Crown of Aragon, 1250–1391, The Middle Ages Series (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), 108–111, 114–115. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 280, f. 1r. bsb, Cod.hebr. 111 ties together the histories of the Jewish libraries discussed here that existed in Italy in the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries, as it belonged first to Mordecai ben Eliezer, but later Moses and Judah ben Jehiel signed their names in it. It is not clear if Widmanstetter acquired the entire library of Mordecai ben Eliezer through the two brothers, or if this is a singular overlap.

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manuscripts found in Widmanstetter’s library.54 As these manuscripts do not contain Jehiel’s name, they were likely acquired by the brothers and did not belong to the books they inherited from their father.55 The older Italian library, that was assembled by Abraham Alatrino and Mordecai ben Eliezer, reflects the texts that were available in Italy in the middle of the fifteenth century, although some books date back as far as the thirteenth century. Except for two books from Ashkenaz, every manuscript in this collection stems from Italy, but there are no books from Sefarad. In contrast, the Spanish library, collected by Jehiel and his sons Moses and Judah, was in Jewish hands for a shorter period of time, and differs from the Italian libraries in terms of the age and origin of its books: the oldest items in this library date back to the fourteenth century and almost half of them were produced in Sefarad and ultimately brought to Italy. This younger library reflects the influx of texts that became available in Italy around 1500 after the expulsion of the Jews from the Iberian peninsula. For both collections, only short phases of active collecting can be observed on part of the respective founder. It seems that the heirs of the original collectors added only a few books and concentrated on maintaining the collection. Comparing these two libraries adumbrates the interplay of Italian and Sefardic intellectual activities. Before the cataclysmic events of 1492, Sefardic books were all but unknown in Italian libraries. They reached Italy only on a larger scale after the expulsion, when they became absorbed into the libraries of the local Jewry and Christian Hebraists, like Widmanstetter, and widened their interests. Widmanstetter almost certainly indirectly profited from the political events which displaced Jews and put their books into his path. No volumes from Widmanstetter’s Hebraist library, however, can be identified as loot. The absence of written statements inside his books tends to suggest that he did not acquire looted books for his Hebrew library, since he was not reluctant to indicate this. We know that Widmanstetter did indeed profit from at least one looted book, although this was not taken from Jewish hands. He owned a splendidly decorated Quran that had been copied in 1226 in Seville, and about whose provenance he wrote a note at the beginning: “A Quran from the sack of

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bsb, Codd.hebr. 91 and 243. The archival records of the Jewish community in Rome mention two men named Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel that could be identified with the two brothers. These documents suggest that both brothers were active as businessmen in Rome in the 1530s to 1550s; see Vogelstein and Rieger, Geschichte, 117–118 and Kenneth R. Stow, The Jews in Rome, vol. 1: 1536–1551 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), nos. 28, 29, 227, 241, 286, 474, 559, 565, 701, 843, 1116, 1144, 1889, and 1919.

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Tunis.”56 Widmanstetter thus freely acknowledged that he owned this book as a result of the pillaging that took place in the wake of the city’s conquest in 1517. Perhaps surprisingly, the question of Widmanstetter’s legitimate possession of books will emerge again in the context of the Christian libraries he was able to access, which will be discussed further in the next section.

3

Books Acquired from Private Libraries

Books that came into Widmanstetter’s library as a result of expulsions of Jews were only a small part of the overall collection. Having examined the wider background of the library’s provenance, we shall now look closely at the individuals who sold a larger number of books directly to Widmanstetter. 3.1 Books from Jewish Contacts The sale of books to Christians was a fraught subject that had been debated among Jewish writers for centuries before Widmanstetter’s time. The Jewish stance towards selling books to non-Jews was ambivalent in the Renaissance period.57 The anti-Jewish slander by many Christian Hebraists who had been instructed by Jews greatly added to the reluctance towards sharing Jewish sources with Christian students. Ever since Judaism and Christianity parted ways in late antiquity, the church claimed that Christians had replaced Jews as God’s people. Over the course of history, Jewish leaders were guided in their rulings on the subject based by their experiences with the non-Jewish majority societies they lived in and contrasting opinions of the Babylonian Talmud and later authorities, like Moses Maimonides, who even encouraged non-Jews to study Torah.58 56

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bsb, Cod.arab. 1, f. 1r: “Alcoranus ex direptione Tunnetana.” For a description of this manuscript, see Joseph Aumer, Die arabischen Handschriften der K. Hof- und Staatsbibliothek in München (Munich: Palm, 1866), 1. The battles of Habsburg and Ottoman forces filled the libraries of European Orientalists with Arabic manuscripts and had some influence on early scholarship. For a study of this subject, see Robert Jones, “Piracy, War, and Acquisition of Arabic Manuscripts in Renaissance Europe,” Manuscripts of the Middle East 2 (1987): 96–110 (for the manuscript in question, see p. 100). In Germany, for example, there was a lively collaboration between some figures like Naftali Hirsch Treves and Caspar Amman, despite the recent negative experiences during the expulsion from the cities. This exchange of ideas is surveyed in a study that includes an edition of the correspondence between the two scholars; see Eric Zimmer, “Jewish and Christian Hebraist Collaboration in Sixteenth Century Germany,” The Jewish Quarterly Review, n.s., 71, no. 2 (1980): 69–88. See Isaac Mann, “The Prohibition of Teaching Non-Jews Torah: Its Historical Development,” Gesher 8 (1981): 122–173 (152).

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As Christians began reading Hebrew texts in the Renaissance on a larger scale to discover materials that could be used to support the Christian truth, Jewish religious leaders sought to prevent them from acquiring anything that could be harmful.59 In practice, however, prohibitions against the teaching of Torah to non-Jews could not be enforced by rabbinic authorities, who sometimes sought a middle ground by permitting only certain texts to be transmitted. The ruling of the sixteenth-century Rabbi Elijah Ḥalfan demonstrates his understanding that the study of Kabbalah by Christians was a profanation. But not all Jewish authorities were determined to thwart Christians from studying mystical texts, as Widmanstetter and other Christian Hebraists were able to purchase kabbalistic books from Jews and enlisted the help of Jewish scribes to copy these texts for them. Sometimes Christian Hebraists went to great lengths to circumvent any prohibitions, like the German merchant Johann Jakob Fugger who tasked a convert, Cornelius Adelkind, as an intermediary to mislead Jewish scribes into believing that they were working for a Jewish client, while they in fact provided a Christian with a fully stocked kabbalistic library. Widmanstetter employed a mixture of strategies to acquire sought-after Jewish texts. As discussed in the previous section, he acquired the libraries of Jews, although we do not know how these came into his collection; additionally, he commissioned copies of texts that were otherwise unavailable to him.60 For now, though, we will turn to notes he left regarding purchases from Jewish scholars that he made in person. Abraham de Scazzocchio One of the few Jewish scholars Widmanstetter refers to by name as a seller of manuscripts was the Roman Rabbi Abraham ben Aaron de Scazzocchio. According to the records of the Jewish community, he was a man who was active in several professions, working at times as a rabbi, a lawyer, and a merchant.61 Scazzocchio’s competence as an interpreter of Halakha was comparatively limited; in a study of his successes and failures as an arbitrator and 59 60

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See Mann, “Prohibition of Teaching,” 125–127. These manuscripts will be explored in detail in chapter 3. Steimann referenced Widmanstetter and his scribes as an example of scholarly collaboration in Ilona Steimann, “Jewish Scribes and Christian Patrons: The Hebraica Collection of Johann Jakob Fugger,” Renaissance Quarterly 70, no. 4 (2017): 1235–1281 (1238); see also Zimmer, “Collaboration,” 73. These documents were diligently mined for data in Kenneth R. Stow, “Abramo Ben Aron Scazzocchio: Another Kind of Rabbi,” in The Mediterranean and the Jews ii: Society, Culture and Economy in Early Modern Times (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 2002), 85–97 (88).

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lawyer, Kenneth Stow concluded regarding his learning in Jewish law that “he certainly did not measure up to the standards of the true rabbinic luminaries of his day.”62 Nonetheless, the archival records also reveal that Scazzocchio was a leading member of the Jewish community of Rome and was one of the Jewish negotiators when the Roman ghetto was established following the publication of Pope Paul iv’s bull Cum nimis absurdum in 1555.63 It is unknown when Scazzocchio and Widmanstetter first became acquainted nor whether their relationship was shaped by shared scholarly interests or merely lasted for the duration of their business transactions. The archival sources show that Scazzocchio was living in Rome from 8 July 1536 until at least 4 February 1563, meaning Widmanstetter could have established contact with him even before leaving Italy for Germany in 1539. In 1544, Widmanstetter purchased a manuscript from Scazzocchio works by Maimonides and other authors. In a note at the beginning of the book, he voiced his suspicion that a number of anti-Christian statements had been deleted from the text to make it less offensive to Christians.64 Widmanstetter was correct in his assessment of the work, Maimonides’ Epistle from Yemen. Why and by whom Maimonides’ text was censored cannot be told: Scazzocchio, however, is not singled out as responsible in Widmanstetter’s note. It is possible that Widmanstetter acquired two more manuscripts from Scazzocchio, although the signatures in these manuscripts do not specify a surname. Both manuscripts are signed by a certain “Abraham ben Aaron” but without a surname.65 Accepting these manuscripts as originating from Scazzocchio, Hermann Vogelstein and Paul Rieger surmise that the Roman rabbi

62 63

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Stow, “Abramo Ben Aron Scazzocchio,” 85–86. Scazzocchio has mostly been studied for his literary contributions: Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 156–157; Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 140; Striedl, “Hebraica-Sammlung,” 4; Vogelstein and Rieger, Geschichte, 97–100. Documentary evidence has been uncovered by Kenneth Stow adding many new facets to our understanding of Scazzocchio, especially in Stow, “Abramo Ben Aron Scazzocchio”; for the records, see Kenneth R. Stow, The Jews in Rome, vol. 2: 1551–1557 (Leiden: Brill, 1996), 457, 614, 760. Perles mentions Solomon Athias’ account of his meeting with Scazzocchio during his visit of Rome in the late 1540s, in Athias’ list of scholars; see Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 156–157. bsb, Cod.hebr. 315, f. iiiv. For the full inscription, see the catalog entry in appendix D. A more in-depth analysis of this title inscription and Widmanstetter’s attitude towards his Jewish contemporaries will be presented in section 4.2.2. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 77, f. 1r and bsb, Cod.hebr. 265, f. 148r. Scazzocchio may also have witnessed the sale of bsb, Cod.hebr. 358, signing the abbreviated form of his name. These signatures could also indicate that Scazzocchio sold two Jewish libraries to Widmanstetter, containing the books of Abraham Alatrino and Mordecai ben Eliezer that were discussed above.

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may have owned a substantial library.66 However, this interpretation is problematic, because it is not certain that “Abraham ben Aaron” is identical to Abraham de Scazzocchio, and it is not possible to realistically assess the size of a library that has disappeared; however, if this assessment is tentatively accepted, Scazzocchio’s library would presumably primarily have included fields like religious disputations, midrash, and Jewish philosophy. For some reason, Widmanstetter felt that was it worthwhile to record the name of the seller of bsb, Cod.hebr. 315. A friendship between the two men seems unlikely in light of his derogatory comment of the “unbelieving Jews.” Nothing in Widmanstetter’s books or notes indicates that he ever had more than professional contacts with Jews who had not converted to Christianity. As Scazzocchio fulfilled several offices for the Roman Jewish community, he may simply have counted among its more noteworthy members. It is unknown if their paths crossed again after the sale of books in 1544, since Widmanstetter’s long absences from Italy in this period would have prevented regular face-toface contact. Jacob Mantino The second Jewish library that Widmanstetter had access to belonged to the physician Jacob Mantino who, like Widmanstetter, had been an associate of Egidio da Viterbo.67 They also were connected by a set of shared scholarly interests, as is manifest in several books the Christian copied and purchased from the Jew’s library. The brief note Widmanstetter wrote about his encounter with Mantino’s library is the only such report of another scholar’s collection that he left: “There was a very old manuscript of Averroes in Hebrew in Rome with Mantino that I saw myself and I gave Mantino my assessment in a letter.”68 He recorded this episode in his copy of Averroes’ paraphrase on Plato’s Republic

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See Vogelstein and Rieger, Geschichte, 97–100. A detailed account of Mantino’s life was drawn up in David Kaufmann, “Jacob Mantino: une page de l’histoire de la Renaissance,” Revue des études juives 27 (1893): 30–60, 207– 238. More biographical details were added in Daniel Carpi, “Sulla permanenza a Padova nel 1533 del medico ebreo Jacob di Shemuel Mantino,” Quaderni per la storia dell’Università di Padova 18 (1985): 196–203. For Mantino’s role in the transmission of Arabic texts into the Italian Renaissance, see Charles Burnett, “Arabic into Latin,” in The Cambridge Companion to Arabic Philosophy, ed. Peter Adamson and Richard C. Taylor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 370–404. bsb, Cod.hebr. Oefeleana 102: “Codex antiquissimus Averrois Hebraicus Romae apud Mantinum fuit, quem ipse vidi et Mantino epistolae argumentum dedi,” cited from Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 161–162n1. The letter mentioned by Widmanstetter is lost; for his correspondence, see Chapter 5, section 1.1.

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that Mantino had translated and published. This note reveals that Widmanstetter had visited Mantino at one point at his home. While there, he was shown a manuscript containing texts by Averroes, and later corresponded with Mantino apparently verifying its antiquity. Yet another equally brief note documents that the exchange between both men extended to Mantino lending Widmanstetter manuscripts for copying. As will be described at length in a later chapter, during the years 1536–1537, Widmanstetter was hunting for manuscripts of the Zohar to compile them into one comprehensive text.69 For this ambitious enterprise he grasped any relevant manuscript he could find. He made a list of the manuscripts he consulted at the beginning of bsb, Cod.hebr. 218 that mentions books from the libraries of Egidio da Viterbo and Pope Clement vii.70 In another manuscript, bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, Widmanstetter wrote that he had his scribe, the convert Francesco Parnas, copy the text that followed from the library of Mantino in Rome in 1537. This note implies that Mantino collaborated with Widmanstetter, since he granted him and his scribe access to his books or enabled them to study and compare his books to the material which they had already gathered.71 It is even possible that Widmanstetter acquired manuscripts from Mantino’s library. The Jewish polymath had prepared a Latin translation of Averroes’Middle Commentary on the Physics as Expositio media in libros physicorum that was published after his death in Damascus.72 In his catalog of the Munich manuscripts, Moritz Steinschneider noted that Widmanstetter’s Hebrew manuscript of this text presents the same section as the Latin text.73 Given the fact that both men had discussed one manuscript containing the works of Averroes and that Widmanstetter had studied other books in Mantino’s library, it is plausible that Widmanstetter would have purchased books from him as well, and specifically this commentary. The problem with this hypothesis is that comparison between the two texts has shown that the Hebrew manuscript only extends as far as the seventh section in the third summa,74 while the printed text con-

69 70 71 72

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For the particulars of this project, see Chapter 3, section 2. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 5v. bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, f. 5r. For the text of the note and a discussion, see Chapter 3, section 2.4. In Aristotle, Aristotelis opera cum Averrois commentariis, vol. iv (Venice: Giuntina, 1552), 434a–456b. On Mantino as a translator of Averroes’ commentaries, see Burnett, “Arabic into Latin,” 386. See Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 198–199. Widmanstetter’s manuscript is bsb, Cod.hebr. 352, ff. 1r–23v. Corresponding to Aristotle, Aristotelis opera, 451b.

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tinues on. Still, a case can be made for Mantino’s original ownership of the manuscript. As the text suddenly breaks off without any signal that the scribe considered it to be complete, at least one additional quire must previously have existed in Widmanstetter’s manuscript. This quire may have contained the remaining text, lost after Mantino worked with it. This hypothesis is supported by evidence given by Steinschneider. During his work on the catalog of the Munich Hebrew manuscripts in the 1860s, Steinschneider discovered several quires of this manuscript scattered over different volumes and reunited them to form the manuscript which is today bsb, Cod.hebr. 352.75 It is thus plausible that parts of the manuscript were not recovered and are lost for good. Until further studies of the reception of this text are complete, the attribution remains, albeit plausible, a hypothesis.76 Widmanstetter’s marginal notes on his exchange with Mantino are small but significant vestiges of a remarkable intellectual relationship between the two learned men around 1537 which would otherwise remain unknown. The sources do not say why Mantino and Scazzocchio parted with their books. As the example of Jacob Mantino has shown, the motivation of Widmanstetter’s Jewish contacts for selling Hebrew manuscripts to him exceeds economic gain as both sides profited from these exchanges. While these transactions benefited both sides, the addition of the provenances from these prominent Jewish scholars increased Widmanstetter’s prestige in the eyes of the humanist community. Widmanstetter interacted with Jewish scholars, he discussed texts with them and bought books from them. Although these men felt comfortable to share Jewish texts with him, it is noteworthy that only one of the books that can be traced to the transactions with Mantino holds a kabbalistic text. Mantino is known to have been a skeptic of Jewish mysticism and it may

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See Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 198–199. To understand how parts of a manuscript could be lost, it is necessary to look at how the manuscripts were stored at the ducal library after Widmanstetter’s death. The Averroes manuscript was not listed in the sixteenth-century catalog by Paulus Aemilius and Wolfgang Prommer. The reason for the omission of this manuscript was likely that it remained unbound until the nineteenth century. This hypothesis is corroborated from its humble nineteenth-century cardboard binding. In this precarious state, individual quires could easily have come off. The question remains why Widmanstetter did not acknowledge the manuscript’s origin from Mantino’s library if this was the case. The postscript of the Latin edition does not specify whether Mantino had worked with a complete manuscript of the text. It asserts that Mantino died before he finished translating the remaining five books, “super reliquos quinque morte praereptus eam intactam reliquit.” Aristotle, Aristotelis opera, 456b.

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be assumed that he had no reservations about sharing a text that he considered fake anyway. For Scazzocchio we have no evidence that he made kabbalistic texts available to Widmanstetter which might indicate that he avoided to supply the Christian Hebraist with material that could potentially be used in anti-Jewish polemical works. 3.2 Books from Christian Libraries The Christian Hebraist scholars whose libraries Widmanstetter acquired moved in the same circles as he did. Like many of his humanist colleagues, Widmanstetter was keen on recording the origin of the books he acquired from other Christian Hebraists: owning one or even more books of a venerated scholar added greatly to the prestige of one’s own library among fellow humanists. One such note is found on the binding of an anthology, recording the book’s origin “from the library of Trithemius.”77 Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516) was a contemporary of Johannes Reuchlin and studied Kabbalah to some extent, although he probably did not read Hebrew himself. This manuscript is remarkable, as it contains numerous colored drawings of late medieval war machinery taken from Konrad Kyeser’s Firework Book. A German section written in Gothic semi-cursive script may even stem from Trithemius’ hand.78 Widmanstetter does not indicate how he came to own this book and it can only be conjectured that he acquired it through his ecclesiastical contacts in Germany. Owning the books of other scholars also had practical benefits: such books often contained the marginalia of their previous owners that conveyed the insights of great minds and experts in a specific field. Besides the book from Trithemius, books from two more Christian libraries, those of Egidio da Viterbo and Antonio Flaminio, can be identified among Widmanstetter’s books. Egidio’s books especially would have been valuable to Widmanstetter for their marginal notes. These books offer noteworthy insights into the circumstances of how Widmanstetter came to possess parts of these two collections.

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“Ex biblioteca Trithemii”; bsb, Cod.hebr. 235, on the cover. For the full note, see the catalog entry. Trithemius is widely studied, from a classical kabbalistic perspective; see for instance Secret, Kabbalistes chrétiens, 157–160. The magical element in Trithemius’ work is emphasized in Noel L. Brann, Trithemius and Magical Theology: A Chapter in the Controversy over Occult Studies in Early Modern Europe, suny Series in Western Esoteric Traditions (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999). In addition to the Hebrew text, Widmanstetter also owned a Latin version of this work, bsb, Clm 197, titled Liber machinarum bellicarum. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 114v–126v.

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Egidio da Viterbo The provenance of Jewish books from Christian libraries is easier to uncover than that of the former Jewish owners, because Widmanstetter took pride in his association with famous humanists.79 In a note at the beginning of his copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah, Widmanstetter described its origin from an exemplar in the library of Egidio da Viterbo thus: “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, scholar of law, had [this book] copied from the Library of Egidio in Rome, in 1554” (see figure 4).80 The full-page size of the note, its position at the beginning of the manuscript, and its large script all ensured that no reader could miss the book’s illustrious pedigree. Books connected to Egidio had a special value for Widmanstetter’s scholarly persona as a Christian Hebraist because of the cardinal’s fame and because he had studied with him for a brief period in the early 1530s. Egidio da Viterbo, prior general of the Augustinian order and later a cardinal, was a man who gained the respect and admiration of his contemporaries and posterity not solely because of his ecclesiastical offices. He drew attention to himself as an accomplished preacher already in his youth.81 From about the year 1500 onward, Egidio also began collecting and studying Hebrew manuscripts and prints with systematic zeal and at great expense. When Egidio entered the Augustinian order, he joined the faction of the monks who strictly observed the rule of St. Augustine and, after being appointed prior general of the order, dedicated considerable resources to reforming it. He used his study of the Hebrew manuscripts and prints he had collected in published works, speeches and sermons, combining the kabbalistic ideas with eschatological expectations which were fueled by the political events of the time.82 Egidio’s collection of books is now scattered between libraries in Rome, Naples, London, Paris, and Munich, complicating a systematic survey.83

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An early version of this section was previously published in Maximilian de Molière, “Ex Bibliotheca Aegidiana: Das Fortleben der Bücher Kardinal Egidio da Viterbos in der hebraistischen Bibliothek Johann Albrecht Widmanstetters,” in Die Bibliothek—The Library–La Bibliothèque, ed. Andreas Speer and Lars Reuke, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 41 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2020), 775–792. bsb, Cod.hebr. bsb, 96, f. ir, for the Latin text see the catalog entry in appendix D. See Martin, “Giles of Viterbo,” 195–196. A comprehensive account of Egidio’s Kabbalah-inspired theology was provided by Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:347–383. Also, still central are Secret, Zôhar, 106–126 and Martin, “Giles of Viterbo.” A selection of the most important recent studies of Egidio’s library includes: Emma Abate, “Filologia e Qabbalah: La collezione ebraica di Egidio da Viterbo alla Biblioteca Angelica di Roma,” Archivio italiano per la storia della pietà 26 (2013): 413–451; Emma Abate and Mau-

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In the dedication of his Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo printed in Vienna in 1555, Widmanstetter credited Cardinal Girolamo Seripando for granting him access to read Egidio’s books: “Seripando was extraordinarily kind to allow (me) to study his [Egidio’s] entire library and especially the most secret commentaries written by his own hand that are interwoven with notes on different subjects.”84 Some scholars have interpreted this statement as meaning that Seripando granted Widmanstetter permission to buy books from Egidio’s library when he lived in Rome in the 1530s.85 However, such interpretations run counter to Widmanstetter’s own depiction of the events in the Syriac New Testament, where he admitted only to Seripando’s permission to study Egidio’s books. At no point in this introduction nor in any of the manuscripts themselves did Widmanstetter disclose to his readers that he had original books from the library of the famous Christian Hebraist in his possession. To explain how Egidio’s original books came into Widmanstetter’s library it is necessary to reassess the evidence available. We will first consider how Widmanstetter presented the manuscripts copied from Egidio’s library in his colophons and then see how he dealt with Egidio’s original manuscripts in comparison.

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rizio Mottolese, “La Qabbalah in volgare: Manoscritti dall’atelier di Egidio da Viterbo,” in Umanesimo e cultura ebraica nel Rinascimento italiano: Convegno internazionale di studi isi Florence, Palazzo Rucellai, Firenze, 10 marzo 2016, ed. Stefano Ugo Baldassarri and Fabrizio Lelli (Florence: Angelo Pontecorboli, 2016), 15–40; Adolfo Tura, “Un codice hebraico di cabala apartenuto a Egidio da Viterbo,” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 68, no. 3 (2006): 535–543. Only recent catalogs reliably record provenances. The catalogs of the Bibliothèque nationale de France (Cristina Ciucu, Hébreu 763 à 777: Manuscrits de Kabbale, Manuscrits en caractères hébreux conservés dans les bibliothèques de France: Catalogues 6 (Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2014)) and the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Benjamin Richler, Malachi Beit-Arié, and Nurit Pasternak, Hebrew Manuscripts in the Vatican Library: Catalogue. Compiled by the Staff of the Institute of Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts, Jewish National and University Library, Jerusalem, vol. 438, Studi e Testi (Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2008)) are exemplary. The catalog of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek shows errors and gaps with regard to provenances; see Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 264–266. “Seripandi beneficio singulari, omnem eius bibliothecam, et maxime secretos commentarios manu ipsius, notisque perplexis de rebus variis scriptos evoluere concessum fuit.” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, [12b]. To quote only the most recent assessment, made by Robert J. Wilkinson: “Seripando […] was able to give Widmanstetter several manuscripts from Egidio’s library […] that passed after Widmanstetter’s death into the Staatsbibliothek in Munich.” Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 139. Similar views can be found in Helga Rebhan, “Die Bibliothek Johann Albrecht Widmanstetters,” in Die Anfänge der Münchener Hofbibliothek unter Herzog Albrecht v., ed. Alois Schmid (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2009), 112–131 (121); Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 299.

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figure 4

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Widmanstetter’s full-page note detailing the manuscript’s origin. bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. ir courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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In total, Widmanstetter had five manuscripts copied based on exemplars in Egidio’s library. All these manuscripts contain kabbalistic texts which were of major interest to Egidio and Widmanstetter. The latter placed a monumental note in majuscules at the beginning of the second codicological unit of his collection of works by the kabbalist Menachem Recanati: “The justifications of the commandments of the Mosaic law and an explanation of the grace (after meals) according to the kabbalistic tradition—written by Rabbi Menachem Recanati. Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, also known as Lucretius, had (this book) copied from Egidio’s library in Rome, in 1538.”86 Widmanstetter’s presentation testifies to his pride in the origin of his manuscript’s exemplar. The function of these notes was probably to display his intellectual descent from Egidio to visiting Christian Hebraists whom he would receive in his studio surrounded by his books and other precious items, as described by Wicelius.87 The writing of meticulous notes was one of the scholarly practices by which Widmanstetter organized his library. After acquiring a book, he would typically add to each tome an index of the titles it contained—either on the binding or on one of the flyleaves.88 He also signed his name on the first page of each manuscript and on the title page of every printed book that he owned to document his ownership. The codicological and paleographical analysis of all 135 manuscripts in Widmanstetter’s collection revealed that he signed his name in 120 of his manuscripts. Therefore, Widmanstetter organized his library in a highly methodical manner, lending significance to any deviances from these practices. Two books from Egidio’s library also include notes describing how Widmanstetter purchased them in 1543 from a bookseller named “Zena” on Campo de’ Fiori in Rome.89 These two notes are the only two instances in which Wid-

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bsb, Cod.hebr. bsb, 103, f. 115r, for the Latin text see the catalog entry in appendix D. A similar note at the beginning of his copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah has already been cited in this section. See Wicelius, Idiomata quaedam linguae sanctae, Preface. Another report dates back to the time of the Regensburg Reichstag in 1541 when Martin Frecht and Wolfgang Musculus used the occasion to visit the Widmanstetter collection; see Müller, Widmanstetter, 47. As Widmanstetter’s own catalog is no longer extant, these indices are the only indication of his ability to identify texts and authors of Jewish literature. The existence of a catalog is mentioned by Martin Frecht (see Schelhorn, Amoenitates literariae, vol. 14, 470) and also by the imperial vice-chancellor Georg Seld in a letter to the humanist Joachim Camerarius, dated 28 February 1558 (printed in Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 283–284). The first book is a commentary on the Iliad that is lost today. The note has survived only in a notebook of the seventeenth-century Munich librarian Felix von Oefele; see bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 245,51. The second book is Nicolaus of Lyra’s De differentia translationis nostrae

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manstetter claims to have paid money for books from Egidio’s library. Comparing these notes with the full-page, almost solemn proclamations displaying the origin of his copied manuscripts, Egidio’s books as a whole must have been of great importance to Widmanstetter’s persona as a Christian Hebraist. It is noticeable, however, that none of the other original books from Egidio’s library bear Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership. The only way to recognize that these manuscripts had belonged to Widmanstetter’s library are the indices and the marginal notes in his hand, and the book covers, which are typical for his collection.90 We have also seen that Widmanstetter organized his library very methodically, making it highly unlikely that he accidentally failed to record his name in all of Egidio’s original books. The absence of the name indicates that Widmanstetter did not consider himself to be the rightful owner of these manuscripts, since he would have claimed ownership by signing his name. In 1545, an incident occurred that shows how Widmanstetter was once embroiled in a dispute over the legitimacy of his ownership of books. The city of Landshut had seized his library, justifying its actions that he had not returned books which he had borrowed from local monasteries. In order to recover his property, Widmanstetter asked Archbishop Ernst of Salzburg to arbitrate between himself and the city. He explained: “After I joined the services of your excellency last summer, and I ordered that all my possessions be moved here from Landshut, all my books were seized there by the authorities, because of the books that I had borrowed from many of the monasteries.”91 Widmanstetter admitted that he had wanted to move his library to his new place of residence without returning the books he had borrowed from monastery libraries, but attempted to portray the allegations of theft as a borderline case to his master. Even so, this may indeed have been a deliberate attempt to appropriate these books from their legitimate owners. Conversely, if Widmanstetter had a habit of taking possession of books, this would also explain the notes in the two books

90 91

ab Hebraica in toto veteri testamento, bsb, Ms. Lat. 307, f. 3r: “Emptus Romae in Campo Florae a Zena V. Decembris mdxliii.” Moreover, the marginal notes of Egidio and Widmanstetter can often be found next to each other; see bsb, Cod.hebr. 119. “Nachdem ich mich den nächstvergangenen summer E.F. Gn. mit Dienst verpflicht, vnnd mein armuet von Landshuet hieher zufieren verordnet hab, Sein mir all meine puecher daselbst durch die Obrigkhaydt von wegen der puecher, so ich aus etlichen Klöstern auf mein gegebene bekhanntnussen enntlehnt, verbotten worden.” Widmanstetter to Archbishop Ernst of Salzburg, undated (before 1 December 1545), HStA München, Salzburg Erzstift Lit. 209 c, cited from Müller, Widmanstetter, 88–89. This letter is discussed in the context of Widmanstetter’s library furniture, see Chapter 4, section 1.1.

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he bought from the Roman bookseller Zena: they document his legitimate ownership by specifying in detail the exact place (Campo de’ Fiori), the name of the bookseller (Zena), and the date of the purchase (February 1543). The case of Egidio’s unsigned books in Widmanstetter’s library must be understood within the context of sixteenth-century book collections. In the early modern era, it was not uncommon for private scholarly libraries to slowly disintegrate after the original owner had died. For instance, from the catalogs and inventories of the sixteenth-century Bolognese scholar Gian Vincenzo Pinelli it is possible to discern how the library was constantly dwindling after his death as a result of the uncontrolled lending of books.92 After the death of the Christian Hebraist Domenico Grimani, his important collection of Hebrew texts was kept at the convent of Sant’Antonio in Venice. Although the monks were forbidden to allow the books to leave the monastery, many books were appropriated for the German merchant Johann Jakob Fugger; due to a fire that destroyed the library in the monastery, the books stolen by Fugger are ironically among the few remnants of Grimani’s collection.93 Therefore, Widmanstetter’s questionable acquisition of Egidio da Viterbo’s books fits neatly into the overall mores of his time. Egidio’s original books illustrate Widmanstetter’s attitude to holding the books of his teacher while not being the legitimate owner. While a definitive evaluation is problematic due to the lack of explicit statements, it is conceivable that Widmanstetter worked to conceal the traces of his illegitimate acquisition. Parallel to the case of the books from the Landshut monastery libraries, it is possible that he first borrowed Egidio’s books from Seripando’s library and took them with him when he returned from Italy to Germany. However, he never signed them with his name. Perhaps Widmanstetter feared that he might one day be discovered by another scholar who knew Egidio’s hand and that he might be questioned about the provenance of these books. This interpretation of the findings in Widmanstetter’s collection also has consequences for our understanding of another book from Egidio’s library, the original copy of Masoret ha-Masoret. In this work, the great grammarian Elijah Levita examined the origin of the Hebrew Bible text using a linguistic methodology.94 Like the other manuscripts of Egidio, it bears neither a note of

92 93 94

See Angela Nuovo, “Gian Vincenzo Pinelli’s Collection of Catalogues of Private Libraries in Sixteenth Century Europe,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 82 (2007): 129–144. See Steimann, “Jewish Scribes.” This manuscript is bsb, Cod.hebr. 74. See Martin, “Giles of Viterbo,” 214–215; Weil, Élie Lévita, 127–132, 301–314.

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ownership nor any marginal remarks by Widmanstetter. For this reason, earlier researchers have questioned whether these works were in Widmanstetter’s possession at all. With our new explanation as to why Widmanstetter did not enter his name in Egidio’s original books, it is possible to assign them to his library with a high degree of plausibility. Antonio Flaminio One Christian Hebraist whom Widmanstetter did not acknowledge in his notes but whose books he absorbed into his library was the Italian poet and scholar Antonio Flaminio (ca. 1460–1513). The Sicilian-born Flaminio studied in Palermo and around 1493 became a professor at the University of Rome.95 He may have started collecting Hebrew books during his studies. Living in Italy, he also had better access to Jewish books than Widmanstetter in Germany. In total, four manuscripts bear the signature of Flaminio.96 The books that Widmanstetter obtained form only a small part of what is still left of Flaminio’s library. Another nine volumes that Flaminio signed with his name are today held by the Vatican library;97 six manuscripts are owned by the Biblioteca Casanatense in Rome;98 and another is at the Biblioteca Angelica.99 Like Widmanstetter, Flaminio possessed a number of volumes from the library of Egidio da Viterbo. Consistent with Egidio’s interests, the extant parts of Flaminio’s library chiefly consist of kabbalistic and magical texts, containing works such as Sefer ha-Razim,100 col-

95

96

97

98

99 100

There are no extensive studies of this scholar; for a brief account and references to older research, see Julia Haig Gaisser, ed., Pierio Valeriano on the Ill Fortune of Learned Men: A Renaissance Humanist and His World (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 289–290. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 94, 99, 202, and 321. Jacob Kaufmann incorrectly attributed the ownership of bsb, Codd.hebr. 202 and 321 to another Christian Hebraist of a similar name, Marc’Antonio Flaminio, in Kaufmann, “Jacob Mantino,” 7–8. I thank Saverio Campanini for pointing out this incorrect attribution. These are Rome, bav, Mss. Ebr. 192, 203, 242, 243, 288, 289, 290, 300, and 420. For entries of ownership, see the catalog of the Vatican library, Richler, Beit-Arié, and Pasternak, Hebrew Manuscripts. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Mss. 3086, 2755, 3061, 3091, 3098, and 3105. Margherita Palumbo, “I codici postillati di Egidio da Viterbo, dal Sant’Uffizio alla Casanatense,” in Egidio da Viterbo: Cardinale agostiniano tra Roma è l’Europa del Rinascimento, ed. Myriam Chiabò, Rocco Ronzani, and Angelo Maria Vitale (Rome: Centro Culturale Agostiniano Roma nel Rinascimento, 2014), 299–322 (312–313), has noted that Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3098, used to form one codicological unit with the Mss. 2755, 3086, 3061, and 3091. See Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 45. See Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 242.

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lections of charms,101 Sefer Yetsirah,102 various commentaries on this text,103 and works by Moses de Leon.104 The circumstances of how Widmanstetter came to acquire the books of Flaminio are far from clear, as the Italian had died in 1513, more than a decade before the German Hebraist entered Italy and had a chance to obtain the libraries of Italian scholars. Flaminio’s death has been immortalized by Pierio Valeriano, who collected accounts of the gruesome deaths of humanists in his Ill Fortune of Learned Men. Within this series of gothic tales, Flaminio’s death is an example for a type of scholar who shuns contact with the outside world in favor of reading his books. Following the moralistic bent of Valeriano’s stories, the loneliness ensuing from the self-inflicted isolation is portrayed as abetting the humanist’s demise. According to Valeriano, Flaminio’s death was only noticed by a neighborhood innkeeper after the Hebraist failed to buy food for three days. The innkeeper came to Flaminio’s house and discovered his body “among the books that he used to spread on the ground and stretch out to read.”105 The fate of his books after Flaminio’s death is a matter of conjecture— he is known to have joined the humanist sodality Accademia Pontaniana in Naples in 1486; the same sodality which Widmanstetter joined during his stay in that city around 1530.106 One possible scenario is that Widmanstetter received Flaminio’s books through the academy, which had either taken possession of the library of its deceased associate or maintained contact with his heirs. Some of Flaminio’s books passed into Roman libraries, it is equally possible that Widmanstetter acquired these books from these libraries.107 Given that he added his entry of ownership to at least three of these books, Widmanstetter seems to have viewed his possession of these items as legitimate.108 101 102 103 104 105

106 107

108

See Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 243. See Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 290. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3105. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3098. “Is autem inopinata praeventus morte a caupone viciniae, qui quotidiana edulia homini venditabat, contationem admirante, quod iam triduum non apparuisset, et per hortuli fenestellam quandam ingresso inter libros, quos humi stratos, stratus et ipse lectitare consuerat, sempiterno oppressus somno repertus est.” Gaisser, Pierio Valeriano, 116–117. For Widmanstetter’s participation in the Accademia Pontaniana and its influence on him, see Striedl, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 100, 104–105. As the earliest handwritten catalogs date to the seventeenth century, there is no way of knowing if Flaminio’s books in Widmanstetter’s collections were at one point part of the Vatican library. On the early catalogs of this library, see Richler, Beit-Arié, and Pasternak, Hebrew Manuscripts, 11–13. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 94, f. 145r; bsb, Cod.hebr. 99, f. 1r; bsb, Cod.hebr. 202, f. 1r; f. 1r, of bsb, Cod.hebr. 321 where Widmanstetter would have added his entry of ownership is partly torn out.

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Considering all of the libraries from which Widmanstetter acquired books, both Jewish and Christian, we can see certain overarching patterns. The notes Widmanstetter made concerning the provenance of books by famous scholars like Jacob Mantino, Egidio da Viterbo, and Antonio Flaminio suggest that he attempted to control the perception of his scholarly persona. The evidence from the traces of previous owners suggests that Widmanstetter did not absorb entire libraries as recommended by Naudé. This can be discerned from the fact that books from the same previous owners have been found in other collections, as is the case with the books of Antonio Flaminio and Mordecai ben Eliezer. The reason may be that other collectors had bought the items that interested them before Widmanstetter arrived or that he consciously selected the texts that were missing in his collection. To a certain degree, the tastes of previous Jewish and Christian collectors determined the selection of authors and texts we find today in his library. As a consequence, we need to be mindful of the library’s formation when discussing Widmanstetter’s literary tastes: he was not in full control of creating the library’s composition. In a limited way, the entries of ownership these Jewish collectors left in their books are fragments of the Jewish book culture that Widmanstetter tapped into. It is notable that Widmanstetter only acquired books from Christian Hebraists after they had died. By contrast, he was able to buy numerous books from living Jews. This may be indicative of the scarcity of Jewish books in this era—Widmanstetter would address this problem by copying manuscripts that he was unable to acquire.

4

Booksellers and Book Agents

Having explored the demimonde of private purveyors of manuscripts to Widmanstetter, we now turn to the official channels. Bookshops and agents supplied him with both handwritten and printed books. Sixteenth-century Italy held bookshops in different shapes and sizes—from large shops that stocked titles from all over Europe to small booths on market squares that peddled used books. In the centers of books production such as Venice, Widmanstetter would have encountered bookshops that were often integrated into the publishing houses. Book production and the selling of books were intimately connected before they developed into distinct professions.109 This business model had

109

See Avraham Meir Haberman, “Scribes, Printers, and Booksellers” [Hebrew], in Qevutse Yaḥad: Essays and Notes on Jewish Culture and Literature, ed. Avraham Haberman (Jerusa-

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originated in the manuscript era when the copyist of a manuscript was often the same one who sold it to its first owner. After Johannes Gutenberg’s invention of the letterpress, this arrangement was adopted by the printers who would sell their own books directly to the reading public. The earliest Jewish printer who also traded in books was Gershom Soncino in the year 1489.110 As the demand on the local market was usually not sufficient to produce a return on the printers’ investment, they also sold their goods to itinerant merchants or bartered them with other printers, thus expanding the selection of titles available in their in-house bookshops. Publisher-booksellers that Widmanstetter had dealings with include Daniel Bomberg in Venice and Paulus Aemilius in Augsburg. Another category of bookseller were the cartolai, who did not produce books themselves, but specialized solely in the sale of books. Cartolai are attested in Italy and other European countries from at least the thirteenth century, although the phenomenon did not gain traction until the number of books increased quickly in the early decades of book printing.111 In his Maḥberot (dated to the early fourteenth century), the Jewish poet Immanuel of Rome portrayed a Jewish bookseller as a merchant traveling from city to city and transporting his goods in barrels.112 Both the itinerant lifestyle and mode of transportation are also consistent with descriptions of non-Jewish booksellers in Italy and Germany.

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lem: Rubin Mass, 1980), 199–204 (199–200). On copyists as primary booksellers as attested in many colophons, see Moritz Steinschneider and David Cassel, Jüdische Typographie und jüdischer Buchhandel (Jerusalem: Bamberger & Wahrmann, 1938), 12n52. Marco Santoro, Geschichte des Buchhandels in Italien, trans. Heribert Streicher (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003), 18, claims that both professions became fully separate among Christians in the fifteenth century. The evidence consists of a handwritten note written inside a copy of Gershom Soncino’s edition of Sefer Mitswot Gadol printed in 1489; see Haberman, “Scribes,” 200–201. Haberman remarked that the note was written before delivery to the customer and dated only ten days after the printing of the book was complete. For an instructive study of one such figure, see Ross King, The Bookseller of Florence. Vespasiano da Bisticci and the Manuscripts that Illuminated the Renaissance (London: Chatto & Windus, 2021); see also Joachim Knape and Dietmar Till, “Deutschland,” in Geschichte der Buchkultur, 6: Renaissance, ed. Alfred Noe (Graz: Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt, 2008), 231–304 (255). See Avraham Meir Haberman, Toledot ha-sefer ha-ʿivri (Jerusalem: Rubin Mass, 1945), 25– 27. For a survey of the sophisticated nomenclature that sprung up in Italian, see Nuovo, Book Trade, 329. Immanuel of Rome also remarked that the books this merchant offered were mostly written in Hebrew and some in Arabic. The availability of Arabic books (probably in Hebrew letters) points to the presence of a Jewish reading public that looked for knowledge beyond the confines of traditional rabbinic learning.

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From the 1480s, shops without affiliation to publishers opened in commercial centers such as Venice and university cities such as Bologna.113 The authorities in some Italian territories even sought to encourage the commercial activities of booksellers by exempting books from tax payments. Tax exemptions for books also had positive effects for those who traveled with their books. Scholars and students no longer had to pay taxes for their books when they transported them to and from their place of study.114 Widmanstetter would even have encountered entire catalogs of books in the streets of Italian cities. Probably beginning with the advent of printing, Christian and Jewish booksellers both advertised their goods by hanging up booklists in public spaces for passersby to peruse.115 While the former hung up their booklists in the squares before churches and at taverns, the latter informed potential customers in front of synagogues. The extant advertisements are printed in Latin, but it is plausible that similar advertisements for books in Hebrew existed in the sixteenth century.116 The entries of the individual titles often praised the care of the editors and the many reliable manuscripts that had been drawn upon to establish the text. Prospective customers were then invited to visit the bookseller at a certain time and place. Sometimes the booklists were even printed in the same type that was used to produce the books themselves to give prospective customers a better idea of the appearance of the merchandise. The same advertising strategies were employed by booksellers who owned retail stores. These cartolai put up lists of available books for the public that were continually being updated for use in the shop itself.117 113 114

115 116

117

See Knape and Till, “Deutschland,” 253–256. The Venetian Christian bookseller Alessandro di Calcedonia was reimbursed for the taxes the authorities of Trani had charged his goods with on 26 September 1474. The same Alessandro received later a concession to import books tax-free into the Kingdom of Naples. These episodes do not depict ad hoc decisions, but are representative of a general rule, as similar concessions were made to others; see Santoro, Geschichte des Buchhandels, 52 and Nuovo, Book Trade, 267. Like their Christian peers, the Jewish book traders David Bono and Graziadio were exempted from paying taxes in the Kingdom of Naples in 1491 for the books they were transporting; see Cecil Roth, “A Jewish Printer in Naples, 1477,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 39, no. 1 (1956): 188–199 (192). Roth argues that the two were likely not trading in Jewish books, but catering to the general Italian book market. See Ann Blair, Too Much to Know: Managing Scholarly Information Before the Modern Age (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010), 164–166. See Haberman, “Scribes,” 201–202. The earliest Hebrew broadside is dated to 1609/1610 and advertised the Prague-based book printer Moses ben Bezalel Katz; see Marvin J. Heller, “The Hebrew Book Trade as Reflected in Book Catalogues,” in Studies in the Making of the Early Hebrew Book, ed. Marvin J. Heller, vol. 15, Studies in Jewish History and Culture (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 241–256 (249). Few of these attempts by booksellers to capture the public’s attention for their goods

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Widmanstetter would have often come upon such booklists during his years of collecting books, both Jewish and others, probably checking them against the catalog of his own library to fill in gaps among the ranks of his texts and the authors he collected.118 We only find a small number of signatures by previous owners in Widmanstetter’s printed books, and his booksellers left no traces themselves. Although, we can conjecture that Widmanstetter relied on the small number of bookshops in Renaissance Italy that had Hebrew books on hand, such as Giolito in Turin and Bomberg in Venice,119 these visits to bookshops left almost no trace in his library. Only two non-Hebrew books from the library of Egidio da Viterbo contain notes by Widmanstetter that mention how he had bought them from the Roman bookseller “Zena” who sold his goods on Campo de’ Fiori.120 There are no similar notes in his Hebrew books, making his dealings with Jewish booksellers conjectural. Conversely, a handful of letters show that Widmanstetter acquired Hebrew printed books from stellar figures among the Christian booksellers and printers like Daniel Bomberg in Venice as well as from small vendors like Paulus Aemilius in Augsburg. In this section, the profile of both the Jewish and Christian sellers of Jewish books will be accentuated to highlight their respective benefits to Christian Hebraists like Widmanstetter. The remainder of this section will analyze Widmanstetter’s correspondence with his booksellers and draw some conclusions for the history of the Jewish book trade in the first half of the sixteenth century. 4.1 Jewish Booksellers Although Jewish booksellers largely developed in parallel to their Christian colleagues from the medieval period onward, some Italian cities created regulations in order to put Jewish booksellers at a disadvantage. In university cities, a key element in the cycle of distributing manuscripts were the stationarii, merchants who were tasked by the university authorities with providing a steady

118 119 120

have survived, because like many ephemera their early modern audience appreciated them as conduits of information, not as publications in their own right. For Italy, a handful of descriptions by travelers are extant that attest to the great interest passersby took in the books these advertisements listed; see Nuovo, Book Trade, 331, and Hans Widmann, Geschichte des Buchhandels: Vom Altertum bis zur Gegenwart, rev. ed. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1975), 79–83. For examples of booksellers’ advertisements, see Widmann, Geschichte, 80–81. The existence of his catalog is attested in a letter Georg Seld wrote, see Chapter 2, section 3.2. For a discussion of the order and content of this catalog, see Chapter 4, section 3.1. See Nuovo, Book Trade, 368. For a discussion, see Chapter 2, section 3.2.

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supply of the books required for study. As the number of books was more limited before the invention of the printing press, stationarii did not sell books, but merely rented manuscripts to students for the duration of their studies. Jews often had an outsider’s position in this form of book trade. In some cities, such as Bologna and Padua, Jews were prohibited from selling their books directly to customers; instead, they were compelled to offer their goods through a Christian stationarius who would market the manuscript in question on commission. Buying books, however, was even more cumbersome for Jews than selling them. Jews could not directly buy from the stationarii in the city, but had to turn to another university official, the bidellus, who demanded fees for his involvement which added substantially to the overall cost.121 For Widmanstetter, these regulations would have meant that he would not have dealt directly with Jewish booksellers in Italian cities, but only with their Christian intermediaries.122 For other Italian cities, such as Rome and Venice, no corresponding restrictions are known. The only bookseller Widmanstetter mentioned in his books was a figure he called “Zena” who operated on Campo de’Fiori in Rome.123 Unfortunately, there are no sources referring to a bookseller Zena from Campo de’Fiori beside Widmanstetter’s notes. Although the name does not give any indication of Zena’s religious affiliation, Joseph Perles believed that Zena was identical to the poseq (decisor of Jewish law) Michael ben Shabbetai Zemat whom Widmanstetter mentioned as his teacher in his Commentary on the Quran.124 Perles’ interpretation appears doubtful, as Widmanstetter referred to Zemat as “Michael Zematus,” which is different from the name given in his marginal note about the bookseller; this mention occurred a year before the acquisitions from Zena

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123 124

Regulations concerning the production and distribution of books in university cities are known from thirteenth century. George Haven Putnam, Books and Their Makers During the Middle Ages: A Study of the Conditions of the Production and Distribution of Literature from the Fall of the Roman Empire to the Close of the Seventeenth Century (London: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1896), 184–185, 193–194. The statutes of the University of Padua from 1465 are published in Albrecht Kirchhoff, Die Handschriftenhändler des Mittelalters, 2nd ed. (Leipzig, 1853), 160–162. The regulation concerning Jews is found under heading no. 6, “Quod judei non possunt emere libros caus mercimonii.” Despite these impediments, numerous notes in manuscripts reveal that the regulations excluding Jews from the book trade were often ignored; see Giuseppe Pasini, Codices manuscripti bibliothecae regii Taurinensis (Turin: Ex typographia regia, 1749), 77, and Kirchhoff, Handschriftenhändler, 52. The accounts given in Putnam, Books and Their Makers, 146, 149, are too brief to be useful. Zena was already mentioned in section 2.3.2. See Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 163n1.

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were recorded. Until further documentary evidence on Zena can be found, his religious affiliation will remain uncertain. With no clear indication of whether Widmanstetter called on the service of a Jewish bookseller in Rome, it is still worth looking at the extant sources on Jews selling books during Widmanstetter’s stay and the kinds of books they offered: documentary sources do indicate the presence of Jewish booksellers in Rome during the period of Widmanstetter’s stay in the city (1532–1539). Data mined from a census conducted in Rome in 1526/1527 gives a fair idea of the religious affiliations of Roman booksellers in the sixteenth century.125 This census methodically lists the personal information of those recorded in four columns: name, profession, nationality, and address. The information paints Rome as a city abuzz with booksellers—forty-seven of them in total—who had come from countries all over Europe, such as Scotland, England, France, and Germany.126 In the case of the Jewish booksellers that are listed as operating in Rome at the time, their religion (“Hebreus,” Jew) is given in place of their nationality, effectively portraying them as foreigners even if they had been born in Rome. The last item in every entry lists the city quarter where the bookseller lived. For the years 1526/1527, the census lists the following four Jewish booksellers in Rome: “Abraam,” “Beianiez,” “Guillermus,” and “Leo.”127 Jewish bookshops thus made up 8.5 percent of all booksellers in Rome, pointing to a marginal presence of Jewish booksellers in Rome at this date. All four Jewish booksellers were listed as living in the quarter of Sant’Angelo, where many Jews had settled and where the Roman ghetto was later established in 1555. Sadly, the census does not tell us whether these addresses were merely the residences of these men, or if they were also the locations of their shops. Doc-

125

126

127

See Paolo Cherubini, “Indice dei cartolai attivi a Roma,” in Scrittura, biblioteche e stampa a Roma del Quattrocento: Atti del 2° seminario, 6–8 maggio 1982, ed. Massimo Miglio (Vatican City: Scuola Vaticana di paleografia, diplomatica e archivistica, 1983), 431–445. The census itself is edited in Domenico Gnoli, “Descriptio Urbis o Censimento della popolazione di Roma avanti il sacco borbonico,” Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria xvii (1894): 375–520. Unfortunately, Cherubini does not discuss the reliability of these records. The records published by Armellini for the years 1517–1518 show a total of only twenty booksellers, none of whom is Jewish. I found only one overlap with the census carried out ten years later: Leonardo Bolognese (see Cherubini, “Indice dei cartolai,” 441). Using other sources, Nuovo has shown that many bookshops continued to operate over decades and were often handed down from one generation to the next. Since this degree of continuity is not in the least discernible in the time span of less than ten years between these two censuses in Rome, all findings drawn from these records should remain tentative. See Gnoli, “Descriptio Urbis,” 498–500, and Cherubini, “Indice dei cartolai,” 434–435, 439, 441.

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umentary sources show that Jews did engage in business outside their quarter and even on Campo de’Fiori, the site where Widmanstetter bought his book from Zena.128 However, there are problems when considering the data of this census in relation to Widmanstetter’s stay in the city from 1532 to 1539, beyond concerns about the accuracy of the records. It is debatable whether these numbers can simply be transferred to the 1530s, the decade Widmanstetter was active in Rome and laid the foundations of his own library. The census was conducted just before the Sack of Rome in 1527, an event that was the bloody aftermath of the conflict between Emperor Charles v and Pope Clement vii. Having defeated and taken the pope prisoner, the emperor could not gather the funds to pay his troops. As a result, his soldiers revolted against his leadership, raiding and pillaging Rome for three days. Not only did a great many people lose their lives during the initial slaughter, but in its wake the city was drained of a great many talents who were forced to relocate to other cities and rebuild their livelihood there. The upheaval of this event had profound effects on Jewish scholars who had survived the sack. Elijah Levita, the famous grammarian and collaborator of Egidio da Viterbo, stated in the introduction of his Meturgeman, “in 1527 the city [Rome] was captured. I was deprived of my worldly possessions and all my books were stolen.”129 His Hebrew books became the plunder of pillaging mercenaries who likely had no other use for them than tinder. Like so many other Jews, Levita left Rome and applied his talents in the publishing house of Daniel Bomberg (see Chapter 2, section 4.2). Despite the sack, the presence of a large Jewish community in Rome after 1527 indicates that there would have been a market for Jewish booksellers to cater to.130

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129 130

For example, a legal dispute is on record that occurred in April 1555 between Abramo called Mashia di Nissim Siciliano and Sabato di Menahem di Bondi that arose from their joint business activities in their shop on Campo de’Fiori; see Stow, Rome, 1551–1557, nos. 1696, 736. See Elijah Levita, Meturgeman (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1531). Translation cited from Martin, “Giles of Viterbo,” 213. The question that cannot be answered within the confines of this study is: how fast did the cultural life of Rome recuperate after the sack of 1527—especially with regard to the Jewish minority? Whatever the answer might be, the pre-sack census records do give us a sense of the extent to which Jews were involved in bookselling—at least as their main occupation, as some of Widmanstetter’s Jewish booksellers seem to have traded in books to supplement their income from another profession. The records show that these Jewish bookshops may all have been located in the same city quarter, and while there are no records of Jewish booksellers in Rome after 1527, there is a possibility that Widmanstetter might have found four Jewish booksellers in Rome in the 1530s.

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Even if Widmanstetter could have found Jewish bookshops, however, there is still a question of whether Widmanstetter would even have been interested in the goods supplied by Jewish booksellers. While it is hard to track down Jewish booksellers in sixteenth-century Italy, information on their stocks is even more elusive. The only extant inventory of an Italian Jewish bookshop is that of Isaac Voila, which has been preserved among the booklists of the Jewish community of Mantua. In 1595, the Inquisition compelled the members of this community to submit inventories of their libraries to aid the work of its censors.131 Given this late date in relation to the period of Widmanstetter’s activity as a collector of Jewish books, care must be taken when interpreting this inventory. Even after the papacy’s crackdown on the Talmud in 1553, with Jewish intellectual life becoming strained by the yoke of strict censorship, Jewish books were being published in Italy. Furthermore, printing had become even more widespread than in Widmanstetter’s period during the first half of the century. However, the main point that allows us to draw on this later inventory for a comparison with Widmanstetter’s time is that the religious practices that dictated the Jewish community’s need for certain genres of texts did not fundamentally change until the end of the sixteenth century.132 From the contents of the inventory, it becomes clear that Voila’s bookshop in Mantua was equipped to serve the needs of the local community and the neighboring settlements. The range of books on offer directly reflects the essentials needed to maintain Jewish religious life in the city, but little that was of interest to the intellectual elite. It primarily contains works for liturgy, such as siddurim, maḥzorim, ḥumashim, and seliḥot. In addition, Voila offered the books needed to run the local yeshivah. Only a few titles in the inventory would have been of interest to more learned members of the community, who would

131

132

This inventory was first discussed in Shlomo Simonsohn, “Books and Libraries of the Jews of Mantua 1595” [Hebrew], Kiryat Sefer 37 (1962): 103–122. A thorough analysis is found in Shifra Baruchson, “On the Trade in Hebrew Books Between Italy and the Ottoman Empire During the 16th Century” [Hebrew], East and Maghreb 5 (1986): 53–77 (66–70). For an indepth analysis of this and other lists, see her doctoral thesis on the entire corpus of the Mantua booklists in Hebrew: Shifra Baruchson, Books and Readers: The Reading Interests of Italian Jews at the Close of the Renaissance [Hebrew] (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1993), later published in a French translation as Shifra Baruchson-Arbib, La culture livresque des juifs d’Italie à la fin de la Renaissance, vol. 66, Documents, études et répertoires (Paris: cnrs éditions, 2001). Lurianic Kabbalah, which was to transform Jewish religious practice, was only slowly arriving in Italy from the Holy Land in the 1590s; see Lawrence Fine, Physician of the Soul, Healer of the Cosmos: Isaac Luria and His Kabbalistic Fellowship, Stanford Studies in Jewish History and Culture (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2003), 5–6.

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have studied advanced topics like Kabbalah.133 It is doubtful that a bookshop like Isaac Voila’s, which clearly only catered to the day-to-day needs of the Jewish community, would have had much appeal to a Christian Hebraist like Widmanstetter, whose primary interests were fields like Kabbalah, philosophy, and the sciences. Basing this assessment on only one inventory is open to question, however there are no other data samples to compare it against. Further examples would help us to better understand how Jewish booksellers decided which books to stock and to appreciate how Isaac Voila’s fared in relation to other Italian Jewish booksellers.134 Until new sources concerning the stocks of Jewish bookshops from the sixteenth century emerge that draw a different picture, it would seem that Widmanstetter would have found little to pique his interest in a Jewish bookshop. 4.2 Christian Booksellers and Book Agents One of the few sources that inform us about the Jewish books offered by Christian booksellers of sixteenth-century Italy is an inventory compiled on 8 September 1538 for the shop of Giovanni Giolito in Turin.135 Giolito’s inventory is exceptional among most inventories of booksellers of the time, as it lists not only books in Latin and the vernacular languages, but also a select few titles in Greek and Hebrew. The first significant feature of this catalog is that all the Jewish titles were printed by Christian publishing houses. This may either be due to books by Jewish printers being out of stock at the moment the inventory was drawn up or it may be a deliberate omission as a result of Christian fears that Jews had falsified the text of the Hebrew Bible to delete hints of the coming of Christ. Although some Christian publishers, like Bomberg and Aemilius, also had their eye on the Jewish market, supplying prayer books and other essentials to maintain a Jewish religious life, by the 1530s there was already a market for Jewish books that catered to the needs of Christians, supplying grammatical information in a manner that was familiar to them from books 133

134

135

See Baruchson, “Trade in Hebrew Books,” 63, 65–66. This is in agreement with the findings of Jean-Pierre Rothschild, who reconstructed the composition of sixteenth-century Jewish libraries from booklists; see Rothschild, “Bibliothèques hebraïques médiévales,” 242. The inventory’s editor, Shifra Baruchson, also warned against applying the findings of Isaac Voila’s shop to bookshops in other Italian cities, because the ratio of Sefardic Jews was lower than in other places for which there are no comparable sources. While the Jewish community of Mantua was of a slightly different composition, it was also an important intellectual center that produced such works as the editio princeps of the Zohar that was printed in 1557; see Baruchson, “Trade in Hebrew Books,” 67. This inventory is analyzed in Nuovo, Book Trade, 366–371.

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on Latin and Greek. To understand Giolito’s inventory within its historical context, it is also important to remember that Turin was a university city. Hence, this inventory reflects the tastes of the wider Christian intellectual elite in Widmanstetter’s time, which included to some extent the study of Hebrew.136 In short, Widmanstetter’s humanistic taste in Jewish books was catered to better by Christians rather than Jews. Bookshops in university cities such as Giolito’s Turin were distinguished by the large number of books on offer that had been printed outside of Italy. These imported books catered to the interests of the cultural elite that could not be satisfied solely by Italian books. The documents of booksellers who owned shops in different cities indicate that they stocked their shops in response to actual market demand.137 If we accept this view, the inventories can be interpreted as reflecting the real demand for Jewish books in these cities. Comparing the needs of Jewish communities for books to maintain Jewish religious life (siddurim, maḥzorim, ḥumashim, and seliḥot) with the humanist interests of Christians (grammars, dictionaries, philosophy, and Kabbalah), the two readerships appear very much dissimilar. It seems sensible, therefore, both from an economic and ideological standpoint, that Jewish and Christian booksellers would tend to satisfy the demands in their own community. Judging from the titles on offer, Giolito did not cater to Jewish clients who sought prayer books and other essentials for religious practice and devotion. The selection of titles in Widmanstetter’s library suggests that he would have been more likely to shop for Jewish books in Christian bookshops. Christian booksellers would have shared with their customers the academic culture that codified along narrow lines how a subject matter such as grammar was to be studied. Daniel Bomberg A sizable number of printed books in Widmanstetter’s library come from the Dutch printer Daniel Bomberg, who operated in Venice. Bomberg is today remembered for his groundbreaking editions of the Talmud, his Biblia Rab136

137

Nuovo suggests rather opaquely that the Hebrew titles in Giolito’s inventory indicate a clientele that was interested in this subject matter for “religious purposes.” Because the titles are mostly made up of grammars and dictionaries, it seems likely that the intended customers were Christian students hoping to grasp the fundamentals of Hebrew in order to read the Bible in the original language, rather than to edify themselves spiritually. The titles are listed in greater detail in Angela Nuovo and Chris Coppens, I Giolito e la stampa nell’Italia del xvi secolo, Travaux d’humanisme et renaissance 402 (Geneva: Droz, 2005), 52n132. See Nuovo, Book Trade, 366–371.

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binica (Miqraʾot Gedolot), and dozens of other editions he published between 1515 and 1549.138 Beside his printing workshop, Bomberg also traded in books from other publishers, harnessing for this side of his business the trade network that his family, the Bombergs, operated—a vast network based in their headquarters in Antwerp that spanned across the entire Mediterranean.139 This unique combination of first-hand knowledge of the publishing business and his access to the trade network made Bomberg the top address for Christian Hebraists seeking Jewish books printed outside Europe. It is even possible that Bomberg was at times one of very few merchants able to provide a continuous stream of imported Jewish books. Widmanstetter was well connected with the Dutch printer. A letter by Bomberg to Francesco Parnas reveals that the printer acted for Widmanstetter as an agent for Jewish books from the Ottoman Empire, books printed in Italy by other printers, and his own books. Parnas had worked as an editor for Bomberg in the early 1530s, and after he left Venice, Parnas remained in regular contact with his old employer.140 Bomberg’s extant replies to Parnas show that Parnas wrote to him about his daily work as a scribe and gave him news from Rome. In return, Bomberg kept him apprised about Parnas’ family, who had remained in Venice.141 One letter details Widmanstetter’s order of books from Bomberg: “Regarding the matter of the books, our Giovanni has come back from abroad four days ago. I shall send them with the printed books together with the Great Letters for his honor Messir Giovan Lucretio.”142 Bomberg here states his inten-

138

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140

141 142

A thorough list of the books printed by Bomberg can be found in David Werner Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy: Being Chapters in the Hebrew Printing Press. (Philadelphia: Julius H. Greenstone, 1909), 217–224. For a recent reevaluation of Bomberg’s activities and his motivation, see Bruce Nielsen, “Daniel van Bombergen, a Bookman of Two Worlds,” in The Hebrew Book in Early Modern Italy, ed. Joseph R. Hacker and Adam Shear (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 56–75. His activities as a printer have been studied in Avraham Meir Haberman, The Printer Daniel Bomberg and His Printing Press [Hebrew] (Safed: Museum of Printing Art, 1978). There are now a number of general studies on trade in general between Europe and the Ottoman Empire, such as Benjamin Arbel, Trading Nations: Jews and Venetians in the Early Modern Eastern Mediterranean, Brill’s Series in Jewish Studies 14 (Leiden: Brill, 1995). On the Ottoman book trade in general, see İsmail E. Erünsal, “A Brief Survey of the Book Trade in the Ottoman Empire,” Libri 65, no. 3 (2015): 217–235. Parnas worked on two editions in Bomberg’s house, Shorashim and ʿArukh, from 1529 to 1532; see Aron Freimann, “Daniel Bombergs Bücherverzeichnis,” Zeitschrift für Hebräische Bibliographie 10 (1906): 38–42 (35–36). See letters bsb, Autogr. Bomberg, Daniel, nos. 5 and 7. “‫ועל עניין הספרים בא זואני שלנו מארצו ומעתה עד ארבעה ימים אשלחם עם הדפוסים בחברת‬ ‫האותיות הגדולות בעד מעלת מיסיר זואן לוקריציו‬.” Daniel Bomberg to Francesco Parnas,

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tion to send his employee Giovanni—who had recently returned from traveling abroad, likely in a trade expedition—to transport a book for Widmanstetter together with other items to Rome.143 Unfortunately, Bomberg did not specify whether all the books to be sent were intended for Widmanstetter. Nor do we learn the titles of the books, or even if they were books printed by Bomberg’s press or if Widmanstetter had used Bomberg as an agent to provide imported books. Bomberg’s singling out of the Great Letters from among the printed books could indicate that this was a manuscript. No text of this title can be found among Widmanstetter’s books, however it is the title of a tractate on masoretic questions. Given the number of texts on this topic in Widmanstetter’s library, it is conceivable that he had acquired the book but that it has since been lost.144 The main point is that Bomberg was evidently in the habit of shipping imported books to his customers through his employees. The correspondence leaves open when Widmanstetter first became a customer of Bomberg’s shop. The wording of the earliest extant letter by Bomberg to Parnas, dated 7 December 1536—before the shipment of books for Rome was dispatched—could be interpreted as Widmanstetter not having been in contact with the Venice bookseller before Widmanstetter took in Parnas as a scribe. “I also heard” Bomberg wrote, “that you have found an influential man who is well read, proficient in the holy language, and who is like a father to you and loves you.”145

143

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145

Venice, dated 23 April 1537, bsb, Autogr. Bomberg, Daniel, no. 5. “Giovan Lucretio” is the Italian form of “Johann Lucretius.” “Giovanni” may be Giovanni Rignalmo, who would later safeguard the books of Moses of Mardin; see Pier Giorgio Borbone, “Moses von Mardin, Lehrer der syrischen Sprache im Europa des 16. Jahrhunderts,” Morgen-Glantz 32 (2022): 55–76 (60, 67–68). During Widmanstetter’s own lifetime, his narrow escape from the war between Emperor Charles v and Prince Elector Moritz of Saxony in 1552 comes to mind as a time when he may have lost some of his library. In his dedication to the Syriac New Testament, Widmanstetter recalls specifically how he escaped with his family and his books into Austria; Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, 14b. “‫עוד שמעתי שמצאת איש גבור ויודע ספר ובקי בלשון הקדש בטוב אשר הוא כאב לך אוהב‬ ‫אותך ואחלה את פניך‬.” Daniel Bomberg to Francesco Parnas, Venice, dated 27 December 1536, bsb, Autogr. Bomberg, Daniel no. 6. The omission of Widmanstetter’s name could suggest that Bomberg was not familiar with him when he penned his letter to Parnas, meaning that Widmanstetter only became a customer of Bomberg in 1537—a full decade after arriving in Italy and beginning his extensive study of Jewish texts. While it is possible that Widmanstetter only then had the means to start buying more expensive books, the phrasing could also be read as merely emphasizing that Parnas was now able to earn good money working for a humanist who paid well. Another part of this letter is discussed in section 3.2.3.

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Bomberg’s stocks of Jewish books are partly known from Conrad Gessner’s (1516–1565) pioneering bibliography, Bibliotheca universalis.146 The Swiss polymath’s work was the first comprehensive attempt at making all published knowledge findable. In sum, the book included about three thousand authors and some twelve thousand titles listed alphabetically in twenty-one subject classes. Most of the texts listed were in Latin, but Gessner’s drive for bibliographic completeness did not shy away from books written in other languages. To gather the information he needed, Gessner used the advertisements that bookshops put out to inform the public of their stocks.147 In an attempt to cover literature in Hebrew as well, Gessner printed the inventory of Bomberg’s stocks from the year 1543 in the appendix of his work, titled “Pandectarum sive partitionum universalium libri xxi.” This catalog gives a clear idea of the kind of books Christian Hebraists like Widmanstetter were able to acquire from Bomberg.148 Analysis of Bomberg’s catalog shows that of the seventy-five titles on offer, only thirty-three titles had been printed by Bomberg himself. Another ten stemmed from other Italian printers, and two titles came from northern Europe.149 In addition to books printed in Italy, Bomberg’s catalog shows that he also imported many books from the East. Of the seventy-five titles in the catalog, twenty-nine alone were printed in Constantinople150 and one other in Thessaloniki.151 These imported texts primarily consist of musar literature and belles lettres. Other genres of texts that Bomberg imported from the East

146

147 148

149 150

151

The scholarship on Gessner is rich and varied. Some important studies are: Blair, Too Much to Know; Urs B. Leu et al., Conrad Gessner’s Private Library, History of Science and Medicine Library 5 (Leiden: Brill, 2008); Helmut Zedelmaier, Bibliotheca universalis und bibliotheca selecta: Das Problem der Ordnung des gelehrten Wissens in der Frühen Neuzeit, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 33 (Cologne: Böhlau, 1992). Although Gessner owned some Jewish books, he apparently did not acquire any books published by Bomberg; see Leu et al., Conrad Gessner’s Private Library, 19. See Widmann, Geschichte, 82–83. See Freimann, “Bücherverzeichnis.” Shifra Baruchson used this catalog to reconstruct the import of Hebrew printed books from the Ottoman Empire to Italy in the sixteenth century. The second source she uses is the inventory of the bookseller Isaac Voila in the Jewish community of Mantua that was discussed in section 2.4.1; see Baruchson, “On the Trade in Hebrew Books.” A tabular presentation of the catalog along with editions that can be identified and Widmanstetter’s copies maybe found in appendix B. Nos. 53, 59. Freimann is uncertain about the origin of no. 18. Nos. 4, 14, 18, 21, 20*, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33*, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 47, 48, 50, 51, 55, 56, 57, 58. Numbers with an asterisk signify that Bomberg could have stocked an alternative edition. No. 40.

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include science, midrash, grammar, and the writings of poseqim. It can be argued that importing these texts would have been more profitable for Bomberg than printing them himself, since their readership was comparatively smaller. Bomberg only imported 19 percent of all the titles printed in Constantinople, hence he limited himself to those texts that were in demand in Italy; Romaniote siddurim, for example, would not have returned his investment. In sum, texts imported from the East comprise 38.7 percent of Bomberg’s catalog, making them an integral part of the range of books he was able to offer to his customers.152 Although Bomberg left Venice soon after his correspondence with Parnas ended, Widmanstetter continued to purchase books from Bomberg’s firm. In 1543, the same year that Gessner received the catalog of Bomberg’s stocks, Widmanstetter turned to one of the firm’s employees, the famous grammarian Elijah Levita, submitting his list of wishes; only Levita’s reply to Widmanstetter, dated May 1543, is still extant.153 After publishing a number of his own books with the German Christian Hebraist Paulus Fagius in Isny, Levita had returned to Bomberg’s employ in Venice, where he took care of the daily affairs like corresponding with Christian scholars such as Widmanstetter. In his presentation of Levita’s letter, Gérard Weil asserts that Levita provided Jewish books to his correspondents, suggesting that Levita was himself active as a bookseller.154 This suggests that Levita did not act as a merchant of Hebrew books, but rather that he was a clerk in the pay of Bomberg who—as the letter to Widmanstetter demonstrates—gave his clients expert advice on the titles that were relevant to their interests. Due to the importance of Levita’s letter to our understanding of Widmanstetter’s relationship with his booksellers, it deserves to be printed here at length: I have seen the large letter written by your refined hand in which you listed the books that you asked for. I have truly toiled to find them for you. But not one of them is to be found with us today, because they were not printed [here], only in Turkey. Other books have now come to us that were printed here and there are good things among them, especially Sefer

152 153

154

The share may have been higher or lower in other years, of course; see Baruchson, “Trade in Hebrew Books,” esp. 65–66. The most important study on Levita remains Gérard E. Weil, Élie Lévita: Humaniste et Massorète, Studia Post-Biblica 7 (Leiden: Brill, 1963), although some of his findings have been modified by later research. See Weil, Élie Lévita, 245.

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Neve Shalom and Naher Pishon and Sefer ha-Musar. These three have the length and quality that deserve [your] attention. In addition, there are small books like Sefer Imre Noʿam, Sefer ʿIqqarim, Sefer Nazir u-Ben haMelekh, and grammatical books of little length, like Sefer Safah Berurah by R. Abraham Ibn Ezra and Sefer Leshon Limmudim and Migdal ʿOz. If you, mylord, desire some of them let me know, mylord, and I will follow your command to the letter for the sake of your love, your joy and your good-will in this matter and in others.155 The first thing that catches the eye is the thematic focus of the books that Levita suggested to Widmanstetter: the first half consists of philosophical books, the most famous among these being Sefer ʿIqqarim; and then Levita explicitly designated the second half of his proposed texts as “grammatical books.” It would seem that in his letter to the Bomberg bookshop, Widmanstetter had requested some philosophical works and some grammars. Levita in his reply suggested other titles, available at the bookshop at the time, that matched the interests expressed in his client’s letter. This finding supports the hypothesis that Christian Hebraists believed their thematic interests were better catered for by Christian vendors of Jewish books. As the Bomberg catalog printed by Gessner and Levita’s letter to Widmanstetter are both dated 1543, we can retrace how Levita reacted to Widmanstetter’s request based on what was available at the time. Of the nine titles in Levita’s letter seven are also found in the catalog.156 The discrepancy between the sources may be explained by the passage of time between Levita’s letter and the catalog: some books had sold out. Although we do not know which books Widmanstetter asked for, because only Levita’s reply is extant, the letter contains sufficient clues to conjecture the general outlines of his wish list. The books Levita proposed to Widmanstetter were mostly printed in the Ottoman Empire. Comparing Levita’s letter with Gessner’s catalog, we discern that Bomberg’s firm was finding it increasingly difficult to provide a steady supply of books from this part of the world to its customers. Coinciding with Bomberg’s departure from Venice in 1539, the firm had almost ceased to acquire any new books. The most recent editions listed

155 156

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,6; for the full Hebrew text, see appendix A, no. 6. The overlapping titles are (the numbers indicate the position in the 1543 catalog): Sefer Neve Shalom (no. 58), Sefer ha-Musar (no. 32), Sefer Imre Noʿam (no. 37), Sefer ʿIqqarim (no. 29), Sefer Nazir u-Ben ha-Melekh (no. 28), Sefer Safah Berurah (no. 30), and Sefer Leshon Limmudim (no. 23). The two titles not found in the catalog are Nahar Pishon and Migdal ʿOz.

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by Levita are Sefer Neve Shalom and Sefer Imre Noʿam, and these were both printed in 1539, four years before the letter was sent.157 The most recent item on Gessner’s list is Levita’s work Tishbi, printed by Paulus Fagius in Isny in 1541. With this sole exception, none of the other titles was printed after 1539, the year Bomberg left Venice. Following Bomberg’s departure from Venice, no new books were printed at his own printing press during the years 1540 to 1542, nor were any books imported from the Ottoman Empire or even Italy. As a result, the Bomberg stocks preserved the state of available books when he left Venice. Bomberg’s catalog lists twenty-nine titles that were printed in the Ottoman Empire. Four of these found their way into Widmanstetter’s library and could have been acquired from Bomberg. However, Widmanstetter owned a total of twenty Jewish books from the Ottoman Empire.158 This discrepancy could be partly explained with the possibility that the stocks of Ottoman books may have depleted between the time of Widmanstetter’s first known correspondence with Bomberg in 1537 and Elijah Levita’s letter of 1543. Widmanstetter may have bought some or even all of his Ottoman books through Bomberg, and this is potentially why these titles do not appear on the list that was drawn up six years later. Bomberg’s role in Widmanstetter’s acquisition of books from Turkey is supported by the evidence from the books themselves: two volumes contain both books printed by Bomberg and ones from Ottoman presses.159 The fact that they were bound together may indicate that Widmanstetter purchased these books together and then had them bound into the same binding.160 With the remarkable exception of the Constantinople Polyglot that will be discussed in section 2.5, there are no printed books in Widmanstetter’s library that were published in the Ottoman Empire after 1538. After Bomberg’s return to Venice in 1542, he apparently did not resume importing books from the Levant. Christian Hebraists like Widmanstetter evidently depended entirely on the services Bomberg was able supply thanks to his large network of merchants throughout the Mediterranean. Once Bomberg had gone and all imports were apparently suspended, it became a daunting task to acquire books from the Levant. The Italian books in Widmanstetter’s library tell a different story than the Ottoman Jewish books. Although Widmanstetter owned important editions

157 158 159 160

For a bibliographical analysis of the list, see Weil, Élie Lévita, 246. Sixteen editions from Constantinople and four from Thessaloniki. bsb, A.hebr. 411 contains an anthology consisting of fourteen discrete texts, giving a total of thirty-three texts. See bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411 and bsb, 2 A.hebr. 67. A third volume, bsb, 2 A.hebr. 38, contains only books printed in the Ottoman Empire. The bindings will be analyzed in detail in section 4.1.

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from Bomberg, such as the Biblia Rabbinica and the Babylonian Talmud, he was far from exhausting the range of titles from the Venetian printer. There were thirteen volumes of Bomberg’s own books printed up to the year 1539 in Widmanstetter’s library (although the total number of editions owned by Widmanstetter is far higher, because most tractates of the Babylonian Talmud were printed separately). Of the thirty-one titles that are listed in Gessner’s version of Bomberg’s catalog as his own publications, only four can be found in Widmanstetter’s library. After Daniel Bomberg returned to Venice and resumed printing in 1543, Widmanstetter bought only two more of his books. Beside books printed by Bomberg, Widmanstetter also collected thirty-seven books by other publishers based in Italy. Of the ten titles listed in Bomberg’s catalog, only six can be found in Widmanstetter’s library, four from Bologna and one each from Naples and Bologna. Before Widmanstetter left Italy in 1539, he may have owned up to twenty-five non-Bomberg titles.161 Following his return to German lands in the 1540s, he only acquired thirteen more Hebrew printed books (datable by their dates of publication), from the Italian printers Giustiniani, Adelkind, and Parenzo. All of these books were by publishers from the generation who supplanted Bomberg as a printer of Jewish books in Venice.162 This finding is indicative of Widmanstetter’s ability to maintain his contacts with the cultural centers of Italy that produced Jewish books. Despite Widmanstetter’s periodical visits to Italy on behalf of his masters, his physical absence meant that he only kept in contact with those Italian publishing houses in the north. Although compiled in 1543, the Bomberg catalog mostly reflects books that were available in 1539: after Bomberg left Venice in that year, the stocks did not change significantly, and he did not return until after the compilation of the catalog. Bomberg had probably left Venice for Antwerp in 1539 as a result of religious coercion from the Catholic authorities, as he was a Calvinist.163 Perhaps Bomberg did not give his employees a mandate to acquire new goods during his absence. Or perhaps the war between the Ottoman Empire and Venice (1537–1540) led to a disruption of trade relations—the rival cities of Venice seized this opportunity to try to supplant it as the center of commerce in the Mediterranean, and so the disruptions caused by the war would have impacted

161 162 163

Six from Rimini, five from Bologna, four from Soncino, three from Naples, two from Pesaro, two from Rome, two from Mantua, and one from Fano. Five from Giustiniani, four from Adelkind, two from Parenzo, and two unidentified volumes from Venice (bsb, 2 A.hebr. 24 and bsb, 4 A.hebr. 310). See Marvin J. Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book: An Abridged Thesaurus (Leiden: Brill, 2004), xix; Haberman, Daniel Bomberg, 20.

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negatively on Bomberg’s network of merchants in the Levant and impeded his ability to procure fresh books from that region.164 Paulus Aemilius While Bomberg provided Widmanstetter with books from the Ottoman Empire, the German convert Paulus Aemilius fulfilled a similar role with regard to books from northern Europe in the 1540s albeit on a much smaller scale. The first documented collaboration of Aemilius and Widmanstetter is documented for 1538 in Italy, when Aemilius copied three manuscripts for Widmanstetter that will be discussed in section 3.3. Aemilius worked first as a scribe in Italy and became a printer in Augsburg in 1543 and later a university professor in Landshut.165 However, his printing press would not prosper for long, forcing him to leave Augsburg in 1544; the only titles he published are a Jewish-German Pentateuch and the Book of Kings.166 164

165

166

See Benjamin Arbel, “Venice and the Jewish Merchants of Istanbul in the Sixteenth Century,” in The Mediterranean and the Jews; Banking, Finance and International Trade (xvi– xviii Centuries), ed. Ariel Toaff and Simon Schwarzfuchs (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 1989), 39–56 (46–47). There is little scholarship on Aemilius. One exception is Morris M. Faierstein, “Paulus Aemilius, Convert to Catholicism and Printer of Yiddish Books in Sixteenth Century Augsburg,” Judaica 71, no. 4 (2015): 349–365. Important biographical details on Aemilius are found in older reference books on Renaissance scholars, such as Anton Maria Kobolt, Baierisches Gelehrten-Lexikon: Worinn alle Gelehrte Baierns und der obern Pfalz […] beschrieben und enthalten sind (Landshut: Storno, 1795), 9; Anton Maria Kobolt, Lexikon baierischer Gelehrter und Schriftsteller bis zum Ende des siebenzehnten Jahrhunderts: Mit Nachträgen (Landshut: Storno, 1825), 5; Carl Prantl, Geschichte der Ludwig-MaximiliansUniversität in Ingolstadt, Landshut, München (Munich: Kaiser, 1872), 327–328. Aemilius’ colophons in the manuscripts he copied for Widmanstetter contain no biographical information beside the village of his birth; see the catalog entries in appendix D for the full texts. For Aemilius’ work as a scribe, see Chapter 3, section 3.1. See the letters in bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,5 and 16, edited in appendix A, nos. 4 and 5. The quarrel between Aemilius and Schwarz has been discussed by various scholars. The most important accounts are by Moshe N. Rosenfeld, Der jüdische Buchdruck in Augsburg in der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts (London: n.p., 1985); Moshe N. Rosenfeld, “Zur Geschichte des jüdischen Buchdrucks in Augsburg,” Nachrichten für den jüdischen Bürger Fürths 1985, 26–30; Hans-Jörg Künast, “Chajjim Schwarz und Paulus Aemilius—Jüdischhebräischer Buchdruck in Augsburg (1533–1544),” in Fördern und Bewahren: Studien zur europäischen Kulturgeschichte der Frühen Neuzeit. Festschrift anlässlich des zehnjährigen Bestehens der Dr. Günther Findel-Stiftung zur Förderung der Wissenschaften, ed. Helwig Schmidt-Glintzer. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996), 157–171 (166–168). Habermann has argued convincingly that Aemilius printed his books without mentioning his own name, since this could have damaged the book’s marketability among the Ashkenazic Jewry; see Avraham Meir Haberman, “The Printer Ḥayyim Shaḥor, His Son Isaac and His Son-in-Law Joseph Ben Jakar” [Hebrew], Kiryat Sefer 31 (1956): 483–500 (484–485).

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Given the level of support Aemilius received from Widmanstetter, it is understandable that Aemilius took special care to cultivate his friendship with his influential patron. In the dedication of his Pentateuch, he adapted the classic praise of Moses Maimonides as being the only equal to the biblical Moses to fit Widmanstetter, who is likened to John the Baptist: “It is hard to believe that there was anyone like him from John the Baptist until Johanan Albrecht von Widmanstetten.”167 In 1544, he presented him with an unnamed book in German for his birthday.168 Since Aemilius made his living as a printer, he had contacts in the book market and was able to assist Widmanstetter with some of his wishes for printed Jewish books. However, Aemilius was unable to offer as wide a selection of books as Bomberg. A humble printer at the beginning of his career, Aemilius says in his letters that he traveled to the Frankfurt bookfair in order to sell his products. Bookfairs were important occasions in the professional lives of printers, since it was there that they sold the majority of their books to other printers, professional booksellers, and traveling merchants. Printers also restocked their supplies of paper and cultivated their business relationships at bookfairs. In Frankfurt, booksellers rented vaults in Buchgasse (“book alley”) to safely store their goods and visited each other to inspect their colleagues’ stocks and trade. Aemilius would have been a book printer with a very modest portfolio of titles who probably offered his goods to booksellers on consignment.169 It was common practice for booksellers and printers to trade amongst each other in order to offer a broader range of books to their clients. As one letter, dated August 1543, reveals, Aemilius encouraged Widmanstetter to order books that he would ship for him from Frankfurt: “I also inform you that I am traveling to Frankfurt with my books. If you need novelties, give me a commission; I will work diligently and joyfully walk the way like a hero [Psalm 19:6] with the commission of my Lord.”170 This collaboration between the two men was not always successful. In 1544, Aemilius traveled to Frankfurt again, but was unable to buy the books Widmanstetter wanted, as he did not receive his letters in time before he departed

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“‫לא מאמין שקם כמוהו מיוחנן הטכול עד יוחנן אלבריכט מווירמנשטיטן‬.”Die fünff Bücher Mose aus dem Hebraischen von Wort zu Wort nach der yetzigen Juden Art inn die Teütsch Sprach gebracht […] (Augsburg: Paulus Aemilius, 1544), unpaginated dedication. Ms. Oefeleana 249,13; see appendix A, no. 12, for the full letter with a translation. See Knape and Till, “Deutschland,” 257; Reinhard Wittmann, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, 4th rev. ed. (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1991), 56–61. bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,12; see appendix A, no. 9, for the full letter with a translation. German translation in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 337–339.

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the city.171 It is unknown what books Widmanstetter ordered from Frankfurt, because only Aemilius’ replies have remained. The evidence for Hebrew books at the fairs is only anecdotal for the sixteenth century. For example, it is known that the Protestant humanist Georg Spalatin in 1518 both bought Hebrew Bibles at the fair in Leipzig. In addition, bookfair catalogs are not available as a source, since they were only invented in 1564, after the period under discussion. Scholars have hence argued that it was an exception rather than a rule to find Hebrew books at the bookfairs of Leipzig and Frankfurt.172 But bookfairs were not the only avenue that Aemilius pursued in his attempts to satisfy Widmanstetter’s wishes. Just like the major publishers, Aemilius was in contact with other printers from whom he ordered books to cater the literary tastes of his clients. In a letter dated May 1543, Aemilius responded to Widmanstetter’s request for the price of two books that he had received: “So, you received the two books, as you write to me. As to your question, what they cost, [I reply] that it is a trifle. The total sum is 4 ½ batzen and you have already paid me. If you need more [books], I will happily walk the path like a hero to your service and your assistance.”173 Just like in the letter of Levita, there is no direct mention of the titles of the books that Widmanstetter had ordered. Nonetheless, it is possible to work out what books could be referred to here. Any books printed south of the Alps can be eliminated, as Widmanstetter was able to buy them on his visits to Italy. The letter also predates Aemilius’ first visit to the Frankfurt bookfair, thus he probably would not have been able to stock foreign titles. Hence, it is likely that he sold to Widmanstetter two works printed somewhere in southern Germany or Switzerland. Given that Aemilius wrote this letter in 1543, the most probable contenders are two books printed by Paulus Fagius, another printer of Hebrew books north of the Alps. The first title would thus be Liber fidei, a work on the Christian Hebraist desire to prove the veracity of the Christian doctrine from Jewish sources; and the second is Perush ha-millot ʿal derekh ha-peshat in Fagius’ own translation.174 The last extant letter from the correspondence between Aemilius and Widmanstetter stems from 1549, when Aemilius had changed his profession yet again, this time becoming professor of Hebrew at the University of Ingolstadt. Aemilius had feared in one his earlier letters that Bomberg’s dominance in the

171 172 173 174

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,14; see appendix A, no. 11, for the full letter with a translation. See Burnett, Christian Hebraism, 208–211. bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,11; see appendix A, no. 7, for the full letter with a translation. Both works were printed in 1541 and are bound together in bsb, 4 A.hebr. 331.

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Jewish book market could force him out of business.175 In the final letter, dated 17 March 1549, Aemilius confirms the arrival of an Avicenna manuscript that Widmanstetter had sent him.176 While Aemilius was no longer an active book printer, he was still able to inform Widmanstetter about the expected date of publication of a book by Nicolaui after the Frankfurt bookfair.177 Aemilius was either still well connected among merchants trading in books, or maybe even still active as a bookseller in order to supplement his income. With this letter, the trail of letters connecting Widmanstetter to booksellers breaks off, but he continued to pursue printed books through his personal and professional acquaintances. Returning to consider the topic more broadly, then: what sorts of books did Widmanstetter buy from booksellers, and were these sellers Jews or Christians? The research on Jewish bookshops in the sixteenth century is still a fairly open field. The extant inventory from Mantua suggests that Jewish bookshops would not have been of interest to Widmanstetter as they catered to the needs of maintaining Jewish religious observance, and so Christian Hebraists like Widmanstetter would have been better served in Christian bookshops— although further research in Italian archives could produce the contents of additional Jewish bookshops and amend the verdict that Widmanstetter would not have been interested in their goods. Equally, based on the evidence from Widmanstetter’s library, it appears that the supply of Jewish books imported from outside Europe depended on well-connected booksellers. The breakingoff of imports may have meant that a great many scholars became cut off from the book production of the Ottoman Empire. While this finding is certainly true for Widmanstetter, further research from the libraries of other scholars could clarify if he alone was affected, or if the end of Bomberg’s importing of such books had wider repercussions on the scholarship of Jewish texts.

175

176

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Cf. bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,14. It is unknown whether Widmanstetter had a hand in Aemilius’ call to Ingolstadt, but given that he had supported him in the past against Schwarz, it is plausible that he was still looking out for him. bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,15; see appendix A, no. 13, for the full letter with a translation. A German translation may be found in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 340–341. The meaning of this turn in their relationship is unclear. Did Aemilius buy this volume from Widmanstetter, borrow it, or merely receive it for binding? There are three manuscripts in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek that match Aemilius’ description, bsb, Codd.hebr. 87, 247, and 292, so it could be one of these; all are foliated by a hand that could be Widmanstetter’s. Striedl suggested that it could be the Antidotarium by Nicolaus Praepositus, a medical work; see Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 245n51.

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The Habsburg Ambassadors in Constantinople

As we have seen, Christian Hebraists in the sixteenth century depended on the books available in the libraries of local Jews, other scholars, and bookshops. Importing books from outside Europe was only possible to a certain extent, thus expanding the scope of titles accessible for their work. Some scholars who were not content with these options decided to travel to the places where they suspected they would be able to acquire relevant books. Guillaume Postel, one of Widmanstetter’s Christian Hebraist colleagues, traveled twice to the Levant (1539 and 1549). At a time when long journeys across the sea and land were fraught with incalculable risks, this was an outstanding achievement. Postel’s travels were rewarded with manuscripts that became the envy of his Orientalist colleagues and allowed him to further his expert knowledge of Hebrew and the Oriental languages. Daniel Bomberg financially supported his second trip to the East, hoping for new manuscripts to use in his printed editions in return for his investment.178 Most scholars, however, feared the dangers of traveling over far distances or were unable to travel themselves and sent out letters to agents to inquire after a desired text. Egidio da Viterbo, for example, instructed Gabriele della Volta via letter to inquire about a Zohar manuscript he hoped to find in Damascus.179 Although Widmanstetter’s own plans to travel to North Africa in 1531 and 1532 fell through,180 his network of connections allowed him to acquire books that were printed by Jewish artisans in Constantinople and Thessaloniki and he possibly even acquired manuscripts from monasteries in the Holy Land. To this end, he corresponded with like-minded diplomats in Constantinople. His relationship with these men blurred the lines between helping a fellow citizen of the republic of letters and reverence to Widmanstetter’s influence. After the supply of Ottoman Jewish books from Bomberg had dried up, Widmanstetter persisted in his quest to acquire books from this part of the Jewish

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“Secundo, ut reducti in priscas formas characterum libri sacri, […] in quam rem illos quae fuit Daniel Bombergus, mihique ad iter impensas fecit.” Guillaume Postel, De Foenicum literis, seu de prisco Latinae et Graecae linguae charactere, eiusque antiquissima origine et usu […] commentatiuncula (Paris: Martinus Iuvenes, 1552), f. [47b], cited from Nielsen, “Daniel van Bombergen,” 235. Judging from the encomia Bomberg received from the editors of his books, supporting Hebraists traveling to Palestine to acquire new books appears to have been a practice that Bomberg frequently applied; see Nielsen, “Daniel van Bombergen,” 58–59. Even though Egidio was in a powerful position to dispatch an agent, these texts remained out of reach to the cardinal. For more on this attempt, see Chapter 3, section 2.1. See Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, f. 12b.

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world. His appointment in 1552 as chancellor to the Austrian King Ferdinand i, the future emperor, allowed Widmanstetter to tap into the empire’s extensive diplomatic channels for his scholarly purposes. While the king sent out Widmanstetter to negotiate an alliance of the Catholic princes of the German lands against the challenge of the emerging Protestantism, other diplomats dealt with the looming threat of the Turkish conquest against the Habsburg Empire. After Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent’s siege of Vienna had failed in 1537, diplomats traveled back and forth between the imperial court of Vienna and the Porte in Constantinople to broker peace between the two empires.181 Like Egidio da Viterbo at the head of his network of Augustinian convents in Europe and the Mediterranean, this senior position at the Vienna court placed Widmanstetter at the center of a spider’s web of diplomatic relations that spanned the courts of Europe and even beyond to the East. Widmanstetter turned to two of these diplomats, Antun Vrančić and Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq, to procure additional Hebrew books.182 5.1 Antun Vrančić The first Habsburg diplomat Widmanstetter contacted was the Croatian bishop Antun Vrančić, who served twice in Constantinople, from 1553 to 1555 and again in the period 1567 to 1568.183 In a note appended to his copy of the Con-

181

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For an overview of the relationship between the two empires, see Gábor Ágoston, “Ideologie, Propaganda und politischer Pragmatismus: Die Auseinandersetzung der osmanischen und habsburgischen Großmächte und die mitteleuropäische Konfrontation,” in Kaiser Ferdinand i: Ein mitteleuropäischer Herrscher, ed. Martina Fuchs, Teréz Oborni, and Gábor Ujváry (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 2005), 207–233. On the diplomatic relations, see Bart Severi, “Representation and Self-Consciousness in 16th Century Habsburg Diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire,” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie in der Neuzeit: Akten des internationalen Kongresses zum 150-jährigen Bestehen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung, Wien, 22.–25. September 2004, ed. Marlene Kurz et al. (Vienna: Oldenbourg, 2005), 281–294. In this study, I use the Croatian form, in Latin he is known as “Antonius Verantius” and in Hungarian as “Verancsics Antal”. On the role of Croatian humanists in the conflict between the Ottomans and the Habsburg Empire, see Michael B. Petrovich, “The Croatian Humanists and the Ottoman Peril,” Balkan Studies 20, no. 2 (1979): 257–273 (263–265). In addition to his letters to humanists all over Europe, Vrančić composed travelogues that expound his observations of that reveal the customs of the peoples living inside the Ottoman Empire and how he assessed the Turks as deceitful and warned against premature attempts at brokering a peace between the Habsburg Empire and the Turks entitled De itinere et legatione sua Constantinopolitana cum fratre Michaele dialogus. For a careful appraisal of Vrančić’ travelogues and polemics that he composed on his diplomatic missions, see Éva Gyulai, “Antonius Verantius,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 7, Cen-

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stantinople Polyglot, Widmanstetter related that he had received this volume from “Bishop Antonius as a favor […] from Constantinople in August 1555.”184 This edition of the Bible, printed by Eliezer ben Gershom Soncino, was important in the eyes of Widmanstetter because it gives the text of the Hebrew Pentateuch in four different languages side by side, including the Arabic translation by Saadia Gaon and the Persian translation by Jacob ben Joseph Tawus. Like many other humanists, Widmanstetter collected and studied Jewish books not only for their own sake, but also in the hope of gaining a better understanding of other Oriental languages, and the Constantinople Polyglot with its parallel text of the Bible greatly facilitated the study of Arabic and Persian. Widmanstetter was very fortunate to profit from his contacts with Vrančić in Constantinople, because this book was exceedingly difficult to come by in Europe.185 Although Vrančić was situated well in Constantinople to procure books, he could not fulfill every wish of Widmanstetter. In a letter dated 1 July 1555 that Vrančić sent along with the Constantinople Polyglot, he reported that he had not been able to find all the books Widmanstetter had asked for: Concerning the books that you have tasked me to find: I have rummaged through almost every worn-out and every well-fashioned book chest of the Greeks, the Armenians, and the Jews in this city. Apart from two Hebrew [books] that I send to you through our colleague Ogier de Busbecq, I did not find the authors that you seek. I did not chance upon

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tral and Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and South America (1500–1600), ed. David Thomas and John A. Chesworth (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 362–371. This book is now lost; the quote is taken from the notebook of the eighteenth-century librarian Felix von Oefele, bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 245,7: “Rome domini Antonii episcopi N. munus ad Joannem Albertum Widmestadium Constantinopoli missum Augusto mense anno mdlv.” It is likely that this printing was lost in World War ii along with many other Bibles when an air raid hit the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek. For Perles’ remark, see Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 163. On this edition, see Paola Orsatti, “The Judaeo-Persian Pentateuch of Constantinople and the Beginnings of Persian Linguistic Studies in Europe,” in Irano-Judaica iv: Studies Relating to Jewish Contacts with Persian Culture Throughout the Ages, Jerusalem, 3–6 July 1994, ed. Shaul Shaked and Amnon Netzer (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1999), 170–178. On the sale of printed Hebrew books, see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 212–215, and Striedl, “Hebraica-Sammlung,” 31. My thanks to Nil Palabiyik for pointing out Antun Vrančić’ role as ambassador in Constantinople to me. The synoptic format of the Constantinople Polyglot made it a sought-after book by Christian Hebraists who could study Oriental languages by comparing the Arabic or Persian text to the Hebrew original. On the demand for the Constantinople Polyglot in Europe, see Ronny Vollandt, Arabic Versions of the Pentateuch: A Comparative Study of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Sources, Biblia Arabica 2 (Boston: Brill, 2015), 116.

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any trace of the Maronites that have been forgotten even here. I expect those [Maronites] who still exist to arrive soon from Jerusalem, if they can be found by some chance in that city where to this day a few convents of this people have survived. Moreover, I was surprised that in all of Syria remnants of [their] settlements can be found. In case some of those [books] you are seeking do not present themselves, it is necessary to bring the matter to the attention of Brother Bonifacius—a Franciscan monk from Ragusa, the representative to Asia, a most godly man who is erudite in the highest degree, and one of my oldest and closest friends. For at Amasya he brought about the liberation, after the Turks, in an unprecedented manner, had seized Mt. Zion and dispossessed and occupied the religious convents. Therefore, know that I am not shirking my duty, nor do I suspend my efforts or endeavors. It will not be long until I fulfill your request, be it completely, or in part, once the abovementioned Brother Bonifacius has arrived on the kalends of September186—he will finally receive his assignment to the outspread territory here.187 One of the two Hebrew books mentioned in the letter is likely the Constantinople Polyglot; the other volume cannot be identified.188 The nationalities that Vrančić listed in his letter indicate that Widmanstetter was looking for books in

186 187

188

Corresponds to 1 September. “Librorum eorum causa, quos inquirendi mihi provinciam injunxisti, omnia fere in hac urbe per verti Graecorum, Armeniorum et Judaeorum neglecta jam et multa carie confecta scrinia. Sed praeter duos hebraicos cum desideratis abs te interpretibus non inveni, eosque ad te per Augerium Busbecchum collegam nostrum misi. De Maroniticis nullum offendi vestigium, quorum hic etiam memoria interiit. Qui restant, eos aut omnes aut partem brevi expecto ab Hierosolymis, si qui modo in ea civitate poterunt inveniri, in qua quum adhuc aliquot ejus gentis coenobia supersint, tum etiam per totam Syriam coloniarum reliquiae inveniantur, mirum fieri putarem, si aliqui inquirentibus non occurrerent, inquirendorum autem curam fratri Bonifacio, monacho professionis Franciscanae, Ragusii oriundo, Asiae commissario, viro religioso apprime docto, et mihi summa, vetereque amicitia conjuncto imposui. Erat enim Amasiae agens causam pro liberatione montis Syon per Turcas haud ita pridem occupati et religionis suae coenobiis insessi, possessique. Quare scito, me non fugisse officium, nec operam ac studium intermittere, quo te non multo post vel ex toto vel ex parte faciam compotem tui desiderii, quum idem frater Bonifacius venturum sese huc ad calendas Septembres obtulit, ultimum apud hos passas finem causae suae accepturus.” Verancsics Antal, Verancsics Antal összes munkái, ed. Szalay László and Wenzel Gusztáv, vol. iv, Monumenta Hungarica Historica (Budapest: Eggenberger, 1858), 54. Either this volume is now lost, or it was an old printing that predated the suspension of importing books from the East by Bomberg, rendering it indistinguishable from other books of that origin.

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Hebrew, Greek, Armenian, and Syriac. At the time of this correspondence, the study of Syriac was the main concern of Widmanstetter: in this same year, he published in Vienna the editio princeps of the New Testament in this language, traditionally called the Peshitta, and soon after followed it with a primer to facilitate the study of Syriac. Many Christians in the sixteenth century believed that the New Testament was originally written in Syriac before being translated into Greek.189 Widmanstetter even related in a letter he sent along with a personal copy of the New Testament to Duke Christoph of Württemberg that to him and his contemporaries the language of the Peshitta was even identical to the language that Jesus himself had spoken. Syriac and the Peshitta are inextricably tied together with Jewish literature in the mind of Christian Hebraists like Widmanstetter because the study of Hebrew and Aramaic was helpful for studying Syriac: in his letter to Duke Christoph, Widmanstetter explains that “whoever can read Hebrew and some Chaldean will have no trouble with this language (Syriac).”190 Thus, it is worth pursuing the trail of the non-Jewish books further, as it casts light on the constraints put on European humanists as they sought books from the Levant, since Orientalists perceived the subjects as interconnected. 5.2 Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq who served alongside Antun Vrančić as ambassador in Constantinople was just as valuable a hunter for manuscripts to Wid189

190

Today, the majority of scholars accept for linguistic reasons that the New Testament was composed in Greek and translated into Syriac in the fourth century. On Syriac studies in this period, see Alastair Hamilton, “Orientalism, Aramaic and Kabbalah in the Catholic Reformation: The First Printing of the Syriac New Testament. The Kabbalistic Scholars of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible,” Quaerendo 38, no. 4 (2008): 401–404; W. Strothmann, Die Anfänge der syrischen Studien in Europa, Göttinger Orientforschungen 1 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1971). Letter from Widmanstetter to Duke Christoph of Württemberg, dated 6 May 1556. Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart, A 63 Bü 18/6, ff. 171–173, “das Neu Testament in Syrianischer, das ist der Sprach, die unser Säligmacher selbs geredt […] Dann wer zuvor Hebraisch und etwas Chaldeisch khann, dem ist dise Sprach nit sonders frembde.” Partially published in Viktor Ernst, ed., Briefwechsel des Herzogs Christoph von Wirtemberg, vol. 4, 1556–1559 (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1907), 64–65, no. 62. Widmanstetter espoused the same view in the introduction to the Syriac New Testament in an episode describing how he received the manuscript from Teseo Ambrogio: “qui sernionem hunc Jesu Christi Sanctissimis labiis consecratum posteris,” see Müller, Widmanstetter, 17. Hebrew became indeed the starting point for all Orientalists before they proceeded to study other Semitic languages; see Theodor Dunkelgrün, “The Christian Study of Judaism in Early Modern Europe,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism, ed. Jonathan Karp and Adam Sutcliffe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), 316–348 (334).

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manstetter. In 1554 and again in 1556, King Ferdinand I sent Busbecq to Constantinople to negotiate with Sultan Süleyman the Magnificent on the border separating the two empires in Transylvania. In addition to his descriptions of everyday life in the sixteenth-century Ottoman Empire recorded in his Turkish Letters,191 he also garnered fame as an avid collector of manuscripts and inscriptions who added greatly to the knowledge of antiquity in the West. In the Turkish Letters, he claimed to have collected no less than 240 Greek manuscripts,192 many of which were absorbed into the imperial library in Vienna, forming the nucleus of the Greek manuscripts department. While Busbecq was not a Christian Hebraist himself, his account of the most famous manuscript find he made, the Vienna Dioscurides, a sixth-century illustrated medical manuscript,193 is valuable for assessing his skills as a manuscript hunter: One treasure I left behind in Constantinople, a manuscript of Dioscurides, extremely ancient and written in majuscules, with drawings of the plants and containing also, if I am not mistaken, some fragments of Cratevas and a small treatise on birds. It belongs to a Jew, the son of Hamon, who, while he was still alive, was a physician to Soleiman. I should have bought it, but the price frightened me; for a hundred ducats was named, a sum which would suit the Emperor’s purse better than mine. I shall not cease to urge the Emperor to ransom so noble an author from such slavery.194

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Originally, he wrote these letters to Nicholas Michault during his mission as ambassador to the Ottoman Empire (1554–1562), and later he revised them for publication. A realpolitiker with no patience for ideology, Busbecq recorded the daily life, religious practices, and culture of sixteenth-century Turkey as well as strengths of the Ottoman system of governance and culture, often betraying his admiration for it. A modern translation is available in Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq, The Turkish Letters of Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq, Imperial Ambassador at Constantinople, 1554–1562: Translated from the Latin of the Elzevir Edition of 1663, ed. Edward Seymour Forster (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005). See Busbecq, Turkish Letters, 242. Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Ms. med. gr. 1. “Unum reliqui Constantinopoli decripitae vetustatis, totum descriptum litera maiuscula, Dioscuridem, cum depictis plantarum figuris, in quo sunt paucula quaedam, ni fallor Cratevae, et libellus de avibus. Is est penes Iudaeum Hamonis, dum viveret Suleimanni medici filium, quem ego emptum cupissem, sed me deterruit pretium. Nam centum ducatis indicabatur, summa Caesarei, non mei marsupii. Ego instare non desinam, donec Caesarem impulero, ut tam praeclarum auctorem ex illa servitute redimat.” Ogier Ghislain de Busbecq, Augerii Gislenii Busbequii D. legationis turcicae epistolae quatuor […] (Hannover: Marnius, 1605), 295. Translation from Busbecq, Turkish Letters, 243.

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Busbecq eventually received the funds from the emperor to buy the manuscript. The worth of Busbecq’s narrative lies in his revelation that he was in contact with the leaders of the Jewish community of Constantinople, who were able to procure precious manuscripts. The full name of the physician mentioned by Busbecq was Moses Hamon (1490–1567).195 Hamon often intervened on behalf of the local Jewish community with the Sultan and built a yeshivah in Constantinople. His activities are also tied to Widmanstetter’s library. In 1546, Hamon had also financed Eliezer Soncino’s polyglot edition of the Pentateuch whose acquisition was discussed above. In the continuation of his letter, Busbecq is derisive about the Jewish owners of the Dioscurides manuscript, however he must have had a business relationship with the Jewish intellectual elite of Constantinople. Clearly, Busbecq not only had a nose to track down manuscripts, he was also well connected and magnificently suited to help humanists like Widmanstetter in finding Oriental manuscripts. In his 1555 letter to Widmanstetter, Vrančić mentioned the idea of enlisting the help of Bonifacius of Ragusa, who was no less than the Franciscan custos of the Holy Land, showing that Widmanstetter could potentially reach as far as Jerusalem through his network of contacts in his quest for Oriental manuscripts. A letter by Busbecq shows that the two indeed tasked Bonifacius with Widmanstetter’s requests for books. Andreas Masius, another Orientalist and friend of Widmanstetter, had asked Busbecq for help in locating Syriac books. In his reply to Masius, dated 28 May 1556, Busbecq related: I will take care of the Syriac books and of Ephraim [the Syrian] you wrote to me about. Despite that, you should know that there is a scarcity of Syriac books in these areas. A few days ago, the guardian of Mt. Zion monastery, which is close to Jerusalem, was here, and we tasked him on behalf of Lord Lucretius, the Austrian chancellor, with finding certain books. Because they say there are books of this kind in Jerusalem itself and the surrounding area, if any exist. If I had known of your wish at that time, it would have been convenient to ask him. Nonetheless, I will not let the first occasion to write to him pass, nor if someone from another place is able to track down or search.196

195 196

For a study of Moses Hamon, see Uriel Heyd, “Moses Hamon, Chief Jewish Physician to Sultan Süleymān the Magnificent,” Oriens 16 (1963): 152–170. “De libris syriacis et Ephrem quod scribis, erit mihi curae, sed tamen scire debes librorum Syriacorum in his locis magnam esse paucitatem. Fuerat hic ante paucos dies guardianus Montis Sion prope Hierosolimas, cui domini Lucretii Austriaci cancellarii nomine quorun-

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Busbecq reported that he had received Masius’ request too late, as Bonifacius of Ragusa, the guardian of Mt. Zion monastery, had passed through the city a few days prior and he had asked him to look for books that Widmanstetter sought. Vrančić also connected Bonifacius with possible book purchases, in the letter discussed above, and he estimated that Bonifacius would arrive in Constantinople in September 1555. The letter by Busbecq suggests that he was either delayed until May 1556 or that he traveled frequently between his convent and the Ottoman capital. Drawing on the letter Vrančić had sent to Widmanstetter the summer before, we can conjecture that with “certain books,” Busbecq is referring to Syriac texts. It is also important to note that only one Hebrew manuscript in Widmanstetter’s library had demonstrably been copied in the Holy Land. This item contains kabbalistic texts and was copied in Jerusalem in 1383, but since there are no documentary sources apart from the original colophon and Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership, it is not possible to determine whether the manuscript came to Europe in the possession of a Jewish scholar, or if Widmanstetter asked Vrančić, Busbecq, or another agent, such as Bonifacius, to seek it out for him.197 The entries of ownership in two other Hebrew manuscripts that were produced in the Levant indicate that they had apparently come to Europe while in the possession of Jewish scholars.198 Although there is no compelling evidence that Widmanstetter had these particular Hebrew manuscripts brought to Europe, Busbecq’s letter goes to show that at the height of his career as a courtier and a humanist Widmanstetter could reach as far as Egidio da Viterbo had when he had been prior general of the Augustinian in order to acquire manuscripts. Vrančić and Busbecq were the two men who helped Widmanstetter to track down manuscripts in the Orient. But how did items like the Constantinople Polyglot reach Widmanstetter in Vienna? Two facts stated in Vrančić’ letter hint at that the books being transported from the East to central Europe by an

197 198

dam librorum quaerendorum negotium dedimus. Nam in ipsis Hierosolimis et locis vicinis reperiri ajunt huiusmodi libros, si qui extant. Si eo tempore scissem de tua voluntate, commode eidem committere potuissem, sed tamen quae prima dabitur ad eum scribendi occasio non praeteribitur, neque si quid aliunde erui aut investigari poterit,” Max Lossen, ed., Briefe von Andreas Masius und seinen Freunden 1538 bis 1573 (Leipzig: Dürr, 1886), 262. This manuscript is bsb, Cod.hebr. 325; for more information, see the catalog entry in appendix D. bsb, Cod.hebr. 36 was copied in 1485 by Moses Jonah ben David in Constantinople. Before coming into Widmanstetter’s possession, it had previously belonged Jehiel who has been discussed in section 2.2.3.

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intrepid merchant: Vrančić mentions that he wants to send the books and the letter through his “colleague,” the other Habsburg ambassador, Busbecq. It is likely that Busbecq entrusted both the letter and the Constantinople Polyglot to the merchant and humanist Hans Dernschwam of Hradiczin (1494–ca. 1568), who then brought them to Vienna. Until 1549, Dernschwam had been supervising an office of the Fugger trade network in Hungary. As he recorded in his extensive travelogue, Dernschwam joined the diplomatic mission of the Habsburg Empire in Constantinople from 1553 to 1555 as a private citizen. During his stay in the Ottoman Empire, he was looking for Oriental books and epigraphic remnants of antiquity. Dernschwam’s interests thus evidently ran parallel to Widmanstetter’s, perhaps making him sympathetic to the proposal to transport books for the Austrian chancellor. In addition, we know that Dernschwam traveled with books and other goods he had acquired in the Ottoman Empire that he intended to sell in Europe, trying to reclaim the expenses of his sojourn.199 In the spring of 1555, Dernschwam journeyed with Busbecq to Sultan Süleyman’s residence in Amasya. His involvement in the transportation of the Constantinople Polyglot can be conjectured based on the dates given in the various documents: Vrančić penned his letter to Widmanstetter on 1 July 1555; Dernschwam left Constantinople two days later and arrived in Vienna on 9 August 1555;200 Widmanstetter recorded that he received his copy of the Constantinople Polyglot in August 1555. Busbecq would appear to have passed on the letter and the books from Vrančić to Dernschwam, asking him to transport these to Widmanstetter in Vienna.

6

Conclusion

Widmanstetter’s library is as much a product of the recently discovered Christian interest in Jewish texts, as of the political circumstances of his period. For the most part, Widmanstetter acquired books when he lived in Italy from 1527 to 1539. The libraries that Widmanstetter absorbed into his own collection both make tangible the different cultural mindsets of Jewries in Europe and the Levant and mirror the long-winding crisis of Jewish existence in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The libraries of Abraham Alatrino and others demonstrate that Christian scholars who wanted to start their own collection were able to

199 200

Hans Dernschwam von Hradiczin, Ein Fugger-Kaufmann im Osmanischen Reich, ed. Hans Hattenhauer and Uwe Bake (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2012), 360–361. See Dernschwam von Hradiczin, Fugger-Kaufmann, 285, 318, 360.

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do so quickly by methodically buying previous Jewish libraries, although the exact channels that facilitated these transactions elude us. Personal relations and even friendships with Jewish scholars such as Jacob Mantino aided Widmanstetter not only in grasping the tenets of Kabbalah and Talmud, but also to add sought-after texts to his collection through copying them or buying them. Widmanstetter also acquired Jewish books from other Christians, sometimes potentially illegitimately, underlining just how sought-after kabbalistic texts, in particular, were, not only among Jews but among Christians as well, and to what lengths some were willing to go to acquire them. Non-kabbalistic texts were becoming easier to find in printed form during Widmanstetter’s lifetime. Although there were Jewish booksellers present in Italy when Widmanstetter lived there, the evidence indicates that he preferred the services of Christian booksellers. Jewish booksellers were in all likelihood not equipped to satisfy Christian Hebraist demands. Widmanstetter’s printed books were chiefly supplied by Daniel Bomberg and Paulus Aemilius. The dominance of the Italian printing industry in Widmanstetter’s library is tangible in the large numbers of prints from Venice and other cities in the peninsula. Through his increasing affluence and connections as he rose through the ranks of European diplomacy, Widmanstetter was able to afford printed books from Constantinople and Thessaloniki imported by Daniel Bomberg. After Bomberg ceased importing books from the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 1530s, Widmanstetter was forced to send out requests for books to humanist colleagues and the Habsburg ambassadors. The number of items that Widmanstetter acquired from this part of the Jewish world decreased significantly from 1539, suggesting that the new arrangement was less effective than the previous relationship with Bomberg. It is also not entirely clear whether Widmanstetter took advantage of his position as the Austrian chancellor when he turned to Vrančić, as the fact that Vrančić and Busbecq were ready to help other scholars could indicate a general willingness to assist like-minded humanists in Europe with their hunt for books. It should be noted that printed books and manuscripts could be acquired in ways that have not been discussed in this chapter, because they do not apply to Widmanstetter’s Hebrew collection. For instance, Widmanstetter inherited a manuscript of the Latin Dioscurides from his master Cardinal Nikolaus von Schönberg in 1537.201 Equally, on some occasions Widmanstetter was the beneficiary of donations of Latin and Greek manuscripts from the pope and other

201

See bsb, Clm Ms. 337. For the history of this item, see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 217, and Müller, Widmanstetter, 28–29.

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ecclesiastical dignitaries.202 However none of these inheritances or donations can be found among the Hebrew books. In addition, of course, Widmanstetter did not only buy books “off the shelf.” The following chapter will discuss the significant number of manuscripts that he commissioned as copies from kabbalistic works in the libraries of Egidio da Viterbo and Pier Luigi Farnese in order to acquire texts that were not widely available.

202

See Striedl, “Bücherei,” 234–239.

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Coveted Kabbalah: Widmanstetter’s Collaboration with Jewish and Convert Scribes While the majority of works in Widmanstetter’s collection were acquired from private collectors and booksellers, his library also contains numerous significant manuscripts that he commissioned to be copied and sometimes even assisted in copying. All of these manuscripts contain kabbalistic texts, a genre that was almost exclusively confined to manuscripts until the middle of the sixteenth century, making commissioned manuscripts one of the few avenues open to collectors eager to acquire these texts.1 After considering the availability of kabbalistic texts in the first half of the sixteenth century, this chapter will trace the steps Widmanstetter took to acquire copies of the kabbalistic texts that he could not buy from Jewish or Christian scholars. The discussion will emphasize the stages of Widmanstetter’s development as a Hebraist and how his philological skills are reflected in the manuscript projects he oversaw. At the same time, he was dependent on the work of scribes to produce his often comprehensive and complex manuscripts. Over the course of two decades, Widmanstetter worked with four scribes, each of whom brought different skills to the projects. The chapter will proceed in chronological order to highlight the relationship between the Hebraist and his scribes, and the effect of this on the books copied. As the following pages will show, Widmanstetter’s early commissioned manuscripts are of excellent quality, but towards the end of his life the scribes he found were of differing talent.2

1 Another manuscript bsb, Cod.hebr. 322, containing Masoret ha-Masoret, was copied in Rome in 1537. It is not clear if Widmanstetter commissioned this item. For a description, see the catalog entry in appendix D. 2 The only manuscript in a non-Hebrew script commissioned by Widmanstetter is in Greek (bsb, Ms. Cod.graec. 243) and gives a different picture. According to a note preserved in bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 245,2, Widmanstetter had that particular manuscript copied from an exemplar he had found in the Vatican library: “Joannes Albertus Widmestadii in bibliothecam vaticanam describendum curavit.” It contains Emanuelis Apologiam contra Palatinum, Procli elementa physica, and Officia Palatii Constantinopolitani; for the poem by Aleander, see Müller, Widmanstetter, 29.

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_004

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The Availability of Kabbalistic Books

The books Widmanstetter collected cover a wide gamut of literary genres, from biblical commentaries and philosophy to the sciences. Among his books are old and precious manuscripts, such a miscellany of Moses Maimonides, the oldest specimen in his collection, which dates to 1330.3 Widmanstetter was also able to purchase such large and valuable prints as the nine-volume Bomberg Talmud,4 and even books from regions as far off from Europe as the Ottoman Empire and the Holy Land, such as the (now lost) Constantinople Polyglot.5 But while Widmanstetter was a well-connected collector who gathered a large collection of Jewish books, he was not able to purchase all the books he desired. Kabbalistic books were the one genre of Jewish books that Widmanstetter had difficulties in acquiring. With a few exceptions, these books were exceedingly rare, as Jews continued to transmit them only in manuscript form into the middle of the sixteenth century, because of the fears of the rabbinic elite. In the 1550s, a debate erupted among Italian Jews about whether kabbalistic books should be made available to a wider audience through the printing press, and this ended in favor of the faction who wanted to see Kabbalah in print. The first phase of vigorous printing of kabbalistic texts by Jews thus commenced in 1556—too close to Widmanstetter’s death in 1557 to leave traces in his library.6 Even in the 1570s, the Christian Hebraist Andreas Masius still reported that his kabbalistic texts were manuscripts.7 Christian scholars like Widmanstetter who wanted to add these books to their collections in the first half of the sixteenth century were thus usually compelled to copy them. Widmanstetter did acquire the few kabbalistic texts that were available in print during his lifetime, such as Menahem Recanati’s Commentary on the 3 4 5 6

See bsb, Cod.hebr. 111. See bsb, 2 A.hebr. 259 1–9. The acquisition of this print was discussed in section 2.5. On the debate, see Simcha Assaf, “Concerning the Controversy of the Printing of the Zohar” [Hebrew], Sinai 5 (1940): 3–9; Isaiah Tishby, “The Conflict Surrounding the Book Zohar in Sixteenth-Century Italy” [Hebrew], Peraqim: Year-Book of the Schocken Institute 1 (1967): 182– 131; Moshe Idel, “Printing Kabbalah in Sixteenth-Century Italy,” in Jewish Culture in Early Modern Europe, ed. Richard I. Cohen et al. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2014), 85–96 (93). 7 See Theodor Dunkelgrün, “The Hebrew Library of a Renaissance Humanist Andreas Masius and the Bibliography to His Iosuae Imperatoris Historia (1574), with a Latin Edition and an Annotated English Translation,” Studia Rosenthaliana 42–43 (2011): 197–252 (243). For the situation around the year 1500, see Wolfgang von Abel and Reimund Leicht, Verzeichnis der Hebraica in der Bibliothek Johannes Reuchlins, vol. 9, Pforzheimer Reuchlinschriften (Ostfildern: Thorbecke, 2005), 17–18.

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Torah, which was printed by Giustiniani in Venice in 1545 (bsb, 4 A.hebr. 354).8 Another work in his library, Otiyyot de-Rabbi ʿAqivah, is better described as a midrash than a kabbalistic text, but it has been mined by some authors for its kabbalistic material. The editors of the 1546 Venice edition that Widmanstetter owned emphasized the purported kabbalistic nature on their title page: “each and every letter is explained according to the secret knowledge and novellae of the true Kabbalah.”9 Although Widmanstetter did not expressly characterize this text as kabbalistic, other examples suggest a conflation of midrash and Kabbalah in his systematic arrangement of books. The third relevant print in Widmanstetter’s collection, Eleazar of Worm’s Sefer ha-Roqeaḥ, is also far from a clear-cut example of kabbalistic thinking, as it is purportedly a guide to halakhic rules. Its emphasis on halakhic practice made it a less problematic candidate for printing than other works and due to its use of accessible language, the book was often reprinted. Nevertheless, this work would have been interesting to Widmanstetter for its treatment of the laws of piety, many of which express the mystical ideas of the Hasidei Ashkenaz movement, which advocated asceticism and mysticism in the German Rhineland during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.10 It seems likely that Widmanstetter was primarily interested in this title because of the author’s fame for his kabbalistic oeuvre, such as Sefer ha-Shem, which would find its way into the library in the form of a commissioned manuscript.11 As a result of the resistance to allowing Kabbalah to be printed, the vast majority of Widmanstetter’s kabbalistic texts are in manuscript form—twentyeight volumes in total; most of which were bought from previous owners and only a small number that he had copied.12 Five of the bought manuscripts date back to the fourteenth century: one contains a kabbalistic commentary on the Pessaḥ Haggadah by Shem Tov Ibn Shem Tov and another consists mainly of Isaac of Acre’s Meʾirat ʿEnayim.13 Eight, or most of his bought kabbalistic manuscripts, date to the fifteenth century, such as a remarkable specimen which con-

8 9 10

11 12 13

On the printing of kabbalistic books in Renaissance Italy and the role of Christian Hebraists, see Idel, “Printing Kabbalah,” 89–91. Translation from Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book, 317. Widmanstetter owned the edition by Giustiniani, printed in Venice in 1546 (bsb, 4 A.hebr. 300). On the printing history of this title, see Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book, 11. Widmanstetter owned this work in the Fano edition of 1505 by Gershom Soncino (bsb, 2 A.hebr. 79). See bsb, Cod.hebr. 81. Commissioned manuscripts: bsb, Codd.hebr. 81, 96, 103, 115, 112, 217–219, 221, 285 (part), and 448. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 264, 325, other manuscripts: bsb, Codd.hebr. 232, 264, 325.

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tains sefirotic trees and texts about them, and a miscellany that holds, among other texts, Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut.14 And from the sixteenth century there are seven bought manuscripts; but the question remains if some of them were in fact commissioned by Widmanstetter without indicating their origin.15 Beside the kabbalistic subject matter, the manuscripts Widmanstetter commissioned for copying are characterized by a number of shared traits. The colophons in numerous manuscripts reveal the source of the manuscripts used as exemplars. In all but two volumes, Widmanstetter used manuscripts in the library of the renowned Christian kabbalist Egidio da Viterbo, which was kept in Rome by his heir and Widmanstetter’s friend, Cardinal Girolamo Seripando.16 The other two manuscripts were copied from the library of Pope Paul iii’s son, Pier Luigi Farnese, who collected Jewish manuscripts in the hope of printing them one day.17 There are ways in which the manuscripts differ according to their copyists and periods of production. While the five manuscripts copied by Francesco Parnas (see Chapter 3, section 2) are all in the quarto format, the later manuscripts are in the larger folio format. The same quarto manuscripts also received ornate Italian bindings that are unique in Widmanstetter’s library, as he usually preferred simple parchment bindings in this period.18 There is no doubt that Widmanstetter chose this ornate binding to highlight them as his prized and rare possessions. The books copied by Paulus Aemilius (see Chapter 3, section 3) were bound in limp parchment bindings, although they are only slightly younger than Parnas’ manuscripts.19 The last two manuscripts, dating from the 1550s, copied by Hayyim Gatigno (see Chapter 3, section 4) and Moses ben Tobiah (see Chapter 3, section 5), probably did not receive any bindings during Widmanstetter’s lifetime, the reasons of which are open for interpretation.20 The manuscripts under consideration were copied over a period of almost two decades, sometimes with many years between individual copying projects.

14 15 16 17

18 19 20

See bsb, Codd.hebr. 119, 240, other manuscripts: bsb, Codd.hebr. 228, 240, 305, 311, 315, 409. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 76, 78, 92, 129, 131, 215, 403. The manuscripts copied from this source are bsb, Codd.hebr. 81, 96, 103, 217–219, 221, and 285. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 112, 115. Another group of manuscripts were likely created during the active period of Widmanstetter’s acquisition, but display no signs that he commissioned them: bsb, Cod.hebr. 78, which contains Aron ha-ʿEdut and is dated 1550/1551; bsb, Cod.hebr. 131, which contains Bible commentaries, ca. 1556; and bsb, Cod.hebr. 403, which contains Naftule Elohim Niftalti, ca. 1550. The exception is bsb, Cod.hebr. 285; for the reasons, see Chapter 3, section 2.4. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 103, 112, and 115. For a detailed discussion of Widmanstetter’s bindings, see Chapter 4, section 1.2.

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Editing a New Recension of the Zohar: Francesco Parnas (1536–1537)

During the years 1536 and 1537, Widmanstetter created with Francesco Parnas a three-volume copy of the Zohar that they partly restructured to function as a commentary on the Bible and a fourth manuscript that they used in a preparatory stage.21 These manuscripts were based in large part on the manuscript of Widmanstetter’s teacher, Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo, but exhibit notable changes. In two volumes, Widmanstetter and Parnas reordered the text to conform to the sequence of the Bible. In a third volume, they compiled additional zoharic texts, which they had found in other manuscripts. This section offers a reconstruction of the distinct stages of the editorial process, the conception of the Zohar as a Bible commentary, and the division of labor between the Christian Hebraist patron, Widmanstetter, and his scribe, Parnas. Over the last decades, numerous specialists have contributed to the textual history of the Zohar. It has been suggested that we need to study the formation of the Zohar in the sixteenth century and at earlier stages more closely. Earlier scholars had assumed that scribes copied sections of zoharic texts mechanically in no particular order, resulting in anthologies. Daniel Abrams has pointed out that the transformation of a text into a new paradigm can be meaningful.22 This textual phenomenon can be studied in detail in the context of the Zohar recension under discussion. The following comparisons of Widmanstetter’s manuscripts with the exemplar of Egidio da Viterbo and other manuscripts shed light on the decisions that resulted in a bespoke recension of the Zohar.

21

22

To date, bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219 have been studied by Meyer Hirsch Landauer, “Vorläufiger Bericht über mein Studium der Münchener hebräischen Handschriften,” Literaturblatt des Orients, 1845, cols. 178–185, 194–196, 212–215, 225–229, 322–327, 341–345, 378–384, 418–422, 471–475, 488–492, 507–510, 525–528, 542–544, 556–558, 570–574, 587–592, 709– 711, 748–750 (342); Steinschneider, “Die hebräischen Handschriften (1875),” 175–176; Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 243–246. An earlier version of this section was published as Maximilian de Molière, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter’s Recension of the Zohar,” Kabbalah: Journal for the Study of Jewish Mystical Texts 41 (2018): 7–52. In conducting my research on the manuscripts, I profited greatly from the photocopies annotated for the Zohar research project of the late Rivka Schatz. They are kept in the Gershom Scholem Reading Room of the National Library of Israel, their respective shelf marks are Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971: ph Scholem 570; bsb, Cod.hebr. 217: ph Scholem 553; bsb, Cod.hebr. 219: ph Scholem 555; and bsb, Cod.hebr. 218: ph Scholem 554. See Daniel Abrams, “The ‘Zohar’ as Palimpsest—Dismantling the Literary Constructs of a Kabbalistic Classic and the Turn to the Hermeneutics of Textual Archeology,” Kabbalah: Journal for the Study of Jewish Mystical Texts 29 (2013): 7–60 (28).

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2.1 Christian Hebraist Conceptions of the Zohar To understand what Widmanstetter may have hoped to achieve with his recension of the Zohar, we first need to look at how his teacher, Egidio da Viterbo, conceptualized this text as a commentary on the Bible. In 1513, Egidio da Viterbo23 acquired a manuscript of the Zohar that was written by the Jewish scribe Isaac ben Abraham, today Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971.24 One year later, Egidio wrote a letter to the Augustinian monk Gabriele della Volta, who lived in Venice. In this letter, he revealed his awareness of the defects he had noticed in his copy of this text, but, more importantly, he hinted at his own conception of the text: The main thing I ask [of you] is to inquire diligently whether any of you will travel to Damascus. I shall instruct him to track down the Zohar on the entire Bible.25 The first observation is that Egidio believed the Zohar to be a commentary on the Bible. It is possible that the manuscript he owned had led him to this perception. Like many other manuscripts that contain the “body of the Zohar” (guf ha-Zohar), it is divided into pericopes, the weekly readings from the Pentateuch during the synagogal service.26 The second piece of information we get from this letter is Egidio’s wish to acquire another copy of the Zohar that would cover “the entire Bible.” Since his manuscript only contained twenty-eight out of fiftytwo pericopes, or only a little more than half of the Pentateuch he apparently assumed that his copy was only a fragment of a larger version of the Zohar containing all the pericopes. We can also add the evidence of Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 527, a notebook in Latin that contains Egidio’s notes on many kabbalistic books that he read. This notebook is an important source for reconstructing the scope of Egidio’s library. The notes show that he was not only well read in Kabbalah—

23 24

25

26

For more details on Egidio, see Chapter 2, section 3.2. This manuscript is identified by Egidio’s entry of ownership on f. [1r]: “Fratris Aegidii Viterbiensis”; and on f. [273r], next to the scribe Isaac ben Abraham’s litany of honorifics for his patron in the colophon, he added his own name: “Nomen eius cognomen frater Egidius cardinalis de domo sancti Augustini.” “Summa quaeso perquire diligentia an ex vestris aliquis Damascum petat: Cui Zohar super totam Bibliam vestigandum committe.” Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 688, f. 51r. Cited from Secret, Zôhar, 38. However, Jewish kabbalists like Menahem Recanati cited the Zohar in their commentaries on the Torah as early as the fourteenth century; see Boaz Huss, The Radiance of the Sky: Chapters in the Reception History of the Zohar and the Construction of Its Symbolic Value [Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute/Bialik Institute, 2008), 87.

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for instance, Sefer ha-Temunah, Sefer Ginnat Egoz, and Sefer Yetsirah—but also in midrashic texts such as Midrash Rabbah. From this we can also learn that for Egidio the primary characteristic of the Zohar was that it explicated the Pentateuch. This orientation towards the Bible may indicate that Egidio (and possibly Widmanstetter) did not distinguish kabbalistic texts from midrashim, another genre of Bible elucidation. Their shared perspective on the Zohar can be gleaned from how Widmanstetter presented the manuscript’s genealogy. In his recension of the Zohar, Widmanstetter left a marginal note in Hebrew that identifies da Egidio’s manuscript as the exemplar: “In this section begins Parashat Bereshit that is in the book of Cardinal Egidio of blessed memory.”27 Unlike his teacher, who searched in vain for a complete manuscript, Widmanstetter took another, more pragmatic stance with regard to acquiring a Zohar manuscript and instead sought additional manuscripts containing individual texts. From these texts he created an expanded text with the help of the convert and scribe Francesco Parnas. Together, his volumes i and ii, today bsb, Codd.hebr. 217 and 219,28 contain the complete text of Egidio’s manuscript. However, Widmanstetter’s recension introduced significant changes that were designed to enhance the Zohar’s character as a commentary on the Bible. First, with regard to text divisions, Widmanstetter and Parnas gave the pericopes Terumah and Vayakhel in the biblically correct order, unlike in Egidio’s exemplar.29 Moreover, volume I also presents an elaborate rewriting of Parashat Bereshit that combines the disarrayed text of Egidio’s manuscript with that of at least two additional copies in order to compile a text that follows the sequence of individual verses in the Bible. Widmanstetter’s conception of the Zohar as a Bible commentary can clearly be discerned from the reordered text, both on a macro and on a micro level of the text. This is also confirmed by a note in the third volume, bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, that contains supplements from additional manuscripts not in Egidio’s library. Widmanstetter explained the origin of the sources he used and how he imagined them to fit together:

27 28 29

“‫במאמר הזה נשלמה פרשת בראשית שבספר החשמן איגידו ז״ל‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 16r. The modern shelf marks mix up the original sequence: bsb, Cod.hebr. 217 (volume i), bsb, Cod.hebr. 219 (volume ii), and bsb, Cod.hebr. 218 (volume iii). Parashat Terumah: bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, ff. 109v–113r, but in Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, ff. [382r–385r]; Parashat Vayakhel: bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, ff. 113v–142v, but in Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, ff. [356v–381v].

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The first fragments [of this manuscript] of the pericopes are to be inserted [into the gaps]. I had them copied from manuscripts that Pope Clement vii collected from Asia and Africa at great cost, because the [texts] written in the two preceding volumes of the Zohar are from a Beneventine manuscript that Rabbi Menahem Recanati left behind along with his treasures to his heirs and that he partly transcribed in his commentaries. All of this was contained in the codex of Egidio, but this was discovered later. 1536.30 This note demonstrates again that Widmanstetter’s understanding of the Zohar is indebted to Egidio. His remark that the text was structured into the pericopes (“distinctiones”) indicates that, like his teacher, he also regarded the Zohar as a commentary on the Bible.31 His underlying conception of the Zohar was, therefore, that of a text mirroring the textual structure of the Bible, or a Bible commentary, though it remains unclear whether Widmanstetter shared his teacher’s belief in a “complete Zohar” manuscript. Furthermore, Widmanstetter explained that certain parts of his volume iii should be inserted into the gaps of the preceding two volumes. His general idea was thus to reshape the texts he found in the manuscripts of Egidio and others to form a new text that followed the verses of the Bible and could be used as a commentary to every single pericope. This third volume did not present a polished text, but a structured collection of material that he discovered after Egidio’s manuscript had already been copied into volumes i and ii. Together the three volumes formed a recension that attempted to mend the dispersion of zoharic texts in individual manuscripts and create a new comprehensive text. The source manuscript that Widmanstetter specified for Egidio’s copy was also significant for bolstering his own stature as a Christian Hebraist. In his note, Widmanstetter maintained that Egidio’s manuscript was a copy of a manuscript belonging to the famous Italian kabbalist Menahem Recanati.

30

31

“Fragmenta prioribus distinctionibus interserenda, quae ex codicibus Clementi vii pontifici maximi providentia ex Asia Africaque magnis impendiis corrogatis transcribenda curavi. Nam quae in voluminibus duobus prioribus Zoharis scripta sunt, ex Beneventano codice, quem R. Menahem Recanatensis inter thesauros suos haeredibus reliquerat, atque partim in suos commentarios transtulit, descripta fuerunt. Illaque omnia Aegidianus codex habebat. Hac autem postea reperta fuerit. 1536.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 5v. The earliest interpretation of this note was put forward in Landauer, “Vorläufiger Bericht,” 342. In addition, the first two volumes each open with an index written by Widmanstetter that lists the sections according to the five books of Moses: “Zohar in distinctiones Pentateuchi, hoc volumine contentas” (“This volume contains the Zohar according to the pericopes of the Pentateuch”) in bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 6v; “Zohar in distinctiones Pentateuchi hoc volumine comprehensas” in bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, f. 5v.

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Clearly, Widmanstetter was well informed about the chain of transmission, as Recanati had indeed brought back with him kabbalistic concepts from Spain to Italy, and thus had given Italian Kabbalah a new impetus in the fourteenth century.32 In addition, Widmanstetter owned the editio princeps of Recanati’s Perush al ha-Torah containing the sections from the Zohar that he mentions in the note of bsb, Cod.hebr. 218. By placing his own manuscript into a line of transmission with Menahem Recanati, he stressed its value as an object of humanist scholarship and, by extension, his own reputation as a Christian Hebraist.33 2.2 Egidio da Viterbo’s Zohar Manuscript The features of Egidio’s manuscript are indicative of its place in the Zohar’s textual tradition and the problems Widmanstetter solved in his recension. When kabbalists in Spain gathered zoharic texts into collections that were ordered according to the Pentateuch in the fourteenth century, the canonization of the Zohar began. The editor of the earliest of these collections did not manage to find texts on all the pericopes. The gathering and collecting of zoharic texts into larger manuscripts during the first half of the sixteenth century leading to the printed editions of Cremona and Mantua attests to the importance that Italian kabbalists assigned to the Zohar. Copied in 1513, Egidio’s comprehensive Zohar manuscript was one of the first larger compilations that were copied in Italy.34 Evidence from the late fifteenth century to the early sixteenth century indicates that it was still no small accomplishment to procure a manuscript of the Zohar in Italy, despite the arrival of many Sefardic exiles. Apart from a few solitary manuscripts, the Zohar remained almost unknown in Italy before 1500.35 Immediately before the expulsion of Spanish Jewry, knowledge of the Zohar was also sparse among Italian kabbalists. The Sefardic kabbalist Juda Ḥayyat was among the first to encourage the study of the Zohar in Italy, after arriving there in the wake of the expulsion from Spain. He polemicized sharply in his

32 33

34 35

Specifically, Recanati had a pivotal role in importing the doctrine of the ten sefirot from Spain to Italy; see Idel, Kabbalah in Italy, 107, 111. Recanati’s Perush ʿal ha-Torah ʿal Derekh ha-Emet was printed in Venice in 1523 by Daniel Bomberg. The modern shelf mark is bsb, 4 A.hebr. 225. Oddly, Widmanstetter acquired yet another copy of the same work, printed by Giustiniani in Venice in 1545, bsb, 4 A.hebr. 354. See Huss, Radiance of the Sky, 103. On 117–124, he provides an informative overview of these collections that details the texts included. See Huss, Radiance of the Sky, 107.

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Minḥat Yehuda against the Italian style of Kabbalah, untouched by the Zohar, which he found upon his arrival.36 Although Italian Jews began to study and copy the Zohar, manuscripts of the text were still not widely disseminated in the first half of the sixteenth century. The editors of the first printed editions in Mantua and Cremona in the 1550s, half a century later, had to put together their text piecemeal from many small manuscripts, since large multi-text manuscripts of the Zohar were apparently still the exception.37 The scarcity of Zohar manuscripts was aptly described by the editors of the Mantua edition: “anyone who has [a copy of] the Book of the Zohar has hidden it so that no one else can gain access.”38 If the availability of kabbalistic manuscripts in Italy was greatly limited during Widmanstetter’s time in Italy (1527–1539), it was even harder for Egidio da Viterbo to acquire a copy of the Zohar around 1500. Not only was Egidio in pursuit of a text that was only vaguely known to Christian scholars, but in addition this text had not been studied for long among his Jewish compatriots either, when he acquired the Casanatense manuscript in 1513. Apart from the lack of manuscripts, the study of the Zohar in Italy may also have been delayed as a consequence of insufficient linguistic skills. In 1491, the Sefardic kabbalist Rabbi Isaac Mor Hayyim wrote a letter to the Italian Rabbi Isaac of Pisa citing a rather long section of the Zohar in Aramaic. While Isaac of Pisa’s reply no longer exists, Mor Hayyim’s second letter shows that in his view the Italian kabbalists lacked knowledge of Aramaic to understand the text: Since you in that country [Italy] are unfamiliar with Targum Yerushalmi, I decided to translate it [the Zohar] word by word into the holy language. Then I will divide it into sections and comment on each and every section—as far as I am capable [of doing so].39

36 37 38

39

Some of the events of Ḥayyat’s life were presented above in section 2.2.1, and his views on Italian Kabbalah are discussed in Idel, Kabbalah in Italy, 213–221. See Huss, Radiance of the Sky, 127–133. Tiqqunei ha-Zohar (Mantua, 1557), 2a. Translated by Daniel Abrams, Kabbalistic Manuscripts and Textual Theory Methodologies of Textual Scholarship and Editorial Practice in the Study of Jewish Mysticism, 2nd ed. (Jerusalem: Magnes, 2013), 232–233, emendation by Abrams. “‫ולמה שאינכם מורגלים בארץ הזאת בתרגום ירושלמי אמרתי להעתיקו מלה במלה אל לשון‬ ‫ ואח״כ נחלק אותו פסק פסק ונבאר כל פסקא ופסקא כפי אשר תשיג ידי‬.‫הקדש‬.” The Hebrew text is edited in A.W. Greenup, “A Ḳabbalistic Epistle by Isaac b. Samuel b. Ḥayyim Sephardi,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 21, no. 4 (1931): 365–375; this section is on 370. For another translation, see Idel, Kabbalah in Italy, 225.

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This letter claims that the Zohar’s Aramaic was hard to comprehend for Italian Jews before 1500, and they could only hope to grasp its ideas through a literal Hebrew translation of this text. By contrast, Mor Hayyim’s comparison of the zoharic Aramaic with the peculiar language of Targum Yerushalmi (PseudoJonathan) underscores his own linguistic skills, as the texts of both works are characterized by a diachronic selection of morphological forms that hamper their interpretation.40 What is puzzling about Mor Hayyim’s assertion is that he did not consider the help that the study of the Aramaic parts of the Talmud could have lent to Italian kabbalists interested in the Zohar. Even so, Moshe Idel accepts that Italian Jews “found it difficult to read [the Zohar], since the Aramaic dialect in which it was written was unknown to them.”41 This could mean that even in the early decades of the sixteenth century, reading and writing Aramaic texts remained a skill to be expected from Sefardic scholars rather than from Italian Jews or Ashkenazim. Maybe the reason that Widmanstetter would later assign a convert of Sefardic descent to copy zoharic manuscripts for him was that he had heard that this group was more competent to work with this text. The knowledge of Christian Hebraists about the Zohar and Aramaic around the year 1500 was very limited. This is hardly surprising, since they studied with Italian Jews and were therefore dependent on them to learn Hebrew and Aramaic. In addition, Christians also relied on the assistance of Jewish teachers and booksellers to acquire books worthy of study.42 Accordingly, Johannes Reuchlin cited the Zohar only from second-hand sources in his De arte cabalistica

40

41 42

On zoharic grammar, see Menahem Zevi Cadari, The Grammar of the Aramaic of the Zohar [Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Qiryat Sefer, 1971). On zoharic lexicography, see Yehuda Liebes, “Sections of the Zohar Lexicon” [Hebrew] (PhD thesis, Hebrew University Jerusalem, 1976). On the question of naturalness and the relation to other historical stages, see Yehuda Liebes, “Hebrew and Aramaic as Languages of the Zohar,” Aramaic Studies 4, no. 1 (2006): 35–52; Ada Rapoport-Albert and Theodore Kwasman, “Late Aramaic: The Literary and Linguistic Context of the Zohar,” Aramaic Studies 4, no. 1 (2006): 5–19. Modern scholarship has often characterized the language of this Targum as “unnatural” or “artificial,” arguing that the text was not written in a living Aramaic society. This is the explanation for the inconsistency of the linguistic stages of development. Middle Aramaic is found in Targum Onqelos along with the language of the Jewish-Palestinian Targumim. As a result of this puzzle, there is today still no generally accepted date of composition for this Targum; see Uwe Glessmer, Einleitung in die Targume zum Pentateuch, Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum 48 (Tübingen: Mohr, 1995), 191–193. Idel, Kabbalah in Italy, 225. According to Stephen Burnett’s recent study on Christian Hebraism, Christians were still buying from Jewish booksellers in the first half of the seventeenth century; see Burnett, Christian Hebraism, 150.

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(published in 1517).43 The Zohar only gained fame through Sefardic converts, who wrote about Kabbalah with a Christian readership in mind.44 It seems likely that a lack of linguistic skills slowed down the adoption of the text among Christians as well. The study of Aramaic was in addition hampered by the ongoing theological debates. Due to their distrust of the Talmud, many Christian scholars had at least an ambiguous view towards Aramaic. From printed books and library catalogs of Christian Hebraists, we can conclude that the Christian study of Aramaic did not gather momentum until the second half of the sixteenth century.45 In contrast to many of his contemporaries, Egidio’s manuscripts show no signs of struggle with the Aramaic of the Zohar, nor does he shy away from the language associated with the Talmud by his Christian coreligionists. Indeed, the margins of his copy are replete with notes that attest to his firm grasp of the language. He was by all accounts also the owner of Ms. Codex Neofiti 1, the only extant copy of the Palestinian Targum of the Pentateuch, which would have provided a welcome training ground for studying Aramaic.46 In addition, Egidio compiled his own Latin-Aramaic glossary and a list of kabbalistic terminology.47 The majority of manuscripts of the Zohar and the printed editions that were separately published in the late 1550s transmit the texts of the zoharic corpus, such as the main body text, Midrash ha-Neʿelam, and Zohar Ḥadash as separate texts running alongside each other. The Zohar manuscript whose defects Egidio described to Gabriele della Volta has a significant role in the history of the text, because it instead belongs to a different tradition, characterized by zoharic texts woven into each other. Isaiah Tishby suggested that the redactors of this “minority tradition” had already aimed to establish one authoritative text. To this end, they combined the body text of the Zohar and Midrash ha-

43

44 45

46 47

See Secret, Zôhar, 25. Reuchlin owned three kabbalistic books, two of which are only known from an inventory that does not identify them. The only extant kabbalistic book is Joseph Gikatilla’s Ginnat Egoz; see Abel and Leicht, Verzeichnis der Hebraica, 145–149, 248– 249. In his works, he also cited Moses Nachmanides and Menahem Recanati, and other works by Gikatilla, Shaʿarei Orah and Shaʿarei Tsedek; see Abel and Leicht, Verzeichnis der Hebraica, 30–41, and Wolfson, “Johannes Reuchlin.” See Secret, Zôhar, 25–26. See Stephen G. Burnett, “Christian Aramaism: The Birth and Growth of Aramaic Scholarship in the Sixteenth Century,” in Seeking Out the Wisdom of the Ancients Essays Offered to Honor Michael v. Fox on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. Ronald L. Troxel, Kelvin G. Friebel, and Dennis R. Magary (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2005), 421–436 (432, 434–436). On this manuscript see Glessmer, Einleitung, 111, 123, 126, 199. See Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 596, ff. 73r–202v, ff. 8r–72v.

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Neʿelam into one comprehensive text. At times, the transitions between these texts are indicated by headlines giving the names, but often they come abruptly and without notice. Based on the dating of manuscripts, we know that this tradition of the Zohar appears to have originated towards the end of the fifteenth century.48 In the end, it did not prevail over the “majority tradition” of separated texts which would later form the basis for the printed editions of the Zohar.49 To Egidio and Widmanstetter the Zohar was one homogeneous text. They showed no concern about a tradition that separated the body text of the Zohar from Midrash ha-Neʿelam and other texts,50 although Widmanstetter was aware of variant readings and sequences of passages that differed from his own manuscripts.51 Apart from the inconsistencies in the sequence of pericopes, at the macrolevel, that were discussed above, there is another severe problem with the text of Egidio’s manuscript: the many gaps and inconsistencies within the text at the micro level. For the most part, the text of the Casanatense manuscript follows the biblical text verse by verse, allowing readers to study and compare it with a copy of the Bible in hand. However, in the first pericope of Egidio’s manuscript, Parashat Bereshit, this order is disrupted. Although Egidio did not explicitly mention this discrepancy, it is unlikely that it escaped his attention, as his many marginal notes in the manuscript show him diligently working through the text and where his scribe, Isaac ben Abraham, suspected gaps he indicated this by

48

49

50

51

Tishby tracked down three manuscripts belonging to this textual tradition: Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971; Widmanstetter’s bsb, Cod.hebr. 217 and 219; and London, bl, Ms. Or. 10527. Egidio da Viterbo’s manuscript was copied in 1513 and Widmanstetter’s in 1537. Tishby’s paleographic analysis dated London, bl, Ms. Or. 10527 to the turn of the sixteenth century; see Isaiah Tishby, The Wisdom of the Zohar: Texts from the Book of Splendor. Systematically Arranged and Translated into Hebrew [Hebrew], 3rd ed. (Jerusalem: Bialik 1971), 110. See Tishby, Wisdom of the Zohar, 110. A comparison of Egidio’s and Widmanstetter’s manuscripts with London, bl, Ms. Or. 10527, the other copy mentioned by Tishby as belonging to the same tradition, is still needed. It is noteworthy that Daniel Matt used these manuscripts to construct his version of the Zohar on which the Pritzker Edition is based, as he regarded them as belonging to an earlier tradition; see Matt, The Zohar: Pritzker Edition, vol. 1, xvi, fn. 4. The first one to notice the divergences of this tradition was Landauer, “Vorläufiger Bericht,” 342. Similarly, the editor of one of the earliest Jewish collections of zoharic texts, compiled at the end of the fourteenth century, did not recognize any difference between the body text of the Zohar and Midrash ha-Neʿelam. The latter text was not always regarded as belonging to the Zohar by editors of collections; see Huss, Radiance of the Sky, 103, 135–136. His marginal annotations that reveal him comparing manuscripts will be discussed in section 3.2.4.

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leaving the rest of the line blank.52 This inconsistency in Parashat Bereshit was one of the issues that his student Widmanstetter would later attempt to amend in his copy.53 The remaining parts of Egidio’s library show no indication of additional Zohar manuscripts.54 It is not surprising that Egidio’s inquiries did not bear fruit: consistent with his request to Gabriele della Volta to hunt for a manuscript of “the Zohar on the entire Bible,” he clearly was not interested in manuscripts that contained groups of pericopes, or even individual pericopes. His lack of success in finding additional manuscripts is also reflected in his notebook on kabbalistic books. The very first part in this notebook bears the title “Liber Zohar.”55 Since the numbers in the margins of this notebook refer to the page numbers in the Casanatense manuscript,56 it is possible to determine that when he made these notes, he had only this manuscript of the Zohar as a reference. Therefore, we must conclude that he never fulfilled his plan to acquire “the Zohar on the entire Bible.” 2.3 Francesco Parnas as an Editor and a Scribe Widmanstetter enlisted the help of Francesco Parnas, a highly accomplished scribe, in compiling his new recension of the Zohar. According to the colophon found in volume i, Parnas was a convert who originally bore the name Isaiah ben Eleazar Parnas.57 Parnas was uniquely qualified for the recension of the Zohar, as he had worked as an editor in the publishing house of the printer Daniel Bomberg in Venice from 1529 to 1532. Therefore, he was experienced in emending and editing texts by the time he met Widmanstetter in the 1530s.

52 53 54

55

56 57

E.g. Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, ff. [149v, 212r, 307v, 313v, 319r, 393r, 438r, 469r]. The structure of Egidio’s text has been laid out in detail in the table found in Molière, “Widmanstetter’s Recension,” 38–41. There is one exception to this: sections of the Zohar are found in Menahem Recanati’s Perush ʿal ha-Torah. Isaiah Sonne, Scelta di manoscritti e stampe della Biblioteca dellUniversità israelitica di Roma (Rome: Unione delle Comunita Israelitiche d’Italia, 1935), 62, recorded Egidio’s copy of this work in the library of the Università israelitica di Roma. I have been unable to confirm whether this interesting volume is still extant. Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 527, ff. 5r–299r. The beginning of the manuscript emphasizes the trouble that Egidio had in finding his copy, Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971: “Incipit liber Zohar, super libros Mosis: labore magno quesitus” (“Here begins the book Zohar on the books of Moses that was searched with great exertion”). This notebook was already discussed by Secret, Zôhar, 34–42. This fact was already observed by Secret, Zôhar, 36. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 327v.

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Parnas’ contemporaries had a favorable view of his philological abilities and knowledge of the Zohar. After Francesco Parnas moved to Rome to earn his living he remained in contact with his former employer, Daniel Bomberg, as a series of letters shows that the two men exchanged between 27 December 1536 and 30 January 1537. Only the letters sent by Bomberg are preserved in Widmanstetter’s collection. These documents show that Bomberg was well informed about his new patron, Widmanstetter, for whom Parnas was copying the Zohar. The letters also demonstrate Bomberg’s own interest in the contents of the Zohar as a proof of the truth of Christianity, and that Parnas was seen as an authority on the subject among noted Christian Hebraists of his time: And I implore you that since you have been copying the Zohar for some time, you understand [it] and are wise in this language and there is no one like you in these lands, be so kind and tell me if this book is really as good a witness to our faith, as I have heard from others and read in other books. Write to me the truth!58 As his former employer, Bomberg was in a unique position to assess Parnas’ qualifications, since he had worked with a great number of very talented editors in his printing workshop. High praise, as in this letter, was likely more than flattery, and had been earned through toiling with Bomberg over proof sheets for years on end. To a knowledgeable Christian Hebraist, such as Widmanstetter, who was conscious of the many challenges of the Zohar, this Jewish-Christian educated scholar would have seemed like a more than competent collaborator. A second, possible qualification of Parnas can be gleaned from the script he used. All of his known manuscripts are written in Sefardic semi-cursive script, suggesting that his family had come from Spain in the wake of the expulsion. By virtue of his education, he may have been well acquainted with Sefardic literary traditions. As shown in section 3.2.2, the Zohar and its peculiar style of Aramaic had not been studied widely among Italian Jews by the turn of the sixteenth century. Although some Italian kabbalists had mastered the Zohar by the end of the 1530s, the idea that the Sefardic Jews had an advantage over other Jews with regard to the Zohar may still have echoed with Widmanstetter.

58

“‫אחרי שהעתקת את הזוהר איזה זמן ואתה משכל ונבון בלשון ההיא ואין כמוך בארצות האלו‬ ‫שתודיעני בחסדך אם ספר הזה הוא כל כך טוב בעד אמונתנו כאשר שמאתי מאחרים וגם קראתי‬ ‫באיזה ספרים אחרים ותכתוב לי האמת‬.” bsb, Autogr. Bomberg, Daniel, No. 6, dated Venice, 27 December 1536 (am 5297). Another part of this letter is discussed in section 2.4.2.

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Widmanstetter acknowledged Parnas’ abilities in a note written into a print of Sefer ha-Shorashim, which Parnas had coedited—he wrote this just after the scribe had died from poisoning in October 1537, about a year after completing his work on the Zohar manuscripts. In the note, Widmanstetter credited Parnas’ “unique knowledge and experience in the Hebrew, Chaldaic, Arabic, and Greek languages” with prompting him to support his former scribe’s children.59 From this statement we can tell that, just like Bomberg, Widmanstetter recognized Parnas as an accomplished editor of texts.60 In turn, this finding complicates efforts to distinguish neatly the roles played by the two men in the creation of the Zohar recension. Thus, the following analysis will interchangeably refer to “the editors,” “the redactors,” and “Widmanstetter and Parnas” when no individual contributions are discernible, although where possible, the analysis will try to separate their respective contributions by drawing on the evidence strewn throughout the manuscripts. 2.4 Widmanstetter’s Extended Zohar Manuscript The three volumes containing the largest portion of the recension of the Zohar (bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219) are identical in their codicological properties. Each volume is bound into an Italian Renaissance leather binding decorated with

59

60

This copy of Sefer ha-Shorashim (bsb, 2 A.hebr. 141) was printed in Venice in 1530. The note on the back flyleaf reads: “Isaias iste baptizatus fuit in Zakyntho, et appelatus fuit Franciscus Parnassus, cuius ego opera domestica usus sum Romae, et manu sua descripsit mihi Zoharis volumina, et librum lectionum, item alia quaedam Cabalistica, mortuus est Romae mense octobris mdxxxvii ex pharmaco quod Neapoli cum fratre Felice Pratensis, hausit. Sed Felix incolumis evasit, adhibitis medicamentis, Franciscus diutius morbum dissimulavit. Uxorem reliquit Venetiis Luciam Sebenicensis. Prosperum fratrem, et liberos duos quibus ego postea consilio profui et auxilio, propter excellens Francisci ingenium et peritiam Hebricae Chaldaicae Arabicae et Graecae linguae singularem.” Hans Striedl mentions another account by Cornelius Adelkind who claims that Parnas died in 1539; see Striedl, “Hebraica-Sammlung,” 5. Another piece of evidence is the correspondence between Parnas and Widmanstetter. While this is now lost, in the eighteenth century, Munich librarian Andreas Felix von Oefele compiled an inventory on various sources concerning Widmanstetter’s biography, and noted, for example: “No. 64: Fasciculus Epistolarum Hebraicarum Joannis Francisci Parnasi, Roma et Neapoli ad Widmestadium et ab eo ad Parnasum scriptarum. Amico carissimo in Roma inscriptio” (cited from Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 155–156). The information supplied by Oefele is scarce, but apparently Widmanstetter and Parnas corresponded over a substantial stretch of time, as Parnas changed residences. The warm form of address used by Parnas (“Dearest friend”) alone does not bespeak any close rapport. However, Widmanstetter’s note in Sefer ha-Shorashim can be read as a testament to their friendship.

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golden blind tooling. On the front of the binding, the title “zohar” is engraved in golden letters, followed by the volume number in Latin numerals. The texts are written on papers with identical watermarks, a centaur waving a flag surrounded by a circle; the countermarks are two crossed arrows accompanied by a six-pointed star.61 bsb, Cod.hebr. 217 consists of 327 folios, bsb, Cod.hebr. 219 of 273 folios, and bsb, Cod.hebr. 218 of 347 folios. The dimensions of the paper in all the volumes, the ruling, and the text space are identical (225× 168 mm; 24 lines; 153×102mm).62 The length of the text the editors compiled into their recension means that sufficient paper had to be bought, ruled, and folded into bifolia, which in turn were then separated into quires. The uniformity of the material properties indicates that the Zohar was not copied ad hoc, but that the copying was carefully prepared. Finally, Widmanstetter must have ensured access to the manuscripts he had found, perhaps borrowing them over weeks, or maybe even months as the additions of alternate readings in the margins suggest.63 With one major exception, volumes i and ii are mainly composed of a direct copy made from Egidio’s manuscript (Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971). As was mentioned in section 3.2.2, in Egidio’s manuscript, the internal order of the first pericope, Parashat Bereshit, was seriously disrupted and did not follow the linear order of the biblical text. Because the editors decided to restructure the first pericope, the beginning of Egidio’s text comes after nine folios in Widmanstetter’s copy. Parnas and Widmanstetter made extensive alterations to the text and reorganized it in its entirety to conform to the sequence of biblical verses. This reorganization was facilitated by a feature that is consistently found throughout the Hebrew manuscript tradition. In Egidio’s manuscript, every verse of the biblical text stands out clearly from the rest of the text by the use of a larger letter size. This “structural transparency,” as Malachi BeitArié coined this feature, enables the reader to navigate quickly to a desired section of a text.64 The editors leveraged this feature of the exemplar to isolate text units that extend from the beginning of one biblical verse to the next. The manuscript’s structural transparency enabled them to reorder the text of the entire pericope according to the biblical text in the new manuscript. To give one

61 62 63 64

The watermarks are never completely visible, as they are occluded in the fold. Later additions such as the bookplates of the ducal library or the notes added by later researchers will not be discussed here. On the often-restricted access to Hebrew manuscripts and prints in the sixteenth century, see Steimann, “Jewish Scribes” and Tamani, “Domenico Grimani.” See Malachi Beit-Arié, Unveiled Faces of Medieval Hebrew Books the Evolution of Manuscript Production—Progression or Regression? (Jerusalem: Magnes, 2003), 49–59.

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example, the editors united two text units that each begin with the verse Genesis 1:1 in Hebrew (“Bereshit bara elohim”) that are twenty-seven folios apart in Egidio’s manuscript.65 This verse is written in large letters in both manuscripts. In Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971 the end of each text unit is marked by another incipit in large letters, while in Widmanstetter’s recension, these two text units are strung together. In all, the comparison of Egidio’s and Widmanstetter’s manuscripts reveals no less than fifty-three textual units that Parnas and Widmanstetter rearranged to mirror the structure of the biblical text. Apart from reorganizing the text units of the first pericope, the redactors employed a wide array of strategies to reshape the text’s structure according to their paradigm. The scribe occasionally marked and restructured verses that were not emphasized in Egidio’s manuscript. For instance, it must have seemed beneficial to the reader’s grasp of the text to highlight the beginning of the verse “Va-yomer elohim yekave ha-mayyim” (Genesis 1:9),66 since the entire section revolved around an interpretation of this verse. Parnas and Widmanstetter made conscious efforts to continue the rationale of their exemplar by increasing the readability of the text in these cases. Conversely, the redactors modified text units in order to construct an orderly arranged text. They achieved this by writing some incipits that did not fit into the sequence of the Bible text in the letter size of the main text, thereby eliminating the text’s structural transparency in order to create the appearance of a continuous text. The clearest example of this technique is a section that the scribe copied en bloc from the Rome manuscript,67 containing the incipits of the verses Genesis 2:22, 2:19, 2:7, 2:23, and 3:1. In the Munich manuscript, this section is appended to a section on Genesis 2:16. In line with the editors’ rationale, it emphasizes Genesis 2:22, but not 2:19 or 2:7. In addition, there are alterations to the sequence of text units that have no bearing on the textual structure that the editors sought to construct. In Egidio’s manuscript,68 the verse from Genesis 3:1 (“Wa-yomer al ha-ishah af ki amar elohim”) is indicated as a section heading, but in Widmanstetter’s copy, this verse is no longer structurally transparent and has been embedded into the text.69 It

65 66 67 68 69

The first section runs from f. 1r to f. 2r and the second from f. 27v to f. 32r in Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971. bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 25v. This incipit is emphasized once more on f. 26r. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, ff. [25r–26v], and bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, ff. 49r– 50r. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, f. [6v]. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 57v.

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is part of a section that begins with the incipit of Genesis 3:1 (“We-ha-neḥesh haya ʿarum”) and was extracted as a whole from Egidio’s manuscript.70 Almost all parts of Egidio’s Zohar manuscript can be traced in Widmanstetter’s copy, meaning the redactors made economical use of the Vorlage. Indeed, the only two exceptions are fragments that consist only of a Bible verse and an unfinished clause: consisting of the verses Genesis 1:13 and Genesis 3:7.71 In a correction pass of his manuscript, Widmanstetter added the second fragment in a marginal note.72 These fragments have implications for our understanding of the working relationship of the redactors. From this note, it would seem that Widmanstetter granted to Parnas great liberty to intervene in the text as he saw fit and only made known his objections to this editorial decision after the fact. Widmanstetter added the fragment at a later stage for the sake of completeness when he compared his copy with the original manuscript. In addition to material from the Casanatense manuscript, the redactors inserted sections that they found in other manuscripts to fill in gaps that they perceived in the text. Apart from the body text of the Zohar, the Parashat Bereshit section of Egidio’s manuscript consists of numerous excerpts from Midrash ha-Neʿelam and a short section of Sitrei Torah. Parnas and Widmanstetter extended Egidio’s text by inserting sections of the main text from an unidentified source. The additional material can be identified by subtracting Egidio’s Vorlage from Widmanstetter’s manuscript. The comparison with the standard printed edition of the Zohar suggests that the editorial team filled in the gaps of Parashat Bereshit with body text of the Zohar which could have been taken over from a single manuscript.73 After this section, it becomes harder to determine where the text is copied from. It is possible that an additional, unidentified manuscript was used that features its own idiosyncratic textual structure. However, the editors were careful to avoid repeating text sections from Egidio’s manuscript. But there are no indications for more than one additional source manuscript for the expansion of Parashat Bereshit.74

70 71 72 73 74

See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, ff. [6r–6v]. The same is true of Genesis 2:23, and other alterations to the sequence. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, f. [2v]. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, f. [23r], and bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 59r. Material that has been filled into Egidio’s text is found from f. 7r to f. 40v of bsb, Cod.hebr. 217. Widmanstetter owned no less than two editions of Recanati’s Perush ʿal ha-Torah. However, the editors did not use any of the zoharic material that it contained. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, the additional sections often span dozens of pages, excluding the possibility of taking on material from the short excerpts in commentaries such as Recanati’s. For a systematic overview of the zoharic quotations in Recanati’s work, see Zvia Rubin, Ha-Muvaʾot

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The editors were also intent on improving the quality of the text in their recension of the Zohar. In a few instances, the redactors substituted the text of the Casanatense manuscript with the text of another manuscript in order to prepare their comprehensive version of Parashat Bereshit. The rationale behind these substitutions was apparently to obtain an exhaustive text.75 As indicated above, the text of the unknown additional exemplar was likely incorporated into volume I in the order it appears in the manuscript from which it was copied. Therefore, that manuscript already presented the text in the sequence into which the editors wanted to shape Egidio’s version. They could not simply replace Egidio’s disordered text with the text of the unknown manuscript, as the latter did not contain the additional commentaries. Not only was their goal to create a well-structured text, but their editorial techniques show that they also aimed at completeness. For this reason, the redactors would not have seen the other manuscript as presenting a better version, but rather it presented another fragment that could be combined with Egidio’s manuscript and so converge towards a complete text. The various techniques employed by Parnas and Widmanstetter to create an expanded version of the Zohar’s first pericope underline the diligence and preparation they took upon themselves with regard to this manuscript project. Another major step in Widmanstetter’s project to enhance the Zohar’s text was compiling a third volume of missing sections using additional manuscripts. Volume iii of Widmanstetter’s recension (bsb, Cod.hebr. 218) was not a polished text, unlike the first two volumes, but rather an appendix of material that was discovered after Parnas had already copied Egidio’s manuscript. The statement at the beginning of volume iii (“but this was discovered later”) indi-

75

mi-Sefer ha-Zohar ba-Perush ʿal ha-Torah le-R. Menaḥem Reqanati (Jerusalem: Akademon, 1992). Widmanstetter’s manuscript copy of Commentary to the Prayers, bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 25r–54v, can also be excluded, as according to the colophon on f. 87v, this manuscript was copied in May 1538—after the work on the Zohar. Recanati’s Taʿamei ha-Mitswot, bsb, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 116r–171r, was similarly only copied for Widmanstetter in March 1538, which would also have been too late. To give only one example, bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, ff. 40v–41v, corresponds to Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, f. [4v]. In the longer Munich version, the text begins at Genesis 1:17 (“‫)”ויתן אותם אלהים ברקיע השמים‬, while the Casanatense text only begins at Genesis 1:20 (“‫)”ויכלו השמים והארץ וכל הצבאם‬. The use of a different name—“Rav Ḥiyya” in the Rome codex and “Rav Isaac” in the Munich codex—and, even more striking, an entire additional paragraph (from “‫ ”המים אינון מיין דרשין‬to “‫ )”ומתאבי לאן דקריב בהדייהו‬are both telltale signs for the use of another manuscript than the Roman one at this point and demonstrate the editors’ painstaking search for what they may have taken for superior readings of the text.

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cates that some time had elapsed before work on this additional volume began. The texts in this volume fall into three categories: precise complements of the lacunae in volumes i and ii, additional pericopes of the Zohar, and supplemental texts from the zoharic corpus. Volume iii does not merely contain missing text passages, but entire pericopes that were not included in Egidio’s Zohar. As discussed in section 3.2.1, in the note at the beginning of the manuscript, Widmanstetter explained that he had these additional sections copied “from manuscripts that belonged to Pope Clement vii.”76 This exemplar has not been identified, but, as will be shown below, it was not the only source Widmanstetter and Parnas drew on. Within the manuscripts themselves, there are further clues as to the provenance of the exemplars used.77 To begin with, the first fragment is introduced with the Hebrew remark that “all this is found in another copy.”78 The analysis of the additional pericopes in volume iii suggests that they belong to an altogether different textual tradition than volumes i and ii and the Casanatense manuscript.79 Unlike this group of manuscripts, the pericopes in volume iii do not intertwine different zoharic texts; instead they contain only the body text of the Zohar. Thus, the exemplars of volume iii belonged to the majority tradition that resembles more the editions of Cremona and Mantua that separate the different texts. The fragments that the editors intended to be inserted into volumes i and ii are introduced by a phrase in Hebrew that specifies the respective pericope and then the phrase that precedes the gap perceived by the editors. Between these two items, Parnas and Widmanstetter intended to write the respective page number, as is evidenced by the word be-daf (“on page”) and sufficient

76 77

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79

bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 5v. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 243, mentions that he discovered a note written by Widmanstetter that lists the pericopes found in the copies of Abraham Grattiochi and Jacob Mantino. Unfortunately, Steinschneider does not specify in which of three volumes or on which folio, and I have not been able to trace it. It seems likely, however, that these remarks were actually found on six unbound bifolia that Steinschneider mentions immediately following the note (“die Blätter 348–357 sind ungebunden beigelegt”). A look inside bsb, Cod.hebr. 218 reveals a note on the inner back binding that verifies Steinschneider’s mention of these bifolia: the volume had indeed contained ff. 348–357 in addition, but the librarian Otto Hartig states that these pages were subsequently bound elsewhere, without specifying the shelf mark (“gehören aber nicht an diese Stelle und wurden besonders geheftet”). bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 75r, “‫כל זה נמצא בהעתק אחר‬.” It is unclear up to what point this statement is valid, as the next note signifying the use of another manuscript is only found at f. 238v (see below). The same is true for another manuscript in this tradition, London, bl, Ms. Add. 16407 (Margoliouth 743), See Tishby, Wisdom of the Zohar, 110.

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space to enter the page number—but they were never inserted until Moritz Steinschneider did so when studying the manuscripts in the 1860s in order to prepare his catalog of the Munich collection.80 One of the last parts of volume iii contains Tiqqunei ha-Zohar.81 We can tell that the version of the text belongs to the Byzantine tradition of the text,82 as it matches with the structure of the other manuscripts for the most part.83 This means that in this case Parnas and Widmanstetter did not edit their own recension of Tiqqunei ha-Zohar, but copied it verbatim from their Vorlage. A fourth manuscript, bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, does not strictly belong to the complete three-volume Zohar recension, but reveals the draft stages the text underwent. The last pericope in volume iii, Parashat Wa-Yelekh, directly follows after Parashat Heʿazinu. This means the pericope does not fit in the order Widmanstetter desired. Just as Widmanstetter had already given directions as to the order in which the pericopes and fragments were to be read at the beginning of volume iii, Parnas also justified this undesirable deviation from the editorial paradigm with a note: I wrote this pericope after Parashat Heʿazinu, which is not in the [right] order. For this reason: I [searched and] found it afterwards in another copy.84 This other manuscript Parnas mentioned and from which he copied was the first codicological unit of bsb, Cod.hebr. 285.85 Again, Widmanstetter had commissioned Francesco Parnas to copy this item for him, this time from an exemplar belonging to the Jewish physician Jacobo Mantino.86 Widmanstetter wrote at the beginning of bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 (see figure 5): “From the Zohar codex

80

81 82 83

84 85 86

In bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, ff. 75r–115v, the insertion is explicit; on ff. 115v–223v it is not explicitly mentioned, but implied. An example taken from f. 103a: “‫בפרשת תולדות יצחק בדף אחר‬ ‫“( ”אתידע כלל‬In Parashat Toledot Yitsḥaq, on the page after (the words) Atida Kelal”). See bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, ff. 242v–324r. My thanks to Amiel Vick for bringing this fact to my attention and providing me with a list of the relevant manuscripts. To date the sequence of tiqqunim in three of these manuscripts—Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 778; Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 786; and Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 787—has been studied in detail by Gabrielle Sed-Rajna, “Manuscrits du Tiqqūney ha-Zōhar,”Revue des études juives 129 (1970): 161–178. “‫כתבתי זאת הפרשה אחר פרש׳ האזינו שלא בסדר יען מצאתי אותה אחר כך בהעתק אחר‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 238v. bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 5r–8r. David Kaufmann, “Jacob Mantino,” 39–40, and Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 161.

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figure 5

Widmanstetter’s note about the exemplar of this copy. Note his entry of ownership at the bottom of the page. bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, f. 5r courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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that is in the possession of the Jew Jacobo Mantino. In Rome, in the year 1537. Francesco Parnas wrote it.”87 Taken together, these remarks by Widmanstetter and Parnas’ colophon of volume I refine the chronology of the editing process.88 Widmanstetter specified 1537 as the year in which bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 was copied, and Parnas stated that volumes i and ii were completed on 24 Marḥeshwan 5297 (8 November 1536). This proves that volume iii was completed after the volumes i and ii. Apart from Parnas’ remark, the economic use of paper is another reason to suspect that the texts beginning with Parashat Wa-Yelekh were copied later than the rest of volume iii. The preceding text, Parashat Heʿazinu, ended on the last recto of a quire consisting of a single bifolium, indicating that the editors did not anticipate additional texts. When Parnas inserted Parashat Wa-Yelekh into volume iii, additional quires were needed, since paper ran out after f. 238. Therefore, the editors did not have all exemplars before them when the project began, but continued their search for additional manuscripts into the year 1537 and appended further material to volume iii as they got hold of it. In terms of codicology, bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 does not belong to Widmanstetter’s representative three-volume Zohar, as its humble pigskin binding betrays. The reason is probably that this book is a composite of old and new manuscripts bound into one volume. Widmanstetter had acquired an incomplete parchment manuscript of Abraham Abulafia’s Sefer Melits. Parnas supplemented these quires by adding more texts at the back by the same author and by others, such as works by Eleazar of Worms. Parashat Wa-Yelekh stands out from the rest as a separate codicological unit, since it was bound before Sefer Melits.89 It can be assumed that Mantino’s copy either contained no other parts of the Zohar, as Widmanstetter would surely have had them copied as well, or only texts already in Widmanstetter’s possession. Both copies of Parashat Wa-Yelekh evince paleographical properties that shed light on Parnas’ skills. The version in volume iii is a letter-by-letter copy of the text in bsb, Cod.hebr. 285. Parnas does not merely leave the text and the headlines structuring it unaltered, he even manages to maintain the page breaks at the same places in the text. Additionally, the codicological features of bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 hint at the high degree of organization underlying the

87

88 89

“Ex codice Zoharis, quem habet Jacobus Mantinus Hebraeus Romae anno 1537 Franciscus Parnassus scribit.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, f. 5r; for more information on Mantino’s library see Chapter 2, section 3.1. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 327v. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 5r–8r.

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overall Zohar project.90 Using the same sized text space allowed Parnas to comfortably preserve the line breaks and page breaks.91 By comparing the scripts that Parnas used in both manuscripts, it becomes quite clear that bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 was an integral step in a carefully planned and executed project. The intricately bound three-volume set is consistently written in a skillful and formal Sefardic semi-cursive script. bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, on the other hand, is written in a comparatively informal Sefardic semi-cursive that includes many cursive letterforms, suggesting that this version of the text was never intended as the final product. Instead, the text in bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 was a draft version and only one of several stages in the editing process.92 The editing process of the three-volume Zohar recension ended with comprehensive emendations and corrections by both Parnas and Widmanstetter. After completing the manuscript, Francesco Parnas diligently added glosses that indicate at which points in the text he suspected line skips by previous copyists, and he also presented his own emendations.93 Close comparison with the Casanatense codex reveals that Parnas also corrected misspellings that he had made while copying.94 Often Parnas corrected mistakes that he had found in Egidio’s manuscript. This stage of the process may have required a second reading of the original manuscript. A second set of glosses were added to the manuscripts by another scribe writing in red ink, who can be identified as Widmanstetter himself by his distinctive Sefardic hand.95 Just like Parnas, he added emendations and lines that the scribe had omitted due to line skips. The corrections of Parnas and the reinsertion of the fragments suggest that he probably

90 91 92

93

94 95

The text space used in bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 is identical to the text space in bsb, Cod.hebr. 218: 24 lines, with a frame of 152×102mm. As the watermarks show, even the paper itself was identical: it shows two crossed arrows with a six-pointed star. The tentative character of the text in bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 also manifests in the lack of marginal notes by Widmanstetter in this portion of the manuscript. bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, on the other hand, is richly annotated by him. In the main these marginal notes are corrections of scribal errors that show Widmanstetter diligently proofreading the manuscript against bsb, Cod.hebr. 285. In the emendations he used the common Hebrew abbreviation ‫ נר׳‬for ‫נראה‬, meaning “it seems.” A small fraction of the pages on which he used it, from only one of the three volumes, includes: bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, ff. 10r, 15v, 16v, 19v, 25r, 45v, 50r, 62v. He marked them with a colon, as can be seen in bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, f. 20r, and Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, f. [276r]. Widmanstetter indicates emendations with a slanted bar followed by a dot, e.g. bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, ff. 7v, 78v. However, this symbol is also found employed to connect his commentaries and translations with the text passages in question. On his handwriting, see Chapter 5, section 1.2.

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took over once the scribe had finished his work. It is significant that while the bulk of these additions can be traced back to Egidio’s manuscript, several additions cannot be explained in this way. Thus, they must stem from unknown sources.96 Unfortunately, we can only assume that they may have been the same manuscripts he consulted for adding text in Parashat Bereshit and volume iii. Some marginal notes by Widmanstetter in volume ii are longer and demonstrate his minute observations from other manuscripts of the Zohar, for example: [The text] from here until kedin ityaqar can be found in another copy at the beginning of the pericope.97 From numerous notes like this one we can see that Widmanstetter compared the text of volume iii to other manuscripts.98 This indicates a deliberate process that involved not merely comparing his copy of the Zohar with Egidio’s manuscript to check for mistakes, but diligently working through other manuscripts of the same text as well. He collected variant readings and differences in the sequence of the text. The aim of these comments was not necessarily to establish a “better” version of the text. Rather, it seems that he wanted to gather a variety of readings. The note in volume iii cited above, mentioning the manuscripts of Pope Clement vii, is indicative of the division of labor between Widmanstetter and Parnas. Widmanstetter was responsible for procuring the manuscripts needed. No doubt, his contacts with the Apostolic See enabled him to borrow manuscripts from the papal library. Likewise, his connection to Jacob Mantino is well documented. Overall, the borrowing of Zohar manuscripts can be ascribed to Widmanstetter. The two fragmentary verses (Genesis 1:13 and 3:7, see above) that Parnas skipped and Widmanstetter reinserted during his correction pass also could indicate that Widmanstetter specified the general guideline that the text conform to the sequence of biblical text, and Parnas provided the meticulous work of restructuring. Indeed, Widmanstetter’s immediate involvement in

96

97 98

In bsb, Cod.hebr. 217 alone, twenty-two additions can be found that can be traced back to Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971, e.g. bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 32r (Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971f. [4r]); f. 34v (f. [18v]); f. 35v (f. [19v]). Additions marked with the abbreviation ‫ס״א‬, for ‫ספר אחר‬, meaning “another book (i.e. manuscript)” stem from Widmanstetter’s reading of other manuscripts, e.g. bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, ff. 43r, 46v. “‫מכאן עד כדין אתיקר נמצא בהעתק אחר בראש הפרשה‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, f. 98v. Another example from volume iii: “‫“(”דברי חסר בס״א‬divrei is missing in another book”); bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 240r, l. 23.

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the editing process can be traced with certainty only after the copying proper was completed. Just like a scribe, he adds emendations and inserts text that Parnas had involuntarily omitted. All his improvements to the text attest to the care with which he compared his copy with all other manuscripts available to him. However, there are hints that point to Parnas and Widmanstetter having an equal say in the editorial decisions of volume iii. Many of the sections that fill in gaps in the other two volumes of their Zohar end with the following phrase written in Parnas’ hand: “we found until here.”99 These phrases show that the text sections in the third volume of Widmanstetter’s Zohar were specifically searched in order to supplement Egidio’s copy. This means they did not blindly take on editorial comments from any of the exemplars.100 In light of other phrases that employ the first-person singular, the use of the first-person plural appears not as an empty flourish but may reflect both shared and separate reading sessions of the manuscripts.101 These phrases document both Widmanstetter’s competence in selecting relevant passages and Parnas’ sometimes autonomous editorial decisions. Although the exact working arrangement remains unclear, Widmanstetter’s role in the editing process exceeded that of a patron merely lending exemplars from other scholars to copy additional pericopes. The evidence shows that he was involved in the identification of the missing text sections for Egidio’s copy. He paid close attention to variant readings he saw in other manuscripts in order to compile a comprehensive recension of the Zohar. Although the observations regarding the division of labor between Parnas and Widmanstetter have to be interpreted with caution, the available material suggests that Widmanstetter was not only in charge of procuring the necessary manuscripts from Jewish scholars and the papal library, but he was also deeply involved in editorial decisions, such as finding text sections to fill the gaps both men suspected in Egidio’s exemplar. Parnas copied the manuscripts and was probably in charge of assembling a new version of Parashat Bereshit. While both scholars added a great many corrections and emendations in the margins, attesting to their diligent work standards, only Widmanstetter added observations from manuscripts other than Egidio’s, perhaps indicating

99

100 101

See bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, ff. 111r, 114v, 115v, 116r, 150r, 151r, 238r for ‫עד כאן מצאנו‬. Sometimes the abbreviated form ‫“( עד כאן‬until here”) is found: bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, ff. 79r, 94v, 103r, 105r, 105v, 106r (twice), 195v, 198r, 210v. A variation is found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, on f. 185v: “‫“( ”לא מצאנו יותר מזו הפרשה‬we did not find more from this pericope”). See bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 238v (above).

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his continued quest for a comprehensive version of the Zohar years after the completion of the manuscripts. As well as the Zohar, Widmanstetter and Parnas also cooperated on two other kabbalistic manuscripts. The first is an anthology of early kabbalistic writings by Joseph Ibn Waqar, Azriel of Gerona, Eleazar ben Moses haDarshan, Isaac ben Jacob ha-Kohen, Eleazar ben Judah of Worms, and Saadia Gaon. This manuscript bears neither a colophon by Parnas nor an entry of ownership by Widmanstetter. It can be identified by Parnas’ distinctive script, a table of contents by Widmanstetter,102 and the same type of paper and binding that were used in the production of bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219. The material features indicate that this manuscript was created around the same time as the Zohar. No Vorlage for this manuscript is known. The second manuscript is a parchment scroll that depicts an ilan ha-sefirot (pl. ilanot ha-sefirot), the ten sefirot arranged as a tree.103 (The ilan depicted is in figure 18 in chapter 7.) It is possible that Francesco Parnas copied this ilan for Widmanstetter from a Vorlage in Egidio da Viterbo’s library. Parnas can again be recognized as the scribe through his script.104 We know from the inventory of the books that came to Paris through Catherine de’ Medici that Egidio’s library contained at least one ilan, which unfortunately has not survived. The inventory describes the manuscript in question as “Ilan ha-sefirot, that is, the tree of the ten names attributed to God with pictures of various colors on one large folio of sheep parchment.”105 A manuscript fitting this description later amazed

102 103

104

105

See bsb, Cod.hebr. 221, f. 4v. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 448. The content of this manuscript is examined below in section 7.4.2. The ten sefirot and different forms of depicting them are discussed at length in section 7.4.2. These diagrams are often referred to as ilan or ilanot for short. Aliza Cohen-Mushlin suggests in her catalog that bsb, Cod.hebr. 448 was part of a group of manuscripts (bsb, Codd.hebr. 446, 447, 449, 451) that came to the Munich library in 1804 with the holdings of the Mannheim court library; see Aliza Cohen-Mushlin, Selected Hebrew Manuscripts from the Bavarian State Library, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Schriftenreihe 9 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2020), xxviii, 498. The other manuscripts in this group are also ilanot scrolls. However, she does not give evidence for this claim, and the material evidence does not align Cod.hebr. 448 with the other manuscripts. There are no signs that Cod.hebr. 448 has even been part of the Mannheim court library (the other scrolls have distinctive shelf marks from that period). In addition, Cod.hebr. 448 was apparently never stored in a container, whereas the other manuscripts have such containers. This indicates to me that we have two groups of manuscripts with separate histories of transmission: Cod.hebr. 448 was in Munich from 1558 and the others only came from Mannheim in 1804. “Ilan Asephiroth, id est arbor x. nominum attributorum Deo con disegni di varrii colori in un foglio grande di carta pecorina.” Astruc and Monfrin, “Livres latins et hébreux,” 553.

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the French Christian Hebraist Isaac Casaubon (1559–1614) while he was living in Paris and was copied by the Scotsman James Hepburn (1573–1620/1621).106 This colorful and much more extensive ilan could not have been the Vorlage for Widmanstetter’s scroll, but it is clear that such artifacts were available to the readers of Egidio’s manuscripts. We will see further examples of Widmanstetter’s keen interest in sefirotic diagrams, both in his Jewish library and in his own works.

3

Compiling Kabbalistic Anthologies: Paulus Aemilius (1537–1538)

Francesco Parnas’ death in fall of 1537 robbed Widmanstetter of his proficient collaborator for future kabbalistic manuscript projects. By the spring of 1538, Widmanstetter had found Paulus Aemilius, who, like Parnas, was a convert to Christianity and with whom he worked even closer to produce three collections of kabbalistic texts (bsb, Codd.hebr. 103, 112, and 115). 3.1 Paulus Aemilius as a Scribe Paulus Aemilius first enters the historical record in 1538, when he copied three kabbalistic manuscripts for Widmanstetter and gave the basic facts of his life prior to his encounter with Widmanstetter as part of the colophon: he was born in Rödelsee, a large Jewish community in Lower Franconia.107 From the colophon in bsb, Cod.hebr. 103, it is clear that he already had converted by the time he finished copying the manuscript in March 1538: “I completed [this manuscript] here in Rome on Friday, 20 Nisan […] 5298 of the creation of the world, [the year 15]38 of the coming of Jesus our Savior.”108 The exact circumstances of Aemilius’ conversion are unknown, but it may well be connected to a professional association with Christians. For many learned converts in the early modern period, the path that led them to conversion began with a position as a

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This copy is now Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Huntington Add. E (Neubauer 2429); see Grafton and Weinberg, Isaac Casaubon, 83–86, and Gabrielle Sed-Rajna, “Un diagramme kabbalistique de la bibliothèque de Gilles de Viterbe,” in Hommage à Georges Vajda: Études d’histoire et de pensée juives, ed. Gérard Nahon and Charles Touati (Leuven: Peeters, 1980), 365–376. The manuscript is depicted in J.H. Chajes, “The Kabbalistic Tree,” in The Visualization of Knowledge in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Marcia A. Kupfer, Jeffrey Howard Chajes, and Adam S. Cohen (Turnhout: Brepols, 2020), 449–473 (462). On Aemilius, see the entry Kobolt, Lexikon, 5, which includes a transcription of the informative epitaph on Aemilius’ grave. On the Jewish community in Rödelsee, see Germania Judaica, vol. 3, 1350–1519 (Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1987), 1246. bsb, Cod.hebr. 103, f. 173v.

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private Hebrew tutor to a Christian scholar, or as an editor for non-Jewish publishers.109 There are no other manuscripts known to be from his hand besides the manuscripts he copied for Widmanstetter.110 In 1542, Aemilius entered into negotiations with the Jewish printer Hayyim Schwarz (Shahor) to produce prayer books for the Italian Jewish market. When their business partnership failed for unknown reasons, Aemilius enlisted the help of his patron Widmanstetter to enforce his claims against Schwarz, who was forced to leave Augsburg and even to hand over his Hebrew types to Aemilius, who used them to publish two Yiddish prints.111 Aemilius’ printing press likely failed around 1544 due to competition from Daniel Bomberg’s press in Venice, against which smaller companies did not stand a chance.112 He then taught Hebrew at the University of Ingolstadt from 1547.113 We saw in section 2.4.2 how Widmanstetter struggled to satisfy his demand for Hebrew printed books using Aemilius’ contacts in the book market. In 1574, the Duke of BavariaMunich called on Aemilius to catalog the Hebrew manuscripts and prints of his court library with the Fugger librarian Wolfgang Prommer. The catalog was completed by Prommer, as Aemilius died in the middle of the work on 9 July 1575.114 Aemilius was apparently not endowed with the same level of philological skills as Francesco Parnas. The assessment of Aemilius’ proficiency by some of his own contemporaries is negative. When Christoph Plantin was preparing his polyglot Bible in the 1560s,115 the Duke of Bavaria attempted to install Aemilius

109

110 111 112 113

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For a study on the conversion of learned Jews in early modern Germany, see Elisheva Carlebach, Divided Souls: Converts from Judaism in Germany, 1500–1750 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2012). As Aemilius’ original, Jewish name is unknown, identifying any manuscripts he may have produced prior to his conversion is difficult. On Aemilius’ work as printer, see Max Grünbaum, Jüdischdeutsche Chrestomathie: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Kunde der hebräischen Literatur (Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1882), 12–18. It is also possible that Schwarz had been forced to pawn his equipment with Aemilius until he could pay him for the losses of the failed Italian venture and reacquired it in 1544. A broadside dated 1548 announces him as part of the university staff; bsb, Einbl. v,42. Documentary evidence on Aemilius’ tenure in Ingolstadt is presented in Prantl, Geschichte, vol. i, 327–328. This catalog and its relevance to understanding Widmanstetter’s librarianship will be discussed in section 4.3.1. Aemilius’ work on the catalog reunited him with the three manuscripts he had copied for Widmanstetter almost forty years earlier. The Plantin Polyglot, containing the text of the Jewish Bible and the New Testament in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Syriac, and Aramaic, was published in Antwerp between 1568 and 1573. On this project, see Robert J. Wilkinson, The Kabbalistic Scholars of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible (Leiden: Brill, 2007).

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in the editorial team. Even though Plantin was eager to placate the duke, who was co-financing the project, he told his collaborator Erasmus Fend in a letter: Concerning Paulus Aemilius, we had the highest hopes when he was to be sent to us on the expense of the most noble duke. However, when I heard him he did not seem sufficiently experienced in the Greek, Aramaic, and Latin languages, in all of which we are supposed to publish the Old Testament, along with Hebrew, and maybe not in Syriac either, in which we have decided to publish the New Testament along with the Greek and Latin translations. I don’t know if this amount of money and labor would be well spent on a man who is already old.116 Plantin told Fend in no uncertain terms that he believed Aemilius’ Hebrew skills to be insufficient for the project. Even thirty years after having copied Hebrew manuscripts for Widmanstetter, after having been a book printer, and after having worked as a university professor of Hebrew and Greek for twenty years, the verdict of one of the leading Christian Hebraist publishers on Aemilius’ linguistic proficiency was negative. Evaluating Aemilius’ skills as a copyist is difficult due to the quick pace at which Widmanstetter demanded results. The fleeting script Aemilius left testifies to the speed at which he copied the text and it is not surprising that this way of working resulted in many errors.117 Widmanstetter must still have been satisfied with the work that Aemilius was doing for him—otherwise he would not have commissioned manuscript after manuscript from him. Despite these circumstances, we can still say that Aemilius’ abilities were apparently no match for Parnas’ philological skills, as his own emendations in the manuscripts are few and mostly consist of additions from other manuscripts, whereas his predecessor made a point of inserting his own reasoning.118 Finally, we must also

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“De Paulo Aemilio sumptibus illustrissimi ducis ad nos mittendo spem fecit nobis maximam. Sed cum audiam eum linguarum Graecae, Chaldaicae et Latinae quibus omnibus cum Hebraica vetus testamentum est nobis edendum, non satis esse peritum, neque fortasse syriacae quae cum graeca et latinis quoque versionibus novum decrevimus edere testamentum, non scio an sumptus tanti et labor hominis iam senis bene collocarentur.” Christoph Plantin to Erasmus Fend, 5 July 1568, published in Max Rooses and Jean Denucé, eds., Correspondance de Christophe Plantin, 9 vols. (Antwerp: J.E. Buschmann, 1883), vol. 1, Nr. 140. On the discussion about Aemilius’ participation, see Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 58. See Giulio Busi, Qabbalah Visiva, I Millenni (Torino: Einaudi, 2005), 376. E.g. bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 44v, 131r, 140v, 168v, 175r, 192v, 193r, 195r, 199v–200r, 201r, 202v–203r, 205v, 207r, 213v.

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keep in mind that Christian Hebraists were eager to support Jews who converted to Christianity. Hiring them to copy manuscripts and perform other tasks that leveraged their previous training was an attractive solution to champion them and aid in the conversion of their former coreligionists.119 In light of Widmanstetter’s efforts on behalf of Aemilius, it is fairly clear that this reasoning motivated him at least in part. 3.2 Compilations from Egidio da Viterbo’s Library The first project Widmanstetter tackled with Aemilius’ help was likely made possible through having access to Egidio da Viterbo’s library, which was then in the hands of Girolamo Seripando. Aemilius copied two books, Taʿamei haMitswot and Otsar ha-Kavod, into one volume (bsb, Cod.hebr. 103) between March and October 1538. According to Aemilius’ colophons, he executed both texts in Rome.120 Widmanstetter’s reason for binding these texts from two different authors together may have been to keep those books copied from Egidio’s library together. The two codicological units differ in their text layout, but partly use the same paper that Widmanstetter already used for the manuscripts that Francesco Parnas had copied for him.121 The use of the same paper in six manuscripts reinforces the impression that these books were not copied ad hoc, but that Widmanstetter had a plan in mind laying out the specific texts he wanted copied for his library and obtained an ample supply of paper in preparation. The older codicological unit contains Menahem Recanati’s Taʿamei haMitswot.122 Beyond Widmanstetter’s marginal notes in his Sefardic semi-cursive script, we have no clue as to his involvement in the creation of this manuscript. This text is likely a copy of a manuscript that contains marginal notes which are strikingly similar to Egidio da Viterbo’s hand.123 In both manuscripts of Taʿamei ha-Mitswot, the text is immediately followed by a shorter work of Recanati’s, Perush Birkat ha-Mazon. No extant exemplar can be identified for Todros Abulafia’s Otsar ha-Kavod, but it was likely based on a book in Egidio da Viterbo’s library. That Egidio did indeed own a copy of Otsar ha-Kavod is

119 120 121 122 123

See Carlebach, Divided Souls, 161–163. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 111r and 173v. The watermarks are an anchor inside a circle that is topped by six-pointed star and two crossed arrows with a six-pointed star. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 116r–171r. See London, bl, Ms. Add. 16407, a fifteenth-century parchment manuscript. The text is on ff. 106r–137v. For the marginal notes attributed to Egidio da Viterbo, see ff. 40v–42r, 45v, 68r, 71r, 74r–v, 76v, 86r, 105r–v, 109v, 111r, 113v, 115r—and perhaps even the title on f. 102r. The Latin titles and marginal notes suggest at least Christian Hebraist ownership.

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Comparison of the structure of Widmanstetter’s text of Otsar ha-Kavod (bsb, Cod.hebr. 103) with Egidio da Viterbo’s notebook (Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 527)

Widmanstetter (bsb, Cod.hebr. 103)

Egidio (Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 527)

M. Berakhot (4v–30r) M. Shabbat (30r–44r) M. Megillah (44r–50v) M. Taʿanit (51r–57r) M. Ḥagigah (57r–69r) M. Rosh ha-Shanah (69r–73r) M. Yom Tov (73r–76v) M. Sukkah (77r–82v) M. Pesaḥim (82v–87v) M. Ḥullin (87v–93v) M. ʿEruvin (93v–95r) M. Yevamot (95v–101v) M. Sutah (101v–107r) M. Ketubot (107v–110v)

“Berachot” (338r–352r) “Sciabat” (352r–357v) “Megilla” (357v–360v) “Taanit” (360v–363v) “Hagiga” (363v–368r) “Ros hasciana” (368r–370v) “Iom Tov” (370v–371v) “Suca” (371v–373v) “Pesachim” (373v–375v) “Hollin” (375v–377v) [ʿEruvin] (377v–378r) “Iebamoth” (378r–379v) “Sota” (379v–381r) “Chetubot” (381r–382r)

evident from one of his notebooks, today held at the Bibliothèque nationale de France. One section of these notes is entitled: “No. 22 Ozer ha Cavot, Thesaurus honoris, Agadot Talmud.”124 Moreover, the structure of Widmanstetter’s version is identical to the notes Egidio made, as can be seen in table 1, suggesting that Egidio’s manuscript of Otsar ha-Kavod was indeed used to create Widmanstetter’s copy.125 3.3 Copying the Kabbalistic Books of the Pope’s Son Two more volumes of Hebrew texts that Widmanstetter copied with Aemilius were based on exemplars in the library of the pope’s son, Pier Luigi Farnese. These books show that the interest in Jewish literature had permeated even the highest circles in sixteenth-century Italy. Farnese was born to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese, later Pope Paul iii (1534–1549). Pier Luigi received a

124 125

Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 527, ff. 338r–382r. To date, I was only able to trace this selection of sections in Otsar ha-Kavod in bsb, Cod.hebr. 10; bsb, Cod.hebr. 344; and New York, Jewish Theological Seminary, Ms. 6679— none of which bear vestiges of Egidio’s or Widmanstetter’s ownership.

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humanist education from the scholar Molosso and often stunned his contemporaries with his impulsive personality, which allowed him for many years to skillfully play off the imperial and the papal factions against each other for his own benefit. Beginning in the 1530s, he carved out a large territory on the Italian peninsula for himself through a mix of his talents as military man and the help of his father. Pope Paul iii first invested his son in 1537 as lord over the Duchy of Castro and, in 1545, over the newly created Duchy of Parma and Piacenza. Emperor Charles v, however, supported the rival Milanese Don Ferrante Gonzaga and his conspiracy, which culminated in Pier Luigi’s assassination in 1547.126 In 1538, when Widmanstetter visited Castro, the capital of Pier Luigi’s duchy, to copy the Hebrew books in the library, the pope’s son was still on the cusp of his later success.127 By this time, the duke already owned a substantial library of Jewish books which he intended to use in an ambitious plan of publishing Hebrew books in Rome. To establish his Hebrew printing press, Farnese applied with at the papal see to gain the necessary approval. Because this scheme appeared frivolous to his father’s councilors, Pier Luigi only received permission to publish old titles and the plan to print Hebrew books came to nothing.128 Widmanstetter was likely familiar with Pier Luigi through his previous work as a secretary at the papal court. Pier Luigi’s father had displayed tokens of his friendship by accepting Widmanstetter into the Order of the Knights of St. Peter.129 It is easy to imagine that Pier Luigi invited Widmanstetter for study and copy upon hearing about the German scholar’s shared interest in Hebrew letters. Widmanstetter traveled to the ducal library in Gradoli, the capital of Castro, with a large supply of paper, bringing Aemilius along as his scribe, having already worked with him before. When the duchy of Castro was con126

127

128

129

For a succinct account of Pier Luigi Farnese’s life, see Natale Carotti, “Pier Luigi Farnese, duca di Parma e Piacenza,” in Enciclopedia Italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti (Milan: Giovanni Treccani, 1935). This period in the history of the family has been studied in detail in Helge Gamrath, Farnese: Pomp, Power and Politics in Renaissance Italy (Rome: l’erma di Bretschneider, 2007). For a history of the Jews of in Pier Luigi’s territory, see A. Biondi, “Per una storia degli ebrei nel Ducato di Castro,” in I Farnese dalla Tuscia Romana alle corti d’Europa (Palazzo Farnese di Caprarola, 25–26 marzo 1983), ed. Agostino Grattarola and Eugenio Galdieri (Viterbo: Agnesotti, 1985), 105–120. Widmanstetter notes in Hebrew in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 56v: “Until here I found in a copy that I saw in Castro […] of Duke Pier Luigi Farnese, the son of Alessandro Farnese who is called Paul iii, high priest of the Apostolic See.” On Farnese’s interest in Hebrew books and the failed plan to publish them, see Kaufmann, “Jacob Mantino,” 210, 233; Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy, 248; Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book, xxiii. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 28.

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quered one hundred years after Pier Luigi’s death and Gradoli was abandoned, its treasures were distributed among the Roman nobility and the library was lost. Widmanstetter’s copies of these books are therefore possibly the only vestiges of what may have been an unparalleled collection of Hebrew texts.130 The first manuscript Aemilius copied from the library of Pier Luigi Farnese was a miscellany of kabbalistic writings (bsb, Cod.hebr. 112). This folio-sized volume is bound into a limp parchment binding onto which Widmanstetter wrote a long index of titles in Latin.131 The most striking feature is revealed upon opening the book—it consists in its entirety of paper in a shade of light blue.132 Apart from the other manuscript copied from Farnese’s library (bsb, Cod.hebr. 115), no other book in Widmanstetter’s collection is written on colored paper. The meaning of the blue paper is not apparent—its use may simply be a result of what paper happened to be at hand when Widmanstetter went to the stationer. The paper may have been acquired from a cartolari who had prepared it for copying, folded it into quires and indicated the text space with hard point. The large number of 224 folios that are all prepared in the same way points to a methodic preparation that preceded the copying. Despite its codicological uniformity, the manuscript was executed in three stages, which can be discerned from the colophons Widmanstetter and Aemilius left in the manuscript. The first section, containing writings by Elijah of Genazzano and Menahem Recanati, was copied in the duchy of Castro before 14 May 1538.133 Aemilius copied a second unit in Gradoli, consisting solely of Zohar Ḥadash, 130

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133

For Busi’s enthusiastic assessment of the Farnese library, see Busi, Qabbalah Visiva, 376. The books apparently did not pass to his father, Pope Paul iii, when Pier Luigi died, as the inventory of the pope’s private library that was drawn up after his death in 1549 does not list any Hebrew books; see Lamberto Donati, “La biblioteca privata di Paolo iii (3. x. 1534– 1510. xi. 1549): Con quattro figure,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 1977, 369–374. No catalog survives for the pope’s private library, but it is known from the eulogy given by Romolo Amasei that it numbered around 600 titles at the time of his death. Scholars have to date identified 160 volumes as belonging to his library; see Konstantinos S. Staikos, From Petrarch to Michelangelo: The Revival of the Study of the Classics and the First Humanistic Libraries, trans. Nickolaos Koutras and Timothy Cullen, The History of the Library in Western Civilization 5 (New Castle: Oak Knoll, 2012), 336–337. Further research is necessary to uncover the whereabouts of volumes from the Farnese library. On the title inscriptions, see Chapter 4, section 2. With the exception of the flyleaves at the beginning and end of the book. The watermark of this paper, an anchor inside a circle accompanied by a star, is similar to other papers from that period that were produced in Italy. Directly beneath the colophon in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 56v, that was cited above, Widmanstetter added a dated note of a political event: “In the year 1538, on the fourteenth day of the month May, and at this time, Emperor Charles v, King Francis of France, and Paul iii, the abovementioned High Priest, entered into the territory of Italy and Provence.”

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finishing on 26 May. The largest section, containing a multitude of texts, among them several Commentaries on the Ten Sefirot, was copied in Gradoli, finishing on 18 August. It is difficult to identify the source manuscripts Widmanstetter and Aemilius used for this manuscript, because the two men combined material from different volumes and the subsequent whereabouts of the Farnese library is unknown. However, it is possible to discern numerous manuscripts that contain the same selection of material as the books in the Farnese library. A group of texts that is found in the same order in another manuscript was likely copied together from this copy or a similar manuscript. One manuscript in New York contains the same selection of Commentaries on the Ten Sefirot in almost the same sequence as bsb, Cod.hebr. 112.134 However, due to textual differences between the two versions, this copy is unlikely to be the Vorlage for Widmanstetter’s manuscript.135 The two manuscripts exemplify a practice in the history of kabbalistic texts: miscellanies of various Commentaries on the Ten Sefirot circulated among scholars who would add and subtract texts in the process of copying them, creating “one-volume libraries” that expressed the individual interests of their owners.136 Widmanstetter followed this pattern to organize texts of similar subject matter when he copied a manuscript similar to the New York manuscript and combined it with additional texts on the ten sefirot. The complexity of the textual mosaic that Widmanstetter and Aemilius created in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112 can be illustrated by another example. When they copied Commentary on the Daily Prayers by Menahem Recanati they followed in the footsteps of the scribe Judah ben Samuel who had copied it at least three times into Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 528, Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102, and Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 857.137 All the manuscripts by Judah and the

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The relevant texts in New York, Jewish Theological Seminary, Ms. 1896, are on ff. 70v–74v, 74v–77r, 77r–79r, 79r–81v, 93v–94r, 82r–89r, 90v–92v, 89v–90r. An index of this large corpus of texts was first published by Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries.” In addition, the Munich manuscript also contains another commentary, titled Shaʿar ha-Shamayim (ff. 183r–208v), ff. 1r–70r in the New York manuscript. For instance, bsb, Cod.hebr. 112 omits the headlines for the second and third sefirot, and there are additional verses at the end of the text. This practice will be discussed in greater detail in section 4.1.3. See bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 528, ff. 11r–52v; Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102 (Bernheimer 66), ff. 9r–28v; Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 857, ff. 65r–93v. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, the text is found on ff. 25r–54v. See also Corazzol’s introduction to his recent edition of Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada and Giacomo Corazzol, R. Menahem Recanati: Commentary on the Daily Prayers. Flavius Mithridates’ Latin Translation, the Hebrew Text, and an English Version, Mahadu-

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one by Widmanstetter and Aemilius appear to be based on one (unidentified) book that Elijah Genazzano had read and annotated, because they include his notes on the Commentary on the Daily Prayers.138 However, the copies deal differently with the material found in the margins of the source manuscript. The manuscript of Widmanstetter and Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102 copied these notes across into the margins, while Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 528 and Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 857 integrated them into the main body text. There also are noteworthy differences in the wording of these notes between bsb, Cod.hebr. 112 and the other manuscripts that touch on Widmanstetter’s philological engagement with the text. In most of the manuscripts, the following marginal note is found next to the conclusion of Recanati’s text: “From the style it seems that what follows does not belong to Rabbi Menahem Recanati’s work.”139 When Widmanstetter copied this note from the Vorlage containing Elijah’s notes, he offered a possible author of the section: “Up to here (the text) is from the commentary of Rabbi Menahem Recanati and from here and onward it is in the style of Rabbi Eleazar of Worms.”140 Thus, Widmanstetter took the assessment of Elijah Genazzano one step further. Where the Jewish kabbalist noted the stylistic shift in language to postulate that the text cannot be the product of Recanati, Widmanstetter suggested a possible author. This note is only one of Widmanstetter’s many interventions in the text of the Commentary on the Daily Prayers.

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rah madaʿit, vol. 3, The Kabbalistic Library of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (Torino: Nino Aragno, 2008), 2:16*–18*. Widmanstetter owned two more manuscripts with this commentary by Recanati, but without the additions that are discussed below: bsb, Cod.hebr. 56, ff. 218v–238, and bsb, Cod.hebr. 341, ff. 247–260v. Corazzol argues convincingly that Scholem took the identification on from Munk’s catalog of the Bibliothèque nationale de France; see Moncada and Corazzol, Commentary on the Daily Prayers, 2:16*–18*. The first note is in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 42r; Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 857; Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102, f. 26r. The second note is in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 44v; Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 857, f. 92v; Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102, f. 28r. The third is discussed below. The fourth note is in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 46r; Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 857, f. 94v; Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102, f. 29v. In Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102; Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 857; and Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 528, we read “‫מן הלשון נראה כי משם הלאה איננו מחבור הר״ר מנחם מריקאנטי זצ״ל‬.” The translation is cited from Moncada and Corazzol, Commentary on the Daily Prayers, volume ii, 16*–18*. “‫עד כאן הוא מפי׳ ר׳ מנחם מריקאנטי ומכאן ואילך הוא לשון ר׳ אליעזר מוורמש‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 45r. On the other side of the text block, Widmanstetter supplied a Latin translation that is more mysterious by the addition of yet another name: “Quae sequuntur, non sunt Menahemi Recanatensis, sed Eleazari Wormatiensis ut author est Josephus filius Magistri Danielus Medici Castrensis.”

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Another set of notes reinforces the view that he worked closely together with Aemilius. A table directly following Commentary on the Daily Prayers in Widmanstetter’s copy is also found in the manuscripts associated with Judah ben Samuel, indicating that Widmanstetter and Aemilius used one of them as their Vorlage. The most notable characteristic of this table is that it was written in Widmanstetter’s distinctive hand.141 After the table, Aemilius’ hand takes over again with material that was copied from different manuscripts.142 The inference is that Widmanstetter was present as Aemilius copied the texts, choosing suitable models that he wanted included and on occasion taking over the quill himself. The most impressive vestiges of Widmanstetter’s immediate input into the creation of this manuscript are found towards the end in the work called Seder ha-Ilan.143 This text consists of a series of commented sefirotic diagrams. Widmanstetter did not leave these illustrations to Aemilius to draw; instead, his high regard for the graphical tradition of Kabbalah prompted him to draw some of the kabbalistic diagrams himself.144 Aemilius completed the second manuscript (bsb, Cod.hebr. 115) that he copied for Widmanstetter at the court of Pier Luigi Farnese on 3 September 1538: “Written with God’s help, here, in Gradoli on Lake Bolsena, on Wednesday, third of September in the year one thousand five hundred thirty-eight after the coming of Jesus, our Messiah.”145 Clearly, Widmanstetter had Aemilius follow a rigorous timetable that may in part be responsible for the spelling mistakes in the copied texts. This second manuscript consists of two versions of Sefer Yetsirah, the Saadian Recension146 and the short recension,147 and three commentaries: one wrongly attributed to Abraham ben David of Posquières (Pseudo-Rabad),148 one by Moses Botarel, and one wrongly attributed to Saadia Gaon.149 It seems that Widmanstetter hoped that he would find additional

141 142 143 144 145 146

147 148 149

On Widmanstetter’s script, see Chapter 5, section 1.2. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, this table is found on f. 54v. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 209r–209v. The role of ilanot in Widmanstetter’s kabbalistic thought will be explored in more detail in section 7.4.2. bsb, Cod.hebr. 115, f. 126r; for the entry in the original Latin, see the catalog. On this version of the text, see A. Peter Hayman, Sefer Yeṣirah: Edition, Translation and Text-Critical Commentary, vol. 104, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004), 18–20, 26–28. See Hayman, Sefer Yeṣirah, 20–23. Widmanstetter owned this text in another version in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 137v–141v. It is possible that Widmanstetter used an exemplar which was later used by the editors of the printed edition of Sefer Yetsirah that was published in Mantua in 1562, which runs parallel to bsb, Cod.hebr. 112. There are no hints to Widmanstetter being involved in the

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commentaries on Sefer Yetsirah which he could add, since the second half or so of the manuscript has no text; the folios in this section are prepared with the same text layout by hard point as the first half of the manuscript. This manuscript also includes a number of diagrams which represents many of the texts’ concepts using volvelles and other graphical devices.

4

Receiving the Manuscript of an Expert Scribe: Hayyim Gatigno (1553)

The manuscripts Widmanstetter commissioned in the 1550s, when he was serving in Vienna under King Ferdinand i of Austria as chancellor, were produced under very different circumstances than those created during his stay in Italy in the 1530s. His physical distance from Rome likely prevented him from any direct collaboration of the type that he had enjoyed with Francesco Parnas and Paulus Aemilius. Even occasional visits that had previously enabled him to keep in contact with scholars on the Italian peninsula are not documented after he had accompanied Bishop Otto of Augsburg to Rome for the election of a new pope in early 1550.150 As Widmanstetter had no direct hand in their creation, these later manuscripts are very different in character from the earlier ones. 4.1 Hayyim Gatigno as a Scribe The first manuscript Widmanstetter had copied without his direct input was Sefer ha-Peliyah in 1553—the copyist in charge was Hayyim ben Samuel Gatigno, who has been praised for his productivity as a scribe.151 Unlike the scribes that Widmanstetter had employed in the 1530s, Gatigno was not a convert but a practicing Jew. He was of Aragonese origin and copied at least sixteen manuscripts from the 1540s to the 1570s.152 The majority of these books contained

150 151 152

printing or having contact with the editors. My thanks to Pinchas Giller for bringing this fact to my attention. See Müller, Widmanstetter, 60–61. See Vogelstein and Rieger, Geschichte, vol. 2, 113. Several people of this name can be traced through centuries of Sefardic history. Eduardo Weinfeld and Isaac Babani, eds., Enciclopedia judaica castellana en 10 tomos: El pueblo judio en el pasado y el presente. Su historia-su religión-sus costumbres-su literatura-su artesus hombres-su situación en el mundo (Mexico: Editorial Enciclopedia judaica castellana, 1948), 44, gives an outline of the family history. The most comprehensive account of the family name and its bearers is found in Moritz Steinschneider, Gesammelte Schriften von Moritz Steinschneider: Gelehrten—Geschichte, ed. Heinrich Malter and Alexander Marx (Berlin: Poppelauer, 1925), 1–8.

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kabbalistic texts which were apparently his specialty. His scribal activity is striking as he copied some of these texts several times, enabling him to improve their readings with each iteration, a feature that we shall examine closely in Sefer ha-Peliyah. Proofreading and copying kabbalistic texts was one of two professions of Gatigno, who is also known to have worked as a physician.153 In addition to copying numerous kabbalistic manuscripts, Gatigno was also one of the principal editors of the Cremona edition of the Zohar that appeared from 1558 to 1560, which rivaled the Mantova edition of the Zohar.154 In Cremona, Gatigno worked for the Christian publisher Vincenzo Conti and collaborated with the convert Vittorio Eliano, the grandson of the renowned grammarian Elijah Levita.155 Although he was less famous than Eliano, the colophon of the Cremona edition indicates that Gatigno was its principal editor, since his name is listed before Eliano’s.156 For the first time after Francesco Parnas’ death, Widmanstetter had thus again enlisted the help of a scribe who was widely esteemed for his qualities in the philological preparation of texts. 4.2 Hayyim Gatigno’s Copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah Like other books Widmanstetter had commissioned in the past, he intended Sefer ha-Peliyah to be based on a model from the library of his teacher, Egidio da Viterbo. Widmanstetter noted regarding the date and circumstances of its creation at the beginning of the manuscript: Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, doctor of law, ordered to have [Sefer haPeliyah] copied in Rome from Egidio’s library, in 1554.157

153 154

155

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157

See Koren, Jewish Physicians, 52. The most extensive study on the printing press in Cremona is Meir Benayahu, Hebrew Printing in Cremona: Its History and Bibliography [Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Ben Zvi Institute, 1971), 134–136. Eliano had joined the Inquisition and had come to Cremona in order to confiscate the copies of the Talmud in the possession of the Jewish community; for reasons unknown, he joined the editorial team of the Zohar. He became a prolific editor of Hebrew and Latin works and continued to work for a number of Venetian and Roman publishers after his departure from Cremona. Benayahu, Hebrew Printing, 96–99, gives a brief account of his activities. For a more general overview that includes his work on non-Hebrew material, see Carla Casetti, “Eliano, Vittorio,” in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1993), http://www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/vittorio‑eliano_(Dizion ario‑Biografico)/. This interpretation of the colophon was suggested by Benayahu, Hebrew Printing, 134. He argues that Eliano’s role may have been that of a proofreader, mirroring the structure of Venetian printing houses. The opposite view was put forward in Tishby, “Conflict,” 146. bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. ir.

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There is in fact a manuscript of this text that can be traced back to Egidio da Viterbo. This copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah is today still kept in Rome, having since passed to the Bibliotheca Casanatense.158 The cardinal had even produced his own Latin translation of the text that he titled Ben Hacane liber qui Pelia dicitur; this manuscript is today held at the Bibliothèque nationale de France.159 But despite Widmanstetter’s claim, his manuscript of Sefer ha-Peliyah is not a copy at all of Egidio’s manuscript. Instead, it is likely based on Gatigno’s own copy of the text which has not survived. Widmanstetter’s manuscript belongs to a group of three manuscripts of Sefer ha-Peliyah that Gatigno produced for Jewish and Christian patrons in the late 1540s and early 1550s, all of which are derived from this master copy. The two other manuscripts of this text Gatigno executed are stored at the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris and the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan.160 These manuscripts are almost identical with Widmanstetter’s copy with the exception of some textual details that aid in estab-

158

159

160

On the manuscript of Egidio, its origin and copies that were made from it, see Saverio Campanini, “‘Elchana Hebraeorum Doctor et Cabalista’. Le avventure di Un libro e dei suoi lettori,” in Umanesimo e cultura ebraica nel Rinascimento taliano, ed. Stefano Ugo Baldassarri and Fabrizio Lelli (Angelo Pontecorboli, 2016), 91–114; and, “Dal Sacco di Roma alla fine del mondo. Profezie cabbalistiche fra le carte di Egidio da Viterbo,” in Rinascimento plurale. Ibridazioni linguistiche e socioculturali tra Quattro e Cinquecento, ed. Giulio Busi and Silvana Greco (Castiglione delle Stiviere: Fondazione Palazzo Bondoni Pastorio, 2021), 71–99. See Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 3667, ff. 1r–36r. Egidio’s title is emblematic of the confusion surrounding Sefer ha-Peliyah and Sefer ha-Qanah. The author of the first systematic study of the texts’ manuscripts noted that even modern catalogs mix up the two works; see Michal Kushnir-Oron, “Ha-Peliyah we-ha-Qanah—Yesodot ha-Qabbalah she-bahem, Emdatem ha-datit Ḥevratit we-Derekh ʿItsuvam ha-sifrutit” (PhD thesis, Hebrew University, 1980), 31. For a brief description of Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, see Salomon Munk et al., Catalogues des manuscrits hébreux et samaritains de la Bibliothèque Impériale: Manuscrits orientaux ([Paris]: Imprimerie impériale, 1866), 130. This manuscript entered the Bibliothèque nationale de France via the Bibliothèque de l’Oratoire, as can be discerned from the old shelf mark: Oratoire 80. The other manuscript, Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 22 Sup (Bernheimer 68), is described in Carlo Bernheimer, Codices Hebraici Bybliothecae Ambrosianae, vol. 5, Fontes Ambrosiani (Florence: L.S. Olschki, 1933), 87–88. It is not listed among the items that entered the library from either the library of R. Dr. Moshe Lattes or the Caprotti Collection from Sana in the nineteenth century; see Aldo Luzzatto and Luisa Mortara Ottolenghi, Hebraica Ambrosiana, Fontes Ambrosiani 45 (Milan: Il Polifilo, 1972), 5. It therefore likely that the manuscript belonged to the original collection of Cardinal Frederico Borromeo, who founded the Ambrosiana on 8 December 1609; see Luzzatto and Mortara Ottolenghi, Hebraica Ambrosiana, 3. This is supported by the fact that another of Gatigno’s Zohar manuscripts at the Ambrosiana—Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. O 81 Sup (Bernheimer 51)—bears Borromeo’s note, f. 1r.

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lishing the relationships among them and disprove Widmanstetter’s claim that his copy was based on Egidio’s copy. The differences between Egidio’s manuscript and Gatigno’s text are obvious from the first page. While Egidio’s manuscript begins with the words “When our teacher Moses, peace upon him, ascended Mount Sinai to bring down the Torah to Israel, he asked Metatron,”161 the three copies by Gatigno add the beginning of Genesis before that and change the location: “In the beginning God created heaven and earth. When Moses ascended to the heavens to bring down the Torah to Israel, he asked Metatron.”162 Granted that it would have been possible for Gatigno to deduce the content of the blank space by reading the first paragraph and then adding it into his copy. But this hypothesis can’t account for the change of Moses’s epithet and the switch from Mount Sinai to heaven. This and other differences indicate that Gatigno was using some other exemplar for his master copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah. The fact that Gatigno used his own version of the text indicates his independence as an editor-scribe who relied on his judgement. Many of the manuscripts of Sefer ha-Peliyah are rich with illustrations whose similarities, like the text, can aid in tracing the textual history. Most of the prominent illustrations are situated in the missing quires of the manuscripts in Paris and Milan and therefore lost.163 These graphical materials are only transmitted in the Munich manuscript, preventing the possibility of a meaningful comparison on a broader scale. However, one notable illustration that is preserved in all of the manuscripts by Gatigno is the sefirotic tree (ilan hasefirot).164 The sefirotic tree in Gatigno’s manuscripts presents the names of the ten sefirot and cognate names of God. The sefirot are enclosed by medallions drawn in ink of equal size, with the exception of the tenth sefirah Malkhut, which is about twice the size of the others. Connecting the sefirot channels, double contoured lines are drawn. The only difference between Gatigno’s ma-

161 162

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“‫כשעלה מרע״ה להר סיני להוריד תורה לישראל שאל למטטרון‬,” Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3154, f. 1r. “‫בראשית ברא אלהים את השמים ואת הארץ כשעלה משה למרום להוריד תורה לישראל שאל‬ ‫למטטרון‬,” Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, f. 1r, Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 2, f. 1r, and bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. 1r. The lacuna in Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794 are found between ff. 53v and 54r. This likely made up one missing quire, as the gap in the Hebrew foliation, ‫ נה‬to ‫סא‬, indicates that four leaves are missing. The missing section corresponds to ff. 95v–107v in bsb, Cod.hebr. 96. In Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 22, the quires are clearly out of order and much of the graphical material is missing. The sefirotic tree is found in Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, f. 95r; Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, f. 22v; and bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. 172v.

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nuscripts worthy of notice is that the Paris manuscript does not connect the sefirot Hod and Netsaḥ to Malkhut, while in the Munich manuscript there is a connection. The sefirah Tiferet in the center of the schema receives channels from the surrounding sefirot, like the spokes on a wheel; similar arrangements may be found in two depictions in Brescia and Jerusalem.165 The diagram’s most striking feature is the consistency of size and mise-en-page—the tree fills the entire page in all three manuscripts. The large size of this tree, which only sports the names of the sefirot, is not a given: other sefirotic trees in Widmanstetter’s library that convey more information often only fill part of the page.166 Overall, the impression of the graphical material is that Gatigno was careful to preserve the size, mise-en-page, and details of the sefirotic tree through all of his copies of Sefer ha-Peliyah. For the history of the text, it is noteworthy that the respective page in Egidio’s manuscript is blank.167 This is another indication that Gatigno did not use Egidio’s manuscript of Sefer ha-Peliyah for his own master copy. The chronology of Gatigno’s continuous work with this text can be drawn from the colophons he left at the end of his manuscripts. All of the manuscripts Gatigno created of this text were produced in Rome, but the two other manuscripts were produced in 1548, five years before Widmanstetter’s copy of 1553. Gatigno completed the copy now in Paris for Immanuel ben Jekutiel of Nola on 3 Tammuz 5308 (9 June 1548).168 The manuscript that is now in Milan was completed only a few months later, on 1 Kislev 5309 (2 November 1548).169 These two manuscripts share codicological features that set them apart from the Munich manuscript.170 All three copies are remarkably consistent in the amount of shared textual variants, marginal notes, and other material that are not found in Egidio’s manuscript, pointing to a common model. The most common mistake scribes made during their work were line skips—that is, the scribe’s eye lost sight of the line he was copying and omitted a line in the new manuscript—and the three manuscripts Gatigno made of Sefer ha-Peliyah share numerous line skips that underscore their shared origin.171 This and similar other findings indicate that 165 166 167 168 169 170 171

See Brescia, Biblioteca Queriniana, Ms. L fi 11; Jerusalem, nli, Ms. Heb. 28°613, f. 122v. I thank J.H. (Yossi) Chajes for bringing these manuscripts to my attention. For Widmanstetter’s interest in sefirotic trees, see Chapter 7, section 4.2. See Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3154, f. 203r. See the colophon in Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, f. 206r. See the colophon in Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 22, f. 153r. For instance, the text space consists of thirty-two lines in the manuscripts he copied in 1548, while the manuscript made in 1553 has twenty-seven lines. The phrase “‫ וכל זה‬.‫ וחרבן ומדברי ושממה ויעדים והרים ופרידה ושירועות רעות‬.‫”ואינו מקיים‬

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Gatigno had created a personal copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah that he used to create the three known copies. Similar to Widmanstetter’s recension of the Zohar in bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219, Gatigno introduced a number of improvements to the text of Sefer ha-Peliyah. The interval of about five years between the production of the manuscripts enabled Gatigno to add small, but significant emendations that reveal his tireless work of creating a better version of the text. For instance, we read in the Paris manuscript and the Milan manuscript the words “‫בינ״ה בסוף חכמה‬ ‫ובהתחלק‬.” Only in Widmanstetter’s copy, copied six year later, Gatigno had emended the word “‫ ”ובהתחלק‬with another reading in the margin: “‫ס״א‬ ‫ובהסתלק‬.”172 It seems that Gatigno made these emendations after he had finished the Milan codex. This correction is not found in the earlier manuscripts, as they were already out of his hands when he apparently changed his mind concerning the reading of this word. Thus these findings indicate another, now lost copy, the one that Gatigno used for producing all of his extant copies of Sefer ha-Peliyah, into which Gatigno would have entered his corrections to the text over time. Every time he created copies of this version, he produced a snapshot that reflects the state of the philological work in his own manuscript. The emendations Gatigno left in the Paris and Milan manuscripts are more similar to each other than those in the Munich codex, because Gatigno copied these two manuscripts within only half a year, a period that was not sufficient for him to discover a significant number of additional emendations. The state of the text in Widmanstetter’s copy thus reflects the result of Gatigno’s continued efforts to improve the text between the time of the first two manuscripts and the copy he executed for Widmanstetter in 1554. Hayyim Gatigno’s works also shines a light on the dynamic collaboration between Jewish scholars and Christian Hebraists. The Jewish client for whom

172

in Egidio’s manuscript (Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3154, f. 161r) becomes shortened to “‫ וכל זה‬.‫ ”ואינו מקיים‬in two daughter manuscripts due to parablepsis (Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, f. 71v, bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. 137v; in the third manuscript, Rome, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 22, the page in question is missing). In contrast to these involuntary lapses, Gatigno also consciously decided in other cases to abbreviate a biblical quotation. For example, Genesis 4:2, “‫ותוסף ללדת את אחיו את הבל ויהי הכל רועה צאן׳ וקין היה עובד‬ ‫ ”אדמה ודע והבן שאחר שנתבער הדין‬in Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3154, f. 392v, became “‫ ודע והבן שאחר שנתבער הדין‬.‫ ”ותוסף ללדת את הבל וכו׳‬in Gatigno’s copies (Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, f. 183v; Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 22, f. 130v; bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. 303v). Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 794, f. 19v; Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 22, f. 16v; bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. 33v.

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Gatigno copied the Paris manuscript of Sefer ha-Peliyah in 1548, Immanuel ben Jekutiel of Nola, moved in the circle of Christian Hebraists that Widmanstetter belonged to and traded manuscripts with them. Immanuel’s correspondence shows that he and an associate were engaged in selling Hebrew books to a Hebraist friend of Widmanstetter’s, Andreas Masius, soon after Gatigno copied the Munich manuscript.173 Gatigno’s leading role in the printing of the Zohar under the aegis of Christians shows that he was comfortable with collaborating with Christian Hebraists on projects that were connected to his field of interest. His Christian clients would have supplied him with exemplars from Christian libraries to copy for themselves, giving him the opportunity to produce another manuscript which he could then improve upon and subsequently create additional copies. How can we reconcile the facts about Gatigno’s manuscript of Sefer haPeliyah with Widmanstetter’s claim that it had been copied from Egidio’s library? We know for a fact that Widmanstetter enabled other Jewish scribe to access Egidio’s library to copy for him a collection of the works of Eleazar of Worms.174 This means that Widmanstetter genuinely believed that his manuscript had been copied from Egidio’s library. It seems that Gatigno received a commission to copy Sefer ha-Peliyah for Widmanstetter and was given access to Egidio’s library to carry out the work. But Gatigno knew that he had compiled a version of the text that was superior to that of Egidio—after all he had been adding emendation to his copy for at least five years. He then decided that Widmanstetter would be better served with his own redacted version than with Egidio’s text. Widmanstetter had no chance to oversee Gatigno’s work, since he was not in Rome at the time, but he was living in Vienna. We have no indication that Widmanstetter ever knew that he had been duped into buying a manuscript that was superior to the one he had ordered. Gatigno’s expert knowledge of kabbalistic manuscripts ensured the quality of and philological improvements to the text. Thus, Widmanstetter’s copy of Sefer ha-Peliyah was the ideal outcome of a manuscript commissioned without direct influence on the process, of the type he was able to exercise in the 1530s in his collaborations with Francesco Parnas and Paulus Aemilius.

173 174

See Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 216–220. bsb, Cod.hebr. 81; this manuscript will be discussed in section 3.5.

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Losing Control: Moses Gad ben Tobiah (1555)

As the 1550s progressed, Widmanstetter’s influence on the final outcome of his commissions continued to be limited. In 1555, Widmanstetter commissioned a manuscript containing major works of Eleazar of Worms like Sefer Raziel and Sefer ha-Shem, to be copied from yet another of Egidio da Viterbo’s manuscripts.175 From a codicological perspective, this manuscript shares no similarities to the copies that he had previously commissioned. It is written in an Ashkenazic semi-cursive hand by a man who called himself Moses Gad ben Tobiah in the colophon (see figure 6). The binding is modern and made of brown pigskin without any decoration, probably suggesting that Widmanstetter did not have the chance to bind the manuscript while he was still alive—he died shortly after this commission, in 1557.176 In the scribe Moses Gad ben Tobiah, Widmanstetter found an artisan who meticulously copied everything he found in Egidio da Viterbo’s original manuscript. Unlike the prolific Hayyim Gatigno, Moses Gad is only known from this single manuscript. What little is known about his person is drawn from the clues he left in the manuscript’s colophon, where he added a blessing to the name of his father Tobiah that was customary for people who had been murdered, “may God avenge his blood,” and then disclosed his place of origin as the Polish city of Krakow.177 This could indicate that Moses Gad had been forced to leave his home city in the wake of events that led to his father’s killing, after which he came to Rome. Unlike the learned scribes that Widmanstetter employed earlier to copy kabbalistic texts, Moses Gad ben Tobiah made no emendations on the text in the margins. The main quality of his work is that he remained remarkably close to the exemplar when he copied the text from Egidio’s manuscript. Moses Gad’s care in transcribing the text as correctly as possible stands in contrast to one momentous mistake he made when he copied the colophon from the exemplar, which is highly revealing of the wide gap between Jews who had relatively little contact with the institutions of non-Jews and those who were well versed in these matters.

175

176

177

On this manuscript, see Farkas, “Das Buch der Weisheit der Seele,” iv–vii; Liss, El’azar ben Juda von Worms, 12–13. For a detailed description, see the catalog. In addition, the manuscript included the long recension of Sefer Yetsirah and a commentary on this text. Some form of binding must have existed by the 1570s, as the manuscript is listed in the ducal catalog of 1575 under the shelf mark 1.50. Possibly, this was a Peißenberg binding (see Chapter 4, section 1.2) that decomposed over time and was then replaced. bsb, Cod.hebr. 81, f. 369r.

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figure 6

133

Moses Gad ben Tobiah’s colophon which gives Egidio da Viterbo’s titles to Widmanstetter. Note Widmanstetter’s disclaimer below. bsb, Cod.hebr. 81, f. 369r courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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The original manuscript on which Widmanstetter’s copy was based had been copied by Elijah Levita in 1516.178 In a lengthy colophon, the Ashkenazic scribe praised the erudition and moral character of Cardinal Egidio, whom he addressed with the names of his ecclesiastical offices and titles. The copy Moses Gad prepared also included the colophon Levita had made for Egidio’s manuscript, copied word-for-word but exchanging Levita’s name with his own and leaving a blank for the name of his patron, which was then filled in with Widmanstetter’s name by an unknown hand. The copying of Egidio’s titles led Moses Gad to write the following erroneous description of Widmanstetter in the manuscript’s colophon: I wrote this book for one of the righteous among the nations of the world, an honest and upright man from the priests of St. Augustine’s places of worship, his name is Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, head and overseer of all the aforementioned priests of the places of worship that are in all the [countries] of the Christians.179 Moses Gad pressed on in his verbatim adaption of Levita’s colophon and even applied it to the description of himself: in the ensuing section that Elijah Levita devoted to a blessing of himself, Moses Gad faithfully copied Levita’s account that he would not die in the coming year because he had followed a kabbalistic custom of observing his own shadow in the moonlight in the night of the seventh day of Sukkot, but applying this to himself. The blank space that Moses Gad had left for the name of the commissioner suggests that he did not specifically know for whom he was copying the manuscript. The name was only later filled in, by a different hand that also has no resemblance to Widmanstetter’s own Hebrew script. Of course, Widmanstetter would not have filled in his own name here in order to avoid the appearance of assuming ecclesiastical titles. It is more probable that the name was filled in by an unknown intermediary who had conveyed Widmanstetter’s order for the manuscript to Moses Gad and who knew his name.

178

179

Today London, bl, Ms. Add. 27199 (Margoliouth 737). This manuscript is thoroughly described in G. Margoliouth, Catalogue of the Hebrew and Samaritan Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 3 (London: The British Museum, 1915), 4–10. bsb, Cod.hebr. 81, f. 369r. Elijah Levita’s original colophon is published in Margoliouth, Catalogue, 3:9–10, and it can be found in the catalog entry in appendix D. Moses Gad copied Elijah Levita’s text almost letter by letter. Initially, he even copied Elijah’s first name, noticed his mistake, crossed it out and then wrote his own name behind it. The only deviance from the model is the omission of the word ‫מדינות‬.

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For Widmanstetter, this accidental appropriation of Egidio’s titles created the problem that someone reading the colophon might believe that he wanted to assume ecclesiastical titles. He thus felt compelled to write a note in Latin below the colophon, explaining Moses Gad’s mistake: Take note, Elijah Levita, the grammarian, wrote the original manuscript on which this copy is based for Cardinal Egidio. He was then prior general of the Augustinian order in 5276. He [Egidio] was removed from this colophon by Moses, my scribe who assigned to me the magisterial titles of the Augustinian order, not knowing what he was writing.180 In this addendum to the colophon, Widmanstetter acknowledged that Moses Gad had copied the colophon almost verbatim, and he renounced the attribution of Egidio’s honorifics to him. This disclaimer shines a light on Widmanstetter’s habit of sharing his books with other scholars. He must have considered his books open for consultation by visiting Hebraists, who would be able to read the colophon and berate him over the wrongly attributed titles. Short of cutting the incriminating page from the manuscript, the only solution Widmanstetter saw was a complete dissociation from the colophon. The blunder that Moses Gad ben Tobiah made in copying the colophon of Egidio’s manuscript to the letter epitomizes the loss of control by Widmanstetter over his attempts to gather kabbalistic manuscripts in the 1550s. Whereas he had been in charge of selecting the specific manuscripts that Francesco Parnas and Paulus Aemilius copied in front of him, sometimes even taking up the pen himself to supply alternate readings or to add illustrations, no such immediate impact on the result of his scribe’s work was possible when he was not physically present. Widmanstetter’s influence on the final product had become limited to providing the scribe with the specific manuscript he wanted copied, and then trusting in the scribe’s ability to carry out this task unsupervised.

6

Conclusion

Just as with Widmanstetter’s acquisition of Jewish books in general, two major phases can be distinguished in his commissioned manuscripts: the period of his stay in Italy from 1527 until 1539, and the period thereafter when he served in Germany and Austria until his death in 1557. While Widmanstetter was liv-

180

bsb, Cod.hebr. 81, f. 369r, for the Latin text see the catalog entry in appendix D.

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ing in Italy, he was able to work closely with his scribes and closely control the outcome of their collaboration. With the help of Francesco Parnas, he prepared a new recension of the Zohar that demonstrates his immediate participation in the editorial process and his scribe’s mastery of the text’s philological challenges. Widmanstetter’s involvement in the process can be seen even more clearly in the manuscripts he created together with Paulus Aemilius. Here, Widmanstetter copied entire pages and took it upon himself to execute numerous kabbalistic illustrations. After returning to Germany, however, Widmanstetter was not able exercise this high measure of control in the creation of the manuscripts he commissioned. In the case of Sefer ha-Peliyah, Widmanstetter was satisfied with the result produced by a highly accomplished scribe, Hayyim Gatigno. This scribe copied the manuscript from a version of the text that he had improved over at least the previous five years, rather than making a copy of Egidio da Viterbo’s manuscript as Widmanstetter claimed. In the case of the second manuscript, he acquired under these hands-off circumstances, the anthology of Eleazar of Worms’ writings, the over-eagerness of the scribe to copy not only the text punctiliously but also the honorifics of the colophon became a matter of embarrassment for the Christian Hebraist, whose verbose dissociation from the colophon testifies to the fact that he had lost any meaningful influence on the copying.

chapter 4

Barrels of Books: The Care of a Christian Hebraist Library In order to mark the books he had acquired as his possession Widmanstetter did something that is familiar to many twenty-first-century book owners: he signed his name on the first page (see figures 5 and 7). For the most part he just signed “Johannes Albertus Widmestadius” but some of his signatures were quite playful.1 Although books of the early modern period seem on the surface similar to those of the twenty-first century, the specific conditions of their production and the organizational structure needed to distribute them, which were discussed in the previous chapters, indicate that they are in fact very much unlike contemporary books. Correspondingly, the organization of libraries exhibits sentiments and ideas that are linked to the specific historical situation of their creation. The circumstances of Widmanstetter’s life as well as sixteenth-century European scholarly practices can thus provide the context to understanding the way he organized his library and how he used his books for his different projects. This chapter looks at the techniques Widmanstetter employed to assimilate Jewish books into his library and compares them to the practices of contemporary Jewish and Christian scholars in Europe. The first section traces the physical modifications he made to his books. It examines the bindings which he had made for them and the significance of this for the history of Widmanstetter’s book acquisitions. Another element that bears on Widmanstetter’s access to his books and his use of them are the chests and barrels he employed for transporting his library. The last modifications under consideration are the rebindings of manuscripts and prints into shared volumes that Widmanstetter ordered to be made. This was a formative stage of his librarianship, since it displays the genres into which he divided Jewish literature. The second sec-

1 He added the gematria value (220) of his name in Hebrew letters (“‫)”ר״כ‬, or his humanist names (“Lucretii” and less frequently “Aesiandri”). The most elaborate version, containing Greek and Arabic cognates of 220, may be found on the inside of the front cover of Cod.hebr. 87. See the catalog entry for the full text. In some cases, he referenced in origins in the duchy Helfenstein (“ex Elephasteniis”), identified himself as a Swabian (“Svevi”), or gave his official titles (“Jurisconsultus,” “Cancellarii Austr. Orient.”). On Widmanstetter’s entries of ownership, see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 241–244.

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Specimen of Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership on the title page of Gerard Veltwyck’s Itinera Deserti. bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411 courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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tion is concerned with Widmanstetter’s attempts to make the contents of his library accessible for everyday use. To this end it will take a close look at the title inscriptions that Widmanstetter prepared on the bindings and on the flyleaves of his books. We will consider how these additions reflect Widmanstetter’s attempts to study Jewish texts and discuss them vis-à-vis contemporary attempts to compile bibliographies of Jewish literature. The third and final section discusses the lost catalog of Widmanstetter’s Jewish library based on the remaining vestiges and contemporary catalogs drawn up by Jewish scholars and other Christian Hebraists. This will highlight the different rationales Christians employed to integrate Jewish texts into their book classifications.

1

Protecting and Presenting: The Materiality of Christian Hebraist Books

1.1 Chests and Barrels as Library Furniture While bindings have long attracted the attention of librarians and scholars, at least in part because of their frequent aesthetic appeal, the same is not true for the containers utilized to store and transport books. With the exception of studies on large, institutional libraries for which contemporary descriptions and sometimes engravings of the libraries’ interiors have come down to us, library furniture is usually absent from studies of scholarly libraries, for lack of information or disinterest.2 While shelves, barrels, and book chests are not physical components of the books they store, they can convey important information pertaining to the way in which the books were used and how they were accessed by their owners. The following pages will examine the few clues Widmanstetter left as to how he stored his books during his positions at various princely courts in the 1540s and 1550s.

2 The few general studies on library furniture are already older; see John Willis Clark, The Care of Books: An Essay on the Development of Libraries and Their Fittings, from the Earliest Times to the End of the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1901) and Burnett Hillman Streeter, The Chained Library: A Survey of Four Centuries in the Evolution of the English Library (London: Macmillan, 1931). More recent scholarship is concerned with the furniture of particular collections. For example, the shelves in the seventeenth-century library of Duke August in Wolfenbüttel are discussed with regard to its classification system in Ulrich Johannes Schmid, “Bücher und Bewegung in der Bibliothek von Herzog August,” in Sammeln, Ordnen, Veranschaulichen: Zur Wissenskompilatorik in der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Frank Büttner, Markus Friedrich, and Helmut Zedelmaier (Münster: lit Verlag, 2003), 111– 127.

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The bookshelves that modern users of libraries are familiar with gradually developed from the older book chests.3 Documentary evidence from libraries as well as illustrations of daily practices show that book chests were the original storage containers for books in the Middle Ages and into the early modern period.4 Chests were appreciated for the higher degree of security they afforded and the protection they provided from vermin who would otherwise feast on the parchment and paper pages. If there was a fire, they could be quickly carried to safety. From the fourteenth century onward, shelves began to replace chests.5 However, both types of containers continued to be used in parallel for several centuries to store books and documents. The choice of one option over the other depended on whether the institution or the individual emphasized the practical needs of keeping these goods in a space-saving manner, or preferred to put them on display, as was done for example at princely and ecclesiastic courts, where valuable possessions were put on display in curiosity cabinets (Kunstkammern). Chests continued to be used as permanent storage containers for books alongside shelves in the Vatican library during the Renaissance, where Widmanstetter would have encountered them when living in Rome from 1532 to 1539.6 The seventeenth-century catalog for the ducal library of Wolfenbüttel already hints in its title that its books were permanently stored in book chests: De Bibliotheca Augusta quae est in arce Wolfenbüttelensi (“On the majestic library which is in chests in Wolfenbüttel”).7 The documentary evidence

3 In the sixteenth century, a word meaning “chest” was commonly used to designate book chests in various European countries. For the use of this word in Spain, see Arndt Brendecke, “‘Arca, Archivillo, Archivo’: The Keeping, Use and Status of Historical Documents about the Spanish Conquista,” Archival Science 10, no. 3 (2010): 267–283; for Portugal, see Maria José de Azevedo Santos, “Remarques sur les conditions de conservation des actes et des livres au Portugal (xiie–xve siècles),” Scriptorium 50 (1996): 397–406; in France the term coffre was used, see Henry Havard, Dictionnaire de l’ameublement et de la décoration depuis le xiiie siècle jusqu’à nos jours: Ouvrage couronné par l’Académie des Beaux-Arts etc. etc., rev. ed. (Paris: Quentin, 1894), 345–347. 4 For example, an inventory drawn up after the death of the French King Charles v (1338–1380) lists a chest that the king used to permanently store his books. See Clark, Care of Books, 293; Havard, Dictionnaire de l’ameublement, 345–347. 5 On the evolution from the chest to the shelf, see Markus Friedrich, Die Geburt des Archivs: Eine Wissensgeschichte (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2013), 178–179; Anke te Michels and Anette Heesen, Auf / Zu. Der Schrank in den Wissenschaften (Berlin: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2007), 91–92. 6 Confirmations of payments attest that the library was fitted with twelve new book chests in 1481; see Clark, Care of Books, 218. 7 See Hermann Conring, De Bibliotheca Augusta, quae est in arce Wolfenbuttelensi […] qua simul de omni re bibliothecaria disseritur (Helmestedt: Mullerus, 1661).

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shows that chests remained in use at least until the eighteenth century in both archives and libraries.8 Only a few book chests have been preserved, and generally only because they were seen as containers of much more precious items. Once they were damaged or a library switched to bookshelves, they were often discarded.9 Beside chests, barrels could also be used for the same purpose.10 The circumstances of Widmanstetter’s employment at the various German courts where he served during the 1540s and 1550s shaped his everyday access to his books and their maintenance. In the middle of the sixteenth century, princely courts were in the midst of transforming into efficient centers of governance. In order to achieve this goal, the courts were in need of adequately educated personnel that had the knowledge and skills to efficiently facilitate controlling the growing administrative apparatus and to advise princes in matters of both secular and canon law. As research into the composition of sixteenthcentury German courts has revealed, university degrees in law opened the path to careers at court for members of affluent but bourgeois social strata that had previously been excluded. The sons of well-to-do burghers supplanted the nobility from positions of influence. The nobility initially rejected university education as unbecoming to their status and as a consequence lacked the skills necessary for the novel techniques of governance that their princes wished to implement in their administrations.11 Widmanstetter belonged to this newly emerging class of clerks that modernized the administrations of European states. Having studied in both Germany and Italy, Widmanstetter could offer the necessary qualifications and his years of service to the popes and to German and Austrian princes. Beyond his educa-

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Streeter saw references to their usage as late as the middle of the nineteenth century; see Streeter, Chained Library, 117. Streeter described a few specimens and the libraries that keep them; see Streeter, Chained Library, 117–119, 290, 299, 304. The longevity of using barrels is attested by many sources. Immanuel of Rome reported his meeting with a traveling bookseller who transported his books in this manner in thirteenth-century Italy; see Haberman, Toledot ha-sefer ha-ʿivri, 25–27. In his book, Habermann reprinted an engraving from the eighteenth century of a bookseller preparing a shipment of books for transportation by packing them into barrels; see Haberman, Toledot ha-sefer ha-ʿivri, fig. 8. See Sigrid Jahns, “Juristenkarrieren in der Frühen Neuzeit,” Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 131 (1995): 113–134 (118–122). The nobility eventually adapted to the new demands and began to push back into their old positions from the seventeenth century onward; see Maximilian Lanzinner, “Zur Sozialstruktur der Geheimen Ratskollegien im 17. Jahrhundert,” in Staat, Kultur, Politik—Beiträge zur Geschichte Bayerns und des Katholizismus: Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Dieter Albrecht, ed. Winfried Becker and Werner Chrobak (Kallmünz: M. Lassleben, 1992), 71–88 (85–88).

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tion, the well-stocked library he had collected would have added to his aptness to serve. In order to perform their duties to their masters anywhere and anytime, Widmanstetter and his peers were in the habit of taking their libraries with them on their travels. The following account of Ulrich Zasius (1521–1570), a contemporary and onetime colleague of Widmanstetter’s at the court of King Ferdinand of Austria, provides one account of a court councilor routinely traveling with his library in barrels and chests. After completing his studies at the university of Freiburg, the young Zasius was burdened with debt and was forced to pawn his library with a friend of his deceased father, the humanist Bonifacius Amerbach. When Zasius joined the court of Emperor Charles v in 1547, he still had not cleared his debts with Amerbach. Even so, Zasius pleaded with him in a letter to return his library and promised to pay him back at the earliest opportunity. In order to sway Amerbach, Zasius painted a bleak picture of his professional situation at court, curbed by the absence of his library. Zasius claimed that he was a laughing stock at court, since the other councilors who accompanied the emperor traveled with their libraries so as to give advice in matters of state at a moment’s notice: “All of my colleagues have the most learned libraries with them (which I still need to use) to which carriages and allowances are allocated […] Despite the war, our holy laws do not fall silent, it is always incumbent upon us to answer and especially when we are asked.” In another letter to Amberbach, Zasius explained that the emperor had even delegated four horse-drawn wagons to transport his councilors’ libraries as the imperial court traveled from city to city.12 This episode reveals a great deal about the way that councilors and clerks, men of the same rank as Widmanstetter, depended on constant access to their libraries and usually traveled with them. Zasius himself and his colleagues

12

“Habent secum instructissimas bibliothecas omnes collegae mei (quibus tamen ego frui nequeo), in quam rem cuique et currus et expensae destinatae sunt, ut et mihi factum est Norinbergae ea hora, qua abiuit Caesar. […] Non silent tamen inter nostra arma sacrae leges; subinde namque nobis de iure est respondendum, praesertim ad preces partium.” Ulm, 8 April 1547, printed in Alfred Hartmann and Beat Rudolf Jenny, eds., Die Amerbachkorrespondenz, vol. 6. Die Briefe aus den Jahren 1544–1547 (Basel: Verlag der Universitätsbibliothek, 1967), nos. 2927, 434–435. “Dann mein konig den hoffräthen 4 Lastwägen allzeit haltet, vff wellichen sy jre bibliothecas hernoch fueren.” Erbach, 6 November 1547, printed in Hartmann and Jenny, Die Amerbachkorrespondenz, nos. 3005, 543. This conflict culminated with Amerbach returning Zasius’ library on good faith; Zasius never paid back the money he owed and soon broke off all contact with Amerbach; see Anja Meußer, Für Kaiser und Reich: Politische Kommunikation in der Frühen Neuzeit. Johann Ulrich Zasius (1521–1570) als Rat und Gesandter der Kaiser Ferdinand i. und Maximilian ii. (Husum: Matthiesen, 2004), 37–38.

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at court felt that he was not able to fully perform his role without his library, to the extent that he was ridiculed for this. This view was evidently shared by the masters, who even provided the necessary transportation by horse-drawn wagon for the libraries of their councilors. It is easy to understand why constant access to books mattered to this specialized caste of courtiers. Diplomats and clerks in the early modern period were expected to perform their duties not only at the courts of their masters, but also during diplomatic missions that could keep them away from their homes for months or even years. For the year 1541 alone, the information available on Widmanstetter’s activities show him traveling on at least five different diplomatic missions, three of which took him from Germany to Italy.13 In her study of Widmanstetter’s colleague Ulrich Zasius, Anja Meußer determined through the analysis of his correspondence with the imperial chancery that high-ranking court officials like him would be occupied all year round with travel preparations or traveling. Zasius routinely traveled for one or two months on any given mission.14 It is hard to pin down the locations of his library over the course of Widmanstetter’s career. For the duration of his stay in Italy (1527–1539), there is no information on how he lived in the cities of his residence (Turin, Naples, and Rome). In the period between when he left Italy to relocate with his library to Germany and Austria in 1539 and his death in 1557, he held five positions in five different of cities: councilor to Ludwig x, Duke of Bavaria-Landshut (Landshut); councilor to Archbishop Ernst (Salzburg); chancellor to Cardinal Otto von Waldburg (Augsburg); chancellor to King Ferdinand i of Austria (Vienna); and member of the cathedral chapter (Regensburg). The locations of the places can be gleaned from figure 1. To these voluntary changes of residence, his flight from the war that broke out in the spring of 1552 must be added. This means Widmanstetter relocated with his library on average every three years. His diplomatic missions would also have required parts of his library to be mobile in order for him to be able to perform his duties—we know that Widmanstetter undertook at least twenty-four such journeys in the service of his masters during this eighteen-year period from 1539 to 1557.15

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The information is, however, not sufficient to make meaningful statements about the duration of his stays away from court. For a systematic list of Widmanstetter’s known travels, see the itinerary in appendix C. See Meußer, Für Kaiser und Reich, 233–236. Information for Widmanstetter’s travels is drawn from Müller, Widmanstetter. The real number of journeys is likely larger than suggested here, but not all missions entrusted to Widmanstetter are documented in letters and other documentary sources.

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The documentary evidence shows that Widmanstetter followed the custom of contemporary diplomats and stored his library in book chests and barrels in the 1540s. In the winter of 1545, the authorities in Landshut confiscated his books, claiming that he had not returned books that he had borrowed from monastery libraries in the city. Although Widmanstetter had started in his new position in Salzburg in the summer of 1545, the collection (or at least part of it) was apparently still in Landshut, his previous location of duty, at least for half a year after the appointment, and the distance between Salzburg and Landshut would have temporarily impeded his access to his library.16 In an effort to regain his books, Widmanstetter wrote to his new master, Ernst Archbishop of Salzburg, asking him to intervene with the city on his behalf. In this letter, written in December 1545, he mentions his books being in “chests and barrels,” indicating that he planned to transport his library in this way as he switched to his new position.17 Whether Widmanstetter permanently stored his library in “chests and barrels,” or only to transport it from one place to another, is not clear from this letter, but the frequent traveling that characterized his job could have warranted chests and barrels as permanent storage containers. Some general conclusions about Widmanstetter’s access to his books and their transportation in the 1540s and 1550s can be drawn from anecdotal evidence. Widmanstetter would not have traveled with the entire library on every mission, such as when he attended the imperial diet of Regensburg in 1541 on behalf of Duke Ludwig x of Bavaria-Landshut. The protestant theologian Martin Frecht of Ulm, who was also present during in Regensburg from April to June 1541, kept a diary and wrote an account of his visit to Widmanstetter’s library. Frecht, along with Wolfgang Musculus, called on Widmanstetter and described how they were shown the books: I went with Musculus to the doctor from Nellingen18 who displayed Greek and Hebrew manuscripts written in venerable antiquity, and not few of 16

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The document that acknowledges Widmanstetter’s appointment as councilor to the archbishop is dated 23 July 1545; see Vienna, OeStA/HHStA ur aur 1545 vii 23. This dispute is discussed regarding the question of Widmanstetter’s legitimate ownership of books from Egidio da Viterbo’s library, see Chapter 2, section 3.2. “Dieweil ich mich nit erinnern khan, das ainicherlay schrifften oder puecher, die seinen f. Gn. zuegehörig, in meinen truchen vnnd fessern seien”; cited from Müller, Widmanstetter, 88–89. The letter that the archbishop wrote on Widmanstetter’s behalf to the city council of Landshut and another on this matter to his brother, Duke Wilhelm, are published in Müller, Widmanstetter, 90–91. Regarding the practice of storing books and documents (and sometimes other valuable items) together in chests, see Azevedo Santos, “Remarques sur les conditions,” 400. Widmanstetter’s place of birth.

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them were exquisite, along with coins and images from skillfully casted metal of bachii and fauni; a Quran written in Arabic script with his own Latin translation, a certain [book] on the decline of the church and the Roman Curia, as well as the Life of Constantine by a certain bishop and skillfully described by a librarian of the Palatine library that he exhibited with a dedication to Emperor Charles.19 Frecht’s description gives a comprehensive view of Widmanstetter’s library, where he flaunted the most exotic and oldest objects in his collection and used it to receive the favor of the emperor. But Frecht’s account contains no clues as to the number of books that Widmanstetter displayed in Regensburg, or if they were presented in bookshelves or other suitable furniture. We can nonetheless assume that Widmanstetter used chests and barrels for the transportation. The number of books he brought with him to Regensburg can likewise only be conjectured. Given that Widmanstetter was at this time employed by the Duke of Bavaria-Landshut, it is likely that he brought only such books with him that could aid him in his duties at the imperial diet, as well as a few hand-picked items suitable for inspiring the enthusiasm of his fellow humanists and the emperor.20 All in all, Widmanstetter’s position as a traveling councilor prompted him to transport parts of his library with him so that he could perform his duties. His ability to work was intimately linked to having access to books and drawing from them the knowledge required in a given situation. These circumstances favored having a library that was easily portable, although of course we cannot assume that he always traveled with all of his books. It would seem that even at the time of his death, Widmanstetter probably kept his library in chests. After he died, his daughters sold the library to Duke Albrecht v of Bavaria-Munich. According to records in the account books of the ducal court (Hofamtsrechnungsbücher), the library arrived in Munich in the autumn of 1559. It was then

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“Cum Musculo adii doctorem Naellingensem, qui codices Graecos ac Hebraeos venerandae antiquitatis scriptos et nonnullos excusos ostendit, cum numismatibus et imaginibus aereis adfabre fusis Bachii et Fauni, Arabice scriptum Alcoranum et ab eo Latine redditum vidi, de abusibus Ecclesiae et curiae Romanae aliqua, item vitam Constantini a quodam episcopo et palatino bibliothecario adfabre descriptam et Carolo caesari dedicatam ostendit.” This section of Frecht’s diary was printed in Schelhorn, Amoenitates literariae, vol. 14, 470; Schelhorn’s text is cited in Müller, Widmanstetter, 47. A similar report of a visit to Widmanstetter’s library by Georg Wicelius dating to the same period is less informative; see Wicelius, Idiomata quaedam linguae sanctae, A3b–A4a and section 1.3.

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stored in a vault beneath the Old Palace (Alter Hof ) until a library building could be constructed as part of the duke’s major building initiative to establish Munich as a center of learning and culture.21 Meanwhile, the Jesuit order was in the process of establishing a college in Munich for which the duke offered his support. Among other things, he allowed the Jesuits to examine Widmanstetter’s books and take for their new college such books as they deemed relevant for their work.22 On 10 December 1559, Erasmus Fend, the ducal secretary tasked with providing access to the books, drew up an inventory of thirtyseven books that the Jesuits took from the library. This inventory scrupulously lists each item with the exact title, author, publisher, place of publication, and year.23 Among the texts the Jesuits chose are Hebrew, Greek, and Latin Bibles, and Hebrew dictionaries, and the inventory reveals that all these books were kept in “black chests” (arcae nigrae; sg. arca nigra) in the vault under the old ducal palace. When the Jesuits and the ducal clerks opened them, they found that the books inside the chests were sorted into languages and subjects. In lieu of shelf marks, Fend recorded this fact in the inventory by listing each book with the chest from which it had been taken. This deliberate grouping of texts within the chests could signify that Widmanstetter had sorted the books himself while he was still alive and that the chests that arrived in the old ducal palace were the same ones Widmanstetter used at the end of his life.24

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It took more than a decade before the library building was constructed: it was built between 1569 and 1571 and became known as the Antiquarium. On the library building, see Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 46–55. For a more recent account of the foundation of the ducal library, see Helmut Zedelmaier, “Staatsräson und Repräsentation: Die Münchener Hofbibliothek,” in Die Anfänge der Münchener Hofbibliothek unter Herzog Albrecht v, ed. Alois Schmid (Munich: Beck, 2009), 96–111. Duke Albrecht’s ambitious project is the subject of another study: Maximilian Lanzinner, “Das Ringen um den Münchener Renaissancehof unter Herzog Albrecht v: Fürstliche Repräsentation oder Wandel politischer Kultur?” in Die Anfänge der Münchener Hofbibliothek unter Herzog Albrecht v, ed. Alois Schmid (Munich: Beck, 2009), 59–95. Donating Hebrew books to religious orders was one way for princes to support them with very little additional financial investment, as the books were usually already in their possession. One of Duke Albrecht’s ancestors had made a similar donation, when he gave thirty-six Hebrew books, mostly commentaries on talmudic tractates, to the Dominican convent in Regensburg. For this transfer of Jewish books, see Bernhard Walde, Christliche Hebraisten Deutschlands am Ausgang des Mittelalters (Münster: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1916), 74–82. For a discussion of the classification system that Widmanstetter used, see Chapter 4, section 3. For the groups discernible in the chests, see Chapter 4, section 3.

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1.2 Bindings and Their Origins A fundamental step of Widmanstetter’s library maintenance occurred soon after he purchased a book from a seller. Books in the sixteenth century were not usually sold in bindings, instead, customers ordered the bindings separately to match their aesthetic tastes and their budgets. Before a book was put on sale, printers and booksellers only invested in the book-block that they produced and sold. Only very few books put on display in shops were already bound: if booksellers expected certain texts to sell well, they sometimes prepared a small number of bound copies in order to stay ahead of demand.25 In cases where a bookseller collaborated with a binder, customers could order a specific binding in the bookshop when they purchased their book, but it was equally common that buyers would give their newly acquired books to a binder of their own choice. Booksellers catering to the market for used tomes, such as cartolai, on the other hand, often sold books that had already been bound by their previous owners.26 The gamut of possible binding types ranged from simple leather covers that did little besides protecting the book against the elements to lavish woodenboard bindings covered in tooled leather decorations that could include the coat of arms or even a portrait of the owner.27 Bindings could also enhance the aesthetic appeal of the collection, which often served as a backdrop where scholars received visitors. Collectors were acutely aware of the effect of beautifully bound books and attempted to enhance it, provided that they had the financial means. The Augsburg merchant Johann Jakob Fugger (1516–1575), for instance, chose a uniform brown Italian binding for his Hebrew, Latin, and Greek books, with covers that were color-coded to the languages his books were written in. Such sophisticated cover designs underlined the wealth of their owners and lent them an air of erudition.28 Due to these individual design 25

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See Anthony Hobson, “Booksellers and Bookbinders,” in A Genius for Letters: Booksellers and Bookselling from the 16th to the 20th Century, ed. Robin Myers and Michael Harris (Winchester: St. Paul’s Bibliographies, 1995), 1–14 (2, 6–10). See Ernst P. Goldschmidt, Gothic and Renaissance Bookbindings (London: Benn, 1928), 36–40. Nuovo discerned on contemporary engravings of bookshops that sometimes even bound books were not displayed in the shelves with their backs facing, but with the fore edge; see Nuovo, Book Trade, 136–137, 390. For examples of these lavish bindings contemporary to Widmanstetter, see Ferdinand Geldner, “Die Porträt- und Wappensupralibros Herzog Albrechts v. von Bayern,” Gutenberg-Jahrbuch 33 (1958): 298–314; Nadezda Shevchenko, Eine historische Anthropologie des Buches: Bücher in der preußischen Herzogsfamilie zur Zeit der Reformation, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 234 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007), 73–75. On the bindings in the Fugger library, see Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 235–240. On the creation of this collection, see Steimann, “Jewish Scribes.”

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options, bookbindings constitute meaningful sources of information on the book collectors who commissioned them. The choice of materials, the techniques used, and the decorative program indicate the wealth of owners and the kind of usage that they envisaged for their books.29 Widmanstetter’s library contains a large number of different bindings, many of which date back to the books’ previous owners. He himself mainly applied two types of binding, probably corresponding to the two main phases of his activities as a collector of books, as noted in section 2.1. During his stay in Italy (1527–1539), he applied economical limp parchment bindings without wooden boards; while later in Germany and Austria (1540–1557), he bound his books into wooden-board bindings (“Widmanstetter bindings”) decorated with blind tooling. The first type of binding Widmanstetter had applied to his books in Italy were limp parchment bindings (an example can be seen in figure 8).30 These are low-cost covers consisting of a large sheet of thick parchment that is not reinforced with boards of wood or other materials, giving the bindings no significant protection against mechanical forces. The skins were tawed to give them a glossy finish, but otherwise they retained the natural color of the animals. Widmanstetter recognized that he could write on this material and added title inscriptions of each volume’s contents onto many of the front covers. The parchment extended over the width of the book-block and was folded in a right angle to protect the fore edge. In some manuscripts, these turn-ins are completely folded into the inside of the cover in order to reinforce the outer edges of the cover. Two soft leather flaps attached to the inside of the binding and exited through a small cut. These flaps could then be tied together, fastening the book shut. Most of the flaps have been lost, or were deliberately cut by later librarians in Munich. Limp parchment binding is the most commonly used book cover in Widmanstetter’s library, found on more than a quarter of the overall number of books.31 It is found on fifty-seven of his extant Jewish books—forty-three volumes of manuscripts and ten volumes of printed books. Usually, Widmanstet-

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Appendix D of this study contains a catalog of the library, along with an index of the bindings used for every volume. A recent comparative study of limp parchment bindings can be found in János A. Szirmai, The Archaeology of Medieval Bookbinding (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), chapter 10. For a review of research in this field, see Szirmai, Medieval Bookbinding, 285–286. According to the available data on the frequency of limp parchment bindings, it was used on 9 percent to over 50 percent of books in libraries of the time; see Szirmai, Medieval Bookbinding, 285.

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Limp parchment binding on bsb, Cod.hebr. 112. The shelf mark at the bottom (3. No. 69) was added in the ducal library in the 1570s courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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ter used fresh parchment for the execution of his bindings. Only the parchment of bsb, Cod.hebr. 305 suggests that the material had been put to secondary use—the binding of that contains a commercial list drawn up by the brothers Menahem and Samuel of Toramo which is partly hidden inside the fold of the turn-in32—but given the popularity of this binding type, it is also possible that Widmanstetter acquired the book already in this binding.33 The presence of limp parchment binding on Widmanstetter’s printed books can be used to specify a terminus ad quem for his acquisition of books, as he applied this binding only to books printed until the year 1539, coinciding with his stay in Italy from 1527 to 1539.34 The most recent books of this group are the responsa collection by Solomon ben Abraham Adret, printed in Bologna by the Company of Silk Weavers (bsb, 2 A.hebr. 97), and Gerard Veltwyck’s polemical treatise Itinera Deserti, printed in Venice by Daniel Bomberg (bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411), the year of publication of both books being 1539. After returning from Italy, Widmanstetter began using Widmanstetter binding,35 named for him because it has been identified as distinctive for his library. This binding is a sturdy cover made of wooden boards wrapped in leather (an example can be seen in figure 9). Bindings of this design are characteristic for the late medieval and early Renaissance period, and are sometimes called “gothic bindings.”36 Scholars of bookbinding identify certain features of a binding, such as the layout of blind-tooled lines and stamps, as telltale signs of a binding’s place of production. These findings enable the division of types of bindings into groups of regional origin. Based on the combination of shared tooling plates and pattern, individual workshops can sometimes be identified

32 33

34 35

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The list is mentioned in Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 167. This could be supported by the fact that there are features particular to this specimen: the quires are attached to the cover with a secondary tacket forming a cross pattern at the top and bottom; and the outer edge on the backside is sewn with a thinner thread than the top edge on the front. For a discussion of this observation regarding the history of Widmanstetter’s acquisitions, see Chapter 2, section 1. Striedl, “Bücherei,” 240, suggests that Widmanstetter was using this binding by the late 1540s. bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411 contains text from the period up to 1539, marginal notes folded in when the book was trimmed in the course of binding it into the limp parchment binding. For historians of bookbinding, gothic bindings are distinct from earlier types as a result of a technical advancement in the fourteenth century that attached the sewing support of the book-block to the outer side of the wooden boards; see Szirmai, Medieval Bookbinding, 173–175, 180–190. Scholars have for the most part focused on the tooling patterns and decorations of gothic bindings. The intricacies of the technical details were expounded by Goldschmidt, Gothic and Renaissance Bookbindings; and Ernst Kyriss, Verzierte gotische Einbände im alten deutschen Sprachgebiet, 4 vols. (Stuttgart: Hettler, 1951).

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Widmanstetter binding on bsb, Cod.hebr. 201. The shelf mark at the bottom (4.9) was added in the ducal library in the 1570s courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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as having produced certain bookbindings.37 The Munich librarian Ferdinand Geldner used this methodology to propose that Widmanstetter bindings were executed in a workshop in Augsburg in the 1540s.38 Since Widmanstetter served as chancellor for Cardinal Otto of Augsburg from 1546 to 1551,39 he would have had five years of opportunity to commission a talented artisan to bind his books in that city. In the Hebrew library alone, thirty-four bindings of this type can be found.40 Widmanstetter binding is made of pigskin on wooden boards and decorated with intricate blind tooling on the front and back cover: two frames that intersect at the ends are filled with floral patterns in blind tooling. The frames surround a center field that is filled with roll patterns. Some of the recurring blind motifs are pomegranates, angels, candelabras, and flower vases. The design of this binding included a blank field in the top third where Widmanstetter wrote his Latin title inscriptions. Sometimes the binder added this field on the back side of Hebrew books—that is, the side that would be the front for a book in Latin. The front and back covers are partially beveled along the free edges, making the binding easier to handle.41 The books could be closed shut with two metal clasps that are attached along the outer edge. Although a general type can be identified, no two bindings are exactly alike, as the binder employed several devices to create variety, such as sometimes dividing the center field into new shapes or varying the stamp motifs.42 In the years 1537 to 1538, near the end of the period when Widmanstetter had his books bound in limp parchment bindings, he ordered the binding of the four manuscripts copied by Francesco Parnas (Codd.hebr. 217–219, 221; see Chapter 3, section 2) in an ornate Italian binding.43 This type of binding con-

37

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39 40 41 42 43

For descriptions of regional groups of German bindings along with figures that highlight the main features, see Goldschmidt, Gothic and Renaissance Bookbindings, 17–20. Goldschmidt describes his methodology for localizing and dating bindings on pp. 116–120. Since he did not succeed in identifying the binder or his workshop, Geldner called the artisan the “Widmanstetter binder.” In the 1970s and 1980s, Geldner compiled a “subject index of the bookbinding collection of the Bavarian State Library.” He described the bindings according to the collections they had belonged to before coming into the possession of the library; bsb, Cbm Cat. 263 a (Ferdinand Geldner. “Sachkartei zur Einbandsammlung der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München.”). The section on the Widmanstetter binder is found on cards no. 381–384. This period is portrayed in Müller, Widmanstetter, 58–61. See the appendix D, index of bindings, for a detailed list. For Widmanstetter bindings on non-Hebrew books, see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 236–238. See Szirmai, Medieval Bookbinding, 216, profile k. For detailed descriptions of the variations, see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 237–238. bsb, Cod.hebr. 285 is bound into a Widmanstetter binding.

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sists of black leather on wooden boards. Each board is framed by several ruled lines in blind tooling and two ruled lines in gold tooling forming three frames. Both frames contain vegetal motifs tooled in gold in all four corners. These motifs are directed at the center and thus emphasize the central motif: a large arabesque executed in gold tooling. On the lower board, the title of the book, “zohar,” and the number of the volume in Roman numerals are stamped in gold in the top center of the outermost frame. On the spine, the head, tail, and three raised bands are sculpted by blind tooling and there is one central ruled line in gold tooling. Given that all four bindings were made for books copied by the same scribe at around the same time, it is likely that the bindings were executed soon after, in the late 1530s, although a specific binder cannot be identified.44 The decoration of this binding is considerably more lavish and costly than the simple limp parchment bindings Widmanstetter usually commissioned at this time. This is the only group of texts that he distinguished from the rest of the library through a binding of higher quality. All four volumes contain kabbalistic works: bsb, Codd.hebr 217–219 contain Widmanstetter’s own recension of the Zohar based on manuscripts from the library of his teacher Egidio da Viterbo, while bsb, Cod.hebr. 221 is a heterogeneous anthology of kabbalistic works by Joseph Ibn Waqar, Azriel of Gerona, Eleazar ben Moses ha-Darshan, Isaac ben Jacob ha-Kohen, Eleazar ben Judah of Worms, and Saadia Gaon. Beyond being kabbalistic works, the one characteristic that all four volumes share is that they were copied by the convert Francesco Parnas in the period 1537 to 1538. The decoration of these bindings resembles Islamic-inspired bookbindings that had been popular in Europe from about the fifteenth century. Islamic bookbindings found their way into the hands of European scholars first as part of Arabic books, where they garnered attention for the remarkable aesthetic appeal of their geometric and floral motifs. Contemporary scholarship holds that the first European books in Islamic bindings were in fact executed in Cairo or Damascus in response to orders that were transmitted through Venetian merchants.45 From about 1460, Paduan binders developed a new 44

45

Hobson has demonstrated how difficult it is to trace bookbinders in sixteenth-century Rome; see Anthony Hobson, “Two Early Sixteenth-Century Binder’s Shops in Rome,” in De Libris Compactis Miscellanea, ed. Georges Colin (Brussels: Bibliotheca Wittockiana, 1984), 79–98. The view (e.g. in Goldschmidt, Gothic and Renaissance Bookbindings, 91) that bookbinders from the Near East traveled to Venice, where they set up their workshops, is today rejected; see Anthony Hobson, Humanists and Bookbinders the Origins and Diffusion of the Humanistic Bookbinding 1459–1559, with a Census of Historiated Plaquette and Medallion Bindings of the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 22.

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style of book decoration that was based on Mamluk bookbindings and subsequently adopted by other Italian artisans.46 Widmanstetter would have been intimately familiar with original Islamic bookbindings, as he owned several (Judeo-)Arabic books; some of these books are to this day bound in ornate covers that dazzle readers with gilded knot-work and geometric patterns.47 Compared to the two dominant binding types in Widmanstetter’s library, the ornate leather binding used on the Zohar and the kabbalistic anthology was lavish, and it thus highlights the centrality of these texts for their owner. No other corpus of texts received the level of attention of these, beginning with the search for additional manuscripts of the Zohar beyond Egidio da Viterbo’s original manuscript, and the careful study and translation of many sections in these works.48 The bindings that were applied to Widmanstetter’s books after his death also give us significant information about the way he cared for his books and the state of his library during the last years of his life. Sefer ha-Peliyah (bsb, Cod.hebr. 96) is bound into a Peißenberg binding, a type of gothic binding that appears similar to the Widmanstetter binding, but was in fact executed in Munich in the 1570s.49 After Duke Albrecht v of Bavaria-Munich acquired Widmanstetter’s books in 1559, he had many volumes rebound in pigskin bindings. The characteristic features that distinguish these bindings from Widmanstetter bindings are their different tooling patterns. Among these different patterns

46

47

48 49

However, European binders largely shied away from adopting the entire model of Islamic bindings: mostly they opted to copy only the decorative patterns and principles that attracted so much admiration. For instance, the pasteboards used in Islamic bookbindings were long considered inappropriate in Europe for valuable books; see Hobson, Humanists and Bookbinders, 22–36. Widmanstetter’s Arabic manuscripts are listed with some gaps in Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 372. The following list attempts to close these gaps: bsb, Codd.arab. 1, 2, 3, 4, 7, 28, 56, 61, 62, 65, 103, 113, 114, 115, 116, 124b, 130, 190, 203, 234, 235, 236, 238, 336, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 357, 359, 609, 633, 649, 650a, 733, 802, 809, 811a, 812, 816a–b d–f, 824a, 840, 853, 887, 920, 975, 976, 1058. The Arabic manuscripts are described in Aumer, Die arabischen Handschriften. Some of the bindings are described and depicted in Emil Gratzl, Islamische Bucheinbände des 14. bis 19. Jahrhunderts: Aus den Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1924): bsb, Codd.arab. 1 (on pp. 6–7, fig. iii); 2–3 (4–5, fig. i); 4 (8, fig. iv); 103 (9, fig. v); 113 (5–6, fig. ii); 115 (9–10, fig. vi); and 340 (7–8). see Chapter 3, section 2.4. Widmanstetter bindings are sometimes confused with similar-looking Peißenberg bindings. Striedl did not recognize the Peißenberg bindings as later additions and believed they only constituted a variant of the Widmanstetter binding; see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 238n4. On the rebinding of books at the ducal library, see Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 90– 93.

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are small portraits of saints, and many of the bindings produced in the same period for the Munich court also include a supralibros with the duke’s initials and his coat of arms.50 As discussed in section 3.4.2, according to the manuscript’s colophon, Sefer ha-Peliyah was completed in 1553. When the book was copied, he was employed by King Ferdinand of Austria, yet none of his books has been bound in a cover that can be associated with Vienna. It would seem, therefore, that Sefer ha-Peliyah remained unbound until after it had passed to Duke Albrecht of Bavaria-Munich along with the rest of the library. This hypothesis is supported by two additional books that were also bound in this fashion.51 One may well ask why Widmanstetter allowed some books to remain unbound for at least four years. It is possible that he was waiting for a chance to have his newly purchased books bound at his Augsburg binder in order to maintain a consistent look for his library, as we have seen other collectors like Johann Jakob Fugger do. We can only speculate that Widmanstetter was prevented from caring for his books by the printing of the Syriac New Testament, published in 1555, or by his death in 1557. The significance of the different types of bindings for Widmanstetter’s library can best be understood against the background of sixteenth-century practices of librarianship. Overall, Widmanstetter was economical in commissioning new bindings for his books. That cost was on Widmanstetter’s mind can be gleaned from the great number of books that remained in the bindings of previous owners.52 Due to the relatively low cost compared to other, more

50

51

52

On the supralibros, see Geldner, “Porträt- und Wappensupralibros.” Heinrich Peißenberg is studied by Konrad Haebler, Rollen- und Plattenstempel des xvi. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1928), vol. 2, 64, 268; and Ferdinand Geldner, Bucheinbände aus elf Jahrhunderten, 2nd ed. (Munich: Bruckmann, 1959), pl. lxiv, fig. 85. The bookbinders employed by the ducal court library are discussed in Hartig, Gründung der Münchener Hofbibliothek. 91–93; and Ilse Schunke, “Zur Frage der Münchner Hofbuchbinder,” Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens 2 (1958): 719–728. Peißenberg also executed a series of gilded bindings for Duke Albrecht v that include his portrait based on Venetian models; see Hobson, Humanists and Bookbinders, 131. bsb, Codd.hebr. 76 and 403 were copied in 1550. The remaining twenty-four books that were bound in this way were several centuries old when they came into Widmanstetter’s possession and may have been rebound to replace an old binding. Some of them also exhibit damages that might in fact indicate a long period without the protection of any binding at all: bsb, Cod.hebr. 114 is missing the first three quires; bsb, Cod.hebr. 202 has discolored outer leaves; the outer folios of bsb, Cod.hebr. 208 are worn and stained; and in bsb, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 1–3 are particularly worn. For the full list of books in this binding, see appendix D, index of bindings. Of the bindings attributable to previous owners, only one can be unequivocally attributed to a previous Jewish owner. The binding of bsb, Cod.hebr. 299 is made of brown leather.

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elaborate types of bindings, limp parchment bindings were a staple in early modern libraries throughout Europe. If the periodization based on the dates of his printed books is accurate, reasons other than access to Italian bookbinders prompted Widmanstetter to choose this type of binding. Barring further evidence, the most likely explanation is that only when Widmanstetter achieved his elevated positions at princely courts in Germany and Austria was he able to bind his books in more elaborate bindings than he could afford during his time in Italy. With their blind tooling patterns, Widmanstetter bindings were costlier and would have created a greater visual beauty. Compared to the collections of princes and wealthy merchants, the decorations of Widmanstetter’s bindings were far from luxurious, and the library never achieved the appeal that other, wealthier collectors instilled by binding all their books in costlier, uniform bindings. Apart from the sophisticated color-coding used by Johann Jakob Fugger for his own library which was mentioned above, there were numerous ways in which wealthy book collectors were able to adorn their books: for example, supralibros featuring a coat of arms or even portraits were emblems used by princes to display their power and wealth in sixteenth-century Germany.53 By contrast, Widmanstetter displayed in his relatively demure book covers the level of wealth of an esteemed councilor to princes. 1.3 Rebound Books and One-Volume Libraries Widmanstetter gave numerous separate books to binders which they bound together into larger volumes thereby creating bespoke collections of texts that often followed a thematic throughline. Because of the cost of bindings, book collectors in the medieval and early modern period often felt economic pressure to join several titles into one cover rather than binding each title individually. The question that collectors had to solve then was which titles could be grouped together in a way that enhanced their usefulness. Just like the various trappings collectors could apply to customize their bindings, groupings of texts are highly individual, as the collector had potentially complete freedom over which texts he wanted to bind together. In the process of combining discrete codices into one volume they created “one-volume libraries.” However, we must

53

It was already used by the previous Jewish owner, because the cardboard on the inside back of the binding is written in an Italian semi-cursive hand. That owner may be identical to the one who identified himself as “Baruch” on f. 2r. The binding of bsb, Cod.hebr. 305 contains a list drawn up by the brothers Menahem and Samuel of Toramo in 1414– 1416; however it is unclear whether the two brothers themselves reused the parchment as a binding or if it was put to that purpose by a hypothetical Christian owner. For a survey of such bindings, see Shevchenko, Anthropologie des Buches, 73–75.

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bear in mind that book collectors routinely purchased older libraries to build up their own collections more quickly and often took over the one-volume libraries of previous owners in the process. Indeed, in the case of Widmanstetter’s Hebrew collection, it would appear that thirty of his one-volume libraries books preserve the groupings from previous owners.54 Any analysis of Widmanstetter’s one-volume libraries must, therefore, check for signs of his hand in the grouping of titles, or any evidence of previous owners. Most one-volume libraries in any collection join together texts either by the same author or on the same subject matter from books that have been produced separately.55 From a codicological point of view, one-volume libraries

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These generally combine works by the same author or works on the same topic: bsb, Cod.hebr. 87 (Avicenna); Cod.hebr. 91 (physics); Cod.hebr. 216 (Talmud commentaries); Cod.hebr. 228 (no denominator discernible: philosophy, astrology, and folklore); Cod.hebr. 231 (three versions of S. ha-Refuʾot by Assaf ha-Rofe.); Cod.hebr. 233 (no denominator discernible: Sefer Mitswot Qatan by Isaac of Corbeil. and calendrical material); Cod.hebr. 239 (Jewish philosophy); Cod.hebr. 240 (Kabbalah); Cod.hebr. 242 (Bible commentaries); Cod.hebr. 243 (medicine); Cod.hebr. 246 (astronomy); Cod.hebr. 249 (astronomy); Cod. hebr. 261 (astronomy); Cod.hebr. 263 (philosophy); Cod.hebr. 265 (Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi); Cod.hebr. 269 (Levi ben Gershom on Averroes); Cod.hebr. 280 (medicine); Cod. hebr. 283 (Talmud commentaries); Cod.hebr. 286 (medicine); Cod.hebr. 288 (medicine); Cod.hebr. 289 (no denominator discernible: astronomy, philosophy, medicine); Cod.hebr. 290 (mathematics); Cod.hebr. 295 (medicine); Cod.hebr. 296 (Gerardus de Solo); Cod.hebr. 297 (medicine); Cod.hebr. 315 (Jewish philosophy, theology, grammar); Cod.hebr. 327 (no denominator discernible: musar, astronomy, commentaries on Bible and Mishnah, Nachmanides); Cod.hebr. 343 (astronomy); Cod.hebr. 358 (no denominator discernible); Cod.arab. 236 (Bible commentaries). The terminology of many researchers was developed only to cover manuscripts. Marilena Maniaci, “The Medieval Codex as a Complex Container: The Greek and Latin Traditions,” in One-Volume Libraries: Composite and Multiple-Text Manuscripts, ed. Michael Friedrich and Cosima Schwarke. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2016), 27–46 (29), for instance, uses the unwieldy term “multiple-text multi-block manuscripts.” I have decided to adopt the term “one-volume library” to accommodate both manuscripts and printed books. For a discussion of terminologies specific to Jewish books, see Malachi Beit-Arié, “Hebrew Codicology: Historical and Comparative Typology of Hebrew Medieval Codices Based on the Documentation of the Extant Dated Manuscripts from a Quantitative Approach. Preprint Internet English Version 0.3,” trans. Ilana Goldberg, 2019, 510–511; Johann Peter Gumbert, “Codicological Units: Towards a Terminology for the Stratigraphy of the NonHomogeneous Codex,” in Il Codice Miscellaneo: Tipologie e Funzioni, ed. Eduardo Crisci and Oronzo Pecere (Cassino: Università degli Studi di Cassino, 2004), 17–42. One subtype of one-volume libraries that is specific to manuscripts is the “unitary codex.” This type denotes a manuscript that was produced by a single scribe, resulting in consistent paleographic and codicological properties. Unitary codices are either copies of older composite manuscripts or they were copied with the aim of uniting a discrete corpus of texts. Beit-Arié, Hebrew Codicology, 497–501, proposes another subtype, “homogenous codex,”

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exploit the modular structure of the codex, which is made up of quires that in turn consist of sheets of paper or parchment.56 While shorter texts may fit into a single quire, larger texts typically take up several quires. By adding or subtracting quires from an existing set, new collections of text could be created. Manuscript scholars designate quires produced in one single operation as one codicological unit. These units are usually discernible by their consistency in bibliographical (texts and their authors), paleographical (script style and its execution by the scribe), or codicological (material, quiring, and layout) properties.57 Conversely, one-volume libraries are distinguished by the combination of multiple codicological units which can be identified through inconsistencies in these characteristics between the individual units.58 An important clue for the presence of a one-volume library in Widmanstetter’s case is his practice of marking his books as his property by writing his name on the first page of a manuscript or on the title page of a printed book. If his signature is found at the beginning of multiple codicological units in the same volume, it can be assumed that it was Widmanstetter who had these units bound together into one volume. The incunabula volume bsb, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896 illustrates how Widmanstetter also absorbed individual printed books into his library by binding them into one cover. The volume contains two incunabula of David Kimhi’s commentaries on the Bible.59 We can tell that Widmanstetter acquired these books separately and united them into one binding, because he marked both books first individually as his property by writing his name on their title pages.60 In

56

57 58 59

60

to cover a single manuscript on which different scribes collaborated. bsb, Codd.hebr. 103, 112, and 115, which Widmanstetter commissioned from Paulus Aemilius, are examples for this type as Widmanstetter himself contributed to them; see Chapter 3, section 3. The study of books containing multiple texts is a relatively new field of research. An outline of the different forms of one-volume libraries and their relationships can be found in Maniaci, “Medieval Codex,” esp. 28–29. Building on the work of John Gumbert and others, Malachi Beit-Arié has researched the phenomenon in Hebrew manuscripts. For a comprehensive bibliography on Hebrew one-volume libraries, see Beit-Arié, Hebrew Codicology, chapter 10. The catalog appended to this study aims to reflect the structure of one-volume libraries; see the introduction to the catalog for details. In Jewish manuscript culture, the usual mode of production into the modern period was by the users themselves. See Beit-Arié, Hebrew Codicology, 496. Commentary on Psalms, printed in Naples by Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi Gunzenhauser in 1487, and Commentary on the Minor Prophets, printed in Soncino by Yehoshua Soncino in 1485. If a group of texts was assembled by previous owners, Widmanstetter left only one entry of ownership on the first title page. It is conceivable that Widmanstetter signed his name

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addition, the second item in this volume, Kimhi’s Commentary on the Minor Prophets, has suffered from worm eat at the beginning. Widmanstetter likely received this book already in this condition, as he squeezed his Latin title inscription of the book in between the eaten part at the top and the beginning of the text itself. He clearly decided to bind these books into a shared binding because they both contained commentaries on the Bible by David Kimhi. Widmanstetter bound together thematically related printed books into the same bindings nineteen times.61 He also, of course, bound together thematically similar manuscripts as well. His manuscript of Levi ben Gershom’s Sefer Milḥamot ha-Shem, for instance, exemplifies his strong sense of philological rigor. This volume contains two versions of this work: the first is written in an Italian semi-cursive script, while the second is written in a Sefardic semicursive script and came to his library from the collection of the Italian Hebraist Antonio Flaminio.62 From his entries of ownership on the first folio of each codicological unit, it emerges that Widmanstetter acquired the two manuscripts separately. He wrote a title inscription onto the Widmanstetter binding of the volume that provides the contents of this volume with the addition of “two copies” after the title. The juxtaposition of two versions of the same text suggests that Widmanstetter was interested in identifying the discrepancies between them. Widmanstetter may have deliberately chosen these two versions of Milḥamot ha-Shem because they had been produced in different parts of the Jewish world and thus promised to record differences in the textual transmission. In other words, this composite manuscript may have been part of an

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once into an existing group and then disassembled it to form new groups, however this is not discernible in the library. bsb, 2 A.hebr. 67, Halakha, printed in the 1520s in Italy and the Ottoman Empire; bsb, Res/2 A.hebr. 182, two dictionaries, the first Jewish incunabula, the second Christian Hebraist from 1520s; bsb, Res/4 A.hebr. 310, an anthology of Jewish philosophical books, from Bolognese printers from the late 1530s and Venetian printers from the late 1540s. Other volumes that have been treated in this way: 2 A.hebr. 24 (midrash); 2 Inc. c.a. 1896 (David Kimhi); 4 A.hebr. 220 (Talmud commentaries); 4 A.hebr. 331 (Paulus Fagius); The following are volumes which combine editions that have been intended as sets by their publishers: 2 A.hebr. 245 (Yalqut Shimʿoni); 2 A.hebr. 258-1-9 (Bomberg Talmud); 2 A.hebr. 2009.8 (maḥzor); Res./A.hebr. 518 (maḥzor). The two versions are found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 94, ff. 1r–140 and ff. 145r–281v; see the catalog entry for details. For Widmanstetter’s connection to Antonio Flaminio, see Chapter 2, section 3.2. The following manuscripts are also grouped: bsb, Cod.hebr. 201, philosophical writings; bsb, Cod.hebr. 214, magic. In addition, he bound together kabbalistic manuscripts, some of which he commissioned himself (bsb, Codd.hebr. 103, 112, 115, and 285).

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unrealized plan to create an emended version of Milḥamot ha-Shem, similar to his recension of the Zohar.63 One rebound volume reveals Widmanstetter’s attempts to combine thematically similar works and his growing knowledge of the texts. Although Widmanstetter wrote no entry of ownership into bsb, Cod.hebr. 214, he can be identified as the owner and compiler of this collection through his hand in three separate title inscriptions. The first inscription on the binding merely summarizes the contents as “magic and other interesting matters.” The differences between the second and third inscriptions demonstrate how his understanding of the manuscript’s subject matter grew over time. Widmanstetter first compiled an index on the first folio that gives very general descriptions like “numbers and drawings of the planets,” or “experiments on water divination.” The only author Widmanstetter was able to identify at this stage was Paulus Aegineta the physician from the headline of the manuscript.64 Sometime after completing this first index, he added a second index on the folio’s verso which correctly specifies the authors of many titles in the book: Abu Aflaḥ on magic, Moses Maimonides on the secrets of nature, and Pseudo-Plato— also taken from the headlines of the manuscript. As Widmanstetter studied his book more closely, his ability to relate its contents increased and he revised the initial, vague descriptions of its genre.65 In some volumes of Widmanstetter’s library, texts are not grouped by shared authors or subject but by their places of publication. For example, the books bound together in bsb, 2 A.hebr. 38 were all printed in Constantinople in the early sixteenth century, although they belong to different genres like Halakha, musar, and midrash. This volume grew out of two earlier collections, as is suggested by a title inscription that Widmanstetter wrote on the title page of the third book, listing only the books of the second half of the collection. The rationale behind this decision was likely that Widmanstetter decided it would be more economical to combine the different books into one binding rather than disassemble them into smaller, thematically grouped units that would incur greater binding costs. In this case it would seem that he acquired the two collections of books from Constantinople at the same time and did not have any other unbound texts of similar subject matter at hand to combine them with. Another factor to consider are the different physical formats of paper and parchment (folio, quarto, octavo, etc.) that were used for printing. With a few 63 64 65

see Chapter 3, section 2. “‫ספר לפולוס הרופא בעניני סם המות‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 214, f. 159bisv. The title inscriptions and their import on Widmanstetter’s knowledge of Jewish literary history will be analyzed in greater detail in the following section.

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minor exceptions, only books of the same format are bound together in Widmanstetter’s library.66 Widmanstetter’s library contains a total of five volumes of books that are grouped by shared publishers or places of publication.67 In a small number of volumes, Widmanstetter did not group his books using any discernible criteria. The volume bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411, for example, bound into a limp parchment binding, contains a miscellany consisting of an anti-Jewish polemic by Gerhard Veltwyck, one mystical text, one bible commentary, a series of midrashim that are printed as an anthology, and one book on Halakha, as well as titles on grammar and Masorah, the tradition of textual notes on the Hebrew Bible and vowel signs and accents used to read it. Some of these books were printed in Constantinople in the 1510s and the rest by Daniel Bomberg in Venice in the late 1530s. The separate entries of ownership Widmanstetter inscribed show that he did not merely take on the selection of a previous owner, but decided to bind these dissimilar titles together—again possibly to save costs.68 A similar finding can be proffered with bsb, Cod.hebr. 264. This manuscript consists of three originally distinct codicological units that can easily be distinguished by Widmanstetter’s separate entries of ownership. On a bibliographical level, the three units are distinct, as each contains texts from a discrete genre: Bible commentary, Kabbalah, and Jewish philosophy. Inside the manuscript, there are two indices that reflect two stages while in the hands of Widmanstetter: a short index at the beginning of the last unit listing only the texts of this unit69 and a longer index on the binding that lists the texts that are still in the manuscript today. It seems in these cases that economic expediency of binding together as many books together into the same volume motivated Widmanstetter’s decision. As this survey of one-volume libraries among Widmanstetter’s books has shown, the stage of binding books also entailed an editorial process. Since 66

67

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It is possible that not enough books belonging to the similar subject matter and in the same format were available when Widmanstetter sent his books to his binder. There are twenty-four volumes of prints that have been bound together. Ten of these show signs that Widmanstetter reassembled them after he had acquired them. The remaining fourteen volumes, which show no signs of Widmanstetter editing the composition, are for the most part sets of texts, like the Talmud, bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258-1-9. The other volumes of this type that can be identified are: bsb, 2 A.hebr. 24, from Venetian printers and all printed in the second half of the 1540s; bsb, 2 A.hebr. 97, printed in the late 1530s in Bologna; bsb, 4 A.hebr. 300, from Venetian printers and all printed in the second half of the 1540s; bsb, 4 A.hebr. 391, from Venetian printers and all printed in the second half of the 1540s. Other examples are: bsb, 4 A.hebr. 315, printed in the early sixteenth century in Italy and the Ottoman Empire; bsb, Rar. 1229, incunabula from the 1480s, mostly by Soncino. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 264, f. 192v; for the full text, see the entry in appendix D.

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it was more economical to bind several books together rather than binding them individually, Widmanstetter could decide to group books by authors or subject matter. Beyond the practical need to group texts together in order to create bindings in an economic way, these volumes adumbrate Widmanstetter’s attempts to physically organize knowledge and point to a larger issue of subject classes that will be addressed in section 4.3.

2

Writing the History of Jewish Books: Title Inscriptions

Christian Hebraists in Widmanstetter’s time were facing the challenge of initially knowing very little about the history of Jewish literature.70 Throughout the Middle Ages, the only Jewish text that Christians had come to know intimately was the Jewish Bible in the Latin translation of St. Jerome—the number of Christians able to read it in the original Hebrew remained very small until the early modern period. Even central texts such as the Talmud were only known to a small group of specialists, who drew on this text to debate with Jewish scholars.71 The scope of Jewish texts studied by Christians began to grow only a few years before Widmanstetter’s birth, when it was discovered that many other Jewish texts were able to elucidate events of the Hebrew Bible and even the lifetime of Jesus. Initially, Christians used these texts uncritically. However, the method of textual critique that was developed by scholars such as Lorenzo Valla, who famously exposed the forgery of the Donation of Constantine, became more sophisticated.72 Scholars slowly began to realize that texts, and by extension books, had a history that could be harnessed in order to understand the chronology of authors and the relationships of texts. Over time, these methods would also become popular tools among Christian Hebraists like Widmanstetter, who had no references as to the chronology of

70

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In his account of Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions, Steinschneider conceded that later compilators of manuscript catalogs had an advantage due to the existence of bibliographies; see Steinschneider, “Die hebräischen Handschriften (1875),” 175. For a recent account of this field, see Alexander Fidora, “The Latin Talmud and Its Place in Medieval Anti-Jewish Polemic,” in Studies on the Latin Talmud, ed. Ulisse Cecini and Eulàlia Vernet i Pons (Bellaterra: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017), 13–22. For a comprehensive account of the humanists’ philological toolset and its use, see L.D. Reynolds and N.G. Wilson, Scribes and Scholars: A Guide to the Transmission of Greek and Latin Literature, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 122–163. On Valla’s exposure of the Donation of Constantine and his analysis of Scripture, see Alastair Hamilton, “Humanists and the Bible,” in The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism, ed. Jill Kraye (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 100–117 (104–105).

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Jewish literature in the post-biblical period. Johannes Reuchlin had already envisioned a systematically ordered list of Hebrew texts during his dispute with Johann Pfefferkorn in 1510, but this plan apparently never came to fruition.73 The first attempts at compiling bibliographies of Jewish literature were realized by Sebastian Münster and Conrad Gessner in the 1540s. Although Jewish books already existed that traced the history of Jewish literature, like Abraham Ibn Daud’s Sefer ha-Qabbalah, Widmanstetter did not own these books.74 Consequently, the first generations of Christian Hebraists, including Widmanstetter, were on their own when it came to exploring Jewish literature. Widmanstetter’s observations on the matter can be extracted from the title inscriptions he prepared on the bindings of his books. The following pages will analyze the material features in Widmanstetter’s library in order to understand his notions regarding the history of Jewish literature and of the Jewish book as a material object. The first object of examination are the title inscriptions, which provide information about bibliographic questions and how they may relate to Widmanstetter’s efforts to construct a catalog of his library. Next, those title inscriptions that demonstrate his perceptions of the history of texts and the materiality of specific volumes will be presented. Finally, Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions will be discussed in the wider context of Christian Hebraist bibliographies of the sixteenth century.75 2.1 Studying Jewish Texts without Bibliographies As has been noted, Widmanstetter summarized the contents of his books as title inscriptions on the bindings or on the flyleaves, and often remarked on the history of either the texts or the material objects. Such inscriptions are preserved in more than two-thirds of the library, but it can be assumed that originally there were more of them, because several of the books have lost their original bindings and with them Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions. Title inscriptions of the time elucidate the elements of a book that early modern scholars deemed useful, and reflect their mindset regarding the organization of 73

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See Johannes Reuchlin, Augenspiegel ([Tübingen]: [Anshelm], 1511), Bv=iv–Biir=iir; a new translation into English can be found in O’Callaghan, Preservation of Jewish Religious Books, 123–125. Ibn Daʾud’s work was available in an edition printed in Mantua in 1514; see Resianne Fontaine, “Ibn Daud, Abraham,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed., vol. 9 (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), 662–665. A more in-depth account may be found in Maximilian de Molière, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter and the Beginnings of Christian Hebraist Bibliography in the Sixteenth Century,” in The Jewish Book 1400–1600: From Production to Reception, ed. Katrin KogmanAppel and Ilona Steimann (Turnhout: Brepols, (forthcoming)).

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knowledge. Intellectuals of the early modern period inherited medieval forms of organizing knowledge, such as lists, catalogs, and indices, and improved upon them to meet the requirements of the evergrowing body of knowledge in the age of printed books.76 Christian Hebraist libraries like Widmanstetter’s can help us understand how Jewish literature fit into these knowledge-organizing efforts. Widmanstetter used the title inscriptions to systematically sort his library. Taken together, these title inscriptions could have been exploited to compile a catalog of his library. By examining all the books in his Hebraica collection, it becomes evident that Widmanstetter sometimes wrote these notes several times in different versions. In the case of one manuscript, there are two title inscriptions inside the book and one more on the binding.77 In sum, thirty-four volumes of the library contain multiple title inscriptions. This number is far from the total number of 195 volumes that Widmanstetter’s Hebraist library holds, but it is still large enough that the question becomes pertinent whether the title inscriptions are the remnant stages of Widmanstetter’s method of compiling a catalog of his library. The existence of this catalog is attested in statements by several scholars who worked with the library during Widmanstetter’s lifetime and shortly after, but it has not survived to this day. The librarian Wolfgang Prommer described in a letter how he cataloged the Hebrew books in the library of Johann Jakob Fugger, and—Widmanstetter likely operated in a similar manner. Prommer explained that he paid an unnamed Jew to write down the titles at the beginning of each volume, and Prommer would then write them into the catalog.78 It would seem that Widmanstetter wrote the titles and authors first into the books themselves as a draft and then, once he was satisfied with his description, onto the binding itself. From the binding he then would have copied the title inscriptions into a catalog.79 Each volume would probably have formed one entry in the catalog. Therefore, the title inscriptions can give us a glimpse into Widmanstetter’s methodology of librarianship, showing him in the process of cataloging his collection. 76

77 78 79

See Ann Blair, “Organizations of Knowledge,” in The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Philosophy, ed. James Hankins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 287–303; the most famous study of this field is Blair, Too Much to Know. bsb, Cod.hebr. 91, binding, ff. 2r–v. See Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 230–231; the letter is edited on p. 320. That these title inscriptions lent themselves to produce a catalog is corroborated by the practices of a later librarian at the Munich library that held Widmanstetter’s books after his death. The eighteenth-century librarian Felix von Oefele compiled a catalog of Widmanstetter’s Oriental books by copying the title inscriptions that the Christian Hebraist had prepared; see bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 7, box 5.

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2.2 Christian Perspectives on Jewish Book History Most of the title inscriptions that Widmanstetter prepared follow the same basic paradigm, consisting of the author and the title. Particularly remarkable are Widmanstetter’s notes that touch on the transmission of texts. A sizable number of works in Widmanstetter’s library are translations of philosophic and scientific texts from Greek and Arabic into Hebrew, for example Euclid’s De elementis or Averroes’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics. Many of these translated works were not available in any European language in the sixteenth century,80 and so Hebrew translations allowed scholars able to read Hebrew to understand these texts. In contrast to previous Christian Hebraists, like his teacher Egidio da Viterbo, Widmanstetter was not only interested in Hebrew to read kabbalistic texts or to better understand the Bible: for Widmanstetter, Hebrew also served as a tool that enabled him to read Arabic texts that were otherwise unavailable.81 In his title inscriptions, Widmanstetter took note of the transmission of texts from Arabic to Hebrew. In a small number of manuscripts, he remarked on the names of the translators, taking the information from the colophons of the manuscripts themselves. Thus, Widmanstetter remarks in one manuscript that “Jacob ben Machir translated Euclid from the Arabic.”82 Widmanstetter wrote out the name of the translator in a total of seven manuscripts.83 Three of these manuscripts also contain the date of translation,84 and one manuscript merely mentioned that fact that its text had been translated.85 In one title inscription, in bsb, Cod.hebr. 108, Widmanstetter identified the relevance of a text that had been translated into Hebrew: The paraphrase of Themistius’ commentary on the twelve books of [Aristotle’s] Metaphysics is not extant among the Greeks.86 80

81 82 83 84 85 86

On this topic, see Steven Harvey, “Arabic into Hebrew,” in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Jewish Philosophy, ed. Daniel H. Frank and Oliver Leaman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 258–280; Gad Freudenthal, “Science and Medicine,” in The Cambridge History of Judaism, ed. Robert Chazan, vol. 6—The Middle Ages: The Christian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 702–741, 899–900. A chronological survey of translated texts is available in Mauro Zonta, “Medieval Hebrew Translations of Philosophical and Scientific Texts,” in Science in Medieval Jewish Cultures, ed. Gad Freudenthal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 17–73. This difference of interests is discussed in Molière, “Ex Bibliotheca Aegidiana,” 786–791. bsb, Cod.hebr. 91, f. 2bisr. He lists the names in bsb, Cod.hebr. 91 (three times), Cod.hebr. 213 (twice), Cod.hebr. 241, Cod.hebr. 256, Cod.hebr. 263, Cod.hebr. 289, and Cod.hebr. 297. bsb, Codd.hebr. 241, 256, 289, and 297. bsb, Cod.hebr. 106. bsb, Cod.hebr. 108, f. iiiv.

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Widmanstetter’s assessment demonstrates a high degree of concern about the chain of transmission to Jewish culture.87 By modern standards, Widmanstetter did not identify a substantial number of the translations, but in light of the limited resources he and his contemporaries had at their disposal, such systematic considerations laid out the general shape of the influences on Jewish learning in the Middle Ages. Another set of title inscriptions casts light on Widmanstetter’s skill at reasoning based on philological data. Even though Widmanstetter left only a small number of marginal notes inside his books that allow us to trace his reading of texts when compared to his contemporaries, he added some of his own assessments on the text in his title inscriptions. The following note on a binding shows him competently analyzing the properties of the text he was reading: A miscellany of commentaries on the books of Moses. The author of the collection Lequtot Kol Bo is younger, because he frequently cites Rabbi Solomon [ben Isaac] and Abraham Ibn Ezra.88 With his keen eye for textual details, Widmanstetter attempted to date texts based on the quotations they contained from earlier authors and surmised their relative chronology. This means that, at the least, Widmanstetter gained knowledge about the relative chronology of medieval Jewish authorities.89 There are many additional examples of notes that demonstrate Widmanstetter’s attempts to understand the chronology of Jewish literature using philological reasoning.90 His ability to date a text based on quotations demonstrates the sophistication of Widmanstetter’s philological tool kit.

87

88 89

90

It is also shared by modern philology; see Alfred L. Ivry, “Themistius,” in Encyclopaedia Judaica, ed. Michael Berenbaum and Fred Skolnik, 2nd ed., vol. 19 (Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2007), 691. bsb, Cod.hebr. 252, binding. More recent scholarship agrees with Widmanstetter, dating Lequtot Kol Bo to the fourteenth century, although the identity of the author remains disputed; see the assessment of this work in Leopold Zunz, Die Ritus des synagogalen Gottesdienstes, geschichtlich entwickelt (Berlin: J. Springer, 1859), 32, 179–180. However, this praise requires some qualification, as his characterization of this text is off the mark. Lequtot Kol Bo is a not commentary on the Bible in the sense that Rashi’s commentary is, but rather dedicated to the ritual laws that are derived from the Pentateuch. For example, in bsb, Cod.hebr. 77, f. 1v, Widmanstetter remarked that the commentary on Midrash Tehilim ends with Psalm 119. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 205, binding, he described the text incorrectly as a fragment from Yelamedenu, while it is in fact Midrash ha-Shekhem. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 214, f. 1v, he followed the manuscript’s introduction and identifies text on

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But Widmanstetter did not only address the history of Jewish textual transmission: yet another set of books demonstrates his concern for Jewish books as material objects. In the case of bsb, Cod.hebr. 77, for example, he again searched the colophon, in order to note the dates of production of the material objects, allowing him to conclude that “This codex was written in Bologna in 5011,”91—corresponding to the year 1251 ce. This note is effectively a translation of the colophon, which reads “I wrote this in Bologna in the month of Iyyar in the year ‘And Abraham was old (zaqan), well stricken in age.’”92 The Hebrew colophon indicates that the word zaqan of the biblical verse is to be understood in its numerical value, 157, which in fact yields the year 1397ce: Widmanstetter’s made a mistake in calculating the common era date, putting the manuscript’s date of production off by around 150 years. In total, he copied the dates of production from the colophons of eight manuscripts and one printed book into his title inscriptions.93 Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions distinguish between the materiality of printed books and manuscripts. It is only with the printed edition of Yalqut Shimʿoni that Widmanstetter wrote down the date of production;94 for all other printed books, the binding gives only information about the author and title. In manuscripts, these notes inform their readers about the date and place of production, and from whose libraries books had been copied. In the case of

91 92 93

94

ff. 46r–101r as a summary of Picatrix; the text begins: “‫ חברו אבי אלקאסים‬.‫ספר תכלית החכם‬ ‫ והוא קצור ספר גאיית אלפאקי‬.‫מסלמה אבן אחמד אלמריטה‬.” In bsb, Cod.hebr. 216, binding and f. 2v, he supplied a brief description of the contents of the tractate Yoma. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 250, f. iiiv, after correctly identifying Ḥunayn Ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī as the author of The Book of Introduction, he attempted to trace its relationship to another text, positing that another work by the same author, Introduction to Medicine, had used material from The Book of Introduction. Widmanstetter owned al-ʿIbādī’s Introduction to Medicine (bsb, Cod.hebr. 270, ff. 1r–11v). In that manuscript, however, he left no remarks on the relationship of the two texts—the title inscription on f. iv merely consists of an itemized list. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 262, binding, regarding Samuel Ibn Tibbon’s Commentary on Kohelet he noticed that the seven verses at the beginning are not commented. In bsb, 2 A.hebr. 67, binding, he remarked on the lack of a concordance for Masoret ha-Talmud. In bsb, 2 A.hebr. 245, f. iv, he analyzed structure of Yalqut Shimʿoni. In bsb, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896, binding, he noted that twenty-two psalms were missing from David Kimhi’s Commentary on Psalms. bsb, Cod.hebr. 77, f. 1v. Genesis 24:1; bsb, Cod.hebr. 77, f. 68r. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 77; 81; 97 (colophon); 117 (colophon date of sale); 127; 119 (colophon); 207; and 285. In another case, Widmanstetter was mistaken, misreading a sales contract as a colophon containing the origin of the manuscript (bsb, Cod.hebr. 207, f. 101r). See bsb, 2 A.hebr. 245.

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bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, he follows Jewish tradition that attributes Sefer ha-Peliyah to Rabbi Neḥunya ben ha-Qanah who was the alleged author of other major kabbalistic works, like Sefer ha-Bahir. Observations of contemporary Jews and events in Jewish life that occurred during Widmanstetter’s own lifetime are found in a small subset of notes. We have seen his remarks on books that he copied from the library of the Jewish physician Jacob Mantino and the discussions with him on Arabic philosophy in the context of Widmanstetter’s book acquisitions.95 He wrote another note onto the title page of Solomon Molkho’s Ha-Mefuʾar that sheds light on his knowledge of current events that shook the surrounding Jewish society in the 1530s, the Messiah Solomon Molkho: [This book] is by Rabbi Solomon Molkho who pretended to be the Messiah of the Jews. If I am not mistaken, he was burned in Mantua in 1532 by the Roman Emperor Charles v, because his rabble-rousing among the Jews was feared. I saw his [Molkho’s] flag in Regensburg in 1541 with the letters mkby.96 Molkho had been a convert who joined the messianic emissary David Reubeni to win support among Europe’s rulers for his project to conquer the Holy Land from the Ottomans. Although Molkho initially found fertile ground for his promises at the imperial court, his ensuing attempt to draw Charles v onto his side at the imperial diet of Regensburg 1532 failed. The emperor sent Molkho to Bologna where he was tried for “rabble-rousing among the Jews,” as Widmanstetter noted, and was burned at the stake.97 Widmanstetter’s note on Molkho’s flag exemplifies how a Christian interested in Jewish literature would contextualize his observations within the world that was known to him. The flag that Widmanstetter described was originally made for Molkho’s teacher, David Reubeni, and may have been embroidered with magical names.98 Widmanstetter saw Molkho’s flag almost ten years 95 96 97 98

see Chapter 2, section 3.1. bsb, Cod.hebr. 311, f. 118r; the text is found on ff. 118r–133v. For the Latin text, see the catalog. See Harris Lenowitz, The Jewish Messiahs: From the Galilee to Crown Heights (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 122. In his article on Molkho, Moshe Idel draws on Widmanstetter’s account as a source for the flag and the magical names that he saw on it; Moshe Idel, “Shlomo Molkho as a Magician” [Hebrew], Sefunot: Studies and Sources on the History of the Jewish Communities in the East 3, no. 18 (1985): 193–219 (209). It seems that Molkho regarded the flag also as a sign of nobility, as he included it into his signature. For depictions of the flag and Molkho’s signature, see Lenowitz, Jewish Messiahs, 106.

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after Molkho had been killed and yet it appears that his supporters still displayed it in public. Although Widmanstetter was able to decipher the letters embroidered onto the flag, he does not understand their meaning. Instead, he chose to describe his observations succinctly and provided an account of Molkho’s fate as context. Apart from the note under discussion, he left no marginal notes that convey his views on Molkho’s text, or his person. Widmanstetter’s laconic characterization of Molkho’s actions as “[he] pretended to be the Messiah of the Jews” was probably the typical sentiment among Christians. In another note, Widmanstetter demonstrates his awareness of the connection between a manuscript’s materiality and its textual content. He recorded the purchase of a large manuscript from the Italian Rabbi Abraham ben Aaron de Scazzocchio in the year 1544.99 This manuscript contains philosophical treatises by Maimonides and other authors. In a note at the beginning of the book, the Christian Hebraist lamented that certain anti-Christian remarks had been deleted in an attempt to take the sting out of a passage that was offensive to Christians: The Epistle to Yemen by Rabbi Maimonides in which things are expunged by the unbelieving Jews (perfidis Judeis) in order to show it to Christians. I bought it from Abraham de Scazzocchio the Jew in Rome on 18 February 1544.100 Widmanstetter correctly assessed that the deletions in the manuscript contained anti-Christian polemics. Maimonides had penned this letter in the 1170s in response to a request by the Jews of Yemen who were at this time pressured to convert to Islam. In order to exhort his Yemenite coreligionists to resist the pressure to convert, Maimonides refuted Muhammad’s claim to be a prophet. Attempting to underline his reasoning, Maimonides also dismissed Christian doctrine, because from a Jewish point of view Jesus’ claim to be the Messiah amounted to the abolition of divine law. The individual who deleted the explicit mention of Jesus may simply have intended to avoid an indictment for blasphemy. Although this measure would have been sufficient to avert legal repercussion that could be very severe, Widmanstetter still discerned the work’s anti-Christian thrust from the remaining text. This indicates that the text was not censored with the intent to deceive a

99 100

On Scazzocchio and his books, see Chapter 2, section 3.1. bsb, Cod.hebr. 315, f. iiiv.

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Christian reader about the meaning of the text, but to avert harm from the Jewish owner of the text. In the aftermath of the burning of the Talmud in Rome in 1553, Jews practiced self-censorship of some books that the rabbinic leadership considered problematic.101 Whether Widmanstetter bought the book knowing that it contained material offending his religious feelings beforehand, or discovered this only after the purchase, cannot be discerned from the note. If the former was the case, one possible motivation for buying the volume could have been a desire to secure “proof” of anti-Christian sentiment by Jewish authors. One of the motives for the Christian study of Jewish texts was the suspicion that Jews had falsified the Hebrew text of the Bible in order to delete references to the messiahship of Jesus Christ. Widmanstetter refuted these charges in his commentary on the Quran: “but it is impossible for them [the Jews] to have corrupted all the Scriptures of all peoples and in all languages, the contents of which are in perfect harmony.”102 The Latin adjective perfidia used by Widmanstetter in the excerpt above to characterize Jews carried a different set of associations in the sixteenth century than the modern English adjective perfidious. To Widmanstetter and his contemporaries, perfidia was connected to the theological debate about the status and function of Jews within Christian society. The Church Fathers had used the term to describe the fact that Jews did not believe in Jesus. Of course, this was problematic for Christians, however the term perfidia was not connected to the notion that Jews were not to be trusted on account of their purported treacherousness, as it was in later stages of anti-Jewish polemics.103 This means that Widmanstetter did not perceive Jews as deceiving Christians about the content of their books; rather, he seems to be acknowledging the fundamental rift between the two faiths and reports that Jews like Maimonides engaged in writing anti-Christian polemical texts. Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions not only display some of his strengths in analyzing Jewish text, they also delineate the limitations of his knowledge in 101

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On Jewish self-censorship, see Joseph R. Hacker, “Sixteenth-Century Jewish Internal Censorship of Hebrew Books,” in The Hebrew Book in Early Modern Italy, ed. Joseph R. Hacker and Adam Shear (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011), 109–120 (114–120); Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, The Censor, the Editor, and the Text: The Catholic Church and the Shaping of the Jewish Canon in the Sixteenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 61–63. “Sed impossibile est eos, omnes omnium gentium et linguarum codices sacros corrumpere potuisse, quorum sensus aptissime congruunt.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxiii. Peterson gives a detailed account of the slowly shifting meaning of this word over the history of Christianity in Erik Peterson, “Perfidia Iudaica,” Ephemerides Liturgicae 1 (1936): 296–311 (308). I thank Katharina Hupe for bringing this article to my attention.

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this field. For instance, he erred when he described the contents of a talmudic commentary in his library. On the binding of one volume, he wrote “Novellae on the tractate Bava Batra by Maimonides,” when in fact the author of these novellae is none other than Moses Nachmanides. This mistake can probably be explained by the fact that the manuscript provided neither a title nor an author at the beginning of the text.104 Due to this lack of bibliographical information, Widmanstetter was left to his own devices for identifying the author of this text. Similarly, Widmanstetter wrongly attributed Jacob ben Asher’s Arbaʿa Turim to Moses Maimonides on yet another binding.105 Although Widmanstetter claimed in the autobiographical notes he published for the trial against the ecclesiastic Ambrosius Gumppenberg that he had studied halakhic texts under David ben Joseph Yaḥya in Naples, this and a small number of other lapses indicate that Widmanstetter had only superficial knowledge of Jewish law.106 Looking at the marginal notes that Widmanstetter added to his nine-volume Bomberg Talmud, it becomes clear that he was primarily guided by a historical interest in the names of the rabbis rather than the content of the halakhic debates. As well as the incorrect attribution of texts to Maimonides, the limits of Widmanstetter’s knowledge can also be gleaned from the summary descriptions he gave in cases where he probably did not feel competent to give a description. For instance, he characterized the contents of one volume as “Various Hebrew (texts).”107 He similarly titled another collection “Hebrew books.”108 In a small number of cases, Widmanstetter merely copied the Hebrew title; thus the title of the printed edition of Immanuel of Rome’s Maḥberot remained plainly in the original Hebrew script, as ‫ספר מחברות עמנואל‬.109

104 105 106

107

108 109

See bsb, Cod.hebr. 75, f. 1r. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 255, binding. Similarly, Widmanstetter ascribes a text by Nachmanides in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112 to Maimonides. In bsb, Cod.hebr. 242, binding and f. iv, however, he correctly identified Nachmanides as the author of a Commentary on Job. For Widmanstetter’s account of his halakhic studies, see Müller, Widmanstetter, 18. bsb, Res/4 A.hebr. 310, binding. This volume holds a multitude of different works, such as Sefer Ḥasidim by Judah he-Hasid, Sefer Or ʿAmmim by Obadiah Sforno, Kuzari by Judah haLevi, Sefer Shaʿar ha-Shamayim by Gershom ben Solomon, Sefer Mivḥar ha-Peninim and Beḥinat ha-ʿOlam by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini, and Even Boḥan by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. Widmanstetter gave the same title to Cod.hebr 358, an anthology of Halakha, grammar, and midrash. bsb, 4 A.hebr. 391, binding. It contains Meshal ha-Qadmoni and Sefer Ruaḥ Ḥen. bsb, 4 A.hebr. 283, binding. Other examples for this type of title inscription may be found on bsb, Codd.hebr. 224, 236, 237, 264, 283, 297, 305, and 4 A.hebr. 411.

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2.3 The Beginnings of Christian Hebraist Bibliography His keen observations enabled Widmanstetter to anchor the Jewish texts he encountered in his books within the chronology of events that was known to him. The title inscriptions on bindings or inside the books transformed the Jewish material objects into building blocks of information that could be integrated into the Christian scholarly practices of organizing and maintaining libraries. Hence Widmanstetter’s inscriptions should also be seen in the context of the wider efforts in the early modern period to systematize bibliographic knowledge and make it accessible to scholars. Sebastian Münster was the first Christian who published a bibliography of Jewish texts.110 Münster famously published Elijah Levita’s textbook on Hebrew grammar in a Latin translation as Grammatica Hebraea, supplemented with his own observations, and republished it several times during his life, adding new material with each printing. For the 1543 edition, he appended a list of Jewish books, the “Nomenclatura hebraeorum quorundam librorum” (“Title list of certain Hebrew books”),111 that is subdivided into three sections. The first is a list of the books authored by Levita,112 whose grammar Münster had translated into Latin. Münster then gave a list of his own publications pertaining to Hebrew grammar and lexicography,113 which appears to be a deliberate attempt to present himself as superior to the famous Jewish grammarian, given that the list of Münster’s books is markedly longer than that of Levita’s books on the opposite page. The third section is titled “Catalogus quorundam librorum sacrae linguae, qui hodie extant” (“Catalog of some books in the holy tongue which are now in existence”).114 Here, Münster compiled a broad array of titles—Bible, Talmud, rabbinic commentators, and others—providing background information on central authors. The longest entry, on Rashi, mentions his main works and the field of his interests, but the majority of entries merely

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112 113 114

On Münster, see Karl Heinz Burmeister, Sebastian Münster: Versuch eines biographischen Gesamtbildes (Basel: Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 1963). The index is found in Sebastian Münster, Grammatica Hebraea Eliae Levitae Germani (Basel: Froben, 1543), t4r–t7r. Steinschneider traced the changes Münster made to his book over the years and identified this text as the earliest attempt to compile a bibliography of Jewish books; see Moritz Steinschneider, Bibliographisches Handbuch über die theoretische und praktische Literatur für hebräische Sprachkunde (Leipzig: Vogel, 1859), 96–97. Although Burnett briefly mentions Münster’s list, he does not discuss it beyond a general remark about “Münster’s vague listing of Jewish authors and titles”; Burnett, Christian Hebraism, 139. See Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t4v. See Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t5r. See Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t5v–t7r.

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consists of the author’s name and one work. Towards the end of the catalog, Münster listed Jewish writers by their names only, an indication that he may have used second-hand information from an unknown source. All of Münster’s lists provide only Latin titles and do not supply the bibliographical information that would allow readers to trace the book.115 Widmanstetter, who listed Münster as one of his teachers,116 was apparently unfamiliar with Münster’s list, as his copy of the grammar, the earlier 1537 edition, does not contain it.117 Conrad Gessner’s multi-volume Bibliotheca universalis was an attempt to compile a bibliography for all major languages—Latin, Greek, and Hebrew— with comparable levels of indexing.118 Gessner relied in part on the help of booksellers to assemble his bibliography. In volume 2, Gessner divided his list of Jewish literature into dictionaries and grammars as well as Scripture; another category of books that Gessner took into account are Latin translations of Hebrew texts. The entries typically consist of a transliteration of the Hebrew title into Latin characters, followed by a translation. Gessner then provided the name of the publisher as well as the place and date of publication. He printed an additional idiosyncratic list of the books that were available in 1543 at the bookshop of the famous bookseller and printer Daniel Bomberg.119 Additional information given in the Bomberg list pertains to the sale of books: the number of volumes a given text takes up and the price of each volume in Bomberg’s shop. Volume 3 of Gessner’s work features a summary of the content of the Talmud, the Bible, and commentaries on both. Gessner’s Bibliotheca universalis deserves praise for providing bibliographical information about Jewish books for a Christian audience. However, in contrast to Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions, Gessner did not attempt to contextualize the texts against the background of Jewish literature. Yet another attempt to offer some degree of orientation in Jewish literature to Christian readers is the bibliography that Andreas Masius compiled two decades after Widmanstetter died.120 The two men had corresponded with

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The “Nomenclature” concludes with a list of the instauratores linguae sacrae (“the restorers of the holy tongue”), among which Münster included himself along with a select group of dead and living Christian Hebraists; Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t7r. On Widmanstetter’s studies under Sebastian Münster, see Müller, Widmanstetter, 13. See bsb, L.as. 162. The most important study to this day of Gessner’s Bibliotheca universalis remains Zedelmaier, Bibliotheca universalis. A recent analysis of the Hebrew section can be found in Burnett, Christian Hebraism, 140–145. An instructional analysis of Gessner own library can be found in Leu et al., Conrad Gessner’s Private Library. This booklist is discussed in more detail in section 2.4.2. This text has been recently edited, translated, and interpreted in Dunkelgrün, “The He-

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each other and had sometimes been collaborators in projects like that of the Syriac New Testament.121 Masius had conceived of this list after the burning of the Talmud in Rome in 1553—a period when Jewish books were routinely confiscated and burned by the Inquisition. Masius, channeling Reuchlin’s role as an apologist in 1510, tried to convince his Christian coreligionists of the harmlessness of Jewish texts by educating them about the content and history of the texts. A typical entry in Masius’ list contains the title in the original Hebrew script, supplemented by a translation and in many cases brief summaries. Where the author’s name was known to him, Masius added it; otherwise, he offered his own conjectures as to the identity of the author. An important difference to Widmanstetter’s studies in Jewish literature is that Masius was familiar with Abraham Ibn Daud’s chronology of Jewish tradition, Sefer ha-Qabbalah, and used this extensively to provide background information. Masius’ bibliography is a very learned contribution to the systematic study of Jewish texts by Christian scholars in the sixteenth century. Some of the key points that Widmanstetter noticed about his books, such as the history of Jewish texts, also became relevant in Masius’ bibliography. Overall, many of the features that were briefly surveyed demonstrate a methodic outlook similar to Widmanstetter’s that attempts to historicize Jewish literature using philological tools. Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions establish his ability to identify Jewish texts and date manuscripts. This sheds light on the extent of Widmanstetter’s knowledge about Jewish literature and his interests. The evidence of some title inscriptions indicates that Widmanstetter probably used them as a first step in the compilation of his catalog (which, as noted earlier, no longer survives). Sometimes the title inscriptions display his interest in philological details. For example, he provided the names of translators from Arabic to Hebrew and the dates of the translation; this emphasis on the textual history demonstrates a high degree of concern about the chronology of Jewish literature and the chain of transmission within Jewish culture. In another set of books, he noted the date of production of a given manuscript, if this was present in the scribe’s colophon, displaying an awareness of the history of the material object. Widmanstetter’s remarks on the removal of material from the manuscript that he had purchased from Abraham de Scazzocchio exhibit his perception of the role of Jews of his own time as not being mere purveyors of books. Widmanstetter’s dispassionate account of Solomon Molkho suggests that his Jewish contemporaries piqued his interest only in exceptional cases.

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brew Library.” On Andreas Masius more generally, see Wim François, “Andreas Masius (1514–1573),” Journal of Eastern Christian Studies 61, no. 3 (2009): 199–244. On the Syriac New Testament, see chapter 7.

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Taken together, the information given in the title inscriptions reveals a comprehensive view of Jewish books that acknowledges the value for Christian Hebraists of studying both the history of Jewish literature and of the Jewish book as a material object. Indeed, Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions must be understood against a trend among sixteenth-century scholars such as Sebastian Münster, Conrad Gessner, and Andreas Masius, who differed in their methodical outlooks but who were united in their goal to survey the terra incognita of Jewish literature, and who laid the groundwork for bibliographies of Jewish texts. It is possible that Widmanstetter’s own catalog circulated among humanists, and that they copied it from each other to learn about extant Jewish books. Now that the title inscriptions that Widmanstetter would have used as building blocks in organizing his books on a bibliographic level have been surveyed, it is time to turn to the overall structure of the catalog itself.

3

Sorting Jewish Books into Christian Libraries

After he spent some three decades of his life collecting books, Widmanstetter’s Jewish library numbered at least 180 volumes—to this number we must add approximately 850 volumes containing non-Jewish books, bringing the total number to around 1030 books.122 The size of such a library required the compilation of a catalog. For sixteenth-century Humanists, catalogs fulfilled more than the practical need to keep books organized and enable a given text to be found quickly. Lists, inventories, and catalogs were valued as sources of knowledge themselves. Although books had become more accessible since the invention of print in the previous century, the ever-waxing corpora of texts had sown doubt in the minds of many scholars about whether they could be absorbed in a single lifetime. One remedy that was proposed was to map out the areas of knowledge and list the titles of books that pertain to each. Such catalogs sometimes became themselves the objects of scholarly attention, because they represented knowledge in a format that could be assimilated more quickly than the original works.123 The library catalog of Widmanstetter is today lost. The only vestiges of the physical arrangement of Widmanstetter’s books are found in an inventory that was drawn up in 1559 when Duke Albrecht v of Bavaria-Munich donated books

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On the composition of the library in general, see Chapter 1, section 1. See the work of Ann Blair, especially “Organizations of Knowledge” and Too Much to Know.

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from Widmanstetter’s book chests to the Jesuit college of Munich.124 The contents of the chests in the inventory reveals the remnants of a sorted library. Most striking is that the chests are sequentially organized according to language, with each chest only containing books in one language. The inventory refers to books in Hebrew (chest A), Greek (chests G, H), and Latin (chests K, L, T, R). Inside each chest, groups of genres can be discerned that may indicate a subject classification. But given the selective choice of books in the inventory, it is not possible to reconstruct Widmanstetter’s own subject classification conclusively. If we want to get an idea of how Christian Hebraists sorted their Jewish books, we need to look at Widmanstetter’s contemporaries. This section will first present the extant reports about Widmanstetter’s own catalog and discuss their informative value, before presenting the cataloging practices current among sixteenth-century Christian Hebraists, and a Jewish library catalog. 3.1 Descriptions of Widmanstetter’s Catalog The handful of extant reports from Widmanstetter’s lifetime about his library yield little information concerning the library catalog. In 1542, the noted Christian Hebraist Georg Wicelius published a small book on biblical lexicography, Idiomata quaedam linguae sanctae in Scripturis Veteris Testamenti observata (“On some peculiar words of the holy tongue found in the Old Testament”). In its preface, Wicelius introduced Widmanstetter and his library to his Hebraist readership with the words “All I could do was shout with admiration for the exquisitely selected, rare books, whose catalog was shown to me by him.”125 This episode demonstrates the importance of the library and its catalog for Widmanstetter’s reputation as an Orientalist scholar. Widmanstetter’s willingness to display his library was rewarded with a published account of the library and its owner. However, Wicelius did not dwell on the details of the catalog, such as its structure. Widmanstetter’s catalog was also mentioned by Georg Seld, the vice-chancellor of the Holy Roman Empire, who reported to Joachim Camerarius that he had initially received discouraging reports about the quality of its composition. He was fearful that its guardians, Widmanstetter’s surviving daughters, might turn out to be “idiots and centaurs” with whom it would be difficult to negotiate. However, in case they turned out to be learned people,

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See Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Jesuitica Ingolstadt, Fasc. 1359 i. This inventory has been published in Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 17–18n1. See also section 4.1.1. Wicelius, Idiomata quaedam linguae sanctae, A3b–A4a. For the Latin text and a discussion of Widmanstetter’s reputation based on Wicelius’ preface, see Chapter 1, section 3.

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he wanted to request the library’s catalog in order to get a fuller picture; there is no record of whether he changed his views when he finally found a copy of the catalog.126 Although neither of these episodes reveals information about the catalog itself, they are telling with regard to the opinion of library catalogs held by sixteenth-century scholars. The wording of Wicelius’ assessment indicates that he formed his enthusiastic view of the library as a result of reading its catalog, assuming that it would have given him the complete picture of the texts it held. Similarly, Seld treated the catalog as a representation of the collection, designed to bridge the physical constraints that kept the library and interested scholars apart. For the catalog to be able to perform this marvelous task, the compiler had to bring the raw bibliographic information into a shape that enabled its readers to navigate it, that is, to sort it by subject classes, by authors, or by using other meaningful categories. For an account that describes Widmanstetter’s catalog, we need to look at the period following his death, when his books had been acquired by the duke of Bavaria-Munich to lay the foundation for a court library. The duke extended his collection in 1572 by purchasing the library of Johann Jakob Fugger and merging it with Widmanstetter’s books. Following this, all the Hebrew books at the ducal library were recataloged in the period from 1574 to 1575 by two specialists. One of these was Wolfgang Prommer, the librarian who had already been in charge of Fugger’s library in Augsburg; the other specialist whom the duke was able to win over for this project was Paulus Aemilius, the professor of Hebrew at the University of Ingolstadt and Widmanstetter’s former scribe.127 Documen-

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“Quoniam, libri adhuno sunt in manibus tutorum, qui relictis Widmestadii liberis praesunt, illi siquidem idiotae, seu centauri quidam fuerint, difficilis mihi erit cum illis tractatio. Scis non hoc genus hominum in rebus huiusmodi ita se gerere, quemadmodum canis in praesepio. Si vero docti, aut studiosi, dabo ante omnia operam, ut totius bibliothecae catalogum ab illis nanciscar.” Cited from Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 283. There are three different versions of the Hebrew catalog at the ducal library. A first draft, bsb, Cbm Cat. 36 m, breaks off in the middle—Kellner and Spethmann suggest that it may have been written by Paulus Aemilius. bsb, Cbm Cat. 37 contains the full Hebrew library that was present at the ducal library in the late sixteenth century. This was the catalog written by Wolfgang Prommer after Aemilius’ death. bsb, Cbm Cat. 36 is a seventeenth-century copy of bsb, Cbm Cat. 37, and contains some additions to the library. On the history of these catalogs, see Stephan Kellner and Annemarie Spethmann, Historische Kataloge der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Münchner Hofbibliothek und andere Provenienzen, vol. xi, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Bibliothecae Monacensis (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996), 4–6. Steinschneider voiced his stern criticism of the catalogs compiled for the ducal library, pointing out their many linguistic defects; see Steinschneider, “Die hebräischen Handschriften (1875),” 186–192. For an appraisal of Aemilius’ philological skills, see Chapter 3, section 3.1.

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tary sources reveal that the collaboration between the two men soured over time. By May 1575, Wolfgang Prommer had to defend himself against accusations by Aemilius regarding his conduct in the library. Among other complaints, Aemilius accused Prommer of drunkenness during work hours. This allegation, however, seems less grave than the claim that Prommer was not competent to catalog the duke’s Hebraica collection. To counter these allegations Prommer penned a defense in a letter to Aemilius that sets forth the guidelines he applied for cataloging Hebrew books: The Hebrew books were provided by Prommer with Hebrew and Latin letters and with a literal Latin translation and described and titled with the greatest care and without any flaws and blemishes, according to the manner of Widmanstetter.128 Prommer presented his methodology of cataloging the Hebrew books’ contents as following the “manner of Widmanstetter” (“modo Widmanstadiano”). What Prommer meant by this expression remains unclear, as he did not elaborate on this term in the letter, but it is possible to look at the different catalogs he prepared during his career. Prommer’s completed catalog of Hebrew books at the Munich court library (bsb, Cbm Cat. 37) follows the structure outlined in his letter (see figure 12): Each volume is given an entry consisting of several lines in Hebrew that describe the titles and their authors and in the case of printed books the catalog also specifies the place and year of publication. The Hebrew text is framed by a supra-linear Latin transliteration of the Hebrew which reveals that the language was pronounced in the Ashkenazic way in the sixteenth-century ducal library,129 as well as a word-by-word translation. The features Prommer described in his letter and that he implemented in the finished catalog are, however, not consistent with the extant clues of Widmanstetter’s cataloging practices. The title inscriptions that Widmanstetter prepared on the covers or on the flyleaves of his books offer some idea of the bibliographical elements that he deemed essential and which he would likely have utilized in compiling a catalog of his Hebrew books. Widmanstetter’s title

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“Libros Haebraicos à Promero haebraicis, latinis literis, cum latina de verbo ad verbum interpretatio, summa diligentia, absque omni errore et defectu, modo Widmanstadiano, descriptos ac intitulatos esse.” bsb, Ana 323, Fasc. 1, ff. 15r–v, cited from Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 290. This feature is probably due to Paulus Aemilius, who had been raised in an Ashkenazic community in Franconia. On Aemilius’ life, see Chapter 3, section 3.1.

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inscriptions consist for the most part only of Latin translations of the titles and their authors. Only in a small number of cases for which he did not feel competent to offer a Latin title did Widmanstetter directly take over the title in Hebrew characters. The paradigm Prommer advertised in his letter to Aemilius and which he used in the completed catalog (the triple naming of the title in the Hebrew original, in transliteration, and in Latin translation) appears nowhere in Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions. This is the first indication that Prommer may not, in fact, have followed the example of Widmanstetter. Still, it remains possible that the catalog from Widmanstetter’s hand that the librarian in Munich had before him expanded the title inscriptions in the manner described by Prommer. The evidence from catalogs that Prommer prepared for books in other languages suggests that he was in fact describing in his own cataloging practices in the letter. Before Fugger sold his library to the Bavarian duke in the 1570s, he had tasked Prommer to catalog his various libraries. The catalogs Prommer compiled are divided by languages. The books in Spanish, French, and other languages in Latin letters only indicate the title and author in the original tongue—Prommer apparently deemed the prospective users of these catalogs, such as Johann Jakob Fugger, as capable of using them without the assistance of a translation or a transliteration, because the Latin script was common to all these languages. The exception, then, is the catalog of Greek prints and manuscripts, which Prommer prepared in 1565 for Fugger’s library: bsb, Cbm Cat. 48 (see figures 10 and 11).130 In this catalog, Prommer gave the same entries first in a Latin translation and then in the Greek original on the facing page. Each entry consists of the author and the title, and in the case of printed books, the place and year of publication. The rationale for giving a Latin translation would appear to be that he did not consider the Greek script as universally intelligible to the prospective readers of the catalog. Fugger was not a scholar, and not able to read his non-Latin books, but collected them for the esteem he gained through them from his contemporaries. Therefore, it seems that what Prommer described in his letter as Widmanstetter’s method was in fact his own practice for compiling a catalog of non-Latin-script materials. Accordingly, Prommer employed the predicate “modo Widmanstadiano” only as a rhetorical hyperbole to project the quality of his own work onto Widmanstetter, whose library already enjoyed fame in the 1570s as a result to reports such as Wicelius’. All

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The catalog remained in use at the ducal library—Prommer added supplementary entries at the back of the book in 1583 and a concordance for the shelf marks of the Fugger library. On this catalog, see Kellner and Spethmann, Historische Kataloge, 514.

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figure 10 Wolfgang Prommer’s Greek catalog for Johann Jakob Fugger’s library, Latin translation of Greek titles. bsb, Cbm Cat. 48, f. 3v courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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Wolfgang Prommer’s Greek catalog for Johann Jakob Fugger’s library, Greek titles. bsb, Cbm Cat. 48, f. 4r courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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figure 12 Wolfgang Prommer’s Hebrew catalog for the ducal library; note the features he described in his letter to Aemilius. bsb, Cbm Cat. 37, f. 90r courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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in all, this leaves the title inscriptions on the book covers as the only plausible vestige of the form Widmanstetter gave to the entries in his catalog.131 3.2 Early Modern Cataloging Theory The classification of books in European Christian libraries developed in parallel to discussions on the divisions of the sciences in encyclopedic works and university curricula.132 One of the oldest extant library catalogs, the ninthcentury catalog of St. Gallen, sorted its books in the manner that would continue to be applied into the early modern era: the Bible and theological writings like those of the Fathers of the Church were positioned at the beginning, and then subjects taken from the artes liberales, such as arithmetics, grammar, and rhetorics followed.133 New impulses in medieval Christian thought introduced additional subjects and brought about the resorting of libraries.

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Prommer’s catalog borrows translations of technical terms from Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions. Prommer gives an interlinear translation of gittin (“divorces”) as repudiis libellis (“tractate on divorce”) in bsb, Cbm 37, f. 117r; this is taken from Widmanstetter’s inscription on his limp parchment binding of bsb, 2 A.hebr. 220, which reads “Intellectus novi libellorum repudii Harisbah” (“novellae on the tractate on divorce by Rashba”). The literature on this field is vast, with the oldest studies still offering the most comprehensive corpus of medieval library catalogs: Heinrich Gustav Becker, Catalogi bibliothecarum antiqui (Bonn: Max Cohen und Söhne, 1885); Theodor Gottlieb, Über mittelalterliche Bibliotheken (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1890); and Paul Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge (Munich: Beck, 1918). Many later studies build on this material. Evgenij I. Šamurin, Geschichte der bibliothekarisch-bibliographischen Klassifikation, trans. Willi Hoepp, 2 vols. (Munich: Dokumentation, 1977), has a strong bias, but is a fundamental reference book on the history of library classification and the systemization of knowledge from antiquity to the modern period. The most relevant studies for the period under discussion are Frank Fürbeth, “Sachordnungen mittelalterlicher Bibliotheken als Rekonstruktionshilfen,” in Rekonstruktion und Erschließung mittelalterlicher Bibliotheken, ed. Andrea Rapp and Michael Embach (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2008), 87–103; Wolfgang Milde, “Über Bücherverzeichnisse der Humanistenzeit (Petrarca, Tommaso Parentucelli, Hartmann Schedel),” in Bücherkataloge als buchgeschichtliche Quellen in der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Reinhard Wittmann, Wolfenbütteler Schriften zur Geschichte des Buchwesens 10 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1985), 19–32; Wolfgang Milde, “Über Anordnung und Verzeichnung von Büchern in mittelalterlichen Bibliothekskatalogen,” Scriptorium 50 (1996): 269–278. On the St. Gallen catalog, see Lehmann, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge, vol. i, 71–82. This order has sometimes been taken to indicate a hierarchy that emphasizes Christian beliefs over all other fields of knowledge, but such assessments should not be made with a broad brush. The assessment of Milde, “Anordnung und Verzeichnung,” 269 (“Diese Anordnung […] stellt eine wertende Anordnung, eine Rangordnung dar. Die Bibel […] muß demnach in einer von der christlichen Kirche bestimmten geistigen Welt am Anfang stehen”) should therefore be taken with a grain of salt.

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Dominicus Gundissalinus adopted the Arabic division in practical and theoretical philosophy and subsumed the artes liberales within philosophy in his Divisio philosophiae (ca. 1150). The classification of knowledge was also a problem that the writers of medieval encyclopedias struggled with. In his Specula, Vincent of Beauvais (1190–1264) excerpted material from earlier authors, such as Isidore of Seville, Pliny, and Aristotle, and strung their classifications loosely together without integrating them into a coherent system.134 Another major shift in the classification of knowledge was the humanists’ return to the studia humanitatis from the fourteenth century onward, which led to the addition of new subjects. This revised classification of subjects left its mark in the curricula of Christian schools and in the catalogs of university libraries alike. When the books in St. Gallen were recataloged in 1461, they displayed the same basic arrangement as the first catalog from the ninth century, but equally betrayed that new fields of knowledge had been accepted into the library in the intervening 600 years.135 In Widmanstetter’s own time, the bibliographer Conrad Gessner proposed to the readers of his Bibliotheca universalis a classification that consisted of twenty-one subjects that he had drawn from the university faculties.136 While scholars began innovating how libraries could be sorted in more succinct ways in the sixteenth century, the “traditional”—that is, Bible-centered— classification remained strong in many quarters.137 At the same time, the duties of librarians became more clearly defined, and in turn the vocation became more professional, while the ideas about the physical arrangement of books grew more sophisticated. When conceptualizing library catalogs, librarians distinguished between the physical arrangement of books in the library and their conceptual location in subject classes in the catalogs. Often, but not always, the two arrangements coincided. Advocates for a stringent physical arrangement of books according to subject classes argued that this method reflected the “natural order” of knowledge. With an arrangement according to topics, librarians also hoped to open the possibility of serendipity; that is finding additional thematically related texts by browsing the library. Some libraries mirrored the conceptual divisions of subjects in their physical layout by assigning chests or 134 135 136

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An outline can be found in Šamurin, Klassifikation, 71–75. For a comparative discussion of the two catalogs of St. Gallen, see Fürbeth, “Sachordnungen,” 91–92. Gessner subdivided these subjects into altogether 250 concisely defined topics. His classification has been analyzed in Zedelmaier, Bibliotheca universalis. An outline of this classification can be found in Šamurin, Klassifikation, 115–127. For the discussion on congruence, see Eric Garberson, “Libraries, Memory and the Space of Knowledge,” Journal of the History of Collections 18, no. 2 (2006): 105–136.

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shelves to certain subjects. Many libraries in the early modern period, however, forwent a stringent systematic arrangement, sorting books according to size in order to maximize the number of books that could be stored in shelves or bookcases. Within the groups of books sorted to size, subject classes or other paradigms would then be implemented. Such concessions to limited physical space inevitably introduced inconsistencies in the systematic arrangement that then affected the way readers were able use the library. Some sixteenthcentury writers on librarianship addressed this problem by proposing catalogs that would satisfy both the demands of space economy and of retrievability. During Widmanstetter’s lifetime both sides of this argument had vocal advocates. Conrad Gessner, in his Bibliotheca universalis of 1545–1548, proposed sorting books according to their format, in shelves, tables, or lecterns. To allow readers to find books, each entry in the catalog was to be equipped with the book’s physical location, the shelf mark. Other writers were steadfast in their demand that systematic consistency alone should guide the physical sorting of books. For example, summing up his experience as librarian of the abbey of Benediktbeuern in 1560, Florian Trefler advocated sorting books according to their subject matter. In addition to the shelf mark catalog, both Gessner and Trefler proposed further catalogs that would enable readers to search by author’s name and by the sequence of accession. Trefler went even further and stipulated a subject index, an alphabetical index, and an index of reserve stock for sensitive materials, like censored books.138 Private book collectors were unlikely to have the resources to compile all these catalogs, and even libraries in the hands of affluent princely owners invested only the bare minimum into cataloging their non-Latin books. Catalogs for non-Latin works, including Hebrew texts, were dependent on the willingness of the owner to invest resources into books’ accessibility. The ducal library in Munich, for example, where Wolfgang Prommer was one of the librarians, compiled several catalogs for its Latin books, but only produced single shelf mark catalogs of the Hebrew section and books in other languages.139

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The differences between the ideas of Gessner and Trefler are discussed in Garberson, “Space of Knowledge,” 120–121; Dorothy May Norris, A History of Cataloguing and Cataloguing Methods 1100–1850, With an Introductory Survey of Ancient Times: A Thesis Accepted for the Honours Diploma of the Library Association (London: Grafton & Co., 1939), 140. The Dutch librarian Samuel Quicchelberg designed one of the earliest classification systems for a princely collection. Quicchelberg placed little store on non-Latin books and did not apply any classification to them. On this plan and its implementation, see Hartig, Münchener Hofbibliothek, 70–90.

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3.3 Sixteenth-Century Christian Hebraist Catalogs Only a handful of Christian Hebraist library catalogs of Widmanstetter’s contemporaries have survived; here we limit discussion to the catalogs of Hebraists with whom Widmanstetter was familiar, either through their printed works (Johannes Reuchlin), as a student (Sebastian Münster), or as a colleague (Andreas Masius). Their authors created them in different circumstances: Reuchlin and Masius engaged in apologetic work on Jewish texts, while Münster apparently was under no such pressure. They also differ in their style and the extent of bibliographical data that is recorded. While Reuchlin merely outlined a sketch of a classification, his successors proffered more information. In the case of Münster, the classification of books is only implied in the arrangement of titles, while Reuchlin and Masius attempt to educate their coreligionists about Judaism and carefully label the categories they create. What each of them had to tackle was the problem of integrating Jewish texts into established paradigms of knowledge that were understandable to their Christian audience. Johannes Reuchlin was the first Christian scholar to propose a classification of Jewish books, during the Pfefferkorn affair. He had been called upon by Emperor Maximilian as a lawyer and as a Christian Hebraist to give his expert opinion on whether Jewish books should be destroyed, as the convert Johann Pfefferkorn had alleged they were offensive to Christian beliefs and even harmful. Reuchlin published his assessment in Augenspiegel (“The mirror of the eyes”) in 1511, and indicated that in his view, Jewish books were harmless, and that only a handful of titles, such as Toledot Yeshu (“The story of Jesus”), derided Christianity.140 In the opening pages of Augenspiegel, Reuchlin presents the full spectrum of Jewish literature in a concise and systematically ordered list. Reuchlin’s list covers the following six subjects: Bible, Talmud, Kabbalah, Bible commentaries, midrash, and philosophy including the sciences. He also mentions “poetry, fables, tales, satires, and didactic manuals,” but apologetically points out to his readers that the Jews themselves were wary of their fictitious nature.141 Reuchlin thus employed for Jewish texts the traditional division into 140

141

Much ink has been spilled on the Pfefferkorn affair. Some of the relevant studies are: David H. Price, “Christian Humanism and the Representation of Judaism: Johannes Reuchlin and the Discovery of Hebrew,” Arthuriana 19, no. 3 (2009): 80–96; Price, “Johannes Reuchlin”; O’Callaghan, The Preservation of Jewish Religious Books in Sixteenth-Century Germany; Franz Posset, Johann Reuchlin (1455–1522): A Theological Biography, vol. 129, Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2015); Erica Rummel, The Case Against Johann Reuchlin: Social and Religious Controversy in Sixteenth-Century Germany (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002). For a selection of the various publications that make up the debate, see Flörken, Bücher der Juden. O’Callaghan, Preservation of Jewish Religious Books, 123–125.

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sacred and secular subjects that was the underlying principle of most Christian catalogs. Directly following the Bible, Reuchlin placed the Talmud, the foundational body of texts of Jewish law. This position was also assigned with the traditional Christian classification as a model—the first subject to open the secular subjects in Christian libraries was law. The view that Jewish law, Halakha, corresponded to Christian legal tradition was in no way unique to Reuchlin, and this line of thinking would be espoused by later writers, who would described the Talmud as the “Jewish Pandects,” drawing an analogy with the corpus iuris of Roman law that had been codified under the Byzantine emperor Justinian in the 530s.142 The subjects that followed in Reuchlin’s list—Kabbalah, midrash, Bible commentaries, and philosophy—fall under the heading literae humaniores, for which various orders were devised. This means that Reuchlin’s ranking, beginning with Kabbalah, may simply have reflected his personal predilections. Turning to one of the catalogs assembled by Sebastian Münster, for his translation of Grammatica Hebraea, we can see that it displays a mixture of sorting principles.143 Initially, Münster applies the traditional order of Bible and secular subjects. It is noteworthy that the Bible section included both the Hebrew Pentateuch as well as a Hebrew translation of the Gospel of Matthew that Münster had published in 1537.144 The section on Bibles is complemented by a range of systematic study aids: a dictionary of biblical terms, the Targumim, and then the Masorah. This order is systematic, but it may also be a result of Münster’s work with Elijah Levita’s treatises on these subjects. As in Reuchlin’s proposed classification, the section on the Bible and its study aids is then followed by the Talmud, the corpus that serves as the basis for Jewish law, which is described somewhat vaguely as “a large work that comprises different subjects.” Out of the entire body of the Talmud, Münster only mentioned the Mishnah as “the most formidable section of the Talmud.”145 The entries in the remainder of Münster’s

142

143 144

145

For a lucid account of how Christian Hebraists conceived of this comparison, see Anthony Grafton, “‘Pandects of the Jews’: A French, Swiss and Italian Prelude to John Selden,” in Jewish Books and Their Readers, ed. Scott Mandelbrote and Joanna Weinberg (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 169–188. I thank Theodor Dunkelgrün for making me aware of this aspect. Published in Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t4r–t7r. Sebastian Münster, Torat ha-Mashiaḥ: Evangelium Secundum Matthaeum in lingua Hebraica, cum versione latina atque succinctis annotationibus (Basel: Henrici Petri, 1537). In the mind of Christians like Münster, the text of this Gospel lent itself well for missionary efforts to convert Jews to Christianity, because the author had directed it specifically at this group. “Thalmud: ingens opus, varia complectens. Mischna, potior pars Thalmud.” Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t5v.

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list describe authors and their various works. From the entries that expound how the listed authors contributed to various fields of knowledge, it can be discerned that Münster was not consistent in structuring his catalog using a subject classification. The entry on Abraham Ibn Ezra gives a fair example of Münster’s imprecision in describing the listed authors: The sage Ibn Ezra: that is Abraham son of Ezra wrote much: only the commentaries on [the books of] Moses and the Prophets are in existence. He was a great grammarian, a philosopher, an astrologer, and a theologian.146 Similarly to this concise list of authors and their works, Münster also compiled the titles of select works and in other cases outlined the general field of knowledge. Some of these authors are introduced as commentators on various books of the Bible.147 Although these items are separate from the Bible section at the beginning of his catalog, this is not necessarily another inconsistency; rather they seem to be part of the general list of authors. The final part of the catalog fades out into a bare enumeration of various authors: “Rabbi Emmanuel. Rabbi Johanan. Rabbi Isaac. Rabbi Eleazar, and Rabbi Jacob his son. Rabbi Saadia. Rabbi Michol.”148 For these authors Münster provided no explanations as to the fields to which they contributed nor are the names of their works given. The last name in this list, in fact, is likely a misidentification of David Kimhi’s Sefer Mikhlol as an author. In contrast to Reuchlin’s and Münster’s catalogs, the bibliography of Andreas Masius displays a more sophisticated subject classification. A scholar with a broad field of interests, Masius did not stop at reading kabbalistic texts and even studied the Talmud. While he disagreed with many of the precepts of Jewish law, he found the Talmud to be harmless. For this reason, Masius lamented the Catholic Church’s decision to confiscate and destroy the Talmud in 1553. In order to remedy the ignorance that he blamed for this destruction, he added a bibliography of Jewish literature to his Iosuae Imperatoris Historia (published posthumously in 1574) to give his Christian coreligionists a succinct primer in Jewish literature.

146

147 148

“Sapiens Aben Ezra: hoc est, Abraham filius Ezrae, plurima scripsit: extant solummodi commentaria in Mosen et Prophetas: fuit grammaticus, philosophus, astrologus, et theologus magnus.” Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t6r. See Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t6r–t6v. “Rabbi Emmanuel. Rabbi Iohanan. Rabbi Isaac. Rabbi Eleazar, et Rabbi Iacob eius filius. Rabbi Saadias. Rabbi Michol,” Münster, Grammatica Hebraea, t6v–t7r.

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In his bibliography, Andreas Masius employed a sophisticated structure which interlaces chronological order with literary genres. In line with his political agenda, the Talmud is put prominently at the head of the bibliography, using it as a point of reference to lay out the fundamentals of halakhic literature. At its core, the entry on the Talmud introduces Christian readers to the talmudic sedarim and describes their content. The pedagogical intent of Masius’ bibliography becomes even more apparent in the ensuing account of the rabbinic tradition. Here, readers learn about the mishnayot, the Gemara, the Tosefta, and the chronology of their editors. This second section on rabbinic literature directly follows upon the description of the Talmud. Informed by Abraham Ibn Daud, Masius educated his audience by contextualizing his list of midrashot with a brief account of the Amoraim and Tannaim, two generations of rabbinic sages whose discussions are included in the Talmud. It is striking that he made an effort to give precise dates for the author of every title and placed them in the rabbinic tradition. Interestingly, Masius decided to place the Zohar in this segment as well.149 In fact, Masius did not even characterize the book as a kabbalistic work, but made a point of the time of its alleged composition during the reign of Emperor Hadrian (76–138 ce), thereby emphasizing the work’s alleged antiquity. A third section in the bibliography on Kabbalah stands out from the rest by its physical properties, as it is the only category said to consist of manuscripts. This description, no doubt, reflects the situation in the middle of the sixteenth century, when most kabbalistic texts had remained unprinted due to the pressure of the rabbinic elite, which had affected the access of Christians and Jews to these texts.150 The fourth group of texts in Masius’ bibliography consists of post-rabbinic literature that is thus portrayed as distinct from the Kabbalah section. Following the works of Maimonides comes a long series of Bible commentaries. The inclusion of Abraham Ibn Daud’s Sefer ha-Qabbalah, a central source of information on the chronology of the rabbinic tradition, demonstrates that Masius sought the help of Jewish authorities to penetrate into this field. The last section of the bibliography consists of a group of philosophical and ethical works in which Masius singles out three works as containing Jewish doctrines; usually, his brief descriptions seem to imply a God, or a Messiah, that are neither

149 150

Although the Zohar it is not referred to by name. Instead, it is described as a commentary on the Pentateuch by Simeon bar Yoḥai; see Dunkelgrün, “The Hebrew Library,” 242. See chapter 3 for Widmanstetter’s efforts to acquire kabbalistic texts under these circumstances.

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explicitly Jewish nor Christian. He portrayed Josef ben David Ibn Yaḥya’s Sefer Torah Or as containing “much Jewish nonsense and superstition,” not without praising first the author’s erudition. These remarks could hint at a distinction between works than Masius views as compatible with Christian interpretation and others.151 A comparison of the subject classifications of Reuchlin, Münster, and Masius is presented in table 2 (together with that of Moses of Norsi). While there are many differences between the classifications of the authors surveyed, a few general observations can be made. From these records, it clearly emerges that the Bible is always in the first position, and aids such as dictionaries follow not long after. All three authors were in favor of sorting the Talmud and related texts soon after the Bible, perhaps reflecting the importance of this body of texts in Jewish culture. 3.4 Jewish Subject Classification It is worthwhile to extend the scope of our considerations and consider the parallels between the arrangement of Jewish books among Christians and Jews. Many of the Jewish booklists Jean-Pierre Rothschild published suggest subject classifications. Jewish booklists did not explicitly categorize books, instead it is the consistent arrangement of titles in a logical sequence which indicates that their compilers followed a systematic structure. An example can be taken from Widmanstetter’s lifetime, with a booklist that was put together on 6 January 1512 by the Italian Jew Moses of Norsi.152 Rothschild discerned a subject classification in this booklist, reproduced in the first column of table 2. Although some subjects are missing from this particular booklist, notably grammar, dictionaries, and Kabbalah, comparing it to the other booklists presented in the studies of Rothschild show that is typical of how sixteenthcentury Jews in Italy arranged their books. The arrangement of subjects seems to reflect their relative theological significance. As the basis for the revelation of God and His covenant with Israel, the Bible takes the first place, followed by commentaries on the Bible. As the Talmud and its commentaries represent an elaboration of the covenant for daily life, they are placed second. The final

151

152

But ultimately this delicate question could only be answered by a close reading of Masius’ work for further remarks on these texts. Since his goal is to create a favorable disposition towards Jewish literature in general, the bibliography is not the place where we can expect Masius to deliberate on such questions. See also section 4.2.2. Published and analyzed in Jean-Pierre Rothschild, “Quelques listes de livres hébreux dans des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris,”Revue d’histoire des textes 17, no. 1987 (1989): 291–346 (294–302).

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Christian Hebraist subject classifications compared with the booklist of the Italian Jew Moses of Norsi

Moses of Norsi (1512) Reuchlin (1511)

Münster (1543)

Masius (1574)

1. Bible 2. Bible commentaries 3. Talmud 4. Halakhic codes 5. Responsa 6. Sheḥita 7. Philosophy 8. Science 9. Ethics 10. Maḥzor

1. Bible 2. Dictionaries 3. Talmud Unsorted list of authors

1. [Bible] 2. Talmud 3. Rabbinic literature 4. Kabbalah 5. Post-rabbinic literature

1. Bible 2. Talmud 3. Kabbalah 4. Bible commentaries 5. Midrash 6. Philosophy 7. Poetry 8. Fables 9. Tales 10. Satires 11. Didactic manuals

section is made up of philosophical, scientific, and ethical works that refer to a smaller degree to the covenant. The Jewish idea of presenting subjects according to their rank of theological importance is remarkably consistent with the subject classifications found in Christian libraries, though these apply a different theological basis and so sort their books differently. One would like to know if these similar outlooks in terms of the underlying principle for organizing libraries is the result of influence, or if they developed independently from each other. Among the Christian collectors of books, Christian Hebraists are the exception, as they had to find a way to integrate subjects into their libraries that had no counterpart in Christian literature, notably Halakha and Kabbalah. The subject classifications of Johannes Reuchlin, Sebastian Münster, and Andreas Masius all sorted the Talmud immediately following the Bible, just like the booklist of Moses of Norsi. This could indicate that these Christian Hebraists consciously took Jewish booklists as their example in organizing their libraries. Such an assessment cannot be made for Widmanstetter due to the gaps in the reconstruction of his subject classification, although he was certainly familiar with Jewish booklists from his library.153 153

One Jewish booklist is found among Widmanstetter’s books: Cod.hebr. 216, f. 245v. It is published in Jean-Pierre Rothschild, “Listes de livres hébreux en Italie: Nouveaux documents pour une typologie,” Revue d’histoire des textes 19, no. 1989 (1990): 291–339 (326–328).

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Conclusion

This chapter has examined the cultural techniques Widmanstetter employed to assimilate Jewish books into his library and to organize them. Widmanstetter transported his library in book chests and barrels from one dwelling place to another, and he probably even stored the library permanently in this manner. His employment as a councilor at the courts of princes also benefited from the use of book chests and barrels, as they enabled him to consult his books while traveling. After purchasing books, he usually signed them with his name to mark them as his property. Sometimes he would bind books together in order to save costs and facilitate their absorption into the physical arrangement of his library. The majority of books that he ordered to be bound demonstrate his attempts to combine books from the same authors or the same subject matter. Volumes that show purely bibliographic sorting (by publisher or place of publication) or no sorting at all are the exception. Next, Widmanstetter prepared title inscriptions on the covers and flyleaves of his books, which demonstrates his ability to identify texts and date manuscripts. These notes show that his interests went beyond bibliographical information and extended to questions regarding the chronology and history of transmission of Jewish texts and even their materiality. The title inscriptions were likely a first step in the compilation of his catalog, although this has not survived. According to the cataloging practices of the time, the library catalog was divided according to languages and followed the paradigm that had been used in monastery libraries for centuries, dividing books into theological works at the beginning with secular subjects following. Although the details of Widmanstetter’s classification are not known, the examples of his Hebraist colleagues demonstrate how Christian Hebraists of this time deftly integrated Jewish books, such as the Talmud, into a classification that was designed for Christian works.

chapter 5

Exceeding Piety: Widmanstetter’s Hebraitas How and why did Widmanstetter learn Hebrew? And when did he read Jewish books for the first time? In his commentary on the Quran, he transmitted one anecdote in which he discussed Jewish mysticism with Egidio da Viterbo, his host in the autumn of 1532, and the Jewish kabbalist Rabbi Michele Zemat.1 The three men debated the talmudic passage from Bava Batra describing how the Leviathan would be slain at the end of time and a meal of his flesh would be served for the righteous.2 These study sessions apparently included goodnatured banter between the Jew and the Christians, as Egidio teased Zemat with the assertion that Jesus Christ had made a banquet of the Leviathan for his disciples after his resurrection. To this Zemat humorously countered “You see, therefore, that your Messiah did not want to disappoint the expectations of his fat disciples yet again in every respect with this banquet.”3 The details of the kabbalistic interpretation remain unclear, as Widmanstetter summarily wrote “that this secret is more hidden in this passage.” However, it is not possible to gather the extent of the instruction Widmanstetter received from Zemat. A more detailed episode is transmitted from Dattilus, the old teacher of Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, who shocked the young German with his lectures about gilgul neshamot (“transmigration of souls”),4 but overall what Widmanstetter tells us in his published works about his education in the Hebrew language and Jewish literature gives only a partial view of this. To gain a better insight into Widmanstetter’s studies of the language it is necessary to sift through the great number of marginal notes in his manuscripts. Some notes have come down that may be the product of additional lessons with a Hebrew instructor. In a collection of fragments, Widmanstetter listed among other items of his reading a “Hebrew vocabulary relating to the mathematical 1 On Zemat, see Scandaliato, “From Sicily to Rome.” 2 See bBava Batra, 75a–b. 3 “Infra piscis) De huius piscis epulo suauiter sibi blandiuntur Thalmudistae. Cabalistae mysterium magis reconditum hoc loco enuntiant. Aegidius cardinalus Viterbiensis per iocum saepe Michaelo Zemeto preceptori nostro dicere solebat, Christum post resurrectione suam, apostolis hoc epulum exhibuisse. Cui Zematus, Vides igitur, inquit, Messiam vestrum, discipulos suos convivii huius expectatione plenos omnino fallere noluisse.” Theologia, no. xxxvii. For a comprehensive analysis of Widmanstetter’s comment on the Leviathan, see Chapter 6, section 3.1. 4 His lectures and their effect on Widmanstetter will be discussed in detail in section 6.3.2.

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_006

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disciplines” (Vocabula Hebraica pertinentia ad disciplinas Mathematicas). This vocabulary lists Hebrew expressions for fairly basic mathematical phenomena like angle, cone, and line.5 Some of the notes proffering Christian interpretations of Kabbalah may also be the product of Widmanstetter’s own creativity. Whether Widmanstetter prepared this list himself, by using one of the dictionaries in his library, like Sante Pagnini,6 or whether he had the help of a Jewish teacher—either possibility points to his systematic efforts to acquire a working knowledge of Hebrew vocabulary in mathematics that would enable him to study the Hebrew texts in this field. The following pages will systematically look at Widmanstetter’s handwritten notes in order outline his command of Hebrew and the way he made use of his Jewish library. The three sections of this chapter will address Widmanstetter’s hebraitas, his application of Hebrew, from a variety of different angles. The first section traces Widmanstetter’s active use of Hebrew through his correspondence and his commonplace books. The second section will present the manner of Widmanstetter’s note-taking inside his books and point to some preliminary findings regarding his interests in the Talmud. In the third section, we will trace his reading of the Gospel of John as a source on the type of Hebrew current at the time of the evangelists and look at the texts in Widmanstetter’s library to extrapolate his use of Hebrew in Jewish and non-Jewish texts. A comparison of his library with that of his teacher Egidio da Viterbo will elucidate Widmanstetter’s notion of Hebrew in relation to different fields of knowledge.

1

Writing and Translating Hebrew

1.1 Widmanstetter’s Correspondence After getting an introduction to the famous Christian Hebraist Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo through Girolamo Seripando, probably a written recommendation, Widmanstetter presented himself to Egidio in a letter in Hebrew.7 He told the 5 “Angulus ‫ · זוית‬costa ‫ · צלע‬conus ‫ · מחודד‬linea ‫ · קו‬basis ‫ · תושבת‬sagitta ‫ · חץ‬triangulus ‫משולש‬ linea recta, curva ‫ · קו ישר ומעוקם‬superfacies ‫ שטח‬proportio ‫יחס‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 356, xxiv, f. 8v. It is possible that Widmanstetter compiled this list of words from his own reading of texts. He owned numerous mathematical works in Hebrew, including classical texts like Euclid’s Book of Elements (bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 91, 130), translations of mathematical works from the Arabic tradition (bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 225, 290), and works by Jewish mathematicians like Abraham Savasorda and others (bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 299). 6 See bsb, Res/2 A.hebr. 182. 7 See Ms. Oefeleana 249,2 see appendix A, no. 1, for the full letter with a translation. The letter is undated, but the biographical information it contains dates it to this period. Egidio da Viterbo

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cardinal that his desire to contact him had arisen after Seripando showed him some of Egidio’s writings and notebooks. Remarkably, Widmanstetter revealed very little about himself other than that he was originally from Germany, for which he used the Hebrew word “Ashkenaz;” he apparently believed that his background would not be of interest to his correspondent. The content of the letter seems to have been less important than the style in which it was written. Widmanstetter employed the courteous flattery common to early modern epistolography in praising his addressee in Hebrew as “the foremost resident in the kingdom of learning” and even used a customary Hebrew salutation, “may your peace multiply abundantly.” He was also cognizant of the custom in Jewish epistolography to add an abbreviated blessing each time the name of a person is mentioned. When he was describing his friendship with Seripando, he chose the traditional abbreviation ‫ יצ״ו‬for ‫ ( ישמרהו צוּרוֹ ויחיהו‬yishmirehu tsuro we-yeḥihu, “may he preserve him and keep him alive”), and he even added a suitable quote from the Bible, “my friend and my companion” (Psalm 38:12). Widmanstetter also employed the traditional epithets for the sender of a letter in describing himself as “the humble and young servant.” Clearly, Widmanstetter’s point was to demonstrate to Egidio what could be labeled as his hebraitas, in other words his ability as a Christian scholar to write Hebrew in a style that stayed true to the form of the original sources to which humanists were highly attuned. It is unknown what part the letter played in attracting the attention of Egidio. Nonetheless, Widmanstetter stated later in the dedication to his Syriac New Testament that the great Christian Hebraist had indeed invited him to come to Rome, paving the way for him to consult and copy rare kabbalistic texts that then entered his library.8 It was certainly an achievement for a young Christian scholar to write a letter in Hebrew in the 1530s.9 Widmanstetter had none of the aids accessible to later generations of Jews and Christians. The earliest printed collection of letters

died on 13 November 1532. On the back of the title page of bsb, 2 A.hebr. 97, Widmanstetter lists the teacher from his time in Naples. From another print that Widmanstetter signed we know that he was in Naples from at least 1530; see Müller, Widmanstetter, 18. The Hebrew text of the letter was first published in Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 177–178. Perles did not recognize that Widmanstetter had simply kept the draft of his letter, and believed that the letter was never sent to Egidio. 8 For the original books that came into Widmanstetter’s possession, see Chapter 2, section 3.2. The manuscripts Widmanstetter had copied from Egidio’s library are the subject of chapter 3. 9 To date, the only study of Christian Hebraist epistolography is Theodor Dunkelgrün, “The Humanist Discovery of Hebrew Epistolography,” in Jewish Books and Their Readers, ed. Scott Mandelbrote and Joanna Weinberg (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 211–259. The influence of Widmanstetter’s Hebrew teachers is hard to assess.

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that could serve as models for epistolography was published in 1534 by Hayyim Schwarz—at least two years after Widmanstetter contacted Egidio.10 The first collection of letters in Hebrew printed by a Christian was only published in 1610 by the famous Swiss Hebraist Johann Buxtorf, about eighty years later.11 In Widmanstetter’s time, Christians usually collected the letters in Hebrew they had received or acquired manuscript collections of letters.12 As the years passed by, Widmanstetter collected a substantial number of letters in Hebrew that had been addressed to him, only a fraction of which are today preserved in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.13 In addition, Widmanstetter acquired a manuscript of letters by Maimonides from the Italian Rabbi Abraham de Scazzocchio in 1544.14 A decade after the letter to Egidio da Viterbo, Widmanstetter wrote to Rabbi Isaac of Günzburg, an Ashkenazic rabbi, and this letter displays how his command of Hebrew had matured.15 The motive for writing to Isaac was that the convert Paulus Aemilius, Widmanstetter’s protégé, had ended his business partnership with the Augsburg printer Hayyim Schwarz on bad terms and wanted to be reimbursed for his expenses.16 Aemilius and Widmanstetter 10

11 12

13

14 15

16

See Iggerot Shlummim (Augsburg: Hayyim Shahor, 1534). On this work, see Dunkelgrün, “The Humanist Discovery,” 233. Iggerot Shlummim became influential in the early modern period, as it was reprinted at least twice before the eighteenth century: in 1579 in Krakow by Isaac of Prustitz and in 1603 in Basel by Conrad Walkirch. A modest number of other collections existed. See Johann Buxtorf, Institutio epistolaris Hebraica, cum epistolarum Hebraicarum familiarium centuria, ex quibus, […] (Basel: Conrad Walkirch, 1610). As an example, Caspar Amman owned a notebook of letters in Hebrew (bsb, Cod.hebr. 426, ff. 190r–207v), which contains letters he had received from Jewish scholars whom he consulted in enlarging his own Hebraist library, but also letters exchanged between Jews; see Dunkelgrün, “The Humanist Discovery,” 225. The eighteenth-century custodian of the Munich library, Felix von Oefele, compiled a list of Widmanstetter’s letters that is published in Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 155–157. Perles edited and translated some of the letters he found in the library at the end of the nineteenth century. Some of the letters that were believed to be lost were found again in the 1960s. Hans Striedl published the translations of some of the newly found letters in his article Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius.” A study of the letters by Daniel Bomberg to Francesco Parnas which passed on to Widmanstetter is being prepared by Joseph Hacker. bsb, Cod.hebr. 315; for the acquisition of this volume, see Chapter 2, section 3.1. See Ms. Oefeleana 249,16 see appendix A, no. 5, for the full letter with a translation. The letter is dated 27 March 1543 and was sent from Landshut. In addition to the Hebrew draft of the letter, there is another draft in German (dated to the same day) that discloses more details of the affair, such as the exact amount that Aemilius claimed from Schwarz; see Ms. Oefeleana 249,5 see also appendix A, no. 4. Paulus Aemilius and his business partnership are discussed at greater length in section 2.4.2.

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called on the help of Rabbi Isaac because it was he who had originally suggested the collaboration of Schwarz and Aemilius. In his letter, Widmanstetter employed a similar register of praise for Rabbi Isaac and of humility towards his own person as he had shown in the letter directed to Egidio a decade earlier. Indeed, Widmanstetter used the same salutations, so that one might be tempted to conclude that he considered them the most effective to influence men of power or that he did not feel the need to examine the letters he had received for variations. The mark of Widmanstetter’s matured Hebrew, however, is the diction which he used. His choice of words demonstrates both his wide reading of Hebrew texts and works in Aramaic, such as Targumim or the Zohar, and the relative ease with which he was able to phrase his thoughts. In this letter, Widmanstetter probably sought to achieve an elevated style above that of his everyday Hebrew correspondence.17 The petition to Rabbi Isaac was successful, but its linguistic excellence was of course probably not the most decisive factor for the addressee in this case: it is more likely that Rabbi Isaac of Günzburg was swayed to support Paulus Aemilius’ claim against Hayyim Schwarz by Widmanstetter’s powerful position at the ducal court of Ludwig x rather than by a well-phrased letter. 1.2 Widmanstetter’s Hebraist Commonplace Book The foundations for Widmanstetter’s ability to compose Hebrew texts can be traced back to a collection of relevant terms and phrases in his notebook (bsb, Cod.hebr. 124). The humanistic fondness for compiling commonplace books has been described in detail by authors like Ann Blair and Anthony Grafton.18 Early modern teachers exhorted their students to take notes while they read, copying potentially relevant material into topically or alphabetically organized notebooks that would allow them to find it quickly when writing their own compositions. Widmanstetter’s notebook lent itself to that purpose, as he had organized it into alphabetical dictionaries: a Latin-Hebrew glossary, a HebrewLatin glossary, and a dictionary of talmudic terms with explanations in Italian. Widmanstetter only compiled the first two of these himself—the talmudic dictionary was clearly a copy that Widmanstetter had made in great haste, as his uncharacteristic scribbles indicate. The varying hues of ink and the changing shapes of his script in the glossaries are telltale signs that he accumulated his

17 18

By contrast, the correspondence of Paulus Aemilius with Widmanstetter employs a simpler Hebrew vocabulary, but uses more biblical quotations. Cf. Blair, “Organizations of Knowledge”; Blair, Too Much to Know; Anthony Grafton, “The Humanist as Reader,” in A History of Reading in the West, ed. Guglielmo Cavallo and Roger Chartier (Oxford: Polity, 1999), 179–212.

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observations from his readings over a long period of time. He clearly had great ambitions when he began his glossaries, because he indicated the beginning of an alphabetical section every four pages with a large letter, giving him copious space for his notes. For reasons that will always remain beyond our grasp, Widmanstetter left most pages of the notebook untouched. However, the entries that he made give a fair sample of his varied reading of Jewish texts. The linguistic notes mainly draw on the Talmud, the body of texts that forms the foundation of Halakha, Jewish law.19 He also mined another classic halakhic work, Moses Maimonides’ Mishneh Torah, for legal expressions; while Joseph Albo’s Sefer ha-ʿIqqarim, for instance, served him as a source for Jewish philosophical and theological terms: Widmanstetter made long excerpts from this that shed light on key terminology.20 It is noteworthy that the Hebrew Bible is only a minor source for Widmanstetter’s notebook compared to the number of terms drawn from other texts. The lemmata in Widmanstetter’s Hebrew-Latin dictionary often consist of a single word, but short phrases are also found. For idiomatic expressions Widmanstetter supplied an example sentence that displayed the lemma in use. For the Hebrew adverb mammash, for example, Widmanstetter gave not only its Latin translation (“omnino”) but also an example sentence from Sefer ʾAvqat Roḥel: “for this path is indeed (mammash) the path of truth.”21 He gave the Latin equivalent or an explanation for theological or philosophical terminology. For example, in the case of the Hebrew term min, which he discovered in Joseph Albo’s Sefer ha-ʿIqqarim, he gave the following explanation: “whoever differs from the opinion of the majority is called a heretic.”22 It is likely that Widmanstetter considered the Latin hereticus as an insufficient translation to convey the meaning, given that the original source has lengthy passages on the question of what constitutes a min. These notes are not only revealing of the texts Widmanstetter studied intensively—sometimes he stated his sources— but also of the philological acumen that he applied to Jewish texts. A studious reader of the Talmud, Widmanstetter came to wonder about the idiosyncrasies of talmudic Aramaic such as the use of the particle q- (or qa) that can denote an emphasis. Apparently left to his own devices, Widmanstetter suggested two explanations for this particle in his notebook. First, he argued that the parti-

19 20 21 22

Widmanstetter owned the Bomberg edition, today bound in nine volumes: bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258-1-9. A copy of this text that can be assigned to Widmanstetter’s library is not extant. Widmanstetter’s copy of this text is in bsb, 4 A.hebr. 410. “Qui diversum sentit à communi opinione quod dicitur hereticus.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. 22r.

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cle has no function: “This element is often added superfluously to the talmudic voices […] where it serves not purpose.” The other explanation he offers is that it is a stylistic device, although Widmanstetter could not perceive its function beyond ornamentation: “[qa] is often interspersed in other expressions in the Talmud for the sake of ornamentation.”23 Besides his penchant for Jewish literature, Widmanstetter was also praised by his contemporaries for his erudition in Ancient Greek—a language that likewise made generous use of particles, which are largely ornamental and convey semantic shades.24 From the linguistic notes we can learn a great deal about Widmanstetter’s sentiment towards Jewish literacy. To him features of talmudic Hebrew, like the particle q-, would have been signs of its ancient literary quality. The Latin-Hebrew glossary compiled by Widmanstetter structured its material around Latin lemmas and thus lent itself well as a reference for composing Hebrew texts. To a certain degree, the entries in this glossary mirror the other glossary using a simple system of cross-referencing the relevant Hebrew lemmata. For example, in the Latin entry for omnino he added a reference to the Hebrew entry in the other glossary.25 Although the Latin-Hebrew glossary draws from the same sources as the Hebrew-Latin glossary, it adds numerous phrases that Widmanstetter copied from letters which he had read. As a result of this studious mining of sources, he had a broad array of stock expressions at his disposal which he could recombine to form his own letters. A Hebrew phrase like hine raʾiti et asher katavta (“lo, I have seen what you have written”) would have been a proper way to acknowledge the receipt of a letter sent to Widmanstetter.26 Note that the Latin lemmata are not always literal translations of their Hebrew cognates: in this example the Latin lemmata translates as “I have received your letters,” but this phrase derives from an equally formulaic Latin tradition that was designed to aid humanists in finding the right tone in their correspondence. In writing his letters, Widmanstetter would have searched in his glossaries for salutations and expressions that had no easily recognizable correspondences in Hebrew. When describing the status of Paulus Aemilius as a “convert” to Christianity in his letter to Rabbi Isaac of Günzburg, Widmanstetter would 23

24 25 26

“Hoc elementum saepe adiicitur superflue vocibus Talmudisticas ut ‫ קתני‬pro ‫ קנאי‬et ‫אנא‬ ‫ קאמינא‬pro ‫ אנא אמינא‬ubi omnino nihil servit, et huiusmodi in Berachoth invenies. Ornatus gratia in Talmud saepe interponitur caeteris dicitonibus ut in Masecheth Berachoth ubi ‫ קא‬ociosum est. ‫מכדי כהני׳ אימת קא אכלי תרומה‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. [29bisr]. Widmanstetter’s work in this field has been analyzed in Striedl, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter.” “Omnino vide in Radicibus ‫ממש‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. 102r. “Accepi literas tuas. ‫הנה ראיתי את אשר כתבת‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. 75r.

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have looked through his glossary and found two possible equivalents under the lemma “Baptism”: “holy water” (mayyim ha-qodashim) and “ritual immersion” (tevilah).27 The pressure on the Jewish minority to convert to Christianity had spawned a host of polemical expressions against the Christian elements of forced baptisms during the medieval period. Jewish polemical texts often portrayed “holy water,” the direct translation proffered for baptism in Widmanstetter’s glossary, as an element that rendered unclean anyone who underwent baptism. As an example, two of the Hebrew chronicles written in the wake of the persecutions in Germany during the First Crusade of 1096 use the term tsiḥnuho, “they made him stink,” to describe the effect of baptism with holy water.28 Widmanstetter chose the second term in the glossary to characterize Aemilius as “ben tevilah.” For Isaac, the term tevilah would have had the additional layer of meaning that Jews routinely underwent immersions in dedicated baths in order to ritually purify themselves. Widmanstetter was fully aware of the original meaning of immersion in Jewish ritual context through his reading of the Talmud. He extensively annotated the tractate Berakhot of the Talmud that discusses ritual immersion, and many of his lemmata in the glossary are drawn from this tractate.29 It seems that Widmanstetter coined the expression ben tevilah himself in parallel to the Aramaic expression bar mitsvah, which designates a Jew old enough to keep the divine commandments (mitsvot). Jews of the required age underwent a ceremony that bears the same name. Through this neologism, Widmanstetter apparently wanted to express that the fulfillment of the commandments as stipulated in Judaism had become obsolete with the coming of Jesus and that the Jewish bar mitsvah had been supplanted by the Christian ben tevilah. Widmanstetter was not only a collector of Hebrew and Aramaic vocabulary, but also of the different scripts Jews used in the different parts of the world, and the commonplace book also featured a table of different Hebrew scripts (see figure 13).30 Widmanstetter compiled this overview of scripts as he read his Jewish books, just like he copied useful expressions into the glossaries. The table lists Hebrew letters in the order of the alefbet and sections them into six 27 28

29

30

“Baptismus ‫ טבילה‬.‫מים הקדושי׳‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. 77r. Eva Haverkamp, ed., Hebräische Berichte über die Judenverfolgungen während des Ersten Kreuzzugs, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Hebräische Texte aus dem mittelalterlichen Deutschland 1 (Hannover: Hahn, 2005), 409. See bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–1: Seder Zeraʿim: Masekhet Berakhot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, n.d.). Ironically it seems that Widmanstetter had missed the discussion among the rabbis of the bar tevilah—the term used to designate someone who is unfit for ritual immersion, see Berakhot, 61a. bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. 74v.

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figure 13 Table of Hebrew scripts assembled by Widmanstetter. bsb, Cod.hebr. 124, f. 74v courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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columns. Some of the letters, such as shin or ʿayin, exhibit remarkable differences in shape between the different scripts. Other letters have more subtle differences, like the variations in the horizontal upper bars of the letter bet. The table of letterforms that Widmanstetter assembled was likely meant as a repository from which he could draw inspiration for his own script, because all the letterforms can be identified as Sefardic semi-cursive, which Widmanstetter used to write his letters in Hebrew and marginal notes. The ductus in Widmanstetter’s own writing is very consistent, and the script is easily readable. The earliest extant piece of Hebrew writing from his hand, his letter to Egidio da Viterbo, is already very mature and has all the features that Widmanstetter would retain throughout his life. His Latin and his Hebrew scripts are similar to each other, through Widmanstetter’s use of long descenders and ascenders which he often decorated with a flourish, such as in letters like tav, lamed, uppercase B, or lowercase f. Widmanstetter adhered to the traits that are typically associated with Sefardic script, such as having concave horizontal upper bars that all align like pearls on a necklace.31 As most of the manuscripts in his possession were in Sefardic script, he was certainly aware that the individual letters could often intertwine, rendering them a challenge for the untrained reader of these texts. In his own writing of Hebrew, however, Widmanstetter was careful to distinguish the forms of each letter by applying larger spaces between them for better readability. This mode of writing is very distinct from that found in the manuscripts by Jewish or convert scribes, and emphasizes legibility over speed. The table Widmanstetter compiled in his commonplace book speaks to his mindset as a humanist scholar who was interested in the variations of Sefardic script that he encountered in his manuscripts and who used them to inspire his own penmanship.

2

Reading the Talmud

Widmanstetter polemicized against the Talmud in a marginal note inside his copy of the tractate Sanhedrin from the Babylonian Talmud. The passage in question, containing descriptions of paradise, reminded him of the Quran’s descriptions of paradise. He lamented that Jews, like Muslims, described the physical pleasures of the afterlife: “This opinion on paradise is also found

31

The features of Sefardic script and their development are described in Malachi BeitArié and Edna Engel, Specimens of Mediaeval Hebrew Scripts, Volume ii: Sefardic Script (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 2002).

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among the Mohammedans.”32 In his commentary on the Quran, which will be examined in chapter 6, he systematically discussed the parallels between the Talmud and the Quran, even construing a tradition between the two texts. In his polemical outlook on the Talmud, Widmanstetter followed generations of Christians, such as Petrus Alphonsi who wrote the Dialogus contra Iudaeos (“The dialogue against the Jews”) or Peter the Venerable, the author of Adversus Iudaeorum inveteratam duritiem (“Against the antiquated obstinacy of the Jews”) in the twelfth century. The following century saw the beginning of the institutional persecution of the book with the trial of the Inquisition against the Talmud in France, which resulted in the burning of the text in 1241/1242. In Widmanstetter’s own lifetime, the Talmud was again banned and burned by papal decree.33 Conversely, there was a trend in the Christian tradition that sought to use Jewish texts as a source material (without abandoning the anti-Jewish bent). In 1263, the great Jewish sage Moses Nachmanides was summoned to Barcelona to engage in a disputation with the friar Paul. The convert Paul sought to prove the veracity of Christianity from the Talmud. Soon after, in 1380, the Dominican monk Raymond Martini published his Pugio fidei (“The dagger of faith”) that likewise presented an attempt to deduce “the Christian truth” from the Talmud.34 Even as early as the twelfth century there were scholars at the School of St. Victor in Paris who proclaimed the potential of the Talmud to elucidate the Bible.35 Two features of Widmanstetter’s note-taking are exemplified in the halakhic writings he owned, although they are also visible in all the other genres. The first significant characteristic is that Widmanstetter’s notes are frequently only found at the very beginning of his books. This pattern is especially pronounced in his nine-volume copy of the Bomberg Talmud. Widmanstetter began reading many of the individual tractates, as can be gleaned from his diligent note-taking in the margins, but after the first dozen or so pages his notes thin out and soon

32 33

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35

“In hac sententia sunt etiam Mahometani de paradiso.” bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–7, bSanhedrin, 119a. See Lawrence Rose, “When Was the Talmud Burnt in Paris? A Critical Examination of the Christian and Jewish Sources and a New Dating, June 1241,” Journal of Jewish Studies 62 (2011): 324–339; Fidora, “Latin Talmud,” 14–16. See Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Semitism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982); Robert Chazan, Barcelona and Beyond: The Disputation of 1263 and Its Aftermath (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992). See Rainer Berndt, “The School of St. Victor in Paris,” in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament: The History of Its Interpretation. vol. 2, From the Beginnings to the Middle Ages. Part 2: The Middle Ages, ed. Magne Sæbo (Göttingen, 2000), 467–495.

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stop altogether.36 This feature makes it difficult to assess his grasp of texts and how far he really read them. The second item of interest is that Widmanstetter often read his books through a narrow lens that omitted much of what they had to offer. In many cases, Widmanstetter only jotted down the names of figures mentioned in the texts for their bibliographic or historical interest. In the tractate Berakhot, for example, Widmanstetter wrote down many detailed notes that mostly paraphrase the text of the Mishnah, the most ancient layer of the Talmud on which later generations of rabbis commented in the Gemara and in later commentaries. A substantial number of notes are concerned with the names and achievements of the rabbis mentioned. When he spotted Simeon bar Yoḥai’s name, for example, this discovery was worth a note in Hebrew announcing his authorship of the Zohar: “Rabbi Simeon bar Yoḥai who wrote the book Zohar in Kabbalah.”37 Of less interest to Widmanstetter than the author of a kabbalistic text, he merely valued the amora Rabbi Yoḥanan as the teacher of the sage Reish Laqish.38 This note focusing on the late antique rabbinic figures has numerous corresponding notes that Widmanstetter wrote in other texts. But his interest rarely translated into an engagement with the arguments on halakhic matters that he read about. Although trained as lawyer himself, Widmanstetter showed no interest in Jewish law. Like other Christians, Widmanstetter read the Talmud as a source for the early history of the church and to some degree on other religions as well. Another point of interest for Widmanstetter in halakhic texts were the religious customs of Jews for which the tractate Berakhot provides ample information. This tractate begins with an extensive discourse on the Shema prayer between numerous authorities. As is visible from his notes, Widmanstetter took note of the straightforward information that Jews pray the Shema twice daily at certain times.39 Only a few marginal notes delve more deeply into the material and offer Widmanstetter’s associations with similar practices in other faiths. For example, the discussion in Berakhot about head-tefillin (phylacteries), which mature Jews don for weekday morning prayers, reminded Widmanstetter of a similar practice among contemporary Muslims (“Turcae”). Sadly, this association is offered without context or reference, as one would

36 37 38 39

In the catalog accompanying this study, the pages where Widmanstetter left marginal notes in his books are indicated in the section “W.” “‫ר׳ שמעון בן יוחי שחבר ספר הזוהר בקבלה‬.” bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–1, 29b. “R. Joannes praeceptor Reslaqisei.” bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–1, 32a. “Hebrei cottidie bis recitant hanc lectionem Deuteronomium vi scriptam: Audi Israel etc. unde hoc loco agitur qua hora sit rentanda.” bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–1, 2a.

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like to know where Widmanstetter had received his information on Muslim devotional practices. One likely source is the French Hebraist Guillaume Postel, who shared Widmanstetter’s fascination with religious customs and traveled twice to the Ottoman Empire where he had the opportunity to observe Muslim prayers.40 Widmanstetter discovered another similarity between Jewish and Christian practices in the talmudic discussion about whether the washing of the hands or the mixing of water with the wine have priority. Dispensing with the argument of the rabbis about ritual purity, he pointed out the similarity of the Jewish practice of mixing wine with water with the description of the Last Supper where Jesus also had mixed wine with water, a practice which was still observed during the Eucharist as part of the Catholic liturgy.41 This note is suggests that Widmanstetter sought to discover in Jewish sources the roots of Christian liturgy. His eagerness to discover pieces of the beginnings of Christianity in the Talmud did not cloud Widmanstetter’s critical judgment. Beginning at 28b, Berakhot discusses the blessing of the heretics; in the array of authorities whose opinions are recounted, one after the view of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi is cited. Widmanstetter made a note in the book’s margin that the figure mentioned in the text is not Jesus Christ—he knew that the name Jesus, in Greek Ἰησοῦς, derives from the Hebrew name ‫( יהושע‬Yehoshua). Once again, he did not engage here with the halakhic discussion itself, but used the data given in the text to distinguish Jesus Christ from the sage Yehoshua ben Levi.42 Widmanstetter explained that Yehoshua ben Levi must have lived before the captivity of the Jews in Babylonia, because the blessing of the heretics had been instituted during the lifetime of Rabban Gamaliel ii who had flourished in Babylon.43 In fact, there is a problem with Widmanstetter’s dating of Rabban Gamaliel ii, as he 40

41

42

43

“Cum caput sunt fascia seu sudario obligat Iudeaus quid debeat recitare, hodie Turcae huius modi fasciis utuntur.” bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–1, 52a. For Postel’s travels, see, for example, Marion L. Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, Prophet of the Restitution of All Things: His Life and Thought, International Archives of the History of Ideas 98 (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1981), 36, 93–97. “Benedictio vini primus dicenda non est, quod aquam diluatur. Unde verisimile est Christum in caena admiscuisse aquam vino, quod hodie in eucharistiae administratione servatur.” bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–1, 52a. The form used in the Talmud for Jesus is not the Hebrew “Yehoshua” or the Aramaic “Yeshua,” but “Yeshu (ha-Notsri)”; see e.g. Gittin 57a; Avodah Zarah 17a; Sanhedrin 43a; Berakhot 17b. “Loquitur autem non de Jesu Christo, ut plerique omnes existimant, sed quodam alio Jesu, qui fuit ante tempora transmigrationis Babel, ut hinc coniici potest. Nam benedictio dei contra hereticos de qua hic fit mentio temporibus R. Gamalielis, qui floruit Babylone, ordinata fuit.” bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258–1, 30a.

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did not live during the Babylonian captivity, but was instead the leader of the Sanhedrin after the Romans had destroyed the Second Temple in 70ce; and Yehoshua ben Levi was an amora who lived in the third century ce. Nonetheless, Widmanstetter must be given credit for attempting to clarify a misidentification of Jesus in the Talmud using the textual details he discovered. In focusing on the historical data that could be gained from the Talmud, Widmanstetter followed similar attempts that had been made by Christians, like the scholars at the School of St. Victor in Paris, since the medieval period. His commentary on the Gospel of John will show how he put his knowledge of Jewish texts to better understand the world of Jesus.

3

Wider Perspectives on Hebrew Texts

3.1 Hebraic Studies in the New Testament Two decades before Widmanstetter embarked on the printing of the Syriac New Testament in 1555, he was secretary to Pope Clement vii,44 and was widely hailed among Italian humanists for his knowledge of classical letters.45 On 14 December 1533, he completed a translation that he had done on his own of the Gospel of John from the Greek text into Latin.46 Added in the margins are notes that show him using his knowledge of Jewish sources to gain a different understanding of its text.47 In these notes, Widmanstetter betrayed no interest in kabbalistic matters at all, but was chiefly concerned with philological questions. Many Christian scholars in the sixteenth century felt a renewed interest in the original versions of Scripture, leading some to read and study the Hebrew Bible.48 More popular by far was studying the New Testament in its Greek text 44 45

46

47

48

From him Widmanstetter received a Greek manuscript, see Müller, Widmanstetter, 25. It is known that his later employer in Rome, Cardinal Nikolaus von Schönberg, shared Widmanstetter’s taste for Greek letters and the New Testament in particular. Striedl suggests that Schönberg inspired him to prepare his translation of the Gospel; see Striedl, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 116–118. See bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247, f. 38v. Widmanstetter’s authorship of the translation is proved by his marginal notes that state “verti” on ff. 2r and 16r; see Striedl, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 114. As well as the Gospel of John, Widmanstetter also translated the Epistle to the Ephesians and the First Epistle of John, both in bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 248. See bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247. The manuscript consists of nine folded sheets of paper, making each page folio size. An earlier assessment of this source can be found in Striedl, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 114–116. For an overview of the scholarly interest that the Bible elicited from humanists, see Hamilton, “Humanists and the Bible.”

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and comparing it to the Vulgate, the traditional Latin translation attributed to St. Jerome. Christian humanists were concerned by the question of how reliably the Vulgate reflected the Hebrew and Greek source texts. As their philological sophistication grew, humanists historicized the medium of text and began to consider the influence of scribal mistakes, developing methods to trace and eliminate them, leading to new translations of the New Testament. One of these was prepared by Erasmus of Rotterdam, who, among his other talents, was widely acknowledged by his contemporaries for his contributions to Greek studies. Erasmus based his translation on an improved Greek text of the New Testament for which he studied and collated many original manuscripts he had discovered throughout Europe.49 He also set himself the aim of achieving a better understanding of the text and thus published his Annotationes on the New Testament, where he listed variant readings and explained difficult expressions. Widmanstetter, however, who referenced the translation of Erasmus numerous times in his marginal notes,50 was at odds with the Dutch humanist’s method of translation. In particular, Widmanstetter’s notes accompanying his own translation of the Gospel of John show that he did not agree with Erasmus’ goal to improve the style of the Latin text by using varying translations of one and the same Greek word in different contexts. A stickler for philological rigor, Widmanstetter was less concerned with style, using only one Latin expression for each Greek lemma and even imitating the other language’s syntax closely.51 His eye for detail, combined with his knowledge of Hebrew and Jewish sources, gave him a critical advantage over the Dutch humanist, and afforded him new insights into the world of the Gospel’s protagonists. In his marginal notes, Widmanstetter attempted to trace the Hebrew vocabulary behind the Gospel written in Greek. He discerned, for instance, that the word rabboni in John 20:16 carried a higher mark of distinction than the honorific adoni.52 He also provided similar explanations for other Hebrew expressions throughout the Gospel, his point being to show that the Gospel was written in a context where Hebrew or Hebrew expressions exercised influence on the Greek literary production. Widmanstetter’s intensive work with the text of the Gospel is best understood against the background of the long engagement of Christian scholars

49 50 51 52

See Hamilton, “Humanists and the Bible,” 109–112. See bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247, ff. 14r, 14v, 21v, 30r, 30v, 31r, 35v, 36r. For a discussion of his method of translating, see Striedl, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 115. “Rabboni honorifica magis quam domini adpellatio. Vulgarem domini adpellatio nomine fuisse constat apud Hebraeos. ‫ֵאדוֹ ִני‬.” bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247, f. 36r.

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with the original languages of the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament. The Church Fathers had planted the seeds of this tradition by positing that the Greek Gospels were only translations of texts that were originally written with a Jewish readership in mind in their language, Hebrew.53 In 1537, Widmanstetter’s former teacher Sebastian Münster published a Hebrew version of the Gospel of Matthew, claiming in his introduction that he had used an unspecified manuscript. After a critical examination of the language of Münster’s text and its possible sources, Eran Shuali concluded that Münster had translated the Gospel himself into Hebrew using the Vulgate as his template.54 While the Christian Hebraist’s stated intention was to convert Jews, Shuali showed that Münster instead wanted to help his fellow Christians to gain a better reading of the Greek text, as he believed that some Greek expressions were insufficient translations of originally ambiguous Hebrew terms which he revised in his translation.55 The marginal notes Widmanstetter added to his translation of the Gospel of John are equally concerned with discovering the Hebrew idiomatic expressions that he suspected were looming behind the Greek text. For instance, he explained that in the verse “(the people) cried, Hosanna: Blessed is the King of Israel that cometh in the name of the Lord” (John 12:13), the Hebrew equivalent is barukh ha-ba (“blessed is he who comes”).56 In this instance, he had the Greek verse in mind (“eulogemenos ho erchomenos,” “blessed is he who comes”) which runs directly parallel to Widmanstetter’s Hebrew text and which he interpreted as a word-for-word translation from that language. To Widmanstetter, the implication of this and other idiomatic

53 54

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56

For instance, “Matthew also issued a written gospel among the Hebrews in their own dialect.” Irenaeus, Against Heresies, 3:1. See Eran Shuali, “Les deux versions de l’évangile de Matthieu en hébreu publiées par Sebastian Münster (1537) et par Jean du Tillet et Jean Mercier (1555): Un rééxamen des textes et de la question de leurs auteurs,” in Les hébraïsants chrétiens en France au xvie siècle: Actes du colloque de Troyes, 2–4 septembre 2013, ed. Gilbert Dahan and Annie Noblesse-Rocher, Cahiers d’Humanisme et Renaissance 153 (Geneva: Droz, 2018), 217–251 (223–240). “Deinde quod quaedam ob sermonum idiomata sic in alienam linguam transfundi non possunt, ut vel eandem et nativam paremve nativae gratiam claritatemque referant.” Münster, Torat ha-Mashiaḥ, a3b. Münster’s decision to emend the text without indicating the passages in question was criticized from quite early on; see Johann David Michaelis, Introduction to the New Testament (Rivington: Gale Ecco, 1823), 195–201. Today, New Testament scholars are in agreement that the Gospel of Matthew was originally written in Greek. Using various philological methods, it can be shown that many passages could not have been composed in a Semitic language; see Helmut Koester, History and Literature of Early Christianity (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000), 207. “‫ ברוך הבא‬salutatio Judaeorum,” bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247, f. 23v.

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expressions may have been to show that a culture where Hebrew expressions were in use had been formative in the creation of the Gospel of John. Widmanstetter’s linguistic notes reveal him as a keen reader who assembled small observations into a larger mosaic of the Bible’s history of transmission. In explaining another passage, for example, Widmanstetter used a sophisticated linguistic argument to claim that the dialogs in the Gospel were direct translations from the Hebrew. Widmanstetter explained at length that the Greek particle hoti was found so often in the gospels because its Hebrew equivalent, ki, was used just as frequently in direct speech in Hebrew.57 During the description of Christ’s Crucifixion, the climax of the Gospel narrative, Widmanstetter directed his attention to a minute detail. Shortly before he died, the Gospels says that Jesus received a drink of vinegar from the Roman soldiers, who fastened a sponge to a twig which they directed up to the mouth of the crucified man above them (John 19:29). Widmanstetter noted the differences in the wording in the different Gospels, which describe this event using two distinct Greek terms for the twig. While two of the three synoptic Gospels labeled it kalamos (“reed”), a general term that does not specify the plant, John uses the specific name of an herb, hyssopos (“hyssop”)—this plant appears numerous times in the Hebrew Bible, where it is used for cleansing different forms of ritual defilement, such as after a skin disease or an infestation.58 Widmanstetter first noted that the Greek manuscripts do no use the correct Greek form of the word for the plant, which has two sigmas, ὑσσώπῳ, but instead write it ὑσώπῳ, with only one sigma. From the finding that the Greeks wrote the plant’s name incorrectly, he deduced that the Greek writers were not familiar with the plant and wrote its name down based on how they heard it pronounced in Hebrew, as ezov. Widmanstetter then ventured into the difficult subject of biblical botany by giving his own identification of the plant, which he described as an herb that has useful medical properties and is akin to a plant known to the Greek as libanotis (“rosemary”).59 Then he con-

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“Particula ὅτι ex more sermonis Haebraei toties occurit apud Evangelistam illi enim quoties alterius dicta referunt, non obliquata oratione, sed simplici, qua usus est is, referre solent, quale est, ‫ אמרת כי חכם אנכי‬ἐῖπας ὅτι σοφὸς ἐγὼ dixisti quia sapiens ego, pro eo quod est dixisti te esse sapientem, aut tali quopiam ἀῦ.” bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247, f. 17v. Ritual cleaning of persons in the Bible is mentioned in Leviticus 14:1–7, 33–53. In Exodus 12:22, hyssop is used to paint the houses of the Israelites with the blood of lambs. Psalm 51:7 mentions the use of hyssop for ritual cleansing. The identification of the biblical hyssop with plants that were known at the time was long disputed among scholars. It was often overlooked that European hyssop does not grow in the Holy Land. More recent scholarship has shown the herb to be Majorana syriaca; see Michael Zohary, Plants of the Bible: A Complete Handbook to All the Plants with

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nected the plant to the ancient Jewish religious custom in which the plant was used to sprinkle the blood of sacrificial animals in the course of the Temple services, drawing on both Exodus 12:21–24 and the corresponding New Testament account in Hebrews 9:19.60 His observations allowed Widmanstetter to conclude that the Gospel of John was composed in a situation where Hebrew was a spoken language. One of Widmanstetter’s most interesting linguistic notes references the first verse of the Gospel of John, “In the beginning was the Word” (John 1:1). Widmanstetter translated this using the Latin verbum for the Greek logos (“word”). Widmanstetter justified his decision to adhere to the traditional translation of Origen, who selected verbum and not sermon (“speech”), even though it did not accord with his own examination of the text: “Logos, which I have translated as verbum and not as sermonem, because it is already found as verbum in Origen’s [translation].” The Greek logos has a range of meanings that depend on the given context, and “word” and “speech” are two of them.61 His note then discusses the Hebrew equivalents of logos: “in Hebrew [it is] davar, not maʾamar.” The two alternatives are depicted as parallels to the two aforementioned Latin words: while davar denotes a single word, maʾamar expresses multiple words. This sentence provides another justification that is designed to support Origen’s choice. Finally, Widmanstetter discussed a possible connection between the Latin verbum and a Hebrew root, bar-pum, which he dismissed offhand: “may they be silent regarding the origin of verbum from bar-pum.”62 Given Wid-

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200 Full-Color Plates Taken in the Natural Habitat (London: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 96–97; Alexander Fleisher and Zhenia Fleisher, “Identification of Biblical Hyssop and Origin of the Traditional Use of Oregano-Group Herbs in the Mediterranean Region,” Economic Botany 42, no. 2 (1988): 232–241. Widmanstetter changes his mind about the properties of hyssop at the end of the note, when he refers to two verses that describe it as a wood, not an herb. “[John 19:29] ὑσσώπῳ περιθέντες. Matthaeus [27:48] πλήσας τε ὄξους καὶ περιθεὶς καλάμῳ. Marcus [15:36]. καὶ γεμίσας σπόγγον ὄξους περιθεὶς καλάμῳ. Lucas [23:36] ὄξος προσφέροντες αὐτῷ. Graeci omnes vocis affinitate delusi quod Hebraei ‫ אזוב‬dicunt, ὕσωπαν verterunt, quos sequunti sunt apostoli. Vel, quod crediderim, reliquerunt vocem hebraeam, ezobam, quam scribae non intelligentes in hysopum verterunt, et exemplaria Graeca ὑσσώπῳ non habent, sed ὑσώπῳ. Est autem ‫ אזוב‬idem nonnullis quod λιβανῶτις generis, planta laudatissima et vulgo cognita, qua utebantur in sacrificiis Judaei veteres ad aspersionem plebis una cum caedro, quae est eiusdem generis, sed sublimis, cum λιβανῶτις sit pumilio in eo genere quocirca puterim idem est ὑσώπῳ seù, quod καλάμῳ apud alios Evangelios. Hoc loco in morte omnino textum Graecum. Certum est aut ‫ אזוב‬herba nomen est […] lignum ex 3. regibus 4. 20 calamus est ‫קנה‬.” bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247, f. 34v. In addition, the word has a non-verbal layer, denoting thought or reason. “Λόγος quod verbum verti non sermonem, quod receptum iam apud Origines sit verbum. Hebraice ‫ דבר‬non ‫ מאמר‬ut taceant de verbi etymo ‫פום‬-‫בר‬.” bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 247, f. 1r.

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manstetter’s dissociation from this putative etymological origin of verbum, we can gather that he had read it or heard it from some source, though we did not know which. It seems that Widmanstetter thought of Hebrew as the original language of the Gospel and examined comparative Greek expressions to indicate this connection. Widmanstetter’s translation of the Gospel of John from the Greek text into Latin, and the commentary that he prepared, all two decades before the printing of the Syriac New Testament of 1555, display his thorough knowledge of the Greek text’s philological complexities. Widmanstetter’s notes on the Greek version of the Gospel of John portray it as a document that holds historical information on the Lebenswelt Jesus and his contemporaries experienced. 3.2 Hebrew as a Gateway to the Arabic Tradition Beside texts originally written in Hebrew (and Aramaic), Widmanstetter’s collection also holds numerous titles that had been translated from the Arabic. In this he differed markedly from earlier Christian Hebraists, among them Egidio da Viterbo. This difference invites a comparison between the collections of the two scholars. Viewing the two libraries side by side through their bibliographical features allows us to define more closely the shift of interest between the two, and get an idea of their conceptions of Hebrew in their respective projects. Egidio’s library is a useful foil against which to compare Widmanstetter’s activities as a Hebraist, for several reasons. First, Widmanstetter often emphasized the continuity between his own collection of books and that of Egidio, portraying himself as an heir to the famous Christian Hebraist in the monumental paratexts introducing the manuscripts he had copied. Second, he absorbed a considerable number of manuscripts from Egidio’s library—either in the original or copied form—into his own.63 As their shared attitudes to kabbalistic texts have been analyzed in previous chapters,64 the following pages will deal with the reception and study of Jewish and Hebrew texts by both men on a broader scale by applying bibliographic analysis. Although the limitations of quantitative studies of libraries are widely understood, there is value in such studies provided the findings are contextualized and book possession is not

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The Hebrew pum is in fact a minor form of the more commonly found word peh, “mouth”; see Wilhelm Gesenius, Hebräisches und aramäisches Handwörterbuch über das Alte Testament, 18th ed. (Berlin: Springer, 1987), 1039. The compound bar-pum is formed in parallel to other Hebrew words beginning with bar which denotes the affiliation to a group. In that sense, bar-pum could be understood as “that which belongs to the mouth,” or a “word.” For the complicated history of acquisition of Egidio’s books, see Chapter 2, section 3.2. See especially section 3.2.1.

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conflated with interest in specific topics or authors.65 One sustainable way to harness bibliographical data is to contextualize its findings with external sources. In this spirit, this analysis will contrast the Hebraist libraries of the two scholars and explain their differences by drawing on the presence (or lack) of marginal notes in order to indicate an engagement with a given text. These findings will also highlight different attitudes between subsequent generations of Hebraists who developed new interests as they learned which texts were available to them in Hebrew. In a note that Widmanstetter left in one of his own Greek manuscripts, he reported how he lectured before Pope Clement vii in the Vatican Gardens on Nicolaus Copernicus’ new doctrine of heliocentrism in 1533. The pope subsequently rewarded Widmanstetter’s mastery of astronomy by presenting him with this Greek manuscript.66 No less than seventy astronomical texts and tables in his Hebrew library show that Widmanstetter also pursued his interest in astronomy through texts written or translated into Hebrew.67 Unfortunately, it is not possible to determine exactly to what extent he made use of them for his astronomical studies, because he did not comment on these manuscripts, apart from a few marginal notes in bsb, Cod.hebr. 91 devoted to bibliographical questions.68 It is striking that these and other topics relating to the sciences are only represented in small numbers in the library of Widmanstetter’s teacher, Egidio da Viterbo. This means that Egidio bought an anthology of texts, but did not oversee its exact composition and was likely not interested in science. Thus, Egidio’s only astronomical text can be found in Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 72, a collective manuscript consisting mainly of grammatical treatises. Moreover, Egidio did not comment on this text, suggesting that he was probably not interested in the astronomical text in this manuscript when he purchased it. For these reasons, astronomy can be excluded as one of Egidio’s

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For a discussion of the method, see Pearl Kibre, “The Intellectual Interests Reflected in Libraries of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,” Journal of the History of Ideas 7, no. 3 (1946): 257–297 (259). The manuscript contains a commentary on Aristotle’s De sensu by Alexander of Aphrodisias. The episode is recorded on the flyleaf: “Clemens vii. pontifex maximus hunc codicem mihi dono dedit anno mdxxxiii Romae, postquam ei praesentibus fratri Ursino Johanni Salviato cardinalibus Johanni Petro episcopo Viterbiensis et Mathaeo Curtio medico physico in hortis Vaticanis Copernicianam de motu terrae sententiam explicavi.” bsb, Cod.graec. 151. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 70, 91, 109, 126, 128, 230, 233, 246, 249, 256, 261, 263, 289, 299, 304, 343, 327, and 340. Widmanstetter’s bibliographical notes, mostly found on the bindings and flyleaves, are analyzed in section 4.2.

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areas of interest. His student Widmanstetter, however, even achieved a level of mastery in this subject that was appreciated by his contemporaries and earned him a gift from the pope. Although the manuscripts that Widmanstetter commissioned to be copied from Egidio’s library are evidence of his intense preoccupation with Kabbalah, they do not convey a representative idea of Widmanstetter’s collection as a whole. Looking at the literary interests displayed in the libraries of the two, Widmanstetter’s independence as a scholar from his teacher becomes apparent in the substantially wider thematic spectrum of his library. Due to the losses in Egidio’s library and the difficulty in reconstructing it due to its dispersion, however, the results presented here can only be preliminary—the overall picture will change with every newly found book. In addition, Egidio’s collection contains a large number of texts not in the original Hebrew (or Aramaic), but only in the form of partial translations.69 For example, the Bibliothèque nationale de France houses several notebooks by Egidio written in Latin into which he recorded his excerpts in a mixture of translation, paraphrase, and interpretation.70 Frequently the manuscripts which he had in front of him while taking these notes are no longer extant, making the notes the only traces of the lost manuscripts. Even considering just the kabbalistic texts, where there is substantial overlap between Widmanstetter’s library and Egidio’s library, the contents of the two collections are not completely congruent. As an example, Egidio owned Sefer ha-Tseruf (Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3105), mistakenly attributed to Abraham Abulafia, a thirteenth-century Spanish kabbalist.71 Widmanstetter on his part possessed bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, a collective manuscript which contains the works of Abulafia. The total proportion of kabbalistic texts is higher in Egidio’s library (as we currently know it). However, this imbalance is due to Widmanstetter’s broader interests: in absolute numbers, Egidio actually held fewer kabbalistic texts in the original languages. Of the fifty-three known

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It is problematic to give an exact number for them, since the catalogs describe the content with varying degrees of accuracy. Based on my research so far, I assume that there are about sixty texts of this type. See Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 62, 98, 373 527, 596, 597, 598, 3363, 3667, 8751 D, plus an Italian manuscript: Paris, BnF, Ms. ital. 612, It should be noted that these books may also contain notes by Egidio’s informants. Egidio’s manuscript contains other texts that Widmanstetter did not own, such as Dunash Ibn Tamim’s commentary on Sefer Yetsirah, an anonymous commentary on Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut, and Eliezer of Worms’ Halikhot Teshuvah; see Gustavo Sacerdote, Catalogo dei codici ebraici della Biblioteca Casanatense (Florence: Stabilimento Tipografico Fiorentino, 1897), 602–604.

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manuscripts from Egidio’s library, eighteen contain only kabbalistic texts, while three others are mostly kabbalistic.72 The number of volumes containing kabbalistic works in Widmanstetter’s library is twenty-one and eight more volumes contain these texts in part.73 The picture does not change significantly if one takes the number of texts rather than volumes as a baseline: Egidio owned 144 kabbalistic texts in the original languages (Hebrew and Aramaic) and forty-four in Latin translations; Widmanstetter’s collection contains 184 texts in the original languages. Only if one takes the total number of all texts in both libraries as a basis does it become apparent that Egidio was mainly interested in Kabbalah—these works make up 75.8 percent of the texts in his known library. Widmanstetter’s library presents a stark contrast to that of his teacher: although Kabbalah is the most represented genre, it does not dominate the library, making up only 21.3 percent of texts in his library. The two libraries are also similar in certain other genres. For instance, there are a similar number of Bibles in the libraries of the two scholars. Widmanstetter seems to have owned five Hebrew Bibles in total.74 Among them is the Biblia Rabbinica of the printer Daniel Bomberg, which contains the work of important medieval commentators such as Rashi and the Aramaic translation Targum Onqelos.75 In late antiquity, various translations of the Hebrew Bible were made into Aramaic, which was the vernacular of the Holy Land. Widmanstetter, along with many other Christian Hebraists, was interested in these translations, because he hoped that these texts would enable him to study the language spoken by Jesus. However, no such text is recorded as being part of

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75

For the entirely kabbalistic texts, see London, bl, Mss. Add. 27199 and 16407; London, Beth Din & Beth Hamidrash, Ms. 319; bsb, Codd.hebr. 92, 119, and 215; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 46; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 1253; Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Mss. 807, 2971, 3061, 3086, 3105, 3154; Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 189; Paris, BnF, Mss. Lat. 527, 598, 3667. Those works that are mostly kabbalistic are Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 5198; Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3098; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 45. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 76, 78, 81, 92, 96, 103, 112, 115, 119, 129, 131, 215, 217–219, 221, 228, 232, 240, 264, 285, 305, 311, 315, 325, 403, and 409; bsb, 4 A.hebr. 300. It is not surprising that there is only one print among the kabbalistic texts because of the taboo about disseminating mystical ideas among Jewish scholars at the time. It should be remembered that the Bible prints were destroyed during World War ii: bsb, Cod.hebr. 114; bsb, 2 B.or. 16; bsb, 4 B.or. 54; bsb, 2 B.or. 21a, and the Constantinople Polyglot. The volumes were identified and described by Hans Striedl before they were destroyed. He published his findings after the war; see Striedl, “Bücherei,” 215. bsb, 2 B.or. 16. Otherwise known as Miqraʾot Gedolot, Venice, 1524–1525. For deeper insight into the circumstances of the origin and design of this important edition, see Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book, 169.

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Widmanstetter’s library. Another edition of the Bible in Widmanstetter’s library is his lost copy of the Constantinople Polyglot. This item does not appear in any of the catalogs and can only be attributed to Widmanstetter through external sources.76 Widmanstetter also had in his possession a Bomberg print and a manuscript, which both only cover the Pentateuch.77 And he owned a Hebrew Bible printed by Henri Estienne in Paris.78 The picture for Egidio’s library is similar in this regard, as he possessed six Bibles in the original Hebrew, two Latin translations, and two Aramaic translations (Targumim).79 Egidio owned two Hebrew manuscripts dedicated exclusively to midrashim and a manuscript with five midrashim in Latin translation.80 Widmanstetter possessed fifty-four midrashic texts in twelve manuscripts and one print which he acquired from Constantinople: Otiyyot de-Rabbi ʿAqiva.81 Egidio could boast eight Bible commentaries, among them Midrash Tanḥuma.82 In Widmanstetter’s collection there are thirty-one Bible commentary texts in the original language, of which the most famous is Midrash Rabbah.83 In the collection of Bible commentaries Widmanstetter surpassed his teacher many times over and thus had the potential to elicit previously unknown and potentially original interpretations of the Bible text through Jewish Bible commentaries and midrashim. The size of Egidio’s and Widmanstetter’s libraries are in the same order of magnitude in the dictionary section: like Widmanstetter with his commonplace book (see Chapter 5, section 1.2), Egidio also created glossaries in which he noted phrases and words. Egidio was somewhat less interested in grammar than Widmanstetter, who could also boast of having more treatises on the masoretic tradition—the current state of evaluation of Egidio’s library suggests that he made little use of this type of source. What this long list of books shows are the strong sim-

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77 78 79 80 81 82 83

See Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 163. For a detailed account of Widmanstetter’s fascination with Aramaic and Syriac and the Constantinople Polyglot, see Chapter 2, section 5. bsb, 2 B.or. 21a, and bsb, Cod.hebr. 114. bsb, 4 B.or. 54. See Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 15, 65, 98; Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 62; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 44; Rome, bav, Ms. Neof. 1. See Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 3363; Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3061; Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 61. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 77, 97, 114, 117, 205, 222, 224, 232, 239, 260, 315, and 358; bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411. See Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 61; Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3061; Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 3363 (five in Latin). See bsb, Codd.hebr. 113, 114, 131, 239, 242, 251, 252, 255, 256, 257, 260, 262, 264, 273, 327; bsb, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896; bsb, 2 A.hebr. 24, 239, 245, 145; bsb, 4 A.hebr. 354, 411.

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ilarities of the two libraries in terms of the literary production of Jews. Both scholars were deeply invested in understanding the holy Scriptures through Jewish texts. The different attitudes of the two men towards Jewish literature emerges more clearly when we examine more closely the areas in which the libraries have the least overlap. In addition to astronomy, divergences between the two libraries can be seen in other subject areas. For example, Egidio possessed only a handful of philosophical texts. In his portrait of Egidio, Wilhelm SchmidtBiggemann contends that his encounter with Aristotelianism during his studies had made him a lifelong opponent of this school,84 inspiring Egidio to engage with Averroism in a similarly critical way. While still a student, he published several anti-Averroistic writings by Egidius Romanus in 1493. Among them are Questiones de materia coeli (“Questions on the material of the heaven”) and De intellectu possibili (“On the possibility of the intellect”).85 Among the few philosophical texts that can be assigned to his Hebrew library is Averroes’ Middle Commentary on the Logic of Aristotle (Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 92). Another manuscript (Rome, Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3091) contains philosophical texts in its last third, but it is likely that Egidio had acquired it for the kabbalistic texts in the first two-thirds. Rather than Aristotelianism, Egidio adhered to neoplatonism, as espoused by the Florentine scholarly circle around Marsilio Ficino.86 Widmanstetter, on the other hand, could boast ninety-four Aristotelian texts. In many cases these are translations of Arab commentators of Aristotle, such as Averroes. Widmanstetter also collected works by Jewish philosophers such as Moses Maimonides or Abraham Ibn Ezra.87 To his copy of Samuel ben Moses Kimhi’s Perush Pereq Shirah (bsb, Cod.hebr. 239) he added paraphrases and translations in the margin, but it remains unclear for what purpose Widmanstetter collected philosophical texts. As so often, Widmanstetter’s marginal notes are mainly concerned with bibliographic information. The largest field in which Widmanstetter went a completely separate way than his teacher Egidio is medicine. With about 109 texts, this field of study is the largest after Kabbalah that Widmanstetter built up in his Hebrew library.88

84 85 86 87 88

See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:348. See Martin, “Giles of Viterbo,” 192. For an overview of Egidio’s reception of neoplatonism, see O’Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform, 49–58. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 91, 106, 107, 108, 110, 120, 201, 208, 221, 226, 239, 244, 246, 247, 263, 269, 272, 284, 289, 297, 307, 310, 315, 352, and 247. See bsb, Codd.hebr. 85, 87, 107, 111, 127, 134, 214, 220, 228, 231, 241, 243, 250, 253, 271, 280, 286, 287, 288, 289, 292, 293, 295, 296, 297, 270, and 321.

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A standout feature of his texts in this genre is that there are both Hebrew translations of ancient authors such as Galen (bsb, Codd.hebr. 107, 228, 243, and 295) as well as examples of the extensive Arabic commentary literature translated into Hebrew, including translations of standard Arabic works such as Abulcasis’ Al-Taṣrīf (bsb, Cod.hebr. 321). But Widmanstetter also read Latin works in Hebrew translation, such as Lanfranco of Milan’s Chirurgia parva (bsb, Cod.hebr. 271). Although Widmanstetter commented on three of these manuscripts, these marginal notes are too few and too scarce to consider him an expert in this matter. By comparing the collection’s focal points, it can be clearly discerned that Widmanstetter’s broad Hebraistic interests distinguish themselves from those of Egidio. Considering the share of kabbalistic texts in Widmanstetter’s library as a whole, it amounts to only 21.3 percent of the texts, compared to 75.8 percent in Egidio’s collection. Accordingly, it seems that Egidio had devoted himself completely to the holy Scriptures in the sense of Christian Hebraist studies, which he mainly tried to penetrate through his studies of Kabbalah. Both men owned collections of Jewish mystical texts of comparable size, but the wide range of topics in Widmanstetter’s collection shows a pattern that differs considerably from Egidio’s library, as Widmanstetter also collected scientific and philosophical texts in translation. In the Middle Ages, hundreds of works had been translated from Arabic into Hebrew, offering Hebrew readers one of the largest collections of scientific and philosophical texts available. Widmanstetter used the large number of translations into Hebrew to study not only Jewish literature but also subjects such as philosophy, medicine, and astronomy.89 Consequently, the analysis of the subjects in his library suggests a view of Hebrew as a channel for conveying scientific knowledge. Hebrew translations were, therefore, part of Widmanstetter’s comprehensive collection strategy; these translations allowed him to obtain texts that were otherwise not accessible or could only be acquired with difficulty. The extent to which this finding can be applied to an intensive study of these subjects must, of course, be verified by further investigations.

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The basis for research into this literature was laid by Moritz Steinschneider, see Moritz Steinschneider, “Schriften der Araber in hebräischen Handschriften, ein Beitrag zur arabischen Bibliographie,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 47, no. 3 (1893): 335–384. More recently, Harvey, “Arabic into Hebrew,” Freudenthal, “Science and Medicine.” A chronological survey translated texts is available in Zonta, “Medieval Hebrew Translations.”

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Conclusion

As this survey of Widmanstetter’s letters, marginal notes, and books has shown, he had a firm grasp of Hebrew and exhibited a multilayered understanding of it that he exploited for his scholarship. His commonplace book documents Widmanstetter’s systematic efforts to acquire a working knowledge of Hebrew in a variety of fields which would enable him to correspond in that language with both Jews and Christian Hebraists. Widmanstetter’s grasp of the texts in his Jewish library can be discerned from the marginal notes he left in many of them. The imbalance in the distribution of his notes, mostly found in his kabbalistic books, points to his strong interest in this field. In other subjects, his attention appears to have been motivated by the hope that historical facts could be used to further the understanding of early Christianity. His commentaries on the Gospel of John demonstrate his ability to apply his reading of Jewish texts to reconstruct the era of Jesus with its customs and idiosyncrasies, filling in the gaps he had identified in the narrative of the New Testament. An additional finding was gained by comparing the libraries of Widmanstetter and Egidio da Viterbo. Although both men invested much effort in studying Kabbalah, Widmanstetter had a much broader perspective of the texts accessible in Hebrew, especially translations from Arabic. To Widmanstetter, Hebrew texts also opened up the world of Arabic authors who were otherwise unavailable in Europe. The following two chapters will elaborate on the main themes that have emerged from this survey: Widmanstetter’s attention to Kabbalah in general and to the ten sefirot in particular will continue to be formative both for his commentary on the Quran and for the Syriac New Testament he published in 1555. For the commentary on the Quran, he drew on kabbalistic sources to explicate the Quran to his Christian audience. In the Syriac New Testament, Widmanstetter joined forces with the French Hebraist Guillaume Postel to create a diagram that would establish a correspondence between the ten sefirot and the Crucifixion.

chapter 6

“Muhammad’s Jewish Heresies”: Reading the Quran through Kabbalistic Books In the chapters up to this point, we have discussed Widmanstetter’s different modes of book acquisition, his care for his library, and how his general outlook on Hebrew texts compared to that of his contemporaries. This chapter and the next will focus on the twists and turns in Widmanstetter’s attitude towards Kabbalah and Jewish texts. Analyzing Widmanstetter’s treatment of Kabbalah in his commentary on the Quran is the first step in understanding his attitudes towards this subject in the 1540s. For the years immediately before his death, the following chapter will consider the sefirotic materials in his library and the sefirotic diagram he prepared for the Syriac New Testament. In the introduction to her biography on the Christian kabbalist Guillaume Postel, Marion Kuntz remarked about the dazzling size of his oeuvre facing scholars who want to reconstruct his thought that “one can easily become discouraged by the bulk and difficulty of the Postellan corpus.”1 The opposite is true for scholars of Widmanstetter, who are confronted with the paradox that while he gathered one of the largest libraries on Kabbalah from the sixteenth century that still exists, very little is known about his reading of kabbalistic texts. Widmanstetter did not emulate other Christian Hebraists, like his teacher Egidio da Viterbo or his colleague Postel, who composed comprehensive works in which they explained their views on kabbalistic texts in detail and constructed their own theological systems that built on both Christian and Jewish sources. Instead, most of his reactions to the ideas he encountered during his reading of kabbalistic texts have remained inside these books in the form of marginal notes, out of sight of most scholars of Christian Kabbalah. One of the few exceptions is his commentary on the Quran, which employs his reading of Jewish mystical texts to explain where Muhammad found inspiration for his ideas. Widmanstetter completed this first publication in 1543. A collection of older Latin translations of the Quran that he accompanied with his polemical annotations, it was titled Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia dialogo explicata, Hermanno Nellingaunense interprete: Alcorani epitome Roberto Ketenense anglo

1 Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, xi.

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_007

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figure 14 Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia dialogo explicata (Nuremberg: [Otto], 1543); title page with Widmanstetter’s annotation at the bottom. bsb, Res/4 A.or. 1590 courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

interprete (“The theology of Muhammad son of Abdalla explained in a dialog and translated by Hermann Nellingaunensis: [and] the summary of the Quran translated by Robert of Ketton the Englishman”; see figure 14).2 Aggressive in

2 Widmanstetter’s own copy of his work, containing his annotations, is bsb, Res/4 A.or. 1590.

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tone, Widmanstetter followed a long tradition of Christian commentators who wanted to demonstrate to their readers the barbarity of Muhammad and the faith he established. On another level, Widmanstetter introduced an innovative approach to understanding the Quran. Building upon his extensive library of Jewish texts, he sought to portray Muhammad as a student of kabbalistic and talmudic tradition, but one who had either misunderstood or purposely falsified them, initiating a heretical doctrine. Earlier studies of Widmanstetter’s polemical notes have recognized their innovational achievement, but approached them from the vantage point of Islamic studies and as part of the anti-Islamic, polemical tradition in Europe, leaving aside the issue of its Jewish sources.3 The following pages offer a thorough analysis of the annotations in the context of the broader discussions on Muhammad and Islam in the sixteenth century as well as identifications of the Jewish sources he drew upon in devising his arguments. As a large portion of the notes is concerned with Muhammad’s alleged appropriation of Jewish mysticism, this study will also shed light on the kabbalistic ideas Widmanstetter supported and those he dismissed.

1

Studying Arabic in Early Modern Europe

The conditions for entering the field of quranic studies were difficult in sixteenth-century Europe. While Widmanstetter struggled to find certain Jewish books, even though Jews were living and selling their books in Europe, the situation was much more dire for Arabic studies. There were virtually no teachers of Arabic living in Europe and only a few Arabic books or even copies of the Quran to be had.4 Widmanstetter informs us in the dedication of his Syriac New Testa3 The most thorough analysis of the translations that Widmanstetter printed may be found in Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 274–363. Later studies build on Bobzin’s research and add important details: Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 165–169; Thomas E. Burman, Reading the Qurʾān in Latin Christendom, 1140–1560 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), 103–110. 4 See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 302. For more general accounts on the study of Arabic in the early modern period, see Jan Loop, Johann Heinrich Hottinger: Arabic and Islamic Studies in the Seventeenth Century, Oxford-Warburg Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); Robert Jones, Learning Arabic in Renaissance Europe (1505–1624), The History of Oriental Studies 6 (Leiden: Brill, 2020); Gerald J. Toomer, Eastern Wisdome and Learning: The Study of Arabic in Seventeenth-Century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996); Johann Fück, Die arabischen Studien in Europa bis in den Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1955); and G.A. Russell, ed., The “Arabick” Interest of the Natural Philosophers in SeventeenthCentury England, Brill’s Studies in Intellectual History 47 (Leiden: Brill, 1994).

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ment that he was introduced to the Arabic language while staying in Bologna at the house of the bishop of Burgos, Íñigo López de Mendoza y Zúñiga (d. 1535). A relative of the bishop, Diego López de Zúñiga (ca. 1470–1531), taught him using the common books available in Spain, “the commentaries of Muhammad ben Ismail al-Ansari who had written on the Arabic grammar Agurrumiyya.”5 Moreover, Widmanstetter acquired an Arabic textbook from Zúñiga (bsb, Cod.arab. 733). After wetting his feet in this field in Bologna, Widmanstetter continued his Arabic studies under Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo in Rome.6 We have already encountered Egidio as an ambitious reader of kabbalistic texts who built a large library of Jewish books from which Widmanstetter acquired copies and original items.7 The cardinal’s interests also extended to Arabic and the Quran. As an aid for his study of the Muslim holy book, Egidio commissioned a Latin translation from Juan Gabriel of Teruel in 1518. This text was shortly after revised by Hasan Ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi, better known as Johannes Leo Africanus (1494–1554), a Spanish-Moroccan Muslim who had been enslaved by pirates and was presented to Pope Leo, who converted him to Christianity.8 Africanus assisted Egidio with his studies. Apart from revising the Quran translation, he began working on a trilingual (Arabic-Hebrew-Latin) dictionary with the Jewish physician Jacob Mantino, another contact of Widmanstetter. Leo Africanus also satisfied the curiosity of Europeans who wanted to read

5 “Hunc tamen nihilominus eadem ferè aetate Iacobus Lopes Stunica, ex equestri ordine doctissimus theologus strenuè adeò secutus est, ut Graeca, Hebraica et Arabica percaluerit, mihique se apud Inachum Mendozam Burgensem Antistitem, in Mahomedis Alinssarii commentariis, quos in Iaromum grammaticum Arabem olim scripsit, explicandus, doctorem praebuerit et fide et diligentia excellentem.” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, a**2r. On these grammars, see Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 302–303. 6 See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 304–305; Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 105–106. 7 see Chapter 2, section 3.2 and chapter 3. 8 Egidio da Viterbo’s Quran translation has been the subject of a number of articles and book chapters: Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 84–90; Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, esp. 149–170; Katarzyna K. Starczewska, “Some Remarks on the Translation Process of Egidio da Viterbo’s Qurʾan,” Medievalia 16 (2013): 141–148; Katarzyna K. Starczewska, “Anti-Muslim Preaching in 16th-Century Spain and Egidio da Viterbo’s Research on Islam,” Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa 51, no. 3 (2015): 413–429; Katarzyna K. Starczewska, Latin Translation of the Qurʾan (1518/1621): Commissioned by Egidio da Viterbo. Critical Edition and Case Study, Diskurse der Arabistik 24 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2018). While the first translator, Juan Gabriel of Teruel, remains a mystery, Leo Africanus and his own Latin work has often been researched: Crofton Black, “Leo Africanus’s ‘Descrittione dell’Africa’ and Its SixteenthCentury Translations,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 65 (2002): 262–272; Natalie Davis, Trickster Travels: A Sixteenth-Century Muslim Between Worlds (New York: Farrar, Strauss & Giroux-3pl, 2007); Katarzyna K. Starczewska, “Leo Africanus,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 6, Western Europe (1500–1600) (Leiden: Brill, 2014).

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about the Muslim world by writing an Italian description of Africa (La descrittione dell’Africa). By the time Widmanstetter came to Rome, Leo Africanus had returned to his homeland and to his old faith. Widmanstetter toyed with the idea to seek out Leo Africanus in Morocco in order to study Arabic with him, but was prevented by the political circumstances. Looking back on his early Arabic studies two decades later, Widmanstetter used Leo Africanus as a foil to emphasize Egidio’s mastery of that language: “After Giustiniani passed from this life and Leo Africanus had changed the Catholic faith for the Punic [Islam] and traveled to Tunis, Egidio was almost alone esteemed as the eminent authority on Arabic letters among the Christians.”9 Sadly, we learn nothing from Widmanstetter about his studies under Egidio, making the books which found their way into his possession the solely enduring vestige of the cardinal’s influence on Widmanstetter’s Arabic studies. These books are Egidio’s copy of verb tables, Agostino Giustiniani’s Arabic grammar (Rudimenta), and a primer in Arabic (Agurrumiyya) with interlinear glosses by Widmanstetter which point to his thorough study of it (bsb, Cod.arab. 920). In bsb, Cod.arab. 1058, Widmanstetter wrote down his notes on Arabic grammar (it also contains his translation of Agurrumiyya). These notes are interesting with regard to his understanding of the relationship between the grammatical traditions of Semitic languages. Notably, Widmanstetter recognized the dependency of Hebrew grammarians on the Arabic tradition. Widmanstetter’s linguistic studies prepared him for reading a diverse selection of books in Arabic. He owned medical10 and philosophical treatises,11 as well as works on political theory12—these titles display an affinity to many similar titles in his Hebrew library. Another section of his library is devoted to Arabic Bibles in Hebrew characters. He owned an Arabic Pentateuch (bsb, Cod.arab. 234), a Pentateuch-Catena (bsb, Cod.arab. 235), Rashi’s and Saadia Gaon’s commentaries on the Psalms (bsb, Cod.arab. 236), and an Arabic translation of the Gospels (bsb, Cod.arab. 238).13 A sizable portion of his library is devoted to the Quran. Four manuscripts hold the holy book in its entirety14 and

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“Egidius, postquam et Iustinianus ex hac vita, et Leo Eliberitanus, Catholica fide cum Punica commutata Tunnerem migrassest, Arabicarum literarum dignitatem inter Christianos propè solus tueretur.” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, a***4b. See bsb, Codd.arab. 802, 809, 811, 840, 976. See bsb, Codd.arab. 649, 650a, 812, 816, 853, 975. See bsb, Codd.arab. 336, 339, 340, 341, 342, 343, 357, 359. This list is based on Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 304–310, and extended based on analysis of the catalog Aumer, Die arabischen Handschriften. See bsb, Codd.arab. 1, 4, 7, 28.

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another six volumes contain parts of it.15 He was also interested in the oral tradition of the statements and deeds of Muhammad, hadith, which are a source of religious and moral authority in Islam.16 Beside the books he received from Egidio’s library, the provenance of Widmanstetter’s Arabic library is largely obscure. It is known that looted books were one of the few sources for Europeans who wanted to study Arabic in this era, and Widmanstetter owned at least one book with such a provenance.17 We have seen earlier that one of his copies of the Quran had previously been looted during the conquest of Tunis in 1517.18 His other Arabic manuscripts offer no indications of how they were acquired, but a similar means of purveyance is plausible. To the Arabist Hartmut Bobzin, the standout feature of Widmanstetter’s Arabic library is its thematic eclecticism. He surmised that given Widmanstetter’s concern with the life of the Prophet in commentary on the Quran, he would have been interested in Muslim biographies of Muhammad as well as historical works in general, both of which are missing. The haphazard composition of Widmanstetter’s Arabic library is in Bobzin’s view a sign that it was born out of chance rather than a planned enterprise.19

2

Widmanstetter’s Polemic on the Quran

Widmanstetter’s commentary on the Quran is a small library of assorted texts on the Quran which have their origin in a medieval translation project and a long tradition of reception in Europe. The first Latin translation of the Quran and its commentaries was produced by a group of scholars working for Peter the Venerable (1092/1094–1156) in the 1140s. Peter was head of the monastery of Cluny that was engaged in efforts to oppose Islam and convert Muslims to Christianity. To this end, Peter wanted to supply his monks with a body of translated Muslim works that would enable them to first understand Islam and then disprove it.20 For his project he found suitable scholars in Spain, where Arabic had remained a spoken language among Christians for some time in the areas conquered by the Spanish and the Portuguese in the course of the recon-

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See bsb, Codd.arab. 2, 3, 56, 61, 62, 65. See bsb, Codd.arab. 113, 124b, 130. See Jones, “Acquisition of Arabic Manuscripts,” 100, 105. bsb, Cod.arab. 1, f. 1r. see Chapter 2, section 2.3. See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 311. See Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 13–15; Hartmut Bobzin, “Latin Translations of the Koran: A Short Overview,” Der Islam 70, no. 2 (1993): 193–206 (194).

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quista. This body of works has become known as the Corpus Toletanum after the scholars who translated these texts in Toledo. As part of this effort, Robert of Ketton (1110–1160) created the translation of the Quran that would become the most widely copied and commented in Christendom—a second translation was produced around 1210 by Marcus of Toledo (died 1216), but never achieved the same popularity.21 Robert’s text eschewed a literal word-for-word translation in favor of a readable Latin text.22 Another product of the efforts of the scholars working in Toledo that would become influential in the Latin world were translations of apocryphal traditions, such as the translation of Masaʾil ʿAbdallah b. Salam (“The questions of ʿAbdallah b. Salam”).23 The print of the Quran that Widmanstetter issued in 1543 was part of a wave of publications on the holy book of Islam that were being released in print in Europe for the first time. The first of these was the Quran edition of 1542/1543 prepared by Theodor Bibliander (1505/1506–1564) and printed in the workshop of Johannes Oporinus in Basel.24 After critics denounced the project as a heretical book that should not be accessible to ordinary readers as it could trick them into apostasy, the city council only allowed the printing to continue when Martin Luther recommended that the Quran should be printed for theological reasons. Luther justified the printing in his written testimony on the grounds that Christians needed thorough knowledge of Islam and its holy book. He claimed that a printing of the Quran would lay bare its heretical content to Christian readers, and that knowledge of the text was even antithetical to the purported Ottoman plot to corrupt Christendom: “They [the Turks] realize that it [the translation] will dissuade all rational hearts.”25 Interestingly, his reasoning was not that the Quran should be used in the effort to convert Muslims to Christianity, but rather to ward off heretical movements inside Christianity. Given the political situation in Europe, this remark was a thinly veiled attack on the Catholic Church. Like Widmanstetter’s print one year later, Bibliander framed

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The translations of Robert of Ketton and Marcus of Toledo have been recently reevaluated in Ulisse Cecini, Alcoranus latinus: Eine sprachliche und kulturwissenschaftliche Analyse der Koranübersetzungen von Robert von Ketton und Marcus von Toledo, Geschichte und Kultur der iberischen Welt 10 (Berlin: lit Verlag, 2012). Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 16. See Bobzin, “Latin Translations,” 194. See Theodor Bibliander, Machumetis Saracenorum principis eiusque successorum vitae ac doctrina ipseque Alcoran quo velut authentico legum divinarum codice Agareni & Turcae (Basel: Johannes Oporinus, 1543). “Denn sie fulen wol, das yhnen grossen Abfal bringet bey allen vernunfftigen Hertzen.” Cited from Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 203.

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his edition with polemical treatises on the Quran and Muslims.26 Widmanstetter’s colleague Guillaume Postel also published translations of selected Quran verses in the year after commentary on the Quran’s publication. Although these translations are full of mistakes, they are completely independent from previous translations, and according to Hartmut Bobzin display a greater familiarity with the original text than Widmanstetter’s attempts.27 Widmanstetter’s commentary on the Quran’s was published in 1543 in the southern German city of Nuremberg. Similar to Bibliander, Widmanstetter had to overcome the resistance of the local authorities to complete the project. But unlike the arduous affair in Switzerland, this opposition was not the result of the Quran’s purported heretical content, but rather Widmanstetter’s attempts to taint Protestantism, the dominant creed of the city, as a heresy in the accompanying commentary. In his handwritten note on the title page of his copy (see figure 14), he reveals that “this book was corrupted by the fault of the publisher and by the order of the city council of Nuremberg (and) mostly where [the Quran] appears to resemble the heresies of the Lutherans.”28 Both Widmanstetter and Luther used the Quran as a model text of heresy to point out the alleged heresies of their religious opponents. The first part in Widmanstetter’s collection of quranic texts is Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia dialogo explicata for which the entire book is named. This relatively short text, it takes up twelve folios, is a translation of Masaʾil ʿAbdallah b. Salam by Hermann of Carinthia, who was one of the scholars of the twelfth-century Corpus Toletanum and who is credited on the title page of Widmanstetter’s work. This text lent itself to Widmanstetter’s polemical framing of the Quran, as it is a polemical work by an Arab Christian, depicting a dialog between a Jew who has converted to Islam and a Christian. The text was also an ideal fit for Widmanstetter’s method of reading the Quran through Jewish texts, because the dialog already included some Jewish material.29 Theodor Bibliander published his own edition of the same text concurrently with Wid-

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See Bobzin, “Latin Translations,” 195–198; Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 181–209. He published his translations as part of Guillaume Postel, De orbis terrae concordia libri quatuor […] Adjectae sunt quoque annotationes in margine à pio atque erudito quodam viro […] (Basel: Johannes Oporinus, 1544). On these translations, see Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 365–498. “Codex iste librariorum culpa, et senatus Norimbergensis iussu depravatus fuit, maxime ubi Lutheranorum haeresis attingi videbatur.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, title page. The whole affair is reconstructed in detail, including Widmanstetter’s anti-Protestant polemic which the Nuremberg city council excised, in Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 325–331. See Bobzin, “Latin Translations,” 194.

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manstetter’s printing;30 however Widmanstetter made substantial chances to the style of the twelfth-century Latin to modernize the text for his readers, introducing major differences between his version and that of Bibliander.31 The most extensive part of the quranic texts in Widmanstetter’s print, taking up thirty folios, is an abridged version of the Quran, which he titled Alcorani Epitome, Roberto Ketenense anglo interprete. In his dedication to the printer Johannes Otto, Widmanstetter claimed that this text was a summary of the Quran prepared by a Muslim. However, the assertion that a Muslim would tamper with the revealed word of God is not plausible.32 Widmanstetter also falsely believed that the version of Alcorani Epitome that he had before him had been prepared by Robert of Ketton.33 In fact, the text printed by Widmanstetter is the work of an anonymous Christian writer, who copied out only the chapter headings from Robert of Ketton’s Quran translation; this text then took on a life of its own as a new text that became known as Compendium Alchorani (“The abridgment of the Quran”).34 Further complicating meaningful comparisons is that Alcorani Epitome restructures the 114 quranic suras into four speeches (orationes); a concept that is foreign to the Islamic tradition, but allowed Christians who frame the Quran as an imitation of the Four Gospels since the fifteenth century.35 For good measure, Widmanstetter recast the non-polemical Alcorani Epitome by accompanying it with strongly anti-Islamic works and commentaries.36 Finally he a biographical précis of Muhammad, Mahometis vita (“The 30

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See Bibliander, Principis. On Bibliander’s Quran edition, see Hartmut Bobzin, “Über Theodor Biblianders Arbeit am Koran (1542/3),” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 136 (1986): 347–363, Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 158–275. See Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 106. Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 331–335, provides a comparison of the two versions. Ulisse Cecini, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History, vol. 7, Central and Eastern Europe, Asia, Africa and South America (1500–1600), ed. David Thomas and John A. Chesworth (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 235–245 (240), mentions two other manuscripts that have an unclear relationship with Widmanstetter’s Vorlage. See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 337. Bobzin concluded that Widmanstetter was not familiar with Bibliander’s edition of the text and that he must have found his exemplar of Mahometis Theologia in a manuscript that did not contain other parts of the Corpus Toletanum; see Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 337–342. On five other manuscripts of this text, see Cecini, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 241. The structure of Alcorani Epitome is as follows: Oratio prima: sura 1 and sura 2; Oratio secunda: Quran 3:1–145; Oratio tertia: Quran 3:150–185 (this part also contains material from other sources than the Quran); Oratio quarta: Quran 3:198 to Quran 114. See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 346–347. This four-part division is also mentioned by Guillaume Postel; see Cecini, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 240–241. See Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 103–104; Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 346–347.

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life of Muhammad”), for which he relied heavily on the Corpus Toletanum, in particular on the Summala brevis by Peter the Venerable.37

3

Muhammad’s Alleged Jewish Sources

The Quran was usually copied or printed in Europe together with commentaries that instructed Christian readers how to properly understand the ideas they encountered.38 For Mahometis Theologia and the Alcorani Epitome, Widmanstetter added commentaries, called notationes in his text, that supplement both texts and condemn many aspects of the Quran as heretical.39 As Bobzin noted in his study, in many of the commentaries Widmanstetter made reference to the oratio tertia of the Alcorani Epitome, which contains much nonquranic material.40 Thus it is often difficult to discern where Widmanstetter’s critique actually relates to material from the Quran. In many of his notationes, Widmanstetter follows the example of other European polemicists in deriding Muhammad for what appeared to him as the Quran’s heretical deviations from Christian doctrines. To early modern Europeans, Islam was not a creed that could be understood on its own terms, like the pagan religions of antiquity or, in a more complicated way, Judaism. Instead, Christian detractors exploited in their works the Quran’s relatively young age, its incompatibility with Christian doctrine, and its many allusions to biblical and New Testament characters and motifs, in order to smear Islam as yet another Christian heresy that had sprung up since the days when Arius had challenged the Trinity in late antiquity. One line of attack Christians used was to slander Muhammad’s character and his sanity, and Christian writers used a variety of negative labels for Muhammad from the time of John of Damascus in the eighth century. According to the Quran, Muhammad became a prophet and received the Quran as a revelation from God (Quran 42:7 and 42:52); but as the Christian church had declared that the age of prophecy had ended, besides 37

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The second section of the biography is taken from three works: Chronica mendosa et ridiculosa Saracenorum, De generatione Mahumet et nutritura eius, and again Mahometis Theologia (which already forms the first part of the book), in an abbreviated form. See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 348. See Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 9. Mahometis Theologia contains forty-seven notationes and Alcorani Epitome has seventythree. In what follows, the notationes will be referenced with the numbers that Widmanstetter gave them, while Mahometis Theologia and Alcorani Epitome referenced with page numbers. These are the notationes vi–xxii; Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 349.

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allegations of heresy, Muhammad was called a false prophet. He was also given the reputation of being a trickster who duped his followers to follow his false religion by using false miracles. In a similar vein, his claims of having received divine revelations were dismissed as telltale signs of epilepsy, which was sometimes was associated with demonic possession.41 Up to the modern era, the widely held European Christian view of Muhammad was that he had been a criminal who could not be trusted in any of his claims. One line of argument that Christian authors often used against Muhammad was to point out statements in the Quran that contradict Christian notions. Thus Widmanstetter twice mocked Muhammad for making God proclaim that Muhammad had no power to work miracles to explain the lack of miracles performed by the Prophet.42 As a Christian, Widmanstetter did not follow the Quran’s reasoning that the revelation of the Quran itself constituted a miracle.43 To Widmanstetter, the Quran could not possibly be the revealed word of God, because of the many “mistakes” and “errors” it contained.44 As a case in point for the purported errors of the Quran, Widmanstetter cited the quranic prophets Hud, Salih, and Suayb who do not appear in the biblical text and whom he consequently did not recognize.45 Like many other Christian detractors of Muhammad, Widmanstetter also pointed out numerous contradictions with Christian doctrine, drawing on this long anti-Islamic tradition. He thus ridiculed Muhammad for misunderstanding the concept of the Trinity by failing to distinguish between the persons of the Trinity and gods—the Quran’s interpretation of the Trinity potentially

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For a survey of the most common allegations Christians leveled against Muhammad over the centuries, see Hartmut Bobzin, Mohammed, C.H. Beck Wissen 2144 (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2000), 9–18; Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, John V. Tolan, “European Accounts of Muḥammad’s Life,” in The Cambridge Companion to Muhammad, ed. Jonathan E. Brockopp, Cambridge Companions to Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 226–250; Olivier Hanne, L’Alcoran: Comment l’Europe a découvert le Coran, Collection Histoire (Paris: Belin, 2019). On polemical writings from the sixteenth century specifically, see Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik; Adam Francisco, Martin Luther and Islam: A Study in Sixteenth-Century Polemics and Apologetics, History of Christian-Muslim Relations 8 (Leiden: Brill, 2007). See Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxiii,cf. Quran 4:46; Alcorani Epitome no. xxxii, cf. Quran 6:7; see Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 107. See Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xlviii, cf. Quran 12:2; Alcorani Epitome no. xlv, cf. Quran 10:68; Alcorani Epitome no. xliv, cf. Quran 10:37. See Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xlviii, cf. Quran 12:2. See Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, nos. xxxix and xl, cf. Quran 7:73, 7:85; Alcorani Epitome, nos. xlvi and xlvii, cf. Quran 11:50 and 11:84; Alcorani Epitome, nos. [lxi] and [lxii], cf. Quran 26:123ff., 26:176ff.

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bore the allegation of polytheism, which Christians had to deny vigorously.46 Other criticisms of Widmanstetter were directed against suras that, in his view, wrongly interpreted the Bible.47 And sometimes he also directed his readers’ attention to parallels between the Quran and the Bible.48 Numerous times, Widmanstetter voiced his shock at the Quran’s denial of Jesus’ messiahship. The Alcorani Epitome follows Quran 2:116 in asserting that “Those who say that God had a son are ignorant,” to which Widmanstetter triumphantly retorted that Muhammad had contradicted himself, since “he called him [Jesus] in other passages the word and the spirit of God.”49 3.1 Talmud Beside addressing why the Quran was incompatible with Christianity, Widmanstetter also introduced a new and unique perspective to his annotations by directing his readers’ attention to kabbalistic and talmudic source material that he had discovered in his books. These bits of Hebraist insight were sometimes free associations, and sometimes boasting of his knowledge in Oriental languages, as when he claimed that the Arabs adopted the word for “night” from the Hebrew term lailah.50 Any writer was able to regurgitate the stock accusations that Christians had been using against Muhammad for centuries—it took someone with a firm background in Jewish texts to look at the Quran with fresh eyes. The first Jewish source Widmanstetter drew upon for his commentaries on the Quran was the Talmud. One passage of Mahometis Theologia describes a fish so gigantic that its head was in the east while its tail rested in the west of the world.51 It was not difficult at all for Widmanstetter to remind his readers

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“Non intellexit differentiam inter personas et deos.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxvi, cf. Quran 4:171. See Quran 5:72; cf. Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxxiv. “Similitudinem cameli ex Evangelio arripuit.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxxvii, cf. Quran 7:40; Alcorani Epitome no. xxxi. “Qui Deum habere filium dicunt, inscii sunt,” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, e, “Hic negat Christum Dei filium esse, cum alibi et verbum Dei adpellet, et spiritum.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, nos. ii, xxxi, cf. Quran 5:72; Alcorani Epitome, no. xxviii, cf. Quran 12:2; Alcorani Epitome, no. xlv, cf. Quran 10:68. “Nox) Arabes noctis vocabulum Hebracis acceptuum ferunt, quod tamen ipsi ad involucri etymum trahunt.” (“Night) The Arabs have adopted the word for ‘night’ from the Hebrews, which they themselves nevertheless attribute to a separate origin.”) Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. xxvi. “Infra hanc mare Alkintam, infra piscis, nomine Albehbut, cuius caput in oriente, cauda in occidente super cuius dorsum terre, et maria, tenebrae, aer, et montes usque in fine

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of the giant biblical sea monster Leviathan.52 The enormous size of Leviathan had inspired Jewish exegetes to compose fanciful explanations of its creation and other stories relating to it. In his note, Widmanstetter alluded to the talmudic passage from Bava Batra that describes how the Leviathan will be slain at the end of time and a meal of his flesh will be served for the righteous.53 In addition, he hinted at a kabbalistic interpretation of the motif, but did not give any details.54 It is likely that he thought of one interpretation commonly found in Kabbalah in which the Leviathan symbolizes the hidden quality of righteous souls. In the books he owned, he could have found this view in Yalqut Shimʿoni (bsb, 2 A.hebr. 245) or Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut (bsb, Codd.hebr. 92 and 240). Although it is not clear from his note which text about the Leviathan he had in mind, Widmanstetter’s hint displays his firm grasp of the reception of haggadic motifs in kabbalistic texts. In a verbose list enumerating the number of angels surrounding the throne of God (sixteen) or the date of the birthday of Moses (the twenty-fourth of the month Ramadan) and other disjunct numerological data, Mahometis Theologia claims that the punishment for drunkenness under Islam is eighty lashes.55 Widmanstetter exploited this small sentence to castigate Muhammad for having taken over the punishment of flagellation from the Jews and having “doubled in number the punishment for drunkenness of forty strokes.” Widmanstetter did not mention the “Thalmudistae” as his informants and thus probably had not consulted his massive Bomberg edition of the Babylonian Talmud for information on corporal punishment in Judaism. Instead, he likely found flagellation in Deuteronomy 25:1–3, where it was decreed for offenses against negative commandments.56 The number of lashes prescribed in the Bible indeed could not exceed forty. While the Quran undeniably labels intoxication as a sin,

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seculorum.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, Ciiir. This section has no counterpart in the Quran and belongs to the non-quranic material added by the editor. Leviathan is mentioned in the Bible in Job 3:8, Job 40:25–41:26, Psalm 74:14, Psalm 104:26, and Isaiah 27:1. See bBava Batra, 75a–b; all the sections can be found in Widmanstetter’s copy of the Babylonian Talmud, bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258-1-9. “De huius piscis epulo suaviter sibi blandiuntur Thalmudistae. Cabalistae mysterium magis reconditum hoc loco enuntiant.” (“About the meal of this fish the Talmudists pleasantly entice themselves. The kabbalists divulge in this passage that this secret is more hidden.”) Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. xxxvii. “Octuaginta ictus debentur aebrio.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, Biiir. If he required further discussion on the subject, Widmanstetter could have found talmudic commentary on flagellation in, for instance, bMakkot 13b, 23a, or bSanhedrin, 10a– b.

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it is not explicitly named as an offense that deserves punishment.57 The Quran reserves corporal and capital punishments for graver offenses, like murder and theft.58 As the climax of this comment, Widmanstetter attacked the moral character of the Arab people as a whole, asserting that because of their deviousness, Muhammad was only able keep them in his service through violence.59 Clearly, Widmanstetter designed this note to reinforce the image of Muhammad as a harsh lawgiver and to defame Arabs. The wider context of the text on which Widmanstetter commented displays how he carefully selected or ignored items of information to paint Islam in a negative light. Soon after describing flagellation as the punishment for drunkenness, Mahometis Theologia decrees that the punishment for adultery is even higher, amounting to one hundred lashes.60 This more rigorous punishment would have lent itself even better to Widmanstetter’s anti-Islamic agenda than the alleged eighty lashes for drunkenness, if the punishment prescribed in Deuteronomy 22:22–25 had not been death by stoning. It is true that one hundred lashes for adultery are indeed specified in Quran 24:2. However, in the quranic discourse on adultery, the capital punishment prescribed in the Bible served as a justification for flagellation. Razi, a ninth-century Muslim commentator on the Quran, claimed that during the Prophet’s lifetime a Jewish community had not wanted to administer the penalty of stoning to a woman and a man who had been found guilty of adultery. This tradition claims that in its search for an alternative penalty the Jewish community turned to the Prophet Muhammad, who decreed flagellation a sufficient punishment for the crime.61 Widmanstetter was surely aware of the penalty of stoning in Deuteronomy and picked and chose those sections of Mahometis Theologia that supported his negative outlook on the Quran, while he disregarded those that would have painted a more sympathetic picture of Muhammad as a lenient reformer of Jewish customs.

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See Quran 2:219 and 5:90–91. See Quran 5:32–40. The Quran does not prescribe any punishment from other mortals for intoxication, but describes the punishments that sinners suffer at the hand of God himself in this life or the next; see Quran 69:4–37. “Lxxx. ictus) Ebrietatis poenam duplicavit Mahometes ex quadragenario percussionum numero, Mosaica lege diffinito, ut Arabes natura calidos hac severitate a vini usu deterreret, quos alioquin continere in officio non potuisset.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. xv. “Centum vero, sunt ictus, quibus in adulterio deprehensi flagellantur.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, Biir. See M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, trans., The Qurʾan: A New Translation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 71.

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In a similar vein, Widmanstetter devised another comparison of supposed quranic and Jewish law. He discovered in the Alcorani Epitome that the sentence for causing physical harm corresponded to the biblical sentence, “an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth” (Exodus 21:24).62 To his readers, Widmanstetter explained that this reasoning for determining a sentence had been obsolete among the Jews since the days of the Sanhedrin of Jerusalem and that insanity was considered as a factor that mitigated the punishment. As in the previous examples, Widmanstetter did not reveal his sources, but he would have found the relevant passage in his copy of the Babylonian Talmud in the tractate Ḥagigah.63 From the tractate Bava Kamma he likely drew the information that the culprit who caused the physical harm was sentenced to pay the medical costs, and that in cases where the injury resulted in the loss of limbs or organs, the perpetrator was to pay the appraised value of the limb.64 As mentioned above, the Quran actually prescribes corporal punishments for murder and theft. The polemical text of the Alcorani Epitome allowed Widmanstetter to hold up the Jewish way of resolving conflicts as an example, while he painted Islam as being governed by savage and obsolete laws.65 3.2 Kabbalah Another theme pervading Widmanstetter’s notationes is the idea that many of the purported falsehoods and heresies of the Quran are in fact taken over from Jewish sources. “[Muhammad] relied on the babblings of old women which he accepted as the worst faith from the deceitful Jews.” To Widmanstetter, the falsehood of these tales was obvious, but he lamented that many sages in history “had stayed with the base and perverse people of the Hebrews, so that through new beliefs divisions would arise in the religion of the Christians.” To underline his point, Widmanstetter compiled a long list of “princes of heresies” that included figures like Arius and Nestorius, who had divided the church with their beliefs.66 This accusation was in part based on the idea put forward

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“Lex Dei est ut anima pro anima, oculus pro oculo, dens pro dente.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, Fiiiir. See bḤagigah, 3b:12–14. See bBava Kamma, 85b. “Oculus pro oculo) Thalmudistae narrant in Synedrio Hieresolymitano mitigatam die legum aliquot severitatem, ut legi, qua dementia precipiebatur, satisficeret. Pro dente enim aut oculo, aestimationem ipsius accipiendam iudicaverunt. Ignis extremum supplicium plumbo colliquefacto atque ori infuso expedierunt, quadragenis plagis a lege constitutis, unam demi iusserunt, id quod etiam Paulus Apostolus periculorum suorum comemoratione testatur.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxviiii. “Pulchritudinem cum pietate confundit, et anilibus ineptiis confirmare nititur, quod à

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by earlier Christian Hebraists who portrayed Kabbalah as the origin of later philosophical traditions (prisca philosophia)—for example, Johannes Reuchlin connected the Pythagoreans with Kabbalah in his De arte cabbalistica to encourage Christians to look for proof of the Christian truth outside the established canon of texts.67 To Widmanstetter, the seeming harmony between older traditions was in itself not a guarantee that these doctrines were compatible with Christianity. His fear of falling victim to Jewish heresies in the way that, in his view, Muhammad did, guided his reading of kabbalistic texts. This is why he would point out the dangers he perceived in adopting Jewish motifs for Christian doctrine. In a series of his notes, Widmanstetter used kabbalistic sources to explain the Quran. Most of these references trace back heretical views to kabbalistic texts that Muhammad had purportedly misunderstood or falsified on purpose. Sometimes Widmanstetter expressed his approval of Jewish mystical doctrine. Widmanstetter felt the need to justify the inclusion of Kabbalah into his notationes with an explanation printed at the very end of his notationes in Mahometis Theologia: If there are any who are offended by my frequent mention of the kabbalistic teachings in these notes, they should know that it was only by necessity that I was prompted to discuss some of these hidden books, which clearly show the deceptions of the Jews, the worthlessness of the Christians who have fallen from the bosom of the church, the fickleness of Muhammad, and the savagery of his crimes.68 This is a powerful rejection of the Quran and its alleged kabbalistic sources. Another important motif for Widmanstetter was the condemnation of “Chris-

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Iudaeis impostoribus pessima fide acceperat. In hoc enim solum cum illa, tum etiam superiore aetate prava et perversa gens Hebraeorum incubuit, ut novis opinionibus dissidium fieret in Christianorum religione. Hinc exorti sunt Saturninus, Basilides, Corinthus, Hebion, Valentinus, Sabellius, Manes, Arrius, Nestorius, et alii ferè innumeri perniciosarum heresum principes, qui à communi Ecclesiae sententia discesserunt, ut in libro, quem de causis, et origine omnium haeresum scripsi, aperte ostendam.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. iiii. See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:181–189. “Si qui sunt, quos Cabalisticae doctrinae frequens memoria in hisce notationibus meis offendat, hi sciant me sola neccessitate impulsum, ex istorum libris reconditis delibasse nonnulla, quae Iudeorum fraudes, Christianorum è gremio Ecclesiae dilapsorum levitatem, et Mahometis inconstantiam, atque scelerum atrositatem commostrarent.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, [Qiir].

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tians who have fallen from the bosom of the church” by adopting heretical beliefs. There was an extensive tradition of Christians portraying Muhammad as part of a long line of heretics, and this forms the premise of many of Widmanstetter’s notes that make use of kabbalistic explanations. One notatio that Gershom Scholem interpreted as Widmanstetter’s wholesale rejection of Kabbalah has to be read in light of this heretical potential. In discussing the kabbalistic concept of gilgul neshamot (“transmigration of souls”), Widmanstetter concluded that the interpretation of this idea by some kabbalists opened the path to salvation to all living beings, including plants and animals. Transmigration of souls had been supported by classical philosophers, such as Plato who discussed it at length in Phaedo as a punishment for sinners.69 Among the neoplatonists, Numenius of Apamea adhered to this idea, claiming that he held the memories of thirty generations, including that of Moses. It was St. Augustine who put the Christian abhorrence with transmigration of souls into words by imagining a scenario in which people unwittingly commit incest with the souls of their reincarnated kin.70 In addition, transmigration of souls stood in contrast to the Christian belief in the immortality of the soul and thus went completely against the grain of Christian sensitivities. It is possible that Widmanstetter’s critique was aimed at Johannes Reuchlin, who went to great lengths to demonstrate the harmony of transmigration of souls with Christian doctrine in his De arte cabbalistica. Reuchlin attempted to make gilgul neshamot palatable to Christians by explaining that it was not concerned with the soul of individuals but rather that the bodies were imprinted through souls that could be reused like the molds of artisans.71 Widmanstetter thus had to be alarmed that the idea of gilgul neshamot was already being adopted into Christianity, and he ends his note with a stern warning: “I have mentioned this in order to call attention to the endless and extravagant opinions of this Kabbalah of the Jews that, as if led forth from the Trojan horse, have assaulted the church of Christ.”72

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See Erland Ehnmark, “Transmigration in Plato,” The Harvard Theological Review 50, no. 1 (1957): 1–20. On the later debate over transmigration of souls, see David B. Ruderman, “On Divine Justice, Metempsychosis, and Purgatory: Ruminations of a Sixteenth-Century Italian Jew,” Jewish History 1, no. 1 (1986): 9–30 (16–18); Bernd Roling, “Pythagoras and Christian Eschatology: The Debate on the Transmigration of Souls in Early Scholasticism,” in Pythagorean Knowledge from the Ancient to the Modern World: Askesis, Religion, Science, ed. AlmutBarbara Renger and Alessandro Stavru (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2016), 103–177. See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:186–189. Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxxiii; for the full Latin text see below.

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While Scholem applauded Widmanstetter’s achievements as a collector of Jewish books, he interpreted the comparison of Jewish mysticism with a Trojan horse as paradigmatic of the distrust some Christians felt towards Kabbalah. Scholem read Widmanstetter’s remark as a warning that all kabbalistic texts were incompatible with Christian doctrine and that gullible theologians who tried to apply them to Christianity would undermine the Christian church. In Scholem’s narrative, earlier generations of Christian kabbalists, such as Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, had held a positive notion of Jewish mysticism compared with later generations that he exemplified with Widmanstetter.73 With this verdict on Widmanstetter, Scholem shaped the subsequent image of the Christian Hebraist. But as Robert Wilkinson has pointed out, Scholem knew Widmanstetter’s notatio only as an excerpt in Joseph Perles’ Beiträge zur Geschichte der hebräischen und aramäischen Studien that omitted the other notationes that give a more nuanced image of Widmanstetter’s view of Kabbalah.74 The following pages will analyze the sources of Widmanstetter’s notationes, demonstrating his proficiency in Jewish mysticism and examining his reasons for rejecting certain kabbalistic views and embracing others. His critique of gilgul neshamot exemplifies the wide range of sources Widmanstetter had at his disposal for studying Kabbalah. The impetus for his interest in the concept apparently stemmed from lessons he received for some months from Rabbi Dattilus, who had earlier been the teacher of Pico della Mirandola. This notatio is in fact one of the few sources that mention Widmanstetter receiving instruction in Kabbalah, rather than studying it alone from his extensive collection of books. In his notatio, Widmanstetter describes the teaching thus: Dattilus […] used to say that certain seeds of life were concealed in the innermost part of the soil and other surrounding substances. Because of the untiring efforts of this world [nature] and the labor of growing and decaying, these seeds, through the various weeds, bushes, fruit trees, and animate beings, have entered first into the human body and then into the

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See Scholem, “Anfänge der christlichen Kabbala,” 159–163. An English translation of this study has been published as “The Beginning of the Christian Kabbalah,” in The Christian Kabbalah: Jewish Mystical Books & Their Christian Interpreters: A Symposium, ed. Joseph Dan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard College Library, 1997), 17–39. See Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 165–169, for publications that have adopted the view of Widmanstetter as presented by Scholem. The excerpt Scholem had before him was printed in Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 186.

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sensual soul (anima sentiendi) through the human body. After a soul is poured out [into it] from heaven, […] they would finally be allowed a certain share of eternal bliss.75 This particular version of gilgul neshamot that Widmanstetter encountered in Dattilus’ lessons was, in Scholem’s assessment, the old kabbalist’s own doctrine,76 but he encountered similar views in the kabbalistic texts collected in his library to which he reacted in marginal notes. The notion of the transmigration of souls developed over a long period in Judaism.77 In early Jewish mystical texts, beginning with Sefer ha-Bahir, gilgul neshamot offered souls a chance to pay for the offenses of their past lives by proving themselves as righteous in a new life.78 Early Spanish Kabbalah, which Widmanstetter encountered in the works of Moses Nachmanides, did not elaborate on the transmigration of souls, but treated it as a profound mystery that was only hinted at; Widmanstetter owned works such as the Commentary on Job79 and Shaʿar ha-Gemul.80 With

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“Omne genus animantium) Si hoc verum esse existimavit, cur toties aeterni interitus mentionem facit. Dattylus Pici Mirandulani praeceptor, quem ego iam decrepitum menses aliquot audivi, dicere solebat, semina quaedam vitalia in visceribus terrae aliiisque eam ambientibus elementis latere, quae indefessa mundi huius contentione, atque ortus interitusque labore, per varias herbas, frutices, arbores fructus, et animantia sese humanis corporibns [corporibus] primum, deinde sentiendi animae insinuarent, atque postremo cum anima coelitus infusa, si ea in inferiore hanc, atque e materia eductam obsequentem habuerit, ad foelicitatis aeternae partem aliquam admitterentur. Itaque intelligi a nonnullis, animantium omni generi spem salutis propositam esse. Haec idcirco commemoravi, ut iudicarem, ex hac Iudeorum Caballa infinita opinionum portenta, veluti ex equo Troiano educta, impetum in Christi ecclesia fecisse.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxxiii. See Scholem, “Anfänge der christlichen Kabbala,” 162. The development of gilgul neshamot is outlined in Gershom Scholem, Von der mystischen Gestalt der Gottheit: Studien zu Grundbegriffen der Kabbala, 4th ed., SuhrkampTaschenbuch Wissenschaft 209 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1995), 193–247. This study will reference the German original, but an English translation is available: Gershom Scholem and Jonathan Chipman, On the Mystical Shape of the Godhead: Basic Concepts in the Kabbalah, rev. ed. (New York: Schocken, 1997). A more recent study that examines various stages and authors of gilgul neshamot is Brian Ogren, Renaissance and Rebirth: Reincarnation in Early Modern Italian Kabbalah, Studies in Jewish History and Culture 24 (Leiden: Brill, 2009). For an anthology of sources, see Rachel Elior and Michal Oron, eds., Ha-Gilgul: Leqet Meqorot (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 1980). Widmanstetter owned this foundational work in three copies: bsb, Codd.hebr. 92, 240, and 311. bsb, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 10r–100v. bsb, Rar. 1229.

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the emergence of the Zohar in the late twelfth century, the scope of gilgul neshamot shifted. While in the main body text of the Zohar and in Midrash ha-Neʿelam, it is childless couples who receive the chance to mend their sin by procreating through their transmigration of souls, other zoharic texts distinguish between the souls of the righteous, the sinners, and the mediocres. According to these texts, sinners and mediocres are reborn to purge them of their past sins, while the cycle of rebirths ends for the souls of the righteous. Widmanstetter’s recension of this body of texts includes the relevant passages, but he did not comment in the margins.81 Some interpretations of gilgul neshamot even included the transfer of souls into plants and animals, as described by Dattilus. Widmanstetter would have found such a view of gilgul neshamot in his kabbalistic books in Sefer ha-Peliyah,82 Menahem Recanati’s Taʿamei ha-Mitswot,83 and the Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah traditionally ascribed to Abraham ben David of Posquières (Pseudo-Rabad),84 which portray rebirth into an animal as a severe punishment for sinfulness. Other versions of gilgul neshamot he could have encountered were expressed in Sefer ha-Temunah.85 While Widmanstetter owned this substantial collection of texts that deal with the various forms of gilgul neshamot, the lack of marginal notes or expressions in other forms about it means that we cannot know how he understood these texts, or if he even had read them. One rare example that displays Widmanstetter diligently exploiting a kabbalistic text on gilgul neshamot is his copy of Iggeret Ḥamudot by the sixteenth-century kabbalist Elijah Hayyim of Genazzano, which offers an almost systematic account of the varying beliefs in the transmigration of souls.86 bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, the manuscript in question, is one of the few books that Widmanstetter worked through with visible diligence. Written in an epistolary form, Elijah gives his account of the essence of the

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See bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 96. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 116r–171r. Widmanstetter owned three copies of this text: bsb, Codd.hebr. 92, 112, and 115. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 11v–22r. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 2v–22r. Beside his comments in Iggeret Ḥamudot, Widmanstetter wrote one fascinating comment in Idra Rabba that sets the partsufim in parallel with the transmigration of souls: “Quemadmodum anima humana transmigrat è primo in alterum et postremo in tertium corpus humanum, ut tandem ad Deum convertatur, postea vero in brutorum animalibus corpora, ubi affligitur, et emittit intelligendae vim cum instrumento careat, sic etiam in divinitate: Quae hoc loco ‫ גבר‬dicitur, tres sunt gradus influendi ‫ אריך אפין זעיר אפי׳ ושכינה‬extra hos gradus respectum divinitatis est vita brutalis.” Zohar, 3:133a; bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 330r.

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authentic kabbalistic tradition to David of Montalcino.87 The context is Elijah’s discussion of the commandment of levirate marriage ( yibbum), a form of marriage that is proposed in Deuteronomy 25:5–10: when a man has died childless and his brother married the widow, the children of this union were considered as the deceased brother’s heirs. Kabbalah applied the idea of transmigration of souls to levirate marriage, postulating that by impregnating the deceased brother’s soul into an embryo that results from the marriage, it is given a new chance to procreate and to be saved from oblivion.88 As part of his explanation of gilgul neshamot, Elijah provided a doxography of various authors, Jewish and non-Jewish, who subscribed to this idea. Widmanstetter took great care to note the important points of the discussion in a series of marginal notes. Among the authorities listed in Elijah’s account is Rabbi Isaac Abravanel, whom Widmanstetter had visited in Naples. Widmanstetter also took note of the fact that to Elijah the depiction of levirate marriage in the book of Ruth was proof that gilgul neshamot is an authentic tradition.89 Elijah was an important informant for Widmanstetter, because he was not only versed in the Jewish tradition but had also studied philosophy under Rabbi Benjamin of Montalcino; he explains that he learned about a chain of transmission of beliefs about gilgul neshamot from a book by Zoroaster (see figure 15): And behold, I found an ancient book attributed to a sage by the name of Zoroaster and he says in it that the people of India received gilgul neshamot from the people of Persia, the people of Persia from the Egyptians, the Egyptians from the Chaldeans. And the Chaldeans received it from Abraham, whom they banished from their country because of their jealousy of him as he used to say regarding the soul that it was the source of movement and the caretaker of matter and that there are many souls and so on.90 87

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An edition with Italian translation was published as Elijah Hayyim ben Benjamin da Genazzano, La lettera preziosa (Iggeret ḥamudot), ed. Fabrizio Lelli (Florence: Giuntina, 2002). For his discussion of gilgul neshamot, see Ogren, Renaissance and Rebirth, 163–184. On levirate marriage in Kabbalah and further bibliography on the matter, see Daniel Chanan Matt, ed., The Zohar: Pritzker Edition, vol. 5 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 38n108. “‫ ומי שמעיין‬.‫והראיה ממצות היבום שהתחילו לקיים מזמן האבו׳ וכל ספר רות נבנה על זה הסוד‬ ‫ ”;במדרש רות ידע ויבין שזה הדעת מקובל הוא‬and Widmanstetter’s note in the margin: “Totus liber Ruth est fundamentum transmigrationis animarum.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v. “‫והנה מצאתי ספר אחד קדום מיוחס לחכם אחד שמו זורואש״ט ואומר בזה הלשון כי גלגול‬ ‫הנשמות קבלוהו אנשי הודו מאנשי פרס ואנשי פרס מן המצרים והמצרים מן הכשדים והכשדים‬ ‫קבלוהו מאברהם שגרשו אותו מארצם בעבור קנאתם אותו שהיה אומר מהנפש שהיא מקור‬ ‫התנועה ומכלכלת החמר ושיש נשמו׳ רבו׳ וכו׳‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v.

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figure 15 Widmanstetter’s notes on the transmigration of souls (gilgul neshamot) in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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This remarkable passage makes Elijah the first Jewish kabbalist who associated Zoroaster, a non-Jewish sage, with an accepted kabbalistic doctrine. To Elijah, the occurrence of gilgul neshamot in other religions was proof of the old age and authenticity of this idea.91 The importance of this passage was apparent to Widmanstetter. Christian humanists had long contemplated the similarities between doctrines in pagan religions and theorized about their descent from Judaism (prisca philosophia).92 While Widmanstetter did not approve of gilgul neshamot, he recognized that in Elijah he had finally found a Jew who subscribed to the notion that Jewish mystical ideas were transmitted to other peoples.93 This realization underlined to Widmanstetter the influence that kabbalistic ideas could exert on Islam and Christianity. He eagerly paraphrased this passage in the margin: “(He says) the opinions on transmigration of souls had flown from Abraham to the Chaldeans, to the Egyptians, to the Persians and the Jews.”94 Elijah continued in this vein, and related that Platonic thinkers expressed views that are remarkably similar to those of the kabbalists. Widmanstetter also took note of the Pythagorean philosopher Numenius of Apamea, who had asserted that the soul of Moses was inhabiting him.95 Views on the details of gilgul neshamot differed between kabbalists. Regarding the transmigration of souls and animals, Widmanstetter discovered in Iggeret Ḥamudot a refutation. Elijah summed up the kabbalists’ position on the transmigration of souls into the bodies of animals with the assertion that this idea was an innovation by recent kabbalists (ha-mequbalim ha-aḥaronim) that could not be substantiated by older texts. Elijah’s project was to peel back the

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See Idel, Kabbalah in Italy, 16; Ogren, Renaissance and Rebirth, 175–180. See Fabrizio Lelli, “‘Prisca Philosophia’ and ‘Docta Religio’: The Boundaries of Rational Knowledge in Jewish and Christian Humanist Thought,” The Jewish Quarterly Review 91, no. 1 (2000): 53–99; Schmitt, “Perennial Philosophy”; Schmidt-Biggemann, Philosophia Perennis. Ogren discerns in Genazzano’s remarks knowledge of non-Jewish prisca theologia texts; see Ogren, Renaissance and Rebirth, 179. As Ogren explains, Genazzano did not look favorably on the appropriation of gilgul neshamot by hostile non-Jews. In his view, they were thieves who had brought this piece of kabbalistic truth into their possession before the revelation on Mount Sinai set transmigration of souls into full effect as a divine law, and as a result their knowledge of the matter remained imperfect; see Ogren, Renaissance and Rebirth, 176. “Transmigrationis opiniorum ab Abrahamo fluxisse ad Chaldaeos Aegyptios, Persas et Judos.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v.—Widmanstetter misunderstood the Hebrew word for India, hodu, to read “Judos,” Jews. “‫ועוד מצאתי כדברים הללו סברו נומיניאו״ס הפיתגאורי״י וגוודלנדוס והיה סובר נומיניאו״ס‬ ‫שהיה בגופו גלגול נפש משה מרוב אהבתו לתורתו ואומ׳ ג״כ שם שהיה משים תורת משה‬ ‫תחת ראשו בשכבו והיה משיבין לו בחלום על שאלותיו‬.” And in the margin: “Numenius phythagoreus dixit animam Mosis in eius corpore esse.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v.

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layers of later additions to reach the core of authentic Kabbalah. In this light, Elijah’s assessment equaled a disqualification of the transmigration of souls into animals. It should be emphasized here that he regarded the other forms gilgul neshamot as genuine.96 Widmanstetter took note of this important rejection of this view on gilgul neshamot, but in his published notatio on the matter, he only reported the most extreme version that by Elijah’s account was outlandish to some kabbalists.97 Beside a systematic discussion of gilgul neshamot from a kabbalistic view, Widmanstetter also found in Elijah written confirmation that at least some Jews were cognizant of the supposed dissemination of their ideas among non-Jews. It was fear of introducing heresies into the church that made Widmanstetter wary of attempts to utilize Jewish mysticism for the benefit of Christianity. For him, the Quran served as a warning of the damage that Kabbalah could potentially wreak upon Christian doctrine if it was not understood properly. This warning against wrongly understood kabbalistic ideas is one of the central motifs in many of Widmanstetter’s notationes. As other notationes discussed below will demonstrate, Widmanstetter did approve of certain kabbalistic ideas. Of course, we do not know if Widmanstetter had read Elijah Hayyim of Genazzano’s discussion of gilgul neshamot before he published his commentary on the Quran. Even if he was aware of a Jewish disavowal of some extreme aspects of gilgul neshamot, his polemical censure would have lost its force if he had included a more nuanced portrayal of the Jewish position. The notion that “some kabbalists” opened the path to salvation to the souls of animals made for a more forceful polemic against Muhammad’s alleged gullibility for accepting kabbalistic falsehoods. Another kabbalistic motif that Widmanstetter rejected relates to the names of God. In the same list that enumerates eighty lashes as the punishment for inebriation, Mahometis Theologia also specifies the properties of the “seventeen names of God between the deepest earth and hell which if they are not put between will cause the heat of hell to erupt and consume all of the earth.”98

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“‫ומה שאמר שהמקובלים אמרו שנפשו׳ האדם מתגלגלים בגופו הב״ח זה לא נמצאת אלא בדברי‬ ‫מקצת המקובלים האחרונים ולא מצאנו לזה הדעת סמוך מדברי רבותינו‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v. “Falsum esse, quod veteres Cabalistae senserint animas humanas per animalium corpora migrare et volutari.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 5v. “Septendecim, nomina Dei inter imum terrae, et infernum, quae si interposita non essent, erumpens estus inferni, totum mundum consumeret.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, Biiv.

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Such a notion of the name of God allowing control over the cosmos is not found in the Quran, but is present in some kabbalistic writings. To Widmanstetter this idea had no credibility: as he snapped, “the laughable tales of the Jews from the books of the kabbalists, not properly understood, have found credence with this animal.”99 For kabbalists, the names of God had many roles and functions over time, and Widmanstetter could have encountered several of these beliefs in his books. For example, Nachmanides adopted in his Commentary on the Pentateuch the view of Sefer Shimmushei Torah that the Torah contained divine names that had created the natural world and were sustaining it. Another more radical view that Nachmanides described is that the Torah consists in its entirety of a continuum of divine names that could be used for magical purposes had not the knowledge about them been lost.100 Nachmanides’ exposition was adopted by writers like Abraham Abulafia, who sought to retrieve the lost knowledge using the forty-two-letter name of God in his rituals. The theosophical-theurgical Kabbalah posits that the divine names refer to the divine emanations—the ten sefirot—and can even be harnessed to control them. Abulafia’s works on the subject, Sefer ha-Ot101 or Sefer ha-ʿEdut,102 were available to Widmanstetter.103 In addition, he owned texts focusing on specific names of God.104 Beside his characterization of the power of divine names as “laughable,” Widmanstetter did not discuss why he rejected this concept. Among the Christian authorities whom Widmanstetter listed as espousing interest in the names of God is the Church Father Origen, who in a discussion about the importance of how God is addressed specifically praised the Hebrew names “Sabaoth” and “Adonai” as components of a mystical theology.105 Within the tradition of Chris-

99 100 101 102 103

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105

“Ridiculae Iudaeorum fabulae, ex Cabalistarum libris non recte intellectae, apud hanc bestiam fidem invenerunt.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. xi. Widmanstetter owned this text in two copies: bsb, Codd.hebr. 113 and 257. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 409. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 36r–43v. For survey of kabbalistic positions on the names of God, see Moshe Idel, Absorbing Perfections: Kabbalah and Interpretation (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2002), 319– 351. These include Commentary on the name of Seventy-Two Letters (bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 144v–159r, no notes); Commentary on the Name of Forty-Two Letters (bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 126v–129r, emendations); Secrets of the Divine Name (bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 110r–111v, no notes); Explanation of the Seventy-Two-Letter Divine Name (bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 167v, no notes); On the Seventy-Two Names of God (bsb, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 65v–66r, no notes); Explanations of the Names of the Godhead (bsb, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 3r–5r, 8v–11r, 16v–22r; many notes). See Origenes, Contra Celsum Libri viii, ed. Miroslav Marcovich (Leiden: Brill, 2015), i.24.

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tian Kabbalah, Widmanstetter’s remark could also be read as another critique of a work by Johannes Reuchlin, whose De verbo mirifico is centered around holy names. In this work, Reuchlin went to great lengths to reveal that the ineffable name of God, the tetragrammaton (the four Hebrew letters yud he vav he) could be transformed into a pentagrammaton, containing the additional fifth letter shin in the middle, which he touted as the secret name of Jesus Christ.106 Reuchlin believed that through his kabbalistic reasoning he had proven the supersession of Judaism by Christianity. It is plausible that Widmanstetter was aware of Reuchlin’s argument, as he owned his compatriot’s other major work on Christian Kabbalah, De arte cabalistica. Even so, Widmanstetter did not accept the idea that the names of God wielded powers and hence he considered following this notion to be foolish, but not dangerous. To the overall argument of Widmanstetter’s notationes, the kabbalistic notion of the names of God served as yet another example of Muhammad naively adapting Jewish mysticism with unintended effects. Ancient science was, much like theological ideas, another offshoot of Kabbalah for Widmanstetter. In the context of the creation of the world, the Alcorani Epitome asserts that the “beginning of everything is water.” Widmanstetter gave the following explanation of this phrase connecting the two fields: The holy Scriptures teach that the world was created by the mercy of God. The kabbalists maintain that through mercy even the harshness of the waters is calmed in the adjuration of wine. This is why the ancient philosophers of the Greeks, including Thales of Miletus, held the famous view that water was the primal matter of all things. It seems that Aristotle sought to refute them with great zeal rather than to understand it.107 This notatio draws on two marginal notes that Widmanstetter had added to his Zohar manuscript and on classical tradition. According to ancient scientific tradition, there are four elements (earth, water, air, and fire) that make up

106 107

For a discussion of this passage in the context of early Jewish mysticism, see Idel, Absorbing Perfections, 247–248. According to Moshe Idel’s analysis of this text, Reuchlin misread the anti-Christian intent of his source text; Idel, “Introduction,” xix–xxi. “Principium omnium aqua) Mundum clementia Dei creatum esse sacrae literae docent, clementiam vero aquarum severitatem vini appellatione contineri Cabalistae testantur. Unde ad veteres Graecorum philosophos, e quorum numero Thales Milesius fuit, opinio celebris allata fuit, aquam rerum omnium primam materiam extitisse, quos Aristoteles maiore studio reprehendere, quam intelligere velle videtur.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xvi.

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the universe, each of different weight. As earth was believed to be the heaviest among the elements, the land masses should sink beneath the waters of the oceans: “It is the nature and the way of the world that water is light and earth is heavy, and that which is heavy sinks below, while that which is light rises above.” Despite this, God performed a miracle and made it so that the earth floats above the waters.108 Widmanstetter marginal notes to the Zohar explain that the reference to mercy describes God’s power to make “the earth stand out above the waters” and that “water is the source of the world.”109 In one of the notes, Widmanstetter elaborates that the miracle of the earth floating above the waters “defies the laws of nature.” It is notable that he construes a tradition from the kabbalists to the ancient philosophers, since they are both in agreement regarding water. In tracing these ideas to the earliest non-Jewish traditions known to him, Widmanstetter stayed true to the modus operandi he so often used. Since the writings of Thales of Miletus have not survived, with his ideas being transmitted by other natural philosophers who followed his work, Widmanstetter followed Aristotle’s account that Thales had asserted that water was the primal matter. A second of Thales’ beliefs that Aristotle related is that the earth floated above the water, which he explained with the analogy of the capacity of wood to float on water.110 Thales’ views were radical in his times, as he rejected earlier mythological explanations of natural phenomena that attributed control of the cosmos to the gods in favor of a rational and scientific theory.111 His theory had the virtue that he could explain a variety of events in nature, such as earthquakes.112 As Widmanstetter remarked, Aristotle found it problematic to

108 109

110 111 112

See Zohar Ḥadash, 12a; Wolski, Zohar, vol. 10, 90. The wine whose adjuration has soothing effects is not to be found in the marginal note or the original zoharic text. “Deus creavit mundum misericordia. Effecit enim, ut in terra emineret supra aquas. Quod est rationi contrarium, repugnatque iustitiae naturae.” (“God created the world from mercy. He made it so that the earth stands out above the waters which is contrary to reason, and it defies the laws of nature.”) bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 25r. “Aquae principium sunt mundi. Quae et coelo nomen dederunt.” (“Water is the source of the world. And they gave their name to heaven.”) bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 25v; = Zohar Ḥadash, 12a; translation in Nathan Wolski, ed., The Zohar: Pritzker Edition, vol. 10 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016), 90–92. See Aristotle, On the Heavens, trans. William K.C. Guthrie, reprint, The Loeb Classical Library 338 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), 294 a28–30. See Aristotle, Metaphysics, trans. Hugh Tredennick and G. Cyril Armstrong, reprint, The Loeb Classical Library 287 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), 983 b20–28. For an overview of Thales’ beliefs, see Patricia O’Grady, “Thales of Miletus,” in Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ed. James Fieser and Bradley Dowden, accessed 20 February 2023, https://www.iep.utm.edu/thales/.

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reconcile his own natural philosophy with Thales’ hypothesis of the earth floating on water.113 This notatio conveys an agnostic view of kabbalistic notions and a critique of Aristotle, but other passages are more explicit in their endorsement of Jewish mystical ideas. Although he believed that Muhammad had transmitted heretical kabbalistic ideas, like so many other unfortunate sages, Widmanstetter’s view of Kabbalah itself was not entirely negative. In a number of notationes, Widmanstetter expressed his support of the kabbalistic idea of the ten sefirot, although he remained true to the motif of the truth-twisting Muhammad. The medieval kabbalists adopted the sefirot from Sefer Yetsirah (“The book of creation”) and conceived of them as the manifestations through which God at the same reveals and disguises himself. Sefer Yetsirah is introduced with the statement that God created the universe by “means of thirty-two wondrous paths of wisdom.”114 The original meaning of the term sefirah has long been disputed among scholars.115 Apart from the constant labeling as the “ten sefirot,” the numerical symbolism of these entities is never defined in Sefer Yetsirah itself. Instead, the text establishes a connection between the sefirot and God’s actions associated with constructing the cosmos by using them in conjunction with the expressions for engraving (hasav) and sealing (haqaq).116 While Sefer Yetsirah describes the sefirot and the universe as creations outside of God, the

113 114

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116

See Aristotle, On the Heavens, 294 a33–294 b6. Hayman, Sefer Yeṣirah, 59. Ten of these paths are understood to be the ten sefirot, which are discussed in the first part of the text. The second part of the book explains the cosmological significance of the twenty-two remaining paths, which are the letters of the Hebrew alphabet. See also Gershom Scholem and R.J. Zwi Werblowsky, Origins of the Kabbalah (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1987), 24–35. Joseph Dan gives an overview of past and recent scholarship along with his own interpretation in Joseph Dan, History of Jewish Mysticism and Esotericism, vol. 2, Ancient Times [Hebrew] (Jerusalem: The Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History, 2008), 545–579. In his analysis of Sefer Yetsirah, Gershom Scholem rejected Steinschneider’s earlier explanation as it coming from the Greek σφαῖρα. He argued that the existing Hebrew noun for “number,” ‫מספר‬, was not sufficient for the author of Sefer Yetsirah, who wanted to express “metaphysical principles of the universe or stages in the creation of the world” and thus created a new word from the same root; see Scholem and Werblowsky, Origins of the Kabbalah, 24–35 (27). The generations of researchers after Scholem have pointed out the problems of his interpretation. Giulio Busi associated the term sefirah with a passage in the Babylonian Talmud. Here, the phrase li-sefirat devarim can be understood as an “act of writing.” Busi proposes to read the noun in Sefer Yetsirah in this context as a metaphorical term of God inscribing the matter of the physical world in order to shape the cosmos. For Busi’s account of Sefer Yetsirah’s creation, see Busi, Qabbalah Visiva, 34–41; Giulio Busi, “ ‘Engraved, Hewed, Sealed’: Sefirot and Divine Writing in the Sefer Yetzirah,” in Gershom Scholem (1897–1982): In Memoriam,

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later tradition that became dominant among kabbalists portrays the sefirot as emanating from God. Knowledge of the sefirot thus becomes equal to intimate knowledge of God’s processes. In their ongoing process of emanation from God, the ten sefirot sustain the cosmos and govern the vital rhythm of every living being.117 Kabbalists also believed that the activities and relationships of the sefirot were inscribed into the fabric of the Bible text and that it was possible to uncover the mysteries of God and the cosmos if the correspondences between the text and the sefirotic realm were properly understood. Beginning with Sefer ha-Bahir (“The book of brightness”), which appeared in written form in the second half of the thirteenth century in Europe, the sefirot become one of the central motifs of Kabbalah, adopted in many other texts and graphical materials, such as the Zohar.118 Christians such as Johannes Reuchlin adopted the ten sefirot for their own theological works and in particular interpreted the triad of the three upper sefirot (Keter, Ḥokhmah, and Binah) as a reference to the validity of the Trinity.119 Widmanstetter owned the original source Jewish texts about the sefirot and added marginal notes to them, especially the Zohar, pointing to his thorough study of the ten sefirot. Many of these notes can be identified as the inspiration for his notationes on the sefirot in his polemic against the Quran. When he discovered a passage that in his view displayed how Muhammad mistakenly revealed the truth about the sefirot, Widmanstetter gleefully pointed out this lapse. As we have seen, to Christians, Muhammad was the liar par excellence who would twist everything into falsehood. Conversely, this image of the

117 118

119

ed. Joseph Dan, vol. 2 (Jerusalem: Hebrew University, 2007), 1*–11*. For support for Busi’s interpretation, see Dan, Ancient Times, 586–587. See Scholem, Gestalt der Gottheit, 32–33. The most recent edition and study of Sefer ha-Bahir is Daniel Abrams, ed., The Book Bahir: An Edition Based on the Earliest Manuscripts, with an Introduction by Moshe Idel [Hebrew] (Los Angeles: Cherub Press, 1994). Scholem believed it possible that Sefer ha-Bahir first circulated for centuries in oral form among sages in different parts of the Jewish world and may constitute a composite of different elements from different times, previously only orally transmitted. For this theory, see Scholem and Werblowsky, Origins of the Kabbalah, 59. Abrams points out that Scholem’s theory does not shed light on the title under which the work was known in its pre-textual form, and argues against Scholem’s localization of the Bahir’s materials as being from the East; see Abrams, Book Bahir, 14–15. The Bahir takes the literary form of an anthology of midrashim, homiletic dialogs between students and their rabbinic master who illustrates with parables the emanation of the sefirot from the Godhead which manifest its actions. Scholem and Werblowsky, Origins of the Kabbalah, 49–198; on the doctrine of the sefirot, see esp. pp. 81, 123–162. For the Zohar, see Chapter 3, section 2 above. See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:18–19.

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Prophet could be subverted by portraying him as inept in his lies. The idea that Muhammad unwittingly spoke the truth thus had a long tradition among polemicists when Widmanstetter penned his commentary.120 Widmanstetter’s reasoning was inspired by a brief section in the Alcorani Epitome whose cryptic phrasing resulted from the text’s origin as table of contents for the Quran; it reads: “Christi pulchritudo” (“the beauty of Christ”). Building on this expression, which contains neither refutation nor affirmation, Widmanstetter constructed the idea that here Muhammad had unwittingly disclosed a profound kabbalistic truth: Without realizing it and without intending it, the truth is betrayed by Muhammad. For the kabbalists too determined the Messiah’s seat in the sefirah (numeratio) of Beauty, which itself is second only to the deity. Thus, he admits in this passage that the Messiah is the Son of God.121 From the brief expression that sets Christ into an unspecified context with “beauty,” Widmanstetter leaped to the conclusion that Muhammad was aware of the Messiah’s correspondence to the sefirah Tiferet, which is called pulchritudo in Latin. The interpretation offered by Widmanstetter, however, is contrived and seems to be dictated by his polemical outlook on the Quran, because the identification of the Messiah with the sefirah Tiferet is not as straightforward as Widmanstetter suggested. In Kabbalah, the figure of the Messiah refers to the sefirah Shekhinah, who unites with Tiferet. This sexually charged union is mediated by the sefirah Yesod, representing the world of the male, and is identified with the divine phallus of Adam. The Shekhinah represents the receptive world of the female. Shekhinah and Yesod crave union in order to mend the harmony that had existed in the cosmos before Adam’s sin. The ascent of Shekhinah and her union with Tiferet are illustrated with different metaphors: one image that the Zohar uses to illustrate the relationship between Shekhinah and Tiferet is that of the moon who is only able to shine because it receives the light of the sun.122 Widmanstetter’s identification of the Messiah with the sefirah Tiferet thus conflates a complex process within the sefirotic realm that involves three sefirot to only one element. 120 121

122

See Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 108. “Christi pulchritudo) Imprudente, et invito Mahomete, veritas manifestatur. Nam et Cabalistae Messiae sedem in pulchritudinis numeratione, quae ipsa est divinitas secundum eos, constituerunt. Quapropter Messiam filium Dei esse hoc loco diserte consitetur.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xxii. See Zohar 1:238a. For a comprehensive survey of Shekhinah through the kabbalistic tradition, see Scholem, Gestalt der Gottheit, 135–191.

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The sources available to Widmanstetter also presented Shekhinah as the sefirah that corresponds to the Messiah. If we look at Widmanstetter’s marginal notes on the Messiah in a sefirotic context, such as in the Zohar, he faithfully followed the text in portraying him as represented by sefirot other than Tiferet: “King Messiah rises to the three superior [sefirot], he himself is not positioned in the sefirah Tiferet.”123 But in another passage he rephrased this: The Messiah discerns truth and judgment by smell. He thus bestows the sefirah of the Holy Spirit to Moses, and to Solomon a seat which consists of the Shekhinah and the Messiah, the sefirah of the fear of the Lord, which is Binah. The sefirah of the Holy Spirit, however, is Tiferet.124 It can only be conjectured that Widmanstetter had set his mind on displaying that Muhammad’s errors unwittingly transmitted the truth, and he wanted to demonstrate this by displaying the correspondence of the Messiah to the sefirot. As the text that Widmanstetter commented on provided no suitable equivalent for the Shekhinah, he performed a rhetorical sleight of hand, substituting it with Tiferet, as the Latin equivalent of the sefirah presents itself in a suitable context. In doing so he misrepresented the complex relationships of the sefirot for his polemical goal of painting Muhammad as an inept liar. More importantly, this notatio is highly telling of Widmanstetter’s outlook on Kabbalah, since he portrayed the doctrine of the ten sefirot as compatible with his Christian beliefs. So great was Widmanstetter’s appreciation for the doctrine of the sefirot that he even pointed out where, in his opinion, Muhammad should have included it in the Quran. Mahometis Theologia discusses the structure of the universe, detailing the number of oceans and winds between the earth and heaven, as well as the position of the sun. The end of this description offers the following account of the throne of God: “Their heads are under the seat of God, the feet under the seven thrones. The width of his neck is such that if a bird wanted to fly without interruption, it would take it almost a thousand years to travel from one ear to the other.”125 In his notatio to this passage, Widmanstetter scolded 123 124

125

“Rex Messias ascendit ad tres superiores ipse non est collocatus in gradu Tiphaeret.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 60v. “Messias odore deprehendit veritatem et iudicium. Dedit igitur gradum spiritus sancti Mosi, et Salomoni tribunal quod est Schechina et Messiae, gradum timoris domini, qui est Binae. Gradus autem Spiritus Sancti est Tiphaeret.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, f. 80v. “Capita eorum sub sede Dei, pedes sub thronis septem, tanta quidem ceruicis amplitudine, ut si continue volaret auis, vix mille annis ab una aure perveniret ad alteram.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, B4v.

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Muhammad for omitting “the wonderful mystery of the seven sefirot.”126 Unfortunately, he did not explain why Muhammad should have included the sefirot at this point. One conceivable explanation is that he felt that the outline of the cosmos given in Mahometis Theologia was incomplete without the sefirot emanating from God. Despite his esteem for the doctrine of the ten sefirot, Widmanstetter discerned the danger of heretical beliefs in this field as well. In line with Widmanstetter’s view of Muhammad notorious unreliability, he also censured what he saw as the Quran’s erroneous tradition of the ten sefirot. As with previous cases, Widmanstetter founded his critique on a relatively isolated expression that he interpreted as a list of sefirotic names: potentia, pulchritudo (“might, beauty”). Tiferet (“beauty”) is indeed one of the ten sefirot, and Widmanstetter’s thinking was apparently that Muhammad blundered in his list of sefirotic names and erroneously included a fictitious sefirah called “might.”127 To Widmanstetter, Muhammad was not the first writer to misunderstand kabbalistic texts and spread confusion as a result. Drawing on ancient Greek sources, he believed that Greek philosophers had fallen into the same trap. In one passage, he discerned parallels between the Quran, Greek philosophy, and the Zohar. During the description of the creation, Mahometis Theologia explains in what is a very elliptic and hard-to-interpret section that “this is how you join the shape of the male or the female.”128 To explain how this joining of the male and female shape is to be understood, Widmanstetter drew on unnamed kabbalistic sources: The kabbalists call the upper divine emanations “male” and the lower “female,” whence the Greek fables originate that infected this people with falsehoods in the following centuries.129

126 127

128 129

“Capita eorum) Hoc loco depravatum est admirabile mysterium septem numerationum.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. xxviii. “Hic mira perversitate confundit numerationes, quas ex Iudei aut indocti, aut certe fraudulenti sermonibus exceperat” (“Marvel here at how he confuses the sefirot through his perversity, this he has taken either from ignorant Jews or from certain deceitful sermons”). Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xii. In another passage, Widmanstetter is content to supply the additional information that Jews associate Jerusalem with the seventh sefirah: “Hierusalem terrae medium) Hoc Iudaei referunt ad septimam numerationem, quam Hierusalem divinam, et coelastem adpellant.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xviiii. “Ita certe, respondit, verum est, tantummodo subiangas, qua forma, viri an foeminae.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, Biir. “Viri an foeminae) Caballistae superiora uiros, inferiora foeminas nuncupant in divinis

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The shapes are interpreted as the kabbalistic sefirot, the upper components of which are designated as “male” and the lower as “female.” The second part of this notatio connects this concept with unspecified “Greek fables” that transmitted this belief just like the Quran. In this short comment, Widmanstetter only hinted at a much larger context that would have been hard for his readers to grasp without knowledge of the specific kabbalistic texts to which he referred. The origin of this remark can be traced to Widmanstetter’s copy of the Zohar (bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219). Expounding the creation of Adam in Genesis 5:1 (“when God created humankind (adam), He made it in the likeness of God”), the Zohar alludes to an upper androgynous divine couple that predates a second, lower androgynous human being that God subsequently split into the two sexes, symbolized by Adam and Eve.130 The Zohar refers to the female aspect of the divine couple as “the book below,” which is also understood as the sefirah Shekhinah. Her role is to reveal the “book above,” the sefirah Yesod, which is her male partner.131 Widmanstetter correctly asserted this gendered spatial arrangement of the sefirot in his note, revealing in his elliptic commentary a firm grasp of its allegorical meaning in the Zohar. In another marginal note in the same manuscript, Widmanstetter noticed parallels to a Greek fable, related in a passage in Plato’s Symposium. The Zohar offers a second interpretation to Genesis 5:1 that distinguishes the male and female aspects of the divine couple in terms of “behind and before”—an allusion to Psalm 139:5. In zoharic terminology, “behind” signifies the female aspect of the divine being and “before” the male aspect.132 The idea was that Adam and Eve were created together as one androgynous being and that Eve was situated behind Adam, before God separated them. Widmanstetter’s marginal note in the Zohar vigorously denies this idea: “‘Behind and before you formed me,’ that is female and male—and the woman is not part of the male’s behind. Thus, Plato also [claimed] that the ‘turned-away’ were among the pre-created humans.”133 He highlighted his rejection of this passage in the Zohar in a later

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emanationibus, à quibus veterum Graecorum fabulae ortum habuere, quae succedentibus saeculis vanitate illius gentis contaminatae fuerunt.” Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. vi. As Daniel Matt notes, the notion that God created Adam as an androgynous being can already be found in Bereshit Rabbah 8:1; see Daniel Chanan Matt, ed., The Zohar: Pritzker Edition, vol. 4 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), 390–391n73. On androgyny in Kabbalah, see e.g. Moshe Idel, “Androgyny and Equality in the Theosophico-Theurgical Kabbalah,” Diogenes 208 (2005): 27–38. See Zohar 2:70a–b. On the passages in question, see Matt, Zohar, vol. 4, 390–391nn71–72. See Matt, Zohar, vol. 4, 390–391nn73–74. “Retro et ante creasti me id est faeminam et masculum, et non femina pars hominis poste-

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note on the celestial paradise. In this note, he focused on the term “Adam” which the Zohar uses to designate the androgynous divine couple that serves as the template for the androgynous human couple. Widmanstetter voiced his objection to this idea, because this divine Adam is inaccessible to human understanding.134 To the Christian Hebraist, the Zohar had strayed into metaphorical depths where he would not follow. Besides rejecting the kabbalistic concept, Widmanstetter here connected the androgynous human to Plato’s Symposium to offer a context for the origin of this alleged motif in the Quran. In the Symposium, the philosopher Socrates entices a group of love-drunk Athenian noblemen to discuss their theories of the nature of love. One of the noblemen, the writer Aristophanes, recounts the myth that the human body was originally “completely round, with back and sides making a circle,” consisting of four arms, four legs, and one head for two faces.135 In Aristophanes’ myth, the separation into distinct sexes was not a part of the creation process, but a divine punishment. These primordial humans were extraordinarily strong and fast, which led them to rebel against the gods, who then punished them by cutting their bodies in half in order to subdue them. Zeus threatened that if humanity should continue on its path of insolence their bodies would be split up once again “and they will have to hop about on one leg only.”136 Aristophanes’ point is that the human desire for companionship and sex are motivated by the wish to temporarily overcome the separation of the bodies and return the two halves to their original state of union.137

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rior, sic Plato quoque aversos fuisse inter se principis precreatos homines.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 219, f. 72v. “Paradisum supernum) Magnum illum Adamum in summa divinitatis arce collocatum peccasse, abdita ratione, mortalisque incognita, docere audent insolentes Iudaei, quorum vestigia insequitur Mahometes.” (“Celestial paradise) The haughty Jews dare to teach that the great Adam who was set into the higher-most fortress of the Godhead and went astray, is concealed from human understanding and unknown to mortal men—in their path followed Muhammad.”) Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xiii. Plato, The Symposium, ed. Frisbee C.C. Sheffield, trans. M.C. Howatson, Cambridge Texts in the History of Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 189c. Plato, Symposium, 190d. Only some of the primordial humans in the Symposium are androgynous in the way of the Zohar. Aristophanes describes three different combinations of sexes in these primordial humans: female-female, male-male, and female-male; see Plato, Symposium, 189c–193b. Widmanstetter reiterated the theory of the tradition from Kabbalah to Greek myth in another place in his notationes without justifying his thinking. He explained that Mount Olympus, the dwelling place of the Greek gods, was inspired by the biblical account of paradise. “Caph) Cabalistae paradisum in certos ambitus montis altissimi et illustrissimi distingunt, quorum imitatione Graeci scriptis suis Olimpum finxerunt.” (“The kabbalists

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In his notatio on the Quran, Widmanstetter disavowed the Zohar’s narrative of the androgynous divine being as heretical. By declaring this concept as the inspiration for Plato’s myth of primordial humans he emphasized the idea that kabbalistic ideas inspired heretical ideas long before Muhammad. In this light, the Quran is merely one specimen in a long line of heretical texts. Despite his acceptance of at least one kabbalistic idea, Widmanstetter did not let down his guard against potential heresies.

4

Conclusion

As we lack the translation of the Quran that Widmanstetter allegedly prepared himself, it is difficult to assess his achievements when it comes to the study of the Quran. Based on his library, Bobzin has claimed that Widmanstetter’s contribution leaned more to the side of reception of Arabic texts than to the production of original scholarship.138 Widmanstetter’s ideas had limited impact on his contemporaries. Andrea Arrivabene included an Italian translation of the notationes in his Italian Quran of 1547, and some later works mention Widmanstetter’s work, but overall his edition was less popular than the Bibliander edition.139 The lasting achievement of this work was that Widmanstetter was the first European to proffer a reconstruction of the relationship between the Jewish tradition and the cultural world that brought forth the Quran. The image emerging of Widmanstetter in light of his notationes on the Quran does not fit that of medieval Christian scholars who used every opportunity to paint Muhammad as being capable of any imaginable crime and his Jewish informers as unreliable conveyors of knowledge. For one, Burman has drawn attention to the constrictions that the genre of polemic placed upon the writers of such texts.140 Without downplaying the anti-Jewish and anti-Muslim sentiments in his comments, we can gather that a great deal of his acerbic language was dictated by the literary conventions and cultural images that Widmanstetter shared with his Christian contemporaries. His achievement was that more often than not his judgments are founded on the study of the texts. It is a sign

138 139 140

locate the Paradise on the edge of particular, most high and famous mountains—in imitation of them, the Greeks imagined in their books Mount Olympus.”) Widmanstetter, Mahometis Theologia, no. xxii. See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 311. See Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 360–362; Cecini, “Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter,” 243. See Burman, Reading the Qurʾān, 4–5.

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of Widmanstetter’s thorough engagement with the kabbalistic texts he had collected and studied that he took the trouble to test them with regard to their applicability to Catholic orthodoxy. Widmanstetter was not the enemy of Kabbalah, as Scholem thought. As the examination of his notationes has shown, Widmanstetter rejected Kabbalah only insofar as it contradicted Christian doctrine. In addition, he was deeply concerned that kabbalistic ideas could be used by heretics, like Muhammad, to sow division in the church. It was this fear of unwittingly introducing heresies into the church that made him wary of endeavors to utilize Jewish mysticism for the benefit of Christianity. Attempts like that of Reuchlin, who harmonized gilgul neshamot with the Christian belief in the immortality of the soul, were a case in point for Widmanstetter, leading him to believe that Kabbalah indeed posed a potential threat. The Quran served for Widmanstetter as a warning of the damage that Kabbalah could wreak upon Christian theology if it was not understood properly. Gilgul neshamot was perhaps the most foreign idea for the Christian scholar, who denounced it aggressively. More examples of Widmanstetter’s notationes could be added to refine our understanding of his views on Kabbalah. For instance, he derided the idea that God had created other worlds before making our world.141 Alongside the ten sefirot, only a few kabbalistic ideas were fit, in his view, to be safely adopted into Christian doctrine. Widmanstetter continued to include the ten sefirot in the second major work that he published together with Guillaume Postel and others, the Syriac New Testament, for which he designed a plate that connects the sefirot to the wounds of the crucified Jesus.

141

“Mundus fuit multis seculis ante hominis generationem) Cabalistae obtusiores dicunt infinitos mundos ante huius mundi constitutionem, hominisque procreationem extructos à Deo, rursumque destructos fuisse. Quod acutiores de infinitis aeternae mentis contemplationibus, immensisque per omnes producendi mundi rationes, permeationbus ut tita dicam, interpretantur, quarum singulae, mundo quidem singulos, non tamen undique absolutos efficere potuissent.” Widmanstetter, Alcorani Epitome, no. xviii.

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Revisiting Kabbalah: The Sefirotic Tree in the Syriac New Testament After Widmanstetter’s acerbic account of how the Quran had been corrupted through misunderstood and heretical kabbalistic ideas, we can detect only little Hebraist activity in his library for the next decade. He was very far from the prolific copying projects of the 1530s, which may in part be due to his physical absence from the Italian peninsula, where kabbalistic texts were easier to find, while he worked for various princes and ecclesiastical dignitaries in southern Germany and Austria. Although it looked as if his role as a collector was largely over, Widmanstetter was not yet done with Kabbalah. In the 1550s, he again commissioned two large manuscripts to be copied from the library of Egidio da Viterbo: Sefer ha-Peliyah and an anthology of the works of Eleazar of Worms.1 Around the same time, Widmanstetter joined forces with the French Orientalist Guillaume Postel and the Syriac scholar Moses of Mardin to prepare one of the marvels of sixteenth-century Orientalist printing, the editio princeps of the Syriac New Testament. Published in 1555 in Vienna under the title Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo (“The book of the most sacred Gospel of Jesus Christ”), this book was a marvelous achievement that produced a Syriac text in print for the first time, and it required the talents of a group of scholars to realize it. The Syriac New Testament is also notable for a unique plate at the beginning of the Gospel of John that depicts a sefirotic tree opposite the Crucifixion of Christ (see figure 16).2

1 See bsb, Codd.hebr 96 and 81. The production of these manuscripts was discussed in sections 3.4 and 3.5 respectively. 2 Comprehensive accounts of the Syriac New Testament’s production and its reception may be found in Hamilton, “Orientalism”; Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah; George Anton Kiraz, The Widmanstadt-Moses of Mardin Editio Princeps of the Syriac Gospels of 1555: A Facsimile Limited Edition (Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press, 2006); Joanna Weinberg, Azariah de’ Rossi’s Observations on the Syriac New Testament: A Critique of the Vulgate by a SixteenthCentury Jew (London & Turin: Warburg Institute & Nino Aragno Editore, 2005). Notable studies on early modern Bible printing include: Kimberly Van Kampen, The Bible as Book: The First Printed Editions (London: British Library, 1999); David Curtis Steinmetz, ed., The Bible in the Sixteenth Century, Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 11 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990).

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_008

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figure 16 Sefirotic Crucifixion, plate. Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo (Vienna: Michael Zimmermann, 1555), D2b courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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In his polemical commentary on the Quran, Widmanstetter had been largely negative about Kabbalah, apart from aspects related to the doctrine of the ten sefirot. The Syriac New Testament is the only publication by Widmanstetter which applies kabbalistic ideas to Christian doctrine. In the two-page introduction to the Gospel of John in the Syriac New Testament, we find a remarkable sefirotic tree that affords us a unique insight into Widmanstetter and Postel’s application of these ideas to Christian beliefs. This woodcut depicts a mesmerizing scene: a sefirotic tree accompanied by Jesus, who is nailed to the cross. The dominating element in the woodcut is the sefirotic tree, which takes up almost half of the space, while the Crucifixion is wedged to the right edge of the page. Jewish depictions of sefirotic trees usually limit themselves to the medallions in a stacked configuration, connective channels between, and explanatory text. The design of the sefirotic tree in the Syriac New Testament differs markedly from these depictions. Here, the tree is portrayed with certain arboreal accoutrements, including the trunk and leaves of a palm tree, and it is girded by an almond-shaped frame. In place of the names of the sefirot, the medallion contains small images of biblical figures (Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob), the two columns in front of the Temple (Boaz and Jachin), and other items which are understood as attributes of the sefirot. This composition is mounted on two seraphim, a celestial sphere and a menorah (sacred candelabra). By contrast, the only additions to the Crucifixion are what appear to be an altar and a sacrificial heifer at the base of the cross. The sefirotic tree and the Crucifixion are connected by an array of strokes that run between the sefirot and the wounds of Christ. Below the Crucifixion, a figure is seated looking up at Christ and writing into a book. The accompanying eagle and the verse “In the beginning was the Word” (John 1:1) make clear that this figure is the evangelist John. The editors of the Syriac New Testament provided an explanation of the woodcut to the left of it, on the following page.3 This fantastical account of the writing of the Gospel of John is given here in full, as it forms the basis for the discussion in what follows. John the Apostle of Jesus Christ and evangelist, when the church was put into turmoil by heretics, was asked by the bishops of Asia to turn his mind to writing his own divinely inspired creation. After he had ceremonially fasted and with help of [his] friend Prochorus, he ascended the nearby Mount Ephesus himself, even though he was of old age. And there was a

3 Like in all Semitic books, the pages in the Syriac New Testament are read from right to left, including in those sections written in Latin.

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voice of crashing thunder and lightning. “In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God and God was the Word” [John 1:1],4 echoed and he listened with most pious ears. And the rest of the Gospel stories followed one after another. For he alone of all the apostles had stood firm at the cross and he had intently witnessed Christ’s bizarre execution that was contrary to the lawful customs of the Hebrew people, [because] his hands and feet were pierced pulling [him] apart and his holiest chest was smitten with a wound. Higher than even the cross and than countless other [mysteries are] the five mysteries of the wound signs. Obviously, these are inseparable from one another: the Trinity in the crown of thorns on the head, in the right hand [the mystery] of kindness (bonitas), in the left [hand the mystery] of strictness (severitas), in both [hands], both feet [the mystery] of the lower sign, and finally, hidden in the open side of the divine beauty (pulchritudo), drawing near to itself the lunar cup and the sign of the dripping blood and water. Moreover, [because he saw] as a whole the outer appearance of the damaged body, to the right and left of God, he was able to carefully consider their emanations with [his] eyes and [his] spirit. For this reason to John, the virgin, the disciple of the divine breast, the witness of such mysteries, the diligence required to explain the divinity of Jesus Christ, which set him apart from the three other Gospel writers, to him alone was this foreknowledge conveyed by divine command.5

4 This translation follows the word order of the Greek and Latin texts. The King James Version of the latter part of this verse reads: “and the Word was God.” 5 “Johannes Jesu Christi apostolus et evangelista, haereticis ecclesiam turbantibus, ab Asiae episcopis rogatus, ad divinam ipsius generationem scribendam animum adpulit: solennique ieiunio indicto, atque adhibito Prochoro socio, montem Epheso propinquum, aetate confecto iam corpore ascendit: ibique vocem tonitruum et fulgurum fragore elisam, atque In principio erat verbum, et verbum erat apud Deum, et Deus erat verbum, resonantem, auribus castissimis excepit, et evangelicae historiae reliqua deinceps est prosequutus. Nam cum ex omnibus apostolis solus ad crucem constitisset, Christumque peregrino supplicii genere, praeterque morem legitimum Haebraicae gentis, manibus pedibusque transverberatis in ea distractum, eiusque sanctissimus pectus vulnere saucium attentè spectasset, omnia altissima et crucis, et praeter caetera innumerabilia, quinque insignium vulnerum sacramenta: videlicet, individuam in redimito spinis capite trinitatem, in manu dextra Bonitatis, in sinistra Severitatis, in utroque pede utriusque subalternum symbolum, ac demum in aperto latere Pulchritudinis divinae calicem lunarem ad se attrahentis, atque sanguine et aqua manantis notam: et universè in toto adflicti corporis habitu, dextra sinistraque Dei, eorumque emanationes, oculis animoque diligentissimè potuit contemplari. Quapropter Johanni virgini, pectoris divini alumno, tantorumque mysteriorum spectatori, explicandae Christi Jesu divinitatis cura necessaria, à tribus evangelicae historiae scriptoribus, singulari numinis providentia fuit

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This dramatic narrative of the Gospel’s creation explains that St. John received mystical insight into the sefirotic nature of the Trinity and this inspired him to write the Gospel. Widmanstetter and Postel wanted to portray John as having received the mystery of God’s incarnation into Jesus through visions. To Christian theologians, the enigmatic first verse of the Gospel of John (“In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with God and God was the Word”) is one of the sources of the doctrine of Trinity, the notion that God is comprised of three persons (Father, Son, and Holy Spirit) that all share in the same essence, but are of different rank.6 The plate elaborates the idea of mystical insights by claiming that John’s vision were kabbalistic in nature. In the depiction, the wounds Christ suffered during his Passion—in his head, arms, feet, chest, and phallus—point to the sefirot. The text explains that the mysteries of the wounds correspond to both kabbalistic and to Christian ideas of God: the Trinity is associated with the crown of thorns, the hands explicitly point to kindness (Ḥesed) and strictness (Gevurah), and the wound in the side of Jesus’ body to beauty (Tiferet). However, while the correspondences between the wounds of Christ and the sefirot are asserted in the text and depicted in the plate, it is not clear how the makers conceived of them nor in what they consist. How, then, can we explain Widmanstetter’s return to Kabbalah after more than a decade of silence on the subject? And how do the plate and its commentary relate to his earlier negative declarations in his commentary on the Quran? What makes the sefirotic plate in the Syriac New Testament even more perplexing is the disclaimer that Widmanstetter placed before the beginning of the Bible text. This note is titled “Authoris editionis huius obtestatio ad lectorem” (“Supplication from the author of this edition to the reader”). In this warning, he pleads with his readers not to use the text as the basis for kabbalistic speculations: Exegetes, well-versed in Hebrew grammar, in the precepts and etymologies, but inexperienced in the accurate interpretation of Syro-Targumic

transmissa.” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, D2a; a partial French translation may be found in Secret, Kabbalistes chrétiens, 122. 6 On the traditions of the Trinity, see e.g. Russell L. Friedman, “Medieval Trinitarian Theology from the Late Thirteenth to the Fifteenth Centuries,” in The Oxford Handbook of the Trinity, ed. Gilles Emery and Matthew Levering (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 197–209; Ulrich L. Lehner, “The Trinity in the Early Modern Era (c.1550–1770),” in The Oxford Handbook of the Trinity, ed. Gilles Emery and Matthew Levering (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 240– 253 (241).

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expressions, abstain from reckless and distorted explanations of Syriac words, and avoid the corruption of the Catholic understanding! The kabbalists, who are using calculation and notarikon, but who are ignorant of the venerable discipline of divine revelation, who indulge themselves with intricate manipulations of letters, syllables, or words, with concise numbers and meager reasoning, claim for themselves the same authority as the wise men of the Jewish people attribute to their Scriptures in the Old Testament, concerning their uncertain and ambiguous salvation.7 These remarks demonstrate that Widmanstetter had stayed true to his views outlined in the commentary on the Quran, but now offers us his reasonings for distinguishing the proper application of kabbalistic ideas from harmful their harmful use. Widmanstetter explicitly mentions techniques like notarikon, the manipulation of the order of letters to generate new readings from a given text as examples of how a reader might misuse the text.8 But as in his commentary on the Quran, the rejection of Kabbalah was not absolute—It is significant that Widmanstetter did not count the ten sefirot among the kabbalistic motifs and techniques he rejected. One explanation is that Widmanstetter wrote the disclaimer tongue-in-cheek. The co-occurrence of the sefirotic plate and the warning against applying kabbalistic interpretations in the Syriac New Testament could be construed as an exhortation to do just that—Widmanstetter even lists possible techniques that could be used to draw new meaning from the Syriac text.9 But his rigorous views on the matter in the commentary on the Quran and in the marginal notes that will be explored in this chapter suggest that he was sincere. Widmanstetter contrasted two differing approaches towards interpreting the Syriac New Testament: He denounces the ignorance of Jewish kabbalists, who merely make a game of intricate reasoning from words 7 “Interpretes in grammaticis Hebraeorum praeceptionibus etymisque tantum versati, atque Syrothargumicae proprietatis imperiti rudesque a temeraria distortaque Syriacarum vocum explicatione, Catholicaeque intelligentiae depravatione abstinento. Calculatores notariique Cabalistae, admirabilis de Divino auditu scientiae ignari, spinosis et exilibus literarum subductionibus, syllabarum aut verborum collocationibus variis, numeris concisis, ieiunisque ratiocinationibus idem heic sibi licere, quod in Testamenti Veteris libris, anceps incertumque de salute sua Iudaeorum vulgus sapientibus suis attribuit, ne existimanto.” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, [a******5b]. 8 As Syriac is, like Hebrew, a Semitic language, some Christian Hebraists recognized that it lent itself to the same techniques for revealing kabbalistic secrets; see Robert J. Wilkinson, “Syriac Studies in Rome in the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century,” Journal for Late Antique Religion and Culture 6 (2012): 55–74. 9 See Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 184.

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and letters and delude themselves to be important figures. On the other hand, he lauds the legitimate search for knowledge he saw at play among his coreligionists, but who still may commit errors since they are inexperienced in the language of the Syriac New Testament. Although the plate states acceptance of the ten sefirot, it does not properly explain why Widmanstetter considered them compatible with Christianity. Before we can tackle these thorny questions, we need to look at Widmanstetter’s interest in the Syriac New Testament and the ten sefirot more broadly as they present themselves to us in his library. The following pages will analyze and contextualize the sefirotic plate against its historical background. As a first step, we shall outline the Christian motifs of the plate and trace the history of the Syriac New Testament in order to understand the figures involved in the plate’s creation. Special emphasis will be placed on the large number of graphical materials in Widmanstetter’s library and on the Christian interpretations he made in his Zohar recension.

1

The Christian Elements of the Plate

Leaving aside the sefirotic schema to the left, the plate in the Syriac New Testament also contains two Christian motifs: the evangelist at the bottom and the Crucifixion on the right. The histories of these motifs will help us understand how these Christian ideas lend themselves to kabbalistic interpretations. 1.1 Christ’s Mystical Wounds The wounds of Christ, framed in the Syriac New Testament as kabbalistic secrets, had been one of the focal points of Christian mystical devotion for centuries. Medieval authors wanted Christians to relive the Passion that Jesus had suffered for their individual sins through devotional meditations and thus they emphasized the human nature of God by focusing their attention on the physical suffering of Christ.10 One example with which Widmanstetter was familiar is Vita Christi by Ludolph of Saxony. In its introduction, the author exhorts his readers to be “present at his [Christ’s] birth and circumcision […] Be present as he dies, sharing in the sorrows of the Blessed Mother and John and consoling them; with devout curiosity touch and caress each wound of the Savior, who dies for you.”11 10 11

See Gertrud Schiller, Ikonographie der christlichen Kunst (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus G. Mohn, 1966), 20–21. Ludolph, The Life of Jesus Christ, ed. Milton T. Walsh, Cistercian Studies Series 267 (Col-

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There are differences in the sources regarding the counting of the holy wounds. Some traditions only included the wounds that are a direct result of the Crucifixion: in the hands, feet, and the chest. Other traditions also incorporated the larger context of Christ’s Passion, like the flagellation, the crown of thorns, and even the circumcision.12 In Jewish religious practice, the circumcision of the male Jew on the eighth day after his birth signifies his belonging to his people and the covenant between God and Abraham.13 Christianity had developed an ambiguous view of Jesus’ circumcision. On the one hand, St. Paul rejected the practice14 and it was substituted with baptism. On the other hand, this episode in Jesus’ life was venerated in Europe from about the sixth century to highlight Christ’s piety and the continuation of the covenant that God had made with Israel. Later tradition recast it as the first step of the Passion. The thirteenth-century collection of hagiography, Legenda Aurea (“The golden legend”), explains that Christ’s circumcision “marks the first time he shed his blood” for the redemption of humanity.15 While the earliest depictions of the circumcision are known from the tenth century, this episode became a prevalent motif from the fourteenth to the fifteenth century, figuring prominently on altarpieces. The late medieval period saw a renewed interest in motifs from the Hebrew Bible, especially those that were interpreted as hinting at the coming of Christ and his Passion and that presented the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament as one continuous history of salvation.16 For about the first millennium of Christianity’s existence, Jesus was portrayed as a victorious redeemer of humanity who, even as he was nailed to the

12 13

14 15 16

legeville, MN: Cistercian Publications, 2018), vol. i, 7. Widmanstetter owned a two-volume manuscript of Ludolph’s Vita Christi (bsb, Codd.lat. 102–103) and he was familiar enough with the subject matter to recognize a gap in his copy of Mauburnus’ print (bsb, 2 Inc.c.a. 3095 d): he wrote a note at the end of the index (Tabula de modo predicandi), “Deest philocaumarium id est inflammatorium amoris divini.” The circumcision of Christ is only mentioned in the Gospel of Luke (Luke 2:21–38). Depictions of Christ’s circumcision have been thoroughly analyzed by art historians; see Louis Réau, Iconographie de l’art Chrétien (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1955), 254–260; Schiller, Ikonographie, 1:99–100; Leo Steinberg, The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983). See Romans 4 and Galatians 2. Jacobus de Voragine, The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 74. Christ’s circumcision became the “highly charged zone of signification” on which medieval and early modern Christians played out multiple levels of differences between themselves and Jews as well as their heritage from biblical times. Andrew S. Jacobs, Christ Circumcised: A Study in Early Christian History and Difference (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), x. On the circumcision of Christ from the perspective of medieval Christian iconography, see Schiller, Ikonographie, 1:99–100.

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cross, was clothed like a king, emphasizing his divine nature. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the portrayal of Christ was slowly recast to focus on his human nature. Instead of a God-like victor over death who was far removed from their everyday human experience, Christians also began venerating Christ as a human being who was just as frail as them and with whom they could empathize as he was being tortured and crucified. At the same time, the body of the crucified Jesus became portrayed as that of a human suffering a painful death, with artists attempting to instill the same visceral reality into their work as the Christians mystics had through their writing.17 The plate in the Syriac New Testament is one of the offshoots of this tradition. The artist clearly aimed to portray Jesus as mortal, to render his physical suffering. Likewise, Widmanstetter and Postel emphasized the physical ordeal with their visceral description of the Passion (“his hands and feet were pierced pulling [him] apart and his holiest chest was smitten with a wound”) and with how St. John perceives the sefirot beside “the outer appearance of the damaged body” of Christ. 1.2 St. John’s Divine Inspiration The notion that the evangelist John had received divine visions has a long history in the Christian tradition. The Gospel of John stands apart from the other three narratives, attributed to Matthew, Mark, and Luke. While the latter three share many linguistic and textual features and on the whole cover very similar material on Jesus’ life and his Passion, John outshines the other Gospels by framing his theological doctrine in philosophical terms, positing the paradox that “the Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us” (John 1:14). The recondite Godhead assumed specific human characteristics when it clad itself into a physical body. With the notion that the Word had become flesh, John laid one of the scriptural cornerstones for the doctrine of the Trinity. John is also unique among the evangelists in explicitly pointing out that he witnessed the events he is describing. The Gospel of John indeed provides certain accounts that are not found in the other three Gospels, suggesting a privileged view of Jesus’ life. As John himself states, he was present during the Crucifixion and witnessed Jesus’ suffering, prompting him to record what had seen.18 John’s reputation as a recipient of mystical truth harks back to the conflation of the evangelist with the author of the Apocalypse, the New Testament account of the end of days that purports to convey prophetic insights. Mystical insight and eschatological foreknowledge go hand in hand in the image that

17 18

See Schiller, Ikonographie, 1:20–21. See John 19:26, 34–35.

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surrounded John from late antiquity. Tradition, as Jeffrey Hamburger put it in his seminal work on John, “cast him as the model mystic and mystagogue.”19 This sparked off a vivid tradition that sought to explain John’s extraordinary visions.20 For example, St. Augustine of Hippo, the fourth-century Church Father, marveled at the extraordinary wisdom of John, asking “If it [John’s wisdom] did not ascend into the heart of man, how did it ascend into the heart of John?”21 Beginning with Augustine, Christians believed that John had been “an inspired human being” who overcame the limitations of the human mind through divine grace and gained complete comprehension of the hidden supernatural reality.22 Medieval artists often depicted John as standing under the cross writing into a book, thus underscoring John’s claim that he was present during the Crucifixion, just as in the plate in the Syriac New Testament.23 John’s status as the recipient of mystical visions inspired artists from late antiquity to highlight his elevated status among the evangelists. While the other three evangelists are portrayed with attributes that indicate their divine inspiration, John alone is often furnished with attributes of Christ, such as being represented with a mandorla (an almond-shaped frame) or having the same posture or even the same facial features as Jesus.24 The evangelist John was thus a uniquely suited mask for Postel and Widmanstetter to express their Christian kabbalistic interpretations. Their readership would have known that he was the only evangelist to have witnessed the Crucifixion and that he was believed to have received divine visions. In the introduction to the sefirotic plate as part of the preface to the Gospel in the Syriac New Testament, John’s claim to have witnessed the events he is describing is given as one of the reasons that he received his visions: “for he alone of all the apostles had stood firm at the cross and he had intently witnessed Christ’s bizarre execution.”25 John’s visions are tied to his witnessing the mangled body

19 20 21

22 23 24 25

Jeffrey F. Hamburger, St. John the Divine: The Deified Evangelist in Medieval Art and Theology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), 18. For an in-depth survey of the discussions surrounding John’s status in late antiquity and the Middle Ages, see Hamburger, St. John the Divine, 43–64. John W. Rettig, trans., St. Augustine: Tractates on the Gospel of John, 1–10, Fathers of the Church Patristic Series 78 (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 2000), 43. Augustine uses the Greek term for “messenger,” ἄγγελος, to designate John’s office rather than a metaphysical status; see Rettig, St. Augustine, 44n9. On this tradition, see Hamburger, St. John the Divine, 177–178, esp. fig. 152. See Hamburger, St. John the Divine, 21–42. Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, D2a.

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of Christ and his five wounds.26 The accompanying commentary describes how the sefirot (emanationes) appeared to either side of Christ and John was able to see them both with his eyes and with his spirit. The woodcut captures this moment, portraying John with the attributes used already in the medieval pictorial tradition: John is sitting alone while holding a book in his lap into which he is writing. As this motif is common to most depictions of evangelists, he is identified by his symbol, the eagle, resting next to him in the bottom right corner of the woodcut.27 The second iconographic identifier of John taken from tradition is his young and beardless face.28 The composition of the plate, which has John surrounded by the sefirotic tree and the Crucifixion, updates the traditional motifs to emphasize to readers that John was the recipient of a divine revelation: John gazes upward to the crucified Jesus, and between the two of them the initial verse of the Gospel, “In the beginning was the Word,” is printed in red letters. By positioning this verse in the line of sight between John and Christ, the woodcut intimates to the reader that the text of the Gospel is the immediate product of the visions John received during the Crucifixion. Thus, the woodcut not only portrays John himself as the recipient of visions, but his entire Gospel is presented as a text replete with hidden kabbalistic meaning. John apparently records the mystical scenery before him and the correspondences between the wounds and the sefirot, encoding his kabbalistic visions into the text of the Gospel. The Christian motifs of the plate in the Syriac New Testament were taken over from previous written and pictorial traditions. St. John was known as a mystagogue to the sixteenth-century readership that Postel and Widmanstetter were targeting. Christ’s physical suffering and the concept of his wounds pointing to a mystical meaning was in line with the pictorial tradition. The wounds on Christ’s body in the plate in the Syriac New Testament are each connected to one or several of the sefirot on the tree that dominates the plate’s left side, indicating a correspondence between wounds and sefirot. The sefirot are partly understood to reflect the structure of the Trinity, in the words of the

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28

The woodcut suggests a higher number of wounds; this will be discussed in what follows. The range of possible interpretations is doubled by the addition of the Habsburg coat of arms on the eagle’s breast. In this way the animal symbolizes both John the Evangelist and King Ferdinand, the Habsburg monarch, who sponsored the printing of the Syriac New Testament. See Sabine Poeschel, Handbuch der Ikonographie: Sakrale und profane Themen der bildenden Kunst (Primus, 2005), 180. John is often portrayed as an old man with a beard in depictions of his life after Jesus’ death, such as when teaching the gospel to the churches; e.g. in Hamburger, St. John the Divine, 32, fig. 21.

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introduction to the plate, “the five mysteries of the wound signs: Obviously, these are inseparably from one another: the Trinity in the crown of thorns on the head.”29 The Christian pictorial tradition highlighted the holy status of the wounds using rays of light. For example, many depictions of St. Francis of Assisi show rays of light issuing from Christ’s wounds towards the limbs of the saint, who becomes afflicted with the wounds of Christ as distinguishing signs (stigmata) of his saintliness.30 In the plate in the Syriac New Testament, these rays connect the wounds of Jesus with the sefirotic schema, intimating in this context not the transfer of wounds to a saint but rather the holiness of the sefirot.

2

The Printing of the Syriac New Testament

The history of Widmanstetter’s Syriac New Testament has its roots in the beginnings of European Syriac studies. As a language of Scripture, Syriac came to the attention of the Catholic world through emissaries from the Syriac Church in Rome in 1515. One of the main features that European Christians discerned about Syriac is its similarity to Aramaic. Humanists sometimes exaggerated this perception, asserting that the two languages were one and the same. More important was the belief of many Christians in the sixteenth century that the New Testament had originally been written in Syriac before being translated into Greek; indeed, Widmanstetter espoused this view in a letter that he sent along with a copy of the Syriac New Testament to Duke Christoph of Württemberg, explaining to him that the language of the Peshitta was identical to the language that Jesus himself had spoken.31 Other points of interest for Christians were that with Syriac, a Semitic language was still spoken by Christian communities in the Levant and was part of their liturgy; and that the Maronite Church was in communion with the papacy.32 The circle of scholars in Europe who studied the language remained very small in the sixteenth century. Widmanstetter’s teacher in Syriac, Teseo Ambro29 30 31

32

Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, D2a. See Réau, Iconographie, 509–510; Gabriele Finaldi and Susanna Avery-Quash, The Image of Christ (London: National Gallery, 2000), 122–123. Letter from Widmanstetter to Duke Christoph of Württemberg, dated 6 May 1556. Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart, A 63 Bü 18/6, ff. 171–173: “das Neu Testament in syrianischer, das ist der Sprach, die unser Säligmacher selbs geredt.” Partially published in Ernst, Briefwechsel, 64–65, no. 62. For a brief account of the history of the relationship of the Maronite Church with Rome, see Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 11–18.

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gio,33 admitted to his student: “I have devoted to these exotic studies about fifteen years and (in all this time) I have been in love (with them) without a rival suitor.”34 As Widmanstetter was on his way to Bologna in 1529, he crossed Ambrogio’s path when he stayed in the vicinity of the Augustinian monastery of Reggio nell’Emilia, where Ambrogio lived. In his dedication to the Syriac New Testament, Widmanstetter claimed that he roused the elderly scholar’s curiosity when Ambrogio observed him studying certain “remarkable books” in the library of Caenobius, whereupon Ambrogio led him into his chamber and fetched the holy Gospels in Syriac from a desk. With a flair for telling a good story and the desire to cast himself as the intellectual heir to Ambrogio, Widmanstetter described how Ambrogio then appealed to him to take up the study of Syriac: “Oh, that I would meet an enterprising and determined and talented man who would receive from me this language which has been sanctified by the holiest lips of Jesus Christ.” Upon hearing the old man out, he agreed to the proposition in the same solemn tone. Ambrogio then instructed the young German using his own Syriac dictionaries and gave him his own copy of the Syriac New Testament along with commentaries that he had in his possession. The length of the instruction Widmanstetter received in Syriac is unspecified, but his description suggests it lasted only a brief period. Before the two men parted, Ambrogio pleaded with Widmanstetter to print the Syriac New Testament one day.35 In the dedication to his book, Widmanstetter follows his introduction to Syriac with an account of how he obtained a manuscript of the four Gospels in 33

34 35

Ambrogio had studied the language at the feet of one of the Maronite monks who visited Rome in 1515; see Hamilton, “Humanists and the Bible,” 108. For a recent account of Ambrogio and his role in the printing of the Syriac New Testament, see Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 18–27. Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, 11a–11b. “Theseus iam senex vitam agebat, forte attributum fuisset, postridiem eius diei templum ingressus, venerandum senem casu obviam salutavi: qui, ut me in de Caenobii Bibliotheca rarisque in ea libris sciscitari intellexit, e vestigio in conclave introduxit, et arreptis e pluteo Sacrosanctis Evangeliis Syriace scriptis, hospes, inquit ingemiscens, peregrinis his studiis deditus sum annis circiter xv eaque sine rivali ad hanc diem amavi. Utinam obveniat mihi aliquando prompto paratoque ingenio vir, qui sermonem hunc Jesu Christi Sanctissimis labris consecratum, posteris tanquam per manus tradendum, nam aetas mihi prope iam exacta est, a me accipere vellit. Cui ego, Pater, inquam, Si paucarum horarum operae parcere nolueris, auditorem me habebis in hac ipsa expeditione expeditissimum. Quo audito Theseus, omneis in ea lingua thesauros, multo sudore sibi comparatos protulit, manuque sua, quantum angustia temporis, ingeniique mei vires tum ferebant, ex commentariis suis descripsit, et mihi ea obtestatione suppeditavit, ut quo me beneficio tum complecteretur, id olim apud Ecclesiam Jesu Christi collocarem,” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, 11a–11b.

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Syriac. This part of his dedication is less colorful than the description of the encounter with Ambrogio. He discovered a manuscript of this text along with “smaller works by Ephraim and Jacob the Syrian” in the library of Lactantius Ptolemaeus in Siena in 1533 and promptly copied these texts for himself.36 Widmanstetter does not reveal how he continued his study of Syriac in the two decades before the printing of the Syriac New Testament. The opportunity to realize Ambrogio’s ambition to print the Syriac New Testament presented itself to Widmanstetter in 1553 when he met the Syriac scholar Moses of Mardin.37 Moses claimed that he had received the mission from Ignatius Abdallah, patriarch of Antioch, to create a printed edition of the Syriac New Testament in Europe in order to mitigate the effects of a lack of Bibles in his home region in Mesopotamia. Unlike the Maronite Church, which can be credited with first creating a consciousness for Syriac as a Christian Semitic language in Europe, the Jacobite Church to which Moses belonged was not at this time in union with the Roman Catholic Church. The issue of bringing the two churches into a union was the second mission that Moses purported Patriarch Abdallah had entrusted to him.38 The prospect of bringing this Oriental church into the fold was on the minds of the Curia when Moses first arrived in Rome in 1548 and it played its part in the support the pope lent to the printing of the Syriac New Testament. Although Rome was home to many capable publishing houses, none of them was equipped to produce an extensive book in an Oriental script other than Hebrew. The only comparable project that was attempted at the time, a printing of the Ethiopic New Testament in 1548, was riddled with mistakes.39 From Marcello Cervini, later Pope Marcellus ii, Moses

36

37

38 39

“Quarto post anno in bibliothecam Lactantii Ptolemaei reperi quatuor Evangelistarum libros una cum Ephremi et Jacobi Syrorum opusculis nonnullis, quae ipse mox transcripsi, atque cum Thesei munere splendissimo conservavi, usque dum Symeonis, Syrorum, qui iuga Libani incolunt, Episcopo Catholici et doctissimi viri institutione profecti adea, ut sentirem Thesei desiderium, quod e Christi lingua in Latinam Ecclesiam introducenda capiebat, leniri iam aliquantum posse.” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, 11b. Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 140, was unable to identify Widmanstetter’s other two finds. Moses of Mardin’s contribution to the Syriac New Testament is told in Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 63–94. More recently, his activities as a scribe and book collector both in Europe and in Mesopotamia have been analyzed in Pier Giorgio Borbone, “‘Monsignore Vescovo di Soria,’ Also Known as Moses of Mardin, Scribe and Book Collector,” Christian Orient: Journal of Studies in the Christian Culture of Asia and Africa 8 (2017): 79–114. On the identity of Moses, see Bobzin, Frühgeschichte der Arabistik, 313n221. Both of Moses’ claims have recently been questioned; see Borbone, “Moses von Mardin.” See Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 74. Although not on par with Venice, Rome did house printers of Hebrew books, such as the press of Antonio Blado who was

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of Mardin received funds to cut the necessary Syriac type. In Italy, Moses also found the support of Widmanstetter’s Orientalist colleague Guillaume Postel. Having acquired his manuscript of the text in the Levant by the early 1550s, Postel was already preparing the text of the Syriac New Testament for publication by the time Moses of Mardin contacted him.40 Postel encouraged Moses to approach Widmanstetter, who he knew also intended to produce a printed edition of the Syriac New Testament. Mardin and Widmanstetter met in Dillingen in 1553 and traveled together to Vienna.41 The Syriac New Testament was produced thanks to Widmanstetter’s influence at the Habsburg court in Vienna, where he was able to secure the financial support of King Ferdinand. Widmanstetter and Moses were soon joined by Guillaume Postel, who accepted a position as a professor in Vienna.42 But even before a single page had been set, Postel fled to Venice overnight in May 1554, because he had received news that the Inquisition had put his controversial books on the index of prohibited books. He was captured in Venice and tried by the Inquisition for his heretical ideas, regaining his freedom only in 1559.43 Postel’s absence during the printing adds to the difficulty of assessing his contribution to the printing of the Syriac New Testament, but he must undoubtedly be credited with bringing his expertise for preparing types of Oriental scripts and working with Moses on preparing the manuscript of the New Testament text in Syriac.44 The woodcut of the sefirotic cross, or at least its concept, could have been prepared during the six months when Postel was in Vienna. The printing was only completed more than a year later, in September 1555.45 Other experts also had a hand in the creation of the Syriac New Testament and its decorations. In the printer Michael Zimmermann the editors of the Syriac New Testament had found a talented craftsman who could help with the difficult task of creating Syriac types. Zimmermann, who operated from a workshop in Vienna’s St.-Anna-Hof, had learned the craft from the Viennese printer Aegidius Aquila whose press he operated from 1553 after his master

40 41 42 43 44 45

active during Moses’ stay in the city; see Heller, The Sixteenth-Century Hebrew Book, xxii– xxiii. See Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 97, 99, 115. See Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 152. Postel’s inaugural lecture, De linguae Phoenicis sive Hebraicae excellentia, was printed by Michael Zimmermann in Vienna in 1554. See Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 115–124, 136. Kuntz cites generously from Postel’s account of this period. See Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 171; Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 116. The dedication letter to Georg Gienger and Jakob Jonas at the end of the print is dated 21 September 1555; see Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, [ll3a].

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died.46 Using the humanist name “Cymbermannus,” Zimmermann styled himself a scholar, and he did indeed tackle sophisticated prints using woodcuts and non-Latin types before and after the Syriac New Testament. He produced Georg Fabricius’ Epithalamia in Nuptias (1563) in Greek characters and he was also responsible for printing Guillaume Postel’s inaugural lecture De linguae Phoenicis sive Hebraicae excellentia (1554), which included Arabic script.47 This second book appears to have been a test by Postel to see if Zimmermann and his artisans were capable of cutting and setting Oriental script. Widmanstetter wrote that Zimmermann’s punch cutter Kaspar Kraft was responsible for fashioning the Syriac type for the Syriac New Testament.48 Unlike with the other tasks of the print, the identity of the woodcutter of the sefirotic tree is unclear, as the plate is unsigned;49 other woodcuts used in prints from the workshop of Michael Zimmermann also carry no signatures by the artisans. Widmanstetter antagonized his collaborators in the Syriac New Testament when he claimed the credit for publishing the Syriac New Testament for himself. In the lengthy dedication to King Ferdinand of Austria, who had made the publication possible, Widmanstetter highlighted his own achievements as an Orientalist and mentioned his key collaborators only in passing.50 Guillaume Postel was especially sore about this omission, as he had been instrumental in the printing of the book by fashioning Syriac typefaces and introducing Widmanstetter to the Syriac scholar Moses of Mardin, who supplied manuscripts and philological expertise. He complained in a letter to Andreas Masius about

46

47 48

49

50

Zimmermann passed away in 1565. For an overview of Zimmermann’s life and work, see Jakob Franck, “Zimmermann, Michael,” in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1900). For an appraisal of his work, see Georg Fritz, Geschichte der Wiener Schriftgiessereien seit Einführung der Buchdruckerkunst im Jahre 1482 bis zur Gegenwart (Vienna: H. Berthold, 1924), 21–24. Fritz, Wiener Schriftgiessereien, 21, also mentions a print in Hebrew type in 1554 which I have not been able to identify. “Caspar Craphtus Elvangensis, Suevus, characteres syros ex norici ferri acie sculpebat.” Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, [ll3a]. Postel revealed in his De cosmographia, A5v, that Kraft also cut the Arabic type for his inaugural lecture; cited in Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 155. On Kraft, see Jakob Franck, “Kraft, Kaspar,” in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1883). One candidate is Johann Singriener, who operated another publishing house in Vienna. He is known for his ornate title pages, many of which feature woodcuts. Singriener also accepted commissions for woodcuts from other printers; see Fritz, Wiener Schriftgiessereien, 20. The Viennese printer Raphael Hofhalter was also known for his illustrated prints: the artists he employed were Lautensack, Hölschmann, Hirschvogel, and others; see Fritz, Wiener Schriftgiessereien, 23–24. See Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, a****2–3.

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Widmanstetter’s attempt to win all the glory of this achievement for himself alone. Postel’s frustration at Widmanstetter’s betrayal led him to believe that the German Hebraist would publish a letter that would put Postel into a thorny situation: “our Widmanstetter wants to take all the credit for what we made in Vienna.”51 Postel’s abrupt flight from Vienna was surely an embarrassment to Widmanstetter, who had helped his friend obtain his position at the university; and while Postel was given credit as a collaborator in the Syriac New Testament’s dedication, it is imaginable that Widmanstetter had no desire to discredit the project by associating it with Postel’s problematic affairs. Widmanstetter’s dedication to King Ferdinand at the beginning of the Syriac New Testament gives an explanation for his ambition that merits our attention.52 The dedication begins by praising the advances in the study of Oriental languages, which are claimed to only be paralleled by the discoveries of Ferdinand Magellan a few decades before when he led a Spanish expedition in circumnavigating the globe. Widmanstetter saw providence at work in the fact that the knowledge of these languages and of the natural world had increased so miraculously over the previous century. To underscore the exceptional nature of the time in which he lived and his own role, he then surveyed the developments that had led to this point, offering a review of the achievements of his teachers, Egidio da Viterbo and Teseo Ambrogio, and other key events in Oriental scholarship. The second element in Widmanstetter’s account is his prophetic calculation that emphasized the eschatological role of the study of Oriental languages. He expected that the Oriental languages which scholars like him had helped make a weapon in the arsenal of Christendom would be used to repel Satan, beginning in the year 1555, coinciding with the publication of the Syriac New Testament.53 Widmanstetter portrayed himself as the chosen figure in whom the Oriental studies of the last century had borne fruit, as he was the one who finally brought the Syriac New Testament into print to reaffirm the Christians of Syria in their faith by providing them with the Scripture that they were lacking.54 Given Widmanstetter’s ambition 51

52 53 54

“Nam noster Widmestadius vult αφετρίζειν ea omnia in suam propriam famam quae Viennae procurantur.” The text is printed in Jacques George de Chaufepié, Nouveau dictionnaire historique et critique: Pour servir de supplement ou de continuation au Dictionnaire historique et critique de Pierre Bayle (Amsterdam: Z. Chatelain, 1753), 228. See also Lossen, Andreas Masius, 201–202. The dedication may be found in Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, a*3–a******5. For a thorough analysis of Widmanstetter’s calculations, see Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 177. See Widmanstetter, Liber Sacrosancti Evangelii, a****3; Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 178–179.

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to be recognized as the defining figure of Orientalism, it is understandable that he chose to downplay the significant contributions of his collaborators, Moses of Mardin and Guillaume Postel. The statements in the dedication to the Syriac New Testament are also important for understanding how Widmanstetter evaluated mystical ideas in the 1550s. His pretensions indicate a conflict in the way he conceptualized the role of Oriental languages and Kabbalah. While he had he doubted prisca philosophia twelve years earlier in his commentary on the Quran, this later dedication seems to acknowledge its validity—although its more fanciful ideas were to be reined in by philology.

3

Guillaume Postel and Or Nerot ha-Menorah

Postel’s anger at Widmanstetter for downplaying his contribution was justified by the experience he brought to the printing of the Syriac New Testament. Not only had he worked hard on the problem how Syriac characters could be printed, he had also already published a kabbalistic diagram that shares many ideas with the plate he created together with Widmanstetter. Gifted with a talent for languages, Postel was a famed scholar of Hebrew, Arabic, and other Oriental languages, and traveled to the Ottoman Empire and collected manuscripts in the 1530s and 1540s.55 After losing the favor of the king of France, he turned to Italy, where he joined the Jesuit order. By all accounts, Widmanstetter was the formative influence upon Postel, inspiring him to include kabbalistic ideas in his writings, and it is even possible that it was Widmanstetter who introduced Postel to the genre of sefirotic trees. Postel and Widmanstetter may have met as early as 1537 in Venice. Postel lauded Widmanstetter in his Cosmographicae disciplinae compendium, above all “for his knowledge in the teachings of the mysteries among the Hebrews in which he was highly accomplished.”56 The two were certainly in regular contact by the

55 56

On Postel, see Kuntz, Guillaume Postel; Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:510–657; Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah. “Sed quum accepissem dudum fuisse in magna authoritate penes Ducem Bavariae Iohannem Albertum Widmanstadium, cum quo antea Romae valde magnam amicitiam, ob insignem omnium literarum, maxime autem ob secretioris inter Hebraeos doctrinae mysteria, quibus praeditus erat, contraxeram.” Guillaume Postel, Cosmographicae disciplinae compendium: In suum finem, hoc est ad divinae providentiae certissimam demonstrationem conductum (Basel: Oporinus, 1561), preface, a3; cited from Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 65.

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time of Widmanstetter’s stay in Rome in 1544, when Postel may even have studied the Zohar with Widmanstetter, who was highly knowledgeable in this text after having created his own recension of the text with Francesco Parnas (bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219).57 François Secret has speculated that Postel had studied the works of Egidio da Viterbo through Widmanstetter’s purveyance. It is significant that Widmanstetter introduced Postel to Kabbalah after his polemic, even though that was directed against it; despite this, he was apparently comfortable with introducing another Orientalist to the subject. It is possible that he was hoping that he could draw Postel to the parts of Kabbalah that he deemed compatible with Christendom, that is, the ten sefirot. Unlike his teacher Widmanstetter, who published only two books that touch on Kabbalah more in passing rather than as their central theme, Postel became an enormously productive writer of Christian Kabbalah. Postel left a complex body of works that does not fit neatly into narrow categorizations.58 Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann has justly asserted that labeling Postel as a Christian kabbalist is inadequate, since “the topoi of the Christian Kabbalah always provided the building blocks for his political-theological as well as his eschatological ideas.”59 The controversy created by his unique views and fanciful innovations may well have been a reason for Widmanstetter to ultimately decide to downplay Postel’s contributions in his publication of the Syriac New Testament. Postel’s beliefs were informed by a radical return to the true religion which he saw mostly clearly realized in the pure worship of the God of biblical Judaism and which he felt the Catholic Church had diluted.60 A turning point in his life was his encounter with Mother Joanna, who had founded a hospital in Venice where she cared for the poor. Her devotion to charity inspired Postel to identify her with the divine presence (Shekhinah) and the Trinitarian logos, who he considered had descended to earth to reveal to him the imminent messianic age. Postel believed that he had the messianic task to undo the sin of Cain that had doomed humanity and, by bringing about its restitution to the state it had in paradise, to complete salvation. Among the works that Postel composed under Mother Joanna’s influence are Or Nerot ha-Menorah (“Light of the candles of the menorah”) and its commentary Candelabri typici interpretatio (“Explanation of the image of the menorah”) which will be discussed

57 58 59 60

See Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 53–54. For the production of Widmanstetter’s Zohar manuscripts, see Chapter 3, section 2. A bibliography of his works may be found in François Secret, Bibliographie des manuscrits de Guillaume Postel (Geneva: Librairie Droz, 1970) and Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 178–192. Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:510. See Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 133–135.

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below.61 For his ideas that called into question the status of the pope, he was imprisoned for much of his later years. Our knowledge of Guillaume Postel’s interest in sefirotic schemas, such as arboreal diagrams of the ten sefirot (ilan ha-sefirot), is very limited. In her seminal study on Postel, Judith Weiss identified from the large number of Jewish sources that were known to him two references on sefirotic trees. Postel mentioned a “large ilan” in his French translation of the Candelabri typici interpretatio and asserted that it contains the same spiritual doctrines as Sefer haBahir, the Zohar, Sefer Yetsirah, and other kabbalistic books. In addition, he mentioned in his Les très-merveilleuses victoires des femmes du nouveau monde (“The most wonderful victories of the women of the new world”) a “tree of divine names.”62 In 1548, Postel published Or Nerot ha-Menorah, a diagrammatic representation of kabbalistic ideas, as a broadside in Venice, a full seven years before the Syriac New Testament appeared.63 This older kabbalistic schema by Postel is an important element for understanding his contribution to the sefirotic plate in the Syriac New Testament. Written in Hebrew, Or Nerot ha-Menorah provides a summary of Postel’s kabbalistic views at this point.64 About one-quarter of the broadside is taken up by a depiction of a menorah that is composed of

61 62

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64

See Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 72–87; Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:517–524. “Le livre Behir est de semblable esprit comme Zohar sauf qu’il est tres brief. Maareceth Elohut, Saar haorah, Ghinat Egoz, Sebah Hecalath, Mairat Enaim, Jezirah sont œuvres de la mesme doctrine spirituelle desquels et icy et principalement dedens la grande Ilan avons faict extraict.” Cited from François Secret, ed., Guillaume Postel (1510–1581) et son interprétation du candélabre de Moyse en hebreu, latin, italien et français (Nieuwkoop: B. de Graaf, 1966), 382. Weiss also points out four extant manuscripts that may fit Postel’s description of a “large ilan” and that he may have studied; see Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 92n274. The only known copy of this work is today found in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence. A reproduction can be found in Secret, Candélabre de Moyse, 33. On Or Nerot ha-Menorah and Postel’s own commentary Candelabrum Mosis, see especially the edition of the various versions and translations in Secret, Candélabre de Moyse. Recent appraisals may also be found in Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:566–572; Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 95–100. It is unclear if Postel really intended it for a Jewish audience or geared it towards other Christian Hebraists. Postel’s Hebraist colleague Theodor Bibliander copied the Hebrew text and even the menorah diagram. Bibliander also translated the entire broadsheet into Latin. These versions of Or Nerot ha-Menorah may be found in Secret, Candélabre de Moyse, 33–62, 85–95. Judith Weiss has argued for Postel’s missionary impetus on the grounds that he relies more on Jewish sources in Or Nerot ha-Menorah than in Candelabri typici interpretatio; see Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 95.

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seven arms and four legs with small labels around it which expound the various components. According to the commentary in the surrounding columns, this diagram illustrates various numerological symbols. Postel explicitly drew on the Zohar, Sefer ha-Bahir, Sefer Yetsirah, and other major works of Kabbalah for his explanations of the menorah. Shortly after the publication of the Hebrew broadside, Postel also published the Latin Candelabri typici interpretatio, in which he explained many of his ideas in greater detail.65 The main theme of Or Nerot ha-Menorah is also present in the plate of the Syriac New Testament: the correspondence between the Jewish notion of the sefirot and the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. Or Nerot ha-Menorah and Candelabri typici interpretatio present a more detailed and comprehensive doctrine than the plate in the Syriac New Testament with its succinct explanation in the accompanying text. Postel asserted that the menorah symbolized the macrocosmic correspondence between human and God, because of its numerological and sefirotic properties. The correspondence motif extends to the persons inside the Trinity: Christ, as part of the Trinity, is identified with God. The seven arms of the menorah are based in three junctions, and that has numerological significance, as these numbers total to ten, which corresponds to the number of sefirot: the seven arms denote the seven lower sefirot, while the three junctions correspond to the three highest sefirot (and the Trinity). Like in the Syriac New Testament account, in these earlier works Postel described the wounds of Jesus as hints at the sefirotic realm. The names of God are assigned to specific sefirot, which refer to the wounds of the crucified Jesus.66 It is notable that Postel equated the menorah with an arboreal structure in Or Nerot ha-Menorah: “the menorah is like the tree (ilan) according to which the human body (gufo shel adam) in general is structured.”67 Postel thus described

65

66

67

On the differences between the two texts, see Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 95. A French translation appeared in 1566. This version may be found in Secret, Candélabre de Moyse, 353–433. “Summa ad Christum crucifixum affectio, et horum nominum eius membris applicatio, docebit omnem scientiam mundi. In eius capite sunt cum corona spinea ad occasum inclinata ‫ יהוה‬: ‫ יה‬: ‫ אהיה‬instar trianguli, in capite ad occasum verso posita, sicut sunt in facie dei invisibili orienti obversa. In manibus, et pectore ‫ יהוה‬: ‫ אלהים‬: ‫ אל‬In pedibus, et in virtute generativi sanguinis fluentis ad crucis pedem sunt tria ista ‫ אלהים צבאות‬: ‫יהוה צבאות‬ :‫אל שדי‬.” Guillaume Postel, Candelabri typici in Mosis Tabernaculo iussu divino expressi brevis ac dilucida interpretatio (Venice, 1548), B4v. “‫ וכאשר נברא העולם כלו משבעה כוכבים‬,‫המנורה כמו אילן אשר בה נסדר גופו של אדם הכללי‬ ‫וארבעה יסודות כך סדר המנורה מ״ז קנים בגוף אחד ומארבעה דברים שהם קנהגביע‬.” Guillaume Postel, Or Nerot ha-Menorah le-haʾir ha-ʿEnayim be-Sodot ha-Torah we-ha-Mivḥar mi-Sefer ha-Zohar ha-Bahir u-Midrash Sidrah we-hi lehatsil Israel mi-kol ʿItsavon we-Shevi-

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in nuce one of the major features of the plate in the Syriac New Testament. This does not mean, however, that the plate was his creation alone. In terms of Postel’s role in the creation of the woodcut, it seems from this preliminary survey of evidence that Postel’s and Widmanstetter’s interests were aligned in the study of sefirot. Given the wealth of material from Widmanstetter’s library, I do not agree with the suggestion of Robert Wilkinson that it was Postel alone who conceived of the plate and the accompanying text. He pointed to a text that Postel wrote in the last years of his life where he lists among his achievement the diagrams in Or Nerot ha-Menorah and the Syriac New Testament. But in this text, Postel makes no claim that he was the sole author of the plate.68 Moreover, Postel first came into contact with Kabbalah through Widmanstetter. We can only speculate how far-reaching Widmanstetter’s influence on Postel was, as Widmanstetter’s marginal notes only rarely let us glimpse his own ideas. Thus although it seems conceivable, indeed perhaps likely, that the two scholars collaborated in the creation of the woodcut as they did in the preparation of the text for print, their exact contributions cannot be divided in a straightforward fashion. Postel can be credited with enhancing his publication of Or Nerot ha-Menorah with a diagram that was completely novel and that portrayed a correspondence between the physical structure of Adam and the sefirot. On the other hand, as will be shown in what follows, Widmanstetter was an expert in sefirot who had not only studied a great number of texts on subject, but had even created many depictions himself for his manuscripts. By contrast, we have only two fleeting remarks of Postel working with these artifacts.69 All that can be said is that both men apparently proceeded from a set of shared ideas about the Trinity and the sefirot and together conceived the plate and its text.70

4

Widmanstetter and the Ten Sefirot

While our knowledge of Guillaume Postel’s interest in sefirotic schemas is very limited, the manuscripts Widmanstetter acquired or commissioned for copy-

68 69 70

rah (Venice, 1548). Judith Weiss has noted the affinity of Or Nerot ha-Menorah to sefirotic trees; Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 95n298. See Paris, BnF, Ms. F. lat. 3402, f. 107v; Wilkinson, Orientalism, Aramaic, and Kabbalah, 183– 184. See Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 92. Elsewhere, I have discussed the question of authorship in more detail: Maximilian de Molière. “Umstrittene Urheberschaft. Das sefirotische Diagramm im syrischen Neuen Testament (1555).” Morgen-Glantz 32 (2022): 77–100.

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ing reveal him as an ardent student of Kabbalah and its manifold graphical representations. This engagement commenced in the period he spent in Italy in the 1530s and continued up to the time of the Syriac New Testament in the 1550s. Judging by the number of texts and diagrams in his library, which are the focus of this section, Widmanstetter was mainly concerned with sefirot in his kabbalistic studies.71 His pursuit of these rare materials led him to transition from being a mere collector to a creator of kabbalistic diagrams. Widmanstetter’s activities in the textual and pictorial traditions of the ten sefirot point to possible sources for the plate in the Syriac New Testament. The plate in the Syriac New Testament and its accompanying commentary connect the five wounds of Christ to the ten sefirot, intimating a connection between the sefirot and Christ and the Trinity. The accompanying commentary states: “Higher than even the cross and than countless other (mysteries are) the five mysteries of the wound signs. Obviously, these are inseparable from one another: the Trinity in the crown of thorns on the head.” According to the text, the Gospel of John conveys this and other secrets because its author was the only apostle who witnessed the Crucifixion with his own eyes. As we have seen, St. John’s elevated position as a recipient of divine visions in the Christian tradition explains why this figure was the ideal mouthpiece for Christian kabbalistic ideas. The following sections will discuss texts, marginal notes, and diagrams from the manuscripts in Widmanstetter’s library that may have served as inspiration for the ideas expressed in the plate: the ten sefirot and the anthropomorphism of God. 4.1 Literary Traditions Some of Widmanstetter’s notes point to the connections he saw between the structure of the sefirot and Christ as well as to the hints he discerned in the Gospels regarding God’s sefirotic nature. The anthropomorphism of God had long been a concern of Jewish thinkers and left a rich literary tradition in both philosophy and mysticism.72 For example, Moses Maimonides relegated all biblical sections that describe God in corporeal or anthropomorphic terms to metaphors that had been merely designed to help feeble mortals to fathom the unintelligible realm of divinity.73 There

71 72

73

For his use of these materials in his writings, see Chapter 6, section 3.2. For a discussion of biblical verses that speak of God in anthropomorphic terms and their reception in Jewish mysticism, see Marvin A. Sweeney, “Dimensions of the Shekhinah: The Meaning of the Shiur Qomah in Jewish Mysticism, Liturgy, and Rabbinic Thought,”Hebrew Studies 54, no. 1 (2013): 107–120 (112–115). Some scholars have regarded the attempt of Idra Rabba to “restore God’s face” as a reac-

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are antecedent texts of Jewish mysticism that “mapped” the attributes of God onto the human body and from which later traditions drew inspiration. The late antique merkavah literature draws on the anthropomorphic descriptions of God’s chariot in Ezekiel 1:26.74 Various texts that describe the anthropomorphism of God make a connection to the ten sefirot. One of the texts in Widmanstetter’s library, Keter Shem Tov, also puts forward the idea of the structural identity of the human body and the sefirotic realm: Behold, the ten sefirot are made like the structure of the human. For the human is a kind of representation of the supernal [world]. And in this [is said]: “[Let us make the human] in our image, after our likeness” (Genesis 1:26).75 In texts such as Keter Shem Tov, the sefirotic realm is identified with God himself. Its author argues that the human is a reflection of the ten sefirot because of the well-known verse from Genesis in which God decides to create the human in his image. The most notable text connecting the ten sefirot with anthropomorphism in Widmanstetter’s library is Idra Rabba. Copied in the third volume of his Zohar manuscript (bsb, Cod.hebr. 218), this text discloses the secret of God’s hidden anthropomorphic nature. Many of Widmanstetter’s notes on Idra Rabba are concerned with the correspondence between the sefirot and the physical body of Christ, some of which complement the representation in the woodcut in the Syriac New Testament and its accompanying commentary. Idra Rabba presents its teachings integrated into a narrative frame: The legendary sage Simeon bar

74

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tion to the abstract God portrayed in Maimonides’ Guide of the Perplexed. For this view, see Yehuda Liebes, “Le-haḥzir le-ʾEl et Panav: ʿal Sefero shel Yair Lorberboim: ‘Tselem Elohim. Halakhah we-Aggadah,’” Dimui 2005, 50–53. Another early and influential text that was known to Widmanstetter was Hekhalot Rabbati: he owned this text in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 220r–222r. On Hekhalot Rabbati, see Joseph Dan, History of Jewish Mysticism and Esotericism, vol. 11, The Middle Ages. The Zohar: The Book of Splendor [Hebrew] (Jerusalem: The Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History, 2015), 445–446. Shiʿur Qomah (“The measure of the body”), describes the secret names and dimensions of God’s body, which is understood to be corporeal and correspond to that of man, albeit of unfathomable size. On Shiʿur Qomah, see Scholem, Gestalt der Gottheit, 7–47. “‫ וזה בצלמינו כדמותינו‬.‫ כי האדם מעין דוגמא של מעלה‬.‫הנה העשר ספירות בעשות כבניין האדם‬ ‫לומ׳ כמו שאדם העליונה ומתרבה מו המוח ויורד לשורה ומתפצל לכאן ולכן באיברים כן כל‬ ‫הכוחות יונקות ומקבלות מעילות העילות ובו קיום הכל ית׳ וית׳‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 246, f. 55v. A new edition of Keter Shem Tov is currently being prepared by Bill Rebiger and Gerold Necker.

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Yoḥai and his disciples gather in a threshing chamber (idra) to discuss the combinations and interactions of the ten sefirot that pertain to the hidden secrets of God. Step by step, the companions reveal two distinct configurations (partsufim76) of sefirot, called Arikh Anpin and Zeʾeir Anpin,77 which form two aspects of God. Both partsufim are only part of what the human intellect is usually able to perceive of God’s original manifestation, called Adam, which is imagined as having anthropomorphic features (and is not to be confused with the biblical figure Adam). The entirety of reality including the two partsufim are contained inside him and both derive their anthropomorphic shapes from him.78 Idra Rabba’s descriptions of the Godhead, as having the features of a human face, a forehead, ears, eyes, and other anthropomorphic features, are presented as macrocosmic correspondences to illustrate the divine realm of the interplay of the sefirot. In Idra Rabba, humankind is not directly formed in the shape of the God who remains hidden from human understanding in the realm of Ein Sof. Instead, the template for man’s physical body corresponds to the shape of Adam, who embodies the ten sefirot and represents that part of God which is revealed.79 The body of humankind is understood as the microcosm whose every part and limb corresponds to an analogous component in the divine structure that is composed of the ten sefirot that make up Adam in his two configurations, Arikh Anpin and Zeʾeir Anpin.80 Widmanstetter made marginal notes in his Zohar manuscript about the traditional kabbalistic pairing of limbs to the sefirot in Idra Rabba, and indeed extended these pairings, and these correspond to the pairing of wounds and sefirot in the plate of the Syriac New Testament. The zoharic text that he annotated refers to the sefirot in the limbs of Adam as “crowns”: In Adam were included upper crowns in general and in particular. Upper crowns in general, as has been said, in the image of all these arrangements. In particular, in the fingers of the hands, five within five. Lower

76 77 78

79 80

Partsufim is the plural of partsuf, a Hebrew word meaning “face.” Arikh Anpin, literally “long countenance,” is used interchangeably with other terms in Idra Rabba: “ancient of ancients,” the “ancient one,” and the “holy ancient one.” “The Ancient of Ancients and Zeʾir Anpin are all one […] Therefore the image of Adam is the image of those above and below, who are included in him.” Simeon bar Yoḥai, Sefer ha-Zohar, ed. George Margoliouth (Jerusalem: Mossad ha-Rav Kook, 1984), 3:141a–b. See Zohar 3:141b. See Gershom Scholem, Zur Kabbala und ihrer Symbolik, 7th ed., Suhrkamp-Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 13 (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1992), 171–172 and Scholem, Gestalt der Gottheit, 43–45.

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crowns, in toes of the feet, which are particular and general, since the body does not appear with them and they are outside the body.81 In his note on this passage, Widmanstetter extends the list of limbs of the divine body and their correspondences to the human body: In humankind there are images and symbols of certain universal and particular divine attributes. The upper crowns of the Godhead are in that aforementioned superior human who is called Ancient of Days [Arikh Anpin] and they [the sefirot] have their symbols in humankind: two arms, two legs, a head, and the phallus. The particular symbols are in the fingers of both hands. But in the lower man of the Godhead who is called the Small Countenance [Zeʾeir Anpin] are the lower crowns whose symbol is in the toes of the feet.82 Thus, Widmanstetter added to the list in Idra Rabba the head and the phallus, which are also linked to on Christ’s body in the Syriac New Testament. Moreover, he asserted that the division between the two partsufim corresponded to groups of divine body parts: the crowns that make up the Arikh Anpin, which Widmanstetter identifies with the Father, are symbolized in all the limbs of the human body—arms, legs, head, and phallus—while the crowns of Zeʾeir Anpin are only located in the feet. This section in Widmanstetter’s interpretation asserts that the structure of the human body is similar to the “superior man,” that is, the primordial Adam. This view was consistent with the Christian belief of divine incarnation, the belief that Jesus had been born into a mortal body. The wounds on his limbs demarcate his body as a whole which signifies Adam. The plate establishes a connection between the sefirah Yesod and the phallus of Christ, which takes on the double symbol of the sefirah and the circumcision

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“‫ כתרין עילאין בכלל הא‬.‫תאנא בצניעותא דספרא באדם אתכלילו כתרין עילאין בכלל ובפרט‬ ‫ כתרין תתאין באצבען‬.‫ בפרט באצבען דידיה חמש נג׳ חמש‬.‫דאיתמר בדיוקנא דכל הניתקוני‬ ‫דרגלין דאינון פרט וכלל דהא גופא לא אתחזי בהדייהו ואינון לבר מגופא‬.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 344r = Zohar 3:143a; translation from Daniel Chanan Matt, ed., The Zohar: Pritzker Edition, vol. 8 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014), 443–444. “In homine sunt imagines et symbola quaedam rerum divinarum universalia et particularia. Coronae superiores divinitatis sunt in homine illo superiore, qui dicitur antiquus dierum, et habent symbola sua in homine dua brachia duo famora, caput et membrum virile. Preterea symbola particularia in digitis utriusque manus. Sed in homine inferiore divinitatis qui dicitur parvus facie sunt coronae inferiores, quarum symbolum est in digitis pedum.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 344r.

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wound. We have already seen that Christians had integrated the circumcision of Jesus into their devotional practices as the first wound of Jesus’ Passion. In Idra Rabba, and indeed in many other kabbalistic texts, the phallus of Adam corresponds to the sefirah Yesod (“foundation”).83 The circumcision wound being connected with a ray to the sefirah Yesod in the Syriac New Testament plate completes the correspondence between Jesus and Adam. Widmanstetter probably drew on the corporeal structure of Adam as portrayed in Idra Rabba to elucidate the parallelism of the body of Jesus and the arboreal structure of the sefirot. In Widmanstetter’s reading, the body of Jesus with his wounds is “mapped” onto the body of Adam. The difference between the plate of the Syriac New Testament and Idra Rabba is that the plate establishes a connection between the sefirot and the wounds of Christ, rather than the body parts themselves. The head is associated both with the head wound of the crown of thorns and with the three upper sefirot Keter (“crown”), Ḥokhmah (“wisdom”), and Binah (“understanding”). The arms are connected to the wounds of the nails which pierce the hands and the two sefirot Ḥesed (“kindness”) and Gevurah (“discipline”). The two legs symbolize the sefirot Netsaḥ (“eternity”) and Hod (“splendor”), as well as the two wounds in the feet. The loincloth denotes the circumcision wound and the sefirah Yesod (“foundation”).84 Widmanstetter recognized the correspondence of phallus and Yesod and its significance for the correspondence between humankind and God in his notes on the pericope Bereshit: Adam, that is, the entire human, is Tiferet with his limbs and the male sex is the location of Yesod, his glans is the Shekhinah. And therefore the human is perfect in his similarity to God.85 Widmanstetter was careful to emphasize the range of meanings of Adam by specifying what he saw as the relevant meaning in this context: Adam symbolizes humankind and its physical shape. Again, the sefirah Yesod is identified with the phallus, while the glans points to the lowest sefirah, Shekhinah. 83

84

85

Widmanstetter makes only a fleeting note about the correspondence of the phallus with the sefirah Yesod in his notes on Idra Rabba: “Longitudo membri virilis in Jesod.” (“The length of the phallus is in Yesod.”) bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 343v. Not every element, however, can be explained from Widmanstetter’s notes on Idrah Rabba. The association of the wound in Jesus’ chest with the sefirot Tiferet (“beauty”) and Malkhut (“kingship”) has no explanation in Widmanstetter’s marginal notes. “Adam id est homo totus est tipheret cum suis lateribus et membrum virile est loco Iesod, cuius glans est Schechina. Est igitur homo ad similitudinem Dei absolutus.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 48r.

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Here, from the relationship of the Tiferet to the limbs, Yesod to the phallus, and Shekhinah to the glans, he concluded that all parts of the human body in fact represent the entire sefirotic structure and are similar to God. Another aspect of the plate that can be observed in the marginal notes to Idra Rabba are the connection between the Gospels and Kabbalah. The plate and its commentary portray St. John as having received a vision of the sefirotic nature of Christ because he had witnessed the Crucifixion. In Widmanstetter’s notes, Arikh Anpin and Zeʾeir Anpin take on an additional meaning as confirming the hierarchical relationship between Jesus, the Son, and the Father. Arikh Anpin, the compassionate aspect, is superior in the sefirotic realm to the lower, short-tempered aspect, referred to as Zeʾeir Anpin. The name Arikh Anpin with its literal meaning of “long countenance” is used as it refers to its patient and kind nature towards humanity. It is the essence of the loving and caring aspect of God that is only accessible to human understanding in this configuration of the sefirot. Building on the vivid descriptions in Daniel 7:9, Idra Rabba paints Arikh Anpin, the “Ancient of Days,” as a bearded old man who carries inside his skull Ein Sof, the aspects of God which are devoid of all revealed and intelligible manifestations. This means that the only parts of Arikh Anpin that are within the grasp of human understanding are those which are represented by the sefirot positioned in the lower parts of the sefirotic realm. Zeʾeir Anpin (the “short countenance”), the second partsuf of the sefirot, is the aspect of the Godhead as it revealed itself to Israel, and it takes an active part in its destiny. Its sefirot belong to the lower parts of the sefirotic realm, making them intelligible to humans.86 Rabbi Simeon bar Yoḥai and his companions expound that Zeʾeir Anpin is marked by a dynamic that results in wrath and a short temper towards humanity. One passage in Idra Rabba that Widmanstetter exploited to elucidate the Trinity elaborates why Zeʾeir Anpin is known to humanity through its interactions with Israel but the more remote Arikh Anpin remains unfathomable. Simeon bar Yoḥai explains that the upper entity, Arikh Anpin, is only known to itself: “as for Eden above, no one knows it or its path except Arikh Anpin.”87 Arikh Anpin eludes human comprehension because it contains the unformed and unknowable sefirah Ein Sof. From this passage, seething with theological ideas, Widmanstetter took his cue, setting it in parallel to two passages from the New Testament, explaining that “there are certain aspects in the Godhead that are not discerned by others, just as Christ also said that the Day of Judgment 86 87

See Scholem, Gestalt der Gottheit, 42–45. “‫ועדן דלעילא לית דידע ליה ולא שביליו בר ההוא אריך אנפין‬.” Zohar 3:129b = Matt, Zohar, vol. 8, 337.

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was unknown even to the Son (of God) himself.”88 Widmanstetter’s remark is a reference to the Gospels of Mark and Matthew, which report the promise of Jesus that although the Kingdom of God was close, the exact time of its coming was unknown even to him: “But of that day and hour knoweth no man, no, not the angels of heaven, or the Son, but the Father only.”89 By identifying this verse in the New Testament as parallel to a passage in the Zohar, Widmanstetter also emphasized the achievement of John the Evangelist, who was privy to mystical insight into the deity’s inner sefirotic structure. Widmanstetter acknowledged the epistemological barriers in understanding the inner operations of the Trinity. In Widmanstetter’s reading of the passage, the Father again takes the place of the recondite aspect, Arikh Anpin, and Jesus is the incarnation who had walked among men and whose death brought about their salvation. In other passages of Idra Rabba, Widmanstetter discovered other parallels to the New Testament. One is a discussion among Simeon bar Yoḥai’s disciples about the throne of Arikh Anpin. They let Arikh Anpin declare triumphantly: “Come and see! It is written: I, yhvh, the first and the last, I am He” (Isaiah 41:4).90 To Widmanstetter, this passage called to mind a similar statement of God’s transcendence from the New Testament, and he wrote the following note down in the margin: The Ancient of Days is the first and he is the last. It is like he is saying, “He is the one who contains all the sefirot inside him,” this what is written about in the Apocalypse: “I am the Alpha and the Omega” (Apocalypse 1:8). It is indeed proper that he should be the beginning and the end of himself.91 Widmanstetter recognized a similarity in the presentation of divine transcendence in the verse from the Apocalypse with the passage in the Zohar and concluded that both must discuss the same matter. He likely had Sefer Yetsirah

88 89

90 91

“Sunt quidam in divinitate gradus, qui ab aliis non cognoscuntur, sicuti et Christus quoque dixit, diem iudicii ipsi quoque filio ignotum esse.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 325v. “Περὶ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης καὶ ὥρας οὐδεὶς οἶδεν, οὐδὲ οἱ ἄγγελοι τῶν οὐρανῶν οὐδὲ ὁ υἱός, εἰ μὴ ὁ πατὴρ μόνος.” Matthew 24:36. This verse is almost identical to Mark 13:32, but is missing from Luke. “‫ות״ח כתיב אני יי׳ ראשון ואת האחרונים אני הוא‬.” Zohar 3:130a = Matt, Zohar, vol. 8, 342. “Antiquus dierum est primus, et est ultimi. quasi dicat eum esse qui omnes sephiroth comprehendat hoc est quod toties in Apocalypsi scribitur. ἐγώ εἰμι τὸ ἄλφα, καὶ τὸ ὦμέγα. Oportet autem ut sit principium et finis sui ipsius.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 326v. The variation of the diacritics in the verse from printed editions could indicate that Widmanstetter is here citing the verse from the New Testament in the original Greek from memory.

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in mind, as this associates the ten sefirot with the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alefbet (“The ten sefirot are the basis and the twenty-two letters are the foundation”).92 By invoking the first and last letters in the Greek alphabet, he thus portrayed St. John as having disclosed in his Gospel the totality of the sefirot. The image he conjures up is that of an ordered system of entities that taken together form a being of a higher ontological status. To Widmanstetter’s mind, the verse from the Apocalypse hints at the sefirotic reality hidden within the Trinity, which he identified with the Ancient of Days. The notes by Widmanstetter in Idra Rabba also include material from kabbalistic sources to explain the Christian dogma of the consubstantiality of the Trinity. The most explicit identification of the kabbalistic partsufim with the persons of the Trinity is found in Widmanstetter’s interpretation of a section about the throne of King Solomon. It is noteworthy for the context of the plate that the Gospel of John plays a major role in Widmanstetter’s account. In his note,93 Widmanstetter points out the relevance of the sefirotic configuration that led the companions of Simeon bar Yoḥai to the following conclusion about the Father and the Son: The throne of Solomon had six steps, but the [throne of] the Messiah has seven. This may be perceived from the steps of the sefirot from which it can be gathered that the Messiah has the spirit of Crown (Keter)—that is [the spirit] of the highest Father—but not [the spirit of] prophecy as the others. For this reason, Christ says, I and the Father are one (John 10:30). I am in the Father, and the Father is in me (John 14:10).94

92 93

94

Hayman, Sefer Yeṣirah, §2, 64. The relevant passage in the Zohar reads: “‫ וכתיב שש‬.‫דתנינן וישב שלמה על כסא יי׳ למלך‬ ‫ שיתא אינון ורוחא דעתיק יומין עלייהו הא‬.‫מעלות לכסא ומלכא משיחא זמין למיתב בשבעה‬ ‫שבעה‬.” (“It is written Solomon sat on the throne of yhvh as king (1 Chronicles 29:23), and it is written The throne had six steps (1Kings 10:19), and King Messiah is destined to sit upon seven. There are six, and the breath of the Ancient of Days above them makes seven.”) bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 326v; Zohar 3:130b = Matt, Zohar, vol. 8, 344 (whence the translation). “Salomonis thronus habebat gradus sex, Messiae vero septem. Hoc est intelligendum de gradibus sephiroth. Ex qua colligitur Messiam habere spiritum Coronae, hoc est patris summo, et non propheticum, ut ceteri. Unde dicit Christus, Ego et pater unum sumus. Ego sum in patre, et pater in me est. Et hoc est quod Judaei fortasse ferre non poterant, cum patris appellatione summum illum deum, ut ita dicam, intelligerent. Alioquin quod magni erat dicere se esse dei hoc est sephirae alicuius inferioris filium, quod et de Salomone testantur sacrae literae. De hoc generatione loquitur David cum dicit, Ego ille dies genui te ‫ אני היום ילדתיך‬quasi dicat: Ego ille antiquus dierum, ex quo proditurus erat Messias in hunc mundum.” bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 326v.

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In this interpretation, Widmanstetter applies the Trinitarian dogma to the Zohar. Since the time of the early church, it had been central to Christian dogma that God consists of three distinct persons—the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit—that are one in the sense that they are of the same eternal essence (consubstantial). Widmanstetter’s reading transforms this passage into a confirmation of the Trinitarian doctrine that posits that the spirit of the Messiah (i.e. Christ) and the Father are consubstantial. To emphasize the consubstantiality of the Trinity, Widmanstetter went on to cite two verses from the Gospel of John that lend themselves to a Trinitarian interpretation: John 10:30 and 14:10. These two verses are classic examples that Christians drew on to prove the Trinity in theological debates. Widmanstetter’s idea in citing them in context of the throne of Solomon was to show that the idea of consubstantiality is also expressed in the Zohar’s text. Son and Father are here understood as sharing the same substance (“I and the Father are one”) but they are hierarchically distinguished by the number of sefirot that constitute them. Widmanstetter gave this passage in the Zohar a Trinitarian bias by carefully choosing the wording in his translation. He translated the Aramaic phrase “the breath of the Ancient of Days” into his Latin as “the spirit of the highest Father” which is conferred on the Messiah.95 At the end of this note, Widmanstetter summed up the consubstantial relationship of the Father and the Son inside the Trinity: “David talks about this creation when he says, Today, I have become your father (Psalm 2:7). It is as if he says, I am the aforementioned Ancient of Days from whom the Messiah has come forward to this world.”96 Here Widmanstetter drew on a psalm that is suitable for arguing that the Son is generated from the Father. In this last sentence, Widmanstetter revealed his view that whenever the Zohar is speaking of Arikh Anpin, it is actually talking about God, the Father. Conversely, he believed that mentioning Zeʾir Anpin was another way of speaking about Jesus Christ, the Messiah. The conclusion is that Christians may read Idra Rabba’s discourse on the sefirot and the partsufim as an explanation of the inner processes of the Trinity which St. John only hinted at in his Gospel and in Apocalypse. It is noteworthy that Widmanstetter highlighted the centrality of John’s Gospel to a sefirotic understanding of the Trinity in his marginal note to this passage. These

95

96

Widmanstetter’s conferral of “the spirit of the highest Father” seems to be inspired by the Nicene Creed that states “[I believe] in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds from the Father and the Son.” It is noteworthy that the Holy Spirit remains a vague figure in the notes Widmanstetter prepared on Idra Rabba. This gap may have been due to the source material that presents only two partsufim. bsb, Cod.hebr. 218, f. 326v; see above for the full Latin note.

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two verses are central to Widmanstetter’s perception of John the Evangelist as a recipient of kabbalistic secrets that he transmitted in his Gospel. In his eyes, this connection between the Gospel and the Zohar made John a mystic who perceived the Trinity through kabbalistic symbols. 4.2 Pictorial Traditions In the plate printed in the Syriac New Testament, the entire sefirotic schema is framed by a mandorla, an almond-shaped frame that was used in the Christian pictorial tradition to portray the maiestas domini on the tympana above the portals of many medieval European cathedrals and in manuscript illuminations.97 This element, traditionally reserved for God, is here used to frame the sefirotic tree. The idea is apparently that the sefirotic tree, which is sitting atop seraphim, represented God himself and thus merited a portrayal in accordance with Christian tradition. Another striking deviation from Jewish depictions is that the sefirotic tree does not write out the names of each sefirah, but instead depicts objects or events that kabbalistic tradition associates with the respective sefirah. Ein Sof is represented by a black and white orb above the tree. Just below Ein Sof, the sefirah Keter (“crown”) is signified by a crown around which small palm leaves are wrapped. The two sefirot Ḥokhmah and Binah are depicted as an eye and a shofar respectively. The following two sefirot, Ḥesed and Gevurah, form together a scene depicting the binding of Isaac:98 Ḥesed is represented by Abraham, who is raising his knife to kill Isaac, while on the left side the angel appears to notify him that he passed God’s test along with a ram that will be sacrificed in Isaac’s stead; Gevurah consists of Isaac kneeling and awaiting the blow from his father’s knife. The sefirah at the center, Tiferet, holds a scene that depicts Jacob’s dream of the ladder99 and a sun with an anthropomorphic face. The next pair of sefirot are Hod and Netsaḥ, represented by the two pillars Jachin and Boaz that stood in front of the Temple.100 Yesod is the only sefirah which appears to be represented not by a biblical character or object, but by what appears to be a character from classical mythology, the Titan Atlas. He apparently personifies this sefirah, which is understood as “foundation,” as he holds up the heavens on his shoulders. The lower sefirah Malkhut combines two symbols: the medallion is formed by a crescent moon inside of which is a chalice. Below the sefirotic tree, float two winged seraphim

97 98 99 100

On this motif, see Schiller, Ikonographie, vol. 3, 233–249. See Genesis 22. See Genesis 28:10–19. See Jeremia 52:21–22 and 1Kings 7:13–22, 41–42.

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above an orb holding the firmament and the zodiac, with a menorah in the foreground of this scene.101 Numerous manuscripts in Widmanstetter’s library showcase his efforts to collect kabbalistic diagrams and even his own attempts at creating such materials. From a number of depictions of sefirot and other diagrams that Widmanstetter either drew himself or assisted in creating, his direct involvement in the production of such manuscripts can be gleaned. One of Widmanstetter’s principal textual and pictorial sources on the sefirot was his copy of Sefer Yetsirah and its commentaries. This manuscript, bsb, Cod.hebr. 115, is one of the items that was copied by Paulus Aemilius.102 As well as containing sefirotic trees, the manuscript is also notable for including four volvelles among its sixteen illustrations. Volvelles are a form of circular diagram, consisting of one or more paper disks that are connected by a tie to its center. By rotating the disks, complex permutations of multiple values are generated. The action of turning the disks of a volvelle with one’s hands enhanced the intellectual experience of reading a text, as the reader gained agency over the written word and transformed it with every rotation. In many medieval and early modern manuscripts, these devices were used to calculate different astrological phenomena, such as the position of the sun and moon for a given point in time. Ramon Llull, the first author to make use of volvelles, intended them to support his Christian mystical speculations in his major work, Ars generalis ultima. Consisting of nine letters, the original volvelle designed by Llull produced nine names of God. It is noteworthy that Llull was inspired to procedurally generate names of God by Sefer Yetsirah, which describes the concept of combining and recombining letters on a rotating wheel: “the twenty-two letters. They are fixed on a wheel. The wheel rotates backwards and forwards.”103 Llull’s invention soon became a popular feature of scientific manuscripts, and the reciprocal inspiration came full circle when Jewish mystics in turn enthusiastically applied volvelles to Sefer Yetsirah and other texts to illustrate the idea of endless recombinations. Following the example of Llull, the volvelles in Widmanstetter’s manuscript generate different combinations of the letters in divine names (see figure 17).104 The paper engineering needed to construct volvelles made their production

101 102 103

104

This menorah is likely a reference to Postel’s earlier work Or Nerot ha-Menorah. For an account of the production of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 3.3. Hayman, Sefer Yeṣirah, §18, 98. On the history of the volvelle, see Gianfranco Crupi, “Volvelles of Knowledge. Origin and Development of an Instrument of Scientific Imagination (13th–17th Centuries),” jlis.it 10, no. 2 (2019): 1–27. The volvelles are found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 18r, 20v, 35r, 61v.

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figure 17 One of the volvelles in Widmanstetter’s manuscript of Sefer Yetsirah. Note Widmanstetter’s Sefardic hand on the inner ring and Aemilius’ Ashkenazic hand on the outer rings. bsb, Cod.hebr. 115, f. 20v courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

more time-consuming than simpler diagrams that required less sophisticated skills. Widmanstetter may have depended on the help of his scribe Paulus Aemilius to construct the volvelles in his manuscript (see table 3 for a list of the diagrams and illustrations found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 115 and Widmanstetter’s part in them). Aemilius’ hand is found in the diagrams of Pseudo-Rabad’s commentary on Sefer Yetsirah and in all four volvelles, while Widmanstetter’s hand is visible in only two of them. Conversely, Widmanstetter created all four illustrations in Pseudo-Rabad’s text by himself—perhaps he could dispense with Aemilius’ help in these cases because the diagrams in this text were less complicated to construct than the fickle paper engineering required in the construction of the volvelles. Although Widmanstetter was fascinated by volvelles, the idea of recombining letters did not enter his repertoire of legitimate exegetical techniques; we have already seen that he warned against such methods, and notarikon specifically, at the beginning of the Syriac New Testament. Widmanstetter created his kabbalistic diagrams in collaboration with Francesco Parnas and Paulus Aemilius in the late 1530s, long before Guillaume Postel was exposed to these materials, and continued to have manuscripts copied that contain kabbalistic diagrams. Mention should also be made of his large collection of works by Eleazar of Worms copied from Egidio da Viterbo’s

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The diagrams and illustrations in bsb, Cod.hebr. 115 and the appearance in them of the hands of Aemilius and Widmanstetter

Folio Description 10v 13r 16v 17r 18r 20v 28r 33r 34r 35r 60r 61v

Circular diagram Circular diagram of the celestial spheres Circular diagram of names of God, months, and zodiac signs Circular diagram Volvelle Volvelle of divine names “Eyes” Circular diagram of the firmaments Circular diagram of the four elements Volvelle Table of compass points Volvelle of the names of God

115r 120r 123v 124v

Circular diagram of planetary spheres and zodiac World map Map of compass points and tali Map

Aemilius Widmanstetter × × × × × × × × ×

×

× ×

× ×

× × × × ×

library (bsb, Cod.hebr. 81), which contains numerous diagrams on cosmology. Eleazar’s Sodei Razaya, for instance, includes schematic depictions of the cosmos. To Eleazar, the letters of the Hebrew alphabet and the physical elements corresponded to a divine code that was only discernible to the initiated mystic. In order to better communicate the complex relationships between the physical and the celestial world he made use of numerous diagrams.105 Copied in 1555, this manuscript was created concurrently with the publication of the Syriac New Testament and thus attests to Widmanstetter’s ongoing interest in the graphical tradition of Kabbalah. It is clear that, within Kabbalah, Widmanstetter was chiefly interested in the ten sefirot; his commentary on the Quran talked favorably of them, and they 105

One rectangular diagram depicts the tent which forms the sky and is anchored at the four loops in the corners; bsb, Cod.hebr. 81, f. 24v. On Eleazar’s use of graphical material and this diagram, see Busi, Qabbalah Visiva, 84–89, who also provides a list of graphical materials in Widmanstetter’s manuscript on p. 447.

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formed the basis of the plate at the start of the Gospel of John in the Syriac New Testament. The manuscript of Sefer ha-Peliyah he received from Hayyim Gatigno in 1554, shortly before he began work on the Syriac New Testament, underlines his focus on the sefirot during this period, as this text expounds upon the ten sefirot at length and also contains a full-page sefirotic tree in emerald green.106 The development of the tree into a graphical emblem of Kabbalah is a subject of conjecture that has been discussed by numerous scholars of Kabbalah. Sefer ha-Bahir introduced to Jewish mysticism the metaphor of a cosmic “all tree,” but without explicitly identifying it with the ten sefirot. To Scholem, Sefer ha-Bahir and the tree metaphor were linked to Gnosticism.107 Giulio Busi’s interpretation portrayed the tree as an echo of Platonist ideas.108 Yossi Chajes suggested that the cosmic tree of Sefer ha-Bahir was conflated with other metaphors of Jewish tradition and finally schematized using the Porphyrian tree, a philosophical diagram of ontological categories, as a template.109 The earliest depictions of the sefirot in an arboreal configuration were produced in Rome in the last decades of the thirteenth century. These diagrams accompany Sefer Yetsirah and its commentaries by Dunash Ibn Tamim and Moses Nachmanides, and other writings.110 Compared to the later tradition, these sefirotic trees only feature the basic properties, arranging the elements mentioned in

106 107

108

109

110

See bsb, Cod.hebr. 96, f. 172v. See Scholem and Werblowsky, Origins of the Kabbalah, 71–72; Elliot Wolfson, “The Tree That Is All: Jewish-Christian Roots of a Kabbalistic Symbol in Sefer Ha-Bahir,” Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 3, no. 1 (1994): 31–76 (31–34). The connection of the Greek pleroma to the cosmic tree has been discussed in Abrams, Book Bahir, 14–15. The beginning of the ilan ha-sefirot are traced in J.H. (Yossi) Chajes, The Kabbalistic Tree (University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 2022), 9–36. See Busi, Qabbalah Visiva, 91; he points to Plato, Republic, trans. C.J. Emlyn-Jones and William Preddy, Loeb Classical Library 276 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), x.597d. See J.H. (Yossi) Chajes, “Kabbalistic Trees (Ilanot) in Italy: Visualizing the Hierarchy of the Heavens,” in The Renaissance Speaks Hebrew, ed. Giulio Busi and Silvana Greco (Milan: Silvana Editoriale, 2019), 170–183, 171–172. Sefirotic trees are the subject of an ongoing research project at the University of Haifa, under the direction of J.H. (Yossi) Chajes. For theoretical considerations, see J.H. (Yossi) Chajes, “Kabbalah and the Diagrammatic Phase of the Scientific Revolution,” in Jewish Culture in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of David b. Ruderman, ed. David B. Ruderman et al. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2014), 109–123; J.H. (Yossi) Chajes, “Kabbalistic Diagram as Epistemic Image,” Pe’amim 150–152 (2018): 235–288. A study on graphical material of Kabbalah in general, including sefirotic trees, was published as Busi, Qabbalah Visiva.

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Sefer Yetsirah into the shape of a tree. Beside the arboreal configuration, other arrangements of the sefirot were also popular among medieval kabbalists and remained influential in the early modern period. These competing schemas include circular diagrams that set planetary orbs, body parts, and the Ten Commandments in parallel with the sefirot, and the first letters of the ten sefirot nested into each other. It took until the early fifteenth century for kabbalists to associate the arboreal schema with the ten sefirot.111 One of the most outstanding representations of the ten sefirot that Widmanstetter owned is a parchment scroll displaying an ilan ha-sefirot (Cod.hebr. 448; see figure 18).112 Francesco Parnas probably created this item around the same time he worked on Widmanstetter’s Zohar manuscripts. This classic ilan ha-sefirot is part of a family of ilanot that were widespread in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Italy.113 While Widmanstetter did own other manuscripts that transmit similar iconotextual configurations, this item is unique as it is the only ilan from his library in the form of a parchment scroll—all other instances of this genre are copied into paper codices. Ilanot became intimately linked to the parchment material on which they were written, as is explicit in names for different versions of ilanot like Ha-yeri’ah ha-gedolah (“The great parchment”) and Ha-yeri’ah ha-qetanah (“The small parchment”) and in the assertions of kabbalists who associated parchment with the expansion of the sefirah Tiferet.114 Since Widmanstetter went to the trouble of having this ilan copied as a parchment scroll, it is evident that he tried to emulate the ilanot he had seen on display in the libraries of Italian Jews and Christians. If he had wished to obtain only a copy of the ilan itself, a large sheet of paper would have sufficed and would have been more economical; the fact that he chose to emulate the materiality of contemporary ilanot by having Parnas copy it onto parchment indicates that to him the writing substrate used was linked to this particular genre of kabbalistic text. Among the manuscripts of Widmanstetter there is one depiction of the ten sefirot (see figure 19) that may partially have inspired the plate in the Syriac

111 112

113 114

See Chajes, “Kabbalistic Tree,” 2020, 451–453. My understanding of the ilanot ha-sefirot in bsb, Codd.hebr. 448 and Cod.hebr.119 has greatly benefited from unpublished notes by Uri Safrai, who compiled in detail the similarities and differences of the main families of these diagrams for the Ilanot project under the supervision of J.H. (Yossi) Chajes. I thank them both for allowing me to use these materials. An introduction to the classic ilanot may be found in Chajes, Kabbalistic Tree, 2022, 37–88. On the materiality of ilanot, see Chajes, “Kabbalistic Tree,” 2020, 460. For specimens of the “great parchment,” see Chajes, Kabbalistic Tree, 2022, 47–56.

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figure 18 Ilan ha-sefirot. bsb, Cod.hebr. 448 courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

New Testament. It is found in an anthology of various works that is dated to 1404 (bsb, Cod.hebr. 119) and contains a series of sefirotic schemas in various sizes. The specific sefirotic schema of interest is characterized by a much higher level of iconotextual complexity than other ilanot in the manuscript, with the addition of short commentaries on each sefirah in the diagram, indicating that this diagram may have been copied from a sefirotic scroll, and this is also hinted

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figure 19 Depiction of the sefirot in a complex ilan ha-sefirot. bsb, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 24r–25r courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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at in the accompanying notes.115 As well as having the arboreal configuration, this diagram also depicts elements that carried mystical significance and that would recur in the plate in the Syriac New Testament.116 The first is the menorah to the right of the ilan, the counterpart of a showbread table to the left of the ilan. Just like in the plate, this diagram displays Ein Sof as a black and white orb hovering above the sefirah Keter. The entire arboreal structure rests upon a sphere representing the celestial bodies; the corresponding element in the plate is the sphere below the sefirot, which is covered in stars and the zodiac. Among the many attributes listed in the medallions of the sefirot are the body parts, which in the plate connect the body of Jesus with the sefirotic tree. Another manuscript copied by Paulus Aemilius, bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, holds a great number of texts on the sefirot and related graphical representations that have a bearing on the woodcut in the Syriac New Testament, as they are mostly variants of the sefirotic tree. From early on, sefirotic trees were closely associated with texts explicating the nature of the sefirotic system. These explanatory texts were often written inside and around the graphical elements representing the sefirot. Through the arboreal diagram, readers were able to visualize a topography of the Godhead that had already been implicit in texts on the sefirot. But more than realizing a mental image, the diagrams opened a new approach to understanding God’s inner operations. Unencumbered by the constraints of a linear text, readers of such diagrams could begin their study at any point on the sefirotic schema, learn about the properties of the sefirot, and then choose from a number of connecting sefirot to continue their study.117 The non-linear mode of reading takes on a greater importance in the materiality of ilan scrolls, which are physically much larger than pages in books and produced separately from the linear codex format. These artifacts may well have been perceived as their own kabbalistic genre by the sixteenth century, because of their distinct materiality and mode of reception. Ilan scrolls are characterized, in the words of Chajes, by a combination of “textual study, visualization, and some form of mental manipulation or movement as suggested by the diagrammatic shape or structure.”118 Because the copying of these scrolls 115

116 117 118

See bsb, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 24r–25r. For a brief appraisal of this ilan, see Chajes, “Hierarchy of the Heavens,” 177, 180; he has analyzed it in more detail in Chajes, Kabbalistic Tree, 2022, 40–43, 46–47. Two other depictions in the same manuscript are relatively small in scale and plain in their presentation, as they only provide the names of the sefirot and the basic arboreal structure; see bsb, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 2v, 5v. Other manuscripts containing texts on the ten sefirot include bsb, Codd.hebr. 215, 240, and 311. See Chajes, “Hierarchy of the Heavens,” 174. See Chajes, “Kabbalistic Tree,” 2020. Chajes, “Hierarchy of the Heavens,” 171–172.

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was a costly and time-consuming affair, many manuscripts dispensed with the graphical representation and only transmitted the texts in codex form; this led to the emergence of yet another genre, the commentaries on the sefirot.119 As well as appearing in scrolls, arboreal schemas are also found in codices accompanying texts on the ten sefirot. Whether these diagrams were copied from an ilan scroll or were intended to be distributed in this format by their original author often cannot be determined.120 A clear example of Widmanstetter’s interest in and knowledge of sefirotic trees can be seen in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112. Paulus Aemilius prepared the copy of Iggeret Ḥamudot, while Widmanstetter added a supplementary sefirotic tree (see figure 20) to elucidate the text.121 Moreover, Widmanstetter gathered additional materials on the properties of each sefirah from in another text in this manuscript, called Seder ha-Ilan.122 Widmanstetter augmented Seder ha-Ilan with sections from the The Booklet of Kabbalistic Forms, which consists of a series of commented sefirotic trees.123 Other readers of the Booklet had used its images and texts to design large and elaborate ilanot, such as the “magnificent parchment.”124 From these scrolls we know that the texts originally would have been distributed over the surface of the scroll next to or inside the medallions which represent the sefirot, providing commentary to important kabbalistic concepts. Because of the scroll’s specific spatial arrangement of texts and pictorial elements, the commentaries could be read in any number of sequences. By contrast, Widmanstetter’s presents the Booklet’s contents in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112 in a “deconstructed” state: the complex spatial layout of the texts and their

119

120

121 122 123

124

A survey of these texts may be found in Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries.” Tzahi Weiss is heading a project which among things aims at compiling a new catalog of these texts. The same is true for commentaries on the sefirot—it is sometimes no longer possible to discern if the ilan came first, with texts being copied from that, or if the creators of ilanot adopted commentaries they found in codices for their own purposes. See Chajes, “Hierarchy of the Heavens,” 171–172; Chajes, “Kabbalistic Tree,” 2020. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 10v. This text and Widmanstetter’s reading of it has been discussed in section 6.3.2. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 209r–209v. The original compiler of the Booklet seems to have copied the trees from various sources. For a succinct appraisal of this work, see Busi, Qabbalah Visiva, 376–383. Other versions of this text with illustrations are found in two other manuscripts: Rome, bav. Vat. ebr. 441, and Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 776, I thank J.H. (Yossi) Chajes and Eliezer Baumgarten for pointing these manuscripts out and making the commented version and translation of The Booklet of Kabbalistic Forms available to me. Manuscripts that preserve this text include: London, bl, Ms. Or. 6465; and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Ms. Huntington Add. D (Neubauer 1949).

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figure 20 Sefirotic tree copied by Widmanstetter. bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 10v courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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illustrations are reduced to a linear sequence, thus limiting the ways the iconotext could be experienced. Six of the diagrams were drawn by Aemilius and four in full or partly by Widmanstetter.125 Widmanstetter’s direct hand in the pictorial aspect of the creation of bsb, Cod.hebr. 112 can be discerned in various instances. One large sefirotic schema and one circular diagram of sefirot titled “Sod gan we-ʿeden” (“The secret of the garden and Eden”) were clearly drawn up by Widmanstetter (see figure 21), at least in part, because the names of the sefirot inside the circles are written in his hand. He likely also drew the graphical elements surrounding the text labels, while Aemilius then added additional texts in between the sefirot and surrounding the arboreal schema,126 and Widmanstetter also drew a botanical diagram of the sefirot. Widmanstetter’s contribution can be clearly discerned in the diagram, as his hand wrote inside the sefirot medallions, while Aemilius’ hand added commentary outside of them.127 Two pages further on, Widmanstetter drew yet another version of the sefirotic tree. This variation features some notable differences, as it presents several names of God in place of the sefirot and dispenses with the medallions. It is only recognizable as a “sefirotic” tree by virtue of the characteristic arboreal arrangement of its elements and their connective lines.128 Seder ha-Ilan also showcases Widmanstetter’s talent for drawing physical objects. A drawing of a table found on another folio is labeled in Widmanstetter’s hand.129 In addition, the Christian Hebraist drew a tabular structure of the four elements.130 It is thus clear that Widmanstetter drew some elements in bsb, Cod.hebr. 112 himself, but that he left other elements to be rendered by his scribe Paulus Aemilius. Comparing the various graphical elements, it seems that Widmanstetter mostly elected to execute the sefirotic trees himself. Aemilius drew other elements, such as a menorah, a square diagram of the tetragrammaton, and a circular diagram of names. The only sefirotic diagram from Aemilius’ hand in

125 126

127 128 129

130

On “deconstructed” ilanot, see Chajes, Kabbalistic Tree, 2022, 39–40, 43–44. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 214v; these diagrams are also found in two other manuscripts Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, ff. 109v (ilan), 110r (circular diagram); Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 776, f. 189r (circular diagram) and f. 190r. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 215v; also found in Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, ff. 111r (box diagram), 111v (ilan); Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 776, f. 189v. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 216v; also found in: Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, f. 113r. This drawing can be attributed to Widmanstetter because the width of the lines is consistent with that of his handwriting—Aemilius used a broader pen. bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 212r; also found in Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, f. 108v. The drawing of the menorah on f. 211v is likely by Aemilius, as the width of its lines matches his pen and is labeled in his hand. See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 211v.

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figure 21 Two sefirotic diagrams from Widmanstetter’s hand; the surrounding notes are in the hand of Paulus Aemilius. bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 214v courtesy of bayerische staatsbibliothek münchen

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this manuscript is not one in the familiar tree structure but one in the shape of a ḥuppah, a wedding canopy.131 If we add to these examples Widmanstetter’s active role in the production of graphical material in bsb, Cod.hebr. 115, it becomes clear that he believed the graphical elements to be integral parts of kabbalistic tradition, conveying information that the texts alone were not able to communicate. The tendency of Widmanstetter to draw sefirotic trees himself rather than have them done by Aemilius points to his good knowledge and regard for the graphical tradition of Kabbalah.

5

Conclusion

In light of Widmanstetter’s interest in texts expounding the ten sefirot, his own copies of sefirotic diagrams, and the Christian interpretations he added to Idra Rabba, the plate in the Syriac New Testament seems like the logical end point for his intellectual development. Given Widmanstetter’s negative remarks in his commentary on the Quran, it seems at first glance surprising that he would publish again on Kabbalah, this time even highlighting a link between Christianity and kabbalistic ideas. The disclaimer that Widmanstetter placed in the work before the beginning of the Bible text stayed true to his support of the ten sefirot, but he disavowed attempts by readers to use the text as the basis for kabbalistic speculations. He warned that Christian exegetes might wrongly construe the terminology used in the Syriac New Testament and thus arrive at interpretations harmful to the Church. The co-occurrence of the disclaimer and the sefirotic table, then, would suggest that Widmanstetter believed himself and Postel to possess sufficient mastery of the Syriac to arrive at an uncorrupted Catholic understanding.

131

See bsb, Cod.hebr. 112, f. 211v: menorah (corresponds to Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, f. 104v); f. 217r: square diagram of the tetragrammaton (corresponds to Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, f. 114r and Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 776, f. 192r); f. 217v: sefirotic schema shaped like a ḥuppah and diagram of sekhel (corresponds to Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, f. 114v (ḥuppah), f. 115r (sekhel) and Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 776, f. 190v); f. 218r: zodiac (corresponds to Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, f. 115v and Paris, BnF, Ms. héb. 776, f. 192r (part)); f. 218v: diagram of eḥad and circular diagram of sefirot; f. 219r: circular diagram of names (corresponds to Rome, bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441, f. 116v). On the ḥuppah in a kabbalistic context, see Moshe Idel, “Wedding Canopies for the Divine Couple in R. Moshe Cordovero’s Kabbalah,” in Avidov Lipsker Festschrift, ed. Yossef Schwartz (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University Press, 2018), 21*–39*; Eliezer Baumgarten and Uri Safrai, “‘The Wedding Canopy Is Constituted by the Being of These Sefirot’: Illustrations of the Kabbalistic Canopy and Their Derivatives,” Jewish Quarterly Review 110, no. 3 (2020): 434–457.

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As the analysis of Widmanstetter’s kabbalistic books shows, he was not only interested in sefirot, he held the view that it was one of the doctrines at the center of Kabbalah itself, while other Christian kabbalists, such as Johannes Reuchlin, emphasized topics like divine names to demonstrate the messiahship of Jesus. Accordingly, Widmanstetter built his entire kabbalistic library around the concept, commissioning for the most part manuscripts that are concerned with sefirot. The great importance that Widmanstetter accorded to this field is underlined by the many sefirotic schemas and other graphical depictions of kabbalistic ideas in his manuscripts. Widmanstetter considered these images of such importance that he even drew a great number of them himself. The bulk of his marginal notes in his Zohar manuscripts are also concerned with the emanation of the sefirot and their configurations. The notes Widmanstetter prepared on Idra Rabba are consistent with the main features of the plate in the Syriac New Testament. In several of the cited examples, his argument relied on the perception of the divinely inspired nature of the Gospel of John. As is shown by the two verses from John that he cites (John 10:30 and 14:10), Widmanstetter explicitly associated the evangelist with transmitting essential kabbalistic secrets on the Trinity in his Gospel. The wounds of Christ are set in parallel to the somatic structure of Adam, which also corresponds to the kabbalistic sefirot. To Widmanstetter, kabbalistic sources held accounts of the inner life of God, and he pointed out various passages in the Zohar which he associated with the New Testament to lend credibility to this interpretation. According to his reading, the Messiah contained in himself the sefirot. In Widmanstetter’s view, the Zohar thus enables Jesus to be recognized as the Messiah. The inclusion of the plate depicting the Crucifixion in the Syriac New Testament was designed for the same purpose. The account of the Gospels, and in particular the wounds that Jesus suffered at the hands of the Roman soldiers, are portrayed as hints at the complex relationships of the figures within the Trinity. For Widmanstetter, the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament describe these same ideas, hidden behind their narratives. From a Christian perspective, the two Scriptures complement each other, as they can only be understood fully when the references each makes about the other are analyzed through Kabbalah—taken together, they give the full view of the hidden processes within God from the creation to the salvation by Jesus. Unfortunately, we have no responses from contemporaries that could tell us what reactions the fascinating diagram in the Syriac New Testament provoked immediately after its publication or how they interpreted it. By the eighteenth century, the scholar Johann Melchior Goeze was particularly dismissive of the Syriac New Testament. He berated Widmanstetter for his vainglory and bad

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taste, citing as proof “the plates which are repeated ad nauseam.”132 Subsequent readers were more interested in Gospel text itself, which they subjected to textual critique;133 and if they mentioned the plate at all, they kept silent about the sefirotic tree.134 The Bible text took the front seat over Kabbalah in the reception of the Syriac New Testament.

132

133 134

“Widmanstad muß bey aller seiner syrischen Gelehrsamkeit ein sehr umständlicher, lobsüchtiger und mit einem sehr schlechten Geschmacke begabter Mann gewesen seyn, als welches die bis zum Eckel wiederholten Anzeigen, Jahrzahlen und Bilder deutlich genug beweisen.” Johann Melchior Goeze, Verzeichnis seiner Samlung seltener und merkwuerdiger Bibeln in verschiedenen Sprachen mit kritischen und literarischen Anmerkungen (Halle: Johann Jacob Gebauer, 1777), 83. See “Mr. Pratt’s Prospectus of a New Polyglot Bible” in The British Critic, and Quarterly Theological Review 11 (February 1798), 105–117 (114–116). See Johann Friedrich Hirt, D. Johann Friedr. Hirts orientalische und exegetische Bibliothek, vol. 4 (Jena: Fickelscher, 1773), 317–349.

Conclusion Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter is today a mostly forgotten figure. His name is usually only known to specialists who work with his books; the man has all but vanished behind the library he built. Figures such as Giovanni Pico della Mirandola or Guillaume Postel conceived of fascinating intellectual worlds that are important sources for human creativity. Underneath the interest in the Christian interpretations of Kabbalah there is surely also an element of seeking positive examples of Christian-Jewish intellectual relations. Although Christian Kabbalah often was a one-sided appropriation and many of its luminaries sought to overcome Judaism in favor of Christianity, many scholars like Gershom Scholem have lauded this intellectual movement for the positive outlook it created among Christians towards Jewish tradition. Why then should we care about this German Christian Hebraist? What are his achievements as a scholar? And what can he teach us? Widmanstetter should be given credit for his systematic acquisition of Hebrew books, done with the goal of fueling his research not for reasons of personal vanity. His example demonstrates how the historical situation of the expulsions of Jews that brought manuscripts from various parts of the Jewish world into the reach of European scholars. More than that, though, he was also actively involved in the production of new manuscripts and even new versions of texts. As his title inscriptions on book covers show, he made great strides in understanding the development of post-biblical Jewish literature and also studied his books with intellectual honesty and curiosity. Most notably, Widmanstetter used his library to arrive at some genuine new insights: he developed a novel theory on the origins of Islam from Jewish sources, and he formulated his nuanced response to the enthusiasm many of his Christian contemporaries felt towards Kabbalah based on his intense study of the original texts.

1

The Afterlife of the Library

Widmanstetter’s library was a product of the interest of his time in Kabbalah, his talent for making connections with people who could procure the desired books, and his scholarly zeal. To Widmanstetter the library largely served his goal to better understand the Oriental origins of Christianity. Following the trends of his time, Widmanstetter sought these origins in Kabbalah, and after long study of these texts, he concluded that they were by and large not compatible with Christianity, despite what many of his contemporaries believed.

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_009

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303

After Widmanstetter’s death in 1557, the library took on a new meaning for its new owner, Duke Albrecht v of Bavaria-Munich, who was not a scholar who used the books he owned. In fact, one of his motivations for buying the library was that he feared that the Austrian crown prince Maximilian, who later became emperor and who was rumored to favor Protestantism, would use Widmanstetter’s books to strengthen anti-Catholic polemicists. Once this threat passed with the purchase of the books, they apparently sat unused in chests and barrels in the ducal vaults until a suitable building was erected in Munich in the 1560s. At that point, Widmanstetter’s library was united with another collection that had been assembled for the Augsburg merchant Johann Jakob Fugger, who had to sell it when he suffered from financial troubles in the early 1570s.1 Fugger’s motivation and methods for acquiring Jewish books were very different from Widmanstetter’s, and so it is worth briefly comparing the two men. Fugger was ignorant of Hebrew, but wanted rare books as props for the representation of his wealth and power. He exploited the connections of his trade network to track and acquire rare and coveted books. With the help of the convert book printer Cornelius Adelkind, Fugger established a scriptorium in Venice where Jewish manuscripts were mass-produced for him between 1548 and 1552. As Ilona Steimann has shown in her study of these manuscripts, the scribes must have worked with great haste to copy the amazing number of some 270 works in fifty-five volumes in the short span of four years. These books did not reflect the interests of the collector: the composition of the library was at least in part determined by the texts that were available for copying. Even so, this arrangement brought Fugger an impressive collection of Jewish books that caught the eye of Duke Albrecht. The contrast between the libraries of Fugger and Widmanstetter highlights the different goals of Christian collectors of Jewish books in the sixteenth century. One used Jewish books for their value in representing his social rank while the other pursued the study of the texts. In addition, it demonstrates how different educational backgrounds of collectors manifested in the scholarly practices that were applied to the material objects. Like Fugger, Duke Albrecht was primarily interested in the collection for its representational value. While the Latin parts of Widmanstetter’s and Fugger’s books were entered into several complementary catalogs, the non-Latin books, including the Hebraica, were only put into a catalog that lists them sequentially. After the cataloging project headed by Paulus Aemilius and Wolfgang

1 On this collection, see Steimann, “Jewish Scribes.”

304

conclusion

Prommer, it seems that Widmanstetter’s Hebrew books (and the Hebraica of the ducal library as a whole) fell into a centuries-long sleep during which they were seldom consulted. The books only received new attention in the early nineteenth century after the Bavarian state had acquired additional Hebrew books from the libraries of regional monasteries through the confiscation of church property during the process of German mediatization. This influx of new volumes demonstrated to the librarians in Munich that it was not sufficient to simply add new entries to the sixteenth-century catalog. Instead, they commissioned a new catalog of the Hebrew manuscripts that would satisfy new standards for recording manuscripts. From 1805 to 1812, Lazarus Alexandre compiled a new catalog consisting of some 650 cards. In the following decades four other catalogs were drawn up by different librarians.2 Meyer Hirsch Landauer’s attempt to catalog the Munich collection ended with the scholar’s sudden death.3 The definitive catalog that is still being used today was only published in 1875 by Moritz Steinschneider, who had previously garnered fame for his work on other collections. Steinschneider’s careful examinations and analyses of the texts made Widmanstetter’s library accessible for the first time to scholars worldwide.4 This was the catalog that was used by scholars who subsequently worked on Widmanstetter’s collections, like Joseph Perles, Gershom Scholem, and Hans Striedl.5

2

Confronting Kabbalah

Kabbalah is doubtless the pervading theme of Widmanstetter’s Hebraica library. Most of the books are concerned with Jewish mysticism, he went to great lengths to acquire the best versions of texts he could find, and he spent a great deal of energy on understanding these texts. In light of these great efforts, it is surprising that Widmanstetter never followed the example of his contemporaries by writing a book expounding his kabbalistic theology. Instead, he offered 2 See bsb, Cbm Cat. 39 b. On the cataloging projects at the court library during that period, see Kellner and Spethmann, Historische Kataloge, 53–58. 3 The fragmentary catalog was subsequently published in a journal as Landauer, “Vorläufiger Bericht.” 4 Steinschneider published an extended, second edition of his catalog in 1895. 5 Steinschneider’s work is now partially surpassed by a catalog focusing on the illustrated Hebrew manuscripts at the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, which mostly contains items from the Fugger collection and a handful of volumes from Widmanstetter’s library; see CohenMushlin, Hebrew Manuscripts.

conclusion

305

only brief observations on Kabbalah as part of works that were concerned with other matters. The kabbalistic explanations he offered in the commentary on the Quran discredit certain kabbalistic ideas, the most notable being gilgul neshamot, the transmigration of souls. The plate and the accompanying text he produced in collaboration with Guillaume Postel for the Syriac New Testament, on the other hand, state the significance of the ten sefirot to the Crucifixion, but make no attempt to explicate the correspondence between the two. An interpretation of the plate’s motifs and intended message requires knowledge of the original sources that inspired Widmanstetter and Postel to design this diagram. In order to answer what Widmanstetter intended to achieve with his kabbalistic library it is necessary consider the writings of the adversaries and the proponents of the Christian interpretation of Kabbalah and contrast them with Widmanstetter’s views in order to delineate his position. Widmanstetter was certainly not the only one who was critical of attempts to harmonize Christianity and Judaism through Kabbalah. Other scholars who disagreed with kabbalistic ideas did so for different reasons and with greatly varying levels of commitment. Indeed, there were also Jewish writers who thought about the nature of shared ideas between the two faiths. Interestingly, some of these authors came to similar assessments as Widmanstetter—the difference, of course, lies in what belief constituted the heresy to these authors. The fourteenth-century Spanish kabbalist Profiat Duran reported the theory that the New Testament was full of poorly understood kabbalistic motifs. Duran explained that the apostles had misinterpreted the ten sefirot and had then conceived the Trinity: “The doctrine of the Trinity, which they mistakenly perceive in the Godhead, has resulted from their misunderstanding of this science [of the Kabbalah].”6 In other words, Duran perceived similarities between Judaism and Christianity, but also notes that Christians deviated on some crucial points. From this he postulated that the Christian doctrine was the result of a flawed interpretation of Kabbalah leading to their heretical beliefs. This position is thus comparable to Widmannstetter’s, who feared the adoption of Jewish heresies into Christianity. On the Christian side, the renowned Hebraist Isaac Casaubon (1559–1614) expressed his distaste for Kabbalah in a series of laconic remarks.7 To other

6 Cited from Gershom Scholem, “The Beginning of the Christian Kabbalah,” in The Christian Kabbalah: Jewish Mystical Books & Their Christian Interpreters: A Symposium, ed. Joseph Dan (Cambridge, MA: Harvard College Library, 1997), 17–39, 29. Scholem also offers other examples of how Jewish kabbalists perceived Christian interpretations of the ten sefirot. 7 See Grafton and Weinberg, Isaac Casaubon, 87–94.

306

conclusion

Christian detractors, Kabbalah and its Christian interpretations were worth more extensive discussions. The French philosopher Marin Mersenne (1588– 1648) was a staunch fighter against Kabbalah and Platonism. Mersenne’s view on theology was that the accounts of the creation and God’s wonders in the Bible were literal descriptions of what had occurred in the past. This natural philosophy was of course incompatible with interpretations that attempted to perceive some hidden truth or higher reality behind the biblical narrative. In his critiques of Christian Kabbalah, he rejected pious speculations in favor of “commonsense” readings and ridiculed its representatives as eccentrics. Mersenne’s criticism directed to Widmanstetter’s contemporaries Francesco Zorzi and Guillaume Postel. To illustrate his naturalistic reading of the Bible, Mersenne criticized the idea of a metaphysical plane of existence separate from physical reality, where God could have created Adam, on the grounds that there is no clay in heaven to form Adam’s body.8 Similarly, Mersenne rejected Postel’s commentary on Sefer Yetsirah. He particularly mocked the notion, which Postel had accepted, that the book was the work of the Patriarch Abraham. The decisive point for Mersenne was that any revelation parallel to the canonical biblical texts was inacceptable from the start.9 Although Widmanstetter was cautious about accepting many of the ideas of his contemporaries, he did in fact believe in a separate realm of reality that humans could only speculate about, the sefirot, and he accepted the idea of a parallel transmission of revelatory texts. What distinguishes Widmanstetter from these other critics of Christian Kabbalah is the nuance of his argument and his own in-depth study of the subject. While he disagreed with a great many kabbalistic motifs, he usually gave a reason for his assessment. But when he did endorse a motif, he was equally prepared to defend his convictions within the constraints of what was permissible. He was, however, highly critical of his Christian kabbalist contemporaries. Widmanstetter differed from some of his Christian Hebraist contemporaries who favored Christian interpretations of Kabbalah in his outlook on prisca philosophia. It was believed that this long tradition could be harmonized in order to return to an undistorted Christian teaching. Reuchlin had employed

8

9

See Marin Mersenne, Observationes et emendationes ad Francisci Georgii Veneti problemata: In hoc opere cabala evertitur (Paris: Sébastien Cramoisy, 1623), col. 35; Wilhelm Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala: Eine Bibliothek der Universalwissenschaften in Renaissance und Barock, vol. 2, 1600–1660, Clavis Pansophiae 10 (StuttgartBad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 2012), 153–154. See Mersenne, Observationes et emendationes, cols. 260–264; Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 2:161–162.

conclusion

307

this idea in his De arte cabbalistica (1517) asserting a connection between the Pythagoreans and Kabbalah.10 To Widmanstetter, this purported harmony was not in itself a guarantee that these doctrines were compatible with Christianity. He intended the commentary on the Quran as a cautionary tale of falling victim to “Jewish heresies” in the way that he imagined it had happened to Muhammad. Widmanstetter’s attitude can be drawn from the scathing way in which he attacked the idea of gilgul neshamot that he detected in the Quran, the same idea that Reuchlin had attempted to adapt for Christianity in De arte cabbalistica. Introducing transmigration of the soul into Christianity called into question the sensitive theological issue of the belief in the immortality of the soul and the resurrection of the dead at the end of times. Widmanstetter owned Reuchlin’s work in the 1530 edition but, as with so many books in the library, this volume does not contain any marginal notes that could convey his reaction to this Christian interpretation of gilgul neshamot.11 According to Widmanstetter’s reasoning in the commentary on the Quran’s, however, Reuchlin would have been guilty of the same mistake as the long procession of heretics listed in the commentary on the Quran who had unwittingly accepted kabbalistic falsehoods. In short, Reuchlin’s desire to bring Christian doctrine into harmony with Kabbalah must have seemed like heresy to Widmanstetter.12 Reuchlin was a controversial figure for his advocacy in his Augenspiegel (1510) of the right for German Jews to keep their books and also for his works inspired by Kabbalah. However, he could count on the support of other Christian Hebraists, who made it a point to defend the usefulness of Jewish texts for Christian theology against the scholastics. None other than Egidio da Viterbo, for example, backed Reuchlin’s position towards Jewish texts at the Curia. In a letter he wrote to Reuchlin, he explicitly framed the interest of Christians in Jewish books not as a defense of the law or the Talmud but as a defense of the Church.13 The letter Egidio wrote to encourage Reuchlin was specific to the circumstances of the trial against Augenspiegel. What can be taken away from it, nonetheless, is that these two important figures of Christian Kabbalah felt that 10 11 12

13

See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:181–189. See bsb, 2 P.lat. 1321 m. Reuchlin, incidentally, was himself not content with the way had to distort gilgul neshamot to make it palatable to his Christian audience. See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:187–189. “Denique in hoc iudicio tuo ubi hac aestate periculoso aestu laboravimus, non te sed legem, non Thalmud sed ecclesiam, non Reuchlin per nos, sed nos per Reuchlin servatos et defensos intelligimus.” Ludwig Geiger, ed., Johann Reuchlins Briefwechsel (Tübingen: Litterarischer Verein in Stuttgart, 1875), 261 (no. ccxxviii); see also Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:354–355.

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conclusion

the objections of the scholastics was unjustified and that, on the contrary, Jewish books were beneficial to the church. The Christian kabbalist author with whom Widmanstetter would have been most likely to lock horns was Guillaume Postel, his collaborator on the Syriac New Testament. In 1547, only a few years after Widmanstetter had introduced the French humanist to Jewish mysticism, Postel wrote his Panthenosia, in which he detailed the main motifs of his eschatological thought; like Reuchlin, he united prisca philosophia with gilgul neshamot. The main idea of Panthenosia is that Jesus’ coming had prompted only a first step in the salvation of mankind, and that it had remained incomplete to Postel’s day. He claimed that only a second, eschatological coming of Christ would complete salvation, which in Panthenosia’s terminology was called restitutio ad integrum (“restitution of all things”). Within the conception of Panthenosia, gilgul neshamot was an essential component of Postel’s thought. According to Postel, the spirit of Christ (anima Christi) and the lower soul of the Messiah (mens messiae), had wandered since the creation through all the prophetic figures of Jewish and Christian Scriptures, including Adam, Noah, and John the Baptist. These two separated parts of the soul of the Messiah had been for the first time reunited through Jesus. In his own lifetime, Postel believed that the two parts of the Messiah’s soul had once again been conjoined in Mother Joanna, whom he met when he served at a Venetian hospital that she had founded, and whom he had identified as Jesus’ female counterpart. The “Venetian Virgin” had made Postel a believer in her messiahship with her prophetic faculties and her ability to expound Jewish mystical texts for him. Postel claimed that the lower soul of each human would have to undergo reunification with its upper counterpart before the universal restitution could be achieved. In Panthenosia, Postel asserted that he too had reunited in himself two parts of a soul, Adam and the Prophet Elijah.14 The way that would allow Postel to fulfill his eschatological purpose, to bring about the restitutio ad integrum, was the unification of religions through the correct understanding of the Scriptures. Postel outlined his plans to compile an encyclopedia of the beliefs of the Abrahamic religions in order to bring about universal religious concord between Judaism, Islam, and Christianity: in other words, he envisioned his own form of philosophia perennis, an idea that Reuchlin had also applied. Postel’s precocious reframing of the history of salvation with himself at the center was unacceptable to Christians,

14

See Jean-Pierre Brach, “Postel, Guillaume,” in Dictionary of Gnosis & Western Esotericism, ed. Wouter J. Hanegraaff (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 970–974; Kuntz, Guillaume Postel, 103–107; Weiss, Kabbalistic Christian Messiah, 217–224.

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and led along with his other controversial ideas to his indictment and sentencing at the hands of the Venetian Inquisition in 1556.15 Widmanstetter had warned against the transgressions of Reuchlin and Postel in the commentary on the Quran: the application of gilgul neshamot to Christianity and its justification through prisca philosophia. Given that Widmanstetter introduced Postel to Jewish mysticism around the same period as the publication of Widmanstetter’s polemical commentary on the Quran, one would like to know if Widmanstetter had cautioned the French humanist against the very ideas, Postel later espoused in Panthenosia. It is also instructive to compare Postel’s imposing conception of his role in the completion of salvation to the way Widmanstetter portrayed his role in the dedication of the Syriac New Testament, where he offered a different conception of his own providential role. Widmanstetter also saw himself as charged by divine providence to bring about the reaffirmation of the Syriac Christians whose faith had purportedly suffered from a lack of Bibles. In contrast to Postel, Widmanstetter did not claim an eschatological role but remained with his aspirations firmly on the ground of orthodoxy.16 Sadly, there is no statement by Widmanstetter concerning Postel’s ideas, and we can thus only speculate if Postel’s abrupt flight from Vienna in 1555 may have been triggered by a conflict between the two editors of the Syriac New Testament over their differing outlooks on what kabbalistic ideas were appropriate to apply to Christian doctrine. What distinguished Widmanstetter from his Christian Hebraist colleagues, then, was his adherence to Christian orthodoxy over Kabbalah, rather than a general disdain of Kabbalah, as Gershom Scholem asserted. We have seen that Widmanstetter’s assault on Kabbalah as a “Trojan horse” that had the potential to attack the church from within was rooted in the writings of Christian kabbalists who had been published in his own lifetime. The writings of Reuchlin and Postel had the potential to instigate a paradigm shift in the way Christianity cast itself vis-à-vis other religious and philosophical traditions through the motif of prisca philosophia. Building on these doctrines, they conceived of a looming salvation from the religious and political confrontations that preoccupied their contemporaries. In order to harmonize the different traditions, Reuchlin and Postel were willing to reframe Christian beliefs like the immortality of the soul in a kabbalistic interpretation. Widmanstetter, on the other hand, was not prepared to pay such a price. His objection in the commentary on the Quran to creative interpretations of gilgul neshamot by Christians applies to Postel

15 16

See Schmidt-Biggemann, Geschichte der christlichen Kabbala, 1:555–565. see Chapter 7, section 2.

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as well as to Reuchlin. According to Widmanstetter’s reasoning, such creations were heretical and potentially harmful to Christianity, and he thus nurtured doubts about the beneficial effects of prisca philosophia. He had pointed out in the commentary on the Quran that one of his motivations in writing it had been the emerging confessional rift between Catholics and Protestants.17 For him, this rift was caused by heretical ideas and with his explanations of the heresies in the Quran, Widmanstetter attempted to warn his contemporaries about the impending danger if heretical ideas were allowed to spread unchecked. Unlike the attempts of Reuchlin and Postel to harmonize the theological differences, Widmanstetter branded these differences as heretical and drew a line that he would not cross. Sixteenth-century Catholic kabbalists tended to reinforce the powers of the church and clarify dogmatic positions rejecting the Protestant notion that the Bible alone (sola scriptura) held the key to salvation and that no mediating entity like the Catholic Church was required.18 In this context it is not surprising that the few kabbalistic interpretations that Widmanstetter made in his published works were not sweeping innovations like those proposed by Reuchlin and Postel. On the contrary, he used Kabbalah to lend greater authority to established Christian beliefs. This can be clearly seen in the case of the plate in the Syriac New Testament, which asserts the correspondence between the ten sefirot and the wounds of Christ. The fear of inspiring heresy may well have prevented him from writing at length about Kabbalah. And it may have prompted him to only assert the correspondence between the cross and the sefirotic tree but without expounding the deeper meaning behind it. It is even possible that Widmanstetter made a conscious decision to withhold his knowledge because he had seen the damage that kabbalistic interpretations could cause, even in the hands of scholars with an excellent education, like Reuchlin and Postel. As a result, he presented his own kabbalistic ideas only for initiates, by merely hinting at them in the plate and leaving the interpretation to those who were already in the know. The connection he made between the kabbalistic motif and the fundamental Christian doctrine demonstrates that Widmanstetter thought about Kabbalah as affirming the truth of Christianity rather than innovating it. Widmanstetter’s reticence to expound kabbalistic ideas openly was more than a rhetorical flourish. He was torn between what he believed were in part authen17 18

See Widmanstetter, Mahometis Abdallae filii theologia, title page. See Frank Rosenthal, “The Rise of Christian Hebraism in the Sixteenth Century,” Historia Judaica vii (1945): 167–191. This argument was also brought forward in Secret, Kabbalistes chrétiens, 141.

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tic traditions that supported and supplemented Christian theology, like the ten sefirot, and the dangers he had witnessed in the works of Reuchlin and Postel. Widmanstetter may not have been the only one who cautioned against the promises of kabbalistic interpretations of Christian theology; however, the seeming incongruence between his library and his writings makes him an instructive commentator on sixteenth-century Christian Kabbalah.

appendix a

Widmanstetter’s Correspondence The of correspondence Widmanstetter in Hebrew and German is edited here in its entirety along with English translations. The headline of each entry gives the sender, the addressee, their locations as well as the date. After the headline the shelf mark, material features, and previous publications are given. The following symbols are used to indicate changes that have been made to the letters: { } Deletions in the manuscript ⟨ ⟩ Additions in the manuscript [ ] Emendations by the editor

1

Widmanstetter to Egidio da Viterbo [in Rome], [ca. 1532]

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,2. One sheet; 227× 217 mm. Sephardic semi-cursive script; 18 lines. Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, no. 5, 177–178. ‫שלומך יסגא לחדא ורצונך‬ .‫הטוב עלי‬

“May your wellbeing increase” (Terumat haDeshen 2:27) and your good-will towards me. During my stay in Germany, I heard many times from the mouths of our teachers, may He preserve them and keep them alive, that they maintain our believe regarding the Messiah we are correct and from others that they don’t believe in him.

‫בהיותי במדינת האשכנוים‬ ‫שמעתי הרבה פעמים מפיהם‬ ‫של רבותינו יצ״ו שהם מחזיקים‬ ‫באמונתו }הנ{ המשיח צדקנו‬ ⟨‫⟩ומאחרי׳ שאינם מאמיני׳ בו‬

Because at this time you are the foremost resident in the kingdom (Esther 1:14) of learning, and you are as the morning light (2Samuel 23:4) that shines upon the face of all the world of the church of our redeemer. And indeed, they agree, in their view there is no man like you before the excellent Holy See in our generation.

‫כי אתה בזה הזמן יושב ראשון‬ ‫במלכות החכמה וכאור בקר‬ ‫להאיר על פני כל הארץ ⟩כנסיה‬ ‫של גואלנו⟨ והרי נסכמו לפי‬ ‫}ה{דעתם לא איש בדורנו לפני‬ .‫כסא פיפיור המעולה שכמוך‬

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And from this time my soul was tied to you in love. And I thought to my myself, if I could only kiss your heels. Therefore, I advised myself, what will you do my soul? Surely you know his honor and wisdom (that extends) until heaven to the (highest) level and his abundance and his government. Alas, my soul! For you have fallen into the sea of naivete. ’Tis impossible to do: that you will find favour in his eyes and in return. I could not put my body or my soul to rest.

‫והנה מעתה }נשקרה{ נקשרה‬ ‫ וחשבתי בלבי‬.‫נפשי באהבתך‬ .‫אם אזכה לנשוק את עקבותיך‬ {‫}ולכך{ ועודי יענתי }יעצתי‬ ‫בעצמי מה תעשה נפשי הלא‬ ‫ידעת את כבוד חכמתו עד‬ ‫שמים לרום ועשרו וממשלתו‬ ‫אוי לך נפשי כי נפלת לתוך ים‬ ‫הנערות אי אפשר לעשות מה‬ ‫שתמצא חן בעיניו ובעבור זה‬ ‫לא יכולתי לשוכן במנוחתי גם‬ .‫הגוף גם הנשמה‬

Even though I already went to Naples with God’s help. And I found there a learned (Exodus 36:1) and trustworthy man. A master of natural and of divine matters: Geronimo Seripando, may he preserve him and keep him alive, my beloved and my friend (Psalms 38:12), during my stay with him, I thought I was in a torture wheel for criminals. And the above mentioned [Geronimo] showed me your marvelous writings and notebooks, that your learning gave birth to and your wisdom tortured them? And afterwards, I pauper, to study a parable and a flowery phrase, was compelled to write and to point out to my lord, that your venerable name is inscribed on the tablet of my heart (cf. Jeremia 17:1), in this and in every generation. Therefore, all I will say, Eminence, I will at all times praise [you].

‫אמנם כבר הלכתי בנפ״ולי‬ ‫בעזרת האל והנה מצאתי‬ ‫בכאן איש חכם לב ונאמן‬ ‫בעל הטבע ועוסק דברי‬ ‫האלהיית ירוני״מוש סריפנדי‬ ‫יצ״ו }שבפיו{ אהבי ורעי‬ ‫שבהיותי עמו חשבתי להיות‬ ‫ והנזכר ַי ְרֵא ִני‬.‫בגלגל ערבות‬ ‫כתביך נפלאים והמחברותיך‬ ‫שחכמחך ילדתן ובינתך יסרתן‬ ‫ואחרי כן אני האביון להשכיל‬ ‫משל ומליצה הוצרכתי לכתוב‬ ‫ולהורות למעלתך כי על לוח‬ ‫לבי נכתב שמך הנכבד בכל דור‬ ‫ על־כן כל אשר ידבר אדוני‬.‫ודור‬ ‫אעשה בכל זמן‬

Signed by the insignificant and humble servant of your lordship, Johanan Lucretius Oesiander.

‫נאם הקטון והצעיר עבד של‬ ‫מעלתך יוחנן לוקריטיוש עזינדר‬

(On the verso): To Cardinal Egidio.

Aegidio Cardinali.

widmanstetter’s correspondence

2

315

Baruch of Benevento, Benevento, to Widmanstetter, 15 March 1533

bsb, Ms. Autogr. Baruch von Benevent. One sheet; 294 × 217 (148 × 192) mm. Italian semi-cursive script; 21 lines. Perfect sage, I have come to tell my lordship that I did not abandon your instructions after I arrived in Benevento, and I did not forget (Deuteronomy 26:13) to inquire about your affairs and I spoke with a certain priest who is here. He is the leader of the priests; his name is Messir Niccolò Camerario, the uncle of Messir Bartolomeo who is in Naples. I sought his opinion of you and praised you appropriately and he informed me that my lordship should talk to the nuncio. And he should write to him regarding this matter. And Messir Niccolò will convey him in his letter what sort of benefit and beneficio [favor] he can bestow upon you. Therefore, speak with the nuncio that he will write to Messir Niccolò as seems fitting in his opinion and I will always be with him to remind him of this matter.

.‫חכם שלם שלו׳‬ ‫באתי להודיע לכבודך כי אחרי‬ ‫באי פה ביניוינט״ו לא עברתי‬ ‫ממצותיך ולא שכחתי לשאול‬ ‫על עניניך ודברתי עם גלח אחד‬ ‫אשר פה והוא נשיא הגלחים‬ ‫שמו מיסיר ניקול״ו קמיראריא״ו‬ ‫דודו ממיסי׳ ברעומיא״ו אשר‬ ‫הוא שמה נפול״י ודרשתי‬ ‫וחקרתי לדעת ממנו דבר טוב‬ ‫עליך והרכתי ]הכרתי[ לספר‬ ‫בשבחך כראוי והוא העיבני לאמר‬ ‫שכבודך ידבר עם הנונציא״ו‬ ‫ויעשה בואפן }באופן{ שהוא‬ ‫יכתוב אליו על הדבר הזה ומיסיר‬ ‫ניקול״ו יגיד לו בכתב ידו איזה‬ ‫ביניפיציא״ו טוב והגון יוכל לתת‬ ‫ לכן דבר עם הנונציא״ו יכתוב‬.‫לך‬ ‫למיסיר ניקול״ו בטוב כעיניו על זה‬ ‫ואני אהיה תמיד עמו לזוכרו בזה‬ ‫הדבר‬

Concerning your servant Baruch, prostrate yourself before the throne of his eminence Fra Geronimo Seripando and implore him that he will write to Messir Giovanni Tomasi of Nasila like he promised to me in the presence of my lord and that he should write in a good manner as a devoted brother and that he will show me this kindness (Genesis 20:13). And what will become of your perfect servant? I shall also implore my lordship to hasten the perfumer regarding the matter of the book that you said you need to copy from him at the request of one prince. There is nothing

‫למען ברוך עבדך תשתחוה‬ ‫מצדי לפני כסא כבוד מעלת אח‬ ‫ ותחלה פניו‬.‫גירונימו סיריפנד״ו‬ ‫מצדי שיכתוב כתב אחד למיסיר‬ ‫יואן טומס״י מנזיל״א כאשר נדר‬ ‫ בפני כבודך ויכתוב באופן‬.‫אלי‬ ‫טוב כאח נאמן וזה החסד אשר‬ ‫תעשה עמדי ומה תהיה מעבודתך‬ ‫שלמה גם אחלה פני כבודך‬ ‫שתזרז הבשם על דבר הספר‬ ‫כאמרך שצריך אתה להעתיק‬ ‫ אין‬.‫דבר ממנו לבקשת שר אחת‬ ‫אחר רק למעני העיבני דבר אם‬

316

appendix a

else, just talk to me for my sake, if I am worthy in your opinion. And if my neighbor abases himself, I can serve you. Here I am. Here I am.

‫ ואם משפל שכני‬.‫טוב אני בעיניך‬ .‫אוכל לשרתך הנני הנני‬

Here, Benevento, today 15 March 5293. If you are my lord, you will write to Messir Niccolò a letter. The reward will be good and fair. (Psalms 133:1) And if you send the letter to Fra Geronimo he will give it to that man.

‫פה ביניוינט״ו היום ט״ו מרצ״ו‬ ‫ אם אתה אדוני תכתוב‬.‫רצ״ג‬ ‫למיסיר ניקול״ו אגרת שילומים‬ ‫ ואליו‬.‫יהיה מה טוב ומה נעים‬ ‫תשלח הכתב מאח גירונימ״ו‬ ‫יתנהו לאיש ההוא‬

We are piercing towards the love of my lord, praying for your well-being, ready to serve you and to bless in your name. (Deuteronomy 10:8)

‫נרצע לאהבת מעלתך מתפלל‬ ‫בשלומך מוכן לשרתך ולברך‬ ‫בשמך‬

Baruch Yair of Benevento (Address on the outside): To the learned scholar the praiseworthy sir, Messir Johann Ashkenazi, may his Creator preserve him and grant him life, in Naples, in the residence of the nuncio.

3

‫ברוך יאיר מביניוינט״ו‬

‫ליד החכם השלם ה״ה מיס׳ יואן‬ ‫אשכנזי יצ״ו כבודו בנאפו׳ בבית‬ ‫הנונציא״ו‬

Andreas Masius to Widmanstetter in Regensburg, 31 July 1541

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,4. One sheet; 152×214mm. Ashkenazic script; 14 lines. Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, no. 7, 203. Most honored sir! I have already been three times to your house to learn from your lordship everything about our shared interests. The day before yesterday you did [i.e. came by my house] and dealt with me according to your good will and I did not find your lordship in his house and today I cannot come there because of my doctor’s orders. And therefore, I pray that you are willing to tell your servant of everything in brief

‫הנה אדוני נכבד‬ ‫אני כבר הייתי פעמים שלש‬ ‫בביתך לדעת ממעלת כבודך את‬ ‫הכל מה שבענין מוסכם בנותינו‬ ‫שלשים עשית והתעסקת כרצונך‬ ‫הטוב}ה{ עלי ולא מצאתי את‬ ‫ והיום איני יכול לבא‬.‫מ״כ בביתה‬ ‫ וא״כ‬.‫שמה מפני גורת הרופאי‬ ‫אני מעתיר ומתפלל למען יהיה‬ ‫רצון מלפניך להודיע לעבדך כל‬

317

widmanstetter’s correspondence

and also about the right time to speak with your lordship tomorrow because I really want.

‫ וגם כן קצת שעה‬.‫דבר בקצרה‬ ‫נכונה לדבר עם מ״כ מחר כי‬ .‫בזאת חפצתי עד מאד‬

Furthermore, since everything is in the hands of your lordship, I am your servant, I ask you to be useful and helpful to me in all this, because all my usefulness depends on your lordship. And I wrote all this in the Hebrew language, so that no one would know this thought of mine, which also, your lordship will not reveal to others. With God’s help, I shall reveal the reasons to your lordship faceto-face and I don’t have to go into the details now. May God fulfill all the desires of your heart according to your will and according to the will of your humble servant who is writing all this in a hurry. Today.

‫עוד }כי{ בהיות כל דבר בידי‬ ‫מ״כ אני עבדך מעתיר להיות‬ ‫לי למועיל ולעוזר בכל זה כי‬ ‫על פי מ״כ עומדת כל תועלתי‬ ‫ כל זה בלשון עברית‬.‫וכתבתי‬ ‫למען לא תכיר אדם את מחשבתי‬ ‫הזאת אשר גם כן }ד{ מ״כ לא‬ ‫תגלה לאחרים וזה על סבות‬ ‫שאספרן למ״כ פה על פה בע״ה‬ ‫ השם ית׳‬.‫ולא לי להאריך עתה‬ ‫ימלא }כל{ את כל משאלות לבך‬ ‫כרצונך וכרצון ק׳ עבדך הכותב‬ ‫ היום‬.‫כל זה בחפזו‬

Andreas Masius, the servant to my lordship the bishop of Constance and to your magnificent eminence.

‫אנדריאס ָמאסיאוס עבד לאדוני‬ ‫ההגמון דקונסטאנציאה ולמעלת‬ ‫תפארת כבודך‬

(Widmanstetter’s note on the outside): 21 July 1541. In Regensburg from Andreas Masius. I responded in person.

(Address on the outside): To the excellent lord and most learned doctor Joann Widmestadius, also known as Lucretius.

4

1541. 21. Julii Ratisbonae Andriae Masii responsio coram.

Eximio Domino Doctissimi Doctori Joanni Widmestadio cognomento Lucretio Domino suo observando

Widmanstetter to Rabbi Isaac of Günzburg, 27 March 1543

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,5. One sheet; 332×222mm. German script; 17 lines. Watermark: coat of arms. Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, no. 4, 171.

318

appendix a

R. Isaach dayyan merino in Swabia, Günzburg.

R. Isach ‫ דיין מרינו‬in Schwaben zu Günßburg.

[Regarding] R. Hayyim Shahor.

R. ‫חיים השחור‬

R. Isak brought Paulus Aemylius to Hayyim and asked him that he travel with him to Italy to print in Ferrara. And Isak vouched for him because he wanted the books of Haim, such as the commentaries on the Arbaʿa Turim and the tefillot. Now Paulus has lost 70 gulden that he spent on expenses and in addition he has lost eight months and other expenditures. I ask Isak to help him regain his expenses and his other costs.

R. Isak hat den Paulus Aemylius zu dem ‫ חיים‬gebracht und getedingt, das er mit im solt hienein in das Welschland ziehen gen Ferrar zutrucken, {und da d. Paulus} und hat der Isak verheissen für in di weil er sein des Haims Bücher videlicet {be} ‫פירושי׳ ארבע׳ טורי׳‬ und ‫ תפילות‬beihendig er well hir. Nun ist der Paulus deß in Schaden kommmen mit der Zerung 70 Gulden hinauß und herein item sein Zeitverlierung 8. Monaten und was im noch darauff geet. Bit in den Isak, er well im seiner Zerung verhelffen und des Unkosten.

(Widmanstetter’s remark on the verso): 27 March 1543, letter on behalf of 1543, 27. Martii Fürschrifft dem Paulus Paulus Aemilius to Isaac of GünAemylius an Isac v. Günßburg. zburg.

5

Widmanstetter in Landshut to Rabbi Isaac of Günzburg, 27 March 1543

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,16. One sheet; 330×220mm. Sephardic semi-cursive script; 22 lines. Draft version. The marginal improvements in the draft are included in the translation without labeling. German translation in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 341–342. To R. Isaac, Dayyan in Swabia in Günzburg. “May your wellbeing increase abundantly, my trusted friend,” (Terumat ha-Deshen 2:27) my teacher, Rabbi Isaac ha-Dayyan in the land of Swabia.

‫לר׳ יצחק דיין בשוואבין בגינצבורג‬ ‫שלומך יסגא לחדא אהובי ה⟩ו⟨לוך‬ ‫מ׳ה׳ר׳ יצחק ⟩הדיין⟨ במדינת‬ ‫שווַאֵבּין‬

widmanstetter’s correspondence

I have heard of the reputation of your wisdom and excellence in outstanding and unique virtues. Therefore, I know that I, the humble one, am not “displeasing to you.” (Genesis 21:12) I wanted to ask your lordship, the kind man, for a spiritual, non-material present which has no disadvantage for You. Paulus Aemilius, who was baptized to our Messiah and my son on the path of the righteous, told me that he had entered into a partnership with the Israelite Rabbi Hayyim in the past in your presence, may his rock and his redeemer protect him. And after that he travelled with him to Italy with God’s help, but after realizing the deception of the above-mentioned, he returned to Ashkenaz to ask for your help. And for this reason, I have taken the liberty of writing these few words, which arise from my imprudence, in order to ask for the grace of Your righteousness for the above-mentioned Paul, while at the same time affirming that I feel obliged to you for everything you will do for him. In order not to delay the matter too much and to gain the necessary time, I signed my name here: [In the] city of Landshut, 27 March 1543 of the redemption of the world, the small, humble servant of all sages Johanan Albrecht Widmestadius. (Address on the outside): To the city of Günzburg, into the hands of my friend and scholar, the dayyan in Israel, in the state of Swabia, the venerable teacher, Rabbi Isaac of Günzburg Forbidden to another by [the bite of] the serpent.

319 ‫שמעתי קול חכמתך ומעלת כבודך‬ ‫במדות נכבדות המיוחדות ובעבור‬ ‫}כל{ זה ידעתי כי לא ירע בעיניך‬ ‫עלי השפל ובאתי }לדרוש{ לדרוש‬ ‫אל מ״ך אדו׳ איש המסד מתנה‬ ‫רוחני׳ ולא גשמית בלי אבדתך‬ ‫פאולו״ש עמיליו״ש בן טבילה‬ ‫משיחנו ובני באורחא דצדיקיא‬ ‫אמר לי כי בימי׳ שעברו עשה‬ ‫שתופתא }חדא{ עם }ה{ ר׳‬ ‫חיים ישראלי ⟩יצו׳⟨ לפני כבוד‬ ‫מעלתך}ואחרי זאת{ ולאלתר הלך‬ ‫עמו בעזרת הש׳ למדינ׳ יטאליה‬ ‫ואחר שראה רמיותא של הנזכר‬ ‫לעילא אתחזר ⟩לארץ⟨ }ל{אשכנז‬ ‫ ומתוך כל‬.‫למבקש סייעאת כבודך‬ ⟨‫זה אני עז פני׳ }ב{ כתבתי ⟩אלה‬ ‫דברים המעטי׳ יוצאי׳ מבין סיבלותי‬ ‫לשאול }ממך{ זכותא חסדך על‬ ‫פאולוש הנ״ל }וקיים{ ולקייםשאני‬ ‫}מחייב לך{ מחוייב לך מחמת‬ ‫כל מה שתעשה בשבילו ובכן‬ ‫אין להאריך יותר מדאי ילזכות‬ ‫לעת המצטרך חתמתי שמי פה‬ ‫ועדה לנצהוט כז לחדש מרציו׳‬ ‫שנת }תת{ אתקמ״ג לפורקנא נאם‬ ‫הקטון הצעיר עבד כל חכמי׳ יוחנן‬ ‫אלבריכת ווידמיסתדיוס‬

‫לעיר גינצבורג אל יד אהובי וחכם‬ ‫הדיין בישראל במדינת שוואבין‬ ‫כמר״ר יצחק מגינצבורג‬

‫ואסור לסולתו בנחש‬

320 6

appendix a

Elijah Levita, Venice, to Widmanstetter, May 1543

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,6. One sheet; 136×228–230mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 14 lines. No watermark. Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, no. 1, 158; partial French translation and discussion in Weil, Élie Lévita, 245–247. “May your God be with you, as He has been with your fathers,” (1Kings 8:57) his great name is “famous in the [city] gates” (Proverbs 31:23) and the Gentiles, my master, my gaon, and my patron. His name is great among the gentiles and the Israelites, his name is Johanan, may He preserve his form and his life.

‫יהי אלהיך עמך כאשר היה עם‬ ‫אבותיך נודע בשערים ובגויים‬ ‫גדול שמו הוא אדוני גאוני ופטרוני‬ ‫השם וגדול בגויים ובישראל גדול‬ ‫שמו יהוחנן יצו׳‬

Your excellent reputation has reached my ears (cf. Job 42:5) and “I rejoiced when they told me” (Psalms 122:1). I will pray to God that it may “grow and spread widely” (Exodus 1:12). In addition, I have seen the large letter written by your refined hand in which you listed the books that you asked for. I have truly toiled to find them for you. But not one of them is to be found with us today, because they were not printed [here], only in Turkey. Other books have now come to us that were printed here and there are good things among them, especially Sefer Neve Shalom and Naher Pishon and Sefer ha-Musar. These three have the length and quality that deserve [your] attention. In addition, there are small books like Sefer Imre Noʿam, Sefer ʿIqqarim, Sefer Nazir u-Ben ha-Melekh, and grammatical books of little length, like Sefer Safah Berurah by R. Abraham Ibn Ezra and Sefer Leshon Limmudim and Migdal ʿOz. If you, mylord, desire some of them let me know, mylord, and I will follow your command to the letter for the sake of your love, your joy and your good-will in this matter and in others, for “I conceived eternal love for you” (cf. Jeremiah 31:3).

‫הנה לשמע אזן שמעתי שמעך‬ ‫הטוב ושמחתי באומרים לי‬ ‫אעתיר לאל כן ירבה וכן יפרוץ‬ ‫לרוב גם ראיתי גליון גדול מגלילת‬ ‫ידך הנקיה אשר רשמת עליו‬ ‫הספרים אשר בקשת ובאמת‬ ‫הרבה יגעתי בגינך למצא ואין‬ ‫גם אחד נמצא פה עמנו היום‬ ‫כי לא נדפסו רק בתוגרמה וכן‬ ‫הגיעו עתה ספרים אחרים שנדסו‬ ‫שם ודברים טובים נמצאים בהם‬ ‫ובפרט ספר נ ֵוה שלום ונהר פישון‬ ‫וספר המוסר אלה השלשה יש‬ ‫להם כמות ואיכות מה שראוי‬ ‫לנהוג בהם כבוד גם ספרים‬ ‫קטנים טובים וגם ספר אמרי‬ ‫נועם וספר עקרים וספר נזיר‬ ‫ובן המלך וספרי דקדוד קטני‬ ‫הכמות דגו׳ ספר שפה ברורה‬ ‫חבר ר׳ אברהם ן׳ עזרה וספר‬ ‫לשון למודים וספר מגדול עוז לכן‬ ‫אם אדו׳ יבחר בקצתם יודיעני‬ ‫אדו׳ ודרך מצותך ארוץ לאהבתך‬ ‫ולהנאותך ולטובתך בזה והיוצה‬ ‫בזה כי אהבת עולם אהבתיך‬

321

widmanstetter’s correspondence

And may you attain eternal life, this is the prayer of your servant who is prepared to serve you “with all his heart and with all his soul” (2Kings 23:3), [although] he is busy and old. Eli ha-Levi Friday, eighth of Sivan (Address on the outside): To a singular man in his generation, he is radiance and he is splendor, my lord and my patron, Johann Lucretius. Peace unto him from Venice. (Widmanstetter to the left of the address): 1543 from Venice, by Elijah Levita, answered on 31 May, I replied in person in Venice in the month October.

7

‫ובזה יהיה לך החיים הנצחיים כה‬ ‫תפלת עבדך המוכן לשרתך בכל‬ ‫לב ובכל נפש הטרוד וזקן‬

‫אלי הלוי‬ ‫יום ו׳ ח׳ לחדש סיון גש״ה‬

‫ליד איש יחיד בדורו הוא זיוו‬ ‫הוא הדרוי אדוני ופטרוני יהוחנן‬ ‫לוקריצייויץ‬ ‫ושלו׳ אליו מוויניסייא‬

1543 Venetiis Eliae Levitae redditae 31. Maii. Responsum coram Venetiis mense Octobri.

Paulus Aemilius, Augsburg, to Widmanstetter in Landshut, May 1543

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,11. One sheet; 315×215mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 16 lines. Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 156, F. 24, no. 63; German translation in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 335–336. Grace and mercy, long life, rich livelihood and assistance from heaven [unto you], my friend, my lord, wise man, scholar, councilor, my teacher, the rabbi Johann, may your rock and your redeemer protect you!

‫חנא וחסדא וחייא אמני ומזני‬ ‫מויחי וסיעתא דשמיא אהובי אדוני‬ ‫החכם הגאון היועץ מהר״ר יוחנן‬ ‫יצ״ו‬

Behold my lord, do not be angry with me that I have not written to you as it should have been done. For I have much to do, the day is short and the laborer sluggish (cf. Avot 2:20).

‫הנה אדוני אל יחד נא אפך בעבדך‬ ‫על אשר לא כתבתי למעלת כבוד‬ ‫אדוני כראוי לאדוני כי המלאכה‬ ‫מרובה עלי עד מאוד והיום קצר‬

322

appendix a

I inform your lordship that I have already begun printing the Book of Kings in German. In this task, your testimonies have aided me with Mr. Rehlinger, for without his permission I could not print. Also, the other printers could not print without his permission. So, I showed him the letter that you had given to your servant. When he saw it, he understood it immediately and inquired about wellbeing of my lord. When he saw the Hebrew lines that were underneath, he said to me, “What have you written down there?” I replied, “I have written nothing, sir. Rather, my Lord Johann has also written something for the Jews, so that I too may have a testimony to show to them.” Then he was very astonished, shook his head, praising you highly, and talked to me about so many things that I will let them rest until another time because of the [present] great workload.

‫והפועל עצל אודיע למעלת כבוד‬ ‫אדוני שכבר התחלתי לדפוס ספר‬ ‫מלכי ם בלשון אשכנזי גם עדותיך‬ ‫היה שיחה לי לפני אדון רעלינגר‬ ‫כי לא היה לדפוס בלתי רשותו גם‬ ‫בעליהדופסים האחרים לא צריכים‬ ‫לדפוס בלתי רשותו ובזה הראיתי‬ ‫לו הכתב אשר נתת לעבדך וכאשר‬ ‫הוא היה רואה אותו הכיר אותו‬ ‫מיד ושאל על שלום אדוני וכאשר‬ ‫היה רואה לשון העברי אשר נכתב‬ ‫למטה אמר אלי מה כתבת למטה‬ ‫עניתי ואמרתי לא כתבתי אני אדוני‬ ‫כלום כי גם אדוני יוחנן כתב בעבור‬ ‫היהודים שיש לי גם עדות כנגדם‬ ‫אז הנא היה מחמיה ומטע את‬ ‫ראשו ונתן שבח גדול לאדוע ודבר‬ ‫עמי דברים ארוכים כי בעבור גדול‬ ‫טורח אניח אותם עד פעם אחר‬

So, you have received the two books as you write to your servant. In reply to your question what they cost [I reply] that it is a trifle. The total amount is 4 1/2 batzen and you have already paid your servant for them. If your lordship needs more things, I will gladly “run the way like a hero” (Psalms 19:6) to your service. And so, I ask first for permission.

‫והנה אדוני קבל ב׳ הספרים כאשר‬ ‫כתבת לעבדך וכאשר כתבת מה‬ ‫שהם שווים והוא דבר מואט סך‬ ‫הכל ד׳ פצן וחצי וכבר פרעת‬ ‫לעבדך ואם אדוני צריך לדברים‬ ‫אחרים אשמח כגבור לרוץ אורח‬ ‫לעבודתך ולשרתך ובזה אוולא‬ ‫שקילוא‬

Paulus Aemilius, the humble servant of my Lord and his retainer. Paulus Aemilius, printer at St Ursula’s church.

‫פאוילוש עמיליאוש הקטון עבד‬ ‫לאדוני ומשרתו‬

(Address on the outside): To my beloved, my lord, the dear, the sage, the gaon and the councilor, our teacher the rav, rabbi Johanan who dwells in the town of Landshut.

Paulus Emilius Buchtrucker bei Sankt Ursthil

[‫ליד אהובי אדוני היקר ]החכם‬ ‫הגאון והיועץ מהר״ר יוחנן הדר‬ ‫בעיר לאנץ הוט‬

323

widmanstetter’s correspondence

To doctor Johann Albrecht Widmestadius, ducal councilor in Landshut.

8

An Doctor Johann Albrecht Widmestadius fürstlicher Ratt zu Lanzhutt

Paulus Aemilius to Widmanstetter in Landshut, June 1543

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,7. One sheet; 214×292mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 10 lines. A watermark on the right side is cut. Perles, Beiträge zur Geschichte, 166–167. To the one raising up water from deep wells and waters all the thirsting from his wisdom, a great man of (his) generation, “the counselling, mighty hero” (Isaiah 9:5), my friend, the lord, the prince, the gaon, Don Johanan, may He preserve him and allow him to live.

.‫לדולה מים מבארות עמוקים‬ .‫ומשקה מחכמתו לכל הצומאים‬ .‫ יועץ אל גבור‬.‫איש גדול הדור‬

Behold, my friend and my lord I announce to you that Elias Balderstein gave me to understand that he would buy for you writings, symbols or drawings for the rooms of your servant and your maidservant, but there shouldn’t be any rhymes from the writings of Epicurus in them and a wise man will understand. And he asked me to buy (them) because he didn’t know a place for drawings and now he is very ill, may the same thing not happen to you. If it’s the lords will, then I will send to your lordship beautiful writings of a type that will be precious to your lordship. Moreover, I will write to your lordship [the following] news: I announce to you that the preacher Bonifacius has been very ill and he went to a warm bath house and he did not return, for he died there and he is buried. And may peace be delivered from the Lord of the world and from your servant and retainer.

‫הנה אהובי אדוני אודיע למעלת‬ ‫כבוד אדוני איך שנתן לי להבין‬ ‫אליה באלדר שטיין שיקנה‬ ‫לאדוני כתבים סמלים או‬ ‫מצויירים לחדרי עבדך ולשפחתך‬ ‫רק שלא נמצא בהם חרוזות שהם‬ ‫מדברי אפיקורס והמשכיל יבין‬ ‫והנה הוא בקש ממני שאקנה אני‬ ‫כי הוא לא ידע מקום הציירים וגם‬ ‫עתה הוא חולה מאד לא עליך‬ ‫ואם יש רצון אדוני אשלח לאדוני‬ ‫כתבים יפים באיזה אופן שיישר‬ ‫לאדוני ועוד אכתוב לאדוני דבר‬ ‫חדש אודיע למעלת כבוד אדוני‬ ‫כי הבוניוציוש הדרשן היה חולה‬ ‫והלך למרחץ שהוא חם מעצמו‬ .‫ועדיין לא חזר כי שם מת ונקבר‬ ‫ושא שלום מאדון העולם ומאת‬ ‫עבדך ומשרתך‬

‫אהו׳ אדוני החכם הגאון האלוף‬ ‫דון יוחנן יצ״ו‬

324

appendix a

Paulus Aemilius, printer of books Paulus Aemilius, printer of books “The text of the letter is to be proclaimed” (Esther 3:14 and 8:13) to a wise man, a great of the generation, “the counselling, mighty hero” (Isaiah 9:5), my friend, the lord, the prince, the gaon, Don Johann, may He preserve him and allow him to live, the doctor in Landshut. (Address on the outside): To doctor Johann Albrecht Widemstetter, ducal councilor in Landshut

(Widmanstetter’s note): From Paulus Aemilius in June 1543, I responded on 6 July.

9

‫פאויל עמיליאוש הדופס‬

Paulus Emilius Buchtruker ‫פתשגן הכתב להנתן לאיש חכם‬ ‫ אהובי‬.‫ יועץ אל גבור‬.‫גדול הדור‬ ‫אדוני האלוף הגאון דון יוחנן יצ״ו‬ .‫הדר בלאנץ הוט‬

an Doctor Johann Albrecht Widemsteter fürstlichen Ratt zu Lanzhutt

Junio Paulus Aemilius, responsio 6. Julii.

Paulus Aemilius, Augsburg, to Widmanstetter in Landshut, 21 August 1543

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,12. One sheet; 314 ×218mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 26 lines. German translation in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 337–339. Precious emerald, shining mirror, with the strength of sapphire, beautiful and graceful appearance, great and venerable man, my friend, my wise, learned and noble master, my master teacher rabbi Johanan; may your rock and your savior protect you!

‫ איספקלרייא‬.‫ברקת ירקא‬ ‫ חזות‬.‫ בעצומו דספירא‬.‫המאירה‬ .‫ גברא רבא ויקירא‬.‫נאה ושפירא‬ ‫אהו אדוני החכם הגאון ויהקר‬ ‫כמהר״ר יוחנן יצ״ו‬

My lord, do not be upset with me and do not be angry with your servant for not replying to your letter. God has brought to light the sin of Your servant (cf. Genesis 44:16) and now I come as one who confesses it and wants to give it up (cf. Proverbs 28:13) and I present to you, trembling, my request that you forgive

‫הנה אדוני אל יחר נא אפך‬ ‫בעבדך ואל ידע לבבך על אשר‬ ‫לא הושבתי לאדוני תשובה ממה‬ ‫שכתבת לעבדך כי האלהים מצא‬ ‫עון עבדך והנני באתי כמודה‬ ‫ועוזב ואסלדך במלתי שתמחול לי‬ ‫על דרך מרד פשעי וזה הפתחון‬

widmanstetter’s correspondence

325

me for my unruly behavior. In [my] defense I present the following: I inform you that I met Duke Octavio, who knew me. He inquired about your wellbeing and condition and with him his servants and nobles. I answered them as best I could. So, I traveled with him as far as Geislingen. When I then left him, he told me to greet your lordship as is customary among foreigners. Therefore, you should not be angry with your servant that I have not written to you for some time. But I couldn’t because of the matter your lordship is going to see. If my lord asks me what it is, I will answer you: It is a gift sent to my lord, and this gift from my hand may please you and not seem small to you, because it is the gift of a poor and needy person. I have also not sent it to you because of its value, what would that be for my lord! It should rather serve as justification and testimony that I was not at all unruly to you, and if you accept my gift, you will bring joy to your servant’s soul.

‫פה אודיע למ׳ כבוד אדוני כי‬ ‫מצאתי הדוכוס דון ָאְקַט ִויָא‬ ‫והיה מכיר אותי ושאל על שלום‬ ‫אדוני ומעמדו גם עבדיו גם שריו‬ ‫והושבתי אותם כפי יכולתי ובזה‬ ‫הלכתי עמו עד גייזלינגן וכאשר‬ ‫פניתי מעמו צוה עלי לברך את‬ ‫כבוד אדוני כמנהג הלועזים ולכן‬ ‫אל תרגז על עבדך שלא כתבתי‬ ‫לאדוני מימי׳ ארוכים אך לא‬ ‫יכולתי מפני המעשה אשר כבודך‬ ‫יראה ואם שואל אדוני מה הוא‬ ‫אשיב לאדוני מנחה היא שלוחה‬ ‫לאדוני ותעלה לפניך לרצון משאת‬ ‫כפי ואל ימעט לפניך שהיא מנחת‬ ‫עני ואבינן כי ידעתי שמעט מזער‬ ‫הוא ולא מחמת עילויו שלחתיו לך‬ ‫כי מה זה לאדוני אך למען תהיא‬ ‫זה לנוכחת ולעדות שלא מרדתי‬ ‫באדוני ולקחת מנחתי מידי ובזה‬ ‫תשמח את נפש עבדך‬

I am very surprised that you ask in your letter to your servant how much the books I sent to my lord cost. I have already written to my lord that what you have sent your servant is the total amount. Why are you putting your servant to the test? You have even paid me several times.

‫ועל מה שכתבת לעבדך מה שהם‬ ‫שוים הספרים אשר שלחתי‬ ‫לאדוני תמהתי מאוד כי כבר‬ ‫כתבתי לאדוני כי הוא סך הכל מה‬ ‫ששלחת לעבדך ועל מה תנסה‬ ‫את עבדך וגם כבר פרעת לעבדך‬ .‫כפל כפליים‬

Now I answer you and ask your lordship for good advice. I have already asked my lord whether it is possible to request from the emperor a letter, a so-called printing privilege, that no one may reprint what I print, and especially for the books called Tefillot. To achieve this is certainly a simple matter in your eyes. I know that Rabbi Gerarda and my lord are friends like two brothers. So if my lord

‫והנה אשיב לאדוני ואבקש‬ ‫ממעל״כ עצה נכונה כי כבר‬ ‫שמתי דבר באזני אדוני האם‬ ‫אפשר לבקש כתב מן הקיסר‬ ‫הנקרא פריווליאום על הדפוס‬ ‫שלא ידפיס שום אדם אחר מה‬ ‫שאדפוס אני ובפרט על הספרים‬ ‫הנקראים תפילות ובאמת דבר קל‬ ‫הוא בעיני אדוני להשיג אותו כי‬

326

appendix a

wants to make an effort with him and write him a short word, then the letter should be given into the hand of the merchant Krafter, who will send him the letter immediately and he can really help me. I know for sure that in his hand lies the power to help me in this matter and he will surely do it the sake of your lordship. There is also one doctor in Gerarda’s house who wants to be helpful and useful to me; he is [called] Zizilin. Thus, I will know that your servant has your found favour, that the king lets his outcast return (cf. 2Samuel 14:13).

‫ידעתי כי רבי גיררדא אוהבך בשני‬ ‫אחים ואם יש רצון מעלת כבוד‬ ‫אדוני שישתדל אליו ותכתוב‬ ‫לו דבר מועט ותנתן הכתב ביד‬ ‫הסוחר ְק ַרְפַטר הוא ישלח לו‬ ‫הכתב מיד ובאמת הוא יכול‬ ‫לעזור אותי כי }בווד{ בוודאי‬ ‫ידעתי שיש יכולת בידו להושיעני‬ ‫בזה הענין ובוודאי יעשה בעבור‬ ‫כבוד מעלתך גם דוקטור אחד‬ ‫בביתו של גיררדא גם רוצה להיות‬ ‫לי לעזר ולתועלה והוא ציצילין‬ ‫ובזה אדע שמצא עבדך חן בעיניך‬ .‫כי ישיב המלך נדחו‬

I also inform your lordship that I am traveling to Frankfurt with my books. If you need any novelties, commission your servant. I will diligently strive and “like a hero joyfully run the way” (Psalm 19:6) with the commission of my lord. And now, may Your righteousness endure forever (cf. Psalm 112:9).

‫ועוד אודיע למ״כ כי אלך עם‬ ‫ספרי לוראנקבורט ואם אדוני‬ ‫צריך לספרים חדושים צו על‬ ‫עבדך ואהיה זריו ואשמח כגבור‬ ‫לרוץ אורח במצות אדוני ובכן‬ ‫צדקתך עומדת לעד‬

From me, Your ally, Your servant and assistant, the small and lowly Paulus Aemilius. Paulus Aemilius, printer of books at the church of St Ursula.

‫ממני כרות בריתך עבדך ומשרתך‬ ‫השפל והקטון פאויל עמיליאוש‬

(Address on the outside): To a wondrous man, a councilor of [the duke]. And his name is like the light of the sun and the moon. And his wits smell like the fruit of a tree of the generation. My beloved lord, the sage, the sharp gaon. To doctor Johan Alberecht Widmensteter, ducal councilor in Landshut.

Paulus Aemilius Buchdrucker zu Augspurg bei Santt Urschel

‫ ושמו‬.‫ליד איש פלא יועץ גטר‬ ‫ וריח ניתוחי‬.‫כשמש וכיריח מאור‬ ‫כפרי עץ הדור אהו׳ אדוני החכם‬ ‫הגאון החריף כמהר״ר יוחנן יצ״ו‬

An Doctor Johan Alberecht Widmensteter fürstlichen Ratt zu Lanzhutt

327

widmanstetter’s correspondence

(Widmanstetter’s note outside): August 1543. Received from Landshut by Paulus Aemilius. I responded on 17 September.

10

1543. 21 Augusti redditae Landshuti Pauli Aemylii. Respons, 17. Septembri.

Paulus Fagius to Widmanstetter in Landshut, 9 July 1544

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,17. One double sheet inscribed on two pages; folded 215×315mm, unfolded 316×450mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 43+5 lines. Peace be with you, the grace of the Lord of our fathers and of Jesus our Messiah, who was sent to us and our redeemer. To the honoured lord, a great man, “wise and intelligent” (1Kings 3:12) whose name is Johannes Albertus Widmanstad, known as Lucretius, may he live.

‫שלום רב חן יהוה אבינו וישוע‬ ‫משיח הנשלח אדננו וגואלנו‬ ‫לאדני הנכבד איש גדול חכם‬ ‫ונבון אשר שמו יוהאניש‬ ‫אלבירטוש ווידמענשטאד‬ ‫המכונה לוקריציוש שי׳‬

Behold, my lord, that I have not seen my lordship able, good and perfect face with all grace and desire. And I did not speak to my lord in all my days [of life]. Everywhere your great name has good renown, which spreads around the whole world and has also come to me, because “your name is like finest oil—therefore the maidens love you.” (Song of Songs 1:3) And promptly from this time, “on each and every day, in each and every hour,” (Keritot 6:3) I searched for and I desired with all my heart to find a good reason and an occasion to send to my lord a letter—to inquire about your wellbeing and to find favour in your eyes for your servant. (cf. Genesis 19:19)

‫הנה אדני הנכבד אעף שלא‬ ‫ראיתי פניך הנשואים המכובדים‬ ‫הטובים והמלואים כל חן ורצון‬ ‫ולא דברתי עם אדני בכל ימי‬ ‫שום דבר מכול מקום השמועה‬ ‫הטובה לשמך הגדול אשר יצא‬ ‫בכל העולם גם הגיע אלי כי‬ ‫שמן תורק שמך על כן עלמות‬ ‫אהבוך ומיד מעת ההיא בכל יום‬ ‫ויום ובכל שעה ושעה חפשתי‬ ‫ובקשתי בכל לבי להנתן לי סבה‬ ‫ועלילה טובה לשלוח אל אדני‬ ‫כתב מה לשאול שלומיך ולמצא‬ ‫לעבדך חן בעיניך‬

I exerted myself and did not find [time to write] until now, when the Lord, may he be blessed, sent to my house a great man, who is a knowledgeable scholar and exalted in all disciplines and wisdom. He is called Andreas

‫יגעתי ולא מצאתי עד זמן הזה‬ ‫שהשם ית׳ שלח לביתי איש‬ ‫גדול המלומד בקיא ומופלג בכל‬ ‫דעות וחכמות הנקרא אנדריא״ש‬ ‫מאזיו״ש יצו׳ משרת וסופר‬

328

appendix a

Masius, may he safeguard and preserve him, the servant and swift scribe to his excellency, the Bishop of Constance. Since he spoke to me of many things and all good about another bound book, he told me that my lord has in his possession many good and valuable books in all the languages—especially in the Holy language, in the Chaldean language, and in the Arabic language. He also told me that my lord intends to print some of his books and to publish [them] for the world, for the favour, desire, and benefit of all the students of the sages. And immediately I thought and said to myself (cf. Kohelet 2:15): This is a very good thing in my opinion. And who will grant me to find favour with my lord (cf. Genesis 33:8), to send some of his books to me to print them easily. Quickly I pleaded with the aforementioned lord (cf. Daniel 9:2) Andreas “and he did me the kindness” (Genesis 40:14) to write in my name to your lordship about this matter. Immediately he heeded my request and did as I had asked him and wrote this letter to your lordship in my name, as my lord will see. He also ordered me to write myself to your lordship in this matter and I did as he ordered me to.

‫מהיר ההגמון ְדקונשטאנצי״א‬ ‫יר״ה והוא מאחר שדבר עמי‬ ‫הרבה דברים וכל טובות על‬ ‫מכ׳מעלת כבוד אחרית הגיד לי‬ ‫שיש ביד לאדני הרבה ספרים‬ ‫טובים ויקרים בכל לשונות בפרט‬ ‫בלשון הקודש בלשון כשדי‬ ‫ובלשון ערביי גם הגיד לי שאדני‬ ‫בדעתו להדפיסם קצת מהם‬ ‫ספרים ולהוציא לעולם לחן לרצון‬ ‫ולתועלת כל תלמידי חכמים ומיד‬ ‫חשבתי ואמרתי בלבי זה דבר‬ ‫טוב מאד בעיני מי יתן למצוא‬ ‫אותי חן בעיני אדני לשלוח קצת‬ ‫ספרים שלו אלי להדפיסם על‬ ‫דוידי וקל במהירה הפלתי תחנתי‬ ‫לפני אדני הנזכר אנדריא״ש יך‬ ‫לעשות עמדי חסד ולכתוב בשמי‬ ‫אל מכ׳ על דבר זה מיד סור אל‬ ‫משמעתי ועשה מה שבקשתי‬ ‫וכתב אל מכ׳ כתב הזא בשמי‬ ‫כמו שיראה אדני גם צוה עלי‬ ‫לכתוב אותי אל מכ׳ מחמת דבר‬ ‫זה ועשיתי מה שֻצויתי‬

Your lordship knows that I have a fine printing press, fine instruments and fine type letters in the Holy language, such as my lord will not find in all of Ashkenaz. And I have no doubt that my lord has seen the Hebrew books that I printed and brought out from the darkness into the light. Therefore, if I found favor in the eyes of my lord, he will send me the books that he intends to print. And I will toil with all my power to print them “most distinctly” (Deuteronomy 27:8.) with much industry so that it [the book] may receive praise and great desire from my lord and be a source of pride

‫והנה ידע אדני הנכבד שיש לי‬ ‫דפוס יפה כלים יפים ואותיות‬ ‫יפות בלשון הקודש וכמותם לא‬ ‫ימצא אדני בכל אשכנז ואין ספק‬ ‫לי שאדני ראה אותם הספרים‬ ‫עבריים אשר אנכי הדפסתי‬ ‫והוציתי מחשך לאור על כן אם‬ ‫מצאתי חן בעיני אדוני ישלח אל‬ ‫ידי הספרים אשר דעתו עליהם‬ ‫להדפיסם והנה אשתדל בכל כחי‬ ‫להדפסם באר היטב ברב עיון‬ ‫מה שיהיה מקובל לחן ולרצון‬ ‫גדול לאדני ולתפארת לשמו‬

widmanstetter’s correspondence

329

and joy for his great name. Also, in case Arabic letters are required that have the desired quality, my lord, I will take pains and toil with all my might to buy and to mend them to print with them all the Arabic books that are in the possession of my lord.

‫הגדול גם אם יש צריכות אותיות‬ ‫ערבייות באיכה אופן יתאוה‬ ‫עליהן אדוני אטרח ואשתדל‬ ‫בכל יכולתי לקנות ולתקן אותן‬ ‫להדפיסם עמהן כל ספרים‬ ‫ערביים אשר הם ביד אדני‬

My lord will not humiliate [himself] and the son of his truth and he will not turn to me in vain and write me an answer and announce to me the intention of my lord’s heart his plans in this matter. I am your humble servant, prepared and ready to do all your biddings and to fulfill all your heart’s wishes. I also heard from my lord, my dear friend, the aforementioned Andreas Masius that his eminence has in his possession a Sefer Torah Kohanim, a book of Psalms in the Arabic language, a Quran, and many other books that my soul desires “As the hart panteth after the water brooks, so panteth my soul after thee, O God.” (Psalms 42:2.) Who will allow me to gaze upon them?

‫לא יבזה אדני עברו ובן אמתו‬ ‫ולא ישים פניו ריקם לכתוב לי‬ ‫מענה ולהודיעני על דבר זה מה‬ ‫שיהיה כוונת לב אדני ודעתו‬ ‫לעשות בדבר זה והנה אנכי‬ ‫עבדך הצעיר והקטון מוכן ומזומן‬ ‫לעשתות כל מצוותיך ולמלאות‬ ‫כל משאלות לבבך גם שמעתי‬ ‫מאדני ואהובי חביבי הנזכר‬ ‫למעלה אנדריאש מאסיוש שיש‬ ‫ביד מכ׳ ספר תורת כהנים ספר‬ ‫תהלים בלשון ערביי ואלקורן‬ ‫וספרים אחרים רבים כמה‬ ‫נכספה נפשי עליהם כאיל תערוג‬ ‫על אפיקי מים כן נפשי תערג‬ ‫אליהם מי יתן לשים עיני עליהם‬

I cannot go on and therefore I will stop for this time and what is more, I will speak about all the good things of my lord and I will pray to the Holy One, may he be blessed, that he will house my lord and his household in the tents of peace from now until forever. Thus said Paulus Fagius, your servant, who wishes to see your face.

‫לא אוכל להאריך לכן אספיק‬ ‫הפעם ועוד אדברה כול טוב‬ ‫על אדני ואתפלל מעם הקב״ה‬ ‫שישכן אדני עם כל בני ביתו‬ ‫באהלי שלום מעתה ועד עולם‬ ‫כה אמר פאוילוש באגיוש עבדך‬ ‫המבקש לראות פניך‬

Written in the city of Constance on the ninth of the month July in the year since the coming of our Messiah 1544.

‫נכתב מעיר קונשטאנציא ביום‬ ‫ט׳ לחדש יוליי בשנת הביאת‬ ‫משיחנו א׳ ה׳ מ׳ ד׳‬

(Remark on the outside by Widmanstetter): 9 July 1544 by Paulus Fagius. I responded on 25 September. Munich by Petrus Damascenus.

9. Julii Pauli Fagii. Responsio 25. Septembri. Monachi de Petro Damasceno.

330

appendix a

(Address by Fagius): To the esteemed Lord, the great man, “the wise and smart” (1Kings 3:12). A man in whose soul God resides whose name is known to all the world. He is called Johannes Albertus Widmenstad, also known as Lucretius, may He preserve and allow him to live, who resides in honour (cf. Isaiah 11:10) in the city of Landshut, may it live. May [the letter] find him and may he read it in joy.

11

‫ליד אדני הנכבד איש גדול חכם‬ ‫ונבון איש אשר רוח אלהים בן‬ ‫אשר שמו נודע בכל העולם‬ ‫הנקרא יוהניש אלבירטוש‬ ‫ווידמענשטד המכונה לוקריציוש‬ ‫יצו׳ ׳אשר מנוחתו בכבוד בעיר‬ ‫לאנשהוט שי׳‬

Paulus Aemilius, Augsburg, to Widmanstetter in Landshut, before 23 September [1544]

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,14. One sheet; 325×217–220mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 15 lines. German translation in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 339–340. To the one who has say in the first place and has the last word who utters his opinion without blemish, the lily of Saron, in written and in spoken words. To Don Johann, may his rock and redeemer protect him.

‫ יוציא סכלו‬.‫מוחלט ראשון ואחרון‬ ‫ בניב‬.‫ חבצלת הטרון‬.‫בלי חסרון‬ ‫ לדון יוחנן יצ״ו‬.‫וגרון‬

Behold my lord, concerning my voyage to Frankfurt I announce to you how much it troubles me that I was not able to fulfill your wish. And lo, what can I say and what pleasantries can I make? Truth and not words shall I give you. “You know your servant” (2Samuel 7:20) and lo, “the wise requires but a hint,” (Midrash Proverbs 22:3) because my lord knows that it was impossible for me to write to my lord in a long time. And behold, I went Frankfurt and sold my books. And I did not receive any writing from you until I left Frankfurt. And behold, I received two writings from you, you my lord at once. One from Krafter and one from Balderstein. And behold, I understood what you had written to

‫הנה אדוני אודיא למעלת כבודך‬ ‫איך שיש לי צר מאוד על אשר‬ ‫אנה ליד ללכת לוראנקבורט שלא‬ ‫ והנה‬.‫אוכל למלאות בקשתך‬ ‫מה אדבר ואתן נועם ואמת לא‬ ‫לדברים ידעת את עבדך והנה‬ ‫לחכימא ברמיזא כי ידוע לאדוני‬ ‫שאי אפשר היה לי לכתוב לאדוני‬ ‫מימים ארוכים והנה הלכתי‬ ‫לוראנקבורט ומכרתי ספרי ולא‬ ‫פגע בי כתיבת ידך עד שבאתי‬ ‫מוראנקבורט והנה קבלתי שני‬ ‫כתבי יד אדוני בפעם אחת אחד‬ ‫מן קרפטר ואחד מן באלדר שטיין‬ ‫והנה הבנתי מה שכתבת לעבדך‬ ‫מחמת פריויליאום ויש דעתי‬

331

widmanstetter’s correspondence

your servant concerning a privilegium. And I intend to take a privilegium on the books that are called “Tefillot” anyway, because they (the Jews) need to pray twice a day, as my lord knows, also the Esrim we-Arbʿa in the Ashkenazic language with the letters with whom I printed the Melakhim and the maḥzor and the seliḥot and other books, whatever seems right in your eyes. In the meantime I will think about other books for printing. And also, I heard that they began printing in the house of Daniel [Bomberg], and the darkness of night fell upon me. Therefore, I will shorten my sermon:

‫לקחת פריויליאום על ספרים‬ ‫שנקראים תפילות על כל פנים‬ ‫כי צריכים להם לעשות תפילה‬ ‫בכל יום שני פנים כאשר אדוני‬ ‫יודע וגם העשרים וארבע בלשון‬ ‫אשכנז עם האותיות שדפסתי‬ ‫בהם המלכים ומחזור וסליחות‬ ‫וספרים אחרים מה שישר בעיניך‬ ‫ומתוך הזמן אחשב על ספרים‬ ‫אחרים מה שהם לדפוס וגם‬ ‫שמעתי כי התחילו לדפוס בבית‬ .‫דניאל והנה נפל עלי אישון ליליה‬ .‫ולכן אקצר למללה‬

Only joy and happiness shall find my lord. Thus wishes your servant, the humble and insignificant Paulus Aemilius, the printer in Augsburg.

‫ ישיגו לאדוני כה‬.‫אך חדוה וגילה‬ ‫מעתיר עבדך ומשרתך השפל‬ ‫והקטן פאוילוש עמיליאוש הדופס‬ ‫באויגשפורג‬

(Address on the outside): Ascend to heaven on a ladder. And the righteous is the foundation of the world. My lord, the sage, the gaon, and the councilor, the teacher, rabbi Johanan Albrecht.

‫ וצדיק יסוד‬.‫עולה למרום בסולם‬ ‫ אהו אדוני החכם הגאון‬.‫עולם‬ ‫ומיועץ מהר״ר יוחנן אלבריכת י״א‬

To doctor Johan Albrechtt Widmensteter, ducal councilor in Landshut. Written on Friday, before the holiday of St Michael (Widmanstetter’s remark): 1544, by Paulus Aemilius. I replied on 25 September.

12

an Docto Johan Albrechtt Widmensteter f. Ratt zu Lanzhut. ‫נכתב יום ו׳ קודם הקדוש יום‬ ‫מיכיל‬

Pauli Aemylii. Respons. 25. Sept.

Paulus Aemilius to Widmanstetter in Landshut, 1544

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,13. One sheet; 315× 220–225 mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 15 lines. German translation in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 339.

332

appendix a

“Sweeter also than honey and the honeycomb” (Psalms 19:10), pleasant and golden utterances, the shield of the famous is hung on him.

‫ אמרים נחמדים‬.‫מדבש ונופת צופים‬ ‫ בו תלוי מגן‬.‫מפז רב מצורפים‬ .‫אלופים‬

Behold, my lord, may you not be angry, I beseech you, that I did not write to you as is appropriate, because a great burden rests upon me and I don’t have leisure. Therefore, I will write to you in the Ashkenazic language:

‫הנה אדוני אל יחר נא למעלת כבודך‬ ‫שלא כתבתי לאדוני כראוי לך כי‬ ‫גדול עומד עלי ואין לי פניא ולכן‬ ‫אכתוב לך בלשון אשכנז‬

My lord, for your feast I [can only] send [you] my poverty. I prayed [on the occasion of] your feast. I ask you not to hold it against me that did not bestow due honor onto your feast of honor. But the book is not worth it, as it is in the German language. Your feast of honor is worthy of much better, than me dedicating to your feast of honor a German book. If I should publish however, by the Grace of God, a famous book, I knew exactly how to behave. For this reason, my lord, you should accept it from your humble servant. Leonhard Beck told once that he wanted to come and visit you with me. He did not know about this messenger; this messenger was in haste when he met me. I did not know about him either. Thus, don’t hold my letter against me. I can’t write German well.

‫}גיעדיג{ גינעדיגר הער איך שיק‬ ‫אוייער ועשט מיין ארמוט וויל‬ ‫אוייער ועשט גיבעטן האבן איר‬ ‫וועלט מיר ניט בֿור אויביל האבן דש‬ ‫איך אוייער ערן ועשט ניט זויליך‬ ‫ֵאיר צו גימעשן האב דש בוך האט‬ ‫עש אבר ניט אויף אים זוא עש אין‬ ‫טוייטשר שפראך אישט אוייער ערן‬ ‫ועשט אישט בעשרש ווערט דען‬ ‫דש איך אוייערן ֵאירן ועשט איין‬ ‫טוייטש בוך צו שרייב ווען מיר אבר‬ ‫דורך דיא גינאדן גוטש איין מאל איין‬ ‫עקשעמפלאר וואורד דש איין בירום‬ ‫העט איך ווישט וואל וויא איך מיך‬ ‫האלטן זולט דארום גינעדיגשטר‬ ‫וועלט זוליכש בֿון אוייערם וויליגן‬ ‫דינר אן נעמן עש הוט דער לינהארט‬ ‫בעק גיזאגט ער וועל איין מאלט מיט‬ ‫}מיך{ מיר צו אוייך קומן ער הוט‬ ‫ניקש בֿון דיזן בוטן גיווישט דיזר בוט‬ ‫הוט מיך איילדיג אויבר לופֿן איך‬ ‫האב אויך ניכטש דארום גיווישט‬ ‫דארום הבט מיר איין שרייבן ניט בֿור‬ ‫אויביל איך קאן ניט וואל טוייטש‬ ‫שרייבן ושא‬

333

widmanstetter’s correspondence

Peace with you from the Lord and from your servant, Paulus Aemilius, the printer in the Hebrew language, at St Ursula.

‫שלום מאדון ומאת עבדך ומשרתך‬ ‫פאוילוש עמיליאוש הדופס בלשון‬ ‫עברי אצל קדושה אורשילה‬

(Address on the outside): “The text of the letter is to be proclaimed” (Esther 3:14 and 8:13) the lord, the gaon, the sage, the scholar the duke’s councilor, Johanan, my teacher, the rabbi, may God grant him mercy. To Johanes Alberichtt Widmensteter, ducal councilor in Landshut.

An Johanem Alberichtt Widmensteter f. Ratt zu Lanzhutt.

(Widmanstetter’s note): 1544. From Paulus Aemilius. I replied on 25 September.

1544. Pauli Aemylii. Responsio 25, Septembri

13

‫פתשגן הכתב להנתן ליד אדוני‬ ‫האלוף הגאון החכם והנבון יועץ‬ ‫להדוכס מהר״ר יה חנן יצ״ו‬

Paulus Aemilius, [Ingolstadt], to Widmanstetter in [Augsburg], 17 March [1549]

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,15. One sheet; 320× 220mm. Ashkenazic semi-cursive script; 7 lines. German translation in Striedl, “Paulus Aemilius,” 340–341. “My covenant was with him of life and peace” (Malachi 2:5).

‫את בריתי יהיה אתו החיים‬ ‫והשלום‬

Behold my lord, I received the book by Avi‫הנה אדוני את ספר האבן סינא‬ cenna, as well as the sum of pages, just like ‫קבלתי גם סכום הדפים כאשר‬ you marked every single one of them, is its ‫רשמת כל אחד ואחד במקומו הכל‬ place, I received it without guile or deception. ‫קבלתי בלי ערמה ובלי מרמה ועוד‬ I also announce to you that I inquired in the ‫אודיע למ״כ שדרשתי על עסק‬ affair of Nicolaui’s book. “I was told” (1Kings ‫ספר ַה ִניקָאַלאוי והנה הוגד לי כי‬ 10:7) that it is in the press and it will be pub‫הוא בדפוס ובקרבת השוק אשר‬ lished soon before the market in Frankfurt ‫יהיה בוראנקבורט יצא לואר ויהיה‬ and it will be advertised to everyone. I have ‫מפורסם לכל ואין לי דבר אחר‬ nothing more to write to you about, for I ‫לכתוב למ״כ כי בחפזון כתבתי‬ wrote in haste.

334 By me, Paulus Aemilius, your servant and retainer. Written today, Sunday, 17 March

appendix a

‫ממני פאוילוש עמיליאוש עבדך‬ ‫ומשרתך‬ ‫נכתב היום יום א יז לחודש‬ ‫מרציאוש‬

(Address on the outside): To the great and glorious hero, the all-time God-fearing, the wise leader, the treasurer of the Cardinal of Augsburg, whose name is known, Johanan Albrecht von Widmanstetten, my lord and master.

‫ עמו יראת‬.‫לגברא רבא ויקירא‬ ‫]יהוה תדירא[ המנהיג החכם גזבר‬ ‫לאדוני החשמן שמו נודע יוחנן‬ ‫אלבריכט מווידמנשטטן אדוני ורבי‬

To Lord Johann Lucretius.

D. Joanni Lucretio suo

(Widmanstetter’s note): Received on 21 March 1549 from Paulus Aemilius

presentata 21. Martii 1549 Paulus Aemylius

appendix b

The Books of Bomberg’s 1543 Catalog in Widmanstetter’s Library This list complements the narrative in section 2.4.2. It gives the text of the Bomberg catalog and tries to identify the editions; the text is slightly adjusted to increase the readability. The column on the outer right indicates the modern shelf mark of the item and which edition Widmanstetter had purchased. Additional editions are indicated in the column to the left.

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

Title

1.

Machazorim in Hispania, libris 3, venditur. Sunt autem precationes in festivitatibus. Machzorim Italicae aeditionis, libris 3.

–

Maḥzor Minhag Sefarad

–

Machazorim, Bononiensis aeditionis, lib. 8. Machazorim opus magnum ex Romania, libris 9. Machazorim in Germania excusum, lib. 8. Sidurim de beracha (precationes quotidianae) Italici characteris, lib. 1. solidis 10. (alias lib. 1. solidis 4). Sidurim e Germania, libra 1. solidis 11.

–

Maḥzor Min- bsb, Res./A.hebr. hag Roma 518 (Venice: Bomberg, 1526) Maḥzor Min- bsb, 2 A.hebr. hag Roma 2009.8 (Bologna, 1540–1541) Maḥzor MinConstantinople: hag Romania 1510

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

–

Widmanstetter

(Other) Editions Venice: Bomberg, 1519 and 1524

–

–

–

Siddur Minhag Ashkenaz

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_011

Venice: Bomberg, 1529

336

appendix b

(cont.)

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

Title

8.

Obadja Sforno

Or ʿAmmim

Or amim, id est, Lumen populorum, R. Abdia, Bononiensis typi, libra 1. 9. Recanati (Videtur scriptum esse Rabi Manahem a Ricanato in Pentateuchum) libris 4. 10. Pisce helacot, id est, iudicia sententiarum Recanati, Bononiensis characteris, libra 1. 11. Tesuvoth harasba, libris 5. Sunt autem responsiones R. Simeon filii Abraham qui dicitur Rasba. 12. Sefer chasidim, id est, liber iustorum, libris 2, solidis 10. 13. Minuch, libris 4. 14.

15.

16. 17.

Menahem Recanati

Menahem Recanati

Aharon Levi ben Joseph Sefer haiaschar, id est, Zerahiah haliber recti vel iusti, Yevani libra 1. solidis 10. Sefer olam, id est, Yosse ben liber seculi, chroniḤalafta con Judaicum, Meliza, id est, oratio, Vidal solidis 4. Beneviste Zeror amor, id est, fas- Abraham ciculus myrrhae in Saba Pentateuchum, libris 9.

(Other) Editions

bsb, Res/4 A.hebr. 310 (Bologna: Silk Weavers, 1537) Perush ʿal ha- bsb, 4 A.hebr. 354 Venice: Bomberg, Torah (Venice: Giustini- 1523 ani, 1545)

Pisqei Halakhot

Solomon Ibn Responsa Adret

Judah heHasid

Widmanstetter

bsb, 4 A.hebr. 352 (Bologna: Silk Weavers, 1538) bsb, 2 A.hebr. 97 (Bologna: Silk Weavers, 1539)

Sefer Ḥasidim

Bologna: 1538

Sefer heḤinukh Sefer haYashar

Venice: Bomberg, 1523

Seder ʿOlam

Melitsat Efer we-Dinah Tseror haMor

bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411 (Constantinople: 1515) Mantua: Samuel ben Meir Latif, 1513 Rimini: Gershom Soncino, 1525 Venice: Bomberg, 1522–1523

the books of bomberg’s 1543 catalog in widmanstetter’s library

337

(cont.)

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

18. Ahbcaht rochel, id est, – pulveres aromatici, solidis 12. 19. Biniamin grammatica, Benjamin sol. 4. ben Judah Bozecco 20. Caerath kesef, id Joseph Esobi est, patera argentea, carmine sol. 6. 21. Pisque harasba, id est, Solomon Ibn iudicia R. Symeonis Adret filii Abraham. 22. Mechilta in libros – Mosis, solidis 2. 23. Leson Limudim, id David Ibn est, lingua doctorum Yaḥyah (R. Davidis opus grammaticum) libra 1. sol. 24. Pirche, id est, Capit– ula Eliae, sol. 12. liber grammaticus. 25. Aben Hira (i. liber filii – Sira) lib. 2. sol. 8. 26. Tefiloth zadichim, id est, orationes piorum, libris 3. 27. Cad bacema. i. cadus farinae, libris 6. 28. Ben hamelech vehanazir (dialogus fabulosus, ut puto, filii regis cum religioso, R. Abraham Levitae) lib. 1. sol. 10.

Title

Widmanstetter

(Other) Editions

bsb, 4 A.hebr. 410 Augsburg: Hayyim (Rimini: 1526) Schwarz (Shahor), 1540 Sefer Diqduq Ortona: Gershom Soncino, 1519 Sefer Avqat Rokhel

Qeʿarat Kesef bsb, Cod.hebr. 338, bsb, Cod.hebr. 358 Pisqei haRashba Mekhilta Leshon Limmudim

Constantinople: 1516

bsb, Cod.hebr. 117 Constantinople: 1515 Constantinople: 1506 / Constantinople: 1519

Pirqei debsb, Cod.hebr. Rabbi Eliezer 222 Ben Sirah

Fano: 1503 / Constantinople: 1531

Constantinople: 1514

bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411 Constantinople: Astruc de Toulon, 1519

–

Baḥya ben Asher Abraham ben Ḥisdai

Kad haQemaḥ Ben haMelekh we-ha-Nasir

Constantinople: 1515 Constantinople: 1518

338

appendix b

(cont.)

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

29. Sefer icarim. i. articuli Joseph Albo fidei, solidis 4.

Title

Widmanstetter

Sefer haʿIqqarim

bsb, 4 A.hebr. Venice: Bomberg, 242 (Rimini: Ger- 1521 shom Soncino, 1522) Constantinople: 1530

30. Safa berura, id est, sermo purus, lib. 1. solidis 4. 31. Iesod mora, id est, fundamentum pietatis vel timoris domini, lib. 1, sol. 4. 32. Sefer hamuhar (vel hazoar, liber de deitate) fibris 3. 33. Torath adam, id est, lex hominis, lib. 3.

Abraham Ibn Safah BeruEzra rah

34. Abucharham, libris 4. solidis 10. 35. Sefer hamanhig, id est, liber de providentia et rectore Deo, libris 3. 36. Sefer kerisfuth, id est, liber divortiorum, libris 3, sol. 2. 37. Imre noam, id est, sermones elegantes, libra 1. sol. 10. 38. Marpe lason, i. lingua salutaris, solid. 10. 39. Enodath halevi, id est, cultus vel opus Levitae, sol. 16. 40. Serith Joseph, id est, reliquiae Joseph, solidis 12.

David Ibn Abudrahim Abraham Yarḥi

Abudrahim

Simeon Ḥinon

Sefer Keritot

Jacob d’Illescas

Imre Noʿam

Moses Ibn Ḥabib Solomon ben Eliezer Levi

Marpe Lashon ʾAvodat haLevi

(Other) Editions

Abraham Ibn Yesod Moreh Ezra

Constantinople: 1529

Judah Kalats Sefer haMusar

Constantinople: 1536–1537

Moses Nach- Torat hamanides Adam

bsb, Rar. 1229 Constantinople: (Naples: Gunzen- 1518 hauser, 1518) Constantinople: 1513 Constantinople: 1519

Joseph ben Shemtov

Sefer haManhig

bsb, Cod.hebr. 358

Constantinople: 1515 Constantinople: 1539

Constantinople: 1520 4 A.hebr. 300 Constantinople: (Venice: Giustini- 1520 ani, 1546) Sheʿarit Yosef Thessaloniki: 1521

the books of bomberg’s 1543 catalog in widmanstetter’s library

339

(cont.)

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

Title

41. Sarasira, id est, radices David Kimhi Shorashim Kimchi, libris 6.

42. Rasi coe (alias Raschai rabi Salomon in Mosen) super Pentateuchum et quinque historias, libra 1. solidis 16. 43. Sefer hateruma, id est, liber oblationum, libris 2. 44. Tesuvoth, id est, responsiones haramban (Ramban vocat Rabi Mose filium Naaman Gerundensem), libra 1. solidis 10. 45. Pesacim uchtavim, id est, iudicia et epistolae, libra 1. 46. Beniamin zeebh, id est, lupus, libris 6. solidis 4. 47. Michlol (R. Davidis opus grammaticum ut coniicio) libris 3. solidis 10. 48. Emanuelis compilatio carminib. libris 3.

Widmanstetter

(Other) Editions

bsb, 2 A.hebr. 141 (Venice: Bomberg, 1545/1546), bsb, Cod.hebr. 242

Venice: Bomberg, 1529

Rashi

Perush ʿal haTorah

Venice: Bomberg, 1522

Barukh ben Isaac

Sefer haTerumah

Venice: Bomberg, 1523

Moses Nach- Responsa manides

Venice: Bomberg, 1518–1523

Israel Isserlein

Venice: Bomberg, 1519

Pesukim uketuvim

BenBenyamin jamin ben Zeʾev Matatiyah David Kimhi Mikhlol

Immanuel Sefer haben Solomon Maḥberot of Rome

Venice: Bomberg, 1539 bsb, A.hebr. 533

Constantinople: Gershom Soncino, 1532–1534

bsb, 4 A.hebr. 283 Constantinople: Eliezer ben Gershom Soncino, 1535

340

appendix b

(cont.)

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

Title

49. Licute pardes, id est, collectanae Paradisi R. Salomonis, libra 1. 50. Seelot etesuvot, id est, questiones et responsiones R. David, libris 4. 51. Seelot etesuvot harasba, solid. 7. Sunt autem quaestiones et responsiones R. Symeonis filii Abraham. 52. Massoreth hamassoreth tuhb taam Elie, id est, annotationes dictionum, literarum et accentuum, libra 1. soldis 4. 53. Tisbi Eliae, libris 6. Id est dictionarium 712. dictionum. 54. Arba turim, id est, quatuor versuum. Sunt autem libri 4. ceremoniarum Judaicarum, libris 8. 55. Derech emuna (id est, Via veritatis et fidei) libris 4. 56. Keser tora, id est, corona legis, libris 3. sol. 10. 57. Sepher hamispar, id est de arithmetica liber, libris 3, solidis 10.

Rashi

Liqutei haPardes

Widmanstetter

(Other) Editions Venice: Bomberg, 1519

David Kohen Responsa ben Hayyim

Constantinople: 1537

Solomon Ibn Responsa Adret

Constantinople: 1516

Elijah Levita Masoret haMasoret

bsb, 4 A.hebr. 411 (Venice: Bomberg, 1538), Cod.hebr. 322

Elijah Levita Sefer haTishbi

Isny: Fagius, 1541

Jacob ben Asher

Arbaʿa Turim bsb, Cod.hebr. 255

Venice: Bomberg, 1522

Abraham Bibago

Derekh Emunah

Constantinople: 1521

David Vital

Keter Torah

Constantinople: 1536

Elijah Mizraḥi

Sefer haMispar

bsb, Cod.hebr. 36 Constantinople: 1532–1534

the books of bomberg’s 1543 catalog in widmanstetter’s library

341

(cont.)

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

Title

58. Nave salom, id est, propheta pacis, libris 4. solidis 10. 59. Mahelach, id est, grammatica R. Mosse Kimhi, cum Latina grammatica R.D. Kimhi, libra 1. 60. Talmud, ducatis 22.

Abraham Shalom

Neveh Shalom

61. Talmud hierosolymitanum libris 9. 62. Biblia magna, cum commentariis, ducatis 10. 63. Biblia parva, libris 4. et semis. 64. R. Moyse ducatis 10. Supererant autem duo tantum exemplaria anno 1543. cum Venetiis essem. 65. Haruch (dictionarium Chaldaicum puto) libris 5. 66. Concordantiae in sacra Biblia, libris 9. 67. Eschoni, libris 8. (alias haschoni super Pentateuchum).

Widmanstetter

(Other) Editions Constantinople: 1539

David Kimhi Mahelakh

Basel: 1531/1536

–

Babylonian Talmud

–

Jerusalem Talmud Miqraʾot Gedolot

Venice: Bomberg, 1522–1524 Venice: Bomberg, 1517–1518/1525

–

Bible

Moses Maimonides

Mishneh Torah

Venice: Bomberg, 1517–1518/1521/1526 Venice: Bomberg, 1524

Nathan ben Arukh

Sefer haʿArukh

Venice: Bomberg, 1532

Isaac ben Kalonymos –

Meʾir Netiv

–

Pentateuch with Commentaries and Targum

bsb, 2 A.hebr. 258-1-9 (Venice: Bomberg, 1519– 1523)

Venice: Bomberg, 1525–1531/ 1538

Venice: Bomberg, 1523 bsb, 2 B. OriVenice: Bomberg, ent. 21 a (Venice: 1524 Bomberg, 1548)

342

appendix b

(cont.)

No. Bomberg catalog

Author

Title

68. Chumas, id est, Pentateuchus cum Targum, libris 2. et semis. 69. Chumas parvum (id est, Pentateuchus in parva forma excusus), libra una semis. 70. Dicduch, id est, grammatica Hebraica et Latina (nimirum Abrahami de Balmis) libris 3. 71. Chiduse Rasba, id est, Nouella R. Symeonis filii Abraham, libris 4.

–

Pentateuch with Targum

–

Pentateuch

72. Telim, id est, Psalmi, solidis 6.

–

Widmanstetter

(Other) Editions

Venice: Bomberg, 1522/1525/1527/ 1533

Abraham de Miqneh Avra- bsb, 4 L.as. Balmes ham 103 (Venice: Bomberg, 1523)

Solomon Ibn Novellae Adret

73. Misle, id est, proverbia, – solidis 6. 74. lob et Daniel, solidis 6. – 75. Rabi Alphes (comIsaac Alfasi pendium Talmudicae doctrinae) ducatis 18. Anno 1543. duo solum exemplaria supererant.

Psalms

Proverbs, Canticles and Ecclesiastes Job and Daniel Sefer Rav Alfas

bsb, 4 A.hebr. 220 (Venice: Bomberg, 1523), Cod.hebr. 98 Venice: Bomberg, 1519/1521/1524/ 1527/1537/1538 Venice: Bomberg,

Venice: Bomberg, 1527 Venice: Bomberg, 1522

appendix c

Widmanstetter’s Itinerary from 1539 to 1557 This itinerary complements section 4.1.1. Widmanstetter’s return to Germany in 1539 initiated periods of extensive traveling on behalf of his masters that lasted until the year before his death. Each transition to a new position is marked in bold letters. Where not otherwise indicated, the biography of Max Müller was used as the source on Widmanstetter’s movements. Some additional information could be drawn from archival information and correspondence.

Year Date

Place

1539 –

Augsburg

ix

Siena

28 ix

Rome

1540 27 iii

1541

Gent

Source Unsuccessful application with city council. Joins service of Duke Ludwig x of Bavaria-Landshut. Purportedly bought university degree. Visiting on the Duke Ludwig’s business. Meeting with Emperor Charles v for the archbishop of Eichstätt. Trial against Ambrosius Gumppenberg.

V

Rome

vi ix 5i Easter

Germany Siena and Rome Rome Trial against Gumppenberg. Rome Sings Gospel in Greek at Mass for pope. Bologna Trial against Gumppenberg. Regensburg Meets with Martin Frecht during imperial diet. Sees flag of Solomon Molkho. Genua En route to Rome Rome Accepted into the Order of St. Jacob of the Sword.

12 iv 28 v

6 ix

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_012

344

appendix c

(cont.)

Year Date

Place

1542 15 i

Landshut

1543 15 i

Rome Landshut

27 iii

Landshut

6 vii

[Landshut]

20 vii 17 ix

Bologna [Landshut]

X

Rome

X

Venice Siena

5 xii

Rome

1544 18 ii

Rome

30 vii Munich and 13 ix 25 ix Munich 25 ix

[Munich]

3 xi

Landshut

1545 23 vii

Salzburg

Source Wedding to Anna von Leonsberg. Trial against Gumppenberg. Dedication for the commentary on the Quran. Letter to R. Isaac of Günzburg. Responds to letter from Paulus Aemilius and pays for books. Trial against Gumppenberg. Responds to letter from Paulus Aemilius. Appeal with pope for end of trial. Meeting with Elijah Levita.

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,5 and 16; see appendix A. bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,7 and 11; see appendix A.

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,12; see appendix A.

bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,6; see appendix A.

Attempts to meet with Marius and Alfonso Colombino. Buys books from the book- bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 245,51 and seller Zena. bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 7-v, f. 8r, Clm 307. Buys books from Abraham de Scazzocchio. Trial against Bonaccursius Grynaeus. Answers letter from Paulus bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,17; see Fagius. appendix A. Responds to two letters from bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,13 and Paulus Aemilius. 14; see appendix A. Legitimizes the natural bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,9, daughters of Georg EgenPublished in Müller, Widpeck, priest of Wallersdorf. manstetter, 85–87. Joins Archbishop Ernst of AT-OeStA/HHStA ur aur 1545 Salzburg. vii 23.

345

widmanstetter’s itinerary from 1539 to 1557 (cont.)

Year Date

Place

1546 vii–viii

Augsburg

1547 ix–?

Augsburg

1548 30 vi

Augsburg

1548 28 viii

Augsburg

1549 21 iii

[Augsburg]

1550 ii–iii

Rome

1551

[Rome]

15 v

Summer [Dillingen] 1552 Spring

Dillingen

10 viii

Passau

X

Passau

1553 13 ix–7 x Heilbronn

Source Leads Spanish regiment from Carinthia to borders of Bavaria. Joins Bishop Otto of Augsburg as archivist and chancellor. Participation in imperial diet. Sends History of Archbishops of Salzburg to Sebastian Münster. Letter to Hieronymus Anfang. Receives letter from Paulus Aemilius. Accompanies bishop Otto for election of new pope. Made citizen of honor of Rome, presence in Rome unclear. Retires from position with bishop of Augsburg. Escapes from civil war to Austria. Letter to Ambrosius Gumppenberg. Present during negotiations for end of civil war. Joins King Ferdinand i of Austria as chancellor. Represents King Ferdinand during negotiations for Heidelberger Bund alongside Ulrich Zasius.

Mochoczek, Reichstag zu Augsburg 1547/48, 1699–1703. edition of 1550, 638.

Published in Müller, Widmanstetter, 98. bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249,15; see appendix A.

Dedicatio zum syrischen Neuen Testament, f. 13b. Dedicatio zum syrischen Neuen Testament, f. 14b. bsb, Ms. Clm M. 27081, 13, edited in Müller, Widmanstetter, 99.

AT-OeStA/HHStA rk Reichsakten in genere 23, f. 61, atOeStA/HHStA rk Reichsakten in genere 19-3-2, ff. 270–287.

346

appendix c

(cont.)

Year Date

Place

1554 17 i

Vienna

1554– 1555 1556 6 v

Vienna Regensburg

18 v

Regensburg

24 ix

Vienna

31 viii

Regensburg

30 xii

Regensburg

27 ii

Regensburg

1557 27 ii

Regensburg

Source Superintendent of the university of Vienna. Works on Syriac New Testament. Letter to Duke Christoph of Württemberg. Death of his wife Anna Lucretia. Receives letter of safe passage (“Passbrief”) for his voyage from Vienna to Regensburg. Letter to Petrus Canisius.

hsa Stuttgart, A 63 Bü 18/6, ff. 171–173.

Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv/Alte Hofkammer/Hoffinanz Österreich/Hoffinanz Österreich Akten 22, f. 614. Edited in Müller, Widmanstetter, 105.

Accepted as Regensburg Cathedral Canon Nomination to represent the Mochoczek, Reichstag zu Catholic estates at imperial Augsburg 1547/48, 894, 1080. diet. Death.

appendix d

Catalog of Widmanstetter’s Hebraist Library The following catalog does not presume to replace the works of Steinschneider, Scholem, and others who have worked extensively on the bibliographical aspects of the manuscripts in Munich. Instead, this catalog seeks to address questions that are relevant for writing the present study: codicology, paleography, entries of former owners, Widmanstetter’s own additions (entry of ownership, his identifications of texts, and marginal notes), and bindings. As a consequence, the traces left in later times are largely ignored in this catalog.1 Nonetheless, here are some general remarks about the changes made to Widmanstetter’s books following his death: After the duke of Bavaria-Munich purchased Widmanstetter’s books for his library in 1558, they were catalogued in 1574–1575 by Paulus Aemilius and Wolfgang Prommer.2 The shelf marks they gave to his books are usually written in ink onto the front covers. Later generations of librarians glued the ex libris of Duke Maximilian i of Bavaria dating to 1618 to the inner front cover.3 After Maximilian became prince elector, another ex libris was glued to the inner back cover dating to 1630.4 The eighteenth-century court librarian Felix von Oefele was among the first who took an interest in the history of Widmanstetter’s books. He left notebooks that document the earlier state of some books and sometimes wrote down his conclusions in the volumes themselves. During the nineteenth century, the stamp of the royal court library was routinely added onto several pages of each volume. The attempts to replace the sixteenth-century catalog, resulted in new shelf marks which are still visible on many volumes on the spine. These catalogers were Lazarus Alexandre, Ferdinand Maria Friedman, and Joseph Schmidhamer in 1834.5 Alexandre also wrote out the titles of many volumes on their flyleaves and when the titles of texts were missing in the manuscript, he sometimes added them (indicated as al). The British Museum (today British Library) acquired three Widmanstetter prints from Munich on 10 October 1848 which bear the red stamp of the British Museum on the titlepages and on the last versos. 1 A handful of manuscripts from Widmanstetter’s collection have described in much greater detail in Cohen-Mushlin, Hebrew Manuscripts; these are bsb, Codd.hebr. 107, 112, 114, 208, and 235. The pages are indicated in the bibliography section of each entry. 2 See bsb, Cbm Cat. 36, Cbm Cat. 36 m, and Cbm Cat. 37. These catalogs are discussed in more detail in section 4.3.3. 3 See Friedolin Dressler, Die Exlibris der Bayerischen Hof- und Staatsbibliothek. 17. bis 20. Jahrhundert. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1972, type A3. 4 See Dressler, Exlibris, type B3. 5 On these catalogs, see Kellner and Spethmann, Historische Kataloge, 56–58.

© Maximilian de Molière, 2024 | doi:10.1163/9789004689527_013

348

appendix d

Cod.arab. 234 Arabic Pentateuch and New Testament. 1. ff. 1v–77v: [‫ ]תורה‬Pentateuch. 2. ff. 78r–128r: [‫ ]הברית החדשה‬New Testament.

Codicology Material: Paper. iv·128·iv’ ff. (ir–ivr, i’r–iv’r blank.) 280 × 209 mm. Foliation: 1–23 (1) 25– 128. Condition: The top left corner of all pages has been repaired with modern paper. Page layout: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 231×147 mm. Binding: Half binding, wooden board and dark brown leather. Frame in double blind ruling with a second frame inside that consists of the same blind stamped motif (hedgehog). The binding is fastened with two metal clasps. (292 × 210 × 43 mm).

History Origin: The manuscript was copied in Morocco in 898 Hejira (1492/1493), see the signatures on ff. 77v and 127v. Provenance: An earlier owner left a note in Latin capital letters on f. 77v. Widmanstetter’s additions: His entry of ownership is found in variations on f. 1 a): “Lucretii Aesiandri” (top and bottom) has faded and b): “Joannis Alberti Wydmaestadiani, ex Elepha|stheniis, Svevi, cognomento Lucretii.” In addition, he wrote two titles a) on f. 1: Pentateuchus et | Quatuor Evangelia. and b) on f. 78r: Quatuor Evangeliorum codex Arabicus. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter identified. Aumer, Die arabischen Handschriften, 75.

Cod.arab. 236 Saadia Gaon. i. 1. ff. 1v–16r: Commentary on the first four psalms.

cod.arab. 236

349

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: The outer and the inner leaves are parchment.

2. 3.

ii. ff. 16v–88r: ‫ שרח תחלים‬Commentary on Psalms by Saadia ben Joseph. ff. 88r–87bisr: Commentary on Psalms.

History Provenance: Entry of ownership in Sefardic square script by Harun ben Musa on f. 87bisr: “‫הדה פסר תלים ושדחה להרון בן מוסי אללה יזכיה חפטה אשתדאה במאלה לנפסה‬.” Provenance: Another entry of ownership in Sefardic semi cursive by Moses ben Ḥefet f. 87bisr: “‫למשה ב״ר חפץ רית״בע‬.” Provenance: On f. 88r is a list of debtors in Spanish in a Sefardic semi cursive hand. 4. ff. 88bisv–131v: [‫ ]פירוש כתובים‬Commentary on Psalms, Daniel, Esther and the Song of Songs by Solomon ben Isaac. Provenance: On f. 1v is the entry of ownership by Jehiel: “‫יחיאל‬.” Provenance: Entry of ownership in Italian semi cursive on f. 131v by the sons of Jehiel, Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel: “‫שלנו משה בברש״ג יחיאל ויהודה אחי‬.”

Shared features Material: Paper/Parchment. i·131·i’ ff. 269×187×44mm. Foliation: 1–88 (1) 89–131. Condition: The poor state of ff. 1r and 131v, plus Widmanstetter’s index on f. 131v suggest that the manuscript was unbound when he purchased it. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (274×201×45mm). Two straps have come off. Restored.

History Origin: Unreadable notes in Hebrew characters on f. 1r. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote indices a) on the cover: R. Sahadias filius Joseph translationem | scripsit in Psalterio sermone Arabico, qui | in hoc codice Hebraice characteribus sunt | scripti, ex qua lumen ingens Psalterio accedit. | R. Salomo Izhaki in Psalterio | commentarius breves in Danielem [Ester] et | Cantica Canticorum. and b) on f. 131v:

350

appendix d Rabbi Zahdie filii Josephi commentum Psalterio | David sermone Arabico et littera Hebraica | ‫ רשי‬in Psalterio et, | commentarius breves in Danieli, Ester, | et Cantica Canticorum.

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 76. Aumer, Die arabischen Handschriften, 76–77.

Cod.hebr. 6 Talmud Bavli. [Spain]. 12th to 13th century. 1. ff. 9r–208v: [‫ חגיגה‬,‫ יומא‬,‫ ]פסחים‬Talmud: Pesaḥim, Yoma, Ḥagiga.

Codicology Material: Parchment. i·198·i’ ff. (None blank.) 366×316–321 mm. Foliation: 9–49 51–195 197–208. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters in brown ink on the first recto: ‫ג׳–כ״ו‬. Quiring: Quaternions. Each quire begins on the hair side. According to a note on the bookplate, the folios 50 and 196 were already missing in the nineteenth century or even earlier. Catchwords: None. Condition: The first quire is completely missing. f. 9 is torn, horizontally at the top (approx. 20–56mm missing) and bottom (approx. 130–137mm missing). ff. 10–54 have suffered from mice at the bottom outer third, the damage is as broad as 143 mm and as high as 63mm. It decreases towards f. 54. Mice have also eaten the top outer half of ff. 9–13, the damage varies between 13 and 88 mm. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 274–279× 237–242mm. Lines ruled by hard point, each pair of successive bifolio on the hair side. Pricking in the outer and inner margin, sometimes cut. Script: Sefardic square script. Binding: Card board binding. (380×334×66mm).

History Provenance: An earlier owner left marginal notes in Sefardic semi cursive script throughout the manuscript. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 10r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 2. imhm F 23104.

cod.hebr. 36

351

Cod.hebr. 36 Scientific and Philosophical Writings. Constantinople. 1485. 1. f. 1r: [‫ ]הערות לספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬Notes on Euclid’s De Elementis. 2. ff. 1v–7v: ‫ מעשה חושב‬Mathematical treatise by Levi ben Gershom. 3. ff. 8r–17r, 22r–85r, 87r–100r: ‫ ספר היסודות‬De Elementis by Euclid. 4. ff. 17v–21v: [‫ ]פירוש ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬Commentary on the Elements by Euclid by Muḥammad al-Farabi. 5. ff. 85v–86r: [‫ ]פירוש פתיחות ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬Commentary on the Elements by Euclid by Alhazen. 6. f. 101r: [‫ ]ספר המספר‬Treatise of arithmetic, book 6 by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 7. ff. 102r–127r: ‫ צורת הארץ‬De Sphaera Mundi by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda. 8. ff. 127v–135v: [‫ ]ספר העבור‬Sefer ha-ʿIbbur by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda. 9. ff. 136r–137v: ‫ ספר האחד‬Work on numbers by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 10. ff. 137v–138v: [‫ ]פירוש ספר השם של ראב״ע‬Commentary on Ibn-ʿEzra’s Sefer ha-Shem. 11. ff. 138v–140r: [‫ ]משנת המדות‬Mishnat ha-Middot. 12. ff. 140r–142v: [‫ ]לקוטים במתמטיקה‬Mathematical notes. 13. ff. 142v–143v: [‫ ]חשבון מהלכות הכוכבים‬Computing the paths of the stars by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda. 14. ff. 144r–164r: [‫ ]אריתמטיקה‬Introduction to arithmetics by Nicomachus of Gerasa. Contains emendations in the margins. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. 15. ff. 164v–173v: [‫ ]כלי הצפיחה‬Kelei ha-Tsepiḥa by Ibrāhīm ibn Yaḥya Zarqālī. 16. ff. 173v–176v: [‫ ]תקון כלי צפיחה‬Tiqqun Kelei ha-Tsepiḥa by Mordecai ben Eliezer Comtino. 17. ff. 176v–195v: [‫ ]חבור באסטרונומיה פיסקלית‬On physical astronomy. 18. ff. 195v–203r: ‫ חקון כלי הנחשת‬On the astrolabe by Mordecai ben Eliezer Comtino. 19. ff. 203v–209v: [‫ ]יסודי התבונה ומגדל האמונה‬Scientific encyclopedia by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda. 20. ff. 210r–219r: [‫ ]השאלות הדבריות‬Problems of Discussion by Averroes. Translated by Samuel ben Judah of Marseille. 21. ff. 219v–222r: [‫ ]הדרושים הטבעיים‬Questions in physics by Averroes. 22. ff. 222v–226v: [‫ ]מאמר ממחוייב המציאות‬Philosophic article on the commitment to reality by Joseph ben Judah Ibn Simon. 23. ff. 226v–230v: ‫ מאמר בתשובות שאלות נשאל מהם‬Responsa to philosophic questions by Al-Ghazali. 24. f. 231r: ‫ המבוא הגדול‬Great Introduction to the Science of Astrology by Albumasar. 25. ff. 257r–232r: [‫ ]פירוש על כללי אבן רשד על ספר אותות העליונות של אריסטו‬On Averroes’ Commentary on Aristotle’s Meteorologica by Levi ben Gershom. 26. ff. 259r–261r: ‫ חלוף המבטים‬Book of Optics by Euclid. 27. ff. 261r–262r: ‫ המראים‬Book of Mirrors by Euclid.

352

appendix d

28.

ff. 262r–263v: ‫ שני הקוים שאינם נפגשים‬The Two Lines that Don’t Cross by Simeon ben Moses Motot. ff. 263v–269r: [‫ ]חבור בגיאומטריה‬Treatise on geometry by Levi ben Gershom.

29.

Codicology Material: Paper. 281ff. (264v–268 blank.) Foliation: (1), 1–101, (2), 102–143, (4), 144–209, (5), 210–231, (2), 232–258, (1), 259–268. Quiring: The manuscript was inaccessible for autopsy. Script: The main part is written in Byzantine semi cursive script by seven alternating hands. Hand 1: ff. 9r–17r, 29r–32r l. 15, 32r l. 28–33r l. 1, 33r l. 5–42r, 47r–85r, 91v–100v, 106v–118v l. 21, 119r–142v l. 15, 146r–183r, 183v l. 5–202v l. 12, 210r. Hand 2: f. 22r–22v l. 4, 23v l. 35–End of page, 24v l. 4–26r l. 22, 26v–27v l. 17, 27v l. 27–28v, 42v–43r, 46r l. 23–46v, 105r l. 17–106r l. 9, 118v l. 22–end of page, 202v l. 12–203r. Hand 3: ff. 22v l. 5– 23v l. 34, 24r–24v l. 4, 26r l. 23–end of page, 27v l. 17–l. 27, 32r l. 15–l. 27, 33r l. 2–l. 5, 43v–46r l. 22, 89r–91r, 106r l. 9–end of page, 144r–145v, 183v. Hand 4: ff. 87r–88v, 259r– 263 l. 2. Hand 5: ff. 102r–105r l. 17. Hand 6: ff. 210v–257v. A seventh hand writes in cursive script: ff. 1–8, 17v–21, 85v–86v, 101r, 142v l. 16–143v, 203v–209r, 258r, 263v l. 3– 264r. Binding: Renaissance binding This type of binding is identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 78, 107, 108, 109, 110, and 111.

History Origin: The colophon of one of the scribes, called Moses Yonah ben David is found on f. 100v: “‫וכתבתיו אני משה יונ״ה בכ״ר דוד יון בעיר קוסטנטינא שנת הר״ם | ליצירה לכה״ר מצליח‬ ‫הבחירי ה׳ יזכהו להגות בו הוא וזרעו וזרע | זרעו עד סוף כל הדורות א׳נ׳ס׳‬.” Moses left a second colophon on f. 173v: “| ‫נשלמה אגרת המעשה של הלוח הנקרא צפיחה בעזרת יי׳ על ידי אני משה‬ ‫בכ״ר דוד יונ״ה ביום יי׳ ג׳ אייר י״ז לספירה שנת רמ״ה קרני ביי׳‬.” Provenance: Jehiel’s entry of ownership (with the last part missing) on f. 1r: “‫יחיאל‬.” Provenance: Abraham’s entry of ownership is found on f. 1r: “‫לאברהם למקנה‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership on f. 1r: “‫ ”ר״כ‬and on f. 8r: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 19–24. imhm F 1166.

Cod.hebr. 70 Almagest. [Italy]. First half 15th century. 1. ff. 2r–180v: ‫ אלמגסטי‬Almagest by Ptolemy. Translated by Jacob Anatoli.

cod.hebr. 74 a

353

Codicology Material: Paper. i·180ff. (iv, 1v, 19v–20v, 26r–28r, 38v, 39v, 45r–v, 53r–v, 62v–64v, 73r–74v, 79r–v, 88v–89v, 94v–95v, 103v–106v, 150v–151v blank.) 324 × 234 mm. Foliation: 1–180. Quiring: Quaternions and quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on many versos. Condition: f. 131 bound upside down. Page layout: One column, 39 lines. Text space: 227× 152 mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, page by page. Script: Italian semi cursive script. Illustrations: No illustrations. Countless diagrams throughout the manuscript e.g. ff. 1r, 7v–9r, 10r–11v, 12v–13v, 16v–17v, 21v–25v, 32r–37v, 40r, 46r–v, 47v–48v, 49v–50v, 52r, 57r– 58r, 59v–60r, 61r–v, 65v–66r, 68r–v, 70r–v, 72v, 76r–77r, 81v, 85v–86v, 87v, 93r–v, 111r–112v, 116v–118v, 119v, 120v–121r, 122r, 123r–v. The scribe left space for a diagram that was not drawn on f. 90v. Binding: Limp parchment binding (318×235×43mm). The leather flaps have come off. Stained.

History Provenance: Jehiel’s entry of ownership is found on f. 2r. The surname is deleted. Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote the title on f. ir: “Almagestus Ptolemei.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 4r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote a title on the front cover: Almagestum Ptolemaei. In the top right corner of f. 2r he added the gematria value of his surname “‫ר״כ‬.” No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 47. imhm F 1638.

Cod.hebr. 74 Elijah Levita. Rome. 1521.

Cod.hebr. 74 a 1.

ff. 4r–578r: [‫ ]זכרונות‬Sefer Zikhronot by Elijah Levita.

354

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 581ff. (2r–3v, 11v, 14–15, 33v, 74v–77v, 82–83, 84v, 86, 194–197, 318v–319v, 345v, 367v–368v, 531–533, 579–580 blank.) 326×230mm. Foliation: 1–185 185a 186– 322 324–464 464a 465–580. Quire numbering in Arabic numerals on the last verso of each quire. 1–54. The ff. 12–85 are not included. Quiring: Mostly quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Condition: Trimmed, to preserve a marginal note, f. 163 was partly folded in. Page layout: Two columns, 32–34 lines. Text space: 258 × 164mm. The margin between the columns is 23mm wide. Ruling by hard point, folio by folio: on verso. Script: Mainly written in Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Some additions by Egidio da Viterbo on ff. 84r, 85r–v. Binding: Renaissance binding with brown leather decorated with horizontal lines of red and green dots. The edges are framed in linework. (326 × 227× 108 mm). Heavily worn, leather strips have come off.

Cod.hebr. 74 b 2.

ff. 4r–596r: [‫ ]זכרונות‬Sefer Zikhronot by Elijah Levita.

Codicology Material: Paper. 598ff. (1v–2v, 35v–37v, 161r–162v, 185v–186v, 243v, 319v, 399, 461, 582, 597r– 599r blank.) 326×230mm. Foliation: 1–99 99–246 248–322 324–544 (1) 545–577 579– 599. Quire numbering in Arabic numerals on the last verso of each quire. 55–110. Quiring: Mostly quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Condition: Trimmed. Page layout: Two columns, 32–34 lines. Text space: 258 × 164mm. The margin between the columns is 23mm wide. Ruling by hard point, folio by folio: on verso. Script: Mainly written in Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Binding: Renaissance binding with brown leather decorated with horizontal lines of red and green dots. The edges are framed in linework. (324 × 227× 108 mm). Heavily worn, leather strips have come off.

History Origin: Written by Elijah Levita for Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo in the year 1521 in Rome. His entry of ownership is found in the second volume f. 4r: “F. egid. car.” A colophon is found in the second volume, f. 595r: “‫תם ונשלם בעזר אל עולם | ותהי השלמת‬ ‫הספר הנכבד הזה המחובר | אל החשמן היקר והנעלה אשר קצת | שבחו ולא כלו זכרתי בהקדמת‬ ‫ היום יום א׳ ד׳ לחדש תמוז | שנת חמשת אלפים ומאתים ושמנים | ואחת שהוא שנת‬.‫הספר | הזה‬ | ‫ ברוך ה׳ אלהי‬.‫ במדינת שרתי‬.‫ פה רומי | רבתי‬: ‫אלף וחמש מאות | ועשרים ואחת למנין הנוצרים‬

cod.hebr. 75

355

‫ אמן‬.‫אבותינו לעולם ועד‬.” Directly below, da Viterbo left the following remark: “Hec in ordinem redigimus hacten|usque lecta. Ubi annotationes | iunximus atque concordantias. | Fratris Egidii Cardinalis | per Eliam.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is established by his ownership of other printed books from his collection and many of the manuscripts he commissioned are based on da Viterbo’s exemplars. He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 48–49. SfarData 0G047. imhm F 1147 G, F 1158 G, F 32574.

Cod.hebr. 75 Moses Nachmanides. [Albalate de Cinca, Spain]. Early 14th century. 1. ff. 2r–125v: [‫ ]חדושי בבא בתרא‬Novellae on Bava Batra by Moses Nachmanides. 2. ff. 125v–133v: ‫ דיני דגרמי‬Dinei de-Garme by Moses Nachmanides. 3. ff. 134r–139v: [‫ ]חדושי סנהדרין‬Novellae on Sanhedrin by Moses Nachmanides.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 143ff. (140 blank.) 317–318× 210 mm. Foliation: 1–26 26bis 27–36 36bis 37–47 (1) 48–140. Quiring: The inner and outer bifolia are parchment. Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Last word of every verso used as catchword. Condition: Heavily damaged by ink. Restored in 2017. The quires are tacked on strips of leather tanned with lye; f. 128 is sewn in. Page layout: One column, 31 lines. Text space: 297×152 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (328×212×50 mm). Cracks in the leather on the backside are sewn.

History Origin: Due to the strong similarity to bsb, Cod.hebr. 98, it is likely that this manuscript was copied by the same scribe at approximately the same time—ca. 1327 by Moses ben Hayyim Ibn Shabuka in Albalate de Cinca (Spain). A possible older entry of ownership is scratched out on f. 1v. Provenance: Entry of ownership by Jehiel on f. 2r: “‫—”יחיאל‬the surname is deleted. Provenance: Entry of ownership in Italian semi cursive in brownish ink on f. 1v by the sons of Jehiel. An attempt was made to delete the names with black ink. Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel: “‫שלנו ר׳ משה ר׳ ויהודה אחים‬.” Provenance: Pen tests of the title in Sefardic hands on f. 1v.

356

appendix d

Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He left no marginal notes. Two titles in Widmanstetter’s hand a) on f. 1r: Rabbi Mosis filii Nachmani super jure civili | nene quedam questiones ex Thalmud and b) on the binding: Intellectus novi tractatus Babae posteris | per Maimonem Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 49. imhm F 1148.

Cod.hebr. 76 Menahem Tsiyoni. 1550s. 1. ff. 1r–177v: ‫ ציוני‬Tsiyoni by Menahem Tsiyoni.

Codicology Material: Paper. 177ff. (None blank.) 309×216mm. Foliation: 1–7 (1) 9–177. Quiring: Quaternions. Page layout: 30 Lines, in two columns. The distance between the columns is 10 mm. Ruling in hard point and pencil on the recto of each quire, only the text frame. Sometimes additional material is added in smaller, intersecting paragraphs. Text space: 222×135mm. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Illustrations: The numbers in the index are decorated with red flourishes. Tables (f. 64r, 66v, 177v), circular diagrams (f. 64v, 65r, 79r, 155r, 176v), and a floral pattern (f. 88r). Binding: Peißenberg binding (319×230mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also added the Latin title on the top of the same folio: R. Menahem Zioni commentarii in Pentateuchum cabalisticum. He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 49. imhm F 1146.

cod.hebr. 77

357

Cod.hebr. 77 Midrash Leqaḥ tov. Bologna. 1397. 1. ff. 1v–68v: [‫ ]מדרש לקח טוב‬Midrash Leqaḥ tov by Tobiah ben Eliezer.

Codicology Material: Parchment. ii·70·ii’ ff. (ir–iiv, 68v–ii’v blank.) 314 × 225mm. Foliation: 1–38 (1) 40–70. Page layout: ruling by hard point Text space: 186×134 mm. Script: Written in Sefardic semi cursive by an unknown scribe in brown ink. Binding: Card board binding. Steinschneider describes the manuscript as unbound. It is possible that it was unbound during Widmanstetter’s lifetime. (329 × 232× 23mm).

History Origin: The manuscript was copied in Bologna in Iyyar 5157 (May 1397), see the colophon on f. 68r: “‫כתבתיו פה בולונייה בחדש אייר שנת הא׳ ואברהם ז׳ק׳ן׳ בא בימים‬.” Provenance: Entry of ownership by Abraham ben Aaron [Scazzocchio] f. 1r: “‫קנין כספי‬ ‫אברהם בכ״ר אהרן‬.” Provenance: Below that another entry that shows that this manuscript was in the possession of the Roman physician Mordecai ben Eliezer: “‫קטן הרופאים ראובן בכ״ר‬ ‫יקותיאל ז״ל בכ״ר אברהם מפורלי זצ״ל הרופא | בכ״ר משולם ז״ל בכ״ר מנחם הרופא ז״ל בכ״ר‬ | ‫מרדכי הרופא זצ״ל בכ״ר | יהודה הרופא ז״ל מטרישטיבירי וזה מירושת מרת חנה אמי בת כמהר״ר‬ ‫מרדכי הרופא זצ״ל מבית אניילוני רומאנו‬.” The physician Reuben ben Jekutiel ben Abraham the physician of Forli ben Meshullam ben Menahem the physician ben Mordecai physician ben Judah, physician from Trastevere inherited the manuscript from his mother Hannah bat Mordecai physician of the Angeloni family. Some of these names are also mentioned in bsb, Cod.hebr. 117. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” On the same page he lists the content of the manuscript and recounts its origin according to the Hebrew entry above: “Midras Ruth | Cantus canticorum | Ester | Ecclesiastis R. Tobiae filii | Eleazaris. | Et videtur omnes si commenta|rii R. Tobiae esse, propter scilicet | consonantiam. Codex scriptus | est Bononiae 5011. | Midras Psalterii. Usque ad psalmum 119. | Expositio aliorum psalmorum.” He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 49–50. SfarData 0G016. imhm F 1167.

358

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 78 Aron ha-ʿEdut. [Venice]. [1550/1551]. 1. ff. 1r–139r: ‫ ארון העדות‬Aron ha-ʿEdut by Judah ben Joseph Karasani

Codicology Material: Paper. iii·141 (i–iii, 1v, 136v, 139v–141v blank.) 313× 215 mm. Foliation: 1–141. Original foliation in Hebrew letters. ‫א–קלו‬. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: In good condition. Page layout: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 237× 144 mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Renaissance binding (323×218×34mm). Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 107, 108, 109, 110, and 111. Worn.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: No entry of ownership. Provenance from Widmanstetter is probable, as the binding is identical to others that are part of his collection. He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 50. imhm F 1671.

Cod.hebr. 81 Eleazar of Worms. Rome. 1555. 1. ff. 8v–79r: ‫ ספר רזיאל‬Sefer Raziel by Eleazar of Worms. 2. ff. 79r–82r: ‫ הלכות מיטטרון‬Halikhot Metatron by Eleazar of Worms. 3. ff. 82r–87v: ‫ הלכות המלאכים‬Halikhot ha-Melakhim by Eleazar of Worms. 4. ff. 87v–88r: ‫ הילך המרכבה‬Halikh ha-Merkavah by Eleazar of Worms. 5. ff. 88r–96v: ‫ הלכות הכסא‬Halikhot ha-Kise by Eleazar of Worms. 6. ff. 97r–103r: ‫ הלכות הכבוד‬Halikhot ha-Kavod by Eleazar of Worms. 7. ff. 103r–106r: ‫ הלכות הדבור‬Halikhot ha-Dibbur by Eleazar of Worms. 8. ff. 106r–110v: ‫ הלכות הנבואה‬Halikhot ha-Nevuʾah by Eleazar of Worms. 9. ff. 110v–113v: ‫ הלכות האמנה‬Halikhot ha-Emunah by Eleazar of Worms. 10. ff. 113v–237v: ‫ ספר השם‬Sefer ha-Shem by Eleazar of Worms. 11. ff. 238r–300v: ‫ פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah 12. ff. 238r–241v: [‫ ]ספר יצירה‬Long Recension of Sefer Yetsirah 13. ff. 241v–300v: ‫ סוד ה׳ ליריאיו‬Sod Adonai le-Yereʾav

cod.hebr. 81 14. 15.

359

ff. 301r–311v: [‫ ]סגולות‬Segullot ff. 311v–368bisr: ‫ ספר חכמת הנפש‬Sefer Ḥokhmat ha-Nefesh by Eleazar of Worms.

Codicology Material: Paper. 369ff. (1–6, 7v, 369v–377v blank.) 302 × 211 mm. Foliation: 1–66 (2) 68– 104 106–198 (1) 199–368 (1) 369. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords, often partly cut, in the lower left corner. Condition: Fingerprints on ff. 6v, 7r, 369r, 370v, 371r, 374v. Ink stains. The paper suffers from mildew on its edges. The manuscript was restored in 1959. Holes in ff. 1–3 and ff. 375–377 indicate that the wooden boards used to be infested by woodworms; the eaten paper was apparently filled in on the inside of the book cover. Page layout: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 198–203 × 123–125 mm. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Binding: Wooden boards (319–321×219×mm).

History Origin: Written by Moses Gad ben Tobiah of Cracow for Widmanstetter in 1555, the colophon is on f. 200v: “‫נאים משה גד בן הקדוש ר׳ טוביה היד ד״ל הכותב | ספר זה לאחד‬ ‫מחכמי האומות ראש וקצין‬.” Another one is on f. 369r: “‫אמר המתנצל הכותב הספר | הזה‬ ‫אל יאשימני אדם כאשר ימצא | בספר הזה טעותים עד אין חקר כי הנני | נשבע ביוצרי כי כפל‬ ‫כפלי כפלים היו בהעתק | אשר לפני ואני תקנתי מהם הרבה והרבה | ולפעמים הנחתי מקום פנוי‬ ‫מתיבה אחת או | שתים כאשר לא הבנתי מה עניין התיבה ההיא | וכתבתי הספר הזה לאחד‬ ‫מחסידי אומות | העולם איש תם וישר מכהני במות שנטו | אגושטינו שמו אדון יוחנן אלברכת‬ ‫ווידמאנסתיתר ראש | וקצין על כל כהני הבמות הנזכרי׳ אשר בכל ]מדינות[ | ארץ הנוצרים השם‬ ‫יזכהו להגות בו ולהבין | מה שכתוב בו ובשאר ַסִפי ֵרי ספריו אשר | קנה והכתיב והוציא ממון רב‬ ‫ועוד ידו נטויה | להוציא ממונו עד שיהיו לו כל הספרים הנמצאי׳ | אצלינו והשלמתי הספר הקדוש‬ ‫הזה היום | יום ו׳ שהוא יום ו׳ ימי׳ בחדש אלול שטו | לפ״ק אשר ראיתי בו ראשי בעל הלבנה‬ | ‫ברוך | יי׳ כי מובטח אני שלא אמות השנה הזאת | נאם הסופר אליה משה גד בן הק׳ ר׳ טוביה‬ ‫הי״ד ז״ל מק״ק קראקא ממדינת פולין קטן‬.” Someone filled in Widmanstetter’s name in a gap left by Moses after he had received the manuscript; meaning that Moses evidently did not know for whom he was copying the manuscript. Below that in a smaller hand: “‫תחת מלך ממשלת זיגמונד אגושטוש ירה‬.” For an image of this folio see figure 6. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Johannis Alberti Widmanstadii Jurisconsultus.” On f. 7r, he added his description of the contents: Eleazari Catonis R. Jehudae F. et Jehudae Chasidi | discipuli Liber Razielis. | | Johannis Albertus Widmanstadius Jurisconsultus describendum curavit | mdlv.

360

appendix d

On f. 8v, he noted: Eleazari Catonis liber, Razielis magni titulo | decoratus. Below the colophon on f. 200v, Widmanstetter explains the colophon of Moses Gad ben Tobia: “Nota, Heliam Levitam grammaticum exemplar | unde hoc descriptum est, cardinali Aegidio | tum generali sancti Augustini scripsisse anno ‫ רע״ו‬5276 | quem in hac conclusione secutus est Moses | scriba meus, qui mihi tribuit titulos magisterii | ordinis sancti Augustini, ignarus quid scriberet. | Anno Christi mdlv quod est Judaeis–5315.” He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 50–53. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1875), 174. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 288–289. imhm F 23120.

Cod.hebr. 85 Bernard de Gordon. [Italy]. First half 15th century.

Cod.hebr. 85 a 1. 2.

ff. 2r–115r: [‫ ]שושן הרפואת‬Lilium Medicinae by Bernard de Gordon. Translated by Jekutiel ben Solomon of Narbonne. f. 115v: ‫ חבור בהנהגת החדות‬De Regimine Acutarum Aegritudinum by Bernard de Gordon

Codicology Material: Parchment and paper. (None blank.) 298×209 mm. Quiring: Ten-bifolia quires. The outer and middle bifolia are parchment. Quires begin on the flesh side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last versos of each quire—except the first (possibly trimmed). Page layout: Two columns, 48–49 lines. Text space: 205 × 148 mm. Space between columns 15mm. Ruling by pencil, only the frame. Lines undulate. Script: Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (305×214×27mm).

cod.hebr. 85 b

361

Cod.hebr. 85 b 3. 4. 5.

f. 1r: [‫ ]חבור בהנהגת החדות‬De Regimine Acutarum Aegritudinum by Bernard de Gordon ff. 1r–3r: ‫ לוח התחבולה‬Affectus Praeter Naturam Curandi Methodus by Bernard de Gordon ff. 3v–22v: ‫ ספר הגבולים‬Sefer ha-Gevulim by Bernard de Gordon

Codicology Material: Parchment and paper. i·23·i’ ff. (None blank.) 204 × 212 mm. Quiring: The outer and middle bifolia are parchment. The quire begins on the flesh side. Catchwords: None. Condition: f. 1 is sewn. Page layout: Two columns, 48–49 lines. Text space: 205 × 148 mm. Space between columns 15mm. Ruling by pencil, only the frame. Lines undulate. Script: The main text is copied in Italian semi cursive script. A second hand later wrote on ff. 22v–23v in Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (315×223×8mm).

History Provenance: Rafael Eliezer ben Judah’s note concerning the acquisition of a book on 23 Kislev is found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 85 a on f. 1r: “‫היום יום ג׳ כ׳ לחדש כסליו קבלתי מיד‬ ‫כמה״ר עמנואל בכמה״ר יעקב נ״ע | א׳ מסכתא מחולין ונידה אני רפאל אליעזר בכמ׳ יהודה הרופא‬ ‫נ״ע ושלום‬.” Provenance: A title by an anonymous hand is in found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 85 a on f. 1r: “In Medicina.” At the top of the same page is what might a shelf mark “hh.” And in bsb, Cod.hebr. 85b on f. i’v: “Medicinae liber”—the hand is the same as in bsb, Cod.hebr. 243, f. 235v. Widmanstetter’s additions: His entry of ownership is found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 85 a on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” In addition, he wrote this title inscription on f. 2r: Bernardi Gordonis de medicinae libri | planè absoluti. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 54. imhm F 1201.

362

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 87 Avicenna. [Spain]. 1477.

1. 2. 3. 4.

i. ff. 1r–120v: [‫ ]קאנון‬Kanon by Avicenna ff. 121r–132v: ‫ סמים לביים‬Samim le-vayyim by Avicenna ff. 135r–329v: [‫ ]קאנון‬Kanon by Avicenna f. 331v: [‫ ]שירים‬Poems by Moses Galogiro

Codicology Material: Paper. i·332ff. (i, 61, 132v–134v, 330r–331r blank.) 299 × 210 mm. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Condition: Some damages by water, especially towards the end of the second unit. Holes in ff. 1–3 were filled during the restoration of 1971. Page layout: 40 lines per page, the ruling is done by hard point, folio by folio, on each verso. Text space: 205×138mm. Script: The main text is copied by Ishmael ben Shmuel Emilio in Sefardic semi cursive for his own use. he used dark brown ink. The poems on f. 331v are written in another hand. Illustrations: One circle diagram on f. 22r.

History Origin: Ishmael ben Samuel Emilio’s colophon, dated Wednesday 15 Shevat 5237 (28 January 1477) on f. 298r: “‫נשלם הספר הג׳ על ידי ולי אני ישמעאל ב״ר שמואל עמיליו ע״ם יש״י‬ ‫ביום ד׳ ט״ו לחדש שבט משנת רל״ז לבריאת עולם לאלף הששי ברוך השם | יתע׳ הנותן ליעף כח‬ ‫ אמן‬.‫ולאין אונים ועוז ותעצומות לעם ברוך אלים‬.” A second colophon by Emilio, dated Sunday 4 Tammuz 5237 (24 June 1477), is found on f. 329v: “‫נשלם האופן השני מן הספר הרביעי‬ ‫בקדחות ביום א׳ ארבעה ימים לחדש תמוז משנת חמשת אלפים ומאתים ושבעה ליצירה | יתעלה‬ ‫ שלי ישמעאל עמיליו‬.‫מי שהוא פועל באמת הרופא והמבריא אמן‬.”

5.

ii. ff. 333r–428v: ‫ קאנון‬Kanon by Avicenna

Codicology Material: Paper. 96ff. (390, 428v blank.) 299×210mm. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Last word on verso used as catchword. Page layout: One column, 38 lines. Text space: 205×139 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Headings in red ink.

cod.hebr. 91

363

Shared features Material: Paper. Foliation: 1–231 233–439. A second foliation: 1–288 299–428. Binding: Brown Renaissance binding, leather. (307× 223× 94 mm). Restored in July of 1971.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also noted a numerological play with his name on the inside of the front cover: Σκ

‫ר״כ‬

220 ‫رک‬ On the same page at the bottom right, Widmanstetter wrote down that the number of folios in this volume: “folia seu paginae | scripta in hoc | codice sunt 439.” He left no marginal notes. On f. 1r, he wrote this title at the top of the page: Avicennae Canones. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 54. SfarData 0G037. imhm F 1191.

Cod.hebr. 91 Astronomy. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century.

1.

i. ff. 1r–141v: [‫ ]ספר היסודות‬De Elementis by Euclid

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 299×223mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Outer bifolia are parchment. Quires begin on hair side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 213×142 mm. Ruling by hard point on every verso. Script: f. 2–2bis: Sefardic cursive script. 2ter–141v: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: The manuscript contains a great number of mathematical diagrams.

364

2.

appendix d ii. ff. 142v–156v: ‫ ספר העבור‬Sefer ha-ʿIbbur by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda.

Codicology Material: Paper. 299×223mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 212×143 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

3.

iii. ff. 158r–235r: [‫ ]באור הארוך על ספר השמע הטבעי של אריסטו‬Commentary on Aristotle’s Physica by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos.

Codicology Material: Paper. 299×223mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Page layout: ff. 158–230: One column, 31 lines. Text space: 183× 144 mm. ff. 231–235r: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 196×144mm. Script: Copied by two hands. ff. 158–230: Sefardic cursive script. ff. 231–235r: Sefardic cursive script.

Shared features Material: Paper/Parchment. 242ff. (141bis, 157b blank.) 299 × 223mm. Foliation: Some Quire numbering in black Hebrew letters on the first recto page. ‫ ב‬1–2 2bis 2ter 3– 101bis 102–107 (1) 108–141 (2) 142–236. Binding: Limp parchment binding (310×221×63mm). The four leather flaps are torn off.

History Provenance: Entry of ownership of the brothers Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel on f. 1v: “‫שלנו אחי׳ ר׳ משה ור׳ יהודה י״ץ‬.” They are possibly the sons of Jehiel who is mentioned in some other manuscripts. Provenance: A former owner wrote down the title on f. 1r: “‫איקלידיס המאמר הראשון מספר‬ ‫העבור | וב׳ מאמרים משמע הטבעי הארוך‬.” Provenance: Entry of ownership by Abraham da Prato at Florence on f. 1r: “Questo libero e mio. Maestro Abramo daalia da Prato | sacerdoto Eycchlides in Firenze.” According to Steinschneider, he could be Abraham ben Jehiel da Porto. The poem on f. 1v may also refer to him. Provenance: Entry of ownership of David da Lucha at Florence on f. 235v: “Daviti da Lucha Hebreo in Firenze”—and some variations of this name.

cod.hebr. 92

365

Provenance: One entry of ownership in Hebrew letters on f. 235v is mostly erased. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He left no marginal notes, but he wrote the titles a) on the binding: Expositio introductionis Abamesis | Euclidis libri xv interprete Thabuno. | De motibus caelaestibus. | Averrois in libros physicorum. b) on f. 2r: Euclid cum figura terrae et caeli [et aliis ad Astronomian pertinentibus.] et commentum Averrois | super duobus libris phisice Aristotelis c) on f. 2v: Jacob ben Rabi | Mechir and d) on f. 2bisr he remarks on the translator of Euclid: Euclidum ex Arabico vertit | Jacob ben Rabi Mechiri. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 56. imhm F 1157.

Cod.hebr. 92 Kabbalistic Anthology. [Rome]. ca. 1523. 1. ff. 1r–6r: [‫ ]ספר השם‬Sefer ha-Shem by Eleazar of Worms. 2. ff. 6v–9r: ‫ שער הסוד והייחוד והאמונה‬Shaʿar ha-Sod we-ha-Yiḥud we-ha-Emunah by Eleazar of Worms. 3. ff. 9r–11r: ‫ סוד המרכבה‬Sod ha-Merkavah by Eleazar of Worms. 4. ff. 11r–12v: ‫ ספר היראה והאמונה‬Sefer ha-Yireʾah we-ha-Emunah 5. ff. 12v–13r: ‫ סוד היחוד‬Sod ha-Yiḥud by Eleazar of Worms. 6. ff. 13r–14v: [‫ ]ברייתא דיוסף בן עוזיאל‬Baraita de-Joseph ben Azriel 7. ff. 14v–16r: [‫ ]סוד העבור‬Sod ha-ʿIbbur by Sheshet of Catalonia 8. ff. 16r–16v: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 511. 9. ff. 16v–18r: [‫ ]פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Pseudo-Rabad 10. ff. 18r–24r: ‫ שער השואל‬Shaʿar ha-Shoʾel 11. ff. 24r–24v: [‫ ]פירוש התורה לראב״ע‬Commentary on the Torah by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 12. ff. 24v–25r: [‫ ]סוד היחוד‬Sod ha-Yiḥud by Eleazar ha-Darshan.

366 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

appendix d f. 25v: [‫ ]פירוש השם‬Perush ha-Shem ff. 25v–27r: [‫ ]פירוש האוחז ביד מדת משפט‬Commentary on a piyyut by Eleazar of Worms. ff. 27r–28v: ‫ פירוש שם של שבעים ושתים‬Commentary on the name of seventy-two letters ff. 31r–68r: ‫ אור השכל‬Or ha-Śekhel by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 68r–70r: ‫ טעמי הנקודות‬On the meaning of the vocalization by Isaac ha-Kohen. ff. 70r–73r: ‫ טעמי הטעמים‬Taʿamei ha-Teʿamim by Isaac ha-Kohen. ff. 73r–74r: [‫ ]סודות בקבלה‬Sodot be-Qabbalah ff. 75r–99r: [‫ ]פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Saadia ben Joseph. Translated by Moses ben Joseph of Lucena. ff. 99r–116r: [‫ ]פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Jacob ben Nissim ff. 116v–129v: [‫ ]ספר הבהיר‬Sefer ha-Bahir ff. 133r–157r: ‫ מערכת האלהות‬Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut by Perets ben Isaac ha-Kohen of Barcelona ff. 161r–201v: [‫ ]ראש אמנה‬Rosh Emunah by Isaac Abravanel ff. 205r–214r: [‫ ]ספר היחוד‬Sefer ha-Yiḥud by Asher ben David ff. 214v–216r: ‫ כלל הקרבן הנדר והכונה והזביחה‬Kelal ha-Qurban ha-Neder we-haKawwanah ha-Zebiḥah ff. 216r–217v: ‫ קבלה מענין תפלה‬Abraham Ḥazan of Girona ff. 217v–220r: [‫ ]פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Moses Nachmanides.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·222ff. (29r–30v, 53r–54v, c30r–c31v, c57v–c60v, 202r–cc4v, cc21r–222v blank.) 271–285×180mm. Foliation: 1–222. Quiring: Mostly quinions. Page layout: ff. 1–29: One column, 35 lines. Text space: 193× 126 mm. Ruled by hard point on the verso, page by page. ff. 30–c30: One column, 35 lines. Text space: 196×124mm. c32–c67: One column, 35 lines. Text space: 196× 132mm. c61–cc1: One column, 35 lines. Text space: 196×126mm. cc5–cc20: One column, 35 lines. Text space: 197×130mm. Script: Copied by three hands. Hand 1: ff. 1r–20v, c61r–cc20v in Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 2: ff. 31r–c29v in Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 3: ff. c32r–c57r in Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Renaissance binding similar to bsb, Cod.hebr. 106. (301 × 210 × 52 mm). On the back cover, residues of the leather flaps are visible. Heavily worn.

cod.hebr. 94

367

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a Latin title on f. ir: “Caballa de hac et futura | creatione h[…] mundi.” Provenance: Taken from the library of Egidio da Viterbo, as proven by his marginal notes (e.g ff. 25r, 73r, and on the inside of the front cover). Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is corroborated by the Latin headlines in his hand (e.g f. 116v). He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 56–59. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 289. imhm F 23122.

Cod.hebr. 94 Milḥamot ha-Shem. [Spain]. 1423.

1.

i. ff. 1r–140v: ‫ מלחמות השם‬Sefer Milḥamot ha-Shem by Levi ben Gershom.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·145ff. (ii, 141–144 blank.) 282×217mm. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords. Page layout: Two columns, 39–49 lines. Both columns measure Text space: 198 × 148 mm. and they are 21mm apart. Only the text space is ruled with pencil, not the lines. Script: Copied by at least two hands in Italian semi cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 1r–131r. Hand 2: ff. 131v–140v.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: In the first unit, Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He added this Hebrew title on f. 1r: “‫ספר מלחמות הש׳ לר׳ לוי‬ ‫בן גרשו׳‬.”

2.

ii. ff. 145r–212v: ‫ מלחמות השם‬Sefer Milḥamot ha-Shem by Levi ben Gershom.

Codicology Material: Paper. 282×217mm. Quiring: Highly irregular quires. Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Page layout: ff. 145r–181v, 192v–208r and 209r–213v: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 228×156–163mm. ff. 182r–191r: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 197 × 133 mm.

368

appendix d

Script: Copied by two hands in Sefardic cursive script. 1) It is possible that the main scribe of unit iii, Shmuel ben Shmuel, copied ff. 145r–181v, 192v–208r and 209r– 213v. 2) ff. 182r–191r were copied by an unknown scribe.

3.

iii. ff. 215r–281v: [‫ ]מלחמות השם‬Sefer Milḥamot ha-Shem by Levi ben Gershom.

Codicology Material: Paper. 56ff. (no blank.) 282×217mm. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords Page layout: One column, 29 lines. Text space: 205×136 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

History Origin: Copied by Samuel Bonit for Joseph Kohen in the year 1423. According to his colophon on f. 281v, Kohen gave Samuel 28 bifolia to copy the text: “‫אני שמייאל בוניט‬ ‫קבלתי מיד יוסף כהן ט׳ נסים בעד כתיבת כ״ח עלים | שכתבתי בזה הספר‬.” Provenance: The manuscript belonged to Antonio Flaminio. His entry of ownership is found at the bottom right of f. 145r in red ink: “Flaminii | Liber.” Widmanstetter’s additions: In the second unit Entry of ownership on f. 145r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He added this Hebrew title on f. 1r: “‫ספר מלחמות הש׳ לר׳ לוי בן‬ ‫גרשום‬.”

Shared features Material: Paper. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (295×218×65mm). The two metal clasps are torn off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: On the backside of the binding Widmanstetter wrote the title: Liber bellorum domini R. Levi ben Gersom. | Exemplaria duo. He also wrote on ff. 1r and 145r: “‫ספר מלחמות הש׳ לר׳ לוי בן גרשו׳‬.” He wrote one marginal note on f. 63r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 60. SfarData zy674. imhm F 1138.

cod.hebr. 96

369

Cod.hebr. 96 Sefer Ha-Peliyah. Rome. 1553. 1. ff. 1r–333v: ‫ ספר הפליאה‬Sefer ha-Peliyah

Codicology Material: Paper. (1v, 334v–337v blank.) 276×202mm. Foliation: 1–25 (1) 27–46 (1) 48–324 (1) 325–337 Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso, below the text frame. Condition: Ink stains on ff. 65v–66r, 71r, 112r, 122r, 156v, 243r. Other stains on ff. 110v, 134v, 244v. Page layout: One column, lines. Text space: 170×109mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Headings in Sefardic square script in red, blue and green ink. Illustrations: Various motifs: ff. 103v, 104r, 105r, 107r, 172v. Sefirotic tree: ff. 181r, 186v, 189r, 201r, 203r, 222v. Binding: Peißenberg binding bearing the supralibros of Duke Albrecht v. (295–298 × 209×mm).

History Origin: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 4. Copied by Hayyim Gatigno for Widmanstetter on 22 Elul 5313 (1 September 1553) in Rome, see the colophon by Gatigno on f. 334r: “‫ותכל מלאכת הקדש היום יום ו׳ כ״ב לחדש אלול שנת‬ ‫אשי״ב לפ״ק פה רומה מתא דיתבא על | נהר טיבריס ע״י הצעיר חיים בכמא״ר שמואל אבן‬ ‫ יש״י עמה״ן השם ברחמיו | יזכנו לכתו׳ ספרי׳ אחרי׳ רבי׳ אמן ולהגות בו אני‬.‫גאטיניו זלה״ה‬ ‫ | ואם ימצא בו איזה טעות אל יחשדני רואה כי כן‬.‫וזרעי וזרע זרעי עד סוף כל הדורו׳ אמן‬ ‫ בכמא״ר‬.‫ חזק || ע״י צעיר חיים‬.‫ מלך | י׳י לעולם אמן ואמן‬.‫ ברוך י׳י לעולם אמן ואמן‬.‫מצאתי‬ ‫ ”שמואל אבן גאטיניו זלה״ה יש״י עמה״ן מג״ל ספרדי‬It is based on a manuscript compiled for Egidio da Viterbo in Rome by Elia Levita, London, British Library, Ms. Add. 27199. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. ir: “Johannes Albertus Widmestadius Jurisconsultus | Roma ex Bibliotheca Aegidiana de|scribendum curavit mdliiii. | Allatus fuit ex urbe Wienna Austriaca | ix octobr. mdliiii.” His title inscription is found below: Nechuniae filii Hakanae theologiae | Hebraeorum antiquissimae de | Divino auditu, liber, cui | titulum fecit | liber mirabilis. | Quem scripsit in libri primi Mosaici, qui | est de creatione mundi, primam | distinctionem.

370

appendix d

For an image of this folio see figure 4. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 60–61. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 289. imhm F 23123.

Cod.hebr. 97 Midrash Rabah. [Italy]. 1418. 1. ff. 1r–132r: [‫ ]מדרש רבה על בראשית‬Midrash Rabbah on Genesis 2. ff. 132v–366v: [‫ ]מדרש רבה על במדבר‬Midrash Rabbah on Numeri

Codicology Material: Parchment. 369ff. (366r blank.) 290–291×215 mm. Foliation: 1–20, (1), 21–207 (208) 209–304, (1), 305–309, (1), 310–366. Quire numbering with Hebrew letters, on the last verso. ‫א–יא‬. Quiring: Quinions. ff. 1–277: quires begin on hair side. ff. 278–366: quires begin on flesh side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of most quires. Not ff. 8, 97, 107, 117, 127, Condition: Some pages are wormed, others are sewn. ff. 365–366 are reinforced using paper. Page layout: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 191–197 × 150 mm. Script: Copied by mostly two hands in Italian semi cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 1r–97v (end of quire), f. 98r, l. 6–l.20. The name Abraham is marked on ff. 30r, 36r, 40v. Hand 2: f. 98r, l. 1–5, f. 98r, l. 21–f. 285v, ff. 286v–366v (end) Hand 3: f. 286r. Binding: Limp parchment binding (293×223mm). Heavily modified: Only the front of the binding is preserved, the leather flaps are torn off and it is cut at the edges. The original binding is protected by a modern wood binding (298 × 220 × 91 mm).

History Origin: The colophon of Menahem ben Samuel dating to 1418 is found on f. 365r: “‫זה‬ | ‫הספר בראשית רבה ויקרא רבה כתבתי אני | מנחם בכ״ר שמואל מב״ע אודה לה׳ כי טוב כי לעולם‬ ‫חסדו וסיימתיו ביום א׳ בכ״ג שעות בחודש אלול ה׳ | בו שנת קע״ח ה׳ שזיכני לכותבו הוא יזכני‬ ‫להגות בו | ובכל שאר ספרי הקודש אני וזרעי וזרע זרעי עד | סוף כל הדורות חזק הכותב ואמיץ‬ ‫הקורא בו הכותב | לא יוזק לעולם עד שיעלה יחמור בסולם של ק׳ מעלות | וה׳ שמויים עמי מעתה‬ ‫ועד עולם אמן‬.” The mistaken title ‫ וויקרא‬was corrected by a later reader in the manuscript’s margin to ‫במדבר סיני‬. Also, the date is converted to Arabic numerals, 5178, in the margin, the script could be Widmanstetter’s. Provenance: Sales contract dating to 5 November 5321 (1460) from Abraham ben Menahem Alatrino to the physician Mordecai ben Eliezer ben Moses ben Eliezer of Rome,

cod.hebr. 98

371

witnessed by Abraham ben Elijah and Azriel Jehiel ben Menahem. Found on f. 366v: “| ‫מודה אני אברהם יזיי״א בכמ״ר מנחם | מלטרינו זצ״ל כמו שמכרתי זה הספר לכמה״ר מרדכי‬ ‫יזיי״א אביר הרופאים בכ״ר אליעזר זלה״ה מרומא הבירה | ]…[ היום יום ה׳ | נובימ׳ רכ״א לפרט‬ […].” The contract is followed by this signature: “| ,‫אברהם דוד יזיי״א בכ״ר אלייא ז״ל‬ ‫עזריאל יהודה יזיי׳ בכמה״ר מנחם | עה׳ כרצון שני הצדדים‬.” Then comes Mordecai’s entry of ownership: “‫שלי מרדכי הרופא יזיי״א בכמה״ר | אליעזר זצ״ל בכ״ר מרדכי זצ״ל בכ״ר | משה‬ ‫זצ״ל בכ״ר אליעזר זצ״ל מרומא‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote the following title on the binding: Raboth | Breschith Rabah | Vayera Rabah He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 61. SfarData 0G020. imhm F 1618.

Cod.hebr. 98 Ḥidushei ha-Rashba. Albalate de Cinca, Spain. 1329. 1. ff. 1r–174r: [‫ ]חדושי גטין‬Novellae on Gittin by Solomon ben Abraham Adret

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. i·175·i’ ff. (175–i’ blank.) 289 × 209 mm. Foliation: 1–95 (1) 96–175. Quiring: Ten-bifolia quires. Ten quires of ten sheets each, the outer most and the inner most are parchment, the rest is paper. Condition: The lower corner of f. 59 is torn, f. 100bis is torn out, two pages following f. 174 are torn out, some damage by worms. Page layout: One column, 30 lines, ruling by hard point: half quire at once: folded— on recto, block was cut, some of the running heads Text space: 204–209 × 135– 140mm. Script: Copied by Moshe ben Hayyim Ibn Shabuka in Sefardic semi cursive script. Headlines are executed in square script. Illustrations: Various illustrations on ff. 11, 147v, 169v. Binding: Limp parchment binding (295×214×46mm). The flaps have come off.

History Origin: Written in the month 14 Adar (5)089 (12 February 1329) by Moses ben Hayyim Ibn Shabuka in Albalate de Cinca, Spain, see his colophon on f. 174r: “‫נשלם זה ספר‬

372

appendix d

.‫חידושי גטין בי״ד ימים לחדש אדר שנת שמנים ותשע לפרט היצירה הנה באלבלאד דסינקה יע״א‬ ‫נאם הכותב משה ב״ר חיים אבן שבוקה ישמרהו הא‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmistadii.” He added these titles a) on the cover: Intellectus novi Libellorum repudii. and b) on f. 174v: Conclusiones ex Thalmud de repudio seu divortio He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 61. SfarData 0G008. imhm F 1675.

Cod.hebr. 99 Guide of the Perplexed. 1. ff. 1r–166r: [‫ ]מורה הנבוכים‬Guide of the Perplexed by Moses Maimonides.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. i·168·i’ ff. (i, 166v, i’ blank.) 286 × 219mm. Foliation: 1–2 (1) 3–19 (1) 20–166. Quiring: Ten-bifolia quires. The first and the middle bifolia are parchment. Quires begin on the hair side. Condition: Trimmed, affecting some marginal notes. The upper fifth of many folia is damaged by water–sometimes these parts are completely missing. A later hand inserted the missing text either in the margin next to the damage, or at the bottom page preceding the damage. On some pages, parts are torn off. Damages were apparently already mended by the sixteenth century, as Widmanstetter wrote his entry of ownership partly onto a glued-on slip of paper. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 221×151 mm. Ruling on the verso by hard point, page by page. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Headings in square script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (304×219×65mm). The binding is somewhat stained. All four flaps are torn off and three holes on the front of the binding are sewn.

cod.hebr. 103

373

History Provenance: Earlier owners left two drawings of swordsmen on f. 1r. The following verse is found in a Sefardic cursive hand on f. 166v “‫ ”תשרק צפע סן מלכי‬also found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 91, f. 236bisv. Provenance: A possible former owner named Abraham signed his name in a Sefardic semi-cursive hand on f. 166r: “‫אברם‬.” Provenance: Antonio Flaminio’s entry of ownership is found in red ink on ff. 1r and 166r in the bottom right corner: “Flaminii ls.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r in bottom left corner: “Joannis Alberti | Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi | ‫ר״כ‬.” On the same page he noted the title: Moreh hanebuchim Maimonis A second, probably later title is found on the binding: ‫ | מורה הנבוכים‬Mosis Maimonis libri quae dicuntur | Monstrator errantium.

He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 61. imhm F 1676.

Cod.hebr. 103 i. Otsar ha-Kavod. Rome. 1539. 1. ff. 4v–111r: ‫ אוצר הכבוד‬Otsar ha-Kavod by Todros ben Joseph Abulafia. For the structure of this text, see table 1.

Codicology Material: Paper. 114ff. (1–4, 111v–114v blank.) 282×215mm. Foliation: 1–114. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Catchwords: On the first three and last versos in each quire. Page layout: 33 lines per page. Text space: 204×109mm. The same layout is found again in ff. 177r–184v. So, this quire was not used up by Aemilius in Gradoli and bound at the end of the volume. Script: Copied by Paulus Aemilius in an Ashkenazic semi cursive.

374

appendix d

History Origin: Colophon by the scribe Paulus Aemilius, dating the completion of the manuscripts to 14 October 1539, on f. 111r “‫ותהי השלמת זה הספר ביום ב׳ י״ד לחדש אוטובריו‬ ‫שנת | אתקל״ח לביאת ישוע משיחנו פה רומא רבתי ונכתב ע״י | פאולוש עמוליוש מפראנקוני״א‬ ‫על מצות יוחנן אלבריכ״ט | מווידמינסטיתן המכונה לוקריציוש ב״ קונרד יצ״ו ב׳ | אלבריכ״ת ב׳‬ | ‫אולדריך מאלופתא אלפיסתיין אשר הוא | סודיי האשכנזים לפני כסא אפוסתוליק״ו ברומ״א בימות‬ ‫פאולוש הג׳ כהן גדול יצ״ו‬.” (“This book was completed on Monday in the month October in the year 1539 after the coming of Jesus our Messiah, here in the city of Rome. And it was written by Paulus Aemilius of Franconia by order of Johanan Albrecht von Widmanstetten, called Lucretius, son of Albrecht, son of Uldrich of the duchy of Helfenstein, who is privy councilor of the Germans at the Apostolic See in Rome, at the court of the high priest Paul iii, God save and redeem him.”) ii. Menahem Recanati. Rome. 1538. 2. ff. 116r–171r: ‫ טעמי המצוות‬Taʿamei ha-Mitswot by Menahem Recanati. 3. ff. 171r–173v: ‫ פירוש ברכת המזון‬Commentary on the prayer before dinner by Menahem Recanati.

Codicology Material: Paper. 72ff. (115v, 174–186 blank.) 282×215mm. Foliation: 115–186. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Catchwords: On the first three and last versos in each quire. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 209× 152–155 mm. Ruling by quill, on every page. Script: Copied by Paulus Aemilius in an Ashkenazic semi cursive. Illustrations: Table on f. 158v; manicula on f. 160r.

History Origin: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 3. In his entry of ownership (f. 115r) Widmanstetter tells us that he had this text copied in an Augustinian monastery from a codex that had belonged to his teacher, Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo: “Rationes praeceptorum | legis Mosaicae et expositio be|nedictionis mensae | secundum cabali|sticam tradi|tionem autore Rabi | Menahem | Ricinate. Describendum curavit ex bibliotheca Aegidiana Ro|mae in monasterio Augustiniano extructa Iohannes Albertus | a Widmanstadio cognomento Lucretius. mdxxxviii ‫ישים יאוה‬.” Paulus Aemilius wrote his colophon on f. 173v: “‫ואני פוילי״ש‬ ‫עמיליאו״ש אשכנזי העתקתי ספר הזה על מצות יוחנ״ן אלבריכ״ט המכונה | לוקריציו״ש בר‬ ‫קונרא״ט מוואיידמנשֵטיט״ן בר אלבריכ״ט בר אולדרי״ך מאלופתא אלפישטיי״ן | אשכנזי ממדינת‬ ‫ש ֵוויב ִי״ַא קרובה לפלגי מים של דנובי״א ואיהו סודיי לפויאולו״ש השלישי | כהן הגדול מכסא‬

cod.hebr. 106

375

‫אפוסטליק״ו של רומ״א יצ״ו ותהי השלמתו פה רומ״א ביום ו׳ כ׳ ימים | לחדש ניסן שנת כל עבדי‬ ‫המלך ועם מדינות המלך יודעים אשר כל איש ואשה אשר | יביא אל המלך אל החצ״ר הפנימית‬ ‫אשר לאיקרא אחת דתו להמית לבר מאשר יושיט לו | המלך את שרביט הזהב וחיה ליציר״ה ולביאת‬ ‫ישו״ע משיחנו ל״ח לפ״ק ישי״ם יאו״ה‬.” (“And I, Paulus Aemilius the Ashkenazi, copied this

book by order of Johanan Albrecht, called Lucretius, son of Konrad of Widmanstetten, son of Albrecht, son of Uldrich of the duchy of Helfenstein a Ashkenazi from the country Swabia, near the tributaries of the Danube River, privy councilor of Paul iii, the high priest of the Apostolic See in Rome. And it was completed here in Rome on Thursday, 20 Nisan (5)298 (21 March 1538).”) Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left marginal notes on f. 154v. On f. 125r, l. 9–17 Widmanstetter filled in a gap.

Shared features Binding: Limp parchment binding (290×210×44mm). All four flaps are torn off. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 63–64. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 289– 290. imhm F 937.

Cod.hebr. 106 Averroes. [Spain]. 15th century. 1. ff. 5v–15r: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר המבוא לפורפריוס‬Commentary on Porphyry by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli. 2. ff. 15r–32r: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר המאמרות של אריסתו‬Middle Commentary on the Analects by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli. 3. ff. 32v–50v: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר המליצה של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the De Interpretatione by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli. 4. ff. 51v–132v: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר ההיקש של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Prior Analytics by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli. 5. ff. 133v–175v: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Posterior Analytics by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli. 6. ff. 176r–245v: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר הנצוח של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Topics by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. 7. ff. 246v–273v: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר ההטעאה של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on De Sophisticiis Elenchis by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 288ff. (1–2, 4, blank.) 279×206 mm. Foliation: 1–202 202bis–277. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters at the beginning and end of each quire until f. 50.

376

appendix d

Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Quires begin on hair side. Catchwords: The last word of each verso is the catchword. Page layout: Two columns, 29 lines. Text space: 172× 12 mm. The columns are 18 mm apart. Ruling by hard point on the hair side. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Headings in square script. Binding: Renaissance binding (295×211×63mm). All four metal clasps are lost.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 5v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote this title on f. ir: Organum Aristotelis in linguam Hebraicam | conversum, cum scholiis Averois. On f. 3v, Widmanstetter gave the following more detailed account of the content: De quinque vocibus | De praedicamentis, ex interpretatione Averois. | Περὶ ἑρμηνείας ex interpretatione eiusdem. | De syllogismo dialogus et demonstratio. | De topicis. | De sophisticis. He wrote marginal notes on ff. 6r, 52v, 53r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 64. SfarData. imhm F 1622.

Cod.hebr. 107 Philosophical Anthology. [Germany]. Ca. 1450. 1. ff. 1r–94v: ‫ משל הקדמוני‬Meshal ha-Qadmoni by Isaac ben Solomon Sahula 2. ff. 95v–98r: ‫ ספר התפוח‬Sefer ha-Tapuaḥ by Aristotle. Translated by Abraham haLevi ben Ḥasdai. 3. ff. 98r–100r: ‫ ספר הנפש‬De anima by Galen. Translated by Judah ben Solomon Ḥarizi. 4. ff. 100r–101r: ‫ שמים והעולם‬Shamayyim we-ha-ʿOlam by Avicenna. Translated by Solomon ben Moshe Melgueiri. Only part of the introduction. 5. ff. 102v–203v: ‫ ספר הנצחון‬Sefer ha-Nitsaḥon by Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen

Codicology Material: Paper. i· ff. (ir–v 95r, 101v–102r, 205r–v blank.) 274× 197mm. Foliation: 1–52 (1) 53–205. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Decorated catchwords on the last verso of every quire, except f. 189v.

cod.hebr. 107

377

Condition: Water damage at the bottom third. The ink has eaten away the paper on some folios, these holes have been filled, e.g. f. 176. Top outer edge of f. 57 is torn out. One folio after 86 is trimmed and after f. 100 at least four pages is trimmed. Page layout: ff. 1–100: Variable layout, one to two columns, 35 lines. Text space: 177× 112 mm. 12mm space between columns. Ruling by ink on each page, frame only.ff. 101– 205: Two columns, 33 lines. Text space: 181×126mm. 18 mm space between columns. Until f. 107r: Ruling by ink on each page, frame only. From f. 107v: Ruling by hard point on each folio on the recto, the frame only. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Illustrations: A large number of ink drawings accompany the first text. They are found on ff. 3v, 4r, 4v, 5v, 6r, 7r, 7v, 8v, 9r, 9v, 11v, 13r, 14r, 15v, 16r, 16v, 17r, 17v, 18v, 19v, 20v, 22r, 22v, 23v, 24r, 25r, 27r, 28r, 29v, 30v, 33r, 33v, 34r, 36r, 38r, 38v, 39r, 41v, 42r, 43r, 44v, 46r, 46v, 47v, 48r, 50r, 52r, 52v, 53r, 54v, 55v, 56v, 57v, 59r, 59v, 60v, 62r, 65r, 67, 68, 69r, 70r, 71v, 73r, 74r, 75r, 76r, 77v, 79r, 79v, 80r, 90r, 91r, 92v. The drawing on f. 50r appears to be from another artist than the rest. Some drawings containing women (ff. 22r, 47v, 55v) were altered by a later hand, adding head coverings and other devices in order to create modest depictions. Circular diagrams on ff. 81v, 83r, 85r, 87v, 89r. Other diagrams and tables on ff. 140r Animals ff. 149r, 159r. The text is decorated on ff. 1r, 19r, 68v, 69v, 80v, 88r–v, 90v. Binding: Renaissance binding, leather. (286×203×47mm). This type of binding is identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 78, 108, 109, 110, and 111. The binding is quite worn at the edges. Parts of it have been restored in 2006.

History Origin: Two names are marked in the text: Abraham on ff. 66v and 97r. Jacob on ff. 114r, 118v, 146r, and 174r. The former appears to be the scribe Abraham who embedded his name into an acrostic on f. 94v. The latter probably designates the owners, since the list of children born to Jacob ben Meir: Anshel 12 Shevat 5218 (26 January 1458): “‫בני‬ ‫בכורי אנשל שי׳ נולד ליל ה׳ י״ב שבט ופרטו אשירה לה׳ כי גאה גאה רי״ח לפ״ק‬,” Reichlin 28 Sivan 5219 (31 May 1459) and died on 22 Kislev 5220 (17 November 1459) “‫בתי רייכליין‬ ‫שת׳ נולדה כ״ח סיון ליל ה׳ רי״ט לפ״ק ופטירת כ״ב כסליו ר״ך לפ״ק‬,” and Gutlein 1 Kislev 5221 (13 November 1460) “‫בתי גוטליין שת׳ נולדה ליל ה׳ ר״ח כסליו רכ״א לפ״ק‬.” The last note informs about the death of the owner’s father Jacob 5 Tishri 5222 (8 September 1461): “‫פטירת אב׳ ער׳ ז״ל הר״ר יעקב בר׳ מאיר ז״ל ה׳ תשרי ליל ב׳ שנת רכ״ב לפ״ק תנצב״ה‬.” At the bottom left are signatures by witnesses. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership can be demonstrated by the binding which is also found on other manuscripts. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 64–65. Cohen-Mushlin, Hebrew Manuscripts, 323–353. imhm F 1189. Bezalel Narkiss Index 21806.

378

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 108 Averroes’ Commentaries on Aristotle. 1441. 1. ff. 8r–27r: [‫ ]קצורי על שמע טבעי‬Short Commentary on Physica by Averroes 2. ff. 28r–37v: [‫ ]כללי השמים והעולם‬Short Commentary on De caelo by Averroes 3. ff. 38r–42v: [‫ ]קצור ספר ההויה וההפסד‬Short Commentary on De generatione et corruptione by Averroes 4. ff. 43r–56v: ‫ ספר אותות עליונות‬Short Commentary on the Meteora by Averroes 5. ff. 57r–69v: ‫ כללי ספר הנפש‬Short Commentary on De Anima by Averroes 6. ff. 69v–76v: [‫ ]קצור החוש והמוחש‬Commentary on the Parva naturalia by Averroes 7. ff. 80r–90v: [‫ ]המאמר הנרשם באות הלמד מספר מה שאחר הטבע של אריסטו‬Book Lambda of Metaphysica by Themistius 8. ff. 92r–115v: [‫ ]קצור מה שאחר הטבע‬Short Commentary on Metaphysica by Averroes 9. ff. 118r–134r: [‫ ]פירוש שיר השירים‬Commentary on the Song of Songs by Levi ben Gershom. 10. ff. 136r–139v: [‫ ]אגרת אפשרות הדבקות בשכל הפועל‬Epistle on the Possibility of Conjunction by Averroes

Codicology Material: Paper. iii·139+i ff. (i, iiv, 27v, 77r–79v, 134v, 140r, ii’ blank.) 278× 213mm. Foliation: 8–34 (1) 35–90 92–134 136–140. Quiring: Quinions. Condition: The upper part of the book block is damaged by moisture. Some folios are glued to their quires. Page layout: One column, 38 lines. Text space: 189×138 mm. In pencil. Script: Copied in Italian-Sefardic semi cursive script, by a scribe who marked his name “Nathan”, on ff. 121r and 133v. Binding: Renaissance leather binding (292×215×38–70mm). (Measurements courtesy of Karin Eckstein, head conservator of the ibr.) Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 78, 107, 109, 110, and 111.

History Origin: The scribe’s (Nathan) colophon, dated to Parashat Korach, Tammuz 5201 (July 1441), is found on f. 134r: “‫בכאן נשלם זה הביאור והיתה השלמתו בחדש תמוז | שנת ר״א פרשת‬ | ‫ יהי‬.‫ והתהלה לאל אשר בראנו ועזרני ברחמיו וחסדיו‬.‫והיה האיש אשר יבחר השם | הוא הקדוש‬ ‫ | שבח לאל שברא עולמים‬: ‫ | נשלם ביאור שיר השירים‬:‫שמו מבורך ומרומם על כל ברכה ותהלה‬:” Provenance: An anonymous hand left an index of titles on f. iir: “99 | Averois | Themisthio | Expositio super Cantica Canticorum.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 8r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento Lucretii | Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote down the titles on f. iiiv:

cod.hebr. 109

379

Averrois liber physicus parvus. | Eiusdem de caelo et mundo. | Eiusdem de generatione et corruptione. | Eiusdem meteorologica. | Eiusdem de anima. | Eiusdem de sensu et sensili. | Themistii paraphrasis in xii metaphysica qui apud | Graecos non extat. | Averrois in metaphysica Aristoteli | Levi ben Gerson in Cantica Canticorum | Averrois quaedam de anima et intellectu. He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 65; nli Mikrofilm 1623; SfarDataKey 0G026.

Cod.hebr. 109 Abraham Zacuto. [Spain]. Before 1473. 1. ff. 8r–36v: ‫ ספר התקופות והמזלות‬Book of Eras and Zodiac Signs by Abraham ben Samuel Zacuto 2. ff. 37r–219v: ‫ לוחות אברהם זכות‬Astronomical tables by Abraham ben Samuel Zacuto. The tables are designed for the year 1473.

Codicology Material: Paper. 229ff. (2r–6v, 44v–47r, 59r–v, 65r–v, 105v, 145r, 146r–v, 163v, 187v, 210v, 215v– 216v, 220r–222r, 223r–229v blank.) 279×208mm. Foliation: Mostly cut. 1–229. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: Trimmed, also affecting the running head. The folio between 184 and 185 is trimmed. Page layout: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 191× 123mm. Ruling by hard point on every verso. Tables dimensions vary, ruled with ink. Script: Copied by two hands in Sefardic semi cursive script. ff. 36r–43v. Illustrations: One diagram f. 35v, little drawings and flourishes in the tables section, e.g. on ff. 106v, 152r–156r, 159r, 165v. Binding: Renaissance binding (285×206×51mm). Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 78, 107, 108, 110, and 111. Poor condition.

History Provenance: Entries of births on f. 145v. Provenance: Isaac ben Faran’s entry of ownership is found on f. 8r: “‫שלי יצחק ן׳ פארן‬.” Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote at the top of f. 7v: “R. Abraham Saboth.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 8r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 65–66. imhm F 1624.

380

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 110 Philosophy. [Perugia]. [1430–1440]. 1. ff. 1r–165r: ‫ פירוש כוונות הפילוסופים לגזאלי‬Intentions of the Philosophers by Moses of Narbonne. 2. ff. 171r–202r: ‫ פירוש אפשרות הדבקות לאבן רשד‬On the Possibility of Conjunction with the Active Intellect by Ibn Rushd by Moses of Narbonne. 3. ff. 206r–217v: ‫ תקון הדעות‬Philosophical commentary by Isaac Albalag 4. ff. 218r–218v: [‫ ]האמונה והבטחון‬Ha-Emunah we-ha-Bitaḥon (chapter 1) by Moses Nachmanides. 5. ff. 219r–223v: ‫ ספר ההטעאה‬De Sophisticiis Elenchis by Muḥammad al-Farabi. 6. ff. 223v–227v: ‫ אומנות הנצוח‬Omanut ha-Natsuaḥ by Muḥammad al-Farabi.

Codicology Material: Paper. 229·i’ ff. (i, 33r, 118bis–119, 165v–167v, 202v–205v, 226v–227r, 228r, 229r, i’ blank.) 278×200mm. Foliation: 1–118 (1) 119–125 127–168 (1) 169–229. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters, on the first recto and last verso. ‫א–יא‬. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: None. Condition: Wormed, f.1 and 229 have some spots, f. 230 is torn at the upper edge, otherwise in good condition. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 140–142 × 105–107 mm. Ruling by hard point, leaf by leaf on facing rectos and versos. Script: Copied by at least four hands in Italian semi cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 1r–202r: The commentaries are written in a smaller hand, sometimes exceeding the text frame horizontally. Hand 2: ff. 206r–217v Hand 3: ff. 218r–218v is identical to sale’s contract on f. 228v. Hand 4: ff. 218v–225v Hand 5: ff. 227v, 228v. Binding: Renaissance binding (287×202×58mm). Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 78, 107, 108, 109, and 111. Heavily worn.

History Provenance: Copied by Mordecai, see this name marked on ff. 1r, 137r, 181r, and 182r. Provenance: Jehiel’s entry of ownership is found on f. 1r: “‫יחיאל‬.” Provenance: Sold in Terni on Monday, 8 Tevet 5234 (27 December 1478) from Jekutiel ben Abraham of Forli to Menahem the physician on f. 228v: “‫מודה אני יקותיאל יש״ו‬ ‫בכמ״ר אברהם מפורלי כמו שהיו׳ היום ב׳ שהוא | ח׳ ימים לחדש טבת שנת רל״ד מכרתי הספר‬ ‫הזה ספר כוונות | הפילוסופים אל הנכבד כמ״ר מנחם הרופא ישר״ו הדר בטירני | וקבלתי ממנו דמי‬ ‫שיווין ומחלתי לו כל דמי אונאה אפי׳ היה | שוה אלף זה ועלי להוציאו מכל טענה וערער וכדי שיהיה‬ ‫ביד | כמ״ר מנחם הנז׳ או לבאי כחו לזכות ולערות ולראיה כתבתי לו |שורותים אלה עם חתימה ידי‬ ‫וחיליתי העדים שיחתמו שמם | תחת שמי הכל שריר וקים | מודה אני יקותיאל הנז׳ לאשרו לקיים‬ ‫כל הכתו׳ לעיל‬.” Witnessed by Judah ben Mordecai “‫יישר׳ הרופאי׳ יהודה יזיי״א בכר מרדכי‬

cod.hebr. 111

381

‫ ”]…[ והרופא ישר״ו‬and his son, Michael ben Judah “‫מיכאל יצ״ו בכמ״ר יהודה הרופא ישר״ו‬ ‫מריאיט״י‬.”

Provenance: A Latin hand left a pen test using Genesis 1:1 on f. 229v. Provenance: An anonymous Latin hand left this title on f. 229v: “Aboachmat liber.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii” no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 66–67. imhm F 1190.

Cod.hebr. 111 Medicine. 1330. 1. ff. 3r–83v: ‫ פרקי משה‬Pirqei Moshe by Moses Maimonides. 2. ff. 84r–93r: ‫ הנהגת הבריאות‬Hanhagat ha-Briʾut by Moses Maimonides. 3. ff. 93v–101r: ‫ מאמר הנכבד‬Maʾamar ha-Nikhbad by Moses Maimonides. 4. ff. 101v–103v: ‫ מאמר על רבוי התשמיש‬Maʾamar ʿal Ribui ha-Tashmish by Moses Maimonides. 5. ff. 103v–105v: ‫ מאמר בטחורים‬Maʾamar be-Teḥurim by Moses Maimonides. 6. ff. 106r–116v: ‫ מאמר בטחורים‬Maʾamar be-Teḥurim by Solomon ben Joseph ibn Ayub. 7. ff. 117v–122r: ‫ חידות והשגחות‬Ḥidot we-Hashgaḥot by Hippocrates. 8. f. 124r: ‫ השתן‬Ha-Sheten by Moses Maimonides. 9. ff. 127r–170v: ‫ החלאים והמקרים‬On diseases by Theophilus Protospatharius.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 172ff. (117r, 122v–123v, 124v–126v, 168r blank.) 283× 197mm. Foliation: 1–172. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters, on the first recto and the last verso. ‫א–יג‬. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Each quire begins on the hair side, the central bifolia opens to hair side. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on the last verso of every quire. Condition: Some pages are torn and were repaired later. Page layout: One column, 35–36 lines. Text space: 192× 114 mm. Only the frame is ruled, page by page by plummet. Script: Copied by two hands in Italian semi cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 3r–167r. Hand 2: ff. 167v–170v. Binding: Renaissance binding (292×203×50mm). Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 36, 78, 107, 108, 109, and 110. Heavily worn.

382

appendix d

History Origin: Written by Jehiel ben Solomon on 17 Sivan 5090 (3 June 1330) for himself, see his colophon on f. 115v: “‫נשלם על ידי יחיאל יזי״י בכמ״ר שלמה יש״ר בכמה״ר יואב נבתוי״א‬ ‫ | יתברך האל שהסכים‬.‫והשלמתיו | בשבעה עשר בסיון שנת חמשת אלפים ותשעים לבריאת העולם‬ | ‫ והוא | למען רחמיו הרבים וחסדיו הגדולים יקיים עלינו מה‬.‫לידי לכותבו הוא יסכים לידי ליודעו‬ | ‫ שנאמ׳ כל המחלה אשר שמתי | במצרים לא אשים עליך‬.| ‫שייעד לנו על ידי אדון הנביאים כדבר‬ ‫כי אני השם | רופאך‬.” In addition, he left an entry of ownership on f. 2r. Provenance: Owned by Mordecai ben Eliezer of Rome, see his entry of ownership on f. 2r: “‫מרדכי ב״ר אליעזר ז״ל מרומא‬.” He sold the book to Samuel Rafael ben Benjamin of Pisa, f. 171r: “‫מודה אני מרדכי בכ״ר אליעזר זצ״ל מרומי איק מכבן ]…[ ומ׳ אל העלה הר׳ שמואל‬ | ‫רפאל הרופא יזייאל בכ״ר בנימין מפיסה | וקבלתי ממנו ד׳ שנירטו כאשר עשינו גיניט וטי שיהיה‬ ‫בידו | נתן לעדנו‬.” Provenance: Owned by Abraham ben Mordecai ben Eliezer the physician, see his entry of ownership on f. 2r: “‫שלי אברהם יח״י בכ״ר בכמה״ר מרדכי | הרופא יזי״א בכ״ר אליעזר ז״ל‬ ‫בכ״ר |מרדכי ז״ל בכ״ר משה ז״ל בכ״ר אליעזר | ז״ל מרומא‬.” Provenance: Owned by Abraham ben Moses, see his entry of ownership on f. 171v: “‫שלי‬ ‫אברהם איי״ל בכ״ר משה ליא״ב הרופה‬.” Provenance: Owned by Jehiel, the rest of the name is deleted, see his entry of ownership on f. 3r: “‫יחיאל‬.” Provenance: Entry of ownership in Italian semi cursive in brownish ink on f. 2r by the sons of Jehiel. Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel: “‫שלנו ר׳ משה ר׳ ויהודה אחי׳‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He added the following title on f. 1r: Capitula R. Mosis He added no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 67–69. SfarData 0G054. imhm F 1151.

Cod.hebr. 112 Kabbalistic Anthology. Rome. Gradoli. 1537.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

i. ff. 2v–22r: ‫ אגרת חמודות‬Iggeret Ḥamudot by Elijah Hayyim of Genazzano. ff. 22r–24r: ‫ אצילי בני ישראל‬Atsilei Benei Iśraʾel by Elijah Hayyim of Genazzano. ff. 25r–54v: ‫ פירוש התפלות‬Perush ha-Tefillot by Menahem Recanati. ff. 54v–56r: ‫ פירוש שם ה׳‬Perush Shem Adonai. ff. 57r–87r: ‫ מדרש רות‬,‫ זהר חדש‬Zohar Ḥadash (Midrash on Ruth).

cod.hebr. 112

383

Codicology Material: Blue paper. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos and rectos. On the left at the foot within the vertical boundary of the text space of almost every verso and mostly also on every recto first word of the following page. Not on recto: ff. 16, 18, 22, 24, 30, 36, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48, 52, 53, 55, 56, 60, 62, 68, 71, 72, 74, 75, 77–80, 82, 84–89. Page layout: 33 Lines, Ruling by stylus: 34 horizontal and 2 + 2 vertical lines. Text space: 203–204×109–112mm. There is no pricking, it seems that the scribe used frames for ruling. Script: Copied by Paulus Aemilius in Ashkenazic semi-cursive. Illustrations: Sefirotic tree (f. 10v). For an image of the sefirotic tree see figure 20.

History Origin: The section ff. 1–88 was copied in May 1538 by Paulus Aemilius for Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter in Gradoli. No entry of ownership by Widmanstetter–his ownership is established by the table of contents on the front cover and his own marginal notes. Colophon on f. 87v: “| ‫על ידי פאולוש עמיליוש על מצוות יוחנן אלבריכט‬ ‫מווידמיסטיטי״ן המכונה לוקריציו״ס אשר סודיי לפאולוש השלישי כהן גדול | לכסא אפוסטוליקו‬ .‫ברומא לפרט קטן שלשים ושמנה שנין לביאת משיח | גואלינו ביום עשרים וששה לחדש מייאו‬ ‫פה בגראדולי על ים בולסינה‬.” (“By Paulus Aemilius on behalf of Johanan Albrecht von Widmanstetten, known as Lucretius, the privy councilor Paulus iii the high priest of the Apostolic See in Rome. Thirty-eight years, according to the small reckoning, after the coming of the Messiah, our redeemer, on 26 May. Here, in Gradoli at Lake Bolsena.”) Widmanstetter’s additions: He left marginal notes: ff. 2v–6r, 45r. He emended the text at ff. 5r, 39v, 42r, 44v, 45r, 46r, 57v.

6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

ii. ff. 89r–108v: [‫ ]תורת האדם‬Torat ha-Adam by Moses Nachmanides. ff. 109r–109v: ‫ צרופים‬Tserufim. ff. 109v–110r: Kabbalistic interpretation of the alphabet. ff. 110r–111v: Secrets of the divine name. ff. 111v–119r: ‫ סתרי תורה‬Sitrei Torah (excerpts) by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 119v–122v: [‫ ]סודות בקבלה‬Sodot be-Qabbalah. f. 122v: ‫ סוד המרכבה‬Sod ha-Merkavah. ff. 123r–125r: ‫ פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot by Jacob ben Jacob ha-Kohen. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 4. f. 125v: ‫ מאמר בקבלה‬Kabbalistic text. f. 125v: [‫ ]מאמר פילוסופי‬Philosophical text.

384 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43.

appendix d ff. 126r–126v: ‫ נקוד השם‬Niqqud ha-Shem. ff. 126v–129r: ‫ פירוש שם בן ארבעים ושתים אותיות‬Commentary on the name of fourtytwo letters. ff. 129r–131v: ‫ חדוש בסוד נקוד השם המיוחד‬Ḥiddush be-Sod Niqqud ha-Shem hameyuḥad by Joseph Gikatilla. ff. 131v–133v: ‫ פירוש ועוז פניו ישונא לפי הקבלה‬Kabbalistic interpretation of Kohelet 8:1. ff. 133v–137r: ‫ ארחות חיים‬Orḥot Ḥayyim by Eleazar of Worms. ff. 137v–141v: ‫ פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Pseudo-Rabad. ff. 141v–143v: ‫ שאלות ותשובות על דרך הקבלה‬Kabbalistic Responsa by Hai ben Sherira. ff. 143v–144r: ‫ פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 68. ff. 144v–159r: [‫ ]פירוש שם בן שבעים ושתים אותיות‬Commentary on the name of seventy-two letters. ff. 159v–160v: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot by Jacob ben Jacob ha-Kohen. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 45. ff. 160v–161v: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 2. ff. 161v–162r: ‫ פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 5. ff. 162r–163v: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 93. ff. 163v–164r: ‫ בקשה אחת‬One Request. ff. 164r–166v: ‫ דברי מנחם‬Divrei Menaḥem. ff. 166v–166v: [‫ ]לקוטים בקבלה‬Kabbalistic notes. f. 167v: ‫ ביאור ע״ב אותיות‬Explanation of the Seventy-Two-Letter Name. ff. 167v–169v: ‫ תפלת היחוד לר׳ נחוניה בן הקנה‬Tefillah ha-Yiḥud by Neḥunya ben haQanah f. 169v: [‫ ]תפלה‬Prayer. ff. 170r–175r: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 79. ff. 175r–181v: [‫ ]עשרים וארבעה סודות‬Book of Twenty-Four Secrets by Joseph Angelet. ff. 181v–182v: [‫ ]סודות בקבלה‬Sodot be-Qabbalah. ff. 183r–208v: [‫ ]ספר שער השמים‬Sefer Shaʿar ha-Shamayyim by Israel ben Aaron. f. 208v: [‫ ]שירה‬Four poems. ff. 209r–209v: ‫ סדר האילן‬Seder ha-Ilan. ff. 209v–214v: [‫ ]אור השכל‬Or ha-Śekhel by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 214v–220r: [‫ ]ספרון הצורות הקבליות‬The Booklet of Kabbalistic Forms. ff. 220r–222r: [‫ ]היכלות רבתי‬Hilkhot Rabbati.

cod.hebr. 112 44. 45. 46.

385

ff. 222v–223v: ‫ מסורת לעזרא הסופר‬Masoret le-Ezra ha-Sofer. f. 223r: ‫ ספר רעמים ורעשים‬Sefer Reʿamim u-Reʿashim. f. 223v: ‫ פתרון חלומות‬Pitron Ḥalomot.

Codicology Material: Blue paper. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos and rectos. Left at the foot within the vertical boundary of the writing mirror of almost every verso and usually also on every recto first word of the following page. Not on recto: ff. 91–98, 100, 102, 104, 106, 107, 110–115, 117, 119, 120, 122, 124–129, 131, 132, 134–138, 140, 144, 146–148, 151–153, 155, 157, 159–170, 172–212. Page layout: 33 lines, ruling by stylus: 34 horizontal and 2 + 2 vertical lines. Text space: 203–204×109–112mm. f. 194r: 36 lines, f. 196r: 35 lines. There is no pricking, it seems that the scribe used frames for ruling. Script: Copied by Paulus Aemilius in Ashkenazic semi-cursive. The second scribe is Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter who wrote in a Sefardic semi-cursive on ff. 222v– 223r. Illustrations: Sefirotic trees (ff. 214v, 215v, 216v), various items (ff. 122v, 143v, 217r–219r). Part of the table on f. 217v was covered with a suitably cut strip of paper of the same grade as the paper used in the main part and written on, A candelabra (f. 211v) and a table (f. 212r) were drawn by Widmanstetter. For an image of the sefirotic tree on f. 214v see figure 21.

History Origin: The section ff. 89–224 was copied in August 1538 by Paulus Aemilius for Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter in Castro. See the colophon on f. 224r: “‫נכתב בעה פה בגראדולי‬ ‫על ים בולסינא | ביום ראשון יח לחדש אגוסטו בשנת אלף | חמש מאות שלושים ושמונה לביאת‬ ‫ישוע | משיחנו אני פאולוש עמיליוש ממדינת | פראנקוניא מכפר רעטילזה כתבתי כל זה | על‬ ‫מצות יוחנן אלבריכט מווידמנסטיטי״ן | המכונה לוקרציוש ב׳ קונרד ב׳ אלבריכת ב׳ | אולדריך‬ ‫מאלופתא אלפיסטיין והוא סודיי | האשכנזים לפני פאולוש השלישי כהן | גדול לכסא אפוסטוליקו‬ ‫ברומא‬.” (“Written here in Gradoli at Lake Bolsena on Sunday, 18 August in the year one thousand five hundred tight and thirty after the coming of Jesus our Messiah. I, Paulus Aemilius, from the state Franconia, from the village Rödelsee, wrote all this on behalf of Johanan Albrecht von Widmanstetten, known as Lucretius, the son of Konrad, the son of Albrecht, the son of Ulrich, from the duchy of Helfenstein, privy councilor of the Germans before Paulus iii the high priest of the Apostolic See in Rome.”) Widmanstetter’s additions: He left marginal notes: ff. 159v. He emended the text at ff. 128v, 129r, 131r, 143v, 160r, 210v–213, 214v. Also, the section ff. 222v–223r is in his hand.

386

appendix d

Shared features ii·224·ii’ ff. (i–ii, 1r–2r, 24v, 87v–88v, i’–ii’ blank) Foliation: 1–224. Condition: The binding is cracked in the back at the height of the lower leather flap. Margins moldy. The ink used has been soaked up by the blue paper, resulting in the text on the reverse side shining through as a brown stain and in a few places being heavily inked, e.g. on ff. 41, 56, 60, 215. Water damage in the lower third clearly visible ff. 203–217. Binding: Limp parchment binding (281×210×36mm). Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 103 and 115. The leather flaps are torn off. The book block is held together by parchment strips in Latin.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 3. Widmanstetter’s ownership is established by the table of contents on the front cover and his own marginal notes. His table of contents on the cover: Heliae Genn[az]ani capitula cabalistica | Re[can]atis [ex]positio percatio[n]um cum additamenta R. Eleazaris Wor[m]ati[ensis] | Commentarii in Ruth. | Haram[b]am Porta retri[bu]tionis | Decem modi ar[i]thmetic[es] cabalisti[ces] ‫| צירופי‬ Divin[norum] no[m]inum et [rerum] sacrarum mysteria | Expositio divinarum numerationum | De quibusdam vocalibus divinorum nominum, et | eorum extractione. | De punctis tetragrammi, et alia quaedam eius[m]odi | Liber viarum vitae. | Expositio xxxii viarum sapientiae divinae [secu]n|dum traditionem libri creationis R. Abrahae patriarchae | Quaestiones et solutiones cabalisticae R. Haiai Gaonis. | Expositio nominis substantialis. | Expositio nominis lxxii literarum. | Tractatus cabalisticus pulcher[rim]us. | Quaedam de numerat[io]nibus divinis. | Pre[cat]io singularis R. Nehuniae filii Hakanae. | Mysterium et fundamentum primaeuum | Mysteria sacra. | Liber x. numerationum. | Ordinatio [ar]boris. | Princeps legis. | Oc calendis Januarii fulgetris et somniis. For an image of the binding see figure 8. Widmanstetter added many marginal notes: ff. 2v–6r, 45r, 159v. He emended the text on ff. 5r, 39v, 42r, 44v, 45r, 46r, 57v, 128v, 129r, 131r, 143v, 160r, 210v–213, 214v. For an image of the notes on f. 5v see figure 15. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1875), 69–73. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 290– 292. imhm F 1388. Cohen-Mushlin, Hebrew Manuscripts, 353–361.

cod.hebr. 114

387

Cod.hebr. 113 Nachmanides. [Spain]. 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–151v: [‫ ]פירוש התורה‬Perush ha-Torah by Moses Nachmanides.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·155ff. (152–155 blank.) 283×198mm. Foliation: 1–155. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on every verso Condition: f. 1 trimmed at the top (old entry of ownership), one folio after f. 111 trimmed, f. 154 torn at the top. Page layout: 36 lines, one column. Text space: 204×124 mm. Ruling by hard point, on the verso, page by page. Script: Sefardic semi cursive, headline in square script, f. 151v is in another hand. Illustrations: Table on f. 98r. Binding: Limp parchment binding (288×201×44mm). The four leather flaps are torn off.

History Provenance: Pen tests on ff. ii, 153r, 154r–v. Maybe there was an older entry of ownership on f. 1r that was cut. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote a title in Latin on the binding: Commentarii in tres Libros posteriores | Pentateuchi. His marginal notes are found on ff. 87v–88r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 73. imhm F 947.

Cod.hebr. 114 Bibles. [Spain]. Late 13th century. 1. ff. 1r–282v: [‫ ]ספר תורה‬Pentateuch. 2. ff. 1r–282v: [‫ ]תרגום אונקלוס‬Targum Onqelos. 3. ff. 1r–282v: [‫ ]תרגום רס״ג לערבית‬Arabic translation of the Pentateuch by Saadia ben Joseph. 4. ff. 78v–83: [‫ ]פירוש לתורה לרש״י‬Commentary on the Pentateuch by Solomon ben Isaac. 5. ff. 79v–86r: [‫ ]מדרש לקח טוב‬Midrash Leqaḥ tov by Tobiah ben Eliezer. 6. f. 79r: [‫ ]בראשית רבה‬Bereshit Rabbah.

388

appendix d

Codicology Material: Parchment. (iv, 283v blank.) 258–264×267–271mm. Foliation: 1–283. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters: ‫לא )א( כה–כט )ג( ד–יא יג–כא‬. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Each quire begins on the hair side and follows the law of Gregory. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of each quire. Decorated on f. 199v. Condition: It appears that the first three quires of Genesis are lost. There is also loss in Numbers and Deuteronomy. Damaged folios: e.g. ff. 137, 142, 174. ff. 194 and 246bis are loose. The quire ff. 256–263v is bound upside down. Page layout: Two columns, 20 lines. Text space: 165–180 × 180 mm. Height with masorah: ca. 220mm. Page layout: ff. 21r–v, 111r–v, 136bisr–v, 246r–v, 264r–v: One column, 19–20 lines. Text space: 169–180×125–155mm. Pricking is hardly noticeable in the inner and outer margins. Script: Two scribes. The main scribe copied the Hebrew text and Targum Onqelos in Sefardic square script. However, he used semi cursive Sefardic script for Saadia Gaon’s Arabic translation. The scribe who added the masorah also decorated the pericopes: ff. 26v, 35, 58, 67, 87, 105v, 125v, 135v, 141v, 151, 159v, 169, 181v, 192v, 212v, 221v, 230, 238, 246v, 254, 259v, 270v, 275v. Except for ff. 18, 78v. Illustrations: The masorah is written in a zig-zag pattern. Binding: Peißenberg binding (280×285×mm).

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a Latin title on f. iiv: “5 lib. Mosi in Arab.[…] Heb. Calda.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote one marginal note on f. 94v (Exodus 1:6): “Nota et dictionem Arabicum, que significant cum q.d. Computato unam Joseph cum liberis duobus, quos habuit in Aigypto.” The Latin inscription on f. iir is probably by Widmanstetter: Ex Pentateucho fragmentum sermone Hebraeo Chaldaeo et Arabico cum Ma|soreth. | A capite xiiii versus iiii Genesis usque ad finem Levitici. | Paraphrasis Chaldaea initii sermonis Judae ad Josephum fratrem | ignotum. Verisisimile est eam ex paraphrasi aliqua integra | Pentateuchi sumpertam esse. | Chaldaea interpretatio alicubi à Thargum vulgato differt. | Arabica translatio differt ab Arabica vulgata. Videtur autem | mihi haec verior, et propior Hebraeo textui. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 73. Cohen-Mushlin, Hebrew Manuscripts, 361–365. imhm F 23125. Narkiss Index, no. 21352.

cod.hebr. 115

389

Cod.hebr. 115 Sefer Yetsirah and Commentaries. Gradoli. 1538. 1. ff. 2r–6v: ‫ ספר יצירה‬Sefer Yetsirah. 2. ff. 6v–9v: ‫ ספר יצירה‬The short recension of Sefer Yetsirah. 3. ff. 10r–68v: ‫ פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Pseudo-Rabad. 4. ff. 69r–110bisr: ‫ פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Moses ben Isaac Botarel. 5. ff. 110bisv–126r: ‫ פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Saadia ben Joseph.

Codicology Material: Blue paper. 210ff. (i, ii, 1, 127–209, i’, ii’ blank.) 273 × 210 mm. Foliation: 1–105, 107–110, 110b–203, (1), 204–209. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: On each verso, the first word of the following folio is written by the same hand as the main text. The layers are inscribed in later hand to the left of the foliation. Condition: The binding is in better condition than Cod.hebr. 103. Margins moldy. The ink has been absorbed by the blue paper, resulting in a brown stain on the other side and holes in the paper (e.g. ff. 57–60 67, 69, 86, 123). The volvelle on f. 61v has come loose. Page layout: One column, 33 lines. Ruling drawn by hard point, clearly discernable in the empty part (ff. 127–209). Text space: 203×110mm. Script: Copied by Paulus Aemilius in Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Tables e.g. on ff. 7v, 9r. Diagrams on ff. 60r, 117v, 124v and circular diagrams on ff. 115r, 120r, 123v, 124v by Widmanstetter. Volvelles on ff. 18r, 20v, 35r, 61v–the specimens on ff. 20v, 35r repaired by Widmanstetter. For an image of the volvelle on f. 20v see figure 17. Other graphical material by Aemilius is found on ff. 10v, 117v, 120r, circular diagrams on ff. 16v, 17r. Binding: Limp parchment binding (286×212×34mm). Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 103 and 112. Leather straps are torn off.

History Origin: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 3. It was copied in 1538 in Gradoli by Paulus Aemilius for Widmanstetter. See Aemilius’ colophon on f. 126r: “| ‫נכתב בע״ה פה גראדולי על ים בולסינא | ביום רביעי ג׳ לחדש סיטימבריו בשנת אלף‬ ‫חמש מאות שלושים ושמונה לביאת ישוע | משיחנו ואני פאולוש עמיליוש ממדינת | פראנקוניא‬ ‫מכפר רעטילזה כתבתי כל זה | על מצוות יוחנן אלבריכת מווידמיסטיטין | המכונה לוקיריציוש ב׳‬ ‫קונרד ב׳ אלבריכת ב׳ | אולדריך מאלופת אלפיסטיין והוא סודיי | האשכנזים לפני פאולוש השלישי‬ ‫כהן גדול | לכסא אפוסטוליקו ברומא‬.” (“Written by the grace of God here in Gradoli at

390

appendix d

Lake Bolsena, on Wednesday the month of September in the year one thousand five hundred thirty-eight after the coming of Jesus, our Messiah. I, Paulus Aemilius from the land of Franconia, from the village of Rödelsee, wrote all of this by order of Johanan Albrecht von Widmanstetten, called Lucretius, the son of Konrad, the son of Albrecht, the son of Uldrich of the Duchy of Helfenstein, privy councilor of the Germans to Pope Paul iii, the high priest of the Apostolic See in Rome.”) Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter noted the manuscript’s contents on the binding: ‫ | ספר יצירה עם פרושי׳‬Domini Abrahamae Patriarchae de creatione mundi liber

unus ex ge[mino exemplari] | Innominati authoris commentarii in eundem mina exempel | Mosis B[u]tarelli commentarii in eundem. | Alterius innomi[na]ti commentarii in eundem librum Gaps partly emended with readings from Felix von Oefele’s catalogue, p. 37. Widmanstetter wrote many marginal notes in Latin (ff. 2r, 3v, 5v, 9v, 71r, 87r) and emendations and additions to the text (e.g. ff. 10r–v, 11r, 12r, 13v, 17r, 26r, 28r, 34v, 35r). Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 73–74. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 292. Sfardatakey 0G052. imhm F 23126.

Cod.hebr. 117 Munich Mekhilta · Midrashim. Italy. 1433. 1. ff. 1r–102v: [‫ ]מכילתא דרבי ישמעל‬Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmaʿel. 2. ff. 103r–209r: [‫ ]מדרש רבה על וירקא‬Midrash Rabbah on Wa-Yiqra. 3. ff. 209v–213r: [‫ ]מדרש על משלי‬Midrash on Proverbs 3:19. 4. ff. 213v–214r: [‫ ]מדרש מעשה חנוכה‬Midrash Maʿaśeh Ḥannukah. 5. ff. 214v–215v: [‫ ]מעשה יהודית‬Maʿaśeh Yehudit. 6. ff. 215v–216v: ‫ מעשה שושנה‬Maʿaśeh Shoshana.

Codicology Material: Parchment. i·218·i’ ff. (i, 102bisr, i’ blank.) 258 × 192mm. Foliation: Original foliation in Hebrew letters (‫)א–ט‬. Later foliation (often trimmed) 1–87 (1) 88–110 102bis–110bis 111–214 214bis 215–218; f. 219 in pencil. Quiring: Mostly quinions. The quires begin on the flesh side and follow the rule of Gregory. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of each quire. Page layout: 26 lines, one column, ruling by plummet and hard point. Pricking in the outer, top, and bottom margins. Text space: 158×114 mm.

cod.hebr. 119

391

Script: Copied by Isaac ben Eleazar ha-Kohen in Italian semi cursive script. The headlines are written in Ashkenazic square script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (275×20×47mm). The leather clasps are restored.

History Origin: Written for Abraham ben Menahem Alatrino by Isaac ben Eleazar ha-Kohen, who completed it in Adar i 5193 (January 1433), see the colophon on ff. 216v–217r: “‫אני‬ ‫יצחק בכ״ר אליעזר הכהן זצ״ל כתבתי זה הספר לכמ״ר אברהם יצ״ו בכמ״ר מנחם זצ״ל וסיימתיו‬ ‫לחדש אדר הראשון שנת קצ״ג לפ״ק השם ברחמיו וחסדיו יזכהו ללמוד בו ויזכהו לבנים זכרים‬ ‫עוסקי בתורה ובמצות וכן יהי רצון ונאמר אמן אמן סלה‬.”

Provenance: In 1460, Alatrino sold the manuscript to Mordecai ben Eliezer of Rome with other items f. 218v: “‫כה״א נו״א מודה אני אברהם יזיי״א בכר בכמר מנחם אלטרין | זצ״ל‬ ‫כמו שמכרתי זה הספר לכמה״ר מרדכי אביר הרופאים | בכ״ר אליעזר זלה״ה מרומא מכירה שרירה‬ ‫חולטה וקיימא וקיבלתי | המעות מידו ומחלתי לו כל דמי אונאה וזה כתבתי מכתיבת ידי | כדי שיהיה‬ ‫בידו לזכות ולראיה היום יום ה׳ נובימ׳ רכ״א | לפרט || כתב ידי אברהם יזיי״א בכמ״ר ]מנ[חם‬ ‫ ”אלטרין זצ״ל‬Mordecai’s entry of ownership: “‫שלי מרדכי הרופא יזיי״א בכמ״ר | אליעזר ז״ל‬ ‫ ”]…[ בכ״ר מרדכי ז״ל בכ״ר | משה ז״ל בכ״ר אליעזר ז״ל מרומא‬Mordecai’s daughter Hannah bat Mordecai inherited it from him and bequeathed it to her son Reuben ben Jekutiel: “‫ראובן הרופא בכ״ר יקותיאל זיי״א שנשאר אלי | מירושת מרת אמי חנה בת כמהר״ר מרדכי‬ ‫הרופא | בכ״ר אליעזר ז״ל מרומא || ראובן בכ״ר יקותיאל בכ״ר אברהם בכ״ר משולם | מפורלי‬ ‫בכ״ר מנחם הרופ׳ | בכ״ר מרדכי הרופ׳ זצ״ל מטריסטברי‬.” From this last entry we can gather that the manuscript stayed in Trastevere (Rome) for the next two generations, and it is also likely that Widmanstetter acquired the manuscript there. Abraham David ben Elijah served as a witness to the transaction documented in bsb, Cod.hebr. 97, so maybe he had the same function here: “‫אברהם דוד יזיי״א בכ״ר אלייא זצ״ל | שוריאל‬ ‫יהודה יזי״י בכמה״ר מנחם נא ]…[ ז״ל‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is established by the type of binding and his marginal notes on ff. 162r, 216v. He wrote on the back cover: “Exodus Raba.” (Below in another hand: “levit.”) In the outer margin on f. 218v, Widmanstetter computed the date 5221 to 1461. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 74–75. SfarData 0G024. imhm F 1159.

Cod.hebr. 119 Kabbalistic Miscellany. Italy. 1404. 1. f. 2v: [‫ ]אילן ספירות‬Sefirotic Ilan. 2. ff. 3r–5r, 8v–11r, 16v–22r: [‫ ]ביאור שמות האלהות‬Explanation of the names of the Godhead.

392 3. 4. 5. 6.

appendix d f. 5v: [‫ ]אילן ספירות‬Sefirotic Ilan. ff. 3r–5r, 8v–11r, 16v–22r: [‫ ]ספר התמונה‬Sefer ha-Temunah. ff. 23r–24r: [‫ ]שאלות ותשובות בקבלה‬Kabbalistic Responsa by Hai ben Sherira. ff. 24r–25r: [‫ ]אילן ספירות‬Sefirotic Ilan. For an image see figure 19.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·25·i’ ff. (i, 1v, 2r, 23v, 25v, i’ blank.) 272× 208 mm. Foliation: 1–25. First codicological unit paginated: 1–41. Older pagination in the last unit. Quiring: One quaternion and one seven-bifolia quire. Condition: f. 23 is reinforced with paper on the verso. Page layout: The layout varies throughout the manuscript, e.g. f. 3v: 28 lines. Text space: 201×143mm. f. 18r: 33 lines. Text space: 205×156mm. Ruling by pencil and ink. Script: For the most part, copied in Italian semi cursive script. f. 24 is written in a Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Human face on f. 21v, circular diagram f. 24r, sefirotic tree ff. 2v, 24v–25r. Diagrams ff. 5v, 12v. Binding: Card board binding. (280×214×5mm).

History Origin: The last folio belonged to Shem Tov ben Jacob who wrote it for his own use: f. 22r: “‫רפאל בכמ׳ אברהם מילמירנדולה זלה״ה קניתיהו בטירווישי מן כמר אשר אשכנזי בן כמר׳‬ ‫יעקב המכונה פונפילא יציאת אוטוברו רנ״ג ליצ׳ למענ רחמין ידכיני להגות בף אני ודרעי דרעי ער‬ ‫סוף כל תדומת אמן‬.” On f. 24r there is yet another colophon by the same scribe: “‫אני שם‬ ‫טוב בן החכם ר׳ יעקב הספרדי אבן פולייא תנצב״ה כתבתי זה הספר לעצמי | בעיר מודון אשר על‬ ‫שפת הים השם הלמען שמו הגדול יזכני לי ולכל הבאים | מכחי להגות בן ולהבינו עלהדרק הישר‬ ‫וסיימתיו בחדש כסליו בארבעה ימים | בו שנת הקס‬.”

Provenance: The manuscript belonged to Egidio da Viterbo, as is attested by his marginal notes. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter did not leave an entry of ownership, he is identified by the many marginal notes on ff. 3r–v, 5r, 9r–10v, 17v, 24r. He transliterated the name of the town mentioned in the colophon on f. 24r in Latin letters (Methoni) and converted the date into Arabic numerals (5165). Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 75–76. SfarDatakey 0Y797 imhm 1142.

Cod.hebr. 120 Aristotelian Philosophy. [Italy]. [Mid 15th century]. 1. ff. 2r–6v: ‫ ספר הסבות‬Liber de Causis by Aristotle.

cod.hebr. 124 2. 3. 4. 5.

393

ff. 7r–36v: ‫ תגמולי הנפש‬Tagmulei ha-Nefesh by Hillel ben Samuel. ff. 32v–34r: ‫ ענין תשובה‬ʿAnyen Teshuvah. ff. 66v–69r: ‫ עשר תשובות על תחיית המתים‬Ten responsa on the resurrection of the dead by Saadia ben Joseph. ff. 69r–72v: ‫ מאמר במהות הנפש‬Treatise on the nature of the soul by Muḥammad al-Farabi.

Codicology Material: Paper. 78ff. (73r–77v blank.) 273×204mm. Foliation: 1–7 (1) 8–77. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso, often decorated with animals. Condition: In good condition. Page layout: One column, 30–32 lines. Text space: 194–198× 140–150 mm. Ruling by hard point, leaf by leaf on the verso. Script: Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (270×215×19mm). The leather flaps have come off.

History Provenance: Owned by Jehiel, the rest of the name is deleted, see his entry of ownership on f. 1v: “‫יחיאל‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He left no marginal notes and he wrote down two tables of contents, a) on the binding: Hillelis filii Samuelis […] Veronensis philo|sophica et theologicae quaedam. | Questiones quaedam theologica. | Abumazaris Alpharabii liber de essentia animae. and b) on f. 1r: Rabbi Samuelis filii Lazari Veronensis opus quodam | in theologia: Et Abunaser Alfarabi de anime | essentia. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 76. imhm F 1639.

Cod.hebr. 124 Widmanstetter’s Commonplace Book. [Italy, Germany]. Before 1557.

394

1.

appendix d i. ff. 1r–39v: Hebrew-Latin dictionary by Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter.

Codicology Material: Paper. 39ff. (i blank.) 282×106mm. Foliation: From right to left. Foliated in Arabic numerals by pencil. Many gaps. 1–39. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, varying number of lines. Height of text space varies; width 96mm. Script: Widmanstetter wrote Hebrew and Aramaic in Sefardic semi cursive script. The Latin parts are written in Humanistic cursive script.

2. 3.

ii. ff. 1r–69r: Italian Talmudic dictionary. ff. 74r–122v: Latin-Hebrew dictionary by Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter.

Codicology Material: Paper. 120ff. (1v, 69v–74r, i’ blank.) 282×106 mm. Foliation: From left to right. Foliated in Arabic numerals by pencil in the top right corner of each recto page. (3) 4–5, (4) 10 (4) 15 (4) 20 (4) 25 (4) 30 (9) 40 (4) 45 (4) 50 (9) 60 (4) 65 (3) 69–70 (4) 74–75 (4) 80 (4) 85 (4) 90 (4) 95 (4) 100 (4) 105 (4) 110 (4) 115 (4) 120 (1) 122 (ff. 120–122 are part of the other half of the manuscript). Quiring: ff. 17–32 are bound lopsided. Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, varying number of lines. Text space: 275 × 90 mm. Script: Widmanstetter wrote Hebrew and Aramaic in Sefardic semi-cursive script. The Latin and Italian parts are written in Humanist cursive script.

Shared features Binding: Pasteboard binding, leather. (288×102×31mm). The spine was restored in 1952.

History Origin: The book is written in Widmanstetter’s own hand. He left no entry of ownership. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 77. imhm F 1177.

cod.hebr. 127

395

Cod.hebr. 126 Astronomy. [Spain]. [Late 15th century]. 1. ff. 4r–22r: ‫ באור לוחות אלפונסו‬Explanation of the tables of Alfonso. 2. ff. 22r–30v: ‫ באור לוחות‬Explanation of tables. 3. ff. 31r–32v: ‫ חבור באסטרונומיה ובאסטרולוגיה‬Essay on astronomy and astrology. 4. ff. 34v–116v: ‫ לוחות אלפונסו‬Tables of Alfonso.

Codicology Material: Parchment/Paper. 124ff. (2v, 3v, 32v–34r, 117r–122v blank.) 242 × 176mm. Foliation: 1–27 (1) 28–122 (1). Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Last word on verso is catchword. Condition: Parchment slightly crimped, paper shock-stained. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 144×96 mm. Ruling by plummet on every verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Renaissance binding, red leather. (250×175 × 34 mm). Two metal clasps are torn off. The upper part of the spine is coming off.

History Provenance: Pen tests on f. 121bisv. Sometimes, there are maniculae and marginal notes in Hebrew script that appear to be corrections by the scribe. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 4r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He added the following title on f. 4r: Tabulae Alfonsi. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 78. imhm F 1694.

Cod.hebr. 127 Avicenna’s Canon. [Spain]. 1361. 1. ff. 1r–114v: [‫ ]קאנון‬Kanon by Avicenna. The text ends with chapter 24 of Book i. Translated by Nathan ha-Matai.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·114ff. (None blank.) 293×217×34mm. Foliation: 1–95 (1) 96–114. Quiring: Due to the damage collation difficult to ascertain. Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Beginning with leave 95 the folios are not attached to each other. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos.

396

appendix d

Condition: Heavily wormed. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 195×135 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Nineteenth-century card board slipcase (315 × 225 × 43 mm).

History Origin: According to Widmanstetter, the manuscript was written in 5121 (1361), it seems likely that the manuscript once included a colophon. Provenance: Many marginal notes in Sefardic cursive script, some of whom are cut. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He added a description of the content on f. iv: Liber primus Canonis Avicennae. | Cum scholiis pulcherrimis. | Scriptus anno 5121. | Interprete Nathan filius Eleazari. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 78. imhm F 1193.

Cod.hebr. 128 Miscellany. Late 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–25r: [‫ ]פירוש משנת אבות‬Commentary on the Mishnah (Avot) by Moses Maimonides. Translated by Samuel ibn Tibbon. 2. f. 28r: ‫ לוח שלשה עשר מחזורים‬Table of Thirteen Cycles. 3. ff. 29r–53v: ‫ כנפי נשרים‬Astronomical work with calculations for eclipses by Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils. 4. ff. 54r–59v: ‫ שירים‬Poems by Isaac ben Abraham Gerani. 5. ff. 60r–72v: ‫ לוחות הפועל‬Astronomical tables by Jacob ben David Poʿel Bonit.

Codicology Material: Paper. 72ff. (10v, 25v, 27v, 28v, 31v, 67v blank.) 305 × 215 mm. Foliation: 1–72. Quiring: Mostly seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword occasionally on the versos. Condition: Water damage. Page layout: 1) ff. 1–31 52, 68–72 Two columns, 31 lines. Text space: 218 × 143–148 mm. 17mm between columns. Ruling by hard point on the verso, page by page. 2) ff. 54–59 Two columns, 34 lines. Text space: 228×81–85mm. 17mm between columns. Ruling by hard point on the verso, page by page. 3) ff. 27–53: Irregular layout, the main pattern is as follows: One column, 19 lines. Text space: 237× 176mm. 17mm between columns. Pricking discernible, ruling by plummet page by page.

cod.hebr. 130

397

Illustrations: Headlines encased in floral band ff. 28r, 53r. Some other headlines are in color, e.g. f. 52r. Script: Sefardic-Provençal cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (312×222×23mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 78–79. SfarData. imhm F 1613.

Cod.hebr. 129 Sefer ha-Mishqal. [Italy]. [Early 16th century]. 1. ff. 1r–32v: ‫ ספר המשקל‬Sefer ha-Mishqal by Moses de Leon.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·32·i’ ff. (None blank.) 302×223×4mm. Foliation: 1–32. Quiring: One seven-bifolia quire, one senion, and one ternion. Condition: Mostly in good condition, f. 1 was torn but has been repaired, some text is lost. Page layout: One column, 30–31 lines. Text space: 200–214 × 116–121 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (315×222×11mm).

History Origin: Old colophons were deleted on f. 32v. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He added the title on f. 1r: Liber Miscal id est ponderis. He left one marginal note on f. 8r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 79. imhm F 1391.

Cod.hebr. 130 Euclid: De Elementis. [Italy]. 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–74v: ‫ ספר היסודות‬De Elementis by Euclid.

398

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 75ff. (75r–v blank.) 284×218mm. Foliation: 1–75. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Last word on verso is catchword. Condition: Water damage; f. 1 is reinforced with paper on the verso, occluding most of the diagrams on this page. Page layout: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 171×113–115mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, page by page. Illustrations: Diagrams in the outer margin or the bottom of the page, e.g. ff. 1r, 2r–9v, 10v–14v, 16v, 18v, 20r, 25v–26r, 27v–29r. Many of them are hard to discern due to the damage described above. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Headlines in Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Nineteenth-century card board binding. (295 × 221 × 22 mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 79. imhm F 1195.

Cod.hebr. 131 Bible Commentaries. ca. 1556.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

i. ff. 2r–4r: [‫ ]פירושים על המקרא‬Incomplete commentaries on the Bible. f. 4r: ‫ חלוף אותיות המתחלפות‬Ḥiluf Otiyyot ha-mitḥalfot. ff. 4r–4v: [‫ ]מלון עברי‬Hebrew dictionary. ff. 2r–4r: [‫ ]פירושים על המקרא‬Incomplete commentaries on the Bible. f. 4r: ‫ חלוף אותיות המתחלפות‬Ḥiluf Otiyyot ha-mitḥalfot. ff. 4r–4v: [‫ ]מלון עברי‬Hebrew Dictionary.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: One quinion. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords, on every verso. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 192×132 mm. Illustrations: The beginning of f. 2r is decorated with a crown.

History Origin: On f. 4r a colophon by Yishai ben Jehiel is found: “‫שבח והודיה אתן לאדון המציאות‬ ‫שזיכני להתחיל ספר הערוך על כל העשרים | וארבע ספרים שחיבר החכחם השלם דוד בר יוסף‬

cod.hebr. 134

399

‫ששמו קמחי | והשם יתברך שזיכני להתחילו לשלום כן יזכני להשלימו | עם ספרים אחרים כאשר‬ ‫עם לבבי | אלה דברי הקטן שבתלמידים | ישי בן לאדוני אבי | כמ׳ יחיאל | ז״ל‬.”

7.

ii. ff. 11r–12v: [‫ ]סוד בת שבע‬Batsheba’s Secret by Joseph Gikatilla.

Codicology Material: Paper. Catchwords: Horizontal, on the versos. Page layout: One column, 37 lines. Text space: 216–220 × 131–134 mm.

History Origin: One colophon on f. 12v: “‫בחדש הראשון הוא חדש ניסן‬.” Then comes a poem (“‫ימינך‬ ‫ )”ה׳ בכח נאדרי | עצמה מרבה לאין אונים‬that forms the name Jacob bar Isaac (“‫יעקב בר‬ ‫)”יצחק‬, who was possibly the scribe. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no marginal notes, but he wrote the title on f. 4r: De Matrimonio Davidis et Bersebeae | questio doctissima et pulchra.

Shared features Material: Paper. i·13·i’ ff. (1, 5r–10v, 13r–v blank.) 302–308× 224–231× 3 mm. Foliation: 1–13. Condition: Judging from traces, the entire manuscript must have been folded once in the middle Binding: Card board binding. (274×237×6mm). Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 79–80. imhm F 1143.

Cod.hebr. 134 Materia Medica · Maimonides · al-Farabi · Benveniste. 1. ff. 2r–112r: [‫ ]פרקי משה‬Pirqei Moshe by Moses Maimonides. 2. ff. 112v–116r: [‫ ]ספר הדפק‬Sefer ha-Defeq by Muḥammad al-Farabi. 3. ff. 116v–124v: [‫ ]מאמר במיני ההרקות במשלשלים‬On a drug to cure diarrhea by Sheshet ben Isaac Benveniste.

Codicology Material: Paper. 127ff. (None blank.) Foliation: From 81 to 91 in pencil. 1–89 (1) 90–99 (1) 100–124 (1). Catchwords: None.

400

appendix d

Condition: The manuscript has suffered severe damages from water and ink. It is trimmed affecting the foliation on ff. 51, 77–79. Script: ff. 2r–112r: Sefardic semi cursive script. ff. 112v–124v: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding, using recycled parchment. One single loose sheet is found between ff. 67 and 68.

History Provenance: Occasionally, there are marginal notes in a Sefardic hand (e.g. ff. 4v, 12r–v, 33v, 99v). Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a title lopsided on the binding: “In Medicina”—maybe the same that wrote an all but illegible title on the top of f. 2r. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “[Joannis] Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 80. imhm F 1194.

Cod.hebr. 201 Philosophic Anthology. [Italy]. 15th century.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

i. ff. 1r–20v: ‫ תקון מדות הנפש‬Tiqqun Middot ha-Nefesh by Solomon Ibn Gabirol. ff. 20v–29v: [‫ ]לקוטים ממאמרי פילוסופים‬Notes from philosophical Works. ff. 29v–34r: ‫ ספר התפוח‬Sefer ha-Tapuaḥ by Aristotle. ff. 34v–57v: ‫ קצור החוש והמוחש של אריסטו‬Short Commentary on Aristotle’s De sensu et sensato by Averroes. ff. 58r–76v: ‫ מראות אלהים‬Mareʾot Elohim by Ḥanokh Kostantini. ff. 77r–96r: ‫ ספר העגולות הרעיוניות‬Book of Speculative Circles. ff. 96v–106v: ‫ אגרת תחית המתים‬Epistle on the Resurrection of the Dead by Moses Maimonides.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Quinions. Quires begin on the flesh side and adhere to the rule of Gregory. Page layout: 25 lines Text space: 180×131mm. Ruling by hard point on the hair side, sheet by sheet. Pricking visible in the outer margins. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

cod.hebr. 201

401

History Origin: Abraham ben Menahem Alatrino’s colophon is dated 15 Kislev 5179 (13 November 1418), see the colophon on f. 106v: “‫ותשלם כל המלאכה אשר כתבתי באלו הספרים על ידי‬ ‫הצעיר אברהם יזיי״א יע״ו בכ״ר מנחם אלטרינו ישרו באחד בשבת בחמשה עשר יום לחדש כסליו‬ ‫ והשם אשר זיכני לכתבם ולהשלימם הוא יזכני להגות בהם ובשאר‬.‫לפרט וישב עמי בנו״ה שלום‬ ‫ספרי הקודש אני וזרעי וזרע זרעי עד סוף כל הדורות ויאיר עיני לבי במאור תורתו ויזכני להשלים‬ ‫נפשי לעלות דרך ישר לבית אל ויזכני להיות מן הנכתבים לחיים בירושלים וחלקי המחוקק הרבים‬ ‫ככוכבים לעולם ועד אמן סלה‬.” Alatrino also owned bsb, Codd.hebr. 97 and 117.

8.

ii. ff. 108v–205v: ‫ האמונה הרמה‬Ha-Emunah haramah by Ibn Daud Abraham ben David

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Quinions. Quires begin on the hair side and adhere to the rule of Gregory. Condition: Trimmed, as the residue on f. 108 shows. Page layout: 25 lines Text space: 162×116mm. Ruling by hard point on the recto, page by page. Pricking in the inner margin preserved, the outer pricking is trimmed. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Provenance: Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel left their entry of ownership on f. 108r: “‫שלנו ר׳ משה ור׳ יהודה יחיאל‬.” The last word is in another hand and other ink, the names and hand of the previous line are identical to Cod.arab. 236f. 131v. They could be the sons of the Jehiel who signed his name below. Provenance: The entry of ownership by Jehiel: “‫ ”יחיאל‬is found on f. 108r.

Shared features Material: Parchment. i·205ff. (i, 107v, 206 blank.) 259 × 181 mm. Foliation: 1–206. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters on the last verso. ‫א–י‬. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (270×194×51mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: In 1541, an unknown hand wrote down the names of Widmanstetter and J. Stauber on f. 107r, so this is a possible date for Widmanstetter’s acquisition of this volume. Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote on the backside of the cover: Ethica R. Salomonis Gebirolis Hispaniensis | Abrahae Levitae opus de fide | et concordia legis et philosophiae

402

appendix d

For an image of the index see figure 9. On f. 108r Widmanstetter noted: Abraam de tribuu Levi filii David de subli|mi fide opus concordans legalia et philosophalia On f. 108v, he signed his name: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote the gematria of his name in the top right corner: “‫ר״כ‬.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 86–87. SfarData 0G055. imhm F 1137.

Cod.hebr. 202 Ibn Ezra and others. [Italy]. 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–37r: ‫ ראשית חכמה‬Reshit Ḥokhmah by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 2. ff. 37r–67r: ‫ ספר הטעמים‬Sefer ha-Teʿamim by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 3. ff. 67v–70r: [‫ ]משפטי הנולד משנת ד׳תתקכ״א‬Horoscopes by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 4. ff. 70r–91r: ‫ ספר המולדות‬Sefer ha-Moladot by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 5. ff. 91v–101v: ‫ ספר השאלות‬Sefer ha-Sheʾelot by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 6. ff. 101v–108r: ‫ ספר המאורות‬Sefer ha-Maʾorot by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 7. ff. 108v–116r: ‫ ספר המבחרים‬Sefer ha-Mivḥarim by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 8. ff. 116r–124v: ‫ ספר העולם‬Sefer ha-ʿOlam by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 9. ff. 124v–127r: ‫ ספר השאלות‬Sefer ha-Sheʾelot by Mashallah. 10. ff. 127v–129v: ‫ בקדרות הלבנה והשמש‬Book of Eclipses by Mashallah. 11. ff. 130r–137v: ‫ שאלות‬Sheʾelot by Pseudo-Ptolemy. 12. ff. 138r–143v: ‫ ספר העולם‬Sefer ha-ʿOlam by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 13. ff. 144r–150r: ‫ מבחרים שניים‬Redaction of Sefer ha-Mivḥarim by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 14. ff. 150r–163v: ‫ משפטי המזלות‬Astrological treatise by Abraham Ibn Ezra.

Codicology Material: Parchment. iii·165·iii’ ff. (i–ii, 68v, 164, 165r, i’–iii’ blank.) 251 × 196mm. Foliation: 1–54 (1) 55–102 (1) 104–165. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Quire numbering top right on the recto, catchwords on last verso of quire. Condition: Leaves 1 to 11 are heavily torn or eaten at the bottom. The outer leaves are discolored, letting one to belief that the manuscript was unbound for a long time. Trimmed. Page layout: Two columns, each 52–54mm broad, 18 mm apart, 31 lines. Text space: 172×126mm.

cod.hebr. 205

403

Script: Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding. Supralibros on the upper and lower boards. (266 × 196× 45mm).

History Provenance: An old entry of ownership by Jehiel. As in the other manuscripts, the latter part is deleted leaving only the first word readable, f. 3r: “‫יחיאל‬.” Provenance: On f. 165v there is a remnant of an entry of ownership by Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel. An attempt was made to delete the names: “‫שלנו ר׳ משה ור׳‬ ‫יהודה יחיאל‬.” Provenance: Jehiel ben Joshua signed his name on f. 163v: “‫שלי יחיאל בכ״ר יהושוע ז״ל‬.” Provenance: Antonio Flaminio’s entry of ownership is found on f. 163v: “Flaminii Liber.” Flaminio owned one other manuscript that came into Widmanstetter’s possession: bsb, Cod.hebr. 321. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii”—contrary to his habits, it is written at the top of the page. From this we can infer that the lower part of the page was already damaged when the volume came into his possession. Above his name he noted the title (partly trimmed): Aben Ezra de astrologia. His marginal notes are found on ff. 68r, 69v. He noted the title on f. 165v: Rabbi Abraham filii Esdre opus perennitatus primitie | scientie in astrologia judiciaria. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 87.

Cod.hebr. 205 Midrash Hashkem. 13th century. 1. ff. 1r–200v: ‫ מדרש השכם‬Midrash Hashkem.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 200·i’ ff. (None blank.) 241–250× 188–197mm. Some folios are significantly smaller narrower, e.g. f. 112: 125mm, f. 113: 147 mm, f. 119: 200 mm. other irregular folios: ff. 50, 65, 85, 98, 150, 157, 195–197. Quiring: Mostly quinions. Each quire begins on the hair side, the quires adhere to the rule of Gregory. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of every quire.

404

appendix d

Condition: ff. 83r–84v: The paper is stained from a heart shaped object. ff. 21–41, 46–53, 69–133, 148–157, 158: the lower outer edge has been torn off/eaten away. Page layout: One column, 22–24 lines. Text space: 218× 158 mm. Ruling by hard point on the hair side leaf by leaf–no pricking. Script: Oriental semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (261×197×63mm). Two restored pairs of leather flaps. The front is stained with ink. Judging from the parallel incisions that tie the raised bands to the cover, the volume was rebound. Restored in 1957.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote a title on the binding: Fragmentum ex Jelamedenu in | Pentateuchum and on f. 1r: Fragmentum ex Jelamedenu super Pentateuchum. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 88. imhm F 1648.

Cod.hebr. 207 Halakhic Miscellany. 1251–1275. 1. ff. 2r–28v: ‫ ספר החיים‬Sefer he-Ḥayyim. 2. ff. 29r–64v: ‫ ספר המשלים‬Sefer ha-Mishlim. 3. ff. 65r–100v: ‫ משלי שועלים‬Mishlei Shoʿalim by Berechiah ha-Naqdan.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 103ff. 275×170/245mm. Quiring: Lex Gregory is followed; quires begin on hair side. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 166×114 mm. Script: Copied by Shemaryahu ben Jacob in Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding.

History Origin: Shemarya ben Jacob wrote the manuscript on 1 Adar, see his note on f. 99v: “‫אני‬ | ‫שמריה בר׳ יעקב הכהן זצ״ל סיימתי זה ספר | החיים והמשלים והחרזים ביום ד׳ לראש אדר שבח‬ ‫ כן‬.‫ כאשר אנחנו היום קיימים‬.‫ | ובפי כל יהודר‬.‫לאשר בקודש נאדר ולו הממשלה וההוד וההדר‬ ‫ חזק הסופר‬.‫ ובכן יהי רצון אמן סלה‬.‫יהי | לעולמים‬.”

‫‪405‬‬

‫‪cod.hebr. 207‬‬

‫‪Provenance: Pen tests on ff. 1r–v, 102v–103r.‬‬ ‫‪Provenance: Sold on Sunday, 30 Shevat 5046 (24 January 1286) from Johanan ben‬‬ ‫מודה אני החתום למטה כי“ ‪Eliezer to Menahem ben Benjamin, see the note on f. 101r:‬‬ ‫מכרתי זה | ספר החיים ומשלים לר׳ מנחם ב״ר בנימין לעיי״ן ]…[ | ועלי לפצותן מכל המערער על‬ ‫מכירה זו | וזה היה ביום א׳ שלשים יום לחדש שבט | שהוא ראש חדש אדר הראשון של | שנת‬ ‫”‪.‬שישה וארבעים לפרט לאלף | השישי‪ .‬יוחנן ב״ר אליעזר הכהן | שלי״ו‬ ‫‪Provenance: The physician Menahem Zemaḥ marked the book as his property on‬‬ ‫”‪.‬שלי מנחם צמח | הרופא יצ״ו“ ‪f. 101v:‬‬ ‫מודה אני שמואל ]…[ במושידע חייב לר׳ חמה“ ‪Provenance: Another sale’s contract on f. 103v:‬‬ ‫”‪.‬כהן א ביום | וא׳ סולטורה דקלה‬ ‫‪Provenance: Sale’s contract in Italian from Agnilo de Bono Aiuto to Bonaventura at‬‬ ‫‪Rome on f. 103v “Anno domini 24 Decembri 1423 | Confesso Jo maestro Agnilo de‬‬ ‫| ‪Bono Aiuto de | Roma […] questo libro ad maestro Bono Ventura de […] de Roma‬‬ ‫”‪dello quale.‬‬ ‫‪Provenance: Another sale from Daniel ben Abraham to Mordecai ben Eliezer of Rome‬‬ ‫מודה אני דניאל האיי״ל“ ‪dated Wednesday 30 March 5218 (1458) is documented on f. 101r:‬‬ ‫בכמ״ר אברהם | זלה״ה כמו שהיום יום ד׳ ח׳ מרצו רי״ח | מכרתי זה הספר שיש בו ספר החיים |‬ ‫ומדרש שועלים אל הנכבד הנעלה | ה״ר מרדכי הרופא גיסי בכמ״ר אליעזר | ז״ל מומה וקבלתי‬ ‫המניות מידו לידי | והמכירה הזאת היא חלוטא שרירא | וקיימא דלא להשנייא ועלי לפמותן | מכל‬ ‫דין טענה וערער מחלתי לן | כל דמי אונאה אפילו אם היה שוה אלף | זוז וכדי שיהיה ביד ה״ר מרדכי‬ ‫הרופא גיסי | לזכות ולעדות ולראיי כתבתי החתימה | הזאת מכתיב ידי ממש אני דניאל האיי״ל |‬ ‫הנו׳ ופייסתי אלו הנברי׳ שיחתמו שמותם | כשולי חאגרת מחממה הזאת עם האגרת | דעבר עליו‬ ‫קולמוס הכל שריר וקים | אני דניאל האיי״ל בכמ״ר אברהם ז״ל הנק׳ | מודה ומאשר כל מה שכתו‬ ‫‪.” Mordecai also owned bsb, Codd.hebr. 77, 97, 111, 117.‬לעל‬ ‫‪Provenance: A third sale from Mordecai ben Eliezer to the physician Rafael Samuel‬‬ ‫מודה אני מרדכי ב״ר אליעזר“ ‪Avir, dated 25 Kislev 5226 (13 December 1465) on f. 103v:‬‬ ‫ז״ל מקורביל כמו שהיום יום ו׳ כ״ה ימים לירח | כסלו רכ״ו מכרתי זה מדרש שועלים אל הנכבד‬ ‫ה״ר רפאל שמולידיש אביר | הרופא בכמ״ר בנימין החבר זלה״ה וקבלתי המניות מידו לידי ומרלתי‬ ‫לו כל | דמי אוטלה ועלי לפצותו מכל דין טענה וערער וכדי שיהיה בידו וביד באי | כחו לעדות‬ ‫ולזכות ולראיה הכל שריר וקים | אני מרדכי ב״ר אליעזר ז״ל הנק׳ מודה ומאשר ומקיים כל הכתוב‬ ‫”‪.‬לעיל‬ ‫‪Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii‬‬ ‫‪.” He added a title on f. 1r:‬ר״כ ‪cognomento | Lucretii Svevi‬‬ ‫‪Liber vitae capitula xv. | Proverbia Jacobi filii Eleazaris | cum fabulis Aesopi.‬‬ ‫‪Widmanstetter misunderstood the note on f. 101r, he wrote to the left: “Scriptus est hic‬‬ ‫”‪co|dex anno mundi | 5046.‬‬ ‫‪Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 88–90. SfarData zg001. imhm F 1647.‬‬

406

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 208 Averroes. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–46v: ‫ קצורי אבן רשד על שמע טבעי‬Short Commentary on Physica by Averroes. Translated by Moses Ibn Tibbon. 2. ff. 47r–71v: ‫ כללי השמים והעולם של אריסטו‬Short Commentary on De Caelo by Averroes. Translated by Moses Ibn Tibbon. 3. ff. 72r–94v: ‫ קצור ספר האותות העליונות של אריסטו‬Short Commentary on Meteorologia by Averroes. Translated by Moses Ibn Tibbon. Breaks off in the middle of the fourth chapter.

Codicology Material: Parchment. iii·94·iii’ ff. (i–iii, i’–iii’ blank.) 237× 176mm. Foliation: 1–94. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters, mostly trimmed. Extant: ‫ג‬. Quiring: Quaternions. Quires begin on the hair side. Catchwords: Last word on last verso of quire is the catchword. Condition: The outer folios (1 and 94) are quite worn and stained, stains on ff. 72v–73r, 90–94, sewn: on ff. 74, 83. The manuscript is trimmed. Page layout: One column, 24–29 lines. Text space: 153–156× 94–98 mm. Ruling each sheet by hard point, on the hair side. Pricking at edges sometimes visible. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: In the first half of the manuscript, they are decorated with frames filled with floral patterns in magenta and azure: ff. 1r, 4r, 7r, 12v, 16v, 20v, 25v, 34v, 39r, 46v, 47r. Diagrams on ff. 89r–v. Binding: Peißenberg binding (249×184×27mm). Worn.

History Provenance: Marginal notes by various hands throughout the manuscript. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote an index at the top of the same page, part of which was trimmed: [Averroem de physico auditu, de coelo] mundo et meteoris. The portion in square brackets is restored from Oefele’s notes (bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 7, Catalogus, p. 6). Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 90. Cohen-Mushlin, Hebrew Manuscripts, 399–403. imhm F 1200, Fiche 52.

cod.hebr. 213

407

Cod.hebr. 211 Sefer ha-ʿAnaq. [Germany]. 14th century. 1. ff. 1r–95v: ‫ ספר הענק‬Sefer ha-ʿAnaq by Moses Ibn Ezra.

Codicology Material: Parchment. i·96·i’ ff. (i, ‘i blank.) 229×183mm. Foliation: 1–95, 37bis. Original foliation in Hebrew numerals on every verso. Quiring: Quaternions. Quires open on the hair side. Catchwords: Quires open on hair side (darker). Catchword at the end of most quires. Condition: f. 1r is heavily worn; the text is hardly discernible. Slips have been trimmed at the bottom of ff. 19, 20, 82. ff. 6, 17, 25, 29, 68 are partly sewn. The upper part of ff. 52 (partly) and 55 have been torn out. The outer margin of ff. 78 and 91 has been trimmed; ff. 86–95 are wormed. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 176×134mm. Entire sheet of parchment ruled by hard point. The pricking is partly visible. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script, the verses are vocalized. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (244×185×35–43mm). Both metal clasps are still in place.

History Provenance: The entry of ownership of Gad ben Judah in Italian semi-cursive is found at the top of f. 1r: “‫גד בר יהודה ז״ל‬.” Provenance: Another Italian semi-cursive hand began to write a title on f. 1r: “‫זה הספר‬ ‫נקרא‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote the following description on the backside of the cover: Carmina Hebraica cum commentariis | Jacobi filii Mosis He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 94. imhm F 1198.

Cod.hebr. 213 Sefer ha-Mitswot. [Spain]. Early 14th century. 1. ff. 4r–207r: [‫ ]ספר המצוות‬Sefer ha-Mitswot by Moses Maimonides.

408

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 212ff. (2v–3v, 19v–21r, 208, 209r, (210) blank.) 236× 156mm. Foliation: 1–177 168–200. Quiring: Nine-bifolia quires. The outer bifolium is made of parchment, each quire opens on the hair side. The manuscript follows Gregory’s rule. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the versos. Condition: The outer bifolium consists of parchment. Heavily damaged by mildew, especially at the outside bottom, missing parts were added during a restoration in June 1978 (see the note glued to back of the binding). Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 143×86 mm. The parchment is ruled by hard point on the hair side. Ruling on paper not discernible. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script, a second hand completed the index on ff. 17v–19r (maybe identical to first contract on f. 207v). Binding: Limp parchment binding (236×158×52mm). Both flaps have been replaced during the restoration in June 1978.

History Provenance: Numerous sale’s contracts that very hard to read in Sefardic cursive: mortgage in Iyyar 1360 in Avignon to Maboniak Delufshak, see f. 1v: “[…] ‫יום יו אייר שק״כ‬ ‫עדות וקנין מבוניאק דלובשק הדר אויניון שהוא היה פוטר אנמציף דאלששטיר | נכתב בים אשב‬ ‫איא ממושכנים בידנו בעד ח׳ פרחים מאנבושק הנזכר ושהוא קב׳ הספר‬.” Provenance: Another contract on f. 2r in Sefardic semi cursive on a debt of Shabbetai ben Abraham: “‫שבתי בר אברהם חייב | ]…[ ואני חייב אליו א׳ קנטרי‬.” Provenance: A note on f. 22r mentions the inheritors of Don Crescas: “‫יורשי הנ׳ דן קרשקש‬ ‫דקדתשה ז״ל‬.” Provenance: More sales at the back of the manuscript: f. 207v sold in 1325 “‫בפניניו עדים‬ ‫חתומי מטה באו ]…[ | ושאל ר׳ חיים הג׳ חתימתינו ממכיר ]…[ זה הספר | המצות מרבינו משה‬ | ‫ הג׳ להיות בידו לראיה‬.‫מכירה חלוטה וכך אמר ל ]…[ הג׳ כתבו | וחתמו בכל לשון של זכות והנוליד‬ ‫ולזכות שמכרתי לו זה הספר פר׳ פנחס כ״ת ימים לירח תמוז | שנת חמישת אלפים ושמנים וחמישה‬ ‫לבריאת עולם ואם חם ושלו | ובא שום אדם יורש או נוחל ויערער על מכירה זו עלי לפינותו | ולהגינו‬ ‫ ”ולהשקיט מקחו בידו‬below signatures of the witnesses: Abraham ben Judah “‫אברהם‬ ‫ ”בן יהודה ו״א‬and Naḥmani bar Joseph “‫ ”נחמני בר יוסף נב״ם‬A second contract on the same page seems to have been erased, apart for the word ‫המקום‬. It must have been six lines long. Below that a third contract: in 1330 from Jacob ben Joseph to Hayyim, the rest of his name is illegible. “| ‫אני החתום מטה שמכרתי זה ספר המצות מרבינו משה ז״ל‬ | […] ‫]…[ בכל התנאיה שקניתיו מר׳ יעקב ב״ר יוסף הג׳ ]…[ וכל | פרזה ]…[ וכוחו בכוחי ופיו כפי‬ ‫יב׳ שבט צ׳ לפרט כתבתי וחתמתי בעבור תהיה בידו ]…[ | חיים‬.” Provenance: Entry of ownership on f. 209v by Leon Astrug: “‫ממני לאון אשטרוג בשלויש‬.” Provenance: An unknown hand wrote this title on f. 4r: “precepta legis | sefer hamizuod.”

cod.hebr. 214

409

Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 22r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii ‫ר״כ‬.” He added the title on the cover: Mosis Maimonis compendium | preaceptis Legis, Aben Thabuno in|terprete. and on f. 21v he wrote the title once more: Harambam ex interpretatione | Ben Thabun de praeceptis Legis. He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 94–95. imhm F 1196.

Cod.hebr. 214 i. [Germany]. [ca. 1401–1420]. 1. ff. 1r–27r: [‫ ]ספר התמר‬Sefer ha-Tamar by Abu Aflaḥ. 2. ff. 28v–29r, 156r–158v: [‫ רפואות וסגלות‬,‫ ]מרשמים באלכימיה‬Miscelleny of alchemical writings. 3. ff. 29v–33v: [‫ ]מעלות האלהיות‬Maʿalot ha-Elohut by Moses Maimonides. 4. ff. 46r–101r: ‫ תכלית החכם‬Picatrix by Maslamah Ibn Aḥmad Majrīṭī. 5. ff. 102v–109v: ‫ ספר הנמוסים‬Sefer ha-Nimusim by Pseudo-Plato. 6. ff. 129r–134v: [‫ ]מונחים רפואיים‬Medical terminology. 7. ff. 138r–149v: [‫ מזלות ועוד‬,‫ אבנים טובות‬,‫ ]רפואות על סמך הכוכבים‬Miscellany of medical recipes and other materials. 8. ff. 154r–155v: ‫ מעשה בילאר מלך השדים‬On Beliʾar the king of demons. 9. f. 159r: ‫ מאמר בסמי המות‬Treatise on deadly poisons by Shanak al-Hindī.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: catchword on the last verso of each quire. Page layout: One column, 24–25 lines. Text space: 136× 90 mm. Ruling with pencil page by page. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. ii. Second half 15th century. 10. ff. 36r–42v: [‫ ]מרשמים באלכימיה‬Alchemical writings

410

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 221×143mm. Quiring: Quinion. Catchwords: None. Condition: Stain on f. 44r. Page layout: One column, 34 lines. Text space: 185–188 × 105 mm. No ruling visible. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

11.

iii. ff. 110r–125v: [‫ ]עניני מאגיה‬Magical notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. 220×164mm. Quiring: Two-bifolia quires. Page layout: One column, 15–16 lines. Text space: 158× 118 mm. Ruling with pencil, only the frame. Script: hardly legible Ashkenazic cursive script.

12. 13.

iv. ff. 159bisv–160r: ‫ סם המות‬Deadly poison by Paulus Aegineta. ff. 162r–162v: [‫ ]סגלות‬Talismans by Martin de Lucena.

Codicology Material: Paper. 228×165–174mm. Quiring: Quinion. Page layout: 1) ff. 159r–160r: One column, 24–26 lines. Text space: 189–195× 128–145 mm. No ruling. 2) ff. 162r–v: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 215 × 160–164mm. No ruling, undulating writing. Traces of ruling in pencil that matches dimensions of unit i; likely leftover paper from that part of the manuscript. Script: Copied by one hand in Sefardic cursive script using two quills.

Shared features Material: 166ff. (24r–26v, 27v–28r, 34r–35v, 43r–45v, 118r–121v, 131r–132v, 135r–v, 152r–154v, 159r–v, 160v–161v, 163r–167r blank.) Foliation: 1–125 128–141 143–154 (1) 155–159 (1) 160– 167. Binding: Limp parchment binding (232×171×42mm). All four flaps have come off.

History Provenance: An earlier owner wrote the Shema Israel on f. 1r. Provenance: A title is given on f. 1v by an unknown hand: “De scientiis ex Arabico | et alia curiosa.”

cod.hebr. 215

411

Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote no entry of ownership, leaving instead multiple indices: a) on the binding: Magica quaedam, aliaque | curiosa. b) f. 1r: Exempla quaedam varia. | Numeri et figurae planetariae. | Experimenta quaedam. | Opus Bilearis [re]gis daemonum. | Experimentum hydromanticum | Experimenta alia varia. | De veneno mortifero. | Paulus Medicus de | veneno mortifero. | De occultis proprietatibus. and c) f. 1v: Abo Aphlach Libri iiii de magia. | De numeris amicabilibus regula. | Chalchimica quaedam. | Mosis Maimonis tractatus pulcherrimus | de secretis quibusdam naturae. | et de uno artificioso. Et de | constellatione admirabili | Chalchimica quaedam. Liber de imaginibus authore Abi | Alcasim qui dicitur finis sapientiae. | Et de aliis rebus magicis. vi|detur mihi esse epitome | Picatricis. | Liber [Anginus] Anigenus Platonis dictus mi|rabilium operationum 83. Et dici|tur Nimius magnus et parvus. [Interprete Hanan | ben Isac.] | Vocabulorum quorundam interpretatio. | De planetorum mirabilibus operationibus | mansionibus lunae. Et psalmis | planetariis, characteribus, | De septum includendo ad thesauros, al|chimiam, et aliae. Habet partes septem. He left one marginal note on f. 102v. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 95–96. imhm F 1626.

Cod.hebr. 215 Ginnat Egoz · Other Kabbalistic Texts. [Italy]. Before 1532. 1. ff. 1r–181v: [‫ ]גנת אגוז‬Ginnat Egoz by Joseph Gikatilla. 2. ff. 181v–197v: [‫ ]ספר הנקוד‬On the vocalization by Joseph Gikatilla. 3. ff. 197v–198r: ‫ סוד עשר ספירות העמר‬Sod Eśer Sefirot ha-ʿOmer by Joseph Gikatilla. 4. ff. 198r–200r: ‫ פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 91. 5. ff. 200v–205r: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 79.

412 6. 7. 8.

appendix d ff. 205r–207r: [‫ ]מדרש שמעון הצדיק‬Midrash on Simon the Pious. ff. 207r–208v: ‫ פירוש הקדיש‬Commentary on the qaddish. ff. 208v–212r: [‫ ]פירושים על שמות השם‬Commentary on the divine names.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·215ff. (213r–215v blank.) 231×166mm. Foliation: 1–215; 29 is cut. Quire numbering in Latin letters on the first recto. A–Z (1–200), Aa–Bb (201–215). Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso, decorated with a flourish. Condition: ff. 195 and 198 are slanted at the top left. Page layout: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 146×105 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (241×166×45mm). The two metal clasps are still in place.

History Provenance: Originally, this manuscript belonged to Cardinal Egidio da Viterbo as is attested by the many marginal notes from his hand. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership, instead he wrote a series of titles and one marginal note on f. 180v. He wrote this title on the backside of the binding: Hortus nucum Hebraice and on f. 1r: Joseph Cicatiglia Hispanus. On f. 180v he remarked on the main text. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 96–97. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 293. imhm F 23131.

Cod.hebr. 216 Talmud Commentaries · Rashi · Eliaqim of Speyer · Gershom ben Judah. [Italy]. 13th century.

1.

i. ff. 3r–18v: ‫ פירוש מסכת שבת‬Commentary on Shabbat by Solomon ben Isaac.

cod.hebr. 216

413

Codicology Material: Parchment. 231×190mm. The flyleaves (ff. 1–2): 220× 165–181 mm. Foliation: 1–245. Quiring: Quaternion The manuscript follows Gregory’s rule. The quire begins on the hair side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on last verso of the quire. Condition: The quire is trimmed. Page layout: One column, 41–42 lines. Text space: 195–198× 150–152 mm. Ruling on each sheet of parchment on the hair side by hard point. ff. 1–2 (flyleaves): Pricking visible in the outer margins. ff. 3–13: No pricking, only the frame is ruled. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

ii. ff. 18v–66r: ‫ פירוש מסכת ערובין‬Commentary on ʿEruvin by Solomon ben Isaac. ff. 66r–119v: ‫ פירוש מסכת פסחים‬Commentary on Pesaḥim by Solomon ben Isaac. ff. 120r–161r: ‫ פירוש מסכת יומא‬Commentary on Yoma by Eliaqim ben Meshullam of Speyer. ff. 161r–187r: ‫ פירוש מסכת סוכה‬Commentary on Sukkah by Solomon ben Isaac. ff. 187r–187v: ‫ פירוש חלופי על סוף סוכה‬Alternative Commentary on Sukkah. ff. 188v–207r: ‫ פירוש מסכת ביצה‬Commentary on Beitsah by Solomon ben Isaac. ff. 207v–210r: ‫ פירוש מסכת ראש השנה‬Commentary on Rosh ha-Shanah by Solomon ben Isaac. ff. 210v–216v: ‫ פירוש מסכת תענית‬Commentary on Taʿanit by Gershom ben Judah. ff. 216v–228v: ‫ פירוש מסכת מגילה‬Commentary on Megillah by Solomon ben Isaac. ff. 228v–237v: ‫ פירוש חגיגה‬Commentary on Ḥagigah by Solomon ben Isaac. ff. 237v–244v: ‫ פירוש מסכת מועד‬Commentary on Moʿed by Gershom ben Judah.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Gregory’s rule, quire begin on hair side. Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on last verso of the quire. Page layout: One column, 55 lines. Text space: 191×157mm. Pricking visible in the outer margins, Ruling on each sheet of parchment on the hair side by hard point. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

History Origin: ff. 14–245 was written by a scribe called Judah ben Benjamin of Lunel, see the acrostic on ff. 18v, 66r, and 120r. Another hint is the marginal note on f. 114v that points to Judah ben Benjamin of Lunel: “‫יהודה בי״ר בנימן לינויל‬.”

414

appendix d

Shared features Material: Parchment. 245·i’ ff. (188r, blank.) 231×190mm. Foliation: 1–245. Binding: Limp parchment binding (231×193×67mm). The flaps are torn off. The back was restored in 1953.

History Provenance: Entry of ownership by Benjamin ben Elijah ben Shabbetai on f. 2r “‫שלי‬ ‫בנימן בכ״ר אליהו הרפא בכמ״ר שבתי ישר״ו‬.” Provenance: A certain Menahem ben Elijah of Fabriano signed his name twice on f. 245r: “‫שלי מנחם בכמה״ר אליהו זלה״ה | שלי מנחם בכמה״ר אלייא מפבריאנו‬.” Steinschneider attributes the booklist on f. 245v to Menahem; published in Rothschild, “Listes de livres hébreux en Italie,” 326–328. Pen tests on ff. 245r–v. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 3r: “Joanni Alberti Widmestadii cognomento Lucretii Svevii ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote two table of contents: a) on the binding: Commentarii | In pos[teri]ora cap[itula M]asecheth Sabbati | R. [Salomonis] In masecheth Hiruv[im] | R. [Salomon] et R. Samuel in massecheth Paschae. | [R.] Eliakim in massecheth [Jom]a, ubi agit | de Ichonographi[a t]empli. | R. Salomon in massecheth Sucha | R. Salomon] in massecheth Jom Tov | R. Gersom in massecheth [Jo]unii | R. Salomon] in massecheth Megilla. | Idem in Hagiga. | R. Gersom. In masecheth festi parvi. and b) on f. 2v: Commentarii | In masecheth Sabbati posteriora capitula | In masecheth Hiruvim R. Salomomonis | In masecheth Paschae. R. Salomonis, et | R. Samuelis. | In masecheth Joma R. Eliakim. ubi et | de templi ichonographia. | In masecheth Sucha R. Salomonis | In masecheth Jom Tov R. Salomonis | In masecheth Jounii R. Gersom. | In masecheth Megilla. R. Salomonis | In hagiga R. Salomonis | In masecheth Mohed Caton R. Gersom. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 98. SfarData zy675. imhm F 23132.

Cod.hebr. 217 Zohar i. Rome. 1536. 1. ff. 7r–327r: ‫ זוהר‬Zohar. Containing ff. 7r–70v: Bereshit; ff. 70v–99v: Noaḥ; ff. 99v–120r: Lekh Lekha; ff. 120r–135r: Wa-Yera; ff. 135r–154r: Ḥayyei Sarah; ff. 154r–170r: Toledot; ff. 170v–200r: Wa-Yetsei; ff. 200r–

cod.hebr. 217

415

219v: Wa-Yishlaḥ; ff. 219v–239r: Wa-Yeshev; ff. 239r–256v: Miqets; ff. 257r–266r: Wa-Yigash; ff. 266r–327r: Wa-Yeḥi.

Codicology Material: Paper. 334ff. (1v–6v, 328r–334r blank.) 225× 168 mm. Foliation: 1–11 (2)–334. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: f. 14 has been repaired—the page was trimmed, and new leaf of the same size was inserted. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 153×102 mm. Script: 7–327: Copied by Francesco Parnas in Sefardic semi cursive script. Marginal notes in red ink by Widmanstetter in Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Circular diagram on f. 270r. Binding: Italian Renaissance binding (232×170×62mm). Title in gold “zohar i.”

History Origin: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 2. Copied by Francesco Parnas for Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, see his colophon on f. 327v: “‫השבח‬ ‫וההודאה לממציא ראשון אשר תמך ידי עבדו בן אמתו להעתיק ספר בראשי׳ מהזוהר לכבוד החכם‬ ‫ ויהי כי | רב חילו וכביר מצאה ידו נשא לבו‬.‫השלם הכולל כל החכמות הטבעיות שכליות אלהיות‬ ‫ ותחל עוד רוח ה׳ לפעמו‬.‫נדבה רוחו לתור אחרי התורה הקדומה המוציאה | לאור כל תעלומה‬ ‫ יהב חכמתו לחכימין‬.‫לדרוש ולחקור ולחשוף שפוני טמוני | תעלומי החכמה ליאור באור החיים‬ ‫ הוא | בין גדולים יתיצב מוכתר ומעוטר במעלות המדות שמו יוחנן אלבריכ״ת‬.‫ומנדעא לידעי בינה‬ | ‫המכונה | לוקריציו״ש בן קונר״ד מווידמיסטיטי״ן בן אלבריכ״ת בן אולדרי״ך מארץ דאלפיסטיי״ן‬ ‫ | ותהי‬.‫ פקיד ומצוה בבית נקל״ס משימביר״ג חשמן של קאפוו״א מכסא אפושטוליק״ו‬.‫אשכנזי‬ ‫ | על ידי צעיר המחוקקים שקוע בים‬.‫השלמתו ביום שלישי כ״ד לחדש מרחשון שנת הרצ״ז ליצירה‬ .‫ מבני | הגרשונ״י | לעבוד ולמשא‬.‫ וזה | לפנים בישראל‬.‫התלאות | אשר יש״ע י״ה מצפה ומיחל‬ ‫ פרנצישק״ו מבית פרנס‬.‫אשר למצות אדוניו בורח ונס‬.” (“Praise and blessing to the first cre-

ator who supported the hands of his true servant to copy the book of Genesis of the Zohar in honor of the complete sage who commands all natural wisdom and divine knowledge. And it came to pass that he attained great wealth and plenty (cf. Job 31:25), carrying alms in his heart, his spirit turned towards the ancient Torah, which brings to light every mystery. And the spirit of God will once again begin to demand and investigate and reveal that the mysteries of wisdom are hidden in the light of life and he gives the wise their wisdom and understanding to those who know (cf. Daniel 2:21). He will be placed among the great ones, crowned and decorated with the virtues: his name is Johanan Albrecht, known as Lucretius, the son of Konrad von Widmanstetten, the son of Albrecht, the son of Uldrich from the German land of Helfenstein. Clerk and commander in the house of Nicolaus Schönberg, the bishop of Capua, of the Apostolic See. And it was completed on Tuesday, 24 Marḥeshwan of the month of the year 307 of creation. By the humble man of

416

appendix d

the printers immersed in the sea of tribulations who expects and longs for Isaiah. And originally, he was an Israelite. From the house of the Gershonite to labor and to burden. Who at the command of his Lord escaped and fled. Francesco of house Parnas.”) Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is established through Parnas’ colophon. He also wrote marginal notes on ff. 7r–18r, 19r–20r, 22r–27r, 28v–30v, 32r– 37r, 40v–51v, 57v–61r, 62, 63v–64r, 66v, 70v–89r, 185r, 231v and emendations on ff. 163r, 294v, 178v. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 98, 243–246, 172–176n3. SfarData 0G049. imhm F 23113 e.a.

Cod.hebr. 218 Zohar iii. Rome. 1536. 1. ff. 6r–346v: ‫ זוהר‬Zohar. Containing ff. 6r–74v, 111r–114v: Terumah; ff. 75r–79r: Noaḥ; ff. 79r–94v: Lekh Lekha; ff. 94v– 103r: Wa-Yera; ff. A 103r–105r: Toledot; ff. 105r–111r: Shemot; ff. A114v–116r: Tazriʿa; ff. 116v– 150r: Aḥarei Mot; ff. 150r–151r: Qedushim; ff. 151r–178r: Emor; ff. 178r–184r: Bemidbar; ff. 184r–185v: Naso; ff. 185v–195r: Behaʿalotekha; ff. 195r–195v: Shelaḥ; ff. A 195v–210v: Pinḥas; ff. 210v–223v: Waʾetḥannan; ff. 223v–238r: Haʾazinu; ff. 238r–242r: Wa-Yelekh.

Codicology Material: Paper. 349ff. (2r–4v, 348r–349r blank.) 225× 168 mm. Foliation: 1–349. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 153×102 mm. Script: ff. 6r–347v: Copied by Francesco Parnas in Sefardic semi cursive script. Marginal notes in red ink by Widmanstetter in Sefardic semi cursive script (ff. 6r–74v, 238r– 242r, 324v–346v). Binding: Italian Renaissance binding (235×170×60 mm). Title in gold “zohar iii.” Leather flaps have come off.

History Origin: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 2. Copied by Francesco Parnas for Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, see his colophon in bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 327v. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is established by Parnas’s colophon in bsb, Cod.hebr. 217 and his index on f. 5v. He also left marginal notes on ff. 6r–74v, 238r–242r, 324v–346v.

cod.hebr. 219

417

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 98, 243–246, 172–176n3. SfarData 0G049. imhm F 23113 e.a.

Cod.hebr. 219 Zohar ii. Rome. 1536. 1. ff. 6r–273r: ‫ זוהר‬Zohar. Containing ff. 6r–17r: Shemot; ff. 17r–30v: Waʾera; ff. 30v–35r: Bo; ff. 35r–68r: Beshalaḥ; ff. 68r–101v: Yitro; ff. 102r–109r: Mishpatim; ff. 109v–113r: Terumah; ff. 113v–142v: Wa-Yaqhel; ff. 142v–169v: Pequdei; ff. 169v–199v: Wa-Yiqra; ff. 200r–207v: Tsaw; ff. 207v–217r: Shemini; ff. 217v–231r: Tazriʿa; ff. 231v–239v: Metsorʿa; ff. 239v–247v: Qedushim; ff. 247v–255r: Shelaḥ; ff. 255r–264v: Balaq; ff. 265r–273r: Pinḥas.

Codicology Material: Paper. 273ff. (1v–4v, 274r–276r blank.) 227×168 mm. Foliation: 1–276. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 153×102 mm. Script: 6–273: Copied by Francesco Parnas in Sefardic semi cursive script. Marginal notes in red ink by Widmanstetter in Sefardic semi cursive script (ff. 5v, 69r–81r, 98v– 101v, 207v, 211v, 213r, 214v, 216, 269, 272v). Illustrations: Five tables on ff. 46v–47v. Binding: Italian Renaissance binding (233×170×58mm). Title in gold “zohar ii.” The upper part of the spine if coming off. Leather flaps have come off.

History Origin: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 2. Copied by Francesco Parnas for Johann Albrecht Widmanstetter, see his colophon in bsb, Cod.hebr. 217, f. 327v. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is established by Parnas’ colophon in bsb, Cod.hebr. 217. He added a list of the pericopes contained in this volume on f. 5v: “Zohar in distinctiones Pentateuchi | hoc volumine comprehensas.” He wrote marginal notes on ff. 5v, 69r–81r, 98v–101v, 207v, 211v, 213r, 214v, 216, 269, 272v. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 98, 243–246, 172–176n3. SfarData 0G049. imhm F 23113 e.a.

418

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 220 Medicine. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 2r–33v: ‫ מזונות‬Mazzonot by ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ Ibn Zuhr. Probably translated by Nathan ben Eliezer ha-Matai. 2. ff. 34r–64r: ‫ הסדר הקטן‬Ha-Seder ha-qatan by Avicenna. Translated by Moses ben Tibbon. 3. ff. 64v–65r: ‫ יצירת הולד‬Midrash on the creation of the fetus by ʿArīb Ibn Saʿd. 4. ff. 65r–65v: ‫ מראות השתן‬Mareʾot ha-Sheten by ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ Ibn Zuhr.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 66·i’ ff. (12r–v, i’v blank.) 220–223× 138–144mm. Foliation: 1–66. Quiring: Two ten-bifolia quires and one eight-bifolia quire. The outer and inner bifolia are made from parchment, the quires open on hair side. Catchwords: Last word on verso is the catchword. Condition: ff. 2–3 are reinforced at the bottom with paper. Stains throughout the manuscript ff. 1–3 are particularly worn. ff. 54–62 eaten at the bottom. Page layout: ff. 2r–64r: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 169–174× 100–104mm. No discernible ruling, lines slightly undulating. ff. 64v–66r: One column, 28–30 lines. Text space: 197×185mm. No ruling, slanted text frame, lines slightly undulating. Script: The original part of the manuscript was written in one hand. The additions on ff. 64v–66r are written in at least three hands. ff. 2r–64r: Sefardic semi cursive script. f. 64v, l. 1–12: Sefardic semi cursive script. f. 64v, l. 12–13: Sefardic semi cursive script. f. 64v, l. 14–22: Sefardic semi cursive script. f. 64v, l. 22–65r l. 8: Sefardic semi cursive script. f. 65r l. 9–65v l. 3: Sefardic cursive script. f. 65v l. 3–4: Sefardic semi cursive script. f. 66r l. 1–8: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (231×150×26mm). The lower metal clasp is broken off.

History Provenance: Old notes in Hebrew script on f. 1r are illegible. Provenance: A previous owner wrote a title in a Sefardic cursive hand on f. 1v: “‫ספר‬ ‫המזונות לאבן זוהר מספר | הכלל הקטן לא״ס‬.” Provenance: An anonymous wrote the title “De nutrimentis” on f. 1v. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widme|stadii cognomento Lucre|tii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He also wrote an index of the titles on f. 1v: Aben Zohar de nutrimentis | Avicennae Seder Caton | ordo parvus seu com|pendium medicinae | divisus in libri x.

cod.hebr. 221

419

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 99. imhm F 1680.

Cod.hebr. 221 Kabbalistic Anthology. [Rome]. [1536]. 1. ff. 5r–31r: ‫ הסכמת הפילוסופים והאצטגנינים והמקובלים‬The Reconciliation of Philosophers, Astrologers and Kabbalists by Joseph Ibn Waqar. 2. ff. 31r–37v: ‫ שער השואל‬Shaʿar ha-Shoʾel by Azriel of Gerona. 3. ff. 38r–38v: ‫ מאמר על יחוד השם‬Maʾamar ʾal Yiḥud ha-Shem by Eleazar ha-Darshan. 4. ff. 38v–41v: ‫ טעמי הנקודות‬On the meaning of the vocalization by Isaac ha-Kohen. 5. ff. 41v–47r: ‫ טעמי הטעמים‬Taʿamei ha-Teʿamim by Isaac ha-Kohen. 6. f. 47r: ‫ סוד האגוז‬Sod ha-Egoz. 7. ff. 47v–50r: ‫ שער הסוד והייחוד והאמונה‬Shaʿar ha-Sod we-ha-Yiḥud we-ha-Emunah by Eleazar of Worms. 8. ff. 50v–82v: ‫ פירוש ספר יצירה‬Commentary on Sefer Yetsirah by Saadia ben Joseph. Translated by Moses ben Joseph ben Moses ha-Dayyan. 9. ff. 83r–273r: ‫ פירוש התורה‬Commentary on the Pentateuch by Eleazar ha-Darshan.

Codicology Material: Paper. 279ff. (2v–3v, 274r–277r blank.) 229×166 mm. Foliation: 2–98 (1) 99–149 (1) 150–277. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on every verso, often decorated with a flourish. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 149×102 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Italian Renaissance binding (235×170×56mm). Identical to bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219. Worn.

History Origin: For a discussion of this manuscript, see Chapter 3, section 2. The manuscript was copied by Francesco Parnas who also copied manuscripts bsb, Codd.hebr. 217– 219 for Widmanstetter. He can be identified by his script. The use of the same codicological features (the kind of paper and the same measures of text space and paper) suggests that this manuscript was likely produced around the same time and at the same place (Rome) as the other manuscripts by Parnas. He added many corrections to the text in the manuscript’s margins. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter can be identified as the owner by the table of contents he wrote on f. 4v:

420

appendix d Collectanea ex libro Arabico R. Josephi Vacari. | Quaestiones et solutiones cabalisticae. | De rationibus punctorum. | De rationibus accentum. | Mysterium magnum. | Porta gloriae. | Porta mysterii et unitatis fidei. | Collectanea calculationum in lege Mosaica R. | Eleazari filii Mosis Darsani qui dicitur Hadarsan.

He left Latin marginal notes in red ink: ff. 14v (Greek and Arabic in black ink), ff. 83r, 149v, 206r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 99–100. imhm F 1104.

Cod.hebr. 222 Anthology of Midrashim. [Italy]. [ca. 1500–1530]. 1. ff. 1r–23v: ‫ מדרש הלל‬Midrash Hillel. 2. ff. 23v–25r: ‫ פרק חסידות‬Pereq Ḥasidut. 3. ff. 25r–32v: ‫ פרק ר׳ אליעזר‬Pereq Rav Eliʿezer. 4. ff. 33r–36v: ‫ מדרש על פטום הקטורת‬Midrash on the ingredients of the incense. 5. ff. 36v–46v: ‫ פרקי משיח‬Pirqei Mashiaḥ. 6. ff. 46v–47v: ‫ מעשה שהיה בימי שלמה המלך‬Midrash on events during the time of King Solomon. 7. ff. 47v–50r: ‫ פרק שירה‬Pereq Shirah. 8. ff. 50v–56v: ‫ כסא ואיפודרומין של מלך שלמה‬Midrash on the throne and the hippodrom of King Solomon. 9. ff. 56v–62r: ‫ מנצפך צופים אמרום והם חמש אותיות כפולות‬Midrash on the five double letters. 10. ff. 62r–65v: ‫ יצירת הולד‬Midrash on the creation of the fetus. 11. ff. 65v–68v: ‫ ספר אליהו‬Sefer Eliyyahu. 12. ff. 68v–71r: ‫ אגדת עולם קטן‬Aggadat ʿOlam qatan. 13. ff. 71r–72r: ‫ ענין חירם מלך צור‬Midrash on King Chiram. 14. ff. 72r–76r: ‫ מעשיות‬Maʿaśiyyot. 15. ff. 76v–80v: ‫ פרק צדקות‬Pereq Tsidequt. 16. ff. 80v–82r: ‫ פירוש קדיש‬Commentary on qaddish. 17. ff. 82r–84v: ‫ לקוטי מדרשים קצרים ודרשות‬Notes on short midrashim and homilies. 18. ff. 84v–107v: [‫ ]אבות דרבי נתן‬Avot de-Rabbi Natan. 19. ff. 107v–111r: ‫ פרק ר׳ שמעון בן יוחאי‬Midrash on Simeon bar Yoḥai. 20. ff. 111v–112v: ‫ לקט מדרשים קצרים‬Midrashim. 21. ff. 112v–116v: ‫ מדרש על אברהם אבינו ועקדת יצחק‬Midrash on the binding of Isaac. 22. ff. 116v–118v: ‫ מדרש אל יתהלל‬Midrash on Solomon, David, and Korah. 23. ff. 118v–123r: ‫ מדרשים קצרים‬Midrashim.

cod.hebr. 224

421

Codicology Material: Paper. 1–124ff. (iv, 124r–v blank.) 229×162mm. Foliation: 1–124. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: Trimmed, notes on f. 107v are folded in. The upper third on f. 58 is torn off, resulting in loss of text. On f. 123, the lower fourth is trimmed, possibly to remove an older entry of ownership. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 164×108 mm. Script: Italian-Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (230×163×29mm). The tip of the bottom clasp is broken off. Worn, especially at the spine.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote a title on the backside of the binding: ‫ספר מעשים‬ Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 100. imhm F 1105.

Cod.hebr. 224 Ḥazequni. [Germany]. [14th to 15th century]. 1. ff. 1v–135v: ‫ חזקוני‬Ḥazequni by Hezekiah ben Manoah.

Codicology Material: Parchment. i·142·i’ ff. (136r–v, 138r, i’r blank.) 222× 250 mm. Foliation: 1–60 57– 121 123–139. Quiring: Quaternions. The manuscript follows Gregory’s law. The hair side and the flesh side are almost indistinguishable. Quires begin on hair side. Catchwords: Last word on last verso of every quire is catchword. Condition: ff. 1r, 136–139 stained. Page layout: Two columns, 40–45 lines. Text space: 181 × 145 mm. Space between columns: 16mm. Ruling by pencil, page by page, only text frame. The text frame is pricked. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (233×208×34mm). All four flaps are torn off.

422

appendix d

History Provenance: Sales contract between Solomon ben Moses of Rieti and Rafael ben Abraham, dated 4 Adar 5270 (14 February 1510) in Rome on f. 137r: “‫בפנינו עדים ח״מ בא כר׳‬ ‫שלמה יזיי״א בן כמ״ר משה מריאיטי ז״ל הרופא ואמר לנו ]…[ קנו ממני ]…[ ותנו ליד ]…[ רפאל‬ ‫יזיי״א בכ״ר אברהם ז״ל ]…[ מכרתי זה הספר הנקר׳ חזקוני ]…[ בפנינו ד׳ לירח אדר שנת ע״ר‬ ‫לפ״ק פה רומא ]…[ חתומים העדים יחיאל חיים בכמהר״ר יוסף הכהן זצ״ל‬.” Provenance: An entry of ownership by Solomon ben Abraham on f. 139r: “‫שלמה בכמ״ר‬ ‫אברהם הרופא כברטיא | אחי חי ברוך‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” On f. 1r, in the upper right corner: “‫ר׳כ׳‬.” Title by his hand on the binding: Hizkom in Pentateuchum and on f. 1r: ‫ חזקוני | תנחומה‬Hizkom. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 101–102. imhm F 1197.

Cod.hebr. 225 Collection of Mathematical Works. [Italy]. Second half 15th century. 1. ff. 17r–89r: ‫ ספר המדידה‬Book of Measurement. Breaks off in the middle of the fifth chapter. Possibly translated by Mordecai ben Abraham Finzi. 2. ff. 95r–154r: ‫ תחבולות המספר‬Strategems of Numbers by Abū Kāmil Shujāʿ ibn Aslam. Translated by Mordecai ben Abraham Finzi. 3. ff. 155r–165v: [‫ ]חבור בגיאומטריה‬Treatise on geometry by Abū Kāmil Shujāʿ ibn Aslam. Translated by Mordecai ben Abraham Finzi. 4. ff. 166v–191v: ‫ חשבון העגולה‬On the circlet by Abū Kāmil Shujāʿ ibn Aslam. Translated by Mordecai ben Abraham Finzi.

Codicology Material: Paper. 201ff. (2r–15v, 89v–93v, 94v, 149r–v, 154v, 166r, 192r–200r blank.) 220× 158 mm. Foliation: 1–172 (1) 173–200. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Condition: Trimmed, sometimes affecting catchwords; f. 11r is stained. Page layout: One column, 24–26 lines. With every quire, the text frame gradually grows larger. Text space: 155–161×91–107mm. Ruling by plummet, on the recto two leaves at a time, only the text frame. Consequently, the lines undulate slightly.

cod.hebr. 226

423

Script: Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (228×169×43mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 17r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote one marginal note on f. 95r. He wrote two indices: a) on the binding: Liber de geometria pulcherrimus | De algebratica arithmetica. | Abobamelis algebratica. b) on f. 16v: Liber de geometriae pulcherrimus. | Liber de arithmetica algebratica. | Liber Abobamelis de eadem re. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 102. imhm F 1118.

Cod.hebr. 226 Averroes. [Spain]. Third Quarter 14th century. 1. ff. 3r–122v: ‫ ביאור מה שאחר הטבע‬Middle Commentary on Metaphysica by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·123ff. (iv–iiv, 1v, 123r–124r, 126r–128r blank.) 212 × 144 mm. Foliation: 1–33 39–128. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on last verso. Page layout: One column, 26–28 lines. Text space: 147 × 91 mm. Ruling by hard point, page by page on the recto, only the text frame. Lines undulate. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (224×148×37mm). Stained at the front, spine brittle. The two metal clasps are still in place. ff. 1–2 and f. 125 appear to be remnants of an earlier binding.

History Provenance: One entry of ownership was deleted on f. 1v. Provenance: Moses of Trets’ entry of ownership on f. 2r: “‫ממני מאישטרי | משה דטריץ‬.” Provenance: Kergidon Boniak’s entry of ownership on f. 124v: “‫קרגידון בוניאק די שאנט‬ ‫פאול‬.” The most likely candidate seems Saint-Paul-de-Vence on the French Riviera.

424

appendix d

Provenance: An unknown hand wrote this title on f. 2v: “Averois.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 3r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote a title on f. 2v: Avenruiz in Metaphysica | Aristotelis. Widmanstetter may have written the almost identical title beneath his entry of ownership. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 103. imhm F 1203.

Cod.hebr. 227 Commentary on Pesaḥim. [Spain]. 14th century. 1. ff. 1v–133r: [‫ ]פירוש התלמוד על פסחים‬Commentary on the Tractate Pesaḥim by Hananel ben Hushiʾel.

Codicology Material: Paper. 134ff. (134r blank.) 221×144mm. Foliation: 1–134. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on the last verso of each quire. Condition: Heavily wormed; f. 1 is reinforced with a sheet of paper that was glued on its recto; f. 2 is reinforced with a paper slip on the recto on the outer margin. There are smaller repairs using paper throughout. Water damage in the lower half. Page layout: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 163×104 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Variation of the Widmanstetter binding, in dark brown leather. (226× 148 × 41mm). Two metal clasps are still in place, worn on the backside, spine is brittle.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership at the top of f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote a title on backside of the binding: Commentaria in tractatus | de Pascha[ale] He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 103. imhm F 1121.

cod.hebr. 228

425

Cod.hebr. 228 Miscellany. Late 14th to early 15th century.

1.

i. ff. 1r–30v: [‫ ]הערות על מורה נבוכים‬Notes on the Guide of the Perplexed.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Last word on last verso is catchword. Condition: Trimmed. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 154–170 × 110–114 mm. Script: The main part is copied in Sefardic cursive script. f. 32r: Italian semi cursive script. Illustrations: Three hands on f. 32r.

2.

ii. ff. 33r–46r: [‫ ]עניני אסטרולוגיה‬Astrological notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Cut seven-bifolia quire. Catchwords: None. Condition: f. 46 is torn at lower edge. Page layout: One column, 22–23 lines. Text space: 174–182 × 118–122 mm. Script: The main part is copied in Sefardic cursive script. ff. 45v–46r: Italian semi cursive script. Illustrations: Circular diagram f. 34r, drawings of mechanical devices on ff. 31r, 40v.

3.

iii. ff. 49r–59r: [‫]ספר הגורלות‬al Sefer ha-Goralot by Abraham Ibn Ezra.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Cut nine-bifolia quire. Catchwords: None. Condition: f. 56 is almost loose. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 178×125 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

4.

iv. ff. 60r–83v: [‫ ]פירוש ספר גלנוס ביסודות‬Commentary on Galen’s Element’s by Ali Ibn Ridwan.

426

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: The last word on verso is catchword. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 148×88 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

5.

v. ff. 84r–84v: [‫ ]סוד הקבלה‬Sod ha-Qabbalah by Abraham Abulafia.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Quinion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 178×120 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Illustrations: Verses in the shape of a menorah f. 98v.

6.

vi. ff. 95r–109v: [‫ ]לקוטים באסטרולוגיה‬Astrological notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 39 lines. Text space: 188×124 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Illustrations: Circular diagram on f. 103r.

History Provenance: Moses Porpolir’s entry of ownership is on f. 94r: “‫משה פורפוליר יכ״ר ויב״ץ‬.”

7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

vii. ff. 110r–111v: [‫ ]ספר אלקביט‬Horoscope. ff. 111v–112v: [‫ ]סימנים לחזות העתיד‬Fortune telling by Moses Raveliah. ff. 115r–115v: [‫ ]בריאות החיים‬Salus Vitae by Johannes Pauli. translated by David ben Yom Tov Bilyah. ff. 116v–122v: ‫ חכמת השרטוט‬On surgery. ff. 123r–124v: [‫ ]מזלות‬Horoscopes.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Cut eight-bifolia quire.

cod.hebr. 228

427

Condition: ff. 118, 119 are loose. Page layout: One column, 42 lines. Text space: 179×123 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Illustrations: Hands on ff. 118r–v.

12. 13. 14. 15.

viii. ff. 126r–174r: [‫ ]גורלות החול‬Lots by Abraham Ibn Ezra. ff. 174v–179r: [‫ ]עניני כשוף‬Incantations. ff. 180r–181v: ‫ שאלות הברורות‬Divination. ff. 182r–183v: [‫ ]סגולות ומרשמים‬Talismans.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: The last word on last verso of quire is catchword. Condition: Trimmed, resulting in a trimmed running head, visible on f. 136r. Page layout: One column, 21–23 lines. Text space: 181–184 × 118–122 mm. Script: The main part is copied in Sefardic cursive script. 181v–183v: Italian semi cursive script. Illustrations: Illustrations of mechanical devices ff. 174v–175r, 181v–182v, and 183r.

Shared features Material: Paper. 184ff. (31v, 32v, 46v–48v, 93r–v, 125v, 184r–v blank.) Foliation: 1–49 41–84 93–184. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (226×156×40mm). The lower metal clasp has come off. Worn, the spine is brittle.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership is on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi.” He wrote a title on the backside of binding: Hebraica varia et | [curiosa. alias rubricas ut alias solet, non adscripsit sunt varii variorum tractatus ut ex in aequalitate chartae et characterum apparet; inter quos eo quod figurae innuunt. Habentur chymica et chyromantica.] Portions in square brackets are restored from Oefele’s notes (bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 7, Catalogus, p. 7). He wrote no marginal notes.

428

appendix d

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 103–105. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 293. imhm F 1259.

Cod.hebr. 229 Midrash Rabbah. [Spain]. 1295.

1.

i. ff. 1r–92v: [‫]מדרש רבה על איכה‬al Midrash Rabbah on Lamentations.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. Quiring: The outer and the inner bifolia are made of parchment, beginning on the hair side. Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: The last word on every verso is a catchword. Condition: ff. i–1 are quite worn. Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 142×84mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, page by page. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Origin: A colophon, dated Tammuz 5055 (June/July 1295), is on f. 92v: “‫נשלמה מלאכתי‬ ‫ | אמן ואמן‬.‫בחדש תמוז שנת חמשת אלפים וחמשים | וחמישה לבריאת עולם בריך רחמנא דסייען‬.” Below the colophon is the signature of the scribe or an earlier owner that is for the most part deleted: “‫והמכתב מכתב ]…[ | בן משלם זלה״ה‬.” Provenance: Isaac ben Isaac’s entry of ownership is found on f. ir “‫קניין כספי יצחק יז״יי‬ ‫בכ״ר | יצחק ע״ה‬.”

2.

ii. ff. 96r–156v: [‫]מדרש רבה על דברים‬al Midrash Rabbah on Deuteronomy.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 208×138mm. Quiring: The outer bifolia are made of parchment, beginning on the hair side. Sevenbifolia quires. Catchwords: Last word on verso is catchword Condition: Wormed at the lower half. Page layout: One column, 19 lines. Text space: 145×88 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

cod.hebr. 230

429

Shared features Material: Paper/Parchment. i·158ff. (93bisr–95v, 96v, 116v–117v, blank.) Foliation: 1–56 (1) 57–93 93–158. Quire numbering in Hebrew letters. ‫( ה–י‬14, 28, 42, 56, 69, 83). Binding: Limp parchment binding (231×151×46mm). Four flaps are torn off.

History Origin: Completed in Tammuz 5055 (1295) f. 92v: “‫נשלמה מלאכתי בחדש תמוז שנת חמשת‬ ‫ מתחת לקולופון חתימת‬.‫ אמן ואמ״ן‬,‫אלפים וחמשים וחמישה לבריאת עולם בריך רחמנא דסייען‬ ‫ משלם זלה״ה‬.‫המעתיק שנמחקה ברובה והמכתב מכתב ]…[ בן‬.” Provenance: Isaac ben Isaac’s entry of ownership is found on f. ir “‫קניין כספי יצחק יז״יי‬ ‫בכ״ר | יצחק ע״ה‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote the titles on a) the binding: Raboth. | Expositio magna in Lamen|tationes Hieremiae | Et in Deuteronomium Mosis. and b) f. iv: Raboth. | Midras super Lamentationes | Et super Deuterononomium He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 105–106. SfarData 0G004. imhm F 1113.

Cod.hebr. 230 Astronomical tables. [Toledo]. First half 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–88r: ‫ לוחות תכונה‬Astronomical tables by Joseph Ibn Waqar.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·96ff. (19v, 82v–93v blank.) 221× 147 mm. Foliation: 1–20 (1) 21–82 (2) 83–93. Quiring: Mostly quinions. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 34 lines. Text space: 168× 94 mm. Ruling by hard point on every verso, page by page. Script: The main part is copied in Sefardic semi cursive script. 17v–19r: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (227×148×25mm). Four flaps are torn off.

430

appendix d

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He added a title on f. 1r: Mosis Vacari tabulae moturum. He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 106. imhm F 1186.

Cod.hebr. 231 Assaf the Physician.

1.

i. ff. 1v–195v: ‫ ספר הרפואות‬Sefer ha-Refuʾot by Assaf ha-Rofe.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 214×164mm. Quiring: Quinions. The quires begin on the hair side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on last versos. ff. 4v, 147v last word ff. 20v, 38v, 47v, 57v, 63v, 73v, 82v, 90v, 97v, 107v, 117v, 127v, 137v, 157v, 167v, 188v, nothing ff. 10v, 30v, 177v. Condition: Stained around the edges. The last folio is darkened, some pages are worn making the text hard to read eg. ff. 117r, 179r. Partly folded on ff. 188–189. The last quire is partly wormed. Page layout: One column, 21–24 lines. Text space: 151–167× 108–125 mm. Different styles of ruling patterns. Script: Several hands in informal Oriental square script.

2.

ii. ff. 195r–196v: ‫ ספר הרפואות‬Sefer ha-Refuʾot by Assaf ha-Rofe.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 216×161mm. Catchwords: None. Condition: Just like the third unit, heavily wormed. Page layout: One column, 29 lines. Text space: 151×115 mm. Ruling by hard point on the flesh side, only the text frame. Script: Oriental semi cursive script.

cod.hebr. 232

3.

431

iii. ff. 197r–277v: ‫ ספר הרפואות‬Sefer ha-Refuʾot by Assaf ha-Rofe.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 213×152mm. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every last verso. Page layout: One column, 20–24 lines. Text space: 164× 110 mm. Ruling by hard point on the recto, two pages at a time. Script: Oriental semi cursive script.

Shared features Material: Parchment. 213×152mm. Foliation: 1–45 (1) 46–70 (1) 71–277. Binding: Limp parchment binding (231×165×74mm). The lower two flaps are torn off in the middle.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote an index on the binding: Liber medicinae descriptus à sapien|tibus ex libro sem filii Noeh, quem | accepit post diluvium in montibus | Armeniae. He wrote marginal notes on ff. 72r, 218v. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 106–107. imhm F 23134.

Cod.hebr. 232 Miscellany. [Italy]. [1360–1370]. 1. ff. 2r–9r: ‫ פירוש סודות התפלה על דרך הקבלה‬Kabbalistic commentary on prayer by Eleazar of Worms. 2. ff. 9r–10r: ‫ יוצר לשבת‬: ‫ אורות מאופל הזריח מהודו‬by Meir of Rothenburg. 3. ff. 10r–30v: ‫ סדר התשובה‬Seder ha-Teshuvah by Eleazar of Worms. 4. ff. 30v–47r: ‫ ספר היראה‬Sefer ha-Yireʾah by Jonah Gerondi. 5. ff. 47r–54v: ‫ מדרש ויושע‬Midrash we-Yosheʿa. 6. ff. 55r–56v: ‫ מסכת גן עדן‬Masekhet Gan Eden. 7. ff. 57r–57bisv: ‫ מסכת גיהנם‬Masekhet Gehinnom. 8. ff. 57bisv–58v: ‫ מעשה רבי אמנון‬Maʿaśeh Rabbi Amnon. 9. ff. 59r–84v: ‫ שערי דורא‬Shaʿarei Dora by Isaac ben Meir Dueren.

432 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

appendix d ff. 85r–94r: ‫ מסכת דרך ארץ‬Masekhet Derekh Arets. ff. 94v–140bisr: ‫ חבור בהלכה‬Halakhic book by Moses Nachmanides. f. 140bisv: ‫ פרשת אשה כי תזריע‬Parashat Isha Ki Taʿazriʿa by Moses Nachmanides. ff. 141r–141v: ‫ י״ב מזלות המשמשים הכוכבים‬On the twelve zodiac signs. ff. 141v–142r: ‫ השלמה להלכות ציצית‬Hashlamah le-Halakhot Tsitsit.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. i·144·i’ ff. (i’ blank.) 212× 144 mm. Foliation: 1–57 (1) 58–140 (1) 141–142. Quiring: Mostly seven-bifolia quires. The outer in and inner bifolia of every quire are made of parchment. Each quire begins on the hair side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every last verso. Condition: Trimmed, a note on f. 24r is folded in, on ff. 137–142 the topmost part is torn off. Page layout: One column, 26–27 lines. Text space: 141 × 102mm. Ruling by pencil (only the text frame), Pricking is discernible in the outer and inner margins, the entire quire. Till f. 52 for the horizontal lines, from f. 53 only the text frame. Script: Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (222×144×33mm). Worn, the spine is brittle. The lower metal clasp is torn off.

History Provenance: The book belonged to the brothers Hillel ben Moses, Jehiel ben Moses, Solomon ben Moses, and possibly Shabbetai ben Moses, some readings of the note on f. 1r are uncertain: “‫ יחיאל והלל ושלמה יאלי שבתי | בני בכ״ר משה הרופא זלה״ה‬.‫”שלנו‬ Provenance: Jehiel ben Jekutiel’s entry of ownership is on f. 1r, “‫ ”שלי יחיאל‬and on f. 142v: “‫יחיאל חילי בכמ״ר יקותיאל‬.” Provenance: According to a note on ff. 1v, and 142v, Shabbetai ben Moses divided the books of his father with his brother in (5)175 (1414): “‫לחלקי שבתי ייב״א בכמ״ר‬ ‫משה הרופא זלה״ה כשחלקתי | הספרים עם אחי ]…[ שקע״ה‬.” Shabbetai ben Moses also signed his name in Mss. Vatican, Urbino 5 and Urbino 6. bsb, Cod.hebr. 232 and Ms. Vatican, Urbino 5 were both acquired at the same occasion in 1418 when Shabbetai divided a library between himself and his brother (see Ms. Vatican, Urbino 5, f. 1r). Provenance: Jekutiel ben Benjamin’s entry of ownership is on f. 1v, and 142v: “‫שלי‬ ‫יקותיאל | בכמ״ר בנימין‬.” Provenance: Someone attempted to delete the name of Isaac ben Immanuel’s name on f. 142v: “‫יצחק בן עמנואל‬.” Provenance: An earlier owner left marginal notes in red Latin script, eg. on ff. 9r, 10r, 44r, 47r.

cod.hebr. 233

433

Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership is on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote two titles on a) the backside of the binding: Commentarii in orationes. | R. Isaac Medora de licitis | et illicitis. and b) f. 1v: Commentarii in orationes. | De illicitis et licitis. R. Isac Medora. He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 107–108. imhm F 1656.

Cod.hebr. 233 Sefer Mitswot qatan. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century.

1.

i. ff. 2r–175v: [‫]ספר מצוות קטן‬al Sefer Mitswot qatan by Isaac of Corbeil.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 210×137mm. Quiring: Ten–plus-bifolia quires. The outer bifolia parchment, in the middle one parchment folio attached. Each quire begins on the flesh side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords, mostly decorated by flourish or small drawing, on every verso, except on f. 54. Page layout: Mostly one column, 28 lines. Text space: 145 × 97 mm. Illustrations: ff. 144v, 145v, 146v, 148v, 159r, 161r, 166v, 174v. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Origin: Colophon by the scribe dates the manuscript to Saturday, on f. 175v: “‫נשלם יום‬ ‫ | לעשות‬.‫ וכן יזכני ללמוד וללמד‬.‫ תחלה לאל עוזרי ורועי | ברוך יוצרי אשר זיכיני לגמור‬.‫שביעי‬ .‫ וכאשר | תבנה עיר ציון על תלה נתבונן במצו׳ התלויות | בגבולה‬.‫ וקראתיו עמודי גולה‬.‫ולשמור‬ ‫בעזרת רוכב שמים ושוכן מעלה‬.”

2.

ii. ff. 176r–195v: [‫ ]לוחות‬Calendar computations for the years 310–270.

434

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quire. Page layout: Mostly two columns, up to 30 lines. Script: Copied by at least five hands in Sefardic semi cursive script.

3. 4.

iii. ff. 197r–198v: [‫ ]פיוטים‬Piyyutim. ff. 199r–[200v]: [‫ ]לוחות‬Calendar computations.

Codicology Material: Paper. 142×103mm. Quiring: Two-bifolia quire. Bound within unit ii, between ff. 191 and 192. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, irregular mise-en-page: up to 22 lines. Text space: 112 × 85 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

5.

iv. ff. 202r–203v: [‫ ]לוחות‬Calendar computations.

Codicology Material: Paper. 127×108mm. Quiring: One-bifolia quire. Bound within the unit ii, between ff. 191 and 192. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, irregular mise en page: up to 14 lines. Text space: 112 × 85 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

Shared features Material: Foliation: 1–6 (1) 7–10 (1) 11–47 (1) 48–146 (1) 147–150 (1) 151–203. Condition: Trimmed; to preserve marginal notes the following folios were folded in: ff. 21, 55–57, 183, 184. Water damage at the edges. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (223×148×37mm). The lower metal clasp has come off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter has left no entry of ownership, but the binding and the Latin title in his hand on the binding leave no doubt about his ownership: R. Isaac de Corbiel expo|sitione praeceptorum.

cod.hebr. 235

435

He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 108. imhm F 1204.

Cod.hebr. 235 Miscellany. [Germany]. [1470s]. 1. ff. 4r–67r, 88v, 89v–90v, 112, 114: [‫ ]ספר הזקוק‬Bellifortis by Konrad Kyeser. 2. ff. 67v–70v: [‫ ]ענייני מגיה‬Magical texts. 3. ff. 70v–71v: [‫ ]גורלות‬Geomantic texts. 4. ff. 72r–81v, 82r–83v: [‫ ]ספר הגורלות‬Sefer ha-Goralot by Saadia ben Joseph. 5. ff. 84r–87v: [‫ ]גורלות אחיתופל‬Collection of lots. 6. ff. 87v–114v: [‫ סגולות ורפואות‬,‫ ]עניני אסטרולוגיה‬Miscellany of astrological, talismanic, and medical texts. 7. ff. 114v–126v: [‫ ]מזלות ומרשמים‬Onomatomantia by Johannes Hartlieb.

Codicology Material: Paper. iv·126·iii’ ff. (1v–3r, 4v, 89r, 128–130 blank.) 214 × 143 mm. Foliation: 1–41 (1) 42–130. Quiring: Ten-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Condition: ff. 97–108 have come loose. Page layout: Highly irregular layout. Script: Copied in a multitude of hands, mostly in Ashkenazic semi cursive script. The German section (ff. 126v–114v) is written in Gothic semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (226×155×32mm). Worn, the two metal clasps are torn off. Between ff. 71–72 there are two small paper slips written in Hebrew.

History Provenance: According to Widmanstetter’s note below, the manuscript had belonged to Trithemius. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 4r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote two indices: a) on the backside of the binding: Collectanea Hebraica ad | machinas aliaque curiosa | pertinentis, ex biblioteca Trithemii. and b) on f. 4r: Machinae bellicae Hebraicae | Curiosa quaedam et artificiosa. | Geomantica | Sortes per responsa prophetarum et [regum] | Sortes per numero 89 | Item

436

appendix d curiosa quaedam et bellica | Sortes Platonis, Aristotelis, Pythagorae | cum nonnullis curiosis [annotationibus]

Portions in square brackets restored from Oefele’s notes (bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 7, Catalogus, p. 7). He wrote marginal notes on f. 115r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 109–110. Cohen-Mushlin, Hebrew Manuscripts, 411–443. imhm F 1041.

Cod.hebr. 236 Commentary on Ḥullin. Trujillo (Spain). 1360. 1. ff. 2r–146r: [‫ ]תוספות על חולין‬Commentary on Ḥullin by Asher ben Jehiel.

Codicology Material: Paper. 151ff. (ir–iiv, 1v, 148r–v blank.) 212×140 mm. Foliation: 1–71, (1), 72–148. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Decorated, horizontal catchwords. Condition: f. ii is almost torn off. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 150× 91 mm. Ruling by hard point, on verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (221×146×38mm). Two metal clasps that are still in place. Worn, the spine is brittle.

History Origin: The manuscript was copied on 14 Shevat 5120 (31 January 1360) by Abraham ben Joseph Ḥaluzo in Trujillo (Spain), see the colophon on f. 146r: “‫נשלם על יד אברהם בר׳‬ ‫יוסף ס״ט חלוזו בליל מוצאי שבת | י״ד לשבט שנת ק״כ לפרט בטרוגילה הש׳ יזכה אותי | ללמוד‬ ‫וללמד לשמור ולעשות‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He added two titles to the manuscript: a) on the backside of the binding: Tosephet Holin and b) on f. 2r: ‫תוספות חולין‬

cod.hebr. 237

437

He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 110. SfarData 0G011. imhm F 23135.

Cod.hebr. 237 Aaron ha-Levi. [Provence]. 1409. 1. ff. 1v–163r: [‫ ]פירוש הלכות הרי״ף על ברכות ותענית‬Commentary on the Rif’s Halakhot by Aaron ha-Levi of Barcelona.

Codicology Material: Paper. 163+i ff. ([i’r–v] blank.) 203×142mm. Foliation: 1–163. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of each quire, and many inside. Condition: Wormed. Page layout: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 136×83mm. Ruling by hard point, folio by folio, on verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (213×147×36mm). Two clasps, the upper one is still in place, the lower one is torn off. worn, stained on backside, spine brittle.

History Origin: Copied in Shevat 5169 (February 1409) by Samuel ben Abba–Mari of Lunel for a doctor whose name has been deleted, see the colophon on f. 163r: “‫אני שמואל בר׳‬ {…} ‫אבא מרי דלונל כתבתי זה הספר ר׳ אהרן מפסקים של | ברכות ותענית לנשא הרופא מאישט‬ ‫והיתה | השלמתו בחדש שבט שנת המאה וששים ותשע לפרט האלף הששי | ליצירה השם יקיים‬ ‫בו מקרא שכתו׳ לא ימוש ספר התורה הזה מפיך והגית | בו יומם ולילה למען תשמור ככל הכתוב‬ ‫ | חזק ואמץ‬.‫בו כי אז תצליח את דרכיך ואז תשכיל‬.” Provenance: Note concerning a certain Abraham who came to David on 20 Iyyar for an oath, see the contract on f. 1r: “‫בסימן טוב | בעשרים יום לחדש אייר בא כמר | אברהם לדוד‬ ‫בבית ונדר ב׳ גוליו לחדש‬.” Provenance: An earlier title inscription is found on f. 1r: “Glosa supra berechetto | Thanid | Car 6 N J3.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He added two titles, a) on the backside of the binding: R. Aharon in tractatus | Benedictionum et Je|iuniorum. and b) on f. 1r:

438

appendix d R. Aharon in masechet Berachot | et Thahanith.

He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 110. SfarData 0G019. imhm F 1655.

Cod.hebr. 239 Philosophy. [Spain]. 1347–1363.

1. 2. 3. 4.

i. ff. 2r–4v: ‫ ערוגת המזמה ופרדס החכמה‬Arugot ha-Mezimah u-Fardes he-Ḥokhmah by Abraham Ibn Ezra. ff. 5r–7r: [‫ ]אגרת אל הרמב״ם‬Letter to Maimonides by Anatoli ben Joseph. ff. 7r–8v: [‫ ]שאלות ותשובות‬Maimonides’ Response by Moses Maimonides. ff. 9r–39r: [‫]מראות אלהים‬al Mareʾot Elohim by Ḥanokh Kostantini.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. Quiring: Nine-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 161×95 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

5.

ii. ff. 43r–64r: [‫ ]פירוש מורה נבוכים‬Commentary on the Guide of the Perplexed.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 164×98 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

6.

iii. ff. 66r–87r: [‫ ]פירוש מורה נבוכים‬Commentary on the Guide of the Perplexed.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 29 lines. Text space: 165×92 mm.

cod.hebr. 239

439

Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: f. 78r.

7.

iv. ff. 92r–110v: ‫ מלות ההגיון‬Words of Logic by Moses Maimonides.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Ten-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 162×99 mm. Script: Byzantine semi cursive script.

8.

v. ff. 111r–150v: [‫]פירוש פרק שירה‬al Commentary on Pereq Shirah by Samuel Kimhi.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 158×95 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

9.

vi. ff. 153r–169v: ‫ פירוש הסודות שבפירוש התורה לראב״ע‬Commentary on the Mysteries in Ibn Ezra’s Commentary on the Torah by Joseph Caspi.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 31 lines. Text space: 170×114 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

Shared features Material: Parchment/Paper. iii·171·ii’ ff. (iv–iiv, 39v–42v, 64v–65v, 82v, 87v–90v, 111v, 151, 152v, 170bis, ‘i, ‘ii blank.) 205×141mm. Foliation: 1–90 92–159 159 159 160–171. Condition: The bottom sections of ff. 94 and 95 are folded upwards to preserve marginal notes from being trimmed; f. 171 is possibly part of an older binding that was reinforced using paper. Binding: Limp parchment binding (212×146×54mm). The flaps are torn off.

440

appendix d

History Provenance: Various entries of ownership on f. iiiv: It once belonged to a certain Elijah ben Solomon ben Jacob ben Solomon who wrote in an Italian semi cursive hand: “‫קנין כספי שלי אליה בכ״ר שלמה | ז״ל בכ״ר יעקב זל בכ״ר שלמה ז״ל‬.” The note on f. 1r, “‫ב׳ פרח זהב‬,” denotes a price of two gold florins. It also belonged to Joseph haLevi (“‫)”שלי יוסף הלוי‬. A Latin hand wrote “Salom memento | Salamone.” On f. 1v, the entry of Jehiel (“‫ )”יחיאל‬may be found. Below, a description of the manuscript’s content in an Italian semi cursive hand: “‫ספר המזמה ופרדס החכמה מנדונית | ימ״א אשתי‬ ‫מב״ת‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote down the titles on the binding front: Clamor consilii Aben Ezrae. | R. Anatoli epistola ad Maimonem, et | Maimonis ad Anatolium responsum | Visiones Dei Ezechielis, Zachariae | et aliorum per Enochum filii | Salomonis Constantini. | Annotationes in quaedam capita | Moreh Hanebuchim. | Visiones Esaiae. | Carmina in laudem Maimonis. | Rudimenta in logius Maimonis | Samuelis filii Mosis Kimhi exempla | Samuel filii Sasson Hispani de Esther | Assura, Hammon et Judeis | Expositio secretorum Abrahae filii Ezrae He left marginal notes on ff. 119v, 120v, 121r–v, 124v–125v, 145r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 111–112. imhm F 1114.

Cod.hebr. 240 Kabbalistic Anthology. [Germany]. 1405.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

i. ff. 1v–9r: ‫ הסכמת הפילוסופים והאצטגנינים והמקובלים‬The reconciliation of Philosophers, Astrologers and Kabbalists by Joseph Ibn Waqar. ff. 9r–10v: ‫ שער השואל‬Shaʿar ha-Shoʾel by Azriel of Gerona. ff. 11r–17v: ‫ ספר הבהיר‬Sefer ha-Bahir. ff. 18r–23v: ‫ ספר רזיאל‬Sefer Raziel. ff. 23v–46v: ‫ מערכת האלהות‬Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut by Perets Gerondi. ff. 47v–48r: ‫ פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. Scholem, “Index to the Commentaries,” no. 124.

cod.hebr. 241

441

Codicology Material: Parchment. ii·65·i’ ff. (48v, 55v, ir–v blank.) Foliation: 1–65. Quire numbering on the first recto page of each quire. 1–8. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Vertical decorated catchwords on the last verso of ff. 9v, 16v. Page layout: 1r–23r: One column, 50 lines. Text space: 154–159 × 96 mm. 24r–48v: One column, 42–51 lines. Text space: 181×108–112mm. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Binding: Brown Italian Renaissance binding (212×149 × 27mm). Edges are warped outwards. Restored in April 1922 replacing the original spine with cloth, see note in the back of the binding.

History Origin: Copied on 5 Shevat 5165 (4 January 1405) by Yom Tov ben Hayyim for a patron whose name has been deleted, see colophon on f. 23v: “| ‫אני יום טוב בן החר׳ חיים כתב‬ ‫כתבתי זה הספר שמו רזיאל לה״ר ]…[ נ״ע המקום יזכיהו להגות בו הוא | וזרעו עד סוף כל הדורות‬ ‫וסיימתי אותו בחמשי בשבת בשמנה ועשרים לירח אב פ׳ ראה | שנת כי בגל״ל הדבר הזה יברך יי׳‬ ‫ הסופר לא יזק לעולם‬.‫אלקיך בכל מעשיך ובכל משלח ידיך‬.” He left another note on f. 47v: “‫ יוליכינו קוממיות לארצינו‬.‫”חזק ונתחזק נשלם ביו׳ ג׳ תמוז צור ישר׳‬ Provenance: Samuel Provenzali’s entry of ownership is found on f. 1r: “‫”שמואל פרובינצאלי‬ Provenance: Moses ben Eliezer’s entry of ownership is twice on f. 1r: “‫משה בכמ״ר אליעזר‬.” Provenance: Jacob ben Naḥman’s entry of ownership is found on f. 1r: “‫יעקב בכמ״ר נחמן‬.” Provenance: Another possible entry of ownership on f. 2r is partly erased. The name may be read as Naḥum ben Samuel: “‫זה הספר נחום ]…[ שמואל ז״ל‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 112–114, 169. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 293. SfarData 0Y798. imhm F 23136.

Cod.hebr. 241 Medicine. [Spain]. 1444. 1. ff. 1r–195v: [‫ ]אנטידוטריום‬Expositio super Antidotarium Nicolai by Jean de SaintAmand. 2. ff. 195v–198v: [‫ ]שיר על דקדוק‬Poem on grammar by Abraham Genilla.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·199ff. (iv, 188bis, 199v blank.) 217×147 mm. Foliation: 199 1–188 (1). A modern pencil foliation continues 189–198.

442

appendix d

Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Catchword (horizontal) on every verso. Condition: The pages 189–199 are not bound, Steinschneider discovered them in bsb, Cod.hebr. 356 and recognized they belonged to bsb, Cod.hebr. 241. Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 151×96 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (225×146×41–44mm).

History Origin: Written in 1444 by Joseph bar Asher for Joseph bar Isaac, see the colophon on f. 192v: “‫אני יוסף בר׳ אשר ט״ו אלבגלי כתבתי זה הספר למשכיל נחמד למראה וטוב | דון יוסף י״צ‬ ‫בר׳ יצחק ג׳]נו[לה תנצב״ה וסיימתיו יום ראשון לירח טבת שנת | על ה״ר גבוה עלי לך מבשרת ציון‬ ‫וגו׳ האל ברחמיו יזכהו להגות בו | כל ימי חייו בהשקט ובשלוה ובשלום ובמישור הלך אתי ורבים‬ ‫השיב | מעון ברוך רחמנא דסייען‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” On top of the same page, he noted the author “Joan de Santman” and at a later point, in a different ink, the name of the translator: “Isaac filius Abrahae Cabreti vertit anno mundi 5163.” Widmanstetter left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 114. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 293. imhm F 1115.

Cod.hebr. 242 Anthology of Bible Commentaries. 1430.

1.

i. ff. 1r–6v: [‫ ]פירוש איכה‬Commentary on Lamentations by Solomon ben Isaac.

Codicology Material: Paper. 208×140mm. Quiring: Quinion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 153×98 mm. Ruling by hard point, on the verso, two pages at a time. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

2. 3.

ii. ff. 10r–100v: [‫ ]פירוש איוב‬Commentary on Iob by Moses Nachmanides. ff. 100v–147v: [‫ ]פירוש משלי‬Commentary on Proverbs by Joseph Kimhi.

cod.hebr. 242 4. 5. 6. 7.

443

ff. 147v–149v: ‫ פירוש מלות דניאל‬Commentary on Daniel by David Kimhi. ff. 149v–230r: [‫ נחמיה וקהלת‬,‫ עזרא‬,‫ ]פירוש דניאל‬Commentary on Daniel, Ezra, Neḥemia, and Ecclesiastes by Abraham Ibn Ezra. ff. 230v–231r: ‫ מעשה חלדה ובור‬Tale of the Rat and the Fool. ff. 229v, 231r–232r: [‫ ]פירוש רות‬Commentary on Ruth by Solomon ben Isaac.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×144mm. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Decorated horizontal catchwords. Condition: f. 233 is torn at the outer edges but reinforced with paper. Wormed. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 164×101 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Origin: The second codicological unit was copied by Isaac ben Abraham de Villaja Alfando on Friday, 13 Shevat 5190 (6 January 1430) for his son Jacob Qarasainti, see his colophon on f. 230r: “‫אני יצחק ב״ר אברהם די וילייא אלפנדו נ״ע כתבתי זה הספר | מאיוב‬ ‫ומשלי ודניאל ועזרע וקהלת ליעקב קרסיינטי | בני ונגמר ביום ששי שלשה עשר יום לחדש שבט‬ ‫שנת | חמשת אלפים ומאה ותשעים השם ברחמיו יזכהו להגות בו | ויקיים בו הפסוק לא ימושו מפיך‬ ‫ומפי זרעך ומפי זרע זרעך | אמר ה׳ מעתה ועד עולם‬.”

Shared features Material: Paper. i·235ff. (233r blank.) Foliation: 1–172 (1) 173–200 (1) 201–233. Binding: Limp parchment binding (218×144× 47mm). Four flaps in place, the back is sewn in two places.

History Provenance: Jacob Orgier’s entry of ownership is found on f. ir: “‫יעקב אורגייר‬.” He also owned the manuscripts bsb, Codd.hebr. 252 and 407. Provenance: Another note mentions the name of Don Suleiman of Seville, on f. ir: “‫דן‬ ‫סולימן דיסיוילייא‬.” Provenance: Manuel ben Moses’s entry of ownership is found on f. ir: “‫מנואל ן׳ משה‬.” Provenance: Jacob Kimhi’s entry of ownership is found on f. ir: “‫גאקוב קמחי‬.” Provenance: Excerpts from the Pessach Haggadah on f. 233v in Sefardic cursive script. Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a title on f. ir: “Super Job et alia multa.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote two indices of the titles a) on the binding: Commentarii. | In Threnos Hieremiae. | Esther | Job, authore Harambano. | Proverbia Salominis R. Joseph Kimhi | Danielem R. David Kimhi. | Ezra. R. Abra-

444

appendix d hae Aben Ezra | Ecclesiasti, eiusdam. | Historia pulcherrima de fide matrimo|nii servanda. | Quaedam in librum Ruth.

and b) on f. iv: In Threnos Hieremiae | In Esther | In Job, Harambani. | In proverbia R. Joseph Kimhi. | In Danielem R. David Kimhi. | In Ezra. R. Abrahae ben Ezra | In Ecclesiasten R. Abrahae ben Ezra. | historia pulcherrima de fide | matrimonii servanda. | In Ruth commentarius. Widmanstetter left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 114–115. SfarData 0G021. imhm F 1208.

Cod.hebr. 243 Avicenna and others on Medicine. Arles/Pavia. Mid 15th century.

1.

i. ff. 1v–24v: [‫ ]מרשמים לתרופות‬Medical recipes.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×144mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Catchwords: None. Condition: The lower part of f. 1 is torn off and reinforced with paper that is glued on the recto side. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 150×94 mm. The layout is highly irregular. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

2. 3.

ii. ff. 25v–69v: [‫]אורח חיים‬al Oraḥ Ḥayyim by Moses of Narbonne. ff. 70r–71v: [‫ ]לקוטים מכתבי אבן סינא ברפואה‬Various notes from medical treatises by Avicenna.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×144mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on the verso.

cod.hebr. 243

445

Condition: Trimmed, affecting many catchwords. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 168×91 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

4.

iii. ff. 73v–126r: [‫ ]אורח חיים‬Oraḥ Ḥayyim by Moses of Narbonne.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×144mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on the verso. Condition: Trimmed, affecting many catchwords. Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 154×89 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

5. 6.

iv. ff. 126v–132v: [‫ ]לקוטים מכתבי אבן סינא ברפואה‬Various notes from medical treatises by Avicenna. ff. 133r–134v: [‫ ]חבור בעניני תרופות‬On medication.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×144mm. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on the verso. Condition: Trimmed, affecting many catchwords. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 169×90 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

7.

v. ff. 135r–146v: ‫ כתאב אלתצריף פי אלאדויה אלמרכבה‬The Method of Medicine by Abū al-Zahrāwī. Containing part 28, chapter 1.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×144mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on the verso. Condition: Trimmed, affecting many catchwords. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 151×94 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

446

8. 9.

appendix d vi. ff. 150r–181v: [‫ ]פירוש הקאנון של אבן סינא‬Commentary on Avicenna’s Kanon by Solomon ben Abraham Ibn Yaʿish. ff. 181v–184v: [‫ ]לקוטים מכתבי אבן סינא ברפואה‬Various notes from medical treatises by Avicenna.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×144mm. Quiring: Seven and six-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on the verso. Condition: Trimmed, affecting many catchwords. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 150×94 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

10. 11. 12.

vii. ff. 185r–217v: ‫ פי אלאדויה אלמצ׳מונה‬On secret drugs by Galen. ff. 220v–228v: ‫ נצאיח אלרהבאן‬De Secretis ad Monteum by Galen. f. 229r: [‫ ]לקוטים מכתבי אבן סינא ברפואה‬Various notes from medical treatises by Avicenna.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×144mm. Quiring: Ten and seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on the verso. Condition: Trimmed, affecting many catchwords. ff. 231–233 are torn at the outer edge. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 168×95 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

Shared features Material: Paper. 238ff. ([i–ii], 8v, 72r–v, 108v, 147r–149v, 236r–238v blank.) Foliation: 1– 238. Binding: Peißenberg binding (225×155×51mm).

History Origin: Copied by Joseph ben Abraham Naḥmash, see the colophon on f. 181r–v: “‫תם‬ ‫ונשלם שבח לבורא | עולם אני יוסף ב״ר אברהם ש״צ נחמש העתקתי זה | הקונדרס מפירוש החכם‬ ‫הפילוסוף ר׳ שלמה ן׳ יעש | ובעבור שהיה הפירוש שהעתקתי ממנו מכתיבת | ידו בכתיבה ערבית‬ ‫והיה כך ונדרש הגהות הרבה | לא הייתי יכול ללמוד אותם מפני בלבול הכתיבה | יש שם מקומות‬ ‫שצריכים עיון ובע״ה אם אתחבר | עמו אני מזומן לתקן אותם וזה החכם הנזכר || הבורא ית׳ יתן לו‬ ‫שיבה טובה האיר עיני באלו | הפרקים החמשה שכתב בן סינא שהם מהסמים | הנפרדים כי הרבה‬ ‫הם סתומים וחתומים והשם | ברחמיו יראנו האמת והעזר מאתו‬.”

cod.hebr. 244

447

Provenance: The manuscript belonged to the brothers Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel, who were the sons of Jehiel, whose name is found in many of Widmanstetter’s manuscripts. Their shared entry of ownership is on f. 2r: “‫ר׳ משה ור׳ יהודה אחין‬.” Provenance: Jacob ben Joshuah Ris’s entry of ownership is found throughout the manuscript: f. 1v: “‫של יעקב ריס לאו״ם‬,” f. 25r: “‫שלי אנא יעקב ריס‬,” f. 134v: “‫אנא יעקב ריס‬ ‫שאהד בדלך‬,” and f. 229r: “‫שלי אנא יעקב ריס בר׳ יהשע ריס המכונה‬.” Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a title on f. 235v: “In Medicina.” Marginal notes in the same hand on ff. 26r, 44r. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote this index on f. 1v: Arabica quaedam in medicina | Liber vitae | M. Vitalis | Quaedam ex | Avicenna | et Galeno | Arabica. There are no marginal notes by Widmanstetter. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 115. imhm F 1111.

Cod.hebr. 244 Averroes · Al-Farabi. Pavia. 1438. 1. ff. 1r–62v: ‫ באור אמצעי על ספר ההיקש של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Prior Analytics by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli. 2. ff. 63r–92r: ‫ באור אמצעי על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Posterior Analytics by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli. 3. ff. 93r–122r: ‫ קצור ספר מה שאחר הטבע של אריסטו‬Short Commentary on the Metaphysics by Averroes. Translated by Moses Ibn Tibbon. 4. ff. 122v–210v: ‫ באור אמצעי על ספר מה שאחר הטבע של אריסט‬Middle Commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. 5. ff. 213r–221v: ‫ ספר ההטעאה‬De Sophisticiis Elenchis by Muḥammad al-Farabi. 6. ff. 222r–227r: ‫ אומנות הנצוח‬Omanut ha-Natsuaḥ by Muḥammad al-Farabi. Translated by Jacob Anatoli.

Codicology Material: Paper. 234ff. (92v, 121r–v, 211r–212v, 227v–229r blank.) 204× 138–145mm. Foliation: 1–163 (1) 164–200 (1) 201–231. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Nine-bifolia quires. Catchwords: On the last verso of each quire, except ff. 25, 57, 73. Condition: Trimmed at the top and the bottom, but not at the outer edge.

448

appendix d

Page layout: One column, 30–33 lines. Text space: 162 × 98–101 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (217×157×46mm).

History Origin: The scribe’s name, Reuben ben Solomon, is found several times in the manuscript: a) f. ir: “‫מזכרת מה שיש כתוב באלה השבעה עשר קונדרסים ]…[ בחמש קונדרסים‬ ‫אחרים | ממני ראובן ב״ר שלמה‬,” b) Monday, 12 Nisan 5198 (6 April 1438) f. 122r: “‫בכאן‬ ‫נשלם הדבור בחלק השני מזאת החכמה והוא המאמר הרביעי מספרנו | זה ההעתקה מה שנמצא‬ | ‫אצלי מן הספר הזה | נשלם זה הספר פה פאוייאה | מדינת לומבארדיאה | השלמתיו אני ראובן ב״ר‬ ‫שלמה וכתבתיו לעצמי | והיתה השלמתו ביום שני | שנים עשר לחדש ניסן | שנת קצ״ח לפרט | השם‬ ‫ברחמיו יזכני להגות בו אני וזרעי וזרע זרעי ולהבין מסתריו | א״א סלה‬,” and c) Monday, 20 Av 5198 (10 August 1438), on f. 210v: “| ‫אני ראובן ב״ר שלמה כתבתי זה הספר לעצמי והשלמתיו‬ ‫פה פאויאה ממדינת מילאן ביום שני עשרים לחדש אב | שנת קצ״ח השם יזכני להגות בו ולהבין כל‬ ‫מסתריו | אמן סלה‬.” Provenance: An anonymous wrote a title on f. ir: “Logica rk.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote an index of the titles on f. iv: Analyticorum primus | Analyticorum ii. | Averrois in partem ii Methaphysicae | Idem in part i. Metaphysicae et omnes | libros sequentes. | Liber elenchorum. He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 115–116. SfarData 0G025. imhm F 1206.

Cod.hebr. 246 Astronomical Florilegium. [Spain]. 1429–1431.

1.

i. ff. 5r–21r: [‫ ]פירוש האצטרולב‬Commentary on the Astrolabe by Aḥmad Ibn al-Saffar al-Qasim.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Catchwords: The last word is catchword. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 151×102 mm. Hard-point on the verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Tables on ff. 18v–20r.

cod.hebr. 246

449

History Origin: The manuscript was copied by Faraji ben Shabbetai see the colophon on f. 18r: “‫נשלם באור האצטרלאב לר׳ יעקב בכ״ר מכיר זלה״ה וכתב ידי מעיד עלי פראג׳י באלפראג׳ שבח‬ ‫לשם ית׳ אמן‬.”

2. 3.

ii. ff. 22r–37r: ‫ מעשה הכדור‬On the Sphere by Costa ben Luca. f. 37v: [‫ ]לוח‬Table for determining length of hours and days.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 151×102 mm. Hard-point on the verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Origin: The manuscript was copied by Nissim ben Shabbetai, see the colophon on f. 37r: “‫נשלם ספר המעשה בכדור הגלגל לקוסטא בן לוקא והעתיק אותו ר׳ יעקב בכמר״ר מכיר בן תבון‬ ‫נב״ת כתיבת ידי אני נסים בר׳ שבתי המכונה באלפרג‬.”

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

iii. ff. 38r–47v: ‫ מלאכת האצטרלב‬On the Fabrication of an Astrolabe. ff. 48r–49r: [‫ ]טבלות באסטרונומיה‬Astronomical drawings. ff. 49v–55v: [‫ ]כתר שם טוב‬Keter Shem tov by Abraham of Cologne. ff. 56r–64r: [‫ ]ספר היסודות‬De Elementis by Euclid. ff. 64v–65bisr: [‫ ]עניני באסטרולוגיה‬Astrological notes. f. 65bisv: ‫ מאמר בגדרי הדברים‬Treatise on the limits of things by Isaac al-Aḥdab. ff. 66bisr–67r: [‫ ]עניני באסטרונומיה‬Astronomical notes. ff. 67v–77v: ‫ כלי הממוצע‬Planimetrical instruments by Isaac al-Aḥdab. ff. 78v–80r: ‫ בקדרות הלבנה והשמש‬Book of Eclipses by Māshāʾallāh Ibn Aṯarī f. 82v: ‫ שמעו נא דברי הרופא‬Poem on diet and behavior by Abraham Ibn Ezra.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Nine-bifolia quire. Catchwords: On most versos. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 151×102 mm. Hard-point on the verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Astronomical drawings on ff. 47v–48v. Mathematical drawings on ff. 56v– 65r.

450

appendix d

History Provenance: An anonymous Latin hand left marginal notes in Latin e.g. on ff. 48r, 56r–v 62r–64v, 65v.

14. 15.

iv. ff. 83r–126v: ‫ אלפרגאני‬Elements of astronomy on the celestial motions by Aḥmad al-Farghānī. f. 126v: [‫ ]לוח עשרים ושמונה מחנות הלבנה‬Table on the 18 camps of the Moon.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eigth-bifolia quires. Catchwords: On most versos. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 156× 91 mm. Hard-point on the verso, page by page. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Astronomical drawings ff. 88r–89v, 90v, 101v, 104r–105r, 106v, 109r, 118v, 122r.

History Origin: The manuscript was copied by Faraji ben Shabbetai on 1 Tevet 5192 (6 December 1431), see the colophon on f. 126r: “‫ ביום ראשון‬.‫ בעזרת אבי כל חוזה‬.‫נשלם השער הזה‬ .‫בעשור הראשון לחדש טבת שנת הקצ״ב ליצירה בפרשת הנמצא בזה איש אשר רוח אלהים בו‬ ‫כתיבת ידי תעיד עלי אני פראגי ב״ר שבתי המכונה באל פרג‬.”

16. 17. 18. 19.

v. ff. 127r–201v: ‫ באור אל אלפרגאני‬Commentary on al-Farghānī by Moses Handeli. ff. 202r–228v: ‫ פירוש לקצור אבן רשד על ספר ההויה וההפסד של אריסטו‬On Averroes’ compendium of Aristotle’s De generatione et corruptione by Levi ben Gershom. ff. 229r–229v: ‫ באור טעם סוכה‬On the Meaning of the Sukkah. ff. 230r–235v: [‫ ]סוד הסודות‬Secretum Secretorum by Aristotle.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: On most versos. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 156–160 × 94 mm. Hard-point on the verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Origin: The manuscript was copied by Faraji ben Shabbetai on 5 Tammuz 5189 (16 June 1429), see the colophon on f. 201r: “‫נשלם פי׳ אלפראגי והשער הנלוה אליו בע״ה שהוא‬

cod.hebr. 246

451

‫ כתיבת ידי תעיד עלי אני פראג׳י ב״ר שבתי המכונה‬.‫ תהנלך לשוכן מרומים‬.‫בהתחלפות הימים‬ ‫באלפרג׳ והקורא בו ידינני לכף זכות אם ימצא בו טעות שהספר שהעתקתי ממנו היה בו טעות‬ ‫הרבה ושויתי מהם כפי יכלתי ונשארו מהם וכשם שזכני השם ית׳ להשלים זה הספר כן יזכני לראות‬ ‫ביאת משיח גואלינו בעגל ובזמן קריב ואד תהיה המכולה לשם ית׳ ויג׳ כדכתי׳ ועלו מושיעים בהר‬ ‫ ביום ה׳ שנת הקפ״ט בחדש תמוז‬.‫ציון היתה לשם המכולה א׳א׳א׳ וכן יהי רצון‬.”

20. 21.

vi. ff. 236r–249v: [‫ ]עניני כשוף‬Magical texts. ff. 250r–251v: ‫ אדון נשגב אלהי הצבאות עושה בלי חקר גדולות‬Hymn on Esther by Isaac al-Aḥdab.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Catchwords: On the versos of ff. 238 and 239. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 154×95 mm. Hard-point on the verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Table of sixteen figures on f. 249v and wheel on f. 251r.

History Origin: The manuscript was copied by Faraji ben Shabbetai who also copied the preceding codicological units. Provenance: The manuscript apparently passed to Faraji’s son Samuel ben Nissim, see his entry on f. 248v: “‫שלי שמואל הקטן אבו אלפרג יחי לעד אמן וגם זרעו‬.” And on f. 251v he records how news of Barcelona’s capture by King John ii reached Napels on 13 Kislev 5233 (13 November 1472): “‫לזכר עולם יהיה י״ג כסליו הרל״ג בשבתי ניאפול באה שמועה איך‬ ‫גואן המלך ברצלונה אחר צר עליה ע״ו שנה שמואל אבו אלפרג‬.” The note in Latin to the same effect on top of the page appears to be a translation of the Hebrew.

Shared features Material: Paper. 257ff. (1r–3v, 21r, 78r blank.) 198×142mm. Foliation: 1–65 (4) 66 (1) 67–82 (1) 83–251. Condition: Trimmed. Binding: Peißenberg binding (212×149×49mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 5v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Widmanstetter outlined the manuscript’s contents in an index on f. 4v: Expositio astrolabii R. Jacobi | Compositio astrolabii. | Quaestiones arithmeticae. | Ex Euclide. | Rota Pythagorica. | Ordo mensium. | Ex masecheth Bechoroth. |

452

appendix d Definitiones terminorum quibus utuntur | theologi et physici. | De instrumento medio inter astrolabium et | quadrantum R. Isachi. | De ecclipsibibus ‫ ט‬et ‫ פ‬etc. | De mensibus carmina. | Alphraganus ex Almagesto. | De mansionibus lunae. | Expositio Alfragani R. Mosis Handali. | R. Levi Ben Gersom in libris de generatione et corruptione. | Expositio tabernaculorum. | De physionomiae lapidibus velut | geomantia.

He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 117–120. SfarData zy670, 0Y799. imhm F 1102.

Cod.hebr. 247 Commentaries on Avicenna’s Kanon. [Spain]. 14th century. 1. ff. 1r–139v: [‫ ]פירוש על הקאנון של אבן סינא‬Commentary on Avicenna’s Kanon. 2. ff. 144r–151v: [‫ ]פירוש על הקאנון של אבן סינא‬Commentary on Avicenna’s Kanon. 3. ff. 152r–187r: [‫ ]פירוש על הקאנון של אבן סינא‬Commentary on Avicenna’s Kanon. 4. ff. 187r–189v: [‫ ]פירוש על הקאנון של אבן סינא‬Commentary on Avicenna’s Kanon.

Codicology Material: Paper. 192·ii’ ff. (72v–79r, 124v–125v, 140v–143, i’v, ii’r blank.) 207 × 144 mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Catchword (horizontal) on almost every verso. Condition: f. ‘i is torn. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 158×94 mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, several pages at a time. Script: Mostly copied in Sefardic cursive script. But there are at least two Sefardic semi cursive hands which continue the text mostly at a page break, but sometimes in the middle of a page. Binding: Peißenberg binding (222×150×49mm).

History Provenance: Pen tests on ff. 189v–’iiv. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He noted the title on f. 1r: Commentarius Canones aliquot | Avicennae

cod.hebr. 249

453

He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 120. imhm F 1116.

Cod.hebr. 249 Astronomy. [Spain]. 15th century.

1.

i. ff. 2bis–4r: ‫ מלאכת הקבוע‬On the calculation of the new Moon by Moses Farissol Botareli.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Quaternion. Catchwords: None. Condition: Steinschneider found f.2bis in bsb, Cod.hebr. 356 and had it bound with this manuscript (see the note that is bound before f. 2bis). The quiring is not discernible. Page layout: One column, 26–27 Text space: 175×79–93 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script Steinschneider’s note is bound between f. 2 and 2bis.

2.

ii. ff. 8r–24v: ‫ מראה האופנים‬De Sphaera by Johannes de Sacrobosco.

Codicology Material: Paper. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 136×74 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

3.

iii. ff. 29r–40v: ‫ מעשה הכדור‬Maʿaśeh ha-Kedur by Costa ben Luca. Translated by Jacob ben Machir.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the versos of the first half of the quire. Page layout: One column, 28–31 lines. Text space: 134–145 × 98 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

454

4.

appendix d iv. ff. 49r–70v: ‫ טיאריקא אומניאום פלאניטארום‬Theorica Planetarum by Gherardo da Sabbioneta.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: Some horizontal catchwords on versos. Page layout: Two columns, 25–26 lines. Text space: 141–144 mm. The overall width is 105, the outer column is 38mm wide, the inner 60mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

5.

v. ff. 73r–92r: ‫ כלי הנחשת‬On the Astrolabe by Abraham Ibn Ezra.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: One horizontal catch word at the end of the first quire (f. 86v). Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 142×84 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

6.

vi. ff. 99r–116r: ‫ פירוש האצטרולב‬Commentary on the Astrolabe by Aḥmad Ibn al-Saffar al-Qasim.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: One horizontal catchword at the end of the first quire (f. 110v). Page layout: One column, 22–25 lines. Text space: 145 × 79–83 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

7.

vii. ff. 123r–127v: ‫ מעשה כלי ההבטה‬On the Astrolabe by Ptolemy.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Quinion. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords, most appear to be cut. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 149×95 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

cod.hebr. 249

8.

455

viii. ff. 133r–139v: ‫ דמיון ושורש לכלי האצטרולב‬Treatise on the Astrolabe.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 142×82 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

9.

ix. ff. 146r–175v: ‫ רובע ישראל‬Treatise on the Quadrant by Jacob ben Machir Ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword at the end of the quires (f. 158v and 170v). Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 141×85 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

10.

x. ff. 182r–206r: ‫ פנים במשפט‬Capitula Astrologiae by Arnaldus de Villanova.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: None. Condition: ff. 199–210 are slightly wormed at the bottom. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 142×86 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

Shared features Material: 210ff. (4v, 5v, 6v, 7v, 25–27, 28v, 41–47, 48v, 56v, 69r, 70r, 71, 72v, 92v–97, 98v, 116v–121, 122v, 128–131, 132v, 140r–144v, 145v, 176–180, 181v, 191v, 202v, 207–210 blank.) 208×152mm. Foliation: 1–210. Condition: Trimmed, text sometimes lost, eg. f. 3v. Illustrations: The manuscript contains many diagrams that illustrate the content. Binding: Limp parchment binding (220×249×46mm). The flaps are torn off.

456

appendix d

History Provenance: Quill tests in various Hebrew and Latin scripts on f. 6r. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 8r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii” he also wrote down the titles contained in the manuscript on the front of the binding: Salomon Abigador de sphaera | De usu sphaera | Theoricae planetarum ex Hebraice et latine | Expositio Astrolabi | De usu Astrolabi. | De Astrolabi fabrica. | De astrolabio. De quadrante. de xii signis et eorum infl. | Et alia quaedam eiusdem generis. He wrote similar titles at the beginning of each text (see above). He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 121–122. imhm F 1658.

Cod.hebr. 250 Medicine. [Spain]. 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–69r: ‫ ספר המבוא לחנין בן אסחאק‬The Book of Introduction by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī. Translated by Moshe ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. iii·72+ii ff. (69v–74v blank.) 188×136mm. Foliation: 1–16 (1) 17–74. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Last word of each verso are catchwords. Condition: Trimmed, marginal notes are often affected (eg. ff. 7r, 13v, 27r). Wormed; f. iii has come off. Page layout: One column, 20 lines. Text space: 156×88 mm. Script: Copied in two hands: in Sefardic semi cursive script (ff. 6–14, 15v–19r, 20v–29r, 30r–45v, 46v–69r) and in Sefardic cursive script (ff. 1–5, 15r, 19v–20r, 29v, 46r). Binding: Peißenberg binding (204×146×37mm).

History Provenance: Below that, in a Latin hand: “R. Chanen hb medicinae.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote a title in Latin on f. iiiv: Introductio ad medicinam | Haninae filii Isaac, per | quaestiones. Ex hoc libro | puto Joannitii Isagogen | excerptam. Et Joannitum | ex Johan Isac factum.

cod.hebr. 252

457

He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 122. imhm F 1210.

Cod.hebr. 251 Commentary on Proverbs. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 2r–227v: [‫ ]פירוש משלי‬Commentary on Proverbs by Menahem ben Solomon Meiri.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 228ff. (1v, 228 blank.) 201 × 132× The central bifolium of each quire is only 58–90mm wide. mm. Foliation: 1–228. Quiring: Inner and outer bifolia are parchment. Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: Sometimes the parchment is torn or has holes (ff. 2, 84, 99, 212, 227). Usually, it is less wide than the paper. The bifolium 219–220 is bound upside down. Page layout: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 148–150 × 92 mm. The central bifolium is 39–78mm wide. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (210×138×58mm). The flaps have come off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi | ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote down the title on the binding: Commentarii in Proverbia | Salomonis. He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 122. imhm F 1207.

Cod.hebr. 252 Commentary on the Pentateuch. [Byzantium]. 15th century. 1. ff. 8r–257r: ‫ פירוש התורה‬Commentary on the Pentateuch by Netanel ben Nehemia Caspi.

458

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. i·262ff. (ir, 1–6, 7v, 258–260r, 261–262 blank.) 207 × 143 mm. Foliation: 1–(162)–(165)–166 166 167–(229)–232, 234–261. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: f. 166 torn. The manuscript was trimmed, when Widmanstetter had already studied the text: his marginal note on f. 256v and 123v. Page layout: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 137×86–90 mm. Script: Byzantine semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (212×143×51mm). All four flaps are torn off. Sewn in front.

History Provenance: Old entry of ownership by Jacob Orgier on f. 8r: “‫יעקב ארגייר‬.” He also owned the manuscripts bsb, Codd.hebr. 242 and 407. Pen tests on f. 260v. Hebrew marginal notes on ff. 53r, 72r, 103r, 123v, 162r, 165r, 241v. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership is on f. 8r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” On the binding, he wrote the following description: ‫ | לקוטות כל בו‬Collectanea expositionum | variarum in Libros Mosis. | Author collec|taneorum est recentior, qua|doquidem R. Salomonem et Abra|ham Aben Ezram saepissime citat | Desunt sectiones ultimae sex more Hebraeorum | distinctae, quas ‫ פרשיות‬vocant.

Widmanstetter left some marginal notes, most in red ink (ff. 17v–19r), some in black (ff. 12v–13r, 236v). Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 122. imhm F 1112.

Cod.hebr. 253 Materia Medica. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 2r–260r: ‫ פרקי משה‬Pirqei Moshe by Moses Maimonides. Translated by Nathan Matai. 2. ff. 260v–265r: ‫ אגרת בשכחה‬Epistle on Oblivion by Aḥmad Ibn al-Jazzār. Translated by Nathan Matai. 3. f. 265v: ‫ הערות לספר מבוא ארנבאט‬Notes on Arnold de Villanova by Gabriel of Sinjar.

cod.hebr. 255

459

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 267ff. (121, 155–157, 186–192, 205, 217 blank.) 222 × 142– 146mm. Foliation: 1–5 5–266. Quiring: The outer bifolium of each quire consists of parchment. The first quire inner bifolium is parchment as well. Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on f. 163v—last page of quire. quires numbered in Hebrew numerals in the top of almost each recto beginning with 8r till 260r: ‫א–כ״ה‬. Condition: Trimmed, affecting many of marginal notes. Wormed. Page layout: One column, 21–22 lines. Text space: 132–137 × 90–95 mm. Script: ff. 2r–265r: copied in Sefardic square script. f. 265v: A second, later hand wrote in Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (204×139×92mm). The lower flaps in the front and the back have come off.

History Provenance: Previous owners jotted the title on f. 1r in Hebrew letters. Various Hebrew notes on ff. 1v and 266v. Many marginal notes throughout the manuscript. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote the title on the front of the binding: Aphorismi seu capita R. | Mosis Maimonis. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 122. imhm F 1126.

Cod.hebr. 255 Arbaʿah Turim. [Spain]. 15th century. 1. ff. 1v–246r: ‫ ארבעה טורים‬Arbaʿah Turim by Jacob ben Asher. 2. f. 246v: ‫ דרשוים קצרים‬Commentary on the Pentateuch. 3. f. 247r: ‫ אם מותר להניח תפילין על הבגד למעלה‬Responsum on tefillin. 4. f. 249v: ‫ איעצך איה אסגיר‬I will advise you by Judah ha-Levi.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·252ff. (ii, 156r, 158r–v, 247v–249r, 250r–252 blank.) 204× 162mm. Foliation: 1–252. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Condition: Trimmed. The following folios are folded in to preserve marginal notes: ff. 19, 20, 33, 35, 171. ff. 49, 96, 158 partially torn and damaged by ink. Page layout: One column (ff. 3r–18r two columns), 29 lines. Text space: 145 × 89 mm.

460

appendix d

Script: Multiple hands. Main text (ff. 1v–246r): copied in Sefardic semi cursive script. Later additions f. 246v: Sefardic cursive script; f. 247r: Sefardic semi cursive script; f. 249v: At least two hands in Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Tables ff. 156v–157v. Various diagrams throughout, e.g. ff. 146r, 229v. Binding: Limp parchment binding (215×148×48mm). All four flaps are torn off.

History Provenance: A note in Sefardic semi cursive script on f. 247r “‫ושאלתי את פי ראש ישיבה‬ ‫החכם הרב ר׳ יצחק אבוהאב נ״ר ואמ׳ לי שקשה הדבר לפרוץ גדר | כי מנהגן של ישראל שלא יהא‬ ‫דבם חוצץ בין של יד בין של ראש ואין להקל׳ והמחמיר | תבא עליו בסכה‬.” Provenance: Title in Humanist script (the same as bsb, Cod.hebr. 257) on f. 1r: “Rabi Moses collecta super Talmud.” Below that, the letter “P”, which may be an old shelf mark. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote the title on a) the binding: R. Mosis Maimonis deci|siones legis. and b) f. 1r: Harambami decisiones legis. He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 122–123. imhm F 1216.

Cod.hebr. 256 Mathematical and Astronomical Texts. 1. ff. 1v–18v: [‫ ]פירוש האצטרולב‬Commentary on the Astrolabe by Aḥmad Ibn al-Saffar al-Qasim. Translated by Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon. 2. ff. 19r–32r: ‫ כלי הנחשת‬On the Astrolabe by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 3. ff. 32v–40r: [‫ ]פירוש על פירוש התורה לראב״ע‬Commentary on Ibn Ezra’s Commentary on the Pentateuch. 4. ff. 40v–41r: [‫ ]קטע במתמטיקה‬Fragment on mathematics. 5. ff. 41v–53v: [‫ ]רובע ישראל‬Treatise on the Quadrant by Jacob ben Machir Ibn Tibbon. 6. ff. 54r–118r: ‫ חבור המשיחה והשתברות‬Treatise on the spreading and refraction of light by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda.

cod.hebr. 256

461

Codicology Material: Parchment. 118ff. (None blank.) 197×140mm. Foliation: 1–118. Quiring: Quaternions. The manuscript follows Lex Gregory. Quires begin on hair side. Two quires are bound out of order: 73–80 belongs after 103–110. Catchwords: None. Condition: The last quire was repaired at some point using two strips of paper written in Gothic script. The block as a whole is reinforced by three strips of paper written in Gothic script. Trimmed. Page layout: One column, 20–22 lines. Text space: 136 × 83 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Illustrations: Mathematical diagrams are found throughout (ff. 36v, 55v, 58v, 63r, 65v, 70v, 71r, 81v). In the last text (ff. 54r–118r) space has been left for diagrams that were only partially added by a later hand, judging from the color of the ink. Binding: Limp parchment binding (203×139×32mm). All four flaps are torn off. Red ink spot on the front.

History Provenance: Barely legible entry of ownership in Sefardic cursive script by Moses Lafami on f. 1v: “‫שלי משה לפמי‬.” Provenance: The fragment of what could be an entry of ownership in Sefardic square script Abraham is found on f. 118v: “‫( ”אברהם‬upside down). Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote down the titles in the manuscript twice: a) on the binding: Abuchamed filius Elzapher de astro|labio, interprete Jacob Benisac aetate | Aben Ezra de instrumento aneo. | Eiusdam expositio numerorum de quibusdam scripsit in Exodus | Jacob Aben Thabun de quadratura circuli. | Liber de mensuris geometrias. and b) on f. 1r: 1 De astrolabio utilis | Abuchamed Mahometis ben Elzapher | vertit in Hebraicae ex Hagareno | Jacob Benisac aetate anno mundi 5139 | supra quimquies millesimuris | 2 Aben Ezra de instrumento aneo | 3 Aben Ezra expositio eorum quibusdam | scripsit in Exodus de numeri | 4 De quadratura circuli Jacob Aben Thabun | 5 Liber de mensuris geometrias. Widmanstetter’s marginal notes are on ff. 32v–33v. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 123. imhm F 1212.

462

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 257 Moses Nachmanides. [Spain]. 15th century. 1. ff. 2r–282r: [‫ ]פירוש התורה‬Commentary on the Pentateuch by Moses Nachmanides.

Codicology Material: Paper. 290ff. (284v–288r blank.) 202×139mm. Foliation: 1–50 (1) 51–89 (1) 90– 288. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: ff. 1r and 288v are quite worn; could indicate that the volume was unbound when bought by Widmanstetter. Trimmed, affecting marginal notes (ff. 27v, 64v, 265r); f. 140 was folded in; ff. 1–43 and 129–165; wormed; f. 3 repaired using paper slip. Some damage from ink. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 148–155 × 83 mm. Script: Two hands. ff. 2r–224v l. 2: copied in Sefardic cursive script. ff. 224v l. 3–282r: copied in Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (208×140×47mm). All four flaps are torn off.

History Provenance: Verses dedicated to Abraham Zarat “‫אברהם זארט‬,” Josef Aras “‫יוסף ערס‬,” Leon Botarel “‫ ”ליאון בוטריל‬and Solomon de Lattes “‫שלאמון דלאטש‬.” Provenance: Hebrew pen tests on f. 1r. Possible entry of ownership deleted on f. 282v. Illegible notes on f. 288v. Marginal notes in Sefardic cursive script throughout. Provenance: Title in another Humanist script (the same as in bsb, Cod.hebr. 255) on f. 1v: “Super Pentateuchum 2. sacra scriptura.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi | ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote down the title a) on the binding: Commentarii in Leviticum | Numeros et Deuteronomium | Mosis. and b) on f. 1v: Commentarii in Leviticum et Deutero|nomium Mosis, et Numerorum. He wrote marginal notes in red ink on ff. 159r, 160r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 123. imhm F 1184.

cod.hebr. 260

463

Cod.hebr. 258 Novellae on Qiddushin. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–201r: [‫ קדושין‬:‫ ]חדושים על התלמוד‬Novellae on the talmudic tractate Qiddushin.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·202·i’ ff. (i–ii, 100v, i’ blank.) 200×122mm. Foliation: 1–101 (1) 102–201. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Mostly last word of verso used as catchword. Horizontal catchwords on ff. 181v, 192v, 99v. Condition: Trimmed. Wormed. ff. 99 and 111 are loose. Page layout: ff. 1–99v: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 172–177× 92–95 mm. ff. 100r– 201r: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 162–166×89–92 mm. Script: ff. 1r–100r: Several Sefardic semi cursive and cursive hands. ff. 100r–201r: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (210×127×43mm). The clasps are still in place.

History Provenance: Entry of ownership by Solomon f. 201v: “‫חיב לי ר׳ שלמה נר״ו על זה הס׳ ארבעה‬ ‫מלכים ועוד ד׳ דינרין‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii, | Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote the title on the backside of the binding: De contrahendo Ma|trimonio super | Thalmud. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 123. imhm F 1106.

Cod.hebr. 260 Bible-Commentaries. [Spain]. 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–154r: [‫ ]פירוש תהלים‬Commentary on Psalms by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 2. ff. 154v–165v: [‫ ]פירוש איוב‬Commentary on Job by Joseph Kimhi. 3. ff. 166r–167r: ‫ מדרש על הפסוק והוא עבר לפניהם‬Midrash on Genesis 33:3.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·167·i’ ff. (168 blank.) 206×150mm. Foliation: 1–168. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: The block is reinforced with parchment written in Latin Gothic square script. Most quires are reinforced in the middle with paper slips written in Gothic cursive. Partly wormed. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 141×77 mm.

464

appendix d

Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (212×147×42mm). All four flaps have come off. Sewn on the back.

History Provenance: Pen tests on f. 167v. Hebrew marginal notes throughout. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento. Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote down the titles on the binding: Abrahae Aben Ezrae Commentarii | in Psalterium. | R. Joseph Kimhi cognomento Magistri | Petiti Commentarii in Job. | Midrass quaedam. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 124. imhm F 1060.

Cod.hebr. 261 Astronomical Anthology. Spain. 1467–1468.

1.

i. ff. 2r–43r: ‫ באור ספר יסוד עולם‬Commentary on Yesod ʿOlam by Solomon Corcus.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Decorated horizontal catchwords. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 141× 86 mm. Ruling by hard point on verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

2. 3.

ii. ff. 49r–49v: ‫ מעשה הכדור‬Maʿaśeh ha-Kadur by Costa ben Luca. Only the introduction, translated by Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon. ff. 50r–65v: ‫ פירוש ספר האצטרולב‬Commentary on the astrolabe by Aḥmad Ibn alSaffar al-Qasim. Translated by Jacob ben Machir.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Ten-bifolia quire. Catchwords: None. Page layout: f. 49: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 160 × 92 mm. Ruling by hard point on verso ff. 50–69: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 136× 74mm. Ruling by hard point on verso

cod.hebr. 261

465

Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

4. 5. 6.

iii. ff. 70r–71r: [‫ ]עניני תכונה‬Astronomical notes. ff. 72r–75r: [‫ ]עניני תכונה‬Astronomical notes. ff. 76r–77v: ‫ באור לוחות אלפונסו‬Explanation of the tables of Alfonso.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: 70–25: horizontal catchwords. Page layout: ff. 70–71: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 142 × 86 mm. ff. 72–75: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 157×103mm. ff. 76–77: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 150×85mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Provenance: Illegible note in Latin script on f. 70r.

7.

iv. ff. 89v–85v, 85r–90r: ‫ אגרת במוסר‬Epistola de Cura et Modo Rei Familiaris by Bernard of Clairvaux.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 132× 74mm. Ruling by hard point on verso.

8.

v. ff. 91r–93r: ‫ על לקות החמה בטולידו בשנת‬1433 On a solar eclipse in Toledo in 1433.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Two bifolia. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on f. 91v. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 152×86 mm. Ruling by cursive hard point on verso. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

9. 10.

vi. f. 95r: ‫ ספר העולם‬Sefer ha-ʿOlam by Abraham Ibn Ezra. ff. 96r–100v: [‫ ]עניני אסטרונומיה‬Astronomical notes.

466

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Ternion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: Layout variable, no ruling. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

11. 12. 13.

vii. ff. 102r–102v, 107r–107v: ‫ לוח השוואת הבתים בעיר טולידו‬Table of the lunar houses in Toledo. ff. 103r–104v: ‫ באור עשיית כלי האצטרולב‬Explanation of the manufacture of an astrolabe by Jacob ben Isaac al-Carsono. ff. 108r–111v: ‫ לקיות‬Eclipses by Abraham Conti.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Ternion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 49 lines. Text space: 198×128 mm. No ruling, lines undulate. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

History Origin: The two leaves at the center of the quire were written during Tevet 5228 (November/December 1467) in Saragossa by Jehiel ben Menasse for his private use, see the colophon on f. 104v: “‫נכתב על ידי ולעצמי יחיאל בר מנשה ז״ל בק״ק סרגוזה בחדש‬ ‫טבת שנת רכ״ב לפ״ק ברוך רחמנ׳ אם‬.”

14.

viii. ff. 108r–111v: ‫ לקיות‬Eclipses by Abraham Conti.

Codicology Material: Paper. 211×164mm. Quiring: Quinion. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on f. 108v. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 153× 93mm. Ruling by hard point on verso. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

Shared features Material: i·114ff. (43v–46v, 47v–48r, 66r–69v, 71v, 78r–79r, 90r–v, 93v–94v, 95v, 101r–v, 105r– 106v, 112r–114r blank.) Foliation: 1–114. Binding: Limp parchment binding (213×141×28mm). All four flaps torn off. Sewn on the back.

cod.hebr. 262

467

History Provenance: Moses Alfarangi’s entry of ownership in Sefardic hand on f. 2r: “‫שלי משה‬ ‫אלפראנגי‬.” Steinschneider proposed that he wrote the Hebrew index on f. 1r. Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote on f. 1r the title “De Astrologia.” The same hand noted on f. 47r: “Astrolabium artificialis.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote an index on f. 1v: De numeris et eorumque proportionibus et quodam | ad astronomian pertinentia. | De sphaera fragmentum. | De astrolabio nomina xii signorum | Hebraica et Arabica. | De coniunctione planetarum. | De ecclipsibus. | Introductio in tabula Alfonsi. | B. Bernardus ad Raimundum militem | De cura rei familiaris. | De neomeniis ad finitorem Toletarum | Mansiones lunae in tabula. | De stellis fixis quaedam. | De astrolabio. | De ecclipsibus. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 124–126. imhm F 1627.

Cod.hebr. 262 Commentary on Kohelet. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–79v: [‫ ]פירוש על קהלת‬Commentary on Kohelet by Samuel Ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·79·ii’ ff. (i–iir, 80, i’ blank.) 205×142 mm. Foliation: 1–80. 80 in pencil. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Last word on verso used as catchword. Condition: Trimmed. This affects notes on f. 19v, the notes on ff. 26r, 73v have been preserved by folding in or other means. Some damage by water. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 159×85 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script Binding: Limp parchment binding (206×146×29mm). The four flaps have come off.

History Provenance: Hebrew marginal notes throughout the manuscripts. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote the title a) on the binding: Commentarii in Ecclesiaten | Salomonis. deest inter|pretatio vii versum | priorum Ecclesiastis.

468

appendix d

and b) on f. 1r: Ecclesiasten Salomonis. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 126. imhm F 1659.

Cod.hebr. 263 Philosophical Works. Salamanca. 1462.

1. 2. 3.

i. ff. 1r–32r: ‫ פירוש מורה נבוכים‬Commentary on the Guide of the Perplexed by Joseph Caspi. ff. 49r–59v: ‫ ספר השינה והיקיצה‬De Somno et Vigilia by Avicenna. Translated by Solomon ben Moses Melgueiri. ff. 62r–75r: ‫ סדר הנהגת האדם בביתו‬Philosophical tract on the order of human conduct at home by Barison. Translated by David ben Solomon ibn Yaish.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 137×78mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, two to three pages at a time. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

4.

ii. ff. 76r–81v: ‫ הנהגת הבית‬Oeconomica by Aristotle. Translated by Abraham ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Ternion. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 137×78mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, two to three pages at a time. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

5.

iii. ff. 85r–123r: ‫ לוחות הפועל‬Astronomical tables by Jacob Poʿel Bonit.

cod.hebr. 264

469

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 137×78mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, two to three pages at a time. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

Shared features iii·127ff. (32v–48v, 60r–61v, 75v, 82r–84v, 123v–126v blank.) 212 × 144 mm. Foliation: 1–66 (1) 67–126. Condition: Water damage at lower outer edge. Binding: Pasteboard binding, brown leather. (210×143 × 33 mm).

History Origin: The second codicological unit (ff. 76–81) was written for personal use by an anonymous scribe on 18 Adar (5)222 (17 February 1462) in Salamanca, see the colophon on f. 81r: “‫השלמתי אני לעצמי זה ספר האיקונומיקאש בכאן במדינת שאלאמנקה | בי״ח‬ ‫ימים לחדש אדר שנת בר״ך תם ונשלם שבח לאל ית׳‬.” The other parts of the manuscript appear to be written by the same hand. Provenance: Judah ben Eliezer’s entry of ownership is found on f. 94v: “‫שלי יהודה דסיר‬ ‫אלעזר‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote this index on f. iiiv: Expositio Caspi super Moreh. | Aristelis de somno et vigilia | Oeconomica Barasonis vertit | ex Arabica in Hebraicae R. David | filius Salomonis Hispalensis. | Tabulae astronimicae. He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 126–127. imhm F 1641.

Cod.hebr. 264 Bible commentaries. Provence. 1363.

1.

i. ff. 2r–51r: [‫ ]פירוש שיר השירים‬Commentary on the Song of Songs by Moses Ibn Tibon.

470 2. 3. 4. 5.

appendix d ff. 53r–74v: ‫ פירוש הגדה של פסח על דרך הקבלה‬Commentary on the Haggadah by Joseph Gikatilla. ff. 75r–83v: ‫ פירוש הגדה של פסח על דרך הקבלה‬Kabbalistic Commentary on the Pessaḥ Haggadah by Shem Tov Ibn Shem Tov. ff. 84r–96r: [‫ ]פירוש אסתר‬Commentary on the Book of Esther by Joseph ben Joseph Nahmias. ff. 96r–96v: [‫ ]מסכת דרך ארץ זוטא‬Halikhot Derekh Arets Zuta (chapters 1 and 2).

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Mostly senions. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 146×80 mm. Script: Sefardic-Provençal semi cursive script.

6.

ii. ff. 99r–189v: ‫ ספר הכוזרי‬Sefer ha-Kuzari by Judah ha-Levi.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Page layout: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 142×84 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

7. 8.

iii. ff. 265r–296v: ‫ משכיות כסף‬Maśekhiyyot Kesef by Joseph Caspi. ff. 296r–297r: ‫ טעם השלחן והמנורה ולחם הפנים‬On the meaning of the menorah and showbread table by Samuel Ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 144×86 mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

Shared features Material: Paper. i·297·i’ ff. (97r–v, 98v, 264v blank.) 196× 133mm. Foliation: 1–14 16–83 (1) 84–297. Condition: Trimmed, some pages are folded inward to protect marginal notes (ff. 1, 114, 190, 191).

cod.hebr. 264

471

Binding: Limp parchment binding (200×133×63mm). The upper front flap is torn off.

History Origin: Levi ben Abraham, see the colophon dated 10 Tammuz 5123 (30 June 1363) f. 262r: “| ‫השלמתיו אני הכותב לוי ב״ר אברהם נ״ע | בשנת מאה ועשרים ושלשה בחדש תמוז‬ ‫ מצוניו מטתוריו אמן אמן‬.‫ ”בחמשה עשר בו | ולהבין‬Another entry by Levi ben Abraham is dated 26 Marḥeshwan [51]24 (1 November 1363) is found on f. 295v: “‫תם באור המורה‬ ‫השלמתיו אני לעצמי ולזרעי | ולא לאחר זה זכר וזה שמי לאון דקבשט׳ המכונה | לוי בנו אברהם‬ ‫לינל בחדש מרחשון | בעשרים וששה בו שנת עשרים וארבעה | המקום יזכני להגות בו ולדעת‬ ‫סודותיו | ולהבין מצפוניו ולבא עד תבונתו ולחקור | יסודתו אמן אמן סלה‬.” The owner also wrote his entry of ownership several times on f. 297v: e.g. “‫שלי לאון אברם דקבשטאיין‬ ‫יצ״ו‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: On the binding, Widmanstetter wrote an index of the titles: Commentarii | Moses Aben Thabun in Cantica Canticorum | Joseph Cigatig[lia aucto]ris Horti | Nucum, [e]xp[licationes] […]rra|tionis Pa[s]chatis. | Et R. Semtob de eadem re. | Josephi Ben Nachmiis commenta|rii in Esther. | Quaedam lectiones ‫דרך ארץ‬. | Disputatio philosophi et Judaei | [reli]gion[is] sub titulo Regis | Cozari, authore R. Juda | Levita. interprete Juda Aben | Thabuno de Rimon | R. Joseph Aben Caspi in tres | [li]bros Moreh [Hanebuchim] | Eiusdem thesaurus domini in | eosdem libros. He added the title at the top of f. 192v: Commentarii R. Joseph Aben Caspi in | tres libros Moreh Hanebuchim | Eiusdem Thesaurus domini in eosdem libros. Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” Entry of ownership on f. 99r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Entry of ownership on f. 192v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 127–128. imhm F 1063.

472

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 265 Joseph Caspi. i. [Italy]. 1330–1350. 1. ff. 1v–37v: [‫ ]חצוצרות כסף‬Ḥatsutsrot Kesef by Joseph Caspi. 2. ff. 38r–74v: [‫ ]שלחן כסף‬Shulḥan Kesef by Joseph Caspi.

Codicology Material: Paper. 200×144mm. Foliation: Quire numbering in Hebrew letters. ‫ב–ה‬. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the verso, most cut, except for instance ff. 16v, 17, 19, 68, 71. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 151×95 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Provenance: Sale’s contract to Moses Altuil to on f. 1r: “‫למשה היה למנה | בכסף מקנה משה‬ ‫אלטויל‬.” Provenance: Sold by David Halio to Jehiel ibn Caspi f. 74v dated 27 Sivan 5223 (14 June 1463): “‫אנה דוד חלאיו תודור בנאת מאיסטרי שלמה דפירא לפטא נ״ע | מוקיר אן ביעת פי׳ משלי‬ ‫ואיוב לאבן כספי עלא יד אדלאל ר׳ משה | אלא כיחל לר׳ ויחיאל דופיל אבן כספי יצ״ו }…{ שולד‬ ‫ופרד | וכן בצ״ה חקו וכאן דלף כז׳ סיון שקכ״ג ליצירה‬.” The word after Caspi’s name appears to have been erased. Provenance: Entry of ownership of Bondia on f. 78v: “‫ממני בונדיא‬.” Entries in Spanish in Latin script on f. 78v. On the same page several notes on payment from Amon Cari to Joseph de Sinto Paulo for example: “Amon cari paiyre Iozep de Sinto Paulo | demi Bondi te fillo te saluta.” ii. 1450–1500. 3. ff. 79r–83v: ‫ גלילי כסף‬Galilei Kesef by Joseph Caspi. 4. ff. 84r–95r: ‫ כפות כסף‬Silver Spoons by Joseph Caspi. 5. ff. 95r–97v: [‫ ]קבוצת כסף‬Qevutsat Kesef by Joseph Caspi. 6. ff. 98r–104v: [‫ ]צואת הכסף‬Tsawaʾat ha-Kesef by Joseph Caspi. 7. ff. 105r–144v: ‫ מנורת הכסף‬Menorat ha-Kesef by Joseph Caspi. 8. ff. 145r–147v: ‫ גביע כסף‬Gaviʿa Kesef by Joseph Caspi.

cod.hebr. 269

473

Codicology Material: Paper. 200×144mm. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 146×104 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Provenance: Abraham ben Aaron’s entry of ownership in an Italian semi cursive hand f. 148r: “‫קנין כספי אברהם בכר | אהרן יצ״ו‬.”

Shared features ii·152ff. (ii, 75r–78r, 148v–152r blank.) 200×144mm. Foliation: 1–152. Condition: The pages were trimmed as many marginal notes were folded in. Eg. ff. 2, 3, 8, 10, 13, 60, 104, 130. Binding: Limp parchment binding (215×146×34mm). All four flaps are torn off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote this index on the binding: Joseph Caspi expositio in Proverbia Salominis | Johanni in Job. | Eiusdem involucra argenti. | Eiusdem Volae argenti. | Eiusdem liber disciplinae ad […]li. | Eiusdem lucerna argenti de opere | Mercavae. | Eiusdem collis argenti. One marginal note by Widmanstetter on f. 24r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 128–130. imhm F 1660.

Cod.hebr. 269 Philosophy. [Spain]. 15th century.

1. 2.

i. ff. 1r–34v: [‫ ]פירוש על באור אבן רשד על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes on the Book of Wonder by Aristotle by Judah Messer Leon. ff. 35r–45r: [‫ ]פירוש לבאור אמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes on Book of Wonder by Aristotle by Levi ben Gershom.

474

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. Page layout: 1–16, 17–34, 35–48: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 153 × 88 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

History Origin: The first text was completed in the month of Sivan: see colophon on f. 34v: “‫תם‬ ‫ונשלם שלי בתשעה ועשתם לחדש סיון‬.”

3.

ii. ff. 49r–58v: [‫ ]פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר המבוא של פורפריוס‬Commentary on Averroes’ Commentary on Porphyry by Levi ben Gershom.

Codicology Material: Paper. Page layout: 49–58: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 155 × 104 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script, it is the same hand as the following unit.

History Origin: Colophon by Isaac ben Abraham on f. 58v at the end: “‫חזק ונתחזק הסופר לא יזק‬ ‫יצחק ן אברהם‬.” Provenance: Pen tests in Italian semi cursive script on f. 58v.

4.

iii. ff. 59r–77v: [‫ ]פירוש לבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר המליצה של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes’ Middle Commentary on Poetry by Aristotle by Levi ben Gershom.

Codicology Material: Paper. Page layout: 59–68, 69–78: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 146 × 88 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive by the same scribe as the codicological unit above.

History Origin: Written by Isaac ben Abraham on 3 Iyyar, he also copied the preceding unit. His colophon is on f. 77v: “‫ר׳ לאון בשלשה ימים לחדש אייר על יד יצחק ן׳ אברהם‬.”

5.

iv. ff. 80r–116r: [‫ ]פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר ההיקש של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes’ interpretation of Aristotle’s Book of Syllogism.

cod.hebr. 269

475

Codicology Material: Paper. Page layout: 79–94: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 157× 92 mm. 95–112: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 151×87mm. 113–116: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 156×104mm. Script: Two hands, one for each unit 79–112v: Sefardic cursive script. 112v–116: Sefardic cursive script, another hand.

History Origin: A colophon, dated 18 Sivan, is struck through on f. 112v: “‫נשלם באנר מספר ההקש‬ ‫שלי | בשמונה עשר לחדש סיון‬.”

6.

v. ff. 117r–147v: [‫ ]פירוש על באור אבן רשד על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes’ on Book of Wonder by Aristotle by Levi ben Gershom.

Codicology Material: Paper. Page layout: 117–132, 133–147: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 157 × 89 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

7. 8.

vi. ff. 148r–155r: [‫ ]הערות לספר כונות הפילוסופים של אלגזאלי‬Notes on Al-Ghazzali’s Book on the Intentions of Philosophers. ff. 156r–190r: [‫ ]פירוש ספר כונות הפילוסופים של אלגזאלי‬Explanation of the Godhead.

Codicology Material: Paper. Page layout: ff. 148–159, 160–169, 170–181, 182–193: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 145×78mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Provenance: Entry of ownership by Samuel Tsarfati on f. 192v: “‫לה׳ הארץ ומלואה תבל ויושב‬ ‫בו זה הספר שלי שמואל צרפתי‬.” His name is also found on f. 191v. Provenance: Joseph Tsarfati, Samuel’s son wrote his name in various styles of Hebrew script (“‫ )”יוסף צרפתי‬and languages that tell us that he worked as a merchant: “Eo Josepo o compraco.” Provenance: Pen tests in various hands, one in Latin on f. 193v.

476

appendix d

Shared features Material: Paper. 194ff. (78v–79v, 116v, 190v–191r, 192r, 194 blank.) 204× 134mm. Foliation: 1–158 148–194. Second foliation in pencil. 158–194. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Condition: Trimmed, marginal notes affected on ff. 20v, 45r, 59v, 75r, 144v, 180r. Binding: Peißenberg binding (214×142×40mm).

History Provenance: Pen tests on f. ir. Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote on f. iv the title: “Logica Aristotelis.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote down an index of the titles in this manuscript on f. iv below the title of the anonymous: 1 De demonstratione dialectica libri ii | 2 Levi Ben Gersom in predicabilia seu | voces Prophyrii commentarii | 3 Magistri Leonis commentarii in librum | de interpretatione. | 4 Eiusdam commentarii in librum de syllogismo. | 5 Levi Ben Gersom commentarii in librum de | demonstratione, imperfecti. | 6 De extensione materiae et formae | Abuchamedis. Liber imperfectus. | 7 Commentarii de eadem re supra dicta | Abuchamedis. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 132. SfarData zg003. imhm F 1232.

Cod.hebr. 270 Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq · Hippocrates. Late 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–11v: ‫ ספר המבוא‬Introduction to Medicine by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī. Translated by Moses ibn Tibbon. 2. ff. 12r–69r: ‫ ספר המבוא‬Introduction to Medicine by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī. Translated by Moses ibn Tibbon. 3. ff. 72r–112r: ‫ אפוריסמי‬Aphorisms by Hippocrates. Translated by Moses ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·120ff. (12v, 70r–71v, 112v–118r, 119r–120v blank.) 203× 143 mm. Foliation: 1–120. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords on many versos. Condition: f. I almost torn off. Page layout: ff. 1r–69r: One column, 23 lines. Ruling by hard point on the verso, two pages at a time. Text space: 128×80mm. ff. 72r–112r Two columns, 23 lines. Ruling by hard point on the verso, two pages at a time. Text space: 128 × 80 mm.

cod.hebr. 271

477

Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (216×148×23mm).

History Provenance: An unknown earlier owner wrote on f. ir: “ss.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He also wrote an index of the titles on f. iv: 1 Isagoge Joannitii. | 2 Questiones et resposonses Hananiae filii Isaac | ad introductionem medicinae. | 3 Aphorismi Hipocratis. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 132–133. imhm F 1669.

Cod.hebr. 271 Lanfranco of Milan. [Provence]. Before 1484. 1. Cod.hebr. 271 a: ff. 1r–32v ‫ במלאכת היד‬Science of Surgery by Lanfranco of Milan. 2. Cod.hebr. 271 b: ff. 1r–160v: ‫ חכמה נשלמת במלאכת היד‬Science of Surgery by Lanfranco of Milan. 3. ff. 161r–179v: ‫ אלפרנקינא‬Chirurgia Parva by Lanfranco of Milan. 4. ff. 179v–182r: Notes on medicine and astronomy.

Codicology Material: Paper. 32+183ff. (183 blank.). Cod.hebr. 271: 201 × 134mm. Cod.hebr. 271a: 217×143mm. Foliation: Cod.hebr. 271 a: In pencil 1–32. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: bsb, Cod.hebr. 271 b is trimmed. bsb, Cod.hebr. 271 a is not trimmed. bsb, Cod.hebr. 271 a, ff. 1 and 16 are partly torn. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 137×84 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (214×136×42mm).

History Provenance: On f. 1r of Cod.hebr. 271a the following account on murders of two women and lootings that took place the same day on Friday, 11 Sivan 5244 (3 June 1484) and two days later on 13 Sivan at Tarascon: “‫היום אחד עשר בניסן שנת מר״ד קרה מקרה בלתי‬ ‫טהור | באהלינו שבאו אנשים ריקים ופוחזים לשלול שלל והרגו | שנים נשים דונה מורא]ד[א ובלנגה‬ ‫אשת י]צ[אך נשי נ״ע | ויג סיון שנת הניזכ׳ הקוצרים בזו ושללו ק״ק ארלדי | והרגו שנים נשים וזרקן‬ ‫ וט״ו בו גם כן הנזכר׳ בזו ק״ק טרשקון‬.‫בנהר והמירו סביב חמשים‬.”

478

appendix d

Provenance: On f. 1r of bsb, Cod.hebr. 271 a, entry of ownership by Solomon Asecne: “Accse libre es mi, Salamie Asecne” and below: “Aquest libre es alenstra.” Provenance: Entry of ownership by Solomon Botarel Guzmán on f. 182v (twice): “‫זה‬ ‫הספר ממני שלמה בוטרל‬.” On the same page other entries in Latin script to the same effect: “Aquest sepher de loi de […] | po es Salomon Botarel Guznen.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership is in bsb, Cod.hebr. 271 a on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” Widmanstetter’s note in bsb, Cod.hebr. 271 a at the top of f. 1v is heavily worn: Linp[ran]th n […] | r[e]gem […] Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 133. imhm F 1604.

Cod.hebr. 272 Ibn Tufayl. 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–191r: ‫ חי בן יקטן‬Hayy ibn Yaqzan by Muḥammad Ibn Tufayl.

Codicology Material: Paper. 193ff. (iv, 192r–v blank.) 203×144mm. Foliation: 1–192. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Catchwords: 37v, 39, 55–59, 61, 72, 74, 88. Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 125×91 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (216×152×38mm).

History Provenance: An earlier owner wrote this title on f. ir: “‫ספר חיואן בן יקטאן‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 133. imhm F 1629.

Cod.hebr. 273 i. Miscellany. [Italy]. [ca. 1460]. 1. ff. 1r–8bisv: ‫ פירוש הפיוט אלהינו אלהים‬Commentary on the Piyyut Eloheinu Elohim. 2. ff. 8bisv–25v: [‫ ]פירוש על פירוש התורה‬Commentary on Rashi’s Commentary on the Torah.

cod.hebr. 273 3. 4.

479

ff. 25v–27v: [‫ ]לקוטים ודרושים‬Notes and homilies. ff. 29r–115r: [‫ ]פירוש משנה תורה‬Commentary on Mishneh Torah by Judah ben Moses Romano.

Codicology Material: Paper. 213×143mm. Quiring: Mostly quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on most versos. Page layout: ff. 1–27, One column, 25 lines. Text space: 133× 67mm. ff. 29–117 One column, 22 lines. Text space: 130×83mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script. slip of paper between ff. 111 and 112. ii. Notes. [Italy]. [ca. 1450]. 5. ff. 118r–121v: [‫ ]לקט פתגמים והערות‬Anthology of proverbs and notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. 213×143mm. Quiring: Quaternion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: ff. 1–27, One column, 25 lines. Text space: 133 × 67 mm. ff. 29–117 One column, 22 lines. Text space: 130×83mm. One column, ca. 28 lines. Text space: 143×95mm. Script: Italian cursive script.

Shared features Material: i·126·i’ ff. (115v–117v, 122r–125r, 126r–v blank.) 213× 143 mm. Foliation: 1–8 (1) 9– 126. Binding: Limp parchment binding (215×146×32mm). All four flaps are torn off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote the following title a) on the binding: Expositio difficilium voca|bulorum in Mose, Isaki, | et Maimonis xiiii libris. and b) on f. 125v: Expositio difficilium vocabulorum | in Mose, Isachi et Maimone. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 133–134. imhm F 1687S.

480

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 279 Gates of Repentance. [Spain]. 1251–1351. 1. ff. 1v–108v: ‫ שערי תשובה‬Gates of Repentance by Jonah Gerondi. 2. ff. 108v–112r: ‫ פירוש ברייתא דרבי ישמעאל‬Commentary on the Baraita by Rabbi Ishmael by Solomon ben Isaac.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. i·112ff. (8, 98v blank.) 204–208× 123–130mm. Foliation: 1–7 (1) 9–112. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. The inner and outer bifolia are made from parchment. Exception: first quire only the inner bifolium parchment. i, 1–8 iv, 9–20 vi, 21–36 viii, 37–52 viii, 53–68 viii, 69–88 x, 89–112 xv–5 Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of each quire. Condition: The folios 1–3 and 102–112 were torn on the edges, the missing pieces have been supplemented during a restoration in July 1957 (see the label at the inside back of the binding). Page layout: One column, 19 lines. Layout varies somewhat. Text space: 156× 80–96 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Pasteboard binding (215×133×34mm).

History Origin: Copied by Samuel ben Menahem on 13 Shevat in an unspecified year, see his colophon on f. 111v: “| ‫נשלמו י״ג מדות לאל הודות | אני שמואל בר מנחם כתבתי זה הספר‬ | ‫וסיימתי אותו שלש עשר יום בשבט השם ית׳ | וזכני להגות בו תמיד ויחזקני אחרים רבים ולעסוק‬ ‫ ברוך הכותב וברוך הקורא | מפי הבורא אמן סלה‬.‫ אמן‬.‫בתורה ובמצות‬.” The same hand wrote on f. 108v “‫חזק ונתחזק כמראה | הבזק והסופר לא יזק‬.” Provenance: A very hard to read entry is on f. 112v: “| ‫העידו שנאור בר אלעזר כהן ובנימין‬ ‫הלוי שהיו מצוין בב״ת הכנסת של קהל | פיזרה ישא בארב עם עשר יום לירח | אדר ראשון אי קי‬ ‫שישוד | ר׳ שמואל בר משה קובו נ״ע קי דיאישין | חכם פוד נזמדי כי טובו יוגיוק אואיד | אם אברהם‬ ‫| בר שמואל בר חייא נ״ע | קי איש אשר לופי אי קי לביאור‬.” Provenance: Possible entry of ownership by Samuel ben Shuib on f. 111v: “‫שמואל בן‬ ‫שועיב‬.” Possibly a second time in the back of the binding: “‫זה ספר שלי שמואל אלת‬ ‫שיב‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” On the bottom of f. 1v he wrote the title: De penitentia R. Jona | xii modi. He wrote a similar title on the binding:

cod.hebr. 280

481

Jona de penitentia. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 137. SfarData zy676. imhm F 1630.

Cod.hebr. 280 Medical Anthology. Spain. 1480s.

1.

i. ff. 5r–37r: ‫ מקאלה אלרבו‬Treatise on Asthma.

Codicology Material: Paper. 194×146mm. Page layout: One column, no ruling, lines slanted towards the left. Script: Sefardic cursive script. ii. Alcala. 1487/1488. 2. ff. 5r–37r: [‫ ]מקאלה אלרבו‬Treatise on Asthma by Moses Maimonides. Translated by Joshua Shabbetai. 3. ff. 37v–38v: ‫ מאמר הנכבד‬Maʾamar ha-Nikhbad by Moses Maimonides. Translated by Zerekhia ben Isaac ben Sheʾaltiel. 4. ff. 39r–44v: ‫ הערות מן הרפואות‬Medical notes by Maseweih Ibn Yahya. 5. ff. 45r–46v: ‫ ספר אלמנצורי‬Sefer Almantsuri by Aḥmad ibn ʿAli Jaṣṣāṣ. Contains chapters 24 and 32 from the fourth book. Translated by Shem Tov ben Isaac. 6. ff. 47r–56v: ‫ מאמר במה שיקרה במלאכת הרפואה מן המקרים‬On the art of medicine by Aḥmad ibn ʿAli Jaṣṣāṣ. 7. ff. 56r–108r: ‫ ימים גבוליים והקדמת הידיעה‬Introduction of Understanding by Bernard de Gordon.

Codicology Material: Paper. 194×146mm. Quiring: Mostly senions. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 132×82 mm. Script: Copied in Sefardic semi cursive script by the same scribe as ff. 175r–241r.

482

appendix d

History Origin: According to the colophon on f. 108r, this manuscript was copied in 5248 (1487/1488) in Alcala: “‫ונכתב באלקלעה שנת רמ״ח לפ״ק‬.”

8.

iii. ff. 109r–136v: ‫ סמים לביים‬Samim le-vayyim by Avicenna.

Codicology Material: Paper. 194×146mm. Quiring: Mostly senions. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Text space: 145×83 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

9.

iv. ff. 137r–174v: [‫]מהעצה והטבעים והתנאים של הרפואות המשלשלות הפשוטות והמורכבות‬ by Maseweih Ibn Yahya.

Codicology Material: Paper. 194×146mm. Quiring: Senions. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 141×87 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. v. Alcala, Spain. 1487. 10. ff. 175r–241r: [‫]גרם המעלות‬al Gerem ha-Maʿalot by Jerónimo de Santa Fe. Translated by Josef Vidal ben Lavi.

Codicology Material: Paper. 194×146mm. Quiring: Mostly senions. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 148×102 mm. Script: Copied in Sefardic semi cursive script by the same scribe as ff. 5–108.

History Origin: According to the colophon on f. 241r, this manuscript was copied in Marḥeshwan of 5248 (October/November 1487): “‫נשלמו הצינונימאש בליל שישית | ש״ל עושה‬ ‫בראשית | ונשלמו בירח מרחשון | ס״ל אשר מרש ועד כאן ליון | ונשלמו בשנת עלינו רחם | ש״ל‬ ‫אשר אבילי ירושלם ינחם | בילא״ו‬.”

cod.hebr. 280

11.

483

vi. ff. 243r–256v: [‫]מאמר ההבדלים‬al Treatise on the Distinctions by Moses Ibn Waqar.

Codicology Material: Paper. 194×146mm. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quire. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 152×88 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

12. 13.

vii. ff. 257r–261v: ‫ אלפרנקינא‬Chirurgia Parva by Lanfranco of Milan. ff. 262r–266r: ‫ לאש אשפיסאש דיל ליטארגירו‬Liber Servitoris by Abū al-Zahrāwī.

Codicology Material: Paper. 194×146mm. Quiring: Senion. Page layout: One column, lines. No ruling, lines slanted to the left. Text space: 174× 120mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

Shared features Material: i·270ff. (ir, 3v, 242r–v, 267r–v blank.) Foliation: 1–53 (1) 54–93 (1) 94–102 (1) 103– 267. Binding: Limp parchment binding (194×143×54mm). Four flaps are still in place, cut in half.

History Provenance: Jehiel’s entry of ownership is found on f. 1r: “‫יחיאל‬.” Provenance: The entry of ownership of the brothers Moses ben Jehiel and Judah ben Jehiel on f. 1r: “‫שלנו ר׳ משה | ור׳ יהודה אחין‬.” Provenance: An anymous owner left Latin pen trials on f. 1r, below that is a large “H”— possibly an old shelf mark. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 5r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote the following titles on the binding: Moses Cordubensis de regimine sanitatis | Rasis de ingenio medicorum ignorum | Mesue de suscitationibus medicorum | Almansoris liber iiii. De morbis | contagiosis | De examinatione medici | Bernardus Gordonius de diebus criticis et | prognosticis | Avicenna de viribus cordis. | Mesue de simplicibus| Lorchi synonyma | Vacher de differentiis agritidinum | Leonis Franci capitula xi.

484

appendix d

He wrote another list of titles on f. 4v: Rabbi Moses Cordubensis de regimine sanitatis, Rasis | de ingenio medicorum ignorantum : Joannes Mesue de | quibusdam suscipationibus medicinalibus : Almanssoris liber | quartus de egritudinibus contagiosis cum opusculo de | examinatione medici : Bernardus de Gordonio de | diebus criticis et de pronostro : Avicenna de virubus | cordis, Mesue de simplicibus : Lorchi synonima | Vacher liber primus de differentiis egritidinum : Et | Leonis Franci capitula undecim: Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 137–139. SfarData 0Y801. imhm F 1122.

Cod.hebr. 282 Sefer ha-Mitswot. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–247r: ‫ ספר המצוות‬Sefer ha-Mitswot by Moses Maimonides.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 250ff. (231v, 248 blank.) 188 × 135 mm. Foliation: 1–47 (1) 48– 187 (1) 188–248. Quiring: The inner and outer bifolia are made from parchment. The last quire is paper only. Each quire begins on the hair side. Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of some quires on ff. 95v, 111v, 127v, 143v, 159v, 190v, 222v. Condition: Text on f. 1r was scratched off at one point. Somewhat eaten by worms. As noted by Steinschneider, the writing has faded a little. At some folios the writing was traced by a later hand (e.g. f. 158v). f. 247 is torn at the bottom. Page layout: One column, 17 lines. Text space: 118–122 × 85 mm. Script: Written in two hands. It seems that the last quire, containing the index of Bible verses (232r–247r), is a later addition to the manuscript. ff. 1–231: Sefardic semi cursive script. ff. 232–247: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding (199×135×62mm). The four flaps are still in place.

History Provenance: Two entries of the title in Latin hands f. 1r: a) “Via […] praecepta” and b): “De preceptis legis.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote the title a) on the binding: R. Mosis Maimonis com|pendium de praeceptis legis.

cod.hebr. 283

485

and b) on f. 1r: Mosis Maimonis compendium | de praeceptis legis pulcherrimus. There are two marginal notes by him on f. 19r a) pertains to the different languages of the Bible, the Talmud and the Mishna: “Lingua sancta Talmud Misna” and b) on the nature of the translation and whether this manuscript is written by the translator: “Videtur signifi|care linguam Arabicam. nam | R. Slomo Hispa|nus vertisse | se ex aliena lingua hunc lib|rum in ipso sta|tim principio fa|tetur: cuius | manu etiam scri|ptus videtur.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 140–141. imhm F 1220.

Cod.hebr. 283 Jonathan ben David. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century.

1. 2.

i. ff. 2v–79v: [‫ ]פירוש חולין‬On Alfasi’s Commentary of Ḥullin by Jonathan ha-Kohen of Lunel. ff. 80r–153r: [‫ ]פירוש ערובין‬Commentary on ʿEruvin by Jonathan ha-Kohen of Lunel.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 167×118–128 mm. Two columns on f. 65v. Script: ff. 1–153: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Some decorations. Mostly discrete letters in square script. Most noteworthy is a spinal marrow branching on f. 29r.

History Provenance: Titles in Italian semi cursive script on f. 1r: “‫פירוש מסכת חולין | ופירוש מסכת‬ ‫ערובין‬.” On f. 1v many names, Steinschneider already notes that they have faded. The index on the same page is partly written over it. The discernible names are: “[…] ‫יוסף‬ ‫יצחק ]…[ חיים ]…[ חיים ]…[ יעקב ן׳ ]…[ | שמואל ן׳ ]…[ | יום טוב אשילם‬.” Provenance: Written by Joseph bar Sheshet, see his colophon on f. 153v: “‫אני יוסף בר׳‬ ‫ששת בן באן בנשת בן באן | בנשתי ש״ל | כתבתי זאת‬.” To the left he signed his name in a decorative cursive script. Provenance: A possible entry of ownership that was deleted for the most part is found on f. 153v: “‫זה פירוש מן חולין ]…[ פי ]…[ חזן | חזק ונתחזק‬.”

486

3.

appendix d ii. ff. 154r–156r: ‫ פירוש קצר על ארבע רשויות לטלטול בשבת עם נוטריקון‬Commentary on carrying objects on Shabbat.

Codicology Material: Paper. Condition: The upper third of f. 156v was reinforced with paper. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 176×118–122 mm. Script: ff. 154–156: Sefardic semi cursive script.

History Provenance: Pen tests on f. 156v, mentioning the names Moses and Solomon.

Shared features Material: 159·i’ ff. (i’ blank.) 213×145mm. Foliation: 1–73 (1) 74–83 (1) 84–87 (1) 88–156. Quiring: The outer bifolia are parchment. Except last three quires. Quires begin on the flesh side. Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Condition: Trimmed. Wormed. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (222×153×39mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote the titles a) on the backside of the binding: Commentarii in tractatus | ‫חולין ]…[ עירובין‬. and b) on f. 2r: Commentarii in tractatus ‫חולין ועירובין‬. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 141. imhm F 1108.

Cod.hebr. 284 Middle Commentaries by Averroes. [Provence]. 1403. 1. ff. 3r–90v: ‫ באור אמצעי על ספר הנצוח של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Topics by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. 2. ff. 92r–127v: ‫ באור אמצעי על ספר ההטעאה של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Sophistici Elenchi by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos.

cod.hebr. 285

487

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 133ff. (1v, 91v, 128r–132r, i’r–i’v blank.) 209 × 141 mm. Foliation: 1–132. Quiring: The middle and outer bifolia are parchment, beginning on the hair side. Eightbifolia quires. Catchwords: Catchwords in middle of lower margins on the versos of the first half in each quire. Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 124×66 mm. Ruling by hard point, folio by folio, on the verso. Script: Sefardic cursive script by Judah ben Solomon, see his colophon below. Binding: Peißenberg binding (223×150×31mm).

History Origin: The scribe Judah ben Solomon wrote these texts for his private use. He left two colophons, the first one is dated 28 Shevat 5163 (20 January 1403), f. 90v: “‫אני יהודה‬ ‫ב״ר שלמה ב״ר יעקב ב״ר שמואל ב״ר מנחם ב״ר שלמה כתבתי | זה הספר לעצמי והשלמתיו‬ ‫היום יום כ״ח לירח שבט שנת קס״ג לפרט | האלף הששי ויהי בהיותו נשלם ונגמר ואשא משלי באו‬ ‫ | בספר המקומות נכנסתי כפרדס יפרו שמה צמחים | ועץ דעת בתוכם‬.‫במאמר | וזאת ליהודה ויאמר‬ ‫הוא באבו ופירותיו רטובים הם ולחים | ואל עולם יזכני בלמדו ובו עיני יהיו תמיד פקוחים | ולשא‬ ‫]…[ פליטת נחלתי לעולמי עד וגם נצ״ח נצחי״ם‬.” A second colophon, dated 15 Adar i 5163 (6 February 1403), is found on f. 127v: “‫אני יהודה ב״ר שלמה ב״ר יעקב ב״ר שמואל ב״ר מנחם‬ ‫ב״ר שלמה | כתבי זה הספר לעצמי והשלמתיו היום יום ט״ו לירח אדר שנת קס״ג | לפרט האלף‬ ‫הששי ליצירה והאל יזכני יאורו עיני לאורה | המבהיקה מזאת האסקפאלריאה המאירה ממתק‬ ‫שפתיו נופת יערת | דבש פרותיו כל חיק שטעמו אומר לי לי לכן הרימותי קולי | ואשא משלי‬.” Provenance: Abraham Astruc wrote his entry of ownership in Sefardic cursive script on f. 1r: “‫זה הספר ממני אברם אשטרוק‬.” Provenance: An anonymous wrote a title on f. 1r: “In logica liber elencorum.” Above this title, he wrote the letters “tt”—probably a shelf mark. On f. 2v: “Rabi Abrahami.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 3r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii. | cognomento Lucretii Svevii ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote the following title on f. 2v: Expositio in Topica Aristotelis. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 141. SfarData 0G018. imhm F 1631.

Cod.hebr. 285 Kabbalistic Anthology.

1537.

i. ff. 5r–8r: [‫ ]זהר‬Zohar: Parashat Wa-Yelekh Moshe.

488

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 212×140mm. Quiring: Ternions. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 152×102 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script by Francesco Parnas.

History Origin: According to a note by Widmanstetter, copied from a manuscript in the possession of Jacob Mantino by the scribe Francesco Parnas, f. 1r: “Ex codice Zoharis, quem | habet Jacobus Mantinus | Hebraeus Romae Anno 1537 | Franciscus Parnassus scribit.” For an image of this folio see figure 5.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

ii. ff. 10r–18v: ‫ ספר מליץ‬Sefer Melits by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 18v–20v: ‫ ספר איש אדם‬Sefer Ish Adam by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 21r–24r: ‫ ספר חיים‬Sefer Ḥayyim by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 24r–27v: ‫ ספר הישר‬Sefer ha-yashar by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 27v–31v: ‫ הפטרה‬Haftarah by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 31v–34v: ‫ חותם ההפטרה‬Ḥotem ha-Haftarah by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 35r–36r: ‫ ספר הברית‬Sefer ha-Brit by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 36r–38v: ‫ ספר עדות‬Sefer ʿEdut by Abraham Abulafia.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 212×136–139mm. Foliation: 1–53 (1) 54–142. Between ff. 9v and 44r the manuscript is foliated with Hebrew numerals. ‫צ׳ח׳–ר׳מ׳ג׳‬. In the continuation of the text on paper, the Hebrew foliation is recorded on the very first page f. 39 (‫)ש׳מ׳‬. Alongside this is the conversion to Arabic numerals from 547 to 616. Quiring: Quinions. Page layout: One column, 45 lines. Text space: 162×87mm. Pricking is preserved in the outer margins of the manuscript. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

History Provenance: An earlier owner has written the following remark on f. 9r: “‫שם הְמַפ ֵרס‬ ‫הספר רזיאל | אברהם בן שמואל אבו|לעפיה‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote a title on f. 9r: Liber Razielis.

cod.hebr. 285

1537. 1538. 1539. 1540. 1541. 1542. 1543.

489

iii. ff. 39r–43v: ‫ ספר עדות‬Sefer ʿEdut by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 46r–117v: ‫ אמרי שפר‬Imrei Shefer by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 118r–126r: ‫ ספר השם‬Sefer ha-Shem by Eleazar of Worms. ff. 126v–128v: ‫ מגלת סתרים‬Megillat Setarim by Samuel ben Saadia Motot. ff. 129r–133v: [‫ ]פירוש על פירוש הראב״ע לתורה‬Metacommentary on the Commentary on the Torah of Ibn Ezra, Exodus 33:21. ff. 133v–141v: ‫ וזאת ליהודה‬And this he said of Judah by Abraham Abulafia. ff. 141v–142r: ‫ איחד אל כדת האל נתונה‬by Asher ben David.

Codicology Material: Paper. Foliation: 1–53 (1) 54–142. The sectiont between ff. 9v–44r is foliated with Hebrew numerals. ‫צ׳ח׳–ר׳מ׳ג׳‬. In the continuation of the text on paper, the Hebrew foliation is recorded on the very first page f. 39 (‫)ש׳מ׳‬. Alongside this is the conversion to Arabic numerals from 547 to 616. Quiring: Quaternions. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 144–155 × 97 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

Shared features Material: 141ff. (8v, 9v blank.) Foliation: 1–53 (1) 54–142. Between ff. 9v and 44r is foliated with Hebrew numerals. ‫צ׳ח׳–ר׳מ׳ג׳‬. In the continuation of the text on paper, the Hebrew foliation is recorded on the very first page f. 39 (‫)ש׳מ׳‬. Alongside this is the conversion to Arabic numerals from 547 to 616. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (222–224×146–151mm). Two metal clasps that are still in place, worm eaten.

History Origin: Part ii. is the kernel of the manuscript, it was supplemented by Part iii giving additional texts by Abraham Abulafia. Part i. was probably bound with the rest because it was copied by the same scribe as Part ii at approximately the same time. Widmanstetter’s additions: His entry of ownership is found at the beginning of every part: ff. 4r, 10r, and 47r: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote a title on the backside of the binding: Zohar super ‫ | וילך משה‬Liber Razielis. | Liber ‫אמרי שפר‬ His marginal notes are on ff. 52r–54v, and 55v. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 141–147. Scholem, Notes and Addenda, 293. SfarData zg007. imhm F 23137.

490

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 286 Medicine. [Spain]. 14th century.

1.

i. ff. 2r–15v: ‫ פרקי ארנבט‬Medicationis Parabolae by Arnaldus de Villanova. Translated by Abraham ben Avigdor.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Nine-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on every verso. Condition: f. 2 is loose. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 141×93 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

2.

ii. ff. 19r–78v: [‫ ]סוד המלאכה‬Secretarius practicae medicinae by Joannes Jacobi.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 30–33 lines. Textspace visibly tapered towards bottom of the page. Text space: 172–184×105–114mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

1352.

iii. ff. 81v–158: [‫ ]מראשות הראש‬On the members of the body by ʿAbd al-Raḥmān Ibn Wāfid.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on every verso. Cut out on f. 116. Quire numbering on ff. 93r, 105r, 129r, and 141r. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 143×98 mm. Script: Main text is copied in Sefardic semi cursive script. The index (ff. 157v–158v) is written by another hand in Sefardic cursive script.

History Origin: A colophon by Judah ben Solomon dated 13 Shevat 5112 (28 January 1352) on f. 157r: “. | ‫ואני יהודה בן שלמה בן גז״ע יש״י העתקתיו ובחרתי | ממנו הסמים אשר הם ידועים‬

cod.hebr. 287

491

‫אצלנו וקלי | המציאה והשלמתי העתקתו ב׳ | בשבעה עשר יום לחדש | שבט שנת שתים | עשרה‬ | ‫ומאה | לפרט האלף הששי ליצירה ואלהים | התהלה וההודאה | על הכל יתגדל | אמן | אמן‬ ‫סלה‬.” Provenance: Many corrections in Sefardic cursive hands, both in the margins and the main text.

Shared features Material: 158·ii’ ff. (16–17, 79–80, i’r–ii’v blank.) 214×145 mm. Foliation: 1–158 (1). Quiring: Mostly senions. Condition: f. 2 is loose. Trimmed, which affects some marginal notes and the running head in the second unit. Binding: Peißenberg binding (227×155×42mm).

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote his title on f. 1r: “De Medicina.” Provenance: A certain Jacob de Lunel wrote his entry of ownership, after four words he gave up his efforts to write Hebrew and set out to write in Spanish twice before completing it, on f. 1r: “‫ ]…[ | זה ספר ממני מא‬mimeni maystre Jacop de Lunel | mege de medisina aquest libre e | men per so eseriy a mon nom de | suo qui lohom saya | qui bera aquest eseriy que lo libre | amon tresor car e bon aime mon | maystre maystre de Jacop de Lunel | yen mereco made abus e may bost | moleyr ma mestresa dona ben bianca | e may bona filhya e to may atos lela[…] | esaus petis e graus eseray ota | a la illa de beniyzi a perimez | Jorot de p[…]y iuin d d.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership is on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote no marginal notes, and he wrote the titles on f. 1v: 1 Aphorismi medici. | 2 Practica Joannis Gakni Montispessul. | 3 Vires simplicium medicinae per genera | morborum. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 147–148. imhm F 1247.

Cod.hebr. 287 Pirqei Moshe. [Spain]. 1316. 1. ff. 1r–140v: ‫ פרקי משה‬Pirqei Moshe by Moses Maimonides. Translated by Nathan Matai. 2. ff. 140v–143v: ‫ אגרת בשכחה‬Epistle on Oblivion by Aḥmad Ibn al-Jazzār.

492

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 144ff. (145r–v blank.) 217×148mm. Foliation: 1–32 34–145. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword, mostly cut, extant e.g. on ff. 2v–5v, 11v, 13v–18v, 23v, 24v 135v. Condition: The manuscript was trimmed when it was rebound in the ducal library, affecting many marginal notes including Widmanstetter’s on f. 123r. Page layout: One column, 25–26 lines. Text space: 148 × 82–88 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. The sections on ff. 143v–144v are from other hands. Binding: Peißenberg binding (226×155×38mm).

History Origin: Written by a certain Solomon for his father, 4 Tammuz 5076 (3 July 1316) f. 143v: “| ‫אני שלמה כתבתי זה הספר לאדני אבי והשלמתיו | בארבעה יום לירח תמוז שנת חמשת אלפים‬ ‫ השם ברחמיו | יזכהו להגות בו הוא וזרעו וזרע זרעו עד סוף | כל‬.‫ושבעים וששה לבריאת עולם‬ ‫ חזק בנל״ך | ואע״י‬.‫ בד״ח לב״א‬.‫הדורות אמן‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento. Lucretii Svevii | ‫ר״כ‬.” He also wrote a title at the top of f. 1r: Mosis Abdallae Cartabaei de | re medica libri xxv. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 148. SfarData 0G007. imhm F 1643.

Cod.hebr. 288 Medical Texts. i. Arnaldus de Villanova. [Spain]. Early 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–19v: ‫ הנהגת הבריאות‬Regimen Sanitatis by Arnaldus de Villanova. Translated by Israel ben Joseph ha-Levi. 2. ff. 20r–85bisr: ‫ סדר הרפואה על כאב הראש‬On Headaches by Arnaldus de Villanova.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Ten, seven, nine, eight, and five-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords on many versos. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 152×84 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

cod.hebr. 289

493

ii. Ibn al-Jazzār · Hippocrates. [Spain]. Late 14th century. 3. ff. 86r–93r: ‫ טרקטאץ‬Materia Medica. 4. ff. 93v–103r: ‫ ספר המעלות ארבעה לוחות‬Sefer ha-Maʿalot by Aḥmad Ibn al-Jazzār. 5. ff. 103v–108r: ‫ עניני רפואה‬Materia Medica by Hippocrates.

Codicology Material: Paper. 213×141mm. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 26–32 lines. Text space: 172–198× 90–122mm. No ruling, lines undulate. Script: Copied by four hands in Sefardic cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 86r–93r. Hand 2: ff. 93r. Hand 3: ff. 93v–101v, 102v–104v, 105v–108r. Hand 4: ff. 101v–102v, 104v–105r.

Shared features Material: 113ff. (85bisv, 85terv blank.) Foliation: 1–85 (2) 86 (2) 87–109. 109 in pencil. Condition: Trimmed (except f. 95), affecting Hebrew marginal notes. ff. 20–21 are loose. f. 63 is loosening. Illustrations: Manicula on f. 30r. Binding: Peißenberg binding (223×148×31mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 149–150. imhm F 1632.

Cod.hebr. 289 Anthology. [Spain]. [1450–1470]. i. Moses of Narbonne · Levi ben Gershom. [Spain]. [1450–1470]. 1. ff. 5r–20v: ‫ פירוש מלות ההגיון‬Commentary on the Words of Logic by Moses of Narbonne. 2. ff. 21r–34r: ‫ פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר המבוא של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes’ Middle Commentary on the Introduction by Aristotle by Levi ben Gershom.

494 3.

4.

appendix d ff. 34v–56v: ‫ פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר המאמרות של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes’ Middle Commentary on the Analects by Aristotle by Levi ben Gershom. ff. 57r–83v: ‫ פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר המליצה של אריסטו‬Commentary on Averroes’ Middle Commentary on Poetry by Aristotle by Levi ben Gershom.

Codicology Material: Paper. 208×148mm. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 154×82mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, page by page. Script: Sefardic cursive script. ii. Astronomy. [Spain]. [1450–1470]. 5. ff. 89r–104v: ‫ פירוש ספר האצטרולב‬Commentary on the astrolabe by Aḥmad Ibn alSaffar al-Qasim. 6. ff. 105r–111v: ‫ מעשה כלי ההבטה‬On the astrolabe by Ptolemy.

Codicology Material: Paper. 208×148mm. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 154×83 mm. Script: three hands. ff. 89r–104v: Sefardic semi cursive script ff. 105r–111v: Sefardic cursive script f. 113r: Sefardic semi cursive script iii. Moses Maimonides. [Spain]. [1450–1470]. 7. ff. 116r–130v: ‫ הנהגת הבריאות‬Treatise on hygiene titled Hanhagat ha-Beriʾut by Moses Maimonides.

Codicology Material: Paper. 208×148mm. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 156×84mm. Ruling by hard point on the verso, page by page. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

cod.hebr. 289

495

iv. Profiat Duran. 8. ff. 131r–136r: ‫ אגרת אל תהי כאבותיך‬Epistle titled Don’t be like your ancestors by Profiat Duran.

Codicology Material: Paper. 208×148mm. Quiring: Ternion. Catchwords: Horizontal catchword on f. 133v. Page layout: One column, 18 lines. Text space: 110×99 mm. Script: Copied by two hands in Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 131r–v, 133v–135r l. 11, 135v, 136r l. 10–13. Hand 2: ff. 132r–133r, 135r l. 11–18, 136r l. 1–10. v. Astrology · Logical notes. [Spain]. [1450–1470]. 9. ff. 139r–144r: ‫ מחכמת האצטגנינות‬On astrology. 10. ff. 144v–148r: [‫ ]לקוטים בלוגיקה‬Notes on logic.

Codicology Material: Paper. 208×148mm. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Decorated horizontal catchwords on most versos. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 158×89 mm. Script: Copied by two hands in Sefardic script. Hand 1: ff. 139r–140bisr, 144v–148r. Hand 2: ff. 140bisv–144r.

Shared features Material: i·159ff. (47r, 84r–88v, 112r–v, 114v–115v, 135v–137v, 138v, 148v–153v, 155r–157v blank.) Foliation: 1–3 (1) 4–140 (1) 141–157. Quiring: Mostly senions. Binding: Peißenberg binding (221×153×32mm).

History Provenance: Anonymous entry in Spanish on f. 1r: “Hin libro lochica.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 5r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote an index of the titles on f. 4v: 1 Expositio terminorum logicorum magistri Vidal. | 2 R. Levi Ben Gersom in praedicabus | 3 Idem in praedicamenta. | 4 In perihermenias M. Leonis. | 5 Expositio Astrolabii Abuchamedis Elzaphri | vertit ex Arabica in Hebraica Alcarsonius | Hispanus nomine Jacob filius Alcarsoni | anno mundi 5139. | 6 Liber regiminis sanit R. Mosis. | 7 R. Prophit disputatio de fide.

496

appendix d

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 150–152. imhm F 1607.

Cod.hebr. 290 Mathematical Anthology. i. Commentaries on the Elements by Euclid. [Spain]. 1400–1450. 1. ff. 2r–6r: ‫ פירוש ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬Commentary on the Elements by Euclid by Muḥammad al-Farabi. 2. ff. 6r–45r: ‫ פירוש ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬Commentary on the Elements by Euclid by Alhazen. 3. ff. 1r–1v, 45v–48v: ‫ ליקוטים במתמטיקה‬Mathematical notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. 213×144mm. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 159×88 mm. Script: Copied by two hands in Sefardic cursive script. The main hand: ff. 2r–45r The second hand: ff. 1r–v, 45v–48v, 62r–v. Illustrations: Diagrams on ff. 1r–v, 45v, 46v–47r. ii. Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. [Spain]. 1390–1410. 4. ff. 49r–62r: ‫ ספר מלכים‬Sefer Melakhim by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir 5. ff. 62r–62v: ‫ ליקוטים במתמטיקה‬Mathematical notes

Codicology Material: Paper. 213×144mm. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 162×97 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Additional notes from the same hand as ff. 1r–v; 45v–48v: 62r–v. Illustrations: Circle f. 54v.

Shared Features Material: 92·i’ ff. (‘i blank.) Foliation: 1–62. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Condition: Good condition. Binding: Peißenberg binding (222×148×21mm).

cod.hebr. 292

497

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii. | cognomento Lucretii Svevii. | ‫ר״כ‬.” He also wrote the titles on f. 2r: Abunezar Albumazar Alpharabius in Euclidem and on f. 49r: De numeris x speculatio pulchra. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 152. imhm F 1633.

Cod.hebr. 292 Avicenna: Kanon. [Spain]. Last third 14th century. 1. ff. 3r–91r: ‫ קאנון‬Kanon by Avicenna.

Codicology Material: Paper. 91·i’ ff. (2r, ‘i blank.) 209×140mm. Foliation: 1–91. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on some versos. Condition: The lower two thirds of f. 91 are trimmed. Page layout: One column, 22 lines. Ruling by hard point, on the verso two, folios at a time. Text space: 145×86mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (223×148×26mm).

History Provenance: Sales contract between Cumia, the widow of Samuel Bondoi Comprad and Maestro Selamias, dated 1 Tevet 5212 (23 November 1451) at Silon. Found on f. 91v: “‫בפנייו עדים חתומי׳ מטה מברה הנשאה קומייה אלמנת הנכבד שמואל בונדוי קומפראד‬ ‫נע׳ הדרה היום | פה שילון זה הספר וספר שני על שני לבס׳ וקובירטור מתבלת מחופה אדים‬ ‫מעברה אל לערך | שבעה פרחים וחצי אל הנשא חטשטב שלאמייאש נשיא הדר היום שם ששט‬ ‫ארון ובפניט | מסרה קומייה הנק׳ הספרים והקוירטור אל מא׳ שלאמייש הנזכר והודתה שופרעה‬ ‫מערבם | ולבעבור תהיה זאת לעדה העידויו היום על מנה שהיה בפנייו היום ראשון לירח טבת‬ ‫ ”שנת | המאתים ושתים עשרה לפרט האלף הששח‬Signed by the witnesses: Vidal Kohen and Joseph “‫דלשושטארץ‬.” Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a title on f. 2v: “Avicenna.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 3r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii. | cognomento Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote a title on f. 2v:

498

appendix d Antidotarium Avicennae

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 154. imhm F 1233.

Cod.hebr. 293 [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–193v: ‫ ספר הקדחות‬Medical work by Isaac ben Solomon Israeli.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. 198ff. (194r–195v, 197r–v blank.) 205 × 149 mm. Foliation: 1–13 1 14–196. f. 197 is foliated in pencil. Quiring: ff. 1–22 are parchment only. The outer four folios of ff. 23–38 are parchment. From f. 39 everything is made of paper. The paper quires are reinforced with a strip of parchment on the middle bifolium. Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Condition: The manuscript has been trimmed which affect the running title on the top of each page. Water damage in the lower third, from f. 116 also on the outer edge. Page layout: One column, 20 lines. Text space: 126×84 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Peißenberg binding (218×151×42mm).

History Provenance: An earlier owner wrote a title on f. 1r: “Rabi Isai Israelis de Febribus.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii” He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 154–155. imhm F 1123.

Cod.hebr. 295 Medical Anthology.

1. 2.

i. ff. 1v–9v: ‫ המסעדים‬Sefer ha-Misʿadim by Isaac ben Solomon Israeli. ff. 10r–14v: [‫ ]עניני לוח‬Table of festivals.

cod.hebr. 295

499

Codicology Material: Paper. 222×138mm. Page layout: One column, 41 lines. Text space: 158×103 mm. Script: Copied in Sefardic cursive script by more than one hand.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

ii. ff. 15r–25v: ‫ מאמר המשיחות‬Treatise on Anointing by Abū al-Zahrāwī. ff. 26r–30r: ‫ הנהגת הנער הנכפה‬On the care for an epileptic boy by Galen. ff. 30v–32v: ‫ יצירת העובר והנהגת ההרות והנולדים‬On the creation of the fetus, care for pregnant women and new borns by ʿArīb Ibn Saʿd. ff. 32v–35r: [‫ ]פרטיקא‬Breviarium Practicae Medicinae by Arnaldus de Villanova. f. 35v: [‫ ]עניני רפואה‬Materia Medica by al-Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī Ḥarrānī. ff. 36r–36v: Medical recipes and charms.

Codicology Material: Paper. 198×138mm. Page layout: One column, 31 lines. Text space: 146×87 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

iii. ff. 41r–42v: [‫ ]על המזונות‬On foodstuff. ff. 44r–46v: [‫ ]השבעות‬Incantations. ff. 47r–52r: [‫ ]ספר המעלות‬Treatise on the degrees of intellectual perfection by Aḥmad Ibn al-Jazzār. ff. 52r–54r: [‫ ]השלמת המזג והטבע‬Liber de Virtutibus Simplicium Medicinarum by Constantinus Africanus. ff. 54v–66v: [‫ ]ספר שער השמים‬Sefer Shaʿar ha-Shamayyim by Gershon ben Solomon of Arles. ff. 67r–70v: [‫ ]סגלות‬Amulets.

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×137mm. Page layout: One column, ca. 42 lines, no ruling discernible. Text space: 169 × 110 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script hand.

15. 16.

iv. ff. 71v–159v: [‫ ]צידת הדרכים‬Viaticum by Aḥmad Ibn al-Jazzār. ff. 160r–161v: [‫ ]רפואות‬Medical recipes and other notes.

500

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 201×137mm. Page layout: One column, 44 lines. Text space: 161×137 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive and Sefardic semi cursive script.

17.

v. ff. 162r–169v: [‫ ]רפואות‬Medical recipes and other notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. 200×137mm. Page layout: One column, 48 lines, no ruling Text space: 169 × 110 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

History Provenance: Crescas ben Meir Crescas’s entry of ownership is found in variations on ff. 169r and 169v: “‫אני קרשקש ב׳ר׳ מאיר קרשקש | זה הכתב‬.” Provenance: Astruc Crescas Abraham’s entry of ownership is found on f. 169r: “‫אשתרוק‬ ‫קרשקש אברהם‬.”

Shared features Material: Paper. 171ff. Foliation: 1–11 (1) 12–41 (1) 42–166 168–170. Quiring: Mostly seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: ff. 134v, 146, 152. Condition: f. 44 is loose. Binding: Peißenberg binding (210×149×45mm).

History Provenance: Shem Tov ben Abraham of Castro sold this manuscript to Elijah ben Isaac, the sale’s contract is found on f. 1r: “‫מודה אני שם טוב ב׳ר׳ אברהם די קסטרו כמו שמכרתי‬ ‫]…[ בי הספר ד׳ אלייה הרפא בר יצחק‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 158–159. imhm F 1120.

Cod.hebr. 296 Medicine. Tarascon-sur-Ariège. 1395.

cod.hebr. 296

1.

501

i. ff. 1v–178r: [‫ ]ספר אלמנצורי‬Sefer Almantsuri by Aḥmad ibn ʿAli Jaṣṣāṣ. The ninth book. Gerardus de Solo’s commentary is integrated into Jaṣṣāṣ’s work. Translated by Abraham ben Avigdor. On ff. 179r–180v there is an index of chapters and paragraphs.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Last two words of every verso used as catchwords. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 140×78 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

History Origin: Written by Hanania ben Hayyim for Joseph ben Joseph in the town of Tarasconsur-Ariège on 14 Adar (5)155 (3 February 1395). See the colophons on f. 178r: “‫אני חנניה‬ | ‫הסופר בר׳ חיים כתבתי זה הספר מכתב | ידי אל האדן אדני חותני ר׳ יוסף ב״ר יוסף פה טרשקון‬ ‫וסיימתיו בארבעה עשר לחדש אדר ראשון של | שנת קנ״ה‬.” Provenance: A certain Antoni Malino signed his name on f. 1r multiple times in Sefardic semi cursive script: “‫אנטוני מאלינו‬.”

2.

ii. ff. 182r–193r: [‫]מבוא הנערים‬al Pseudo Introductio Iuvenum by Gerardus de Solo. Translated by Abraham ben Avigdor.

Codicology Material: Paper. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Last two words of every verso used as catchwords. Condition: 193 is partly torn. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 148×87 mm. Script: Two hands in Sefardic cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 182r–192r; Hand 2: ff. 192v–193r. Shared Codicological Features Material: 194·i’r ff. (178v, 181–181bis blank.) 208×142mm. Foliation: 1–181 (1) 182–194. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Condition: Trimmed. This affects many running headers in the first unit. Binding: Peißenberg binding (217×145×44mm).

502

appendix d

History Provenance: Pen tests on f. 1r. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership is found on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi. | ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote Latin titles at the beginning of each text on the top of the page. a) f. 1v: Nonus Almansoris, Razis. and b) on f. 182r: Introductio iuvenum in medicinam | authore Girbat de sol Medico. He wrote marginal notes on f. 182r. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 159–160. SfarData 0G015. imhm F 1215.

Cod.hebr. 297 Miscellany. i. Pavia. 1438. 1. ff. 2r–5v: [‫ ]מבוא הנערים‬Pseudo Introductio Iuvenum by Gerardus de Solo. Translated by Abraham ben Avigdor. 2. ff. 5v–16r: [‫ ]מבוא במלאכה‬Commentary on the Introductio Practica by Bernardus Albertus. Translated by Abraham ben Avigdor. 3. ff. 16r–18r: [‫ ]ספר רפואות‬Sefer Refuʾot. 4. ff. 18r–20r: [‫ ]פרקי ארנבט‬Medicationis Parabolae by Arnaldus de Villanova. 5. ff. 20r–42v: ‫ סוד הסודות‬Secret of Secrets by Judah ben Solomon Natan. 6. ff. 43r–55v: ‫ שאלות טבעיות‬Problemata by Aristotle. Translated by Moses Ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. 205×148mm. Page layout: One column, 41 lines. Text space: 180×111 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

cod.hebr. 297

503

History Origin: Copied by Reuben ben Solomon. See his colophon on f. 42v: “‫העתקתיו אני ראובן‬ ‫ ”בר׳ אא׳ סלה שלמה יהי אלהיו עמו‬and in Pavia on 18 Adar 5199 (4 March 1439), see his colophon on f. 59v: “‫נשלם כל זה הספר פה פאויאה | ביום י״ח לירח אדר שנת קצ״ט‬.” ii. Arles. 1431. 7. ff. 63v–199r: [‫]מורה נבוכים‬al Guide of the Perplexed by Moses Maimonides. Parts i and ii. Translated by Samuel Ibn Tibbon. 8. ff. 199v–206v: ‫ ספר המעלות‬Sefer ha-Maʿalot by Aḥmad ibn ʿAli Jaṣṣāṣ. 9. ff. 207r–217v: [‫]מילת הגיון‬al Words of Logic by Moses Maimonides. 10. ff. 218r–220v: [‫ ]פרקים בהגיון‬Introductory sections on logic by Muḥammad alFarabi. 11. ff. 221r–230v: [‫]רוח חן‬al Ruaḥ Ḥen. 12. ff. 231r–240v: [‫]שמונה פרקים‬al Shemoneh Peraqim by Moses Maimonides.

Codicology Material: Paper. 205×148mm. Page layout: ff. 63–199: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 144 × 101 mm. ff. 199v–207v: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 174×117mm. ff. 207bisr–210r: One column, 26 lines. Text space: 145×90mm. ff. 210v–239: One column, lines. Text space: 144 × 112 mm. Script: Hand 1: ff. 199v–207v: Reuben Sefardic cursive script. Hand 2: ff. 207bisr–210r: another hand (see SfarData entry) Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 3: ff. 210v–239: Sefardic cursive script.

History Origin: Reuben ben Solomon finished this manuscript in Arles on Friday, 4 Tamuz 5191 (24 June 1431). See his colophon on f. 199r: “‫כתבתי אני ראובן בר׳ שלמה אלו שני‬ ‫החלקים מהספר הנכבד | מורה הנבוכים וסיימתים ביום ששי רביעי לחדש תמוז | שנת קצ״א‬ | ‫לפרט קטן פה ארלדי המקום ברחמיו | יזכני להגות בו אני וזרעי לעולם ולהבין בו כל נעלם‬ ‫אמן‬.” iii. Pavia. 1439. 13. ff. 243r–294r: [‫]מורה הנבוכים‬al Guide of the Perplexed by Moses Maimonides. Part iii. Translated by Samuel Ibn Tibbon.

Codicology Material: Paper. 205×148mm. Page layout: One column, 35 lines. Text space: 164×98 mm.

‫‪504‬‬

‫‪appendix d‬‬

‫‪Script: Hand 1: ff. 243–295: Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 2: ff. 296–297: Sefardic‬‬ ‫‪cursive script.‬‬

‫‪History‬‬ ‫‪Origin: Reuben ben Solomon finished this manuscript for his own use in Pavia on‬‬ ‫תמה מלאכת“ ‪Thursday, 6 Tishri 5199 (26 September 1438), see his colophon on f. 294r:‬‬ ‫הספר ונשלמה פה | פאויה‪ .‬ביום חמשי ששי | לירח תשרי שנת קצ״ט | לפרט האלף הששי | ליצירה‪| .‬‬ ‫אני ראובן בר׳ שלמה נב״ת כתבתי זה הספר | לעצמי השם ברחמיו יזכני להגות בו ולהבין | מסתריו‬ ‫”‪.‬ותעלומיו אני וזרעי וזרע זרעי | א״א סלה‬

‫‪Shared features‬‬ ‫‪Material: 300ff. (62v, 240r, 241r, 242v, blank.) Foliation: 1–260 (1) 261–299.‬‬ ‫‪Quiring: Ten-bifolia quires.‬‬ ‫‪Binding: Peißenberg binding (220×155×56mm).‬‬

‫‪History‬‬ ‫‪Provenance: The scribe and owner Reuben ben Solomon sold the manuscript to the‬‬ ‫‪physician Maestre Bonjudas Orgier in Marseille on 2 Iyyar 5214 (30 April 1454). Other‬‬ ‫‪books (Ibn Ezra on the Torah, Levi ben Gershom, and others) were also part of the‬‬ ‫מודה אני החתום למטה“ ‪transaction, the price were 6 florins. See the contract on f. 298v:‬‬ ‫הודאה ברורה שהרא וקיימא דלא למהדר מינה איך הוא דבר אמת | שלויתי מן הנשא הרופא‬ ‫מאישטרי בונגודש אורגייר ששה פרחים בעות מנוייס | ובתורת משכנון נתתי בידו שמנה חתיכות‬ ‫ספרים מנייר זאת לדעת ספר ר׳ אברהם | אבן עזרא מחמשה חומשי תורה בכרך פוייול‪ .‬עוד ספר‬ ‫ההקש והמופת וחלק שני | ממה שאחר הטבע בכרך חצי פוייול‪ .‬עוד ספר מבוא מאינרות מליצה‬ ‫עם ביאור | ספר ההקש לר׳ לוי בן גרשום ובו ספר גורלות לר׳ אברהם אבן עזרא‪ .‬עוד ספר רוח‬ ‫חן | ובו מלות מהגיון עם מאמר שלישי מספר פסק מהקוצי מקצות מצות ולך טות ממנו‪ .‬עוד |‬ ‫ספר כוזר בנייר עם ספר חובת הלבבות עם מאמר יקוו ובו ביגור אותות עליונות | לר׳ לוי בן גרשום‬ ‫עוד ספר ראשון מאבן סיני בכרך פוייול עם ביאור אבן רשד | לספר שמע טבעי ובו ביאור ספר‬ ‫הויה והפסד לקצור בן רשד ועל אלו השמנה | חתיכות הנזכרות שנתתי בתורת משכון קבלתי אני‬ ‫החתום למטא מן הנשא הרופא מאישטרו | בונגודש אורגייר הנזכר ששה פרחים במעות מנוייס‬ ‫כנזכר בתנאי שכל עת שאפרע | אליו בשלמות הששה פרחים שלויתי ממנו כנזכר הוא מחייב‬ ‫להחזיר ולהשיב לי כל | השמנה חתיכות ספרים הנזכרים בלי שום תוספת מעותי ובלי טענה כלל‬ ‫ולמען יהיה | ביד הנשא הרופא מאישטרו בונגודש אורגייר הנזכר או ביד הבאים מכחו לעדות‬ ‫לראיה | ולזכות לעת המצטרך כתבתי וחתמתי שמי פה ממה שלויתי פה עירה מרשלייה היום |‬ ‫שני לחדש אייר שנת חמשת אלפים ומתאים וארבע עשרה לבריאת עולם והכל שריר | וקים | רואבן‬ ‫”‪.‬ב״ר שלמה‬ ‫זה הספר“ ‪Provenance: Maestre Bonjudas Orgier’s entry of ownership is found on f. 299v:‬‬ ‫‪.” On this man and the name see Gross, Gallia Judaica, 28–29.‬ממני בן טודראש אורגייר‬ ‫”‪Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a title on f. 1v: “Rabi Moses | et de medicina.‬‬ ‫”‪The same hand wrote on f. 298v: “Ruben filius Salamon in philosophia.‬‬

cod.hebr. 299

505

Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Albertus Widemstadius | cognomento Lucretius Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” On f. 1v, Widmanstetter wrote an index of the titles: Compendium medicinae Gerardi | de Solah. Vertit Abraham Abi|gador anno mundi 5139 in | monte Pessulano. | Introductio in medicinam Bernardi | Albiti. Vertit Abraham Abigdor aet. | Liber de menstruis ciendis quem | Constantinus inscribitur [et liber alius] authore | Arnaldo de Villa Nova. | Liber Medie M. Bongodas Hispani. | Aristoteli quaestionum naturalium libri 4 | Libri duo Mosis Maimoni ‫ | מורה נבוכים‬Liber de gradibus simplicium medicinarum | Mosis Maimonis Logica. | [‫ ]ספר רוח חן‬Fragmenta expositionis Maimoni | super capitula patrum ‫ | פרק אבו׳‬Liber tertius More Nebuchim Maimonis | Carmina in laudem Moreh. | Praefatio Aben Thabun. | Formula obligationis pro mutuo. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 160–161. imhm F 1100.

Cod.hebr. 299 Miscellany. [Italy]. Last quarter of the 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–44v: ‫ חשב האפד‬Ḥashav ha-Efod by Profiat Duran. 2. ff. 45r–103v: ‫ חבור המשיחה והתשבורת‬Treatise on arithmetics by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda. 3. ff. 104r–107r: ‫ פירוש תקופת היד‬Perush Tequfat ha-Yad. 4. ff. 107v–119v: ‫ כלי הנחושת‬On the astrolabe by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 5. ff. 121r–164r: ‫ גורלות החול‬Treatise on lots called Goralot he-Ḥol by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 6. ff. 164v–166r: ‫ פירוש על הגורלות גורלות החול‬Commentary on Goralot he-Ḥol by David ben Immanuel.

Codicology Material: Paper. 165ff. (120v blank.) 205×140mm. Foliation: 1–145 147–166. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords rarely found, e.g. ff. 80v, 131v, 145v. Condition: ff. 51–72 are damaged by worms, f. 83 torn at the outside edge, f. 122 torn at the outside edge and middle of the page resulting in loss of text, 2 pages after f. 166 torn off. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. hard point on the verso, two folios at a time only the frame. Text space: 139×90mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

506

appendix d

Illustrations: numerous diagrams and tables found throughout the manuscript. Binding: Gothic binding, brown leather. (209×138×34 mm). Two raised bands.

History Provenance: A partial entry of ownership is found on f. 2r by Barukh whose father’s name is deleted: “{…} ‫שלי ברוך בכ״ר‬.” Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a title on f. 166v: “Arithmetica.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 161–164. imhm F 1107.

Cod.hebr. 304 Astronomy · Astrology. [Spain]. 14th to 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–10r: ‫ ספר העולם ומחברת המשרתים‬Sefer ha-ʿOlam by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 2. ff. 10r–13r: ‫ הורוסקופ‬Horoscopes by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 3. ff. 13r–30r: ‫ ספר השאלות‬Sefer ha-Sheʾelot by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 4. ff. 30r–54v: ‫ ספר הטעמים‬Sefer ha-Teʿamim by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 5. ff. 55r–116r: ‫ ראשית חכמה‬Reshit Ḥokhmah by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 6. ff. 116v–128r: ‫ ספר המבחרים‬Sefer ha-Mivḥarim by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 7. ff. 128r–136r: ‫ מעלות המיוחסות אל האישים העליונים‬Meteorological work by Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindi. Translated from the Arabic by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. 8. ff. 136v–145r: ‫ ספר העולם‬Sefer ha-ʿOlam by Abraham Ibn Ezra. 9. f. 145v: [‫ ]ליקוטים‬Notes. 10. ff. 146r–147v: ‫ בקדרות השמש והלבנה‬Book of Eclipses by Māshāʾallāh Ibn Aṯarī. 11. ff. 148r–149v: ‫ אגרת בקצור המאמר במולדות‬Astrological work on the new Moon by Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindi. Translated from the Arabic by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos. 12. ff. 150v–151r: [‫ ]עניני לוח‬Astronomical tables.

Codicology Material: Paper. ii·156ff. (150r, 152r blank.) 211×146–149 mm. Foliation: 1–3 (1) 4 (1) 5–152. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Last word on every verso used as catchword. Condition: ff. ii–9 are damaged in the upper left corner, mended. f. 151 torn at the top, mended. f. 152 torn at the edge, mended. Generally, some damage by worms. Trimmed, for the most part only at the bottom and top. No doubt to preserve the many Hebrew marginal notes.

cod.hebr. 304

507

Page layout: ff. 1r–5v: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 136× 84mm. ff. 6r–145r: One column, 26–27 lines. Text space: 144–153×88mm. f. 145v: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 127×117mm. ff. 146r–149v: One column, 43–44 lines. Text space: 176× 113– 116mm. ff. 150v–151r: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 120 × 126 mm. Script: It appears that the manuscript was first written in two Sefardic hands. The texts ff. 145v–151r appear to be later additions, mostly in Italian script. Hand 1: ff. 1r–5v: Sefardic cursive script. Hand 2: ff. 6r–145r: Sefardic cursive script. Hand 3: f. 145v: Sefardic cursive script. Hand 4: ff. 146r–149v: Italian semi cursive script. Hand 5: ff. 150v–151r: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (217×153×40mm).

History Provenance: In an Italian hand, a certain Menasse ben Merari lists books that he bought on f. iiir: “| ‫ס׳ השאלות | ס׳]…[| קניתי ס׳ ל]…[ העולם | וראשית חראה | וס׳ צורת הארץ‬ ‫מנשה בן מרר״י‬.” Provenance: A short list of books, mentioning Kabbalah, in Ashkenazic script on f. iiir: “‫ארב׳ טורי׳ סיר׳ אשי׳ חומש ס׳ מהרר״י | ספ׳ קבלה גדול קלף עוד ס׳ קבלה קלף | קוצר‬.” Provenance: This book was sold in Avignon, according to a contract in Sefardic script that lists the titles. On f. iiiv “| ‫ספר העולם וספר השאלות וספר הטעמים ראשית חכמה‬ | ‫ומבחרים אגרת אבי יוסף בעליות המטר וספר העולם | וקצת חשבון המהלכות ממני שלמון דלוניל‬ ‫קניתיו פה אויניון מ‬.” Provenance: Following in another hand, a list of books on f. iiiv: “‫ספר למשאלה בקדרות‬ || ‫ ראשית דברי ותחלת אמרי‬.‫הלבנה | אגרת אבי יוסף בן אסחק אלכנדי בקצור המאמר | במולדות‬ ‫ אגרת בתליות‬.‫ ספר המולדות‬.‫ ספר משפטי | המחלות‬.‫ ספר מראה פנים במשפט‬.‫ספר המבטים‬ ‫ ספר המשפטים לר׳ יהודה הכהן מטוליטולר |ספר הטעמים לא״ע‬.‫ובמטר הנקראת | המספקת‬ ‫ ספר הפרי הנק׳ | מאה‬.‫ ספר מאורות‬.‫שנית ספר השאוות שנית לא״ע | ספר השאלות למושאלה‬ ‫ ספר אמר תלמי יש לגופים העליונים | מעשה בגופים התחתונים של אדמה על ידי‬.‫דבור׳ לתלמי‬ ‫ שער המ׳ בכחות‬.‫ כתב מחכמי הודו ובפרט מגדולי | חכמיהם‬.‫מצוע שני | יסודות האש והאויר‬ ‫ ספר כלל השאלות לדברי תלמי לקוטות מספר | פרחי‬.‫הכוכבים מפעלם ומשפטיהם | על צד הכלל‬ ‫המשפטים‬.” Provenance: A partially preserved entry of ownership by Astruc of Avignon is found on f. 151v: “‫אשטרוג דאויניון | יצ״ו‬.” Provenance: Entry of ownership by Faltiel Guzmán on f. 152v in Spanish: “Aquest libre es de Phaltiel lo Gusman” and Hebrew: “‫ממני זה הספר פלטיאל הספרדי‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Johannis Alberti Widmanstadii.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 166. imhm F 1109.

508

appendix d

Cod.hebr. 305 Kabbalistic Anthology. [Italy]. 1425–1475. 1. ff. 1r–3r: ‫ פירוש בריתא דרבי ישמעאל‬Commentary on Baraita de-Rabbi Ishmael by Solomon ben Isaac. 2. ff. 3r–11v: ‫ פירוש בריתא דרבי ישמעאל‬Commentary on Baraita de-Rabbi Ishmael by Meir Abulafia. 3. ff. 13r–74v: ‫ קבץ בקבלה קדומה‬Kabbalistic Anthology by Joseph Gikatilla.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·76·i’ ff. (i, 12r–v, i’r blank.) 225×146 mm. Foliation: 1–43 (1) 44–58 (1) 59–74. Quiring: Quires 4 and 6 are reinforced in the middle with parchment slips written in Hebrew script. Mostly quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords on every verso. Condition: According to the slip on f. i’v, the manuscript was restored in 1957. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 169×101 mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script. Illustrations: table f. 15r, flower f. 56v, diagram f. 58r. Binding: Limp parchment binding. The leather was reused from a list (dated 1414–1416) partly hidden in the fold on the inside front. (227× 146 × 20 mm).

History Origin: It is unclear if the brothers Menahem of Toramo and Samuel of Toramo owned the manuscript, or their notes were simply reused to serve as a binding. See the list on the inside front binding. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote an index of the titles on the binding: Expositio xiiii modorum R. Salomonis | Expositio orundem R. Meir Levi | Misterium trium convestionum | Sabbati et alia quaedam my|steria cabalistica | Expositio ‫וארא אל אבר׳‬. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 166–167. imhm F 1218.

Cod.hebr. 307 Philosophical Anthology. 1. ff. 1r–10v: ‫ באור אמצעי על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on the Posterior Analytics by Averroes. Translated by Jacob Anatoli.

cod.hebr. 307 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

509

ff. 11r–35r: ‫ תשובה אל יוסף אבן כספי‬Responsum to Joseph ibn Caspi by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir. ff. 35v–37r: [‫ ]כרוניקה על הרעש בגירונה בשנת קפ״ז‬Chronicle of the earthquake in Girona in 1427. ff. 41r–47v: ‫ ספר השם‬Sefer ha-Shem by Abraham Ibn Ezra. ff. 47v–49v: ‫ הרוח והנפש‬Ha-Ruaḥ we-ha-Nefesh by Isaac ben Solomon Israeli. ff. 50r–58v: ‫ מלות ההגיון‬Words of Logic by Moses Maimonides. Translated by Samuel ibn Tibbon. ff. 60r–84v, 88v–89r: ‫ באור הארוך על ספר השמע הטבעי של אריסטו‬Commentary on Aristotle’s Physics by Averroes. ff. 91r–112r: ‫ הגיון‬Summulae Logicales by Petrus Hispanus. ff. 115r–117r: ‫ אגרת פתיחה למלאכת ההגיון‬Introduction to Logics by Muḥammad alFarabi. ff. 117v–142r: ‫ קצור מכל מלאכת ההגיון‬Summary of Logics by Muḥammad al-Farabi. ff. 144r–149v: ‫ פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר המבוא של אריסטו‬On Averroes’ Middle Commentary on Aristotle’s Introduction.

Codicology Material: Paper. iii·157ff. (iiir, 3v, 37v–40v, 76bisr, 89v–90r, 112v–113v, 142v–143r, 150r–155r blank.) Foliation: 1–36 (1) 37–76 (1) 77–118 120–155. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso, except f. 3v. Page layout: One column, 30 lines. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Limp parchment binding made from a parchment written in Latin script. The text appears to be from the Codex Theodisianus, ix, 1. (222× 161 × 32 mm). Water damage.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote an index of the title on f. iiiv. Fragmentum expositionis in | librum de syllogismo […] | Responsio ad quasdam interrogationes Caspi. | Epistola data Girona de terremotu | anni 5187. A creatione mundi | Abraham ben Meir de nominibus | et corum compositione ex libris. | Compendium logices Maimonis | imperfectus | Fragmentum de philosophia hoc est sermo secundus | Sermo tertius eiusdem argumenti. | Logica Pauli Veneti. | Alpharabuis de logica et cathegoriis | Expositio quinque vocum. In addition, Widmanstetter wrote on f. 91r the title:

510

appendix d Logica Pauli Veneti.

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 167–168. imhm F 1657.

Cod.hebr. 310 Averroes. [Spain]. Second half of 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–85bisv: ‫ ספר השמע הטבעי‬Middle Commentary on the Physics by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos.

Codicology Material: Parchment/Paper. ii·88·i’ ff. (i, iiv, ‘i blank.) 217 × 148 mm. Foliation: 1–85 (1) 86–87. Quiring: The outer and inner bifolia are parchment, beginning on the hair side. Sevenbifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos. Condition: ff. 86 is torn in lower half, f. 87v is torn in the upper half. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 153×89 mm. Ruling by hard point. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (228×158×19mm).

History Provenance: A great number of pen tests is found on ff. 86r–87v. For the history of the manuscript the following inscriptions are pertinent, 15 Tevet 5245 (1 January 1485): “‫ ”ויהי כי באתי אל המלון בסימן טוב ובשעת ברכה ביום ט״ו לחדש טבת שנת רמ״ה קרני‬and contract dated to 4 Adar ii mentioning a R. Isaac Primiro and R. Judah “‫מרחשון ]…[ ר׳‬ ‫יצחק פרימירו ד׳ אדר שני די לה ר׳ יהודה דילה קמא‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership. However, one marginal note from his hand is found on f. 85bisv. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 169. imhm F 1279.

Cod.hebr. 311 Kabbalistic Anthology. 15th century.

1. 2.

i. ff. 1r–33v: ‫ פרוש היריעה הגדולה‬Perush he-Yeriyʿah ha-gedolah by Reuben Tsarfati. ff. 34r–42r: ‫ אגרת פורים‬Iggeret Purim.

cod.hebr. 311

511

Codicology Material: Paper. 33ff. 215×158mm. Page layout: One column, 35 lines. Text space: 148×108 mm. Layout highly variable. Script: multiple Ashkenazic semi cursive hands.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

ii. ff. 43r–54v: ‫ ספר רזיאל‬Sefer Raziel. ff. 55v–72v: ‫ ספר הבהיר‬Sefer ha-Bahir. ff. 73r–87r: ‫ הסכמת הפילוסופים והאצטגנינים והמקובלים‬The Reconciliation of Philosophers, Astrologers and Kabbalists by Joseph Ibn Waqar. ff. 87r–90v: ‫ שער השואל‬Shaʿar ha-Shoʾel by Azriel of Gerona. ff. 91r–102v: [‫ ]המפתח‬Ha-Mafteaḥ. ff. 102v–103r: ‫ אלהים בישראל גדול יחודך‬Elohim be-Iśraʾel gadol Yiḥudekha by Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid. ff. 103r–105v: ‫ שלשה עשר העיקרים‬Thirteen Principles of Jewish Faith by Moses Maimonides. ff. 106r–108r: [‫ ]מאמרים על דרך הקבלה‬Short treatises on Kabbalah. f. 108r: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. ff. 108r–114r: [‫ ]פירוש עשר ספירות‬Commentary on the Ten Sefirot. ff. 114r–116r: [‫ ]מאמרים על הקבלה‬Short treatises on Kabbalah. ff. 116r–117v: ‫ פירוש הקדיש‬Commentary on the qaddish.

Codicology Material: Paper. 76ff. (55r, 117bis blank.) 219×156mm. Foliation: Older foliations in ink: 25–27 (1) 28–31, 1–8, 1–32, 9–24, and 33–43. Modern foliation in pencil. 43–117bis. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: On most versos. Condition: ff. 43r and 50v are quite worn, possibly because the manuscript had not been bound. the last quire (ff. 41–44) is bound lopsided. Page layout: One column, 28–30 lines. Text space: 142 × 97 mm. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script.

History Origin: Apparently copied from bsb, Cod.hebr. 240.

15.

iii. ff. 118r–133v: [‫ ]המפואר‬Ha-Mefuʾar by Solomon Molkho.

Codicology Material: Paper. 18 ff. (122v blank.) 224×155mm. Foliation: 46–59. Pencil: 118–134bis. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: On most versos.

512

appendix d

Page layout: One column, ca. 18–21 lines. Variable dimensions: Text space: 125–143 × 110 mm. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 134v: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also added one marginal note on f. 118r explaining the texts context: “R. Salomonis Molchi, qui se Messiam Judaeorum esse praedicavit, atque Mantuae propter seditionis Hebraicae metum, Carolo v Rom. Imp. providente, concrematus fuit anno ni fallor 1532 liber de secreta Hebraeorum Theologia. Huius vexillum vidi Ratisbonae anno 1541 cum litteris ‫מכבי‬.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 169–170. imhm F 23138.

Shared features Binding: Card board binding (229×161×22mm). Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 169–170. imhm F 23138.

Cod.hebr. 315 Philosophical Anthology.

1.

i. ff. 1r–12v: ‫ עדות ה׳ נאמנה‬ʿEdut ha-Shem neʾemanah by Solomon ben Moses ben Jekutiel de Rossi.

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×163mm. Quiring: All folia are supported by paper slips in the middle. Senion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 138×90 mm. Ruling in pencil, only the frame. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

History Origin: Apparently copied by a scribe called Eliyahu, since this name is marked on f. 2v.

2. 3.

ii. ff. 13r–19v: ‫ אגרת תימן‬Epistle to Yemen by Moses Maimonides. Translated by Abraham ben Samuel ha-Levi. ff. 20r–24v: ‫ אגרות ותשובות‬Iggerot we-Teshuvot by Moses Maimonides.

cod.hebr. 315

513

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×163mm. Quiring: Senion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 39–46 lines. Text space: 161 × 119 mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

4. 5. 6.

iii. ff. 25r–32v: ‫ פתרון מלות זרות מבחינת עולם‬Interpretation of foreign words found in Beḥinat ha-ʿOlam. ff. 34r–36r: [‫ ]אגרת אל תהי כאבותיך‬Epistle titled Don’t be like your ancestors by Profiat Duran. ff. 36r–38v: [‫ ]הערות לשוניות על פעלים ושמות שונים במקרא‬Linguistic notes on the Bible.

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×163mm. Quiring: Senion. All folios reinforced with paper slips. Catchwords: Last word on verso is the catchword. Page layout: One column, 38 lines. Text space: 143×99 mm. Ruling in hard point, only the frame. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

7. 8. 9. 10.

iv. ff. 39r–65v: ‫ אבן בחן‬Even Boḥan by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir. ff. 65v–66r: ‫ חבור על שבעים ושנים שמות ה׳‬On the Seventy-Two Names of God. ff. 67r–68r: ‫ מוסרי הפילוסופים‬Musarei ha-Filosofim by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī. Contains only the introduction. Translated by Judah ben Solomon al–Ḥarizi. ff. 69r–69v: ‫ אילן השכל‬Ilan ha-Śekhel.

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×163mm. Foliation: Older foliation in the Latin direction ff. 41v–53v: 31–38. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords on every verso. Page layout: One column, 42 lines. Text space: 161×101 mm. Ruling in pencil, only the frame. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

11.

v. ff. 70r–70v: ‫ אגרות ותשובות‬Letter to Jonathan ben David by Moses Maimonides.

514

appendix d

12. 13.

ff. 70v–71v: ‫ תשובה להרמב״ם ז״ל על ענין חדוש העולם‬Reply to Maimonides. ff. 72r–72v: [‫ ]אגרת לר׳ דוד קמחי על דבר המחלוקת על מורה נבוכים‬Epistle on the controversy surrounding the Guide of the Perplexed by Judah Alfakkhar. ff. 73r–74r: ‫ אלפא ביתא דבן סירא‬Alphabet of Ben Sira.

14.

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×163mm. Quiring: Ternion. Catchwords: The last word on the verso is the catchword. Page layout: One column, 48 lines. Text space: 171×114 mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

15.

vi. ff. 76r–78r: [‫ ]אגרת בענינים פילוסופיים‬Epistle on philosophy by Meir Kalonymos Crescas.

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×163mm. Quiring: Ternion. Page layout: One column, 39 lines. Text space: 182×127mm. Ruling by plummet, only the frame. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

16.

vii. ff. 83v–84v: [‫ ]אגרת‬Epistle on philosophy and astronomy by Moses ben Isaac Rieti.

Codicology Material: Paper. 203×163mm. Foliation: Older foliation f. 83v: “23” and f. 84v: “2.” Onebifolia quires. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 36 lines. Text space: 170×107 mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script.

Shared features Material: Paper. 85ff. (iir–v, 74r–75v, 78v–83r, 85r–86v blank.) Foliation: 1–78 80–86. Binding: Half binding made of leather and wood. Decorated with two lines of a knot pattern that was applied using blind stamped panel roll. (215 × 147 × 31 mm). Upper front edge is broken off. The upper leather strap and lower metal clasp remain.

History Provenance: According to Widmanstetter’s note on f. iiiv, the manuscript belonged to Abraham Scazzocchio in Rome. The wood on the front of the binding displays dark

cod.hebr. 321

515

ink blots that appear to be remnants of original Hebrew titles, maybe from Scazzocchio’s hand. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote an index on f. iiiv that reveals that he bought the manuscript on 18 February 1544 from Abraham ben Aaron Scazzochio: De adventu Messiae. | Epistola Theman, R. Maimonis, in | qua deleta sunt ea quae pro Christianis | facere visa sunt à perfidis Judaeis, | librum emi ab Abrahamo Scacciotio | Hebraico Romae xviii Februario 1544 | Alia quaedam de Messiae. | Epistola Maimonis ad sapientes | Montispessulani. | Expositio obscurarum dictionum in libro ‫בחינת עולם‬. | M. Prophetae Durantis ad Davidem | Bonetum disciplum vola. | Defectus temporis | De nominibus divinis | Epistola Maimonis ad Jonathan | et Jonathae responsio de mundi | creatione. | De libro More Nebuchim cremato à Judaeis | Alphabetum ben Sirae, cum scholiis. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 172–174. imhm F 1683.

Cod.hebr. 321 Sefer ha-Tseruf. [Spain]. 14th century. 1. ff. 1r–71r: ‫ צרוף‬At-Tasrif by Abū al-Zahrāwī. Translated by Joseph ben Abraham Karo.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·76·i’ ff. (ir, iiv, 72v–74r, 75r, 76r, i’r–v blank.) 221× 142 mm. Foliation: 1–40 48 42–76. Quiring: Mostly seven-bifolia quires. Catchwords: On most versos. Condition: The lower half of folios 1–3 is torn off. Folio 76 is reinforced with modern paper on the recto side. Page layout: One column, 24 lines. Text space: 148×92 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Binding: Card board binding (234×158×21mm).

History Origin: Notes and contracts by previous owners on ff. 71v–72r, 74v, 75v, and 76v, some in Spanish. Provenance: Antonio Flaminio’s entry of ownership is found on f. 71r: “‫שלי פֿלמיניוס‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership was probably found on f. 1r, however, the lower half of this page is torn out. He wrote no marginal notes.

516

appendix d

His ownership can be conjectured from the ownership of Antonio Flaminio from whose library he also acquired bsb, Codd.hebr. 94, 99, and 202. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 175–176. imhm F 1254.

Cod.hebr. 322 Masoret ha-Masoret. Rome. 1537. 1. ff. 1r–33r: [‫ ]מסורת המסורת‬Masoret ha-Masoret by Elijah Levita.

Codicology Material: Paper. i–ii·34ff. (ff. 27v–28v, 33v–34v blank.) 218–222× 145–150 mm. Foliation: 1–34. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Pricking on the recto side, for frame or verticals only, applied quire by quire (folded). Condition: Some water damage, the edges are uneven. The quires are only loosely attached to the binding. Page layout: Text space: 145–155×87–90×Ruling by hard point: folio by folio: on recto. Script: Italian semi cursive, partial infra-linear vocalization. Binding: Card board binding. (234×152×14mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii descrip|tus Romae 1537.” He wrote the title on f. 1r: Eliae Levitae Liber explicans | Masoreth. He left no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 176. imhm F 1684.

Cod.hebr. 325 Kabbalistic Anthology. Jerusalem. 1383. 1. ff. 1r–146r: [‫ ]מאירת עינים‬Meʾirat ʿEnayim by Isaac ben Samuel of Acre. 2. ff. 146r–146v: [‫ ]סוד היחוד‬Sod ha-Yiḥud by Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid 3. ff. 147r–156r: [‫ ]פירוש ברכת המזון‬Commentary on the prayer before dinner. 4. ff. 156v–159v: [‫ ]ליקוטים בקבלה‬Kabbalistic notes.

cod.hebr. 327

517

Codicology Material: Oriental Paper. ii·159·i’ ff. (iv, 94v–95r, 96r–v, i’r–v, blank.) 247 × 168 mm. Foliation: 1–159. Quiring: Mostly senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on almost every verso, sometimes decorated. Condition: The folios are quite worn on the edges some are affected by mildew. Page layout: The page layout is fixed yet oscillates somewhat throughout the manuscript: f. 12r: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 181 × 123mm. f. 64r: One column, 34 lines. Text space: 199×123mm. f. 150r: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 175× 120 mm. The scribe of the last text used his own layout: e.g. f. 157r: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 187×137mm. Script: Copied by at least five hands, mostly in Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 1 (ff. 1r–14v; 97r–156r): Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 2 (ff. 15r–29r; 31v–47v): Byzantine semi cursive script—ff. 48r–62v: Byzantine cursive script. Hand 3 (ff. 29v–31r; 63r–88v): Sefardic cursive script. Hand 4 (ff. 89r–94r and possibly f. 84v): Sefardic semi cursive script. Hand 5 (ff. 156v–159v): Sefardic semi cursive with many cursive shapes. Illustrations: f. 16r: circular diagram depicting the ten sefirot. f. 95v: Index of the 60 tractates in the Talmud. other diagrams on ff. 87r and 87v. Binding: Card board binding. (259×171×32mm).

History Origin: Copied in 1383 in Jerusalem for Abraham ben Judah. See the colophon on f. 95v: “‫זה המאירת עינים כשמו כן הוא של הקטן ר׳ אברהם ב״ר יהודה ס״ט אלמקרוץ شلمو | נכתב ונשלם‬ ‫בירושלים ת״ו בב׳ בפרשת הנני נותן לו את בריתי שלום | בשנת כי עת ל׳ח׳נ׳נ׳ה כי בא מועד ושלום‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii | cognomento Lucretii Svevi | Jurisconsulis.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 177. SfarData 0Y754. imhm F 1171.

Cod.hebr. 327 Miscellany. [Italy]. 1382.

1. 2. 3. 4.

i. ff. 5r–36v: ‫ קצור חובות הלבבות‬Duties of the Heart by Asher ben Shelemyah of Lunel. ff. 37r–58v: ‫ ספר מבחר הפנינים‬Sefer Mivhar ha-Peninim by Solomon Ibn Gabirol. ff. 59r–78r: ‫ תקון מדות הנפש‬Tiqqun Middot he-Nefesh by Solomon Ibn Gabirol. ff. 78v–79v: ‫ לוחות עברונות לשנת ק״ף‬Astronomical tables beginning in the year 1420.

518

appendix d

Codicology Material: Paper. 87ff. (79v–85v blank.) 216–220×144–147 mm. Foliation: (1) 1–3 5–62 (1) 63–85. Quire numbering on the last verso (except for the last one). ‫א–ב ה–ז‬. Quiring: Flyleaves made of parchment. Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: Heavy water damage. The upper quarter of the fold is missing altogether, the quires are loose and many folia are detached from their quires (e.g. ff. 17, 30–34, 37, 38,). The upper quarter of f. 62bis has been torn off. Page layout: One column, 28–31 lines. Text space: 151–153 × 98 mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script. ff. 78v–79v are copied by another hand than the main scribe. Illustrations: f. 1r: possible depiction of the Sacrifice of Isaac, f. 62bisr: table. Binding: Card board slipcase (227×151×28mm). Three pages with catalogue entries by nineteenth century librarians after f. 1.

History Origin: The manuscript was copied by Abraham ben Solomon. See the colophon on f. 78r: “‫על ידי אברהם מעאמי״ל הסופר | בכ״ר שלמה הרופא ישר״ו | ב״ר זקן מב״ע‬.” Due to the same layout and same paper, it is likely that this part of the manuscript was copied approximately concurrently to part ii.

5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

ii. ff. 2r–10v: ‫ דרשה לראש השנה‬Homily for the new year by Moses Nachmanides. ff. 11r–41r: ‫ תורת האדם‬Torat ha-Adam by Moses Nachmanides. ff. 41r–55r: [‫ ]דרשה‬Homily by Moses Nachmanides. ff. 55v–71v: ‫ שמונה פרקים‬Shemoneh Peraqim by Moses Maimonides. ff. 72r–73v: [‫ ]פירוש איוב‬Commentary on Job.

Codicology Material: Paper. 77ff. (74r–78v blank.) 216–220×144–147 mm. Foliation: Older foliation: From f. 10–49: 1–39, ff. 50–65: 1–16. 2–78 in new pencil foliation. Quire numbering on the last verso (first lost). ‫ב–ה‬. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quires. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso, except f. 10v. Condition: Heavy water damage. The quarter of the fold is missing altogether, the quires are loose, and many folia are detached from their quires (ff. 2–8, 11–17, 66– 71). ff. 72–78 are sewn together. Page layout: One column, 28–33 lines. Text space: 151–156 × 98–100 mm. Script: Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Card board slipcase (232×158×21mm).

cod.hebr. 328

519

History Origin: The manuscript was copied by Abraham ben Solomon on 4 Sivan 5142 (15 May 1382). See the colophon on f. 40v: “‫זה השער נקרא שער הגמול והוא שער האחרון מספר‬ ‫תורת האדם | אשר חיבר הרב רבי׳ משה ביר׳ נחמן זצוק״ל מגירונא ונשלם על ידי | הצעיר אברהם‬ ‫מעאמי״ל בכ״ר | שלמה הרופא ישר״ו בכ״ר זקן מב״ע ביום ד׳ בראש חדש סיון שנת קמ״ב | תהילה‬ ‫לאל חי אלהי עולם י״י‬.”

History Provenance: Faint notes in Latin letters are found on ff. 2r–3r. Provenance: Joseph ben Lima’s entry of ownership is found on f. 3v: “‫יוסף בר הר״ר לימא‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 5r: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 178–179. SfarData 0G056. imhm F 1175.

Cod.hebr. 328 Jedaiah Bedersi. Rome. 1530. 1. ff. 1r–21v: ‫ בחינת עולם‬Beḥinat ʿOlam by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini. 2. ff. 22r–25v: ‫ בקשת הממין‬Request of the Mems by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini. 3. ff. 26r–30v: ‫ כללי לשון למודים‬Kelalei Lashon Limmudim.

Codicology Material: Paper. i·30ff. (ir–v, iiv, i’r–v blank.) 216×146mm. Foliation: 1–30. Quiring: Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos and some decorated with dots. Condition: Mold stains on ff. 2, 21. Page layout: One column, 21 lines. Text space: 148×92–94 mm. Ruling by hard point, folio by folio, on verso. Script: Judah ben Solomon de Blanis (see the colophon) wrote in an Italian semi cursive in greyish–brown ink. Line justification by anticipating beginning of next word, with graphic filler and truncated last letters. Binding: Card board binding. (228×154×8mm).

History Origin: The colophon states that it was user–produced by Judah ben Solomon de Blanis; it is dated 14 Sivan 5290 (9 June 1530), see the colophon on f. 21v: “‫אני יהודה בן‬ ‫לא״א שלמה דבלאניש ז״ל כתבתי זאת בחינת עולם מכתיבת ידי ממש וסיימתיו היום יום ד׳ ט״ו‬

520

appendix d

‫ימים לחדש סיון שנת ר״ץ השם ל״ר יזכני להגות בו אני וזרעי וזרע זרעי ויזכני לכתוב ספרים הרבה‬ ‫בתאותי וישלח לנו משיח צדקנו במהרה בימינו אמן‬.”

Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 179. imhm F 1251.

Cod.hebr. 338 Philosophy · Musar. [Italy]. 14th and 15th century. 1. ff. 2r–48v: ‫ אבן בחן‬Even Boḥan by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir. 2. ff. 51r–62v: [‫ ]בחינת עולם‬Beḥinat ʿOlam by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini. 3. ff. 63r–91r: ‫ כתב התנצלות‬Letter of Apology by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini. 4. ff. 91v–94r: [‫ ]בקשת הממין‬Request of Mems by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini. 5. ff. 94v–95v: [‫ ]בקשת הלמדין‬Request of Lameds by Abraham ben Isaac Bedersi. 6. ff. 95v–98r: [‫ ]אאמיר את אדוני אותותיו אפרשה‬Prayer by Joseph ben Sheshet Latimi. 7. ff. 98v–105r: ‫ אגרת החמדה‬Epistle of Desire by Moses Nachmanides. 8. ff. 106r–110r: ‫ קערת כסף‬Bowl of Silver by Joseph Ezobi.

Codicology Material: Parchment. ii·110·ii’ ff. (ir, iir 49r–v, 50v, i’r–v blank.) 205 × 141 mm. Foliation: 1–110. Quiring: The quires keep the rule of Gregory and all begin on the hair side. Quinions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on the last verso of the quire. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 134×91 mm. Ruling by hard point on the hair side, one bifolium at a time. Pricking on the outer edges. Script: Italian semi cursive script. Binding: Brown Renaissance leather binding on wood panels, flat spine, (214 × 142 × 33 mm). Originally, the binding was fastened with four metal clasps (still extant) two are placed at the outer edge and the rest at the top and bottom of the binding. The leather straps have been cut. The top of the spine has broken off and some discoloration, maybe due to water–otherwise in good condition.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 2r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote no marginal notes. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 183. imhm F 1242.

cod.hebr. 343

521

Cod.hebr. 340 De Sphaera Mundi. [Byzantium]. First third 15th century. 1. ff. 1r–50v: ‫ צורת הארץ‬De Sphaera Mundi by Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda.

Codicology Material: Paper. iii·58ff. (iv–iiv, iiiv, 51r–58v blank.) 186 × 132mm. Foliation: 1–32 34–39 (1) 40–58. Quiring: Mostly quinions. Catchwords: None. Condition: Trimmed, affecting many diagrams. Page layout: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 135×82 mm. Script: Byzantine semi cursive script. Illustrations: Many diagrams embedded into text on ff. 14r, 15r, 16v, 20r, 22v, 24r, 25v, 26v, 30r, 34v, 35r, 36r. Binding: Peißenberg binding (194×137×15mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” On the same page, he wrote the title at the top: De sphaera mundi. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 184. imhm F 1243.

Cod.hebr. 343 Astronomy. 15th century.

1. 2. 3.

i. ff. 1v–26r: [‫ ]שש כנפים‬Six Wings by Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils. ff. 26v–27r: ‫ שבעה כוכבי לכת‬:‫ לוח הפרדארים‬Luaḥ ha-Pirdaim. ff. 28r–29v: ‫לוח למצוא שנת המחזור‬.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Quinions. Quires begin on the hair side Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso except ff. 1, 4. Page layout: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 150×94 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Headings in red ink. square. A second hand in tables.

522

4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

appendix d ii. ff. 30r–34r: [‫ ]מאמר הכנפיים‬Compendium on tables by Samuel ben Solomon. ff. 34v–41r: [‫ ]לוחות המולד‬Astronomical tables concerning the appearance of the new Moon. ff. 41v–44v: ‫ לוח לדעת המעלה הצומחת‬Astronomical tables. ff. 44r–46v: ‫ לוח לדעת שעות היום‬Astronomical tables for determining the time by Jeroham ben Solomon. ff. 47r–49r: ‫ לדעת עשיית הנימידאר‬On the Fabrication of the Nimidar. f. 49v: ‫ לוח מצעדי המזלות באופק היום‬Astronomical table on the progression of the Zodiac towards the horizon. f. 51v: ‫ לוח קשת השעה באופק‬Astronomical table for determining the time.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Quinions. Quires begin on the hair side. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 142×95 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script.

11.

iii. ff. 52v–80v: [‫ ]לוחות הפועל‬Astronomical tables by Jacob Poʿel Bonit.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Mostly quaternions. Quires begin on the hair side. Catchwords: No catchwords, f. 55 last word. Page layout: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 147×90 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script and Sefardic cursive.

12.

iv. ff. 81v–90v: [‫ ]ארח סלולה‬Oraḥ selulah by Isaac al-Aḥdab.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: The quire begins on the hair side. Senion. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 118×78 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

13.

v. ff. 92r–103v: [‫ ]לוחות‬Tables on conjunction and opposition in six sections by Moses ben Isaac Botarel.

cod.hebr. 343

523

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Senion. The quire begins on the hair side. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 28 lines. Text space: 134×88 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. The same as in the unit before

14.

vi. ff. 104v–153v: [‫ ]לוחות פריס‬Astronomical tables of Paris.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Senions. The quire begins on the hair side. Page layout: One column, 30 lines. Text space: 146×97 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Headings in red square script.

15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21.

vii. ff. 154r–167v: ‫ לוח רוחב ארבעה כוכבי לכת‬Tables on the latitude of four planets with an introduction. f. 167v: [‫ ]לוח י״ג מחזורים‬Astronomical table on 13 cycles by Halafta ben Moses. ff. 168v–170r: ‫ לוח עשרים ושמונה מחנות הלבנה‬Astrological tables on the twenty-eight houses the Moon. f. 170v: ‫ עלות המיוחסות אל האישים העליונים‬Notes copied from Al-Kindi’s astrological work on the new Moon by Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindi. f. 171r: ‫ לוח לדעת גובה השמש‬Astronomical table for determining the altitude of the Sun. f. 171v: ‫ לוח לדעת אחרית החולה לחיים או למות‬Astrological table for determining the time of death. ff. 173r–173v: [‫ ]מבוא ללוחות עמנואל בן יעקב‬Introductory remarks on the astronomical tables of Immanuel ben Jacob.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Senion. The quires begin on the hair side. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 142×93 mm. Script: Copied by at least two hands in Sefardic cursive script. Hand 1: ff. 154–171v. Hand 2: ff. 173r–173v.

22.

viii. ff. 174r–179v: ‫ לוח הערכים‬Table of astronomical values.

524

appendix d

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Ternion. The quire begins on the hair side. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 27 lines. Text space: 142×95 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

23.

ix. ff. 180v–197v: [‫ ]ערך החלוף‬Treatise on the value of inequalities by Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: One quaternion and one quinion. Quires begin on the hair side. Page layout: One column, 32 lines. Text space: 148×94 mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Headings in red.

24. 25. 26. 27.

x. ff. 198v–199v: ‫ לוח לדעת באיזה יום מהשבוע החדש השמשי‬Table for determining the beginning of the month of the Sun. f. 199r: ‫ לוח לדעת מרחב הירח‬Table for determining the latitude of the Moon. ff. 199v–201r: ‫ לוח מרחב שמונה כוכבי הנבוכה‬Tables for determining the latitude of four planets with notes. f, 201v: ‫ מעלות גובה הקטבים בשבעה האקלימים‬On the elevation of the poles.

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Two-bifolia quire. Quires begin on the hair side. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 37 lines. Text space: 147×108 mm. The parchment is pricked in the outer margins. Script: Sefardic semi cursive and Sefardic cursive script.

28. 29. 30. 31.

xi. ff. 202r–237r: ‫ לוחות התכונה‬Astronomical tables by Jacob ben Machir Ibn Tibbon. ff. 237v–255r: ‫ לוח לדעת בכמה ימים מהחדש השמשי‬Table on the length of the month of the Sun. ff. 255v–269r: ‫ לוח מתנה טובה‬Tables on determining the planet Venus by Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils. ff. 270r–277v: [‫ ]לוחות‬Astronomical tables.

cod.hebr. 352

525

Codicology Material: Parchment. Quiring: Quinions. Quires begin on the hair side. Catchwords: None. Page layout: One column, 27 lines (26 written). Text space: 136 × 96 mm. Script: Sefardic cursive script.

Shared features Material: Parchment. 279ff. (27v, 91v, 168r, 172, 198r, 269v blank.) 188 × 135mm. Foliation: 1–4 (1) 5–86 (1) 87–277. Binding: Limp parchment binding (195×129×53mm). All four slips are torn off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1v: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote a list of the titles on the binding: Emanuelis filii Jacob tabu|lae alarum. | Jacob filii David filii Sem Tov de ea|dem re | Isaci filii Elhanan Hispani. Liber | eiusdem argumenti. | Prizuelis Botrielis tabulae. | Salomonis Rhodii tabulae. | Tabulae planetariae. | Authoris sex alarum tabulae | Tabulae editae à Thabuno. | Et aliae multae ad astro|nomiam pertinentia. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 188–195. imhm F 1211.

Cod.hebr. 352 Averroes. [Spain]. 1. ff. 1r–23v: [‫ ]באור אמצעי על ספר השמע הטבעי של אריסטו‬Middle Commentary on Physica by Averroes. Translated by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos.

Codicology Material: Paper/Parchment. ii·23·i’ ff. (ir–v, i’r–v blank.) 216 × 155 mm. Foliation: 1–23. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quire. The outer in the middle bifolia are made from parchment. The quire begins on the hair side. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on most versos, except ff. 10v, 11v, 16v, 19v. Page layout: One column, 25 lines. Text space: 151×90 mm. Ruling by hard point, No pricking. Script: Sefardic cursive script. Binding: Card board binding. (224×160×11mm).

526

appendix d

History Provenance: Among the many Hebrew pen tests on f. ir there is also one verse in Spanish that is also found in bsb, Cod.hebr. 310: “Por amar gentil sennora.” Provenance: Moses ben Alkabets bought this manuscript from Don Samuel, see the entry on f. iv: “‫מקנת כספי משה בן אלקאבץ הלוי | מהנעלה דון שמואל בנבנשת יצ״ו‬.” Moses also signed his name on f. ir where it is very faint. Provenance: Solomon Lavi’s entry of ownership is found on f. iv: “‫שלי שלמה בן לביא הלך‬ ‫עם ספרו החכם הר׳ מאיר סראגוסה‬.” Provenance: A title by an anonymous hand is found on f. iv: “De materia prima.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He also wrote a title on f. iv: De Philosophia naturali libri vii | commentarii. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 198–199. imhm F 1663.

Cod.hebr. 358 Miscellany.

1. 2.

i. ff. 1r–50v: [‫]ספר כריתות‬al Sefer Keritut by Samson ben Isaac of Chinon. f. 52v: ‫ טופס שטר למינוי אפוטרופוסים ליתומים‬Form regarding wards.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×149mm. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords on most versos. Condition: Trimmed. Page layout: One column, 31–32 lines. Text space: 139× 85 mm. Ruling by pencil, only the frame. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. f. 52v is copied in an Italian semi cursive hand.

3. 4.

ii. ff. 53r–57r: ‫ שמות הגדולים‬The Names of Great Sages. ff. 58r–60v: ‫ נקור או בארשן‬Laws of Porging.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×149mm. Quiring: Quaternion. Catchwords: None.

cod.hebr. 358

527

Condition: Trimmed. Page layout: ff. 53r–55v: One column, 24–30 lines. Text space: 131× 88 mm. Ruling by pencil, only the frame. Later no fixed layout. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script.

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

iii. ff. 61r–64v: ‫ מדרש חסר ויתר‬Midrash on Dearth and Abundance. ff. 64v–65r: ‫ הערות במסורה‬Notes on the masorah. ff. 65r–65v: ‫ דרושים‬Homilies. ff. 65v–68r: ‫ סדר הנקוד‬Seder ha-Niqqud. ff. 68v–69r: [‫ ]עניני נקוד וטעמים‬On the vocalization and cantillation by Saadia ben Joseph. ff. 70v–84v: [‫ ]הורית הקורא‬Guide on reading by Judah ben Samuel Ibn Bal’am.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×149mm. Quiring: Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal catchwords on every verso. Condition: Trimmed. Page layout: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 154×100 mm. Ruling by pencil, pricking in the outer margins. Script: Mostly in Ashkenazic semi cursive script.

11.

iv. ff. 85r–86r, 88v: ‫ לקוטים‬Various notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×149mm. Quiring: Two-bifolia quire. Catchwords: None. Condition: Trimmed. Page layout: No fixed layout. Script: Copied at least three hands in Italian semi cursive and Sefardic semi cursive script.

12. 13.

v. ff. 89r–99v: ‫ רוח חן‬Ruaḥ Ḥen. ff. 99v–103v: [‫]מלות ההגיון‬al Words of Logic by Moses Maimonides.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×149mm. Quiring: Eight-bifolia quire. Catchwords: None.

528

appendix d

Condition: Trimmed. Page layout: One column, 33 lines. Text space: 156×109 mm. Ruling by pencil, only the frame. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script.

14. 15. 16.

vi. ff. 104r–106r: [‫ ]קערת כסף‬Bowl of Silver by Joseph Ezobi. f. 107v: [‫ ]המשחק בקוביה מכתו טריה‬Ha-Miśḥaq be-Qubbiyah Makkato teriyah. ff. 108v–112v: [‫ ]לקוטים‬Various notes.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×156mm. Quiring: Quaternion. Catchwords: None. Condition: Trimmed at the top and bottom edge. Page layout: One column, 22–29 lines. Text space: 155 × 118–132 mm. No ruling. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script.

17.

vii. ff. 113r–128v: [‫ ]מפתח הדקדוק‬Table of grammatical forms by Samson ha-Naqdan.

Codicology Material: Paper. 204×156mm. Quiring: Seven-bifolia quire. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords on f. 113v– 116v, 118v, 121v, 124v–125v; lost in other places due to trimming. Condition: Trimmed at the top and bottom edge. Page layout: One column, 31 lines. Text space: 160×113 mm. Script: formal Ashenazic semi cursive script.

Shared features Material. (86v–88r blank.) Binding: Widmanstetter binding (215×156×32mm).

History Provenance: Bought by Efraim aka. Gumplin from Abraham Parnas witnessed by Abraham ben Aaron (see bsb, Codd.hebr. 265 and 77). See the colophon on f. ir. Provenance: Meir ben Samson’s entry of ownership is found on f. 99v. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership. He wrote one note on f. 53r and he wrote on the back cover a title: Hebraica varia.

cod.hebr. 407

529

Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 202–204. SfarData zy681. imhm F 1678.

Cod.hebr. 403 Naftule Elohim Niftalti. [Germany]. Mid 16th century. 1. ff. 1r–109r: ‫ נפתולי אלהים נפתלתי‬Naftule Elohim Niftalti by Naftali Hirsch Treves.

Codicology Material: Paper. 118ff. (109v–118v blank.) 148×103mm. Foliation: 1–118. Quiring: Quaternions. Catchwords: Horizontal, decorated catchwords on every verso— occasionally last word. Exceptions: ff. 5, 62, 102. Condition: Trimmed, affecting marginal notes on ff. 38v Page layout: One column, 23 lines. Text space: 111×57–65mm. Glosses are about 15– 25mm wide. Script: Ashkenazic semi cursive script. Illustrations: Two kabbalistic symbols: ff. 19r, 96v. Binding: Peißenberg binding (162×108×24mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” On top of the same page, he wrote the following title: Scholia in commentarios Bachiaii | quos scripsit in Pentateuchum. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 225. imhm F 1245.

Cod.hebr. 407 Maḥzor Minhag Carpentras. [Provence]. 14th century. 1. ff. 1r–55v: [‫ ]מחזור מנהג קרפנטרץ לד׳ פרשיות‬Maḥzor Minhag Carpentras.

Codicology Material: Parchment/Paper. i·57·i’ ff. (None blank.) 145 × 211 mm. Foliation: 1–10 (1) 11–26 (1) 27–55. Quiring: Originally, the quires must have consisted of six bifolia each. Senions. Catchwords: Horizontal decorated catchwords on most versos. Condition: Holes in ff. 1, 7, 10, 22, have been filled. The outer edge of f. 5 is torn off. Most of f. 26bis and 44 is torn out.

530

appendix d

Page layout: Two columns, 10 lines. Text space: 92×151 mm. Space between columns: 11mm. Ruling by hard point, only the frame, on the verso, two or three folia at a time. Script: Sefardic square script, the text is vocalized throughout. Binding: Pasteboard binding, wrapped in two sheets of repurposed parchment: the one in front containing a ketubbah (dated 1382) and the one at the back a declaration (dated 1343). (151×216×21mm). Extremely worn, restored in December 1951.

History Provenance: Leon Crescas Orgier wrote his entry of ownership in Sefardic square script on f. iv: “‫זאת הארבע פרשיות ממני לאון | קרשקאש אורגייר | יצ״ו א״כ‬.” Provenance: Isaac Orgier wrote his entry of ownership in Sefardic square script on f. i’r: “‫ ֵזה ִיְצַחק | או ְר ְג ֶייר‬.” Provenance: Illegible entry, possibly Spanish, on f. iv. Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a title on f. iv: “Orationes.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii Svevi ‫ר״כ‬.” Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 228. imhm F 23142, F 1235.

Cod.hebr. 409 Abulafia: Sefer ha-Ot. 15th century. 1. [‫ ]ספר האות‬Sefer ha-Ot by Abraham Abulafia. Wrongly attributed to Solomon Molkho by a later librarian (f. 5r).

Codicology Material: 125ff. (1v, 2v, 3v, 5v–8v, 9v–10v, 66v–67v, 104v, 121r–124v blank.) 149 × 100 mm. Foliation: 1–57 (1) 58–124. Quiring: Mostly eight-bifolia quires. Outer bifolia of first quire are made of parchment. Inner bifolia of second quire are made of parchment. Catchwords: On the last verso of every quire. Condition: The ink shines through paper and parchment. Page layout: Text space: 64×62mm. No pricking. Ruled by pencil. Script: Written in Italian semi cursive. Some of the text is vocalized. Binding: Gothic binding, brown leather. Similar to Widmanstetter bindings. (155 × 112 × 33mm).

cod.hebr. 448

531

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. 1r: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He added marginal notes on ff. 12r, 13v, 20r, 25r, 31r, 32v, 41r, 65r, 65v, 71v, 72r, 73r, 73v, 78v, and 105v. Provenance: After his death, the manuscript appears to have remained in Regensburg. There it passed to the Augsburg librarian Elias Ehinger. Provenance: In 1637 Ehinger it presented to the Augsburger Stadtbibliothek. “Amplissimae reipublicae Augustanae bibliothecae dono misit Ratisbona Elias Ehinger Augustanae quondam bibliothecarius mdcxxxvii.” The inscription at the top of the spine (“cabala”) is in Ehinger’s hand. Steinschneider, Die hebräischen Handschriften (1895), 231–232. imhm F 31427.

Cod.hebr. 448 Ilan ha-Sefirot. [Rome]. Around 1537. 1. f. 1r: [‫ ]אילין הסירות‬Ilan ha-Sefirot. For an image of this scroll see figure 18.

Codicology Material: Parchment. 490×380mm. Script: Sefardic semi cursive script. Illustrations: The scroll depicts the ten sefirot as an arboreal diagram. The names of the sefirot label circular medallions which are connected to each other through a wen of channels. Additional explanations are found inside the medallions and to both sides of the diagram.

History Origin: For a discussion of this ilan’s production, see sections 3.2 and 7.4.2. The scroll was copied by Francesco Parnas, as the script is identical to the other manuscripts he copied (bsb, Codd.hebr. 217–219, 221, and 285). It is likely that Parnas copied it around 1537, the same time he created the other manuscripts for Widmanstetter. Widmanstetter’s additions: Given the other kabbalistic depictions Widmanstetter collected (e.g. in bsb, Codd.hebr. 112 and 119), it is plausible that this item belonged to him or that he even commissioned this scroll. However, he wrote no entry of ownership and no marginal notes. Róth, Hebräische Handschriften, no. 356. imhm 25992.

532

appendix d

British Library, C.50.a.6 1.

‫ אלפא ביתא דבן סירא‬Alphabet of Ben Sira (Venice: Giovanni di Faro, 1544). 8°, 84 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Nineteenth century leather binding. (155×115 × 18 mm).

History Provenance: List written in Italian semi cursive on p. ir. Marginal note in Italian semi cursive on p. 51r. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the title page: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

British Library, C.50.a.7 1.

‫ מסעות של רבי בנימן‬Masaʿot shel Rabi Binyamin by Benjamin de Tudela (Constantinople: Eliezer Soncino, 1543). 16°, [32] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Nineteenth century leather binding. (154×99 × 17 mm).

History Provenance: Marginal note in Latin by previous owner on p. D6a. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the title page: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

British Library, C.50.a.12 1.

‫ ספר דברי הימים‬Sefer Divrei ha-Yamim by Eldad ha-Dani (Venice: Giovanni di Faro, 1544). 8°, 80 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Nineteenth century leather binding. (154×95 × 18 mm).

History Provenance: Marginal note in Italian semi cursive on p. 76b.

2 a.hebr. 8

533

Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

2 A.hebr. 3 1.

‫ ספר משמיע ישועה‬Sefer Mashmiaʿa Yeshuʿah by Isaac Abravanel (Thessaloniki: Judah Gedaliah, 1526). 2°, 78 leaves. Editio princeps. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 1a, 5a, 9b.

Codicology Binding: Limp parchment binding (298×217×17mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Lucretii Widmestadii.” He wrote the following titles on a) p. [ia]: Isaac Abarbaniel Appulus : patria Monopolitanus. an b) the binding: Liber de annunciatione salutis contra | Christianos et Mahometanos Isaeio | Abarbanele authore.

2 A.hebr. 8 1.

‫ ספר מנורת המאור‬The Candelabra of Brightness by Isaac Aboab (Constantinople: Astruc de Toulon, 1514). 2°, 42 leaves. Editio princeps. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Card board binding. (261×203×13mm).

History Provenance: An almost illegible hand wrote beneath Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership on the titlepage the Latin transcription of the title: “Liber menorat hamaur.” A similar entry by the same hand is on f. ir in bsb, 4 A.hebr. 303. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

534

appendix d

2 A.hebr. 24 i. 1.

‫ ספר תהלים‬Sefer Tehilim by Solomon ben Isaac. (Venice: 1549). No marginal notes

by Widmanstetter. ii. 2.

‫ ספר ספרי‬Sefer Sifre by Johanan ben Joseph Treves (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1546).

No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. iii. 3.

‫ ספר ספרא‬Sefer Sifra by Johanan ben Joseph Treves (Venice: Daniel Bomberg,

1545). No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. iv. 4.

‫ מדרש המכילתא‬Midrash ha-Mekhilta by Johanan ben Joseph Treves (Venice: Da-

niel Bomberg, 1545). No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. v. 5.

‫ שאילתות דרב אחאי גאון‬Sheʾeltot de-Rav Aḥay Gaʾon by Aḥai mi-Shabḥa Gaon (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1546). No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Shared features Binding: Widmanstetter binding (322×214×43mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership. However, this print can be attributed to him due to the Widmanstetter binding. The title at the backside of the binding could be by Widmanstetter: Libri Hebraici.

2 A.hebr. 31 2.

‫ ביאור על התורה‬Explanation of the Torah by Baḥya ben Asher ben Ḥlava (Rimini: Gershom Soncino, 1524). 2°, [262] leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–2b, 3b–6b, 22b, 28a, 65b, 66b, 104a–b, 111a–b, 113a, 121b, 122a, 202a–b, 224a.

2 a.hebr. 38

535

Codicology Material. Condition: The book is trimmed. To preserve them some of the marginal notes are folded in. Binding: Widmanstetter binding (321×208×51mm). Residues of two metal clasps.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote a title on the backside of the binding: Bachiai in Pentateuchum.

2 A.hebr. 38 Philosophical Anthology. i. 1.

‫ ספר כד הקמח‬Kad ha-Qemaḥ by Baḥya ben Asher ben Ḥlava (Constantinople:

Samuel ben David ibn Nahmias, 1515). Editio princeps. 2°, 87 [1] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on p. 1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento Lucretii ‫ר״כ‬.” In addition, he wrote an index of the titles on the same page: ‫ספר כד הקמח | ספר קיצור פסקי הראש‬ ii. 2.

‫ קצור פסקי הרא״ש‬Kitsur Piśqei ha-Rosh by Asher ben Jehiel. (Constantinople:

Samuel ben David ibn NahmiasJudah Sassoon, 1515). Editio princeps. 2°, 116 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. One marginal note by another Hebrew hand on p. 104b. iii. 3.

‫ ראש אמנה‬Rosh Emunah by Isaac Abravanel ([Constantinople]: [Samuel ben David ibn Nahmias], [1505]). Editio princeps. 2°, [20] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

536

appendix d

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on p. 1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento Lucretii. | ‫ר״כ‬.” In addition, he wrote an index of the titles on the same page: De fidei Hebraeorum articulis Abarbanelem. | Expositio Samuelis | Liber Mechilta. | Quaestiones et solutiones Maimonis. iv. 4.

‫ ספר מדרש שמואל‬Sefer Midrash Shemuʾel (Constantinople: [Samuel ben David ibn

Naḥmias], 1517). Editio princeps. 2°, 16 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. v. 5.

‫ ספר מכילתא‬Mekhilta of R. Ishmael (Constantinople: Astruc de Toulon, 1515). Edi-

tio princeps. 2°, [42] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. vi. 6.

‫ שאלות ותשובות‬Responsa by Moses Maimonides. ([Constantinople]: [1514]). 2°,

[24] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Shared features Binding: Limp parchment binding (284×211×62mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: His entry of ownership is found several times on titlepages along with indices of multiple titles in a row, indicating that he acquired multiple text volumes that he had rebound at some point. In addition, he wrote an index of the titles on the binding: Cadus farmae authoris Bachiai. Ordine | alphabeti distinctus. | Compendium decisionum ‫הראש‬, authore | Jacob qui composuit librum ordinum. | Abarbanel de articulis fidei Hebraeorum | Expositio Samuelis hoc est liber regum. | Liber Mechiltae. | Quaestiones et solutiones Maimonis.

2 A.hebr. 67 Moses Nachmanides.

2 a.hebr. 97

537

i. 1.

‫ ספר מצוות הגדול‬Sefer Mitswot ha-hadol by Moses Nachmanides. (Venice: Daniel

Bomberg, 1522). 2°, [250] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ii. 2.

‫ מסורת התלמוד‬Masoret ha-Talmud (Thessaloniki: Judah Gedaliyah, 1523). 2°, 54

leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Shared features Binding: Widmanstetter binding.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote on the binding the titles: Liber praeceptorum magnus. | Masoreth sine concordantiae | thalmudicae.

2 A.hebr. 79 1.

‫ ספר רוקח‬Sefer ha-Roqeaḥ by Eleazar of Worms. (Fano: 1505). 2°, 109 leaves.

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on p. 3a.

Codicology Binding: Limp parchment binding (310×208×26mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento Lucretii Svevi. ‫ר״כ‬.” He wrote the following title onto the binding: Eleazaris Juda filii liber aromatum de | legalibus constitutionibus patrum.

2 A.hebr. 97 Ibn Yaḥya · Ibn Adret.

538

appendix d i.

1.

‫ פירוש חמש מגילות‬Perush Ḥamesh Megillot by Joseph ben David Ibn Yaḥya (Bolog-

na: Ha-Shotafim, 1538). 2°, 122 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on the first page of Psalms.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ii. 2.

‫ שאלות ותשובות‬Responsa by Solomon ben Abraham Adret (Bologna: Company of Silk Weavers, 1539). 2°, [16], 216 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 25a, 74b.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

Shared features Binding: unknown binding

2 A.hebr. 141 1.

‫ ספר השרשים‬Sefer ha-Shorashim by David ben Joseph Kimhi (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1545/46). 2°, 570 columns. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Limp parchment binding (334×222×25mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Next to the colophon, Widmanstetter wrote the following biographical sketch of his scribe, Franciscus Parnassus: “Isaias iste baptizatus fuit | in Zakyntho, et appelatus | fuit Franciscus Parnassus, cuius ego opera domestica | usus sum Romae, et ma|nu sua descripsit mihi Zoharis | volumina, et librum | lectionum, item alia quae|dam Cabalistica, mortuus | est Romae mense Octobris mdxxxvii ex phar|maco quod Neapoli cum | F. Felice Praten, hausit. | sed faelix incolumis eva|sit, adhibitis medicamen|tis, Franciscus diutius | morbum dissimulavit. | Uxorem reliquit Venetiis | Luciam Sebenicen. Prospe|rum fratrem, et

2 a.hebr. 178

539

liberos duos| quibus ego postea consilio | profui et auxilio, propter | excellens Francisci inge|nium et peritiam Hebraicae Chaldaicae Arabicae, et Graecae | linguae singularem.” Provenance: It later belonged to the Jesuit College of Munich. Its entry of ownership is on the titlepage: “Societatis Jesu Monachii.” It is not among the inventory of books the Jesuits acquired in December 1558 from the Duke of Bavaria. On the last verso, there is an entry of censorship from Munich, dated 1578: “Monachii R.P. Canisius approbat 1578.” On the spine at the top: “liber | Radicarum | Hebrai|carum,” a partly illegible shelf mark at the bottom: “B|63.”

2 A.hebr. 145 1.

‫ פירוש על התורה‬Commentary on the Torah by Levi ben Gershom. ([Mantua]: Abraham ben Solomon Conat and Abraham Jedidia ha-Ezraḥi, 1475–1476). 2°, 257 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Limp parchment binding (322×230×78mm). All four flaps are missing. Sewn at the front.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership on p. [1]: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He wrote the title on the binding: R. Levi Ben Gersom in Pentateuchum.

2 A.hebr. 178 1.

‫ מורה הנבוכים‬Guide of the Perplexed by Moses Maimonides. (Sabbionetta: Cornelius Adelkind, 1553). 2°, 174 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Widmanstetter binding (312×214×42mm). Four flaps still in place.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Attributable to Widmanstetter because of the binding.

540

appendix d

2 A.hebr. 223 1.

‫ מדרש רבות על חמשה חומשי תורה‬Midrash rabot ʿal Ḥamishah Ḥumeshei Torah (Venice: Giustiniani, 1545). 2°, 109 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Red Renaissance binding (331×221×39mm). Water damage. Restored.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on p. 1r: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

2 A.hebr. 237 1.

‫ דרשות התורה‬Derashot ha-Torah by Shem Tov Ibn Shem Tov. (Thessaloniki: Don

Judah Gedaliyah, 1525). 2°, 90 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Quarter binding made of leather and wood. Decorated with a hatch pattern that consists of intersecting blind stamped ruled lines. (293× 200 × 26 mm). Identical to bsb, 2 A.hebr. 239.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership on p. 1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” It seems that there was a title in Latin or Hebrew letters on the binding that has faded and is now all but illegible.

2 A.hebr. 239 1.

‫ דרשות על התורה‬Derashot ʿal ha-Torah by Joshua Ibn Shuaib (Constantinople:

Solomon ben Mazal Tov, 1523). 2°, [126] leaves, No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Quarter binding made of leather and wood; decorated with hatch pattern. (262×192×33mm). Identical to bsb, 2 A.hebr. 237. Residues of two clasps. Pen tests from a Sefardic hand on the front.

2 a.hebr. 258–1

541

History Provenance: An Ashkenazic cursive hand wrote the author’s name on the recto of the second flyleaf. Provenance: An Italian semi cursive hand wrote on the recto of the first flyleaf Isaiah 42:1 and Psalms 16:5: “‫מי העיר ממזרח צדק יקראהו לרגלו | ה׳ מנת חלקי וכוסי אתה תומיך‬ ‫גורלי‬.” Provenance: An unknown Latin hand wrote on the recto of the first flyleaf: “Commentarius super Pentateuchi Eu[…] Aben Schoeff.” Provenance: Another unknown Latin hand wrote on the recto of the first flyleaf: “Impressum Constantinopoli | 289.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no ownership is found. His ownership is ascertained by the binding. He was probably also the one who wrote the author’s name on the page facing and on the titlepage.

2 A.hebr. 245 1.

‫ ילקוט שמעוני‬Yalqut Shimʿoni by Simeon ha-Darshan (Thessaloniki: 1526). 2°, 378+ 236 leaves. Numerous marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Peißenberg binding (308×211×94mm).

History Provenance: A previous owner wrote on p. 1a of the second volume: “Jalcult 1018.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Next to this, he wrote the date and place of publication: “Thessalonicae impressus | anno 5286.” Widmanstetter wrote the following description on the verso opposite the titlepage: Prior pars Jalcut in pentateuchum scilicet divisa est ab authore | in sectiones 963. Quas ipse ‫ רמזי‬adpellavit | Posterior vero in prophetas et hagiographa divisa est in 989. sectiones. | Author est R. Symeon Hadarsan.

2 A.hebr. 258–1 Talmud Bavli.

542

appendix d i.

1.

‫ מסכת ברכות‬:‫ תלמוד בבלי‬Seder Zeraʿim: Masekhet Berakhot (Venice: Daniel Bom-

berg, 1519). 2°, 90 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter in red ink: 2a, 14a, 19b, 21b, 25a–b, 27a, mostly black ink: pp. 29a–35a, 37b–38a, 39b, 45b, 48b, 50a–b, 51b– 52b, 54a. 55a, 56b–57b, (mostly in red ink:) 59b–66a. ii. 2.

‫ סדר זרעים‬Seder Zeraʿim: Peʾah, Demai, Kilʾayim, Sheviʾit, Terumot, Maʿaserot, Ma-

ʿaser Sheni, Ḥallah, Orlah, Bikkurim by Moses Maimonides. (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 86 leaves. Widmanstetter wrote marginal notes in red: pp. 2a, 14a, 55b, 62b, from here mostly markings: 63b–67a, (Ḥallah) 74a–b, 76a, 78b, 79b, 81a– 82a, 83a–84a, 86a–b. iii. 3.

‫ פירוש על ההילכות קטנות‬Commentary on Halikhot qetanot by Asher ben Jehiel.

(Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 90 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. iv. 4.

‫ סדר טהרות‬Seder Toharot: Kelim, Ohalot, Negaʿim, Parah, Toharot, Miqvaʾot, Makh-

shirin, Zavin, Tevul Yom, Yadaim, ʿUqtsim (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 78 leaves. Widmanstetter wrote marginal notes on: pp. 5b, 6b. v. 5.

‫ מסכת נידה‬Masekhet Niddah (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1519). 2°, 91 leaves. v: Widmanstetter wrote marginal notes which contain mostly individual translations in red on pp. 3a–4a, 5b–6b, 7b–8b, 9b, 12b.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (386×260×66mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter can be identified as the owner by his many marginal notes.

2 A.hebr. 258–2 Talmud Bavli.

2 a.hebr. 258–3

543

i. 1.

‫ מסכת שבת‬Masekhet Shabbat (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, 192 leaves.

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a, 55a–56b, 156a. ii. 2.

‫ מסכת עירובין‬Masekhet ʿEruvin (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 129 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–7a, 8a–8b, 10b, 12a, 14a–b, 15b, 17a.

3.

‫ מסכת פסחים‬Masekhet Pesaḥim (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 139 leaves.

iii. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on p. 87b.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (390×267×91mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter is identified as the owner by his many marginal notes.

2 A.hebr. 258–3 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ מסכת שקלים‬Masekhet Shekalim (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 14 leaves. Wid-

manstetter left marginal notes on p. 2a. ii. 2.

‫ מסכת יומא‬Masekhet Yoma (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, 97 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on p. 20b.

3.

‫ מסכת סוכה‬Masekhet Sukka (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 68 leaves. No

iii. marginal notes by Widmanstetter. iv. 4.

‫ מסכת ביצה‬Masekhet Bitsa (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 52 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on the titlepage and on pp. 13b, 36a.

544

appendix d v.

5.

‫ מסכת ראש השנה‬Maśekhet Rosh ha-Shanah (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 42

leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 3a–4a, 15a–b, 16b–19a, 20a, 21a– 22b. vi. 6.

‫ מסכת תענית‬Masekhet Taʿanit (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 38 leaves. No

marginal notes by Widmanstetter. vii. 7.

‫ מסכת מגילה‬Masekhet Megillah (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 42 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 6a, 9a–b, 21b.

8.

‫ מסכת מועד קטן‬Masekhet Moʿed qatan (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 45 leaves.

viii. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. ix. 9.

‫ מסכת חגיגה‬Masekhet Ḥagiga (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). No marginal notes

by Widmanstetter.2°, [30] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (268×391×78mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter is identified as the owner by his many marginal notes.

2 A.hebr. 258–4 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ מסכת יבמות‬Masekhet Yevamot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 130+[21] leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. [2a]–4b, 5b, 9a, 12a–13b.

2.

‫ מסכת כתובות‬Masekhet Ketuvot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, [144] leaves.

ii. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–11a.

2 a.hebr. 258–5

545

iii. 3.

‫ מסכת נדרים‬Masekhet Nedarim (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 96 + 25 leaves.

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a, 3a, 6a–8b, 9b–11a, 12a.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (391×264×75mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter is identified as the owner by his many marginal notes.

2 A.hebr. 258–5 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ מסכת נזיר‬Masekhet Nazir (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 61 leaves. Marginal

notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–5a, 6a–8b. ii. 2.

‫ מסכת סוטה‬Masekhet Sutah (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, 63 leaves. Margin-

al notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–3b, 4b–5a, 6a, 7a–14a. iii. 3.

‫ מסכת גיטין‬Masekhet Gittin (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, 118 leaves. Marginal

notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 3b, 8a–8b, 9b, 11b. iv. 4.

‫ מסכת קידושין‬Masekhet Qiddushin (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, [98] leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a, 37b–38a (faint).

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (390×266×63mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. i:1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

546

appendix d

2 A.hebr. 258–6 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ מסכת בבא קמא‬Masekhet Bava Qamma (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 146 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–10b, 12a–13a, 14b–17a.

2.

‫ מסכת בבא מציע‬Masekhet Bava Metsiʿa (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 157

ii. leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a, 3a, 4a, 5b–6a, 7a, 8a–10b, 11a– 13a, 16a–17b, 20a. iii. 3.

‫ מסכת בבא בתרא‬Masekhet Bava Batra (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 217

leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–4a, 8a–9a, 10a–17a.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (389×262×87mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. i:1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

2 A.hebr. 258–7 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ מסכת סנהדרין‬Masekhet Sanhedrin (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, 130 leaves.

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–b, 3b–18a (mostly markings), 21b, 91b, 97a–b, 99a, 117b–118b, 119a–b. ii. 2.

‫ מסכת שבועות‬Masekhet Shavuʿot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1526). 2°, 61 leaves.

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 3b–8a, 9a, 10b–13a (markings only), 35a.

2 a.hebr. 258–8

547

iii. 3.

‫ מסכת עדיות‬Masekhet ʿEduyot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 7 + 9 leaves.

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 1a–3a (almost only markings). iv. 4.

‫ מסכת עבודה זרה‬Masekhet Avodah Zarah (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, 97 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–3b, 9a–10b, 11b, 13b–14a, 16b– 17a, 18b, 19b, 20b, 22a.

v. 5.

‫ פרקי אבות‬Pirqei Avot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, [13] leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a, 5b–7b, 10a.

6.

‫ מסכת הוריות‬Masekhet Horayot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1520). 2°, 18 leaves.

vi. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 3b–6b. vii. 7.

‫ מסכת מכות‬Masekhet Makkot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg,). 2°, 28 leaves. Marginal

notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 2a–b, 3a, 5a–7a.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (391×266×72mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter is identified as the owner by his many marginal notes.

2 A.hebr. 258–8 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ מסכת זבחים‬Masekhet Zevaḥim (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 121 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on p. 120b.

2.

‫ מסכת חולין‬Masekhet Ḥullin (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521). 2°, 179 leaves. Margin-

ii. al notes by Widmanstetter on p. 27b.

548

appendix d iii.

3.

‫ מסכת מנחות‬Masekhet Menaḥot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522). 2°, 110 leaves. No

marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (389×258×90mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. i:1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

2 A.hebr. 258–9 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ מסכת בכורות‬Masekhet Bekhorot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521/22). 2°, 69 leaves.

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 4a, 8a. ii. 2.

‫ מסכת ערכין‬Masekhet Arakhin (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521/22). 2°, 35 leaves. No

marginal notes by Widmanstetter. iii. 3.

‫ מסכת תמורה‬Masekhet Temurah (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521/22). 2°, 35 leaves.

No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. iv. 4.

‫ מסכת מעילה וקינים ומידות ותמיד‬Masekhet Meʿilah, Qinnim, Middot, and Tamid

(Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1522/23). 2°, 47 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 36a–b, 37b. v. 5.

‫ מסכת כריתות‬Masekhet Keritot (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1521/22). 2°, 28 + 2+45 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. a:5b, c:38b.

Shared features Binding: Brown leather binding decorated with the supralibros of the Bavarian prince electors. (390×265×90mm).

2 b. orient. 13

549

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on f. i:1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

2 A. Hebr. 2009.8 Roman Rite Maḥzor. Bologna. 1540–1541. i. 1.

‫ מחזור כמנהג ק״ק רומה‬Roman Rite Maḥzor (Volume 1) (Bologna, 1540–1541). Widmanstetter left marginal notes on pp. 8a, 87a.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ii. 2.

‫ מחזור כמנהג ק״ק רומה‬Roman Rite Maḥzor (Volume 2) (Bologna: 1540–1541). 2°,

[390] Widmanstetter left marginal notes on pp. 222b, 250b, 259b, 287a–b.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

Shared features Binding: Widmanstetter binding (339×230×76mm).

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a description on p. [ia]: “Liber canticorum iudeorum toti anni cum glossis.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote on p. [ib]: “Quibus contumeliis Judei christum apficiant vide in | parte secunda ch. 21.”

2 B. Orient. 13 1.

‫ נביאים‬Prophets (Pesaro: 1520).

550

appendix d

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is ascertained from earlier scholarship. The print has been destroyed in World War ii, see Striedl, Bücherei des Orientalisten, 215.

2 B.or. 16 1.

‫ חמשה חומשי תורה‬Tanakh (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1525). 2°, [533] leaves. Unknown if Widmanstetter wrote marginal notes.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s ownership is ascertained from earlier scholarship. The print has been destroyed in World War ii, see Striedl, Bücherei des Orientalisten, 215.

2 Inc.c.a. 1896 David Kimhi. i. 1.

‫ פירוש תהלים‬Commentary on Psalms by David ben Joseph Kimhi (Napels: Joseph

ben Jacob Ashkenazi Gunzenhauser, 1487.03.28). 2°, 118 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the title page: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ii. 2.

‫ פירוש נביאים אחרונים‬Commentary on the Minor Prophets by David ben Joseph

Kimhi (Soncino: Joshua Soncino, 1485). 2°, 294 leaves. Notes in Latin and Hebrew by previous owners e.g. 3:1a, 3:3a, 3:6a, 5:4a, 6:4a, 10:8b. Widmanstetter may have written marginal notes on Isaiah 9:7b and Ezechiel 7:5a.

Shared features Binding: Limp parchment binding (282×203×73mm).

4 a.hebr. 220

551

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the title page: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” Widmanstetter wrote an index of the titles on the binding: Commentarii R. David Kimhi in Psalterium | desunt Ps. priores xxii ferè. | Eiusdem commentarii in Esaiam, Hieremiam | Ezechielem, Oseam, Joelem, Amos, Abdiam | Micheam, Nahum, Abacuk, Sophoniam | Haggaeum, Zachariam, Malachiam. On the title page of the first book, he wrote: Kimhi in Psalterium. And on the title page of the second book, he wrote: R. Joseph Kimhi in Esaiam Jeremiam Ezechielem Oseam Joelem | Amos Abdiam Micheam et reliqui usque Malachiam.

4 A.hebr. 220 Talmud Bavli. i. 1.

‫ חידושי גיטין‬Novellae on Gittin by Solomon ben Abraham Adret (Venice: Daniel

Bomberg, 1523). 4°, 133 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. ii. 2.

‫ חידושי בבא בתרא‬Novellae on Bava Batra by Moses Nachmanides. (Venice: Daniel

Bomberg, 1523). 4°, 116 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Shared features Binding: Limp parchment binding (266×181×39mm). Four flaps are still in place.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter’s entry of ownership recto of the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento Lucretii Svevi | ‫ר״כ‬.” He also wrote the following title on the binding: Intellectus novi libellorum repudii Harisbah.

552

appendix d

4 A.hebr. 242 1.

‫ ספר העיקרים‬Sefer ha-ʿIqqarim by Joseph Albo (Rimini: [Gershom] Soncino, 1522). Editio princeps. 4°, [154] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Widmanstetter binding (213×149×31mm). The two clasps have been cut off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” In addition, he wrote this title on the back of the binding: R. Joseph Albó Hebraeus de | articulis fidei suae.

4 A.hebr. 283 1.

‫ ספר מחברות עמנואל‬Sefer Maḥberot Immanuel by Immanuel ben Solomon of Rome (Constantinople: Eliezer ben Gershom Soncino, 1535). 4°, 154 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Limp parchment binding (216×151×25mm). Two leather flaps are cut.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote the Hebrew title onto the binding: ‫ספר מחברות עמנואל‬.

4 A.hebr. 300 Miscellany. i. 1.

‫ פירוש התורה‬Bible Commentary by Jacob ben Asher (Venice: Giovanni dei Fari-

Cornelius Adelkind, 1544). 4°, 65, [1] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

4 a.hebr. 303

553

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote this title on the titlepage: “Rabi Jacob Commentarius v libri Bibliae.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ii. 2.

‫ עבודת הלוי‬ʿAvodat ha-Levi by Solomon ben Eliezer ha-Levi (Venice: Giustiniani,

1546). 4°, 28 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” iii. 3.

‫ אותיות דר׳ עקיבא‬Otiyyot de-Rabbi ʿAqivah (Venice: Giustiniani, 1546). 4°, 12 leaves.

No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” iv. 4.

‫ ספר חובת הלבבות‬Sefer Ḥovot ha-Levavot by Baḥya ben Joseph ibn Paquda (Venice:

Daniel Bomberg, 1548). 4°, 88 leaves. Editio princeps. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership. It is likely that he purchased this title along with the one bound before it.

Shared features Binding: Widmanstetter binding (222×157×32mm). The two clasps have been cut off.

4 A.hebr. 303 1.

‫ ספר אגור‬Sefer Agur by Jacob ben Judah Landau ([Rimini]: [Gershom] Soncino,

[1526]). 4°, [102] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

554

appendix d

Codicology Binding: Limp parchment binding (228×156×23mm). All four flaps have come off. Dog eared and torn in the middle of the spine.

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote this title on the verso of the second flyeaf opposite the titlepage: “liber martakom animalum.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadiani Ex | Elephastheniis Svevi.” On the top left corner he wrote “103” and in the bottom right corner “104.”

4 A.hebr. 315 1. 2.

‫ שערי תשובה‬Gates of Repentance by Jonah Gerondi. (Fano: Soncino, 1505). 4°, [46] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. ‫ הנהגת הדבר לפילוניו‬Libellus Epidemiae by Valesco de Tarenta (Constantinople: 1510). 4°, [9] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Card board binding (236×166×16mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on p. [1a]: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

4 A.hebr. 331 Paulus Fagius. i. 1.

‫ ספר אמונה‬Liber Fidei Preciosus by Paulus Fagius (Isny: Paulus Fagius, 1542). 4°, 130+126 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

2.

‫ פירוש המלות על דרך הפשט לד׳ סימנים ספר בראשית‬Expositio Dictionum Hebraicarum

ii. Literalis et Simplex by Paulus Fagius (Isny: Paulus Fagius, 1542). 4°, 174 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

4 a.hebr. 354

555

Shared features Binding: Peißenberg binding (229×165×31mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepages: i. “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” and ii. “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

4 A.hebr. 352 1.

‫ פסקי הלכות‬Pisqei Halakhot ([Bologna: Company of Silk Weavers, 1537/38]). Editio princeps, 4°, [12] 62 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Italian Renaissance binding (220×155×20mm). The leather is quite worn— on the spine the dye is completely peeled off.

History Provenance: A Latin description of the content in Latin is found on the titleplage: “Rabi Menachem dicto Rerum Talmud.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

4 A.hebr. 354 1.

‫ ביאור על התורה‬Explanation of the Torah by Menahem Recanati. (Venice: Gius-

tiniani, 1545). 4°, 235 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Widmanstetter binding (225×162×36mm). Residues of two metal clasps. Worn and brittle on the spine.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership. He wrote this title on the backside of the binding: Ricinas in Pentateuchum | quem Recanatum vocant.

556

appendix d

4 A.hebr. 391 Miscellany. i. 1.

‫ אהל מועד‬Ohel Moʿed by Solomon ben Abraham ben Samuel (Venice: Marco Antonio Giustiniani, 1548). 4°, 118 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Provenance: An earlier owner wrote on the page facing the title (now glued to the binding): “Salamon filius Abraham de […].” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ii. 2.

‫ משל הקדמוני‬Meshal ha-Qadmoni by Isaac ben Solomon Sahula (Venice: Meir ben

Jacob Parenzo, ca. 1547). 4°, 64 leaves No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” iii. 3.

‫ רוח חן‬Ruaḥ Ḥen (Venice: Daniel Adelkind, 1549). 4°, 20 leaves. No marginal notes

by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership. He likely bought this title with the preceding works.

Shared features Binding: Widmanstetter binding (209×143×28–39mm). Two metal clasps have come off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote a summary description on the back of the binding: Libri Hebraici.

4 a.hebr. 411

557

4 A.hebr. 410 Miscellany. i. 1.

‫ פירוש על התורה‬Commentary on the Pentateuch by Solomon ben Isaac. (Rimini: Gershom Soncino, 1526). 4°, [127] leaves. He wrote marginal notes on pp. [1b], [3b], [5b], [31a], and [48b].

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ii. 2.

‫ ספר אבקת רוכל‬Sefer Avqat Rokhel (Rimini: Gershom Soncino, 1526). 4°, [18].

Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. [6b–7a], and [9b].

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership. iii. 3.

‫ מליצת למשכיל חכם ונבון ונעים‬Melitsat le-Maśkil ḥakham we-navon we-naʿim (Rimini: Gershom Soncino, 1526). 4°, [10]. Widmanstetter wrote marginal notes.

Shared features Binding: Card board binding (213×151×31mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

4 A.hebr. 411 Miscellany. i. 1.

‫ שבילי תהו‬Itinera Deserti by Gerhard Veltwyck (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1539). 4°,

[126] leaves, Widmanstetter wrote one marginal note on p. ii 15a.

558

appendix d

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii cognomento | Lucretii.” ii. 2.

‫ אותיות דרבי עקיבא‬Otiyyot de-Rabbi ʿAqivah ([Constantinople]: [1520–1515]). 4°, 12 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” iii. 3.

‫ פירוש התורה‬Commentary on the Torah by Jacob ben Asher (Constantinople: 1514). 4°, 72 leaves, No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” He also wrote on the titlepage: “‫מחנה אלהים‬.” iv. 5.

‫ הליקוטים והחבורים‬Anthology of Midrashim (Constantinople: Astruc de Toulon,

1519). 4°, 80 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 48b–49a. The book contains: ‫ ספר בן סירא‬Sefer Ben Sira; ‫ מעשה שאירע לר׳ יהושע בן לוי ז״ל‬Maʿaśeh Rabbi Joshua ben Levi; ‫ מדרש מגלת אסתר‬Midrash Megillat Ester; ‫שבעה דברים המעכבים‬ ‫ את התפלה‬On seven things that prevent prayers; ‫ מעשה תורה‬Maʿaśeh Torah; ‫טופס הכתב‬ ‫ ששלח פרישטי יואן לפיפיור ברומאה‬Epistle by Prester John to the pope in Rome; ‫ירושלמי‬ ‫ גזרו שמד‬Yerushalmi Gazru Shemad; ‫ מעשה מאברהם אבינו עה‬Maʿaśeh me-Avraham Avinu ʿh.; ‫ ספר אלדד הדני‬Sefer Eldad ha-Dani; ‫ מעשיות שבתלמוד‬Maʿaśiyyot she-be-Talmud; ‫ספר‬ ‫ זרובבל‬Sefer Zerubbabel; ‫ מדרש ויושע‬Midrash we-Yosheʿa; ‫ ספר טוביה‬Sefer Toviyah; ‫ספר‬ ‫ אורחות חיים‬Sefer Orḥot Ḥayyim.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: An earlier owner called Judah ben Shabbetai wrote in an Italian semi cursive on the titlepage: “| ‫לעולם יכתוב אדם שמו על ספרו שמא יבא אדם מן‬ ‫השוק ויערער עליו ויאמר שלי הוא שלי יהודה הכמהר״ר שבתי מב״ע‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

4 a.hebr. 411

559

v. 6.

‫ ספר הישר‬Sefer ha-yashar by Jacob ben Meir Tam (Constantinople: [1515]). 4°, [40]

leaves, No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmesstadii.” He also wrote a title “‫ספר הישר לר׳ תם‬.” vi. 7.

‫ פרקי אליהו‬Pirqei Eliyyahu by Elijah Levita ([Pesaro]: 1520). 4°, [19] leaves. Wid-

manstetter wrote one marginal notes on [19b].

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” vii. 8.

‫ ספר מגן דוד‬Sefer Magen David by Elisha ben Abraham (Constantinople: 1517). 4°,

[30] leaves, No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” viii. 9.

‫ מסורת המסורת‬Masoret ha-Masoret by Elijah Levita (Venice: Daniel Bomberg,

[1538]). 4°, 87 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” ix. 10.

‫ ספר טוב טעם‬Sefer tov Taʿam by Elijah Levita (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1538). 4°,

35 leaves, No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote no entry of ownership. He probably bought it with the preceding title.

560

appendix d

Shared features Binding: Limp parchment binding (222×158×57mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote an index of the titles on the binding: Itinera Deserti contra Judaeos | Gerardi Veltwicki | Litterae R. Akibae. | Commentarii Rabenu [Jaco]b in penta|teuchum ‫ | מחנה אלהים‬Alphabetum ben Sirae cum commentarii | Historiae seu narrationes Thalmud. | Midras Ester. | Opus Legis | Epistola principios Joannis ad Pontificum Romanum | factum Abrahae. | Paralipomena Mosis | Liber Sarehabel | M[idras] ‫ | ויושע‬Liber Tobiae | Liber vari[ae] vitae | Liber Recti, Rabenu Tam. Ca[pitulae] Eliae Levitae | Liber scruti David[is]. | Liber Heliae Levitae super [M]asoreth | Eiusdem liber de Accentibus. For an image of this index see figure 7.

4 L.as. 103 1.

‫ מקנה אברהם‬Grammatica Hebraea by Abraham ben Meir de Balmes (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1523). 4°, [316] leaves.

Codicology Binding: Card board binding. (220×150×51mm).

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widemstadii.” He wrote no marginal notes. Provenance: The Jesuit College of Munich’s entry of ownership is found on p. [316b] (“Societatis iesv Monachii”) along with the expurgation mark signed by Petrus Canisius in 1578: “Approbatus per R.P. Canisius 1578.” The college’s bookplate is found on the back of the binding: “Liber Collegii Societatis iesv Monachii Catalogo inscriptus. Anno 1595.”

A.hebr. 533 1.

‫ ספר מכלול‬Sefer Mikhlol by David ben Joseph Kimhi (Constantinople: Gershom

Soncino, 1532–1533). 8°, [253]. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

561

rar. 161

Codicology Binding: Renaissance binding, brown leather. Decorated with a roll stamped frame and a rhombus–both vegetal motifs in gilded blind stamping. (151 × 106 × 34 mm).

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote a Latin title on p. [i’b]: “Rabi David Kimichi | Gramatica.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on p. 1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

L.as. 162 Grammatica Hebraea. 1. ‫ ספר הדקדוק‬Grammatica Hebraea Eliae Levitae Germani by Elijah Levita. Translated by Sebastian Münster (Basel: Froben, 1537). 8°, [104] 306 [7] leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. A4b, A7a–B1a, B3a, C7b, D2a–b, [220].

Codicology Binding: Gothic binding.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter signed the name of Philippus Widmanstetter on the titlepage: “Philippus Widmanstetter.” This name was deleted with black ink. Provenance: Jesuit College of Munich’s exlibris is found on the inside of the binding: “Liber Collegii Societatis | iesv Monachii Cata|logo inscriptus 1595.” It was apparently there that the year “1549” was written on the front of the binding. At the college, a handwritten entry of ownership was added to the top of the titlepage: “Collegii Societatis jesv Monacensis.” In 1578. the books passed through the censorship. On the titlepage the censor signed his name: “Approbatus á P. Mahseto 1578.” As a result. the name of Münster and the printer were deleted on every instance. At a later point, these names were sometimes reinserted into the text by writing them on slips of paper and gluing them into the book.

Rar. 161 1.

‫ מסכת חולין‬Talmud Bavli: Masekhet Ḥullin by Solomon ben Isaac. ([Soncino]:

Joshua Solomon ben IsraelSoncino, 1489). 2°, 180 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

562

appendix d

Codicology Binding: Gothic binding, brown leather. (335×234 × 49–59 mm). Two clasps still in place. Heavily damaged. Restored in 1957.

History Provenance: Latin title on p. [ia]: “Pars talmud […].” This page also contains a number of pen tests in Hebrew script. Provenance: An earlier owner, Eliezer, documented his studies between Thursday, 7 Kislev, and Sunday, 7 Shevat, with two notes in Italian semi cursive script on p. [ia]: “‫ ”יום ה׳ ז׳ לחודש כיסליו התחלתי ללמוד‬and “‫יום א׳ ז׳ בודש שבת כתבתי ]…[ אני אליעזר‬.” This note likely dates from 5258 (1498), since in this year the dates given line up with the days of the week. Provenance: A note in Sefardic cursive script on top right corner of p. 1a points another owner called Benjamin Castro: “‫מקצת כפי הצעיר בנימין קשטרו‬.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on p. 1a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

Rar. 1229 Halakha · Musar. i. 1.

‫ ספר מבחר הפנינים‬Sefer Mivḥar ha-Peninim by Solomon Ibn Gabirol. (Joshua

Solomon ben Nathan Soncino: [Soncino], 1484). 4°, 60 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. ii. 2.

‫ פירוש משנת אבות‬Perush Mishnat Avot by Moses Maimonides. (Joshua Solomon ben Nathan Soncino: [Soncino], 1484/1487). 4°, 48 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

iii. 3.

‫ בחינת עולם‬Beḥinat ʿOlam by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini (Joshua Solomon ben Nathan Soncino: [Soncino], 1484). 4°, 20 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

4.

‫ תורת האדם שער הגמול‬Torat ha-Adam by Shaʿar ha-Gemul by Moses Nachmanides.

vi. (Napels: Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi Gunzenhauser,). 4°, 34 leaves. Widmanstetter wrote one marginal note on p. 1a.

563

res./a.hebr. 518–1

Shared features Binding: Limp parchment binding (205×141×31mm).

History Provenance: An earlier owner wrote the piyyut “‫אחלה לקוני‬.” Below that he signed his name as Jehiel ben Samuel Gabbai of Elvito. His script is very distinct from that of the Jehiel who signed his name in many of Widmanstetter’s manuscripts. Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the title page of the first book: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” On the binding he wrote an index of the titles: Liber Electionis interiorum ex | Arabico sermone. | Commentarii in capita patrum | per Maimonem. | Epistola Enboneti, quam adpellavit considerationis mundii. | Harambani Porta retributionis. And on the page facing the title page of the first book, he wrote the titles in Hebrew: .‫ספר מבחר הפנינים | פי׳ משנת אבות | שער הגמול להרמבן‬

Res./A.hebr. 518 Maḥzor Minhag Roma.

Res./A.hebr. 518–1 1.

‫ מחזור כמנהג ק״ק רומה‬Maḥzor Minhag Roma (Volume 1) (Venice: Daniel Bomberg,

1525–1526). 8°, 344 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Gothic binding, brown leather. (138×96×49 mm). Between the last flyleaf and the binding residue of an old binding (recycled parchment in Latin script) and an old sticker with the current shelf mark.

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote inside the binding: “Liber precationum 2a pars.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

564

appendix d

Res./A.hebr. 518–2 2.

‫ מחזור כמנהג ק״ק רומה‬Maḥzor Minhag Roma (Volume 2) (Venice: Daniel Bomberg, 1525–1526). 8°, [462] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Gothic binding, brown leather. (137×94×61mm). Between the last flyleaf and the binding residue of an old binding (recycled parchment in Latin script).

History Provenance: An anonymous hand wrote on [ib]: “Praecationum liber.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on a) [ib]: “Joanis Alberti Widmestadiani | ex Elephasteniis Svevi, co|gnomento Lucretii. et C ‫ ”כ‬and b) on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

Res./2 A.hebr. 182 i. 1.

‫ מקרי דרדקי‬Maqrei Dardeqei by Perez Trabot (Napels: Joseph ben Jacob Ashkenazi Gunzenhauser, 1488). 2°, [78] leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Provenance: Hebrew marginal notes in Sefardic and Italian hands on some pages, e.g. pp. 15b, 27b, 70b. Provenance: The book belonged to Hayyim ben Samuel Nasim who bought it from R. Joseph ben Joshua of Tivoli at Gaetono on 9 March, he signed his name in Ashkenazi semi cursive script on p. [1a]: “‫שלי חיים נסים בכאמ״ר נסים | בכ״ר שמואל נסים ז״ל‬ ‫שקניתיו | מיד הר׳ יוסף בכ״ר יהושע | מטיבולי פה גייתונו י״ו ה׳ | ט׳ מארצו ויזכני השם | שזיכני‬ ‫לקנות הוא למען | רחמין יזכני לקרות ספרי׳ | אחרים ולהגות בם | אני וזרעי וזרע זרעי עד סוף | כל‬ ‫הדורות | וכך יהי | רצון | אמן‬.” He also wrote a list of terms next to this.

2.

ii. Enchiridion expositionis vocabulorum : Haruch, Targhum, Midrascim, Berescith, Scemoth, Vaicra, Midbar Rabba, et multorum aliorum librorum nuper editum by Sante Pagnini (Rome: 1523). 2°, 92 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter signed his name both on a) the titlepage and b) the back as: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

res/2 a.hebr. 280

565

Shared features Binding: Widmanstetter binding (310×203×30mm). Two metal clasps have come off.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote a title on the backside of the binding that is almost washed out: “Dictionarium Hebraicum […] Bibli|ca exposu[…] | Enchiridion Sancti Pagnini.” Provenance: The entry of ownership of the Jesuit College of Munich is found on the back of ii.: “Societatis Jesu Monachi.” A bookplate is at the end of the book. The spine is painted in gray and this latin title was written at the top over the first raised band: “enchiri|dion | Vocabul. | Hebraic.” Underneath the last raised band, part of a shelf mark is visible: “23.”

Res/2 A.hebr. 280 1.

‫ מסכת סנהדרין‬.‫ תלמוד בבלי‬Talmud Bavli. Masekhet Sanhedrin (Pesaro: Gershom Soncino, 16 November 1497). 2°, 262 leaves. The first leaf is missing. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Widmanstetter binding (349×240×30–61mm). The two clasps have come off. Stained, especially on the front cover. The wooden boards have contorted.

History Provenance: A partial entry of an earlier owner Menahem ben Menahem is found at the top of p. 1: “‫אשר חנן מקים את עבדו נאם מנחם בר מנחם הכח ז״ל‬.” The same hand left marginal notes throughout the book and wrote the title onto the edge of the bookblock. Provenance: The book belonged to Egidio da Viterbo, as is evident from the marginal notes from his hand. See also Widmanstetter’s note on the back cover. Among them some ink drawings of men, animals and ornate maniculae on pp. 220–221, 224, 226– 231. Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter left no entry of ownership, but he wrote a title on the back cover: Tractatus Sanhedrin cum annotationibus | manu cardinali Aegidii Viterbiensis.

566

appendix d

Res/4 A.hebr. 210 1.

‫ מורה הנבוכים‬Guide of the Perplexed by Moses Maimonides. ([Rome]: [Ovadya, Menasse and Benjamin of Rome], [ca. 1469/72]). 4°, 156 leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

Codicology Binding: Widmanstetter binding (285×191×41mm). Two flaps have come off. Sewn in the front.

History Provenance: An anonymous owner wrote a Latin title on p. 1a: “Theologia ebreorum.” Provenance: Jehiel’s entry of ownership is found on p. 1b—the latter part of his name is deleted. On p. 1a, he wrote (upside down) the first five words of Shemot. Below that he apparently practised his Latin script with an alphabet until the letter “q.” Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on p. 2a: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.” In addition, he left two titles for this volume: a) on the binding: Monstrator errantium R. Mosis | Maimonis and b) on p. 2a: Moreh Hanebuchim.

Res./4 A.hebr. 310 Philosophical Anthology. i. 1.

‫ ספר החסידים‬Sefer Ḥasidim by Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid (Bologna: 1538). 4°, 30

leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on p. 1a.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

res./4 a.hebr. 310

567

ii. 2.

‫ ספר אור עמים‬Sefer Or ʿAmmim by Obadiah ben Jacob Sforno (Bologna: Company

of Silk Weavers, 1537). 4°, 64 leaves. Marginal notes by Widmanstetter on pp. 3a– 4a, 5b.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Joannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

3.

iii. ‫ כוזרי‬Kuzari by Judah ha-Levi (Venice: 1547). 4°, leaves. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” iv. 4.

‫ ספר שער השמים‬Sefer Shaʿar ha-Shamayyim by Gershon ben Solomon of Arles

(Venice: Meir ben Jacob Parenzo, 1547). 4°, 64 leaves. Editio Princeps. No marginal notes by Widmanstetter.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on the titlepage: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.” v. 5. Anthology of three philosophical works (Venice: Cornelius Adelkind, 1546). No marginal notes by Widmanstetter. Containing: ‫ ספר מבחר הפנינים‬Sefer Mivḥar ha-Peninim by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini; ‫ בחינת עולם‬Beḥinat ʿOlam by Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi Penini; ‫ אבן בחן‬Even Boḥan by Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir.

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Entry of ownership on all titlepages: “Johannis Alberti Widmestadii.”

Shared features Binding: Widmanstetter binding (225×158×64mm). Two clasps, cut off.

568

appendix d

History Widmanstetter’s additions: Widmanstetter wrote a title on the back of the binding: Hebraica varia.

Index of Authors Aaron ha-Levi of Barcelona ‫פירוש הלכות הרי״ף על ברכות ותענית‬, Cod.hebr. 237, ff. 1v–163r

Abulafia, Meir ‫פירוש בריתא דרבי ישמעאל‬, Cod.hebr. 305, ff. 3r–11v

Aboab, Isaac ‫ספר מנורת המאור‬, 2 A.hebr. 8

Abulafia, Todros ben Joseph ‫אוצר הכבוד‬, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 4v–111r

Abraham ben Alexander of Cologne ‫כתר שם טוב‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 49v–55v

Adret, Solomon ben Abraham ‫חדושי גטין‬, Cod.hebr. 98, ff. 1r–174r; 4 A.hebr. 220 ‫שאלות ותשובות‬, 2 A.hebr. 97

Abraham ben David, Ibn Daud ‫האמונה הרמה‬, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 108v–205v Abravanel, Isaac ‫ספר משמיע ישועה‬, 2 A.hebr. 3 ‫ראש אמנה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 161r–201v; 2 A.hebr. 38 Abu Aflaḥ ‫ספר התמר‬, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 1r–27r Abū Kāmil Shujāʿ ibn Aslam ‫חבור בגיאומטריה‬, Cod.hebr. 225, ff. 155r– 165v ‫חשבון העגולה‬, Cod.hebr. 225, ff. 166v–191v ‫תחבולות המספר‬, Cod.hebr. 225, ff. 95r– 154r Abulafia, Abraham ben Samuel ‫אור השכל‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 31r–68r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 209v–214v ‫אמרי שפר‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 46r–117v ‫הפטרה‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 27v–31v ‫וזאת ליהודה‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 133v–141v ‫חותם ההפטרה‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 31v–34v ‫סוד הקבלה‬, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 84r–84v ‫ספר איש אדם‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 18v–20v ‫ספר האות‬, Cod.hebr. 409, ff. 1r–120v ‫ספר הברית‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 35r–36r ‫ספר הישר‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 24r–27v ‫ספר חיים‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 21r–24r ‫ספר מליץ‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 10r–18v ‫ספר עדות‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 36r–43v ‫סתרי תורה‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 111v–119r

Aegineta, Paulus ‫סם המות‬, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 159bisv–160r Aḥai mi-Shabḥa Gaon ‫שאילתות דרב אחאי גאון‬, 2 A.hebr. 24 al-Aḥdab, Isaac ben Solomon ben Zaddik ‫אדון נשגב אלהי הצבאות עושה בלי חקר‬ ‫גדולות‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 250r–251v ‫ארח סלולה‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 81v–90v ‫כלי הממוצע‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 67v–77v ‫מאמר בגדרי הדברים‬, Cod.hebr. 246, f. 65bisv Albalag, Isaac ‫תקון הדעות‬, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 206r–217v Albertus, Bernardus ‫מבוא במלאכה‬, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 5v–16r Albo, Joseph ‫ספר העיקרים‬, 4 A.hebr. 242 Albumasar (Abū Maʿshar Jaffar Ibn Muḥammad) ‫המבוא הגדול‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 231r al-Carsono, Jacob ben Isaac ‫באור עשיית כלי האצטרולב‬, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 103r–104v Alfakkhar, Judah ‫אגרת לר׳ דוד קמחי על דבר המחלוקת על‬ ‫מורה נבוכים‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 72r–72v

570 al-Farghānī, Aḥmad ‫אלפרגאני‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 83r–126v Al-Ghazali ‫מאמר בתשובות שאלות נשאל מהם‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 226v–230v Alhazen ‫פירוש ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬, Cod.hebr. 290, ff. 6r–45r; Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 85v–86r al-Kindi, Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq ‫אגרת בקצור המאמר במולדות‬, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 148r–149v ‫מעלות המיוחסות אל האישים העליונים‬, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 128r–136r; Cod.hebr. 343, f. 170v al-Zahrāwī, Abū al-Qāsim Khalaf ibn ʿAbbās ‫כתאב אלתצריף פי אלאדויה אלמרכבה‬, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 135r–146v ‫לאש אשפיסאש דיל ליטארגירו‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 262r–266r ‫מאמר המשיחות‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 15r–25v ‫צרוף‬, Cod.hebr. 321, ff. 1r–71r al-ʿIbādī, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq ‫מוסרי הפילוסופים‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 67r– 68r ‫ספר המבוא‬, Cod.hebr. 270, ff. 1r–69r ‫ספר המבוא לחנין בן אסחאק‬, Cod.hebr. 250, ff. 1r–69r Anatoli ben Joseph ‫אגרת אל הרמב״ם‬, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 5r–7r Angelet (Angelino), Joseph ‫עשרים וארבעה סודות‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 175r–181v Aristotle ‫הנהגת הבית‬, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 76r–81v ‫סוד הסודות‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 230r–235v ‫ספר הסבות‬, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 2r–6v ‫ספר התפוח‬, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 95v–98r; Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 29v–34r ‫שאלות טבעיות‬, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 43r–55v

index of authors in the catalog Asher ben David ‫איחד אל כדת האל נתונה‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 141v–142r ‫ספר היחוד‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 205r–214r Asher ben Jehiel ‫פירוש על ההילכות קטנות‬, 2 A.hebr. 258–1 ‫קצור פסקי הרא״ש‬, 2 A.hebr. 38 ‫תוספות על חולין‬, Cod.hebr. 236, ff. 2r–146r Asher ben Shelemyah of Lunel ‫קצור חובות הלבבות‬, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 5r– 36v Assaf ha-Rofe ‫ספר הרפואות‬, Cod.hebr. 231, ff. 1v–195v, 195r–196v, 197r–277v Averroes ‫אגרת אפשרות הדבקות בשכל הפועל‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 136r–139v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר ההטעאה של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 284, ff. 92r–127v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר ההיקש של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 51v–132v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 1r–62v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר ההטעאה של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 246v–273v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר המאמרות של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 15r–32r ‫באור אמצעי על ספר המבוא לפורפריוס‬, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 5v–15r ‫באור אמצעי על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 133v–175v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 63r–92r; Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 1r–10v; Cod.hebr. 284, ff. 3r–90v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר המליצה של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 32v–50v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר הנצוח של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 176r–245v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר השמע הטבעי של‬ ‫אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 352, ff. 1r–23v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 122v–210v ‫באור הארוך על ספר השמע הטבעי של‬ ‫אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 91, ff. 158r–235r; Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 60r–84v, 88v–89r ‫ביאור מה שאחר הטבע‬, Cod.hebr. 226, ff. 3r–122v

571

index of authors in the catalog ‫הדרושים הטבעיים‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 219v– 222r ‫השאלות הדבריות‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 210r– 219r ‫כללי השמים והעולם‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 28r– 37v; Cod.hebr. 208, ff. 47r–71v ‫כללי ספר הנפש‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 57r–69v ‫ספר אותות עליונות‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 43r– 56v ‫ספר השמע הטבעי‬, Cod.hebr. 310, ff. 1r– 85bisv ‫קצור החוש והמוחש‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 69v– 76v; Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 34v–57v ‫קצור מה שאחר הטבע‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 92r–115v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 93r–122r ‫קצור ספר האותות העליונות של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 208, ff. 72r–94v ‫קצור ספר ההויה וההפסד‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 38r–42v ‫קצור על שמע טבעי‬, Cod.hebr. 208, ff. 1r– 46v; Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 8r–27r Avicenna ‫הסדר הקטן‬, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 34r–64r ‫לקוטים מכתבי ברפואה‬, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 70r–71v, 126v–132v, 181v–184v; Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 229r ‫סמים לביים‬, Cod.hebr. 87, ff. 121r–132v; Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 109r–136v ‫ספר השינה והיקיצה‬, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 49r– 59v ‫קאנון‬, Cod.hebr. 87, ff. 1r–120v, 135r–329v, ff. 333r–428v; Cod.hebr. 127, ff. 1r–114v; Cod.hebr. 292, ff. 3r–91r ‫שמים והעולם‬, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 100r–101r Ayub, Solomon ben Joseph ibn ‫מאמר בטחורים‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 106r–116v Azriel of Gerona ‫שער השואל‬, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 31r–37v; Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 9r–10v; Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 87r–90v Baḥya ben Asher ben Ḥlava ‫ביאור על התורה‬, 2 A.hebr. 31 ‫ספר כד הקמח‬, 2 A.hebr. 38

Baḥya ben Joseph ibn Paquda ‫ספר חובת הלבבות‬, 4 A.hebr. 300 Balmes, Abraham ben Meir de ‫מקנה אברהם‬, 4 L.as. 103 Barison ‫סדר הנהגת האדם בביתו‬, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 62r–75r Bedersi, Abraham ben Isaac ‫בקשת הלמדין‬, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 94v–95v Benjamin de Tudela ‫מסעות של רבי בנימן‬, bl, C.50.a.7 ben Luca, Costa ‫מעשה הכדור‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 22r–37r; Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 29r–40v; Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 49r–49v Benveniste, Sheshet ben Isaac ben Joseph ‫מאמר במיני ההרקות במשלשלים‬, Cod.hebr. 134, ff. 116v–124v Bernard of Clairvaux ‫אגרת במוסר‬, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 85r–90r Bonfils, Immanuel ben Jacob ‫כנפי נשרים‬, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 29r–53v ‫לוח מתנה טובה‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 255v– 269r ‫ערך החלוף‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 180v–197v ‫שש כנפים‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 1v–26r Bonit, Jacob ben David ben Yom Tov Poʿel ‫לוחות הפועל‬, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 60r–72v; Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 85r–123r; Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 52v–80v Botarel, Moses ben Isaac ‫לוחות‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 92r–103v ‫פירוש ספר יצירה‬, Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 69r– 110bisr Caspi, Joseph ben Abba Mari ‫גביע כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 145r–147v ‫גלילי כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 79r–83v ‫חצוצרות כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 1v–37v

572 ‫כפות כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 84r–95r ‫מנורת הכסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 105r–144v ‫משכיות כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 265r–296v ‫פירוש הסודות שבפירוש התורה לראב״ע‬, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 153r–169v ‫פירוש מורה נבוכים‬, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 1r– 32r ‫צואת הכסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 98r–104v ‫קבוצת כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 95r–97v ‫שלחן כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 38r–74v

index of authors in the catalog de Saint-Amand, Jean ‫אנטידוטריום‬, Cod.hebr. 241, ff. 1r–195v de Santa Fe, Jerónimo ‫גרם המעלות‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 175r–241r de Solo, Gerardus ‫מבוא הנערים‬, Cod.hebr. 296, ff. 182r–193r; Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 2r–5v ‫ספר אלמנצורי‬, Cod.hebr. 296, ff. 1v–178r

Caspi, Netanel ben Nehemia ‫פירוש התורה‬, Cod.hebr. 252, ff. 8r–257r

de Tarenta, Valesco ‫הנהגת הדבר לפילוניו‬, 4 A.hebr. 315

Comtino, Mordecai ben Eliezer ‫חקון כלי הנחשת‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 173v– 176v, 195v–203r

de Villanova, Arnaldus ‫הנהגת הבריאות‬, Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 1r–19v ‫ על כאב הראש‬,‫סדר הרפואה‬, Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 20r–85bisr ‫פנים במשפט‬, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 182r–206r ‫פרטיקא‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 32v–35r ‫פרקי ארנבט‬, Cod.hebr. 286, ff. 2r–15v; Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 18r–20r

Constantinus Africanus ‫השלמת המזג והטבע‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 52r–54r Conti, Abraham ‫לקיות‬, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 108r–111v Corcus, Solomon ‫באור ספר יסוד עולם‬, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 2r– 43r Crescas, Meir Kalonymos ‫אגרת בענינים פילוסופיים‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 76r–78r da Sabbioneta, Gherardo ‫טיאריקא אומניאום פלאניטארום‬, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 49r–70v David ben Immanuel ‫ גורלות החול‬,‫פירוש על הגורלות‬, Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 164v–166r de Leon, Moses ‫ספר המשקל‬, Cod.hebr. 129, ff. 1r–32v de Rossi, Solomon ben Moses ben Jekutiel ‫עדות ה׳ נאמנה‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 1r–12v de Sacrobosco, Johannes ‫מראה האופנים‬, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 8r–24v

Dueren, Isaac ben Meir ‫שערי דורא‬, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 59r–84v Duran, Profiat ‫אגרת אל תהי כאבותיך‬, Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 131r–136r; Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 34r–36r ‫חשב האפד‬, Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 1r–44v Eldad ha-Dani ‫ספר דברי הימים‬, bl, C.50.a.12 Eleazar ben Judah of Worms ‫ארחות חיים‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 133v–137r ‫הילך המרכבה‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 87v–88r ‫הלכות האמנה‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 110v–113v ‫הלכות הדבור‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 103r–106r ‫הלכות הכבוד‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 97r–103r ‫הלכות הכסא‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 88r–96v ‫הלכות המלאכים‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 82r–87v ‫הלכות הנבואה‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 106r–110v ‫הלכות מיטטרון‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 79r–82r ‫סדר התשובה‬, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 10r–30v ‫סוד היחוד‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 12v–13r ‫סוד המרכבה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 9r–11r ‫ספר השם‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 113v–237v; Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 1r–6r; Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 118r–126r

index of authors in the catalog

573

‫ספר חכמת הנפש‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 311v– 368bisr ‫ספר רוקח‬, 2 A.hebr. 79 ‫ספר רזיאל‬, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 8v–79r ‫פירוש האוחז ביד מדת משפט‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 25v–27r ‫ על דרך הקבלה‬,‫פירוש סודות התפלה‬, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 2r–9r ‫שער הסוד והייחוד והאמונה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 6v–9r; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 47v–50r

‫פירוש ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 17v–21v; Cod.hebr. 290, ff. 2r–6r ‫פרקים בהגיון‬, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 218r–220v ‫קצור מכל מלאכת ההגיון‬, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 117v–142r

Eliaqim ben Meshullam of Speyer ‫פירוש מסכת יומא‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 120r– 161r Elijah Hayyim ben Benjamin of Genazzano ‫אגרת חמודות‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 2v–22r ‫אצילי בני ישראל‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 22r–24r Elisha ben Abraham ‫ספר מגן דוד‬, 4 A.hebr. 411 Euclid ‫המראים‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 261r–262r ‫חלוף המבטים‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 259r–261r ‫ספר היסודות‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 8r–17r, 22r– 85r, 87r–100r; Cod.hebr. 91, ff. 1r–141v; Cod.hebr. 130, ff. 1r–74v; Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 56r–64r Ezobi, Joseph ben Ḥanan ben Nathan ‫קערת כסף‬, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 106r–110r; Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 104r–106r Fagius, Paulus ‫ספר אמונה‬, 4 A.hebr. 331 ‫פירוש המלות על דרך הפשט לד׳ סימנים‬ ‫ספר בראשית‬, 4 A.hebr. 331 Farabi, Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al‫אגרת פתיחה למלאכת ההגיון‬, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 115r–117r ‫אומנות הנצוח‬, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 223v–227v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 222r–227r ‫מאמר במהות הנפש‬, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 69r– 72v ‫ספר הדפק‬, Cod.hebr. 134, ff. 112v–116r ‫ספר ההטעאה‬, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 219r–223v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 213r–221v

Farissol Botareli, Moses ‫מלאכת הקבוע‬, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 2bisr–4r Gabriel of Sinjar ‫הערות לספר מבוא ארנבאט‬, Cod.hebr. 253, f. 265v Galen ‫הנהגת הנער הנכפה‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 26r– 30r ‫נצאיח אלרהבאן‬, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 220v– 228v ‫ספר הנפש‬, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 98r–100r ‫פי אלאדויה אלמצ׳מונה‬, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 185r–217v Galogiro, Moses ‫שירים‬, Cod.hebr. 87, ff. 331v Genilla, Abraham ‫שיר על דקדוק‬, Cod.hebr. 241, ff. 195v–198v Gerani, Isaac ben Abraham ‫שירים‬, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 54r–59v Gerondi, Jonah ben Abraham ‫ספר היראה‬, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 30v–47r ‫שערי תשובה‬, Cod.hebr. 279, ff. 1v–108v; 4 A.hebr. 315 Gerondi, Perets ben Isaac ‫מערכת האלהות‬, Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 23v–46v Gershom ben Judah ‫פירוש מסכת מועד‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 237v– 244v ‫פירוש מסכת תענית‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 210v– 216v Gershon ben Solomon of Arles ‫ספר שער השמים‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 54v– 66v; Res./4 A.hebr. 310

574

index of authors in the catalog

Gikatilla, Joseph ben Abraham ‫גנת אגוז‬, Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 1r–181v ‫חדוש בסוד נקוד השם המיוחד‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 129r–131v ‫סוד בת שבע‬, Cod.hebr. 131, ff. 11r–12v ‫סוד עשר ספירות העמר‬, Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 197v–198r ‫ספר הנקוד‬, Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 181v–197v ‫פירוש הגדה של פסח על דרך הקבלה‬, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 53r–74v ‫קבץ בקבלה קדומה‬, Cod.hebr. 305, ff. 13r– 74v

ha-Kohen of Lunel, Jonathan ben David ‫פירוש חולין‬, Cod.hebr. 283, ff. 2v–79v ‫פירוש ערובין‬, Cod.hebr. 283, ff. 80r–153r

Gordon, Bernard de ‫חבור בהנהגת החדות‬, Cod.hebr. 85, ff. 1r, 115v ‫ימים גבוליים והקדמת הידיעה‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 56r–108r ‫לוח התחבולה‬, Cod.hebr. 85, ff. 1r–3r ‫ספר הגבולים‬, Cod.hebr. 85, ff. 3v–22v ‫שושן הרפואת‬, Cod.hebr. 85, ff. 2r–115r

Hananel ben Hushiʾel ‫פירוש התלמוד על פסחים‬, Cod.hebr. 227, ff. 1v–133r

ha-Darshan, Eleazar ben Moses ‫מאמר על יחוד השם‬, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 38r– 38v ‫סוד היחוד‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 24v–25r ‫פירוש התורה‬, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 83r–273r

Halafta ben Moses ‫לוח י״ג מחזורים‬, Cod.hebr. 343, f. 167v ha-Levi, Judah ‫ספר הכוזרי‬, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 99r–189v ha-Levi, Solomon ben Eliezer ‫עבודת הלוי‬, 4 A.hebr. 300

ha-Naqdan, Berechiah ben Natronai ‫משלי שועלים‬, Cod.hebr. 207, ff. 65r–100v Handeli, Moses ‫באור אל אלפרגאני‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 127r– 201v Ḥarrānī, al-Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī ‫עניני רפואה‬, Cod.hebr. 295, f. 35v

ha-Darshan, Simeon ‫ילקוט שמעוני‬, 2 A.hebr. 245

Hartlieb, Johannes ‫מזלות ומרשמים‬, Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 114v– 126v

Hai ben Sherira ‫שאלות ותשובות בקבלה‬, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 23r–24r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 141v–143v

Ḥazan of Girona, Abraham ‫קבלה מענין תפלה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 216r– 217v

ha-Kohen, Isaac ben Jacob ‫טעמי הטעמים‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 70r–73r; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 41v–47r ‫טעמי הנקודות‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 68r–70r; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 38v–41v

Hezekiah ben Manoah ‫חזקוני‬, Cod.hebr. 224, ff. 1v–135v

ha-Kohen, Jacob ben Jacob ‫פירוש עשר ספירות‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 123r– 125r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 159v–160v

Hippocrates ‫אפוריסמי‬, Cod.hebr. 270, ff. 72r–112r ‫חידות והשגחות‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 117v–122r ‫עניני רפואה‬, Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 103v–108r

ha-Kohen of Barcelona, Perets ben Isaac ‫מערכת האלהות‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 133r–157r

Hillel ben Samuel ‫תגמולי הנפש‬, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 7r–36v

Hispanus, Petrus ‫הגיון‬, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 91r–112r

575

index of authors in the catalog Ibn Aḥmad Majrīṭī, Maslamah ‫תכלית החכם‬, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 46r– 101r Ibn al-Jazzār, Aḥmad ben Ibrahim ‫אגרת בשכחה‬, Cod.hebr. 253, ff. 260v– 265r; Cod.hebr. 287, ff. 140v–143v ‫ספר המעלות‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 47r–52r; Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 93v–103r ‫צידת הדרכים‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 71v–159v Ibn al-Saffar al-Qasim, Aḥmad ben ʿAbd Alah ‫פירוש האצטרולב‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 5r–21r; Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 99r–116r; Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 1v–18v; Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 50r–65v; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 89r–104v Ibn Aṯarī, Māshāʾallāh ‫בקדרות הלבנה והשמש‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 78v–80r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 146r–147v Ibn Bal’am, Judah ben Samuel ‫הורית הקורא‬, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 70v–84v Ibn Ezra, Abraham ben Meir ‫גורלות החול‬, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 126r–174r; Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 121r–164r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 10r–13r ‫כלי הנחושת‬, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 73r–92r; Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 19r–32r; Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 107v–119v ‫מבחרים שניים‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 144r–150r ‫משפטי המזלות‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 150r– 163v ‫משפטי הנולד משנת ד׳תתקכ״א‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 67v–70r ‫ספר האחד‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 136r–137v ‫ספר הגורלות‬, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 49r–59r ‫ספר הטעמים‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 37r–67r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 30r–54v ‫ספר המאורות‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 101v–108r ‫ספר המבחרים‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 108v–116r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 116v–128r ‫ספר המולדות‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 70r–91r ‫ספר המספר‬, Cod.hebr. 36, f. 101r ‫ספר העולם‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 116r–124v, ff. 138r–143v; Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 95r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 136v–145r

‫ספר העולם ומחברת המשרתים‬, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 1r–10r ‫ספר השאלות‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 91v–101v; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 13r–30r ‫ספר השם‬, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 41r–47v ‫ערוגת המזמה ופרדס החכמה‬, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 2r–4v ‫ נחמיה וקהלת‬,‫ עזרא‬,‫פירוש דניאל‬, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 149v–230r ‫פירוש התורה לראב״ע‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 24r–24v ‫פירוש תהלים‬, Cod.hebr. 260, ff. 1r–154r ‫ראשית חכמה‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 1r–37r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 55r–116r ‫שמעו נא דברי הרופא‬, Cod.hebr. 246, f. 82v Ibn Ezra, Moses ben Jacob ‫ספר הענק‬, Cod.hebr. 211, ff. 1r–95v Ibn Gabirol, Solomon ben Judah ‫ספר מבחר הפנינים‬, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 37r– 58v; Rar. 1229 ‫תקון מדות הנפש‬, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 1r–20v; Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 59r–78r Ibn Ridwan, Ali ‫פירוש ספר גלנוס ביסודות‬, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 60r–83v Ibn Saʿd, ʿArīb ‫יצירת הולד‬, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 64v–65r ‫יצירת העובר והנהגת ההרות והנולדים‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 30v–32v Ibn Shem Tov, Shem Tov ben Joseph ben Shem Tov ‫דרשות התורה‬, 2 A.hebr. 237 ‫פירוש הגדה של פסח על דרך הקבלה‬, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 75r–83v Ibn Shuaib, Joshua ‫דרשות על התורה‬, 2 A.hebr. 239 Ibn Simon, Joseph ben Judah ‫מאמר ממחוייב המציאות‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 222v–226v Ibn Tibbon, Jacob ben Machir ‫לוחות התכונה‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 202r–237r

576 ‫רובע ישראל‬, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 146r–175v; Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 41v–53v Ibn Tibbon, Samuel ‫טעם השלחן והמנורה ולחם הפנים‬, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 296r–297r ‫פירוש על קהלת‬, Cod.hebr. 262, ff. 1r–79v Ibn Tibon, Moses ‫פירוש שיר השירים‬, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 2r– 51r Ibn Tufayl, Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Malik ‫חי בן יקטן‬, Cod.hebr. 272, ff. 1r–191r Ibn Wāfid, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ibn Muḥammad ‫מראשות הראש‬, Cod.hebr. 286, ff. 81v–158 Ibn Waqar, Joseph ben Abraham ‫הסכמת הפילוסופים והאצטגנינים‬ ‫והמקובלים‬, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 5r–31r; Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 1v–9r; Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 73r–87r ‫לוחות תכונה‬, Cod.hebr. 230, ff. 1r–88r Ibn Waqar, Moses ibn Isaac ‫מאמר ההבדלים‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 243r– 256v Ibn Yaḥya, Joseph ben David ‫פירוש חמש מגילות‬, 2 A.hebr. 97 Ibn Yahya, Maseweih ‫הערות מן הרפואות‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 39r– 44v ‫מהעצה והטבעים והתנאים של הרפואות‬ ‫המשלשלות הפשוטות והמורכבות‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 137r–174v Ibn Yaʿish, Solomon ben Abraham ‫פירוש הקאנון של אבן סינא‬, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 150r–181v Ibn Zuhr, ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ ‫מזונות‬, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 2r–33v ‫מראות השתן‬, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 65r–65v Immanuel ben Solomon of Rome ‫ספר מחברות עמנואל‬, 4 A.hebr. 283

index of authors in the catalog Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil ‫ספר מצוות קטן‬, Cod.hebr. 233, ff. 2r–175v Isaac ben Samuel of Acre ‫מאירת עינים‬, Cod.hebr. 325, ff. 1r–146r Israel ben Aaron ‫ספר שער השמים‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 183r– 208v Israeli, Isaac ben Solomon ‫המסעדים‬, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 1v–9v ‫הרוח והנפש‬, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 47v–49v ‫ספר הקדחות‬, Cod.hebr. 293, ff. 1r–193v Jacob ben Asher ‫ארבעה טורים‬, Cod.hebr. 255, ff. 1v–246r ‫פירוש התורה‬, 4 A.hebr. 300; 4 A.hebr. 411 Jacob ben Nissim ‫פירוש ספר יצירה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 99r– 116r Jacobi, Joannes ‫סוד המלאכה‬, Cod.hebr. 286, ff. 19r–78v Jaṣṣāṣ, Aḥmad ibn ʿAli ‫מאמר במה שיקרה במלאכת הרפואה מן‬ ‫המקרים‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 47r–56v ‫ספר אלמנצורי‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 45r–46v; Cod.hebr. 296, ff. 1v–178r ‫ספר המעלות‬, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 199v– 206v Jeroham ben Solomon ‫לוח לדעת שעות היום‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 44r–46v Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid ‫אלהים בישראל גדול יחודך‬, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 102v–103r ‫סוד היחוד‬, Cod.hebr. 325, ff. 146r–146v ‫ספר החסידים‬, Res./4 A.hebr. 310 Judah ha-Levi ‫איעצך איה אסגיר‬, Cod.hebr. 255, f. 249v ‫כוזרי‬, Res./4 A.hebr. 310

index of authors in the catalog

577

Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir ‫אבן בחן‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 39r–65v; Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 2r–48v; Res./4 A.hebr. 310 ‫ספר מלכים‬, Cod.hebr. 290, ff. 49r–62r ‫תשובה אל יוסף אבן כספי‬, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 11r–35r

Levi ben Gershom ‫חבור בגיאומטריה‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 263v– 269r ‫מלחמות השם‬, Cod.hebr. 94, ff. 1r–140v, 145r–212v, 215r–281v ‫מעשה חושב‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 1v–7v ‫פירוש שיר השירים‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 118r– 134r ‫פירוש לבאור אמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר‬ ‫המופת של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 35r–45r, 117r–147v ‫פירוש לבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר‬ ‫המליצה של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 59r–77v; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 57r–83v ‫פירוש לקצור אבן רשד על ספר ההויה‬ ‫וההפסד של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 202r–228v ‫פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על‬ ‫ספר המאמרות של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 34v–56v ‫פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על‬ ‫ספר המבוא של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 49r–58v; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 21r–34r ‫פירוש על התורה‬, 2 A.hebr. 145 ‫פירוש על כללי אבן רשד על ספר אותות‬ ‫העליונות של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 257r–232r

Karasani, Judah ben Joseph ‫ארון העדות‬, Cod.hebr. 78, ff. 1r–139r Kimhi, David ben Joseph ‫ספר השרשים‬, 2 A.hebr. 141 ‫ספר מכלול‬, A.hebr. 533 ‫פירוש מלות דניאל‬, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 147v– 149v ‫פירוש נביאים אחרונים‬, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896 ‫פירוש תהלים‬, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896 Kimhi, Joseph ben Isaac ‫פירוש איוב‬, Cod.hebr. 260, ff. 154v–165v ‫פירוש משלי‬, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 100v–147v Kimhi, Samuel ben Moses ‫פירוש פרק שירה‬, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 111r– 150v Kostantini, Ḥanokh ben Solomon ‫מראות אלהים‬, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 58r–76v; Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 9r–39r Kyeser, Konrad ‫ספר הזקוק‬, Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 4–67, 88v, 89v–90, 112, 114 Landau, Jacob ben Judah ‫ספר אגור‬, 4 A.hebr. 303 Lanfranco of Milan ‫אלפרנקינא‬, Cod.hebr. 271 b, ff. 161r–179v; Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 257r–261v ‫חכמה נשלמת במלאכת היד‬, Cod.hebr. 271 a, 1r–32v; Cod.hebr. 271 b, 1r–160v Latimi, Joseph ben Sheshet ‫אאמיר את אדוני אותותיו אפרשה‬, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 95v–98r

Levita, Elijah ‫זכרונות‬, Cod.hebr. 74 a, ff. 4r–578r; Cod.hebr. 74 b, ff. 4r–596r ‫מסורת המסורת‬, Cod.hebr. 322, ff. 1r–33r; 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר הדקדוק‬, L.as. 162 ‫ספר טוב טעם‬, 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫פרקי אליהו‬, 4 A.hebr. 411 Maimonides, Moses ‫אגרות ותשובות‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 20r–24v, 70r–70v ‫אגרת תחית המתים‬, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 96v– 106v ‫אגרת תימן‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 13r–19v ‫הנהגת הבריאות‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 84r–93r; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 116r–130v ‫השתן‬, Cod.hebr. 111, f. 124r ‫מאמר בטחורים‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 103v–105v ‫מאמר הנכבד‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 93v–101r; Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 37v–38v

578 ‫מאמר על רבוי התשמיש‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 101v–103v ‫מורה הנבוכים‬, Cod.hebr. 99, ff. 1r–166r; Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 243r–294r; 2 A.hebr. 178, Res/4 A.hebr. 210; Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 63v–199r ‫מלות הגיון‬, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 207r–217v; Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 92r–110v; Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 50r–58v; Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 99v– 103v ‫מעלות האלהיות‬, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 29v–33v ‫מקאלה אלרבו‬, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 5r–37r ‫סדר זרעים‬, 2 A.hebr. 258–1 ‫ספר המצוות‬, Cod.hebr. 213, ff. 4r–207r; Cod.hebr. 282, ff. 1r–247r ‫פירוש משנת אבות‬, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 1r– 25r; Rar. 1229 ‫פרקי משה‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 3r–83v; Cod.hebr. 134, ff. 2r–112r; Cod.hebr. 253, ff. 2r–260r; Cod.hebr. 287, ff. 1r–140v ‫שאלות ותשובות‬, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 7r–8v; 2 A.hebr. 38 ‫שלשה עשר העיקרים‬, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 103r–105v ‫שמונה פרקים‬, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 231r–240v; Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 55v–71v Martin de Lucena ‫סגלות‬, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 162r–162v Mashallah ‫בקדרות הלבנה והשמש‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 127v–129v ‫ספר השאלות‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 124v–127r Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg ‫ יוצר לשבת‬,‫אורות מאופל הזריח מהודו‬, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 9r–10r Meiri, Menahem ben Solomon ‫פירוש משלי‬, Cod.hebr. 251, ff. 2r–227v Messer Leon, Judah ben Jehiel ‫פירוש על באור אבן רשד על ספר המופת‬ ‫של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 1r–34v Molkho, Solomon ‫המפואר‬, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 118r–133v

index of authors in the catalog Moses of Narbonne ‫אורח חיים‬, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 25v–69v, 73v– 126r ‫פירוש אפשרות הדבקות לאבן רשד‬, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 171r–202r ‫פירוש כוונות הפילוסופים לגזאלי‬, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 1r–165r ‫פירוש מלות ההגיון‬, Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 5r– 20v Motot, Samuel ben Saadia ‫מגלת סתרים‬, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 126v–128v Motot, Simeon ben Moses ben Simeon ‫שני הקוים שאינם נפגשים מאמר בדבור הקו‬ ‫העקום והישר‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 262r– 263v Muelhausen, Yom Tov Lipmann ‫ספר הנצחון‬, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 102v–203v Münster, Sebastian ‫ספר הדקדוק‬, L.as. 162 Nachmanides, Moses ‫אגרת החמדה‬, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 98v–105r ‫דיני דגרמי‬, Cod.hebr. 75, ff. 125v–133v ‫דרשה‬, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 41r–55r ‫דרשה לראש השנה‬, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 2r– 10v ‫האמונה והבטחון‬, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 218r– 218v ‫חבור בהלכה‬, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 94v–140bisr ‫חדושי בבא בתרא‬, Cod.hebr. 75, ff. 2r–125v ‫חדושי סנהדרין‬, Cod.hebr. 75, ff. 134r–139v ‫חידושי בבא בתרא‬, 4 A.hebr. 220 ‫ספר מצוות הגדול‬, 2 A.hebr. 67 ‫פירוש איוב‬, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 10r–100v ‫פירוש התורה‬, Cod.hebr. 113, ff. 1r–151v; Cod.hebr. 257, ff. 2r–282r ‫פירוש ספר יצירה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 217v– 220r ‫פרשת אשה כי תזריע‬, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 140bisv ‫תורת האדם‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 89r–108v; Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 11r–41r; Rar. 1229 Nahmias, Joseph ben Joseph ‫פירוש אסתר‬, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 84r–96r

579

index of authors in the catalog Natan, Judah ben Solomon ‫סוד הסודות‬, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 20r–42v Neḥunya ben ha-Qanah ‫תפלת היחוד לר׳ נחוניה בן הקנה‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 167v–169v

Recanati, Menahem ben Benjamin ‫ביאור על התורה‬, 4 A.hebr. 354 ‫טעמי המצוות‬, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 116r–171r ‫פירוש ברכת המזון‬, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 171r– 173v ‫פירוש התפלות‬, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 25r–54v

Nicomachus of Gerasa ‫אריתמטיקה‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 144r–164r

Rieti, Moses ben Isaac ‫אגרת‬, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 83v–84v

Pagnini, Sante Enchiridion expositionis vocabulorum, Res./2 A.hebr. 182

Romano, Judah ben Moses ‫פירוש משנה תורה‬, Cod.hebr. 273, ff. 29r– 115r

Pauli, Johannes ‫בריאות החיים‬, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 115r–115v

Saadia ben Joseph ‫ספר הגורלות‬, Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 72r–81v, 82r–83v ‫עניני נקוד וטעמים‬, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 68v– 69r ‫עשר תשובות על תחיית המתים‬, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 66v–69r ‫פירוש ספר יצירה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 75r–99r; Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 110bisv–126r; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 50v–82v ‫שרח תחלים‬, Cod.arab. 236 ‫תרגום רס״ג לערבית‬, Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 1r– 282v

Penini, Jedaiah ben Abraham Bedersi ‫בחינת עולם‬, Cod.hebr. 328, ff. 1r–21v; Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 51r–62v; Rar. 1229; Res./4 A.hebr. 310 ‫בקשת הממין‬, Cod.hebr. 328, ff. 22r–25v; Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 91v–94r ‫כתב התנצלות‬, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 63r–91r ‫ספר מבחר הפנינים‬, Res./4 A.hebr. 310 Protospatharius, Theophilus ‫החלאים והמקרים‬, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 127r– 170v Pseudo-Plato ‫ספר הנמוסים‬, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 102v–109v Pseudo-Ptolemy ‫שאלות‬, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 130r–137v Pseudo-Rabad ‫פירוש ספר יצירה‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 16v–18r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 137v–141v; Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 10r–68v Ptolemy ‫אלמגסטי‬, Cod.hebr. 70, ff. 2r–180v ‫מעשה כלי ההבטה‬, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 123r– 127v; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 105r–111v Raveliah, Moses ben Samuel ‫סימנים לחזות העתיד‬, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 111v–112v

Sahula, Isaac ben Solomon ‫משל הקדמוני‬, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 1r–94v; A.hebr. 391 Samson ben Isaac of Chinon ‫ספר כריתות‬, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 1r–50v Samson ha-Naqdan ‫מפתח הדקדוק‬, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 113r–128v Samuel ben Solomon ‫מאמר הכנפיים‬, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 30r–34r Savasorda, Abraham bar Ḥiyya ‫חבור המשיחה והשתברות‬, Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 54r–118r; Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 45r– 103v ‫חשבון מהלכות הכוכבים‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 142v–143v ‫יסודי התבונה ומגדל האמונה‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 203v–209v

580 ‫ספר העבור‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 127v–135v; Cod.hebr. 91, ff. 142v–156v ‫צורת הארץ‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 102r–127r; Cod.hebr. 340, ff. 1r–50v Sforno, Obadiah ben Jacob ‫ספר אור עמים‬, Res./4 A.hebr. 310 Shanak al-Hindī ‫מאמר בסמי המות‬, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 159r Sheshet of Catalonia ‫סוד העבור‬, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 14v–16r Solomon ben Abraham ben Samuel ‫אהל מועד‬, 4 A.hebr. 391 Solomon ben Isaac ‫מסכת חולין‬, Rar. 161 ‫ספר תהלים‬, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫פירוש איכה‬, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 1r–6v ‫פירוש ברייתא דרבי ישמעאל‬, Cod.hebr. 279, ff. 108v–112r; Cod.hebr. 305, ff. 1r–3r ‫פירוש חגיגה‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 228v–237v ‫פירוש כתובים‬, Cod.arab. 236 ‫פירוש לתורה‬, Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 78v–83; 4 A.hebr. 410 ‫פירוש מסכת ביצה‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 188v– 207r ‫פירוש מסכת מגילה‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 216v– 228v ‫פירוש מסכת סוכה‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 161r– 187r ‫פירוש מסכת ערובין‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 18v– 66r ‫פירוש מסכת פסחים‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 66r– 119v ‫פירוש מסכת ראש השנה‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 207v–210r ‫פירוש מסכת שבת‬, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 3r–18v ‫פירוש רות‬, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 229v, 231r– 232r Tam, Jacob ben Meir ‫ספר הישר‬, 4 A.hebr. 411

index of authors in the catalog Themistius ‫המאמר הנרשם באות הלמד מספר מה‬ ‫שאחר הטבע של אריסטו‬, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 80r–90v Tobiah ben Eliezer ‫מדרש לקח טוב‬, Cod.hebr. 77, ff. 1v–68v; Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 79v–86r Trabot, Perez ‫מקרי דרדקי‬, Res./2 A.hebr. 182 Treves, Johanan ben Joseph ‫מדרש המכילתא‬, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫ספר ספרא‬, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫ספר ספרי‬, 2 A.hebr. 24 Treves, Naftali Hirsch ‫נפתולי אלהים נפתלתי‬, Cod.hebr. 403, ff. 1r–109r Tsarfati, Reuben ‫פרוש היריעה הגדולה‬, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 1r– 33v Tsiyoni, Menahem ‫ציוני‬, Cod.hebr. 76, ff. 1r–177v Veltwyck, Gerhard ‫שבילי תהו‬, 4 A.hebr. 411 Widmanstetter, Johann Albrecht Hebrew-Latin dictionary, ff. 1r–39v Latin-Hebrew dictionary, ff. 74r–122v Zacuto, Abraham ben Samuel ‫לוחות אברהם זכות‬, Cod.hebr. 109, ff. 37r– 219v ‫ספר התקופות והמזלות‬, Cod.hebr. 109, ff. 8r–36v Zarqālī, Ibrāhīm ibn Yaḥya ‫כלי הצפיחה‬, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 164v–173v

Index of Titles Enchiridion expositionis vocabulorum Sante Pagnini, Res./2 A.hebr. 182 ‫אאמיר את אדוני אותותיו אפרשה‬ Joseph ben Sheshet Latimi, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 95v–98r ‫אבות דרבי נתן‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 84v–107v ‫אבן בחן‬ Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 39r–65v; Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 2r–48v; Res./4 A.hebr. 310 ‫אגדת עולם קטן‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 68v–71r ‫אגרות ותשובות‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 20r– 24v ‫אגרת‬ Moses ben Isaac Rieti, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 83v–84v ‫אגרת אל הרמב״ם‬ Anatoli ben Joseph, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 5r– 7r ‫אגרת אל תהי כאבותיך‬ Profiat Duran, Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 131r–136r; Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 34r–36r ‫אגרת אפשרות הדבקות בשכל הפועל‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 136r–139v

‫אגרת בקצור המאמר במולדות‬ Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindi, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 148r–149v ‫אגרת בשכחה‬ Aḥmad ben Ibrahim Ibn al-Jazzār, Cod.hebr. 253, ff. 260v–265r; Cod.hebr. 287, ff. 140v–143v ‫אגרת החמדה‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 98v–105r ‫אגרת חמודות‬ Elijah of Genazzano, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 2v– 22r ‫אגרת לר׳ דוד קמחי על דבר המחלוקת על מורה‬ ‫נבוכים‬ Judah Alfakkhar, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 72r–72v ‫אגרת פורים‬ Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 34r–42r ‫אגרת פתיחה למלאכת ההגיון‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 115r–117r ‫אגרת תחית המתים‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 96v– 106v ‫אגרת תימן‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 13r– 19v

‫אגרת במוסר‬ Bernard of Clairvaux, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 89v–85v

‫אדון נשגב אלהי הצבאות עושה בלי חקר‬ ‫גדולות‬ Isaac ben Solomon ben Zaddik al-Aḥdab, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 250r–251v

‫אגרת בענינים פילוסופיים‬ Meir Kalonymos Crescas, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 76r–78r

‫אהל מועד‬ Solomon ben Abraham ben Samuel, 4 A.hebr. 391

582 ‫אומנות הנצוח‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 223v–227v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 222r–227r ‫אוצר הכבוד‬ Todros ben Joseph Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 4v–111r ‫אור השכל‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 31r– 68r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 209v–214v ‫אורות מאופל הזריח מהודו‬ Meir ben Baruch of Rothenburg, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 9r–10r ‫אורח חיים‬ Moses of Narbonne, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 25v– 69v ‫אותיות דרבי עקיבא‬ 4 A.hebr. 411; 4 A.hebr. 300 ‫איחד אל כדת האל נתונה‬ Asher ben David, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 141v– 142r ‫אילן הספירות‬ Cod.hebr. 119, f. 2v; Cod.hebr. 448 ‫אילן השכל‬ Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 69r–69v ‫איעצך איה אסגיר‬ Judah ha-Levi, Cod.hebr. 255, f. 249v ‫אלהים בישראל גדול יחודך‬ Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 102v–103r ‫אלי אל אבושה‬ Cod.hebr. 233, ff. 197r–198v ‫אלמגסטי‬ Ptolemy, Cod.hebr. 70, ff. 2r–180v

index of titles in the catalog ‫אלפא ביתא דבן סירא‬ Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 73r–74r; bl, C.50.a.6 ‫אלפרגאני‬ Aḥmad al-Farghānī, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 83r– 126v ‫אלפרנקינא‬ Lanfranco of Milan, Cod.hebr. 271, ff. 161r– 179v; Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 257r–261v ‫אם מותר להניח תפילין על הבגד למעלה‬ Cod.hebr. 255, f. 247r ‫אמרי שפר‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 46r– 117v ‫אנטידוטריום‬ Jean de Saint-Amand, Cod.hebr. 241, ff. 1r– 195v ‫אפוריסמי‬ Hippocrates, Cod.hebr. 270, ff. 72r–112r ‫אצילי בני ישראל‬ Elijah of Genazzano, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 22r– 24r ‫ארבעה טורים‬ Jacob ben Asher, Cod.hebr. 255, ff. 1v–246r ‫ארון העדות‬ Judah ben Joseph Karasani, Cod.hebr. 78, ff. 1r–139r ‫ארח סלולה‬ Isaac ben Solomon ben Zaddik al-Aḥdab, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 81v–90v ‫ארחות חיים‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 133v– 137r ‫אריתמטיקה‬ Nicomachus of Gerasa, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 144r–164r

583

index of titles in the catalog ‫באור אל אלפרגאני‬ Moses Handeli, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 127r– 201v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר ההטעאה של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 284, ff. 92r–127v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר ההיקש של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 1r–62v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר המבוא של פורפיריוס‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 49r– 58v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר המופת של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 63r–92r; Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 1r–10v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר הנצוח של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 284, ff. 3r–90v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר השמע הטבעי של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 352, ff. 1r–23v ‫באור אמצעי על ספר מה שאחר הטבע של‬ ‫אריסט‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 122v–210v ‫באור הארוך על ספר השמע הטבעי של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 91, ff. 158r–235r; Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 60r–84v, 88v–89r ‫באור טעם סוכה‬ Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 229r–229v ‫באור לוחות‬ Cod.hebr. 126, ff. 22r–30v ‫באור לוחות אלפונסו‬ Cod.hebr. 126, ff. 4r–22r; Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 76r–77v ‫באור ספר יסוד עולם‬ Solomon Corcus, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 2r–43r ‫באור עשיית כלי האצטרולב‬ Jacob ben Isaac al-Carsono, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 103r–104v

‫בחינת עולם‬ Jedaiah Bedersi Penini, Cod.hebr. 328, ff. 1r–21v; Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 51r–62v; Rar. 1229; Res./4 A.hebr. 310 ‫ביאור מה שאחר הטבע‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 226, ff. 3r–122v ‫ביאור על התורה‬ Baḥya ben Asher ben Ḥlava, 2 A.hebr. 31 Menahem Recanati, 4 A.hebr. 354 ‫ביאור ע״ב אותיות‬ Cod.hebr. 112, f. 167v ‫ביאור שמות האלהות‬ Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 3r–5r, 8v–11r, 16v–22r ‫בקדרות הלבנה והשמש‬ Mashallah, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 127v–129v Māshāʾallāh Ibn Aṯarī, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 78v–80r ‫בקדרות השמש והלבנה‬ Māshāʾallāh Ibn Aṯarī, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 146r–147v ‫בקשה אחת‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 163v–164r ‫בקשת הלמדין‬ Abraham ben Isaac Bedersi, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 94v–95v ‫בקשת הממין‬ Jedaiah Bedersi Penini, Cod.hebr. 328, ff. 22r–25v; Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 91v–94r ‫בראשית רבה‬ Cod.hebr. 114, f. 79r ‫בריאות החיים‬ Johannes Pauli, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 115r– 115v ‫ברייתא דיוסף בן עוזיאל‬ Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 13r–14v

584 ‫גביע כסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 145r–147v ‫גורלות‬ Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 70v–71v

index of titles in the catalog ‫דרשות התורה‬ Shem Tov ben Joseph, 2 A.hebr. 237 ‫דרשות על התורה‬ Joshua Ibn Shuaib, 2 A.hebr. 239

‫גורלות אחיתופל‬ Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 84r–87v

‫האמונה הרמה‬ Abraham Ibn Daud, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 108v–205v

‫גורלות החול‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 126r– 174r; Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 121r–164r

‫האמונה והבטחון‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 218r–218v

‫גלילי כסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 79r–83v

‫הברית החדשה‬ Cod.arab. 234, ff. 78r–128r

‫גנת אגוז‬ Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla, Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 1r–181v ‫גרם המעלות‬ Jerónimo de Santa Fe, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 175r–241r ‫דברי מנחם‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 164r–166v ‫דיני דגרמי‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 75, ff. 125v–133v

‫הגיון‬ Petrus Hispanus, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 91r– 112r ‫הדרושים הטבעיים‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 219v–222r ‫הורוסקופ‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 10r– 13r ‫הורית הקורא‬ Judah ben Samuel Ibn Bal’am, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 70v–84v

‫דמיון ושורש לכלי האצטרולב‬ Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 133r–139v

‫החלאים והמקרים‬ Theophilus Protospatharius, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 127r–170v

‫דרושים‬ Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 65r–65v

‫היכלות רבתי‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 220r–222r

‫דרשה‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 41r–55r

‫הילך המרכבה‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 87v–88r

‫דרשה לראש השנה‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 2r– 10v ‫דרשוים קצרים‬ Cod.hebr. 255, f. 246v

‫הליקוטים והחבורים‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫הלכות האמנה‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 110v– 113v

585

index of titles in the catalog ‫הלכות הדבור‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 103r– 106r ‫הלכות הכבוד‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 97r– 103r

‫הנהגת הבית‬ Aristotle, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 76r–81v ‫הנהגת הבריאות‬ Arnaldus de Villanova, Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 1r–19v Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 111, f. 84r– 93r; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 116r–130v

‫הלכות הכסא‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 88r– 96v

‫הנהגת הדבר לפילוניו‬ Valesco de Tarenta, 4 A.hebr. 315

‫הלכות המלאכים‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 82r–87v

‫הנהגת הנער הנכפה‬ Galen, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 26r–30r

‫הלכות הנבואה‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 106r– 110v

‫הסדר הקטן‬ Avicenna, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 34r–64r

‫הלכות מיטטרון‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 79r–82r

‫הסכמת הפילוסופים והאצטגנינים והמקובלים‬ Joseph ben Abraham Ibn Waqar, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 5r–31r; Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 1v–9r; Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 73r–87r

‫המאמר הנרשם באות הלמד מספר מה שאחר‬ ‫הטבע של אריסטו‬ Themistius, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 80r–90v

‫הערות במסורה‬ Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 64v–65r

‫המאמרות‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 15r–32r

‫הערות לספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬ Cod.hebr. 36, f. 1r

‫המבוא הגדול‬ Albumasar, Cod.hebr. 36, f. 231r

‫הערות לספר כונות הפילוסופים של אלגזאלי‬ Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 148r–155r

‫המסעדים‬ Isaac ben Solomon Israeli, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 1v–9v

‫הערות לספר מבוא ארנבאט‬ Gabriel of Sinjar, Cod.hebr. 253, f. 265v

‫המפואר‬ Solomon Molkho, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 118r– 133v ‫המפתח‬ Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 91r–102v ‫המראים‬ Euclid, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 261r–262r ‫המשחק בקוביה מכתו טריה‬ Cod.hebr. 358, f. 107v

‫הערות לשוניות על פעלים ושמות שונים במקרא‬ Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 36r–38v ‫הערות מן הרפואות‬ Maseweih Ibn Yahya, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 39r–44v ‫הערות על התלמוד‬ Cod.hebr. 124, ff. 1r–69r ‫הערות על מורה נבוכים‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 1r–30v

586

index of titles in the catalog

‫הפטרה‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 27v– 31v

‫חבור בהלכה‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 94v–140bisr

‫הרוח והנפש‬ Isaac ben Solomon Israeli, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 47v–49v

‫חבור בהנהגת החדות‬ Bernard de Gordon, Cod.hebr. 85, f. 115v

‫השאלות הדבריות‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 210r–219r ‫השבעות‬ Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 44r–46v ‫השלמה להלכות ציצית‬ Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 141v–142r ‫השלמת המזג והטבע‬ Constantinus Africanus, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 52r–54r ‫השתן‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 111, f. 124r ‫וזאת ליהודה‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 133v– 141v ‫זוהר‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 57r–87r; Cod.hebr. 217, ff. 7r–327r; Cod.hebr. 218, ff. 6r–346v; Cod.hebr. 219, ff. 6r–273r; Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 5r–8r

‫חבור בעניני תרופות‬ Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 133r–134v ‫חבור המשיחה והשתברות‬ Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda, Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 54r–118r; Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 45r– 103v ‫חבור על שבעים ושנים שמות ה׳‬ Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 65v–66r ‫חדוש בסוד נקוד השם המיוחד‬ Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 129r–131v ‫חדושי בבא בתרא‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 75, ff. 2r– 125v ‫חדושי גטין‬ Solomon ben Abraham Adret, Cod.hebr. 98, ff. 1r–174r ‫חדושי סנהדרין‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 75, ff. 134r–139v

‫זכרונות‬ Elijah Levita, Cod.hebr. 74, ff. 4r–578r

‫חדושי קדושין‬ Cod.hebr. 258, ff. 1r–201r

‫חבור באסטרונומיה ובאסטרולוגיה‬ Cod.hebr. 126, ff. 31r–32v

‫חומל טוב גומל צורי‬ Cod.hebr. 233, ff. 197r–198v

‫חבור באסטרונומיה פיסקלית‬ Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 176v–195v

‫חותם ההפטרה‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 31v– 34v

‫חבור בגיאומטריה‬ Abū Kāmil Shujāʿ ibn Aslam, Cod.hebr. 225, ff. 155r–165v Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 263v– 269r

‫חזקוני‬ Hezekiah ben Manoah, Cod.hebr. 224, ff. 1v–135v

587

index of titles in the catalog ‫חי בן יקטן‬ Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Malik Ibn Tufayl, Cod.hebr. 272, ff. 1r–191r ‫חידושי בבא בתרא‬ Moses Nachmanides, 4 A.hebr. 220 ‫חידושי גיטין‬ Solomon ben Abraham Adret, 4 A.hebr. 220

‫טבלות באסטרונומיה‬ Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 48r–49r ‫טופס הכתב ששלח פרישטי יואן לפיפיור‬ ‫ברומאה‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫טופס שטר למינוי אפוטרופוסים ליתומים‬ Cod.hebr. 358, f. 52v

‫חידות והשגחות‬ Hippocrates, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 117v–122r

‫טיאריקא אומניאום פלאניטארום‬ Gherardo da Sabbioneta, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 49r–70v

‫חכמה נשלמת במלאכת היד‬ Lanfranco of Milan, Cod.hebr. 271 a, ff. 1r– 32v; Cod.hebr. 271 b, ff. 1r–160v

‫טעם השלחן והמנורה ולחם הפנים‬ Samuel Ibn Tibbon, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 296r–297r

‫חכמת השרטוט‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 116v–122v

‫טעמי הטעמים‬ Isaac ben Jacob ha-Kohen, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 70r–73r; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 41v–47r

‫חלוף אותיות המתחלפות‬ Cod.hebr. 131, f. 4r ‫חלוף המבטים‬ Euclid, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 259r–261r ‫חמשה חומשי תורה‬ 2 B.or. 16 ‫חצוצרות כסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 1v–37v ‫חקון כלי הנחשת‬ Mordecai ben Eliezer Comtino, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 195v–203r ‫חשב האפד‬ Profiat Duran, Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 1r–44v ‫חשבון העגולה‬ Abū Kāmil Shujāʿ ibn Aslam, Cod.hebr. 225, ff. 166v–191v ‫חשבון מהלכות הכוכבים‬ Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 142v–143v

‫טעמי המצוות‬ Menahem Recanati, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 116r–171r ‫טעמי הנקודות‬ Isaac ben Jacob ha-Kohen, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 68r–70r; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 38v–41v ‫טרקטאץ‬ Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 86r–93r ‫ילקוט שמעוני‬ Simeon ha-Darshan, 2 A.hebr. 245 ‫ימים גבוליים והקדמת הידיעה‬ Bernard de Gordon, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 56r– 108r ‫יסודי התבונה ומגדל האמונה‬ Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 203v–209v ‫יצירת הולד‬ ʿArīb Ibn Saʿd, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 64v–65r Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 62r–65v

588

index of titles in the catalog

‫יצירת העובר והנהגת ההרות והנולדים‬ ʿArīb Ibn Saʿd, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 30v– 32v

‫כפות כסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 84r–95r

‫ירושלמי גזרו שמד‬ 4 A.hebr. 411

‫כרוניקה על הרעש בגירונה בשנת קפ״ז‬ Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 35v–37r

‫י״ב מזלות המשמשים הכוכבים‬ Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 141r–141v

‫כתאב אלתצריף פי אלאדויה אלמרכבה‬ Abū al-Qāsim al-Zahrāwī, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 135r–146v

‫כוזרי‬ Judah ha-Levi, Res./4 A.hebr. 310 ‫כלי הממוצע‬ Isaac ben Solomon ben Zaddik al-Aḥdab, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 67v–77v ‫כלי הנחושת‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 73r– 92r; Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 19r–32r; Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 107v–119v

‫כתב התנצלות‬ Jedaiah Bedersi Penini, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 63r–91r ‫כתר שם טוב‬ Abraham ben Alexander of Cologne, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 49v–55v ‫לאש אשפיסאש דיל ליטארגירו‬ Abū al-Qāsim al-Zahrāwī, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 262r–266r

‫כלי הצפיחה‬ Ibrāhīm ibn Yaḥya Zarqālī, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 164v–173v

‫לדעת עשיית הנימידאר‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 47r–49r

‫כלל הקרבן הנדר והכונה והזביחה‬ Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 214v–216r

‫לוח‬ Cod.hebr. 246, f. 37v

‫כללי השמים והעולם‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 28r–37v

‫לוח הערכים‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 174r–179v

‫כללי השמים והעולם של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 208, ff. 47r–71v

‫לוח הפרדארים‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 26v–27r

‫כללי לשון למודים‬ Cod.hebr. 328, ff. 26r–30v

‫לוח השוואת הבתים בעיר טולידו‬ Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 102r–102v, 107r–107v

‫כללי ספר הנפש‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 57r–69v

‫לוח התחבולה‬ Bernard de Gordon, Cod.hebr. 85, ff. 1r–3r

‫כנפי נשרים‬ Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 29r–53v

‫לוח י״ג מחזורים‬ Halafta ben Moses, Cod.hebr. 343, f. 167v

‫כסא ואיפודרומין של מלך שלמה‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 50v–56v

‫לוח לדעת אחרית החולה לחיים או למות‬ Cod.hebr. 343, f. 171v ‫לוח לדעת באיזה יום מהשבוע החדש השמשי‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 198v–199v

589

index of titles in the catalog ‫לוח לדעת בכמה ימים מהחדש השמשי‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 237v–255r

‫לוחות אלפונסו‬ Cod.hebr. 126, ff. 34v–116v

‫לוח לדעת גובה השמש‬ Cod.hebr. 343, f. 171r

‫לוחות המולד‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 34v–41r

‫לוח לדעת המעלה הצומחת‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 41v–44v

‫לוחות הפועל‬ Jacob ben David Poʿel Bonit, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 60r–72v; Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 85r– 123r; Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 52v–80v

‫לוח לדעת מרחב הירח‬ Cod.hebr. 343, f. 199r ‫לוח לדעת שעות היום‬ Jeroham ben Solomon, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 44r–46v ‫לוח למצוא שנת המחזור‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 28r–29v ‫לוח מצעדי המזלות באופק היום‬ Cod.hebr. 343, f. 49v

‫לוחות התכונה‬ Jacob ben Machir Ibn Tibbon, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 202r–237r ‫לוחות עברונות לשנת ק״ף‬ Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 78v–79v ‫לוחות פריס‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 104v–153v

‫לוח מרחב שמונה כוכבי הנבוכה‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 199v–201r

‫לוחות תכונה‬ Joseph ben Abraham Ibn Waqar, Cod.hebr. 230, ff. 1r–88r

‫לוח מתנה טובה‬ Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 255v–269r

‫ליקוטים‬ Cod.hebr. 304, f. 145v; Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 85r–86r, 88v

‫לוח עשרים ושמונה מחנות הלבנה‬ Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 126v; Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 168v–170r

‫ליקוטים במתמטיקה‬ Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 140r–142v; Cod.hebr. 290, ff. 1r–1v, 45v–48v

‫לוח קשת השעה באופק‬ Cod.hebr. 343, f. 51v

‫ליקוטים בקבלה‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 166v–166v; Cod.hebr. 325, ff. 156v–159v

‫לוח רוחב ארבעה כוכבי לכת‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 154r–167v ‫לוח שלשה עשר מחזורים‬ Cod.hebr. 128, f. 28r ‫לוחות‬ Moses ben Isaac Botarel, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 92r–103v; Cod.hebr. 233, ff. 176r–195v ‫לוחות אברהם זכות‬ Abraham ben Samuel Zacuto, Cod.hebr. 109, ff. 37r–219v

‫ליקוטי מדרשים קצרים ודרשות‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 82r–84v ‫ליקוטים באסטרולוגיה‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 95r–109v ‫ליקוטים בלוגיקה‬ Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 144v–148r ‫ליקוטים ודרושים‬ Cod.hebr. 273, ff. 25v–27v

590

index of titles in the catalog

‫ליקוטים מכתבי אבן סינא ברפואה‬ Avicenna, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 70r–71v

‫מאמר בקבלה‬ Cod.hebr. 112, f. 125v

‫ליקוטים ממאמרי פילוסופים‬ Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 20v–29v

‫מאמר בתשובות שאלות נשאל מהם‬ Al-Ghazali, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 226v–230v

‫לקט מדרשים קצרים‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 111v–112v

‫מאמר ההבדלים‬ Moses ibn Isaac Ibn Waqar, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 243r–256v

‫לקט פתגמים והערות‬ Cod.hebr. 273, ff. 118r–121v ‫לקיות‬ Abraham Conti, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 108r–111v ‫מאירת עינים‬ Isaac ben Samuel of Acre, Cod.hebr. 325, ff. 1r–146r ‫מאמר בגדרי הדברים‬ Isaac ben Solomon ben Zaddik al-Aḥdab, Cod.hebr. 246, f. 65bisv ‫מאמר בדבור הקו העקום והישר‬ Simeon ben Moses ben Simeon Motot, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 262r–263v ‫מאמר בטחורים‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 103v– 105v Solomon ben Joseph ibn Ayub, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 103v–105v ‫מאמר במה שיקרה במלאכת הרפואה מן‬ ‫המקרים‬ Aḥmad ibn ʿAli Jaṣṣāṣ, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 47r–56v ‫מאמר במהות הנפש‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 69r–72v ‫מאמר במיני ההרקות במשלשלים‬ Sheshet ben Isaac ben Joseph Benveniste, Cod.hebr. 134, ff. 116v–124v ‫מאמר בסמי המות‬ Shanak al-Hindī, Cod.hebr. 214, f. 159r

‫מאמר הכנפיים‬ Samuel ben Solomon, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 30r–34r ‫מאמר המשיחות‬ Abū al-Qāsim al-Zahrāwī, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 15r–25v ‫מאמר הנכבד‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 93v– 101r; Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 37v–38v ‫מאמר ממחוייב המציאות‬ Joseph ben Judah Ibn Simon, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 222v–226v ‫מאמר על יחוד השם‬ Eleazar ben Moses ha-Darshan, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 38r–38v ‫מאמר על רבוי התשמיש‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 101v– 103v ‫מאמר פילוסופי‬ Cod.hebr. 112, f. 125v ‫מאמרים על דרך הקבלה‬ Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 106r–108r, ff. 114r–116r ‫מבוא במלאכה‬ Bernardus Albertus, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 5v– 16r ‫מבוא הנערים‬ Gerardus de Solo, Cod.hebr. 296, ff. 182r– 193r; Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 2r–5v

591

index of titles in the catalog ‫מבוא ללוחות עמנואל בן יעקב‬ Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 173r–173v

‫מדרש על פטום הקטורת‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 33r–36v

‫מבחרים שניים‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 144r– 150r

‫מדרש רבה על איכה‬ Cod.hebr. 229, ff. 1r–92v

‫מגלת סתרים‬ Samuel ben Saadia Motot, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 126v–128v ‫מדרש אל יתהלל‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 116v–118v ‫מדרש הלל‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 1r–23v ‫מדרש המכילתא‬ Johanan ben Joseph Treves, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫מדרש השכם‬ Cod.hebr. 205, ff. 1r–200v ‫מדרש ויושע‬ Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 47r–54v—4 A.hebr. 411 ‫מדרש חסר ויתר‬ Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 61r–64v ‫מדרש לקח טוב‬ Tobiah ben Eliezer, Cod.hebr. 77, ff. 1v–68v; Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 79v–86r ‫מדרש מגלת אסתר‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫מדרש מעשה חנוכה‬ Cod.hebr. 117, ff. 213v–214r ‫מדרש על אברהם אבינו ועקדת יצחק‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 112v–116v ‫מדרש על הפסוק והוא עבר לפניהם‬ Cod.hebr. 260, ff. 166r–167r ‫מדרש על משלי‬ Cod.hebr. 117, ff. 209v–213r

‫מדרש רבה על במדבר‬ Cod.hebr. 97, ff. 132v–366v ‫מדרש רבה על בראשית‬ Cod.hebr. 97, ff. 1r–132r ‫מדרש רבה על דברים‬ Cod.hebr. 229, ff. 96r–156v ‫מדרש רבה על וירקא‬ Cod.hebr. 117, ff. 103r–209r ‫מדרש רבות על חמשה חומשי תורה‬ 2 A.hebr. 223 ‫מדרש שמעון הצדיק‬ Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 205r–207r ‫מדרשים קצרים‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 118v–123r ‫מהעצה והטבעים והתנאים של הרפואות‬ ‫המשלשלות הפשוטות והמורכבות‬ Maseweih Ibn Yahya, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 137r–174v ‫מונחים רפואיים‬ Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 129r–134v ‫מוסרי הפילוסופים‬ Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 67r–68r ‫מורה הנבוכים‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 99, ff. 1r– 166r; Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 63v–199r, 243r–294r; 2 A.hebr. 178, Res/4 A.hebr. 210 ‫מזונות‬ ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ Ibn Zuhr, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 2r–33v

592

index of titles in the catalog

‫מזלות‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 123r–124v

‫מנצפך צופים אמרום והם חמש אותיות כפולות‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 56v–62r

‫מזלות ומרשמים‬ Johannes Hartlieb, Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 114v– 126v

‫מסורת המסורת‬ Elijah Levita, Cod.hebr. 322, ff. 1r–33r; 4 A.hebr. 411

‫מחזור כמנהג ק״ק רומה‬ 2 A. Hebr. 2009.8; Res./A.hebr. 518

‫מסורת התלמוד‬ 2 A.hebr. 67

‫מחזור מנהג קרפנטרץ לד׳ פרשיות‬ Cod.hebr. 407, ff. 1r–55v

‫מסורת לעזרא הסופר‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 222v–223v

‫מחכמת האצטגנינות‬ Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 139r–144r

‫מסכת בבא בתרא‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–6

‫מילת הגיון‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 207r–217v

‫מסכת בבא מציע‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–6

‫מכילתא דרבי ישמעל‬ Cod.hebr. 117, ff. 1r–102v ‫מלאכת האצטרלב‬ Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 38r–47v ‫מלאכת הקבוע‬ Moses Farissol Botareli, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 2bis–4r ‫מלון עברי‬ Cod.hebr. 124, ff. 1r–39v; Cod.hebr. 131, ff. 4r–4v ‫מלות ההגיון‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 92r–110v; Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 50r–58v; Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 99v–103v

‫מסכת בבא קמא‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–6 ‫מסכת ביצה‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–3 ‫מסכת בכורות‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–9 ‫מסכת גיהנם‬ Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 57r–57bisv ‫מסכת גיטין‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–5 ‫מסכת גן עדן‬ Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 55r–56v ‫מסכת דרך ארץ‬ Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 85r–94r

‫מלחמות השם‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 94, ff. 1r– 140v

‫מסכת דרך ארץ זוטא‬ Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 96r–96v

‫מליצת למשכיל חכם ונבון ונעים‬ 4 A.hebr. 410

‫מסכת הוריות‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–7

‫מנורת הכסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 105r–144v

‫מסכת זבחים‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–8

‫‪593‬‬

‫‪index of titles in the catalog‬‬ ‫מסכת סנהדרין‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–7‬‬

‫מסכת חגיגה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬

‫מסכת עבודה זרה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–7‬‬

‫מסכת חולין‬ ‫–‪Solomon ben Isaac, Rar. 1612 A.hebr. 258‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬

‫מסכת עדיות‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–7‬‬ ‫מסכת עירובין‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–2‬‬ ‫מסכת ערכין‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–9‬‬ ‫מסכת פסחים‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–2‬‬ ‫מסכת קידושין‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–5‬‬ ‫מסכת ראש השנה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬ ‫מסכת שבועות‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–7‬‬ ‫מסכת שבת‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–2‬‬ ‫מסכת שקלים‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬ ‫מסכת תמורה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–9‬‬ ‫מסכת תענית‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬ ‫מסעות של רבי בנימן‬ ‫‪Benjamin de Tudela, bl, C.50.a.7‬‬ ‫מעלות גובה הקטבים בשבעה האקלימים‬ ‫‪Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 201v‬‬ ‫מעלות האלהיות‬ ‫–‪Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 29v‬‬ ‫‪33v‬‬

‫מסכת יבמות‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–4‬‬ ‫מסכת יומא‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬ ‫מסכת כריתות‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–9‬‬ ‫מסכת כתובות‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–4‬‬ ‫מסכת מגילה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬ ‫מסכת מועד קטן‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬ ‫מסכת מכות‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–7‬‬ ‫מסכת מנחות‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–8‬‬ ‫מסכת מעילה וקינים ומידות ותמיד‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–9‬‬ ‫מסכת נדרים‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–4‬‬ ‫מסכת נזיר‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–5‬‬ ‫מסכת נידה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–1‬‬ ‫מסכת סוטה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–5‬‬ ‫מסכת סוכה‬ ‫‪2 A.hebr. 258–3‬‬

594 ‫מעלות המיוחסות אל האישים העליונים‬ Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindi, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 128r–136r ‫מערכת האלהות‬ Perets ben Isaac Gerondi, Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 23v–46v; Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 133r–157r ‫מעשה בילאר מלך השדים‬ Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 154r–155v ‫מעשה הכדור‬ Costa ben Luca, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 22r–37r; Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 29r–40v; Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 49r–49v ‫מעשה חושב‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 1v–7v ‫מעשה חלדה ובור‬ Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 230v–231r ‫מעשה יהודית‬ Cod.hebr. 117, ff. 214v–215v ‫מעשה כלי ההבטה‬ Ptolemy, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 123r–127v; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 105r–111v ‫מעשה מאברהם אבינו עה‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫מעשה רבי אמנון‬ Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 57bisv–58v

index of titles in the catalog ‫מעשיות שבתלמוד‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫מפתח הדקדוק‬ Samson ha-Naqdan, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 113r–128v ‫מקאלה אלרבו‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 5r– 37r ‫מקנה אברהם‬ Abraham ben Meir de Balmes, 4 L.as. 103 ‫מקרי דרדקי‬ Perez Trabot, Res./2 A.hebr. 182 ‫מראה האופנים‬ Johannes de Sacrobosco, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 8r–24v ‫מראות אלהים‬ Ḥanokh ben Solomon Kostantini, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 58r–76v; Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 9r–39r ‫מראות השתן‬ ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Abī al-ʿAlāʾ Ibn Zuhr, Cod.hebr. 220, ff. 65r–65v ‫מראשות הראש‬ ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ibn Muḥammad Ibn Wāfid, Cod.hebr. 286, ff. 81v–158

‫מעשה שאירע לר׳ יהושע בן לוי ז״ל‬ 4 A.hebr. 411

‫מרשמים באלכימיה‬ Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 28v–29r, 36r–42v, 156r– 158v

‫מעשה שהיה בימי שלמה המלך‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 46v–47v

‫מרשמים לתרופות‬ Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 1v–24v

‫מעשה שושנה‬ Cod.hebr. 117, ff. 215v–216v

‫משכיות כסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 265r–296v

‫מעשה תורה‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫מעשיות‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 72r–76r

‫משל הקדמוני‬ Isaac ben Solomon Sahula, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 1r–94v; 4 A.hebr. 391

595

index of titles in the catalog ‫משלי שועלים‬ Berechiah ben Natronai ha-Naqdan, Cod.hebr. 207, ff. 65r–100v

‫סדר הרפואה‬ Arnaldus de Villanova, Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 20r–85bisr

‫משנת המדות‬ Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 138v–140r

‫סדר התשובה‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 10r– 30v

‫משפטי המזלות‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 150r– 163v ‫משפטי הנולד משנת ד׳תתקכ״א‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 67v– 70r ‫נביאים‬ 2 B. Orient. 13 ‫נפתולי אלהים נפתלתי‬ Naftali Hirsch Treves, Cod.hebr. 403, ff. 1r– 109r

‫סדר זרעים‬ Moses Maimonides, 2 A.hebr. 258–1 ‫סדר טהרות‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–1 ‫סוד בת שבע‬ Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla, Cod.hebr. 131, ff. 11r–12v ‫סוד האגוז‬ Cod.hebr. 221, f. 47r

‫נקוד השם‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 126r–126v

‫סוד היחוד‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 12v–13r Eleazar ben Moses ha-Darshan, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 12v–13r Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid, Cod.hebr. 325, ff. 146r–146v

‫נקור או בארשן‬ Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 58r–60v

‫סוד המלאכה‬ Joannes Jacobi, Cod.hebr. 286, ff. 19r–78v

‫סגולות‬ Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 301r–311v

‫סוד המרכבה‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 9r–11r; Cod.hebr. 112, f. 122v

‫נצאיח אלרהבאן‬ Galen, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 220v–228v

‫סגולות ומרשמים‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 182r–183v ‫סגלות‬ Martin de Lucena, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 162r– 162v; Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 67r–70v ‫סדר האילן‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 209r–209v ‫סדר הנהגת האדם בביתו‬ Barison, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 62r–75r ‫סדר הנקוד‬ Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 65v–68r

‫סוד הסודות‬ Aristotle, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 230r–235v Judah ben Solomon Natan, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 20r–42v ‫סוד העבור‬ Sheshet of Catalonia, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 14v– 16r ‫סוד הקבלה‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 84r– 84v

596 ‫סוד ה׳ ליריאיו‬ Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 241v–300v ‫סוד עשר ספירות העמר‬ Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla, Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 197v–198r ‫סודות בקבלה‬ Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 73r–74r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 119v–122v ‫סימנים לחזות העתיד‬ Moses ben Samuel Raveliah, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 111v–112v ‫סם המות‬ Paulus Aegineta, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 159bisv– 160r ‫סמים לביים‬ Avicenna, Cod.hebr. 87, ff. 121r–132v; Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 109r–136v ‫ספר אבקת רוכל‬ 4 A.hebr. 410 ‫ספר אגור‬ Jacob ben Judah Landau, 4 A.hebr. 303 ‫ספר אור עמים‬ Obadiah ben Jacob Sforno, Res./4 A.hebr. 310 ‫ספר אורחות חיים‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר אותות עליונות‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 43r–56v ‫ספר איש אדם‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 18v– 20v ‫ספר אלדד הדני‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר אליהו‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 65v–68v

index of titles in the catalog ‫ספר אלמנצורי‬ Aḥmad ibn ʿAli Jaṣṣāṣ, Cod.hebr. 280, ff. 45r–46v Gerardus Aḥmad ibn ʿAli de Solo Jaṣṣāṣ, Cod.hebr. 296, ff. 1v–178r ‫ספר אלקביט‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 110r–111v ‫ספר אמונה‬ Paulus Fagius, 4 A.hebr. 331 ‫ספר בן סירא‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר דברי הימים‬ Eldad ha-Dani, bl, C.50.a.12 ‫ספר האות‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 409, ff. 1r– 120v ‫ספר האחד‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 136r– 137v ‫ספר הבהיר‬ Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 116v–129v; Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 11r–17v; Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 55v–72v ‫ספר הברית‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 35r– 36r ‫ספר הגבולים‬ Bernard de Gordon, Cod.hebr. 85, ff. 3v– 22v ‫ספר הגורלות‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 49r– 59r Saadia ben Joseph, Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 72r– 81v, 82r–83v ‫ספר הדפק‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 134, ff. 112v–116r

597

index of titles in the catalog ‫ספר הדקדוק‬ Elijah Sebastian Levita Münster, L.as. 162 ‫ספר ההטאעה‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 246v– 273v ‫ספר ההטעאה‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 219r–223v; Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 213r–221v ‫ספר הזקוק‬ Konrad Kyeser, Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 4–67, 88v, 89v–90, 112, 114

‫ספר הישר‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 24r– 27v Jacob ben Meir Tam, 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר הכוזרי‬ Judah ha-Levi, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 99r–189v ‫ספר המאורות‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 101v– 108r ‫ספר המבוא‬ Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī, Cod.hebr. 270, ff. 1r–11v

‫ספר החיים‬ Cod.hebr. 207, ff. 2r–28v

‫ספר המבוא לחנין בן אסחאק‬ Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq al-ʿIbādī, Cod.hebr. 250, ff. 1r–69r

‫ספר החסידים‬ Judah ben Samuel he-Hasid, Res./4 A.hebr. 310

‫ספר המבחרים‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 108v– 116r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 116v–128r

‫ספר הטעמים‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 37r– 67r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 30r–54v

‫ספר המדידה‬ Cod.hebr. 225, ff. 17r–89r

‫ספר היחוד‬ Asher ben David, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 205r– 214r ‫ספר היסודות‬ Euclid, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 8r–17r, 22r–85r, 87r–100r; Cod.hebr. 91, ff. 1r–141v; Cod.hebr. 130, ff. 1r–74v; Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 56r–64r ‫ספר היקש‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 51v–132v ‫ספר היראה‬ Jonah ben Abraham Gerondi, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 30v–47r ‫ספר היראה והאמונה‬ Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 11r–12v

‫ספר המולדות‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 70r– 91r ‫ספר המופת‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 133v–175v ‫ספר המליצה‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 32v–50v ‫ספר המספר‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 101r ‫ספר המעלות‬ Aḥmad ben Ibrahim Ibn al-Jazzār, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 47r–52 rAḥmad ibn ʿAli Jaṣṣāṣ, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 199v–206v ‫ ארבעה לוחות‬,‫ספר המעלות‬ Aḥmad ben Ibrahim Ibn al-Jazzār, Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 93v–103r

598

index of titles in the catalog

‫ספר המצוות‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 213, ff. 4r– 207r; Cod.hebr. 282, ff. 1r–247r

‫ספר הענק‬ Moses ben Jacob Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 211, ff. 1r–95v

‫ספר המשלים‬ Cod.hebr. 207, ff. 29r–64v

‫ספר הפליאה‬ Cod.hebr. 96, ff. 1r–333v

‫ספר המשקל‬ Moses de Leon, Cod.hebr. 129, ff. 1r–32v

‫ספר הקדחות‬ Isaac ben Solomon Israeli, Cod.hebr. 293, ff. 1r–193v

‫ספר הנמוסים‬ Pseudo-Plato, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 102v–109v ‫ספר הנפש‬ Galen, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 98r–100r ‫ספר הנצוח‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 176r–245v ‫ספר הנצחון‬ Yom Tov Lipmann Muelhausen, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 102v–203v ‫ספר הנקוד‬ Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla, Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 181v–197v ‫ספר הסבות‬ Aristotle, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 2r–6v

‫ספר הרפואות‬ Assaf ha-Rofe, Cod.hebr. 231, ff. 1v–195v ‫ספר השאלות‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 91v– 101v; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 13r–30r Mashallah, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 91v–101v ‫ספר השינה והיקיצה‬ Avicenna, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 49r–59v ‫ספר השם‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 41r– 47v Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 113v– 237v; Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 1r–6r; Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 118r–126r ‫ספר השמע הטבעי‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 310, ff. 1r–85bisv

‫ספר העבור‬ Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 127v–135v; Cod.hebr. 91, ff. 142v– 156v

‫ספר השרשים‬ David ben Joseph Kimhi, 2 A.hebr. 141

‫ספר העגולות הרעיוניות‬ Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 77r–96r

‫ספר התמונה‬ Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 3r–5r, 8v–11r, 16v–22r

‫ספר העולם‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 116r– 124v; Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 95r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 136v–145r

‫ספר התמר‬ Abu Aflaḥ, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 1r–27r

‫ספר העולם ומחברת המשרתים‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 1r–10r ‫ספר העיקרים‬ Joseph Albo, 4 A.hebr. 242

‫ספר התפוח‬ Aristotle, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 95v–98r; Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 29v–34r ‫ספר התקופות והמזלות‬ Abraham ben Samuel Zacuto, Cod.hebr. 109, ff. 8r–36v

599

index of titles in the catalog ‫ספר זרובבל‬ 4 A.hebr. 411

‫ספר מכלול‬ David ben Joseph Kimhi, A.hebr. 533

‫ספר חובת הלבבות‬ Baḥya ben Joseph ibn Paquda, 4 A.hebr. 300

‫ספר מליץ‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 10r– 18v

‫ספר חיים‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 21r– 24r

‫ספר מלכים‬ Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir, Cod.hebr. 290, ff. 49r–62r

‫ספר חכמת הנפש‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 311v– 368bisr

‫ספר מנורת המאור‬ Isaac Aboab, 2 A.hebr. 8

‫ספר טוב טעם‬ Elijah Levita, 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר טוביה‬ 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר יצירה‬ Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 238r–241v; Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 2r–6v ‫ספר כד הקמח‬ Baḥya ben Asher ben Ḥlava, 2 A.hebr. 38 ‫ספר כריתות‬ Samson ben Isaac of Chinon, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 1r–50v ‫ספר מבחר הפנינים‬ Solomon ben Judah Ibn Gabirol, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 37r–58v; Rar. 1229 ‫ספר מגן דוד‬ Elisha ben Abraham, 4 A.hebr. 411 ‫ספר מדרש שמואל‬ 2 A.hebr. 38 ‫ספר מחברות עמנואל‬ Immanuel ben Solomon of Rome, 4 A.hebr. 283 ‫ספר מכילתא‬ 2 A.hebr. 38

‫ספר מצוות הגדול‬ Moses Nachmanides, 2 A.hebr. 67 ‫ספר מצוות קטן‬ Isaac ben Joseph of Corbeil, Cod.hebr. 233, ff. 2r–175v ‫ספר משמיע ישועה‬ Isaac Abravanel, 2 A.hebr. 3 ‫ספר ספרא‬ Johanan ben Joseph Treves, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫ספר ספרי‬ Johanan ben Joseph Treves, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫ספר עדות‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 36r– 38v ‫ספר רוקח‬ Eleazar of Worms, 2 A.hebr. 79 ‫ספר רזיאל‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 8v–79r; Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 18r–23v; Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 43r–54v ‫ספר רעמים ורעשים‬ Cod.hebr. 112, f. 223r ‫ספר רפואות‬ Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 16r–18r

600 ‫ספר שער השמים‬ Gershon ben Solomon of Arles, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 54v–66v; Res./4 A.hebr. 310 Israel ben Aaron, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 183r– 208v ‫ספר תהלים‬ Solomon ben Isaac, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫ספר תורה‬ Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 1r–282v ‫ספרון הצורות הקבליות‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 214v–220r ‫סתרי תורה‬ Abraham Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 111v– 119r ‫עבודת הלוי‬ Solomon ben Eliezer ha-Levi, 4 A.hebr. 300 ‫עדות ה׳ נאמנה‬ Solomon de Rossi, Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 1r–12v ‫על המזונות‬ Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 41r–42v

‫ על לקות החמה בטולידו בשנת‬1433 Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 91r–93r ‫על ספר המבוא לפורפריוס‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 106, ff. 5v–15r ‫עלות המיוחסות אל האישים העליונים‬ Yaʿqūb ibn Isḥāq al-Kindi, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 170v ‫ענין חירם מלך צור‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 71r–72r ‫ענין תשובה‬ Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 32v–34r ‫עניני אסטרולוגיה‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 33r–46r; Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 87v–114v; Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 64v– 65bisr, 66bisr–67r

index of titles in the catalog ‫עניני אסטרונומיה‬ Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 96r–100v ‫עניני כשוף‬ Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 110r–125v; Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 174v–179r; Cod.hebr. 235, ff. 67v–70v; Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 236r–249v ‫עניני לוח‬ Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 10r–14v; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 150v–151r ‫עניני נקוד וטעמים‬ Saadia ben Joseph, Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 68v– 69r ‫עניני רפואה‬ al-Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī Ḥarrānī, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 35v Hippocrates, Cod.hebr. 288, ff. 103v–108r ‫עניני תכונה‬ Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 70r–71r ‫ערוגת המזמה ופרדס החכמה‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 2r–4v ‫ערך החלוף‬ Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 180v–197v ‫עשר תשובות על תחיית המתים‬ Saadia ben Joseph, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 66v– 69r ‫עשרים וארבעה סודות‬ Joseph Angelet (Angelino), Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 175r–181v ‫פי אלאדויה אלמצ׳מונה‬ Galen, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 185r–217v ‫פיוטים‬ Cod.hebr. 233, ff. 197r–198v ‫פירוש איוב‬ Joseph ben Isaac Kimhi, Cod.hebr. 260, ff. 154v–165v

601

index of titles in the catalog ‫ נחמיה וקהלת‬,‫ עזרא‬,‫פירוש דניאל‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 149v– 230r

‫פירוש המלות על דרך הפשט לד׳ סימנים ספר‬ ‫בראשית‬ Paulus Fagius, 4 A.hebr. 331

‫פירוש איוב‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 10r–100v; Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 72r–73v

‫פירוש הסודות שבפירוש התורה לראב״ע‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 153r–169v

‫פירוש איכה‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 1r– 6v

‫פירוש הפיוט אלהינו אלהים‬ Cod.hebr. 273, ff. 1r–8bisv

‫פירוש אסתר‬ Joseph ben Joseph Nahmias, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 84r–96r ‫פירוש אפשרות הדבקות לאבן רשד‬ Moses of Narbonne, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 171r– 202r ‫פירוש ברייתא דרבי ישמעאל‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 279, ff. 108v–112r; Cod.hebr. 305, ff. 1r–3r Meir Abulafia, Cod.hebr. 305, ff. 1r–3r ‫פירוש ברכת המזון‬ Menahem Recanati, Cod.hebr. 103, ff. 171r– 173v; Cod.hebr. 325, ff. 147r–156r ‫פירוש האוחז ביד מדת משפט‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 25v– 27r ‫פירוש האצטרולב‬ Aḥmad ben ʿAbd Alah Ibn al-Saffar al-Qasim, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 5r–21r; Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 99r–116r; Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 1v–18v ‫פירוש הגדה של פסח על דרך הקבלה‬ Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 53r–74v Shem Tov ben Joseph, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 53r–74v ‫פירוש הלכות הרי״ף על ברכות ותענית‬ Aaron ha-Levi of Barcelona, Cod.hebr. 237, ff. 1v–163r

‫פירוש הקאנון של אבן סינא‬ Solomon ben Abraham Ibn Yaʿish, Cod.hebr. 243, ff. 150r–181v ‫פירוש הקדיש‬ Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 207r–208v; Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 116r–117v ‫פירוש השם‬ Cod.hebr. 92, f. 25v ‫פירוש התורה‬ Eleazar ben Moses ha-Darshan, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 83r–273r Jacob ben Asher, 4 A.hebr. 300; 4 A.hebr. 411 Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 113, ff. 1r– 151v; Cod.hebr. 257, ff. 2r–282r Netanel ben Nehemia Caspi, Cod.hebr. 252, ff. 8r–257r ‫פירוש התורה לראב״ע‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 24r– 24v ‫פירוש התלמוד על פסחים‬ Hananel ben Hushiʾel, Cod.hebr. 227, ff. 1v–133r ‫פירוש התפלות‬ Menahem Recanati, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 25r– 54v ‫פירוש ועוז פניו ישונא לפי הקבלה‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 131v–133v ‫פירוש חגיגה‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 228v–237v

602

index of titles in the catalog

‫פירוש חולין‬ Jonathan ben David ha-Kohen of Lunel, Cod.hebr. 283, ff. 2v–79v

‫פירוש מסכת ביצה‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 188v– 207r

‫פירוש חלופי על סוף סוכה‬ Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 187r–187v

‫פירוש מסכת יומא‬ Eliaqim ben Meshullam of Speyer, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 120r–161r

‫פירוש חמש מגילות‬ Joseph ben David Ibn Yaḥya, 2 A.hebr. 97 ‫פירוש כוונות הפילוסופים לגזאלי‬ Moses of Narbonne, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 1r– 165r ‫פירוש כתובים‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.arab. 236 ‫פירוש שיר השירים‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 118r– 134r ‫פירוש לבאור אמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר‬ ‫המופת של אריסטו‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 35r– 45r, 59r–77v

‫פירוש מסכת מגילה‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 216v– 228v ‫פירוש מסכת מועד‬ Gershom ben Judah, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 237v–244v ‫פירוש מסכת סוכה‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 161r– 187r ‫פירוש מסכת ערובין‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 18v– 66r ‫פירוש מסכת פסחים‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 66r– 119v

‫פירוש לקצור אבן רשד על ספר ההויה וההפסד‬ ‫של אריסטו‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 246, ff. 202r– 228v

‫פירוש מסכת ראש השנה‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 207v–210r

‫פירוש לתורה לרש״י‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 78v– 83

‫פירוש מסכת שבת‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 3r– 18v

‫פירוש מורה נבוכים‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 263, ff. 1r–32r; Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 43r– 64r

‫פירוש מסכת תענית‬ Gershom ben Judah, Cod.hebr. 216, ff. 210v–216v

‫פירוש מלות דניאל‬ David ben Joseph Kimhi, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 147v–149v ‫פירוש מלות ההגיון‬ Moses of Narbonne, Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 5r– 20v

‫פירוש משלי‬ Joseph ben Isaac Kimhi, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 100v–147v Menahem ben Solomon Meiri, Cod.hebr. 251, ff. 2r–227v ‫פירוש משנה תורה‬ Judah ben Moses Romano, Cod.hebr. 273, ff. 29r–115r

603

index of titles in the catalog ‫פירוש משנת אבות‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 1r– 25r; Rar. 1229

‫פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר‬ ‫ההיקש של אריסטו‬ Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 80r–116r

‫פירוש נביאים אחרונים‬ David ben Joseph Kimhi, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896

‫פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר‬ ‫המאמרות של אריסטו‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 34v– 56v

‫פירוש סודות התפלה‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 2r–9r ‫פירוש ספר גלנוס ביסודות‬ Ali Ibn Ridwan, Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 60r–83v ‫פירוש ספר האצטרולב‬ Aḥmad ben ʿAbd Alah Ibn al-Saffar alQasim, Cod.hebr. 261, ff. 50r–65v; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 89r–104v ‫פירוש ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 17v–21v; Cod.hebr. 290, ff. 2r–6rAlhazen, Cod.hebr. 290, ff. 2r– 6r

‫פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר‬ ‫המבוא של אריסטו‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 49r–58v; Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 21r–34r; Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 144r–149v ‫פירוש על הבאור האמצעי של אבן רשד על ספר‬ ‫המליצה של אריסטו‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 289, ff. 57r– 83v ‫פירוש על הגורלות‬ David ben Immanuel, Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 164v–166r

‫פירוש ספר השם של ראב״ע‬ Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 137v–138v

‫פירוש על ההילכות קטנות‬ Asher ben Jehiel, 2 A.hebr. 258–1

‫פירוש ספר יצירה‬ Pseudo-Rabad, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 16v–18r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 137v–141v; Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 10r–68v Saadia ben Joseph, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 16v– 18r; Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 10r–68v; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 50v–82v Jacob ben Nissim, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 16v–18r Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 16v– 18r Moses ben Isaac Botarel, Cod.hebr. 115, ff. 10r–68v; Cod.hebr. 81, ff. 238r–300v

‫פירוש על הקאנון של אבן סינא‬ Cod.hebr. 247, ff. 1r–139v

‫פירוש ספר כונות הפילוסופים של אלגזאלי‬ Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 156r–190r ‫פירוש על באור אבן רשד על ספר המופת של‬ ‫אריסטו‬ Judah ben Jehiel Messer Leon, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 1r–34v Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 269, ff. 1r– 34v

‫פירוש על התורה‬ Levi ben Gershom, 2 A.hebr. 145 Solomon ben Isaac, 4 A.hebr. 410 ‫פירוש על כללי אבן רשד על ספר אותות‬ ‫העליונות של אריסטו‬ Levi ben Gershom, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 257r– 232r ‫פירוש על פירוש הראב״ע לתורה‬ Cod.hebr. 285, ff. 129r–133v ‫פירוש על פירוש התורה‬ Cod.hebr. 273, ff. 8bisv–25v ‫פירוש על פירוש התורה לראב״ע‬ Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 32v–40r

604 ‫פירוש על קהלת‬ Samuel Ibn Tibbon, Cod.hebr. 262, ff. 1r– 79v ‫פירוש ערובין‬ Jonathan ben David ha-Kohen of Lunel, Cod.hebr. 283, ff. 80r–153r ‫פירוש עשר ספירות‬ Jacob ben Jacob ha-Kohen, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 123r–125r Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 16r–16v Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 198r–200r Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 47v–48r Cod.hebr. 311, f. 108r

index of titles in the catalog ‫פירוש תהלים‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 260, ff. 1r– 154r David ben Joseph Kimhi, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896 ‫פירוש תקופת היד‬ Cod.hebr. 299, ff. 104r–107r ‫פירושים על המקרא‬ Cod.hebr. 131, ff. 2r–4r ‫פירושים על שמות השם‬ Cod.hebr. 215, ff. 208v–212r

‫פירוש פרק שירה‬ Samuel ben Moses Kimhi, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 111r–150v

‫פנים במשפט‬ Arnaldus de Villanova, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 182r–206r ‫ חגיגה‬,‫ יומא‬,‫פסחים‬ Cod.hebr. 6, ff. 9r–208v

‫פירוש פתיחות ספר היסודות של אוקלידס‬ Alhazen, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 85v–86r

‫פסקי הלכות‬ 4 A.hebr. 352

‫פירוש קדיש‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 80v–82r

‫פרוש היריעה הגדולה‬ Reuben Tsarfati, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 1r–33v

‫פירוש קצר על ארבע רשויות לטלטול בשבת עם‬ ‫נוטריקון‬ Cod.hebr. 283, ff. 154r–156r

‫פרטיקא‬ Arnaldus de Villanova, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 32v–35r

‫פירוש רות‬ Solomon ben Isaac, Cod.hebr. 242, ff. 229v, 231r–232r

‫פרק חסידות‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 23v–25r

‫פירוש שיר השירים‬ Moses Ibn Tibon, Cod.hebr. 264, ff. 2r–51r ‫פירוש שם בן ארבעים ושתים אותיות‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 126v–129r ‫פירוש שם בן שבעים ושתים אותיות‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 144v–159r ‫פירוש שם ה׳‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 54v–56r ‫פירוש שם של שבעים ושתים‬ Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 27r–28v

‫פרק צדקות‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 76v–80v ‫פרק ר׳ אליעזר‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 25r–32v ‫פרק ר׳ שמעון בן יוחאי‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 107v–111r ‫פרק שירה‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 47v–50r ‫פרקי אבות‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–7

605

index of titles in the catalog ‫פרקי אליהו‬ Elijah Levita, 4 A.hebr. 411

‫צרופים‬ Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 109r–109v

‫פרקי ארנבט‬ Arnaldus de Villanova, Cod.hebr. 286, ff. 2r–15v; Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 18r–20r

‫קאנון‬ Avicenna, Cod.hebr. 87, ff. 1r–120v; Cod.hebr. 127, ff. 1r–114v; Cod.hebr. 292, ff. 3r–91r

‫פרקי משה‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 111, ff. 3r– 83v; Cod.hebr. 134, ff. 2r–112r; Cod.hebr. 253, ff. 2r–260r; Cod.hebr. 287, ff. 1r– 140v

‫קבוצת כסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 95r–97v

‫פרקי משיח‬ Cod.hebr. 222, ff. 36v–46v

‫קבלה מענין תפלה‬ Abraham Ḥazan of Girona, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 216r–217v

‫פרקים בהגיון‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 218r–220v

‫קבץ בקבלה קדומה‬ Joseph ben Abraham Gikatilla, Cod.hebr. 305, ff. 13r–74v

‫פרשת אשה כי תזריע‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 232, f. 140bisv

‫קטע במתמטיקה‬ Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 40v–41r

‫פתרון חלומות‬ Cod.hebr. 112, f. 223v ‫פתרון מלות זרות מבחינת עולם‬ Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 25r–32v ‫צואת הכסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 98r–104v ‫צורת הארץ‬ Abraham bar Ḥiyya Savasorda, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 102r–127r; Cod.hebr. 340, ff. 1r– 50v ‫צידת הדרכים‬ Aḥmad ben Ibrahim Ibn al-Jazzār, Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 71v–159v ‫ציוני‬ Menahem Tsiyoni, Cod.hebr. 76, ff. 1r–177v ‫צרוף‬ Abū al-Qāsim al-Zahrāwī, Cod.hebr. 321, ff. 1r–71r

‫קערת כסף‬ Joseph ben Ḥanan ben Nathan Ezobi, Cod.hebr. 338, ff. 106r–110r; Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 104r–106r ‫קצור החוש והמוחש‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 69v–76v ‫קצור החוש והמוחש של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 34v–57v ‫קצור חובות הלבבות‬ Asher ben Shelemyah of Lunel, Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 5r–36v ‫קצור מה שאחר הטבע‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 92r–115v ‫קצור מכל מלאכת ההגיון‬ Muḥammad ibn Muḥammad al-Farabi, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 117v–142r ‫קצור ספר האותות העליונות של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 208, ff. 72r–94v

606 ‫קצור ספר ההויה וההפסד‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 38r–42v ‫קצור ספר מה שאחר הטבע של אריסטו‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 244, ff. 93r–122r

index of titles in the catalog ‫שאלות ותשובות‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 239, ff. 7r– 8v; 2 A.hebr. 38 Solomon ben Abraham Adret, 2 A.hebr. 97

‫קצור פסקי הרא״ש‬ Asher ben Jehiel, 2 A.hebr. 38

‫שאלות ותשובות על דרך הקבלה‬ Hai ben Sherira, Cod.hebr. 119, ff. 23r–24r; Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 141v–143v

‫קצורי אבן רשד על שמע טבעי‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 208, ff. 1r–46v

‫שאלות טבעיות‬ Aristotle, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 43r–55v

‫קצורי על שמע טבעי‬ Averroes, Cod.hebr. 108, ff. 8r–27r

‫שבילי תהו‬ Gerhard Veltwyck, 4 A.hebr. 411

‫ראש אמנה‬ Isaac Abravanel, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 161r– 201v; 2 A.hebr. 38

‫שבעה דברים המעכבים את התפלה‬ 4 A.hebr. 411

‫ראשית חכמה‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 1r– 37r; Cod.hebr. 304, ff. 55r–116r ‫רובע ישראל‬ Jacob ben Machir Ibn Tibbon, Cod.hebr. 249, ff. 146r–175v; Cod.hebr. 256, ff. 41v– 53v ‫רוח חן‬ Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 221r–230v; Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 89r–99v; 4 A.hebr. 391 ‫רפואות‬ Cod.hebr. 295, ff. 160r–161v ‫רפואות על סמך הכוכבים‬ Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 138r–149v ‫שאילתות דרב אחאי גאון‬ Aḥai mi-Shabḥa Gaon, 2 A.hebr. 24 ‫שאלות‬ Pseudo-Ptolemy, Cod.hebr. 202, ff. 130r– 137v ‫שאלות הברורות‬ Cod.hebr. 228, ff. 180r–181v

‫שושן הרפואת‬ Bernard de Gordon, Cod.hebr. 85, ff. 2r– 115r ‫שיר על דקדוק‬ Abraham Genilla, Cod.hebr. 241, ff. 195v– 198v ‫שירה‬ Cod.hebr. 112, f. 208v ‫שירים‬ Isaac ben Abraham Gerani, Cod.hebr. 128, ff. 54r–59v Moses Galogiro, Cod.hebr. 87, ff. 331v ‫שלחן כסף‬ Joseph ben Abba Mari Caspi, Cod.hebr. 265, ff. 38r–74v ‫שלשה עשר העיקרים‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 103r– 105v ‫שמונה פרקים‬ Moses Maimonides, Cod.hebr. 297, ff. 231r–240v; Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 55v–71v ‫שמות הגדולים‬ Cod.hebr. 358, ff. 53r–57r

607

index of titles in the catalog ‫שמים והעולם‬ Avicenna, Cod.hebr. 107, ff. 100r–101r ‫שמעו נא דברי הרופא‬ Abraham Ibn Ezra, Cod.hebr. 246, f. 82v ‫שני הקוים שאינם נפגשים‬ Simeon ben Moses ben Simeon Motot, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 262r–263v ‫שער הגמול‬ Moses Nachmanides, Rar. 1229 ‫שער הסוד והייחוד והאמונה‬ Eleazar of Worms, Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 6v–9r; Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 47v–50r ‫שער השואל‬ Azriel of Gerona, Cod.hebr. 221, ff. 31r–37v; Cod.hebr. 240, ff. 9r–10v; Cod.hebr. 311, ff. 87r–90v; Cod.hebr. 92, ff. 18r–24r ‫שערי דורא‬ Isaac ben Meir Dueren, Cod.hebr. 232, ff. 59r–84v ‫שערי תשובה‬ Jonah ben Abraham Gerondi, Cod.hebr. 279, ff. 1v–108v; 4 A.hebr. 315 ‫שרח תחלים‬ Saadia ben Joseph, Cod.arab. 236, ff. 16v– 88r ‫שש כנפים‬ Immanuel ben Jacob Bonfils, Cod.hebr. 343, ff. 1v–26r ‫תגמולי הנפש‬ Hillel ben Samuel, Cod.hebr. 120, ff. 7r– 36v ‫תוספות על חולין‬ Asher ben Jehiel, Cod.hebr. 236, ff. 2r– 146r ‫תורה‬ Cod.arab. 234, ff. 1v–77v

‫תורת האדם‬ Moses Nachmanides, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 89r–108v; Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 11r–41r; Rar. 1229 ‫תחבולות המספר‬ Abū Kāmil Shujāʿ ibn Aslam, Cod.hebr. 225, ff. 95r–154r ‫תכלית החכם‬ Maslamah Ibn Aḥmad Majrīṭī, Cod.hebr. 214, ff. 46r–101r ‫ מסכת סנהדרין‬.‫תלמוד בבלי‬ Res/2 A.hebr. 280 ‫ מסכת ברכות‬,‫תלמוד בבלי‬ 2 A.hebr. 258–1 ‫תפלה‬ Cod.hebr. 112, f. 169v ‫תפלת היחוד לר׳ נחוניה בן הקנה‬ Neḥunya ben ha-Qanah, Cod.hebr. 112, ff. 167v–169v ‫תקון הדעות‬ Isaac Albalag, Cod.hebr. 110, ff. 206r–217v ‫תקון כלי צפיחה‬ Mordecai ben Eliezer Comtino, Cod.hebr. 36, ff. 173v–176v ‫תקון מדות הנפש‬ Solomon ben Judah Ibn Gabirol, Cod.hebr. 201, ff. 1r–20v; Cod.hebr. 327, ff. 59r–78r ‫תרגום אונקלוס‬ Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 1r–282v ‫תרגום רס״ג לערבית‬ Saadia ben Joseph, Cod.hebr. 114, ff. 1r– 282v ‫תשובה אל יוסף אבן כספי‬ Kalonymos ben Kalonymos ben Meir, Cod.hebr. 307, ff. 11r–35r

608 ‫תשובה להרמב״ם ז״ל על ענין חדוש העולם‬ Cod.hebr. 315, ff. 70v–71v ‫ספר מבחר הפנינים‬ Jedaiah Bedersi Penini, Res./4 A.hebr. 310

index of titles in the catalog

Index of Places Albalate de Cinca Cod.hebr. 75, Cod.hebr. 98

Forli Cod.hebr. 77, Cod.hebr. 110

Alcala Cod.hebr. 280

Franconia Cod.hebr. 103, Cod.hebr. 112, Cod.hebr. 115

Arles Cod.hebr. 243, Cod.hebr. 297

Gradoli Cod.hebr. 103, Cod.hebr. 112, Cod.hebr. 115

Avignon Cod.hebr. 304

Helfenstein Cod.hebr. 103, Cod.hebr. 115, Cod.hebr. 217

Barcelona Cod.hebr. 92, Cod.hebr. 237, Cod.hebr. 246

Isny 4 A.hebr. 331

Basel L.as. 162

Jerusalem Cod.hebr. 325

Béziers Cod.hebr. 282

Lake Bolsena Cod.hebr. 115

Bologna Cod.hebr. 77, 4 A.hebr. 352, 2 A. Hebr. 2009.8, 2 A.hebr. 97, Res./4. A.hebr. 310, 4 A.hebr. 352

London Cod.hebr. 96

Capua Cod.hebr. 217 Castro Cod.hebr. 112 Constantinople Cod.hebr. 36, A.hebr. 533, bl, C.50.a.7, 2 A.hebr. 38, 4 A.hebr. 411, 2 A.hebr. 8, 2. A.hebr. 239, 4 A.hebr. 283, 4 A.hebr. 315, 4 A.hebr. 411

Lunel Cod.hebr. 216, Cod.hebr. 237, Cod.hebr. 283, Cod.hebr. 286, Cod.hebr. 327 Mantua 2 A.hebr. 145 Marseille Cod.hebr. 36, Cod.hebr. 297 Napels 2 Inc.c.a. 1896, Rar. 1229, Res./2 A.hebr. 182

Fabriano Cod.hebr. 216

Pavia Cod.hebr. 243, Cod.hebr. 244, Cod.hebr. 297

Fano 2 A.hebr. 79, 4 A.hebr. 315

Perugia 4 A.hebr. 411, 2 B. Orient. 13, Cod.hebr. 110

Florence Cod.hebr. 91

Pesaro Res/2 A.hebr. 280

610

index of places in the catalog

Pisa Cod.hebr. 111

Silon Cod.hebr. 292

Prato Cod.hebr. 91

Soncino 2 Inc.c.a. 1896, Rar. 161, Rar. 1229

Provence Cod.hebr. 264

Tarascon-sur-Ariège Cod.hebr. 296

Rieti Cod.hebr. 224

Terni Cod.hebr. 110

Rimini 4 A.hebr. 303, 2 A.hebr. 31, 4 A.hebr. 242, 4 A.hebr. 410

Thessaloniki 2 A.hebr. 3, 2 A.hebr. 67, 2 A.hebr. 237

Rödelsee Cod.hebr. 112, Cod.hebr. 115 Rome Cod.hebr. 92, Cod.hebr. 221, Cod.hebr. 448, Cod.hebr. 74, Cod.hebr. 81, Cod.hebr. 96, Cod.hebr. 97, Cod.hebr. 103, Cod.hebr. 111, Cod.hebr. 115, Cod.hebr. 117, Cod.hebr. 207, Cod.hebr. 217, Cod.hebr. 218, Cod.hebr. 219, Cod.hebr. 224, Cod.hebr. 315, Cod.hebr. 322, Cod.hebr. 328, 4 A.hebr. 283, 4 A.hebr. 411, Res./2 A.hebr. 182, Res/4 A.hebr. 210 Sabbionetta 2 A.hebr. 178 Saint-Paul-de-Vence Cod.hebr. 226 Salamanca Cod.hebr. 263 Saragossa Cod.hebr. 261

Toledo Cod.hebr. 230 Trastevere Cod.hebr. 77, Cod.hebr. 117 Trujillo Cod.hebr. 236 Venice Cod.hebr. 78 Venice bl, C.50.a.6, bl, C.50.a.12, 2 A.hebr. 24, 2 A.hebr. 67, 2 A.hebr. 141, 2 A.hebr. 223, 2 A.hebr. 258–1, 2 A.hebr. 258– 2, 2 A.hebr. 258–3, 2 A.hebr. 258–4, 2 A.hebr. 258–5, 2 A.hebr. 258–6, 2 A.hebr. 258–7, 2 A.hebr. 258–8, 2 A.hebr. 258–9, 2 B.or. 16, 4 A.hebr. 220, 4. A.hebr. 300, 4 A.hebr. 354, 4 A.hebr. 391, 4 A.hebr. 411, 4 L.as. 103, Res./A.hebr. 518, Res./4. A.hebr. 310

Index of Bindings Cardboard binding Cod.hebr. 6, Cod.hebr. 77, Cod.hebr. 85, Cod.hebr. 119, Cod.hebr. 128, Cod.hebr. 129, Cod.hebr. 130, Cod.hebr. 131, Cod.hebr. 241, Cod.hebr. 304, Cod.hebr. 310, Cod.hebr. 311, Cod.hebr. 321, Cod.hebr. 322, Cod.hebr. 325, Cod.hebr. 328, Cod.hebr. 352, 2 A.hebr. 8, 4 A.hebr. 315, 4 L.as. 103 Card board slipcase Cod.hebr. 127, Cod.hebr. 327 Gothic binding Cod.hebr. 299, Cod.hebr. 409, L.as. 162, Rar. 161, Res./A.hebr. 518 Half binding Cod.arab. 234, Cod.hebr. 315 Italian Renaissance binding Cod.hebr. 217, Cod.hebr. 218, Cod.hebr. 219, Cod.hebr. 221, Cod.hebr. 240 Limp parchment binding Cod.arab. 236 (= Cod.hebr. 122), Cod.hebr. 70, Cod.hebr. 75, Cod.hebr. 91, Cod.hebr. 97, Cod.hebr. 98, Cod.hebr. 99, Cod.hebr. 103, Cod.hebr. 112, Cod.hebr. 113, Cod.hebr. 115, Cod.hebr. 120, Cod.hebr. 134, Cod.hebr. 205, Cod.hebr. 213, Cod.hebr. 214, Cod.hebr. 216, Cod.hebr. 224, Cod.hebr. 225, Cod.hebr. 229, Cod.hebr. 230, Cod.hebr. 231, Cod.hebr. 239, Cod.hebr. 242, Cod.hebr. 249, Cod.hebr. 251, Cod.hebr. 252, Cod.hebr. 253, Cod.hebr. 255, Cod.hebr. 256, Cod.hebr. 257, Cod.hebr. 260, Cod.hebr. 261, Cod.hebr. 262, Cod.hebr. 264, Cod.hebr. 265, Cod.hebr. 273, Cod.hebr. 280, Cod.hebr. 282, Cod.hebr. 305, Cod.hebr. 307, Cod.hebr. 343, 2 A.hebr. 3, 2 A.hebr. 38, 2 A.hebr. 79, 2 A.hebr. 145, 2 Inc.c.a. 1896, 4 A.hebr. 220, 4 A.hebr. 283, 4

A.hebr. 303, 4 A.hebr. 411, Rar. 1229 Modern wood binding Cod.hebr. 97 Pasteboard binding Cod.hebr. 124, Cod.hebr. 263, Cod.hebr. 279, Cod.hebr. 407 Peißenberg binding Cod.hebr. 76, Cod.hebr. 96, Cod.hebr. 114, Cod.hebr. 208, Cod.hebr. 220, Cod.hebr. 226, Cod.hebr. 243, Cod.hebr. 244, Cod.hebr. 246, Cod.hebr. 247, Cod.hebr. 250, Cod.hebr. 269, Cod.hebr. 270, Cod.hebr. 271, Cod.hebr. 272, Cod.hebr. 284, Cod.hebr. 287, Cod.hebr. 288, Cod.hebr. 289, Cod.hebr. 290, Cod.hebr. 292, Cod.hebr. 293, Cod.hebr. 295, Cod.hebr. 296, Cod.hebr. 297, Cod.hebr. 340, Cod.hebr. 403 Quarter binding 2 A.hebr. 237, 2 A.hebr. 239 Renaissance binding Cod.hebr. 36, Cod.hebr. 74, Cod.hebr. 78, Cod.hebr. 87, Cod.hebr. 92, Cod.hebr. 106, Cod.hebr. 107, Cod.hebr. 109, Cod.hebr. 110, Cod.hebr. 111, Cod.hebr. 126, 2 A.hebr. 223, A.hebr. 533 Widmanstetter binding Cod.hebr. 94, Cod.hebr. 117, Cod.hebr. 201, Cod.hebr. 207, Cod.hebr. 211, Cod.hebr. 215, Cod.hebr. 222, Cod.hebr. 227, Cod.hebr. 228, Cod.hebr. 232, Cod.hebr. 233, Cod.hebr. 235, Cod.hebr. 236, Cod.hebr. 237, Cod.hebr. 258, Cod.hebr. 285, Cod.hebr. 358, 2 A.hebr. 24, 2 A.hebr. 31, 2 A.hebr. 67, 2 A.hebr. 178, 4 A.hebr. 242, 4 A.hebr. 300, 4 A.hebr. 354, 4 A.hebr. 391, Res./2

612

index of bindings in the catalog A.hebr. 182, Res/2 A.hebr. 280, Res/4 A.hebr. 210, Res./4 A.hebr. 310

Wooden boards Cod.hebr. 81

Index of Previous Owners Abraham Cod.hebr. 36, Cod.hebr. 99, Cod.hebr. 256

Bonaventura Cod.hebr. 207

Abraham ben Aaron Cod.hebr. 265

Bondia Cod.hebr. 265

Abraham ben Judah Cod.hebr. 325

Boniak, Kergidon Cod.hebr. 226

Abraham ben Mordecai ben Eliezer Cod.hebr. 111

Castro, Benjamin Rar. 161

Abraham ben Moses Cod.hebr. 111

Comprad, Samuel Bondoi Cod.hebr. 292

Alatrino, Abraham ben Menahem Cod.hebr. 97, Cod.hebr. 117, Cod.hebr. 201

Crescas Abraham, Astruc Cod.hebr. 295

Alfarangi, Moses Cod.hebr. 261 Altuil, Moses Cod.hebr. 265 Asecne, Solomon Cod.hebr. 271 Astruc, Abraham Cod.hebr. 284

Crescas, Crescas ben Meir Cod.hebr. 295 Daniel ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 207 da Lucha, David Cod.hebr. 91 da Prato, Abraham Cod.hebr. 91

Astruc of Avignon Cod.hebr. 304

da Viterbo, Egidio Cod.hebr. 74, Cod.hebr. 92, Cod.hebr. 119, Cod.hebr. 215, Res/2 A.hebr. 280

Astruc, Leon Cod.hebr. 213

de Blanis, Judah ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 328

Avir, Rafael Samuel Cod.hebr. 207

de Bono Aiuto, Agnilo Cod.hebr. 207

Barukh Cod.hebr. 299

de Lunel, Jacob Cod.hebr. 286

Benjamin ben Elijah ben Shabbetai Cod.hebr. 216

de Lunel, Judah ben Benjamin Cod.hebr. 216

614

index of previous owners in the catalog

Delufshak, Maboniak Cod.hebr. 213

Harun ben Musa Cod.arab. 236 (= Cod.hebr. 122)

de Villaja Alfando, Isaac ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 242

Hayyim Cod.hebr. 213

Don Crescas Cod.hebr. 213

Hillel ben Moses Cod.hebr. 232

Don Suleiman of Seville Cod.hebr. 242

Isaac ben Faran Cod.hebr. 109

Efraim Cod.hebr. 358

Isaac ben Immanuel Cod.hebr. 232

Ehinger, Elias Cod.hebr. 409

Isaac ben Isaac Cod.hebr. 229

Eliezer Rar. 161

Jacob ben Joseph Cod.hebr. 213

Elijah ben Isaac Cod.hebr. 295

Jacob ben Meir Cod.hebr. 107

Elijah ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 239

Jacob ben Naḥman Cod.hebr. 240

Flaminio, Antonio Cod.hebr. 94, Cod.hebr. 99, Cod.hebr. 202, Cod.hebr. 321

Jehiel Cod.arab. 236 (= Cod.hebr. 122), Cod.hebr. 36, Cod.hebr. 70, Cod.hebr. 75, Cod.hebr. 91, Cod.hebr. 110, Cod.hebr. 111, Cod.hebr. 120, Cod.hebr. 201, Cod.hebr. 202, Cod.hebr. 239, Cod.hebr. 243, Cod.hebr. 280, Res/4 A.hebr. 210

Gad ben Judah Cod.hebr. 211 Guzmán, Faltiel Cod.hebr. 304 Guzmán, Solomon Botarel Cod.hebr. 271 ha-Levi, Joseph Cod.hebr. 239 Halio, David Cod.hebr. 265 Hannah bat Mordecai Cod.hebr. 77, Cod.hebr. 117

Jehiel ben Jekutiel Cod.hebr. 232 Jehiel ben Joshua Cod.hebr. 202 Jehiel ben Moses Cod.hebr. 232 Jehiel ben Shmuel Rar. 1229

index of previous owners in the catalog Jehiel ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 111

Kimhi, Jacob Cod.hebr. 242

Jehiel ben Caspi Cod.hebr. 265

Kohen, Joseph Cod.hebr. 94

Jekutiel ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 110

Lafami, Moses Cod.hebr. 256

Jekutiel ben Benjamin Cod.hebr. 232

Lavi, Solomon Cod.hebr. 352

Jesuit College of Munich 2 A.hebr. 141, L.as. 162, Res./2 A.hebr. 182, 4 L.as. 103

Lenstra Cod.hebr. 271

Johanan Cod.hebr. 265 Johanan ben Eliezer Cod.hebr. 207 Joseph ben Joshua of Tivoli Res./2 A.hebr. 182 Joseph ben Isaac Cod.hebr. 241 Joseph ben Joseph Cod.hebr. 296 Joseph ben Lima Cod.hebr. 327 Judah ben Eliezer Cod.hebr. 263 Judah ben Jehiel Cod.arab. 236 (= Cod.hebr. 122), Cod.hebr. 75, Cod.hebr. 91, Cod.hebr. 111, Cod.hebr. 201, Cod.hebr. 202, Cod.hebr. 243, Cod.hebr. 280, Judah ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 284 Karasainti, Jacob Cod.hebr. 242

Levi ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 264 Malino, Antoni Cod.hebr. 296 Mantino, Jacob Cod.hebr. 352 Manuel ben Moses Cod.hebr. 242 Meir ben Samson Cod.hebr. 358 Menasse ben Merari Cod.hebr. 304 Menahem ben Benjamin Cod.hebr. 207 Menahem ben Elijah Cod.hebr. 216 Menahem ben Menahem Res/2 A.hebr. 280 Menahem of Toramo Cod.hebr. 305 Menahem the Physician Cod.hebr. 110

615

616

index of previous owners in the catalog

Mordecai ben Eliezer Cod.hebr. 77, Cod.hebr. 97, Cod.hebr. 111, Cod.hebr. 117, Cod.hebr. 207 Moses ben Alkabets Cod.hebr. 352 Moses ben Eliezer Cod.hebr. 240 Moses ben Jehiel Cod.arab. 236 (= Cod.hebr. 122), Cod.hebr. 75, Cod.hebr. 91, Cod.hebr. 111, Cod.hebr. 201, Cod.hebr. 202, Cod.hebr. 243, Cod.hebr. 280 Moses ben Ḥefets Cod.arab. 236 (= Cod.hebr. 122) Moses of Trets Cod.hebr. 226 Naḥmash, Joseph ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 243 Naḥum ben Samuel Cod.hebr. 240 Nasim, Hayyim ben Samuel Res./2 A.hebr. 182 Nathan Cod.hebr. 108 Nissim ben Shabbetai Cod.hebr. 246 Orgier, Bonjudas Cod.hebr. 297 Orgier, Isaac Cod.hebr. 407 Orgier, Jacob Cod.hebr. 242, Cod.hebr. 252 Orgier, Leon Crescas Cod.hebr. 407

Parnas, Abraham Cod.hebr. 358 Porpolir, Moses Cod.hebr. 228 Provenzali, Samuel Cod.hebr. 240 Rafael Eliezer ben Judah Cod.hebr. 85 Rafael ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 224 Reuben ben Jekutiel Cod.hebr. 77, Cod.hebr. 117 Reuben ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 244, Cod.hebr. 297 Ris, Jacob ben Joshua Cod.hebr. 243 Samuel Cod.hebr. 352 Samuel Rafael ben Benjamin Cod.hebr. 111 Samuel ben Nissim Cod.hebr. 246 Samuel ben Shuib Cod.hebr. 279 Samuel of Toramo Cod.hebr. 305 Scazzocchio, Abraham ben Aaron Cod.hebr. 77, Cod.hebr. 315 Selamias Cod.hebr. 292 Shabbetai ben Moses Cod.hebr. 232

index of previous owners in the catalog Shem Tov ben Jacob Cod.hebr. 119

Trithemius Cod.hebr. 235

Shem Tov ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 295

Tsarfati, Joseph Cod.hebr. 269

Shemarya ben Jacob Cod.hebr. 207

Tsarfati, Samuel Cod.hebr. 269

Solomon Cod.hebr. 258, Cod.hebr. 287

Widmanstetter, Philippus L.as. 162

Solomon ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 224

Zemaḥ, Menahem Cod.hebr. 207

Solomon ben Moses Cod.hebr. 224, Cod.hebr. 232

617

Index of Scribes The numbers in parentheses indicate the years in which the manuscripts were written. Abraham Cod.hebr. 107

Levita, Elijah Cod.hebr. 74 (1521)

Abraham ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 327 (1382)

Menahem ben Samuel Cod.hebr. 97 (1418)

Aemilius, Paulus Cod.hebr. 103 (1538, 1539), Cod.hebr. 112 (1537), Cod.hebr. 115 (1538)

Mordecai Cod.hebr. 110

de Blanis, Judah ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 328 (1530) Eliyahu Cod.hebr. 315 Gatigno, Hayyim ben Samuel Cod.hebr. 96 (1554) ha-Kohen, Isaac ben Eleazar Cod.hebr. 117 (1433) Ḥaluzo, Abraham ben Joseph Cod.hebr. 236 (1360) Hanania ben Hayyim Cod.hebr. 296 (1395) Isaac ben Abraham Cod.hebr. 269 Jehiel ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 111 (1330) Joseph bar Asher Cod.hebr. 241 (1444) Joseph bar Sheshet Cod.hebr. 283 Judah ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 284 (1403), Cod.hebr. 286 (1352)

Moses Yonah ben David Cod.hebr. 36 (1485) Moses Gad ben Tobiah Cod.hebr. 81 (1555) Nathan Cod.hebr. 108 (1441) Parnas, Francesco Cod.hebr. 217 (1536), Cod.hebr. 218 (1536), Cod.hebr. 219 (1536), Cod.hebr. 285 (1537), Cod.hebr. 488 Reuben ben Solomon Cod.hebr. 297 (1431, 1439) Samuel ben Menahem Cod.hebr. 279 Samuel ben Samuel Cod.hebr. 94 (1423) Samuel ben Abba-Mari Cod.hebr. 237 (1409) Solomon Cod.hebr. 287 (1316) Solomon bar Joseph Cod.hebr. 282 Yom Tov ben Hayyim Cod.hebr. 240 (1405)

Bibliography Manuscripts and Archival Material This list does not include Widmanstetter’s books that are listed in the catalog.

Brescia Biblioteca Queriniana, Ms. L fi 11

Cincinnati Hebrew Union College Library, Ms. 606

Jerusalem nli, Ms. Heb. 28°613

London bl, Ms. Add. 16407 (Margoliouth 743) bl, Ms. Add. 27199 (Margoliouth 737) bl, Ms. Or. 6465 bl, Ms. Or. 10527

Milan Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. 102 (Bernheimer 66) Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. P 22 Sup (Bernheimer 68) Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Ms. O 81 Sup (Bernheimer 51)

Moscow Russian State Library, Ms. Günzburg 774

Munich Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Salzburg Erzstift Lit. 209 c bsb, 2 Inc.c.a. 3095 d (Mauburnus, Johannes. Rosetum exercitiorum spiritualium et sacrarum meditationum. Basel: Jakob Wolff, 1504.) bsb, 2 P.lat. 1321 m (Reuchlin, Johannes. De arte cabbalistica. Hagenau: Johannes Secerius, 1530.) bsb, Ana 725 Hans Striedl bsb, Autogr. Bomberg, Daniel bsb, Cbm Cat. 36 (Aemilius, Paulus, and Wolfgang Prommer. “Standortkatalog der hebräischen Handschriften und Drucke,” ca. 1575)

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bibliography

bsb, Cbm Cat. 36 m (Aemilius, Paulus, and Wolfgang Prommer. “Standortkatalog der hebräischen Handschriften und Drucke,” 1574/75.) bsb, Cbm Cat. 37 (Aemilius, Paulus, and Wolfgang Prommer. “Standortkatalog der hebräischen Handschriften und Drucke,” 1575.) bsb, Cbm Cat. 48 (Prommer, Wolfgang. “Standortkatalog der griechischen Handschriften und Drucke,” 1565.) bsb, Cbm Cat. 263 a (Geldner, Ferdinand. “Sachkartei zur Einbandsammlung der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München.”) bsb, Clm 102 bsb, Clm 103 bsb, Clm 307 bsb, Clm 337 bsb, Cod.arab. 1 bsb, Cod.arab. 2 bsb, Cod.arab. 3 bsb, Cod.arab. 4 bsb, Cod.arab. 7 bsb, Cod.arab. 28 bsb, Cod.arab. 56 bsb, Cod.arab. 61 bsb, Cod.arab. 62 bsb, Cod.arab. 65 bsb, Cod.arab. 113 bsb, Cod.arab. 124b bsb, Cod.arab. 130 bsb, Cod.arab. 235 bsb, Cod.arab. 238 bsb, Cod.arab. 336 bsb, Cod.arab. 339 bsb, Cod.arab. 340 bsb, Cod.arab. 341 bsb, Cod.arab. 342 bsb, Cod.arab. 343 bsb, Cod.arab. 357 bsb, Cod.arab. 359 bsb, Cod.arab. 649 bsb, Cod.arab. 650a bsb, Cod.arab. 733 bsb, Cod.arab. 802 bsb, Cod.arab. 809

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bsb, Cod.arab. 811 bsb, Cod.arab. 812 bsb, Cod.arab. 816 bsb, Cod.arab. 840 bsb, Cod.arab. 853 bsb, Cod.arab. 920 bsb, Cod.arab. 975 bsb, Cod.arab. 976 bsb, Cod.arab. 1058 bsb, Cod.graec. 243 bsb, Einbl. v,42 bsb, L.as. 162 (Münster, Sebastian. Grammatica Hebraea Eliae Levitae Germani. Basel: Froben, 1537.) bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 7 bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 102 bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 245 bsb, Ms. Oefeleana 249

New York Jewish Theological Seminary, Ms. 1896 Jewish Theological Seminary, Ms. 6679

Oxford Bodleian Library, Ms. Huntington Add. D (Neubauer 1949) Bodleian Library, Ms. Huntington Add. E (Neubauer 2429)

Paris BnF, Ms. F. lat. 3402 BnF, Ms. héb. 15 BnF, Ms. héb. 98 BnF, Ms. héb. 776 BnF, Ms. héb. 794 BnF, Ms. héb. 857 BnF, Ms. ital. 612 BnF, Ms. lat. 62 BnF, Ms. lat. 98 BnF, Ms. lat. 373 BnF, Ms. lat. 527 BnF, Ms. lat. 596 BnF, Ms. lat. 597

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BnF, Ms. lat. 598 BnF, Ms. lat. 3363 BnF, Ms. lat. 3667 BnF, Ms. lat. 8751 D

Rome Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 3 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 688 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 1253 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Lat. 5198 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 9 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 44 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 45 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 46 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 61 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 72 Biblioteca Angelica, Ms. Or. 84 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 807 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2755 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 2971 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3061 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3086 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3091 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3098 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3105 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3152 Biblioteca Casanatense, Ms. 3154 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 189 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 192 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 203 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 242 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 243 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 288 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 289 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 290 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 300 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 337 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 420 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 436 bav, Ms. Vat. ebr. 441

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General index This index only covers the main part of the study. The catalog of Widmanstetter’s library is accompanied by its own indices. Abarbanel, Samuel 5 Abdallah, Ignatius (patriarch) 268 Abraham (biblical figure) 167, 241 Abraham of Posquières 124, 238 Abraham Ibn Ezra 69, 166, 188, 216 Abrams, Daniel 91, 247n118, 290n107 Abu Aflaḥ 160 Abulafia, Abraham 110, 213, 243 Accademia Pontaniana 54 Adam (biblical figure) 251, 308 Adam (kabbalistic figure) 252, 276, 279, 281 Adelkind, Cornelius 27, 41, 71, 102n59, 303 Adret, Solomon ben Abraham 150 adultery 232 Aegineta, Paulus 160 Aemilius Paulus 22, 200 as bookseller 28, 56, 72–75, 85 as librarian 177–178, 303 as printer 196–197 as scribe 90, 115–125, 135–136, 287–289, 294–299 assessment by others 116–117 Agurrumiyya (Giustiniani) 222–223 Alatrino, Abraham 34–39, 42, 84 Albo, Joseph 198 Albrecht v, Duke of Bavaria-Munich 8, 18– 19, 116–117, 120, 145–146, 155n50, 175, 177–178, 303 Alcorani Epitome (Widmanstetter). See Commentary on the Quran Alexander, Lazarus 304 Alphonsi, Petrus 203 Amasya 5 f, 69, 84 Ambrogio, Teseo 5, 80, 267–268, 271 Amerbach, Bonifacius 142 Amman, Caspar 40n57, 196n12 Angeloni (Roman family) 35 Apocalypse (New Testament) 263, 283–285 apostle 257–258, 264, 277, 305 Arabic Bible 78, 223 books 8, 17, 23, 37, 40n56, 43n67, 56n112, 145, 153–154, 154n47, 221

philosophy 43–45, 165, 168 study of 6, 78, 102, 221–224, 253, 272 translations from 165, 174, 217–218 Arabs 230, 232 Aramaic of the Zohar 96–98, 101, 197, 214, 285 study of 23, 80, 117, 197–198 of the Talmud 198, 205 of the Targumim 10, 116n115, 197, 215 Arikh Anpin 279–285 Aristophanes 252 Arles 31–32 Armenian 9n31, 80 Arrivabene, Andrea 253 Ars generalis ultima (Llull) 287 artes liberales 183–184 astronomy 10, 37, 212, 216–217 Astruc (Provençal family) 32n21 Augenspiegel (Reuchlin) 163n73, 186, 307 Augsburg 4 f, 7, 10, 28, 56, 58, 72, 116, 143, 152, 155, 177 Augustine, Order of Saint 12, 47, 134, Augustine, Saint 235, 264 Austria 77, 84–85, 125, 135, 143, 148, 156, 255, 303 Averroes 32n21, 43–44, 165, 216 Azriel of Gerona 114, 153 Babylonia 205–206 Babylonian Talmud 40, 71, 246 Barcelona 203 Basel 4, 10, 225 Bauler, Gregor 3 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München 10, 21, 48n83 Beit-Arié, Malachi 158n56 Benjamin of Montalcino 239 Bessarion (cardinal) 30n15 Bible Arabic 78, 223 Biblia Rabbinica 27, 71, 214 commentary 10, 22, 91–94, 158–161, 166n89, 186–187, 189, 191t, 215

652 Constantinople Polyglot 77–79, 82–84, 215 Latin 146, 162, 183 Plantin Polyglot 116–117 See also Syriac New Testament See under Hebrew Bibliander, Theodor 225–227, 253, 274n63 bibliography. See under catalog Bibliotheca Universalis (Gessner) 173, 184– 185 Binah 247, 249, 281, 286 Blair, Ann 197 Boaz and Yachin 257, 286 Bobzin, Hartmut 14n44, 221–229, 253 Bologna 4 f, 9, 71, 150, 167–168, 222, 267 Bomberg, Daniel 22, 26, 61, 73–76, 100–102, 116, 150, 161, 173 inventory of stocks 67–72 letter to Parnas 64–66, 101 Talmud 9, 88, 159n61, 171, 203, 231 Bonifacius of Ragusa 79, 82–83 book. See manuscripts; prints. See under Arabic; Greek; Hebrew; Jews; Latin book agent. See booksellers book binding 8, 46, 50, 70, 139, 147, 152–156 inscription on 162–167, 171–172 Italian 90, 102–103 limp parchment 28, 29 f, 90, 121, 148– 153, 156, 161, 183n131 rebound books 156–162 Widmanstetter 28, 29 f, 110, 132, 148, 150–154, 159 bookfair 73–75 book list. See catalog book trade 19, 27, 57–59, 63–65, 147 booksellers 27–28, 55–58, 147, 173 Christian 22, 57, 63–75 Jewish 21–22, 56–63, 85, 97 See also Aemilius, Paulus; Bomberg, Daniel botany 209–210 Botarel Moses 124 Brescia Biblioteca Queriniana Ms. L fi 11 129 Burman, Thomas E. 253 Busbecq Ogier Ghiselin de 77, 80–85 Buxtorf, Johann 196

general index Cairo 153 Campo de’ Fiori 50–52, 58–59 Candelabri typici interpretatio (Postel) 273– 275 Capsali, Elijah 25 Carafa, Gian Pietro alias Paul iv 42 cartolai. See booksellers Casaubon, Isaac 115, 305 Castro 120–121 catalog 20–21, 140 bibliography 67, 172–175 book list 57–58, 62–63, 190–191 Christian 172–175, 186–191 booksellers’ 62–64, 67–71 Jewish 190–191 of Munich court library 116, 177–185, 303–304 physical arrangement of books and 175, 184 subject classification 188–191 theory 183–185 Widmanstetter’s catalog 164, 175–183 Widmanstetter’s title inscriptions 162– 175 Catherine de’ Medici 8n28, 114 Catholic Church 1, 14, 24, 145, 188, 225, 242, 233–235, 257, 268, 273, 307–310 Chajes, J.H. (Yossi) 129n165, 290n110, 294, 295n123 Charles v (Holy Roman emperor) 4, 7, 13, 32, 61, 120, 142, 168 Charles viii (king of France) 32 Chirurgia parva (Lanfranco of Milan) 217 Christian Hebraism 38, 40, 46, 52–53, 65, 68, 101, 131, 193–195, 217 cataloging 186–191 knowledge of Zohar 97–89 on the term 13–14, 236 Christian Kabbalah 10–14, 219, 236, 244, 264, 305–311 See also under Kabbalah Christian mysticism 261–263 Christianity 10–15, 24, 40, 101, 186, 203, 205, 218, 235, 241–242, 244, 299, 302, 305, 308–310 Christoph, Duke of Württemberg 80, 266n31 circumcision 261–262, 280–281

general index Clement vii (pope) 6, 44, 61, 94, 107, 112, 206, 212 Cluny 224 Commentary on the Daily Prayers (Recanati) 122–124 Commentary on the Quran (Widmanstetter) 7, 14, 23–24, 170, 193, 219–254, 257, 260, 289, 309–310 Company of Silk Weavers 150 Compendium Alchorani 227 Constantinople 5 f, 67, 76–85, 160–161, 215 Constantinople Polyglot 77–79, 82–84, 215 Conti, Vincenzo 126 convert 13, 31–32, 38, 41, 115, 126, 169, 200, 208, 222, 224–226 as scribes 9, 20, 22, 44, 72, 93, 100, 115, 202 Copernicus, Nicolaus 212 Corpus Toletanum 225–228 Cosmographicae disciplinae compendium (Postel) 272 Damascus 44, 76, 92, 153 Dattilus 5, 193, 236–238 David of Montalcino 239 De Arte Cabbalistica (Reuchlin) 12–13, 234– 235, 307 De Verbo Mirifico (Reuchlin) 12, 244 Dernschwam von Hradiczin, Hans 84 dictionary 22, 64, 146, 173, 187, 189–191, 197– 198, 215, 222, 267 Dillingen 269 Dioscurides 81–82 divine names 243, 274, 287, 289t, 300 Divisio philosophiae (Gundissalinus) 184 Dunash ibn Tamim 290 Duran, Profiat 305 Egidio da Viterbo 6, 8, 58, 61, 83, 193–197, 202, 271, 273, 307 his Arabic studies 222–224 his library 27, 43–44, 46–53, 255, 288– 289 his outlook on Hebrew literature 23, 165, 211–219 Historia xx Saeculorum 12–13 his Zohar manuscript 76–77, 90–100, 103–107, 111–119, 126–136 his Zohar notebook 92–93

653 Ein Sof 279, 282, 286, 294 Eleazar ben Judah of Worms 19, 114, 131–136, 153 Eleazar ben Moses ha-Darshan 153 Eliano, Vittorio 126 Elijah Hayyim of Genazzano 121, 123, 238– 242 emendation 111, 113, 117, 130–132 Ephraim the Syrian 82, 268 Epithalamia in Nuptias (Fabricius) 270 Epitome Alcorani. See Mahometis Theologia Erasmus of Rotterdam 207 Ernst von Salzburg (archbishop) 7, 51, 143– 144 Estienne, Henri 215 Ethiopic New Testament 268 Euclid 165 Eve (biblical figure) 251 Fabricius, Georg 270 Fagius, Paulus 16–18, 68, 70, 74 Farnese, Alessandro. See Paul iii (pope) Farnese, Pier Luigi, Duke of Parma 6, 27, 86, 90, 119–121, 124 Fend, Erasmus 117, 146 Ferdinand i (king of Austria) 7, 22, 81, 125, 142–143, 155, 269–271 Fez 33 Ficino, Marsilio 216 Flaminio, Antonio 38, 46, 53–55, 159 four elements 244, 289t, 297 France 31–32, 60, 203, 272 Francis i (king of France) 5 Francis of Assisi, Saint 266 Frecht, Martin 17–18, 50, 144–145 Freiburg 142 Fugger, Johann Jakob 52, 147, 155–156, 164, 177–181, 303–304 Gabriele della Volta 76, 92, 98, 100 Galen 217 Gamaliel ii 205 Gatigno, Hayyim ben Samuel 90, 125– 132 Germany 6, 22, 26–29, 42, 60, 135–136, 141, 143, 148, 156, 195, 200 Gessner, Conrad 67–71, 173, 175, 184–185 Gevurah 259, 286 Gikatilla, Joseph 98

654 gilgul neshamot (transmigration of souls) 1, 13–14, 23, 193, 235–242, 254, 307– 309 Giolito, Giovanni 58, 63–64 Giustiniani (printer) 27, 89, 95n33 Giustiniani, Agostino 223 Goeze, Johann-Melchior 300–301 Gonzaga, Don Ferrante 120 Gradoli 4 f, 120–122, 124 grammar 10, 64, 69, 161, 173, 188, 190, 215, 222–223, 259 Grammatica Hebraea (Münster) 172–173, 187–188 Greek books 9, 63–64, 78, 80–81, 85, 144–147, 165, 173, 176, 179–181, 251, 270 New Testament 80n189, 117, 206–212, 228, 263, 266, 283–284, 300 philosophy 11–12, 35, 244–246, 250–253, 290 study of 3, 102, 199 Grimani, Domenico (cardinal) 8, 52 Gumppenberg, Ambrosius 171 Gundissalinus, Dominicus 184 Gutenberg, Johannes 56 hadith 224 Hadrian (Roman emperor) 189 haggadah 89 halakha 22, 41, 160–161, 187, 191, 198 Ḥalfan, Elijah 41 Hamburger, Jeffrey 264 Hamon, Moses 81–82 Ḥayyat, Judah 33–34, 95–96 Hebrew and the New Testament 206–211 Bible 16–17, 26, 35, 52, 63, 74, 78, 99–100, 104–105, 165, 170, 172–173, 186–191, 195, 198, 203, 206–209, 214–215, 230–232, 262, 300 manuscripts 9, 13, 26–27, 44–47, 83, 144, 215, 304 name 205, 243 prints 9, 20–22, 27–29, 55–76, 88–89, 116, 120, 148–150, 156, 158–159, 167, 178– 179, 215 script 134, 200–202 study of 5–6, 12–13, 17–18, 194–206, 211– 216

general index translations into 23, 97, 165, 187, 216– 219 See also manuscripts; prints Hebrew-Latin dictionary (Widmanstetter) 198–199 Heidelberg 4 Hepburn, James 115 Hermes Trismegistus 11 Ḥesed 259, 281, 286 Historia xx Saeculorum (Egidio) 12–13 Hod 129, 281, 286 Ḥokhmah 247, 281, 286 Holy Land 9, 76, 82–83, 88, 168, 214 ḥuppah 299 Idel, Moshe 97 Idra Rabba 278–285, 299–300 Iggeret Ḥamudot (Genazzano) 238–242, 295 ilanot 114–115, 274–276, 290–299 See also ten sefirot Ill Fortune of Learned Men (Valeriano), The 53–54 Immanuel ben Yekutiel of Nola 129, 131 Immanuel of Rome 56, 141n10, 171 imperial diet 7, 144–145, 168 incest 235 Ingolstadt 3n7, 74–75, 116, 177 Inquisition 62, 126n155, 174, 203, 269, 309 intoxication 231–232 Iosuae Imperatoris Historia (Masius) 188– 190 Isaac (biblical figure) 286 Isaac ben Jacob ha-Kohen 114, 153 Isaac Mor Hayyim 96–97 Isaac of Acre 89 Isaac of Günzburg 196–199 Isaac of Pisa 96 Islam 1, 169, 219–221, 233–253, 302, 308 Isny 4 f, 10, 17, 68, 70 Italy 1, 95, 156, 190, 269, 272, 291 book acquisitions in 25–30, 33–75, 84– 85 Widmanstetter in 4, 7, 9, 21–24, 125, 135– 136, 141, 143, 148, 150, 156, 277 Jacob the Syrian 268 Jerome, Saint 162, 207

general index Jerusalem 5 f, 82–83, 233, 250 Jerusalem, nli Ms. Heb. 28°613, 129 Jesuit order 146, 176, 272 Jesus Christ 12, 115, 124, 162, 186, 193, 200, 209, 218, 244, 300, 308 in anti-Christian polemics 169–170 in Christian mysticism 261–266 in Quran 230, 248–249 in sefirotic plate 255–266, 275, 280–285, 294 in Talmud 205–206 language spoken by 80, 214, 267 See also Passion of Christ Jews 96–97, 101, 110, 164, 174, 200, 261–262, 307 as scribes 9, 88, 125–126, 132–134 as teachers 18, 40–41 books from 34–46 booksellers 59–63, 75, 78 conversion of 13, 118, 169, 187n144, 200, 208 expulsion of 25–27, 30–34, 302 libraries of 190–191 Widmanstetter on 168–170, 202–205, 233–235, 241–243, 250n127 John of Damascus 228 John the Baptist 73, 308 John, Saint 2, 194, 206–211, 218, 255–259, 263–265, 277, 282, 284–285 Josef ben David Ibn Yaḥya 190 Joseph ben Abraham Ibn Waqar 114, 153 Juan Gabriel of Teruel 222 Judah ben Samuel 122–124 Judaism 10, 40, 186, 200, 231, 237, 241, 244, 273, 302, 305, 308 Judeo-Arabic. See Arabic Julius iii (pope) alias Giovanni Maria Ciocchi del Monte 7 Justinian (Roman emperor) 187 Kabbalah 1, 18, 33–36, 45, 50, 63, 83, 161, 204, as purported source of Quran 233–253 availability of 87–93 Christian study of 2–3, 5–6, 22–27, 41, 46–47, 53, 213–219, 85, 186–191, 194, 221, 254–261, 272–286, 301–302, 304–311 copied for Widmanstetter 91–135, 286– 299 Italian 95–96

655 pictorial tradition 2, 22, 24, 114–115, 124– 125, 129, 219, 272–277, 286–299, 305 Sefardic 95–96 See also ilanot; partsufim; ten sefirot; volvelle See also under manuscripts; Widmanstetter, Johann Albrecht Keter 281, 286, 294 Keter Shem Tov 278 Kimhi, David 158–159, 188 Kimhi, Samuel 216 Kraft, Kaspar 270 Krakow 132 Kuntz, Marion 219 Kyeser, Konrad 46 Lake Bolsena 124 Lake Constance 17 Landauer, Meyer Hirsch 91n21 Landshut 4 f, 51–52, 144 Lanfranco of Milan 217 Latin 67, 121, 135, 159, 170, 210–211, 227, 248– 249, 303 books 63–64, 92, 152, 185 translation into 8–9, 44, 117, 127, 145–147, 162, 172–173, 176–180, 197–199, 206–207, 213–215, 219, 222, 224–225 Legenda Aurea 262 Leipzig 74 Leo Africanus Johannes alias al-Hasan Muhammad al-Wazzan 222–223 Leo x (pope) 13, 222 Leonsberg, Anna von alias Anna Lucretia Widmanstetter 6, 8, 31 letter writing 65–66, 101, 194–197 Levant 25–26, 70–72, 76, 80, 83, 266, 269 Leviathan 193, 231 levirate marriage 239 Levita, Elijah 17, 52, 126, 172, 187 as copyist 134–135 Masoret ha-Masoret 52, 87 Meturgeman 61 working for Bomberg 61, 68–71 Liber fidei (Fagius) 17n52 Liber sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo (Widmanstetter). See Syriac New Testament library 16, 20, 30, 139–146, 175–176, 183–186, 268

656 Christian 46–55, 183–190 Jewish 34–46, 85, 190–191 Munich court 8, 19, 177–178 of Antonio Flaminio 53–55, 159 of Egidio da Viterbo 47–53, 92–93, 100, 114, 118–124, 126, 131, 213–215 of Jacob Mantino 43–45, 108–110, 168 of Pier Luigi Farnese 90, 119–121 of Pope Clement vii 107, 112 of Pope Paul iii 90 Vatican 53, 112–113, 140 See also book binding; catalog; manuscripts; prints liturgy 62, 205, 277 Llull, Ramon 287 logos 210 Lucretius. See Widmanstetter, Johann Albrecht Ludolph of Saxony 261 Ludwig x, Duke of Bavaria-Landshut 6, 143–144, 197 Luke, Gospel of 262–263, 283n12 Luther, Martin 225–226, 229 Magellan, Ferdinand 271 magic 53, 160, 168, 243 Maḥberot (Immanuel of Rome) 56, 171 Mahometis Theologia (Widmanstetter). See Commentary on the Quran Maimonides, Moses 9, 37, 40, 42, 73, 160, 169–171, 189, 196, 198, 216, 277 Malkhut 128, 281, 286 Mantino, Jacob 43–45, 55, 85, 107–112, 168, 222 Mantua 62, 75, 95–96, 107, 168 manuscripts 9n31, 78–79, 85–86, 144–145 Arabic 8, 39, 145, 154, 221–224 copied by converts 9, 20, 22, 44, 72, 93, 100, 115, 202 copied by Jews 9, 88, 125–126, 132–134 Greek 81, 85, 179–181, 209, 212 Hebrew 13, 26–27, 44–47, 83, 144, 215, 304 kabbalistic 6, 9, 13, 41, 50–51, 53–54, 83, 87–136, 153–154, 213–219, 255, 278–300 Latin 92, 98, 127, 152, 185, 197–202 Syriac 5, 82–83, 267–268 Marcello Cervini alias Marcellus ii (pope) 268

general index Marcus of Toledo 225 Maronites 79 Martini, Raymond 203 Masaʾil ʿAbdallah ben Salam 225 Masius, Andreas 7, 17, 82–83, 88, 131, 173– 175, 186–191, 270–271 masorah 161, 187 Masoret ha-Masoret (Levita) 52, 87 Matthew, Gospel of 187, 208, 263, 283 Maximilian i (Holy Roman emperor) 186 medicine 10, 216–217 Mediterranean 65, 70–71, 77 Mendoza y Zúñiga, Íñigo López de (cardinal) 222 menorah 257, 274–276, 287, 297 merkavah literature 278 Mersenne, Marin 306 Metatron 128 Meturgeman (Levita) 61 Middle Commentary on the Logic of Aristotle (Averroes) 216 Middle Commentary on the Physics (Averroes) 44 midrash 35–36, 43, 68, 89, 93, 160–161, 186– 189, 191, 215 Midrash ha-Neʿelam 98–99, 105, 238 Midrash Rabbah 93, 215 Milan 120, 127 Biblioteca Ambrosiana Ms. 102, 122– 123 Biblioteca Ambrosiana Ms. P 22, 127– 130 Minḥat Yehuda (Ḥayyat) 96 Mirandola, Giovanni Pico della 5, 8, 11, 193, 236 Mishnah 187, 204 Mitridates, Flavio 122 Molkho, Solomon 168–169, 174 Molosso 120 Mordecai ben Eliezer 34–39, 55 Moritz of Saxony, Prince Elector 7, 66n144 Moses (biblical figure) 128, 188, 231, 241 Moses Gad ben Toviah 132–135 Moses of Mardin 15, 255, 268–272 Moses of Norsi 190–191 Mother Joanna 273 Mount Ephesus 257 Mount Sinai 128, 241n93 Mount Zion 82–83

general index Muhammad, Prophet 23, 169, 219–224, 228– 230 as purported student of Jewish Law 230–233 as purported student of Kabbalah 233– 254 Christian polemics against 224–228 Munich 4 f, 50n16, 34, 44–45, 47, 108, 146, 148, 152, 155, 176–179, 185, 303– 304 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München 10, 21, 48n83 bsb 2 A.hebr. 38 160 bsb 2 A.hebr. 67 159 bsb 2 A.hebr. 97 150 bsb 2 A.hebr. 141 102 bsb 2 A.hebr. 245 167 bsb 2 A.hebr. 258–1–9, 198, 231 bsb 2 B.orient 16, 27 bsb 2 Inc. c. a. 1896 158–159 bsb 4 A.hebr. 225 95 bsb 4 A.hebr. 283 171 bsb 4 A.hebr. 300 89 bsb 4 A.hebr. 354 89 bsb 4 A.hebr. 411 28, 70, 138 f, 150, 161 bsb Cod.hebr. 6 9 bsb Cod.hebr. 77 42, 166–167 bsb Cod.hebr. 81 22, 132–135, 289 bsb Cod.hebr. 91 212 bsb Cod.hebr. 95 33 bsb Cod.hebr. 96 22, 49 f, 126–131, 154, 168 bsb Cod.hebr. 103 22, 106, 115, 118–119, 157 bsb Cod.hebr. 108 165 bsb Cod.hebr. 111 9, 38 bsb Cod.hebr. 112 121–125, 149 f, 238–243, 294–298 bsb Cod.hebr. 114 155 bsb Cod.hebr. 115 121, 124, 287–289, 299 bsb Cod.hebr. 117 35–36 bsb Cod.hebr. 119 292–294 bsb Cod.hebr. 124 197–201 bsb Cod.hebr. 201 151 f bsb Cod.hebr. 214 159–160, 166 bsb Cod.hebr. 217 91–95, 99–115, 130, 152, 238, 245, 251, 273, 281 bsb Cod.hebr. 218 44, 91–95, 99–115, 130, 152, 238, 249, 251, 273, 278–285

657 bsb Cod.hebr. 219 91–95, 99–115, 130, 152, 238, 249, 251, 273 bsb Cod.hebr. 221 114, 153 bsb Cod.hebr. 239 216 bsb Cod.hebr. 264 161 bsb Cod.hebr. 271 31, 217 bsb Cod.hebr. 285 44, 90, 108–111, 152, 213, 243 bsb Cod.hebr. 305 150, 156 bsb Cod.hebr. 315 42–44, 100, 196 bsb Cod.hebr. 321 54 bsb Cod.hebr. 325 9, 83 bsb Cod.hebr. 352 44–45 bsb Cod.hebr. 356 194 bsb Cod.hebr. 448 114, 291–292 bsb L.as. 162 173 bsb Rar. 1229 23 bsb Res/2 A.hebr. 182 194 bsb Res/4 A.hebr. 210 37 ducal court library 8, 19, 116, 177–179, 182–183 Munich Mekhilta 35–36 Münster, Sebastian 8, 163, 172–173, 175, 186– 188, 191, 208 Musculus, Wolfgang 50n87, 155 Muslims 202, 204, 224–227, 232, 253 Nachmanides, Moses 37, 171, 203, 237, 243 Naples 4 f, 5–6, 27, 34, 47, 54, 71, 143, 171, 239 Naudé, Gabriel 30, 55 Neḥunya ben ha-Qanah 168 Nellingen 3, 4 f, 144 Nestorius 233–234 Netsaḥ 129, 281, 286 New Testament Greek 80n189, 117, 206–211, 228, 263, 283–284, 300 Syriac 15, 24, 48, 255–301, 305, 308–310 New York Jewish Theological Seminary Ms. 1896 122 Nicolaus of Cues 11 Noah (biblical figure) 308 notarikon 260, 288 Numenius 235, 241 numerology 231, 275 Nuremberg 1, 4 f, 220, 226 one-volume-libraries 122, 156–161

658 Oporinus, Johannes 225 Or Nerot ha-Menorah (Postel) 272–276, 287 Orgier (Provençal family) 32n21 Oriental languages 76–78, 230, 271–272 Origen 210, 243 Otiyyot de-Rabbi ʿAqivah 89, 215 Otsar ha-Kavod (Abulafia) 118–119 Otto von Waldburg (archbishop) 7, 143 Otto Johannes 227 Ottoman Empire 9–10, 29 f, 65–85, 88, 205, 272 Oxford Bodleian Library, Ms. Huntington Add. E 115 Padua 59, 153 Pagnini, Sante 194 Panthenosia (Postel) 308–309 Paradise 202, 252, 273 Parenzo (printer) 71 Paris 13, 47, 114–115, 203, 206, 215 BnF Ms. F. lat. 3402 276 BnF Ms. héb. 15 215 BnF Ms. héb. 98 215 BnF Ms. héb. 776 295–299 BnF Ms. héb. 794 127–131 BnF Ms. héb. 857 122–123 BnF Ms. lat. 527 92–93, 100, 118–119 BnF Ms. lat. 596 98 BnF Ms. lat. 3363 215 BnF Ms. lat. 3667 127 Parma and Piacenza, Duchy of 120 Parnas, Francesco alias Isaiah ben Eleazar 100–102, 116–118, 125–126, 131, 136, 288, 291 letters to by Bomberg 65–66, 68, 101 as co-editor of the Zohar 44, 90–91, 102–115, 152–153, 273 partsufim 279–285 See also Arikh anpin; Zeʾir Anpin; ten sefirot Passau 7 Passion of Christ 259–263, 281 Paul iii (pope) alias Alessandro Farnese 6, 90, 119–121 Paul iv (pope) alias Gian Pietro Carafa 42 Paul, Saint 262 Perles, Joseph 16n50, 59 Persia 78, 239

general index Perush Pereq Shirah (Kimchi) 216 Perush Sefer Yetsirah (Pseudo-Rabad) 238, 288 Peshitta. See Syriac New Testament Peter the Venerable 203, 224, 228 Pfefferkorn, Johann 3, 163, 186–187 philosophia perennis 11, 23, 239–242 philosophy 10, 63–64, 88, 184, 186, 191t, 216– 217, 235, 239, 277, 306 Arabic 43–45, 165, 168 Greek 11–12, 35, 244–246, 250, 252–253, 290 Jewish 37, 43, 161 Pinelli, Gian Vincenzo 30n15, 52 Pisa 36, 96, Plantin, Christophe 116–117 plate 15n46, 116–117 Plato 43–44, 160, 235, 241, 251–253, 290, 206 Postel, Guillaume 7, 23, 76, 205, 219, 226, 288, 302, 305–310 Candelabri typici interpretatio 273–275 Or Nerot ha-Menorah 272–276, 287 Panthenosia 308–309 Syriac New Testament 2, 15, 24, 255–259, 263–265, 269–272 prints 37, 85, 88–89, 116, 120, 137, 175, 179, 271 Hebrew 9, 20–22, 27–29, 55–76, 148–150, 156, 158–159, 167, 178–179, 215 printer 16–17, 26, 56–58, 63–69, 71–75, 100, 117, 147, 173, 196, 214, 227, 269, 303 also Aemilius, Paulus; Bomberg, Daniel; Company of Silk Weavers; Giustiniani; Parenzo; Soncino; Zimmermann, Michael prisca philosophia 234, 241, 272, 306–310 Prochorus 257 Prommer, Wolfgang 116, 164, 177–185, 304 Protestantism 7, 24, 74, 77, 144, 226, 303, 310 Provence 31–33 Psalm 223, 251, 285 Ptolemaeus, Lactantius 268 Pugio fidei (Martini) 203 Quran Christian polemics on the 224–228 Christian translations of the 219–222 Commentary on the (Widmanstetter) 7,

general index 14, 23–24, 170, 193, 233–253, 257, 260, 289, 309–310 manuscripts 39, 145, 221–222 Ramadan 231 Razi 232 Recanati, Menachem 50, 88, 94–95, 118, 121–123 Regensburg 4 f, 8, 30–31, 143–146, 168 Reggio nell’Emilia 4 f, 5, 267 reincarnation of souls. See gilgul neshamot René of Anjou, Count of Provence 31 Republic (Plato) 43, 290 republic of letters 23, 76 responsa 10, 150, 191t Reuben ben Jekutiel 36 Reubeni, David 168 Reuchlin, Johannes 3, 23, 26–27, 46, 174, 186–191, 247, 254, 306–311 Augenspiegel 163, 186, 307 De Arte Cabbalistica 12–13, 234–235, 307 De Verbo Mirifico 12, 244 Rignalmo, Giovanni 65–66 Robert of Ketton 219–220, 225, 227 Rödelsee 115 Romanus, Egidius 216 Rome 4 f, 34–36, 53, 65–66, 90, 101, 120, 125–127, 131–132, 174, 268 bav Ms. Vat. ebr. 290 54 bav Ms. Vat. ebr. 337 35 bav Ms. Vat. ebr. 528 122–123 Biblioteca Angelica Ms. Lat. 688 92 Biblioteca Angelica Ms. Or. 45 53 Biblioteca Angelica Ms. Or. 61 215 Biblioteca Casanatense Ms. 2971 92–93, 99, 100, 103–106, 111–112 Biblioteca Casanatense Ms. 3091 216 Biblioteca Casanatense Ms. 3098 54 Biblioteca Casanatense Ms. 3105 54, 213 Biblioteca Casanatense Ms. 3154 128– 130 Jewish booksellers of 59–61 manuscripts copied in 47, 92, 115, 118, 126, 129, 195, 290 Widmanstetter in 7, 13, 27, 41, 44, 48, 50, 110, 140, 143, 169, 222–223, 273 Rothschild, Jean-Pierre 190 Rudimenta (Giustiniani) 223 Saadia Gaon 78, 114, 124, 153, 223

659 Salzburg 4 f, 143–144 Samuel of Toramo 150 Samuel Rafael ben Benjamin 36 Satan 271 Scazzocchio, Abraham de 41–44, 45–46, 169, 174, 196 Schmidt-Biggemann, Wilhelm 216, 273 Scholem, Gershom 14, 235–237, 254, 290, 302, 304, 309 Schönberg, Nikolaus von (cardinal) 6, 85 Schwarz, Hayyim alias Hayyim Shahor 116, 196–197 science 63, 68, 88, 183, 186, 191t, 212, 244 scribes 9, 20, 22, 44, 72, 88, 93, 100, 115, 125– 126, 132–134, 202 See also Aemilius, Paulus; Gatigno, Hayyim; Levita, Elijah; Moses Gad ben Toviah; Parnas, Francesco Secret, François 273 Seder ha-Ilan 124, 295–297 Sefer ʾAvqat Roḥel 198 Sefer Ginnat Egoz 93 Sefer ha-Bahir 168, 237, 275, 290 Sefer ha-ʿEdut (Abulafia) 243 Sefer ha-ʿIqqarim (Albo) 198 Sefer ha-Ot (Abulafia) 243 Sefer ha-Peliyah 22, 47, 125–131, 154–155, 238, 255, 290 Sefer ha-Qabbalah (Abraham ibn Daʾud) 163, 174, 189 Sefer ha-Razim 53 Sefer ha-Roqeaḥ (Eleazar of Worms) 89 Sefer ha-Shem (Eleazar of Worms) 89, 132, 159–160 Sefer ha-Shorashim (Kimhi) 102 Sefer ha-Temunah 93, 238 Sefer ha-Tseruf (al-Zahrāwī) 213 Sefer Maʿarekhet ha-Elohut (Ḥayyat) 33, 90, 231 Sefer Melits (Abulafia) 110 Sefer Mikhlol (Kimhi) 188 Sefer Shimmushei Torah 243 Sefer Torah Or (Josef ben David ibn Yaḥya) 190 Sefer Yetsirah 54, 93, 246, 274–275, 283, 287– 291, 306 sefirah. See ten sefirot sefirotic tree. See ilanot Seld, Georg 18, 176–177

660 Seripando, Girolamo (cardinal) 6, 48, 52, 90, 118, 194–195 Seville 39 Shekhinah 248–249, 251, 273, 281–282 Shem Tov Ibn Shem Tov 89 showbread table 294 Siena 4 f, 37, 268 Simon bar Yoḥai 204, 279, 282–284 Socrates 252 Solomon (biblical figure) 249, 284–285 Soncino (place) 9 Soncino (printer) 26, 56, 78, 82 Spain 25, 31, 34, 37–38, 95, 101, 224 Spalatin, Georg 74 Specula (Vincent of Beauvais) 184 St.-Anna-Hof 269 St. Gallen 183–184 Steimann, Ilona 303 Steinschneider, Moritz 18, 21, 44–45, 108, 304 stigmata 266 Stow, Kenneth 42 Striedl, Hans 1n2, 21, 304 Süleyman the Magnificent (Ottoman sultan) 77, 81, 84 Summala brevis (Peter the Venerable) 228 Symposium (Plato) 251–252 synagogue 57 Syria 79, 271 Syriac church 266 Syriac language 5, 15, 80, 82, 260, 266–268 Syriac New Testament (Liber sacrosancti Evangelii de Jesu Christo) 15, 24, 48, 255– 301, 305, 308–310 Taʿamei ha-Mitswot (Recanati) 118, 238 Talmud 5, 10, 37, 85 as purported source of Quran 230– 233 Christian attitudes towards 62, 98, 162, 170, 174, 307 Christian study of 172–173, 186–194, 197– 206 Babylonian 40, 71, 246 Bomberg 9, 88, 159n61, 171, 203, 231 language of 97–98 Tarascon 31 Targum 10, 187, 197, 215, 259

general index Onqelos 97, 214 Palestinian 98 Yerushalmi 96–97 Temple 206, 210, 257, 286 ten sefirot 2, 13, 24, 128, 218, 305, 310– 311 Commentaries on the 122 in Commentary on the Quran 243, 246– 250, 254 in the Syriac New Testament 257, 260– 261, 273–299 See also Binah; Ein Sof ; Gevurah; Ḥesed; Hod; Ḥokhmah; Keter; ilanot; Malkhut; Netsaḥ; Shekhinah; partsufim; Tiferet; Yesod tetragrammaton. See divine names Thales of Miletus 244–246 Thessaloniki 10, 67, 76, 85 Tiferet 129, 248–250, 259, 282, 286, 291 Tiqqunei ha-Zohar 108 Tishby, Isaiah 98 Torah 40–41, 128, 243 Transylvania 81 Trefler, Florian 185 Trinity 229–230, 258–259, 265–266, 275– 277, 282–286, 300, 305 Trithemius, Johannes 46 Tübingen 4, 26 Tunis 40, 223–224 Turin 4 f, 5, 27, 58, 63–64, 143 Ulm 3, 16, 144 Valeriano, Pierio 54 Valla, Lorenzo 162 Veltwyck, Gerard 28, 138 f, 150, 161 Venice 4 f, 9, 34, 52, 59, 92, 150, 269, 272– 273, 303 printing in 22, 27–28, 55–58, 64–71, 85, 89, 100, 274 Vienna 2, 4 f, 22, 77, 81, 83–84, 125, 131, 143, 155, 269, 271, 309 Vincent of Beauvais 184 Vita Christi (Ludolph of Saxony) 261–262 Voila, Isaac 62–63, 67 volvelle 287–289 Vrančić, Antun alias Antonius Verantius 22, 77–85 Weiss, Judith 11n34, 274

661

general index Wicelius, Georg 16–18, 50, 176–177, 179 Widmannstadt, Philipp Jacob 155 Widmanstetter, Johann Albrecht alias Lucretius acquires books from booksellers 63–76 acquires books from Christians 46–55 acquires books from Jews 40–46 acquires books via emissaries 77–84 and anti-Christian polemics 42, 169–170 and Arabic 165, 174, 217–218, 221–224 and bindings 147–162 and Greek New Testament 206–211 and Hebrew 6, 18, 194–116 and Hebrew Bible 198, 207–209, 214–215 and Jews 168–170, 202–205, 233–235, 241–243, 250n127 and Kabbalah 1–2, 6, 13–14, 92–95, 213– 219, 231–253, 277–299 and Protestantism 226 and Quran 23–24, 202–203, 228–253, 307–310 and Talmud 172–173, 186–194, 202–206, 230–233 and transmission of Jewish texts 162– 175 as chancellor 8, 22, 77, 82, 84–85, 125, 143 as papal secretary 6, 120, 206 commissions manuscripts 87, 91–92, 102–115, 118–135, 255, 287–288, 291, 294–295 creates Zohar recension 91–115 draws kabbalistic diagrams 124, 287– 289, 295–299 his catalog 164, 175–179, 183 his correspondence 16–17, 23, 43, 51, 68– 70, 73–75, 78–80, 84, 194–202, 266, 271 his entry of ownership 30, 51, 54, 109 f, 114, 137–138 f relationship with Aemilius 72–75, 115– 125, 199–200 relationship with Egidio da Viterbo 6, 12–13, 47–53, 91–95, 118–119, 126–128, 193–197, 211–218, 222–224, 288 relationship with Parnas 65–66, 101–115, 291–292

relationship with Postel 2, 15, 205, 255, 269–273, 288, 305–311 transportation of library 139–147 Widmanstetter, Johann Albrecht, his works Commentary on the Quran 7, 14, 23–24, 170, 193, 219–254, 257, 260, 289, 309– 310 Quibus de causis 15n46 Syriacae linguae prima elementa 8, 80 Syriac New Testament 15, 24, 48, 255– 261, 264–272, 275–281, 286–288, 299– 301, 305, 308–310 Von den gaistlichen unnd weltlichen Wappen aines Ritters 15n46 Wilkinson, Robert 14, 236, 276 Wolfenbüttel 140 Yalqut Shimʿoni 167, 231 Yehoshua ben Levi 205–206 Yemen 42, 169 Yesod 248, 251, 280–282, 286 Zasius, Ulrich 142–143 Zeʾeir Anpin 285 Zemat, Michele alias Michael Zematus 6, 59, 193 Zena (bookseller) 50–52, 59–61 Zeus 252 Zimmermann, Michael 269–270 zodiac 287, 289t, 294 Zohar 2, 24, 44, 76, 153–154, 189, 204, 300 knowledge about 92–95 manuscript by Egidio 91–106, 111–112 manuscript by Mantino 108–110 printed editions 126 recension by Widmanstetter 91–115 source for Commentary on the Quran 238, 244–253 source for Syriac New Testament 273– 286, 291 See also Idra Rabba; Midrash ha-Neʿelam; Tiqqunei ha-Zohar; Widmanstetter, Johann Zoroaster 11, 239–240 Zorzi, Francesco 306 Zúñiga, Diego López de 222