Close Encounters of Empire: Writing the Cultural History of U.S.-Latin American Relations 0822320851, 9780822320852

Citation preview

Close Encounters of Empire

American Encounters/Globallnteractions A Series Edited by Gilbert M Joseph and Emily S. Rosenberg

Close Encounters of Empire Writing the Cultural History of U.S.-Latin American Relations Edited by Gilbert M. Joseph, Catherine C. LeGrand, and Ricardo D. Salvatore With a Foreword by Fernando Coronil

Duke University Press Durham and London 1998

© 1998 Duke University Press All rights reserved

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

00

Typeset in Times Roman with Frutiger display by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. 3rd printing,

2006

This book was published with the assistance of the Frederick W Hilies Publications Fund of Yale University.

Frontispiece: Rene d'Harnoncourt, American Artist in Mexico, 1932. Gouache. Courtesy of the d' Hamoncourt family. Photo: Philadelphia Museum of Art.

American Encounters/Globallnteractions

A series edited by Gilbert M. Joseph and Emily S. Rosenberg

This series aims to stimulate critical perspectives and fresh interpretive frameworks for scholarship on the history of the imposing global presence of the United States. Its primary concerns include the deployment and contestation of power, the construction and deconstruction of cultural and political borders, the fluid meanings of intercultural encounters, and the complex interplay between the global and the local. American Encounters seeks to strengthen dialogue and collaboration between historians of U.S. international relations and area studies specialists. The series encourages scholarship based on multiarchival historical research. At the same time, it supports a recognition of the representational character of all stories about the past and promotes critical inquiry into issues of subjectivity and narrative. In the process, American Encounters strives to understand the context in which

meanings related to nations, cultures, and political economy are continually produced, challenged, and reshaped.

Contents

Foreword Fernando Coronil Preface xiii

IX

I: Theoretical Concerns

Close Encounters: Toward a New Cultural History of US.-Latin American Relations Gilbert M. Joseph 3 The Decentered Center and the Expansionist Periphery: The Paradoxes of Foreign-Local Encounter Steve 1 Stern 47 The Enterprise of Knowledge: Representational Machines of Informal Empire Ricardo D. Salvatore 69 II: Empirical Studies

Landscape and the Imperial Subject: US. Images of the Andes, 18591930 Deborah Poole 107 Love in the Tropics: Marriage, Divorce, and the Construction of Benevolent Colonialism in Puerto Rico, 1898-1910 Eileen 1 Findlay 139 Mercenaries in the Theater of War: Publicity, Technology, and the Illusion of Power during the Brazilian Naval Revolt of 1893 Steven C. Topik 173 The Sandino Rebellion Revisited: Civil War, Imperialism, Popular Nationalism, and State Formation Muddied Up Together in the Segovias of Nicaragua, 1926-1934 Michael 1 Schroeder 208 The Cult of the Airplane among US. Military Men and Dominicans during the US. Occupation and the Trujillo Regime Eric Paul Roorda 269 Central American Encounters with Rockefeller Public Health, 1914-1921 Steven Palmer 311 Living in Macondo: Economy and Culture in a United Fruit Company Banana Enclave in Colombia Catherine C. LeGrand 333 From Welfare Capitalism to the Free Market in Chile: Gender, Culture, and Politics in the Copper Mines Thomas Miller Klubock 369 Everyday Forms of Transnational Collaboration: US. Film Propaganda in Cold War Mexico Seth Fein 400 Gringo Chickens with Worms: Food and Nationalism in the Dominican Republic Lauren Derby 451

viii Contents III: Final Reflections

Turning to Culture Emily S. Rosenberg 497 Social Fields and Cultural Encounters William Roseberry 515 From Reading to Seeing: Doing and Undoing Imperialism in the Visual Arts Marfa del Carmen Suescun Pozas 525 Contributors 557 Index 563

Fernando Coronil

Foreword A pathbreaking study of U.S.-Latin American relations, Close Encounters of Empire is also a landmark of postcolonial studies in the Americas. The product of a conference at Yale University, this unusually coherent collection of essays reflects vigorous collective discussions, painstaking scholarship, and skilled editorial work. While the individual cases examine with sophistication a wide range of imperial encounters in the Americas, the introduction and the two concluding interpretive essays relate the studies to each other and discuss their collective achievements. I will exchange the opportunity to comment further on the case studies for the chance to discuss this volume's theoretical contribution to the broader field of postcolonial studies. The authors of these essays treat postcolonial encounters in the Americas as complex affairs involving multiple agents, elaborate cultural constructs, and unforeseen outcomes. While evidently inspired by recent developments in social theory associated with cultural and feminist studies, as well as with poststructuralism and postcolonialism, the essays also build on a long tradition of Latin American scholarship on colonialism and imperialism. The book's theoretical importance results from the diverse ways in which its authors establish, often implicitly, a dialogue among these diverse bodies of scholarship. In the introduction Gil Joseph highlights the significance of this dialogue, noting that the collection is distinguished by the pioneering use of postmodern approaches to the analysis of U.S.-Latin American relations. As Joseph observes, while the essays are informed by a postmodern sensitivity to the formation of subaltern subjects, the ambiguities of power, and the multi stranded character of historical processes, they do not abandon a more traditional concern with large-scale historical contexts and overarching political relations. Through the interplay of these approaches, the essays treat the "encounter" between the United States and Latin America as a complex interaction among unequal social actors, illuminating in new ways their modes of cooperation, subjection, and resistance under changing historical conditions. This collection's engagement with modern and postmodern approaches is also underlined by Rosenberg and Roseberry in the two interpretive

x Foreword essays that close the book. Rosenberg contrasts this volume with studies that take a modernist perspective and emphasizes its affinity with postcolonial theory, postmodern studies of international relations, and culturecentered discussions of U.S. foreign relations. According to her, the recognition of the complexity and ambiguity of power systems has led to studies that reject the positivist conceits of the master narratives of modernism and that opt for the more modest goal of illuminating social reality through partial glimpses, attentiveness to localized context, and sensitivity to multiple stories and protean symbolic systems. For Roseberry, this volume's theoretical significance lies in its ability to draw on new perspectives while building on earlier modes of analysis. Seeking to bridge rather than to reinforce the gap between political economy and cultural studies that underwrites the modern-postmodern divide, Roseberry suggests that we read this book as effecting not so much a shift as a dialogue between these approaches. Yet Latin America has been largely absent from the internal dialogue that has established the field of postcolonial studies in the metropolitan centers. Readers familiar with this field may be aware that it has been fundamentally defined by work produced about northern European colonialism in Asia and Africa, and that its critique of dominant historiographies (whether imperial, nationalist, or Marxist) has led to a significant reconceptualization of the making and representation of colonial histories (perhaps best exemplified by the scholarship of India's Subaltern Studies Group). However, both postcolonial imperialism and Latin America (as an area of study and as a source of theoretical and empirical work) are fundamentally absent from postcolonial studies' canonical texts. This volume counters both absences. The inclusion of the Americas expands the historical referents and theoretical scope of postcolonial studies. The Americas encompass a vast territory where, since the end of the fifteenth century, European imperial powers (not only Spain and Portugal but also England, France, Holland, and Germany) have imposed various modalities of colonial control, learned from each other, and transplanted this learning to other regions. It is also the region where the United States has most forcefully practiced new modes of imperial domination as the world's major capitalist power. A lengthy postcolonial history has encouraged Latin American and Caribbean thinkers to confront imperialism's changing forms. From the perspective of the Americas, some of the pitfalls entailed by the post of postcolonialism, such as the notion that it denotes effective decolonization, are perhaps easier to avoid.

Foreword xi I will treat the encounter between modern and postmodern approaches that informs this collection on postcolonial encounters in the Americas as the opportunity to move beyond the limitations of either approach. The following five propositions, derived from my reading of this book, are but some tentative steps in this direction. I. Culture/Political Economy. While the scholarship on U.S.-Latin American relations has traditionally centered on political economy (largely through works influenced by the dependency perspective), recent studies inspired by postcolonial theory tend to focus on the culture of imperialsubaltern encounters. Yet "political economy" and "culture" are ambiguous theoretical categories that refer both to concrete social domains and to abstract dimensions of any social domain. The traditional focus on political economy entails a neglect not only of domains outside the economy, but also of the cultural dimension of economic practices themselves. In postcolonial studies the current focus on culture has opened new areas of inquiry, yet has tended to neglect the study not only of economic and political relations, but also of the materiality of cultural practices. A recognition that the separation between culture and political economy is itself culturally constructed would help overcome this oversight. 2. Metanarratives/Ministories. One consequence of the various "turns" (discursive, linguistic) and "posts" (postmodernism, postcoloniality) has been the tendency to identify political economy with modernist master narratives and cultural studies with postmodern fragmented stories. While one approach typically generates unilinear plots, unified actors, and integrated systems, the other produces multistranded accounts, divided subjects, and fragmented social fields. Yet there is no reason why social analysis should be cast in terms that polarize determinism and contingency, the systemic and the fragmentary. The critique of modernist assumptions should lead to a more critical engagement with history's complexity, not to a proliferation of disjointed vignettes and stories. 3. Fluid Subjects/Complex Wholes. The field of postcolonial studies has focused on the range, inner complexity, and fluidity of the subjects and locations involved in imperial encounters. Yet the analytical inclusion of fluid subjects and unstable terrains must be complemented by the analysis of their articulation within encompassing social fields. These fields of power are internally ordered, and their systemic properties have effects that must be analyzed. Fragmentation, ambiguity, and disjuncture are features of complex systems, rather than their opposite. Lest we miss the forest for the trees, the task remains to understand the complex architecture of parts and whole.

xii Foreword 4. Borders/Bodies. Imperial encounters entail the transcultural interaction of the domestic and the foreign under changing historical conditions. This process does not involve the movement of discrete entities from one bounded body into another across fixed borders, but rather their reciprocal transformation. The borders between the dominant and the subaltern are multiple-from the physical frontiers that separate them to the "contact zones" where imperial and subaltern actors interact. In imperialsubaltern encounters, bodies and borders are mutually defined and transformed through asymmetrical processes of transculturation. 5. Imperiaiism/Subaiternity. Imperial-subaltern encounters occur in social landscapes structured by differing modes of exploiting nature and labor. The social identities formed in these landscapes - constituted by such relations as nationality, class, ethnicity, gender, religion, race, and age-cannot be analyzed without reference to these forms of exploitation. A focus on the complex articulation of these asymmetrical relations avoids reductionist explanations that dismiss culture as a mere epiphenomenon, discursive accounts that disavow the material dimension of domination, and essentialist interpretations that celebrate as resistance any form of subaltern response and adaptation. Studies of specific postcolonial encounters must address the encompassing landscapes of power in which they unfold and the persisting colonizing effects of (post)modern empires. The Americas have always been a site of unexpected transfigurations. It would be a welcome irony if on the social terrain of the Americas - so saturated by a history of imperialism and by reflections on it - the turn to postmodern discursive approaches converged with or emerged as a material turn, understood as a move toward a fuller recognition of the complex wholeness of social reality. By bringing excluded objects of study into view and refining the way we view them, Close Encounters of Empire advances the project of developing a perspective on imperialism capable of confronting its ongoing colonizing effects on territories, peoples, and knowledges. This critical perspective will permit a fuller understanding of the colonial and postcolonial past, as well as more adequate responses to the new forms of subjection and inequality of the ever-changing postcolonial present.

Preface

The idea for this book grew out of a series of discussions among the editors in the spring of I994. Catherine LeGrand and Ricardo Salvatore were Postdoctoral Fellows in the Program in Agrarian Studies at Yale University, where Gil Joseph directed the Council on Latin American Studies. Each of us had done extensive historical research on problems of Latin American political economy and on the United States' formidable presence in the region. Each of us had also been influenced by the recent cultural and linguistic "turn" in the human sciences. In the wake of the avalanche of cultural history and criticism generated by the five-hundredth anniversary of the so-called Columbian encounter, we found it surprising that little scholarship of a similar nature existed for Latin America's postcolonial (or neocolonial) encounter with the United States during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. To be sure, exciting work was under way across several fields and disciplines, but the cultural history of U.S.Latin American relations remained to be written almost in its entirety. As we speculated on why the field's development had been stunted, we came to appreciate the almost total lack of communication that existed between Latin Americanists and historians of U.S. foreign relations who worked on inter-American affairs: rarely did members of the two groups of scholars attend the same professional meetings, let alone collaborate on joint projects. As our discussions came to include a broader range of Latin Americanists (from north and south of the Rio Grande) and U.S. foreign relations historians, the three of us began to plan a research conference that would unite scholars working on the cultural history of inter-American relations across fields, disciplines, and regions. We hoped to take stock of the more innovative work being done and, hopefully, to set a future agenda for research. Following a year-and-a-half planning process, an international conference, "Rethinking the Postcolonial Encounter: Transnational Perspectives on the Foreign Presence in Latin America," was held at Yale in October I995, sponsored by the University's Council on Latin American Studies. The event brought together fifty-two established and younger scholars of hemispheric relations: historians, anthropologists, sociologists, political scientists, and cultural and literary scholars; a cast that included North Americans, Latin Americans, Europeans, and one Australian. Four days of intense discussion and debate among this diverse,

xiv Preface interdisciplinary cast-one Latin American participant likened the conference's own feisty "encounters" to porcupines making love-expanded and enriched frames of reference and produced a harvest of papers, eight of which have found their way into this volume. Four-day international conferences are costly affairs. Ours was generously funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities (Conference Grant RX-21583-95), Yale's Office of the Provost, and the Kempf Memorial Fund at Yale. Special thanks go to Associate Provost Arline McCord, for her encouragement of the event from the earliest stages of planning. We are also grateful to Heather Salome, then Senior Administrator of the Council on Latin American Studies, and her assistants, Jonathan Amith, Steve Bachelor, and Delia Patricia Mathews, for ably and cheerfully managing the logistical details of the conference. We also thank the New Haven Colony Historical Society for providing its facilities and services for the working sessions. Of course, we are particularly indebted to those colleagues whose ideas and energy ensured the success of the 1995 conference, which laid the groundwork for the present volume. Besides the writers whose work appears in these pages, we also wish to thank the following people who contributed research findings and commentaries in New Haven: Ana Maria Alonso, Warwick Anderson, William Beezley, Jefferson Boyer, Jiirgen Buchenau, Avi Chomsky, Marcos Cueto, Enu1ia Viotti da Costa, Julie Franks, Alejandra Garda Quintanilla, Paul Gootenberg, Donna Guy, John Hart, Timothy Henderson, Robert Holden, Gladys Jimenez-Munoz, Friedrich Katz, Alan Knight, Agnes Lugo Ortiz, Francine Masiello, Louis Perez, Daniel Nugent, Gerardo Renique, Karen Robert, Cristina Rojas de Ferro, Jeffrey Rubin, Kelvin Santiago-Valles, William Schell, Stuart Schwartz, James Scott, Patricia Seed, Doris Sommer, Alexandra Stern, Lynn Stoner, William Taylor, Mauricio Tenorio, and George yudice. The present volume is the product of several years of collaboration among the editors, contributors, and individuals mentioned above. Following the 1995 conference, contributors spent the next year revising their papers. William Roseberry and Emily Rosenberg were each invited to submit shorter concluding reflections; Fernando Coronil was asked to write a foreword; and Maria Suescun Pozas was asked to do a think piece on the visual arts. Joseph's introductory essay and the contributions by LeGrand, Eileen Findlay, Steven Topik, and Lauren Derby, while written more recently, owe a great deal to the stimulating deliberations in New Haven. Four final acknowledgments are in order. We are grateful to Yale's Center for International and Area Studies, particularly its two most recent

Preface xv directors, Gaddis Smith and Gustav Ranis, for providing funds that supported much of the editorial and clerical costs attending preparation of the book's manuscript. The Social Science and Humanities Research Council of Canada contributed additional funding. We are indebted to Bill Beezley and Allen Wells for their meticulous readings of the manuscript. Finally, we express our gratitude to Valerie Millholland, our editor at Duke University Press, for her constant encouragement and ability to do the special things that mean so much to editors and authors. GILBERT M. JOSEPH, CATHERINE C. LEGRAND, AND RICARDO D. SALVATORE

I: Theoretical Concerns

Gilbert M. Joseph

Close Encounters Toward a New Cultural History of U.S.-Latin American Relations

It is a commonplace that Latin American history has been powerfully influenced by foreigners and foreign powers-not least by North Americans and the United States. Not for nothing do Mexicans refer to their neighbor as the "Northern Colossus" and visit the government's "National Museum of Interventions" (which showcases invasions of the patria by European powers as well as the United States). Nor is it surprising that throughout the hemisphere Latin Americans joke sardonically that "When the United States sneezes [undergoes a recession], we get pneumonia [experience full-blown depression]." Or, that the images Cubans, Chileans, and Central Americans nurture of North American wealth and corporate power or CIA plots are invariably dark and larger than life-images codified by some of the hemisphere's most influential writers: Jose Marti, Jose Enrique Rod6, Pablo Neruda, Miguel Angel Asturias, Carlos Fuentes, and Gabriel Garda Marquez, to name but a few.! Of course, there are also more benign legacies, heroes, and mythologies. Fidel Castro quoted Tom Paine and Thomas Jefferson long before he invoked Lenin, and for a time played baseball as passionately as politics. Mexican journalists report the strong influence of the U.S. New Left on the Zapatista leader of Chiapas, Subcomandante Marcos.2 No world leader has enjoyed as enduring and popular a cult in Latin America as John F. Kennedy. The intimidating Northern Colossus is also "EI Norte" - "el otro lado" (the other side)-a sanctuary for Latino immigrants and refugees; a source of insurgent support (e.g., Cuba in the 1890s, 1950s, and since 1959; and Mexico in the 19IOS); and a mecca for tourists and consumers.3 In short, the U.S. (and broader foreign) presence is varied and complex, and it has cast a long shadow.4 In seeking to understand the influence that North Americans and other foreigners have had on the region in the post- (or, as some prefer, neo-) colonial period, Latin Americanists first studied foreign investment and commercial affairs, diplomacy, and military interventions - and relied disproportionately on U.S. sources. Not surprisingly, their analyses re-

4 Gilbert M. Joseph flected prevailing notions regarding the determining influence of climate, the struggle between "civilization and barbarism," the "challenge" posed by "modernization," the specter of "communist subversion," the deforming legacy of imperialism, and so forth.5 In the 1960s and 1970s, "dependency theory" held center stage among progressive intelligentsias north and south of the Rio Grande: the structural subordination of Latin America as a periphery within the capitalist world system was held responsible for the "development of underdevelopment," understood primarily in economic terms. Like its neoclassical predecessor, "modernization/diffusionist theory," the predominantly neo-Marxian dependency school emphasized the power and influence of the "developed" world in shaping Latin America, but-as we shall see presently-the two paradigms were diametrically opposed in their interpretation of whether the results were positive or negative.

The Postmodern Challenge

Today, with theories of imperialism and dependency under attack and the once-discredited diffusionist model recycled (yet again) in "neoliberal" form by the managers of the "New World Order," 6 Latin Americanists across a variety of disciplines and a new generation of historians of U.S. foreign relations (once known as "diplomatic historians") are challenged to study the region's engagement with the United States in innovative ways. New poststructural concerns with the intersection of culture and power, with historical agency, and with the social construction of political life are producing new questions about the nature and outcomes of foreign-local encounters.? Turning away from dichotomous politicaleconomic models that see only domination and resistance, exploiters and victims, Latin Americanists (like their counterparts in African, Asian, and European studies)8 are suggesting alternate ways of conceptualizing the role that U.S. and other foreign actors and agencies have played in the region during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.9 At the same time, they are integrating gendered, ethnic, and linguistic analysis in their research designs; challenging the conventional separation of "public" and "private" spheres (and thereby expanding notions of the political); unsettling such seemingly fixed categories as "the state," "the nation," "development," "modernity," and "nature";l0 and in the process rethinking the canon of such traditional genres as diplomatic, business, and military history, and international relations theory.l1

Close Encounters 5 This volume represents the first systematic attempt to take stock of this exciting watershed and, in the process, to theorize a new interpretive framework for studying the United States' formidable presence in Latin America.I2 Contributors explore a series of power-laden "encounters"typically, close encounters - through which foreign people, ideas, commodities, and institutions have been received, contested, and appropriated in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Latin America. We should be clear at the outset: our use of the term encounter in conceptualizing the range of networks, exchanges, borrowings, behaviors, discourses, and meanings whereby the external became internalized in Latin America should not be construed as a euphemizing device, to defang historical analysis of imperialism. Sadly, in much of the literature on the 1992 Columbian quincentenary, the term performed just this sanitizing function,l3 Equally, it is not our intention to reify "Imperialism," validating Leninist identifications of it as the "highest stage of capitalism," or imposing other teleological conditions for its study.14 Rather, we are concerned in this volume with the deployment and contestation of power, with scrutinizing what Mary Louise Pratt refers to as the "contact zones" of the American empire.l5 As these essays vividly demonstrate, U.S. power has been brought to bear unevenly in the region by diverse agents, in a variety of sites and conjunctures, and through diverse transnational arrangements. Forms of power have thus been multiple and complex: simultaneously arranged through nation-states and more informal regional relationships; via business and communications networks and culture industries; through scientific foundations and philanthropic agencies; via imported technologies; and through constructions of nationality, race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality. Contact zones are not geographic places with stable significations; they may represent attempts at hegemony, but are simultaneously sites of multivocality; of negotiation, borrowing, and exchange; and of redeployment and reversal. We feel no obligation to rehearse the attenuated debate over whether or not the United States has been an imperial power-a debate that continues to preoccupy U.S. diplomatic historians and American studies scholars. To argue in the manner of George Kennan and subsequent generations of "realists" (and latter-day "postrevisionists") that if the United States briefly had an empire in the aftermath of the Spanish-American War, it promptly gave it away; that, therefore, imperialism has always been inconsequential to U.S. history;16 that, unlike the great powers of Europe, the historical experience of the United States has been characterized by "discovery" not "imperium," "global power" not "imperialism," "uni-

6 Gilbert M. Joseph polarity" not "hegemony" is to perpetuate false notions of ''American exceptionalism" and to engage psychologically in denial and projectionP Such arguments also ignore structures, practices, and discourses of domination and possession that run throughout US. history.1s A quarter century ago, as the United States' defeat in Vietnam became apparent, the notion that the United States was an imperial power gained wide acceptance; leading politicians like Senator 1. William Fulbright openly described the nation's foreign policy as "imperialist." 19 By contrast, today, amid the continuing celebration of the defeat of the Stalinist regimes of Eastern Europe, "you need an electron microscope to find 'imperialism' used to describe the US. role in the world." 20 A provocative recent collection, The Cultures of United States Imperialism, edited by American studies scholars Amy Kaplan and Donald Pease, dissects this "ongoing pattern of denial" among US. policymakers and academics and seeks to "name" the empire again.21 The volume's contributors argue compellingly that the politics of US. continental and international expansion, conflict, and resistance have shaped the history of American culture just as much as the cultures of those the United States has dominated. The book makes a powerful case for restoring empire to the study of American culture(s) and for incorporating the United States into contemporary discussions of "postcoloniality." Cultures of United States Imperialism also begins to fill the lacuna that most preoccupies contributors to this volume: the absence of cultural analysis from the overseas history of US. expansion and hegemony. The realist school's overriding emphasis on high politics, the balance of power, and national security interests had not gone unchallenged: beginning in the mid-I950s, William Appleman Williams and a subsequent generation of New Left, "revisionist" diplomatic historians called into question realism's paradigm of denial, focusing almost exclusively on the economic determinants of empire. In doing so, however, they neglected the role of culture in the imperial expansion of "America's frontier." 22 Kaplan writes: Revisionist emphasis on economic causality may have stemmed in part from the effort to endow imperialism with reality and solidity against the subjective explanations ["moral idealism," "mass hysteria" generated by the yellow press] given by those "realists" who relegated empire to a minor detour in the march of American history. The economic approach, however, embodied its own contradictions, which led to multiple debates among historians ... about whether the fabled markets ... were mere "illusions," as opposed to having "real" economic value. If economics is privileged as the site of the "real," then cultural phenomena

Close Encounters 7 such as the belief in markets, or racialist discourse, or the ideology of "benevolent assimilation" can only be viewed as "illusions" that have little impact on a separate and narrowly defined political sphere.23 To combat such dichotomized, economistic thinking (which Williams himself would temper in a later volume on "empire as a way oflife"),24 the contributors to Cultures of United States Imperialism wrote about "those areas of culture traditionally ignored as long as imperialism was treated as a matter of foreign policy conducted by diplomatic elites or as a matter of economic necessity driven by market forces." 25 Nevertheless, given their predominant orientation as American studies scholars, and literary and cultural critics, the volume's contributors focused overwhelmingly on questions of representation and disproportionately on how U.S. imperialism had influenced or consolidated North American rather than foreign cultures. And although the editors wisely caution against theoretically segregating material and cultural/discursive analysis, the former is largely conspicuous by its absence in this otherwise absorbing volume. While our project has much to say about the "representational machines" of empire-the technologies and discourses that conveyed empire to audiences back home (see particularly the essays by Salvatore and Poole)-it is more concerned with representation as an integral dimension of imperial encounters "on the ground." Particular attention is given in these essays to a materially grounded, processual analysis of U.S. interaction with Latin American polities, societies, and cultures. The manner in which international relations reciprocally shaped a dominant imperial culture at home, although implicit in several of the essays, is not a central concern here; even less so are the modes by which imperial relations have been contested within the United States. For these matters readers can profitably consult Cultures of United States Imperialism. If terms such as encounter or engagement, which appear in many of the contributions, are not meant to affirm the neutral notion of social gatherings that much recent scholarly writing has chosen to emphasize, what do they connote? Certainly they designate the connectedness of specific material and discursive interactions in the contact zones of empire; moreover, they are multivalent. On the one hand, they index attempts by people of different "cultures" to enter into relationships that need not deny or obliterate the subjectivity of the other party: efforts to understand, empathize with, approach the other; gestures to establish some type of bond, commitment, or contract. On the other hand, encounter and engagement also connote contestation and conflict, even military confrontation (not

8 Gilbert M. Joseph for nothing are these terms synonymous with battles in military parlance). Indeed, the derivation of encounter from the Latin is itself instructive: the word fuses in ("in") with contra ("against"). Thus, these terms designate processes and practices through which the other is rendered proximate or distant, friend or adversary (or some more ambiguous, ambivalent status), practices that entail mutual constructions and misunderstandings-the recourse to "othering" and "orientalizing" that is inherent in power-laden contexts.26 Our emphasis on close encounters in Latin American contact zones-or, as Bill Roseberry prefers in his contribution, diverse "social fields" -suggests interactions that are usually fraught with inequality and conflict, if not coercion, but also with interactive, improvisational possibilities. Such a perspective, according to Pratt, treats imperial relations "not in terms of separateness and apartheid, but in terms of copresence, interaction, interlocking understandings and practices." 27 It should be clear that, without wanting to be canonic in our understanding of "culture," this volume's contributors work within a broad Gramscian tradition, examining the links between culture and power. If pressed for a portmanteau concept, we might define culture as the symbols and meanings embedded in the daily practices of elite and subaltern (or foreign and local) groups, but with the proviso that such a definition is not intended to rigidly specify what the contents of those symbols and meanings are-a static, reifying exercise at best. Rather, our definition would underscore their processual nature, and insist that both elite/foreign and popular/local understandings are constantly being refashioned. At once "socially constituted (it is a product of present and past activity) and socially constituting (it is part of the meaningful context in which activity takes place)," 28 culture-popular or elite, local or foreign-never represents an autonomous, authentic, and bounded domain. Instead, popular and elite (or local and foreign) cultures are produced in relation to each other through a dialectic of engagement that takes place in contexts of unequal power and entails reciprocal borrowings, expropriations, and transformations. Throughout this volume, the reader will encounter cultural practices and institutions such as music, art, literature, folklore, mass media, leisure pastimes, and spectacle; she will also find herself immersed in the broader cultural realm of aspirations, beliefs, values, attitudes, tastes, and habits. But if the manifestations of inter-American culture are many and diverse, their history is always interwoven with political intentions and consequences.29

Close Encounters 9 This book's contributors include historians and anthropologists from the United States, Canada, and Latin America. An effort has been made to introduce senior scholars in the fields of Latin American studies and the history of U.S. foreign relations to each other, as well as to members of a newer generation in these fields. Moreover, in order to facilitate discussion between Latin Americanists and scholars working on similar problems elsewhere, the book is structured in the form of a dialogue between more general theoretical and comparative statements (in the introductory and concluding sections) and Latin American case studies based on recent research (in the volume's extensive middle section). No single volume can adequately cover the waterfront-in this case, a veritable universe of multiform imperial engagements that have occupied the Americas over two centuries. We have sought to feature instructive and absorbing cases representing mainland and circum-Caribbean areas, and to include Brazil as well as Spanish America. If the Caribbean basin and Mexico receive proportionately greater attention, it is because, owing to propinquity, they remained the principal theaters of North American geopolitical and economic concern, and were most thoroughly inscribed with imperial power and influence. Not surprisingly, these areas have generated some of the most innovative scholarship, particularly work that contributes to a new cultural history of U.S.-Latin American relations. The reader will also note that the editors have chosen to emphasize the period roughly before 1945, although several of the essays extend their chronological focus beyond World War II, some right up to the present (e.g., the contributions by Joseph, Stern, LeGrand, Klubock, Fein, Derby, Rosenberg, Roseberry, and Suescun Pozas). Clearly, the globalization of the planet, stunningly reflected in the internationalization of capital, labor, commodities, and cultural flows that has accelerated in recent decades, merits numerous volumes of its own. Nevertheless, we believe that the conceptual framework elaborated here will usefully inform such a sequel. In this introductory essay, I first "unpack" the most influential politicaleconomic models that Latin Americanist scholars and policymakers have employed over the last several decades to make sense of inter-American relations. To what extent do such paradigms usefully address the historical dynamics of foreign involvement in Latin America? In what respects are they deficient? I then go on to suggest how the initiative represented in this volume expands our understanding of the foreign-local encounter in Latin America. 30

10

Gilbert M. Joseph

Confronting and Unpacking Historical Paradigms

Confrontation with major paradigms of world history has distinguished the field of Latin American history during the last quarter century or SO.31 Starting in the late 1960s and early 1970s, a dissident generation of social scientists began to challenge prevailing diffusionist models of development with various renditions of dependency and world-systems theory.32 It is instructive to deconstruct these paradigms and examine the assumptions they share as well as their points of disagreement. After all, the new interdisciplinary scholarship has questioned many of these assumptions in rethinking foreign-local encounters in Latin America. The once and future diffusionist model is based on a persistent belief that "development" -or, interchangeably, "modernization" -comes about as a result of the penetration of technology, capital, trade, democratic political institutions, and attitudes from the "developed" into the "developing" countries of the world.33 Its proponents further assume that developing countries are themselves "dual societies" divided into a "lagging" rural sector and a "modernizing" capitalist urban sector. Just as the modernization of a developing country comes about through the diffusion of capital and ideas from developed nations, so the modernization of the lagging rural areas of the developing country comes about through the penetration of capital and ideas from its own dynamic urban centers (often referred to as "growth poles"). Thus, agents and agencies of development from the modern capitalist countries, working closely with the growing "middle class" in the receiving society, incrementally facilitate a closing of the gap, not only between developed and developing countries, but also between modern and lagging sectors of the developing nation itself.34 Early modernization theory, epitomized by W. W. Rostow's influential book The Stages of Economic Growth (1960), emphasized the cultural and psychological obstacles to growth (e.g., an ingrained fatalism), prescribing that underdeveloped countries needed only to follow the steps traversed by developed nations. The early models were additive: essentially, they postulated that merely by adding technology and capital, underdeveloped societies would progress. Later diffusionists, such as S. N. Eisenstadt, were less sanguine about surefire, unilinear solutions. They placed far greater emphasis on internal structural obstacles to change, particularly the syndromes of "internal colonialism" (the dominance of primate cities over poor hinterlands) and "the vicious cycle of poverty." Nevertheless, like the early theorists, they maintained an abiding belief in foreign aid and investment, open trade, export production, and technology transfer. 35

Close Encounters

II

Leftist critics of "modernization" have proposed a variety of "dissident paradigms" - new formulations of imperialism, dependency theory, and world-systems theory - which essentially stand diffusionism on its head. Although a nuanced analysis of these various alternative paradigms of development cannot be elaborated here,36 two broad initial observations are in order. On one level, these dissident approaches have collectively administered a telling blow to the doctrine of modernization: "economic growth," "transnational integration," and "democratization" have repeatedly been accompanied by national disintegration; the growth of an exploited, marginal mass has superseded the creation or maintenance of a dynamic and prosperous middle class.37 On a more fundamental, epistemologicallevel, however, these dissident paradigms, despite their powerful, often compelling linkage of Latin American inequities to world-scale political-economic structures and forces, have frequently replicated the same dichotomized, bounded view of foreign-local engagement and the same penchant for teleology that undermined diffusionism.38 New theorists of "imperialism," for example, focus on the U.S. (or European) center's penetration of the Latin American periphery. Imperialism's main branches are held to be political, military, and economic; secondarily it involved the inexorable transfer-indeed, virtual imposition-of a kind of cultural compost, the so-called American way of life. Concerned mainly with the question of uneven power relations between nation-states and with the tensions created by exports of capital to social formations that were in a less "advanced" state of development, this view has presented the growing and multifaceted connection between the United States and Latin America as a relationship between two distinct political entities and two economies. American businessmen, diplomats, and military personnel abroad are typically portrayed as instruments of an alliance between capital and the state to conquer markets, tap cheap sources of raw materials, and consolidate an asymmetrical relationship ofpower.39 In similar fashion, dependency and world-systems models take off from a series of inequalities located in international trade and finance. They then proceed to map out a complex network of relationships by means of which local governments, ruling elites, political parties, and institutions in civil society have become involved in the reproduction of a structural condition- "dependency" -that prevented the "peripheral" countries of the region from achieving the levels of development of the northern "metropolis" or "core." While less tied to notions of the metropolis's expansion or "spillover" into the periphery than theories of imperialism (or

12

Gilbert M. Joseph

"revisionist" U.S. diplomatic historians), dependency formulations have retained the central idea of "penetration"; this time, however, the vehicle of penetration was an ensemble of U.S. capital, technology, and culture.40 The rationale of the capitalist system remained the same: the reproduction of a highly skewed pattern of accumulation that rewarded the productivity of the North via the exploitation and impoverishment of the South. Now, however, local actors were implicated in the relationship from the start: accomplices, or "compradors," in an "infrastructure of dependence" that drained resources and creativity, reduced the sphere of liberty, and reproduced the syndrome of poverty.41 Thus, the master narrative of "dependency," like that of "imperialism," has presupposed a bipolar relationship that subsumed difference (regional, class, racial/ethnic, gender, generational) into the service of a greater machinery that set limits, extracted surpluses, established hierarchies, and shaped identities. Both narratives have depicted the United States (or the "core" nations of the world-system) at the controls of a great "neocolonial" enterprise, managing a stream of flows unified by the logic of profits, power, and a single hegemonic culture. From the center flowed commodities; capital; technology; cultural artifacts; and military power, equipment, and expertise-in order to reproduce more of the same. In the periphery, these narratives often suggested, there were only forces and agents that abetted or constrained these flows. Nations were frequently personified and gendered: each had its own national interest and manly persona, and acted in compliance with it or betrayed it, depending on the degree to which dependency had advanced. Of course, by imagining national entities motivated almost exclusively by economic interest, dependentistas challenged the self-loathing notion, first preached by nineteenth-century elites, that the "national character" was culturally incapable of economic modernization: too indolent, improvident, and unsavvy to be a serious contender in the race for "progress." 42 Nevertheless, this one-dimensional perspective of "comprador elites" had the effect of redefining locals as foreigners, and preempted the examination of other relations, shared assumptions, and emotional and other affinities between foreign agents and local elites.43 The politics of resistance to imperialism and dependency was similarly encoded in the analysis: the only other option to collaboration with the capitalist system was rejection of it. For many, the only alternative to liberal modernizing reform, the only pathway to an economically balanced, soCially just form of development, was socialist revolution.44 The demonology of the imperialist other was extended not only to North American

Close Encounters 13 corporations, policymakers, and military agents, but also to cultural brokers and institutions of higher learning. It was from U.S. universities, after all, that the new "modernizing" (read colonizing) impulse seemed to have emerged; therefore, in the mid-1960s, university professors, librarians, and foundation workers were charged with constituting the new imperialist front. Walt Rostow himself was publicly attacked, charged with being a CIA agent.45 In a 1965 conference in Mexico, organized by Andre Gunder Frank and Arturo Bonilla, one-hundred professional economists from Latin America pledged allegiance to a new program that would revamp the research and teaching agendas of economics. The signatories denounced the subordination of the region's economists to advances in "the Anglo-Saxon countries" and pledged to base their inquiry not on "an alien reality," but "on the historical experience and present-day reality of Latin America." 46 (How times have changed!) Ironically, while many exponents of these dissident paradigms advocated revolutionary change, they conceived of two types of neocolonial subjects, neither of which was empowered to resist. For if local elites were judged to be implicated in the dependent relationship, willing members of a comprador class, then impoverished peasants and urban masses were viewed as displaced subjects, less a part of history than its victims. They waited on the sidelines for the transformative social project (and vanguard) that would initiate them into the adventure of development. Finally, the economism of dissident paradigms relegated culture to a subsidiary role.47 Since the comprador bourgeoisie lacked a true consciousness, their interests and tastes were essentially those of metropolitan capital, not their own. In their criticism of local elites, dependentistas constructed mediating agents who lacked real agency. It is not surprising, therefore, that the imposition of the "American way of life" became an instrumentalist corollary of the exportation of certain commodities, culture industries, forms of social relations, and technologies (e.g., Coca-Cola, Donald Duck and Disney's Magic Kingdom, radio and television, factory and maquila systems, "mall culture," and so forth).48

Writing the History of Foreign-Local Encounter

The contributors to this volume call into question several of the monochromatic assumptions of the dissident paradigms: the centripetal nature of imperialism and dependency, which risks conceiving of Latin America solely as "p. PACIFIC::;.

·oCEi.ii:\.,,, . .: ..

SCALE IN MILES' :'.' .:.

oI

25

.....

>';j! #.f"'g 1"1'11

.II I

.j.•.

".J,

.I1IJ Iflu-th' lT ,Iu d , , fir IUleI (," .1 r vl.1 j

to

,Oem "'/ ".Ipp'\ Im'l l .If /"1,,.(, Llcc-Jnl ", V" r U ,J,/,••1.,HId 1.c·,fI"rI Olmltl, 'h"mJ I~· ./,."".,

'rttl

CO PYPICIiT 19..... THf COCA· COLA COMPAN~

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 539

= i Que Hay, Amigo? I944. Printed with the permission of the Coca-Cola Company. "Coca-Cola," "Coke," and the contour bottle are registered trademarks of the Coca-Cola Company. Courtesy of Industry and Consumer Affairs, The Coca-Cola Company, Atlanta.

Have a Coca-Cola

Coca-Cola as the "global high-sign" has become the trope for "US." throughout Latin America. For many it stands for the overt denial of difference; Coca-Cola is perceived as an instrument for the "Americanization," that is, homogenization of the continent. Since I914, with the opening of the transoceanic canal, Panama has figured as a strategic post in US. national defense. Thus it is not by chance that in this poster Panama was to be brought back home and made familiar to the general audience supporting US. participation in World War II and the US. military presence in Panama. Between I933 and I947, "Good Neighbor" rhetorics permeated US. popular culture. Picking up on the motto, the Coca-Cola Company incorporated it into advertising campaigns with the confidence that it would appeal to patriotic North Americans. Just as such advertising aimed at reinforcing the US. audience's positive perception of itself, it also attempted to undo the image US. citizens held of Latinos as unfriendly and untrustworthy. "Have a 'Coke,' says the American soldier" to native Panamanians, who know this means "We are friends." Both through its image and its nuanced text, this poster extends US. frontiers well below the Rio Grande, blurring the distinction between "here" and "there," and between "us" and "them." This uniformizing impulse has long been identified by Latin Americans as being of the imperial kind.

540 Marfa del Carmen Suescun Pozas

Cildo Meireles, Insertions into Ideological Circuits: I . Coca-Cola Project, 1970. Printed stickers on Coca-Cola bottles. Variable dimensions. Collection of the artist. Courtesy of the artist and Galerie Lelong, New York.

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 541 At a time when the Brazilian urban guerrilla had kidnapped the US. ambassador, this Brazilian artist undertook to short-circuit one of the most important symbols of US. imperialism and capitalism in Latin America. He also urged his fellow citizens to subvert the military regime's censorship by making political use of the unimpeded circulation of commodities. In Brazil in the 1960s and 1970s, people bought Coca-Cola in glass bottles that had to be returned and were then refilled and sold again. By absconding with these bottles and transforming them, Meireles's installation was a call to oppose both US. economic imperialism and tacit US. support for the Brazilian dictatorship. He inscribed "Yankees Go Home" on empty Coke bottles before returning them; below this, a second legend appears: "Register information and critical opinions on the bottles and return them to circulation" ("Gravar nas garrafas informa~oes e opinioes criticas e devolve-las a circula~ao"). By inscribing these two legends on the most salient manifestation of cultural and economic imperialism of the time, Meireles obliges us to read them as part of the same story of national sovereignty. This means that the US. beverage must be consumed "critically," as the surface on which formally censored ideas could be voiced and the military government's ban on freedom of expression subverted. Likewise, national characteristics could be inscribed into what many perceived as a US. imperialist mechanism to promote cultural uniformity; the Coca-Cola bottle could be turned into an instrument of self-expression. Ironically, one of the first places this photograph was exhibited was in the United States, in Kynaston L. McShine's "Information" exhibition of Conceptual Art at the New York Museum of Modern Art in 1970. Surprisingly, this work was later shown in Brazil at an exhibition organized by the Coca-Cola Company, to which artists from all over Latin America were invited.

542 Marfa del Carmen Suescun Pozas

Antonio Caro, Colombia, 1976. Enamel paint on metal sheet. White lettering on Coca-Cola-red background. Museo de Arte Modemo, Santafe de Bogota, Colombia. Courtesy of the artist.

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 543 Coca-Cola was the symbol of U.S. imperialism across Latin America, particularly in the 1960s and 197os. Taking up the two most salient motifs of Coca-Cola advertisement (color and lettering), Colombian artist Antonio Caro seems to pose the question, "Where do 'they' stand and where do 'we'?" This superimposition of "Colombia" and the Coca-Cola logo points not just at U.S. imperialism but at how "we" and "they" cannot be disentangled one from the other. By engaging subjects in actions, empire must be addressed as a practice that brings mutual transformation rather than mere obliteration of one of the parties.

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 545

Jose Bedia, The Little Revenge from the Periphery, I992. Acrylic, found objects. 96 inches diameter. Detail. Photo: Frumkin/Adams Gallery installation, I992 (re-created for Cartographies exhibition organized by Winnipeg Art Gallery, I993). Courtesy of George Adams Gallery, New York. A member of the Afro-Cuban Palo Monte religious faith in Havana, this Cubanborn artist has worked in close contact with Afro-Cuban and Amerindian communities for many years. His involvement with American Indian cultures and religions dates from I985, when he first visited the Lakota Nation in South Dakota at the invitation of Cherokee artist Jimmie Durham. In I973 Bedia made a pencil drawing of a Native American warrior aiming his rifle at an unseen target. Twenty years later "The Little Revenge from the Periphery" revealed the target: surrounded by members of First Nations from across the globe, the white man is pierced by arrows, swords, and axes, symbols of the power now turned back against him. Not only does this installation reverse the logic and dynamic of power between center and periphery, but it implies that the construction of meaning now lies in the hands of those who, in previous narratives, were deprived of access to it.4

546 Marfa del Carmen Suescun Pozas

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 547

(Facing pages, broken into four sections for reproduction here.) Michael Lebr6n, The North and the South, 1993. Photomural. 3,300 cm by 300 cm (101 feet by 9.75 feet). © ATW ("Against the Wall" ) Communications. Courtesy of the artist.

548 Maria del Carmen Suescun Pozas Mural text: AFTER A HARD WEEK'S WORK, YOU'RE READY FOR

Every year, the Coors family, owners of Coors Brewing Co., gives financial THE RIGHT PLACE WITH THE RIGHT ONE, WHY

support to groups like The National Forum Foundation, Morality in Media, MAKE THE RIGHT MOMENT THE RIGHT'S MOMENT?

and The Free Congress Foundation) They contribute to a culture that shapes DOES COORS LIGHT HAVE THE TASTE THAT'S

the views of religious and political extremists. 2 When you buy Coors products, SILVER SMOOTH? OR IS IT THE SILVER BULLET

do you help them turn back civil rights, censure high school textbooks, weaken THAT AIMS THE FAR RIGHT'S POLITICAL AGENDA

labor laws and environmental protections, promote homophobia, and AT THE HEART OF AMERICA? WANT THE AWESOME

meddle in foreign affairs? Why did Joe Coors himself, for example, buy FACTS? THEN READ BETWEEN THESE LINES.

an aircraft for the Nicaraguan contras? 3 Where are the contras today? "Once, we were glad to have Joe Coors and his friends on our side," says El

LOCO,4

a

former contra commander. "Together, we fought the hard and dirty fight 5 that helped Nicaraguans get to the voting booth to make The Right's Choice for a Better Nicaragua! Now the shooting war is over; today, I can walk into my favorite Managua bar and say, 'No more of that industrial strength Nicaraguan cerveza for me. Gimme the great taste of Coors Light!' But Nicaraguan families are poorer than ever. With 55% unemployed,6 we scour garbage heaps for food in villages that remain ravaged by war. After 30,000 dead,7 what happened to all that promised US. aid? What does it really mean to say that Coors Light is The Right's Beer now?"

This advertisement is an art installation paid for by Michael Lebron and produced by The ATW Communications Group. It does not reflect the views of TDI, Amtrak, LIRR, New York City Transit Authority, Adolph Coors Co., Coors Brewing Co., the Adolf Coors Foundation, or their associates. The ATW Communications Group is solely responsible for its content. 1992 ATW Communications Group. Coors Foundation Annual Report, 1988; Internal Revenue Service form 990PF, Schedule 9A, November 1989-1991. 2. Russ Bellant, The Coors Connection: How Coors Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism (Boston: South End Press, 1991). 3. Joe Coors's testimony to the congressional committee investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, 21 May 1987. 4. Pseudonym. 5. Reed Brody, Contra Terror in Nicaragua: Report of a Fact-Finding Mission. September 1984January 1985 (Boston: South End Press, 1985). 6. Francisco Rosales, UNO Minister of Labor, Managua, Nicaragua, 29 Oct. 1992. 7. Los Angeles Times, 21 Feb. 1990. I.

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 549 The U.S.-born artist of Costa Rican descent Michael Lebron designed this photomural for the "Spectacular," which is an advertising billboard on the rotunda of the Amtrak railroad terminal at Penn Station in New York City. After Lebron had paid a $37,000 two-month rental fee, Amtrak withdrew its permission to use the space just three days before the mural was to be installed in December I992, on the grounds that the installation was "political." The artist sued Amtrak, appealing to the U.S. Constitution's First Amendment on freedom of speech. The purpose of Lebron's court suit, as reported in the New York Times and the Washington Post, was to force Amtrak to display the piece, which, according to the artist, is no more or less political than any commercial advertisement is. Lebron's was a visual parody of the Coors Light slogan, "It's the right beer now," a piece of, in the artist's words, "critical realism for a consumer corporatist society." 5 The selection of Coors as the focus was not arbitrary. In the summer of I987 the U.S. press had revealed that Joseph Coors of the Coors Brewery Company had purchased aircraft for the U.S.-sponsored Contras seeking to overthrow the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. This was but one of several right-wing political causes that the Coors family had funded in the United States and abroad during the I980s. Lebron calls his photomural "the Guernica of our time." Yet it has never been publicly displayed in the United States. The work was exhibited only once, at the Fifth Havana Biennial in Cuba in I994, in a museum space for an art audience, clearly not the audience for which it was intended. Since the artist's desire had been to jolt North Americans into a deeper awareness of how they themselves are embedded in a web of imperial practices, he meant to reach audiences at home, the thousands of people who congregate around Penn Station each day who should and do have a say in influencing what the United States does in Latin America. Meanwhile, Lebron's court case grinds on.

550 Maria del Carmen Suescun Pozas How can the subject of U.S.-Latin American relations be addressed without taking a quick glance at one of the most powerful and alluring orders of the twentieth century, the order of the image? This section has several purposes. First, it highlights the works of Latin American artists who engage head-on with the question of U.S. imperialism, addressing a multiplicity of U.S.-Latin American encounters of the "imperial kind." Second, it aims to show the reader/viewer how a specific form of discourse, that of visual representation, can contribute to conceptualizing the various processes we call imperial encounters. Images provide mechanisms of articulation through which the theme may, on the one hand, be problematized and exposed in its complexity or, alternatively, be simplified so that some sets of meanings are privileged and others subsumed in an ongoing "othering" process that produces an "outsider" versus a "unifying us." I want to stress that as socially constituted practices, the present set of images themselves must be understood as practices of empire and as interpretive acts. Their engagement as interpretive processes has two interrelated dimensions. One is at the level of their materiality as paintings, posters, sketches, or installations, whose internal elements build visual languages that tell a story at many levels. The other involves the structures, contexts, and experiences that deeply imprint an artist and a work of art, that is, the influences that socially constitute it.6 Images shape and are shaped by material (and social, political, and cultural) conditions, both at the moment of their production and at the moment of their circulation and reception in various times and places. Finally, the third purpose of this section is to encourage the reader/viewer to engage with the multiple dialogues opened by the present ensemble of images. Such dialogues occur within each image, between them, and with their framings, that is, the above-mentioned material, social, political, and cultural orders. This visual essay came together as a puzzle does when only a few pieces are left: almost by itself. No effort was made to cover specific countries, and the final distribution over a seven-decade time span, from 1927 to 1993, was but fortunate happenstance. Rather, my guiding intention in selecting these works was to bring together materials from Latin America and the United States that spoke to each other. Any pool of images from Latin America that elaborates on the issue of imperialism must be studied in conjunction with images of Latin America produced in the United States. (I would contend that the reverse is also true.) I want to urge the reader to engage with each image as an essay in its own right. To understand how images signify is not an easy task. It demands first and foremost that the viewer be willing to let the images catch

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 551 his or her eye "unawares" in the idiom of visual language. By this I mean that an interpretive process is embedded in each image, in images in relation to other images, and in the group of images as a whole. My hope is that the present material will fire our imaginations and enlarge the interpretive process by engaging the viewer in what for historians may be a new language and a new way of seeing. The collection of images brought together here elaborates on the notion of encounter. The images render problematic the unidimensional notion of empire by pointing in multiple directions; they expose in their own paradoxical ways the paradoxes of empire. "From reading to seeing" is thus an abbreviation for an exegetical exercise by which all of the elements that contribute to and make up the images are considered and in which we, as viewers, playa role in the process of interpretive structuration. This is equivalent to saying that, beyond merely showing, images are capable of doing (and undoing) things. That is, images engage with the multifaceted dimensions of empire by elaborating on tensions that originate at the heart of imperial political and economic systems. This is what allows us to view socially constituted images not as inanimate objects, as "windows into the past," but as active agents engaged in activities well described by the notion of encounter: paradoxical movements simultaneously "with" and "against" a particular social, political, economic, cultural, and aesthetic frame.? Drawing on the tools of discourse analysis and theories of representation, this visual essay opens a spatial dimension within which to probe and multiply the points of contention and convergence that U.S.centered accounts of U.S.-Latin American relations have generally failed to recognize. Considering each image, a subgroup of them, or the whole set of images helps illustrate what this "doing and undoing of empire" is all about. The material gathered for this essay includes the images presented in this section as well as the book cover, frontispiece, and foldout. Taken together, these visual representations are meant to work as a transformation group, that is, to work both with and in opposition to each other.s Grouping them is an exercise in building complexity, for although they can be sorted according to their most salient features, groups inevitably overlap. For instance, one possible grouping, centered on the Coca-Cola motif, sets Cildo Meireles's and Antonio Caro's works against the Coca-Cola Company advertisement. A second combination, which suggests a critical perspective on what many Latin Americans view as the deceptive media techniques of multinational beverage companies, involves viewing Meireles's, Caro's, and Michael Lebron's works against the Coca-Cola Company poster. It is

552 Marfa del Carmen Suescun Pozas also instructive to place Lebr6n's 1993 mural side by side with the 1927 seal of Sandino's army, for both address the ongoing intervention of the United States in Nicaraguan internal affairs; or to view Lebr6n, as an antiad, against the Coca-Cola Company poster. Sykes's political cartoon and the "Visit Mexico" tourist poster both gender Latin America female in accordance with early-twentieth-century U.S. images of the attractive, subservient female and the Mexican tendency to portray Mexico as a woman (e.g., La Malinche). At the same time, the "Visit Mexico" poster might be paired with the d'Harnoncourt painting as stereotyped renditions of the Mexican landscape and its people, one by a Mexican and the other by a U.S. artist. And the combinations have not been exhausted. Lebr6n's "North and the South" and Torres-Garda's "Inverted Map of South America" play with the North-South dichotomy as part of a much more extended critique of the economy of ideas and commodity culture. Furthermore, both Lebr6n's and Torres-Garda's works can be grouped with Caro's, Meireles's, Jose Bedia's, and Jose Gamarra's as different elaborations on a contentious encounter between the United States and Latin America. Taken together, these works signal an element of continuity in Latin American artists' perceptions of asymmetrical power relations between the United States and Latin America. Gamarra and Meireles most clearly play with the shifting meanings consumer goods present when they are "short-circuited." Toys and Coca-Cola bottles have a double face: turned into ideological weapons they can simultaneously entertain and threaten your life by undermining local consumption (and cultural) patterns and entrenching military values. Though these images and groupings make many trenchant observations on the notion of imperial encounters, they bring no resolution, no closure of meaning. While Caro seems to criticize the U. S. presence in the configuration of Colombian identity, he gives equal weight to the elements he takes from the Coca-Cola logo, on the one hand, and "Colombia," the symbol of national unity and sovereignty, on the other. In Gamarra's sky, full of camouflaged objects dropped by a U.S. plane on a tropical landscape, we perceive weapons that seem to be toys and then shift again to become weapons, interspersed with a strange assortment of objects from everyday life. Try as we might, it is impossible to fix the quality of these objects or to attach one meaning to them. The two inscriptions on Meireles's Coca-Cola bottles trigger a flickering association between the Yankees and oppressive conditions at home. Yet the artist's refusal to make explicit a logical connection between them creates a gap that can only be filled by the reader/viewer/consumer's attribution of meaning. The two

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 553 inscriptions might be collapsed into one so that they serve as a critique of U.S. invasion via patterns of consumption, or they might instead be read as separate yet interconnected aspects of Brazilian life in the 1960s. As Lebr6n's Coors Light beer canjbullet streaks across space from left to right, the scene on the right immediately sends us back to where the story originates, which in turn returns us to the Nicaraguan village where the movement begins again. Thus the artist shows the interconnectedness of the realms of experience of the North American consumer and the Nicaraguan peasant. Furthermore, Lebr6n's stance with respect to the media is paradoxical: his ad-anti-ad game aims at undermining commercial advertisement by employing its characteristic modes of address, particularly the monumental size of the billboard and its invasion of public space. The Sykes political cartoon is no less confounding: Latin America is positioned at the center of the composition, yet "her" centrality is offset by the economy of the look within the image and between the image and the external viewer. The success of the cartoon rests on its ability to address the male viewer, turning female observers into transvestites. Images like Sykes's demonstrate that reversals and displacements are not necessarily effective. Much as the central position of Latin America in Sykes's cartoon is displaced to the periphery by the onlookers, we should be attentive to the fact that even if Latin Americans turn the map upside down, as Torres-Garcia does, "our" (Latin Americans') South probably would not become "their" (North Americans') North. Furthermore, regarding Sandino's seal through the lens of gender, it becomes evident that the force of reversal can be undermined by its attempt to adopt the grammar of "othering" to speak for itself. Thus Nicaragua, embodied in the figure of the rebel, is gendered male vis-a-vis the vanquished, feminized "other" (the foreigner). The previous hierarchical order is not contested by the image, but simply restaged, this time to assert the place of the emergent nation. Caro's "Colombia," in contrast, resists this impulse to gender Latin America female or male. As opposed to what happens in Sandino's seal or Sykes's cartoon, Caro's "Colombia" visually interweaves the two symbols that stand for the North and the South so that they cannot be disentangled. Thus he points to the multifaceted, interactive continuum of the NorthSouth axis and to the pitfalls inherent in categorizations posited in terms of dyadic oppositions. The preceeding observations highlight but a few of the many paradoxes that constitute our images' contribution to a critique of unidimensional accounts of encounters of the imperial kind. Unraveling the paradoxes in-

554 Marfa del Carmen Suescun Pozas herent to this set of images as a transformation group provides insight into how empire is made, that is, constructed as a one-way relation between dominator and dominated, where the former subsumes the latter. Simultaneously, probing the paradoxes provides insight into how empire can be undone, that is, complicated, by revealing the interdependence of the United States and Latin America. It is this proliferation of meanings, this impossibility of closure, that strikes us as the most compelling aspect of this ensemble of images. One purpose of this essay has been to suggest alternative ways of seeing and interpreting so as to bring the visual arts more squarely into the historian's field of vision. Clearly important to comprehending visual modes of expression as practices of empire is the question of reception. What public were specific images initially intended for, and how did they circulate? What role should the devices that frame an image, such as newspapers, museums, multinational companies, or rebel movements be attributed in our attempts to interpret images as signifying practices? How have viewers across time and space engaged with these images, and how do we contribute to the production and reproduction of empire by circulating them? Sykes's cartoon and Meireles's and Bedia's installations must be examined in light of such queries. Did Sykes's audience laugh? With whom in the cartoon did they identify, that is, how was the economy of the look organized within the picture and without? Did Meireles's Coca-Cola bottles circulate? How many and where? Have Native Americans and Afro-Cubans had access to Bedia's work? Does the work itself demand interpretation from their perspectives? It is essential that in approaching images as acts of interpretation, we consider as well how various U.S. and Latin American publics received them. Only by doing so can we move toward more nuanced, more socially embedded accounts of the viewing activity as a practice of empire. To conclude, this essay opens chronologically with Sandino's seal and ends in an unexpected manner with Lebron's Coors Light anti-ad. But does it really end? The sense of urgency provoked by the two images that bracket this visual essay evokes both the uneasy place occupied by historians at the crossroads of our practice and the course of events that make up the daily substance of U.S.-Latin American relations. Our contribution can be compared to a chess match. Ending the match does not change the rules of the game.9 As these images reveal, no effort to refine our conceptual apparatus in accordance with contemporary lines of inquiry will spare people the suffering they experience living in abject poverty or under conditions of exploitation or political repression, where freedom of

Imperialism in the Visual Arts 555 expression often comes at a very high price. We must be willing to accord images the place they merit in historical narratives, not merely as illustrations or discursive aids, but as central to the historian's construction of evidence about the past, about people's outlooks, and about their lives.

Notes

Composed after this book was completed, this essay is intended as a response "from within" as much as a dialogue with the book. I thank the editors for their invitation to contribute this visual essay, especially Gilbert Joseph for the enthusiasm with which he received the present collection of images and Catherine LeGrand for her invaluable support throughout the various stages of thinking and writing. I. For discussion of Sandino's construction of dichotomous social categories in his three manifestos, the seal, and the coins, see Michael J. Schroeder, " 'To Defend Our Nation's Honor': Toward a Social and Cultural History of the Sandino Rebellion in Nicaragua, 1927-1934" (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1993), 2II-17· 2. See the stimulating essay by John J. Johnson, "Latin America as Female," in his book Latin America in Caricature (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980), 72 -73. 3. Joaquin Torres-Garcia, "The School of the South," in El Taller TorresGarcia: The School of the South and Its Legacy, ed. Mari Carmen Ramirez (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992), 53. (This essay was first published in Montevideo, Uruguay, in February 1935.) 4. On Bedia's work, see Robert Farris Thompson, "Sacred Silhouettes," Art in America, July 1997, 69; and Charles Merewether, "Displacement and the Reinvention of Identity," in Latin American Artists of the Twentieth Century, ed. Waldo Rasmussen et al. (New York: Museum of Modern Art, 1993), 147. 5. Michael Lebron, "Amtrak: On the Right Track Now?" AlGA Journal of Graphic Design 13, no. 2, the "Outsiders Issue." See also Todd S. Purdum, "The Adman as Artist (Or Is It Vice Versa?)," New York Times, 28 Jan. 1993, sec. C, 1,8; and Joan Jedell, "What's It All About, Michael?," Art Direction, Dec. 1993, 65· 6. To be more precise, we might conceptualize these images as "indexes" that signify the physical connection existing between them and events in the history of U.S.-Latin American relations. By "indexes," I refer to Charles S. Peirce's classification of signs into "indexes," "icons," and "symbols," in his essay "Logic as Semiotic: The Theory of Signs," in Semiotics: An Introductory Anthology, ed. Robert E. Innis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), 13. 7. For elaboration on this "strategic" model of interpretation, see Claude Levi-

556 Maria del Carmen SueSClln Pozas Strauss, The Way of Masks, trans. Sylvia Modelski (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982), 144. 8. For the notion of "transformation" in painting see Hubert Damisch, The Origin of Perspective, trans. John Goodman (Boston: MIT Press, 1994), 288. 9. In his book Fenetre jaune cadmium, ou les dessous de la peinture (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1984), Hubert Darnisch adopts the metaphor of chess to describe painting in terms of "the match" and "the game" (154). Here I extend Damisch's metaphor to activities whose parameters are relatively well established, such as those of the historian and image-making itself.

Contributors

Fernando Coronil is a Venezuelan anthropologist, trained at the University of Chicago, who now teaches in the Anthropology and History Departments at the University of Michigan. His work creatively challenges the categories commonly used to think about the state and the economy. Of late he has been concerned with systems of meaning and with issues of space and memory in postcolonial situations. His influential essay "Dismembering and Remembering the Nation: The Semantics of Violence in Venezuela" appeared in 1991 in Comparative Studies in Society and History. His book The Magical State: Nature, Money, and Modernity in Venezuela was published in 1997 by the University of Chicago Press. Lauren Derby is Harper Instructor in the Social Sciences at the University of Chicago, where she completed her doctorate in Latin American history in 1998. Her research focuses on popular culture and the state in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Cuba. She is the author of "Haitians, Magic, and Money: Raza and Society in the Haitian-Dominican Borderlands, 1900-1937," which appeared in Comparative Studies in Society and History in 1994 and won the 1994 Conference on Latin American History Award. Her dissertation explores civic culture and public life during the regime of Rafael Trujillo (1930-1961) in the Dominican Republic. Seth Fein teaches modern US. and Latin American history at Georgia State University. A specialist on US. foreign relations and culture in the twentieth century, he wrote his dissertation at the University of Texas on Hollywood and U.S.-Mexican relations in the Golden Age of Mexican cinema (1996). He has published articles on international mass culture, US. foreign relations, Mexican development, and film in the journals Studies in Latin American Popular Culture, Film-Historia, Historia y Grafla, Nuevo Texto Critico, and Secuencia, and chapters in the books Mexico-Estados Unidos: Encuentros y desencuentros en el cine (1996) and Visible Nations: Latin American Cinema and Video, ed. Chon Noriega (forthcoming). Eileen J. Findlay is Assistant Professor of Latin American History at American University. Since completing her doctorate at the University of Wisconsin at Madison in 1995, she has published several articles on sexuality in late-nineteenthand early-twentieth-century Puerto Rico. She is finishing a book about the history of morality, political culture, and social movements in Puerto Rico that will be published by Duke University Press. Gilbert M. Joseph is Professor of History at Yale University and editor of the Hispanic American Historical Review. He is the author of Revolutionfrom Without: Yucatan, Mexico, and the United States, 1880-1924 (rev. ed., 1988; Spanish ed., 1992), Rediscovering the Past at Mexico's Periphery (1986), Summer of Discontent, Seasons of Upheaval: Elite Politics and Rural Insurgency in Yucatan, 1876-1915 (with Allen Wells, 1996), and numerous articles on modern Mexico, US. involve-

558 Contributors ment in Latin America, and the history of rural crime and protest. He is also the coeditor of Yucatan y la International Harvester (with Allen Wells, 1986), Land, Labor, and Capital in Modern Yucatan: Essays in Regional History and Political Economy (with Jeffery Brannon, 1991), Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (with Daniel Nugent, 1994), and I Saw a City Invincible: Urban Portraits of Latin America (with Mark Szuchman, 1996). He is currently writing a social and political history of modern Mexico. Catherine C. LeGrand teaches Latin American history at McGill University. She is the author of Frontier Expansion and Peasant Protest in Colombia, 1850-1936 (1986; Spanish ed., 1988) and several articles on social conflicts in regions of export agriculture, and serves on the editorial board of the Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies. She is now engaged in two parallel research projects focusing on foreign investment and local responses in the Caribbean. The first is a microhistory of a Canadian-owned sugar plantation in the Dominican Republic, and the second is a regional study of the United Fruit Company banana zone in Colombia. Thomas Miller Klubock is Assistant Professor of Latin American History at Georgetown University. He completed his doctorate at Yale University in 1993 with a thesis on gender, working-class culture, and politics among Chilean copper miners. His book Contested Communities: Class, Gender, and Politics in Chile's El Teniente Copper Mine, 1904-1951 will be published in 1998 by Duke University Press. Steven Palmer (Ph.D., Columbia University, 1990) is a Canadian cultural historian who has written on nationalism in Central America and, more recently, on the development of social policy in the region. He has published important articles on the construction of Sandinismo in Nicaragua and the invention of nations in Costa Rica and Guatemala, and is coeditor, with Ivan Molina Jimenez, of Heroes al gusto y libros de moda: Sociedad y cambio cultural en Costa Rica, 1750-1900 (1992) and El paso del cometa: Estado, po[{tica social y culturas populares en Costa Rica, 1880-1950 (1994). Presently he is completing a book on social policy and popular culture in Costa Rica from 1900 to 1940. Having taught at the Universidad de Costa Rica, the University of Iowa, and Memorial University in Newfoundland, at present he is a writer and performer on The Great Eastern, heard weekly on the radio network of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. Deborah Poole is Associate Professor of Anthropology at the Graduate Faculty of the New School for Social Research. She has done field and archival research on religion, social organization, political violence, and visual traditions in the Peruvian Andes. Her publications include Unruly Order: Violence, Power, and Social Identity in the Highland Provinces of Southern Peru (1994) and Vision, Race, and Modernity: A Visual Economy of the Andean Image World (1997). She is also coauthor, with Gerardo Renique, of Peru: Time of Fear (1992).

Contributors 559 Eric Paul Roorda is Assistant Professor of History at Bellarmine College in Louisville, Kentucky. He did his graduate work at Johns Hopkins University, where he received a Ph.D. in US. diplomatic history in 1990. He was a Fulbright scholar in the Dominican Republic, and has taught for the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies in China, Long Island University's "SEAmester" program in the Caribbean, and the Williams College-Mystic Seaport American Maritime Studies Program. His article on US. perceptions of the Dominican massacre of Haitians in 1937 appeared in 1996 in Diplomatic History. His book The Dictator Next Door: The Good Neighbor Policy and the Trujillo Regime in the Dominican Republic, 1930-45 is forthcoming in 1998 from Duke University Press. William Roseberry is Professor of Anthropology at the New School for Social Research. His first book, Coffee and Capitalism in the Venezuelan Andes (1983), established new standards for the writing of historical ethnography. He has gone on to do comparative research on the peasantry and the political economy of development in Venezuela, the southern Andes, Mexico, and England. Several of his influential theoretical essays have been collected in Anthropologies and Histories: Essays in Culture, History, and Political Economy (1989). He has also coedited Golden Ages, Dark Ages: Imagining the Past in Anthropology and History (with Jay O'Brien, 1991) and Coffee, Society, and Power in Latin America (with Lowell Gudmundson and Mario Samper Kutschbach, 1995). Emily S. Rosenberg is DeWitt Wallace Professor of History at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota. Her first book, Spreading the American Dream (1982), examined American economic and cultural expansionism from 1890 to 1945. She has subsequently published numerous articles bringing issues of culture and gender into the study of US. foreign relations and has also coauthored two widely used texts, In Our Times: America since World War II (5th ed., 1994) and Liberty, Power, Equality (1996). She has served on the executive board of the Organization of American Historians, the Department of State's Advisory Committee on Historical Diplomatic Documentation, the Minnesota Humanities Commission, and the Council of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations, of which she is now president. Her current work examines US. foreign financial policies in the age of "dollar diplomacy." Ricardo D. Salvatore is Professor of History at the Universidad Torcuato Di Tella in Buenos Aires. He has been a fellow at the Institute for Advanced Studies (Princeton) and at the Program for Agrarian Studies (Yale University), and has taught at various universities in Argentina and the United States since receiving his doctorate in economics from the University of Texas in 1987. His articles have appeared in the Journal of Interdisciplinary History, Social Science History, Journal of Historical Sociology, Hispanic American Historical Review, Journal of Economic History, Agricultural History, Peasant Studies, Dispositio, Desarrollo Econamico, Revista de Historia de America, Sociedad, and Delito y Sociedad, among others. He is coeditor, with Carlos Aguirre, of The Birth of the Penitentiary in Latin America,

560 Contributors

1830-1940 (1996), a collection of essays on the history of prisons, criminology, and social control. Presently he is writing a book on the cultural and social history of peasants and workers in Buenos Aires province during the Rosas era (18291852) and is also doing research on the narratives and images of South America produced by North Americans.

Michael 1. Schroeder spent half again as many years as a roofer and carpenter as he spent in graduate school at the University of Michigan (Ph.D., 1993). He has been four times to Nicaragua and has spent several months in the Segovia mountains, including a month clearing weeds and planting beans with a peasant family near Jinotega. His article, "Horse Thieves to Rebels to Dogs: Political Gang Violence and the State in the Western Segovias, Nicaragua in the Time of Sandino, 1926-1934," published in the Journal of Latin American Studies in 1996, won Honorable Mention for the 1996 Conference on Latin American History Award. He is completing a book titled "Tragedy, Redemption, Power: The Sandino Rebellion in Las Segovias and Nicaragua, 1926-1934," and ruminating about further contributions to a social and cultural history of memory and power in the Segovias. He teaches U.S. and Latin American history at the University of Michigan - Flint. Steve 1. Stern is Professor of History at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. He has authored Peru's Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest (1982) and The Secret History of Gender: Women, Men, and Power in Late Colonial Mexico (1995), and edited Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World (1987). With Frederick Cooper, Alan Isaacman, Florencia Mallon, and William Roseberry, he also coauthored Confronting Historical Paradigms: Peasants, Labor, and the Capitalist World System in Africa and Latin America (1993), a provocative critique of both "orthodox" and "dissident" models of development. His edited collection, Shining and Other Paths: War and Society in Peru, 1980-1995, is forthcoming from Duke University Press. Presently he is moving out of the colonial period, with a new research project on the construction of historical memory in twentieth-century Chile. Maria del Carmen Suescun Pozas is a joint doctoral candidate in Art History and History at McGill University. She specializes in comparative approaches to Latin American, European, and North American cultural practices and the visual arts. Her dissertation involves a close reading of Latin American visual culture and its multiple historical interactions with ideological and artistic currents coming out of Europe and North America. As a Colombian residing in Canada, she daily grapples with the challenges that Latin American cultural production poses for an artist and art historian who is simultaneously speaking from within and writing from without, and who is eager to assume and push to their limits the contradictions inherent to such a paradoxical enterprise. Steven C. Topik is Professor and Chair of the History Department at the University of California, Irvine. In addition to numerous articles on modern Brazilian

Contributors 561 and Mexican political-economic themes, he is the author of The Political Economy of the Brazilian State, 1889-1930 (1987) and Trade and Gunboats: The United States and Brazil in the Age of Empire (1996), and the coeditor of The Second Conquest? Latin American Export Economies in the Age of Imperialism (with Allen Wells, 1998). He is writing a history of coffee from 1400 to the present.

Index

Abolition, 58. See also Slavery Abortion, 385

Academia de Extension Cultural, 376 Acosta y Lara, Horacio, 283, 324 Addams, Jane, 146 Advertising, 78, 539-41, 537. See also Consumption Aesthetics, I09-IO, II2, 128; aestheticization of Andean history, II3; of "control," 122; and imperialism, II7. See also Artists; Landscape painting; Picturesque, the; Vision Africa, 403, 497, 519-20 African Americans, 143, 145 Africans, 56, 84, 469, 518-19. See also African Americans Afro-Caribbeans, 315, 456 Agency, 14, 335 Aguilar Cortes, Jer6nimo, 250 Aguirre Cerda, Pedro, 376, 387 AIDS, I7, 452, 477 Air Dominicana, 459 Air force pilots, 272. See also Aviation Airmail,278, 287,296 Airplanes, 18, 509. See also Aviation Aleman, Miguel, 402, 407, 4IO, 429 Alencar, (Admiral) Alexandrino, 192 Alfaro Siqueiros, David, 4IO Algeria, 239 Allende, Salvador, 369, 392-93, 502 Alliance for Progress, 537 Altamirano, (General) Pedro, 236 Alterity, 50, 71, 93, 141, 507; construction of, 73 Alvarado, Carlos, 317 Amazon, 78,87,88,334; company towns in, 85 American exceptionalism, 503 American Federation of Labor, 415 Americanization, 404-5, 539 American Revolution, 401 American studies, 7 Anatol, Tomas, 349 Anderson, Benedict, 324, 436, 503, 507

Andrews, (Lt. General) Frank Maxwell, 288, 289 Annapolis, 189 Anticolonialism, 55, 56. See also Antiimperialism Anti-hookworm campaigns, 18, 3II, 314-15, 3I7, 322- 28. See also Public health Anti-imperialism, 145, 175, 2IO, 313, 320, 504. See also Anticolonialism Antilles. See Caribbean Arabes. See Middle East Arauz, Blanca, 234 Archaeological sites, 85, 86, II9 Argentina, 82,83,85,176 Armed Forces Day, 275, 293 Arms trade, 177 Artisans, 355 Artists, 18, 20, 77, 90, 132, 504, 52755. See also Landscape painting Ashford, Bailey, 314 Asianists, 19

Asociacion de Empleados del Magdalena, 341 Australia, 481 Austria, 184 ''Authenticity.'' See Folk culture Autonomy Charter (Puerto Rico), 139, 142 Aviaci6n Militar Dominicana, 275 Aviation, 269-300; aerial acrobatics, 278; goodwill flights, 283; "jet set," 272 Aymara peasants, 88. See also Indians Azcarraga, Emilio, 433 Baez, Buenaventura, 460 Bahia, 188 Baker (Captain), 190 Balaguer, Joaquin, 452 Balmaceda, President, 178, I79 Bananas, 17,333-57,460,466; 1920S boom in, 334 Barnum, P. T., 76

564 Index Barranquilla (Colombia), 338-39, 340, 344 Baseball, 419 Battle of El Bramadero, 234 Bay of Copacabana, 120 Bedia, Jose, 545, 554 Belgium, 343, 346 Bemis, Samuel Flagg, 500 Benham (Admiral), 191, 193, 196 Betancourt, Romulo, 298 Biculturalism, 61-62 Bigamy, 381 Bierstadt, Albert, 110 Bingham, Hiram, 82, 84, 109, 123-30, 131-32 Blaine, (Secretary of State) James, 178 Bogota, 285 Bolivar, Simon, 47 Bolivia, 58, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, II2, 460; peasantry, 88 Bolivia Railroad Company, 88 Bolton school, 500 Bosch, Juan, 460 Boston Atheneum, 89 Bowers, Claude, 390 Braden Copper Company, 369, 371-75, 376-82,387,389,391,394,521;and "family allowance," 375, 381 Brauer, (Captain) 1. Ogden, 238 Brazil, 82, 83, 84, 112, 173-98, 275, 285, 291, 292, 334, 455, 505-6, 541; Brazilian navy, 189; civil war in (1894), 173; Federalists in, 192, 194; independence from Portugal, 188; naval revolts in, 173, 176; radical republicans in, 176; US. recognition of republic in, 178 Breckinridge, (General) James, 273 Brett, (General) George, 273, 289, 290 Britain, 93, 174-75, 177, 186, 188, 190, 194, 291, 322, 343, 480-81; and colonialism, 70, 311; (British) concessionaires in South America, 87; financial interests in South America, 90, 179; (British) picturesque tradition. See also European colonialism Bryan, William Jennings, 146 Buenos Aires, 83, 84, 85, 285

Burke, David, 189, 191 Bush, George, 455 Caceres, Ramon, 458 Canada, 470 Canetti, Elias, 475 Cardenas, Lazaro, 58, 408, 409, 414 Cardoso, Fernando Henrique, 14, 517 Caribbean, 57, 80, 459; aviators in, 272; French Caribbean, 343; national identity in, 452; US. hegemony in, 27° Caribbean Defense Command, 273, 28 9-9 0 Carnegie, Andrew, 146 Carnegie Endowment for Peace, 81 Carnegie Foundation, 82, 91 Carnival, 457 Caro, Antonio, 543, 551-52 Carrillo, Alejandro, 414 Carter, Henry, 318 Carvajal, Angel, 400, 402, 429 Carvallo, Guillermo A., 347 Castilho, Augusto, 183 Castro, Fidel, 2, 298, 334 Catherwood, Frederick, III Catholicism, 53, 113, 153, 175, 350, 473· See also Religion Catlin, George, III Caudillos, 83, 175, 209, 216, 278, 458 Ceara, 189 Central America, 80, II2; anti-imperialism in, 210; aviators in, 272; public health in, 325-27; as training ground for US. soldiers, 186; US. involvement in wars, 64 Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 13 Charrismo, 416 Chicago, 472 Chickens, 17,451-52,457-58,463, 478-81,509 Chile, 82, 83, 85, 177-78, 179, 188, 334, 369-96, 521; child labor in, 377; Communist and Socialist parties, 387; educational system in, 375; the family in, 380-87; (1979) Labor Plan, 394; and "los Chicago boys," 371, 393; middle class in, 374, 378,

Index 565 383; military coup in, 371; minimum wage laws in, 377; Ministry of Labor, 378-79; nineteenth-century economy, 372; Popular Front, 369, 375, 377-78, 387, 392; Popular Unity government, 393; Radical Party, 376, 377-78; strikes in, 369, 393; teachers in, 389; urban working class, 378; wages in, 390-91; and welfare capitalism, 370, 374, 377, 378, 395, 509; women in, 369, 373-75, 383-85, 391, 39 2,395 Chimila Indians, 339 China, 469 Chinese immigrants, 146 Chiquita Brands International. See United Fruit Company Church, Frederic Edwin, I08-18, 120, 122, 124, 126, 127, 130-32 Cities, 85, 94; "lost Inca cities," 85; urban poor, 58 Civil War (U.S.), II8, 181, 185 Clausewitz, Carl von, 504 Cleveland, Grover, n6, 183, 186, 196, 197, 198, 505 Clevelandia, 197 Coal industry, 372 Coca Cola, 539-41, 543, 551, 554 Cochrane, Lord, 188 Coffee, 216,229,233,234,245,322, 340,343,455 Cold War, 60, 400, 404, 405-IO, 41416,428,432,436-37,500,508 Cole, Thomas, IIO Collins, (Major General) James A., 288 Colombia, n, 285, 333-57, 515, 543, 552, 553; Agrarian Reform Institute, 351; Constitution of 1991, 350; elites in, 340, 342-44, 345, 351; immigration to, 343; labor organizations in, 341; Magdalena region, 333, 335, 338; recreation in, 345; Spanish colonial administration of, 338; taste for foreign commodities, 344 Colonial Latin America, 48, 53, 63; creole rulership in, 53-54, 57; patronage in, 53, 54; and "reverse colonization," 53

Colonos, 339 Columbus, Christopher, xiii, 285, 286, 292, 300, 432; Columbus Memorial Lighthouse project, 283-84, 292, 474; 1992 Columbian quincentenary, 5,455,474-75 Commodities, 13, 50, 54, 76, 84, 86, 454,461,463,465,467-68,520,541 Communal kitchens, 391 Communism, 387, 400, 413, 414, 429 Company towns, 84, 85, 88 Confederaci6n de los Trabajadores de America Latina, 415 Confederaci6n de los Trabajadores del Cobre, 369 Confederaci6n de los Trabajadores de Mexico, 413 Conquest of America, 313, 531; of Mexico and Peru, II2; post-Conquest era, 53 Consumption, 19, 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 80,83,84,345,454,455-56,467, 469, 508, 553; consumer culture, 173, 395-96, 461, 463, 502. See also Advertising Contraband. See Smugglers Contra War. See Nicaragua Corporatism, 370, 501 Costa Rica, 18, 179, 291, 298, 3II-28, 507-8, 521, 549; Departamento de Ankylostomiasis, 324; Faculty of Medicine, 315, 319, 324-25; infant mortality in, 315; Juntas de Caridad, 315; laboring classes in, 315; Ministry of Public Health and Social Protection, 320; political culture in, 317; Sanitary Department of Schools in, 318, 320, 323; Superior Council of Public Health, 324 Cuadra, Abelardo, 251 Cuba, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144-45, 148, 221, 269, 270, 283, 285, 291, 298,459, 461,462,466,545; Fifth Havana Biennial, 537 Cuban Missile Crisis, 60 Cuban Revolution, 60, 61, 537 Cuerpo Diplomatico y Consular, 27374

566 Index Cultural difference, representation of, 72-73 Cultural geography, 16-17,54. See also Frontiers; Regions Cultural imperialism, 17, 352, 437, 502; critique of concept of, 403-4, 503, 508-9 Cultural studies, 14, 503, 504, 516 Culture, 347-52; definition of, 8; and informal empire, 70; production of, 74; and political economy, xi, 14, 21; relegation of in dependency theory, 13 Cumbia,348 Cura~ao, 343, 346 Curamieros, 323. See also Medicine Curtis, William, 178 Cutts, (Colonel) Richard, 282 Cuzco, Peru, 124

55,156,162,370,379,385,386, 510 Dominican Chamber of Commerce in New York, 286 Dominican Republic, 17, 221, 268-300, 451-81,509,515; Centennial celebrations in (1944), 288; civil war in, 460; (US.) Customs Receivership of, 291; elites in, 295-96, 452, 478; food in, 451-81; independence from Spain, 460; national identity of, 455, 459, 469-70 ; Restoration Day in, 288; tourism to, 470, 480; US. diplomats in, 274; US. invasion of, 277; US. occupation of, 271 Drinking, 281, 373, 376, 377, 379, 380, 4 65 Drug trade, 472-74 Duran, Carlos, 314

Debased coinage, 54 Debord, Guy, 109 Debt crisis, 62 Decolonization, 56. See also Independence wars Defending Army of Nicaraguan National Sovereignty, 210, 2II, 217, 220, 227, 230, 233. See also Nicaragua; Sandinistas Denig, (Colonel) Robert L., 222, 244 Dependency theory, xi, 4,10, II-13, 1415,48,70,212,320,334,335,352, 497,501,503,506,507,508,516-18 Developing countries, as "dual societies," 10 Developmentalism, 422 Devil narratives, 348-49 Diaz, Adolfo, 210, 218 Diaz, Porfirio, 535 Diffusionist theory, 10, II. See also Modernization theory Dinkins, David, 472 Discursive turn. See Linguistic tum Disney, 17, 408, 421-22, 423, 431,502 Divorce, 140, 141, 149-52, 152-59, 161-62,509,521 Domesticity. See Gender Domestic violence, 142, 150, 151, 154-

Economic enclaves, 334, 336-42, 35356,370-71,470,506,515,521; presence ofthe state in, 378 Ecuador, 83, 84, II4, 126, 342 Edison, Thomas, 182 Eisenhower, Dwight, 299 Ejidos, 339 El Salvador, 217, 3II, 314, 316, 325, 326; 1980s insurrection in, 16; US. involvement in, 64 El Teniente mine, 369-70, 372, 375-78, 380,384,386-89,391-93,395-96 Emancipation of slaves, 175 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, III, II2, II4-16, 120,122 Empire. See Imperialism Engraving, II8-II9, 121-22 Escamilla, Juan 1.,242 Espino Negro Accords. See Treaty of Tipitapa Estrada Cabrera, Manuel, 326 Estudios Churubusco, 406, 433 Eugenics, 315 Europe, 19, 174, 176, 184, 196, 197, 243, 269,344,354,372,508,520,529, 533 European colonialism, 47, 55, 4 01 , 497-98, 509; and competition be-

Index 567 tween rival powers, 55, 56; scholarship on, x Evangelical Christianity, 81, 94. See also Missionaries Evolutionism, 517 Expansionism, 59-62, 63, 69, 75, 78, 82, 144, 173,498, 522; engagement of U.S. capitalists in, 89 Explorers, 69, 76, 77, 82, 87, 89, 91, 124 Exploring Expedition (1838-1842), 91 Fairbanks, Douglas, 345 Faletto, Enzo, 14, 517 Family wage, 370, 391 Faro de Colon. See Columbus, Christopher Farquar, Percival, 85, 88, 89, 90, 334 Feliz Miranda, Frank, 283, 285 Ferrell, John, 318 Figueres,Jose,298 Filibusters, 78, 112, 117, 211 Film, 400-437; animation, 427, 432, 433 Filmoteca Nacional, 409 Fish, Stanley, 503, 508 Flint, Charles, 173-75, 177-98,505 Florianistas, 187, 195. See also Peixoto, Floriano Florida, 62, 286, 290, 298 Folk culture, 20 Food: discourses of, 453; sociocultural meanings of, 451-81, 509, 516 Fonseca, Deodoro da, 176 Foraker Act, 142

Forasteros, 54 Ford, Henry, 85 Fordism,21 Fordlandia, 85 Foreign-local encounter, 21-22, 47, 51-52,55,58 Foucault, Michel, 160-61, 244, 504 Fragmentation. See Postmodemism France, 176, 182,320,342,343,537 Frankfurt School, 502 Freemasons, 346, 349 Frei, Eduardo, 369 French Revolution, 173, 176 Freyre, Gilberto, 84

Frontiers, 59, 215-16, 339. See also Cultural geography Fuentes, Carlos, 2 Fulbright, (Senator) 1. William, 6; Fulbright cultural exchange programs, 60

Gaita,343 Gama, (Admiral) Saldanha da, 189, 190, 191-93,196 Gambling, 373, 379, 380, 465 Garcia, Jose, 471-74 Garcia Gonzalez, Gilberto, 349 Garcia Marquez, Gabriel, 2, 17, 22, 333-35,349,351,352,356,506,509 Garcia Monge, Joaquin, 320 Garland Foundation, 501 Gayne, Homer, 417 Gender, 140, 141-42, 149-59, 16062,367-75,379-92,396,497,504, 509-10,523,529,553; and food, 456-57,479; ideology of domesticity, 369, 370-71, 372, 384-85, 386, 39 2 General Electric, 411 General Motors, 411 Geneva, Austria, 320 Geography, 87, 124, 353; geographers, 91,94 Germany, 87, 182, 190, 287, 314, 343 Germ theory of disease, 313 Giddens, Anthony, 244 Gilman, Sander, 507 Gilpin, William, 110. See also Picturesque, the Globalization, 59, 62, 518 Gluckman, Max, 518-23 Gnosticism, 349 Gobineau, Joseph Arthur de, 454, 468 Gompers, Samuel, 146 Gon..alves, Jeronymo, 191, 192 Gonzalez Flores, Alfredo, 3I7. 321 Gonzalez Flores, Luis Felipe, 318 Gonzalez Viquez, Cleto, 315 Good Neighbor Policy, 223, 285, 402, 539 Gould, Jay, 181 Grace Company, 180

568 Index Gramsci, Antonio, 503 Great Depression, 334, 338 Gresham (Secretary of State), 183 Guajira Indians, 342 Guanabara Bay, 189, 192, 193 Guano, 112, 460 Guatemala, 291, 311, 314, 316, 325, 326 Guillen, Nicolas, 461 Gutierrez, Julian, 219 Haiti, 55, 58, 221, 242, 268, 270, 276, 291, 454; revolution in, 460 Hall, Stuart, 503, 508 Hanneken, (Captain) Herman, 242, 246 Hardy, Thomas, 464 The Heart of the Andes. See Frederic Edwin Church Heiser, Victor, 318 Herbert (Secretary of the Navy), 185 Hernandez, (General) Zuno, 407 Hernandez, Ines, 219 Hispaniola, 269. See also Dominican Republic; Haiti History: of art, 533; diplomatic historians, 198; oral histories, 388; periodization, 51-52, 59, 76, 109, 131; studies of film reception, 404 Hobsbawm, Eric, 503, 507 Hollywood, 275, 405, 433, 435-36 Home Products of Mexico, 411 Honduras, 208, 217, 234 Honor, concept of, 228, 230 Hookworm disease, 315-16, 508, 521. See also Anti-hookworm campaign Hoover, Herbert, 92 Humboldt, Alexander von, 112, 113, 114 Huntington, Samuel, 504 Immigration to Latin America: European,57,84,94 Immigration to the U.S., 145; Chinese, 146; Dominican, 453, 455, 470-79; Latino and Caribbean, 61 Imperialism, 4-6, 249-50, 506, 516, 543; and aesthetics, 18, 109-10, 535; and antiradicalism, 425; and architecture, 503; and aviation, 268-272; discursive formation of, 71-72, 531;

and economic enclaves, 335; formation of "imperial subjects," 110, 115-17,132; informal empire, 69-72, 73, 76, 80, 84, 94; and (U.S.) Progressivism, 276; and representation, 7, 71, 72-75, 80, 82, 92-94, 108, 115, 131, 140, 143, 311, 427, 525-55; and sexuality, 141, 150, 174; the study of disease and, 313; theories of, II, 70, 250; and the use of spectacles, 173, 175,197-98 Incas, 113, 124, 127; cemetery, 87; cities of, 85 Incidents of Travel in the Land of the Incas. See Squier, Ephraim George Independence wars, 58. See also Decolonization India, 313, 469, 497 Indians, 47, 49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 63, 84, 86, 88, 93, 94, 211, 216, 236 -37, 339, 342, 423, 427, 431; in landscape painting, 107; North American, 77, 1I8, 35 Individuality, III; and agency, 173. See also Subjectivity Indivisos, 339 Inflation, 475-76 Inman, Samuel G., 91 Instituto de Sandinismo, 217, 223-24, 246. See also Nicaragua; Sandinistas International Association of Bridge, Structural, and Ornamental Iron Workers, 415 International expositions, 109 International Motion Picture Division (IMP), 406 International Sanitary Bureau of the Union of the American Republics, 316-17 Italy, 182, 185, 469; Italian immigrants, 343,346 Jacobins, 176, 191 Japan, 179, 221,287, 291,506 Jamaica, 338, 343, 345, 454 James, C. L. R., 459 lefes po[{ticos, 218, 229, 235 Jefferson, Thomas, 2, 115

Index 569 Jews, 343, 346,469 Jimenez, Gerardo, 314 Jimenez, Luis, 314, 316, 317 Jimenez, Ricardo, 317 (Pope) John Paul II, 474 Johnson, Magic, 477 Journalism, 174, 344, 554 Journalists, 92, 184 Keith, Minor, 337 Kennedy, John F., 299, 537 King, Rodney, 471, 472 Kolinos Tooth Paste Company, 4II Korean War, 413, 415, 429, 433 Ku Klux Klan, 221 Labor: formation of laboring class, 55; labor unions, 341, 369, 415; popular mobilizations by workers, 58; repression of, 371, 393; resistance to labor discipline, 382-83; U.S. labor practice, 432 Land: debates over rights to, II6; enclosure, III; as symbolic currency, 465; tenure, 339 Landscape painting, 107-33, 531; of the Andes, 107, 505; emotional effects of, II5; and empire, II5-17; importance in nineteenth-century North America, IIO-12; visual politics of, II4-25 Latijundarios, 176 Latin America: challenges to the study of, 63,404; concept of, 47; exports to, 62; periodization of, 52; ruralurban migration in, 422; U.S. study of, xiii, 4-7, 10-22, 81, 84, 91, 198, 335, 499-5 10 Latin Americans: elites, 19, 22, 48, 49, 53-54, 56, 58, 59, 63-64; investors, 62; migration to North America, 20 Lebanese immigrants, 343 Lebr6n, Michael, 549, 551, 553, 554 Lee, (Brigadier General) Harry, 281 LeFeber, Walter, 501, 502 Leisure, and consumption, 18, 50 Lend-Lease Act, 288-90 Lenin, Vladimir, 2

Leninism, 5 Lima-Callao highway, 87, 89 Lindbergh, Charles, 185, 272, 281, 283, 285,345 Linguistic tum, xi, xiii, 7 Liquor. See Drinking Literary studies, 497, 498,508 Locke, John, II5 Lombardo Toledano, Vicente, 413-14, 4 15

Lombroso, Cesare, 469 Los Angeles, 472 Los Manos (Nicaragua), 210 Luminist painting, II5. See also Aesthetics; Landscape painting Lusophobia, 187 Lyra, Carmen, 320 Machiavelli, Niccolb, 504 Machu Picchu, 86, 123-25, 127 Machu Picchu: A Citadel of the Incas. See Bingham, Hiram MacLaughlin, (Colonel) Charles, 287 Mad-cow disease, 480-81 Madeira-Mamore railroad, 88 La Malinche, 540 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 519-20 Manaus,179 Manifest Destiny, 78, 108-9, II6, 126 Marcos, Subcomandante, 2 Market(s), 49, 77 Maroons. See Slaves Marquette University, 318 Marrero Aristy, Ram6n, 454, 463-65 Marriage, 140, 141-42, 149-52, 153-59, 160-62,370,372-73,380,385-87, 391,5 21 Marti, Jose, 2, 462 Martinique, 189 Marx, Karl, 465 Marxism, 2II-12, 250, 413, 497, 501,

5ID Masculinity, 380-87, 392 Mass consumer culture. See Consumption Mass media, 403, 404-5, 435 Mass production, 78. See also Commodities; Consumption

570 Index Matagalpa, 326; Indian uprising in, 216 Material culture, 19-20 Maurity, (Admiral) 1, I76 McKinley Tariff, 177, I78 Medellin cartel, 473 Medicine, 3II-28, 4IO, 477, 507; and propaganda films, 422; traditional medicine, 323, 349, 477. See also Public health; Social medicine Meireles, Cildo, 541, 551-52, 554 Mello, Custodio de, 187, 193, 195 Mendon~a, Salvador de, I75, 176, 177, 182, 186, 197 Mercantilism, 76, 77-78; and the pursuit of knowledge, 87 Mercenaries, I74, 177-98 Mestizos, 54, 339, 427. See also Race Metanarratives, xi Mexican Revolution, 20, 56, 58, 2II, 535 Mexican War (1847), 78, 424 Mexico, 17,47,78,154, 2IO, 239, 242,276,291,323-24,347,349, 400-437,458,470,508,535,552; American Association in, 406, 408; businessmen in, 4II; commercial film industry in, 406; communication technology in, 416; exchange with the U.S., 16; indigenous communities in, 4I7; labor force, 4II; Maximilian's regime in, 401; Ministry of the Economy, 4II; Ministry of Public Education, 409, 434; Ministry of Public Health, 409, 4IO, 434; "revolutionary tourism" to, 20; Secretaria de Educaci6n PUblica, 409; stereotypical representations of, 131; tourism to, 535; U.S. Embassy in, 400,408, 4II-14, 4I7, 420, 421, 430, 43 2 Mexico City, 413, 419, 423, 434 Middle class, IO, 19, 63, 374, 378, 469, 476,477 Middle East, 161, 469; immigration to Latin America, 56-57 Mimesis, 453, 480, 5IO Mining, 216, 369-96, 413, 460, 519; nationalization of mines, 369

Mitchell, Billy, 272 Missionaries, 70, 77, 81, 82, 94. See also Religion Modernism, 497, 5IO; encounter with postmodernism, x-xii; in historical scholarship, x. See also Modernity; Postmodernism Modernity, 22, 213, 506; and ways of seeing, 132-33 Modernization theory, 4, IO, 212, 497, 516; leftist critics of, II, 212 Molina, Teodoro, 219 Molloy, Daniel, 326 Monarchy, 175 Moncada, Jose Maria, 218 Mone~348;andrace,466-67

Monroe Doctrine, 78, 80, 93, 131, 174, 184,196-97,270,401,500 Morais, Prudente de, 197 Morgan, 1 P., 179, 180 Moscarella, Javier, 508 Moscoso Puello, Francisco Eugenio, 454,463-65 Mound Builders, II9 Mountaineering, 129. See also Explorers Mountains. See Landscape painting Movimento Pro-El1umcipaci6n de la Mujer Chilena, 392 Munoz, Marco Antonio, 402 Museums, 74, 75, 76, 79, 86, 89, 93, 554; New York Metropolitan Museum of Art, I08 NAFTA, 455, 470, 478 National Air Transport Company, 286 "National character," 12 National Food Producers Association,

42 0 National Geographic Magazine, 82, 124 National Geographic Society, 82, 124 Nationalist revolutions, 59 "National Museum of Interventions" (Mexico),2 Nation building. See State formation Native Americans. See Indians Nature, III, II3, II4, II6, 126, 127 Nearing, Scott, 501 Neoliberalism, 4, 212, 393, 395-96

Index 571 Neo-Marxism. See Marxism Neruda, Pablo, 2 New England, 112, 114, 184 New Left, 6 Newspapers. See Journalism "New World Information Order," 502 New York, 107-8, 187, 190, 322, 342, 451, 533, 536; Dominicans in, 18, 453,455,459,471-78,480; (1939) World's Fair, 284 New York state, 186 New York Times, 178, 185, 186, 192,474, 549 Nicaragua, 64, 78, 119, 179, 208-51, 270, 271, 291, 311, 325, 326, 345, 508, 515, 527, 549, 552, 553; antiNorth American sentiment in, 214, 219, 229, 231, 236; Civil War (19261927),208,216-17,224,232-33,249; Conservatives in, 225; Contra War, 16; decentralization of state power in, 215-16; Guardia Nacional, 210II, 212, 213, 220, 223, 225, 227, 231, 236-37, 240, 248; middle classes in, 234; Moncadista Liberals, 225; political elite in, 249; U.S. Marine intervention in, 220-21, 222-33, 236-43, 246-51; U.S. role in peace process, 210 Nicaraguan National Military Academy, 246 Nitrate industry, 369, 372 Nobel Prize, 335 Nueva Segovia. See Segovias Nunez, Sol6n, 317, 320, 321, 324 Office of International Information and Cultural Affairs (OIC), 406, 407, 412,414-17,419-21,423,424,434, 435,43 6 Office of International Information and Educational Exchange (USIE), 406-7, 410, 412, 413 Office of Munitions Control, 297 Office of the Coordinator of InterAmerican Affairs (OCIAA), 405-6, 408-10,421,422,431,436 Olney Doctrine, 196

Organization of American States, 276, 299 Orientalism, 50 Orozco, Jose Clemente, 410 Ortega, Daniel, 64 Paine, Thomas, 2 Palerujues. See Slaves Palestinians, 228, 343 Panama, 8o, 289, 290,311, 325-26,338, 342-56 Panama Canal, 81, 287, 290, 311, 460, 466,532 Panama-Pacific Exposition, 79 Pan American Airways, 270, 271, 272, 286,290,292,298 Pan-American Aviation Day, 288 Pan American Congress of 1889,177, 17 8 Pan-Americanism, 76, 80-82, 93, 94, 109, 130, 131, 270, 271, 285, 401, 402, 432,500,505

Pan-American Magazine, 269 Pan American Union, 81, 82, 91, 178, 275 Parana, 192 Paris, France, 55 Patagonia, 82 Patria, concept of, 228

Patria potestad,

152

Peace Corps, 60 Pearl Harbor, 287 Peixoto, Floriano, 173-78, 180, 183, 185, 188, 190, 192, 193, 195, 196-98,

50 5- 6 Peliculas Nacionales, 433 Periodization. See History Perkins, Dexter, 500 Pernambuco, 189, 191, 194. See also Recife Peru, 58, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 112, 119, 177-78, 179, 188. See also Incas Petroleum industry, 87,4°7, 414, 460 Philanthropy, 312, 314; scientific philanthropy, 80, 81 Philippines, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144-45, 148,196,221,270,318,328;armed resistance in, 144

572 Index Photography, 79, 80, 82, 85, 90, 92, 93, 10 9, 122-24, 129, 132, 429; photo exhibits, 75; and representations of Indian peasants, 88; and sense of landscape as space, 127 Picturesque, the, IIO, 535 Pinochet, Augusto, 369, 371 Plantains, 454, 456, 469-70, 509 Plongeon, Auguste Le, II9 Political economy, 48, 50, 51, 53, 518; and culture, xi Popular culture, 20, 22 Portugal, 175, 183, 188, 190, 194, 498; Brazilian independence from, 188 Positivism, 327, 497, 499, 501; critiques of, x Postcolonial encounter, 69, 2II, 515 Postcolonial studies, ix-xi, 6, 250, 497-500,505,510 Postmodernism, ix-x, 173-74, 250, 498, 499; and fluid subjects, xi; and fragmented narratives, xi Poststructuralism, 14, 250. See also Structuralism Poverty, reproduction of 12 Power, centers of, 48-49, 52, 59, 61. See also Dependency theory Prescott, William Hickling, II2, II9 Presidente Trujillo Air Base, 275, 293, 297. See also Dominican Republic PRI (Mexico), 21 Printing press, 74 Protestantism, II3, 145, 146 Proust, Marcel, 342 Provision grounds, 468 Prowe, Helmut, 314 Public education, 18 Public health, 18, 3II-28, 508 Puerto Rico, 137-62, 270, 290, 314, 459, 521; ''Americanization'' of, 140; Civil Code, 150, 152, 157, 159, 16162; as colonial utopia for US., 146; divorce in, 140, 141, 148, 149-52, 152-59,161-62,5°9; electoral politics in, 148; elites, 139, 146, 151, 509; feminists, 140; Legislative Assembly, 152; marriage in, 140, 141-42, 14952, 153-59, 160-62; men in, 140,

143, 146-47; out-of-wedlock birthrate, 149; partidas sediciosas, 141; representations of Puerto Ricans, 140, 143-44; role in legitimation of US. imperial project, 139; support of statehood for, 139; under Spanish rule, 153; US. occupation of, 139; women in, 141-42, 151-59, 161-62; and women's suffrage, 421; working class, 139, 147, 149, 152, 159 Pupo Perez, Carlos, 318, 319 Quechua peasants, 88, 130. See also Indians Race, 79, 80, 85, 277, 279, 315, 388, 389,455,464,466,468-69,497, 503, 507; biological determinism, 500; "racial democracy," 84; racial mixing, 57, 84, 147, 315, 454; and social categories, 49; and socioeconomic coercion, 70; US. racial politics, 76; and "whitening," 57, 58 Radio, 418 Radway, Janice, 503 Railroads, 91, 94; production of locomotives for, 177; US. railroad entrepreneurs as agents of empire, 87-88 Ramirez Mejia, Pastor, 217, 218 Ramon Lopez, Jose, 454, 468-69 Rape, 385 Reagan, Ronald, 64, 455 Recife, 189, 190-91 Regions, 54 Religion, 20, 349; and airplanes, 297; and "citizen diplomacy,"I6; missions, 70; and patriotism, III Representation, 69, 71-76, 78-79, 80, 82, 85, 86, 89, II7-3I, 140, 2II, 213, 355,429,5°5,5°6,515,523,527-55 Republic of Letters, 321 Resistance, xii, 12, 21, 48, 49, 51, 54, 57, 59· See also Subalternity Rio de Janeiro, 84, 85, 174, I79, 183, 186, 188, 191, 192-95, 197 Rio Grande do SuI (Brazil), 192, 195; civil war in, I76 Rippy, J. Fred, 500-501

Index 573 Rivera, Diego, 4IO, 535 406, 433 Rockefeller, Nelson, 405 Rockefeller Foundation, 18, 82, 3II-17, 319, 320, 323-28, 507, 521; International Health Commission, 3II, 316, 317 Roosevelt, Franklin Delano, 223, 286 Roosevelt, Theodore, 82, 506 Rostow, W. W., IO, 13 Rotary Club, 347 Rothschild family, 179 Rubber, 177, 179 Ruiz Cortines, Adolfo, 407-8 Ruiz Galindo, Antonio, 407, 412 Ruskin, John, II2 Russell Sage Foundation, 82 Russia, 179, 182 Russian Revolution, 2II Rusticity, II2 RKO,

Saarinen, Eliel, 283 Sacasa, Juan B., 218 Said, Edward, IIO, 504-5 Saint-Domingue. See Haiti Sandinistas, 2IO, 218, 219, 222, 224, 226,228,236,241,251,506,549; Sandinista historical narrative, 213, 223; Sandinista Revolution, 2II. See also Nicaragua; Sandino, Augusto C. Sandino, Augusto C., 2IO, 2II-13, 215, 219,220,222,224-36,239,248-49, 270, 345, 527; ideology of, 215, 220; use of nationalist language, 231. See also Nicaragua; Sandinistas Santa Catarina, 192 Santa Marta (Colombia), 338, 339-40, 341,344-45,350,353,356 Santo Domingo: renaming of, 283

Santo Domingo Leatherneck, 277, 278-79 Sao Paulo, 192, 194 Saraiva, Gumercindo, 194 Schapera, Isaac, 519 Scotland,283 Scott, James, 19 Scott, Joan, 504 Scotten, Robert, 288

Second Great Awakening, 76 Segovias, 209-IO, 212, 215-24, 225-28, 231-51,526; ejercitos in, 209; laboring poor in, 231; literacy in, 235-36; mapping of, 245-46; marine invasion of, 231; organized violence in, 209, 216, 218, 219, 220, 249; and petitions for U.S. Marine "protection," 238-39 Seibert Alphand, Stella Joanne, 377 Seventh Day Adventism, 349 Sexuality, 141, 146-47, 155-56, 157, 158,159-62,37°,374,379,380,385, 395,456-57,509 Sex workers, 373, 384 Shapiro, 317-22, 324, 327-28 Siam. See Thailand Sindicato de Trabajadores de Petroleras

de la Republica Mexicana, 414 Slaves, 54,57,58, 63, 175, 339,464, 467; U.S. holders of, II7 Slocum,Josh, 185 Smith, (Colonel) Joe w., 289-90 Smith, (Major) Julian c., 222 Smugglers, 54 Social identities, 55, 57, 58; volatility of,58 Social medicine, 312, 508. See also Public health Social scientists, IO, 21, 334 Social workers, 386-87

Sociedad de Agricultores Colombianos, 346-47

Sociedad de Artesanos y Obreros, 341 Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations, 504 Somocistas, 213, 247, 248; Somocista historical narrative, 213-14 Somoza, Anastasio, 213, 230, 251 Sorcerers, 453 South Africa, 70, 518-19, 522 South America: construction and representations of, 69, 71-75, 80, 84-86, 86-94, 108, 505, 522, 552; as training ground for U.S. soldiers, 186; U.S. impressions of, 84; U.S. publications about, 81, 90-93; U.S travel to, 81 Southeast Asia, 328 Soviet Union, 416

574 Index Spain, I39, I42, I43, I53, I82, I96, 343, 498, 500; and "black legend," 500 Spanish-American War, I39, 270, 3I3 Spanish empire, 338-39, 459-60, 469; collapse of, 56 Spengler, Oswald, 468 Squier, Ephraim George, II8-22, I24, I26-27, I28, I3I, I32; visual politics of work of, II9-22 Standard Oil, I8I State formation, 55, 57, 243-44, 250; and surveillance, 245 Stephens, John Lloyd, III Stiles, Charles Wardell, 3I4 Structuralism, I4, 2I Subalternity, xii, I9, 49, 53, 57 Subaltern Studies Group, x Subjectivity, x, I08, 507; in dependency theory, I3. See also Alterity; Postmodernism Sugar,454,456,459-68,470,455,520 Supreme Court (US.), I46 Sweden,275,29I,292,296,297 Switzerland, 320 Symbolic currency, 465 Syrian immigrants, 343, 466 Taylor, Charles, 507 Taylor, John, I88 Technolog~50,73,79,89,90,93,94,

I8I, 506, 5IO; aircraft technology, 27I; and economic enclaves, 334; effect on development, IO; military uses of, I74, I98, 269, 270, 53I Telegraph, I74, 344 Tennessee Valley Authority, 42I, 43I

Terrenos comuneros, 339 Territorial boundaries. See Frontiers Texas, 78 Thailand, 3I9-20 Thatcher, Margaret, 455 Theosophy, 349 Tilly, Charles, 243 Tizzani, Emilio, 376 Tobacco trade, 343, 455 Torres, Jose, 2I8 Transcendentalism, III, I26

Transculturation, xii, I6, 48, 49, 429, 476 Traveling salesmen, 345 Travel writing, 75, 77-78 Treaty of Tipitapa, 208 Tribute extraction, 54 "Tricks of time." See History Tropical medicine, 89 Trujillo, Rafael, 27I, 273-76, 281-84, 286-300,468,470,509; friendships with US. military officers, 273; use of political spectacles, 274; use of symbolism in regime of, 292 Tugwell, Rexford Guy, 290 Turcos. See Middle East Turkey, 469 Twain, Mark, I46 Ulloa, Juan, 316 Underdevelopment. See Dependency theory UNEsco,502 United Fruit Company, 17, 3II, 3I3, 316, 3I7, 322,333-57,506,5I5 United Nations, 433 United States: anti-imperialism in, 145; artistic tradition, III-12; direct investment in South America, 87; disease in, 314; economic growth, 78; friendship with Brazil, 175; nineteenth-century intellectual life, IIO-I2; politics, 76; Progressives in, 321; Revolution (1776), 228; Southern blacks, I46; Southern whites, I45; US. Information Service, 2I; western frontier, 78, 79, II2, II4; women's suffrage in, 527 United States and Brazil Mail Steamship Company, 177, 180-81, 183 United States Air Force, 276, 293, 296-97 United States Army Air Service, 285 United States Congress, 195 United States foreign relations, 21, 6061, 3I6, 437; with Latin America, x, II, 21, 56, 60, 270; study of, x, 4, 5-6,48-50,131,142,198,247,404,

Index 575 499-5IO; and visual culture, I09, III-I2 United States Information Agency, 406 United States Information Service (US1S), 406, 407-9, 4II, 415, 417-I8, 425-27,429,434-36 United States Marines, 2I4, 224-29, 233-34, 237, 240-42, 246, 25I, 26973,276- 83, 3I6, 480, 5I5, 527; First Division, 277; socioeconomic background of, 222 Unites States-Mexican border, 62 United States Navy, 176, 276 United States State Department, 178, 246, 27I, 273-74, 282, 285-87,289, 290, 297,402,406 Universities (U.S.); as imperial agents, I3 Urban centers. See Cities Uruguay, 179, 529, 53I Vasconcelos, Jose, 409, 4IO Vegetarianism, 349 Venezuela, 87, I96, 29I, 298, 5I6 Vietnam, 60, 239, 328 Villar, Frederico, I95 Vision: and modernity, I09; philosophy of, I2I; and pleasure, IIO, I32-33; and the politics of empire, I09-IO, II5I7, I24, I30-33, 277,436, 505; and utopian collective identity, II6; visual language, 550-5I; visual regimes as historical markers, I32 Vodu,456 Volstead Act, 279 Walker, William. See Filibusters Wall Street, 454 Wallerstein, Immanuel, 48, 504, 5I8

Washington, George, 432 Washington Post, 549 Welles, Sumner, 274 Whistler, James, III Whitaker, Arthur P., 500 White, Joseph, 3I6 Wilkes Expedition (I838-I848), 89 Williams, William A., 501 Wilson, Woodrow, 276 Winthrop, Theodore, II3 Wisconsin School, 501 Witchcraft, 467 "Witness for Peace," I6 World fairs, 74, 75, 79, 86, 94, 284, 503. See also International Expositions World systems theory. See Dependency theory World War I, I84, 22I, 369, 377, 527 World War II, 60, 2II, 22I, 242, 272, 287, 288, 293, 338, 401, 405, 406, 406, 4I7, 42I, 436, 499, 500, 539 Wright, Frank Lloyd, 283 Yale University, ix, xiii-xiv, 86, I24, I25, I29 Yeager, Chuck, 293 YMCA, 78, 89 Young, Evan, 286 Zaire, 456 Zalinsky, (Captain) E. L., I82, I85 Zamora, Ruben, 64 Zapata, Emiliano, 2I7 Zapatists. See Marcos, Subcomandante Zapotec Indians, 43I Zelaya, Jose Santos, 2II, 246 Zonas Francas, 470

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Close encounters of empire: writing the cultural history of U.S.-Latin American relations/edited by Gilbert M. Joseph, Catherine C. LeGrand, and Ricardo D. Salvatore; with a foreword by Fernando Coronil. p. cm.-(American encounters/global interactions) Includes index. ISBN 0-8223-2085-1 (cloth:alk. paper). ISBN 0-8223-2099-1 (pbk.:ulk.paper) 1.

Latin America-Relations-United States.

2.

United States-Relations-Latin

America. 3. Latin America-Civilization-American influences. I. Joseph, G. M. (Gilbert Michael). II. LeGrand, Catherine. III. Salvatore, Ricardo Donato. IV. Series. FI418.c64 1998