City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in Los Angeles, 1920-1950 [1 ed.] 9780262122009, 0262122006

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CITY CENTER TO REGIONAL MALL

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CITY CENTER TO REGIONAL MALL Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in Los Angeles, 1920-1950

RICHARD LONGSTRETH

THE MIT PRESS CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS LONDON, ENGLAND

First MIT Press paperback edition, 1998

© 1997 Massachusetts Institute of Technology

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, re-

cording, or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher. Published with the assistance of the Getty Grant Program.

This book was set in Bembo by Graphic Composition, Inc., and was printed and bound in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Longstreth, Richard W.

City center to regional mall : architecture, the automobile, and retailing in Los Angeles, 1920-1950 / Richard Longstreth.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-262-12200-6 (he: alk paper), 0-262-62125-8 (pb) 1. Central business districts—California—Los Angeles

Metropolitan Area—History. 2. Retail trade—California—Los Angeles Metropolitan Area—History. 3. Automobiles—Social aspects—California—Los Angeles Metropolitan Area—Hstory. 4. City and town life—California—Los Angeles Metropolitan Area—

History. I. Title. HF5429.5.L7L66 1997

381.1'0979494—dc20 96-25115 CIP

for Bob, and in memory of Brinck, David, and John

Acknowledgments ix

Introduction X1ii

Maps xX xi

Afterword 349

Notes 353

Bibliographical Note 467

Index 473

I THE PERILS OF A PARKLESS TOWN / 3 Metropolis 6 A

Settlement 9 ae

Automobiles 13

I] THE PROBLEM SOLVED 19 Skyscrapers 20 Department Stores 24 Expansion 34 Parking 43

Contents IT] WESTWARD HO FOR BUSINESS 57 Origins 58 Development 63

Chain Stores 71 Boom 77

IV HOLLYWOOD—LOS ANGELES’S OTHER HALF 31 Aladdin Cities 82 Stores 83 Business Diversity 89 Promotion 94 Struggle 96

V FABULOUS BOULEVARD 103 Transformation 104 Bullock’s 112 Miracle Mile 127

VI A GUARANTEED NEIGHBORHOOD 143 Precedents 145 Palos Verdes 153 Westwood Village 159

Vil A HINDRANCE TO BUSINESS 177 Beverly Hills 178 Main Street 185

VIll HOLD ON! 199 Remodeling 201

Parking 210 Predicament 215

IX MARKETS IN THE MEADOWS 221 Market Conditions 223 Department Stores 226 Crenshaw Center 227 Westchester 238

Design 248 Valley Plaza 255

x GRASS ON MAIN STREET 269 Shopping Courts 273 Experiments 286 Models 296

xX! NO AUTOMOBILE EVER BOUGHT A THING 307 Emergence 309

Stein 312 Gruen 323 Realization 332 Lakewood Center 335 Sequels 341

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I was born in southern California, San Marino to be precise, but returned with my family to the East after a year’s residence, so while I can claim na-

tive status, Iam hardly a Californian. I did not come to the region again until twenty years later, in 1966, when I had the good fortune to secure summer employment in the office of Richard and Dion Neutra. My tasks included sifting through records to identify material to be sent to the then nascent Neutra archive at UCLA, affording an unusual contact with a primary component of Los Angeles’s architectural legacy. I began to sense how extraordinarily rich and varied that legacy was through the contents of the just published guide to architecture in southern California by David Gebhard and Robert Winter. Office work and field work together consumed most of my waking hours. By the end of two months, I realized the metropolitan area boasted one of the nation’s greatest yields of modern architecture. Yet I did not enjoy Los Angeles as an urban setting. Like many visitors, I found it hard to accept the place as a real city. My attitude toward the metropolis changed over the next halfdozen years. With repeated visits, I began to understand the city on its own terms and all the extraordinary things it had to offer. Los Angeles has more than a great collection of modernist and arts and crafts residences sequestered behind lush foliage. The fabric of the city, its public no less than its private worlds, possesses much from which we can learn. A central factor in this change of perspective was a rapidly growing interest in commercial architecture, in its vernacular as well as its high-style mant-

festations. Perhaps more than anything else the change stemmed from thousands of hours spent behind the wheel traversing the Philadelphia metropolitan area to gather material for a guide, and many hours more

driving through other parts of the country, gradually looking at things I had been told were trivial as well as those generally considered significant.

Moving to Berkeley in 1971 furthered the process. At a time when most colleagues regarded studying commercial architecture, especially that of the

recent past, as sheer nonsense, I received insight and encouragement from

ACKNOWLEDCMENTS John Beach, David Gebhard, and J. B. Jackson. Few people possess both the great range of interests in the built

x environment and the depth of perception that were characteristic of John . Beach. Through him I finally understood LA. David Gebhard opened many doors, conceptually, for myself and for a generation of architects, his-

torians, and the lay public. His contribution to our understanding of California architecture is inestimable. His untimely death, like John’s a decade ago, is a great professional as well as personal loss. Brinck Jackson has revealed the imperative of understanding things so commonplace as to be taken for granted and of doing so with a minimum of polemical baggage. His example has been a constant reminder that the modern metropolis is a significant part of our culture and our history. Once this project was under way, Brinck and David were both supportive in many ways,

but I owe a special debt to Robert Winter for insisting that this project become a history of Los Angeles when I was making an exploratory probe of

the subject in 1986. For these reasons, among others, I dedicate this book to them.

Many people have provided assistance along the way. Robert

Bruegmann, Howard Gillette, Thomas Hines, Chester Liebs, and Dell Upton read an early draft and offered numerous valuable suggestions for its improvement— advice that I hope is reflected in the revisions. Ed Whittington facilitated my efforts in many ways, including permitting me to examine his vast collection of negatives— perhaps the single largest pictorial resource for the city—while they were housed in the library at

California State University, Long Beach, prior to their deposit at the University of Southern California’s special collections. Brent Howell of Coldwell Banker gave me introductions to a number of senior members of the real estate community, which proved invaluable to understanding the intricacies of postwar commercial development.

The architects, developers, planners, real estate brokers, and others who permitted me to interview them offered insights that would have been impossible to glean otherwise. Iam thus indebted to Eaton Ballard, Howard B, Drollinger, Joseph Eichenbaum, Albert Frey, the late Regula Fybel, the late Frederick Gutheim, Calvin Hamilton, the late S. Charles Lee, Walter Leimert, Jr., Philip Lyon, William McAdam, Fred Marlow, A. C. Martin, Jr., Ben Schwartz, Bill Symonds, and Julian Whittlesey. The late Robert Alexander, the late Pietro Belluschi, and Whitney Smith were kind enough to respond to my questions through correspondence.

Many others have helped in ways too numerous to mention: Carson Anderson, Scott Bottles, Kenneth Breisch, Lauren Weiss Bricker, Da-

vid Cameron, Meredith Clausen, Margaret Crawford, David De Long, William Scott Field, Douglas Gomery, Thomas Hanchett, Greg Hise, Preston Kaufmann, Steven Levin, Christy McAvoy, Brita Mack, Megs Merriwether, Frank Mittlebach, the late Dione Neutra, Tom Owen, K. C. Parsons, Anna Pehoushek, Eric Sandweiss, Richard and Sarah Striner, Dace Taube, Michael Tomlan, Richard Wagner, Mary Jo Winder, and David Zeidberg. Kenneth Caldwell of A. C. Martin Assoctates, Vicki Cwiok of Sears Merchandise Group, Lee Fowler and Barbara Barrickman of the J. C. Nichols Company, Stuart Lottman of Gruen Associates, Dana Prettyman of Bullock’s Pasadena, and Shirley Wilson of I, Magnin allowed me access to material in company archives. I am grateful to the staffs of the many institutions in which my research was conducted. Without the vast collections of the Library of Con-

gress— including those in the Geography and Maps, Newspapers and Current Periodicals, and Prints and Photographs divisions— the task would have been far more difficult, time-consuming, and expensive. In southern California, the Los Angeles Public Library, the Los Angeles Municipal Library, the Sever Center at the Los Angeles County Museum of Natural History, and several libraries each at the University of Southern California and the University of California, Los Angeles, were major sources. Others in the region include the public libraries of Anaheim, Beverly Hills, Culver City, Glendale, Inglewood, Long Beach, Pasadena, Palos Verdes, and Santa Ana as well as the Huntington Library, and the Architectural Drawing Collection at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Elsewhere, the special collections at Cornell University’s library and the public libraries of Jenkintown, Pennsylvania, Greenwich, Connecticut, New Rochelle, New York, and Philadelphia were utilized. The stock at the Book Castle in Burbank allowed me to acquire

original copies of the Los Angeles Times, without which many of the illustrations in this book would have been impossible to use. The initial trip to Los Angeles for this study was underwritten by the National Main Street Center of the National Trust for Historic Preservation. Lectures at the Foundation for San Francisco’s Architectural Heritage, California State University at San Luis Obispo, Southern Cal-

ifornia Institute of Architecture, and UCLA facilitated additional trips. | Generous funding for the illustrations and other facets of my research was provided by several grants from George Washington University. Time spent in southern California was greatly enhanced by the hospitality of friends, including Kenneth Breisch and Judy Keller, David

Cameron, John and Nadine Dillon, the late Hans and Regula Fybel, the late David Gebhard, Thomas Hines, Tom Owen, Gene Waddell, and Robert Winter. Randell Makinson and Edward Bosley, directors of the Gamble House, greatly facilitated the project by allowing me to reside at that remarkable dwelling on several occasions. Time there helped me keep a balanced perspective and gave respite. Caesar, ].J., and other staff

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

at the Pantry restaurant ensured an abundance of good food and humor as a routine part of my visits.

Iam grateful to Roger Conover and his staff at the MIT Press, most especially Matthew Abbate and James McWethy, for the care they have lavished on the manuscript and for making the whole production process a pleasure.

My father, Thaddeus Longstreth, as always has been enthusiastic and encouraging. My wife, Cinda, and daughter, Elizabeth, have

ACKNOWLEDCMENTS been more than tolerant throughout a decade of research and writing, particularly since they do not share my interest in LA.

xii

INTRODUCTION The emergence of major business centers in multiple locations within metropolitan areas represents one of the most significant changes to the struc-

ture of settlement in the United States during the twentieth century. Large concentrations of offices, stores, and other businesses far removed from the traditional urban core, often in places that supported little development before, have profoundly affected both the shape of the land and the routine patterns of social interaction. “Suburb” in any traditional sense of the term carries little meaning in this context, for workplace no less than homeplace is likely to lie some distance from established locales of a generation ago. Moreover, movement from residence to places of employment and shopping is now seldom from outskirts toward the center but rather in multiple directions, crisscrossing the metropolitan area. Much commented on in recent years, the trend has generated reactions ranging from advocacy to derision.' However the results are viewed, there can be no question that the modern metropolis is very different from that of even a half-century ago and that these changes will have a basic impact for decades to come.

The creation of major retail centers on the urban periphery after World War II lay in the forefront of this business dispersal, pioneering locations as well as locational techniques subsequently used for other, more diverse forms of business development. Large new retail complexes were the first to challenge the hegemony of downtown functions, attracting a sizable share of the public away from the core on a regular basis.* While

retail decentralization took many forms, the key component was the regional shopping center, which was planned to operate as a unified business entity and provide an alternative to major established marketplaces, including downtown.’ Without the orchestrated gathering of emporia

found at a regional center, it is not clear that many outlying business districts would have gained the critical mass of stores necessary to compete

with the quantity and range of outlets in the urban core. When the regional shopping center became a primary thrust of

INTRODUCTION commercial development nationwide during the 1950s and 1960s, it seemed an invention of the postwar era that had little precedent. Prior to

xiv the war, downtown had been the major destination for all but routine shopping needs in the great majority of American cities. The new regional center, by contrast, lay near the periphery, well removed from established local business areas and often set apart even from new residential tracts. The regional center’s siting was defined by acres of space for cars, the polar

opposite of the highly restricted confines of the core. At the same time, most regional centers were inward-looking, with stores oriented to a se-

questered pedestrian way, a mall, that invited a quiet, leisurely pace. The regional center was clean and neatly maintained; it was new, sporting a cool, nonreferential modernist vocabulary; it lacked vehicular congestion, jostling crowds, street noise, the “wrong” social elements, and crime—all departures from qualities associated with downtown. The regional center was a bastion of middle-class ingenuity, respectability, and order; it was

touted as a cure for the purportedly ailing condition and antiquated arrangement of the core.

But neither the regional center nor the tendencies that propelled it into the limelight manifested themselves in the span of just a few years. Shifts in residential development, consumer, and merchandising patterns, and corresponding trends in planning retail enclaves and in creating major destinations far afield from the city center, had begun decades earlier. The origins of the regional shopping center and, with it, of modern metropolitan structure lie not with sudden radical change in a few conspicuous

arenas, but rather with numerous changes, some abrupt, many others gradual, that over time established significant new directions. This book examines that process, focusing on three decades of formative development, from 1920 to 1950. Only through scrutiny of these origins can the major shifts of the postwar period be understood. In analyzing the emergence of the regional center, I have avoided a study of architectural typology in the usual sense, in part because these complexes are defined less by a fixed set of physical attributes than by ones of ownership, management, tenancy, and merchandising. Even more importantly, the broader context of urban retail development is essential to understanding how and why the regional center became such a significant phenomenon during the second half of the twentieth century. The climax and decline of downtown as the dominant shopping district and the rise of myriad subordinate forms in outlying areas figure significantly in this equation, as does the nature of residential growth and consumer mobility.

The emergence of the regional center examined as an integral

part of urban growth and change reveals no neat, linear sequence of events. Numerous parties were involved—retailers, real estate developers, architects, and planners among them—for a variety of reasons, some of them conflicting. Locating outside the city center was often seen as a

highly risky venture, and was propelled as much by reaction to competing interests as it was by the aim of taking new directions. Views about how a new shopping district should be developed and what its basic character should be differed to a considerable extent. Innovation could be deferred,

even subsumed, by a persistent conservatism. Features that might appear vestigial could continue with remarkable tenacity. At the same time, a combination of features that might seem inevitable in retrospect occurred

only through unanticipated intermediaries. The emergence of the regional center in a sense describes the process of city building itself. The complexity of the subject resists a broad study, covering cities in the United States generally. Furthermore, during the formative decades prior to the 1950s, the nature and timing of events differed significantly from one major city to another. Profiles of Chicago, New York, Boston, and Philadelphia are marked as much by singularity as by commonality. To provide the level of detail that does the subject justice and to afford a perspective with more than local implications, I have focused on Los Angeles as a case study. The choice was not difficult. Los Angeles is unusually fertile ground for inquiry on several counts. No other city came close to doing so much so early and so often to spur the transformation from the downtown core to the regional center. In 1900, Los Angeles’s retail structure remained highly centralized. Beginning some two decades later, the upstart metropolis far exceeded others in the range of innovative approaches to outlying retail development, the scale at which many of these trends matured at an early date, and the cumulative effect of these changes on the urban landscape. At the same time, Los Angeles gave ample evidence of resistance to change, such as partiality to traditional streetfront orientation of buildings and disdain of conspicuous parking lots, that shaped practices into the mid-twentieth century. Such attitudes help explain why southern California was not to be the foremost proving ground for the mall as the organizing component of the regional center, even though in preceding developments it often set the pace nationally. Los Angeles begs attention for another reason. By 1930, this me-

tropolis not only ranked among the largest in the United States but also began to be recognized as a harbinger of the modern American city. In recent years, a growing corpus of scholars has examined Los Angeles’s role as a prototype for the American metropolis of the late twentieth century." No better demonstration of this role exists than in the retail sphere, where between the 1920s and 1950s Los Angeles functioned much as Chicago or New York had for the development of the tall commercial building. Correlating the study of place with that of retail development is important if the circumstances under which Los Angeles served as an incubator for new

INTRODUCTION

ideas in the field are to be understood. Furthermore, most historical studies of how the automobile has affected the landscape imply, at least, that

the process was un- or even anti-urban, ultimately leading to decline and decay in the city. Such characterizations, however, ignore the inherently urban circumstances affecting change in the commercial sphere. Los

Angeles reveals that the automobile was not an isolated cause but one of several factors that contributed to a recasting of metropolitan form rather than to its destruction.

INTRODUCTION The extent to which the region functioned as a crucible for innovative approaches to retail development becomes clear only when placed in

xvi national perspective. Key innovations and general trends elsewhere in the United States thus form an essential part of my framework, particularly in chapters devoted to the shopping center. I have devoted space to seminal

shopping center developments in the Boston, Chicago, Kansas City, Seattle, and Washington areas, among others, because they help clarify how southern California often was, and sometimes was not, on the front line of new conceptual approaches.

The appeal of Los Angeles as a case study is matched by the challenge. The city is among the least researched of major American centers, a

situation that is only somewhat less glaring today than it was in 1900 or 1950. No less a challenge is the fact that mythmaking has been endemic to Los Angeles for over a century. Boosters and detractors alike have spun such a rich tapestry of lore that the imagination often has overwhelmed reality in depicting the city’s past and in molding its sense of identity.> The city has few solid histories. Journalistic critiques, some of which are as so-

phisticated as they are engaging, frequently are taken as substitutes, even though they may rely heavily on vignettes and assumptions. An underlying thesis of many such accounts is that Los Angeles is not a real city, that its urbanism is “counterfeit,” as Mike Davis has recently reminded us.° Even admiring chroniclers tend to portray the city as being so different as to be an anomaly. Intellectuals along with purveyors of popular descriptions, novels, and films have long typecast Los Angeles as a curious, eccentric place.

I have tried to focus on historical realities instead. I do not speculate as to whether the forces that shaped Los Angeles during the first half of the twentieth century were inherently detrimental or otherwise. Likewise, I avoid qualitative debate over the basic attributes of the shopping center, which also has received scant historical study while attracting much commentary and criticism outside the business arena.’ My concern lies with taking both city and shopping center as serious subjects of inquiry, so that value judgments may be founded on understanding rather than on presumption and prejudice.* Just as Los Angeles is one of the major population, business, and cultural centers of the nation, so retail development is a key indicator of urban form and identity. No other single component of the city attracts so many people so frequently and for so many reasons. No other more frankly reveals current attitudes toward public assembly and decorum. No other so clearly reflects change in both market conditions and

consumer taste. No other embodies more fully the unyielding impact of motor vehicles on the landscape. I have concentrated on the physical dimension and the economic

factors that directly influenced retail development as a foundation for broader inquiry. Too often, sweeping cultural generalizations are offered without a solid grasp of the actual places that both shape and are shaped by human values. Most of the printed sources on which I have relied possess some kind of business orientation— to architecture, to urban planning and development, to real estate practice, and to retailing. Yet I have attempted to maintain sufficient balance to delineate an accurate historical picture. Fieldwork made an essential contribution to this perspective. During the course of this study, I drove some 5,000 miles within the Los Angeles basin to examine both buildings and the urban fabric that helps give them meaning. The subject does not lend itself to a strict architectural, urban, or business history in the traditional sense of those terms. Instead, I have sought to integrate these spheres. Social and cultural factors are introduced when possible, though I have exercised caution in this realm, owing to the difficulties of accurately portraying complex and often elusive issues. An account that transcends assumptions and that documents in detail how retail development relates to people’s lives, habits, values, and attitudes toward community will require at least as much research as I have undertaken in laying some groundwork here. Lo do justice to the complexity of the subject and at the same time achieve an acceptable level of coherence, I have organized the text more or less chronologically, modifying the structure somewhat to give adequate emphasis to type and to district. Chapter 1 affords an overview of Los Angeles’s rise as a major

metropolis during the early twentieth century. Chapter 2 analyzes the importance of downtown Los Angeles, in both functional and symbolic

terms. After delineating how the city’s major department stores helped define the modern city center, the chapter focuses on the building boom of the

1920s, which at once strengthened downtown’s importance and led to the growth of outlying centers.

Chapter 3 examines the initial stage of decentralization prior to and just after World War I, when development was small in scale and localized in orientation, supplementing rather than competing with downtown. Chapter 4 addresses what was then often viewed as the next logical step, chronicling the rise of Hollywood during the 1920s as the region’s first major outlying business center, one that sought to replicate downtown in its basic form while surpassing it in retail function. Chapter 5 is devoted to the growth of new commercial districts along Wilshire Boulevard during the late 1920s and 1930s, which introduced the idea of building in the center of residential areas while selecting sites easily accessible to the motorist. By this means, the Wilshire precincts challenged Hollywood’s bid for supremacy and to a significant degree succeeded within a remarkably short span of time.

INTRODUCTION

Chapter 6 introduces the shopping center as an integrated business development, a place where control was a paramount concern and which eschewed metropolitan allusions. After tracing the type’s origins as a component of comprehensively planned elite residential enclaves, the chapter examines how, beginning in the late 1920s, the shopping center

| became a more independent and consequential factor in urban growth as a compelling alternative to the Hollywood and Wilshire models. The problem of accommodating large numbers of automobiles in

INTRODUCTION retail districts is discussed in most of the previous chapters but is the focus of the next. On the eve of World War I, Beverly Hills illustrated how

xviii the best planned of campaigns to meet motorists’ needs in a retail district failed due to the problems inherent in orchestrating change among a multitude of property owners. Concurrently, a more feasible course was charted at modest, locally oriented shopping centers, setting a key precedent for practices in the postwar era. Chapter 8 discusses the decline of the city center during the 1930s and 1940s, attempts to bolster downtown, and circumstances that made reversing the downward trend so difficult. While competition from outlying districts contributed to the situation, significant problems were posed by the size, arrangement, and density of the core itself.

Chapter 9 turns to the postwar period, examining the factors that spawned a new wave of retail development in outlying areas, unprecedented in its extent, and why the regional shopping center lay at the forefront of this program. Experimental in nature, these complexes seemed wholly new in location, character, and arrangement. Yet they were marked by a strong, persistent conservatism as well, driven perhaps more by habit than by conscious efforts to retain ties to the past. Chapter 10 backtracks to discuss the origins of an alternative approach that oriented retail complexes to a pedestrian mall. This approach had little appeal during the interwar decades save for specialty stores. The mall was resisted as a component of shopping centers; only through the unusual circumstances of federal sponsorship during the late 1930s and early 1940s were prototypical examples realized. The last chapter examines the tentative acceptance of the mall in business circles during the late 1940s, thence its meteoric rise as the optimal solution for large-scale undertakings. The prevailing attitude in Los Angeles was cautious at first; what could have been pacesetting designs never materialized. The first to be constructed in the region drew from examples elsewhere. Thereafter, beginning in the mid-1950s, acceptance was rapid and widespread. Like many studies that focus on neglected subjects, this book cannot begin to be definitive. Its ultimate value may lie in the questions it raises concerning both the seminal period it addresses and how the results have contributed to the sweeping changes in metropolitan growth patterns during the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when “sprawl” is becoming a code word for urban ills, much as “congestion” and “overcrowding” were two generations ago, we need to be careful not to condemn

in wholesale fashion the environment created in recent decades.? My argu-

ment is not to defend all that has been developed in the recent past, nor is it against current strategies for change, but only that we should not repeat the mistake of previous generations who dismissed cities of the nineteenth

and early twentieth centuries as wastelands. Only through understanding the modern metropolis can our choices for the future be informed, rational, and productive.

INTRODUCTION

BLANK PAGE

MAPS

MAP 1 Los Angeles metropolitan area. “1920 Motor Map of Los Angeles Vicinity,’ Touring Guide Publishing Company, 1920.

XXii (Geography and Maps Division, Library of Congress)

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MAPS

MAP 5 Regional shopping centers built in the Los Angeles metropolitan area between 1945 and 1960. Based on “Map of Los Angeles County and Vicin-

xXx ity, California,’ Map Company of America, 1959. (Geography and Maps Division, Library of Congress)

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as a wonderful ease gouth of Pleo, which has long been no parking Lon Ear Saeee Concealed: in themiven is reonly . ly bby Fas just beenasleased by.hou Frank , 930 _6./5 F )sas = os ee eabilit aehaa d opened a stock ‘i ae, ekeQ.7 , fcand Kimani? ee: itt = =a ne —— a) 5

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Rg a *) 74: 80UTH might, before long, vo eal inex Soller ing the no-narking hours at tho Wife 1 IN street, ithe present traffic. hat chen tno | : re 4 Moe einneer in tons ‘ FINN itl, < RNNias, tyes Standgra Inree, erene power-driven rollerakate 2 jing Main, Spring, nolving Broadway : Whenover Supt. Hillaro contends thatfrom when the ‘autos Ske An) ; 3 Footwoar ofthe Henry the $ani crossingn of cialfjdeliverice tobe mado alloys get ——————— out of the way h pS. aa (6: —_—-— ==and ee Finest as stare, buthelyfor singing “Merrily WeFord |+

; oe IEE Oke Coc t would BRB RA \| (Continued i4 d@ Children. 1d come so ERROR near #0)cltixens -etCommerc! mutica NBL Ok Pees), seathaiken ra SER AOE I be Ssenn aAte: . “ihen yvomen:an mw ,. aoe problem’ that PelLE ia |ft.Get onChe. Tenthwe Pergo.) 3 at | : ike ee Eee wsupcent —— rae

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Similarly, a second theater district will arise outside the no-parking area to cater to the matinee crowds, who customarily leave their cars downtown while attending the afternoon show... . These new theaters will have the advantage of cheaper sites, but will be in no wise inferior to the present big Broadway [in Los Angeles] playhouses. Such theaters are already in contemplation.’

The enormous investment represented by downtown real estate would,

in short, be devastated—a dire prediction at a time when most Angelenos, like other Americans, believed that the very essence of the city in symbol and function was a great center where tall office buildings, stores, hotels, and an array of public facilities offered every conceivable product _ Perils ofa Parkless Town.” (Las

and service. Angeles Times, 29 February 1920, II-1, Not long after the ordinance took effect that April 10, the Times’s unthinkable scenario began to unfold. Street congestion was sig-

nificantly reduced, but a sharp decline in banking and retail transactions also occurred. Many businessmen feared swift financial ruin, and a mounting sector of the public came to regard the ordinance as a draconian one, perpetrated by the much despised Los Angeles Railway Company to force the use of its streetcars instead of automobiles. An amendment was soon passed on April 29. Curbside parking was reinstated, now with a 45minute limit, between 10:00 A.M. and 4:00 P.M., banning parked cars only when traffic was at its worst from 4:00 to 6:15 P.M. The Times admonished the council for its previous mistakes, declaring that “the only good thing that can be said for the no-parking law is that it served once and for all to demonstrate the extent to which the automobile has become a part of our every day life.’ The paper quoted extensively from remarks made by Gilbert Woodill of the Motor Car Dealers Association: “What people seem slow to realize is that anything tending to speed up transportation, business or any other human activity is bound to be accepted and become absolutely essential to everyday life, even before the users themselves

realize it.” No episode prior to that time had made Angelenos so aware of the degree to which they depended on their cars and the influence this had in shaping their city. Over the following two decades no less than in the post-World War II years, that consciousness became a central factor in the undertakings of business and real estate interests, planners, architects,

and the general public in southern California. By the late 1920s, considering the motorist in the development of new areas was so commonplace as to be almost taken for granted. Ten years later, the cumulative result of this work had profoundly affected the configuration and appearance of the metropolitan area. Much of what the Times had foreseen in 1920 became a reality, despite the still ubiquitous presence of cars downtown. The core area was by no means “‘a thing of the past,” but its hegemony over the commercial life of the region was broken. Most specialized goods and services could be found in other parts of the city as well. Symbolically no less than in function the central district ceased to be of central import to the experience of many area residents.

| THE PERILS OF A PARKLESS TOWN

METROPOLIS Los Angeles was hardly unique among American cities in the widespread

use of the automobile and in the rapid changes that use fostered. Many other cities experienced the same kind of problems with downtown congestion and rapid dispersal of business.* What distinguished Los Angeles

was its newness as a major metropolis. In 1880 it had been a town of about 11,000 people. The speculative real estate boom that occurred over

METROPOLIS the ensuing decade generated a 351 percent population increase, followed by one of 103 percent during the 1890s. Still, by 1900 Los Angeles had

. only 102,000 inhabitants, fewer than Kansas City or Denver, less than one-third of San Francisco’s, one-fifth of St. Louis’s, one-tenth of Philadel-

phia’s. Then the population increased by more than five times during the next twenty years. By 1930 the city reached fifth place among those in the United States, with over 1.2 million residents. Development of the sur-

rounding area, inextricably tied to the city in its identity and economic life, made the figures even more impressive. Los Angeles County had over

936,000 people by 1920, 2,200,000 by 1927. The more than tenfold rise within the county limits during the first three decades of the twentieth century was by far the greatest rate of increase in any major metropolitan

area of the United States at that time. In sharp contrast to other places with over one million people—New York, Chicago, Philadelphia, and Detroit—the shape, character, and routines of Los Angeles were primarily determined by twentieth-century forces, including the automobile.° The upstart metropolis’s stature stemmed not just from the number of its residents but from dramatic increases in its territory, trade, finance, and manufacture. Completion of the Owens Valley Aqueduct in 1913 ensured an ample water supply for future development, spurring annexation of the San Fernando Valley among other areas.° The land encompassed by the city’s corporate limits increased 300 percent during the 1910s, from 89.6 to 363.9 square miles, with another 77.8 square miles added by 1930, making Los Angeles the world’s largest city in area. Development spread through incorporated and unincorporated precincts alike to encompass dozens of theretofore isolated settlements, rendering them functionally, perceptually, and often physically parts of a vast whole. These changes did not just emanate from the Los Angeles city center outward. Other communities such as Long Beach, Pasadena, and Glendale also rapidly expanded during the period.’ A sharp rise in the region’s economic base, especially in manufacture and other forms of production, was a key stimulus both to attracting newcomers and to decentralization. By the early twentieth century, Los Angeles County led the nation in agricultural output; however, the value of manufactured goods remained relatively modest at $15 million for the city in 1899. A concerted effort to lure industries to the region during the 1910s and 1920s, coupled with the availability of large areas of undeveloped land, abundant natural resources, and nonunion labor, contributed to altering the situation radically. By 1923, the value of manufactured goods was recorded at $417 million for the city, $1.2 billion for the metro-

politan area as a whole. Los Angeles ranked as the largest industrial center

on the west coast and eighth in the country by the decade’s end. Further impetus for industrial development came from improvements in both overland and overseas connections. The Port of Los Angeles, greatly expanded during the early twentieth century, handled almost as much freight as all other west coast ports combined, with gross tonnage transfers exceeded only by those of the Port of New York during the 1920s.° Large-scale industrial expansion, decentralized from the start, coupled with a major port facility situated twenty miles south of downtown, significantly furthered the diffusion of residential growth areas.

Rapid economic development was also an underlying factor in the widespread prosperity enjoyed throughout the metropolitan area, but it was not the only cause. Unlike most large American cities, still filled with contingents of poor, foreign-born immigrants, Los Angeles was comprised overwhelmingly of U.S. natives—85 percent of the white population in 1930.? Furthermore, many people came to the region after acquiring sufficient resources to enjoy the fruits of their labors. The newcomers, emphasized one observer in 1924, “had made their more or less modest stake, [and] sought not opportunity but comfort and health in a mild climate and beautiful surroundings.” Most were not rich; yet, as a journalist quipped, “Los Angeles has small use for poor people.” '? The idle life of “comfort and health” could breed restlessness. Many gained employment; others started ventures of their own; thousands invested, especially in real estate. The unusual degree of capital and skills that newcomers brought fueled the economy and fostered an optimistic, expansive mood. A very sizable portion of the newcomers moved from central portions of the country—from northern states such as Ohio, Illinois, and Iowa, and also from southern ones such as Oklahoma and Texas. Equally important was the preponderance of this “middle-aged middle class from the Middle West” with roots in small cities, towns, and rural areas. If financial gain did not initially loom large among their goals, neither did a quest for radical change in their living patterns. The yearning to savor the fast pace, the intrigue, the cultural stimulus, or the diversity associated with most metropolises seemed noticeably less pronounced in Los Angeles. One chronicler noted that while New York held the lure of an escape from a provincial home environment, Los Angeles was often seen as a place to enrich a way of life to which one had become accustomed. The newcomer “arrives there, not out of dissatisfaction with his own, not

out of a dominant conviction that he must find a new place on which to

scamper untrammeled.... He... stays... because the physical circumstances—the climate principally— permit him to live more fully the life he has always led.” As a result, “the town is merely an overgrown boy, precocious in mechanical bent. It remains a small town in atmosphere, in outlook, in activity, in its very self-consciousness, in all those attributes that give a community character. .. . [It] has become a magnified crossing of Dubuque and Kansas City.” Thus, while one of the largest cities in the nation, Los Angeles was felt to stand quite apart from places such as New York or Chicago." | THE PERILS OF A PARKLESS TOWN

8..

Not everyone found such an atmosphere agreeable. By the 1920s

numerous critics caricatured Los Angeles as a haven for farmers and boosters, a place possessing no semblance of sophisticated culture. One of the

best-known accounts of the period was written by Morrow Mayo, whose acerbic prose surely delighted eastern urbanites. Mayo cast Los Angeles as

an artificial city which has been pumped up under forced draught, inflated like a balloon, stuffed with rural humanity like a goose with corn... . It has never imparted an urban character to its incoming population for the simple reason that it has never had an urban character to impart. On the other hand, the place has retained the manners, culture, and general outlook of a huge country village .. . of a million population, a

METROPOLIS ; qq: ; remarkable sociological phenomenon; and that is precisely what Los Angeles is.'?

To some observers, attitude was as much a problem as size. One account showed no mercy:

The new Greece has its own established values. What it reads in Mr. Coolidge’s column is Wisdom. What it sees in the spectacular super-production is Art. The combination of these is Culture.

The new Greece is an amalgam of the Middle West and the movies—each, whether we like it or not, a dominant element in contemporary American life."

Many writers admitted that “of all American cities [Los Angeles] is the easiest to poke fun at.” Yet even some of those who scorned its cultural aspirations could admit that “Los Angeles is the most ‘American’ city.” Whatever the subject of disdain, it probably could be applied to

much of the nation. One observer saw virtue in Los Angeles as “the great American mirror,’ asserting that “as New York is the melting-pot for the peoples of Europe, so Los Angeles is the melting-pot for the peoples of the United States.” The city “is unique by virtue of her very universality, of the fact that she is typical of us all. Nothing is so rare as a perfect type.” That type was filled with contradictions: Its mushroom growth, its sprawling hugeness, its madcap speed, its splurge of lights and noise and color and money; and, against all this boisterous crudity, the amazing contrast of its cultured charm, its mature discrimination, its intellectual activities—this is sprung from American soil, and could come from no other. If we are a nation of extremes, Los Angeles is an extreme among us.'*

By the 1920s Los Angeles was at once typical and atypical. Like any other city, it had no shortage of prosaic people bent on pursuing limited, predictable routines. It had eccentrics and banal figures, who captured more than their share of the limelight in the press. But the incessant typecasting belied the city’s complex nature and, most importantly, the dynamics that made it far more than an inflated town. Southern California proved fertile ground for many persons capable of distinguished achievement— from the business figures whose cumulative endeavors became a major force in the national economy to professionals who gave Los Angeles national and international renown in fields as varied as film, architecture, and women’s apparel. Even critics who assailed the local tendency to conform often focused on aspects of the city’s life and landscape that resisted conformity. Angelenos in fact wanted their city to be like and unlike others at the same time.

The interplay of opposites was evident in many components of the urban fabric. The city’s basic development patterns derived from wellestablished models, yet the scale, the combination, and an array of unconventional departures yielded results that made Los Angeles seem unique.

The product often was heralded as preferable to the norm elsewhere, and often, too, had a significant influence on national practices.

SETTLEMENT Perceived and actual differences played a major role in attracting newcomers. Accounts depicting the region as an Eden—salubrious in climate, lush in vegetation, abundant in space, dramatic in scenery, absent the crowding, the filth, the slums, the poverty, the corrupt politics, the crime associated with large American cities—had proliferated for decades. The selling of southern California as a superior place became a standard practice during the boom of the 1880s. Half a century later, the promoters’ hyperbole was so integral to how visitors and residents alike viewed the region that it was widely assumed to be a self-evident truth: here even a person of modest means could settle in agreeable surroundings—very likely a house with a yard and garden— partake in an outdoor life amid almost perpetual sunshine, and still have all the amenities of a city. For many, Los Angeles was the essence of the American dream. In southern California the dream was realized on a large scale. Carey McWilliams, outspoken in deriding what he considered the prevailing parochial aura, nonetheless saw merit in Los Angeles as the least citified of American cities—a place that was “neither city nor country, but everywhere a mixture of both.” '° What made the region so unusual in this respect was not the particulars of its urban form but the extent of lowdensity settlement. Newcomers could tour the metropolitan area for days and see the freestanding house as the predominant residential type. Ample space existed in which to build more. In 1930 over 50 percent of the lots in the county remained vacant, and vast acreage had yet to be platted. The opportunities for development seemed limitless. The ways in which this space was used reflected both the prosperity of the populace and the time in which expansion took place. Occuring at a rate experienced decades earlier by most large cities, Los Angeles’s growth during the early twentieth century was shaped by new forms of transportation. Widespread use of the streetcar beginning in the 1880s, then of the automobile beginning in the 1910s, induced low-density development. As a result, the number of persons per square mile was markedly smaller than in other places of equivalent size."®

The freestanding, single-family house dominated the landscape of Los Angeles as it did no other American metropolis, continuing a pattern established well before 1900 when the community functioned more as a seasonal retreat.'’ By 1930, single-family residences comprised 93 percent of the city’s residential buildings, almost twice that in Chicago and sur-

I THE PERILS OF A PARKLESS TOWN

passing those found in Philadelphia and Washington. Well under half as many families lived in apartment buildings as in houses despite the substan-

tial increase in multiple-unit construction during the 1920s. At the decade’s end, single-family houses stood on more than 60 percent of all occupied lots within the city limits.'* Equally important to the character of the area’s residential districts was the sense of openness they imparted. Attached dwellings were al-

most nonexistent. Many houses were low in mass, containing one or one

SETTLEMENT and a half stories. Yards tended to be more generously dimensioned than those common to large eastern or midwestern cities; so were setbacks.

10 Lots with a 40 to 50-foot frontage and a 130 to 150-foot depth were the norm in many parts of the city. Except in a few concentrated areas, apartment buildings were modest in scale and scattered intermittently, even along arterial routes, rather than forming the dense corridors characteristic

of numerous major urban areas of the period. Many had a few units on two levels set off by a sizable yard on at least one side. The ambience projected by these tracts was much like that ofa small city or town in one of

the central states whence so many newcomers came—no doubt a key reason Los Angeles was so stereotyped by outsiders. The vastness far more than the character of its domestic territory differentiated Los Angeles from communities in the heartland (figure 2).'” Among the most striking contrasts between residential areas of Los Angeles and those of most other large cities was afforded by the tracts of workers’ housing developed to serve the large, decentralized industrial

districts, begun after the first world war, that lay to the east and south of the city center. In communities such as South Gate, Maywood, Belvedere,

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centralization between the 1880s and 1910s by extending over much of the Los Angeles basin. The size of this network now led to its obsolescence as the primary carrier. Streetcar line construction incurred so great a debt by 1914 that scant capital could be raised either for expanding lines or for building new ones.”! Limited funds, combined with what seemed to be unending operational problems, fueled public dislike for the Los Angeles Municipal Railway in particular. During the 1920s many Angelenos came to see mass transit as a nuisance more than a transportation lifeline. The Times and other influential organs repeatedly cast streetcars as relics whose demise would not be mourned (figure 4).” Before World War I, real estate development was closely tied to the streetcar in Los Angeles no less than in other cities; yet by the decade’s end, many of the choicest locations, convenient to streetcar lines, had been consumed. To meet the swelling demand for housing during the 1920s, two basic options were available. Established areas could be more densely developed, but the cost would be high and the process difficult, especially as most of the building stock was of recent vintage. The results

would destroy the openness that made the region so appealing and would rely on a disliked mode of transportation. The other choice was to continue to build at a low density by breaking the bond between land subdivision and rail transit. Scores of developers did just that by the early 1920s,

opening tracts distant from existing streetcar lines.” The abundance of vacant land combined with the soaring market afforded ample temptation to initiate such projects, despite the risks. The proliferation of these tracts indicated that a substantial number of people were in fact willing to drive on a daily basis.

RUTOMOSBILES “The automobile,” proclaimed one local car dealer in 1921, “is 10 per cent pleasure, 90 per cent utility and 100 per cent necessity.” His perspec-

tive, while clearly biased, was not much of an exaggeration. Growth in car : ownership ranked among the most striking of many such trends in Los tvioes teseuttad® elie exon by Angeles. Countywide, automobile registrations soared from about 16,000 Gale. (Los Angeles Times, 11 May 1920,

in 1910 to 110,000 in 1918; by 1923 they had increased by another 300 ey percent to 430,000; and several years later more cars were registered in the 5 county than in any one of thirty-nine states. One car existed for every 8.2 “Madam—how do YOU get around?”

- ads. (Los Angeles Times, 8 May 1928,

Angelenos in 1915 (compared with one for every 61 Chicagoans and one sscinihacainasaiaipacaiaasiiadiaiaa

for 43.1 people nationwide). By 1920 the ratio stood at one for every 3.6 at Capeiaie 1908 thon Angelenos (versus 30 Chicagoans or 13.1 people nationwide), an average Times. Reprinted by permission.

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ter moades, reflecting fashion’s latest tendencies of style.

| Wishing to offer our patrons the opportunity of viewing this showing at this time. we are opening our new shop before the final details of construction and furnishing are entirely complete.

SUITS COWNS HATS SPORT CLOTHES

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Oviatt was completed. Occupying over 56,000 square feet, the store

proper was situated on the second, third, and fourth floors so that the lucrative ground-level spaces could be leased to others. The savings in-

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curred, advertisements noted, were important in keeping prices low.” The opportunity for smaller retail operations to occupy buildings of their own in the business core diminished steadily with the construction of ever more multistory buildings. Nevertheless, some merchants found parcels of land that were deemed unsuitable for intense develop-

ry 8

ment, most of them scattered on residual lots between large-scale projects.°° More pronounced was the emergence of an exclusive specialty shop

zone at downtown's western edge, along Flower Street to either side of Seventh. Like that of Robinson’s, a Flower Street location carried appeal

because of its position on the fringe.*’ Well-heeled consumers could reach

Flower Street without encountering the worst downtown congestion. Flower was not a major thoroughfare and had no streetcar lines between Sixth and Tenth streets, facilitating automobile movement and curbside parking as well as keeping the price of land relatively low. The cost factor was particularly appealing to some Seventh Street merchants who were

seeing their rental rates rapidly increase as available property along that 24

corridor came ever more at a premium. Chappell store, 645 S. Flower Street, Los Flower Street’s transformation began at the start of the new de- Angeles, 1921, Richard D. King, archi-

cade. Initially the tone was set by Chappell, a stylish women’s clothing sone tha dagle'tne t Sasente store that had to vacate its Seventh Street quarters to make way for 1921, IN-2.) construction of a height-limit office block.** When it opened in 1921, Chappell’s new store contrasted with most commercial buildings in the city (figure 24). The front was cast in a historicizing mode evocative of the vernacular fabric of Hispanic towns, creating an intimately scaled, quasidomestic ambience antithetical to that of the contemporary urban core. Even more unusual was the provision for customer parking on the rear third of the site—probably the earliest case in the metropolitan area in which a surface car lot was created as part of a new retail facility. Other posh stores soon located nearby.” This trend, in turn, may have influenced the decision by Barker Brothers to situate at Seventh and Flower, two blocks west of Robinson’s—the one case in which a major store expanded the perimeter of the shopping district. Barker Brothers greatly enhanced Flower Street’s standing as a retail location but also changed its attributes, for with prestige came a rise in land values. A new scale and urban density was introduced in 1926, the year Barker Brothers opened, with the six-story emporium for Myer Siegel half'a block to the south. Soon Parmelee-Dohrmann, a store purveying costly china, silver, and glassware as well as objects of art, started building large quarters next door (figure 25).*° These initiatives, along with public works projects extending the street to make it more accessible, led some observers to predict that Flower would replace Seventh as “the street of smart shops,’ an exclusive precinct much like that emerging along Chicago’s North Michigan Avenue.*' Flower Street’s prominence proved short-lived, however. Development came to a halt in 1931, arrested both by the depressed economy and by competition from new outlying retail centers. Most stores either closed or relocated. Even in its brief heydey, Flower Street functioned as a subsidiary extension of a unified retail core rather than as a precinct in 1ts own right. Unlike Chicago and some other large cities, Los Angeles never developed a fashionable shopping area tangent to, yet distinct from, the core. Instead, its downtown structure remained more analogous to those of smaller urban centers — an Indianapolis or a Denver—tightly knit and closely tied to the drawing power of the major department stores.

Il THE PROBLEM SOLVED

The hegemony enjoyed by Los Angeles department stores helped

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ensure that the basic form, complexion, and character of the shopping district continued to be shaped by local interests during the 1920s. Furthermore, almost all leading retail business had reached a mature stage of development. Bullock’s ranked among the newest; most were founded before 1900 and some dated to the mid-nineteenth century, when Anglo-

oco

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American development was still in its infancy.” While many of these mercantile houses drew analogies between themselves and the youth, energy, and seemingly limitless potential for growth of Los Angeles itself, the retail

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growth occurred over the next five years, in the aftermath of the city’s first 26

major parking crisis, raising the total to over one hundred in 1925. Expan- Parking lots, downtown Los Angeles,

; dth Fs b ddit; 7 . . looking south on Flower Street from top

sion slowed thereafter; about twenty additional lots were operating in of Richfield Building. Photo “Dick”

1930. Combined, these facilities had a capacity of about 12,000 cars at a Whittington, 1930. (Whittington Collec-

. . . . University of Southern California.

time, one of the largest then found in the nation. Shghtly fewer automo- tion, Department of Special Collections, biles were accommodated at curbside spaces and in sheltered parking struc- nuversity of Southern California.)

tures combined.” 27

Car lots, as a rule, were developed by parties independent of the Grand Central Garage, 525-55 W. Fifth

bus; 7 4c qj ; b h Fs did . Street and 440-460 S. Grand Avenue, usinesses they served. Coordination between the two often did not exist Los Angeles, 1920-1921, Reed & Hibat the outset. Lot operators sought proximity to major businesses, of bard, architects; demolished 1988. (Los course, but had to convince property owners that a more profitable use Angeles Times, 15 February 1920, V-2.) of their land was not imminent. From the owner’s perspective a parking

lot was no more than a holding action—a temporary method of deriving income until the land was densely developed. Downtown Los Angeles’s rapid growth during the 1920s made the situation especially unstable. Even if the geographic area consumed by new buildings did not reach the proportions often predicted, the pace was fast enough to render any one car lot a short-lived enterprise. Approximately three-quarters of those operating downtown in 1920 became sites of construction over the next five-year period. Much the same rate occurred between 1925 and 1930. Only five of the lots that existed at the start of the decade were still operating at the end.**

The factors that affected parking lot location often ran counter to the convenience of patrons. Facilities close to key portions of the shopping district were relatively few. Many shoppers, some eighty percent of

Il THE PROBLEM SOLVED

whom were women, resisted walking even two or three blocks to a store from their car. Driving was still a new experience to most consumers and widely perceived as liberating and facilitating. The circuitous route taken, coupled with the time entailed in finding a car lot with space available, then in reaching one’s destination, seemed like an ordeal. Moreover, in many people’s minds, mobility was viewed as a right; one should not have to pay to park. As an exasperated realtor noted in 1930, women especially resented deducting the cost of automobile storage from their shopping

PARKING budget and frequently spent considerable time searching for curbside space instead. In a survey conducted by a prominent local real estate firm, the

46 great majority of respondents patronized downtown stores far less than they would have liked due to the parking conditions.” Besides the car lot, the most important kind of off-street parking facility was the multistory garage. These buildings enabled much more

efficient use of land, but at a high cost, owing to the strength required of the structure and the complex layouts needed for efficient vehicular circulation. Parking garages also necessitated a sizable staff if cars were to be

stored and retrieved with any speed. In sharp contrast to the car lot, the multistory garage represented a major investment, designed to last for a considerable length of time. Yet these behemoths did not generate as much revenue as did well-situated office buildings, hotels, or major stores. Thus the number of large garages in Los Angeles and other cities prior to the depression was relatively small. Like the car lot, garages tended to be on peripheral sites not far from the edge of concentrated development.” While no sizable parking garages existed in Los Angeles prior to World War I, ambitious projects began soon thereafter. In February 1920, plans were unveiled for the Grand Central Garage, boasting eight levels that would hold over 1,000 cars in addition to an accessories store, gasoline pumps, repair and paint shops, wash racks, and a chauffeur’s lounge (figure 27). When it opened, the facility ranked among the most capacious

of its kind in the nation.?' The building stood on the edge of Bunker Hill, at Fifth and Grand streets, then some distance from the main business blocks but close to where intense building activity was predicted—a forecast that soon proved accurate. Six other multilevel garages were constructed downtown between 1923 and 1928, though none exceeded the Grand Central’s size and most carried 500 cars or fewer.*? The first two successors rose nearby at Fourth and Olive streets, where the terrain likewise was so irregular that it held no appeal for office building construction. On the other hand, these peripheral sites enabled patrons to skirt the most congested areas when entering and leaving. Operators often emphasized accessibility so that motorists would see their garages as convenient destination points rather than the places of last resort (figure 28). Women customers were actively courted in at least several cases. Publicity emphasized the care with which cars were handled and the rooms provided for personal comfort. Irrespective of gender, the garage’s clientele probably differed somewhat from that of many car lots. Minimum charges at a garage could run twice that of a

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it opened in March 1928, the facility was heralded as a source of muchneeded relief both to the financial district and to the main shopping blocks nearby. The venture was an extravagant one. Thirteen levels were served by three vehicular elevators, rather than the usual ramps, in response to site constraints. The facade was decorously festooned to rival its ornate neighbors (figure 29). While the capacity of Hill’s nearly equaled that of the Grand Central, the project cost considerably more. The sponsors hoped their initiative would set a precedent: if enough garages comparable in capacity and convenience were erected, curbside parking could be eliminated and downtown streets would be relatively congestion-free.* The governing trend in the field, however, was less altruistic. The blocks west of Hill Street between Fifth and Ninth—where ample P land existed

and where the need was considerable—harbored only two garages at the decade’s end. Holding out for more profitable development remained the norm. Hill’s was the most splendid, but also the last, example of its kind

built in the city.” Like car lots, most parking garages were developed by parties spe-

cializing in that field and were not directly tied to other downtown businesses. Only on rare occasions did one of the latter build a garage to sustain or expand its clientele. Such facilities could generate some revenue

if open to general use, but most of their space was customarily reserved 0 for patrons, who could park without charge or at a greatly reduced one. Hill’s Garage, 413 S. Spring Street, Los

; ; ald, Jr., architect; altered. Opening adver-

Hotels were among the most frequent businesses to initiate such projects Angeles, 1926-1928, Kenneth MacDon-

in the United States, due to the rapidly increasing number of motorist trav- aisha daa

| 30

tisement. (Saturday Night, 3 March 1928,

elers. The earliest multilevel garage in Los Angeles opened in 1919 to 2) serve the Hotel Clark upon its completion.

P : May Company Garage, 218-228 W.

Department stores were the other leaders in this limited field.

Among the pioneers nationally was Scruggs, Vandervoort, Barney of St. Ninth Street, Los Angeles, 1926-1927,

Louis, which opened a 296-car garage in 1922 where customers could Curlett & Beelman, architects. Photo

57as ~ ; :as“Dick” Whittington, 1940. (Whittingpark free~for long two hours.”” Not long after the ca. St. Louis—based ve Pee ene ag - ton Collection, Department of Special

May Company purchased Hamburger’s, it embarked on one of the most ulvatans Ditietio oteandeed elaborate garages of its kind. Completed in 1927, the building housed 535 California.)

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y, _ - -

Il THE PROBLEM SOLVED

cars on six levels (figure 30).°* Unlike most such facilities, it lay less than a

block away from the store and was designed as a closely related part of the shopping district. Ground-floor space was leased to convenience stores, and the main elevations were composed to match embellished Broadway neighbors. Beyond accommodating loyal customers, the main reason for the venture was to draw others away from emporia on Seventh Street. Per-

haps for that reason, the building was sited to the south of the May Company store rather than to the west, where it might enhance competing

PARKING outlets. Soon thereafter, the Broadway department store joined the fray, purchasing the five-year-old Mutual Garage, the third largest in the city,

50 and allowing patrons two hours of free parking (versus the May Company’s one hour) with a one-dollar minimum purchase (figure 31). By that

time a number of merchants were striking agreements with car lot opera-

a‘| ITI | ee aesBROADWAY’ Mee re ae. , “Che ees eS ete oiRg/ GARAGE if | E é

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| A New BROADWAY Sertvice | i For BROADWAY Customers :

|: +) ‘+ ik fs.

; EEPING pace with modern merchandising service requirements, and with the .

i K problems of automobile parking in the metropolitan district, The Broadway ik has acquired a modern 7-Story fireproof garage at the north-west corner of ;

oy Fourth and Olive Streets, for the convenience of its customers. :

ch This spacious, modern garage (formerly the Mutual) is built with staggered floors, 1 F approached by ramps. It is close to the Store, easy to enter, and provides the most if A| modern parking facilities, Gas and oil are available, and courteous attendants will if

‘ i handle your car with utmost care. i i] Two Hours’ Free Parking | in a Convenient Garage |

: A merchandise purchase of $1.00 or more entitles customers to two HE

7 tional hour or fraction thereof. We

Bf hours’ tree parking service. A charge of 5c being made for each addi- -

Customers will simply have their garage check validated at the Infor- L

7 mation desk on our Street Floor, and this check presented to the Ga- lid : rage attendant will entitle you to the two hours’ parking without charge. 7

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with the fact that its footprint did not conform to the block sizes in the area where it was to be built, probably contributed to the venture’s demise.® A more modest plan for a garage, with the front quarter of each floor devoted to offices, was unveiled two years later, but likewise never left the planning stage.°’

Abrupt departures from the norm elicited interest, but never affected the formative tendencies of real estate development for downtown buildings. Most developers ignored the problem. On-site parking

was, after all, a luxury of which only a small fraction of a building’s work- 34 force could partake. However appealing such provisions, they were seldom = “Mammoth Office Building and Garage,”

considered an essential factor in a new business building’s success. At the Los Angeles, 1924, Howard Putnam

height of its growth and stature, downtown Los Angeles remained con- ee ckton ttn | spicuously congested, scarcely better equipped than it had been a decade before to deal with the specter of a “parkless town.” But parking, as it turned out, was only one of the perils facing downtown Los Angeles. Even as the central shopping district was reaching new heights in size and prestige, its regional dominance was beginning to be challenged by new outlying centers that were growing at a much faster rate.

If THE PROBLEM SOLVED

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Much of his energy was directed toward Hollywood, where all these concerns were based. During the 1920s he became a central figure in the development of Hollywood Boulevard, but he also had an interest in smaller commercial centers as well.” Taft’s work at Western and Santa Monica began modestly enough in 1917, with the construction of a block containing five store units and offices above—the first commercial building in the vicinity and one of the first along Western. When the property was sold in 1925, it was part of a booming center that contained over 200 businesses (figure 46). Land Taft had purchased for $50 per front foot now fetched $2,240, an increase of nearly 4,500 percent.* The success of this venture stemmed not from large-scale holdings by Taft himself, but rather from a six-year campaign to make the area attractive for development. Taft first improved access by

securing an extension of the municipal railway line in 1920—one of the few occasions when the creation of a transfer point proved successful in stimulating retail growth. The underlying aim was to attract other investors, whose projects the Taft Realty Company could finance and build. Many additional parties undertook projects on their own, convinced that the location was opportune. Some participants were in the real estate field as brokers or as developers, including Martin Kane, an associate of Taft's who built the Palomar Hotel in the precinct. Others were merchants, including P. A. BeHannessey, a supplier of movie props who expanded his business into the retail furniture trade; L. Felix, a Pasadena furrier who

opened a branch store; or the Ries brothers, who left a motion picture studio to establish a photography business. Yet others were investors who

employed third parties to realize the project.” 46 Taft also seems to have sensed the advantages afforded by two Santa Monica Boulevard, looking east to-

new phenomena: the chain store and the branch bank. A lease for one of cles Phew “Dik” Watingcn,. the first units of the Owl Drug Company to be situated away from the 1930. (Whittington Collection, Departcity center was secured for Taft’s building in 1922. About three years ear- ment of Special Collections, University

lier a store operated by Sam Seelig, then the largest chain grocer in the of Southern California.) metropolitan area, opened across the street. Branches of the Los Angeles Trust & Savings Banks and the Security Trust & Savings Bank were completed in 1922 and 1923, respectively.*’ Together, these businesses were as important as any other factor in stimulating growth.

CHAIN STORES The proliferation of chain stores during the early twentieth century was among the most significant developments in national retailing practices and one that ultimately had a profound effect on the nature of outlying business centers. Although the first chain store system in the United States—the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company— originated during the Civil War era, the phenomenon as a whole remained in a nascent stage at the century’s end. By 1929, however, chains accounted for 22 percent of gross sales in the retail trade, including about 40 percent of the

Ill WESTWARD HO FOR BUSINESS

retail grocery business and over 18 percent of the retail drug business.

The most spectacular period of growth occurred during the decade after World War I. Between 1919 and 1928, chain grocery store sales increased 366 percent, chain drug store sales 159 percent.” To many observers, it seemed as if chain companies were not only transforming the nature of retail business but becoming monopolies that would displace the independent merchant.

Chroniclers of the phenomenon during the interwar decades gen-

CHAIN STORES erally defined a chain as any company having two or more stores, based on the fact that many of the largest enterprises started with a single unit

72 and at first gradually expanded with a few additional ones. Yet the characteristics that made chain store operation significant were more numerous and complex. Around 1930 one analyst estimated that for chain methods to be fully effective in the grocery field a company needed at least fifty stores and could get the best results with at least two hundred.” A true chain operation had centralized management that included accounting, advertising, purchasing of stock, price and policy setting, and warehousing. The system entailed no main store, but rather multiple outlets of more or less equal statute, with standardized goods, pricing, hours, and other operational components.” The primary reason for the chain stores’ rapid growth was that they offered merchandise of sound quality at lower cost than many independent merchants. An estimate made in 1930 found an average difference in grocery store prices of 11.2 percent.*' The savings stemmed from a series of practices implemented or considerably refined during the 1910s. Chain stores enjoyed greater buying power than most independent retailers and thus could command lower prices from manufacturers and wholesalers alike. Many chains developed their own wholesaling functions, eliminating an array of costs traditionally incurred at that middle stage of distribution. Costs were further reduced through operating efhciencies. Credit and delivery services were eliminated; all items were sold on a cash-and-carry basis. Stock was pruned to goods that enjoyed mass appeal to promote rapid turnover (an item that sold once a month generated one eighth of the profit of one at the same price that sold twice a week). Rapid turnover also ensured that goods always appeared new, an important factor in customer appeal even when items were nonperishable. Many small independent merchants had a considerable amount of seldompurchased stock and lacked the time, and often the expertise, to develop efficient operational methods. A sizable chain could lure well-trained personnel who worked in specialized areas of management. Chains also could afford advertising in city newspapers, an expense too great for most retailers save the largest ones downtown. Physical attributes of chain stores further contributed to their widespread appeal. Through the 1920s, chains generally avoided having elaborate stores; most sought to minimize the investment per outlet. At the same time, considerable attention was given to appearance. Chains did much to raise the standard for a clean, orderly environment among small

and moderate-sized stores. Good lighting and ventilation were deemed essential. Store layout was under constant study both to improve its convenience to customers and to induce greater purchasing.” Chains spent no less time studying those factors that made the best sites for their outlets. Initially, when most chain stores were concentrated in the city centers, the focus was on analyzing the optimal places within the retail core. Mass transit stations and transfer points, as well as

other generators of extensive pedestrian movement such as a grouping of theaters, were key elements in determining the most advantageous site— what was termed a 100 percent location. The prices chain companies were willing to pay for purchase of, or a long-term lease on, a 100 percent location were enormous by the standards of the time and effectively pre-

empted independent competitors.» During the 1920s a significant portion of chain store growth occurred in outlying areas, which theretofore had been almost exclusively the domain of the small, independent retailer. From the chain’s perspective, this program’s purpose was to maintain proximity to the target audience. But the impact chains had on outlying areas was considerable. The high prices chain companies were willing to pay for a good location accelerated the rise of values on neighboring property. The very presence of a chain store led other parties to deduce that the area was advantageous for retailing. Chain store companies added fuel to this tendency by often locating near competing chains.** As a result, chain stores became a central factor in the expansion of established outlying areas and the emergence

of new ones. By the late 1920s, the extent and range of chain stores in a given center could be a valuable measure of its importance. Just as with the large downtown department store, the development of major chain companies occurred relatively late in southern Califorma. The type was virtually nonexistent there in 1910, when a handful of drug and grocery firms operated from two to six stores each, all of them situated in or close to the city center. By 1920 the situation had begun to change in the grocery business, with two companies operating thirty-nine and twenty-four units, respectively. The expansion rate was enormous over the next five years, with six major chains operating between fifty and 260 stores in the metropolitan area. All but one, Piggly Wiggly, were locally owned, and all but one other, H. G. Chaffee Company, either had a single store or did not exist at all in 1914.° The most units belonged to Sam Seelig, who had opened his first store in 1911 and two more in 1915. Three years later he had seventeen. By the time he sold his business to the northern California-based Safeway Stores in 1925, Seelig had 263 units. Expanding into the Los Angeles market was a major early step in the growth of Safeway to become a national chain. Growth through acquisition became a distinct pattern by the decade’s end. In 1931 Safeway acquired MacMarr Stores, which had entered the region three years earlier by taking over more than 200 units of two Los Angeles chains (E. A. Morrison and Von’s) and one in Pasadena (Crown Emporium).*°

II WESTWARD HO FOR BUSINESS

Between 1920 and 1930, the number of grocery outlets owned by chains with twenty or more units in Los Angeles proper rose from 63 to 418; their share of the groceries in the city rose from 03.8 percent of the total of 12.9 percent. Just two companies owned chains of this size in 1920; a decade later four did. Most other grocers with multiple units had only two or three and could hardly operate as full-fledged chains. Irrespective of chain size, the overwhelming majority of this expansion occurred outside the city center.

CHAIN STORES To independent retailers, a development program such as Safeway's, or Seelig’s before it, must have seemed like an all-out assault. Safe-

74 way operated small units, requiring no more than 2,100 square feet to house its mix of grocery, produce, and meat departments. This size enabled the company to adapt space in taxpayer blocks rather than commission its own facilities (figure 47). Expansion in a precinct was accomplished by opening additional units—as many as four in all—because Safeway executives believed most patrons walked to their stores and as a rule would go no further than about five blocks or a quarter-mile. This saturation strategy carried with it the assumption that some units might not succeed. Closing an unprofitable store did not incur significant loss,

however, due to the scale of the chain operation and the modest investment in each unit.°’ The emergence of a few firms controlling a substantial number of units also came to characterize the local drug store business during the 1920s. Here, however, expansion occurred at a much slower rate, in part because the cost of establishing a drug store was eight times greater on average than of establishing a grocery.”* At the start of the decade, only two chains of any size existed in Los Angeles: the Sun Drug Company (thir-

, teen units) and the San Francisco-based Owl Drug Company (six units). Five years later Owl had absorbed Sun and had thirty-seven units. The next largest competitor was Court Drug Company with nine units. Thirty-seven others had two or three stores. By 1930 Owl had not increased its base by much (to forty units), but remained well ahead of the others (Liggett had twelve units, Court eleven).*? Besides numbers, the most conspicuous difference between the major grocery and drug chains was that the latter were predominantly situated downtown— 39 out of 46 units in 1925; 42 out of 63 in 1930. Strong consumer identification with the individual druggists in a neighborhood made the position of independent operators far stronger than that of their counterparts in the grocery business. During the 1920s chain drug companies generally fared best downtown where their clientele was transient.*® But Owl in particular was seeking to make inroads into the lucrative neighborhood trade. The Santa

, Monica and Western branch was one of the first outside the city center. Between 1925 and 1930 most of the firm’s expansion occurred in similar places. Growth accelerated over the next decade, so that chain drug stores were a standard component of outlying business centers by the eve of World War IT.

The pattern varied with other types of chain establishments. Among the fifteen shoe stores with multiple units in 1920, the largest had five, two others had four. Out of a total of forty chain units, only one was situated beyond the city center. A decade later, the largest shoe chain had

ten units, the next nine, and eight others between four and six. The number of chain units had more than doubled to eighty-two, over a third of which now lay in outlying areas. Although no chain variety stores appear to have been operating in Los Angeles in 1920, at mid-decade there were at least fourteen, eight of which were in outlying areas. By 1930, twentythree units out of a total of thirty-three were outside the city center. Both types illustrate the fact that, irrespective of particular differences, many

prominent chain companies had targeted outlying areas as principal places of expansion by the decade’s end. Yet chains seldom if ever initiated the development of Los Angeles’s outlying centers prior to the depression. Aside from groceries, most chains came to these nodes after they were on

their way to assuming a distinctive form. Chains thus helped validate the mercantile strength of those centers in which they located, chosen over many others that might seem just as good in a period of fast-paced metropolitan growth. The branch bank was often a more important catalyst in the initial stages of an outlying center’s development. Los Angeles differed from many other cities in this regard because it was a national leader in decentralized banking activities. State legislation passed in 1909 enabled state

banks to establish branches in the same community as their respective 47

E ; : Bw Losbecame Angeles, ca. early/midfavorable in theBoulevard, country. Los Angeles the center of this activity i 1920s; altered. Photo 1925. (Hearst Col-

home offices. While this provision was not unique, it was among the most Commercial building, 2168-2170 Venice

due to the city’s large geographic area, downtown congestion, and the con- fketon.Depiranent of Seedet Colle: siderable amounts of capital brought by newcomers, and the local practice tions, University of Southern California.)

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III WESTWARD HO FOR BUSINESS

of the bank serving as an intermediary in real estate transactions. The success of a few initial ventures spawned a proliferation of branches after World War I. By 1925, nearly 140 branch offices could be found among Los Angeles-based banks. Five years later, the total approached 200."' More than most early chain stores in Los Angeles, the branch bank was cast as a pioneer in providing services theretofore associated with the city center. These major financial institutions could instill a greater sense of confidence among depositors and had far greater resources from

CHAIN STORES which customers could secure loans than small, independent banks.” Branch banks were seen as a major stimulus to retail growth in their vicin-

AC ity. Furthermore, at a time when elaborate commercial buildings outside downtown were still the exception, the branch bank became a local landmark, adding distinction and a sense of legitimacy to an emerging business node. Before the 1920s, small storefront quarters, much like those of retail establishments, were commonplace for neighborhood banks in cities nationwide. As branch expansion became more competitive, designs changed markedly. In 1926, the senior vice-president of Security Trust indicated his objective “to erect a building that will stand out as the best in

the locality. . . . It is good business for the bank, . . . a good-looking building adds to its prestige and attracts the best class of people; it inspires other property owners to follow suit; and it serves in both a commercial and cultural sense to raise the whole tone of the community” (figure 48).*° In both its physical embellishment and its broadening of choices available to consumers in outlying areas, the branch bank prefigured the branch of the major downtown store, which had a key impact on the rise of new shopping districts by the decade’s end.

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Hollywood commercial center, Holly- - >

Gee et een en ee of trade was the first wave of branch store development among prominent wood Boulevard at Wilcox Avenue, lookraicede Htete Te aliiedh local and national downtown-based retailers. Specialty stores in apparel 1922. (Security Pacific Historical Photo- and accessories led the way, among them Schwab’s (1921) and Mullen &

graph Collection, Los Angeles Public Bluett (1922) in men’s clothes, Myer Siegel (1925) in women’s clothes,

) Innes (1923), Young’s (1923), Wetherby-Kayser (1923), and C. H. Baker 52 (1925) in shoes, and the New York Hat Store (1924).° Hollywood boasted Library.)

Mullen Bluett store, 6316 Hollywood ~ -I.-Magnin, :.; eerie etek ee& eta tn the first branch of the distinguished San Francisco emporium Boulevard, 1921-1922; W. P. Fuller & a a oes: - which opened in 1923. A second Bay Area clothier, Roos Brothers, folCompany store, 6318-6322 Hollywood

Boulevard, 1922; and Witzel Studio 6324 lowed six years later.’

Hollywood Boulevard, ca. early 1920s; all Numerous other well-known businesses built Hollywood outlets buildings or altered. Photo :4; —— ae as demolished The paint manufacturer W. P. Fuller erected large store before 1928.well.(Security Pacific Historicala oe ~ in 1921. Photograph Collection, Los Angeles Barker Brothers opened a multistory, 50,000-square-foot facility mn 1927,

Public Library.) for a brief period southern California’s largest branch outlet. Showrooms were built for Maytag (ca. 1925), Frigidaire (1927), and General Electric (1928) at a time when major household appliances were still regarded as new emblems of attainment.* Yet other branches such as the Platt Music

Company (ca. 1922) catered to the recreational pursuits of the well-to-do. Fancy restaurants of the sort then primarily identified with downtown also appeared: Paulais (1924), the Elite Catering Company (ca. 1926), and Pig N’ Whistle (1927). Chain drug and food stores could be found in considerable number by 1926; variety stores (F. W. Grand, J. J. Newberry) somewhat later (1928—1930).’

By 1930 Hollywood had some 300 stores along the heart of “The Boulevard” and probably 100 more along nearby side streets. Promotional efforts emphasized the small-scale ambience of the district’s stores,

where one could purchase goods in an intimate, convivial atmosphere.

Hollywood not only lacked the traffic of downtown Los Angeles, boosters claimed; it also lacked the pressing crowds, particularly those segments

of the population that a well-heeled clientele found undesirable.'” Most stores were of modest dimensions and many were boutiques. Hollywood Boulevard was cast as a great collection of specialty shops unsurpassed any-

where in the region. Some leading branch and chain stores looked the part, with buildings that were considerably more elaborate—inside and out—than facilities in other outlying centers prior to the late 1920s (figure 52). Yet the majority of buildings were of a conventional cut." Hollywood's distinction lay with the scope of its businesses, not with their physical attributes. At the end of the boom, the commercial

center no longer resembled that of a midwestern town, but rather that of a moderate-sized midwestern city (figure 53). Just as with a city, the specialty store was only one part of the equation. While promoters stressed exclusiveness, they also cultivated the mass-market appeal of a metropolitan center. Soon after the first world war, business leaders began to pursue the development of a large department store as a catalyst for retail growth. By October 1921, Charles E. Toberman, a major landholder along Hollywood Boulevard and a key figure in advancing its business development, announced plans for a large emporium. When the building opened ten months later, Toberman noted that he had tried to interest prominent Los Angeles businesses in Hollywood but was always rebufted due to a lack of distinction in local outlets. Thus, “I determined to build a department store, .. . not only [because]

...1t would be good business .. . but because . . . it would do more to hold business in Hollywood than any other one thing.’ '” Initially called the C. R. S. Company and soon renamed Robertson’s, the department store did in fact stimulate retail growth. The building rose four stories and contained some 46,000 square feet, making it by far the largest store in Hollywood and among the largest outside downtown Los Angeles when it opened. Yet the business was a new one, with-

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1929 (figure 77). The site represented a far greater leap than those taken by Hamburger’s and Robinson’s half a generation earlier.

The site also lay two blocks from the nearest major intersection, Vermont Avenue (figure 78). A location at a key corner lot was an essential characteristic of downtown department stores, and was held to be just as important for outlying areas. Both Bullock and May had adhered to

that pattern when securing land at the Wilshire-Vermont intersection in the mid-1920s. But now the company changed its approach, deciding that the extent of automobile traffic at a primary juncture would inhibit the motorists that were the store’s target audience. Being somewhat removed from this vehicular confluence enabled motorists to enter and leave the premises apart from congestion.*' The essential aspect of the siting was accessibility by car from the Wilshire district itself and from well-to-do areas further afield. As primary commuting routes, Wilshire Boulevard, Vermont Avenue, and Western Avenue facilitated access. The building’s tower, illuminated at night, served as a beacon to guide customers and to remind everyone that the store had arrived (figure 79). Bullock’s was in essence its own skyline, as if to underscore the point that when a destination was easily reached by car, a concentrated shopping district was not needed. Such an approach to locating large stores had little precedent at the time Bullock’s was planned. Some inspiration may have been derived from the Pasadena Furniture Company, which for a number of years was

the only large store outside downtown Los Angeles to advertise regularly in the area’s leading papers. Among the advantages of driving to Pasadena

rather than entering the Los Angeles city center, the company stressed as early as 1920, was an abundance of unrestricted parking (figure 80). All that space, however, was curbside, and while the store’s location was

on the edge of downtown Pasadena, it was nonetheless part of that shopping district.” A more profound break from convention was inaugurated in 1925 when the Chicago o mail order house Sears, Roebuck & Company en-

Y 78

tered the retail business. Sears chose outlying areas in which to situate its large, full-fledged department stores (“A” stores was the in-house term) as

a direct result of increasing automobile use among its target clientele. General R. E. Wood, the company’s new vice-president who conceived and

directed the initiative, was explicit on the matter: Wilshire Boulevard looking east at Vermont Avenue, Los Angeles. Photo

With a larger and larger proportion of the population possessing automobiles, the prob- seal taease tess io

: oS 5 DI [ ; Pe a 8 ; P “Dick” Whittington, 1934. (Whittington lem of parking space, traffic congestion and resulting inconvenience to downtown shop- . ey re

= F x Collection Department of Special Collecox ta iis tions, University of Southern California.)

pers became more and more serious. The automobile made shopping mobile, and this Bata sled mate mobility created an opportunity for the outlying store, which with lower land values,

could give parking space; with lower overhead, rent and taxes, could lower operating 79 costs, and could with its enlarged clientele created by the automobile offer effective Bullock’s Wilshire, advertisement. (Los

competition to the downtown store.” Angeles Times, 17 December 1929, II-8.)

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: Bosges 44) >49) His y ,bard - _— .“ACCESSIBLE” ———# c? ~=-OR aaa -ie xS A fa7,Wh =‘Figewods —that is=we the i: B5 ‘ae f€}} ;word = = for 33 ; eaj2Ry

( Oa il: ; = — Be €:

‘ R Hip fx 1 = BULLOCK’S-WILSHIRE = RAY = Ns

qi ‘ mags) 4 s 3 = Easy to reach, no matter where you live—right at the (== aS

;i Li Eg = hub of incoming fromand the beaches, the footai Lft cain} : ‘= hills, thearteries valleys the suburbs. g -_ i eBS é AS

4, i (Y . G7 aF Fo, = ‘

My GrorsVenses eee ae == Once here, theservice. complimentary parking of yourto carthe is ==a ;&: He b) iGH Uhtba9Ce ae 6 = a Bullock’s-Wilshire The best entrance TS

Se) ifHK ie $7>* 4 7S Motor Court is over Wilshire Place, southe from — ee eee: ie hy on 4 aS e MRL 4CRA sDPa= gla aNor : =doesWilshire Boulevard. i and P meee 4, pasts \ K + 34 OAR ae a = convenience stop with your coming 4 = i Ee Pips aM tg \\Wya® Bey. ft" »: = the parking of your car. Within, a new shopping jo = eS AA eeIga

WAG, \ NA eRe? . x = page hopping joy : | mie

yy) ‘Hogs \\ NR : ae ‘4 Sr Son Reire Pisite a2 zt = awaits you—a comfortable, hospitable spaciousness, yet = % : : cae! ©

4Vy

120 : to seleet from our entire furniture stock at i il "e a | ot ees , values. We can serve you well, no matter ye ir | ‘D ee

where you live. | i rea a a= == [= ; ~ || WZ, HP fh i itHai ve,re od je 2 ,eg¢hgp i Hy iD

ee

|| 83QFEURAITURE CO. i E io eee to 91 N. Raymond, Pasadena. ie | i aN =a From the start, Sears’s “A” stores were expansive buildings—many con-

tained around 100,000 square feet—with large parking lots to the side or rear.** Proximity to one, even two, mass transit lines helped determine the location of early stores; the sites that were chosen, however, clearly indicate that convenient access by car was the primary consideration. The nature of Sears’s operation was, of course, entirely different from Bullock’s. Sears skillfully adapted chain company methods to bring large quantities of staple goods to people of moderate means. Men initially comprised the target audience more than women. Most downtown department stores placed little or no emphasis on the kinds of merchandise that

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were Sears’s stock in trade. Sears relied heavily on self-service. Many of Sear’s first retail stores were somewhat utilitarian in character inside and out, appearing much like the warehouses from which the company’s mail order business was conducted.* Not surprisingly, department store executives snubbed the upstart operation; only after World War II would they publicly acknowledge their debt to Sears’s merchandising practices and store development program.** The Chicago company’s performance in the

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retail field could hardly be judged from a long-term perspective when Janning for Bullock’s got under way. Yet no major retailer could help tak-

ing notice of the constant barrage of news that appeared in Women’s Wear Daily (the Wall Street Journal of the apparel trades) on Sears’s building program—sixteen large retail stores by the end of 1927, over fifty two years later—and the enormous profits it was yielding. Department store executives may have pretended to ignore Sears, but at least some were watching the company’s meteoric rise closely.*’ Anyone in Los Angeles who cared to study the situation could do so firsthand. Two large stores for the city were announced in December 1926 and opened the following summer as part of the first wave of

Sears’s aggressive expansion program. One was an immense building east

of downtown at Olympic Boulevard and Boyle Avenue; of its 425,000 square feet, 125,000 were for retail purposes, the rest for mail order operations (figure 81). The other outlet, at Vermont and Slauson avenues in the Southwest district, contained some 90,000 square feet and was designed for retail purposes only (figure 82). Beyond general similarities of size and location, the Sears and Bullock’s stores shared other characteristics. Among the most obvious was the expansive car lot. Sears was the first large-scale retailer in Los Angeles to have this element as an integral part of its site plan, Bullock’s the second

(figure 83).°? A prominent tower distinguished Sears’s mail order buildings 80 and became a ubiquitous feature of its “A” stores as well. These towers Pasadena Furniture Company, 83-91 N.

a . Raymond Avenue, Pasadena, 1914; al-

served the practical purpose of enclosing a water tank that supplied the

sake : tered. Advertisement. (Los Angeles Times, building’s sprinkler system, but they were also devised as landmarks for mo- 4 May 1920, II-8.) torists, clearly identifying the relatively remote sites on which they rose

. Equally 1 as ‘ IC |

81

(figure 84). Equally important was the strong physical presence of the a ee eee eran Sears Olympic Boulevard facility. This exposed-concrete pile, strikingly store and mail order building, 2650 E. modeled as a varied yet unified mass and resting on high ground above Olympic Boulevard, Los Angeles, 1926—

Bric ick 1927, George C. Ni s&C ,

the railroad yards and the Los Angeles River, could be seen for miles eorge C. Nimmons & Company

: aie: Seah architects; altered. Photo late 1920s. around to an extent shared by almost no other individual building Recetas Date Wiinaredl Bhotragh

in the city. Collection, Los Angeles Public Library.) r—r—”—“‘OSCOCOCOCOUCOUdri first twoannounce retail they you merchandise of because depend-¢ eal

: department stores which, we are quality at lowest - build; : ' every dayable in the business year.prices. We goThis on means 4 Ss }:i

Ba record before the doors store Bi Arh : SH oe now, are opened. On every article of youeither purchase @ €)ySAG. TNA

. ° alr 25

The firet one will be at Vermont you will actually see a definite, worth while is ( { ie i 3] [Psy and Slauson Avenues. The secsaving. Nnae ii iBimlina ond one willtop be of at that, Ninth Street and Boyle aI Avenue. On every transaction with / uyselitat these stores will be covered by our un- Tags

Each location is, as you know, easy of restricted guaranty of absolute satisfaction \ Ne A | ad

access. It centers in a large residential area. or your money back. & r; ae . aha eta

It can betransportation reached onlines. convenient thoroughins ;location, , : —\{we | aiin-i.aebhi | hve fares and _ When you are near either me | vite you to watch their progress and see how 8 | 1h Bf a

Escaping the congested traffic sections we are preparing to make everything most ) | at i ied ; location : : convenient for you. i)fetre each appeals to the motorist. Ap- :H |Ry

preciating this, we are creating ample Knowing that which you will | =il| !FyBies parking space beside each store. You can free the business policy has appreciate earned ys BB drive in, park your car as long as you wish, for us more than eleven million ee |ai and do your shopping free from worry. ilies as customers, and an annua Te)yiog

- , yy ~ . | es. au

, } volume of three hundred million a: We ae ny

| “id& oo oey @ sit a OF

Bach of these new stores enjoys the ful flags we feel that our entry int aol ey Re

advantage of our distinctivein merchandising spirit of one4of bs the fastest Pe! { a i yi! policy. cities the world. Fj‘growing Hee ae, i MeNE =’i hd 8 ore * Be t

Sp a- Se ie Plenty of Free

ill Parking Space

— eee ee LLL LLL LL LLL LLL

among the largest New York branches of the period and also had unusually generous provisions for off-street parking: a terraced rear lot accommo-

dating 250 cars.” Despite these early initiatives, the lone-wolf store failed to gain much favor during the extensive branch development program

that occurred in the New York area prior to World War II. The maverick in Philadelphia’s branch development was the venerable Strawbridge & Clothier department store. Its first outlying unit was built in 1929-1930 as part of an integrated business development, later called Suburban Square, that lay directly across the Pennsylvania Railroad

from the Ardmore town center, then the largest shopping district serving Philadelphia’s Main Line communities.*° The immediate success of that store prompted Strawbridge’s to commission a similar but larger com-

,%"i\ee 84 Agie ee ;ee : mt re eS

plex—the first major department store branch planned from the start as the anchor unit of an integrated retail complex (figure 87).*” The site lay several blocks beyond the shopping district of Jenkintown, which func-

% ie Seas, Roebuck & Company advertisewe Bt ee ment for Los Angeles stores. (Los Angeles

oo ee Times, 19 June 1927, II-16.)

ies : ~~ 2. Se

. SS coe Po ae Best & Company store, 590 E. Boston ee tee Oe Post Road, Mamaroneck, New York, \ — , io >Re sige 1929-1930, Edward Necarsulmer, archi-

\q4eelsk. " re Srrrt—tCiSGS - OS 7 a Ozee a - Bie — i. Sl tC cae OR ry a ee |,||_«°_=_[| se ae tect. Photo author, ;

in Ree es llllelltttrti—“—i—OsOOOOS EC - —— | 2 | —ee——“( ele Franklin SimonCNN & Company store, 95— gh gg CS lc ert—~—‘( RS me ls | | ee oe, | a _ ry ? | : Bi 2. 101 W. Putnam Avenue, Greenwich,

J uel oe pn oe a fe Connecticut, 1931-1932, Edward Necar-

- : SCee e—=ERE el ter ne imme re sulmer, iii ON architect. Photo author, 1992.

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VI AGUARA ij NTE ED NEIGHBORHOOD

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Janss may not have conceived so variable a development at the outset. In contrast to the Vanderlip syndicate and many other large-scale real estate enterprises of the period, the company seldom revealed its intentions except on a piecemeal basis when the sale of property was about to commence. The subdivisions on Letts’s rancho were most likely planned on an incremental and pragmatic basis. Similar circumstances characterized

the creation of the shopping center dubbed Westwood Village. Half a dozen years earlier, when the first parts of the Westwood subdivision were opened in 1922, property along Santa Monica and Westwood boulevards was set aside for commercial development. Hoping to entice motion picture studios to locate nearby, Janss dubbed the corridor “the Second Hollywood.’** Here, it was hoped, would quickly rise a business center similar in scale and function to the burgeoning one on Hollywood Boulevard (figure 113). Little came of the effort. Among the problems was the bisection of Santa Monica Boulevard by a Pacific Electric car line, whose more even grade imposed physical as well as psychological barriers to motorists. A decade after the scheme was launched, most of the frontage remained vacant (figure 114). The episode underscored the fact that even with considerable resources at one’s command and an attractive general location for business, an outlying center could not be willed into existence. For every Miracle Mile, there were many visions soon forgotten. By 1925, Janss began to focus on land north of Wilshire, including a very large tract named Westwood Hills, which was marketed to an afHuent audience. A year later, the regents of the University of California chose a 384-acre section in the center of Westwood Hills as the permanent home of the recently created Los Angeles campus, a move Janss took vigorous steps to help consummate. The university was seen as a major stimulus to surrounding development, attracting not just faculty but many persons of means who believed proximity to an institution of higher learn-

ing enhanced land values. Furthermore, the substantial enrollment of 6,000 that was projected for UCLA when it began operating its new campus in 1929 would no doubt accelerate growth of nearby subdivisions. These factors served as a catalyst in Janss’s decision to create a large commercial center on adjacent land. The Santa Monica Boulevard fiasco no doubt contributed to taking an entirely different approach: the second

; ; ; 114

attempt to rival Hollywood was carefully planned.” Soon after the UCLA location was finalized, Janss began preparing a scheme for Westwood Village. Almost three years were given to research and programming before ground was broken on the first buildings

in March 1929. To guide the process, Janss hired Harland Bartholomew, a

se h i | ds’ q . Santa Monica Boulevard looking east,

St. Louis planner whose reputation rivaled the Olmsteds’, and L. Deming sities Se Cesta Boulud thes

Tilton, a former Bartholomew employee now living in Santa Barbara and “Dick” Whittington, 1931. (Whittington active in the recent reconstruction of that town center. Bartholomew and Collection, Department of Special Collec-

‘ : : : tions, University of Southern California.)

Tilton worked closely with Gordon Whitnall, director of the Los Angeles City Planning Department. They also surveyed a number of new retail 115

. . . : . Westwood Village, West d Boulevard

centers that were considered premier examples of their kind in other parts Ie Pe ae tot pay,

aah en ” and adjacentand streets between Wilshire See Boulevard Le Conte Avenue, Los

rte :

Accessibility was deemed of paramount importance to the ven- Angeles, begun 1928, Harland Bartholo-

ture’s success. The site lay between Wilshire Boulevard, which had be- mew and L. D. Tilton, planners. Aerial

: : s ; view looking north, Wilshire Boulevard

come the major route west from Beverly Hills in the previous few years, J

in foreground. Photo ca. 1937. (Los

and the main entrance to the university (figure 115). Perhaps influenced hesceluc Conny Musas Mackal by the layout of the centers at Palos Verdes, the plan excluded commercial History.)

of a ae ee em ee ee

VI A GUARANTEED NEIGHBORHOOD

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VI A GUARANTEED NEIGHBORHOOD

of a then unconventional sort (figure 125).°° Two entire blocks in the complex were allocated for the purpose, their perimeters embellished with masonry walls and landscaping. Like everything else at the Plaza, these spaces were celebrated as an asset and accorded the dignified name of “parking stations.” Customers would have no trouble finding them becuase their siting was conspicuous. Instead of driving to the back of the property, one could leave the car facing the storefront ranges. The generous allotment of space made maneuvering easy; one did not have to entrust an attendant

WESTWOOD VILLAGE with the car. For all this convenience, there was no charge. However logical the solution might seem in retrospect, 1t was far

‘74 from a customary one at a time when off-street parking space was seen as at best an unfortunate necessity that added to urban blight. Even at the Miracle Mile, most parking areas were utilitarian in character. Nichols took a bold leap forward in dedicating primary space for what was still generally seen as a tertiary use. The sites that were so centrally placed for the motorists were in key locations for stores, and most real estate develop-

ers would not have considered using them for any but the latter purpose. Nichols had the foresight to realize that without adequate parking space, his whole venture could be put in jeopardy. The Plaza’s block configura-

tion precluded interior lots, but it is doubtful that Nichols would have taken that option even if it had been possible. At his direction, the parking lot became a hallmark of the modern shopping center. It was not a square on which cars could park, as at Palos Verdes, but a place designed expressly for cars and for the people who drove them. The Plaza’s parking stations were completed months before the first stores opened at Westwood Village; nevertheless, Janss’s approach to

the situation remained akin to Nichols’s initial approach half a dozen years earlier. A much-touted feature of Westwood’s layout was a fifteen-foot setback of all buildings from the service alleys to create room for employee

parking so that customers would have no competition in finding a diagonal space along the wide streets. But right from the start, employees resisted using the alleys, and they continued to do so despite repeated efforts by the business association. Stronger measures proved unenforceable. As early as 1932, parking space was said to be at a premium. Matters only got worse when the Los Angeles Police Department challenged the legality of diagonal parking, a matter not resolved until 1937. By the decade’s end at least one store, Desmond’s, had its own lot, and several other vacant parcels were appropriated for parking.’ Still, lot sizes were small, locations were scattered, and their relation to store sites was often less than ideal. Employees continued to pose a problem. Janss gave no public sign of interest, leaving the business association to struggle for improvements. After World War II, the problem worsened.** More lots were created, but restrictions increased and several charged fees. New construction fueled demand. Westwood Village was in danger of becoming parkless. Yet the importance of Westwood Village as a commercial center was not seriously eroded by its parking problems at midcentury, in large part because competing districts were faring no better. Bullock’s and Sears

had achieved an effective parking solution for their lone-wolf stores, but shopping districts created in Los Angeles during the interwar decades failed to keep pace with the ever mounting demand for land where customers could conveniently and safely leave their automobiles. A. W. Ross

was the most visionary of Los Angeles developers in that realm, yet he underestimated the extent of space required or how fragmenting that space undercut its value to the entire enterprise. The Janss Company neither

understood the parking problem at the outset nor changed its viewpoint once the problem became more evident. Only after World War II did the idea begin to gain acceptance of creating wholly new configurations for shopping centers based upon the demands of off-street parking. This approach would not have been possible, however, without the earlier demonstration of the considerable advantages afforded by a comprehensive

approach to retail development, for only through that approach could adequate space be allocated to automobiles. In the long run, it was not the guaranteed neighborhood but the imperatives of retail development that propelled the shopping center type into the mainstream. As parking problems mounted in the late 1930s, the groundwork was laid for their resolution.

VI A GUARANTEED NEIGHBORHOOD

LSM ORT IT rae to] Recitiguncren’ eee any aun

entetas aie Aipreaetereatsm ennmane tnaraenescsememenee Be Seca eeeaneree ne2. d eee tserh - TE . bovett . core eee sharma Perna 4 ne coer au rea eee eeESS aaRnatte bes eae Ske SR Beea Cree anaes toga pares Hes SuSE os Se sree 3seis Sane eat, ie

Southern California, we cordially invite you to QQ

visit Beverly Hills at our expetse and prove for

yourself the truth of these assertions. Call at office for complimentary tickets.

Percy H. Clark Co. $900 Up | Managers

311-312 H. W. Hellman Bldg. Size 80x 160 Up sioned Wilbur Cook, a landscape architect from New York, and Myron 126

; ; or Beverly Hills, showing business

Hunt, an architect recently arrived from Chicago, to prepare a detailed de- a oem uy everme sion.’ While modest compared to the later Palos Verdes plan, the scheme district in left half of triangular section. set an important precedent in the region for the cultivation of naturalistic (Los Angeles Times, 22 September 1907,

features, including curvilinear streets and open space reserved for parks. V-15.) With development began extensive planting campaigns. Utilities were relegated to alleys bisecting the long blocks. Almost the entire section north of Santa Monica Boulevard was reserved for substantial, single-family residences, with use strictly controlled in other sections as well. The care paid to these provisions and to overall appearances of the community became an integral part of the municipal government’s function once Beverly Hills

VII A HINDRANCE TO BUSINESS

was incorporated as a city in 1914. Growth remained slow until after World War I. A population of only 674 in 1920 swelled to over 17,000 a decade later. By that point, Beverly Hills was supplanting Hollywood and the Wilshire district as an area of choice for Los Angeles’s elite.

Beverly Hills also set a regional precedent by limiting commercial development to a single precinct with prescribed boundaries. The north and south borders were clearly defined by the community’s two

principal thoroughfares—Santa Monica and Wilshire boulevards—which

BEVERLY HILLS converged at the western end, and by a connecting street, Crescent Drive, at the eastern end (figure 126). By virtue of its configuration, the area

180 soon became known as the Business Triangle. Beyond containment, however, little oversight was accorded to commercial development. Lots were sold on a piecemeal basis to anyone willing to purchase them. The type and caliber of commercial enterprise as well as the character of the build-

ing that housed it were left to the discretion of the owner, perhaps because it was assumed that commercial development would reflect the

upper-end market to which it catered. Construction of retail facilities began almost immediately. The first store block opened in 1907 and would not have been out of place at Roland Park or Lake Forest.*> Subsequent work, however, was often less genteel in character; much of it was of a

sort common to arteries throughout the metropolitan area. Though probably unintentionally, the Business Triangle’s layout proved conducive to diffuse development and hence a dispersal of curbside parking—an arrangement consciously planned at Westwood Village. Unlike most outlying commercial districts, it had no central intersection of major arteries, such as Hollywood and Vine, that could form a nucleus for dense building. Nor did the arrangement lend itself to concentrated arterial growth. During Beverly Hills’s first major wave of business development, between the mid-1920s and the depression, both Santa Monica and Wilshire boulevards grew as automobile thoroughfares more than as commercial corridors. Wilshire did attract some large-scale projects, including the eight-story Beverly-Wilshire Hotel (1927-1928), the earliest major undertaking in the community that was distinctly urban in character and reflected the metropolitan aspirations of local boosters. Yet the hotel re-

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opment. These first examples contrasted markedly with Westwood Village

and other ambitious projects planned in the previous decade. The new generation were smaller—‘“neighborhood” centers, they would soon be called—containing up to around twenty stores, with a supermarket as the anchor tenant.*’ They were oriented to routine needs, although variety, apparel, and accessory stores might be included. Their audience was local and largely middle-income. Elsewhere in the United States, neighborhood shopping centers had emerged during the 1920s as an outgrowth of comprehensive community planning efforts generated by reform concerns, and were the direct descendants of the earlier store block.”? But the neighborhood center as part of a planned residential enclave held little interest among Los Angeles developers. Instead the parties involved had traditionally undertaken arterial development. Their motivation was strictly to increase profit margins.

The catalyst for introducing the neighborhood center to Los Angeles appears to have been the supermarket. Between the late 1920s and mid-1930s, the city was arguably the nation’s most important proving ground for this new kind of food emporium.** Supermarkets carried every basic kind of food product under one roof, with most, if not all, departments operated as a single business. These outlets depended heavily on brand-name goods, self-service, low staffing, and cash-and-carry sales. But what most distinguished the supermarket from earlier food stores was the large scale of its operation. Goods were stocked in quantity and sold in volume; thus prices could be kept low, lower even than at chain stores. Pioneers in the field, most notably Ralphs Grocery Company, proved the advantages of this economy of scale before the stock market crash, but the broad application of the concept, in Los Angeles and elsewhere, began after significant economic decline when competition for consumer dollars grew acute.

By 1939 the Los Angeles area boasted some 350 supermarkets,

by far the largest concentration in the country. The average size of new units was around 10,000 square feet in 1935, and twice that at the decade’s end.* These enormous plants could be found in numbers as part of middle-class and many prosperous blue-collar precincts throughout the region. They made significant inroads on the business done by other food stores, including chain outlets. The supermarket helped revolutionize the distribution system by firmly establishing low price as a transcendent factor in mass appeal, by expanding the scope of self-service shopping, and by

selling food and other convenience goods at a much larger volume than previously thought possible. These buildings further accelerated the trend

of business development away from established nodes, with location in- 130

, : ; Proposed inner-block parking plan Ten sponcreasingly predicated on easy access for motorists. ee sored by Beverly Hills Chamber of Com-

The supermarket was inconceivable without general consumer tense, 1941, (stem Gan Match 1942:

mobility. If shoppers were to buy in volume, they had to rely on their cars 37.)

to carry the food home. The need to minimize the distance between the ‘ig storefront and the car, combined with the sizable number of patrons at Von's Olympic store, 1020 S. Fairfax Avepeak shopping periods, rendered curbside space inadequate almost from nue, Los Angeles, ca. 1934; no longer

. . standing. Photo “Dick” Whittington,

the start. Street congestion also was an issue. As a result, supermarkets . .

ma 1953. (Whittington Collection, Depart-

were generally located on the fringe of neighborhood shopping districts, sienepeventa Galleon tinted or in lone-wolf locations, where traffic was less and where land was rela- of Southern California.)

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VII A HINDRANCE TO BUSINESS

tively cheap. Like Sears, the supermarket could attract enough customers

to stand alone, without adjacent stores. Thus situated, these emporia could have a large floorplate and ample contiguous space for parking. A lot with

a capacity of perhaps 100 to 150 automobiles was not uncommon by the mid-1930s (figure 131).

Competition among supermarkets grew to the point that many early examples had closed or were operating marginally toward the decade’s end.”° Problems stemmed not from a flawed concept but from over-

MAIN STREET saturation. Many merchants believed the only way to improve their situation was to expand through more and/or larger facilities. One of the

188 most innovative responses came from Ben Surval, a veteran wholesaler who opened one of the first Hollywood supermarkets in 1931, and his new partners, grocers Al and Morris Wisstein. Among their initial joint ventures was a neighborhood shopping center designed to sustain trade for the immense supermarket that lay in its midst.*° The Wisstein Bros. & Surval complex was constructed in stages

between 1936 and 1939 on South Broadway between Eighty-seventh and

, Eighty-eighth streets (figure 132).?” The site was ideal for a supermarket, located at the edge of a modest-sized shopping district developed during

the previous decade. Residential growth was rebounding in the area, with single-family dwellings and a few small apartment complexes occupied by persons of moderate means—a budget-conscious constituency that was the bedrock of the supermarket’s success. An entire block was purchased to allow room for a critical mass of stores in the project. Collectively,

these outlets would enhance the district as a whole by broadening the choices available to shoppers, but they would also compete with existing businesses. With the supermarket as its centerpiece, the ensemble would become a new locus of trade, pulling customers away from the established heart of the district one block to the north. Surval was frank about the supermarket’s generative role: “You can see that the whole community develops to your [the market’s] advantage. You can rent to the types of stores that will draw the kind of traffic you want.’** What gave the complex its merchandising strength was the clustering of chain outlets, including two drug and two variety stores, which complemented the supermarket by providing other routine goods at low prices. Many items may have been offered on especially favorable terms, given the positioning of rival companies within the same complex. Smaller shops, most of which carried apparel and accessories and were likewise chain-operated, were interspersed among the big units.” Wisstein Bros. & Surval tailored their strategy to a new wave of chain store expansion that was beginning to take shape. In outlying areas of Los Angeles, chain development had largely been forged by food com-

panies during the previous decade. Now other kinds of retailers were entering the field. Hollywood, the Miracle Mile, and Westwood Village had the greatest concentrations of newcomers, but many chains also targeted smaller, less prestigious shopping districts as well. Drug and variety stores were the most aggressive. The three principal drug companies—-Owl,

Sontag, and Thrifty—had a total of eight outlying units in Los Angeles in 1930, sixty-six in 1940. Among variety chains, S. H. Kress was the exception in adding only two outlying units during the decade to the seven it had in 1930. F W. Woolworth, on the other hand, went from nine such units in 1930 to twenty-one by 1940. Southern California’s other major variety chain, J. J. Newberry, had only one outlying unit in 1930, thirteen a decade later.” Chain outlets increased dramatically in size as well as in number.

The supermarket afforded an important model for drug and variety stores in its large, uninterrupted floor area, emphasis on self-service, and sleek imagery—all to stimulate volume purchasing. Drug as well as variety store units were now almost always purpose-built instead of being adapted to existing retail blocks.*' Drug stores had long been considered nearly as important to the tenant mix of a neighborhood center as a market, but most of these had been independently owned. Now securing a unit of a major drug chain was believed to significantly increase the draw of a retail complex. In a parallel vein, the expansion of variety stores in outlying areas rendered their inclusion a prized objective. As a result chain companies had enormous leverage in the planning of a project. The configuration and visual character of the Broadway and Eighty-seventh Street center reflected the circumstances of its development. The heavy reliance on well-known chains led to an emphasis on individual storefront identity to a far greater degree than at Westwood or other large shopping centers of its kind. Some coordination was evident in features such as a more or less uniform cornice line; however, the overall effect did not suggest a complex planned as a single entity. The largest and most conspicuous component was the supermarket, yet other stores held their own in attention-getting facades. The presence of each was enhanced by particularized graphics as well as by amount of frontage (for the major outlets), which was much wider than the standard a decade earlier. Store depth varied between 120 and 135 feet, again reflecting the normative size increase of the period. Off-street parking was, of course, essential for the supermarket, and for the other stores it would be a novel feature that could only enhance patronage. The presence of those additional outlets necessitated a car lot considerably bigger than would have been needed for the supermarket alone. The grouping also prevented the car lot from being in its normal location at one side of the market. Given the circumstances, only two siting options existed: to the front or to the rear of the range. The former was inconceivable to supermarket owners, who depended heavily on the visual appeal of open-front buildings adorned with lavish produce displays. Even without this factor, both chain store companies and independent merchants in the region adamantly believed a strong streetfront orientation was essential to their success. Parking would be in back, just as at Sears and the big Wilshire stores. So positioned, the car lot needed to extend the full length of the block if it was to function efficiently for vehicular circulation and access

VIL A HINDRANCE TO BUSINESS

MAIN STREET

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we ee “9 were al part.** arpromote=his complex wereanan1integral part.”Still, Still,the the ar rangement all but precluded walking from one part of the ensemble to the other. The May Company’s store’s location was symptomatic of problems inherent in Valley Plaza’s own layout. To realize his dream, Symonds

had to compromise repeatedly. There were drawbacks in adapting to a site originally intended for a different kind of retail development. A number of stores faced Victory Boulevard, which bifurcated the ensemble, even though Symonds insisted shoppers need only park their cars once to have easy access to all businesses. The interior lot south of Victory was too big to bring coherence to the buildings around it. From the vestigial side streets, Valley Plaza looked not so much like an integrated center as a town center (figure 187). The array of visually unrelated parts did little to foster perambulation. Nevertheless, Valley Plaza ranked among the largest and most heavily patronized shopping centers in the metropolitan area after only a few years of operation. Perhaps even more than the Crenshaw

IX MARKETS IN THE MEADOWS

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7 a3pene ngPs?Pa4bewe ‘ S\ Lee Cee ae i a ‘:.-:act oh;8 ea % Sie many regional malls, balancing the larger-scale operations of chain and major local stores." Perhaps most influential in diffusing the idea of an inwardlooking, pedestrian-oriented retail center were three much-celebrated projects, each of which was a departure in some aspects of both its appearance and its business complexion and each of which became a major destination. The first of these was Olivera Street, which extended one block from the Plaza, the core of the Spanish colonial settlement, lying just to the north of downtown in an area that had long remained a center for Mexican-Americans. By the late 1920s, most of these inhabitants had moved further afield; storage and industrial facilities were more common than housing. Such functions were likely to permeate the district in the fu-

ture since a nearby site seemed the most probable one for a mammoth union station.'* The setting was an unlikely one for a retail center. The creation of that center was propelled largely by sentimental concerns. In 1928, condemnation of the early nineteenth-century Avila house, thought to be one of the oldest buildings in the city, led an ardent and socially well-placed Hispanophile, Christine Sterling, to revive her previously unsuccessful attempts to rejuvenate the Plaza area. For southern California, she asserted, the dwelling held a historical significance equiva-

lent to that of Mount Vernon for the East. Sterling gained the cooperation of the City Council and enlisted a cadre of prominent citizens, led by Times editor Harry Chandler, as directors of a corporation that would re-

Oli 5 Into “an 1 ,he;h:dindevel 9915 1930, Ob S hri d El P de L

store the house an evelop tangent Ivera Street intO an important Latin-American trade and social center.

Opened in 1930, Olivera Street was rechristene aseo de Los

Angeles, although it became known by the slightly abbreviated name of Olvera Street. The block was closed to vehicular traffic and lined with open-air concessions operated by Mexican-Americans. Sterling’s intention

was to create the atmosphere of a traditional Hispanic marketplace as well 14

‘ : : Olvera Street, Los Angeles, as remade

as to provide an outlet for Hispanic artisans and merchants. At a time | | |

a h into pedestrian shopping area, 1929-

when popular sentiment for things Spanish ran high but lay almost entirely 1930, Photo “Dick” Whittington, ca. among the Anglo population, this enterprise was both novel and altruistic 1930. (Whittington Collection, Depart-

; . Ss ; of Southern California.)

ax its it of h ae At fi henticity. di d si lt ment of treatment Special Collections, 1n pursuit or aut first the was direct anUniversity simpie, é with scattered stalls on brick pavement, framed by buildings little changed

for decades (figure 194). Within a few years, however, the setting became ye

~ ‘fountains s Olvera Street.were Photo Whittingmore genteel. Street and sculpture added;“Dick” plantings grew = Sonat ton, ca. 1938. (Whittington Collection,

buildi lI hed and painted; flags, b ;

more numerous; building walls were patched and painted; Nags, banners, Department of Special Collections, Uniand other festive paraphernalia proliferated (figure 195). Still, with the pro- versity of Southern California.)

fusion of open-air displays and people jamming the long, linear space,

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