Cinema and the invention of modern life 9780520201125

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Cinema and the Invention of Modern Life

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Cinema and the Invention of Modern Lite

Leo Charney Vanessa R. Schwartz

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press London, England Copyright © 1995 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Charney, Leo. Cinema and the invention of modern life / edited by Leo Charney, Vanessa R. Schwartz.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-0-520-20112-5 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Motion pictures—Social aspects. 2. Popular culture—History— 20th century. I. Charney, Leo. II. Schwartz, Vanessa R. PN1995-9.S6C47 1995

302.23'43—dc20 Q5—-10821 CIP

Printed in the United States of America

11 10 09 08 07

8 76 5 4 8 The paper usec tn this publication meets the minimum requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R 1997) (Permanence of Paper). 9)

CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS / wii INTRODUCTION Leo Charney and Vanessa R. Schwartz / 1

PART I *« BODIES AND SENSATION 1. Tracing the Individual Body: Photography, Detectives, and Early Cinema Tom Gunning / 15

2. Unbinding Vision: Manet and the Attentive Observer in the

Late Nineteenth Century : Jonathan Crary / 46

3. Modernity, Hyperstimulus, and the Rise of Popular Sensationalism Ben Singer / 72

PART II « CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE 4. The Poster in Fin-de-Siécle Paris: “That Mobile and Degenerate Art” Marcus Verhagen / 103

5. “A New Era of Shopping”: The Promotion of Women’s Pleasure in London’s West End, 1909-1914 Erika D. Rappaport / 130

6. Disseminations of Modernity: Representation and Consumer Desire in Early Mail-Order Catalogs Alexandra Keller / 156 v

v1 CONTENTS 7. The Perils of Pathé, or the Americanization of the American Cinema Richard Abel / 183

PART ITI e EPHEMERALITY AND THE MOMENT 8. Panoramic Literature and the Invention of Everyday Genres Margaret Cohen / 227 9. Moving Pictures: Photography, Narrative, and the Paris Commune of 1871 Jeannene M. Przyblyski / 253

10. In a Moment: Film and the Philosophy of Modernity Leo Charney / 279

PART IV « SPECTACLES AND SPECTATORS 11. Cinematic Spectatorship before the Apparatus: The Public Taste for Reality in Fin-de-Szécle Paris

Vanessa R. Schwartz / 297

12. Effigy and Narrative: Looking into the Nineteenth-Century Folk Museum Mark B. Sandberg / 320 13. America, Paris, the Alps: Kracauer (and Benjamin) on Cinema and Modernity Minam Bratu Hansen / 362

CONTRIBUTORS / 403 INDEX / 405

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The editors thank Edward Dimendberg for his encouragement and enthusiasm from the start of this project. We would also like to express our gratitude to Rebecca Frazier, Stephanie Emerson, Diana Feinberg, Barbara Jellow and the rest of the University of California Press staff. Jim Loter deftly compiled the index, Angela Blake provided research assistance, and the American University College of Arts and Science, especially Dean Betty T. Bennett, supplied generous support. Chapter 11, “Cinematic Spectatorship before the Apparatus” by Vanessa Schwartz, was first published in Viewing Positions, Linda Williams, editor, copyright © 1994 by Rutgers, The State University.

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Introduction Leo Charney and Vanessa R. Schwartz

“Triumphant, exultant, brushed down, pasted, torn in a few hours and continually sapping the heart and soul with its vibrant futility, the poster is indeed the art. . . of this age of fever and laughter, of violence, ruin, electricity, and oblivion.”! The rush of adjectives used by this French social

commentator in 1896 to describe the poster as product of the “modern age” typifies the way in which modernity has elicited vigorous discourses that have attempted to construct, define, characterize, analyze, and understand it. “Modernity,” as an expression of changes in so-called subjective

experience or as a shorthand for broad social, economic, and cultural transformations, has been familiarly grasped through the story of a few talismanic innovations: the telegraph and telephone, railroad and automobile, photograph and cinema. Of these emblems of modernity, none has both epitomized and transcended the period of its initial emergence more successfully than the cinema.

The thirteen essays in this volume present cinema and modernity as points of reflection and convergence. All of the essays generate from the premise that cinema, as it developed in the late nineteenth century, became the fullest expression and combination of modernity’s attributes. While some essays more than others directly address the links between the cinema and other modes of modernity, all presume that modern culture was

“cinematic” before the fact. Cinema constituted only one element in an array of new modes of technology, representation, spectacle, distraction, consumerism, ephemerality, mobility, and entertainment—and at many points neither the most compelling nor the most promising one. These essays collectively argue that the emergence of cinema might be characterized as both inevitable and redundant. The culture of modernity rendered inevitable something like cinema, since cinema’s characteristics I

2 INTRODUCTION evolved from the traits that defined modern life in general. At the same time, cinema formed a crucible for ideas, techniques, and representational Strategies already present in other places. These essays identify a historically specific culture of the cinematic which emerged from—yet also ran parallel to—other transformations associated with modernity in the late nine-

teenth and early twentieth centuries in such countries as France, Germany, England, Sweden, and the United States. This collection juxtaposes the work of scholars in a variety of disciplines in the hope of bridging the frequent divide between the history of cinema and the history of modern life. By drawing on scholarship from a range of fields, we hope to enrich such areas as Cultural Studies, Film Studies,

Literature, Art History, and Cultural History by insisting that studies of modern life can be enhanced when read through and against the emergence of film. Indeed, these essays will suggest that modernity can be best understood as inherently cinematic.

Despite the multiple connections and points of confluence linking these essays, we have grouped them into four broad conceptual areas: “Bodies and Sensation,” “Circulation and Consumer Desire,” “Ephemerality and the Moment,” and “Spectacles and Spectators.” These headings are meant not to provide an exclusive or restrictive framework but to highlight common threads among the topics considered by these authors. In “Bodies and Sensation,” essays by Tom Gunning, Jonathan Crary, and Ben Singer address new bodily responses to stimulation, overstimulation, and problems of attention and distraction. From the perspective of these analyses, perception in modern life became a mobile activity and the modern individual’s body the subject of both experimentation and new discourses. The essays explore such techniques as photography, detective fiction, scientific psychology, Impressionist painting, the mass press, and “thrilling” entertainments, all of which endeavored to regulate and manage the newly mobilized subject.

Both mechanical reproduction and the mobility of products, consumers, and nationalities characterized forms of commercial culture at the turn of the century. The essays by Marcus Verhagen, Erika Rappaport, Alexandra Keller, and Richard Abel in “Circulation and Consumer Desire” elaborate a culture of market mechanisms that challenged boundaries between private and public spheres and reconstituted gender and national identities. These essays also make clear that cinema participated

in but did not create an urban leisure culture that pivoted on women’s active participation.

In “Ephemerality and the Moment,” Margaret Cohen, Jeannene Przyblyski, and Leo Charney suggest that modernity resided in an immersion in the everyday; yet the everyday was, by definition, ephemeral. In response to this problem, such forms as panoramic literature, photography,

INTRODUCTION 3 and film endeavored to freeze fleeting distractions and evanescent sensations by identifying isolated moments of “present” experience. In these literary, artistic, and philosophical discourses, the negotiation between ephemerality and stasis emerged as a defining feature of modernity. In “Spectacles and Spectators,” essays by Vanessa R. Schwartz, Mark Sandberg, and Miriam Bratu Hansen investigate the allure of such diverse phenomena as wax museums, folk museums, amusement parks, and cin-

ema in the development of a mass audience. While the first two essays focus on the fin de siécle, Hansen pushes forward into the twentieth century. Each essay elaborates from a different perspective what Hansen calls “the liberatory appeal of the ‘modern’ for a mass public—a public that was itself both product and casualty of the modernization process.” As a group, the essays in this volume map a common terrain of problems and phenomena that defines the “modern.” In the remainder of this introduction, we identify six elements that emerge from the essays as central to both the cultural history of modernity and modernity’s relation to cinema: the rise of a metropolitan urban culture leading to new forms of

entertainment and leisure activity; the corresponding centrality of the body as the site of vision, attention, and stimulation; the recognition of a mass public, crowd, or audience that subordinated individual response to collectivity; the impulse to define, fix, and represent isolated moments in the face of modernity’s distractions and sensations, an urge that led through Impressionism and photography to cinema; the increased blurring of the line between reality and its representations; and the surge in commercial culture and consumer desire that both fueled and followed new forms of diversion.

_ Modernity cannot be conceived outside the context of the city, which provided an arena for the circulation of bodies and goods, the exchange of glances, and the exercise of consumerism. Modern life seemed urban by definition, yet the social and economic transformations wrought by modernity recast the image of the city in the wake of the eruption of industrial capitalism in the second half of the nineteenth century. As the German sociologist Georg Simmel remarked in his landmark 1903 study “The Metropolis and Mental Life,” the modern city occasioned “the rapid crowd-

ing of changing images, the sharp discontinuity in the grasp of a single glance, and the unexpectedness of onrushing impressions.” It is not an accident that Simmel’s words could double as a description of the cinema, since the experience of the city set the terms for the experi-

ence of the other elements of modernity. In a tradition that began with the work of the French poet Charles Baudelaire, this modern city has most frequently been allied to post-1850 Paris, which Walter Benjamin called the “capital of the nineteenth century.”* The city’s mid-century redesign, now known as “Haussmannization,” was contrived by Napoleon III and his

4 INTRODUCTION prefect of the Seine, Baron Georges Haussmann, to “modernize” the city’s infrastructure, creating sweeping boulevards, a new sewer system, and a reconstructed central market.° These controversial changes made a formerly

labyrinthine geography more legible, orienting Paris toward greater visibility. As T. J. Clark has put it, Paris became, for its inhabitants, “simply an image, something occasionally and casually consumed.”® Paris was later reclaimed as the source of modern life by such critics as

Benjamin and Siegfried Kracauer, who allied it to the phenomena that surrounded them in Twenties and Thirties Berlin.’ Miriam Hansen’s essay in this volume comprehensively assesses Kracauer’s evolution from a “pessimistic discourse on modernity” before 1925 to a view of mass culture as allegory for and symptom of the changes transforming German society. Kracauer began to see that mass cultural forms, as the specimen of modernity, gave viewers the potential to understand the conditions in which they were living and thereby to acquire the capacity for self-reflection (at least) or enlightened emancipation (at best). From the contrast between Kracauer’s focus on contemporary phenomena of the twentieth century and Benjamin’s projection of modernity back

toward nineteenth-century Paris, Hansen draws a distinction between a nineteenth-century modernity, primarily associated with the culture of Paris,

and a twentieth-century modernity of “mass production, mass consumption, mass annihilation, of rationalization, standardization and media publics” identified with America and epitomized by the interdependence of mass Culture and factory production.

If Paris initiated the transformation of the modern city into a showplace of visuality and distraction, the teeming New York of the turn of the century set the pace for frenzy and overstimulation. As Ben Singer writes in this volume, Cities .. . had never been as busy as they rapidly became just before the turn of the century. The sudden increase in urban population density and commercial activity, the proliferation of signs, and the new density and complexity of street traffic ... made the city a much more crowded, chaotic and stimulating environment than it had been in the past.

The photographs and cartoons from mass-circulation newspapers and magazines that accompany Singer’s essay testify to this sense of the city as an overflowing cauldron of distraction, sensation, and stimulation. The city in this way became an expression and site of the modern emphasis on the crowd. Whether one’s aim was to tame it, join it, or please it, the crowd,

in the form of the masses, became a central player in modernity. The emergence of modern life went hand in hand with the rise of a “mass society” that resulted, in part, from the growth of industrial capitalism. Addi-

INTRODUCTION D tionally, in Europe and America the second half of the nineteenth century

witnessed the birth of fervent nationalism and imperialism, as liberal bourgeois democracies dominated by elites gave way to societies in which the vast majority of the population was slowly enfranchised. The masses became recognized as a key constituency, imagined and figured as an oftenundifferentiated grouping with putatively common desires and aspirations. The possibility of a mass audience, combined with the atmosphere of vi-

sual and sensory excitement, opened the door for new forms of entertainment, which arose both as a part of the culture of sensation and as an effort to relieve it. The turn-of-the-century emergence of Coney Island, for example, ironically re-created the city’s exhausting sensations and frenzied tempo in a seemingly more leisurely atmosphere.’ The aura of seaside strolling allowed producers of the Coney Island distractions to draw on the increased appetite for mobile, kinetic sensation while packaging that appeal in the guise of a break from those sensations. In the same way, in

its early years as an urban phenomenon, cinema served multiple functions: as part of the city landscape, as brief respite for the laborer on his way home, as release from household drudgery for women, and as cultural touchstone for immigrants.° As a result of all this stimulation, notes Singer, “observers around the turn of the century were fixated on the notion that modernity has brought

about a disturbing increase in nervous stimulation and bodily peril.” In this environment, the body became an increasingly important site of modernity, whether as viewer, vehicle of attention, icon of circulation, or location of consuming desire. This sensual experience of the city has been embodied in the figure of the flaneur, the emblematic persona of nineteenth-century Paris, who strolled the city streets, eyes and senses attuned to the distractions that surrounded him. The flaneur’s activity, at once bodily, visual, and mobile, set the terms for film spectatorship and the other forms of spectatorship that dominated the period’s new experiences and entertainments.!? As a Parisian type, the flaneur exemplified the masculine privilege of modern public life. In Janet Wolff’s formulation, “There is no question of inventing the flaneuse: . . . such a character was rendered impossible by the sexual divisions of the nineteenth century.”!1 Others have argued that the prostitute, who shared the sidewalk with the flaneur, represented his female counterpart.!? Several of the essays in this volume address flanerie and the gendered

nature of public life. In his treatment of the late nineteenth-century posters of Jules Chéret, Marcus Verhagen shows how the artist’s whimsical character, the chérette, was figured as a prostitute, and how the representation of female sexuality was thereby mobilized in the service of consumption. By contrast, Erika Rappaport’s essay on the department store indicates

6 INTRODUCTION how, for commercial ends, new forms of consumer culture enticed women into urban space and cultivated female desire. And in Alexandra Keller’s analysis of turn-of-the-century mail-order catalogs, women similarly become both object and subject of this new form of consumer activity. As typified by flanerie, modern attention was conceived as not only vi-

sual and mobile but also fleeting and ephemeral. Modern attention was vision in motion. Modern forms of experience relied not simply on movement but on the juncture of movement and vision: moving pictures. One obvious precursor of moving pictures was the railroad, which eliminated traditional barriers of space and distance as it forged a bodily intimacy with time, space, and motion.!° The railroad journey anticipated more explicitly than any other technology an important facet of the experience of cinema: a person in a seat watches moving visuals through a frame that

does not change position.!* |

In this way, modernity’s stimulations and distractions made focused at-

tention more vital yet less feasible. In Jonathan Crary’s account in this volume, modern attention was explicitly predicated on its potential for failure, resulting in inattention or distraction. “Attention,” writes Crary in light of the period’s scientific psychology on the subject, “was described as

that which prevents our perception from being a chaotic flood of sensations, yet research showed it to be an undependable defense against such chaos. . . . Attention always contained within itself the conditions for its own disintegration.” In this view, “attention and distraction were not two essentially different states but existed on a single continuum.” Crary traces this ambiguity through both the discourse of scientific psychology and Claude Manet’s 1879 painting In the Conservatory, in which Manet struggled to channel the viewer’s potential for both attention and distraction. The tension between focus and distraction set the terms for a wider interchange between mobility and stasis, between the ephemerality of modernity’s sensations and the resulting desire to freeze those sensations in a fixed moment of representation. Leo Charney’s essay investigates the

attempt “to rescue the possibility of sensual experience in the face of modernity’s ephemerality” which links philosophical and critical work on

modernity from Walter Pater in the 1870s through Martin Heidegger in the 1920s and Walter Benjamin in the 1930s. This concern emerged in film both through Jean Epstein’s concept of photogénie—evanescent instants of cinematic pleasure—and through the precinematic motion studies of Eadweard Muybridge and Etienne-Jules Marey which broke down continuous movements into their component moments. These writers and artists crystallized ephemerality as not just an abstract concept but an active problem of bodily sensation, cognition, and perception. The present moment could exist “only as the site where past and future collide,” since

INTRODUCTION 7 ephemerality would always outrun the effort to stabilize it, and the body’s cognitive awareness of its “present” sensations could never coincide with the initial moment of sensation.

In nineteenth-century Paris, the impulses to freeze the moment and represent the present took early form in the development of photography

and the corresponding aesthetic of Impressionism. The essays of Tom Gunning and Jeannene Przyblyski in this volume suggest some of the complex uses made of photography in this period. Gunning locates photogra-

phy as a multiply determined crossroads of new modern concerns. The photograph aided police detection by identifying individuals in the midst of the circulation and anonymity that otherwise marked modern life. By re-presenting the appearance of the putatively unique individual, the photograph destabilized traditional conceptions of personal identity by making the body “a transportable image fully adaptable to systems of circulation and mobility that modernity demanded.” As Gunning’s essay makes clear, these new techniques of representation did not simply reproduce a self-present “reality.” In the case of police pho-

tography, the photograph broke down the individual body into component parts and then processed it through new regimes of information organization. More important, the blurring of representation and reality gave rise to one crucial aspect of modernity—the increasing tendency to understand the “real” only as its re-presentations.!© Analyzing photographs of the 1871 Paris Commune uprising, Jeannene Przyblyski notes “the grow-. ing tendency throughout the 1860s and 1870s to turn the camera upon contemporary events.” Przyblyski’s discussion indicates that as photography began to capture the real, the “real” became inconceivable and unimaginable without the photograph’s verifying presence. “What was apparently asked of photographic actualités in 1871,” Przyblyski writes, “was... that they exhibit bits of the ‘real,’ that they operate fragmentary and reliclike, with a metonymical claim to authenticity. In their almost mummified condition midway between historical artifact and simulated re-creation, there is something . . . particularly modern.” Many of this volume’s essays echo Przyblyski’s claim that representation

as the re-presentation of the “real” marked the defining form of modernity; or, more exactly, that with the advent of a chaotic and diffuse urban | culture, the “real” could increasingly be grasped only through its representations. In addition to Gunning’s and Przyblyski’s accounts of the uses of photography, essays by Margaret Cohen, Vanessa R. Schwartz, and Mark Sandberg outline instances of this new form of re-presentation. Cohen analyzes French panoramic literature of the July Monarchy (1830-1848), a genre that aimed to provide a visual and verbal overview of contemporary life. These books were “everyday genres for representing the everyday,

8 | INTRODUCTION genres with minimal transcendent aesthetic claims. . . . the close attention to external and particularly visible material details . . . gives the reader vivid access to the sensuous materiality of contemporary Parisian reality.” Cohen calls this zone between representation and reality the “epistemological twilight,” a striking phrase that captures the ambiguity of the interaction between a reality that can be grasped only in its representations

and the representations that feed off and form part of that ongoing reality. Schwartz’s essay indicates several phenomena of late nineteenthcentury Parisian culture that were popular because they transfigured and re-presented a vision of “reality”: wax museums, panoramas, the mass press, and the public display of corpses at the Paris Morgue. “To understand cinema spectatorship as a historical practice,” argues Schwartz, “it is essential

to locate cinema in a field of cultural forms and practices associated with the burgeoning mass culture of the late nineteenth century.” Like cinema, these other new diversions compelled the spectator to negotiate spectacle and narrative to produce a “reality-effect.” In similar fashion, Mark Sandberg’s essay locates turn-of-the-century Scandinavian folk museums as part of a broader “roving patronage of visual culture.” These museums presented nostalgic dioramas as a way to compensate for the threatening losses of a modernity that came relatively late to Scandinavia. The folk museum’s display of frozen moments and the resulting reliance on the spectator to fill voids in the spectacle anticipated cinema in indicating how narrative could serve a stabilizing function in the face of modern evanescence. “It may well be,” Sandberg proposes at the end of his essay, “that narrative was more important to spectating at the turn of the century than has often been assumed, serving as the unobtrusive safety net that made the unmooring of the eye in modernity possible and pleasurable. . . . Narrative helped make modernity attractive, turning a sense of ‘displacement’ into ‘mobility’ and ‘rootlessness’ into ‘liberation.’” Narrative and visuality endeavored to channel the subject’s floating attention not just as a viewer but also as a consumer. The forms analyzed by Gunning, Przyblyski, Cohen, Schwartz, and Sandberg were all commercial enterprises, as were the railroad, the telegraph, and virtually every other icon of modernity. Consumerism ’s role as engine of modernity comes forward in the essays by Marcus Verhagen, Richard Abel, Erika Rappaport, and Alexandra Keller. For Verhagen, the explosion of the poster onto the late nineteenth-century Parisian landscape “revolutionized the Parisian

entertainment business” as both a “manifestation of the emergence of mass culture ... and a catalyst in the development of other mass cultural forms.” In Verhagen’s analysis, moralistic responses to the poster’s popularity echoed both early objections to the cinema and the generally fear-

INTRODUCTION 9 ful reactions to new forms of a consumer culture “whose market mechanisms threatened to wear away the foundations on which class society was built.”

In Abel’s essay, the development of American cinema in the early years

of the twentieth century cannot be understood outside the marketplace pressures that impelled film studios to differentiate their product from the potentially more popular French films of the Pathé studio. In response to both the saturation of the American market by “the Gallic red rooster” and an audience of newly arriving immigrants in need of “Americanization,” American studios positioned Pathé as a suspicious and demoralizing “other,” a formation that intertwined national and commercial identities. Abel’s discussion underscores the interdependence of capitalism and nationalism, as a capitalist industry (emblematized by a film studio) could both distribute its products internationally and intercede in its own national markets. In this way, writes Abel, “cinema as a specific instance of modernity . . . was inscribed within the discourses of imperialism and nationalism and their conflicted claims, respectively, of economic and

cultural supremacy.” ,

In similar fashion, Rappaport and Keller investigate how consumer desires were mediated by the written texts that surrounded and incited them.

Rappaport demonstrates how, in early twentieth-century London, “the press produced Edwardian commercial culture in partnership with men such as Gordon Selfridge.” Selfridge, the owner of the department store that bore his name, cannily employed advertising and newspaper articles to promote himself, his store, and the vision of women as consumers and London as a commercial metropolis that would support them. By shifting focus from the stores to the manipulations of discourse that surrounded them, Rappaport illustrates that modernity’s social phenomena can be understood only through the representations that constructed them. Keller’s essay on early Sears Roebuck mail-order catalogs expands this interdependence of text and consumerism to suggest that the mail-order catalog offered only text as the basis for desire, as the catalog’s illustrations evoked the absent products wanted by the consumer. These ghostly images, like the catalog’s mass dissemination, made the mail-order catalog

a phenomenon parallel to cinema. Keller goes on to indicate that mailorder catalogs “effected a kind of rural flanerie for those who browsed its pages.” The catalog’s rural reader could stroll through products as the flaneur roamed the city. Like the modern city, the “world as brought into the rural home by the mail-order catalog was an abundant and crowded place, jammed with goods, the representation of a marketplace whose fleshly embodiment would be equally jammed with vendors, consumers, and gawkers.”

10 INTRODUCTION Cinema, then, marked the unprecedented crossroads of these phenomena of modernity. It was a commercial product that was also a technique of mobility and ephemerality. It was an outgrowth and a vital part of city culture that addressed its spectators as members of a collective and poten-

tially undifferentiated mass public. It was a representational form that went beyond Impressionism and photography by staging actual movement; yet that movement could never be (and to this day still is not) more

than the serial progression of still frames through the camera. It was a technology designed to arouse visual, sensual, and cognitive responses from viewers beginning to be accustomed to the onslaught of stimulation. Most important, cinema did not simply provide a new medium in which elements of modernity could uncomfortably coexist. Rather, it arose from and existed in the intertwining of modernity’s component parts: technology mediated by visual and cognitive stimulation; the re-presentation of reality enabled by technology; and an urban, commercial, mass-produced technique defined as the seizure of continuous movement. Cinema forced these elements of modern life into active synthesis with each other; to put it another way, these elements created sufficient epistemological pressure to produce cinema. Cinema, therefore, must not be conceived simply as the outgrowth of such forms as melodramatic theater, serial narrative, and the nineteenthcentury realist novel, although all of these modes influenced its form. Nor can technological histories sufficiently explain the emergence of cinema.

Rather, cinema must be reunderstood as a vital component of a broader culture of modern life which encompassed political, social, economic, and cultural transformations. This culture did not “create” cinema in any simple sense, nor did cinema advance any new forms, concepts, or techniques that were not already available along other avenues. In providing a crucible for elements already evident in other aspects of modern culture, cinema accidentally outpaced these other forms, ending up as far more than just another novel gadget.

These essays, finally, help us reconsider the lineage from modernity to postmodernity and the technologies, distractions, and representations of our own turn of a century. By specifying a particular culture of modern life, this volume will ideally initiate a more rigorous interrogation of the contrasts and resemblances between the “modern” and the putatively “postmodern.” While postmodernism has often been conceived as the sequel to Modernism as an artistic movement, these essays create a context through which to reimagine postmodernity as the outgrowth of modernity, a broader social, political, and cultural transformation of which Modernism formed only one aspect. While the implications of this distinction have yet to be fully explored, the framework of modernity articulated in

these essays encourages future scholars to begin from and return to the

INTRODUCTION I] cinema as a common denominator bridging the nineteenth, twentieth, and (potentially) twenty-first centuries, at each turn uncanny repository of times gone by and prescient oracle of things to come.

_ NOTES 1. Maurice Talmeyr, “L’Age de l’affiche,” La Revue des deux mondes, 1 September

1896, p. 216; cited by Verhagen in the present volume.

2. Three works that provide an overview of modernity and modern life are Stephen Kern, The Culture of Time and Space, 1880—1918 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983); Marshall Berman, All That Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience

of Modernity (New York: Penguin Books, 1988); and Christoph Asendorf, Batteries of Life: On the History of Things and Their Perception in Modernity, trans. Don Reneau (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1993).

3. Georg Simmel, “The Metropolis and Mental Life,” in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, ed. Kurt Wolff, trans. H. H. Gerth (1903; reprint, New York: Free Press, 1950), p. 410. 4. Charles Baudelaire, The Painter of Modern Life and Other Essays, ed. and trans. Jonathan Mayne (London: Phaidon, 1965); Walter Benjamin, Charles Baudelaire: A Lyric Poet in the Era of High Capitalism, trans. Harry Zohn (London: Verso, 1983); and Paris, Capitale du XIX™* siécle, ed. Rolf Tiedmann, trans. Jean Lacoste (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1989). 5. See especially David Pinkney’s classic study, Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958). Haussmannization was also an important act of social control; the boulevards divided working-class enclaves,

impeded the building of barricades, and facilitated the deployment of troops in case of insurrection. 6. T. J. Clark, The Painting of Modern Life (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 36. 7. Works by and about Kracauer and Benjamin are cited throughout the essays in this volume, especially those by Hansen and Charney. On Kracauer, Benjamin, and modernity, see David Frisby, Fragments of Modernity: Theories of Modernity in the Work of Simmel, Kracauer, and Benjamin (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1986); Martin Jay, The Dialectical Imagination: A History of the Frankfurt School and the Institute for Soctal Research, 1923—1950 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973).

8. The pivotal work on leisure and urban culture at the turn of the century is Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New

York (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1986). Also see John Kasson, Amusing the Million: Coney Island at the Turn of the Century (New York: Hill & Wang, 1978), and David Nasaw, Going Out: The Rise and Fall of Public Amusement (New York: Basic Books, 1993).

g. On these points, among many potential sources, see Miriam Hansen, Babel and Babylon: Spectatorship in American Silent Film (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Charles Musser, The Emergence of Cinema: The American Screen to 1907 (New York: Scribner’s, 1990); and Eileen Bowser, The Transformation of Cinema, 1907-1915 (New York: Scribner’s, 1990).

12 INTRODUCTION 10. On film, flanerie, and the modern city, see Anne Friedberg, Window Shopping: Cinema and the Postmodern (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1992); and Giuliana Bruno, Streetwalking on a Ruined Map: Cultural Theory and the City Films of Elvira Notan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992).

11. Janet Wolff, “The Invisible Flaneuse: Women and the Literature of Modernity,” in Wolff, Feminine Sentences (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1990), p. 47. On the interactions among women, film, and public space in modernity, see Bruno, op. cit.; Hansen, op. cit.; and Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989). 12. See Benjamin, “Paris, Capital of the Nineteenth Century,” in Baudelaire, pp. 155-1'76; Susan Buck-Morss, The Dialectics of Seeing: Walter Benjamin and the Arcades

Project (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1989). See also Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson, “The Flaneur: Urbanization and Its Discontents,” in Home and Its Dislocations in NineteenthCentury France, ed. Suzanne Nash (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993),

Pp. 45-64.

13. The indispensable work on the transformation of perception associated with the railroad is Wolfgang Schivelbusch, The Railway Journey: The Industrialization of Time and Space in the Nineteenth Century (1977; reprint, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1986).

14. On film and the railroad, see Lynne Kirby, The Railroad and the Cinema (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, forthcoming); idem, “Male Hysteria and Early Cinema,” Camera Obscura 17 (May 1988); and Mary Ann Doane, “The Moving Image,” Wide Angle '7, 1-2 (1985).

15. On Impressionism, see Asendorf, op. cit., chapter 6; Clark, op. cit.; and Robert Herbert, Impressionism: Art, Leisure, and Parisian Society (New Haven: Yale Uni-

versity Press, 1988). 16. See Miles Orvell, The Real Thing: Imitation and Authenticity in American Culture, 1880—1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989).

PART ONE

Bodies and Sensation

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ONE

Tracing the Individual Body: Photography, Detectives, and Early Cinema Tom Gunning for Giuliana Bruno

CIRCULATION, MOBILITY, MODERNITY, AND THE BODY A generation that had gone to school on a horse-drawn streetcar now stood under

the open sky in a countryside in which nothing remained unchanged but the clouds, and beneath these clouds, in a field of force of destructive torrents and explosions, was the tiny, fragile human body. WALTER BENJAMIN, “THE STORYTELLER”

It could be argued that techniques of circulation define the intersecting transformations in technology and industry that we call modernity. By “modernity” I refer less to a demarcated historical period than to a change in experience. This new configuration of experience was shaped by a large

number of factors, which were clearly dependent on the change in production marked by the Industrial Revolution. It was also, however, equally characterized by the transformation in daily life wrought by the growth of

capitalism and advances in technology: the growth of urban traffic, the distribution of mass-produced goods, and successive new technologies of transportation and communication. While the nineteenth century witnessed the principal conjunction of these transformations in Europe and America, with a particular crisis coming towards the turn of the century, modernity has not yet exhausted its transformations and has a different pace in different areas of the globe. The earliest fully developed image of this transformation of experience comes, I believe, with the railway, which embodies the complex realignment

of practices which modern circulation entails. As Wolfgang Schivelbusch has demonstrated, the railway not only depended upon but also allowed expansion of industrial production, with broad networks for transportation of both raw materials and commodities, as well as the restructuring of 15

16 BODIES AND SENSATION both rural and urban space as the site of circulation. This new landscape, which was organized according to circulatory needs, exemplifies the perceptual and environmental changes which define the experience of modernity: a new mastery of the incremental instants of time; a collapsing of distances; and a new experience of the human body and perception shaped by traveling at new rates of speed and inviting new potentials of danger.! Any number of the topo: of modernity that cluster around the second half of the nineteenth century can be approached as instances of circulation: the boulevard system in the Haussmannization of Paris, which allowed a previously unimaginable expansion of traffic; the new modes of production of goods in the work process of the “new factory system,” which demanded that individual workers perform simple and repetitive tasks as material passed before them; or innovations in systems of rapid transportation, such as the moving sidewalks unveiled at the Chicago Columbian Exposition of 1893 and the Paris Exposition of 1900. In all of these new systems of circulation, the drama of modernity sketches itself: a collapsing of previous experiences of space and time through speed; an extension of the power and productivity of the human body; and a consequent transformation of the body through new thresholds of demand and danger, creating new regimes of bodily discipline and regulation based upon a new observation of (and knowledge about) the body. Cinema nestles into this network of circulation as both technology and industry, but also as a new form of experience. As a mass-produced entertainment industry with a national system of distribution by 1909, film distribution and exhibition exploited railway networks pioneered by vaudeville circuits and circus trains. The early genres of cinema, especially such seemingly diverse forms as travel actualities and trick films, visualized a

modern experience of rapid alteration, whether by presenting foreign views from far-flung international locations or by creating through trick photography a succession of transformations which unmoored the stable identity of both objects and performers. Early actuality films frequently presented a simulacrum of travel not only by presenting foreign views but

also through “phantom rides” films, which were shot from the front of trains or prows of boats and which gave seated, stationary spectators a palpable sensation of motion. This contradictory experience was as much the attraction of these films as was the representation of foreign tourism. While actuality films depended directly on the new technology of both

cinema and transportation to image the collapse of the space and time formerly required for an experience of global tourism, the phantasmagoria of the trick film with its magical metamorphoses echoes the transformation of raw material into products achieved nearly instantaneously through the rapid succession of tasks in the new factory system. The amazement experienced by Upton Sinclair's Lithuanian worker Jurgis Rudkus in

TRACING THE INDIVIDUAL BODY 17 The Jungle, as he watched hogs transformed into hams and other products by the concatenation of actions of a score of workers in a few minutes of

time, recalls the astonishment of a gawker at a magic show spellbound by an unbelievable succession of transformative wonders.* Peter Finley Dunne’s Irish dialect character “Mr. Dooley” echoed this wonder when he ironically described the process: “A cow goes lowin’ softly into Armours and comes out glue, gelatine, fertylizer, celooloid, joolry, sofy cushions, hair restorer, washin’ sody, soap, lithrachoor, and bed springs, so quick that while aft she’s still cow for’ard she may be anything fr’m buttons to pannyma hats.”

The speed of such industrial transformation made it appear magical, occluding the unskilled labor regulated by the factory system to perform repetitive and limited tasks. Skill seemed to be absorbed by the circulatory logic of the factory itself, as each task took place within a chain of rationalized labor. This new arrangement of production seemed able to make anything out of anything, without the laborious effort of skilled handicraft. In such new systems of labor, objects were transformed rapidly before one’s eyes, and the stable identity of things became as uncertain as a panoply of magician’s props. Although the technical innovation of motion pictures introduced the lit-

eral possibility of portraying speed and movement, cinema’s place in a new logic of circulation had been anticipated by the commodification of still photographs, especially the postcard and the stereoscope. As Jonathan Crary has indicated, we must rethink the history of photography by not focusing solely on the mode of new technological representation that it introduced but by considering its role in “the reshaping of an entire territory on which signs and images, each effectively severed from a referent, circulate and proliferate.” While the debate on the ontology of the photo-

graphic image has centered on the indexical tie a photograph maintains with its referent, Crary directs our attention to the actual use of photographs, in which this connection to a referent interrelates with the image’s detachable nature, with its ability to gain a mobility its referent never possessed and to circulate separately. Images of the Sphinx or the Wall of China could thus be viewed through a stereoscope in middle-class parlors, sent through the international mail

as postcards, and projected on walls and screens as lantern slides in schools and churches throughout the Western world. In his famous essay on the stereoscope, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr., speculated in 1859 on the

, dissolving power of this new traffic in images. With deliberate irony, he claimed: Form is henceforth divorced from matter. In fact, matter as a visible object is

of no great use any longer, except as the mould on which form is shaped.

Give us a few negatives of a thing worth seeing, taken from different

18 BODIES AND SENSATION points of view, and that is all we want of it. Pull it down or burn it up, if you

please. ... There is only one Colosseum or Pantheon; but how many millions of potential negatives have they shed—representatives of billions of pictures— since they were erected. Matter in large masses must always be fixed and dear; form is cheap and transportable. ...

... There may grow up something like a universal currency of these bank-notes, or promises to pay in solid substance, which the sun has en-

graved for the great Bank of Nature Holmes’s description of photographs as a new universal currency is more than a clever metaphor. It recognizes in photography the dominant characteristics of the modern capitalist economy, the role of money in ever increasing the pace of circulation. As Georg Simmel has indicated, “The modern view of life rests upon money whose nature is fluctuating and which presents the identity of essence in the greatest and most changing variety of equivalents.”® Like the modern circulation of currency, pho-

tography abolished spatial barriers and transformed objects into transportable simulacra, a new form of the universal equivalent. As Holmes’s discussion demonstrates, photography could be understood

in the nineteenth century not simply as the latest stage in realistic representation but also as part of a new system of exchange which could radically transform traditional beliefs in solidity and unique identity. Such fixed ideas could disintegrate in the solvents circulating through the modern networks of exchange and transportation. The body itself appeared to be abolished, rendered immaterial, through the phantasmagoria of both still and motion photography. This transformation of the physical did not occur through the sublimation of an ethereal idealism. The body, rather, became a transportable image fully adaptable to the systems of circulation and mobility that modernity demanded. DRAMAS OF IDENTITY: RATIONALIZING PHOTOGRAPHY’S INDISCRETION “Then I fail to follow your Majesty. If this young person should produce her letters for blackmailing or other purposes, how is she to prove their authenticity ?” “There is the writing.” “Pooh, pooh. Forgery.” “My private note-paper. ” “Stolen.”

“Bought.”

“My own seal.” “Tmitated. ”

“My photograph.”

“We were both in the photograph.”

TRACING THE INDIVIDUAL BODY 19 “Oh dear. That is very bad. Your Majesty has indeed committed an indiscretion.” CONVERSATION BETWEEN SHERLOCK HOLMES AND THE GRAND DUKE OF CASSEL-FELSTEIN IN A. CONAN DOYLE, “A SCANDAL IN BOHEMIA”

In this delightful exchange, Sherlock Holmes makes it clear that the Grand Duke’s indiscretion lies in having been photographed with his mistress, rather than in having had a love affair. Holmes claims more here than the old saw that a criminal’s only crime lies in getting caught. As a mode of ev-

idence that cannot be denied, photography is indeed indiscreet, capturing information that could otherwise be hushed up or explained away. The photograph mediates between the public and the private, attesting to an intimacy of bodies that has now become a matter of record. The only recourse Holmes and his royal client have is discovering and suppressing the photograph before it is made public. Photography operates as one of the most ambiguous emblems of modern experience. Modernity (and particularly modern capitalism) contains a tension between forces which undo older forms of stability in order to increase the ease and rapidity of circulation and of those forces which seek to control and make such circulation predictable and, therefore, profitable.’ Photography participates dramatically in both of these oftenopposed impulses. While the mechanical reproduction and multiplication of photographic images undermined traditional understandings of identity, within the practice of criminology and detective fiction the photograph could also be used as a guarantor of identity and as a means of establishing guilt or innocence. Within systems of power and authority, the circulatory possibilities of photography could also play a regulatory role, maintaining a sense of the unique and recognizable, tying the separable image back to its bodily source. In both the legal process of detection and its fantasy elaborations in detective fiction, the body reemerges as something to grab hold of, and the photograph supplies one means of gaining a purchase on a fugitive physicality. But the grasp afforded by this new technology of the image relied on new systems of knowledge and a modern concern with classification which could convert the image into effective information.

Photography stands at the intersection of a number of aspects of modernity, and this convergence makes it a uniquely modern means of representation. As the product of modern technology, photography evokes both admiration and opprobrium as an objective mechanical means of making an image with only minimal human intervention. The practical application of the accurate and detailed quality of this machine-made image was immediately recognized. Photography could, in Baudelaire’s phrase, serve as “the secretary and clerk of whoever needs an absolute factual exactitude

20 BODIES AND SENSATION in his profession.”® And this record-keeping accuracy depended on the photograph’s unique bond with its referent, on its indexicality. Photography became the ideal tool of the process of detection, the ultimate modern clue, due to three interlocking aspects: its indexical aspect, which comes from the fact that since a photograph results from exposure to a preexisting entity, it directly bears the entity’s imprint and can therefore supply evidence about the object it depicts; its iconic aspect, by which

it produces a direct resemblance to its object which allows immediate recognition;? and its detachable nature, which allows it to refer to an absent object separated from it in space and time. As a clue, the photograph entered into a new discourse of power and control. In criminology, the photograph worked in two directions. One staked out the photograph’s ability to capture evidence of a crime, the deviant act itself. The other practice (less direct, but much more common) used the photograph to mark and keep track of the criminal, serving as an essential element in new systems of identification. We will find both directions pursued not only in criminology but also in the mythmaking processes of detective fiction. The narrative form of the detective story, rather than serve simply as an exercise in puzzle-solving, depends explicitly upon the modern experience

of circulation. While circulation relies on an evolving process of rationalization of time and space, the very intricacy and speed of these routes of transfer and exchange create a counterthrust in which stability and predictability can be threatened. The detective story maps out two positions in this dialectical drama of modernity: the criminal, who preys on the very complexity of the system of circulation; and the detective, whose intelligence, knowledge, and perspicacity allow him to discover the dark corners of the circulatory system, uncover crime, and restore order. Walter Benjamin located the origin of the modern detective story in the mobile transformation of identity, in the “the obliteration of the individual’s traces in the big city crowd”!® allowed by the modern environment. Attempts to reestablish the traces of individual identity beneath the obscurity of a new mobility were central to both the actual processes of police detection and the genesis of detective fiction. Techniques for identifying criminals became a central preoccupation for nineteenth-century police. In new systems of mobility and circulation, the criminal who could hide beneath an assumed identity functioned like a forged banknote, exploiting the rapid exchange of modern currency while undermining the

confidence on which it depended. In the modern drama of detection, photography, through its indexicality, iconic accuracy, and mobility of cir-

culation, provides the ultimate means of tying identity to a specific and unique body. In this way the process of criminal identification represents a new aspect of the disciplining of the body which typifies modernity. Sys-

TRACING THE INDIVIDUAL BODY 21 tems of power were thus able to channel the free-floating insubstantiality of the photograph at which Oliver Wendell Holmes had so marveled into the orderly grooves of maintaining identity through surveillance. Previously, the identification of criminals had frequently depended upon a direct and visible mark applied by legal authorities to the criminal’s body,

the equivalent of the scriptural mark of Cain. Many early nineteenthcentury adventure novels turn on the discovery of the scar of the branding iron which in France had been used to mark malefactors for life (for example, the brand of Milady’s shoulder in Dumas’s Three Musketeers which

reveals her criminal past). Such branding and marking of the flesh was countered on the criminal side by extreme physical disfiguration, such as the brigand’s carving of his own nose and treating his face with acid to render himself unidentifiable in Eugéne Sue’s Mysteries of Paris. Law and outlaw thus fought a battle over legibility and culpability upon the body itself.

But the nature of the marks of criminality change in the nineteenth century. Michel Foucault describes the transformation of punishment from a prolonged public spectacle that violently demonstrates power and sover-

eignty on the criminal body to the surreptitious practice of embodying power in the disciplined body and in the creation of information archives.!! Although Foucault traces the beginnings of this transformation to an ear-

lier era, the nineteenth century sees its final achievement, at least in the West, with the mark of the branding iron officially suppressed in France in 1832.12 Likewise, in the later nineteenth century, actual detection and detective fiction both witnessed an increased complexity and rarefication in the play of identification and disguise. The body at issue was traced and measured rather than marked, as the criminal employed means of evasion more subtle than disfiguration. As Benjamin indicates, photography played an important role in both reality and fiction in this new regime of identity and concealment: The invention of photography was a turning point in the history of this process. It is no less significant for criminology than the inventing of the printing press is for literature. Photography made it possible for the first time to preserve permanent and unmistakable traces of a human being. The detective story came into being when this most decisive of all conquests of a person’s incognito had been accomplished. Since then the end of efforts to capture a man in his speech and actions has not been in sight.!°

The early proponents of police photography recognized that the new pro-

cedure both mimicked the earlier application of the branding iron and improved upon it technologically. In 1854 the inspector general of French

prisons, Louis-Mathurin Moreau-Christophe, promoted the adoption of photographing the prison population as the “infliction of a new mark.”!4 The apparent lack of violence involved in photography led Yves Guyot, a

22 BODIES AND SENSATION later proponent of police photography, to contrast the new method with the brutal procedures associated with the legendary head of the Streté at the beginning of the century, Francois Vidocq. Writing in 1887, Guyot declared: “In place of a police that is irritable, brutal, theatrical and dramatic, seeking publicity, there would appear a calm and stable police force, working in silence, proceeding by gentle strokes, noiselessly, but with the

precision of a well-designed machine precisely assembled and made of first-class materia].”!5 Photography helped a new regime of control to emerge, armed with modern techniques. While photography supplied the most powerful form of modern identification, the attempt to read the signs of identity in a new manner did not

derive entirely from the introduction of new technology, nor was new technology sufficient for a new system of identification. Rather, we can see a modern concept of evidence appearing in criminology and detective fic-

tion which embraced both photography and the method of detection. The nineteenth century witnessed a rearrangement of the hierarchy of judicial proof, as the value previously accorded to witness testimony was replaced by the scientific reputation of the analysis of indices.!® As Ernst Bloch has pointed out, the s¢ne qua non of a hunt for clues, a trial based on evidence as opposed to testimony and confession, dates only from the middle of the eighteenth century.'!” This new concept of evidence transformed both the narrative logic of signs of guilt and the methods of recognition. Instead of reading conventional signs imprinted on the criminal body with the force of sovereign power, detection was approached as a science, employing careful measurement and observation, privileging regimes of knowledge over brute force. For example, in the famous late-nineteenth-century melodrama The Ticket of Leave Man, the paroled convict, Bob Brierly, is no longer recognized by an actual mark burned or cut into his flesh but by the fact that his prison haircut has not yet grown out completely.!® Detection follows a fading trail of cause and effect rather than exposing an indelible mark. While such signs are more circumstantial and less overtly visible, they may also betray a man without his knowing it. The modern detective thus finds his or her model in Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes, who, as the semiotician Thomas Sebeok has emphasized, founded his method upon “the observation of trifles.”!9

The reading of these all-important trifles does more than demonstrate the detective’s eye for details. Holmes’s method opens onto a peculiarly modern world in which the forces of everyday life can mark people as deeply as an officially applied branding iron. While the complex maze of urban circulation provides a thicket in which individual identity can be concealed, it also marshals a range of factors which imprint the bodies of individuals with their own history. As Sebeok and others have pointed out,

TRACING THE INDIVIDUAL BODY 23 Conan Doyle patterned Holmes on his professor of medicine, Dr. Joseph Bell of the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh, who astonished students and patients with his ability not only to diagnose diseases from symptoms but also to read a person’s occupation and background from details of body, gait,

and clothing. In 1893 Bell described his method in terms that parallel Holmes: Racial peculiarities, hereditary tricks of manner, accent, occupation or the want of it, education, environment of every kind, by their little trivial impressions gradually mold or carve the individual, and leave finger marks or chisel scores which the expert can detect.”

This method of reading persons opens onto the new world of mobility and rapid circulation which we have been tracing, in which signs of class and occupation have moved below the threshold of immediately recognized conventional signs to reach the level of unintentional—and often unrecognized—symptoms. Thomas Brynes, chief of detectives in New York City, emphasized in 1886 that “there is nothing to mark people of that stamp [criminals] as a class”?! and added that it was useless to construct a general physiognomic criminal type since there were no consistent physical features specific to criminals. Only the unique body imprinted with its particular, inherited physiology and, especially, its unconscious habits and adaptations to the life it has led could betray an identity which has become the product and residue of a life history. The role of the modern detective did not correspond to the earlier “physiologies” which subsumed criminals under ideal physical types. Identification, rather, relied on the absolute and ineradicable individuality (and unique culpability) of a specific criminal. As Gallus Muller, an American proponent of Alphonse Bertillon’s method for identifying criminals, stated, the goal of such identification was “to fix the human personality, to give each human being an identity, an individuality, certain, durable, invariable, always recognizable, and always capable of being proven.”22

Christian Phéline, in his brilliant study L7mage accusatrice, relates the emergence of criminal photography to other uses of photography within the modern world of anonymous crowds which devised bureaucratic means to trace and identify, such as medical documentation and the growing use

of photographs in identity cards and passports, all of which demarcate a person as a unique entity. Phéline declares that “the photographic image contributes to the very constitution of such identity as social identity and therefore participates in the emergence of the individual in the modern sense of the term.”*° Such techniques of identification became necessary in the new world of rapid circulation and facilitated the circulation of the newly constituted individual through its circuits with a traceable accountability. The detective story structures itself around two essential moments: one

24 BODIES AND SENSATION plays on the possibility of exploiting the loss of the immediate signs of identity and place in society, while the second tries to restore and establish identity and social status beyond a shadow of a doubt. The criminal can use disguise and alias to elude recognition. However, the detective can identify the criminal precisely by focusing on marks that the criminal might not be aware of or would find difficult or impossible to conceal. The drama of this new form of evidence lies less in stripping the criminal of his disguise (like the chief of the Sureté who knocks off Vautrin’s wig and reveals his shock of red hair in Balzac’s Pere Gonot) than in capturing the criminal in an act of unconscious revelation. While the clearest and ultimately most successful example of new sys-

tems of criminal identification was the gradual adoption of the fingerprint,** throughout the latter part of the nineteenth century (and into the twentieth) photography was used both as a means of identification and as a means of gathering evidence of crime. The collection of photographs of criminals under arrest began soon after the invention of photography. Phéline cites examples from Brussels in 1843 and 1844, Birmingham in 1850, and the use of a photograph as legal evidence in Lausanne in 1854. The Paris prefecture created an official photographic service department in 1873.76

Rogues’ galleries (as these collections of photographs were called) were

quickly instituted by modern city police departments and immediately caught the public imagination (figs. 1.1, 1.2). The public display of portraits of professional criminals (who sought anonymity and concealment) became one of the most popular forms of photographic galleries, with tourists flocking to them as an urban sight and Barnum displaying them in his museum.?’ Apprehension of criminals, both in reality and in detective

fiction, often hinged on recognizing them from these photographs; Le Pickpocket mystifié, a Pathé film from 1911, for instance, shows detective Nick Winter trailing a pickpocket he has identified from a book of criminal photos he carries with him.

However, the very nature of the photograph, its detailed accuracy and instantaneity, created both organizational and procedural problems. Rogues’ galleries were assembled by police departments around the world before a theory was devised to underpin their organization and method. Such photographic collections demanded regulation by systems of knowledge and classification. This new medium, so rich in indexical and iconic information, had to be systematized in order actually to supply the identifications they seemed to promise. How could this new method for producing an accurate image that could be made quickly and circulated widely fulfill its promise of universal surveillance?

An initial problem came from criminal resistance to the process. Criminals posed by police for such portraits would distort their facial expres-

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TRACING THE INDIVIDUAL BODY 27 sions in the hope of rendering their photographs unidentifiable. ‘The slow speeds of early photography made possible this painless equivalent of the self-disfiguration of Sue’s brigand. The face needed only to be contorted briefly in order to create a grotesque photograph.*® A famous caricature (which also appeared as a comic photograph) captured the scene of guards holding a grimacing and struggling prisoner as a photographer takes his picture (figs. 1.3, 1.4). Although some commentators claimed that this image was purely fictional, a number of photographs included in Gustave Macé’s “criminal museum” (a collection of mug shots published in 1890) show criminals similarly restrained or making bizarre grimaces.*? However, the practice, made more difficult by even greater camera speeds, seems to have been short-lived. In 1886 Inspector Brynes declared: The very cleverest hands at preparing a false physiognomy for the camera have made their grimaces in vain. The sun has been too quick for them, and has imprisoned the lines of the profile and the features and caught the ex-

| pression before it could be disguised. There is not a portrait here but has some marked characteristic by which you can identify the man who Sat for it. That is what has to be studied in the Rogues’ Gallery—detail . . . the skilled detective knows all this and looks for distinguishing marks peculiar to his

subject.°? ;

The caricature of prisoner resistance to photographic methods of fixing identity received a cinematic treatment (with some fascinating transformations) in an early film produced by the American Biograph Company. The single shot of A Subject for the Rogue’s Gallery (1904) shows a woman criminal held (as in the caricature prototype) by a pair of cops as her photo is taken. The woman contorts her face comically, attempting to render any likeness unrecognizable. However, as she attempts to subvert the fixing of her image, the Biograph camera closes in on her, tracking forward, its gradually closer framing seeming to underscore the ineffectiveness of her attempt. As the film ends, the frustrated woman weeps, framed in medium close-up. This early masterpiece marshals the device of camera movement in what can only be seen as a self-reflective moment, dramatizing both the film viewer’s growing curiosity about this female spectacle and the oppressive power of the diegetic camera as it relentlessly sees through the woman’s performance. Instead of a single contortion, the film presents a gamut of grimaces, until the prisoner gives up in exhaustion before the unblink-

ing cinema camera. Perhaps more eloquently than any still photograph, this brief film acts out the drama implicit in all police photography which Phéline describes as “the exercise of political power on the individual’s body and image.”?!

If the criminal’s attempt to evade the photographic lens supplied only

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mand for thrills escalated as blasé perception required increasingly intense impressions. Simmel characterized the 1896 Berlin Trade Show as a manifestation of the jaded urbanite’s need for increasingly vivid thrills.°? In the same year, Maxim Gorky situated the cinema precisely within this inflationary cycle of sensory deadening and countervailing overstimulation.

94 BODIES AND SENSATION His firsthand account of the first exhibition of moving pictures (by the Lumiére brothers in Paris) delivered what appears to have been an already stock rhetoric about the neurological dangers of “the thirst for the strange and the new.”” At least one more hypothesis tried to explain the psychological mecha-

nisms behind the “new and urgent need for stimuli.” Benjamin adapted a theory laid out by Freud in Beyond the Pleasure Principle concerning the function of anxiety as an adaptive defense against traumatic shock. Studying victims of shell shock from World War I, Freud observed that a severe traumatic breakdown occurred only among soldiers for whom the frightful event was totally unexpected. But those who had anxiously prepared

for the shock by fixating on it, by mentally rehearsing it over and over again, or, in other words, by getting used to it in small, controlled doses, did not suffer major breakdowns. In this context, Freud believed, anxiety was self-protective, since the individual could defend himself against the traumatizing potential of shock. “The more readily consciousness registers shocks,” he wrote, “the less likely they are to have a traumatic effect.”4!

Benjamin applied this hypothesis to the film experience: The shocks of the film medium, he suggested, functioned as a kind of preparation or immunization against the shocks of the modern environment. “The acceptance of shocks,” he argued, “is facilitated by training in coping with stimuli.” “The film is the art form that is in keeping with the increased threat to his life which modern man has to face. Man’s need to expose himself to shock effects is his adjustment to the dangers threatening him.”* Film, Benjamin hypothesized, provided a training in coping with the stimuli of the modern world. In their breadth and diversity, these discourses around the subject of

modernity—both the myriad representations of urban shock and the multilayered attempts to understand popular sensationalism as a symptom

of modern hyperstimulus—reveal a critical fixation, a sense of anxious urgency in documenting and dissecting an awesome social transformation. At the heart of this fixation is the fact that critical observers of modernity felt the “shock of the new” firsthand. They lived in a culture that had not yet fully adjusted to the sudden transformations of experience. The premodern millennium had yet to fade into a quaint abstract concept; it was still a vital and tangible memory, one that constantly accentuated the novelty and trauma of the modern world. Ortega y Gasset aptly described this

situation: “The tempo of modern life, the speed with which things move : today, the force and energy with which everything is done, cause anguish to the man of archaic mould, and this anguish is the measure of the im-

balance between his pulse-beats and the pulse-beats of the time.” The critical fixation on modernity and sensationalism underscores if not the

MODERNITY, HYPERSTIMULUS, AND POPULAR SENSATIONALISM 95

anguish then at least the anxiety of a generation that could still feel such an imbalance. NOTES 1. Georg Simmel, “The Metropolis and Mental Life,” in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, ed. Kurt H. Wolff (New York: Free Press, 1950), p. 410.

2. The U.S. urban population more than quadrupled between 1870 and 1910, from just under ten million to over forty-two million. In other words, the urban population doubled in size every twenty years or so: Between 1880 and 1900, for example, it rose from fourteen million to thirty million. Miles of electric-trolley tracks in the North Atlantic region increased from 2,952 in 1890 to 10,175 in 1902. In the United States as a whole, coverage rose 178 percent in those years, from 8,123 to 22,589 miles of track (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1980 Census of the Population | Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1980], table 3; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Special Reports, Street and Electric Railways | Washington, D.C.,

1903], p. 34).

3. A good compilation of film footage of Manhattan around 1900 can be found in episode seven of the PBS series Hentage: Civilization and the Jews. The series is available on video at many public libraries. The screening list of the conference “Cinema Turns 100,” held under the auspices of DOMITOR in New York in

1994, includes numerous street scenes from the 1896-1902 period held by major film archives in Europe and North America. 4. Mike Featherstone, “Theories of Consumer Culture,” in Consumer Culture and Postmodernism (London: Sage Publications, 1991), p. 24. 5. An example of an academic essay is Howard B. Woolston, “The Urban Habit

of Mind,” The American Journal of Sociology 17, no. 5 (March 1912): 602-614. Stephen Kern offers a stimulating and eclectic survey of contemporaneous literary and artistic discourses about speed, fragmentation, and modernity (such as the Cubist and Futurist manifestos) in The Culture of Time and Space, 1880-1918 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1983), especially chapter 5. On neurasthenia, see Kern (chapter 5); Tom Lutz, American Nervousness, 1903: An Anecdotal History (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991); James B. Gilbert, Work Without Salvations: America’s Intellectuals and Industrial Alienation, 1880-1910 (Baltimore: Johns

Hopkins University Press, 1977), pp. 31-43. George Beard’s American Nervousness (New York, 1881) is generally considered the seminal discussion of neurasthenia. 6. Henry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams (1917; reprint, New York: Modern Library, 1931), pp. 494-495. 7. Michael M. Davis, The Exploitation of Pleasure (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1911), pp. 33, 36. Davis’s survey was conducted in 1910. 8. It is no coincidence that social theorists began focusing on mob psychology around the turn of the century. Two key works, among many popularizations, were Gustave Le Bon, Psychologie des foules (1895) and Gabriel Tarde, Opinion and the Crowd (1901). A representative popularization is Gerald Stanley Lee, Crowds: A Study of the Genius of Democracy and the Fear, Desires, and Expectations of the People (London:

96 BODIES AND SENSATION Methuen, 1913). Quotation from Walter Benjamin, “On Some Motifs in Baudelaire,” in Jlluminations, ed. Hannah Arendt (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1968), p. 174. All further citations of Benjamin are from this collection.

g. The Life illustration appeared on 6 May 1909. Picasso held the first exhibition of Cubist paintings at Ambroise Vollard’s gallery a bit later, in the summer of 1909. Cubism did not emerge as a bona fide movement (at least not one that a mainstream illustrator in New York might catch wind of) until the period between

1911 and 1914. The famous Armory show, in which eleven hundred works of modern art were exhibited in New York (and then Chicago and Boston), and which gave this work its first real exposure in America, took place in February 1913 (Herbert Read, A Concise History of Modern Painting [New York: Praeger, 1959], p. 117). The formal similarities between the Life illustration and the Cubist aesthetic suggest their common basis in the perceptual transformations of modernity. 10. Anon., “Ground to Pieces on the Rail,” Newark Daily Advertiser, g May 1894.

11. A wealth of municipal-government data on the numbers of trolley and road accidents and deaths has survived. Some statistics are presented in “Highway Accidents in New York City During 1915,” Journal of American Statistical Association 15, (September 1916): 318-323; Roger Lane: Violent Death in the City: Suicide, Accident, and Murder in Nineteenth-Century Philadelphia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979). 12. Outlook, 15 September 1900. 13. Benjamin, “On Some Motifs in Baudelaire,” p. 175. 14. Newark Daily Advertiser, 18 and 29 May 1891.

15. Anon., “A Little Girl’s Peculiar Death,” Newark Daily Advertiser (26 May 1891), p. 1, columns 7 and 8. 16. Deaths by falling might also have had a particular resonance for the firstgeneration immigrants, many of whom came from rural agrarian cultures with no tall buildings, who read these newspaper accounts. Perhaps these images spoke to their sense of uneasiness in the strange spatial coordinates of the vertical modern metropolis. 17. John F. Kasson, Amusing the Million: Coney Island at the Turn of the Century (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978); Richard Snow, Coney Island: A Postcard Journey to the City of Fire (New York: Brightwaters Press, 1984); Andrea Stulman Dennett and Nina Warnke, “Disaster Spectacles at the Turn of the Century,” Film History 4 (1990): 101-111. 18. “A Hundred Ways of Breaking Your Neck,” Scientific American, 14 October 1905.

19. Archibald Haddon, “Sensational Melodrama,” Daily Express (London), 28 August 1905. Clipping is at the Harvard Theater Collection, “Melodrama” file, Cambridge, Mass. 20. Desmond MacCarthy, “Melodrama,” The New Statesman (London), 27 June 1914. 21. Ads and reviews for “Bertha, the Sewing Machine Girl,” Brooklyn Daily Eagle,

Sunday, September 2, 1906, p. 9; Tuesday, September 4, 1906, p. 4; Sunday, September 23, 1906, section 3. p. 10; Sunday, October 6, 1907, section 2, p. 8 and p. 9.

MODERNITY, HYPERSTIMULUS, AND POPULAR SENSATIONALISM 97

22. Tom Gunning explores aspects of sensationalism in early film in “An Aesthetics of Astonishment: Early Film and the (In)credulous Spectator,” Art and Text 34 (spring 1989): 31.

23. On sensational melodrama and the action serials, see my article “Female Power in the Serial-Queen Melodrama: The Etiology of an Anomaly,” Camera Obscura 22 ( January, 1990): 91-129, and my chapter on serials in Geoffrey NowellSmith, ed., A History of the Cinema, 1895-1995 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). 24. “The Futurist Cinema,” in Marinetti: Selected Writings, ed. R. W. Flint (New

York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1971), p. 131. Both Phillipe Soupault and Jean Epstein recalled the thrill of seeing The Exploits of Elaine in Paris in 1915. Soupault wrote in 1923, “We dashed into the movie house and realized that all was changed. Pearl White’s smile appeared on the screen, that almost ferocious smile announcing the upheavals of the new world. We finally understood that the cinema was not

just a mechanical toy, but the terrible and magnificent flag of life. Wide eyed, we _ [saw] crimes, departures, phenomena, nothing less than the poetry of our age.” Jean Epstein similarly declared, “These popular, foolish (that goes without saying), penny dreadful-ish, incredible, blood-and-thunder films such as The Exploits of Elaine mark an epoch, a Style, a civilization no longer lit by gas, thank God” (Soupault, “Cinema, U.S.A.,” in The Shadow and Its Shadow: Surrealist Writings on Cinema,

ed. Paul Hammond [London: British Film Institute, 1978], p. 32; Jean Epstein, “Le Sens 1bis,” in Bonjour Cinema [ Paris: Editions de la Sirene, 1921], translated : by Stuart Liebman in “Jean Epstein’s Early Film Theory, 1920-1922” [Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1980]; an alternate, and, I think, less apt translation by Tom Milne is in Aftermage 10 [Autumn 1981]: 9-16, reprinted in Richard Abel, French Film Theory and Criticism: A History/Anthology, 1907-1939 | Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988], vol. 1).

25. A socioeconomic explanation would focus on the demographic changes of modern capitalism as a key factor in the rise of sensationalism. Clearly, the rapid

growth of the urban working class in the last quarter of the nineteenth century provided a mass audience predisposed towards startling and violent spectacle, however one might want to explain this predisposition. As the journalist Rob Wagner put it in 1921, “Rough workers ... like things that go bang.” Sensational news-

papers, the “mellerdrammer,” action serials, burlesque—these all hinged on the new lowbrow social configuration of the amusement marketplace (Robert Wagner, “You—At the Movies,” American Magazine go [December 1920]: 42-44, excerpted in Literary Digest 68 [26 February 1921]: 46). 26. Siegfried Kracauer, “The Cult of Distraction: On Berlin’s Picture Palaces,” (orig. pub. 1926), trans. Thomas Y. Levin, in New German Critique 40 (winter 1987): gi—g6. My discussion of Kracauer and Benjamin is informed by a number of valuable essays in this issue of New German Critique, particularly Miriam Hansen’s “Benjamin, Cinema and Experience,” Heide Schlupmann’s “Kracauer’s Phenomenology of Film,” Patrice Petro’s “Discourse on Sexuality in Early German Film Theory,” and Sabine Hake’s “Girls and Crisis: The Other Side of Diversion.” 27. Benjamin, “The Work of Art,” in Illuminations, p. 250. 28. Benjamin, “Some Motifs in Baudelaire,” p. 175.

98 BODIES AND SENSATION 29. Hermann Kienzl, “Theater und Kinematograph,” Der Strom 1 (1911/1912): 219-220; quoted in Anton Kaes, “The Debate About Cinema: Charting a Controversy (1909-1929),” New German Critique 40 (winter 1987): 12. 30. Davis, op. cit., pp. 33, 36. 31. Woolston, op. cit., p. 602. 32. Benjamin, “Some Motifs in Baudelaire,” p. 175. 93. Kracauer wrote, “The tension to which the working masses are subjected is

... greater and more tangible [than in the provinces]—an essentially formal tension which fills their day fully without making it fulfilling. Such a lack demands to

be compensated” (“Cult of Distraction,” p. 93). :

34. “Berliner Gewerbe-Ausstellung,” Die Zeit (Vienna), 25 July 1896; quoted in David Frisby, Fragments of Modernity: Theories of Modernity in the Work of Simmel, Kracauer, and Benjamin (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1986), p. 94.

35. A British journalist named Arnold Smith expressed a similar argument in 1904, suggesting that the notion that popular sensationalism was an escape from or compensation for modern experience was something of a commonplace by the time Kracauer incorporated it. Smith writes, “The increasing mass of sensational literature which appears daily is a serious symptom of mental debility in the country at large. The cause of the demand for this fiction is not far to seek. It lies in the nerve-shattering conditions of modern life; in the ceaseless strain and worry which must be escaped from somehow, if only for an hour (“The Ethics of Sensational Fiction,” The Westminster Review 162 [August 1904]: 190). 36. Kracauer, “Cult of Distraction,” p. 93.

37. Simmel’s key discussion of the blasé attitude is in “The Metropolis and Mental Life”: “The blasé attitude results first from the rapidly changing and closely compressed contrasting stimulations of the nerves. A life in boundless pursuit of pleasure makes one blasé because it agitates the nerves to their strongest reactivity for such a long time that they finally cease to react at all... . Through the rapidity and contradictoriness of their changes, harmless impressions force such violent responses, tearing the nerves so brutally hither and thither that their last reserves of

strength are spent; and if one remains in the same milieu they have no time to gather new strength. An incapacity thus emerges to react to new sensations with the appropriate energy. .. . The essence of the blasé attitude consists in the blunting of discrimination. This does not mean that the objects are not perceived, but rather that the meaning and differing values of things, and thereby the things themselves, are experienced as insubstantial. They appear to the blasé person in an evenly flat and gray tone; no one object deserves preference over any other” (Simmel, op. cit., p. 414). 38. The reader will observe that Howard Woolston invokes this theory in the last sentence of the passage quoted above. 39. Frisby, op. cit., p. 75. 40. Gorky wrote, “Say what you will, but this [the cinematograph] is a strain on

the nerves. ... Our nerves are getting weaker and weaker, are growing more and more unstrung, are reacting less and less forcefully to the simple ‘impressions of daily life’ and thirst more and more eagerly for new, strong, unusual, burning and strange impressions. The cinematograph gives you them—and the nerves will grow

MODERNITY, HYPERSTIMULUS, AND POPULAR SENSATIONALISM 99

cultivated on the one hand, and dulled on the other! The thirst for such strange, fantastic impressions as it gives will grow ever greater, and we will be increasingly less able and less desirous of grasping the everyday impressions of ordinary life.

The thirst for the strange and the new can lead us far, very far” (“Gorky on the Films, 1896,” in New Theatre and Film, 1934 to 1937: An Anthology, ed. Herbert Kline

[New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1985], pp. 227-233; a slightly different translation appears in Jay Leyda, Kino: A History of the Russian and Soviet Film, 3d ed. [ Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983]). 41. Sigmund Freud, “Beyond the Pleasure Principle” in The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (London: Hogarth Press, 19531974), 18:13.

42. Benjamin’s fullest discussion of Freud’s theory of protective anxiety is in “Some Motifs in Baudelaire,” pp. 161-163. The first quotation is taken from “On Some Motifs in Baudelaire” (p. 162); the second is from “The Work of Art” (p. 250). For a similar interpretation of this aspect of Benjamin’s framework, see Susan Buck-Morss, “Aesthetic and Anaesthetics: Walter Benjamin’s Artwork Essay Reconsidered,” New Formations 20 (summer 1993): 123-143. 43. José Ortega y Gasset, The Revolt of the Masses (New York: W. W. Norton,

1932), p. 31. Also available in a newer translation by Anthony Kerrigan (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1985).

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PART TWO

Circulation and Consumer Desire

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FOUR

The Poster in Fin-de-Siécle Paris:

“That Mobile and Degenerate Art” Marcus Verhagen

The poster had once been a crude commercial tool, a black-and-white announcement with a highly schematic image or none at all. With the emergence of the color poster in the early decades of the Third Republic, however, it developed into a sophisticated medium; by the mid-1880s, posters were being collected by aesthetes and commented on enthusiastically by art critics. Those changes were widely attributed to the efforts of a single man, the poster artist Jules Chéret, who soon became a household name. For a time, Chéret’s work and the poster were virtually synonymous. In 1890 the writer Edmond de Goncourt presided over a banquet that was given in the artist's honor and called him “the first painter of the Parisian wall, the inventor of art in the poster.”! That was high praise, particularly as the aging writer, whose pronouncements had something of the force of official decrees in literary and artistic circles of the time, was not given to commend-

Ing artists out of hand. By that point, however, it was not an uncommon view.

As Chéret rose to a certain prominence in /fin-de-siécle Paris, so did the chérette, as she was called—the dancing, nymphlike woman who dominated his designs. Buoyed by her mirth, she mostly appeared in a void, as in a poster of 1894 for the Eldorado, a fashionable music hall (fig. 4.1). There she was illuminated from below, like an actress standing in the glare of a series of footlights, but she dispensed with the stage, hovering restlessly against the background. Her legs were freed from carrying her weight and, daringly uncovered, they danced in the air, while a couple of clowns gazed up at her in adoration. She was a performer, and her charm was made of artifice. In her act, the contrivances of the entertainment world were compounded by those of the artist, who touched her up and accented her sexual exposure while removing her to an undefined zone above and beyond 103

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beos te: Another writer said of Le Courrier that it had “the glory of being the most daring and intelligent promoter.”!4 Roques and others in Montmartre had every reason to hope that the poster would be recognized as an art form in its own right. Bohemia provided a testing ground and a pool of talent for the advertising business. In the process, it also cemented its alliance with the moguls of the entertainment industry. The most remarkable product of that alliance was the Moulin Rouge, which was located at the foot of the butte.

It was run by Oller and Zidler, who hired Chéret and, later, ToulouseLautrec to tempt potential customers with images of can-can dancers and other lightly clad women. They consulted the artists and writers of Montmartre on the design of their building and the organization of their shows. That kind of collaboration clearly benefited both parties; by association with the bohemians of Montmartre, the entrepreneurs gave their ventures a (thin) veneer of avant-gardism, while the writers and artists themselves found a wider setting for their activities and reveled in the licentiousness they saw there. The poster stood at the intersection of bohemia and the entertainment business, playing on the provocations of the first and using them to glamorize those of the second. No wonder d’Avenel was reluctant to give it his approval.

The poster’s most dedicated defender, however, was neither a radical nor a bohemian, and he was anxious to downplay its more controversial associations. Ernest Maindron curated an exhibition on the history of advertising in 1889 and wrote two books on the poster, the first appearing in 1886 and the second a decade later. Like Alexandre and Fénéon, he was keen to establish the validity of the poster as an art form. His reasoning, however, was different. Where they hinted that the canonical ordering of the arts was in itself a questionable practice, he simply tried to tinker with the canon by revising the status of the poster, to which he gave all the attributes of a fine art. Maindron’s claims, however, were extremely labored—too labored, and

too numerous, to be entirely convincing. First, he insisted that the poster had a distinguished heritage, like any other fine art. He continually referred back to Daumier and other mid-century artists, whom he saw as the precursors of the poster designers of his day. Second, it had become a collector’s item. He had a large collection himself and reported that there were now so many other collectors that printers were beginning to regard them as a menace.!® Third, several exhibitions had recently been devoted to it, including, of course, the one he had organized himself. (Chéret had also had a successful one-man show in 1889.) Finally, he saw it as reviving

a decorative tradition that had a well-established place in the history of art, noting “I think we can expect [from the poster] the ideal formula for

THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 111 a new art of fresco painting.”!® The comment may seem far-fetched, but it was in fact a popular refrain; a number of other writers made exactly the same point in pieces on Chéret.!”

In their efforts to assimilate the poster to the fine arts, several critics also compared it to the more recent decorative tradition of rococo painting, likening Chéret, Willette, and others to such newly fashionable eighteenth-century painters as Watteau, Boucher, and Fragonard.!8 The comparison usefully provided an art-historical rationale for the prominence | in the modern poster of characters from the commedia dell’ arte (Pierrot, Colombine, and the rest), who figured prominently in rococo painting. It also had the merit of recognizing the poster’s reliance on highly suggestive scenarios of courtship and seduction, while tracing them to a fully legitimate art of the past. The poster, the argument went, was instrumental in reviving la gaieté francaise, a national tradition of public festivity and humor, of which the eighteenth-century /éte galante and its representation in rococo painting were particularly refined expressions.!9 Maindron was appealing to precisely that view when he wrote that the poster was the embodiment of “French taste.”?°

When he was not insisting on the poster’s credentials as a fine art, Maindron was attesting to its edifying influence on the general public. He , claimed, for instance, that it inculcated a taste for art, and, further, that it taught the illiterate to read. The arguments he cited in its defense are oddly heavy-handed; with every additional virtue, his reasoning sounds more fully predicated on the views he intended to contradict. The poster was a collector’s item, a modern fresco, a learning aid, and a vehicle for la gaveté francaise. It served too many different purposes, and in his breathless

search for further justifications Maindron betrayed a certain nervousness, an abiding sense of the resistance he expected to meet. It is a measure of his uneasiness that in listing the poster’s various functions, he made virtually no mention of its ostensible purpose. He even suggested that its promotional function was purely incidental. “Advertising,” he wrote, “is just a pretext,” a way of reaching a wider audience.?! Maindron was on uncertain ground. He tried to validate the poster by eliding its commercial goal

in favor of a host of other functions, most of which were spurious or forced. It is clear from the circuitousness of his argument that the issue was still contentious; as Maindron was painfully aware, both the poster’s artistic worth and its moral and social repercussions were open to debate.

Artists too defended the poster, often with a touch of humor. In a design of 1893 for the cover of Le Mirliton, which was edited by Aristide Bruant and named after his cabaret, Steinlen pictured a young dandy in one of the back streets of Montmartre examining a poster that Lautrec had recently designed for Bruant (fig. 4.3). The butte, home to Le Mirliton, was familiar territory to Steinlen, Lautrec, and Bruant, but the young

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THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 113 man is completely out of place there; his precious mannerisms and dress

strike a discordant note against the desolate background and form an absurd contrast with the dogs that sniff at each other and urinate behind him.?2 Bruant appears to laugh at him, much as he did at the middle-class patrons of his cabaret. Oblivious to his own ridicule, the young man stares back at Bruant’s image and expertly assesses it, the implication being that the poster is a deserving object of study, and, further, that serious aesthetes are bound to gravitate towards Montmartre. In the process, the poster’s function is downplayed; here, as elsewhere, the dandy’s chief concern is style (of dress, conduct, etc.) and the effect of his gaze is to present the image as primarily a formal exercise, bracketing off or sublimating its commercial goal. Once again, advertising is pictured as a “pretext.”

Humorous mutual congratulation was a popular strategy in the bohemian community; here, it was used to further the cultural claims of the poster. It may have succeeded in this, but only at a certain cost in ideological coherence. There is a sense in which the artist’s humor barely manages to disguise his difficulty in imagining the poster’s true audience. In defending the artistic worth of Lautrec’s image, Steinlen interpellates such an unlikely figure that he effectively exposes the social indeterminacy of its address. Lautrec’s advertisement is pictured as mediating uneasily between communities that were poles apart socially and politically. The poster was a result of “the more intimate mingling of the classes,” wrote d’Avenel, and so it appears here; such is the price it pays for its artistic elevation. In a design of 1897 by Henri-Gabriel Ibels, a painter and anarchist who had close ties with Lautrec and the Nabis, the poster defended itself with a little more conviction (fig. 4.4). The image was intended as an advertise-

ment for a dealer in posters, and in it Ibels forcefully acknowledged the commercial intention that lay behind his design and that it shared with . those it was commissioned to promote. Colombine, Arlequin, Pierrot, and a particularly clownlike Cassandre serve as barkers in a parade, a sideshow that was traditionally put on to draw passersby into fairground theaters or circuses. The figures stage a pantomime of collective persuasion: Arlequin strikes a characteristically boastful pose, while Pierrot puts on a display of servility, and Colombine provides a running commentary. They stage a brash advertisement for their own dramatic talents. Together they provide an analogy for the poster and its cunning array of visual allurements, and in the process they give it something of their own prestige. Pantomime was in vogue in the final decades of the century; it had long been considered a working-class distraction, but in the 1880s and 18g0s, fashionable authors penned pieces of their own and staged them before select audiences.?> As he became more refined, Pierrot came to serve as a stand-in for the artist or writer, acting out the hardships of an avant-gardist vocation in the poetry of Jules Laforgue, for instance, or in Willette’s paintings

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m;yRevue writer id nt desdes deuxan derate. Intery ns, d in La hi g but mo 1 al ing of app er, WaS ) rful an , . . f h OW€EvVE!, OWE . T article 1 ? or nem ? in | odernity,

h O Carnival, which was undergoing a sputtering revival, was seen in a similar light, its enthusiasts presenting it as one of the few remaining manifestations of a national tradition of merrymaking and lamenting the passivity of middle-class pleasure seekers of their time.*°

In referring to carnival, Talmeyr was situating the poster in the context of the same debate. Unsurprisingly, he referred to the fair as well, using it to stress the poster’s invasiveness: “Fairground colors... always violent... now solicit the gaze from all directions, irritating it, and truly transform-

ing the physiognomy of the streets” (p. 204). He also mentioned “the blast of fairground music which you hear” in the poster (p. 207). In a similar vein, d’Avenel saw the poster as operating in the same fashion as the barrel-organ, an instrument that the opponents of the fair considered particularly offensive.2” Other writers made similar comments but in a more indulgent tone. Joris-Karl Huysmans, who was among the first to voice an appreciation of the poster, saw it as loudly disrupting the oppressively somber environment of Haussmannian Paris, while his friend Lorrain spoke of

THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 119 it as causing a “harmonious racket.”*° Ibels addressed the same issue in his Pierrefort poster (fig. 4.4). The figures enacting the poster’s function appeared on a fairground platform; they were definitely intrusive—their purpose, after all, was to hail passersby—but their intrusiveness was fundamen-

tal to their humor and art, and the same, implicitly, could be said of the poster. To his readers, Talmeyr’s references to carnival would have seemed sin-

gularly appropriate on a number of other counts. For one thing, it was widely accepted that the chérette was a participant in some form of carnivalesque festivity (fig. 4.2). For another, carnival owed its revival in the 1880s and 1890s largely to those communities that were most active in their support of the poster. Talmeyr acknowledged bohemia’s contribution to the development of advertising with a knowing reference to cough drops (and hence to Géraudel and Le Courner francais) 2° He effectively cemented it by speaking of the poster as a vehicle of carnival, given that the

bohemians of Montmartre often modeled their pranks and festivities on carnival, and were directly responsible for two of the more controversial carnival celebrations of the time—the Bal des Quat-z’Arts, the art students’ annual masked ball, which was organized by Roques, and the processions of the Vache Enragée, which were put on by Willette and friends.” In their

carnivalesque ventures as in other areas, the artists of Montmartre found strategic allies in the grandees of the entertainment business. Roques, for instance, used the Moulin Rouge as a venue for the Bal des Quat-z’Arts.*! Even without Roques’s encouragement, Zidler, the manager of the Moulin

Rouge, took an interest in the renascent tradition of carnival and for a couple of years (1896-1897) oversaw the Boeuf Gras, the butchers’ carnival parade.# The poster’s carnivalesque qualities, then, could be seen as pointing to Montmartre and the entertainment industry, and to the dovetailing roles they played in its rise. Talmeyr’s references to carnival were also perfectly in keeping with his view of the poster as an arena for the prostitute, who was herself a figure of carnival, constantly flouting middle-class notions of decorum in her forwardness—and frequently appearing in times of festivity. She was a fixture at the masked ball, particularly the Bal de l’Opéra. There, according to Lorrain, she would go every year to make new con-

quests and rekindle old ones.* In the art and literature of the time, the Bal de l'Opéra was regularly described as a site of sexual traffic; Lautrec, for one, pictured it as a meeting place for prostitutes and their clients. As terms in Talmeyr’s analysis, the carnival and the prostitute were mutually corroborating; in aligning the poster with the one and then with the other, he was locating it within a single, entirely consistent metaphorical constellation, hemming it in with analogies that gave his warnings of invasiveness and depravity an urgent, contemporaneous ring.

120 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE In fact, he was doing more than that. Carnival was a cultural memory that was rich in associations but vague, as the efforts to restore it demonstrated; it was variously seen as a working-class festival of transience and plenty (the Boeuf Gras), a humorous celebration of bohemian poverty and resilience (the Vache Enragée), an extravagant initiation rite (the Quat-z Arts), and a decadent high society gathering (the Bal de l’Opéra). Up

to a point, the term’s vagueness suited Talmeyr, who used it to embrace a cluster of related dangers. Seen in conjunction with the prostitute, however, carnival came into sharper focus, suggesting one danger in particular, that of pervasive social mobility, which effectively summarized all the others. To many /in-de-siécle observers, the prostitute posed an alarming threat to the integrity of the class system. As they imagined her, she was pushed

to sell her favors by overwhelming social and material ambitions and often wreaked havoc in the process, ruining the men who came into contact with her. In her more successful incarnation as a courtesan or kept woman, she would go to any lengths to be seen in the right places and in the right company, to gain access to the smarter salons and loges, or to seduce an aristocrat. She was the very picture of arrivisme, of aggressive social climbing and conspicuous consumption, frequently demeaning the men who pursued her as they bowed to her tastes and pretensions. That is how she was presented in novels by writers like Alphonse Daudet and Hugues Rebell, both of whom were ideologically close to Talmeyr. Daudet was particularly scathing, painting Rosa, the retired courtesan in Sapho, as a violent old woman who had amassed a fortune in the Second Empire and then put it on display with opulent bad taste.44 For her part, Rebell’s heroine Juliette squandered the inheritances of several men before associating herself with an aging Hungarian prince. In a particularly telling passage, she and a number of other courtesans attend a ball in Montmartre, at which they are surprised to meet the working-class locals among whom they had grown up.* To writers like these, prostitution was a dangerous leveler of class differences. As they saw her, the prostitute was propelled and abased by her social aspirations, using her power over men of high standing to expose the porousness of a system of social stratification that had once been more rigid. Tellingly, the chérette, already widely labeled a prostitute, was also pictured as a figure of social indeterminacy, generally of upward mobility. Huysmans, for instance, described Chéret’s artistry in terms that deliberately echoed the more severe texts on the trespassing ways of the successful courtesan: “He takes a woman of the people with a cheeky expression, a restless nose and eyes that light up and tremble, he refines her, renders her almost distinguished, under those fineries, turns her into a soubrette

THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 121 of bygone days, an elegant hussy whose lapses [écarts] are delicate.”*° He was punning in his use of the word écart, which means both a gymnastic extension, as in the can-can, and a moral lapse or deviation. His account was playful but unambiguous: as he saw her, the chérette was a working-class tart who had acquired a certain polish and grace, even a faint otherworldliness (his talk of “a soubrette of bygone days” deliberately recalled the fe-

male figures of rococo painting). Lorrain, who often took his cue from Huysmans, saw her in a similar light, writing that she was both “duchess and street-urchin.”*” Meanwhile, Yvanhoé Rambosson claimed that the chérette had a modest background and disreputable acquaintances but an aristocratic bearing nonetheless.*® Chéret’s defenders cheerfully detected in his women the very transformations that so alarmed Daudet and others in the prostitute. In their social mobility, the chérette and courtesan were carnivalesque; they were participants in a subversive festival of social becoming. It was to that notion of carnival that Talmeyr was referring in his comments on the poster as a masked ball or parade. Carnival, as illuminated by the prosti-

tute, was a time of heightened exchange in goods and symbolic values, when fortunes were made or spent overnight, status was won or lost, and everything, from sex to titles of distinction, was for sale. Writers for the Left still saw carnival as a time of humorous rebellion, even a prelude to revolution, and the processions of the Vache Enragée in Montmartre were billed (a little implausibly) as demonstrations of resistance.*? As it manifested itself in the poster and prostitute, however, carnival was not so much an instrument of revolt as a moment of intensified trade and, hence, a ritual enactment of the power and instability of a market economy (though vestiges of activism remained, as Talmeyr’s comments on the poster’s radica] potential indicated). Its guiding principle was not resistance but chance; at a time when the workings of the laissez-faire system were widely perceived to be violently unpredictable, carnival served as a lurid and humorous illustration of their effects. In that guise, it could be seen as subversive in its challenge to the integrity of the middle class, but it was certainly not incompatible with capitalist enterprise.°° If the prostitute was one of the pivotal figures of that form of carnival, the circus operator was another. As an itinerant entertainer, he was seen as unusually exposed to the whims of fortune and the fickleness of the public. As one observer put it, in terms that were charged with economic Darwinism, “Nowhere does the struggle for life and disdain for the defeated affirm itself as brutally as in that profession.”°! The circus and fair were pictured as places of rapid but inexorable social and professional change; endless stories were told of fallen aristocrats who worked as clowns or acrobats and of working-class prodigies who achieved fame and fortune in

122 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE the circus ring. In their subjugation to the patterns of chance, circus performers provided mythical illustrations of the fluctuations to which the economy was prone and the disrupting effect they had on class society.

The gentleman who had fallen on hard times was a prominent character in novels that were set in the world of the circus, such as Le Train 17 (1877), by the conservative writer Jules Clarétie, or Le Cirque solaire (1898),

by the Symbolist Gustave Kahn. In an absurd twinship, the gentlemanclown served as a foil for the circus director, who was seen as a model of resourceful entrepreneurialism and upward mobility. The director’s task was to master the forces of hazard at work in the circus or fair and to turn them to his profit. Claretie’s director, Francis Elton, describes the joys and tribulations of the nomadic life, which is governed, as he has it, by “the unexpected,” or “Hazard the King.”°*? By the end, of course, he has become | a man of substantial means. Like Cramer, the director in Le Cirque solaire, he is an American, America being the land of opportunity, of unbridled commercial enterprise and the ascendancy of wealth over birth. America was also the home of P. T. Barnum, on whom both Elton and Cramer were transparently modeled. Barnum was the personification of américanisme, as it was termed, continually mounting projects of astonishing commercial

daring. He was an upstart who had the temerity to trumpet his success and fabulous wealth. With grudging admiration, one writer wrote of his “grandiose but tasteless venture,” in the process outlining the hallmarks of américanisme, which resembled both carnival and the poster in its economic effervescence and in the challenge it posed to ordinary notions of distinction.*4

Barnum was himself indelibly associated with the poster. He freely, even gleefully admitted that the success of his shows was often due more to advertising than to their intrinsic drawing power. “Advertising is like learning,” he wrote. “A little is a bad thing.”>> Long after his death in 1891, his

name was still synonymous with lavish advertising and publicity stunts. D’Avenel opined that the United States was the “classic land of the advertisement,” and in support of his claim he naturally pointed to Barnum, writing that the circus director spent vast sums on the printing of posters.°6 In recognition of the director’s megalomania, Alfred Jarry wrote his name in capital letters, stating, “BARNUM is within our walls, by which we mean that he would fill them to breaking-point if he were so inclined, with his cornucopia of wonders, just as easily as he has submerged them with his posters.”5’ Upsetting attitudes of reserve was fundamental to Jarry’s theater, as he himself explained, and he apparently saw the showman as a distant precursor.*® Plainly, Barnum was powerfully intrusive; like the carnivalesque figure that he was, he violated middle-class notions of propriety with something of the gusto of Jarry’s outrageous dictator, Pére Ubu. As the writer imagined him, Barnum shattered the privacy of the home, and

THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 123 in that, appropriately enough, he was assisted by the poster, on which he clearly left his imprint, confirming its native invasiveness and its privileged connection with the more novel and ambitious projects of the entertain-

ment industry.

The poster was carnivalesque in the sense that it was allied to reckless entrepreneurialism, to self-made men, to améncanisme and arnvisme, and, more generally, to the adulteration of established social hierarchies. The ritual boasts of the circus director, the humiliation of the impoverished aristocrat, the social striving of the prostitute: those were the images it conjured. It promoted, and was promoted by, a masquerade of ordinary social relations, in which time-honored markers of distinction were cast aside and a form of social roulette prevailed, submitting class identity to the vagaries of the marketplace. If, as was claimed, the chérette had modest origins but was mysteriously distinguished all the same, it was not on account of any innate quality but because she served as a standard-bearer for the poster and hence for the destabilization of class by commerce. It was further hinted that the spectacular progress of Chéret’s career was in itself an indication of growing social mobility. Thus, Lorrain drew attention to the artist’s difficult beginning, pointing out that he had worked too hard as a young man to go to drawing classes but going on to write that he was a “lover of elegance and aristocracy” and finally calling him an “aristocrat of the arts.”59 The same applied to some of Chéret’s closest collaborators, the men who ran the leisure establishments for which he made most of his posters. The charge of eroding class distinctions was regularly brought against the new entertainment businesses, which were seen as sacrificing artistic integrity to the questionable tastes of an increasingly amorphous public. Raging against their offerings, Jules Barbey d’Aurevilly wrote, “Art is undergoing a daily process of Amencanization | s'américanise tous les jours] in this society of beggars who are begging to be rich. . . . Time 1s money, says the American. Well, so is Art!”©° When art shirked the austerity of the avant-garde and catered to the wider public, he thought, it demeaned itself and, in its gaudiness and américanisme, recalled the desperate efforts of the social climber. Other writers were more lenient but nevertheless pictured the entertainment industry as fostering greater social promiscuity. In its success and the breadth of its address, it threatened to eclipse the cultural practices that distinguished one class from another. At the same time, the owners and managers of the new venues showed that a measure of prominence could be achieved by men of enterprise, whatever their origins, and were seen as Barnums-in-the-making. Zidler’s working-class background was eagerly commented on, while Houcke was noted for his “panstanisme with an American slant.”®! Plainly, the businesses with which the |

poster was most closely associated were also perceived as contributing to

124 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE the blurring of social distinctions. Apparently, it was through mass entertainment that the randomness of the market penetrated the cultural sphere, with the poster acting as scout and ambassador for the large new concerns and giving a preliminary warning of their effect. To Talmeyr, carnival was a “shoving, equivocal dance” featuring “that part of Society that 1s dazzling, or anxious to become so” (p. 211). It was quite explicitly a tme when dubious social claims were made, and those claims were reiterated by the poster. Just as explicitly, the transgressions he

had in mind were due to the capricious influence of the modern economy. Hence the emphasis he placed on the poster’s impermanence; in its transitory character, it accurately reflected the unaccountable movements of the economic system of his day. With deliberate facetiousness, Talmeyr intimated that changes in the marketplace, once predictable, were now brutal and unexpected: [Once] you had your fortune . . . in peaceful properties, which little by little prospered or wasted away. .. . Now you go to bed at night in a sleeping-car in Paris, and you have your hot chocolate the next morning in Marseille; you take off again and you learn, upon returning, that you are ruined! You were a millionaire, but in millions that never existed, and all you have left is your wardrobe, which you even forgot to pay for. .. . The poster is the constant echo of that manner of life, which it infiltrates through its reproductions and reproduces through its infiltration. (pp. 207-208)

The poster militated against the more lasting values of earlier times, accu-

rately reflecting the economic convulsions of the present. That was the | meaning of Talmeyr’s passage on the stone edifice; the building was durable and attested to relations of power that were rooted in the ownership of land and barely changed with the passing of time. The poster, on the other hand, was as ephemeral as gains made on the stock market. Talmeyr was

anxious to surround it with the aura of vague evil-doing that attached to high finance, particularly since the Panama scandal of 1892 and 1893, while stressing the volatile, unfathomable nature of the modern economy. The poster, he implied, was simply the most visible symbol of the market mechanisms that were wearing away the foundations on which class society was built. D’Avenel felt that advertising rested on “the more intimate , mingling of the classes” and winced slightly at the thought. Talmeyr concurred but was thoroughly alarmed, imagining that the poster and other new trends in entertainment would undermine first the cultural influence and then the social and political authority of the privileged classes, eventually leading to the complete collapse of public morality and, possibly, to revolution. It should now be clear that Talmeyr’s about-face on the question of the poster’s artistic status was an astute ideological maneuver. In writing that

THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 125 the poster was a fine art, he was apparently agreeing with Maindron and company, but in the light of his earlier, more dismissive comments on the artistic aspirations of the commercial artist (who was making artworks “or trying to”), his position was open to doubt. He then advanced the extravagant view that the poster was virtually the only art of modern times and, in so doing, deliberately made nonsense of his own argument. He pretended to assist in the elevation of commercial art in order to confirm his original view, simultaneously accenting and invalidating the pretensions of the poster as an art form. In his article, he made illegitimate artistic claims for the poster and so rehearsed the more ominous transgressions he saw in it, which were not artistic but social. The two were in any case connected. The artistic canon was vested with the authority of the cultural establishment, which rested in turn on the sociopolitical status quo. The debate over the relative merits of different art forms was on some level a front for a wider discussion of their political repercussions. Challenges to the existing canon were generally made in a spirit of political defiance; the pieces in which Fénéon and Alexandre defended the poster, for instance, had unmistakable social undertones, both writers implying that the poster destabilized not only the canon but also the classes that had most to gain from its continuing influence. When Talmeyr echoed their view in an article that was destined for a more conservative readership, he too meant to elide the social and the artistic and to present the rise of advertising as a sign of sweeping changes in modern society. The poster, he felt, was a mobile, usurping presence in the pantheon of the arts; it encroached on the more established art forms and so called attention to its function as an indication of social mobility. It reproduced the transgressions of the prostitute and the seesawing fortunes of the circus operator, aiding and abetting the new entertainment concerns as they marshaled the riotous forces of the market and brought them to bear on class structure. That was the view that Maindron was so anxious to dispel; in his efforts to obscure the poster’s commercial purpose and to stress instead its acceptance by the ordinary arbiters of bourgeois good taste, he was at pains to assure his readers that it was entirely in harmony with the configuration of society as they knew it. In their day, however, Talmeyr was closer to the mainstream of middle-class opinion. Although he avoided Talmeyr’s bluster, d’Avenel repeated many of the central points of his argument, obviously feeling that advertising was chipping away at the power of the middle class in the areas of culture and public morality. His reasons for countering the view that the poster was a fine art were much the same as ‘Talmeyr’s reasons for advancing it. For all Maindron’s enthusiasm, the poster still inspired a measure of distrust. The artists and writers of Montmartre would not have embraced it as eagerly as they did if it had generally been regarded as the innocuous art form that Maindron held it to be.

126 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE Indeed, Steinlen’s image of the young dandy inspecting Lautrec’s poster in Montmartre played on the social deregulation that the advertisement was seen as entailing; like Talmeyr, Steinlen indirectly suggested that the poster’s status as an art was in fact contingent on its power to cross and erode class barriers (fig. 4.3). In laughing so infectiously, the chéretie brought the public into the circle of her joy, but there was a sense in the late nineteenth century that her amusement was an indication of carnival, and that she was also laughing at her own temerity in promoting the loosening of social and artistic hierarchies. Ponchon spoke of Chéret’s characters as smiling deliriously with their “piggy-bank mouths.”® So they were. NOTES 1. Edmond & Jules de Goncourt, Journal (Robert Laffont: Paris, 1989), vol. 3, p. 413 (entry for 16 April 1890). In typically fastidious style, Goncourt was careful

not to write of the artist as the inventor of the art of the poster but of art in the poster so as not to imply that the poster was an art form in its own right. (Unless otherwise noted, all translations from the French are my own.) 2. Raoul Ponchon, “Maitre Chéret,” Le Courner francais, g February 1890, p. 2. g. Félix Fénéon, “Quelques peintres idéistes,” Le Chat noir, 19 September 1891. 4. Yvanhoé: Rambosson, “Psychologie des Chéret,” La Plume, 15 November 1893, Pp. 499.

5. Ernest Maindron, Les Affiches illustrées (Paris, 1886), pp. 46, 134. 6. Georges d’Avenel, “La Publicité,” Le Mécanisme de la vie moderne (Paris, 1902),

p. 176. 7. Ibid., pp. 125-127, 162. 8. Ibid., p. 178. g. “Then claims were made for the ‘high art’ poster,” he wrote, using inverted commas to underline his view (ibid., p. 175). 10. Ibid., p. 211. 11. Joan U. Halperin, Félix Fénéon: Aesthete and Anarchist in Fin-de-Siecle Panis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 261. 12. Arséne Alexandre, L’Art du rire et de la caricature (Paris, 1892), pp. 342-343. 13. D’Avenel, op. cit., p. 141. 14. Louis Morin, Carnavals parisiens (Paris, 1898?), p. 177. 15. Maindron was one of a fair number of avowed poster collectors; among the others were the artists Georges Seurat and Georges Auriol and the writers Camille Mauclair, Paul Bonnetain, and Léon Hennique. In describing the lodgings of the last two, Edmond de Goncourt pointed out that with a few posters by Chéret and a small collection of Japanese art objects, an apartment could be decorated in an exotic and imaginative style and at very little cost to the tenant ( Journal, vol. 3, pp. 96, 410). 16. Ernest Maindron, Les Affiches illustrées, 1886-1895 (Paris, 1896), p. 32. 17. Jean Lorrain spoke of “the poster, that modern fresco” (Le Courner frang¢ais,

THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 127 g February 1890); in the same publication, Ponchon termed Chéret’s work “a vast fresco.” The Symbolist writer Gustave Kahn wrote that “a poster by Chéret is a delicate fresco” (“Jules Chéret,” Art et Décoration, 2d semester, 1902, p. 181); and Camille Mauclair described the poster as “a small, removable and perishable fresco” ( Jules Chéret | Paris, 1930], p. 20). 18. Roger Marx, “L’Oeuvre de Chéret,” La Plume, 15 November 1893, pp. 483485; Léon Bloy, “Le Neveu prodigue,” Propos d’un entrepreneur en démolitions (Paris, 1884), pp. 113-120.

19. Many of the same texts also hint that the transience of worldly passions, which was held to be the predominant theme of rococo painting, was also reflected in the very form and function of the poster, which was put up one day only to be pasted over the next. See, for instance, Maindron, Les Affiches illustrées, Op. cit., p. 77. 20. Maindron, Les Affiches illustrées, 1885-1895, p. 46. 21. Ibid., p. 4. 22. The drawing seems to be establishing a parallel between the aesthete and the black dog directly behind him; in examining the image of Bruant, the young man is performing an act of inspection which finds an echo in the dog’s sniffing the rear-quarters of the urinating mongrel. This reading would create an implicit connection between Bruant and the sturdy mongrel, a connection that would not be entirely inappropriate, given that the drawing appears alongside a ditty by Bruant

in which the stray dogs of Paris are described as possessing the great bohemian : qualities of ingenuity and independence. However, the real satisfaction that such a scenario offers (or offered at the time) is that it further belittles the dandy. For a useful discussion of Bruant’s cabaret and performances, see Richard D. Sonn, Anarchism and Cultural Politics in Fin de Siécle France (Lincoln: University of Nebraska

Press, 1989), pp. 95-114. 23. Robert Storey, Pierrots on the Stage of Desire (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1985), esp. pp. 285-297. 24. Maurice Talmeyr, “L’Age de l’affiche,” La Revue des deux mondes, 1 Septem-

ber 1896, pp. 201-206. Subsequent references will appear in the text. 25. There is a strong echo here of Gustave Le Bon’s thoughts on the slogan (Psychologie des foules, 2d ed. [Paris, 1896], pp. go—g2; see also Susanna Barrows, Distorting Mirrors: Visions of the Crowd in Nineteenth-Century France [ New Haven: Yale

University Press, 1981]).

26. Walter Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction,” in Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (New York: Schocken, 1985), pp. 217-251.

27. Jean-Pierre Guillerm has written an excellent article on late nineteenthcentury views of the roles of line and color in painting, pointing out that the bold use of color was seen, in the writings of Charles Blanc, Max Nordau, and others, as degenerate, bestial, and feminine; it was likened to the sexual parading of animals, while line was seen as the preferred instrument of reason and control (“Psychopathologie du peintre,” Romantisme [4th quarter 1989]: 74-86). 28. Félicien Champsaur, “Les ereintés de la vie,” Lulu: Pantomime en un acte (Paris, 1888). The pantomime was twice performed at the exclusive Cirque Molier. 29. Jean Lorrain, Une femme par jour (Paris, 1883), pp. 83, 159-161.

128 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE 30. Félicien Champsaur, “Le Roi de l’affiche,” La Plume, 15 November 1893, pp. 480-482; Lorrain, “Chéret,” pp. 5-6. 31. D’Avenel, op. cit., pp. 162, 177-178. 32. The leader of the antifair movement was the economist Fédéric Passy, author of Les Fétes foraines et les administrations municipales (Paris, 1883), and his views were echoed in the press by writers such as Jean de Nivelle, a columnist for Le Soleil. 33. See, for instance, Jules Vallés, “Le Tableau de Paris: Les Foires,” Gil Blas, 6, 13, 20, and 27 April 1882, and Jules Roques, “La Ligue foraine,” Le Courner francais,

2 December 1888. ,

34. “Discours de Pierrot,” Le Voyageur forain, July and August 1885. 35. “Conseil Municipal de Paris: Compte-rendu de la séance du lundi 31 octobre 1887, relative aux industriels forains,” L’'Union mutuelle, 6 November 1887. 36. Gustave Geffroy, “Le Plaisir a Paris: Les bals & le carnaval,” Le Figaro illustré,

February 1894, pp. 29-32. 37. D’Avenel, op. cit., p. 161. On the barrel-organ, see Louis Schneider, “Au jour le jour: Orgues de Barbarie,” Le Soleil, 8 July 1898. 38. Joris-Karl Huysmans, Certains (Paris, 1889), p. 52; Lorrain, “Chéret,” p. 6. 39. “[The poster] whispers in our ear: ‘Have fun, take care of yourself, put on your carnival show, and take cough drops if you catch a cold!’” (Talmeyr, op. cit., p. 209). 40. In his fin-de-siécle study, Louis Morin wrote of Montmartre as spearheading the new vogue for carnival (Morin, op. cit., pp. 5-7).

41. That was in 1899, the year he was taken to court for hiring a number of artist’s models to parade with next to nothing on. The verdict prompted a riot in the Quartier Latin, and both the ball and the ensuing pandemonium must have done wonders for the Moulin Rouge’s reputation as a purveyor of illicit pleasures (Charles Rearick, Pleasures of the Belle Epoque |New Haven: Yale University Press,

1985], pp. 43-46). 42. Unsigned article, “V’la le boeuf gras,” L’Eclair, 31 January 1896. 43. Lorrain, Une femme, p. 235. 44. Alponse Daudet, Sapho (Paris, 1884).

45. Hugues Rebell, La Calineuse (1898-1899; reprint, Paris, 1978), pp. 102106.

46. Huysmans, Certains, pp. 57-58. 47. Lorrain, “Chéret,” p. 5. 48. Rambosson, op. cit., p. 500. 4g. Eugéne Fourniére, “Artiste = Socialiste,” La Vache enragée, May-June 1897.

For a more general treatment of the revolutionary power of carnival, see Jules Vallés, “La Féte,” La France, 15 July 1882. 50. It is impossible to speak of carnival today without mentioning Mikhail Bakhtin’s classic texts on the subject, Rabelais and His World, trans. Héléne Iswolsky (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), and Problems of Dostoeusky’s Poetics, trans.

Caryl Emerson (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), esp. pp. 101180. Compelling as it is, however, Bakhtin’s view of carnival is not entirely applicable in the present context. Bakhtinian carnival is an earthy, subversive, popular mode and its primary target is officialdom; it is a period when the signs of author-

THE POSTER IN FIN-DE-SIECLE PARIS 129 ity are parodied and bodily functions are humorously celebrated in a ritualized enactment of the survival of a given community. As it emerges from the texts I am considering here, carnival is not a time of joyful popular resistance but of uncontrolled social promiscuity. It is selectively subversive: The challenge it poses is not to officialdom, much less to capitalism itself (of which it is in some sense a gruesome attenuation), but to class stratification. Nor is it genuinely joyful; as Talmeyr paints it, it has a sinister, corrupting quality that is entirely foreign to Bakhtinian carnival. Talmeyr’s image of carnival is, in a sense, a phobic representation, as Allon White and Peter Stallybrass call it (The Politics and Poetics of Transgression [Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell

University Press, 1986], pp. 99-108). In their brilliant reappraisal of Bakhtinian thinking, they argue (with Bakhtin) that carnival has long ceased to be a real force in popular culture, and further (and here they part ways with him), that it has survived in the form of a powerful symbolic nexus that serves as the distillation of a variety of social and sexual fears—that is to say, as a set of phobic representations. As

they see it, the bourgeois author-cum-observer withdraws from the festive scene, which he then views as an object of both fascination and disgust. That, of course, is an accurate description of Talmeyr’s stance with respect to the poster. 51. Gustave Strehly, L’Acrobatie et les acrobates (Paris, 1903), p. 357.

52. Jules Claretie, Le Train 17 (Paris, 1877), p. 6. 53. Barnum’s two autobiographical volumes, The Life of P. T; Barnum, Wniten by Himself (1854) and How I Made Millions (1889), were both translated into French. See A. H. Saxon, P. T. Barnum: The Legend and the Man (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989), pp. 11, 22. 54. Strehly, op. cit., p. 51.

55. Quoted in Saxon, op. cit., p. 77. ,

56. D’Avenel, op. cit., p. 174. 57. Alfred Jarry, “Gestes,” La Revue blanche, February 1902, p. 67. 58. Alfred Jarry, “Questions de théatre,” La Revue blanche, January 1897, pp. 1618.

59. Lorrain, “Chéret,” pp. 5, 6. 60. Jules Barbey d’Aurevilly, Thédtre contemporain, 1870-1883 (Paris, 1892), p. 218. 61. “Au jour le jour: Monsieur Zidler,” Le Soleil, 28 February 1897; “Spectacles et concerts: Réouverture du Nouveau Cirque,” Le Figaro, 18 September 1897. 62. Ponchon, op. cit., p. 2.

FIVE

“A New Era of Shopping”: The Promotion of Women’s Pleasure in London’s West End, 1909-1914 Enka D. Rappaport

“Thousands of women besiege the West,” announced a Daily Express headline on 15 March 1909. The Standard proclaimed this day in early spring the beginning of “Woman’s Week in London.”! What drew these women to the West End and into the astonished consciousness of dozens of journalists? This female siege was part of a grand celebration of commerce launched by the opening of Gordon Selfridge’s new Oxford Street department store, the simultaneous commemoration of Harrods’ sixty-year jubilee, and the annual spring sales held in nearly every West End shop. A “lady correspondent” interpreted this intense retail competition as a benefit for women since it transformed “shopping” into “a fine art.” Advertising, special sales, and opening celebrations, she argued, expanded the very meaning of shopping: “From Times immemorial woman has shopped ... [but] it is only since Monday that we have understood what the word really means.”* Stimulating excitement for this commercial extravaganza, the Daily Express declared the week to be the dawn of a “new era of shopping.”3

Despite these assertions, however, decades of economic and cultural transformation had produced this “new era.”* The opening of Selfridge’s department store and the competing celebrations in older English shops in early spring 1909 was a moment when Edwardians reflected upon the commercial, class, and gender changes that had shaped their capital city since at least the 1860s. The overwhelming competition among retailers in the years before the war produced a new way of thinking about consumption, the city, and female pleasure. In particular, Gordon Selfridge’s architectural style, along with his display and marketing strategies, sparked a widespread discussion on the nature and meaning of an expanding English commercial culture. This fevered debate among journalists, retail130

) “A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 131 ers, advertisers, and consumers prompted a redefinition of shopping and of women’s place in the urban environment. As the “lady correspondent” had declared, shopping had long been associated with women, but the meaning of this activity was by no means sta-

ble. For much of the Victorian era, shopping had been often denigrated as a wasteful, indulgent, immoral, and possibly disorderly female pleasure.° Selfridge and other Edwardian entrepreneurs rewrote the meaning of this indulgence. They used publicity, particularly the print media, to turn disorder and immorality into legitimate pleasures, transforming anxieties into

profits. Shopping was advanced as pleasurable and respectable precisely because of its public setting, which Edwardian business presented as a context for female self-fulfillment and independence. Selfridge addressed women not only as urban actors but also as bodies to be satisfied, indulged,

excited, and repaired. Shopping, he repeatedly stated, promised women access to a sensual and social metropolitan culture. Nothing Selfridge offered, however, was truly novel. Department stores were not the only place where women shopped, nor were they the only institution that encouraged women to participate in West End commercial culture. Since the 1860s, restaurants, hotels, the theater, museums, exhibitions, women’s clubs, guidebooks, and magazines had fostered an image of the West End of London as a place of commercial enjoyment and female

exploration. The expansion of public transport, the advent of the cheap press, increasing economic opportunities for middle-class and workingclass women, and shifting notions about class, gender, and the economy had produced what appeared as a “new era of shopping.” Nonetheless, Gordon Selfridge successfully constructed a compelling narrative about consumption, novelty and pleasure, women and the city.

In this story, Selfridge became more than the founder of a unique shop. He fashioned himself as a builder of a female, consumer-oriented public culture and placed the department store at its center. The depart-

ment store came to be privileged as a generator of this urban culture, rather than the result of a slowly developing and complex phenomenon.® This article examines the creation of this story and explores how mass retailing and the mass media collectively used publicity to create a powerful cultural narrative. AN AMERICAN IN LONDON

A middle-aged Wisconsin native, Harry Gordon Selfridge had actively fostered pleasurable purchasing for more than twenty-five years in the United States.’ As the second-in-command of the Marshall Field’s store in Chicago, Selfridge claimed responsibility for many of the emporium’s innovations: He introduced the first restaurant and bargain basement,

132 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE invited foreign royalty for personal visits, and hired a well-known windowdisplay artist to design spectacular show windows. Selfridge also believed in advertising, writing a good deal of the early copy himself.’ Like many of

his contemporaries, Selfridge hoped that luxurious decor, architecture, amenities, and entertainments, as well as extensive publicity, would encourage patrons to reimagine the way they viewed shopping. In these commercial environments, customers were asked to see buying not as an economic act but as a social and cultural event. Admittedly, Selfridge hoped he would reap the profits from his customers’ pleasure. In 1904 he left Marshall Field’s to open his own store. He came to England because of a

professed affinity for English culture, particularly its economic ideals, later confessing, “I can buy merchandise there and put it on my counters more cheaply than anywhere else.”?

London presented Selfridge with both a challenge and an opportunity. By 1909 the West End was a center of commercial leisure and pleasurable consumption for middle-class and even working-class men and women. Like New York’s Times Square and similar districts in European cities, the West End had become “an attraction” that was both “bounded and free... familiar yet exotic ... [a] pleasure zone.”!° Even working women windowshopped and dined in the West End. They met friends and lovers at such restaurants as the Criterion and occasionally enjoyed a visit to the music hall or similar amusement. As a component of this commercialization, London department stores typically had grown from drapers’ and grocers’ shops founded in the early and middle decades of the nineteenth century.!! These stores were both a symbol] of and active player in the creation of the new West End. By the 1870s and 1880s, they sold every conceivable sort of household item, clothing, materials, toys, presents, furniture, food, and drink. They also

offered patrons, particularly women, comfort and entertainment in the heart of the city. By the early twentieth century, shopping was closely associated with the idea of a pleasurable and comfortable mass urban culture. The author of a 1906 shopping guide, for example, remarked that

“for the woman who knows her London, there is not a more moderate and satisfactory shopping place in the world. And daily it becomes more comfortable.”!*

Despite these commercial, social, and cultural changes, a large portion of this fashionable shopping district remained dedicated to serving its traditional aristocratic and upper-middle-class market. The aristocratic image of the West End had been centuries in the making, but during the early years of the nineteenth century it became even more firmly fixed when the Prince Regent fashioned a wide avenue to accommodate a public aristocratic culture of display and consumption.!3 By the 1850s, Regent Street was well known as a fashionable promenade, the “only spot,” according to

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 133 the Frenchman Frances Wey, “outside the park, where Society people are certain to meet.” Its shops, which displayed “all the tempting treasures of the luxury trades,”'4 provided a glittering backdrop for upper-class so-

ciety to flirt, stroll, and gossip. This aristocratic image strongly influenced the nature and perception of West End commercial culture into the Edwardian era. Bond Street, the Burlington Arcade, and the surrounding streets and squares largely served a small, elite clientele, while larger thoroughfares, such as Oxford Street, had a reputation as a middle-class marketplace.!®

As late as 1909, only a few London stores approximated the size, services, and sensationalism of Marshall Field’s or the Bon Marché in Paris.!°

Social, cultural, economic, and political forces had preserved the small scale and aristocratic tone of many West End shops.!” Architecture, interior design, salesmanship, and advertising reflected a notion of a fixed and class-specific rather than a mass market. In the eighteenth century, English retailers were known for indulging in extremely elaborate and sophisticated forms of display.'!® By the twentieth century, these same techniques were criticized for being “backward”! and making shopping sometimes more painful than pleasurable. Rather than present a “unified whole,” wrote Selfridge, West End stores were really an “agglomeration of

shops” that were “formless and inefficient.” He assumed that “subdued and disciplined” interiors and employees discouraged browsing and fanta-

sizing about goods. Selfridge remembered that when he had attempted to just look around a London shop, the shopwalker abruptly told him to “op it.”2°

Gordon Selfridge may have quietly left this shop, but he very loudly joined the West End business community. In less than a year, he constructed what was to be the largest, most luxurious, and most publicized store in London. After winning a struggle with the local city authorities over the proposed building’s size and design, Selfridge used an innovative

steel-frame structure and elaborate stonework to create a monument to mass consumption.*! The Oxford Street emporium towered over its neigh- , bors with eight floors, six acres of floor space, nine passenger lifts, and one

hundred departments.*? Eighty feet high, with huge stone columns and twenty-one of the largest plate glass windows in the world, Selfridge’s** struck even the most critical Londoner as an imposing visual spectacle.

The interior, like the exterior, was considered an architectural masterpiece. The selling space had wide aisles, electric lighting, crystal chandeliers, and a striking color scheme in which white walls contrasted with thick green carpets. Although not everyone agreed with the reporter who described the interior as a scene of “unexampled perfection,”** architectural circles generally bestowed high praise on this ambitious new venture. While doing so, they also salvaged English reputations by portraying the

134 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE store as a merger of the best of old and new, as modern American construction covered with an “elegantly English” exterior.”

Selfridge’s embellishment of the store’s physical structure turned its opening into a media event. The store’s show windows, covered with large silk curtains, created a theatrical atmosphere. “Most impressive of all,” one reporter claimed, “were the lights and shadows behind the drawn curtains of the great range of windows suggesting that a wonderful play was being

arranged.”26 The sound of bugles announced the store’s opening at exactly 9:00 A.M. on 15 March 1909. Employees drew back the curtains and revealed a sight so entertaining that one reporter described the windowgazing crowd as spectators of “a tableau in some drama of fashion.” Instead of the traditional display of goods, each window “had a painted background ... depicting a scene such as Watteau would have loved, and where ladies of the old French court would have wandered.”2’ Nearly all descriptions of the opening emphasized the “new sensation” created by such “lofty” windows with “delicately painted” backgrounds.”§ Selfridge’s window dress-

ers used theatrical techniques to create tableaux that invested ordinary goods with cultural and social meanings, meanings filtered through and interpreted by a sympathetic media. While there were numerous well-known and well-trained English window dressers, the press credited the American store with the production of a new visual landscape in which the street had been turned into a theater and the crowd had become an audience of a dramatic fashion show.

Indeed, while reporting on the opening, the press created many of the meanings associated with shop windows and shopping in general. Readers unable or unwilling to venture to the West End could vicariously partici-

pate in this commercial spectacle by reading about it in dozens of journals, magazines, and newspapers.

The reporting on Selfridge’s opening further tightened the relationship between mass retailing and mass journalism. Although long in its development, this partnership sold Selfridge’s store by promoting a new notion of women, their pleasures, and the city. In representing the store as visual spectacle, the press produced Edwardian commercial culture in partnership with men such as Gordon Selfridge. Even while criticizing the new “monster shops,” the press repeatedly figured consumption as a female, public, and sensual entertainment. Countless English writers thus joined a

maverick American entrepreneur to create an international culture of pleasure in London’s West End.

BUYING THE CROWD By using advertising and the press in a new fashion, Gordon Selfridge transformed London’s commercial history. Victorian and Edwardian shops

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 13) had advertised sparingly, with simple columns of text announcing a special sale or promotion. They tended to avoid new printing technologies which produced better and cheaper illustrations.*? Many ignored the press altogether,*° relying instead on short circulars or fifteen-hundred-page catalogs.5! Edwardian advertising managers of the newer and cheaper papers had tried to dismantle this prejudice against advertising by courting the big shops’ custom.*” Yet, an advertising expert despairingly complained in

1904 that no department store in London “is enterprising enough to emulate Mr. John Wanamaker [in Philadelphia], who published day by day usually a whole page (which he calls his editorial talk) devoted to chronicling the news of the store.” This expert was convinced that “the first big house which did adopt this principle would probably be crowded day by day and the others would be compelled to follow.” Gordon Selfridge brought these Wanamaker-style publicity techniques to London; and, in doing so, he became the first London store-owner to gain nearly full media support.** Selfridge harnessed tremendous capital, as much as thirty-two thousand pounds prior to opening, and personal influence to ensure media cooperation.*° Before opening day, he wined and dined reporters and escorted them through his emporium. He regularly entertained editors and allowed journalists free use of telephones and other store services. For the opening advertising campaign, which lasted a week, Selfridge filled ninety-seven pages of the daily and weekly press with richly illustrated advertisements drawn by some of the best-known British graphic artists.°© At least since the 1890s, graphic artists had made

a comfortable living working for both the illustrated press and poster industries.*’ Indeed, many of Selfridge’s artists were also currently selling London’s attractions for the Underground’s poster campaign, which had been launched in 1908.°° However, Selfridge was the first retailer to adopt such graphically compelling advertisements on such a grand scale. After the opening, the main promotional themes resurfaced in “news articles” about the store in scores of English and foreign newspapers, journals, fashion magazines, and trade papers.*9 In these promotions, Selfridge deliberately attempted to erase any distinction between the advertising and editorial sections of newspapers. He did so most effectively by writing a “daily column” that appeared in news sections under the pen name “Callisthenes.”4° This column explained and glorified commercial culture. Topics ranged from the “principles” of modern day shopkeeping and the importance of consumption in the evolution of commerce to how to enjoy a shopping expedition or hold a department

store luncheon party. Like other advertisements, the column told readers what to buy, how and where to shop, and how to think about this activity.

Critics, of course, recognized that by advertising so extensively Selfridge was buying the allegiance of the press. One journalist, for example,

136 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE complained that “simultaneously with the appearance of huge and profitable advertisements in their columns the newspapers burst forth into rapturous laudations of Mr. Selfridge. Few of them, kind friends, have ever broken into laudations over you or me. But, then, we don’t advertise.”#! The Shoe and Leather Record similarly complained that Selfridge “bought his crowd” by “buying” the newspaper press with his advertisements.** These critics correctly perceived that Selfridge’s advertising was reinforced by the

“rapturous laudations” in the press. Even while protesting, however, they implied that Selfridge’s tactics worked: by buying the press, one could buy a crowd. Thus, they too reinforced the faith in advertising’s appeal. Unpaid and paid publicity collectively promoted Selfridge’s as a “sight” and shopping as a female entertainment. Along with being asked to buy commodities, shoppers were requested to travel to the city and become part of the urban crowd—essentially, to experience the store as a public place. Indeed, the department store became newsworthy not because of the commodities it sold but because of its definition as a social and cultural institution for women. The form and message of this campaign were in part an expression of a larger cultural transformation, the construction of consumers as spectators.*2 As Stuart Culver, William Leach, and others have argued, by the 1890s professional advertisers had placed their faith in u1e persuasive force of “eye appeal.”*4 English advertisers and retailers, particularly those interested in appealing to the female consumer, also believed in the psychological force of images. They perceived the theater, and later the cinema, as the model of how to turn images into consumer desire. An article in the Retail Trader in 1910, for example, compared the window dresser to a stage manager: Just as the stage manager of a new play rehearses and tries and retries and fusses until he has exactly the right lights and shades and shadows and appeals to his audience, so the merchant goes to work, analyzing his line and his audience, until he hits on the right scheme that brings the public flocking to his doors.

Trade journals emphasized women’s supposed aesthetic sense, love of music,*6 and enjoyment of “attractive” illustrations,*’ “artistic” packaging, and “dainty surroundings.”* One “specialist” summarized, “We are beginning to see that people are influenced more through the eye than any other organ of the body.”49 Gordon Selfridge, then, was part of a larger business

culture that sought to appeal to consumers as spectators. Yet, he was not solely interested in appealing to the eye, nor did he emphasize the visual pleasures of shopping over other sensual pleasures. Selfridge publicity defined and redefined an almost inconceivable range of pleasures associated with consumption.

“A NEW ERA OF SHOPPING” 137 “A TIME OF PROFIT, RECREATION, AND ENJOYMENT”

Gordon Selfridge marketed his new store by promoting shopping as a de-

lightful and respectable middle-class female pastime. Journalists then transformed this advertising message into accepted fact by writing about both Selfridge’s new store and West End commercial culture in general. Selfridge’s message flawlessly spread from the advertising to the news sections of even such unlikely journals as the Church Daily Newspaper. In writ-

ing about the store’s opening, this paper’s reporter loudly proclaimed that, at Selfridge’s, “Shopping” had become “an Amusement.”°? Whether imagined as an absolute need, a luxurious treat, a housewife’s duty, a social activity, or a feminist demand, shopping was always a pleasure. Selfridge’s central strategy was to undermine the pleasures of preexist-

ing urban commercial culture in order to heighten the excitement and enjoyment of his new enterprise. His first advertisements, therefore, asserted that Selfridge’s had transformed shopping from labor into leisure. A typical advertisement loudly proclaimed that the emporium influenced the “shopping habit of the public.” For “previous to its opening . . . shopping was merely part of the day’s WORK .. . to-day, shopping—at Selfridge’s . . . is an important part of the day’s PLEASURE, a time of PROFIT, RECREATION, and ENJOYMENT, that no Lady who has once experienced

it will willingly forgo.”®! Another emphasized that “not until Selfridge’s

opened had English ladies understood the full meaning of ‘shopping made easy.’ Never had it been quite such a delightful pastime.” Other advertisements and articles emphasized this transformation of

| shopping from work into pleasure by endlessly defining and elaborating upon those pleasures. In addition to the visual enjoyment of the advertisements and the store’s window and interior decoration, countless promotions presented shopping at the core of a new publicly oriented social life, which included men and women and people of diverse classes. Selfridge and his commentators collectively promoted shopping by legitimating and defining a consumer-based, heterosocial urban culture. The romantic possibilities of shopping, for example, were subtly encoded in the imagery of

the opening day advertisement. In “Herald Announcing the Opening” (fig. 5.1), Bernard Partridge illustrated the department store as a medieval prince on a faithful steed; the powerful muscles and overwhelming size of

the animal underscore the appeal of the handsome herald, who looms large in the foreground as he rides into the countryside to summon ladies and their spending power to the urban center. Despite this romantic image, the underlying economy of the buyer-seller relationship is identified in the combination of a pound and dollar sign, the store’s symbol, emblazoned on the herald’s breastplate. Yet the illustration also obscures the “foreign” background of the owner and his methods by linking the new

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tertainment market,”!!5 Pathé found itself more and more circumscribed in public discourse as representative of much that was “low” and “illegitimate” about the cinema. As the demands for social control of the cinema converged with those for economic control, the need to deal with “Pathé-mentia,” otherwise translated into Pathé “illegitimacy,” took on greater urgency. This is perhaps no more evident than in the actions of the National Board of Censorship, at least for the first year or so after its formation in March 1909.!!6 According to documents housed at the Edison National Historical Site,

200 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE throughout 1909 and 1910, Pathé films were either rejected or returned for alteration much more frequently than were the films of American producers. In May 1909, for instance, the board “condemned” two Pathé titles it had asked to be altered (Le Parapluie d’Anatole and Le Boucher de Meudon),

but accepted Biograph’s Two Memories after changes were made.!!”7 One month later, no less than six of thirteen Pathé titles were rejected or recommended for alteration.!!®§ As late as February 1910, the board found AIfred Machin’s Moulin maudit so offensive that, in order to eliminate its adultery, murder, and suicide, it ordered Pathé simply to lop off the second half of the film.!!9 An October 1910 article in World Today unequivocally supports this evidence: “In the early days of the censors about one in every ten French pictures had to be condemned.”!*° So does H. N. Marvin’s testimony in the antitrust court case against the MPPC, in which he

specifically referred to the great number of “indecent and obscene .. . pictures imported from foreign countries” as a principal reason for the board’s formation.!2! In effect, the board’s early work neatly complemented that of the FSA and the MPPC, not only in curbing Pathé’s economic power but also in curtailing what was seen as an undesirable, immoral, “foreign” influence. “AMERICANIZATION” AND THE “RED ROOSTER” SCARE

What made Pathé’s influence especially undesirable at that particular historical moment, I would argue, was a conjunction of concerns about who

went to the cinema and about what and who was being constructed as “American.” Those concerns intensified, of course, as the “cheap amusement” of the “5¢ theaters” increasingly turned into “a permanent feature of municipal life.”!*2 In the spring of 1907, for instance, Kleine estimated

that one hundred thousand people were attending the cinema daily in Chicago.!#3 One year later, according to a four-month survey, the Woman’s Municipal League and People’s Institute reported that, in New York City,

the nickelodeons “entertained from three to four hundred thousand people daily’—confirming J. Austin Fynes’s earlier estimate of three million per week.!#4 By then, more and more writers had come to see the nickelodeon

as a new neighborhood “social center,” a “veritable chautauqua for the masses,” and “perhaps the beginning of a true theater of the people.”!?° Of all those who constituted the nickelodeon’s mass audience (and variations existed from one region or city to another), there were two groups that especially attracted attention in the press. One was the disproportionally large number of recent immigrants, concentrated in metropolitan centers such as New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia.!*© Turn-of-the-century immigration was perceived as a tidal wave, peaking at nearly one million in 1907, with most of the new arrivals, unlike those earlier, coming from east-

THE PERILS OF PATHE 201 ern and southern Europe (Russia, Poland, Austria-Hungary, and Italy) .!2/ In October 1906, in an early description of moving-picture shows in Manhattan, for instance, Views and Films Index noted that there were already

dozens on the Bowery and Park Row, drawing their clientele from the nearby Jewish and Italian immigrant working-class settlements.!*8 The following spring, the Chicago newspapers were alarmed at how popular the nickelodeons along Milwaukee and South Halstead (which transected the Jewish Ghetto) were among the “foreigners” of this “slum population.”!*9 That summer both Currier’s survey of New York nickelodeons and a Chicago Daily News letter from a “practical man” with long experience in the

business singled out “the popularity of these cheap amusement-places with . . . the newly arrived immigrant.”!5° That November, in a well-known

article, the Saturday Evening Post reported that “in cosmopolitan city dis- , tricts the foreigners attend in larger proportion than the English speakers.”!5! Several months later, a Philadelphia journalist wrote that in “cities where a new foreign population swells the census rolls an astonishingly

large percentage of the audience in the nickelodeon is drawn from the Latin races who cannot speak English.”!5* Although precise evidence is still scant, the nickelodeons catering to an immigrant and usually working-

class clientele, whether in the New York districts of the Lower East Side, Jewish Harlem, and Uptown Little Italy, or in Chicago’s Jewish, Polish, and

Slavic neighborhoods, seem to have been an important market for Pathe films. 199

The other group to attract attention consisted of women and children,

who, according to reports, often made up the greater portion of nickelodeon audiences across the country.!** As early as May 1907, Views and films Index attributed the nickelodeon boom over the course of the previ-

ous year principally to “the patronage [of] women and children.”!* At the same time, the Chicago Daily Tribune reported that the early evening audiences on Chicago’s lower State Street “were composed largely of girls from the big department stores,” while an extensive survey of workingclass women in Pittsburgh found them, one Saturday evening, “packed thick at the entrance of every picture show.”!5° Moving Picture World observed, by contrast, that nickelodeons everywhere were “great places for the foot-sore shopper” and that “mothers... take the children and spend many restful hours there at very small expense.”!5’ That summer, nickelodeons from Boston to Des Moines catered to both women and chil-

dren: when the Lyric opened in Des Moines, for instance, one of its promises was to be a “ladies and children’s resort in earnest.”!°8 And the Chicago manager for Eugene Cline confirmed that strategy by explaining that “better business in the long run” only came to theaters patronized by “ladies and children.”!%? In September, Views and Films Index concluded that of the “people who will go to a picture show every day and night if the

202 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE programme is changed accordingly,” most were “women and children.”!40 On an average day in New York City, according to a four-month survey taken during the winter of 1907-1908, between 20 and 30 percent of the moviegoers were children.!#! A year or two later, women (both single and married) and children still made up a large percentage of the cinema audience—and reformers like Jane Addams in Chicago and Michael Davis in New York now were writing of their concern for the “thousands of young people in every industrial city” for whom “going to the show” weekly or even daily had become habitual.!#4 This concern about what effect “going to the show” was having on such groups of people was framed in terms of moral uplift, class mobility, and gender hierarchy, especially given what recent historians have documented

as an anxiety over the increasing independence of single working-class women.!4 But all of these were caught up in heated questions about the construction of an “American” identity. How would that identity be differentiated from others in an era of heightened nationalism, and how would those without full citizenship—specifically immigrants, women, and chil-

dren—best be trained to take up that identity and become proper social subjects within an “American” culture? These questions were especially pertinent as the surge of new immigrants into the United States (from southern and eastern rather than northern Europe) rose from three hundred thousand in 1900 to a peak of nearly one million in 1907. This immigration intensified the debate over whether or not the so-called process of assimilation so crucial to “Americanization” was in jeopardy.!44 During the course of several months in 1906 and 1907, for instance, Munsey’s Magazine ran a thirteen-part series entitled “The Americans in America,” which celebrated “the leading races that have contributed” to the develop-

ment of a still “unfinished” American character.!4 Six months later, in Century Illustrated, Brander Matthews insisted on the continuing success of

this “melting pot” theory, noting that “we Americans have imposed our ideals on the Irish and on the Germans, as we are now imposing them on

the Italians and on the Russian Jews.”!4° For “no immigrant culture... had the power to resist” assimilation, with American market capitalism un-

dergirding its discursive formulations.!*” Josiah Strong put the matter most bluntly: “Unless we Americanize the immigrants, they will foreignize our cities, and in so doing foreignize our civilization.”!*8

For such writers, the vital component in this Americanization process was education, and “every conceivable mode of education,” Michael Kammen argues, “was viewed as a potential contribution.”!49 By 1908 and 1909,

on the evidence of such moral reformers as Simon Patten, Jane Addams, John Collier, and others, education included the cinema, especially the popular nickelodeons, which, according to the New York Times, now weekly

attracted perhaps half the population of the United States.!°° Those who

THE PERILS OF PATHE 203 participated in the National Board of Censorship, for instance, were concerned not only that films offer appropriate or inappropriate models of

behavior for immigrants but also that women and children not be exposed to dubious, even deviant, values and attitudes, whether they went to the cinema separately or together. Underlying this concern was a widespread assumption that the function of fiction within mass culture was to generate positive models of imitation.!5! Perhaps the best example was provided by the dime novels of Horatio Alger, which, Michael Denning ar-

gues, had their “largest readership between 1900 and 1915” (after the writer's death) and were soon transformed into an “archetypal narrative” of American capitalism in their “individualistic ethic of hard work and self-improvement.”!52 What American readers wanted, according to a pop-

ular novelist of the time, F. Marion Crawford, was “to see before them characters whom they might really like to resemble, acting in scenes in which they themselves would like to take part.”453 That fictional worlds consisted of fantasy trajectories for individuals to imitate in their own lives

seemed as relevant for cinema spectators as it was for readers of magazines, dime novels, and bestsellers, !54

During these years, | would argue, Pathé’s “foreign” films provided one of the principal “others” against which to construct an “American” differ-

ence. That difference began to surface in the trade press not long after the articles in Munsey’s and Century Illustrated—and not only in Variety re-

views. In the summer of 1907, for instance, Show World quoted several Chicago film men on “the crying need” for “American capital [to] furnish what now is being supplied by foreign filmmakers,” namely Pathé.!>> That fall, the same trade weekly printed an article by the dramatic editor of the Cleveland News which bitterly contrasted the Americans, who “relished a

Parisian flavor to [their] entertainment,” with the French, who wanted “nothing American, except the money.” Noted the editor, “It is not a fair exchange.”!5° QO. T. Crawford was one of the first to try to exploit this difference, when he tried to break into production in November, by advertising his subjects explicitly as “American films.”!5” In January 1908, Views and Films Index felt compelled to address the question of why “foreign films [were] so eminently successful.”!>® Its article not only offered answers but also sought to stimulate American producers at least to equal their foreign competitors. From its initial issues, Moving Picture World had polemicized for “clean, wholesome” films, attributing its own “moral reformist” desire for them to “public opinion.”59 By the summer of 1908, that desire was so bound up with the debate over “Americanization” that James Law would turn that desire into a demand for “good, clean, wholesome, national, patriotic, educational films,” which was not unrelated to his castigation of “the foremost French maker” for failing to conform to the standards of “American taste,” specifically in its handling of marital

204 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE infidelity and physical comedy.!©° At the same time, the New York Dramatic

Mirror began to join in this castigation, pointing to the “snap and go” of a new Essanay film, for instance, compared to a “slow and uninteresting” older Pathé title.!® The desirability of such films on the American market was widely debated in the trade press throughout 190g. Carl Laemmle (by then an independent distributor) put the case perhaps most strongly as he began to move into production: “I will make American subjects my specialty. .. . I want strong virile American subjects.”!®* More than likely, Laemmle’s model was the western films that Selig, trading on the public fascination for Buffalo Bill Cody and his Wild West Show as well as the popularity of western stage plays,!®* had done so much to popularize during the previous two years—from The Girl From Montana (1907) to The Cattle Rustlers (1908).'®* For it was the western, Moving Picture World argued, that would serve as the “foundation” of an “American school of motion picture

drama.”!© This one-sided debate culminated in the trade weekly’s own series on “the urgent necessity of American subjects made by American labor . . . for American moving picture audiences.”!6© Even Films Index began to lend its support to this “necessity,” admitting that there was “a limit to the amount of foreign subjects for which American audiences will stand” and that even some Pathé subjects were “unsuited to American demands.”!67 Just as restrictions had begun to stem the tide of immigration into the United States in 1907, so too within the American cinema market were restrictions needed on “foreign subjects,” even those bearing the popular “red rooster” trademark. Besides cooperating with the FSA and the MPPC, Pathé made at least two further moves to meet the demands of “assimilation” and still remain competitive within the American cinema industry. One was to produce and distribute films of “higher quality,” specifically adaptations of literary classics, which could both “educate” the masses and attract and hold the “better classes.”!6° This strategy originated in France in 1908 with Pathé’s in-

vestment in two new production companies, Film d’Art and SCAGL: In addition to financing the construction and equipment of their studios, the company contracted to print and distribute their films. And it was coupled with one of the company’s unique features, its automated stencil-color process, which allowed it to release at least one “beautifully tinted film d'art” each week.!© These “quality” films also coincided, however, with another shift that was emerging in exhibition. Large vaudeville houses (the first in Chicago was the Orpheum, in New York, the Unique, the Manhattan, Keith’s 23rd Street, and Keith’s Union Square)!” began to be converted into movie theaters and to compete successfully with the nickelodeons.'!”! As these conversions spread to other cities from Springfield, Massachusetts, to Saint Louis and New Orleans, newly constructed “pic-

THE PERILS OF PATHE 205 ture palaces” began to appear—like the Olympic, in Lynn, Massachusetts, and Swanson’s Theatre, in Chicago.!”* Views and Films Index, of course, promoted the French company’s leadership in this move to “quality” films, but both the New York Dramatic Mirror and Moving Picture World also praised

the first SCAGL productions—asserting, for instance, that Larlésienne, which was adapted from an Alphonse Daudet novella, set “a new standard of excellence” and could serve as “a moral object lesson for every American manufacturer.”!”8

Despite this deliberate attempt to counter all those earlier charges of “illegitimacy,” the mounting complaints against Pathé films were now directed at its “quality” films as well. In November 1908, at the same time L’Arlésienne was being praised so highly, Varety was describing SCAGL’s

Mary Stuart (drawn from a Victor Hugo novel) as incomprehensible to anyone unfamiliar with the story, although it was playing at the Unique, then “the handsomest popular priced vaudeville theatre” in New York.!”4 So vehement was the reviewer’s condemnation of such “floppers,” with

their “intended-to-be-gruesome finales” (in which Mary Stuart lost her head),!75 that he accused the “whole crowd” at Pathé of having the “dope” habit. A month later, Variety was citing another SCAGL film, which starred “the well-known Belgian actor Henry Krauss,” as an example of the “bloodcurdler” that might be suitable for the Cirque d’Hiver in Paris but hardly for the “family ciné-hall” in New York.!”° In February 1909, Moving Picture World concluded that the effect produced by The Assassination of the Duke

de Guise (the famous Film d’Art production based on playwright Henri Lavedan’s “original” scenario) was “not so good,” partly because “the Duke

de Guise is unknown to the great bulk of the audience who gather in an American theater.”!”” Despite calling that film “one of the few masterpieces of motion picture production,” New York Dramatic Mirror acknowledged that its “gruesome” subject was difficult to ignore.!’8 Later that year, the Mirror's Frank Wood used another Pathé film d'art, The Wild Ass’s Skin (drawn from a Balzac novel), to set limits to the production of such “high brow” films because they often were “too elevated for popular understanding.”!”9 The cultural capital of France, even for the new “movie houses” attracting the “better classes,” the company discovered, barely had enough exchange value to warrant its export.!8° In response to such criticism, Pathé began issuing explanatory booklets for its films d'art, based on a format developed earlier for its popular Passion Play.‘®! The company also turned to more familiar subjects like Cleo-

patra (March 1910), which was coupled with a special advertising campaign using the Sunday newspapers in Chicago, Boston, Baltimore, and Detroit.!®? But such moves were hardly enough to meet the overwhelming

demand for “American subjects,” especially when, according to Moving Picture World, those subjects meant “simple life stories . . . represented by

206 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE clean, good looking actors.”!83 For Pathé, the only possible way left to satisfy that demand was to establish its own facilities for producing American subjects with American actors. After testing a similar strategy with its affili-

ates in Russia and Italy, Pathé finally went ahead with plans to produce and distribute “American” films in the spring of 1910 and finished constructing a studio for that purpose in Jersey City that fall.!84 And what kinds of films did the American affiliate decide to make? None other than “Indian and Western subjects,” which the French company had dabbled in successfully for several years but which American companies such as Selig, Kalem, Essanay, and Bison had turned into the most consistently popular genre on the American market.!®> The decision proved profitable, at least in the short run, for throughout 1910, from its very first title, The Girl from Arizona (April), through Cheyenne Brave (August) and A Gambler's End (November), Pathé garnered laudatory reviews in the trade press.!*® The problem, however, was that Pathé, as a steady supplier of western

subjects, was coming rather late to the genre: Whereas once the French company had led the way in producing certain kinds of films for the American market, now it was forced to play “catch up.” By 1910, according to Robert Anderson’s statistics, “one out of every five pictures produced by American companies... was a western,’ and Pathé could supply only a fraction of those.!8’ Moreover, because its “American” films tended to focus on Indians as often as on cowboys and on women as often as on

men, the company soon found itself marginalized once again, especially given the increasing emphasis at the time, perhaps best expressed by Owen Wister and exemplified by Selig’s Up San Juan Hill (1909), on the primacy

of the Anglo-Saxon and the masculine in fictional constructions of an American identity.!88 In conjunction with this production strategy, and perhaps as a means of demonstrating the “Americanization” of its weekly programs, the company also took the added step, in the summer of 1910, of cutting back its releases of French and other “foreign” films to just three thousand feet, or three reels, per week.!®9 Unfortunately, both strategies would lead to further difficulties within another year or so, when the

vogue for westerns began to fade and Pathé sought to import its earliest French feature-length films, for now it was stymied by the MPPC’s distribution arm, the General Film Company, which was determined to maintain the production format of single-reel films, leaving the development of the feature film to rival “Independent” companies such as Universal, Famous

Players, and Jesse Lasky, as well as other foreign producers in France, Denmark, and Italy.!9° By 1913, with the MPPC fast losing its dominance to the “Independents” (from which would arise the major Hollywood stu-

dios), Pathé had to confront the ultimate consequence of its alignment with the MPPC five years before: The company’s French films had been almost completely excluded from the American market.!9!

THE PERILS OF PATHE 207 Invoking Horatio Alger, Michael Denning has argued that the history of the dime novel underwent a remarkable rewriting around the turn of the century.'** Symptomatic of that rewriting was a nostalgic article in the Atlantic Monthly in July 1907, which answered such questions as “what did the dime novel stand for . . . and what forces did it represent in the evolution of American society?” with platitudes like this: “The aim of the origi-

nal dime novel was to give, in cheap and wholesome form, a picture of American wild life. ... In reading them the American boy’s soul soared and sang.”!% Erased in this rewriting, Denning says, was any sense that the usual dime novel reader was “a factory girl” or that the reading focused on “the other, the ‘lower classes’ and the ‘foreigners.’”!94 Something similar

happened, I would suggest, to the Pathé films that flooded the American market between 1905 and 1909 and to the role they played, however contradictory, at a crucial stage of the development of an American cinema. In this instance, however, the erasure of a “foreign element” has, perhaps, been even more complete. Once a crucial player in the American cinema’s expansion and legitimation, the French company’s moves were repeatedly blocked or deflected, stigmatized or appropriated. Once king of the market, the Pathé red rooster had to be suited up so as to appease the new masters just to keep from being run out of town. In the United States, where the cinema's industrialization constituted one of the defining moments of modernity—one which transformed the social space of the nickelodeon into the public sphere of an increasingly homogeneous consumer culture—the “Americanization” process acted as a significant framing, even determining discourse. And, in the context of the debate over that process, Pathé came to serve as a crucial marker of the margin, ensuring that the American cinema would be truly “American.”

NOTES 1. Initial drafts of this essay were presented at the Society for Cinema Studies Conference, New Orleans, 11 February 1993, and at the University of Utrecht, 6 April 1994. During the process of revising and expanding those drafts, I have had the support of a John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Fellowship. I also have had helpful suggestions from Leo Charney, Paolo Cherchi Usai, Tom Gunning, Barbara Hodgdon, Roberta Pearson, Lauren Rabinovitz, Vanessa Schwartz, Ben Singer, Judith Thissen, and William Uricchio. 2. Homi Bhabha, “Introduction: Narrating the Nation,” in Nation and Narratton, ed. Homi Bhabha (New York: Routledge, 1900), p. 4. 3. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, 1875-1914 (New York: Pantheon, 1987), pp. 34-83. See also Jean-Marie Mayeur and Madeleine Rebérioux, The Third Republic from Its Origins to the Great War, 1871-1914, trans. J. R. Foster (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 94-100, 271-278. For a discussion of early

208 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE | French cinema within the context of these discourses of imperialism and nationalism, see Richard Abel, “Booming the Film Business: The Historical Specificity of Early French Cinema,” French Cultural Studies 1 (1990): 79-94. 4. Hobsbawm, op. cit., pp. 142~164. 5. Bhabha, op cit., pp. 1-2. 6. The initial Pathé distribution agencies, other than those in the United States, included Moscow (February 1904), Brussels (October 1904), Berlin (March 1905),

Vienna (July 1905), Saint Petersburg (December 1905), Amsterdam (January 1906), Barcelona (February 1906), Milan (May 1906), London (July 1906), and Odessa ( July 1906). For further information on Pathé-Fréres, especially in France, where its rapid growth into a relatively large corporation was quite unusual, see Richard Abel, “In the Belly of the Beast: The Early Years of Pathé-Fréres,” flm History 5, no. 4 (December 1993): 363-385; idem, The Ciné Goes to Town: French Cinema, 1896-1914 (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1994), pp. 20-22, 29-35. 7. Billboard provided the earliest extensive list of nickelodeons, including each one’s seating capacity and number of shows given—see “Electric Theatres and Nickelodeons,” Billboard, 15 December 1906, pp. 32-33. For concise, thorough histories of the nickelodeon, see Charles Musser, History of the American Cinema, vol. 1, The Emergence of Cinema to 1907 (New York: Scribners, 1991), pp. 417-448; Eileen Bowser, History of the American Cinema, vol. 2, The Transformation of Cinema, 1908-

1915 (New York: Scribners, 1991), pp. 1-20; and Douglas Gomery, Shared Pleasures: A History of Movie Presentation in the United States (Madison: University of Wis-

consin Press, 1992), pp. 18-33. For earlier studies, see Russell Merrit, “Nickelodeon Theaters, 1905-1914: Building an Audience for the Movies,” in The American Film Industry, ed. Tino Balio (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), pp. 59-82;

Robert C. Allen, “Motion Picture Exhibition in Manhattan: Beyond the Nickelodeon,” Cinema Journal 18 (spring 1979): 2-15; and Robert Sklar, “Oh! Althusser! Historiography and the Rise of Cinema Studies,” in Resisting Images: Essays on Cinema and History, ed. Robert Sklar and Charles Musser (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990), pp. 12-35. 8. One of the classic studies of immigration into the United States at the turn of the last century is John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1955), pp. 106-193. The most

important early work on immigrant audiences, particularly those composed of women, comes in Judith Mayne, “Immigrants and Spectators,” Wide Angle 5, no. 2 (1982): 32-40; Elizabeth Ewen, Immigrant Women in the Land of Dollars (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1985), pp. 14-15, 212-217; and Kathy Peiss, Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York (Philadelphia: Tem-

ple University Press, 1986), pp. 139~-162.

g. Miriam Hansen provides an astute, useful conceptualization of the public sphere, drawing on Oscar Negt and Alexander Kluge’s critique of Jurgen Habermas, as well as an excellent summary of the controversy over the social composition of nickelodeon audiences, in Babel © Babylon: Spectatorship in American Silent , Cinema (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), pp. 7-15, 61-68, go—125. Roy Rosenzweig offers a model case study of how working-class audiences in Worcester, Massachusetts, constituted an “alternative” public sphere, in Eight Hours for What

THE PERILS OF PATHE 209 We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, 1870-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 191-221.

10. For other, quite insightful essays reconsidering early cinema in terms of “the experience of modernity,” see Tom Gunning, “Heard Over the Phone: The Lonely Villa and the de Lorde Tradition of the Terrors of Technology,” Screen 32 (summer 1991): 184-196; idem, “Now You See It, Now You Don’t: The Temporality of the Cinema of Attractions,” The Velvet Light Trap 32 (fall 1993): 3-12; and Gunning’s essay in the present collection. 11. The first film historian to draw attention to Pathé’s importance as a “foreign” presence in the early American cinema industry was Kristin Thompson in her chapter, “Regaining the American Market, 1907-1913,” in Thompson, Exporting Entertainment: America in the World Film Market, 1907-1934 (London: British Film Institute, 1985), pp. 1-27. 12. Ernest Renan, “What Is a Nation?” (orig. pub. 1882), trans. Martin Thom, in Bhabha, op. cit., p. 20. 13. “Notes from Manufacturers: Pathé,” Moving Picture World, 16 July 1910, p. 165. Along with Edison, Vitagraph was the only American company, by 1907, to

have a distribution agency abroad in London; Vitagraph, however, also had an even larger office, along with a laboratory for printing positive film stock in Paris (Thompson, Exporting Entertainment, p. 3).

14. “Editorial: What Does It Mean?” Moving Picture World, 26 October 1907, Pp. 530.

15. For an excellent study of the Edison company, see Charles Musser, Before the Nickelodeon: Edwin S. Porter and the Edison Manufacturing Company (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1991).

16. Frank Dyer, Direct Examination, “United States vs. Motion Picture Patents Company and Others, Case No. 889, Eastern Pennsylvania District Court, September 1912—April 1914” (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office),

17. Dyer, op cit., p. 1,504. |

3°15573-

18. For a more extensive analysis of how Pathé achieved such preeminence by 1906, see Richard Abel, “Pathé Goes to Town: French Films Create a Market for the Nickelodeon,” forthcoming in Cinema Journal. 19. “Growth of the Film Business,” Billboard, 15 September 1906, p. 16. 20. “To Our Readers,” Views and Films Index, 30 June 1906, p. 3; and “Atlantic City,” Billboard, 21 July 1906, p. 7.

21. See, for instance, “News,” Views and Films Index, 30 June 1906, p. 6; Bob Watt, “Philadelphia,” Bzllboard, 29 September 1906, p. 11; “An Unexplored Field and Its Possibilities,” Views and Films Index, 6 October 1906, pp. 3-4; “Trade Notes,” Views and Films Index, 10 November 1906, p. 6; and “Trade Notes,” Views and Films Index, 1 December 1906, p. 6.

22. The best account of the Pittsburgh Nickelodeon’s opening in June 1905, and its early success, can be found in Musser, Emergence of Cinema, pp. 418-420. See also the profiles on Harry Davis in C. G. Bochert, “Live News Notes from Iron City,” Show World, 31 August 1907, p. 11; “Surprising Growth of Motion View Industry,” Show World, 23 November 1907, p. 19; and “The First Nickelodeon in the States,” Moving Picture World, 30 November 1907, p. 629.

210 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE 23. “Miscellaneous,” Billboard, 6 May 1906, p. 30; “Special Correspondence from Important Points,” “Kansas City,” and “The Moving Picture Shows,” Billboard, 12 May 1906, pp. 8, 9, and 37; “Davis a Ten-Center,” Variety, 31 May 1906, p. 13; and “Moving Picture Shows,” Billboard, 29 December 1906, p. 41.

24. The managers’ reports on the weekly programs presented in a half-dozen “high-class” vaudeville houses operated by the Keith circuit, from Boston and Wash-

ington in the East to Detroit and Cleveland in the Midwest, make up a large part of the Keith-Albee Collection, University of Iowa Library, lowa City, Iowa. 25. See, for instance, the Bijou ads in the Des Moines Register and Leader, 10 and 31 December 1905.

26. “The Pictures From the Standpoint of One Who Shows Them,” Views and Films Index, 19 May 1906, p. 6.

27. The Theatre Comique was one of the few nickelodeons (or even vaudeville houses) to report its weekly film programs that year in the trade press. See, especially, the weeks of 13 October, 18 November, and 15 December through g February. One of the first Pathé titles shown at the Comique was Dog Smugglers, a big hit on the Keith circuit the previous summer. 28. By 1905 Pathé had a studio with two stages at Vincennes, another with two stages at Joinville-le-pont, and a third (with a large pool) at Montreuil. Both Edison and Vitagraph started construction on new studios in late 1905, but neither would be ready until the following summer or fall. 29. See, for instance, “Last Films Out,” Views and Films Index, 26 May 1906, p. 4,

2 June 1906, p. 4, and g June 1906, p. 6; and the Pathé ads in Views and Films Index, 16 June 1906, p. 12, and 4 August 1906, p. 11. 30. See, for instance, “Latest Films,” Billboard, 25 August-22 September 1906, p. 5; and the Pathé ads in Views and Films Index, 2'7 October 1906, p. 11, and in New York Clipper, 24. November 1906, p. 1,070. By then, Pathé also had a maze of laboratories in Joinville-le-pont (for perforating, developing, printing, and splicing film stock), Vincennes (for creating stencil-color prints), and Belleville (for manufacturing and servicing apparatuses). 31. “Moving Pictures,” Billboard, 13 October 1906, p. 21. This figure is for ini-

tial orders delivered from Paris, not for additional orders that may have been requested later for the more popular titles. If certain Edison films seem to have sold even more prints (the 1906 Train Wreckers, for instance, sold 157), that is because its figures were cumulative, covering one or more years—see Musser, op. cit., p. 317. 32. See, for instance, the Pathé ads in New York Clipper, 277 August 1904, p. 613, and in Billboard, g September 1905, p. 47. 33. See, for instance, the Miles Brothers ads in New York Clipper, 15 July 1905, Pp. 540, and in Billboard, 5 August 1905, p. 48; “Motion Picture Films” and “The Passion Play,” Complete Kleine Optical Company Catalog, November 1905, pp. 206207, 272-273; and “Pathé Films,” Eugene Cline Catalog (1906), pp. 19-20. See also “Kleine Optical Company Accounts |1904-1907],” in Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, pp. 482-483. 34. See, for instance, the Swanson ad in Billboard, 8 September 1906, p. 56; the

Laemmle Film Service ads in Billboard, 6 October 1906, p. 22, 13 April 1907,

THE PERILS OF PATHE 211 p. 33, and 20 April 1907, p. 37; and the Pathé ad in Views and Films Index, 13 July

1907, p. 2. Warren Patrick first called Chicago “the leading film market in the world” in “Pat-Chats,” Billboard, 1 July 1905, p. 3. 35. See “Trade Notes,” Views and Films Index, 19 January 1907, p. 6; and “War

on Nickel Theatres,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 23 March 1907, p. 18. The three hundred nickelodeons that Billboard had compiled in December 1906 obviously was incomplete; for instance, it had none at all in New York City. 36. By 1907 Georges Méliés was no more than a minor film supplier in the United States, and Gaumont and Eclipse had just begun to distribute films on a regular basis (the latter mostly actualités) through Kleine Optical. Also by 1907, Pathé films consistently were deploying most of the basic components of the system of narrative continuity that cinema historians still often attribute to slightly later Vitagraph or Biograph films (or those of D. W. Griffith)—see Abel, The Ciné Goes to Town, pp. 121-156.

37. See “The Five Cent Theatres,” Chicago Tribune, 8 April 1907; “Nickel Theaters Crime Breeders,” Chicago Tribune, 13 April 1907; “Film Shows Busy, Panic Stops One,” Chicago Tribune, 15 April 1907; the Laemmle Film Service ad in Billboard, 27 April 1907, p. 34; “Editorial: Public Opinion as a Moral Center,” Moving Picture World, 11 May 1907, p. 147; and “Trade Notes,” Moving Picture World, 11 May 1907, pp. 152-153.

38. See George Kleine’s 10 April letter to the Chicago Tribune, reprinted in Moving Picture World, 20 April 1907, pp. 101-102.

39. See the Pathé ads in Views and Films Index, 1 June 1907, p. 2, and 13 July 1907, p. 2. 40. That spring, Pathé also upped its output to “one novelty for each day of the week”—see its ad in Views and Films Index, 20 April 1907, p. 2.

41. See the Radium Theater ad, Des Moines Register and Leader, 29 May 1907; the Lyric Theatre ad, ibid., 23 July 1907; “Today’s Amusements,” ibid., 30 July 1907; “Correspondents,” Show World, 10 August 1907, p. 12ii; and the Dreamland ads in the Des Moines Register and Leader, 30 July and 1, 8, and 15 August 1907. Two Sisters was a particularly good example of the relatively sophisticated system of rep-

resentation and narration which Pathé’s filmmakers had developed by 1907; moreover, the film seemed specifically addressed to women. 42. Barton W. Currie, “The Nickel Madness,” Harpers Weekly, 24 August 1907, reprinted in The Movies in Our Midst: Documents in the Cultural History of Film in America, ed. Gerald Mast (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 50-51. 43. See “The Rapper,” Views and Films Index, 17 August 1907, p. 8. Pathé issued

a special “booklet of forty-four pages, describing their new Passion Play film,” in preparation for the fall season, and later offered a large poster to exhibitors (“Trade Notes,” Views and Films Index, 17 August 1907, p. 4, and 5 October 1907, p. 4). The film’s American release was first announced in Views and Films Index, 2 March 1907, p. 11. This was Pathé’s third version of The Life and Passion of Christ; the other two dated from 1900 and 1902-1903. 44. See the Lyric ad in the Des Moines Register and Leader, 29 September 1907, and “Moving Picture News from Everywhere,” Views and Films Index, 9 November 1907, p. 6.

212 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE 45. See “Moving Picture News from Everywhere,” Views and Films Index, '7 December 1907, p. 6; and “Trade Notes,” Moving Picture World, 14 December 1907, p. 667. Pathé’s Passion Play also was cited as “a huge success” in George E. Walsh,

“Moving Picture Drama for the Multitude,” The Independent, 6 February 1908, p. 308. 46. See “The Public and the Filmmaker,” Views and Films Index, 25, January 1908, p. 3; and the front cover of Views and Films Index, 29 February 1908. For information on the increasing American film production, see Musser, Emergence of

Cinema, pp. 466-487. |

47. See the Laemmle Film Service ads in Show World, 15 February 1908, p. 15, and 22 February 1908, p. 17; the Swanson ad in Show World, 7 March 1908, p. 13; and William Fox, Direct Examination, “USA vs. MPPC and Others,” vol. 2, p. 676. See also the tribute to Fox in “William Fox,” Views and Films Index, 8 August 1908, p. 3. 48. See the Lyric ad in Des Moines Register and Leader, 22 December 1907. 49. Of those 515 film titles, 458 were from “licensed” manufacturers (grouped in the Film Service Association), with most of the remaining 57 titles coming from

Biograph and “independent” distributors of foreign imports. Of those 458 “licensed” films, 14 came from Méliés, 26 from Selig, 32 from Kalem, 40 from Lubin, 42 from Essanay, 45 from Edison, 82 from Vitagraph, and 177 from Pathé. McCoy's survey is reprinted in Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, p. 41°7.

50. “Earmarks of Makers,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 14 November 1908, pp. 10-11. That summer, the Mirror also had singled out Pathé’s Dreyfus Affair and Dieppe Circuit for special praise in its new film review column—see New York Dramatic Mirror, 11 July 1908, p. 7, and 22 August 1908, p. 9. 51. Edward Wagenknecht, The Movies in the Age of Innocence (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962), p. 12.

52. These figures come from “Pathé in New Quarters,” Vamrety, 1 February 1908, p. 11; “Film Production Increasing,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 27 June 1908,

p. 7; and “Kinematography in the United States,” Moving Picture World, 11 July 1914, p. 176. 53. Eastman’s letter is reprinted in Georges Sadoul, Histoire générale du cinéma, vol. 2, Les Pionniers du cinéma, 1897-1909 (Paris: Denoél, 1948), pp. 465-466. Al-

though undated, it refers to his recent negotiations with Edison and Pathé representatives in the summer of 1907. Sadoul’s account of the FSA and MPPC’s formation in that volume, on pages 461-478, is still one of the best available.

54. “Compagnie générale de phonographes, cinématographes et appareils de précision,” Les Assemblés générales (25 June 1906), pp. 656, 658, Carton 1, Pathé Télévision Archive (PTA), Saint-Ouen. 55. dLrade Notes,” Views and Films Index, 16 March 1907, p. 6. For a more

detailed analysis of the negotiations between Edison and Pathé, see Thompson, op. cit., pp. 4-10. See also Martin Sopocy, “The Edison-Biograph Patent Litigation of 1901-1907,” Film History 3 (1989): 19-22.

56. See G. Croydon-Marks to W. E. Gilmore, 15 March 1907; Gilmore to Croydon-Marks, 10 April 1907; and Dyer to Gilmore, 13 April 1907, 1907 motion picture folder, Pathé file, Edison National Historical Site (ENHS), West Orange, New Jersey.

THE PERILS OF PATHE 213 57. See Marks to Pathé, 21 May 1907, and Gilmore to William Pelzer and Gilmore to Thomas Edison himself, 28 May 1907, 1907 motion picture folder, Pathé file, ENHS.

58. See the translation of the 22 May 1907 letter from Pathé to Marks, 1907 motion picture folder, Pathé file, ENHS. 59. “Trade Notes,” Views and Films Index, 8 June 1907, p. 4; and “Trade Notes,” Moving Picture World, 22 June 1907, p. 249. The “incorporators” of the new company were William H. Corbin, Collins & Corbin, Ernest A. Ivatts, and Charles Pathé. 6o. “‘Duping’ of Fine Film Pictures Condemned,” Show World, 9 November 1907, p. 16. 61. See, for instance, “What Will Pathé Do?” Show World, 19 October 1907, p. 18; and “Editorial: What Does It Mean?” Moving Picture World, 26 October 1907, PP. 535-536. See also Abel, The Ciné Goes to Town, pp. 33-34. 62. “A New Move: The Pathé Contract,” Views and Films Index, 26 October 1907, p. 3; “Editorial: What Does It Mean?” Moving Picture World, 26 October 1907, PP. 535-536. 63. See “American Moving Picture Captains Meet in Pittsburgh,” Show World, 23 November 1907, p. 21; Warren Patrick, “Chicago Welcomes Captains of Moving Picture Industry,” ibid., 30 November 1907, p. 18; “The United Film Service Protective Association,” Moving Picture World, 30 November 1907, p. 627; “Film Men’s Association Needed, Says Swanson,” Show World, 7 December 1907, p. 14; “Moving Picture Men Organize,” ibid., 21 December 1907, p. 88; “The U.FS.P.A.,” Moving Picture World, 21 December 1907, p. 682; “United Film Service Protective Association Meets,” Billboard, 21 December 1907, p. 20; and “Film Convention and Moving Picture News,” Billboard, 28 December 1907, p. 9. Views and Films Index was unusually reticent about these meetings, having only one story devoted to them—see “United Film Service Protective Ass’n,” Views and Films Index, 21 December 1907, pp. 4-5. 64. Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, p. 375.

65. J. A. Berst, Direct Examination, “USA vs. MPPC and Others,” vol. 3, pp. 1,768-1,770. See also Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, p. 377.

66. The initial listing of the UFSPA included rental exchanges only (“The U.FS.P.A.,” Moving Picture World, 21 December 1907, p. 682). By February the FSA —

was contractually bound to the following licensed manufacturers: Edison, Essanay, Kalem, Lubin, Méliés, Pathé, Selig, and Vitagraph (“Statement by the Licensed Manufacturers,” Views and Films Index, 29 February 1908, pp. 3-4). For the details of Kleine’s ill-rewarded diplomacy in the UFSPA’s formation, see Bowser, op. cit., pp. 26-27. 67. “Interview with FSA Members and Others,” Moving Picture World, 28 March 1908, p. 260. Among those foreign companies excluded from the FSA agreement

were Gaumont, Urban-Eclipse, Cinés, and Nordisk, all of which had begun to carve out a niche in the American market. 68. See, for instance, J. A. Berst to George Eastman, 11 February 1908, MPPC box no. 5, ENHS. Pathé also was allowed to hold an “inventory sale” of its “large stock of films on hand”—see the Pathé ad in Views and Films Index, 25 January 1908, p. 2.

69. Martin Norden, “The Pathé-Fréres Company During the Trust Era,”

214 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE , Journal of the University Film Association 33 (Summer 1981): 16-17. The Bound Brook factory was producing thirteen thousand meters of positive film stock per day by the summer of 1908, with expectations of twenty thousand meters by the

end of the year. See the “Rapport du Conseil d’Administration,” Assemblée Générale Ordinaire, Pathé-Fréres (2 June 1908), carton 2, PTA. 70. The Biograph licensing group was announced in an ad in Moving Picture World, 22 February 1908, p. 130; and then in similar ads in Show World, 29 February 1908, p. 28, and in New York Clipper, 29 February 1908, p. 52. Kleine had to sell the stocks he controlled in Kalem in order to avoid a conflict of interest. 71. “Moving Picture Men Indorse Independent Movement in Chicago,” Show World, 14 March 1908, p. 8. See also Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, p. 380.

72. See, for instance, “The Position of the American Mutoscope and Biograph Company,” Moving Picture World, 15 February 1908, p. 112; “Trade Notes: The Film

War,” ibid., 29 February 1908, pp. 160-161; and “Moving Picture Men Indorse Independent Movement in Chicago,” Show World, 14 March 1908, p. 8. 73. Sadoul, op. cit., p. 467. 74. “Pathé’s Position,” Views and Films Index, 13 June 1908, p. 4. 75. See “Rumors Regarding Pathé-Fréres,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 12 September 1908, p. 9; “Pathé Will Not Invade Rental Field,” Moving Picture World, 12 September 1908, p. 192; “Pathé Fréres Not to Rent,” Views and Films Index, 19 September 1908, p. 4; and Bowser, op. cit., pp. 28-29. 76. “Rapport du Conseil d’Administration,” Pathé-Fréres (2 June 1908), PTA.

77. J. A. Berst, Direct Examination, “USA vs. MPPC and Others,” vol. 3, p. 1,778. 48. “Rapport du Conseil d’Administration,” Pathé-Fréres (2 June 1908), PTA. 79. By November 1905, Pathé was so entrenched on the American market that, along with Kleine Optical, Vitagraph, Biograph, and Méliés (but, significantly, not Edison), it had participated in the first attempt to organize “the leading manufacturers of films,” the Moving Picture Protective League of America; see “Moving Picture Makers Organize,” New York Clipper, 23 December 1905, p. 1,118. Views and Films Index often had encouraged the formation of some kind of protective association for the new industry, beginning in the late summer of 1906; see, for instance, “Editorial: Association for Protection Against Dishonest Customers in the Moving Picture Trade,” Views and Films Index, 18 August 1906, p. 3; “Problems of the Trade and Their Solution,” Views and Films Index, 25 August 1906, p. 3; and “The Plan to Organize the Protective Association,” Views and Films Index, 27 October 1906, PP. 3~4-

80. “Increasing American Output,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 26 September 1908, p. 9. 81. See, for instance, “Release Dates,” Views and Films Index, 11 April 1908, p. 3; “Now Is the Time,” ibid., 30 May 1908, p. 3; and “Association Renters Discuss Schedule,” ibid., 6 June 1908, p. 4. 82. Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, p. 3'78; and Bowser, op. cit., p. 28. 83. See, for instance, the front covers of Views and Films Index, 22 February and 25 April 1908; and “The Moving Picture Field,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 30 May 1908, p. 7. 84. See, for instance, “Words From the Knocker and Howler,” Moving Picture

THE PERILS OF PATHE 215 World, 1 February 1908, p. 72; “The Film Service Association and Ourselves,” ibid., 22 February 1908, p. 131; and “About Ourselves,” ibid., 21 March 1908, p. 227. 85. Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, pp. 380-381. 86. It was Frank Dyer, for Edison, and Harry Marvin and Jeremiah J. Kennedy,

for Biograph, who headed these negotiations. For further information on the MPPC’s formation, see Thompson, op. cit., p. 10-19; Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, PP. 433-438; and Bowser, op. cit., pp. 27-33.

87. The MPPC was even incorporated that September in New Jersey (Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, pp. 435-437). For further information on the delay caused by Eastman and Pathé, see Bowser, op. cit., p. 31. Another reason that Pathé briefly considered opening its own rental exchange was to amortize the unsold film prints which were accumulating because of the FSA regulations, but it was able to sell off many of those between September and December, when the MPPC officially replaced the FSA. 88. See the testimony of H. N. Marvin and Frank Dyer, USA vs. MPPC (1914), pp. 26 and 1,519. 89. Lucy France Pierce, “The Nickelodeon,” World Today, October 1908; reprinted in Mast, Movies in Our Midst, p. 56. go. These reviews are reprinted in Vanety Film Reviews, 1907-1920 (New York:

Garland, 1983). The Female Spy ended with a young Cossack woman being killed and then dragged by a horse, while A Christmas Eve Tragedy climaxed with a Breton

fisherman throwing his wife’s lover, along with the man’s horse and cart, over a cliff. This discourse of moral approbation contrasted, however, with the grudging respect that John Collier used to describe New York nickelodeon films in April 1908 (Collier, “Cheap Amusements,” Charities and the Commons, 11 April 1908,

p. 74). g1. See W. E. Gilmore to T. Edison, 28 May 1907, 1907 motion picture folder, EHNS. g2. “Chas. Pathé Makes a Statement,” Views and Films Index, 16 May 1908, p. 4.

93. I. B., “News from America,” Broscope, 24 June 1909, p. 25. See, also, the letter from a Boston nickelodeon manager who argued that only one American company, Biograph, “had attained the standard of quality set by Pathé films” (“Correspondence,” Moving Picture World, 2g May 1909, p. 716).

94. The phrase “a new social force” was first used by John Collier in “Cheap Amusements.” Contrast this with Robert Sklar’s statement that Pathé’s success in the American market had notably little effect (Movie-Made America: A Cultural History of American Movies | New York: Random House, 1975], p. 29).

95. Roberta Pearson and William Uricchio examine a similar contradiction in the appeals made to Italian culture in American discourse on early cinema—see “English, Italian, and American Shakespearean Cinema in the United States: Differences in Signifying Practices and Reception,” in Images Across Borders, ed. Roland Cosandey (forthcoming from Editions Payot, 1995).

g6. Perhaps the earliest evidence of this appeal comes in the Pathé ad in the New York Clipper, 28 October 1905, p. 930. Between 1903 and 1905, Lumiére’s tech-

nical advances frequently were highlighted in the prestigious American monthly, Photo-Era Magazine. In 1903 France exported 51 million francs worth of automobiles and parts, in 1906, 140 million (Eugen Weber, France, Fin-de-Siécle [Cambridge:

216 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE Harvard University Press, 1986], p. 207). See also Roger Magraw, France, 1815-1914: The Bourgeois Century (London: Fontana, 1983), pp. 232-233; and Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Expositions Universelles, Great Exhibitions, and World's Fairs, 185 1-

1939 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988), pp. 154-155. g7. See, for instance, “Trade Notes,” Moving Picture World, 11 May 1907, pp. 152-153.

98. See, for instance, the full-page ad for the new Pathé projector in Moving Picture World, 3 April 1909, p. 390; “French Machine Hits Iowa City,” Views and Films Index, 5 June 1909, p. 4; “Pathé Professional Outfit,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 31 July 1909, p. 15; “Pleased with Pathé Machines,” ibid., 30 October 1g09, p. 17; “Quantitative Competition,” Moving Picture World, 5 February 1910, p. 158; “N.IL.M.P.A. Meeting,” ibid., 12 February 1910, p. 214; and “Pathe Machines on United States Warships,” ibid., 28 May 1910, p. 885.

gg. Sarah Bernhardt made one of the earliest and most influential of such tours in 1880, then returned for another in 1900; Gabrielle Réjane made her first in 1895 and then a second in 1904; see, for instance, Hamilton Mason, French Theatre in New York (New York: AMS Press, 1940), pp. 6, 28-29, 31. 100. See, for instance, Arthur Gold and Robert Fizdale, The Divine Sarah: A Life of Sarah Bernhardt (New York: Knopf, 1991), pp. 294-298.

101. William Leach, Land of Desire: Merchants, Power, and the Rise of a New American Culture (New York: Pantheon, 1993), pp. 99-102. A similar point is made by Kathy Peiss in “Making Faces: The Cosmetics Industry and the Cultural Construction of Gender, 1890-1930,” Genders 7 (Spring 1990): 157-1598.

102. For a good introduction to French grand guignol, see Mel Gordon, The Grand Guignol: Theatre of Fear and Terror (New York: Amok Press, 1988). For a more

encompassing, more theoretical analysis of turn-of-the-century sensational melodrama, see Ben Singer’s essay in the present collection. 103. Vitagraph also briefly stressed the “sensationalism” of its films during this period; see its ad for The Automobile Thieves in Views and Films Index, 10 November 1906, p. 11. 104. “Vaudeville’s Higher Aim,” Des Moines Register and Leader, 24 March 1907.

105. See the Colonial Theatre ad in ibid., 30 April 1907, p. 5. 106. See the Nickeldom ad in ibid., 13 May 1907, p. 5; and “This Week’s Bills,” ibid., 26 May 1907. 107. F. C. McCarahan, “Chicago’s Great Film Industry,” Bellboard, 24 August 1907, p. 6. 108. See, for instance, “The Melodrama,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 1 June 1907, p. 14; and “Public Taste in Pictures as Viewed by M. E. Fleckles,” Show World,

7 September 1907, p. 9. For a further analysis of differences in French and American tastes, particularly in terms of the French penchant for grand guignol melo-

drama versus the American preference for “bright, happy denouements,” see Richard Abel, “A Crisis in Crossing Borders, or How to Account for French ‘Bad Taste’,” in op. cit.

109. John Wanamaker’s advertising editorial in North American, 5 April 1906, as cited in Leach, Land of Desire, p. 3.

THE PERILS OF PATHE 217 110. “Moving Picture Industry Great,” Show World, 29 June 1907, p. 29. 111. “The Nickel Madness,” Harper’s Weekly, 24 August 1907, reprinted in Mast, Movies in Our Midst, pp. 49-50.

112. See the 2 October 1909 review of The Servant’s Good Joke reprinted in Variety Film Reviews, 1907-1920 (New York: Garland, 1983).

113. In 1907 George Kleine had defended French films (especially Pathé’s) against press attacks on Chicago’s nickelodeons; one year later, allied with the “Independents” against the FSA, he was maligning French films as “racy, risqué, and sensational” (“Interview with George Kleine,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 27 June 1908, p. 7). 114. See, for instance, “Moving Picture Industry Shows Marked Improvement, Activity and Development,” Show World, 19 October 1907, p. 22; “Editorial,” Views and Films Index, 11 April 1908, p. 4; W. Stephen Bush, “Who Goes to the Moving Pictures,” Moving Picture World, 3 October 1908, p. 378; “Editorial,” Views and Films

Index, 7 November 1908, p. 3; “The Real Problem to be Solved,” ibid., 29 May 1909, p. 3; and Lewis E, Palmer, “The World in Motion,” Survey, 5 June 1909, p. 357. For an analysis of Simon Patten’s influential books The New Basis of Civiliza-

tion (1907) and Product and Climax (1909), see Daniel Horowitz, The Morality of Spending: Attitudes toward the Consumer Society in America, 1875-1940 (Baltimore:

Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), pp. 31-37. 115. The descriptive phrase is from Hansen, Babel and Babylon, p. 69, but the outlines of this redefinition of the nickelodeon period already were in place in H. F. Hoffman, “What People Want: Some Observations,” Moving Picture World, g July 1910, p. 77. 116. See, especially, Nancy Rosenbloom, “Progressive Reform, Censorship, and the Motion Picture Industry, 1909-1917,” in Popular Culture and Political Change in Modern America, ed. Ronald Edsforth and Larry Bennett (Buffalo: SUNY Press, 1991), pp. 41-59. It should be noted that in April 1909 the board took unusual

measures to approve a large number of Pathé’s films, but this changed shortly thereafter—see Bowser, op. cit., p. 50; and Palmer, “The World in Motion,” p. 363. 117. See John Collier to Frank Dyer, 10 May 1909, motion picture folder, censorship file no. 1, ENHS. Ironically, Collier had detected not “one immoral or indecent picture” in his investigation of New York nickelodeons just one year earlier (Collier, “Cheap Amusements,” p. 74).

118. See Collier to Dyer, 18 June 1909, motion picture folder, censorship file no. 1, ENHS.

119. See Collier to Dyer, 1 February and g February 1910, motion picture

folder, censorship fileno.1,ENHS. 120. Charles V. Trevis, “Censoring the Five-Cent Drama,” World Today, October 1910; reprinted in Mast, Movies in Our Midst, p. 69. Michael Davis also praises the

work of the board in substantially decreasing the number of “morally objectionable” films; see The Exploitation of Pleasure: A Study of Commercial Recreation in New York City (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1911), p. 34.

121. H. N. Marvin, Direct Examination, “USA vs. MPPC and Others” vol. 3, p. 1,282. See also the 15 January 1910 letter from Charles Sprague Smith, the

218 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE board’s first director, to Frank Dyer, arguing that Pathé should not be allowed to advertise its films as approved by the Board for fear that that would “tend to discredit the censorship,” moving picture folder, censorship file, ENHS. 122. “Regulation of the Cheap Theaters,” Chicago Record-Herald, 2 May 1007, p. 8. 123. See George Kleine’s 10 April 1907 letter to the Chicago Tribune, printed in Moving Picture World, 20 April 1907, p. 102. 124. See J. Austin Fynes, “Motion Pictures,” Views and Films Index, 11 January 1908, p. 4; and Collier, “Cheap Amusements,” p. 74. The former manager of Keith’s

Union Square Theater and Proctor’s Theater, Fynes operated a number of nickelodeons in the New York area, in association with Miles Brothers. 125. See, for instance, Josiah Strong, The Challenge of the City (New York: Eaton

& Mains, 1907), pp. 116-118; Sherman C. Kingsley, “The Penny Arcade and the Cheap Theatre,” Charities and Commons, 8 June 1907, p. 295; William Bullock, “How Moving Pictures Are Made and Shown,” Moving Picture World, 10 August 1907, pp. 359-360; “Film Shows Win the Press,” Views and Films Index, 23 May 1908, p. 5; and Collier, “Cheap Amusements,” p. 75. 126. See, for instance, the “New York morning paper” that reported, in the spring of 1906, that fifty-two thousand immigrants had entered the city within a period of just four days (cited in Brander Matthews, “The American of the Future,” Century Illustrated, July 1907, p. 474).

127. Between 1891 and 1900, according to the United States census, 52.8 per-

cent of the new immigrants came from eastern and southern Europe; between 1900 and 1909, the figure rose to 71.7 percent—Frank V. Thompson, Schooling the Immigrant (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1920), pp. 29-30. That most of those from Russia, and probably Poland and Austria-Hungary as well, were Jewish has been established by Erich Rosenthal, “The Equivalence of United States Census Data for Persons of Russian Stock or Descent with American Jews: An Evaluation,” Demography 12 (May 1975): 275-290. 128. “An Unexplored Field and Its Possibilities,” Views and Films Index, 6 October 1906, pp. 3-4.

129. “Censors Inspect Nickel Theaters,” Chicago Tribune, 1 May 1907; and “Cheap Shows Lure: Police Aim a Blow,” Chicago Record-Herald, 1 May 1907.

130. “Correspondence,” Moving Picture World, 1 June 1907, p. 202; Currie, Op. Cit., p. 49.

131. Joseph Medill Patterson, “The Nickelodeons, The Poor Man’s Elementary Course in Drama,” The Saturday Evening Post, 21 November 1907, reprinted in George Pratt, Spellbound in Darkness: A History of the Silent Film (Greenwich: New York Graphic Society, 1973), p. 48. See also “Low Priced Theatres,” Moving Picture World, 1 June 1907, p. 202; and Collier, “Cheap Amusements,” p. 75. 132. Frederic Haskin, “Nickelodeon History,” Views and Films Index, 1 February 1908, p. 5. 133. See, for instance, Currie, op. cit. pp. 50-51; “The Nickel Craze in New York,” Views and Films Index, 5 October 1907, p. 3; “Moving Picture News from Everywhere,” ibid., 28 March 1908, p. 6; and H. F. Hoffman, “What People Want: Some Observations,” Moving Picture World, 9 July 1910, p. 77. One possible source

THE PERILS OF PATHE © 219 for determining what films were shown in the New York nickelodeons would be the documents of the Motion Picture Exhibitors Association, formed in June 1907 and led by William Fox—see, for instance, Daniel Czitrom, “The Politics of Performance: From Theater Licensing to Movie Censorship in Turn-of-the-Century New York,” American Quarterly 44 (December 1992): 533-536.

134. One can argue that nickelodeon exhibitors followed the model already set by vaudeville managers during the 1880s and 1890s, when the latter transformed their theaters into centers of “family” entertainment. See Robert C. Allen, Vaudeville and Film, 1895-1915: A Study in Media Interaction (New York: Arno, 1980). 135. See “The Propriety of Some Film Subjects,” Views and Films Index, 11 May 1907, p. 3.

136. “Nickel Theatres Crime Breeders,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 13 April 1907; and Elizabeth Beardsley Butler, Women and the Trades: Pittsburgh, 1907-1908 (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1908), pp. 333-334. See also Peiss’s ground-breaking study in Cheap Amusements, pp. 139-162. 137. “The Nickelodeon,” Mast, Movies in Our Midst, pp. 44-45. 138. See “Trade Notes,” Views and Films Index, 15 June 1907, p. 4; “Business in Massachusetts,” ibid., 22 June 1907, p. 3; the Radium ad, Des Moines Register and Leader, 29 May 1907; and the Lyric ad, ibid., 23 July 1907. 139. McCarahan, “Chicago’s Great Film Industry,” p. 4. See also F. C. Aiken, “Moving Pictures a National Industry,” Show World, 14 December 1907, p. 24. 140. “Editorial,” Views and Films Index, 21 September 1907, p. 4. 141. Collier, “Cheap Amusements,” p. 74. 142. Jane Addams, The House of Dreams (New York: Macmillan, 1909), reprinted in Mast, Movies in Our Midst, p. 72; and Davis, op. cit., pp. 29-30, 34~35. 143. See, for instance, Mayne, op. cit., pp. 32-40; Hansen, Babel and Babylon, pp. go-125; Ben Singer, “Female Power in the Serial-Queen Melodrama: The Etiology of an Anomaly,” Camera Obscura 22 (1990): 91-129; and Lauren Rabinovitz, “Temptations of Pleasure: Nickelodeons, Amusement Parks, and the Sights of Female Sexuality,” Camera Obscura 23, (1990): 91-106. 144. Matthews, op. cit., p. 477. See also Michael Kammen, “Millions of Newcomers Alien to Our Traditions,” in Kammen, Mystic Chords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in American Culture (New York: Knopf, 1991), pp. 228-253. 145. See Herbert N. Casson, “The Americans in America,” Munsey’s Magazine 36 (January 1907): 436. 146. Matthews, op. cit., p. 476. Interestingly, Matthews also drew attention to

the contribution (out of all proportion to their numbers) of early French Protestant immigrants to the American concept of citizenship; but he also deliberately excludes both African-Americans and Asian-Americans. 147. Leach, Land of Desire, p. 5.

148. Strong, op. cit., p. 153. 149. Kammen, op. cit., p. 244. See also “Low Priced Theatres,” p. 202. 150. See “Nation-Wide Wave of Motion Pictures,” New York Times, 3 January 1909.

151. See also the turn-of-the-century French sociologist, Gabriel Tarde, whose

influential theory of imitation included the notion that imitative behavior took

220 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE place in a semiconscious state. For an analysis of Tarde’s social theories, see Su-sanna Barrows, Distorting Mirrors: Visions of the Crowd in Late Nineteenth-Century France

(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), pp. 137-161; and Rosalind H. Williams, Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth-Century France (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1982), pp. 342-384. 152. Michael Denning, Mechanic Accents: Dime Novels and Working-Class Cuiture in America (London: Verso, 1987), pp. 172, 202-203. 153. F. Marion Crawford, The Novel: What Is It (New York, 1893), p. 23, quoted in Tom Lutz, American Nervousness, 1903 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), Pp. 29.

154. For two excellent studies of the construction of an “American” subject in turn-of-the-century magazines, advertisements, and best-sellers, see Amy Kaplan, “Romancing the Empire: The Embodiment of American Masculinity in the Popular Historical Novel of the 1890s,” Amencan Literary History 2 (winter 1990): 659-

690; and Richard Ohmann, “History and Literary History: The Case of Mass Culture,” in Modernity and Mass Culture, ed. James Naremore and Patrick Brantlinger (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991), pp. 24-41. 155. See the interviews with Robert Bachman of goth Century Optiscope and an unidentified “Chicago film man,” in “The Popularity of Films Grows,” Show World, 13, July 1907, p. 10.

156. Archie Bell, “American Actors Fail in France,” ibid., 28 September 1907, p. 3. Although Bell is speaking about stage performance, his attitude was shared by many of the Chicago renters interviewed in Show World.

157. See, for instance, the O. T. Crawford ad, ibid., 2 November 1907, p. 36. Crawford was a very successful renter and exhibitor, headquartered in Saint Louis. 158. W. Livingston Larned, “The Public and the Filmmaker,” Views and Films Index, 25 January 1908, p. 3. Larned may have been a pseudonym for a young man whom J. Austin Fynes described, in his brief introduction, as a freelance writer “of ‘scenarios’ for play-pictures.” 159. See, for instance, “Editorial: Public Opinion as a Moral Center,” Moving Picture World, 11 May 1907, pp. 147-148. 160. James D. Law, “Better Scenarios Demanded,” ibid., 29 August 1908, pp. 153-154. Lary May refers to another critic asking for “American subjects” in June 1908 but does not provide a specific citation (May, Screening Out the Past: The Birth of Mass Culture and the Motion Picture Industry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,

1980], p. 64). 161. “The Moving Picture Field,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 6 June 1908, p. 6. 162. “Interview with Carl Laemmle,” Moving Picture World, 5 June 1909, p. 740. 163. See, for instance, “Western Plays Hold the Stage,” Chicago Tribune, 4 November 1906; and James C. Dahlman, “The Cowboy in Drama,” Show World, 21 De-

cember 1907, p. 24. In May 1907, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show returned to the United States after a five-year tour of Europe and received a tumultuous welcome over the course of three annual farewell tours. 164. The Cattle Rustlers, which survives at the National Film Archive in London, nicely exemplifies the so-called superiority in plotting which the trade press was beginning to single out in American films vis-a-vis “foreign films”; see, for instance,

THE PERILS OF PATHE 221 “Earmarks of Makers,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 14. November 1908, p. 10. For an

analysis of Selig’s development of the western genre between 1907 and 1909, see Robert Anderson, “The Role of the Western Film Genre in Industry Competition, 1907-1911,” Journal of the University Film Association 31 (spring 1979): 22-24. See also Denning, op. cit., p. 203. 165. “An American School of Motion Picture Drama,” Moving Picture World, 20 November 1909, p. 712. 166. “What Is an American Subject?” ibid., 22 January 1910, p. 82. 167. “American vs. Foreign Films,” Film Index, 10 April 1909, p. 7. Views and Films Index changed its name to Film Index in October 1908. 168. Vitagraph became involved in a similar strategy of producing “quality” films at this time; see Roberta Pearson and William Uricchio, Reframing Culture: The Case of Vitagraph Quality Films (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993). 169. See David Hulfish, “Colored Films of Today,” Nickelodeon, January 1909, p. 15; and Palmer, “The World in Motion,” p. 356.

170. The Orpheum (with seven hundred seats) became a moving picture theater in November 1907; see Charles Morris, “The Chicago Orpheum Theater,” Nickelodeon, January 1909, pp. 3-5. The Alhambra became the Unique; both Keith theaters became Bijou Dreams; see “New Name for Twenty-Third Street,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 4 January 1908, p. 14; “Unique Theatre,” Variety, 15 February 1908, p. 11; “Manhattan a Money Maker,” ibid., 22 February 1908, p. 10; “Pictures at Union Square,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 22 February 1908, p. 13; and Palmer, “The

World in Motion,” pp. 357, 359. Most of these new cinemas offered longer programs (of approximately one hour), small orchestras, and uniformed attendants. 171. For a list of New York vaudeville houses turned into moving picture theaters, see “The Moving Picture Field,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 6 June 1908, p. 6. In New York, in the summer and fall of 1908, William Fox and Marcus Loew were

two leaders in this conversion; both used these large “movie houses” to establish major cinema chains. See also Allen, op. cit., pp. 9-13; Czitrom, op. cit., pp. 536537; Bowser, op. cit., pp. 121-129; and Gomery, op. cit., pp. 29-37. 172. See the photograph of the Olympic Theatre and accompanying caption (it seated 1,475) in Views and Films Index, g May 1908, p. 6. The Swanson Theatre, on 39th Street and Cottage Grove, seated seven hundred; see “William Swanson’s New Theater,” Show World, 27 June 1908, p. 26c.

173. See, for instance, “Future Pathé Films,” Views and Films Index, 11 April 1908, p. 3; “Stories of the Films,” Moving Picture World, 28 November 1908, p. 433; “Reviews of New Films,” New York Dramatic Mirror, g December 1908, p. 8; “First

in Pantomime Art: Pathé Fréres’ Films D’Art Lead the World in Finished Film Production,” ibid., 1 May 1909, p. 38; and “Looking Forward,” Film Index, 7 August 1909, Pp. 2. 174. “Moving Picture Reviews,” Variety, 28 November 1908, p. 10.

175. The ending of the initial scenario for this film, which was cut in the revised version, had the executioner hold up Mary Stuart’s severed head for the audience’s pleasure; see the Pathé-Fréres Scenario Collection, Département des Arts et Spectacles, Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris. 176. “A French Sample,” Variety, 2 January 1909, p. 10.

222 CIRCULATION AND CONSUMER DESIRE 177. “Comments on Film Subjects,” Moving Picture World, 27 February 1909, p. 236. See also “Correspondence,” ibid., 6 March 1909, p. 277. 178. “Reviews of New Films,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 27 February 1909, p. 13.

Before the film was shown in New York, it was being treated much like a new French stage production; see, for instance, “‘Film d’Art’ Plays,” New York Daily Tribune, 3 December 1908. 179. “Spectator’s Comments,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 11 September 1900, p. 15.

180. One question demanding further research is whether certain kinds of films (produced by certain companies) tended to be shown in nickelodeons and others tended to be shown in the vaudeville houses or new “movie houses,” especially during the transition period of 1908 to 1910. 181. See “Pathé Notes,” Film Index, 20 November 1909, p. 2. 182. The Pathé ads in the Chicago Tribune, for instance, ran from 10 February to 27 March and singled out the genres of comedy, tragedy, travel pictures, educational films, juvenile films, and historical pictures. See also “Pathé Pointers,” Film Index, 26 March 1910, p. 6, and “Novel Advertising Campaign,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 26 March 1910, p. 20. 183. W. CG. S., “What Is an American Subject,” Moving Picture World, 12 Feb-

ruary 1910, p. 206. A change in attitude toward the acting style in Pathé films seems to have occurred in parallel with this demand for American subjects: Even Frank Wood, who generally praised Pathé’s actors, began to assert the values of American acting versus European acting; see his “Spectator’s Comments,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 20 November 1909, p. 15, and 11 December 1909, p. 15. For more on the issue of acting style during this period, see Hansen, Babel and Babylon, pp. 78-79; and Roberta Pearson, Eloquent Gestures: The Transformation of Performance Style in Griffith Biograph Films (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of California Press, 1992), pp. 10-12.

184. Although announced during the spring, this studio was not completed until December (“Pathé American Studio Announced by Mr. Berst,” Film Index, 9 April 1910, pp. 1, 3; “New Pathé Studio,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 9 April 1910, p. 21; “New Pathé Studio,” Film Index, 6 August 1910, p. 3; and “Berst Returns,” ibid.,

8 October 1910, p. 2. For further information on Pathé’s strategy in Russia, see Richard Abel, “Pathé’s Stake in Early Russian Cinema,” Griffithiana 38/39 [October 1990]: 242-247). 185. Pathé westerns ranged from Indians and Cowboys (1904) to Indian Justice (1907) and The Hostage (1908), the latter of which Vanety singled out as a “perfect example of Pathé craft and popularity” (“Moving Picture News and Reviews,” Variety, 25 January 1908, p. 11). According to a New York Child Welfare survey in late 1910, young boys who were frequent filmgoers preferred “Indian and Cowboy” pictures above all others; see “Pictures that Children Like,” Film Index, 21 January 1911, p. 3. See also Davis, op. cit., pp. 29-30, 34-35. 186. Pathé Weekly Bulletin, 16 May 1910. The company’s success with its westerns can be gathered from “News from America,” Bioscope, g June 1910, p. 20; “Topics of the Week: The Popularity of Western Films,” ibid., 18 August 1910, pp. 4-5; and “Editorial,” Moving Picture World, 15 October 1910, p. 867.

THE PERILS OF PATHE 223 187. Anderson, op. cit., p. 25, n65. 188. See, for instance, Owen Wister, “The Evolution of the Cow-Puncher,” Harper's Monthly, September 1895, pp. 602-617. For arguments about the AngloSaxon, masculine turn in American mass culture in the early twentieth century, see Denning, op. cit., pp. 204-206; Kaplan, op. cit., pp. 659-690; and Jane Tompkins, West of Everything: The Inner Life of Westerns (New York: Oxford University Press,

1992). 189. See “Pathé Film Selection,” New York Dramatic Mirror, 23 April 1910, p. 20; and “Notes from the Manufacturers: Pathé,” Moving Picture World, 16 July 1910, p. 165. 190. By late 1911, Pathé had set up its own distribution office, CGPC, in order to release imported French features and used General Film to distribute its American product, including the popular newsreel, Pathé-Weekly. After a year of less than stellar results, CGPC was reorganized as the Eclectic Film Company, whose principal success would turn out to be not French films but the famous Penls of Pauline serial (1914), starring Pear] White. For further information on the development of feature-length films, see David Bordwell, Janet Staiger, and Kristin Thompson, The Classical Hollywood Cinema: Film Style and Mode of Production to 1960 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), pp. 128-134; Bowser, op. cit., pp. 191-215; and Abel, The Ciné Goes to Town, pp. 298-388.

191. Charles Pathé finally acknowledged this exclusion from the American market in the company’s 1920 stockholders meeting; see “Pathé-Cinéma,” /nformation financiére, économique, et politique, 26 September 1920, p. 3.

192. Denning, op. cit., pp. 201-213. 193. Charles M. Harvey, “The Dime Novel in American Life,” Atlantic Monthly, July 1907, pp. 37-45. 194. Denning, op. cit., p. 202.

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PART THREE

Ephemerality and the Moment

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EIGHT

Panoramic Literature and the Invention of Everyday Genres Margaret Cohen “The anarchy of the halflight of the everyday.” MICHEL DE CERTEAU, QUOTING GEORG LUKACS

From the first shorts of Thomas Edison and the Lumiere brothers, cinema has been fascinated with representing the everyday. The following essay argues that such fascination marks one of cinema’s important roots in the nineteenth century. My argument takes as starting point a materialist lineage of cultural theory which proposes the everyday as a historically specific form of daily life emerging along with the problematic this lineage characterizes as “modernity.”! For thinkers like Walter Benjamin, Henri Lefebvre, and Michel de Certeau, the everyday designates the way individ-

uals’ daily gestures of production and reproduction are shaped by the conjunction of the capitalist logic of surplus value, industrialization, urban-

ization, and the increasing atomization and abstraction of the bourgeois-

dominated social formation.’ |

Much important work has been done on cinema’s prehistory in nineteenth-century technologies of the spectacle. But if modernity is also characterized by a historically specific phenomenology, a full account of cinema’s genesis requires a genealogy of intelligibility: clinema’s prehistory in nineteenth-century ways of making sense of the world.’ As Benjamin’s work on Baudelaire suggests, one cultural site where this historically specific phenomenology takes concrete shape is in the nineteenth century’s invention of new representational strategies and genres. What, I ask here, does the cinematic representation of the everyday share with nineteenth-century everyday genres?# The greater part of my essay will be spent describing important features of a characteristic nineteenth-century genre for representing the everyday. My attention will be to what we might call an everyday genre for representing the everyday: a genre that is part of everyday experience with minimal 227

228 EPHEMERALITY AND THE MOMENT transcendent aesthetic claims. The essay closes by indicating points of comparison between nineteenth-century everyday genres and the first cinematic shorts. I choose this point of cinematic reference because the early ©

shorts are closest in time to nineteenth-century everyday genres. I also choose them in adherence to the materialist precept that, as Richard Terdiman puts it, “in the period of its early institutionalization a sociocultural form leaves traces of its operation which later, as it solidifies its domina-

tion, become considerably harder to detect.”5 In addition, early cinema has the advantage of clearly being an everyday genre, a popular form of spectacle. The status of cinema’s relation to the everyday becomes more complex as its aesthetic ambitions increase.

| JULY MONARCHY PANORAMA In France, the social transformations at issue in the problematic of moder-

nity emerged across the middle decades of the nineteenth century. The July Monarchy (1830-1848) was the beginning of that emergence, the time when the bourgeoisie came to cultural, political, and economic dominance.® The genesis of modernity is characterized by the creation of the everyday as practice. It is also characterized by the conceptual emergence of the everyday, the recognition of everyday life as a valid object of scientific inquiry.

The conceptual attention given the everyday during the July Monarchy has played an important role in intellectual developments with what used to be called “world historical” impact. Henri Lefebvre writes that “in the nineteenth century the axis of thought was redirected from speculation towards empirical practical realism, with the works of Karl Marx and the budding social sciences forming landmarks on the line of displacement.”” Numerous watershed events emblematize July Monarchy France’s contributions to the redirection. This was the period when Auguste Comte invented sociology and when Adolphe Quetelet devised the statistical con-

cept of the average man.’ “Engels told me how in 1848 in Paris in the Café de la Régence, one of the first centers of the Revolution of 1789, Marx for the first time put forth to him the economic determinism of his theory of a materialist conception of history.”? With these words, Paul Lafargue dramatized Marx’s first exposition of a theory grounding the movement of

world history in the daily gestures of production and reproduction. | Along with the recognition of everyday life as a valid object of scientific inquiry, the July Monarchy saw the emergence of the everyday as a valid

object of representational attention. Such attention resulted in a number of new representational genres. I focus here on one of these genres, collections of descriptive sketches of contemporary Parisian life and habits inaugurated by Paris, ou le livre des cent-et-uns (1831). “The plan of this book

PANORAMIC LITERATURE AND EVERYDAY GENRES 229

is very simple,” wrote the publisher Ladvocat in his introduction. “Modern Paris will parade by; we will show it as it is, undecided, capricious, angry, impatient, poor, bored, still thirsting for art and emotions but moved only with difficulty, often absurd, sometimes sublime.”!® Contributions to Le Livre des cent-et-uns were provided by leading members of the literary establishment of the time. A selection of titles from its first volume indicate the variegated nature of the reality it put on display: “The Palais-Royal,” “The Parisian Bourgeois,” “The Jardin des Plantes,” “Artist Soirées,” “Public Libraries,” “To M. de Chateaubriand,” “Political Ingratitude,” “Opening Night,” “The Morgue.” The collection’s format, Ladvocat claimed in his preface, was absolutely modern. This was “a new book if ever there was one; new in its content, new in its form, new in its procedure of composi-

tion which makes it a kind of encyclopedia of contemporary ideas, the monument of a young and brilliant period.”!! With his multivolume collection, Ladvocat inaugurated an ephemeral July Monarchy genre that Walter Benjamin has termed panoramic literature.!? Other titles include Paris au XIXe siécle (1841); Recueil de scénes de la ville de Paris (1838); Le Museum parisien (1841); Le Prisme, encyclopédie morale

du XIXe siécle (1841-1850); Les Francais peints par eux-mémes (1840-1842); Scenes de la vie privée et publique des animaux (1842); La Grande ville, nouveau tableau de Paris, comique, critique, et philosophique (1842-1843); Le Drable a Pans, Paris et les parisiens (1845-1846).!> Like the panoramas to which Ben-

jamin compared it, the panoramic genre aimed to give a masterful and entertaining overview of the present. Benjamin compared panoramic literature to a visual medium not only to emphasize the scope of its project but also to emphasize the important role these texts accorded visual illustration. The panoramic texts pursued

their ambitions to represent the present by juxtaposing descriptions of daily Parisian life and lithographs illustrating these descriptions. This format grounds the panoramic genre in the same technological innovations that enabled the consolidation of the mass press. As Richard Sieburth comments, panoramic books were “byproducts of the recent technological advances in printing and paper manufacturing which had made illustrated books more commercially feasible.”!4 If the panoramic texts were closely. related to the inexpensive physiologies—mass-produced pamphlets providing description and commentary on contemporary social types, institutions, and mores—these more expensive books were consumed in a different social space.!° Sieburth notes that “whereas such deluxe albums as Curmer’s Les Frangais peints par eux-mémes were designed to take their place

within the cozy confines of the bourgeois intérieury, . . . the physiologies were aimed instead at the buyer off the street.”!® The details of everyday life were central to the panoramic texts’ descriptions of contemporary social practice. From the grocer and the grisette

230 EPHEMERALITY AND THE MOMENT opening Les Francais peints par eux-mémes to the description of the daily press in La Grande ville, from vignettes on how Parisians greet each other in Le Diable a Paris to commentary on a most humble object of daily urban survival, the umbrella, in the chapter of Le Livre des cent-et-uns entitled “The

Parisian Bourgeois,” these volumes are replete with material belonging to the uneven fabric of daily Parisian experience. “Count then how few moralists have deigned to enter into these simple details of daily life,” wrote

the eminent literary critic Jules Janin in his introduction to Les Frangais peints par eux-mémes, giving epistemological dignity to a zone that aristocratic society had dismissed as trivial and banal.!’ Janin continued: Yes, let us consider this, a day will come when our grandchildren would like to know who we were and what we were doing in those days, how we were dressed, what dresses our women wore; what our houses were like, what were our habits, our pleasures; what we understood by beauty, this fragile word which is eternally undergoing transformations? They will want to know everything about us: how we rode our horses, how we dined, what were our favorite wines? What type of poetry did we prefer, did we powder our hair or wear boots with cuffs? To say nothing of a thousand other questions that we dare not foresee, which would make us die of shame, and which our nephews will pose to us out loud as the most natural questions.!®

Panoramic literature is but one short-lived genre of the everyday produced during the July Monarchy. If its limited production suits it to the finite field of the essay, I use it to encapsulate the July Monarchy contribution to a number of representational genres whose importance continues into the present. The realist novel is at the high end of the spectrum; this most celebrated nineteenth-century genre for representing the everyday emerged in France during the July Monarchy.!9 Balzac described his novels as providing readers with “the history that so many historians forget, that of moeurs.”*° His attention was to the moeurs of postrevolutionary soci-

ety. “This drama is neither a fiction nor a novel,” he wrote at the opening to Le Pére Goriot. “All is true [English in the original], it is so true that every-

one can recognize its elements at home, in the heart perhaps.”*! The mass press is at the everyday end of the spectrum of everyday genres. This genre, too, was consolidated during the first decade of the July Monarchy. “July 1 1836, Emile de Girardin succeeds in putting into practice the simultaneously social and technical idea that has haunted him for five or six years: that of a cheaper daily paper [quotidien] that will have, as a result, more readers and which will thus attract advertising.”** As Terdiman has observed, the homonym of the newspaper and the category of the everyday studied by cultural theory is more than fortuitous.** A celebrated genre of modernity’s everyday, the mass daily plays a vital role in the processes of consumption and exchange constituting this form of daily life.

PANORAMIC LITERATURE AND EVERYDAY GENRES 231 PARISIAN ZOO

The panoramic texts announce an epistemological project allying them with the nascent social sciences. Janin’s introduction makes clear that the panoramic text’s stated aim is to give an objective overview of the phenomena constituting contemporary everyday experience. We might term this aim the project of panoptic representation, invoking Foucault’s visual figure for the epistemological and institutional practices framing such an ambition.*4 The phenomena to come under the panoramic text’s panoptic gaze range from typical people and places to customs and habit, likes, dislikes, quirks, and memories. Various features of the panoramic genre clearly serve its stated project of panoptic representation. The panoramic text approaches the phenomena of daily life with the characteristic panoptic gestures of description and classification. The close attention to external, above all visible, material details (objects, clothes, physical appearance, food, gestures, weather, speech) gives the reader vivid access to the sensuous materiality of contemporary Parisian reality. The panoramic text simultaneously treats this materiality as the key to the less visible social relations structuring the present. Thus, to return to the humble umbrella in “The Parisian Bourgeois,”

the narrator dwells with loving care on who uses the object, concerned to | get its social semiology just right: Ignorant painters always weigh him [the bourgeois] down with an umbrella; this is one of the crudest prejudices that ill-will and partisan politics [l esprit de parti] have ever spread. The umbrella belongs to people living off un-

' earned income, to employees, that is to say to the invalids and eunuchs of industrial society. The Paris bourgeois has a cane to give himself presence, to chase away dogs and to threaten rascals. But he is not afraid of bad weather; if it starts to rain, he takes a cab, as he tells you with a satisfied air.”

In addition to providing objective information on the contours of everyday life, the panoramic text’s attention to detail functions as a rhetorical performance related to Barthes’s “effect of the real.” Giving texture to the tiniest corners of daily life, it conveys a sense of the density of everyday experience, of its lived complexity.

The panoramic genre’s treatment of place functions similarly to its treatment of objects and daily details. Panoramic texts map the contours of contemporary Paris with great precision. This precision gives “real” information on daily Parisian life. In addition, it constitutes a rhetoric emphasizing these texts’ exact grounding in a referentially verifiable space. The fact that all panoramic texts represent a single geographical location also adds to their reality effect; Paris recurs as a stable object across textual variation.*© The existence of this object is, moreover, one that the reader

232 EPHEMERALITY AND THE MOMENT can verify. Paris is a celebrated place for visits and is frequently represented in other genres with claims to referential accuracy. Panoramic texts evince a characteristic narrational mode: They are composed of micronarratives with no direct continuity from plot to plot. Their

narratives’ temporal concentration is accompanied by a concentration of subject matter. Panoramic texts focus on a knowledge that the structuralists might have called a “Parisianeme,” a distinctive minimal unit of Parisian life. This minimal unit is presented from the viewpoint of a single narrator. The micronarrative is a textual index of the panoramic text’s scientific ambitions. Brevity is a principle of encyclopedic narrative, as the encyclopedic article “concentrates the maximum of knowledge in the minimum of time.”2’ In his introduction to Le Livre des cent-et-un, Ladvocat caills his text “a kind of encyclopedia of contemporary ideas.”?®

The variety of contributing authors is another essential feature of the panoramic genre. From the first Livre des cent-et-uns, the panoramic text stresses that its diverse authorship constitutes a substantial divergence from previous descriptive texts about Paris. That these authors write in a variety

of genres is also an important characteristic of panoramic texts. The generic spectrum of Les Francais peints par eux-mémes runs from a detailed physical and moral description of the grocer by an “objective” narrator to a fictionalized novella about a lady of fashion who implicitly exemplifies the

type named by the text’s title. The spectrum also includes an encounter with that paragon of respectable, chic, and seductive Parisian womanhood, “la femme comme i] faut,” from the mobile subjective viewpoint of an individual strolling through everyday reality ( flaneur), a satirical description of the art apprentice (rapin), and a poem glorifying the young girl. In other examples of panoramic literature, what I will call this genre’s constitutive heterogenericity is yet more varied. To describe contemporary Paris, for example, Le Diable a Paris opens with a factually accurate “history of Paris.” It passes to a satirical-fantastic prologue representing Hell, then moves on to a letter that a devil sends from Paris to his master, a description of Parisian class stratification addressed to this devil by George Sand,

an ethnographic description of “how Parisians greet each other,” and a generically hybrid “album” meditating on “what constitutes a Parisian woman,” with maxims, opinions, fragments of dialogues, an extract from one such creature’s own “album,” an example of her memoirs, and a fairy tale.

The editors of the panoramic texts relate the panoramic genre’s multiple authors and heterogenericity to its panoptic aims. The introduction by the editor of Le Livre des cent-et-un states that postrevolutionary social reality has grown too complex to be encompassed by a single individual. What writer could suffice for this multiplied and tricolored Paris? Who would suffice for these small graces, these sharp angers, these stormy passions? Pas-

PANORAMIC LITERATURE AND EVERYDAY GENRES 233 sions of old people, passions of young men, passions of women, passions of heroes. Paris trembles, Paris threatens, Paris cries to arms, Paris wants to go to war, Paris wants to remain calm, Paris bursts out laughing, Paris cries and

sobs, centrist Paris, extreme Right Paris, extreme Left Paris; what writer would want to take this monster in hand! Well then! Give up unity for a manifold painting, call all contemporary imaginations to your aid.*9

When Janin rewrites this topos in his introduction to Les Francais peints par eux-mémes, he shifts the focus from individual authors to the discourses they employ. He makes the point that the panoramic text’s diversity is not just

a diversity of individuals but a reflection of social heteroglossia.°° Janin explains this heteroglossia as a consequence of the revolution. The more French society found itself divided, the more the study of moeurs became difficult. This great republic was cut up in so many small republics, each one of which has its laws, its customs [ usages], its jargons, its heroes, its political opinions in the absence of religious beliefs, its ambitions, its shortcomings and its loves. ... Now, how could the same moralist, the same writer of moeurs penetrate in all these far-away regions when he knows neither the roads, nor the language, nor the customs? How could the same man understand all these strange dialects, all these languages that are so diverse??!

De Certeau asserts that with the inception of modern science, the novel became “the zoo of the practices of everyday life.”°* During the July Monarchy, de Certeau’s statement is even truer of the panoramic genre, if we understand representational genres themselves to figure among a society's daily practices. For while the realist novel (the form that de Certeau designates as the nineteenth-century novel tout court) unifies its representations of daily life within the framework of a single genre, open-ended as it may

be, the panoramic text uses clearly differentiated genres to represent differing social species. The young girl is painted with poetry, the woman of fashion with a sentimental novella, the grocer with a detailed portrait similar to those found in realist narratives.

This point is literalized in a panoramic text that took a trip to the Parisian zoo as its organizing conceit. Scénes de la vie privée et publique des animaux (1842) starts off as a revolution in the Jardin des Plantes. “Here,”

the introduction tells us, “the Animal worries about Man and judges him in judging himself.” Scénes de la vie privée et publique des animaux system-

atizes the panoramic text’s use of differing genres to represent different aspects of social reality. Each animal species is distinguished by a characteristic species of narration. Balzac’s “Peines de coeur d'une chatte anglaise” studies contemporary moeurs among the fine flower of cat aristocracy with conventions familiar from his Scénes de la vie privée; Sand’s proletarian spar-

row in search of a better world employs the genre of political allegory to talk about the differing political and economic organizations of animal

234 EPHEMERALITY AND THE MOMENT kingdoms and republics; Madame Menessier Nodier’s “Lettres d’une hirondelle a une sérine élevée au couvent des oiseaux” uses an epistolary exchange marked by the generic conventions of the sentimental novel to describe the vicissitudes of feminine life.*° TWILIGHT AT THE ZOO

These features of the panoramic text do not all further its stated panoptic

project. The fact that the text is the product of multiple authors works against—as well as bolsters—its claims to social authority. Each author may well represent a distinctive face or jargon of Parisian reality. No overarching subjectivity, however, steps forward to guarantee the referential verac_ ity of the panoramic whole.

The panoramic genre’s heterogenericity only accentuates the hermeneutic complexities introduced by its lack of authorizing point of view. The panoramic text mixes up genres that position themselves in relation to contemporary reality in widely differing fashions. Les Francais peints par eux-mémes is the panoramic text where the mix-up is the most muted. The physico-moral portrait of a type offers social reality through objective transcription; the novella constitutes “reality plus,” holding up the more faith-

ful mirror in its resort to make-believe; the satirical description exaggerates social reality; the poem glorifies it; the texts of flanerie alloy social reality with another subject’s fantasy, speculations, and offhand “spontaneous” thoughts. Le Diable a Paris is the panoramic text where the relation of representation to Parisian referent varies most. To understand Paris and the Parisians (Le Diable a Paris’s subtitle), the reader negotiates a spec-

trum ranging from straightforward history and impressionistic ethnography to frankly fantastic scenarios, descents into hell, a Paris where supernatural creatures intermingle with the common spectacles of everyday life. As a result of such mix-up, panoramic texts generate little referential stability through their narrative practices. The reader must decide for hirnor herself how to sort through representational anarchy, how to negotiate texts whose representational codes and referential claims differ widely, how to read through these codes to the reality they represent.*4 This anarchy induces a form of reader response which is a characteristic feature of panoramic texts, as well as of everyday genres more generally. Rather than offering the secure position of objective mastery proposed in its opening panoptic claims, the panoramic text pushes the reader towards what Lukacs has called “the anarchy of the half-light of the everyday.”* It throws the reader into an epistemological twilight, a state where objective knowledge, externally verifiable experience, socially sanctioned fictions, and individual phantasmatic projection interact in unstable and unruly fashion. Henri Lefebvre makes the point that this interaction encourages the intru-

PANORAMIC LITERATURE AND EVERYDAY GENRES 235

sions of the reader’s own fantasy life into the seemingly stable, referentially verifiable details of external social reality when he characterizes the reader response solicited by everyday genres of his own present. He writes of the generically uneven woman’s magazine (the woman’s magazine assumed its modern form in July Monarchy France) :*° A single issue may include practical information on the way to cut out and sew up a dress or precise information such as where and at what price to buy another, alongside a form of rhetoric that invests clothes and other objects with an aura of unreality: all possible and impossible dresses, every kind of dish from the simplest to those whose realization requires the skill of a professional, garden chairs and occasional tables, furniture worthy of a castle or a palace.%’

He writes of the more homogeneric genre of the horoscope: What, indeed, do people expect from horoscopes, why do they consult them, how do they interpret the signs and how are they influenced by the interpretations? A zone of ambiguity is established half way between belief and makebelieve, yet directed towards action by justifying individual tactics so that those concerned believe and do not believe what they say, and behave as if they believed, while following their own inclinations, feelings, or interests— their vaticinations.*®

ANOTHER POINT OF VIEW

Heterogenericity is only one example of the fondness of panoramic texts for categorical transgression. This transgression can occur in the relation of micronarrative to micronarrative, or within one narrative frame (the panoramic text’s interest in the album form). It can occur through the jux-

taposition of texts holding out differing opinions on the same subject, sometimes by the same author: Arséne Houssaye’s “Why One Leaves Paris,” “written with a view of Berg-op-Zoom,” immediately followed by “Another Point of View” from Harlem in Le Diable a Paris. It occurs as thematic het-

erogeneity: Panoramic texts are peopled by figures who incorporate categorical transgression into their social being. In Les Francais peints par euxmémes, Janin’s grisette is a “strange assemblage of beauty and wretchedness, of ignorance and art, of intelligence and apathy.”°9 Grandville’s animals in Scenes de la vie privée et publique des animaux constitute the imagistic equiva-

lent of such strange assemblages in their odd and inconsistent mixtures of social and animal species. “One evening my mistress asked one of the young Misses to sing,” states the English cat, Beauty, and Grandville illustrates the sentence with a “young Miss” who is part dog and part human, and who is clad in human dress (fig. 8.1). To what social species does the creature belong?

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