Christian Oxyrhynchus: Texts, Documents, and Sources 1481309269, 9781481309264

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CHRISTIAN OXYRHYNCHUS

CHRISTIAN OXYRHYNCHUS Texts, Documents, and Sources

Lincoln H. Blumell & Thomas A. Wayment Editors

BAYLOR UNIVERSITY PRESS

© 2015 by Baylor University Press Waco, Texas 76798-7363 All Rights Reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission in writing of Baylor University Press. Cover design by Will Brown Cover image: Christ on the Sea of Tiberias from Oxyrhynchus. Catalogue no. 8683 from the Egyptian Museum at Florence. Included by permission of the Superintendent of Cultural Heritage of Tuscany–Florence This E-book was converted from the original source file by a third-party vendor. Readers who encounter any issues with formatting, text, linking, or readability are encouraged to notify the publisher at [email protected]. Some font characters may not display on all e-readers. To inquire about permission to use selections from this text, please contact Baylor University Press, One Bear Place, #97363, Waco, Texas 76798. 978-1-4813-0457-3 (Kindle)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Christian Oxyrhynchus : texts, documents, and sources / [compiled by] Lincoln H. Blumell & Thomas A. Wayment. 778 pages cm Summary: “Authoritative, comprehensive presentation of Christian texts and texts about Christians in the Oxyrhynchus papyri”—Provided by publisher. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-60258-539-3 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Christian literature, Early. 2. Oxyrhynchus papyri. 3. Manuscripts, Greek (Papyri)—Egypt—Bahnasa. 4. Bahnasa (Egypt)—Antiquities. I. Blumell, Lincoln H. (Lincoln Harris), 1975– II. Wayment, Thomas A. III. Oxyrhynchus papyri. Selections. IV. Title. BR62.C45 2015 270.1—dc23 2014039115

CONTENTS

Acknowledgments Abbreviations and Conventions Editing Sigla Maps

xiii xv xix xx

I. Introduction II. Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus New Testament Texts 1

P.Oxy. LXIV 4404: Matthew 21:34-37, 43, 45(?) (II)

20

2

P.Oxy. L 3523: John 18:36–19:7 (II)

21

3

P.Oxy. LXIV 4403: Matthew 13:55-56; 14:3-5 (II/III)

26

4

P.Oxy. LXIV 4405 + P.Oxy. XXXIV 2683: Matthew 23:30-39 (II/III)

28

5

P.Oxy. I 2: Matthew 1:1-9, 12, 14-20; 2:14 (III)

31

6

P.Oxy. LXIV 4401: Matthew 3:10-12; 3:16–4:3 (III)

35

7

P.Oxy. XXIV 2383: Luke 22:41, 45-48, 58-61 (III)

38

8

P.Oxy. LXVI 4495: Luke 17:11-13, 22-23 (III)

41

9

P.Oxy. II 208 + P.Oxy. XV 1781: John 1:23-40; 16:14-30; 20:11-25 (III)

43

10

P.Oxy. X 1228: John 15:25–16:2, 21-32 (III)

53

11

P.Oxy. XV 1780: John 8:14-22 (III)

57

12

P.Oxy. LXV 4445: John 1:29-35, 40-46 (III)

60

13

P.Oxy. LXV 4446: John 17:1-2, 11 (III)

64

v

vi

Contents

14

P.Oxy. LXV 4447: John 17:23-24; 18:1-5 (III)

66

15

P.Oxy. LXV 4448: John 21:18-20, 23-25 (III)

68

16

P.Oxy. LXXI 4803: John 1:21-28, 38-44 (III)

70

17

P.Oxy. LXXI 4805: John 19:17-18, 25-26 (III)

74

18

P.Oxy. XIII 1597: Acts 26:7-8, 20 (III)

76

19

P.Oxy. LXVI 4497: Romans 2:12-13, 29 (III)

77

20

P.Oxy. XI 1355: Romans 8:12-27; 8:33–9:9 (III)

79

21

P.Oxy. LXVI 4498: Hebrews 1:7-12 (III)

83

22

P.Oxy. IX 1171: James 2:19–3:9 (III)

85

23

P.Oxy. X 1229: James 1:10-12, 15-18 (III)

88

24

P.Oxy. VIII 1079: Revelation 1:4-7 (III/IV)

90

25

P.Oxy. XXIV 2384 + PSI inv. 3407: Matthew 2:13-16; 2:22–3:1; 11:26-27; 12:4-5; 24:3-6, 12-15 (III/IV)

92

26

P.Oxy. LXIV 4402: Matthew 4:11-12, 22-23 (III/IV)

95

27

P.Oxy. VI 847: John 2:11-22 (III/IV)

97

28

P.Oxy. XIII 1596: John 6:8-12, 17-22 (III/IV)

100

29

PSI X 1165: Acts 23:11-17, 25-29 (III/IV)

103

30

P.Oxy. VII 1008 + P.Oxy. VII 1009: 1 Corinthians 7:18–8:4 + Philippians 3:10-17; 4:2-8 (III/IV)

107

31

P.Oxy. XIII 1598: 1 Thessalonians 4–5 passim; 2 Thessalonians 1:1-2; 2:1, 9-11 (III/IV)

116

32

P.Oxy. IV 657 (= PSI XII 1292): Hebrews 2:14–5:5; 10:8-22; 10:29–11:13; 11:28–12:17 (III/IV)

119

33

P.Oxy. VIII 1078: Hebrews 9:12-19 (III/IV)

132

34

P.Oxy. LXV 4449: James 3:13–4:4; 4:9–5:1 (III/IV)

134

35

P.Oxy. XXXIV 2684: Jude 4-5; 7-8 (III/IV)

138

36

P.Oxy. X 1230: Revelation 5:5-8; 6:5-8 (III/IV)

140

37

P.Oxy. LXVI 4499: Revelation 2–3; 5–6; 8–15 passim (III/IV)

142

38

P.Oxy. LXVI 4500: Revelation 11:15-18 (III/IV)

160

39

P.Oxy. LXXIII 4934: 1 Peter 1:23–2:5, 7-11 (III/IV)

162

40

P.Oxy. XI 1353: 1 Peter 5:5-13 (III/IV)

166

41

P.Oxy. XXIV 2385: Matthew 19:10-11, 17-18 (IV)

169

42

P.Oxy. LXVI 4494: Matthew 10:13-14, 25-27 (IV)

171

43

P.Oxy. LXXI 4804: John 1:25-28, 33-38, 42-44 (IV)

174

Contents

vii

44

P.Oxy. LXXII 4844: 1 Corinthians 14:31-34; 15:3-6 (IV)

177

45

PSI I 5: James 1:25-27 (IV/V)

179

46

P.Oxy. VIII 1080: Revelation 3:19–4:3 (IV/V)

181

47

P.Oxy. III 402: 1 John 4:11-17 (IV/V)

184

48

P.Oxy. IX 1170: Matthew 10:32-42; 11:1-5 (IV/V)

186

49

P.Oxy. X 1227: Matthew 12:24-26, 31-33 (IV/V)

190

50

P.Oxy. LXXI 4806: John 21:11-14, 22-24 (IV/V)

192

51

P.Oxy. II 209: Romans 1:1-7 (IV)

194

52

P.Oxy. XVIII 2157: Galatians 1:2-10, 13, 16-20 (IV/V)

197

Extracanonical Texts 53

P.Oxy. LX 4009: Gospel of Peter(?) (II)

201

54

P.Oxy. LXXVI 5072: Uncanonical Gospel(?) (II/III)

205

55

P.Oxy. LXIX 4706: Shepherd of Hermas (II/III)

208

56

P.Oxy. XLI 2949: Gospel of Peter(?) (II/III)

217

57

P.Oxy. I 1: Gospel of Thomas (II/III)

219

58

P.Oxy. L 3528: Shepherd of Hermas (II/III)

223

59

P.Oxy. LXIX 4707: Shepherd of Hermas (III)

224

60

P.Oxy. LXIX 4705: Shepherd of Hermas (III)

227

61

P.Oxy. L 3525: Gospel of Mary (III)

229

62

P.Ryl. Gr. III 463: Gospel of Mary (III)

232

63

P.Oxy. II 210: Apocryphal Gospel(?) (III)

235

64

P.Oxy. IV 654: Gospel of Thomas (III)

238

65

P.Oxy. IV 655: Gospel of Thomas (II/III)

242

66

P.Oxy. XV 1828: Shepherd of Hermas (III/IV)

245

67

P.Oxy. XV 1783: Shepherd of Hermas (III/IV)

247

68

P.Oxy. L 3527: Shepherd of Hermas (III)

248

69

P.Oxy. III 404: Shepherd of Hermas (III/IV)

252

70

P.Oxy. VI 850: Acts of John (IV)

254

71

P.Oxy. VI 849: Acts of Peter (IV)

258

72

P.Oxy. VIII 1081: Sophia Jesu Christi (IV)

261

73

P.Oxy. IX 1172: Shepherd of Hermas (IV)

264

74

P.Oxy. L 3526: Shepherd of Hermas (IV)

268

Contents

viii

75

P.Oxy. X 1224: Apocryphal Gospel; Sayings of Jesus (IV)

271

76

P.Oxy. XIII 1599: Shepherd of Hermas (IV)

274

77

P.Oxy. V 840: Apocryphal Gospel (IV/V)

278

78

P.Oxy. XV 1782: Didache (IV)

282

Other Christian Literary Texts 79

PSI XI 1200 bis: Patristic Text (II)

285

80

P.Oxy. III 405: Irenaeus, Adversus haereses 3.9 (II/III)

287

81

P.Mich. XVIII 764: Christian Homily (II/III)

290

82

P.Oxy. III 406: Patristic Author(?) (III)

293

83

P.Lond.Christ. 2 (P.Egerton 3) + PSI inv. 2101: Origen(?) (III)

295

84

P.Oxy. III 412: Julius Africanus (ΙΙΙ)

307

85

P.Oxy. XVII 2072: Christian Apology (III)

312

86

P.Oxy. XVII 2070: Christian/Jewish Dialogue (III)

314

87

P.Oxy. XV 1786: Christian Hymn (III)

321

88

P.Oxy. III 407: Christian Prayer (III/IV)

325

89

P.Oxy. I 4: Theological Treatise (III/IV)

327

90

P.Oxy. XXXVI 2745: Onomasticon of Hebrew Names (III/IV)

329

91

P.Oxy. I 5: Christian Text with Quotation of Mandates (III/IV)

332

92

P.Oxy. LXXVI 5073: Amulet Containing Mark 1:1 (III/IV)

335

93

MSS. Syr. d. 13 (P) and d. 14 (P): Manichean Fragments (IV)

337

94

P.Oxy. VI 924: Amulet (IV)

341

95

P.Oxy. XV 1778 + P.Heid. Inv. G 1013: Aristides, Apology (IV)

343

96

P.Oxy. XVII 2068: Liturgical Fragments(?) (IV)

347

97

P.Oxy. XVII 2073: Homily (IV)

350

98

P.Oxy. L 3529: Martyrdom of Dioscorus (IV)

352

99

P.Oxy. LX 4010: Pater Noster (IV)

354

100

P.Oxy. 4 1B 74/K(a): Hagiography (IV)

357

101

P.Oxy. VII 1058: Amulet Preserving a Prayer (IV/V)

359

102

P.Oxy. XIII 1600: Melito, Peri Pascha 57–62 (IV/V)

361

103

P.Oxy. XIII 1601: A Christian Homily or Commentary (IV/V)

365

104

P.Oxy. LXXIII 4933: Biblical Excerpts (IV/V)

368

105

PSI II 155: Theological Work (IV/V)

371

Contents

ix

III. Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus Decian Libelli 106

P.Oxy. IV 658: Libellus for Aurelius L. . .thion and Family (June 14, 250)

380

107

P.Oxy. XII 1464: Libellus for Aurelius Gaius and Family (June 27, 250)

384

108

P.Oxy. XLI 2990: Subscriptions to a Libellus (ca. 250)

388

109

P.Oxy. LVIII 3929: Libellus for Aurelius Amois and Family (June 25–July 24, 250)

390

Christian References in Third-Century Documentary Texts 110

P.Oxy. XLII 3035: Summons for Petosorapis a “Christian” (February 28, 256)

393

111

P.Oxy. XLIII 3119: Official Correspondence Mentioning “Christians” (ca. 259–260)

397

112

SB XII 10772: Personal Letter Mentioning a “Christian” (Mid- to Late III)

404

113

P.Oxy. I 43V: List of Guards/Watchmen Mentioning “Churches” (after February 16, 295)

408

Christian References in Fourth-Century Documentary Texts 114

P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673: Inspection of Church during “Great Persecution” (February 5, 304)

411

115

P.Oxy. XXXIII 2665: Report of Property Registrars about a Certain Paul (305–306)

421

116

P.Oxy. LV 3787: Tax List Mentioning a “Deacon” and a “Lector” (ca. 313–320)

425

117

P.Oxy. LIV 3759: Official Proceedings Mentioning the “Lord’s Day” (October 2, 325)

427

118

P.Hamb. IV 267: Business Letter Mentioning “ships of the church” (ca. 336–348) 430

119

P.Oxy. XXII 2344: Petition from a “Bishop” (ca. 351–352)

432

120

P.Oxy. XLVI 3311: Petition to a Logistes Mentioning an “Apotactic [Monk]” (373–374)

435

121

SB XIV 12021: Sale of House Mentioning a “Lector” and a “Monk” (after March 21, 377)

438

x

Contents

122

P.CtYBR inv. 4623: Sale on Delivery(?) Mentioning a “Bishop” (October 17, 377)

440

123

PSI VI 698: Division of Property Mentioning a “Nun” (January 25, 392)

442

124 P.Haun. III 67: Extradition Order Mentioning a “Holy Martyrium” (August 14, 398)

444

125

P.Oxy. VI 903: Affidavit against a Husband Mentioning “Bishop” and “Church” (IV)

446

126

P.Wash.Univ. I 20: Complaint against a Presbyter of the Church (IV, ca. 360–380?)

450

127

SB XX 15199: List of Deposits Mentioning a “Monk” (Second-Half IV)

452

128

P.Oxy. XLIV 3203: Lease Mentioning “Apotactic Nuns” (June 25–July 24, 400)

454

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries 129

P.Vind.Sijp. 26: Asclepius to Hieracammon (Mid- to Late III)

458

Dossier of Sotas, Bishop of Oxyrhynchus (nos. 130–134) 130

P.Alex. 29: Sotas to Maximus (Mid- to Late III)

463

131

PSI III 208: Sotas to Peter (Mid- to Late III)

468

132

PSI IX 1041: Sotas to Paul (Mid- to Late III)

472

133

P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785: Elders of Herakleopolis to Papa Sotas (Mid- to Late III)

476

134

P.Oxy. XII 1492: Sotas to His Holy Son Demetrianus (Mid- to Late III)

481

135

PapCongr. XV 20: Collouthus to Ammonius (Late III/Early IV) 487

136

P.Oxy. XII 1493: Thoonis to Heracleus (Late III/Early IV)

490

137

P.Oxy. XII 1592: A Woman to Her “Father” (Late III/Early IV)

493

138

P.Oxy. LXI 4127: Letter of Ptolemaeus to Thoonius (Late III/Early IV)

497

139

P.Oxy. XXXI 2601: Copres to Sarapias (Early IV, Shortly after February 23, 303)

500

140

P.Oxy. XII 1495: Neilus to Apollonius (Early IV)

506

141

P.Oxy. LXIII 4365: Letter about the Exchange of Scriptural Books (Early IV)

509

Contents

xi

142

PSI IV 311: Delivery Instructions for a Letter to Bishop Theodotus of Laodicea (ca. 330)

143

P.Oxy. XIV 1774: Didyme and the Sisters to Atienateia (Mid-IV) 523

144

SB VIII 9746: Didyme and the Sisters to Sophias (Mid-IV)

527

145

P.Lond. VI 1927: Dorotheus to Paphnutius (Mid-IV)

533

146

P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729: Dioscurides to Akyleus (ca. 352–359)

543

147

P.Oxy. VI 939: Demetrius to Flavianus (IV)

550

148

P.Oxy. VIII 1161: Letter from a Sick Woman (IV)

555

149

P.Oxy. VIII 1162: Leon the Presbyter to the Presbyters and Deacons (IV)

559

150

P.Oxy. LVI 3857: Letter of Recommendation (Mid- to Late IV)

563

151

P.Oxy. LVI 3858: Barys to Diogenes (IV)

567

152

P.Oxy. XXXI 2609: Mebrion(?) to His Sister (IV)

571

153

P.Oxy. LIX 3998: Thoonis to Syras and Callinicus (IV)

573

154

SB XXII 15359 (= P.Oxy. I 182 Descr.): Thoonius to Thecla (Mid-IV)

578

155

SB XII 10800: Besarion to Dionysius (IV)

581

512

Dossier of Theon (nos. 156–158) 156

P.Oxy. XVIII 2193: Theon to Pascentius (Late IV/Early V)

585

157

P.Oxy. XVIII 2194: Theon to Pascentius (Late IV/Early V)

589

158

P.Köln IV 200: Theon to Aphous (Late IV/Early V)

594

159

P.Laur. II 42: Letter about a Request for Help (Late IV/Early V)

597

160

P.Oxy. XVII 2156: Amyntas to Seras (Late IV/Early V)

600

161

P.Oxy ΧXXIV 2731: Maximus to His Mother Zenobia (Late IV/Early V)

605

162

SB XVIII 13110: Letter concerning a Church (IV/V)

609

IV. Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources on Christians and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus 163

164

Martyrs of Oxyrhynchus during the “Great Persecution” ca. 303–305 Acta Sanctorum vol. 40, August tom. VI, pp. 14–15

615

Episcopal Factionalism at Oxyrhynchus ca. 357–361 Marcellinus and Faustinus, Libellus Precum 92–101

624

xii

Contents

165

Barses and His Exile to Oxyrhynchus ca. 373 Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 4.16

632

166

Description of Christian Oxyrhynchus ca. 395 Historia monachorum in Aegypto 5.1–7

634

167

The Life of Apa Aphou, Bishop of Pemje (Oxyrhynchus)

638

168

Meeting between Apa Aphou and Paul of Tamma Life of Paul of Tamma

658

169

Saying concerning Abba Aphou of Oxyrhynchus Apophthegmata Patrum 15.14

662

170

Saying of a Poor Man in Oxyrhynchus Apophthegmata Patrum 7.56

664

171

Saying about the Giving of Some Grain in Charity Apophthegmata Patrum 13.16

666

172

Saying of an Anonymous Bishop of Oxyrhynchus Apophthegmata Patrum 20.16

668

173

Shenoute and the Wealthy Oxyrhynchite The Life of Shenoute by Besa 33–35

672

174

Paphnutius and Four Ascetics from Oxyrhynchus The Life of Apa Onnophrius the Anchorite 34–41

676

175

The Martyrdom of Apa Epima, fol.22BV–fol.32R

682

Bibliography Scripture and Ancient Sources Index Manuscript Index Subject Index

699 731 745 754

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This project would not have been possible without the generous support of the Department of Ancient Scripture at Brigham Young University. In particular we would like to thank Camille Fronk Olson, the Department Chair of Ancient Scripture, as well as Terry Ball, former Dean of Religious Education, for lending support to this project and for granting us a teaching leave to complete this project. Likewise, we would like to thank our colleagues John Gee and Kristian Heal, both of the Neal A. Maxwell Center, for providing assistance and insight into Egyptian names, Coptic translations, and the lone Syriac text contained in this volume. Additionally, we would also like to thank a host of research assistants and readers who have helped with this work over the past couple of years: Trevor Antley, Adam Rogers, Michael Trotter, Eric Yingling, Alan Taylor Farnes, Chizm Payne, Gwen Kaiser, and Joseph Heywood. We thank all those who have provided feedback and critical review of our work during the past few years as we have put together this important volume. We especially appreciate the foundation that was laid for this book during the Summer Seminar in Papyrology that was held at Brigham Young University in 2011 and the many conversations along the way as we tried and tested our ideas. In the end, after so much help, we recognize that the mistakes that remain in this volume are ultimately our own. We want to thank Carey Newman and his editorial staff at Baylor University Press for their patience as we finished this project and for their exemplary work on this volume. In particular, we would like to give a special thanks to Claus-Jürgen Thornton who thoroughly and meticulously went through all the Greek text in this volume and to Diane Smith who typeset the volume and closely worked with us in the final stages of production. Finally, we owe a profound debt of gratitude to our families for their patience, support, and constant encouragement throughout the duration of this project. It is to them that we dedicate this volume. xiii

ABBREVIATIONS AND CONVENTIONS

For journal abbreviations and abbreviations of other standard works, we have followed The SBL Handbook of Style: For Ancient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Early Christian Studies, ed. P.  H. Alexander et al.  (Peabody, 1999). For editions of papyri, we have followed the abbreviations given in Checklist of Editions of Greek and Latin Papyri, Ostraca and Tablets, ed. J. F. Oates et al. (5th ed.; BASP Suppl. 9, Oakville, Conn., 2001). The online version is available at http://papyri.info/docs/checklist. For abbreviations of inscriptions, we have followed G. H. R. Horsley and J. A. L. Lee, “A Preliminary Checklist of Abbreviations of Greek Epigraphic Volumes,” Epigraphica: Periodico Internazionale di Epigrafia 56 (1994): 129–69. Abbreviations not in the SBL handbook or those used frequently are as follows: AncSoc APIS APF AS/EA BASP BCD BICS BL CE

Ancient Society Advanced Papyrological Information System http://www.columbia.edu/cu/lweb/projects/digital/apis/ Archiv für Papyrusforschung und verwandte Gebiete Asiatische Studien/Études Asiatiques The Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists Brussels Coptic Database http://dev.ulb.ac.be/philo/bad/copte/baseuk.php?page= accueiluk.php Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies Berichtigungsliste der griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus Ägypten. Ed. F. Preisigke et al. 12 vols. Berlin, Leipzig, Leiden, 1922–2009. The Coptic Encyclopedia. Ed. Aziz Suryal Atiya. 8 vols. New York, 1991. xv

xvi

Abbreviations and Conventions

CF Classical Folia Chantraine Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: Histoire des mots (nouvelle édition). Ed. P. Chantraine. Paris, 2009. CSBE Chronological Systems of Byzantine Egypt. 2nd ed. By R. S. Bagnall and K. A. Worp. Leiden, 2004. C&M Classica et Mediaevalia CSSH Comparative Studies in Society and History DACL Dictionnaire d’Archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie. Ed. F. Cabrol and H. Leclerq. Paris, 1907–1953. DDbDP Duke Databank of Documentary Papyri http://www.papyri.info/ Diz. Dizionario dei nomi geografici e topografici dell’Egitto grecoromano. Ed. A. Calderini and S. Daris. 5 vols. Cairo, Madrid, Milan, Bonn, 1935–1996. Gignac A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods. Vol. 1, Phonology. Vol. 2, Morphology. By F. T. Gignac. Milan, 1976, 1981. GMAW E. G. Turner, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World. 2nd ed. Oxford, 1987. HGV Heidelberger Gesamtverzeichnis der griechischen Papyrusurkunden aus Ägypten http://www.rzuser.uni-heidelberg.de/~gv0 JARCE Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt JGRChJ Journal of Greco-Roman Christianity and Judaism JJP Journal of Juristic Papyrology JÖB Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinistik Lampe A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Ed. G. W. H. Lampe. Oxford, 1961–1968. LDAB Leuven Database of Ancient Books http://www.trismegistos.org/ldab/ Masson Onomastica Graeca Selecta. Vols. 1–3. By Olivier Masson. Ed. C. Dobias and l. Dubois. Vols. 1–2, Paris, 1990; Vol. 3, Geneva, 2000. NB Dem. Demotisches Namenbuch. Ed. E. Lüddeckens and H. J. Thissen. Wiesbaden, 1980–. To date, vol. 1 in 16 fascicles, covering the entire alphabet. NewDocs New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity. Ed. G. H. R. Horsley. Vols. 1–5, Sydney, 1981–; Ed. S. R. Llewelyn. Vols. 6–9, Sydney, Grand Rapids, 1992–2002; Eds. S. R. Llewelyn and J. R. Harrison. Vol. 10. Grand Rapids, 2012. PapCongr. Congresses sponsored by the Association Internationale de

Abbreviations and Conventions

xvii

Papyrologues. http://library.duke.edu/rubenstein/scriptorium/ papyrus/texts/clist_congresses.html PBR The Patristic & Byzantine Review PLRE 2 J. R. Martindale, The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, 2: A.D. 395–527. Cambridge, 1980. PSI Papiri della Società Italiana RN Revue numismatique RSCI Rivista di Storia della Chiesa in Italia Timm Das christlich-koptische Ägypten in arabischer Zeit: Eine Sammlung christlicher Stätten in Ägypten in arabischer Zeit unter Ausschluss von Alexandria, Kairo, des Apa-Mena-Klosters (Der Abu Mina), der Sketis (Wadi n-Natrun) und der Sinai-Region. Ed. S. Timm. 6 vols. Wiesbaden, 1984–1992. TM no. Trismegistos Number http://www.trismegistos.org/ Van Haelst Catalogue des papyrus littéraires juifs et chrétiens. Ed. J. van Haelst. Paris, 1976. Z.Sav. Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechtsgeschichte (Romanistische Abteilung) For English transliterations of Greek personal and place names, we have generally used Latin terminations—thus “Oxyrhynchus” and not “Oxyrhynchos,” and thus “Isodorus” and not “Isodoros.” With some Egyptian names, we have deliberately left out accents because of uncertainties about accent placement and emphasis. In the English rendering of Egyptian names, we have tried to conform to common spellings although at times we have diverged, as in the case of the name “Thonis,” which we have consistently rendered “Thoonis” because it is closer in pronunciation to the Egyptian that has the long o sound. Misspelled words in the documentary texts are typically corrected in the apparatus and are generally accented in the editions based on the correct spelling. With all dates that appear in the work, a CE date is to be assumed unless otherwise noted. For convenience, dates will be listed as “I” or “II” instead of spelling out “first century” or “second century.” Dates listed as “II/III” or “III/ IV” should not be interpreted as meaning that the text in question dates to the “late second / early third century” or “late third / early fourth century,” unless noted; rather, the dates should be interpreted to mean that the text dates to the “second or third century” or “third or fourth century.” This broad latitude in dating is sometimes required owing to paleographic uncertainties with respect to dating.

EDITING SIGLA

In the transcriptions of the papyri, the following sigla from the so-called Leiden system are used; see ChrEg 7 (1932): 262–69. The most important sigla used in this volume may be summarized as follows: α̣ β̣γ̣ ... [αβγ] () 〚αβγ〛 ⸌αβγ⸍ ⟨αβγ⟩ {αβγ} vac.

uncertain letters either because of damage or because they are otherwise difficult to read illegible letters; dots correspond to approximate number of letters text in lacuna reconstructed by conjecture or from a parallel resolution of a symbol or abbreviation letters within the brackets are deleted in the original letters enclosed by these two dashes are added above the normal line of writing the letters are added by the editor the letters noted within the braces are regarded as mistaken or are rejected by the editor vacat: empty space on the papyrus

Additional Sigla

| → ↓ αβγ

signals a line break in the text fiber orientation of papyrus runs horizontal (recto) fiber orientation of papyrus runs vertical (verso) the letters are added above the line

For New Testament papyri, the standard sigla of Nestle-Aland28 are used.

xix

Late Antique Egypt (Cartographer: Darin Jensen)

The Oxyrhynchite Nome (Cartographer: Darin Jensen)

I INTRODUCTION

We’re trackers and what we seek are fragments of papyri in ancient Greek. We’ve filled a few crates full already this week. Here are treasures crated, waiting to be shipped from Egypt back to Oxford where we work out each script. First we dig, then we decipher, then we must deduce all the letters that have mouldered into dust. —Beginning of B. P. Grenfell’s Monologue, ll. 1–7, The Trackers of Oxyrhynchus1 The modern visitor to el-Behnesa, a bustling Egyptian city with almost fifty thousand residents that is located about one hundred miles south of Cairo and ten miles west of the Nile on the bank of the Ba ḥ r Yūsuf (“Joseph’s Canal”),2 will find little of the ancient settlement of Oxyrhynchus that once occupied this site. Despite the fact that Oxyrhynchus—the city of the sharp-nosed fish3— flourished in the Roman (ca. 30 BCE–284 CE) and Byzantine (ca. 284–642) T. Harrison, The Trackers of Oxyrhynchus (Contemporary Classics 5; London, 2004). Harrison’s play, which debuted in 1988 at Delphi, was partially based on Sophocles’ Ichneutae (“Trackers”) and concerns B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt at first being commanded by Apollo to find fragments of the Ichneutae among the mounds of papyri at Oxyrhynchus. 2 As a branch of the Nile, Joseph’s Canal runs north and empties into the Fayum Oasis and Lake Moeris (Birket Qaran). 3 The city was named after a species of the Mormyrus fish (elephant-snout fish, a species of sturgeon) that was found in abundance in both the Nile and the Baḥr Yūsuf and was subsequently worshiped by the residents of the city. In Egyptian mythology it was believed that this species of fish was the one that had eaten the penis of Osiris after Set (Seth) had dismembered Osiris’ body and scattered it throughout Egypt. In this myth, when Isis later went about collecting the various body parts of her half-brother/husband, she was unable to find his penis because the fish had already eaten it. On the Oxyrhynchite veneration of the Oxyrhynchus fish, see Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride 353C. 1

1

Christian Oxyrhynchus

2

periods and may have reached a population of thirty thousand,4 little remains of this once thriving metropolis aside from the base of a single column (the “Phocas Pillar”)5 and the fragmentary traces of parts of the city’s outer wall.6 Consequently, were it not for the volume of papyri Oxyrhynchus has yielded, little would have been known about the ancient city today. Any discussion of the initial discovery of the papyri from Oxyrhynchus at the turn of the nineteenth/twentieth century must begin with the names Bernard Pyne Grenfell (1870–1926) and Arthur Surridge Hunt (1871–1934). In 1888 Grenfell and Hunt were both aspiring classicists who had just commenced their undergraduate studies at Queen’s College Oxford. During the course of their undergraduate and graduate studies at Queen’s College, Grenfell and Hunt distinguished themselves in Greek literature and philology and developed a friendship that would last the remainder of their lives. It was during this time that Greek papyrology, barely in its infancy, was beginning to emerge as the result of various discoveries from Egypt. In 1888 W. M. Flinders R. A. Coles, “Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts,” in Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts, ed. A. K. Bowman et al. (London, 2007), 8; I. F. Fikhman, “Bevölkerungszahl von Oxyrhynchos in Byzantinischer Zeit,” APF 21 (1971): 111–12. For the later Roman period, Fikhman suggests a population between 15,000 and 20,000 (p. 120). R. Stark has estimated that the population of the city was somewhere near 34,000 inhabitants in the Roman period. See R. Stark, Cities of God: The Real Story of How Christianity Became an Urban Movement and Conquered Rome (New York, 2006), 46–47. D. Obbink suggests a smaller urban population in the Roman period somewhere around 20,000 inhabitants. See D. Obbink, “Imaging Oxyrhynchus,” EA 22 (2003): 3. J. Rowlandson estimates that in the fourth century the Oxyrhynchite may have had approximately 125,000 residents: 25,000 in the city and 100,000 rural inhabitants in the larger nome. See J. Rowlandson, Landowners and Tenants in Roman Egypt: The Social Relations of Agriculture in the Oxyrhynchite Nome (Oxford, 1996), 17. 5 This column is dubbed the “Phocas Pillar” since at the top it contains a crudely cut inscription for the emperor Phocas (602–610). However, the pillar is considerably older than the inscription and may date to the second century. In fact, it may have even been a part of a tetrastylon—a group of four columns surmounted with an image of the emperor. The inscription to Phocas reads as follows (SB III 6017): Φωκᾶ τοῦ εὐσεβεστάτου ἡμῶν δεσπότου πολλὰ τὰ ἔτη (“To Phocas, our most pious master, [may you have] many years!”). 6 After the decline of the city, which may have occurred in the thirteenth century, the site was used as a quarry for limestone and brick by the surrounding villages for hundreds of years with the result that its archaeological landscape was decimated. See P. Parsons, City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish: Greek Lives in Roman Egypt (London, 2007), 12. For example, in 1798 when Napoleon’s expedition of scholars and savants conducted the first “modern” survey of Egypt, they noted nothing exceptional by way of archaeology about the site of Oxyrhynchus. Vivant Denon’s partial sketch of Oxyrhynchus in 1789 shows only one column protruding out of the sand, some palm trees, and a minaret in the background. See Denon, Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt (vol. 1; London, 1803), 235. It was not until 1922 when Sir W. M. Flinders Petrie worked at Oxyrhynchus that anything comparable to a modern archaeological survey of the city was conducted. See Petrie, Tombs of the Courtiers and Oxyrhynkhos (London, 1925); cf. idem, “Oxyrhynkhos Revisited,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 50–69, which is a reprint of pp. 12–18 of Tombs of the Courtiers and Oxyrhynkhos. 4

Introduction

3

Petrie (1853–1942), the pioneer of modern Egyptian archaeology, discovered the famous Homer roll at Haueris (Hawara), which was a short time later given to the Bodleian Library, and the following year he discovered the unplundered Ptolemaic cemetery at Gurob (Kom Medinet el-Ghura). At the same time, E. Wallis Budge (1857–1934), who worked at the British Museum, had procured a number of important literary rolls at Moirai (Meir) between 1888 and 1889: the Constitution of Athens by Aristotle, lost monologues of Herodas, and choral poetry of Bacchylides. It was therefore becoming readily apparent that the Greek papyri emerging from the sands of Egypt had much to offer the student of classical antiquity. As a graduate student, Grenfell was initially interested in the ancient economy but was nudged toward the study of Greek papyri by A.  C. Clark (1859–1937). As a result, in 1893 Grenfell headed off to Egypt and during the excavating seasons of 1893/1894 and 1894/1895 worked under Petrie at Koptos (Qift).7 The following season (1895/1896), Grenfell began work in Karanis (Kom Aushim) and Bacchias (Kom el-Asl) in the Fayum with D. G. Hogarth (1862–1927). When the initial survey of these two sites looked promising, Grenfell sent a telegram back to Oxford in December of 1895 to Hunt requesting that he join them promptly: Hunt arrived in the Fayum in late January of 1896, and thus began an enduring partnership that would last for decades. During the summer and fall of 1896, while back in Oxford, it was determined that el-Behnesa (Oxyrhynchus) would be the dig site for the upcoming season (1896/1897).8 Later, Grenfell made the following report about the decision to dig at el-Behnesa: I had for some time felt that one of the most promising sites in Egypt for finding Greek manuscripts was the city of Oxyrhynchus, the modern Behneseh, situated on the edge of the western desert 120 miles south of Cairo. Being the capital of the Nome, it must have been the abode of many rich persons who could afford to possess a library of literary texts. Though the ruins of the old town were known to be fairly extensive, and it was probable that most of them were of the Greco-Roman period, neither town nor cemetery appeared to have been plundered for antiquities in recent times. Above all, Oxyrhynchus seemed to be a site where fragments of Christian literature might be expected of an earlier date than the fourth century, to which our oldest manuscripts of the New Testament belong; for the place was renowned in the 7 A “season” in those days, as today, typically meant December through March when the weather in the Egyptian desert was not yet unbearably hot. 8 The minutes for the committee meeting of the EEF (Egypt Exploration Fund) on November 10, 1896 record the following: “Mr. Grenfell, finding that Oxyrhynchus was included in Prof. Petrie’s concession, decided to go there instead of asking for a fresh site in the Fayum.” See D. Montserrat, “New Reports: The Excavations and Their Journalistic Coverage,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 29.

Christian Oxyrhynchus

4

fourth and fifth centuries on account of the number of its churches and monasteries, and the rapid spread of Christianity about Oxyrhynchus, as soon as the new religion was officially recognized, implied that it had already taken a strong hold during the preceding centuries of persecution.9

When Grenfell and Hunt arrived at Oxyrhynchus on the morning of December 20, 1896, they had no intention of systematically excavating the entire city. Like many nineteenth- and early twentieth-century “excavations” in Egypt, their primary aim was finding papyri; if the site did not produce immediate results, the plan was to abandon it in favor of a more fruitful location. Petrie, since his concession included Oxyrhynchus, initially accompanied Grenfell and Hunt to Oxyrhynchus, but, after a few trial trenches proved unfruitful, he left after only a few days to work elsewhere.10 For the first three weeks, Grenfell and Hunt had opted to work in the Greco-Roman cemetery and met with very little success. As a last resort, they turned their attention to the ancient rubbish heaps (κοπρίαι) that lay to the west of the city. On the morning of January 11, 1897, they began by digging into one of the lower mounds of “garbage” and immediately unearthed a fragment that was initially identified as containing some unknown logia of Jesus, which was much later identified as a fragment belonging to the Gospel of Thomas, shortly followed by the discovery of a fragment from the Gospel of Matthew.11 A torrent of papyri soon began to flow and due to the volume of papyri additional workers were sought.12 After only three months, they had filled upward of 280 B. P. Grenfell, “Oxyrhynchus and Its Papyri,” in Egypt Exploration Fund: Archaeological Report 1896–1897, ed. F. L. Griffith (London, 1896–1897), 1. 10 Petrie had obtained a concession of an eighty-mile strip along the Nile from the Fayum to Minya; el-Behnesa lay at the southern edge of the concession. 11 These two papyri were subsequently the first two papyri to be published in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. Grenfell later wrote concerning these two papyri: “The evidence of both the handwriting and of the dated papyri with which they were found makes it certain that neither the ‘Logia’ nor the St. Matthew fragment were written later than the third century AD. It is not improbable that they were the remains of a library belonging to some Christian who perished in the persecution during Diocletian’s reign, and whose books were then thrown away. By a happy freak of fortune we had thus within a week of excavating the town lit upon two examples of the papyri which we most desired to find.” See Grenfell, “Oxyrhynchus and Its Papyri,” in Griffith, Egypt Exploration Fund: Archaeological Report 1896–1897, 6. Almost immediately after the papyrus containing the “Logia” was found, and before the publication of the first P.Oxy. volume (1898), Grenfell and Hunt would publish a short tract on it: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), ΛΟΓΙΑ ΙΗΣΟΥ: Sayings of Our Lord from an Early Greek Papyrus (London, 1897). 12 Grenfell describes the workforce as follows: “As the papyrus digging was comparatively light work, I had more boys than men diggers, the former being not only easier to manage and more trustworthy, but quite as keen about the work as the men, which is remarkable seeing that all their earnings go to their parents. But I should think that nearly every boy in the district who could walk wanted to be taken on to the work. . . . One of the smartest workers of all was also the smallest, 9

Introduction

5

crates with papyri, and Grenfell and Hunt estimated that they had unearthed about three hundred literary papyri, three thousand documentary texts, as well as a smattering of Latin, Coptic, and Arabic documents.13 The following season (1897/1898) was the only one between 1895 and 1908 that Grenfell and Hunt did not pass in Egypt; they opted to remain in England completing the first volume of The Oxyrhynchus Papyri that was published in April 1898— only eleven months since the first crates of papyri had reached Oxford! Despite the enormous success at Oxyrhynchus, for the next four seasons (1898/1899, 1899/1900, 1900/1901, 1901/1902) Grenfell and Hunt opted to work in the Fayum at Tebtunis (Umm el-Baragat) and at Ankyronpolis (el-Hibeh).14 In February of 1903, they finally returned to Oxyrhynchus for a shortened second season,15 and they returned in succession for the next four seasons: 1903/1904, 1904/1905, 1905/1906, 1906/1907. Though the first season (1896/1897) was still the most productive, in terms of the quantity of papyri (280 crates), the final four seasons were still remarkably fruitful.16 In total, it is estimated that upward of 500,000 scraps of papyri were uncovered over the space of the six seasons, some of which were no larger than a postage stamp, while others measured many feet in length.17 Following the close of the sixth and final season at Oxyrhynchus, Grenfell and Hunt concluded that the site had been thoroughly exhausted: “The excavations at Oxyrhynchus have now covered all the area which, in our opinion, is worth exploration. The mounds containing 1st–4th century papyri, either up to the surface or underneath later accumulations, have all been turned over.”18 Notwithstanding the assurances of Grenfell and Hunt, more papyri were to be unearthed from Oxyrhynchus. Between 1910 and 1914, an Italian team lead by Ermenegildo Pistelli (1862–1927) uncovered a number of papyri, and a little chap about eight years old, who had a wonderful eye for the right kind of soil for finding papyri.” Quote taken from Montserrat, “New Reports,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 31–32. 13 For these statistics, see E. G. Turner, “The Graeco-Roman Branch of the Egypt Exploration Society,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 18. 14 Grenfell and Hunt later noted their reasons for going to the Fayum instead of returning to Oxyrhynchus: “Our desire to discover a collection of Ptolemaic texts, for which the Fayûm offered the best field, and the necessity for pressing on excavations in that district, owing to the rapid extension of the area of cultivation round and even over ancient sites, and the constant plundering of the natives, led us to postpone further work at Oxyrhynchus until the Fayûm was exhausted.” See B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, “Excavations at Hîbeh, Cynopolis and Oxyrhynchus,” in Egypt Exploration Fund: Archaeological Report 1902–1903, ed. F. L. Griffith (London, 1902–1903), 5–6. 15 February 26, 1903 to April 9, 1904. 16 1903/1904: 91 crates; 1904/1905: 117 crates; 1905/1906: 131 crates; 1906/1907: 81 crates. Statistics taken from Montserrat, “New Reports,” 31. 17 Parsons, City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish, 17. 18 B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, “Excavations at Oxyrhynchus,” in Egypt Exploration Fund: Archaeological Report 1906–1907, ed. F. L. Griffith (London, 1906–1907), 9.

6

Christian Oxyrhynchus

still more were discovered when another Italian team led by Annibale Evaristo Breccia (1876–1967) worked at Oxyrhynchus between 1927 and 1934.19 Since 1992, the University of Barcelona, under the direction of Josep Padró, has been excavating the site and has found a few more papyri.20 Additionally, a number of other papyri from Oxyrhynchus have also surfaced since the time of the first dig by Grenfell and Hunt largely as the result of a number of clandestine digs, both by archeologists and papyrologists and by the local inhabitants supplying the antiquities market. Consequently, many papyri from Oxyrhynchus have found their way into various collections around the world and have been published in a number of miscellaneous volumes.21 As E. G. Turner has noted, “It will be clear, therefore, that texts obtained in Oxyrhynchus are not confined to the publications of The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, and that one of the tasks confronting the papyrologist is to reunite texts which have found their way into different collections.”22 To date, almost 6,000 documentary texts and just over three thousand literary fragments from Oxyrhynchus have been published.23 The range of texts attested is extensive. On the literary side, there are hundreds of fragments of Homer ranging in date from the first century to the seventh century CE as well as fragments of Hesiod, Demosthenes, Euripides, Menander, Thucydides, and Plato, to mention only a few, from the same period. In addition, there are numerous unidentified classical fragments from unknown authors. On the documentary side of things, the range of texts is staggering: petitions, contracts, receipts, letters, wills, warrants, official proceedings, registers, 19 Papyri from these digs were subsequently published in Papiri greci e latini (1912–1966; fifteen volumes) and are housed in the Istituto Vitelli in Florence. See R. Pintaudi, “The Italian Excavations,” in Bowman et al, Oxyrhynchus, 104–8. For more recent excavations at Oxyrhynchus, see J. Padró, “Recent Archaeological Work,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 129–38; G. Fehérvári, “The Kuwaiti Excavations, 1985–7,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 109–28; cf. R. S. Bagnall and D. Rathbone, Egypt from Alexander to the Early Christians: An Archaeological and Historical Guide (Los Angeles, 2004), 158–62. 20 Padró, “Recent Archaeological Work,” 134–38. 21 During the course of Grenfell and Hunt’s excavations at Oxyrhynchus, they constantly suspected that some of their local help was feeding the antiquities market by stealing papyri. See Turner, “Graeco-Roman Branch,” 20. The publication of P.Hal. 3, a fragment of Sappho, is just one notable example of how a fragment of papyrus could be stolen by a local worker, sold on the antiquities market, and then published in another volume. When Grenfell first saw P.Hal. 3, he immediately recognized that it belonged to the same roll as P.Oxy. XV 1787. In this edition of the text, he noted, “That fragment (P.Hal. 3) was no doubt abstracted and sold by a dishonest workman.” See P.Oxy. XV, p. 27. 22 E. G. Turner, “Roman Oxyrhynchus,” JEA 38 (1952): 80. See also A. Martin, “Papyruskartell: The Papyri and the Movement of Antiquities,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 40–49. 23 As of May 2015, the HGV lists 5,817 documentary texts, and the LDAB lists 3,138 literary texts. In addition to these texts, according to the BCD there are an additional 27 Coptic documents published from Oxyrhynchus.

Introduction

7

lists, invitations, leases, charms, loans, certificates, and declarations.24 As a result of this massive corpus of published texts, which is still growing, it is almost certain that in the Roman and Byzantine periods Oxyrhynchus is the best-documented provincial city in the entire Mediterranean world. Owing to the nature of the papyri, which provide snapshots of daily life in the city and the larger nome, a collage can begin to be assembled affording an impressionistic picture of life in the city during these periods. The sheer volume of papyri combined with their diversity and the fact that they are all provenanced around a specific geographical locus provide a database for investigation that is in some respects comparable to the archival resources modern historians often have at their disposal but are generally wanting for the ancient world. Among the thousands of pieces currently published, there are of course numerous fragments, both documentary and literary, that relate to Christians and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus. Despite a few sensational claims that posit first-century Christian material among the papyri, there is no credible first-century evidence for Christianity at Oxyrhynchus.25 The earliest papyrological evidence for Christianity are fragments from both canonical and noncanonical gospels that have been dated on paleographic grounds to the second century: P.Oxy. LXIV 4404 (Gospel of Matthew) [1]; P.Oxy. L 3523 (Gospel of John) [2]; P.Oxy. LX 4009 (Gospel of Peter?) [53]. Thus, some of the very earliest Christian artifacts we currently possess come from Oxyrhynchus. Additionally, to further highlight the importance of the Oxyrhynchus New Testament papyri, of the 127 New Testament papyri currently published, 53, or 42 percent, come from Oxyrhynchus. On the documentary side of things, either texts written by Christians (like letters) or texts mentioning Christians do not appear until the middle part of the third century. The earliest documentary text from Oxyrhynchus mentioning a “Christian” is P.Oxy. XLII 3035 [110], which is dated February 28, 256, and the earliest letter written On the range of documentary texts, see the useful discussion in B. Palme, “The Range of Documentary Texts: Types and Categories,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 358–94. 25 O. Montevecchi, “ΤΗΝ ΕΠΙΣΤΟΛΗΝ ΚΕΧΙΑΣΜΕΝΗΝ: P.Oxy. XLII 3057,” Aeg 80 (2000): 187–94; I. Ramelli, “Una delle più antiche lettere cristiane extracanoniche,” Aeg 80 (2000): 169–85; I. Ramelli, “A New Reading of One of the Earliest Christian Letters outside of the New Testament and the Dangers of Early Communities in Egypt,” Nova Tellus 1 (2010): 125–59. Both Montevecchi and Ramelli argue that P.Oxy. XLII 3057, a late first- or early second-century letter that apparently shares some verbal reminiscences with certain early Christian texts like 1 Clement, is best read as an early Christian letter. On the whole, the evidence marshaled by Montevecchi and Ramelli in favor of Christian authorship is not persuasive and smacks of special pleading. For a critical evaluation of their arguments, see L. H. Blumell, “Is P.Oxy. XLII 3057 the Earliest Christian Letter?” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 97–113. 24

Christian Oxyrhynchus

8

by a Christian is either P.Vind.Sijp. 26 [129] (from the middle or latter part of the third century) or a dossier of letters from the same period belonging to an individual named Sotas who is the earliest attested bishop of Oxyrhynchus: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041[132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; P.Oxy. XII 1492 [134]. As one moves from the second to third century and then on to the fourth century, the papyrological evidence for Christianity expands as there are more literary and documentary texts and considerably more references to Christians and Christianity in various documents. The noticeable increase in Christian-authored papyri and miscellaneous Christian references in a variety of documents is certainly indicative of the growth and spread of Christianity at Oxyrhynchus during this time. On the documentary side of things, as one proceeds into the fifth century and especially into the sixth and seventh centuries, just about every document is overlaid with a Christian veneer, whether or not the text has anything directly to do with Christianity, since many different kinds of documents came to incorporate Christian vocabulary or symbols. A fragmentary contract preserving the sale of part of a house at Oxyrhynchus in 644/645 reveals this very phenomenon as it begins by referring to Oxyrhynchus as “the illustrious and Christ-loving city.”26 In light of the importance of the Christian materials from Oxyrhynchus and the fact that they are scattered across multiple volumes and indeed in a variety of publications—The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (currently 80 volumes), the Papiri della Società Italiana (currently 15 volumes), and elsewhere—it seemed that it would be especially useful to combine in a single volume all such texts. To include everything relating to Christianity between the second and seventh centuries would be unmanageable, especially since the material between the fifth and seventh centuries is so immense. Therefore, in light of the evidence, it seems appropriate to include everything from the second through the fourth century, be it written on papyrus or any other medium, or whether it is written in Greek, Latin, Coptic, or Syriac. In other words, every text from Oxyrhynchus—regardless of medium or language—that meaningfully relates to Christianity up to the end of the fourth century is included in this volume. Furthermore, since there are relatively few literary references to Christians and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus in texts produced outside of Oxyrhynchus—either in a passing reference by a particular church father, a saying in the Apophthegmata Patrum, or in a hagiography for which the provenance is unknown—it seems especially appropriate to include all these references in the present volume since they too contribute to our understanding SB VI 8987; and N. Gonis, “Oxyrhynchus, the Christ-Loving City?” ZPE 129 (2000): 182. Gonis reconstructs l. 1 of the contract so that it reads: ἐν τῇ λαμπρᾷ καὶ φιλ[οχρ(ίστ)ῳ Ὀ]ξ[υ]ρ[υγχ]ι[τῶν πόλει] (“in the illustrious and Christ-loving city of the Oxyrhynchites”). 26

Introduction

9

of Christianity at Oxyrhynchus and at times have direct bearing on certain papyri. To help facilitate usage of these text we have incorporated a cross reference system where texts that are included in this volume are noted by a bold number in brackets (e.g., [5]), which refers to text number five in the volume. We have used this system extensively to draw parallels between the documents as well as to highlight documents that speak of the same people or similar places and events. As there has never been anything of this kind done in a single volume, we hope that it will find a welcome audience as a useful reference tool not only for the layperson or student interested in early sources relating to ancient Christianity, since extensive English translations are provided throughout the volume, but also for the New Testament and early Christian scholar who is aware of the value of the Oxyrhynchus material but not completely adept in papyrology. Furthermore, we even hope the volume will find some appeal with papyrologists. Though papyrologists are intimately aware of the various publication venues of papyri from Oxyrhynchus and various other pertinent matters, given that this volume will provide transcriptions, new readings and redatings, and will provide more commentary and analysis to various texts, we hope it will be of some value even to the them. Remarks and Caveats on the Current Volume All of the texts contained in this volume have been previously published— most of them either in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (P.Oxy.) published in London or in the Papiri della Società Italiana (PSI) published in Florence, whereas other texts have appeared in miscellaneous venues like proceedings, journals, and volumes from other collections.27 Besides the value of bringing all texts relating to Christianity together in one volume, there are other virtues to the present volume. Those who are familiar with the early editions of Grenfell and Hunt, the principal editors of the first volumes of The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, will recognize that not all of the editions have been carried out with the comprehensiveness that is now the standard for the series. Indeed, recent editions of the papyri are generally exceptional in their quality and breadth, while earlier editions lacked that similar precision. Therefore, in one respect, it is time to update some of the earlier editions. Additionally, new readings and insights have been gathered from over one hundred years of study on some of the papyri, and those insights and identifications have been incorporated into the editions presented here. Furthermore, some of the editions of documentary papyri as well as some of the literary but nonbiblical papyri lacked translations 27 Since the time the book was submitted for publication, two more volumes in the Oxyhrynchus papyri series has appeared in print. We were unable to incorporate the few Christian texts in those volumes because they appeared so late in the process of our completing this volume.

10

Christian Oxyrhynchus

that might otherwise help encourage more widespread usage. Therefore, where appropriate, this volume includes English translations. In some instances, this volume contains the first English translations of certain papyri. In the editions in this volume, the primary identifications of the papyri have been given in almost every case in the title, whether published in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri or elsewhere. In the various sections, all editions have been organized by date from the earliest to the latest. In the heading to each text, the date, the physical dimensions of the piece, and the Trismegistos Number (TM no.) for easy online referencing have been provided. In addition, up-to-date bibliographies have been provided for each piece along with detailed introductions that contain a physical description of the piece and its paleography, an overview of its contents, and that draw attention to any significant features like textual variants or anything that is otherwise notable or noteworthy. Given that introductions in the editio princeps to some of these texts consists of no more than a sentence or two, the preliminary materials provided in the present editions should be a welcome addition. This will be followed by a transcription, along with apparatus, of the text. Where possible the original line numbers of the ed. pr. have been retained unless otherwise noted. In some cases this has led to some unevenness in presenting the fragments since some literary papyri were numbered continuously and others were numbered anew on the back side of the fragment. Furthermore, some editions have included pagination in their line counts, while others have not. Despite these discrepancies we felt that by sticking as closely as possible to the line numbering in the ed. pr. it would create greater continuity and be easier for cross-referencing. For the New Testament papyri, the standard abbreviations of NA 28 have been employed, as has the punctuation of that volume. In the apparatus, especially for the documentary papyri, we sought to include every symbol or mark on the papyrus that has bearing on the text. Thus, common symbols, like those used for a year or for a monetary amount, have been given in the apparatus even though this is not typical in modern editions of papyri. Furthermore, any abbreviations or contractions that appear in the text are noted in the apparatus. While this has made the apparatuses longer than usual, it is hoped that the added material should prove useful to those unfamiliar with papyrological apparatuses and give them a greater sense of what is actually written on the papyrus. The apparatus is followed by an English translation of the text that includes line numbering, noted with brackets for every five lines of the Greek text, for easy referencing between the English and Greek and to aid those who are not proficient in Greek. Aside from the New Testament fragments, where English translations can be easily consulted, about every other text in the volume—extracanonical texts, literary texts, and documentary texts—will contain an accompanying translation. Only in cases where a text is so badly

Introduction

11

damaged or riddled with lacunae that a comprehensible translation cannot be rendered have translations not been given. Following each translation, comprehensive notes have been provided; for some texts, the notes are many pages in length and are often much longer and comprehensive than the notes in the ed. pr. or other previous editions. For the New Testament fragments, the notes have attempted to highlight textual variants and provide a comprehensive comparison with other textual traditions as well as describe peculiarities or noteworthy features in the text. For the extracanonical and literary fragments, comparison to known readings from other witnesses have been made where possible. For the documentary pieces, the notes have been used to discuss new readings, confirm or question existing readings, discuss Greek grammar, highlight parallels (be they verbal, thematic, prosopographical, or otherwise) between other papyri or Christian texts, and elucidate different parts of the text. We have highlighted names that appear in the papyri owing to the growing interest in onomastics generally as well as Christian onomastics specifically.28 Additionally, much attention has been given to describing in detail distinctly Christian elements in the text, generally much more so than in the ed. pr. or in other previous editions. A few caveats need to be made now about the scope of the present volume and both the selection and the omission of certain documents. In keeping with the focus of the volume, we have included only texts where a strong connection can be made to Oxyrhynchus. Therefore, all relevant texts that were actually unearthed at Oxyrhynchus have been included, but with texts whose provenance could be Oxyrhynchus, but is not necessarily certain, we have taken a more reserved approach, admitting some while excluding others. For example, we have not included P.Giss.Univ. II 17,29 a fragment from a papyrus codex of the third century that contains an extract from a treatise concerning an allegorical interpretation of Genesis 1:28, because, while it has been claimed that the text could have come from Oxyrhynchus, the chain of evidence is not as strong as we would like for inclusion. 30 Similarly, we have not included P.Strasb. 28 R. S. Bagnall, “Religious Conversion and Onomastic Change in Early Byzantine Egypt,” BASP 19 (1982): 105–24; E. Wipszycka, “La valeur de l’onomastique pour l’histoire de la christianisation de l’Égypte,” ZPE 62 (1986): 173–81; R. S. Bagnall, “Conversion and Onomastics: A Reply,” ZPE 69 (1987): 243–50; G. H.  R. Horsley, “Name Change as an Indication of Religious Conversion in Antiquity,” Numen 34 (1987): 1–17; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 237–75; M. Depauw and W. Clarysse, “How Christian Was Fourth Century Egypt? Onomastic Perspectives on Conversion,” VC 67 (2013): 407–35. 29 Van Haelst 694; TM no. 64055. 30 Martin, “Papyruskartell,” 45; P. van Minnen and K. A. Worp, “The Greek and Latin Literary Texts from Hermopolis,” GRBS 34 (1993): 185 (no. 200). Martin would argue for an Oxyrhynchite provenance while calling for more discussion on the subject.

Christian Oxyrhynchus

12

Gr. inv. 2677, 31 a fourth- or fifth-century fragment from Luke, for the same reasons. 32 Likewise, there are a handful of letters where, in the ed. pr., the possibility is raised that they may have come from Oxyrhynchus, but since the claim is not sufficiently established we have not included such editions in the present volume. These texts include the following: P.Iand. II 11 (III/IV); P.Iand. II 14 (IV); PSI VIII 972 (= SB XII 10841); P.Ross.Georg. III 8 (IV). On the other hand, there are letters, like PapCongr. XV 20 [135] and P.Lond. VI 1927 [145], where the origin of the text is in question but where a compelling case can be made for Oxyrhynchite provenance, and so they have been included. We turn now to issues of dating, and our ending point of the fourth century requires some explanation. As anyone who is familiar with dating papyri knows, unless a text contains an actual date or some other distinct feature, it is not always a very simple, nor even straightforward, process to assign a specific date to a document. With literary texts, as with some documentary texts like letters, a date of a century or sometimes even two centuries is given because the text contains no distinct features that allow it to be dated to a narrower time period and the paleography is such that parallels can be found over a two-hundred-year window. With these challenges in mind, and to be comprehensive so as to not omit any text that might fit within our chronological parameters, we have determined that texts that contain a date that spans the fourth and fifth centuries be included in the present volume. There are some cases, however, where a text has been assigned a fourth-/fifth-century date where upon closer examination we feel a fifth-century date is more likely and have therefore excluded the document. For example, P.Oxy. L 3581, a letter dated in the ed. pr. to fourth/fifth century, has more recently been shown to have dated from the first part of the fifth century and has thus been excluded from our volume. 33 Likewise, there are a few additional letters where a fourth-/ fifth-century date is currently assigned to the text but where on closer examination we feel a fifth-century date (or even later) is more likely: PSI VII 842; P.Oxy. XVI 1929; P.Oxy. LVI 3862; P.Oxy. LVI 3864; P.Oxy. LIX 4003. On the other hand, we have included a dossier of three letters—P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 [156], P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 [157], and P.Köln IV 200 [158]—that were all given a fifth/sixth-century date in the ed. pr. but more recently have been shown to date from the end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century. 34 Van Haelst 411; TM no. 61706. J. Schwartz, “Fragment d’évangile sur papyrus (Luc VII 32–34; 37 s.),” ZPE 3 (1968): 157–58. 33 For the fifth-century dating of this letter, see P.Gen. IV p. 183. 34 L. H. Blumell, “Reconsidering the Dates of Three Christian Letters: P.Oxy. XVIII 2193, 2194, P.Köln IV 200 and a Reference in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto,” APF 54 (2007): 219–20. 31 32

Introduction

13

Finally, it is necessary to say something about our methodology and the principles upon which we have determined inclusion of a text. With literary fragments, the grounds upon which we have included texts are relatively straightforward. If a fragment belongs to the New Testament or to an extracanonical gospel, we have included it. The only case where the Christian provenance of such a text is in doubt is with MSS. Syr. d. 13 (P) and d. 14 (P) [93], Syriac pieces that include a fragment from 1 Corinthians, since it is likely that they emanate from a Manichaean, and not Christian, context. Nevertheless, we thought these fragments should be included because they attest to the text of the New Testament. For other Christian literary texts, we have included fragments from patristic authors as well as fragments from prayers, amulets, and hymns where there is sufficient context to establish Christian provenance. Likewise, we have included any homiletic, liturgical, or theological fragments that exhibit signs of Christianity. A more problematic subcategory of literary texts are the Septuagint (LXX) fragments from Oxyrhynchus between the second and fourth centuries. With these texts it is often difficult to determine whether these fragments are evincing Christianity or Judaism. Though the use of a codex, instead of a roll, for an LXX fragment might point toward a Christian context, and vice versa that an LXX fragment on a roll might point toward a Jewish context, this is not a hard-and-fast rule. Similarly, while the use of nomina sacra in an LXX fragment should point toward a Christian context, there are cases, albeit very few, where an LXX fragment in a seemingly decisive Jewish context employs nomina sacra. 35 As a result, we have opted not to include any LXX texts in the present volume, although we have provided a list of LXX fragments from Oxyrhynchus from the period in question in the table below. 36 Fragments of LXX Kings in the version of Aquila found at the Cairo Geniza and dated to the fifth or sixth century intermittently employ nomina sacra for κύριος and Ἰσραήλ. See C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979), 32–33. Similarly, there are even examples where κύριος and Ἰσραήλ are contracted on synagogue inscriptions: SEG 26.1683 (= SEG 37.1532) (VI; Skythopolis): π(ροσ)φ(ορὰ) ὧν κ(ύριο)ς γινόσκ⟨ε⟩ι τὰ ὀνόματα· αὐτὸς φυλάξ⟨ε⟩ι ἐν χρό(νῳ) (“A gift of those whose names the Lord knows. He will preserve them in time to come”); IG X.2.1 789.2, 6, 7, 8, 10, 13 (= RIChrM 291) (IV–VI; Thessalonica): This inscription is too long for a transcription here. See also G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 1 (1981): 107–9. 36 The preservation of Septuagint texts from Oxyrhynchus attests to the randomness of what has been preserved, as can be seen in the arbitrary collection of texts: Genesis and Exodus are attested in six separate witnesses, while the book of Psalms is attested in fourteen individual witnesses. Beyond these, Leviticus is attested three times, while Job, Joshua, and Amos are each attested twice and Esther, Judges, Ecclesiastes, Odes of Solomon, and Hosea are each attested by a single witness. Overall, the Minor Prophets are poorly attested while there are surprisingly no papyri containing Isaiah. Also attested are some of the intertestamental books: Judith, Tobit, and Enoch each with two fragments and 6 Ezra, the Wisdom of Solomon, the Apocalypse of Baruch, and Sirach each with one copy. 35

Christian Oxyrhynchus

14 Source

Date

Codex or Roll Nomina Sacra

Text

P.Oxy. LXV 4443

I/II

Roll

None

Esther E16–9:3

P.Oxy. IV 656

II/III

Roll

κύριος is om. in

Gen 14, 15, 19, 20, 24, 27

P.Oxy. VII 1007

III

Codex

θ̅ς̅, θ̅υ̅ in addition to Gen 2:7-9; 2:16-18; Tetragrammaton37 2:23–3:1; 3:6-7

P.Oxy. IX 1166

III

Roll

κ̅υ̅, conjectured θ̅ς̅

Gen 16:8-12

P.Oxy. VIII 1074

III

Codex

κ̅ς̅, κ̅υ̅

Exod 31:13-14; 32:7-8

P.Oxy. VIII 1075

III

Roll

κ̅υ̅

Exod 40:26-38 Exod 20:10-22

reference to deity

P.Oxy. LXV 4442

III

Codex

θ̅ς̅, κ̅ς̅

P.Oxy. XV 1779

III

Codex

κ̅ς̅

Ps 1:4-6

P.Oxy. X 1226

III

Codex

κ̅ε̅, θ̅ς̅, θ̅υ̅

Ps 7:9-12; 8:1-4

PSI II 127

III/IV

Codex

θ̅ρ̅α̅, κ̅ς̅, π̅ρ̅ς̅, υ̅ς̅

Judg 1:10-19

P.Oxy. XIII 1594

III/IV

Codex

θ̅ν̅, θ̅υ̅

Tob 12:14-19

P.Oxy. XI 1352

IV

Codex

κ̅υ̅, θ̅ς̅, θ̅υ̅

Pss 82–83

P.Oxy. X 1225

IV

Roll

Conjectured Ι̅η̅λ̅

Lev 16:33-34 Gen 31:42-54

P.Oxy. IX 1167

IV

Codex

θ̅ς̅

P.Oxy. IV 1168

IV

Codex

κ̅υ̅, conjectured θ̅ς̅, ι̅η̅λ̅, κ̅ς̅

Josh 4:23–5:1

P.Oxy. LXV 4444

IV

Codex

κ̅ς̅

Wis 4:17–5:1

PSI X 1163

IV

Codex

κ̅υ̅, κ̅ς̅, κ̅ω̅, θ̅υ̅, θ̅ω̅

Job 1:19–2:1, 6

P.Oxy. VII 1010

IV

Codex

None

6 Ezra

P.Oxy. XXIV 2386

IV/V

Roll(?)

θ̅ε̅ο̅ς̅, θ̅ς̅, χ̅ο̅υ̅, κ̅ς̅, κ̅ε̅

Pss 83–84

P.Oxy. VI 845

IV/V

Codex

κ̅ε̅, κ̅ς̅, θ̅ν̅, θ̅ς̅, θ̅υ̅, θ̅ω̅

Pss 68:30-37; 70:3-8

Turning to the documentary papyri, we see the selection of texts also requires some explanation. This section begins with editions of the four extant Decian libelli from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. IV 658 [106]; P.Oxy. XII 1464 [107]; P.Oxy. XLI 2990 [108]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 [109]. As pointed out in the introduction to these texts, there is no indication that any of them were submitted by a Christian. Nevertheless, we have felt that they should be included in the present volume because they constitute the best independent evidence for the edict of Decius that led to severe hostilities and persecutions against Christians in the middle of the third century. For this reason we felt they merited inclusion even if there is no evidence that they relate directly to Christianity at Oxyrhynchus. 37

(ZZ).

The Tetragrammaton is for κύριος and is written with a double yod with a strike though it

Introduction

15

The next body of texts represents a diverse array of documents from the third and fourth centuries that range from summonses and official correspondences to petitions, proceedings, registers, and leases. While these texts were not necessarily written by Christians, they all contain some distinct Christian reference. Some of these texts explicitly mention “Christians,” or make reference to a specific “Christian,” while others refer to Christian buildings like “churches” or “Martyria.” Others contain a reference to an ecclesiastical figure like a “bishop,” “presbyter,” “deacon,” “reader,” “monk,” or “nun.” This collection of texts therefore seeks to include every documentary text from Oxyrhynchus between the third and fourth century that contains a meaningful and explicit Christian reference. For some texts presented in this section, we have included only the relevant sections of the document. This has at times been done because the reference is passing and the document is exceptionally long and contains no other pertinent material. For example, P.Oxy. I 43V [113] contains a long account of watchmen and guards who were dispersed throughout the city of Oxyrhynchus after ca. 295 and who provided security for the chief streets and buildings. In this document, which spans 126 lines of text and occupies five columns, there are two references, occupying only two lines, to Christian churches in the city of Oxyrhynchus. Given the size of this document and the fact that the Christian references are made only in passing, it did not seem appropriate, nor practical, to offer a complete reedition of the entire text. The final papyrological section of this volume contains every letter from the third and fourth centuries in which Christian authorship appears secure based on the use of external markers like nomina sacra, Christian symbols and isopsephies, or other distinct features. Here we have erred on the side of caution and have included only letters that, in our opinion, definitely emanate from a Christian context and have not included letters where Christian authorship is merely probable or only possible. Due to the criteria we have employed for establishing the “Christian” character of a particular letter, we realize that some may disagree with our selection. For example, we have not included P.Oxy. XIV 1680, a letter from the late third or early fourth century, in which the addressee refers to “god” in the singular (l. 3), but without a nomen sacrum, and addresses the recipient at the end of the letter as “beloved father” (l. 19; ἀγαπητῷ πατρὶ). While these features may point toward a Christian context, in our opinion they do not establish one for certain. 38 On the other hand, we 38 P.Oxy. XIV 1680 has been treated variously by different commentators. Blumell (Lettered Christians, 69, 309) and A. M. Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri [Cambridge, 2008], 32–36) see this letter as probably, but not certainly, emanating from a Christian context. M. Choat (Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri [Turnhout, 2006], 93–95, 145, 156) and M. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV [Florence, 1968], 161–63 [no. 32]) see this letter as more securely Christian.

16

Christian Oxyrhynchus

have included P.Oxy. VI 939 [147], a fourth-century letter, which contains no single decisive Christian marker but does contain a cluster of markers that in our opinion decisively points toward Christian authorship. While we acknowledge that our selection of letters may at times be restrictive, we feel that it is best to narrow the number of letters so as to include only those whose Christian provenance is certain. Following the 162 papyrological texts, we have included a final section that contains important references from literary texts not originating from Oxyrhynchus nor specifically on papyrus—like the writings of the church fathers, the Apophthegmata Patrum, and various hagiographies—that elucidate in some way Christianity at Oxyrhynchus or notable Christians from the city. This section seemed especially appropriate both because there are relatively few literary sources and because the few sources can at times help to round out the picture of Christianity at Oxyrhynchus derived from the papyri. Here we have included texts in Greek, Latin, and Coptic. Along with providing the original text, we have also included full English translations; in some cases the translation is the only English translation available. While some of the material included here comes from texts that were written after the fourth century, since the material purportedly relates to an episode that occurred within the chronological parameters of our investigation, it has been included. Admittedly, the only text that dates after the fourth century and describes an alleged episode that occurred after the fourth century comes from The Life of Shenoute by Besa [173], but, since the episode in question took place in the first half of the fifth century, it was decided that it should be included. Finally, we recognize some of the historical problems posed by the hagiographical material and whether it accurately preserves earlier material or is simply propagating later traditions. While it is certainly appropriate to question the historical value of such texts, we felt that it was nonetheless important to include all such material for the sake of comprehensiveness.

II CHRISTIAN LITERARY PAPYRI FROM OXYRHYNCHUS

Literary Oxyrhynchus Currently, 53 of 127 New Testament papyri originate from Oxyrhynchus, with the anticipation that there will certainly be more to come. The number of New Testament papyri from Oxyrhynchus counts P.Oxy. VII 1008 and P.Oxy. VII 1009 separately but counts other papyri from the same codex and different books within that codex individually. The common practice is for new NT papyri to be given a 𝔓 number by the Institut für neuetestamentliche Textforschung at the Universität Münster. Currently, there are 127 catalogued papyri that have been given 𝔓 numbers. E. J. Epp has carefully demonstrated the increasing role that the Oxyrhynchus New Testament papyri have played in critical editions of the New Testament.1 The earliest New Testament papyri are the three fragments from the Gospel of Matthew dated to the second century (P.Oxy. LXIV 4404, [1]; P.Oxy. LXIV 4403 [3]; P.Oxy. LXIV 4405 + P.Oxy. XXXIV 2683 [4]) and the early fragment of the Gospel of John also dated to the second century (P.Oxy. L 3523 [2]). These early fragments contain two fragments from a single leaf, and all of them derive from codices rather than bookrolls. Overall, the attestation of the Christian canon is rather remarkable: with portions of the Gospel of Matthew attested in thirteen papyri and of the Gospel of John in fourteen papyri; four each for Acts and Romans; three for Hebrews, James, and Revelation; two for Luke and 1  Corinthians; and one each for 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1–2 Thessalonians, 1 Peter, 1 John, and Jude. More recently, the absence of papyri from the Gospel of Mark has been overcome with a single witness of an amulet containing the first verse of Mark (P.Oxy. LXXVI 5073 [92]). There are also a number of parchment witnesses 1 E. J. Epp, “The New Testament Papyri at Oxyrhynchus: Their Significance for Understanding the Transmission of the Early New Testament Text,” in Bowman et al., Oxyrhynchus, 316–18.

17

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

18

included five of Revelation; two of Matthew, Galatians, and 1 Peter; and one each for John, Mark, Romans, and James. One would hope that in discovering so many papyri from a single city that there would be clear textual affinities to a single family of witnesses. Fortunately, or unfortunately, that is not the case. As Epp has noted, “As often as not, however, our papyri side here with one form of New Testament textual tradition, and there with another (sometimes competing) tradition.”2 For this and other reasons, these editions each attempt to report the most important textual variation units for each of the papyri. These discussions are not exhaustive, and New Testament textual critics will find the discussions often introductory in nature. For the expert, however, it is hoped that these editions can be of use for their accessibility and breadth. For others, we have attempted to make the critical apparatus accessible as well as to offer helpful translations for key readings and passages. In cases where it has been possible to do so, we have used the NRSV to render the Greek into English, but in many instances the variant readings that are translated in the notes are sufficiently different from the Greek text used in the NRSV that we were required to render those passages into English ourselves. In some instances the English translations are imperfect because the variants themselves are unclear and ambiguous in their meanings. The editions of New Testament papyri represented in this volume attempt to draw attention to each papyrus’ relationship with the four main text groups. The four main text groups are represented broadly in the following witnesses, which are consistently cited in the editions: •

• • •

The B-text group also called the Alexandrian or the so-called Neutral text group: 𝔓46(Paul) 𝔓50(Acts) 𝔓66 𝔓72 𝔓75 ‫( א‬not in the Gospel of John), B (Matthew through Hebrews 9:14), A (not the Gospels), C (not the Gospels), L (the Gospels), 33 (Acts, Paul, and the Catholic Epistles), 579, 892, 1241, and the Coptic (Sahidic and Bohairic) The D-text group or type: 𝔓38 𝔓48 𝔓69 0171 (in the Gospel of Matthew and the Gospel of Luke), D (Gospels and Acts), 1739 (Acts), the Old Latin, and the Syriac Caesarean: 𝔓45 W f 13 Byzantine text group: 𝔓63 𝔓73 𝔓84 A (Gospels only) F G 049 056 K and denoted frequently through the symbol 𝔐.

The Oxyrhynchus papyri have much to offer in the discussion of the development of the text groups, and, fortuitously, the papyri from Oxyrhynchus do not attest to a single text group but rather share convergences at times with all of the text groups. What this helps us to see is that Oxyrhynchus, a single 2

Epp, “New Testament Papyri at Oxyrhynchus,” 320.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

19

city in Egypt, was home to readings from all of the text groups and that manuscripts with such varying genealogies existed alongside one another. Literary Papyri Attested at Oxyrhynchus A discussion of the value and impact that the Oxyrhynchus New Testament papyri have had on critical editions of the New Testament naturally leads to this question: What other Christian literary texts have been discovered there? Among the class of papyri that can be considered near canonical or nearly canonical and that are represented in this volume are the following: eleven distinct copies of the Shepherd of Hermas (P.Oxy. LXIX 4706 [55]; P.Oxy. L 3528 [58]; P.Oxy. LXIX 4707 [59]; P.Oxy. LXIX 4705 [60]; P.Oxy. XV 1828 [66]; P.Oxy. XV 1783 [67]; P.Oxy. L 3527 [68]; P.Oxy. III 404 [69]; P.Oxy. IX 1172 [73]; P.Oxy. L 3526 [74]; P.Oxy. XIII 1599 [76]), three copies of the Gospel of Thomas in Greek (P.Oxy. I 1 [57]; P.Oxy. IV 654 [64]; P.Oxy. IV 655 [65]), two copies of the Gospel of Mary (P.Oxy. L 3525 [61]; P.Ryl.Gr. III 463 [62]), possibly two short excerpts from the Gospel of Peter (P.Oxy. LX 4009 [53]; P.Oxy. XLI 2949 [56]), a single copy of the Acts of John (P.Oxy. VI 850 [70]), a copy of the Acts of Peter (P.Oxy. VI 849 [71]), a Greek fragment from the Sophia of Jesus Christ (P.Oxy. VIII 1081 [72]), a fragment from a miniature codex of the Didache (P.Oxy. XV 1782 [78]), and four unidentified Christian gospels or so-called apocryphal gospels (P.Oxy. LXXVI 5072 [54]; P.Oxy. II 210 [63]; P.Oxy. X 1224 [75]; P.Oxy. V 840 [77]). In addition to these near canonical texts, Oxyrhynchus also preserves a significant number of literary texts that include the following: patristic authors such as Irenaeus (P.Oxy. III 405 [80]), Julius Africanus (P.Oxy. III 412 [84]), Aristides (P.Oxy. XV 1778 + P.Heid.Inv. G 1013 [95]), Melito (P.Oxy. XIII 1600 [102]), possibly an unknown treatise of Origen (P.Lond. Christ. 2 [P.Egerton 3] + PSI inv. 2101 [83]), and two unidentified patristic works (P.Oxy. III 406 [82]; PSI XI 1200 bis [79]). There are also two Christian prayers preserved among the currently published Oxyrhynchus papyri as well as a hymn with musical notations (P.Oxy. LX 4010 [99]; P.Oxy. III 407 [88]; P.Oxy. XV 1786 [87]). In addition to these interesting texts, there are three amulets, one containing the opening lines of Mark’s Gospel (P.Oxy. LXXVI 5073 [92]; P.Oxy. VI 924 [94]; P.Oxy. VII 1058 [101]); fragments from Manichean writings written in a script similar to Estrangelo (MSS. Syr. d. 13 [P] and d. 14 [P] [93]); as well as what may be an autograph of a Jewish Christian dialogue (P.Oxy. XVII 2070 [86]). In sum, the Oxyrhynchus papyri provide a fascinating glimpse into a Christian community with literary documentation beginning as early as the second century. Certainly, more Christian papyri will come to light, but the

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

20

papyri that have already been published are noteworthy and unparalleled for any other Christian community in Egypt. In the latter half of this volume, we have gathered together the documentary evidence for Christianity at Oxyrhynchus and in doing so have provided a glimpse into the lives of some of the Christians who likely used these literary texts in worship and daily use. New Testament Texts

Date: Late II

1 P.Oxy. LXIV 4404 (𝔓104) Matthew 21:34-37, 43, 45(?) 7.0 × 5.2 cm TM no. 61782

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. W. Handley and U. Wartenberg (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIV (London, 1997), 7–9 (no. 4404); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 643–44. Related Literature: J. K. Elliott, “Six New Papyri of Matthew’s Gospel,” NovT 41 (1999): 105–7; P.  M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 10. Introduction The reverse side of this fragment is heavily abraded, and only a few letters are visible enough to restore with any degree of confidence; therefore, conclusions regarding the reverse must be made with great hesitancy. This is particularly important to note because the fragment appears to witness the omission of Matthew 21:44, making it the earliest papyrus to do so. Because the readings of the reverse are so tentative, this conclusion must remain somewhat in doubt, as J. D. Thomas also noted in the publication of the ed. pr. The text attests no major variants or omissions unless, of course, Matthew 21:44 is indeed confidently omitted. The hand seems to be intentionally archaizing. Thomas offered a date of the second century based on similarities to P.Oxy. L 3523 [2]. 3 Despite the difficulties in restoring the reverse side of the fragment, one can be certain that the page belongs to an early codex containing the Gospel of Matthew. Indeed, this small fragment is one of the earliest attested fragments of Matthew and the first to attest to these verses from Matthew 21. The top margin is visible as is the right-hand margin. The writing is strictly bilinear, neat, and in the hand of a practiced scribe. Serifs are freely used. Thomas 3

P.Oxy. LXIV pp. 7–8.

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estimates that the original page contained 31 lines with an average of 24 letters per line, thus suggesting a codex size of roughly 14 × 25 cm and of Turner’s Group 8. The papyrus does employ the use of rough breathing marks at ll. 4–5 (ὁν) but no other textual or paragraph divisions.

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δ̣[ο]ύλου[ς] αὐτ̣οῦ πρὸς [τοὺς γεωργοὺς] λ α̣ β ̣ εῖν τοὺς καρ[ποὺς αὐτοῦ. καὶ] λ α̣ β ̣ όντες οἱ γεωρ[γοὶ τοὺς δούλο]υ̣ς ̣ αὐ̣ τ̣[οῦ] ὃν μὲν [ἔδειραν,] ὃ̣ν δὲ ̣ ἀπέκ ̣τειναν ὃν [δὲ ἐλιθοβ]όλησ̣α ̣ν, πάλιν ἀπέ[στειλεν ἄ]λ̣ λ̣ ου̣ ς δ̣ ούλους πλείο[νας τῶν πρώτων, καὶ] ἐποίησαν̣ [αὐτοῖς ὡσαύτως. ὕστερον δ]ὲ ἀπέ-

21:34 21:35 21:36 21:37

Traces of 4 lines are evident. ] δ̣οθ̣ ̣ή σ̣ ε̣ ̣τ̣α [̣ ι [ἔθνει ποιοῦν]τ̣ι ̣ τ̣[ο]ὺ̣ς κα ρ̣ [̣ ποὺ]ς ̣ [αὐτῆς. καὶ ἀκού]σ̣α [̣ ν]τ̣ες ̣ ο̣[ἱ

21:43 21:45

Traces of 1 line are evident __________ 4. pap. ὁν. 5. pap. ὁν.

6 8

15 16

Some witnesses read και παλιν (‫ *א‬syP), D reads παλιν ουν, and 579 reads παλιν δε. Latin mss a and e om.των πρωτων, which although not visible here are likely to be restored based on the length of the line. A line without των πρωτων would be abnormally short and the meaning is affected without the comparison to “the first” servants who were sent. The omission of Matt 21:44 is attested also in D 33 it sys Origen and Eusebiussyr. ακουσαντες οἱ is the majority reading (B C D W Θ 0102 ƒ1.13 𝔐 lat syp.h mae). Other mss read ακουσαντες δε (‫ א‬L Z 33 892 sa bo). Because the traces of ink are so faded it is difficult to ascertain the exact reading. δε cannot be ruled out, although the traces of ink seem to fit omicron better.

Date: Late II

2 P.Oxy. L 3523 (𝔓90) John 18:36–19:7 5.6 × 15.0 cm TM no. 616125

Material: Papyrus

Published: T. C. Skeat et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (London, 1983), 3–8 (no. 3523). Related Literature: K. Aland, “Der Text des Johannesevangeliums im 2.Jahrhundert,” in Studien zum Text und zur Ethik des Neuen Testaments,

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ed. W. Schrage (Berlin, 1986), 1–10; S. R. Pickering, Recently Published New Testament Papyri P89–P95 (Sydney, 1991), 11–24; J. K. Elliott and D. C. Parker (eds.), The New Testament in Greek IV: The Gospel according to St. John; Vol. 1; The Papyri (Leiden, 1995), 387; P. Rodgers, “The Text of the New Testament and Its Witnesses before 200 A.D.: Observations on P90 (P.Oxy.3523),” in The Early History of the New Testament Text, ed. C. B. Amphoux and J. K. Elliott (Lausanne, 2003), 83–91; S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 7 (1994): 242–48; C. E. Hill, “A Notice of Corrections in Standard Editions of Two Johannine Manuscripts,” TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism 7 (2002); J. Chapa, “The Early Text of the Gospel of John,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 153. Introduction This fragment originally belonged to a papyrus codex measuring roughly 12 × 16 cm (Turner’s Group 9), and the date assigned to it by Skeat was based on comparison to the Egerton Gospel (II), P.Oxy. IV 656 (II/III, Genesis), and a Homeric papyrus (II).4 All three of these comparisons seem reasonable upon examination, but there is some concern that none of the comparisons is dated securely through internal references. Rather, the comparisons are based on similarity of letter forms. Furthermore, Pickering has pointed to the fact that P.Oxy. IV 656 has been dated to the third century by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, to the second/third century by E. G. Turner and G. Cavallo, and to the second century by H. I. Bell and T. C. Skeat, thus making at least one of the comparanda used to date the papyrus somewhat ambiguous. 5 An analysis of the handwriting reveals a decorated hand with consistent use of serifs at the end of strokes. Diaeresis appears over an initial iota and upsilon, and the usual form of a nomen sacrum is visible in l. 36. Blank or enlarged spaces (ekthesis) occur in ll. 5, 11, 21, and 24, likely indicating primitive punctuation and/or sense breaks. The height of the surviving columns measures 12.4 cm, but the width of the columns varies from 9.5 cm on the front to 8.5 cm on the reverse. Line lengths vary between 20 and 28 letters although it is typically closer to 24–26 letters per line. Horizontal fibers precede vertical fibers, and thus this leaf is probably from the early part of a codex, perhaps a codex containing only the Gospel of John. The papyrus is interesting because of the form of the nomina sacra on the reverse, where the contraction for the name Jesus is represented as Ἰη(σοῦ)ς 4 5

P.Oxy. L p. 3. Cf. T. W. Mackay, “A Papyrus of Iliad III,” BASP 10 (1973): 57–64. S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 7 (1994): 244.

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rather than Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς. This modified suspension also includes the case ending, rather than the first letter and the case ending only, a practice that later became the accepted standard for biblical papyri. The longer form, or modified suspension, is found also in P.Oxy. LXV 4445 [12] and P.Oxy. LXV 4447 [14] and appears to be an early feature of papyri containing the Gospel of John. The unique reading σύ εἶ, a word order variation, is probably a result of the influence of John 18:33, and the papyrus shows several agreements with B against ‫א‬. Notably, the papyrus agrees with ‫ א‬and Bc in reading ἠγωνίζοντο ἄν against A and the Majority reading of ὑπηρέται ἄν while B* omits ἄν. Also, the papyrus agrees with B in the word order εὑρίσκω ἐν αὐτῷ αἰτίαν against ‫א‬. [βασ]ι̣λε̣ία ἡ ἐμ[ή, οἱ ὑπηρέται οἱ ἐμοὶ] [ἠγ]ωνίζο̣ντο ἃ [̣ ν ἵνα μὴ παραδοθῶ] τοῖς Ἰου̣[δ]α ί̣ οις. [νῦν δὲ ἡ βασιλεία ἡ] ἐμὴ οὐ̣κ ̣ [ἔ]στιν̣ [ἐντεῦθεν. εἶπεν] 5 οὖν αὐτῷ [ὁ Π]ε[ιλᾶτος. οὐκοῦν βασι-] λεὺς σὺ εἶ; ἀ[πεκρίθη ὁ Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς· σὺ λέγεις] ὅτι βασιλεύ̣ ς [εἰμι. ἐγὼ εἰς τοῦτο] γ̣εγ̣έ ̣ν̣ν̣η̣ [μαι] κα[ὶ εἰς τοῦτο ἐλήλυ-] θ̣α ̣ εἰς τ̣[ὸν κόσμον, ἵνα μαρτυρή-] 10 σω [τ]ῇ ἀλ [̣ ηθείᾳ· πᾶς ὁ ὢν ἐκ τῆς] ἀλ[η]θ̣εί[ας ἀκούει μου τῆς φωνῆς.] λέγ̣ει αὐ̣τ̣ῷ̣ ὁ Π[ειλᾶτος· τί ἐστιν] ἀλήθεια; Καὶ τ̣ο [̣ ῦτο εἰπὼν πάλιν] ἐξῆλθεν πρὸς τ̣[οὺς Ἰουδαίους] 15 [κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ λέγει αὐτοῖς· [ἐγὼ οὐδεμίαν] [εὑ]ρ̣ίσκω ἐ ̣ν αὐ[τῷ αἰτίαν. ἔστιν] [δὲ] συνήθ[ει]α ὑμε[ῖν ἵνα ἕνα ἀπο-] [λύ]σω ὑμῖν [ἐν τῷ πάσχα· βούλε-] σθε οὖν ἵ ̣να ̣ [ἀπολύσω ὑμεῖν τὸν] 20 βασιλέα τ̣[ῶν Ἰουδαίων; ἐκραύ-] ασαν οὖ̣ν π[άλιν λέγοντες· μὴ] το̣ῦ [̣ τ]ο̣ν ἀλ[λὰ τὸν Βαραββᾶν. ἦν] δὲ ὁ Βαραββ̣[ᾶς λῃστής. Τότε οὖν] λαβὼν ὁ Πειλ[ᾶτος τὸν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν ἐμα-]

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[στίγωσεν. καὶ οἱ στ]ρατιῶ ̣τ̣αι [πλέ-] [ξαντες στέφανο]ν ἐξ ̣ ἀ κ̣ ανθῶ [̣ ν] [ἐπέθηκαν αὐτ]οῦ̣ τῇ [κ]ε ̣φαλῇ κα ὶ̣ ̣ [ἱμάτιον πορφυρ]οῦ̣[ν] περιέβα[λον αὐτὸν καὶ ἤρ]χ[ο]ν̣το πρὸς αὐ-

18:36 18:37

18:38

18:39

18:40 19:1 19:2

19:3

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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30

35

40

45

[τὸν καὶ ἔλεγον·] χαῖ ρ̣ ε ὁ βασιλεὺ[ς] [τῶν Ἰουδαίων·] καὶ ἐδ̣[ί]δ̣οσαν αὐ[τῷ ῥαπίσματα.] ἐ ξ̣ [̣ ῆλ]θεν πάλιν [ὁ Πειλᾶτος καὶ λέγει] αὐτοῖς· ἴδε [ἄγω ὑμῖν αὐτὸν ἔξ]ω ̣ ἵ ̣να ̣ [γ]ν̣ῶ-̣ [τε ὅτι αἰτίαν ἐ]ν̣ αὐ̣ [̣ τῷ] ουχ εὑ̣ρί̣ σ[κω. ἐξῆλθεν ο]ὖν ὁ̣ Ἰη̣(σοῦ)ς ἔξωφο>[ρῶν τὸν ἀκάν]θινον στέφανον [καὶ τὸ πορφυρ]οῦν ἱμάτιον. κ[αὶ] [λέγει αὐτοῖς· ἰ]δοὺ ὁ ἄνθρωπο[ς]. [Ὅτε οὖν εἶδον α]ὐ̣τὸν ο̣[ἱ] ἀρχιερε [̣ ῖς] [καὶ οἱ ὑπηρέται] ἐ κ̣ ράζαν λ[έγον-] [τες· σταύρωσον α]ὐ[τὸν]. λέγει ̣ αὐ̣ -̣ [τοῖς ὁ Πειλᾶτος· λάβ]ετ̣ε ὑμεῖς [αὐτὸν καὶ σταυρώσ]α ̣τ̣ε· ἐγὼ ̣ γὰρ [οὐχ εὑρίσκω ἐν αὐτ]ῷ̣ αἰτίαν. [ἀπεκρίθησαν αὐτῷ οἱ Ἰουδ]αῖοι· ἡ̣ με̣ ῖς ̣ [νόμον ἔχομεν κα]ὶ κατὰ τὸν

19:4

19:5

19:6

19:7

__________ 17. pap. ϋμειν. 18. pap. ϋμειν. 43. pap. ϋμεις.

βασιλεια η εμη following the majority of witnesses while the reading η εμη βασιλεια is preserved in ‫ א‬Ds N Θ 124 0250. και οι υπηρεται ‫ ;א‬υπηρετε 𝔓60vid Bc Γ. 2 ηγωνιζοντο αν following ‫ א‬Bc L W Ψ f 1.13 33 579 788 0109 l 844: υπηρεται αν οι εμοι ηγωνιζοντο A 𝔐 Ds K M N U Δ Θ Λ Π 2 28 118 157 565 700. B* om. αν, while NA28 marks the reading as questionable. 1424 is unique: αν οι εμοι ηγωνιζοντο. Following ηγωνιζοντο Cbo Cpbo add υπερ μου. 3 Ιουδαις Ds; Ιδαιοις K. 3–4 εμη βασιλεια ‫א‬. 4 Cbo adds   following εντευθεν. 5 Πειλατος B* Ds Θ. 6 Against all other witnesses, P.Oxy. L 3523 reverses the order of verb and pronoun συ ει. This may be the result of attraction to συ ει ο βασιλευς των Ιουδαιων in 18:33; 𝔓66 απεκριθη ι̅ς και ειπεν. Several authorities om. the definite article preceding Jesus’ name, P60vid L W Γ Δ Ψ 33 0109 0250 565 1241 l 844; απεκριθη ο Ιησους K. P.Oxy. L 3523 almost certainly follows the reading ειμι εγω (𝔓66vid ‫ א‬B Ds L W Ψ 33 1071 f 1.13 l 844 it) against the repetitive ειμι εγω εγω of A 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π 2 28 118 157 565 579 1424. 8 γεγενημαι 69 700; εις τουτο may be om. in 𝔓52 although the conclusion is based on line length considerations. 9–10 μαρτυρηση περι της αληθειας ‫ ;*א‬μαρτυρησων Ds. 10–11 εκ της αληθι[ας] 𝔓66; της αληθειας (om. εκ) ‫ ;*א‬εν τη αληθεια Cpbo; πας ουν ο ων εκ αληθειας 118. 11 μου τους λογους 118. 12 λεγει ουν αυτω Πειλατος 𝔓66; Πειλατος 𝔓66 A B* Ds W Θ 579; Πιλατος ‫ א‬Bc 𝔐 K L M N U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ f 13 2 28 33 157 565 700 1071 1424; τις εστιν ‫*א‬. 1

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13 η αληθεια f 1. 13–14 ειπων απηλθε παλιν 157; ειπων εξηλθεν παλιν 579. 16 ευρισκω εν αυτω αιτιαν B L 579; ευρισκω αιτιαν εν αυτω P66vid; αιτιαν ευρισκω εν αυτω ‫ א‬A 𝔐 K M N W U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 2 28 33 118 157 565 700 1071 1424 q vgmss; αιτιαν εν αυτω ευρισκω Ds; αιτιαν θανατου ευρισκω εν αυτω 69; εν αυτω ευρισκω αιτιαν a. 17 υμων L N; υμιν om. a. 17–18 απολυσω υμιν 𝔓66vid ‫ א‬B Ds K L U Δ Π f 1 33 565 579 1071 0109* l 844 lat; υμιν απολυσω A 𝔐 M N Γ Θ Λ f 13 2 28 69 118 157 700 1424; απολυω υμιν W; απολυσω Ψ 0250 it. 18 εν om. B 0109*. 19 ινα απολυσω ‫ א‬K U W Π; απολυσω 𝔓60 A B Ds L N Ψ f 1.13 33 157 565 579 1071; υμιν απολυσω 𝔐 M Γ Δ Λ 2 28 118 1424; απολυσω (om. υμιν Θ); ινα υμιν απολυσω 700. 20–21 Based on the unusual word division, it is probable that this papyrus read εκραυσαν with LM instead of εκραυγασαν. Δ preserves the singular reading εκραυπαμαν ου here. 21–22 π[αλιν] is a conjecture. The papyrus may have read παλιν (‫ א‬B Ds L W Ω* 118 579 1071) or παντες (G K N U Π Ψ f 1.13 28 33 69 157 565 700 it). The reading παλιν παντες (A 𝔐 M S Γ Δ Θ Λ 2 1424) results in an unacceptably long line. λεγοντες om. probably by mistake in 𝔓66*; παλιν λεγοντες παντες Ds; Ds om. the definite article before βαραββαν; several different spellings exist for the name Barabbas: Βαρραββαν (Θ), Βαραβαν (69). The unique orthographic variants of Θ and 69 (+Y) are repeated in l. 23. 23 𝔓66* Ds om. the article before Barabbas. ουτος ληστης Θ 1 1582*. 24 λαβων ο Πειλατος W; λαβων ο Πιλατος ‫ ;א‬ελαβεν ο Πιλατος Bc 𝔐 K U Γ Δ Λ Π f 1.13 2 28 157 565 700 1424 lat; ελαβεν ο Πειλατος A Β* Ds Θ; ο Πιλατος λαβων L 33 1071; ο Πιλατος ελαβεν M Ψ; ο Πηλατος λαβων 579; ελαβεν τον Ιησουν ο Πιλατος N; ο Πειλατος ελαβεν 𝔓66conj; και following Ιησουν is om. in ‫ א‬L W 33 579 1071. 24–25 εμαστειγωσεν B*; εμαστιγωσεν αυτον 235 a c e j r2. 26 εξ ακανθων στεφανον P66vid. 27 επεθηκεν ‫ ;*א‬αυτου τη κεφαλη 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬B 124 788 1346 and others; αυτου επι την κεφαλην A U Π; επι την κεφαλην αυτου G; αυτων τη κεφαλη f 13. 28 πορφυρουν ιματιον 𝔓60. 28–29 περιεβαλον αυτω 28 1424. 29–30 και ηρχοντο προς αυτον om. A Ds 𝔐 K M Γ Δ Ψ f 1 2 157 1071. The reading is present in 𝔓66 ‫ א‬L N U W Θ Λ Π f 13 33 565 579 700. 30 χαιρε βασιλευ 𝔓66 ‫א‬. 31 εδιδοσαν 𝔓66 ‫ א‬B N W Ψ f 1 565; εδιδωσαν L 579 700; εδιδου K 28; εδιδουν A Ds 𝔐 M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 13 2 33 118 157 1071 1424. It is possible that the reading εδιδωσαν is an orthographic variation of εδιδοσαν. 32 εξηλθεν ‫ א‬Ds Γ f 1 157 565; και εξηλθε 𝔓66*vid B; και εξηλθεν A K L Π 33 1071; εξηλθε ουν E M S Y; εξηλθεν ουν 𝔓66c G H N U W Δ Θ Λ Ψ Ω f 13 2 28 118 579 788 1346 1424; και εξηλθεν ουν 69. The surviving traces of letters confirm that εξηλθε could not have been followed by ουν, but it is quite possible that εξηλθε was preceded by και. παλιν om. W 1346; ο Πηλατος παλιν 579; εξω παλιν ο Πιλατος 1424. 32–33 The reading of P.Oxy. L 3523 (παλιν ο Πειλατος) is unique and is likely the result of scribal omission, although it could be argued that εξω was added in the margin or above the line. Two distinct readings survive: εξω ο Πιλατος (𝔓66 ‫ א‬B A Ds E G H K M N U S Y Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ Ω f 1 2 33 157 565) and ο Πιλατος εξω (L W f 13 69 107 118 788 1071 1346). Πειλατος 𝔓66 A B Ds W Θ; Πιλατος ‫ א‬Bc E G H K L M N S Y Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ Ω f 1.13 2 28 33 69 118 157 565 700 788 1071 1346 1424; Πηλατος 579. 34 αγω αυτον υμιν 28 1424; αγω υμιν εντευθεν 579; αγω υμιν εξω 788. 34–35 ινα επιγνωτε N.

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

35–36 [αιτιαν?] εν αυτω ουχ ευρισκω 𝔓66vid W; αιτιαν ουδεμιαν ευρισκω εν αυτω ‫א‬c; ουδεμιαν αιτιαν ευρισκω εν αυτω B f 1 33 565; εν αυτω ουδεμιαν αιτιαν ευρισκω Ds 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π 2 28 700 1424. The majority of mss follow the word order of one of these examples, although there is significant variation to that word order. 36 1346 om. ουν; ο om. B. This line has only 20 letters as it is now reconstructed, suggesting that something is missing from it. However, there are no attested variants for this line that would create a line of 4–6 additional letters. 36–37 [Ιησους] εξω εχων 𝔓66vid; εξω ο Ιησους εχων 1 565 1582*; εξω ο Ιησους φορων Y K N U Θ Λ Π 157 1424 1582c; ο Ιησους εξω φορων A Ds 𝔐 L M W Γ Δ Ψ f 13 2 28 33 118 579 700. 38 ‫ א‬om. το. 38–39 και λεγει αυτοις ιδου ο ανθρωπος om. 𝔓66* it. 39 λεγει ο Πιλατος Nc bomss; ιδου 𝔓60 ‫ א‬B L W Ψ f 1 33 565 579 1071; ιδε A Ds 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 13 2 28 118 157 700 1424; ο om. 𝔓60 B. 40 ιδων for ειδον 579 1071. 40–41 οι αρχιερεις και οι υπηρεται 𝔓66vid ‫ א‬B f 1.13 118 and others; ο ο οχλος και οι αρχιερεις και οι υπηρεται 700. 41 υπηρεται των Ιουδαιων f 13; l. εκραξαν with ‫א‬. The reading of NA28, the reading of nearly all other witnesses is ἐκραύγασαν. 41–42 ‫ א‬om. λεγοντες. 42 σταυρωσον 𝔓66*, nearly all other witnesses read σταυρωσον σταυρωσον or σταυρωσον σταυρωσον αυτον. 1071 appears to preserve a visual copying error (αρον αρον σταυρωσον αυτον). The reading of P.Oxy. L 3523 (σταυρωσον + αυτον) is unique. και λεγει ‫א‬. 42–43 αυτοις om. 𝔓66. 43 Πειλατος 𝔓66 A B* Ds W Θ; Πιλατος ‫ א‬Bc 𝔐 K L M N U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ f 13 1 2 28 33 118 157 565 700 1424 1582; Πηλατος 579. 43–44 υμεις αυτον Ds L W Ψ; αυτον υμεις B Γ Δ 700 and others. 44 και om. 𝔓66vid. 45 ουκ L Δ; ουχι W. 46 απεκριθησαν αυτω A B Ds 𝔐 K L M N U Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 13 2 28 33 69 118 157 700 788 1071 1424 1582c; απεκριθησαν 𝔓66 ‫ א‬W 1 565 579 1582*; απεκριθησαν αυτω και 124; Ιουδαιοι και ειπαν f 13; Ιουδαιοι και ειπον 69 124 788. The papyrus probably om. αυτω following απεκριθησαν with 𝔓66 ‫ א‬f 1 565 579 it ac2 pbo boms Or.

Date: Late II/Early III

3 P.Oxy. LXIV 4403 (𝔓103) Matthew 13:55-56; 14:3-5 5.8 × 4.0 cm TM no. 61785

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. W. Handley and U. Wartenberg (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIV (London, 1997), 5–7 (no. 4403); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 609–11. Related Literature: P. W. Comfort, “New Reconstructions and Identifications of New Testament Papyri,” NovT 41 (1999): 209–13; P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview

New Testament Texts [3]

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and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 8; L. W. Hurtado, “The New Testament in the Second Century: Text, Collections and Canon,” in Transmission and Reception: New Testament Text-Critical and Exegetical Studies, ed. J. W. Childers and D. C. Parker (Piscataway, N.J., 2006), 3–27. Introduction In the ed. pr. of P.Oxy. LXIV 4403, J. D. Thomas suggested the original page size of the codex to which this page belonged to be 11 × 16 cm (Turner’s Group 9, Aberrant 1). This estimate was based on reconstructed line lengths of 26 letters and roughly 19–20 lines of writing on each side of the page. Additionally, Thomas dated the handwriting to the late second, but no later than the early third, century based on paleographical similarities to P.Oxy. XIII 1622 (II, Thucydides) and P.Oxy. LXIV 4405 (= P.Oxy. XXIV 2683; II, Gospel of Matthew), both of which are also dated on paleographical comparisons and not on dates found in the texts of the two papyri used as comparanda. The distinguishing features of the scribal hand of P.Oxy. LXIV 4403 are the extension of the hasta of epsilon and the flat-backed sigma that is formed in two distinct strokes together with the additions of serifs and other adornments. The estimated size of the codex together with the line length and similarities between the handwriting of P.Oxy. LXIV 4405 led Thomas to suggest with some reservation that P.Oxy. LXIV 4405 and P.Oxy. XXXIV 2683, which form part of the same papyrus leaf, originally belonged to the same codex that contained P.Oxy. LXIV 4403. This suggestion has been reaffirmed by Comfort, although again with some reservations.6 Despite the marked similarities between these three papyri, which suggest that the codices were constructed at roughly the same time period and following similar layout, the handwriting of these two leaves is noticeably different in the formation of σ and ξ.7 Textually speaking, P.Oxy. LXIV 4403 offers little in the way of important textual variation, although it is the earliest New Testament witness to the name Ἰωσής in Matthew 13:55.

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]μ̣ήτηρ αὐτοῦ λέ̣γε̣τ̣αι [Μαριὰμ καὶ ο]ἱ ἀδελφ̣οὶ̣ αὐτοῦ Ἰάκω[βος καὶ Ἰωσ]ὴ̣ ς καὶ Σίμων καὶ Ἰού[δας; καὶ αἱ ἀδ]ε λ̣ φαὶ αὐτοῦ οὐχὶ πᾶσ̣αί [εἰ]`σ̣ι ν̣ ̣´;

5

[πρὸς ἡμᾶς

↓

τὴν γυναῖκα Φιλ[ίππου τοῦ ἀδελ-] φοῦ̣ αὐ̣ τοῦ· ἔλ [̣ ε]γεν [γὰρ ὁ Ἰωάννης·]

6 7

13:55 13:56

] π̣ό̣θ̣[ε]ν̣ οὖ̣[ν] τ̣ούτῳ ταῦ-

Comfort, “New Reconstructions,” 216–17. Comfort (“New Reconstructions,” 217) also notes the difference of ξ.

14:3 14:4

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10

οὐκ ἔξεστίν σοι ἔχ [̣ ειν αὐ-] τήν. καὶ θ̣έλων αὐ̣[τὸν ἀποκτεῖναι] ἐ̣φοβήθη̣ τὸ̣ν̣ ὄ̣χλο̣[ν,]

14:5

__________ 2–3. pap. ϊακωβος. 3–4. pap. ϊουδας. 4. pap. αυτου·. 7. pap. αυτου·.

2 3 4 5

6 7

10

Jesus’ mother’s name is typically spelled with final μ although C om. it (Μαρια). Ιωσης K L W Δ Π 0106 f 13 565 788 1241 1346 1582c pm k qc sa bomss; Ιωση Sc 118 157 700* 1071 syh bopt; Ιωαννης ‫*א‬vid D 𝔐 M U Γ 2 28 579 1424 vgmss Orpt; Ιωσηφ ‫א‬c B C N Θ f 1 1 33 700c 892 1582* lat sys.c.hmg mae bopt; Σημων 1346. S U om. the definite article before αδελφαι; πασαι ουχι 118. M. om. ουν. In the ed. pr., Thomas places two dots to indicate traces of ink at the end of line 6. These traces of ink are no longer visible in the available photographs, and the reconstruction of ποθεν must remain conjectural. The traces of ink appear to support the reconstruction based on a similar π in l. 4, but omicron and theta are reconstructed on the smallest remains of ink. No existing variants can account for the omission of εισιν and it must be some simple scribal omission before ποθεν that led a later scribe to add εισιν above the line. N Δ contain the reading παρ᾽ ημιν, which would not alter the line length or explain the shortened length of the line. 118 om. definite article before γυναικα; Φιλιππου om. D lat. Ιωαννης αυτω ‫א‬c; αυτω Ιωαννης D; ο Ιωαννης 28 565; Ιωαννης ‫ ;*א‬αυτω ο Ιωαννης C 𝔐 K L N U W Γ Δ Θ Π f 1.13 0106 2 33 157 579 700 788 892 1071 1241 1346 1424 l 844 l 2211 (lat); ο Ιωαννης αυτω B Z; αυτω ο Ιωαννης οτι M. ο has been restored following the ed. pr., but this reconstruction must remain doubtful. εφοβητω 1424; εφοβηθη δια 700.

4 P.Oxy. LXIV 4405 + P.Oxy. XXXIV 2683 (𝔓77) Matthew 23:30-39 8.0 × 8.2 cm TM no. 61784; Van Haelst 0372 Date: II/III Material: Papyrus Published: E. W. Handley and U. Wartenberg (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIV (London, 1997), 9–11 (no. 4405); L. Ingrams et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXIV (London, 1968), 1–4 (no. 2683); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 609–11. Related Literature: C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979), 23; P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 7; P. W. Comfort, “New Reconstructions and Identifications of New Testament Papyri,” NovT 41 (1999): 209–13; L. W. Hurtado, “The New Testament in the Second Century: Text, Collections and Canon,” in Transmission and Reception: New Testament Text-Critical

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and Exegetical Studies, ed. J. W. Childers and D. C. Parker (Piscataway, N.J., 2006), 3–27; A. M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 252–53. Introduction Originally, these small fragments belonged to a single-column papyrus codex of roughly 20 lines per page and with an estimated page size of 11 × 16 cm (Turner’s Group 9, Aberrant 1). In the ed. pr., the paleography of the manuscript was discussed in detail, with several notable parallels to second-century papyri being offered. Of those papyri that were offered as comparanda, P.Oxy. VIII 1082 (II, Cercidas, Meliambi) was originally dated with some confidence because it contained marginal notes in a documentary hand that could be dated with greater precision. C. H. Roberts and P. Parsons have both remarked on the fact that the papyrus also has a rudimentary system of textual division that is not paralleled in A B D or W. Such an early system of textual division is notable and would in fact be the earliest attestation of such a system of textual division. The system of textual division in the papyrus parallels the Eusebian system precisely for the surviving portions of text. In addition to the system of textual division, the papyrus also has rough breathing signs at ll. 4, 16, and 29, as well as diaeresis and a middle stop. The paragraphos at l. 21 is set off by leaving the line blank at the end of Matthew 23:37. Lines indicating textual division are also evident on the front of the papyrus but without visible canon numbers as one might expect if the system of division were precisely the Eusebian system. These features suggest that the papyrus was at one time used in a professional or public setting. The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. It has been cited as reading ἔρημος in l. 29, but this reading cannot be confirmed in this new edition, and it seems more likely to the present editors that it omitted the word. Also, the papyrus reads ὄρνιξ instead of ὄρνις, a possible assimilation to Luke 13:34, which also reads ὄρνιξ in some manuscripts. The papyrus offers no unique readings and does not resolve any of the text-critical issues of Matthew 23:3039, although it favors the readings of A against other witnesses.

↓ 5

. . μ . [. πα-] τέρων ἡμῶ[ν, οὐκ ἂν ἤμεθα κοινω-] νοὶ αὐτῶν ἐν τ[ῷ αἵματι τῶν προφη-] τῶν. ὥστε μαρ[τυρεῖτε ἑαυτοῖς ὅτι] υἱοί ἐστε τῶν φ̣[ονευσάντων τοὺς] προφήτας. καὶ ὑ[μεῖς πληρώσατε] τὸ μέτρον τῶν [πατέρων ὑμῶν.] ὄφεις, γεννήμ[ατα ἐχιδνῶν, πῶς] φύγητε ἀπὸ τῆ[ς] κρίσε[ως τῆς γεέν-]

23:30 23:31 23:32 23:33

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20

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νης; Διὰ τοῦτ[ο] ἰδοὺ ἐγὼ ἀποσ[τέλλω] πρ[ὸς ὑμᾶς προ]φήτας καὶ σοφ[οὺς] καὶ [γραμματεῖ]ς· ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀποκ[τε-] ν[εῖτε καὶ σταυρ]ώσ̣ ε̣ ̣τ̣ε ̣ κ α̣ [̣ ὶ ἐ]ξ ̣ αὐ[τῶν] [μαστιγώσετε ἐν τ]α̣ ῖ ς̣ ̣ [σ]υ̣ [ναγ]ω̣ γα[ῖς]

23:34

[Βαρα]χ̣ίου, ὃν ἐφονεύ[σατε μεταξὺ τοῦ] ναοῦ καὶ τ̣οῦ θυσι[αστηρίου. ἀμὴ]ν λέγω ὑμῖν, ἥξει [ταῦτα πάντα ἐ]π̣ ὶ τὴν γενεὰν ταύ[την.] [Ἰερουσαλὴμ Ἰερουσ]αλήμ, ἡ ἀ ̣ποκτεί[νουσα τοὺς προ]φήτας καὶ λιθοβο[λοῦσα τοὺς ἀπεστ]αλμένους πρὸς α[ὐ-] [τή]ν̣ , [πο]σ̣ άκι[ς ἠθ]έληκα ἐπισυνά -̣ [ξ]α̣ ι τὰ ̣ τέκνα σο[υ, ὃ]ν̣ τρόπον ὄρνιξ ̣ [ἐ]πισυνάγει τὰ ν[οσ]σ̣ [ία αὐ]τ̣ῆ̣ς ̣ ὑπ̣ [ὸ] τὰς πτέρυγας, `καὶ´ οὐ[κ ἠθελήσατ]ε. ἰδο̣[ὺ] ἀ ̣φίεται ὑμῖν ὁ [ ca. 8 letters. ] λέ[γω γ]ὰ ρ̣ ̣ ὑ̣[μῖν,] οὐ̣ μή [με ἴδητε ἀπ’] [ἄρτι ἕ]ω ς̣ [ἂν εἴ]πητε ̣· [εὐλογημένος] [ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀν]ό[ματι κυρίου.]

23:35 23:36 23:37

23:38 23:39

__________ 4. pap. ὡστε. 6. pap. προφητας·, pap. ϋμεις. 9–10. γεεννης·. 10. ϊδου. 16. pap. βαρα]χιου·, ὁν. 19. pap. ϋμειν. 22. pap. ιερουσαλημ·. 22–23. pap. αποκτι[. 25. pap. επεισυνα[ ]αι. 27. pap. ϋπο. 28. pap. ϊδο[. 29. pap. αφειεται ϋμιν ὁ. 30. pap. ϋμιν.

2 2–3 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 11–12 12 13 14 16

ημεθαι Δ; ημεν Y K M S U W Π Ω f 1.13 28 124 565 788 1346. αυτων κοινωνι B D f 1.13 69 124 700 788 1346; θ g1 om. αυτων. εν τω αιματι των om. 2* but added by a corrector. ως 1424; αυτοις M 1 118 f 13 788 1346; εαυτοις all others (om. 69). οι υιοι 1424; αποκτεινοντων in place of φονευσαντων 28. πληρωσετε B* l 844 e sams; επληρωσατε D 118 Acac. το εργον for το μετρον 28. οφεις D 28 118 124; οφις ‫ א‬B Θ f 13 579 1346 and others. φυγεται D; φυγετε 69 1346 1424; φυγητε all others; F om. απο. ιδου αποστελω D (ιδου εγω αποστελω 33); ιδου om. E* 1346 1424; ιδου εγω om. f 13 788. προς υμας om. D l 184. και preceding σοφους om. 892; και following σοφους om. L Φ geo; σοφους και om. X. και added before εξ C D E K L U 𝔐 Γ 2 28 579 700 892 1071 1241 1424 1582c 1424 it vgcl.ww syh** bo and Irlat pt. The majority of witnesses read και εξ αυτων. ‫ *א‬reads εξ αυτων και, while D E* and Lucifer om. και εξ αυτων μαστιγωσετε. εν ταις συναγωγαις om. D. υιου Βαραχιου om. ‫ ;*א‬Βαραχειου D.

New Testament Texts [5]

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οτι ηξει 𝔐 C F K M U W Δ Π f 13 2 28 33 157 565 579 1071 1346 1424. ταυτα παντα ‫ א‬C D F L M Θ f 13 2 28 124 565 579 788 1241 1424 l 844. αυτην for ταυτην L. αποκτεινουσα B W; αποκτενουσα ‫א‬c Δ f 13 2* 33 118 157 579 (om. η) 788 1071 1346; αποκτεννουσα C G K; τους προφητας αποκτενουσα ‫*א‬. 22–23 λιθοβολησασα W. 23 προς σε D lat sys. 24 ηθεληκα is probably a mistake for ηθελησα. 24–25 επισυνα[ξ]αι is probably a harmonization to Luke 13:34 (ἐπισυνάξαι). ‫ א‬originally read επισυναγειν but was corrected to επισυναγαγειν. 25 ορνιξ is perhaps an assimilation to Luke 13:34 (‫ א‬D W for Luke), although the majority of mss for Luke read ορνις. 25–26 ορνις επισυναγει ‫ א‬B D L Θ f 1.13 33 700 788 1346; επισυναγει ορνις C 𝔐 M U W Δ Γ Π 0102 2 28 157 565 579 1071 1241 1424 l 844; ορνης επισυναγαγει K. 26 αυτης ‫ *א‬D M W Δ 33 1424; εαυτης ‫א‬c Bc C K L U Γ Θ Π 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 157 565 579 788 1071 1241 1346 l 844; B* 700 Clpt om. αυτης. 27 Following πτερυγας X Δ 28 1424 add αυτης. 28 J. D. Thomas restored the line as follows: αφειεται υμιν ο[ ca. 8 ] λε. The surviving traces of ink at the bottom portion of the fragment as they now appear in the photographs need to be turned roughly 45º in respect to the current placement of the fragments. To the left of λε there is the slightest trace of ink, which is too scanty to provide any definitive reconstruction. P. Parsons restored the final ς of ερημος stating, “the trace before the λε[ is much more like ς than ν.”8 This reconstruction, while possible, only raises the added problem of creating a line that is much too long. It is more likely that the fragment om. ερημος. The textual support for this section is heavily in favor of ο οικος υμων ερημος ‫ א‬C D 𝔐 K M U W Δ Γ Θ Π f 1.13 0102 2 33 69 157 565 579 700 788 892 1071 1241 1346 1424 l 844 lat syp.h mae bopt Cl Eus. B L ff2 sys sa bopt read υμιν ο οικος υμων; 28 reads ο οικος υμων υμιν ερημος; 1424 om. υμιν before ο οικος υμων ερημος. 29 οτι added before ου D Θ f 1.13 788 1346; με om. X 565 655 boms. 31 124* om. ο before ερχομενος; ονοματι θεου D. 18 19 19–20 21–22

Date: III

5 P.Oxy. I 2 (𝔓1) Matthew 1:1-9, 12, 14-20; 2:14 14.7 × 15.0 cm TM no. 61787; Van Haelst 0332

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri I (London, 1898), 4–7 (no. 2); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 38–41. Related Literature: J. O’Callaghan, “¿Mt 2,14 en el fragmento adéspota de 𝔓1” SPap 10 (1971): 87–92; E. G. Turner, The Typology of the Early Codex 8

P.Oxy. XXXIV p. 4.

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32

(Philadelphia, 1977), 145; P.  M. Head, “Observations on Early Papyri of the Synoptic Gospels, Especially on the ‘Scribal Habits,’ ” Biblica 71 (1990): 240–47. Introduction This leaf from a papyrus codex was found shortly after the discovery of the first fragments of the Gospel of Thomas (P.Oxy. I 1), and it was catalogued together with a much smaller fragment written in a different hand and written on only one side. The smaller fragment is all that remains of what was arguably a title, although the few letters that remain are not attested in any of the surviving titles for the Gospel of Matthew on papyrus or parchment. It may be that this particular codex bore a title that referred to Jesus’ mother, as εγεν[ ] παρ[ ] μητ[ ] (“virgin mother begot”) suggests. This must, however, remain a conjecture. The length of a line of text averages about 28–29 letters, and margins survive on the top as well as the left and right sides. Both the front and back of the leaf are numbered (α, β), and the overall production appears to be careful and professional. Diaeresis appears over initial iota, final nu is sometimes noted by a supralinear stroke, the usual nomina sacra occur, a stop occurs in l. 17, a rough breathing occurs at line 41, and elision of vowels is noted by an apostrophe (diastole). P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett note that some letters that were visible in the ed. pr. are no longer visible.9 The leaves are now housed at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology. Perhaps the most notable codicological feature is the fact that the writing of the first page (α) is written across the fibers, while the second page (β) is written horizontal to the fibers. Despite the early date of this codex leaf, the text of the fragment is rather unremarkable, a fact that is more likely a result of the text of the fragments— that is, Matthew’s genealogy—rather than a feature of the quality of the text. Perhaps its main contribution is to the understanding of the orthographic development of proper names in Matthew’s genealogy. The expansion of Matthew 1:6, the addition of δὲ ὁ βασιλεύς, is not present in this papyrus. frag. 1 εγεν[ παρ[ μητ[

9

Comfort and Barrett, Text of the Earliest, 40.

New Testament Texts [5]

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frag. 2

↓ 5

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20

α Βίβλος γενέσεως Ἰ(ησο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ υ(ἱο)ῦ Δαυὶδ [υἱοῦ] Ἀβραάμ. Ἀβραὰμ ἐγέννησεν τὸν̣ [Ἰσαάκ,] Ἰσαὰκ δ̣[ὲ] ἐγέννησεν τ[ὸν] Ἰακώβ̣, [Ἰ]α [̣ κὼβ] δὲ ἐγ[έ]ν̣ν̣ησεν τὸν Ἰούδαν κα ὶ̣ ̣ [τ]ο̣[ὺς] ἀ[δ]ελφο̣ὺς̣ ̣ αὐτοῦ, Ἰούδας δὲ ἐγένν̣ησεν τὸν Φάρες καὶ τὸν Ζάρε ἐκ τῆς Θαμάρ, Φάρες δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Ἑσρώμ, Ἑσ[ρὼ]μ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν [Ἀ]ράμ, [Ἀρὰμ] δὲ [ἐ]γ̣έ ̣ννησεν τὸν Ἀμειναδάβ, Ἀμμ[ει]ναδὰ β ̣ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Ναασσώ(ν), Ναα[σ]σὼν δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Σαλ[μ]ώ ̣ν, Σαλμὼν δὲ ἐγένν[η]σεν τὸν Βόες ἐ κ̣ ̣ τῆς Ῥαχάβ, Βόες δὲ ἐ γ̣ έννησεν τὸν Ἰωβὴδ ἐκ τῆς Ῥ[ο]ύθ, Ἰω[βὴ]δ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Ἰεσσαί, Ἰεσσ[αὶ] δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Δαυὶδ τὸν βασιλέ[α. Δαυ]ὶδ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Σολομῶνα ἐκ τῆς Οὐρείου, Σολομὼν δὲ ἐγέννη[σ]εν τ̣ὸ ̣ν̣ Ῥ̣οβοάμ, Ῥοβοὰμ δὲ ἐγέννησ̣ε ̣ν̣ τ[ὸ]ν̣ Ἀ β ̣ [̣ ει]ά, Ἀβειὰ δὲ ἐγένν̣ησεν τὸν Ἀσά[φ, Ἀσὰ]φ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Ἰωσαφάτ, Ἰ ω ̣ σ̣ αφὰτ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν Ἰωράμ, Ἰωρὰμ δὲ ἐγένν[ησε(ν)] [τὸν] Ὀ̣ζε[ί]αν, Ὀζείας δὲ ἐγένν̣η̣ σ[̣ εν]

1:1 1:2 1:3 1:4

1:5 1:6 1:7 1:8 1:9

7 lines missing 25

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[μετὰ δὲ τὴ]ν με[τοικεσίαν Βαβυλῶνος Ἰεχονί]ας ἐγέ(ν)[νησεν τὸν Σαλαθιήλ, Σαλαθιὴλ δὲ ἐγέν-] [νησεν τὸν Ζοροβαβέλ, Ζοροβαβὲλ δ]ὲ

1:12 1:13

β [τὸν] Σ α̣ δ̣ ώ[κ, Σ]αδὼκ δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸ[ν] 1:14 [Ἀχείμ,] Ἀχεὶμ δὲ ἐγέ[ν]νησεν τὸν Ἐλιού[δ,] [Ἐλιοὺ]δ̣ δὲ ἐγ[έ]ννη[σ]ε ̣ν̣ τὸν Ἐλε ά̣ ζ̣ αρ, Ἐλε1:15 ά [̣ ζ]αρ δ̣ὲ ̣ [ἐ]γέννησεν [τὸ]ν Μ α̣ θ̣ θ̣ άν, Μαθθὰ[ν] δὲ ἐγέννησεν τὸν [Ἰ]ακώβ, Ἰακὼβ δὲ 1:16 [ἐ]γέννησεν τὸν Ἰωσὴφ τὸν ἄνδρα Μ[α-] ρίας, ἐ ξ̣ ἧς ἐγεννή[θ]η Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς ὁ λεγόμενος ̣ [Χ(ριστό)ς.] Π[ᾶσ]α̣ ι ̣ ο̣ὖ ̣ν̣ γ̣ε [̣ νε]α ὶ̣ ̣ ἀ ̣πὸ̣ ̣ Ἀβραὰμ ἕως ̣ 1:17 Δαυὶδ γενεαὶ ι δ̅ ,̅ καὶ ἀπὸ [Δ]α[υ]ὶδ [ἕ]ως τῆς

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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45

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μετοικεσίας Βαβυλῶνο[ς] γε[νεαὶ] ι δ̅ ,̅ κα[ὶ] ἀπὸ τῆς μετ[ο]ικεσίας Βαβ[υ]λῶν[ο]ς ἕως τοῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ γενεαὶ ι δ̅ .̅ Τοῦ δὲ Ἰ(ησο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ἡ γένεσις οὕτως ἦν. μνηστευθείσης τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ Μ[αρί]α[ς] τῷ [Ἰω]σήφ, πρὶν ἢ συνε λ̣ θεῖν αὐτ̣οὺ̣ [̣ ς] εὑρέ θ̣ [̣ η] ἐν γαστρὶ ἔχουσα ἐ κ̣ ̣ [πν(εύματο)ς ἁγίου. Ἰωσὴφ δὲ ὁ] ἀν[ὴρ] αὐ̣ -̣ τ̣ῆ̣ ς ,̣ δ[ί]κ α̣ ι̣ [̣ ος ὢν καὶ μὴ θέλων αὐτὴν] δειγμα[τ]ε[ίσαι, ἐβουλή]θη [λάθρᾳ] ἀ ̣πολῦ[σαι αὐ]τή̣ ν. [τ]αῦτα [δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν-] [θ]υμη[θέντος ἰ]δοὺ ἄγ[γελο]ς κ ̣(υρίο)υ [κατ’] [ὄ]ναρ [ἐφάνη α]ὐ̣τῷ [λέγων·] Ἰ ω ̣ σ̣[ὴ]φ [υἱὸς Δαυίδ,] μ[ὴ] φο[βηθῇς] π̣αρ[αλαβ]εῖ(ν) [Μ]αρί α̣ ̣ ν̣ τ[ὴν] γυναῖ[κά σου·] τὸ γ̣ὰ[ρ ἐν αὐ-] [τῇ γεν]νηθὲν [ἐκ] πν(εύματό)ς [ἐστιν] ἁ [̣ γί-]

1:18

1:19 1:20

8 lines missing με [̣ θερμηνευόμενον]

1:23

__________ 3. pap. ϊσαακ. pap. ϊακωβ. 4. pap. ϊουδαν. 5. pap. ϊουδας. 13–14. pap. ϊωβηδ᾽. 14. pap. ϊωβηδ. 15. pap. ϊεσσαι ϊεσσαι. 16. pap. δαωϊδ. 17. pap. ουρειου·. 21. pap. ϊωσαφατ ϊωσαφατ. 22. pap. ϊωραμ ϊωραμ. 32. pap. ϊακωβ ϊακωβ. 33. pap. ϊωσηφ. 36. pap. δαυιδ’. 41. pap. ἡ. 48. pap. ϊωσηφ.

1 2 4 6 7 8–9 9

10–11 11–12 12–13 13 13–14 15 16 17 17–18

Δαυειδ B W; Δαβιδ 1. Ισακ ‫*א‬. Ιουδα K 1071. Ζαρα all others except B mae. Εζρωμ W. Π om. Αραμ Αραμ δε εγεννησεν τον. Αμειναδαβ B Δ; Αμιναδαβ all others. The name Αμειναδαβ is fairly secure and in the ed. pr. it was marked αμμι̣ν̣αδαβ. A close inspection shows traces of epsilon and not an otherwise unattested second mu. The epsilon in l. 10 is more difficult to posit because the space appears insufficient for ει. Νασσον Νασσων L*; Νασσων Ναασσων S; Νασσων Νασσων Lc Δ 788. Δ om. τον; 1 om. τον Σαλμων Σαλμων δε εγεννησε. Βοος C (DLuke) 33; Βοοζ 𝔐 Κ L Μ U W Π Δ f 1 2 28 118 124 565 700 788 1071 1346 1424 1582 lat syp; Βοαζ 579. Ρηχαβ 700 1582*; Ραχαβα 1071. Ωβηδ Cc 𝔐 Κ Μ U W Π f 1 28 565 579 700 1346 1424 1582; Οβηδ L 2; Ιωβηλ 33; Αβιδ 1071. Ιεσε L; Ειεσσαι W; Ιεσσε 2. Δαυειδ B W; δε ο βασιλευς C E K L M U W Π Ω 2 28 33 118 124 565 892 1241 1424 1346 1582c l 844 l 2211 lat syh; δε ο βασιλεας Δ 1071. Σαλομων ‫ *א‬1 700 1582c; Σολωμωνα ‫א‬c; Σολομωντα W Δ 1071; Σαλομωνα 2 33; Σολομονα 788; Ουριου ‫ א‬C E K M U W 1 2 28 33 1071 and others; Οριου 124; Ριου L. Σολωμων ‫א‬c; Σαλομων 33 700; Σολομον 1071.

New Testament Texts [6] 19 20 21 21–22 23 25–26 28 29 29–30 30–31 31 33–34

35 36 37–38 39 39–40 40 44–45 46–47 47–48 48 50

35

Αβια Αβιας ‫ ;*א‬Αβιουδ Αβιουδ (DLuke) 788 f 13 it syhmg; all other witnesses read Αβια Αβια. Ασα Ασα 𝔐 K L M W Δ Π 2c 33 28 118 124 565 579 892 1241 1582c 1424 (a) f ff 1 vg sy; Ασα cannot be ruled out, but the lacuna allows for Ασαφ and the traces of ink appear to fit φ better than α. Ιωσαφα C*. εγεννα 124. Οζειαν Οζιας ‫ ;*א‬Οζιαν Οζιας 157 579vid. γεννα B. Σαδωχ Σαδωχ ‫ ;*א‬Σαδδωκ Σαδδωκ W; Σαδωδ Σαδωκ Θ. Αχειν Αχειν W Δ; Αχημ Αχημ 2; Αχιν Αχιν 157; Αχιμ Αχιμ L M S Ω f 1 28 33 579 1071 1424. Ελιουτ Ελιουτ ‫ ;*א‬Ελειουδ Ελειουδ Εc; Ελιουδ Ελειουδ E*. Ελιαζαρ Ελιαζαρ 118; Ελιαζαρ Ελεαζαρ 33. Ματθαν Ματθαν ‫ א‬Bc C E K L M P S U W Δ Π Ω f 1 2 28 118 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424; Ματθαν Ματθας 33. Ισηφ 28; Θ f 13 788 1346 it om. τον ανδρα and add ω μνηστευθεισα παρθενος (-q) Μαριας (Μαριαμ 788) εγεννησεν Ιησουν τον λεγομενον Χριστον; Ιωσηφ ω μηνστευθεισα ην Μαριαμ παρθενος εγεννησεν Ιησουν τον λεγομενον Χριστον sys; ω μνηστευθεισα ην Μαριαμ παρθενος η ετεκεν Ιησουν Χριστον syc. Δ om. αι before γενεαι. The traces of ink appear to confirm the absence of αι, but such a suggestion must remain somewhat tentative as the leaf is quite lacunose for this line. Δαυειδ B W Θ. Βαβυλονος Θ. Χριστου Ιησου B; Ιησου W; Χριστου latt sys.c. Irlat. γενεσεις C W 579; γενησις P 2; γεννησις E K L M U Γ Π Ω f 13 28 33 118 124 157 565 700 788 892 1071 1241 1346 1424 l 844. μνηστευθεισης γαρ Cc E K L M U P S W Δ Θ Π Ω 2 28 33 118 124 157 565 579 788 1071 1346 1424. The ending of line 44 does not permit a distinction between παραδειγματισαι (‫*א‬.2 𝔐 C L W Θ f 13 33 118 Eus) and δειγματισαι. ενθυμουθενου 1424. εφανη κατ οναρ W Θ 788; κατ οναρ φαινεται 124 1424. τω Ιωσηφ λεγων Θ. Μαριαμ ‫ א‬C D K M P U W Z Γ Δ Π Θ 𝔐 f 13 2 28 33 118 124 157 565 700 892 1071 1346 1424 l 844 l 2211 syh.

Date: III

6 P.Oxy. LXIV 4401 (𝔓101) Matthew 3:10-12; 3:16–4:3 4.7 × 8.6 cm TM no. 61786

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. W. Handley and U. Wartenberg (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIV (London, 1997), 2–4 (no. 4401); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 636–38.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

36

Related Literature: D. Barker, “Codex, Roll, and Libraries in Oxyrhynchus,” TynBul 57 (2006): 146; P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 8. Introduction J. D. Thomas calculated the original size of the codex to which this leaf belonged as measuring approximately 9 cm wide × 22 cm tall, and thus belonging to Turner’s Group 8. The single-column codex format would have meant that there were roughly 32–33 lines per page with an average line length of 20 letters. The scribal hand was dated through parallels to other third-century papyri (P.IFAO inv. 89; see ZPE 6 [1970] tafel I [a]; ZPE 8 [1971] tafel III; and P.Köln VII 282, III, Menander), and it should be noted that the handwriting is unadorned and indicative of an untrained hand: α is triangular in shape, the hasta of ε is elongated, and letters frequently extend above and below the line (i.e., the scribe did not attempt strict bilinearity). Nomina sacra are used for πνεῦμα and υἱός, while οὐρανός is left uncontracted, and diaeresis occurs over initial upsilon. The papyrus is interesting for its contribution to the understanding of the development of the text of the New Testament. The omission of the explanatory ὀπίσω μου (Matt 3:11) is noteworthy, and P.Oxy. LXIV 4401 is the first Greek manuscript to witness this omission (see n. 6). The early date of the papyrus is interesting in this regard, but the omission may also be connected to the redundancy of the verse (ἰσχυρότερός μού ἐστιν). Unfortunately, it is not known whether the scribe was prone to other simplifications or economy of language. The text may also witness a conflation of Mark 1:7 with Matthew 3:11 (see n. 8–9), although the traces of ink are too fragmentary for certainty on this matter. The papyrus is the earliest witness to the reading ὡς in Matthew 3:16, and it avoids the explanatory additions of D in 3:17.

↓ 5

10

[δένδρ]ο̣ν̣ [μὴ ποιοῦν] [καρπὸν κ]α λ̣ ὸ̣ ν ἐ[κκόπτεται] [ cα. 5 ]ος πῦ̣ρ βά [̣ λλεται.] [Ἐγ]ὼ ̣ μ[ὲν ὑ]μᾶς β[απτίζω ἐν] [ὕ]δατι ε[ἰς] με ̣τά[νοιαν, ὁ] [δ]ὲ ἐρχό[μ]ενο[ς ἰσχυρότε-] [ρ]ό̣ς μού ἐ [̣ σ]τιν, ο̣[ὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ] [ἱ]κανὸς τ[ὰ] ὑπο[δήματα βασ-] [τ]ά [̣ σ]αι· αὐ̣τὸς ὑμ [̣ ᾶς βαπτίσει] [ἐ]ν̣ πν(εύματ)ι ἁγί ̣ῳ̣ κα[ὶ πυρί· οὗ τὸ] [π]τύον ἐν τῇ χ[ειρὶ αὐτοῦ] [κ]αὶ διακαθαρ[ι]ε[ῖ τὴν ἅλω-] [να] αὐτο̣ῦ ̣ κ[αὶ]

3:10 3:11

3:12

New Testament Texts [6]

→

15

20

25

] . . [ ca. 12 ] [ ca. 5 ] ὡ ς̣ πε ρ̣ ιστ[ερὰν ἐρχό-] [μενον ἐ]π’ αὐτό[ν· καὶ ἰδοὺ] [φωνὴ ἐκ] τ̣ῶ [̣ ν] ο̣[ὐρ]α [̣ ν]ῶν [λέ-] [γουσα· ο]ὗ̣τ̣[ό]ς ̣ ἐ [̣ σ]τ̣ιν ὁ υ(ἱό)ς μ[ου] [ὁ ἀγαπη]τός, ἐν ᾧ̣ ηὐδόκ[ησα.] [Τότε ὁ Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς ἀν]ήχθ[η] εἰς τὴν [ἔρη-] [μον ὑπὸ το]ῦ πν(εύματο)[ς], πειρασθ[ῆ-] [ναι ὑπὸ το]ῦ̣ διαβόλου. κ[αὶ] [νηστεύσα]ς μ̅ ἡμέρας [καὶ] [μ̅ νύκτ]α̣ ς ὕστερον ἐπε[ίνα-] [σεν. καὶ π]ρ̣οσελθὼν ὁ πει[ρά-] [ζων εἶπε]ν αὐτῷ· εἰ υ(ἱὸ)ς [εἶ τοῦ] [θ(εο)ῦ, εἰπὲ ἵνα οἱ] λίθοι οὗτ̣[οι]

37

3:16 3:17

4:1 4:2 4:3

_________ 4. pap. ϋμας. 8. pap. ϋπο. 9. pap. ϋμας.

καλον om. 1506 sys Ir (once). The reconstruction of the beginning of the line is not possible given the known textual tradition, where one expects και εις πυρ βαλλεται. It is possible that the text did read εις πυρ βαλλεται, but that some error has occurred with εις, which now appears on the papyrus as either ]ο̣ς or ]ω̣ ς. βαλεται 2* 579; βαλεται και καιεται 157. 4 μεν γαρ υμας ‫ א‬892; μεν ουν υμας 124 788; μεν ουν βαπτιζω υμας 118; μεν βαπτιζω υμας C Ds 𝔐 K L M U Δ Π 2 28 157 565 579 1071 1346 1424. 6 οπισω μου om. before ερχομενος, which is attested also in some Latin mss (a, d) as well as in some Sahidic mss and in Cyprian. J. D. Thomas notes that it is missing also in Hilarius, the Palestinian Syriac, which om. ερχομενος as well. The omission is probably not original to Matthew but rather a recognition that οπισω μου is redundant in light of ισχυροτερος μου εστιν. 8–9 The reading βαστ]α̣ [σ]αι is rather uncertain and may also fit the traces of υ. Thomas notes that the reading of Mark 1:7 κυψας λυσαι could also work here. If so, this would be the first ms to preserve the Markan wording in the parallel passage in Matthew. 9 βαπτισαι 579. 10 𝔐 2 28 579 1424 syh Or. (once) om. και πυρι following αγιω. 12 διακαθερει L 579. 15 ωσει ‫ א‬B C 𝔐 K L M P U W Δ f 1 2 28 33 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424 15–16 και ερχομενον ‫א‬c C D 𝔐 K L M P U W Δ f 1.13 0233 2 28 33 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424 f 1 vgcl sy Ir., the length of the line does not appear to permit the addition of και following περιστεραν. 16 προς αυτον C*; εις αυτον D* a b g1 h sys.c?. 17 του ουρανου W 184; της νεφελης 118. 17–18 λεγουσα προς αυτον D a b g1 h sys.c. 18 συ ει ο υιος D a sys.c Ir. 18–19 μου ο αγαπητος μου 1071. The papyrus reads ηυδοκησα with ‫א‬c C L P W Σ 118. 20 ανηχθη δε ο Ιησους C* L; Β U Δ 700 om. the article before Ιησους. 983 1689 and one Georgian ms om. ο Ιησους. 2 3

38

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

20–21 υπο του πνευματος εις την ερημον ‫ א‬K 157 892 1424 sys.(c.p.); πειρασθηναι υπο του πνευματος 713 following ερημον. 23 μηστευσας Δ. 23–24 All other witnesses preserve the number following both nouns (ημερας, νυκτας), and only D reads ημερας μ̅ . ‫ א‬D and 892 read τεσσερακοντα νυκτας; 1 om. και τεσσαρακοντα νυκτας. 24–25 επινασεν ‫ ;א‬επεινασε B C Κ L Μ P U W 𝔐 Δ f 13 2 28 118 157 565 700 788 1071 1346 1424 1582. 25 προσηλθεν αυτω D it sys.c; προσελθων αυτω C 𝔐 K L M P U Γ Δ 0233 2 28 118 565 579 1071 1241 1346 1424 1582c f (k) syh. 26 και ειπεν D; C 𝔐 K L M P U Δ 2 28 118 565 579 1071 1346 1424 1582c om. αυτω. 27 ειπον ‫א‬c.

Date: III

7 P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 (𝔓69) Luke 22:41, 45-48, 58-61 5.0 × 8.5 cm TM no. 61700; Van Haelst 0422

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. Lobel, C. H. Roberts, E. G. Turner, and J. W. B. Barns (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXIV (London, 1957), 1–4 (no. 2383); P.  W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 470–72. Related Literature: B. D. Ehrman and M. A. Plunkett, “The Angel and the Agony: The Textual Problem of Luke 22:43-44,” CBQ 45 (1983): 401–16; C. Clivaz, “The Angel and the Sweat like ‘Drops of Blood’ (Lk 22:4344): 𝔓69 and f 13,” HTR 98 (2005): 419–40; T. A. Wayment, “A New Transcription of P.Oxy. 2383 (𝔓69),” NovT 50 (2008): 351–57; C. Clivaz, “Some Remarks on Thomas A. Wayment, ‘A New Transcription of P.Oxy. 2383 (𝔓69),’ ” NovT 52 (2010): 83–87; C. Clivaz, L’ange et la sueur de sang (Lc 22,43-44): Ou comment on pourrait bien encore écrire l’histoire (Leuven, 2010), 460–67; T. A. Wayment, “P.Oxy. 2383 One More Time: A Response to Claire Clivaz,” NovT 53 (2011): 1–5. Introduction E. G. Turner’s reconstruction of this papyrus leaf estimated that it belonged to a codex measuring roughly 15 cm wide × 28 cm tall in a single-column format with 35–36 lines per page. This estimation fits well with what appear to be the remnants of the margin on the right side of the front (↓) and left side of the reverse (→). Nomina sacra appear as Ἰη(σοῦ)ν and ἄν(θρωπ)ε, while κ(υρίο)υ was likely used at ll. 16 and 26. The most significant contribution of this papyrus is the witness to the omission of Luke 22:42-44, an occurrence that is not witnessed in any other

New Testament Texts [7]

39

manuscripts. Although the omission of Luke 22:43-44 is widely attested, it is uncertain precisely how the omission of 22:42 is to be understood. Perhaps the omission is signal to a larger theological trend associated with Christian interest and concern with respect to Jesus’ sweat like blood, although it may simply be a scribal omission that happened to take place through parablepsis as the scribe saw the similar words προσηύχετο (22:41) and προσευχῆς (22:45), even though such a hypothesis can hardly be proven by verifiable criteria. A variety of suggestions for the omission have been offered, including the suggestion that the text represents a Marcionite edition of Luke 22. Unfortunately, the location of the omission is in a position where the papyrus is least legible, and therefore conclusions based on this particular artifact must remain conjectural. The text of 𝔓69 is rather eclectic, following at times the text of D against other witnesses and at other times agreeing with ‫ א‬B and 𝔓75 against D. If the discussion is confined to those instances where the text survives and is confidently restored, then perhaps the most interesting congruences with the D text are found on the reverse l. 16 where Πέτρος is omitted preceding the verb εἶπεν and in l. 13 where the text can be restored with some confidence as reading ἐγγίσας ἐφίλησεν τὸν Ἰη(σοῦ)ν. The latter reading does not bear any harmonizing indications and is a genuine alternate tradition that is now supported in two disparate sources (𝔓69 and D). Despite the agreements with D, P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 agrees much more closely with B. The resemblances are found in l. 3 προσηύχετο; l. 7 with the reading τί; the word order εἰσέλθητε εἰς πειρασμόν in l. 9; διαστάσης in ll. 16–17; and the word order λέγων ἐπ’ ἀληθείας in l. 18. A significant contribution of P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 to the textual history of Luke 22:61 is the unique reading ὁ Πέτρος ἐνέβλεψεν αὐτῷ τότε (“then Peter saw him”). Instead of Jesus turning and seeing Peter, Peter sees himself and remembers the word of Jesus regarding the crowing of the cock.

↓ 5

10

] κ̣[α]ὶ α[ὐτὸς ἀπεσ-] [πάσθη ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡσ]εὶ λίθου β̣ο λ̣ ̣ὴ̣ [ν] [καὶ θεὶς τὰ γόνατα προσ]η̣ ύχετ̣ο ̣ [καὶ ἀναστὰς ἀπὸ] τ̣ῆ̣ [ς προσευχῆς] [ἐλθὼν πρὸς τοὺς] μα̣ θητὰς κοι[μωμένους ἀπὸ τῆ]ς λύπης, [κ]αὶ [εἶπεν αὐτοῖς·] τί καθεύδε[τε; ἀναστάντες πρ]ο̣σε̣ ύχεσθε, [ἵνα μὴ εἰσέλθητε εἰς πειρ]ασμόν. [Ἔτι αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος ἰ]δοὺ [ὄχλος, καὶ ὁ λεγόμενος Ἰού]δας [εἷς τῶν δώδεκα προήρχετο α]ὐ[τ]ούς, [καὶ ἐγγίσας ἐφίλησε]ν τὸν Ἰη(σοῦ)ν [Ἰούδα, φι]λή[ματι]

22:41 22:45 22:46

22:47

22:48

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

40

→

15

20

25

1–2

. . .] αὐ[τ]ὸν ἔ[φη· καὶ σὺ ἐξ αὐτῶν εἶ.] ὁ δὲ εἶπεν· [ἄν(θρωπ)ε, οὐκ εἰμί. καὶ δι-] αστάσης ὡσ[εὶ ὥρας μιᾶς ἄλλος τις ἰσχυ-] ρίζετο λέγω[ν· ἐπ’ ἀληθείας καὶ] οὗτος ἦν μ[ετ’ αὐτοῦ, καὶ γὰρ Γα-] λ[ι]λαῖός ἐστ[ιν. εἶπεν δὲ ὁ Πέτρος·] ἄ[ν](θρωπ)ε, οὐκ οἶ[δα ὃ λέγεις. καὶ ἔτι] αὐτοῦ λαλοῦ[ντος παραχρῆμα] ἐφώνησεν [ἀλέκτωρ. καὶ στρα-] φεὶς ὁ Πέτ[ρος ἐνέβλεψεν αὐ-] τῷ τότε [ὑπεμνήσθη ὁ Πέτρος] τοῦ ῥήμ[ατος τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ ὡς εἶπεν] αὐτῷ π[ρὶν ἀλέκτορα φωνῆσαι σή-] μ[ερον]

22:58 22:59

22:60 22:61

Line length and the surviving traces of ink are insufficient evidence to distinguish between the various attested readings αυτος δε απεσταθη D; απεστη G 157; επεσπασθη 579. E. G. Turner’s edition did not restore any letters in the first line, but the traces of ink appear to fit κ and α, although they are admittedly scanty. For some reason λίθου βολήν extends further into the margin than the line below it. 2 ως for ωσει 1346. 3 γονατα αυτου 1424; προσευξατο 𝔓75 ‫ א‬T Γ 124 579 892 1071 1241 l.8441; προσευχετο D; most other witnesses read προσηυχετο. 3–4 Luke 22:43-44 are om. in 𝔓75 ‫א‬c A B N T W 13* 69 124 788 579; P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 is unique in om. Luke 22:42 as well. Even though the text breaks off precisely at the end of Luke 22:41, it can be confidently restored as continuing on the next line with the beginning of Luke 22:45 (και αναστας). 5–6 και ελθων 0171 f sys.c.p ; επορευθη προς 579; επι for προς D; μαθητας αυτου f 1. All other witnesses read ευρεν after μαθητας. Some witnesses read ευρεν followed by αυτους κοιμωμενους (Α 𝔐 Κ Μ Ν [κοιμουμενους] Q U W Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1 124 157 565 579 700 1071 1424) whereas other witnesses read ευρεν κοιμωμενους αυτους 𝔓75 ‫ א‬B L T Ψ f 13; κοιμενους α[υ]τους 0171. 7 D om. τι; καθεδευτε Δ. 8 προσευχεθε 0171. 9 εις πειρασμον εισελθητε D. 10 Consideration of the average length of line cannot determine whether P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 read δε following ετι (D 𝔐 S* Γ Δ Θ f 13 0171 2 28 565 700 892 1071 1424 it samss). 11 οχλος πολυς D sys.c; καλουμενου D*; καλουμενος Dc f 1; Ιουδας ο καλουμενος 157. 12 Ισκαριωθ D* 0171vid (f 1) (1); Εισκαριωθ Dc; Ισκαριωτης 157; προσηρχετο 𝔓75 Η Γ 2542c; προηγεν D f 1 69 124 157 1071 2542*; ηρχετο και προηγεν 788; αυτου W; αυτοις Λ. 13–14 P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 likely read εγγισας εφιλησεν τον Ιησουν with D; ηγγιζεν 579; following Ιησουν (φιλησαι αυτον), some witnesses add τουτο γαρ σημειον δεδωκει αυτοις, ον αν φιλησω αυτος εστιν D E H Θ f 13 2 69 124 700 788 1071 1346 aur b c r1 syp.h. 15 The possibility that P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 read αυτον ειπεν το αυτο (D syc) cannot be entirely ruled out, although the length of the line seems to favor the reading of nearly all other mss εφη σε 118.

New Testament Texts [8] 16 16–17

18 19 19–20 20 21 21–22 23 24 24–25

25 26 27 27–28

41

Like D, P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 om. Πετρος following δε; Πετρο E; εφη in place of ειπεν 𝔓75 ‫א‬ B K L M T Π f 13 070 1241; 579 om. ανθρωπε. διαστησας D; διαστησασης W Θ; διαστησασης ως 579; Turner om. τις in the ed. pr., but such a reading is unattested (cf. αλλ᾽οστις 118) and difficult to explain. The omission of the prefix to the verb (ισχυριζετο instead of διισχυριζετο) is unlikely, but the addition of the prefix + τις creates an unusually long line. The omission of the prefix is attested in a few minuscules 69 579 788. The word order is altered in D (επ᾽αληθειας λεγω). ην om. after αυτου ‫ *א‬f 13; the reading of P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 is unique in having the verb ην precede μετα. Δ om. Γαλιλαιος. The article is om. before Πετρος by a corrector of ‫ א‬and in minuscule 28. τι λεγεις ‫ א‬D 157 sa; in all other witnesses παραχρημα precedes ετι unless ετι is om. (1424). The word order of P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 is otherwise unattested (αυτου λαλουντος παραχρημα εφωνησεν). λαλουντος αυτου εφωνησεν 𝔓75 ‫ א‬B 1424; λαλουντος του Πετρου Y M Π; λαλουντος Πετρου K. It is quite possible that l. 22 can be restored λαλουντος του Πετρου with Y M Π rather than λαλουντος παραχρημα as in the ed. pr. D om. και (στραφεις δε). ο Πετρο added following στραφεις T*, all other witnesses read ο κυριος (𝔓75 B S T Θ 69 788 157 579) or ο Ιησους (D f 1 124 1241 l 844 pc vgms sys.p.h bopt) following στραφεις; αναβλεψεν S; επεβλεψεν 69 788. The change of subject from the Lord or Jesus (D f 1 124 1241 l 844 vgms sys.p.h bopt) to Peter is reflected in the following line where Peter looks around and then remembers. All other witnesses read τω Πετρω as the object of the verb. T* has a conflated reading ο Πετρο ο κυριος that may demonstrate knowledge of the textual tradition found on this papyrus. εμησθη 579; ο Πετρος οm. D 157; Πετρο Θ. λογου A 𝔐 D K M N U W Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 2 28 157 565 700 788 1071 1424 2542 l 844; Ιησου N f 13 1071. D agrees with P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 in om. οτι following αυτω, all other witnesses include οτι; η αλεκτορα B Ψ 1071; αλεκτωρα 788. σημερον φωνησαι f 13 124 788; φωνησει 579; σημερον om. A 𝔐 D N U W Γ Δ Θ Λ Ψ f 1 2 28 565 700 1424 2542 l 844 lat syc.p samss.

Date: III

8 P.Oxy. LXVI 4495 (𝔓111) Luke 17:11-13, 22-23 2.9 × 4.8 cm TM no. 65894

Material: Papyrus

Published: W. E. H. Cockle (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXVI (London, 1999), 19–20 (no. 4495). Related Literature: J. K. Elliott, “Seven Recently Published New Testament Fragments from Oxyrhynchus,” NovT 42 (2000): 211; P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 16; L.  W. Hurtado, “The New Testament in the Second Century: Text, Collections and Canon,”

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in Transmission and Reception: New Testament Text-Critical and Exegetical Studies, ed. J. W. Childers and D. C. Parker (Piscataway, N.J., 2006), 11 n.16; J. K. Elliott, New Testament Textual Criticism: The Application of Thoroughgoing Principles; Essays on Manuscripts and Textual Variation (Leiden, 2010), 166. Introduction W. E. Η. Cockle dated this papyrus fragment to the first half of the third century based on paleographic similarities to P.Giss. I 40, a papyrus fragment containing three decrees dated securely to 215 and the reign of Caracalla. Several ligatures occur, and the handwriting might be described as literary with documentary features. Small serifs occur at the end of some letters, and the hasta of ε is elongated; ρ extends below the line. Punctuation is absent as are paragraph or other sense breaks. The nomen sacrum Ἰη(σο)ῦ is used. Cockle estimated that a line of text averages roughly 32–34 letters and that a page averages roughly 21–22 lines of text depending on the variants. Although the papyrus is quite small and fragmentary, it does attest to several interesting readings. At Luke 17:12 it reads ἀπήντησαν with 𝔓75 A B and so forth against ‫ א‬L and so on (ὑπήντησαν), but at Luke 17:22 the papyrus agrees with the reading of D f 13 157 vg mss (τοῦ ἐπιθυμῆσαι) against ὅτε ἐπιθυμήσετε of 𝔓75 ‫ א‬A B. Additionally, the papyrus reads ὄψεσθε with 𝔓75 B against ὄψεσθαι with ‫ א‬A D Ν W 1071 and others.

↓ → 5

[Γαλι]λαίας̣. Κα̣ὶ̣ ε̣[ἰσερχομένου αὐτοῦ] 17:11-12 [εἴς τινα κώμην] ἀπήντησ[αν αὐτῷ δέκα λεπροὶ ἄν-] [δρες, οἳ ἔστησα]ν πόρρωθ[εν, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἦραν] 17:13 [φωνὴν λέγοντε]ς· Ἰη(σο)ῦ ἐπιστάτα, ]. [.] πρὸ[ς τοὺς μαθη-] 17:22 [τάς· ἐλεύσονται ἡ]μέραι τοῦ ἐπ [̣ ιθυμήσαι] [ὑμᾶς μίαν τῶν ἡ]μερῶν το[ῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀν(θρώπ)ου] [ἰδεῖν καὶ οὐκ ὄψ]εσθε. καὶ [ἐροῦσιν ὑμῖν·] 17:23 [ἰδοὺ ἐκεῖ, ἤ· ἰδοὺ] ὧδε· μὴ . [ __________ 3. pap. πορωθεν.

1 2 2–3 3 3–4

Γαλειλαιας Β 𝔓75; all other witnesses read Γαλιλαιας; ερχωμενου 579. εις την for εις τινα Λ 157; υπηντησαν αυτω ‫ א‬L (–αυτω) N Θ f 1.13 063 157 579 892 1071 1241 2542; οπου ησαν for απηντησαν αυτω D e λ; et ecce it sys.c; 𝔓75 B L om. αυτω following απηντησαν. ανδρες λεπροι D 157; 579 om. ανδρες. οι ανεστησαν B F 157 579; και εστησαν D bo; ‫ *א‬om. οι εστησαν πορρωθεν; πορρω W. και εκραξαν φωνη μεγαλη D (e) following πορρωθεν.

New Testament Texts [9] 4 5–7

7 8 9

43

την φωνην ‫א‬. μαθητας αυτου A; ελευσωνται 579; δε ημεραι 157. Only D f 13 read του (επιθυμησαι), all other witnesses read οτε (L οταν). επιθυμησηται B* L; επιθυμησεται ‫ א‬Α Bc W Γ Δ Ω 33 1071; επιθυμησητε N Λ f 1 2 28; επιθυμησετε 𝔓75 𝔐 K M U Θ Π Ψ 565 700 1424; επεθυμησετε 124; επεθυμησεται 579. Only D f 13 157 read υμας following επιθυμησαι. ημερων τουτων D; if both υιου and ανθρωπου were abbreviated, the line length would be slightly shorter than other lines, but it is not impossible that nomina sacra were used for both. D om. ιδειν; ουχ A; καν ερουσιν Γ. The majority of witnesses read ωδε . . . εκει in place of εκει . . . ωδε (𝔓75 ‫ א‬Β L 579 sys.c). The other witnesses are divided following the first instance of ιδου. Ιδου εκει και ιδου ωδε ‫ ;א‬ιδου ωδε ιδου εκει D H K S W Π 28 33 69 2542 lat (syp); ιδου ωδε και ιδου εκει Μ; ιδου ωδε η ιδου εκει A 𝔐 N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Ψ 2 124 157 565 700 892 1071 1241 1424 it vgmss syh; ιδου ωδε μηδε διωξητε η ιδου εκει f 1; ιδου ωδε η εκει f 13 788 1346.

Date: III

9 P.Oxy. II 208 + P.Oxy. XV 1781 (𝔓5) John 1:23-40; 16:14-30; 20:11-25 21.2 × 7.5 cm TM no. 61630; Van Haelst 0428

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri II (London, 1899), 1–8 (no. 208); B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XV (London, 1922), 8–12 (no. 1781). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:145–48; P. M. Head, “The Habits of New Testament Copyists: Singular Readings in the Early Fragmentary Papyri of John,” Biblica 85 (2004): 399–408; J. K. Elliott and D. C. Parker (eds.), The New Testament in Greek IV: The Gospel according to St. John, Vol. 1: The Papyri (Leiden, 1995), 29; A. M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 251; J. Chapa, “The Early Text of the Gospel of John,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 153. Introduction Both fragments, P.Oxy. II 208 and P.Oxy. XV 1781, are now housed in London at the British Library under the inventory numbers 782 and 2484 respectively. P.Oxy. II 208 contains John 1:23-31, 33-41 and 20:11-17, 19-25, and P.Oxy. XV 1781 preserves portions of John 16:14-30. Both fragments represent portions of sheets that were folded to form a single quire gathering. P.Oxy. II 208 was at one point the second sheet within the folded quire, while P.Oxy. XV 1781 came somewhere closer to the middle. Whether this large folded quire containing only the Gospel of John was gathered with other quires containing

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other scriptural books is unknown. There is no doubt that the two fragments do originate from the same codex, a codex that was made from nearly square sheets that once folded created a quire that was rather tall and narrow in appearance. The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra, although ἄνθρωπος is not abbreviated. The handwriting is largely bilinear with ρ sometimes extending below the line, diaeresis is used frequently as are rough breathing marks, and portions of the outer margins are preserved. Letters are formed in a rounded upright uncial.  The fragments also present a number of corrections that are probably in the hand of the original scribe, although some have suggested that the corrections were made by a later hand (see John 16:23-24). The correction in the manuscript at John 1:38 is noted through the use of dots above and below the letters that were to be removed, and then the correction is made above the line. A careful examination of the fragments also reveals that the scribe left small spaces between words and larger spaces that are certainly intended to denote basic punctuation. Thus, it may be suggested that the codex was intended for use in a church. The fragments are interesting for several reasons. It likely reads ὁ ἐκλεκτὸς τοῦ θεοῦ (“the chosen of God”) with ‫א‬, whereas other witnesses read ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ θεοῦ (John 1:34). It does not attest to the omission of τί λαλεῖ in John 16:18 that is attested in B. περὶ ὑμῶν following πατέρα at John 16:26 is likely omitted from P.Oxy. XV 1781, although this conjecture is based on the consideration of the length of the restored line. The reading περὶ ὑμῶν is present in all other witnesses with the exception of D and 1424 that add μου following πατέρα. At John 16:23-24 ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου ἕως ἄρτι οὐκ ᾐτήσατε οὐδέν, ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί μου αἰτεῖτε καί, a reading that was omitted in the process of copying, was added to the bottom of the page in the same hand as the original scribe. At John 1:25 the fragment appears to be defective through visual omission. Previous editors of the papyrus have suggested that it omits καὶ εἶπαν αὐτῷ along with minuscule 251. Grenfell and Hunt noted that P.Oxy. II 208 has a tendency to brevity and the omission of unnecessary pronouns and conjunctions, and the addition of the leaf of P.Oxy. XV 1781 confirms this suggestion that the scribe (or manuscript tradition to which the scribe had access) was predisposed to brevity.

→ 5

[ἐγ]ὼ φων[ὴ] βο[ῶντος ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ·] [εὐ]θύνατ[ε τὴν ὁδὸν κ(υρίο)υ, καθὼς εἶ-] [π]εν Ἠσα[ΐας ὁ προφήτης. Καὶ ἀπεσ-] [τ]αλμένοι [ἦσαν ἐκ τῶν Φαρισαί-] [ω]ν. καὶ ἠρώ[τησαν αὐτόν· τί οὖν βα-] π ̣τ̣ίζεις εἰ [σὺ οὐκ εἶ ὁ Χ(ριστὸ)ς οὐδὲ Ἠλίας] οὐδὲ ὁ προ[φήτης; ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς ὁ]

1:23 1:24 1:25 1:26

New Testament Texts [9]

10

15

20

Ἰωάνν[ης λέγων· ἐγὼ βαπτίζω ἐν ὕ-] δατι· μ[έσος ὑμῶν ἕστηκεν ὃν ὑμεῖς] οὐκ οἴδα[τε, ὁ ὀπίσω μου ἐρχόμε-] [ν]ος, [ο]ὗ ο[ὐκ εἰμὶ ἄξιος ἵνα λύσω αὐ-] τοῦ τὸν [ἱμάντα τοῦ ὑποδήματος.] ταῦτα ἐν Β[ηθανίᾳ ἐγένετο πέ-] ραν τοῦ Ἰο[ρδάνου, ὅπου ἦν ὁ Ἰωάν-] [ν]ης βαπτί[ζων. Τῇ ἐπαύριον βλέ-] πει τὸν Ἰη(σοῦ)ν [ἐρχόμενον πρὸς αὐτὸν] καὶ λέγει· [ἴδε ὁ ἀμνὸς τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ ὁ αἴρων] τὴν ἁμαρ[τίαν τοῦ κόσμου. οὗτός] ἐστιν ὑπὲρ [οὗ ἐγὼ εἶπον· ὀπίσω μου] ἔρχεται ἀ[νὴρ ὃς ἔμπροσθέν μου] γέγον[εν, ὅτι πρῶτός μου ἦν. κἀγὼ] οὐκ ᾔδ[ειν αὐτόν, ἀλλ’ ἵνα φανερω-] θῇ [τῷ Ἰσραὴλ διὰ τοῦτο ἦλθον ἐ-] γ[ὼ]

45

1:27 1:28 1:29 1:30 1:31

__________ 8. pap. ϊωαννης. 14. pap. ϊορδανου. 19. pap. ϋπερ.

↓ 5

10

15

20

[κἀγὼ οὐκ ᾔδειν αὐτόν,] ἀλλ’ ὁ π[έμ-] [ψας με βαπτίζειν ἐν ὕ]δατ[ι] ἐ[κεῖ-] [νός μοι εἶπεν· ἐφ’ ὃν ἂν ἴ]δῃς τὸ [πν(εῦμ)α] [καταβαῖνον καὶ μέν]ον ἐπ’ αὐ[τόν,] [οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ βαπτίζ]ων ἐν π[ν(εύματ)ι ἁγίῳ.] [κἀγὼ ἑώρακα καὶ μεμ]αρτύρηκα ὅ[τι οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἐκλεκτὸ]ς τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ. Τῇ ἐ[παύριον εἱστήκει ὁ Ἰωάνν]ης καὶ ἐκ [τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ δ]ύο καὶ ἐμ[βλέψας τῷ Ἰη(σο)ῦ περιπατο]ῦντι λέγε[ι·] [ἴδε ὁ ἀμνὸς τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ. καὶ ἤκο]υσαν οἱ δύο [μαθηταὶ λαλοῦντος καὶ ἠ]κολούθη[σαν τῷ Ἰη(σο)ῦ. στραφεὶς δ]ὲ ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς καὶ θε[ασάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀκ]ολουθοῦντας [λέγει αὐτοῖς· τί ζητεῖ]τε; ˋοἱ δὲˊ εἶπαν 〚αὐ-〛 [〚τῷ,〛 Ῥαββί, ὃ λέγεται ἐρ]μηνευόμε[νον διδάσκαλε, ποῦ μέν]εις; λέγει [αὐτοῖς· ἔρχεσθε καὶ ὄψε]σθε. ἦλθαν [οὖν καὶ εἶδαν ποῦ μένει, κ]αὶ παρ’ αὐτῷ [ἔμειναν τὴν ἡμέραν] ἐ κ̣ ε̣ ί̣ ̣ν̣η̣ ν̣· [ὥ-] [ρα ἦν ὡς δεκάτη. Ἦν Ἀνδ]ρέας ὁ ἀ[δελφὸς +- 10 letters δ]ύο τῶν

1:33

1:34 1:35 1:36 1:37 1:38

1:39

1:40

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[ἀκουσάντων παρὰ Ἰωάννο]υ καὶ ἀ[κολουθησάντων] __________ 11. pap. οἱ.

→ 5

10

15

20

25

[ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ ἐμοῦ λήμψετ]αι καὶ ἀνα[γ-] [γελεῖ ὑμῖν. πάντα ὅσ]α ἔχει ὁ π(ατὴ)ρ ἐ[μά ἐστιν· διὰ τοῦτο εἶπο]ν ὅτι ἐκ τ[οῦ] [ἐμοῦ λαμβάνει κα]ὶ ̣ ἀ ̣ν̣ [α]γ̣γε̣ λεῖ ὑμῖ(ν). [Μικρὸν καὶ οὐκέτι θεωρεῖτέ με, κ]αὶ [πάλιν μικρὸν κ]αὶ ὄψεσθέ [με. εἶπα]ν [5 letters οὖν ἐκ τῶν μ]αθητῶν αὐτοῦ [πρὸς ἀλλήλους· τί] ἐστιν τοῦτο ὃ λέ[γει ἡμῖν· μικρὸν καὶ οὐ] θεωρεῖ[τ]έ με, [καὶ πάλιν μικρὸν καὶ ὄψ]εσθέ με̣ ;̣ κ α̣ ί̣ ̣· [ὅτ]ι ̣ [ὑπάγω πρὸς τὸν] π(ατέρ)α; ἔλεγον οὖν· [τί ἐστιν τοῦτο] μικρόν; οὐκ οἴδα[μεν τί λαλεῖ. Ἔ]γνω `ὁ´ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς ὅτι ἤθελον [αὐτὸν ἐρωτᾶν,] καὶ εἶπεν αὐτ[ο]ῖς· [περὶ τούτου ζητ]εῖτε μετ’ ἀλλήλω[ν] [ὅτι εἶπον· μικρ]ὸν καὶ οὐ θεωρεῖ[τέ] [με, καὶ πάλιν μικρὸ]ν καὶ ὄψεσθέ με; [ἀμὴν ἀμὴν λέγ]ω ὑμῖν ὅτ[ι κ]λα[ύ-] [σετε καὶ θρηνήσ]ετε ὑμεῖς, ὁ δὲ [κόσμος χαρήσετ]αι· ὑμεῖς λ〚ο〛υπηθή[σεσθε, ἀλλ’ ἡ λύπ]η ὑμῶν εἰς χαρὰν [γενήσεται. ἡ γυν]ὴ ὅταν τίκτῃ λ`ύ´〚οι〛[πην ἔχει, ὅτι ἦλθεν] ἡ ὥρα αὐτῆς· [ὅταν δὲ γεννήσῃ τὸ π]αιδ[ί]ον, οὐκέ[τι μνημονεύει τῆς θλ]ίψ[ε]ως δι[ὰ τὴν χαρὰν ὅτι ἐγενν]ήθη ἄνθρω[πος εἰς τὸν κόσμον.] καὶ ὑμεῖς οὖν

16:14 16:15 16:16 16:17

16:18 16:19

16:20

16:21

16:22

__________ 4. pap. ϋμειν. 12. pap. μειιρον. 18. pap. ϋμειν. 19–20. pap. ϋμεις. 21. pap. ϋμων. 21. pap. ἡ. 25. pap. θλ]ειψ[ε]ως. 27. pap. ϋμεις.

↓ 5

νῦν μὲν [λύπην ἔχετε· πάλιν δὲ] ὄψομαι ὑμ[ᾶς, καὶ χαρήσεται ὑμῶν] ἡ καρδία, [καὶ τὴν χαρὰν ὑμῶν οὐ-] δεὶς ἀρεῖ [ἀφ’] ὑ[μῶν. Καὶ ἐν ἐκείνῃ] τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἐ[μ]ὲ [οὐκ ἐρωτήσετε] οὐδέν. ἀμὴν ἀ[μὴν λέγω ὑμῖν,] ἄν τι αἰτή[σ]ητε [τὸν π(ατέ)ρα δώσει ὑμῖν.]

16:23

New Testament Texts [9]

10

15

20

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ἐν τῷ ὀ[ν]όματ[ί μου· αἰτεῖτε καὶ] λήμψεσθε, ἵ[να ἡ χαρὰ ὑμῶν ᾖ] πεπληρω[μ]ένη. [Ταῦτα ἐν παροι-] μί̣ αις λελ[ά]ληκα [ὑμῖν· ἔρχεται] ὥ ρ̣ α̣ ̣ ὅτε οὐκέτ[ι ἐν παροιμίαις λα-] λήσω ὑμῖν, ἀλ[λὰ παρρησίᾳ περὶ] τοῦ π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς ἀπαγγε[λῶ ὑμῖν. ἐν ἐ-] κείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ [ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί] μου αἰτήσεσθε, [καὶ οὐ λέγω ὑμῖν] [ὅ]τι ἐγὼ ἐρωτήσ[ω τὸν π(ατέρ)α· αὐτὸς] [γ]ὰρ ὁ π(ατὴ)ρ φιλεῖ ὑμ[ᾶς, ὅτι ὑμεῖς ἐμὲ] πεφιλήκατε καὶ [πεπιστεύκατε] ὅτι ἐγὼ παρὰ θ(εο)ῦ ἐξῆλθ[ον. ἐξῆλθον] παρὰ τοῦ π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς καὶ ἐ[λήλυθα εἰς τὸν] κόσμον· πάλιν ἀ[φίημι τὸν κόσμον] καὶ πορεύομαι πρὸ[ς τὸν π(ατέ)ρα. Λέ-] γ̣ου̣ σ̣ ι̣ ν `αὐτῷ´ οἱ μ[αθηταὶ αὐτοῦ· ἴδε νῦν ἐν] παρρησίᾳ λ[αλεῖς, καὶ παροιμίαν οὐ-] δεμίαν λ[έγεις. νῦν οἴδαμεν] ὅτι οἶδας πά[ντα καὶ οὐ χρείαν ἔχεις] ἐν τῷ ὀνόματί [μου ἕως ἄρτι οὐκ ᾐτήσατε οὐδὲν ἐν] τ[ῷ ὀνόματί μου αἰτεῖτε καί]

47

16:24 16:25

16:26 16:27 16:28 16:29 16:30 16:23-24

__________ 2. pap. ϋμας. 5. pap. ἡμερα. 9. pap. ϊνα. 13. pap. ϋμειν. 14. pap. απαγ’γελω. 15. pap. ἡμερα. 18. pap. ϋμας.

↓ 5

μνημ[είῳ ἔξω κλαίουσα. ὡς οὖν ἔκλαιεν,] παρέκυ[ψεν εἰς τὸ μνημεῖον, καὶ θεω-] ρεῖ δύο [ἀγγέλους ἐν λευκοῖς καθεζομέ-] ν[ους, ἕνα πρὸς τῇ κεφαλῇ καὶ ἕνα πρὸς] τ[οῖς ποσίν,]

20:11 20:12

3 lines missing 10

15

μου, [καὶ οὐκ οἶδα ποῦ ἔθηκαν αὐτόν.] ταῦτα [εἰποῦσα ἐστράφη εἰς τὰ ὀπί-] σω, καὶ [θεωρεῖ τὸν Ἰη(σοῦ)ν ἑστῶτα, καὶ οὐ-] κ ᾔδει [ὅτι Ἰη(σοῦ)ς ἐστιν. λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς·] γύναι, [τί κλαίεις; τίνα ζητεῖς; ἐκείνη] δοκοῦ[σα ὅτι ὁ κηπουρός ἐστιν λέγει] αὐτῷ· [κ(ύρι)ε, εἰ σὺ ἐβάστασας αὐτόν, εἰπέ] μοι π[οῦ ἔθηκας αὐτόν, κἀγὼ αὐτὸν]

20:13 20:14 20:15

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20

→ 5

ἀρῶ. [λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς· Μαριάμ. στραφεῖ-] [σα ἐκείνη λέγει αὐτῷ Ἑβραϊστί· Ῥαβ-] β[ουνι λέγει αὐτῇ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς·] μ[ή μου ἅπτου, οὔπω γὰρ ἀναβέβηκα πρὸς] τ̣[ὸν π(ατέ)ρα·]

20:16

ἦλθ]ε ̣ν̣ [ὁ [Ἰη(σοῦ)ς καὶ ἔστη εἰς τὸ μέσο]ν ˋκαὶˊ λέγει [αὐτοῖς· εἰρήνη ὑμῖν. καὶ τ]οῦτο εἰπὼ(ν) [ἔδειξεν τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τὴν πλε]υ[ρὰν αὐτοῖς. ἐχάρησαν οὖν οἱ μαθη]ταὶ ἰ[δόντες]

20:19

20:17

20:20

3 lines missing 10

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[λάβετε π]ν(εῦμ)α ἅ[γιον· ἄν τινων ἀφῆτε τὰς ἁμ]αρτίας [ἀφέωνται αὐτοῖς, ἄν τινων] κρατῆτε [κεκράτηνται. Θωμᾶς δὲ εἷς ἐκ τῶ]ν δώ[δεκα, ὁ λεγόμενος Δίδυμος, οὐ]κ ἦν [μετ’ αὐτῶν ὅτε ἦλθ]εν Ἰη(σοῦ)ς. [ἔλεγον οὖν αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταί· ἑω]ράκα[μεν τὸν κ(ύριο)ν. ὁ δὲ εἶπεν αὐτοῖ]ς· ἐὰν [μὴ ἴδω ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ τὸν τύ]π̣ο̣ν̣

20:22 20:23 20:24 20:25

__________ 3. τουτ’. 5. pap. ϊδοντες.

→ 1 2

3–4

4–5 5

6 7 8

εν τη is om. in 2*. ετοιμασατε 124; P.Oxy. II 208 om. the expansion of Ws following κυριου (ευθειας ποιειτε τας τριβους αυτου). The length of the line is insufficient evidence to distinguish between the reading of the earlier witnesses απεσταλμενοι 𝔓66.75 ‫ *א‬A* B C* L T Ψ 086 co and the later witnesses οι απεσταλμενοι ‫א‬c Ac Cc 𝔐 K M N U Ws Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 0234 2 28 33 157 565 579 700 892 1071 1424 boms. Φαρεισαιων B; Φαρισαιων 𝔓66.75 ‫ א‬A and nearly all other witnesses; Φαρισεων N Ws. ‫ א‬a e syc om. και ηρωτησαν αυτον. Following ηρωτησαν it appears that something has dropped out of the text, probably by simple omission. One expects ηρωτησαν αυτον και ειπον αυτω τι ουν. Although it is conjecture, the removal of the phrase και ειπον αυτω renders the remaining text intelligible and perhaps P.Oxy. II 208 attests to its omission. εις ο Χριστος Δ; 124 om. the article before Χριστος; Ηλειας 𝔓66c.75 B L; Ηλιας 𝔓66 ‫ א‬A 𝔐 C K M Ν U Ws Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 28 33 118 124 157 565 579 700 1424. ουτε 𝔐 K M U Δ Θ Λ Π f 13 28 157 565 700 1424; απεκρινατο L U 33 579 (απεκρηνατο). Ιωανης B 𝔓75*; P.Oxy. II 208 does not appear to om. λεγων along with 𝔓75.120 f 1 124 e; εγω μεν f 13 124 it samss bopt; the explanatory υμας following βαπτιζω (N Δ Θ f 13 124 565 1071 1424) can probably be ruled out based on consideration of the length of the line the reading would create; τω υδατι attested only in ‫*א‬.

New Testament Texts [9] 9

10

11 11–12

13

14 14–15 15 15–16 17 18 19 22 23–24

↓

49

μεσος δε A Cc 𝔐 G K M N U Ws f 1.13 Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 2 28 33 118 157 565 579 700 892 1071 1241 1424 latt sys sa bo; the conjugation of the verb following υμων is simply a matter of conjecture: στηκει B G L f 1 083; εστηκεν 𝔓66 A C 𝔐 K M N U Ws f 13 Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 2 28 33 118 157 565 579 700 1424; ιστηκει 𝔓75.120(vid) 1071 f vg; εστηκει ‫א‬. It can be conjectured with some confidence that P.Oxy. II 208 om. the clarifying phrase ουτος εστιν (+ ον ειπον S) and instead followed closely the text of B as is suggested in the omission following ερχομενος in l. 11 (ος εμπροσθεν μου γεγονεν) attested also in B. The shorter reading is witnessed in three papyri 𝔓66.75.120 and in ‫ *א‬B C L T Ws Θ f 1 083 33 579 1071 1241 a sys.c. If the text followed precisely that of 𝔓66.75 ‫ א‬B the restored line length is similar to nearby lines. μει in place of ειμι εγω Ν*; ειμι εγω 𝔓66*.119 B Nc Ws f 13 Ψ 083 69 118 579 788; εγω ουκ ειμι A 𝔐 K M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1 2 28 124 157 700 892 1241 1424 lat; P.Oxy. II 208 likely om. εγω, but the inclusion of εγω is not impossible; ικανος in place of αξιος 𝔓66.75. τον τον (om. αυτου) 𝔓66; following υποδηματος the ms tradition records several different possibilities, all of which can be reasonably excluded from the reconstruction of P.Oxy. II 208; εκεινος υμας βαπτισει εν πνευματι αγιω και πυρι E F G H 2*; αυτος υμας βαπτισει εν πνευματι αγιω και πυρι N (= Matt 3:11). 579 om. του υποδηματος. ταυτα μεν εν K Π; whether P.Oxy. II 208 read Βηθανια (𝔓66.75 ‫ *א‬A B C* 𝔐 L M Ν Ws Δc Θ Ψ 2* 28 118 124 157 579 700 1424) or Βηθαβαρα (Cc K T U Δ* Λ Π Ψc f 1.13 083 2c 33 69 sys.c samss Or.) or Βιθανια (G Hc 565 1071) or Βηθαραβα (‫א‬c 892v.l. [syhmg] sams) cannot be determined; εγενετο εν Β ‫ א‬Ηc it; εγενοντο Ν Λ. Ιορδανου ποταμου ‫ ;א‬69 om. ην; some early witnesses include the definite article before Ιωαννης (𝔓66.75 ‫ א‬Β C Ws) whereas all other witnesses om. the definite article. Ιωανης B; Ιωαννης πρωτον f 13 69c; Ιωαννης το πρωτον 1071 1346; βαπτιζων το πρωτον C. τη δε επαυριον 565. βλεπει ο Ιωαννης C (Ιωαννις) Ec F G H P Λ f 13 2 1071; ο ι̅ω̅ 28c; προς αυτον om. Ws. λεγοντα ο αμνος M. τας αμαρτιας Ws. Nearly all witnesses read περι for υπερ with the exception of 𝔓66.75.106vid ‫ *א‬B C* Ws. ειπον εγω 1071; ειπον υμιν οτι W s; ειπον υμιν f 13. εγνων 579; the expected nomen sacrum ι(σρα)ηλ or ισ(ραη)λ was probably used although the length of the line allows for the noun to have been written in its entirety. εγω ηλθον C* 700.

βαπτιζων 579; τω υδατι (𝔓66 ‫ א‬f 1 samss) cannot be ruled out. 565 om. και μενον; επ᾽αυτω Ws. αυτος for ουτος A 1424; εν τω πνευματι L N 33 579; τω αγιω 579. αγιω και πυρι 𝔓75vid C* sa. 6 εορακα 𝔓75 𝔐 K P Ws Θ Π 28 33; εορακα αυτον G* 124. 7 αυτος εστιν 124; only ‫ *א‬b e ff* sys.c read ο εκλεκτος του θεου with P.Oxy. II 208, all other witnesses read ο υιος του θεου. The reading o εκλεκτος is restored based on the consideration of an average line length and where the papyrus is currently broken off. It is possible that the papyrus read ο υιος, but one would need to assume that υιος was not abbreviated. 8 The omission of παλιν appears reasonable based on the conclusion that a significantly longer line would be created through its inclusion. παλιν ειστηκει B C 𝔐 K L M N U Θ Λ Π f 1 2 157 565 700 788 1346 1424; παλιν ιστηκει 𝔓66 Α F H P Δ f 13 33; ειστηκει 𝔓75 Γ b e r1 sys.c.p bo; παλιν ιστηκι ‫ א‬Ws; ιστηκει Ψ 28 1071; ιστηκη παλιν 579; the article is om. before Ιωαννης in 𝔓75 Β L 28; Ιωανης B. 11–12 ιδε ο Χριστος ο αμνος G Λ 124 788; following θεου some witnesses add ο αιρων την

2 4 5

50

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

αμαρτιαν του κοσμου 𝔓66* C* 892* 1241 a aur ff2 or α ερων τας αμαρτιας του κοσμου Ws; ‫ *א‬Ψ f 1 69 om. και before ηκουσαν. ηκουσαν αυτω 69; ηκουσαν αυτου A Cc 𝔐 K M N P U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 2 118 565 700 1241 1424 lat syh; ηκουσαν αυτου οι δυο μαθηται αυτου 28; αυτου δυο μαθηται 1346; οι δυο μαθηται αυτου 𝔓66vid ‫ א‬Β; αυτω οι δυο μαθηται αυτω 69; οι δυο αυτου μαθηται 𝔓66.75 C* L Ws Ψ 083 33 579. 13 δε following στραφεις om. ‫ *א‬E F H M Γ Λ Ω 2 28 083. 14 ακολουθησα 𝔓55; ακολουθουντας αυτω 𝔓66 C* 1241 it vgcl.ww. 15 Dots above αυ of αυτω may indicate the scribe intened to remove it, but the removal of αυτω would create a unique reading. τινα for τι Θ f 13; ειπον ‫ א‬A Cc L 𝔐 Δ Θ Π Ψ Ω f 1.13 28 33 1071 and others. 16 ραββει 𝔓66.75 ‫ 𝔐 א‬K P Ws Θ Λ 2 118 1424. 16–17 μεθερμηνευομενον 𝔓66.75 ‫א‬c A Β C L N Ws Ψ 33 157 892 1071 1424; ερμηνευεται f 1 118 it vgms; μεθερμηνεβωμενον 579. 18 ιδετε ‫ א‬A Cc 𝔐 K M N P U Γ Θ Λ Π f 13 2 28 69 157 565 700 892 1071 1241 1424 latt samss bo; ιδατε Δ; ηλθον ‫ א‬Α Bc 𝔐 K L M Ν P U Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 2 28 33 69 157 565 579 700 1071 1424. 19 ουν om. 𝔐 K M P U Γ Δ Π f 1 2 28 69 565 700 1241 1424 lat syh. Only 𝔓66.75 B* C Ws read ειδαν, all other witnesses read ειδον. 20 εμεινον P; εκεινην την ημεραν f 13. 21 ην δε A Ws Λ f 13 2c 28 579 1424; εκτη for δεκατη A. 22 The restoration of the missing text is made more difficult because the ms tradition is nearly unanimous at this point of John 1:40 (Ανδρεας ο αδελφος Σιμωνος Πετρου εις εκ των δυο). A. S. Hunt’s conjecture that the omission of Πετρου would adequately restore the line without creating a line that is several letters too long is still plausible, and it may also be that a correction to the line was made above it, thus restoring the missing text. των om. ‫ *א‬C; δυo των om. 1071. 23 Ιωανου Β; ηκολουθησαντων 𝔓75.

→

1–2 3 4 5 6–7

6–11 7 8 9

ληψεται 𝔐 K L M S U Γ Δ Θ Π Ψ Ω f 1.13 2 28 69 118 157 565 700 1071 1424; δοξασει Λc; ληψεται και αναγγελει υμιν οm. Λ* 69; αναγγελλει ‫ ;א‬αναγκελει 118. 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬sams boms om. John 16:15. ειπον υμιν ‫א‬c L N Θ 118 1071 it sys.p.h** sams ly bopt. λημψεται ‫ א‬A; ληψεται Y K Π 2 1424; αναγγελλει ‫א‬c; αναγκελει 118. The surviving witnesses favor μικρον, but ‫א‬, B, and D read μεικρον, which Hunt conjectured in the ed. pr.; the line length favors ουκετι and not ου. ου is the reading of A 𝔐 K M U Γ Δ Π f 13 2 28 69* 118 157 565 579 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 a d e sys.p. μεικρον only B and D; following οψεσθε με it is uncertain how P.Oxy. XV 1781 continued through to the end of the line. The final ν at the end of the line is secure and thus it is most likely that the papyrus read οψεσθε με ειπαν following 𝔓66 Β W (ειπαν ‫ א‬D L 1071). The problem is that following ειπαν the space permits a longer reading than ουν εκ των μαθητων and one would expect roughly 15 letters between the ending of l. 6 and the place where the text begins again with μαθητων. The 𝔐 text reading υπαγω προς τον πατερα is perhaps possible assuming the use of the nomen sacrum; K is unique here: ειπον ουν προς αλληλους εκ των μαθητων αυτου. 69 om. John 16:17. μαθητων αυτου τινες 579; μαθητων αυτων αυτου Λ. τι εστι Β S U f 13 1 28 118 157 565 700 788 1582. υμιν for ημιν 788; μεικρον B D; line length suggests ου in place of ουκετι (D W Ψ 33 124 1582); θεωριται 𝔓66; οψεσθε D.

New Testament Texts [9]

51

10–11 μεικρον B D; H 118 1346 om. και; ω for οτι ‫ ;*א‬οτι om. W; εγω added before υπαγω D G* 𝔐 H K U W Γ Δ Θ f 1 2 28 157 892s 1241 1424 (f) syh sa ly bo. 11 πατερα om. N*; ελεγον ουν om. D* it sys. 12 The word order varies between τι εστιν τουτο (𝔓66 ‫ א‬Β etc.) and τουτο τι εστιν (A 𝔐 etc.). P.Oxy. XV 1781 almost certainly om. ο λεγει before μικρον (𝔓66 ‫ *א‬D* W f 1.13 1 69 124 565 579 it sa pbo); μικρον (om. το) 𝔓66 ‫א‬c L Ψ 33 124 892s 1071 etc.; το μικρον ‫ *א‬Α 𝔐 K M U W Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 2 28 69 etc.; το μεικρον D. 13 Only B om. τι λαλει; ο λεγει for τι λαλει D* Θ (τιη λεγει) a r1; εγνοι W; δε added following εγνω Y U Θ Π 157 579 l 844; ουν added following εγνω Α 𝔐 Κ Μ Ν Γ Δ Λ Ψ f 13 2 28 69 118 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 1582c. Τhe omission of the definite article before Ιησους also occurs in B L W 1071, all other witnesses read ο Ιησους; οτι οτι D*; ημελλον και ηθελον 𝔓66*; ημελλον without ηθελον 𝔓66c ‫ א‬W 69 579 (εμελλον) c ff2. 14 ερωταν αυτον 1071; ερωτισαι 2; αυτον περι τουτου ερωταν Θ; αυτον επερωτησαι περι τουτου D. 𝔓66* om. και before ειπεν; A οm. αυτοις. 15 προς αλληλους N. 16 μεικρον B D, all others read μικρον; ουκετι for ου Θ 565 1582; ου θετω for ουκετι, probably in error 33. 17 Only B and D read μεικρον, all other witnesses read μικρον. 18 A small group of minuscules do not repeat αμην (69 788 1346). 18–19 κλαυσηται ‫ *א‬N*. 19 θρηνησητε ‫ *א‬28; θρηνησηται Ν*; πενθησετε in place of θρηνησετε Λc (και θρηνησετε om. in Λ*) 124. 20–21 χαρησεσθε 69; υμεις δε ‫א‬c A 𝔐 K L M N* U W Γ Δ Θ Π Ψ f 13 2 28 33 69 118 124 157 565 579 700 788 892s 1071 1241 1346 1424 1582c l 844 aur vg syh samss boms; the scribe apparently wrote λοιπηθη[σεσθε] and then corrected it to read λυπηθη[σεσθε] by altering the ι to υ. 21 αλλα δε 2*; ημων 2 33 579. 22 γενηται Κ; τικτει H N Y Λ 2 28 118 124 788 1346 1424. The reading of the papyrus is unique here: λοιπην instead of λυπην. Combined with a similar error in l. 20, this singular reading may suggest aural confusion on the part of the scribe. In both instances λυπ- was confused for λοιπ-. 23 ηλθεν η ημερα 𝔓66 D it sys.p ly; ηλθεν αυτης η ωρα 579. 24 γενηση Α Ν; το om. 1 565 1582*. 25 μνημονεβει 579; the majority of other witnesses read θλιψεως, but 𝔓66 and B read θλειψεως ; θλιψεως αυτης 157; λυπης for θλιψεως D 579 c. 26–27 εγενηθη C; ο ανθρωπος ‫ א‬157 579 27–1 νυν μεν ουν ‫ ;*א‬ουν λυπην μεν νυν Α Cc 𝔐 K Ν Υ Δ Θ Π 2c 28 118 157 788; λυπην μεν νυν U; ουν λυπην μεν ουν Γ Λ 124; μεν λυπην μεν νυν 69; λυπην μεν 579; νυν ουν λυπην 1346; ουν λυπην 1424; λυπην μεν εχετε νυν 700; μεν ουν λυπην νυν f 13.

↓

2 3 4 5 7

οψωμε 2*; οψωμαι 579; προς υμας 1346; ημων 579. και om. 𝔓66*; ημων 579. αφερει W; ερει N; αιρει 𝔓22 ‫ א‬A C Dc 𝔐 K L M U Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1 579 1071 1424 etc.; και om. 1071; εν om. W Θ 579. εμε om. 579; ερωτησηται ‫ א‬2; ερωτησητε Λ 579; επερωτησηται 1071. τι εαν for αν τι 𝔓22; οτι ο αν for αν τι ‫ ;א‬οτι αν for αν τι A W; εαν τι for αν τι D* Ψ; οτι εαν τι for αν τι Dc; οτι ο εαν for αν τι Y Θ Π 33 1241 l 844; οτι οσα εαν for αν τι K M; ο εαν for αν τι Ν; οτι οσα αν for αν τι 𝔐 U Γ Δ Λ f 1 28 69 124 157 565 579 700 788 892s1071 1424.

52

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

Οnly a few witnesses attest the word order of P.Oxy. XV 1781 (𝔓22.66? ‫ א‬B C* L Δ l 844 sa ly), all other witnesses read εν τω ονοματι μου δωσει υμιν (118 δωσει υμιν οnly). 8 εως αρτι ουκ ητησατε οmitted, probably as a simple copying error. A correction is made at the bottom of the page indicating the omission and including enough text to signal the place of insertion; [αι]τησασθαι 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬579; αιτηασθαι W. 9 ληψεσθε C 𝔐 K M U Γ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1 2 28 33 69 124 157 565 700 788 1071 1346 1424; λημψεσθαι W Δ; ημων 579. 9–10 ει πεπληρωμενη U; πεπληρωμενη ην W; η πληρωμενη Δ. 11 λαληκα Δ; αλλ’ (Α Cc Dc 𝔐 E K M N U S Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ f 13 2 28 118 124 565 700 892s1071 1241 1346 1424 l 844 c f q r1 syh ly) or αλλα (Θ 157) are possible before ερχεται. 12 οπου for οτε ‫ ;*א‬οτι for οτε E S Γ. 13 υμειν, the reading of the papyri (𝔓22.66) and D, all others υμιν; αλλα εν D 579; παρησια B* D; παρα for περι 579. 14 λαλησω υμειν απαγγελω 𝔓66; απαγγελλω ‫ ;*א‬αναγγελω Cc 𝔐 N Γ Δ Λ Ψ f 1 2 69 118 124 565 700 788 1346 1424; υμειν 𝔓66 D. 15–16 ημερα αιτησασθαι εν τω ονοματι μου ‫ ;*א‬ημερα αιτησασθε εν τω ονοματι μου W f 1 565 (αιτησεσθε); αιτεισθαι εν τω ονοματι μου 579; αιτησησθε 1424. 16 ου om. H* L*. 17 εγω οm. N 1424; πατερα μου D 1424. περι υμων following πατερα is likely om. from P.Oxy. XV 1781. The reading is present in all other witnesses while D and 1424 also add μου following πατερα. 18 εμε υμεις 157; με for εμε ‫ א‬Α* L; 565 om. υμεις. 19 L om. και πεπιστευκατε. The line is rather short but no variants exist that would provide an explanation for the shorter line. 20 παρα του Β C D 𝔐 K L M U W Δ Λ Π Ψ f 1 2 28 565 700 788 1071 etc.; πατρος for θεου ‫א‬c B C* D L l 844 (ff2) co; εξηλθον και ημιν 69; εξηλθον και ηκω 124 788 1346; Γ om. εξηλθον; 2nd εξηλθον om. D W Γ Δ 579 b ff2 sys ly pbo. 21 εκ for παρα B C* L Ψ 33; θεου for πατρος 124; ηλθον for εληλυθα D. 22 και παλιν Θ; αφιημιν 579. 23 πατερα μου H. 24 αυτω οm. following λεγουσιν 𝔓60.66vid ‫ א‬B C* N Θ Λ Π Ψ 1 157 565 1582* e q vgmss syh; μαθηται αυτω ‫ ;*א‬αυτου om. W 565 579; εν om. ‫א‬c Α Ccvid 𝔐 Κ L M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 1 2 28 33 565 579 700 892s1071 1241 1582c l 844. 26 νυν εγνωκαμεν for νυν οιδαμεν 69 788 1346; οιδαμεν ουν 𝔓66. 7–8

↓ 1

3–4 4 9 10 11 12

μνημειον G K U Θ Ψ Ω* f 13 2 33 69 118 157 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424; the witnesses are divided on the word order of εξω κλαιουσα and there is insufficient evidence to determine the reading of the papyrus. ‫ א‬e om. δυο; καθεζομενους εν λευκοις ‫ א‬pbo bo; εν λευκοις καθεζομενους om. Ds; λευκεις 118. A few mss have the accusative την κεφαλην (Κ 565* 579). οιδαμεν (Θ 1* 565 1582) would create an unexpectedly long line; τεθεικαν D; τεθεικασιν W. και ταυτα 𝔐 K M U Δ Λ f 13 2 28s118 700 892s1241 1424 1582c sys; ταυτα δε L; επουσα Δ 700. ειδεν for θεωρει W 579. ο Ιησους Λ (1st); ο Ιησους (2nd) A D 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1 050 2 33 700 1071 etc. and the majority of other witnesses, although it is impossible to know in either instance whether the papyrus contained the definite article.

New Testament Texts [10]

53

κλαιοις 1346; εκεινοι f 13. ει συ ει ο βαστασας ‫ ;*א‬εβασταξας W; ηρες for εβαστασας D. τεθεικας D; αυτον εθηκας 𝔐 Ν Δ Π 2. αρω αυτον W. ο Ιησους ‫ א‬A 𝔐 G K M N U W Γ Δ Λ Ψ Π f 1.13 2 28s 33 69 118 157 565 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 l 844 l 2211; Μαρια A D 𝔐 G K M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Ψ f 13 2 28s 69 118 157 700 892s 1071 1241 1424. 18–19 ραββουνει B N 1424; ραββουνι ‫ א‬A 𝔐 K L M U W Δ Λ Π f 1 2 28s 33 157 1071; ραββωνει D; ραβουνι Ψ Ω f 13 69 118 124 565 700 788; ραββωνι Θ. The textual tradition immediately following ραββουνι (and variants) is fairly static. The inclusion of λεγεται διδασκαλε λεγει αυτη Ιησους, the reading of NA28 would create an extraordinarily long line. ο λεγεται κ(υρι)ε is possible but impossible to confirm. 20 μη απτου μου B.

13 15 16 16–17 17

→

D 078 om. ο. ‫ *א‬om. αυτοις; ταυτα for τουτο W. εδειξε και A B; εδειξεν αυτοις 𝔐 K L M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 2 28s 33 69 118 124 157 565 700 788 892s 1071 1241 1424 l 844 lat sy; ‫ א‬D W om. αυτοις. Τhe addition of και τους ποδας (f 13 565) can probably be ruled out based on the consideration of line length. 4–5 αυτου 𝔓66conj. 𝔐 K L M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 13 2 33 69 118 124 157 700 788 892s 1071 1241 1424 b c r1 sy; 565 om. και την πλευραν αυτοις; Ν f 1 1 l 844 lat om. αυτου; δε οι μαθηται 1 565 1582*; N om. οι; μαθηται αυτου D. 10 B a e f r1 sys.p read αν τινος and a small handful read εαν τινων (A D 124 788), all others read αν τινων. αφιετε 1424. 11 αφειονται B* Ψ (αφιωνται); αφιενται Bc 𝔐 Κ M N U* W Γ Δ Λ Π 078 2 33 69 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 sy; αφεθησεται ‫ *א‬q sa ly pbo; αφεονται L Uc 157; αφηεντε Θ; εαν δε ‫;*א‬ εαν A D f 1 124* 565 788 1346; τινος Β; κρατηνται ‫ ;*א‬κρατησετε D*; κρατησητε Dc. 12 κεκρατητε 124*; ουν for δε f 1. 13 Δυδιμος f 13. 14 εκει μετ’ αυτων L; ποτε ηλθεν Δ; ουν ηλθεν ‫ ;*א‬ο Ιησους A K L W 𝔐 Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ Ω f 1.13 050 078 565 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 l 844. 15–16 If ουν is indeed om. following ελεγον the only other witness that attests to the omission is ‫*א‬, which also om. αλλοι preceding μαθηται; there is insufficient evidence to distinguish between the two forms εορακαμεν and εωρακαμεν. οτι εωρακαμεν D. 16 Ψ om. αυτοις. 17 ειδω 𝔓66 1071; ιδωμεν Κ*; χειρας for χερσιν D; αυτον for αυτου 118; τυπους 𝔓66 565; τοπον Ν. 1 3 4

Date: III

10 P.Oxy. X 1228 (𝔓22) John 15:25–16:2, 21-32 18.5 × 5.0 cm TM no. 61629; Van Haelst 0459

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri X (London, 1914), 14–16 (no. 1228); P. W. Comfort and C. K. Barrett

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

54

(eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 109–10. Related Literature: E. M. Schofield, “The Papyrus Fragments of the Greek New Testament” (Ph.D. diss., Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1936), 199; K. Aland, Studien zur Überlieferung des Neuen Testaments und seines Textes (Berlin, 1967), 114; C. H. Roberts and T. C. Skeat, The Birth of a Codex (Oxford, 1987), 39–40 n. 28; K. Aland and B. Aland, The Text of the New Testament (trans. E. F. Rhodes; Grand Rapids, 1989), 97; P. M. Head, “The Habits of New Testament Copyists: Singular Readings in Early Fragmentary Papyri of John,” Biblica 85 (2004): 406. Introduction Very little of these fragments remain, thereby making any reconstruction of the lines of text virtually impossible. Thus, suggestions regarding variants based on reconstructed line lengths cannot be confidently made. Originally, these two columns of text belonged to a single papyrus roll, one that probably contained the Gospel of John in its entirety. The height of the columns and the average number of letters per line is not known, and thus it is not known how large the original papyrus roll was. A broad estimate suggests about 30 letters per line. The handwriting is an informal upright uncial that B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt described as “approximating nearer to cursive.” Despite these limitations, the papyrus is interesting with regard to a few points. The scribe uses the usual nomina sacra, diaeresis is also used, but there is otherwise no punctuation evident. The reverse of the papyrus is blank. This is surprising because the orientation of the papyrus fibers is opposite of what one would expect if the papyrus was originally used for the copying of the Gospel of John. C. H. Roberts and T. C. Skeat classified this papyrus as “eccentric” with respect to this unusual feature of fiber orientation. The reverse side of the papyrus, the side containing the main text, is written against the vertical fibers (↑) and not with the horizontal papyrus fibers (→) as one would anticipate. Perhaps the papyrus was reused for copying John, and the text of the reverse is not preserved for this particular 5 cm wide fragment. The papyrus agrees with B and other witnesses at John 15:25 in reading αὐτῶν γεγραμμένος instead of γεγραμμένος ἐν τῷ νόμῷ αὐτῶν and in the omission of the definite article ὁ before ἄνθρωπος at John 16:21. The papyrus diverges from B at John 16:26 in reading παρά in place of ἐκ. col. 1

↓

αὐ]τῶν γεγραμμέ[νος ] ὅταν ἔλθῃ ὁ πα [̣ ράκλητος ὑμ]ῖν παρὰ τοῦ π(ατ)ρ(ό)ς [ τοῦ] π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς ἐκπορεύ̣ ε̣ [̣ ται,

15:25 15:26

New Testament Texts [10]

5

ἐ]μο̣ ῦ· καὶ ὑμ[εῖς ἐ]μο̣ ῦ ἐστε. Τ[αῦτα σκανδ]αλισθῆτε. [ ἔ]ρ̣χε ̣ται ὥρ[α

__________ 5. pap. ϋμεις.

55

15:27 16:1 16:2

col. 2

↓ 5

10

γ]υ̣νὴ ὅταν̣ τίκτ̣ῃ̣ λ̣ύπ[ην αὐ]τ̣ῆ̣ ς ̣· ὅ̣ταν δὲ γεν̣ν̣ή[σῃ μνημο]νεύει τῆς θλί ̣ψ̣εω [̣ ς ἐγενν]ή̣ θη ἄν(θρωπ)ος εἰ ς̣ τὸν κ [̣ όσμον. μ]ὲ ̣ν λύπην ἔχετ̣ε· [ χαρή]σεται ὑμῶν ἡ κ α̣ ρ[δία, οὐ]δ̣εὶς αἴρει ̣ ἀφ’ [ὑ]μῶ ̣ ̣ν. [ οὐ]κ ἐρωτήσετ̣ε ̣ [οὐ]δέ[ν. ] τ̣ι ἐὰ ̣ν̣ αἰτήσ̣[ητε ] ὑμῖ̣ ̣ν̣. ἕω [̣ ς] ἄ ρ̣ ̣τ̣ι ̣ [ ὀνό]μ̣α̣τί μο̣υ [

16:21

16:22 16:23 16:24

__________ 3. pap. θλειψεως. 6. pap. ϋμων. 10. pap. ϋμιν.

3 lines are missing. 15

20

25

π](ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς [ἀ]π[α]γ̣γε̣ λ̣ ῶ ̣ ̣ [ὑμῖν. ἐ]ν̣ τ̣ῷ̣ ὀ̣ν̣[όματ]ί ̣ μ [̣ ο]υ̣ α ἰ̣ ̣τ̣ή̣ [σεσθε ἐγ]ὼ ἐρω[τήσ]ω ̣ τ̣[ὸ]ν̣ π(ατέ)ρα [ ] π̣(ατ)ὴ̣ [ρ φιλεῖ] ὑμᾶ[ς, ὅ]τ̣ι ̣ ὑμ [̣ εῖς κα]ὶ π [̣ επιστε]ύκα ̣τ̣[ε] ὅτι ἐγ[ὼ ἐξῆλθο]ν̣. ἐξ [̣ ῆ]λ θ̣ ο̣ ̣ν παρὰ τοῦ π [̣ (ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς τ]ὸν [κόσμον·] πάλιν ἀ[φίημι ] π̣ρ[̣ ὸς] τ̣[ὸ]ν̣ [ ] ἴδ̣ ε̣ [ οὐ]δ̣εμί [̣ αν] λ[έγεις. πά]ντ[α] κα ὶ̣ οὐ χρεί[αν τ]ούτῳ [πισ]τεύο̣ μ̣ε[ν ἀπ]ε̣ κρί[θη] αὐτοῖς Ἰη̣ (σοῦ)[ς·] ἄ [̣ ρτι ] ὥ ρ̣ α [καὶ ἐ]λ̣ ή̣ λ̣ υ̣ θεν̣ [ ε]ἰ̣ς̣ τ[ὰ ἴ]δ̣ι̣α̣ κα[ὶ] ἐμ̣[ὲ __________ 18. pap. ϋμας; pap. ϋμεις.

16:25 16:26 16:27 16:28 16:29 16:30 16:31 16:32

56 col. 1 1 2 4 col. 2 1 2 3 4 5

6 7 8 9

10 11 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 26 27 28 29

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus The papyrus did not read γεγραμμενος εν τω νομω αυτων along with A E H K M S U Y Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ω f 13 2 118 157 700 892s 1241 1424. This is confirmed by αυτων preceding γεγραμμενος. οταν δε Α 𝔐 D G K L M U Γ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 2 33 157 565 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 l 844 (it) sy samss pbo bopt. πατρος μου D. τικτει H N Y Λ 2 28 118 124 788 1346 1424. αυτης η ωρα for η ωρα αυτης 579; γενηση A N. μνημονεβει 579; λυπης for θλιψεως D 579 c. ο ανθρωπος ‫ א‬157 579. μεν ουν λυπην ‫ ;*א‬λυπην μεν νυν A Cc K N U Y Δ Θ Π 𝔐 2 28 69 118 157 (λυπην μεν εχετε νυν 700) 788 892s 1241; λυπην μεν ουν Γ Λ 124; νυν ουν λυπην 1346; μεν ουν λυπην νυν f 13; λυπην μεν 579; ουν λυπην 1424; εξεται 𝔓66 ‫א‬c Α N W* 33 it vgmss; εχεται ‫ *א‬M Wc Γ 2* 579 1071 1346; εξετε D Y Θ Π Ψ 157; εξητε L. ημων 579. A small number of witnesses read αρει (𝔓5 B D* Sc Γ it vgcl.ww sa ly bo). W (αφερει) and N (ερει) have unique readings. ερωτησηται ‫ א‬2; ερωτησητε Λ 579; επερωτησηται 1071. P.Oxy. X 1228 either read οτι εαν or τι εαν, which in either case is a unique reading. Other witnesses read ο αν/εαν (‫ א‬N Y Θ Π 33 1241 l. 844) or οσα αν/εαν (𝔐 Κ Μ U Γ Δ Λ f 1.13 2 28 69 124 157 565 579 700 788 892s 1071 1424). αν τι 𝔓5 B C L; οτι αν A W; εαν τι D* Ψ. The ed. pr. printed υμε̣ιν̣ ̣ εω[ς] αρτι, a reading that is rather difficult to confirm. If indeed the reading is correct, then the final four letters should only be included with great hesitancy. ‫ א‬B C* L Δ read μου directly preceding εως αρτι. ονοματι με A*. πατρος λαλησω υμειν 𝔓66*; απαγγελλω ‫ ;א‬αναγγελω Cc 𝔐 N Γ Δ Λ Ψ f 1.13 2 69 118 124 565 579* 700 788 892s 1346 1424; αναγγελλω 1241. αιτησασθαι (αιτησασθε W f 1; αιτησεσθε 565; αιτεισθαι 579) εν τω ονοματι μου ‫*א‬. Ν 1424 om. εγω. οτι εμε υμεις 157; οτι εμε 565. L om. και πεπιστευκατε; 𝔓5 om. εγω. 2nd εξηλθον οm. Γ Δ 579; εξηλθον και ημιν εξηλθον 69; εξηλθον και ηκω εξηλθον 124 788 1346; D W b ff2 sys ly pbo om. εξηλθον παρα του πατρος; εκ του πατρος B C* L Ψ 33; θεου for πατρος 124. και παλιν Θ. γινωσκομεν for πιστευομεν 33. Only 𝔓66 B C W Θ 0109 om. the definite article before Ιησους. S om. ο Ιησους. εληλυθεν η ωρα ‫ ;*א‬και νυν εληλυθεν Cc Dc 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 28 69 124 157 565 579 700 788 892s 1071 1241 1346 1424 l 844 f q syp.h (pbo). καμε for και εμε 𝔓66 ‫ א‬Β C* L N Ψ f 1 565.

New Testament Texts [11]

Date: III

11 P.Oxy. XV 1780 (𝔓39) John 8:14-22 25.6 × 8.0 cm TM no. 61638; Van Haelst 0448

57

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XV (London, 1922), 7–8 (no. 1780); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 147–49. Related Literature: K. Aland, Studien zur Überlieferung des Neuen Testaments und seines Textes (Berlin, 1967), 105; E. G. Turner, The Typology of the Early Codex (Philadelphia, 1977), 147; P. M. Head, “The Habits of New Testament Copyists: Singular Readings in Early Fragmentary Papyri of John,” Biblica 85 (2004): 406; M. A. Robinson, “Review of P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts,” TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism 6 (2001): 39–50, http://rosetta. reltech.org/TC/v06/CB2001rev.html; A.  M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 247–48; J. Chapa, “The Early Text of the Gospel of John,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 154. Introduction This small fragment from a single leaf of a papyrus codex preserves portions of a single narrow column of text. The page is numbered (p. 74, οδ) on the reverse, but there is no visible pagination on the front side. If, as seems likely, the scribe wrote the page number near the left-hand margin, the page number on the front side would have been lost through damage to the papyrus. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt argued that the papyrus may have been paginated every other page, but this does not seem necessary given where the number on the reverse appears. That the papyrus begins on page 73 at John 8:14 indicates that the original codex likely began with the Gospel of John where the first eight chapters would require about 73 pages on a codex of this size. The size of the codex fits well in Turner’s Group 8, and the original codex would have been rather tall and narrow in appearance. The handwriting of this fragment is noteworthy and shows the work of a professional scribe and great care in production. The writing is bilinear with the occasional exception of υ and ρ. Letters are of roughly the same size, and Grenfell and Hunt referred to the handwriting as “handsome.”10 There are no visible corrections 10

P.Oxy. XV p. 7.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

58

or punctuation apart from an initial diaeresis on the reverse at l. 39. The usual nomina sacra occur. The text agrees precisely with B except for the addition of τά before τήν in John 8:15 and the orthography of κρίνω (κρεινω). E. G. Turner dates the hand of P.Oxy. XV 1780 to the late third century (Typology, 147) and C. H. Roberts and T. C. Skeat date it to the first half of the third century.11

↓ 5

10

15

20

25

→ 30

11

[καὶ εἶπεν] α̣ὐτοῖς· [κἂν ἐγὼ μ]α ρ̣ τυρῶ [περὶ ἐμαυτ]οῦ, ἡ μαρ[τυρία μου] ἀ λ̣ ηθής [ἐστιν ὅτι ο]ἶδα πό[θεν ἦλθο]ν καὶ ποῦ [ὑπάγω· ὑ]με̣ ῖς δὲ [οὐκ οἴδατ]ε πόθεν [ἔρχομαι] ἢ ̣ ποῦ ὑπά[γω. ὑμεῖς] κατὰ τὴ(ν) [σάρκα κρ]ί ̣νετε, ἐγὼ [οὐ κρίν]ω ̣ οὐδένα. [καὶ ἐὰν κ]ρίνω δὲ [ἐγώ, ἡ κρ]ίσις ἡ ἐμὴ [ἀληθινή ἐ]στιν, ὅ[τι μόνος] οὐκ εἰ[μί, ἀλλ’ ἐγ]ὼ καὶ ὁ [πέμψας] με̣ π(ατ)ήρ. [καὶ ἐν τῷ] νόμῳ [δὲ τῷ ὑμ]ετέρῳ [γέγραπτ]αι ὅτι δύ[ο ἀν(θρώπ)ων ἡ] μαρτυρί[α ἀληθής] ἐστιν. ἐ[γώ εἰμι] ὁ μαρτ̣υ[ρῶν περὶ] ἐμαυτοῦ οδ καὶ μ[αρτυρεῖ περὶ] ἐμοῦ [ὁ πέμψας με] π(ατ)ήρ. ἔ[λεγον οὖν] αὐτῷ· [ποῦ ἐστιν ὁ] π(ατ)ήρ σο̣[υ; ἀπεκρίθη] Ἰη(σοῦ)ς· οὔ[τε ἐμὲ οἴδα-] τε οὔτ[ε τὸν π(ατέ)ρα μου·] εἰ ἐμὲ [ᾔδειτε, καὶ] Aland, Studien, 105 n. 4.

8:14

8:15 8:16

8:17

8:18

8:19

New Testament Texts [11]

35

40

45

50

τὸν π(ατέ)ρ[α μου ἂν ᾔ-] δειτε. Τ[αῦτα τὰ ῥή-] ματα ἐλ[άλησεν ἐν] τῷ γαζο[φυλακίῳ] διδάσκω[ν ἐν τῷ] ἱερῷ· κα[ὶ οὐδεὶς] ἐπίασ[εν αὐτόν, ὅ-] τι οὔπ[ω ἐληλύθει] ἡ ὥρα α[ὐτοῦ. Εἶπεν] οὖν πά[λιν αὐτοῖς·] ἐγὼ ὑπ[άγω καὶ ζη-] τήσετέ μ[ε, καὶ ἐν] τῇ ἁμαρτ̣ [ίᾳ ὑμῶν] ἀποθαν[εῖσθε· ὅ-] που ἐγὼ [ὑπάγω] ὑ]με̣ῖ ς̣ οὐ̣ [δύνασθε] ἐλθεῖν. ἔ̣[λεγον οὖν]

59

8:20

8:21

8:22

_________ 39. pap. ϊερω.

ειπεν αυτοις ο Ιησους for απεκριθη Ιησους και ειπεν αυτοις ‫א‬. και εγω f 13; καγω Θ. εμαυτω Λ. P.Oxy. XV 1780 confidently read η μαρτυρια μου αληθης εστιν with 𝔓75 B W 157 1424 b Epiph., the majority of witnesses read αληθης εστιν η μαρτυρια μου 𝔓66 ‫ 𝔐 א‬K L M N U Δ Ψ f 1 2 28 1071 and others. D is unique here: αληθεινη μου εστιν η μαρτυρια. 6 ερχομαι (for ηλθον 1071) would create an unusually long line. 7 δε is om. in ‫ א‬F H Yc K a samss bopt; a number of minor witnesses om. δε ουκ οιδατε ποθεν ερχορμαι και υπαγω Y* M S Δ Ω 28 33 69 579 1424. 9 εχομαι και for ερχομαι G; και που 𝔓75* ‫ א‬E F H L W Γ Θ f 13 2 565 700 892 1241 it ly pbo boms. 10 Δ 33 579 om. υμεις; τα την B; Δ Λ om. την. 11 κρινεται 𝔓66 W 2* 33 579 1071; κρεινετε Β D. 12 δε ου 𝔓75; κρεινω Β D W. 13 καν ‫ ;א‬εαν δε N; κρεινω B; δε κρινω f 13; δε εγω κρινω 69; G N 1071 1424 om. δε. 15 αληθης 𝔓66 ‫ 𝔐 א‬G K M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Ψ f 1.13 2 28 69 157 565 579 700 1071 1424; δικαια 544 vgmss syhmg. 15–24 F* 69 om. οτι μονος . . . εγω ειμι. 16 μονος εγω D. 18 ο πατηρ S; ‫ *א‬D sys.c om. πατηρ. 19 ‫ *א‬om. εν. 20 1071 om. δε. 21 γεγραμμενον εστιν ‫א‬. 23 εστιν αληθης 𝔓75. 24 Y* om. ο. 25 περι εμου U.

1 2 3 3–5

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

60 26 29 31 34 34–35 35 36 38–39 40 41 42 43 43 44–45 46 47–48 50

και περι εμου μαρτυρει 𝔓75*. ουτω for αυτω Θ. ο Ιησους ‫ א‬N S W Θ Ω f 13 33 69 1071 1241 Orlem; following Ιησους some witnesses add και ειπεν (‫ א‬28 700), or και ειπεν αυτοις D; ουδε for ουτε 𝔓75c. ‫ א‬1424 om. μου. ηδειτε αν ‫ 𝔐 א‬Κ Μ U Δ Θ Λ f 13 2 28 118 157 565 579 700 788 1424. ταυτα ουν 579; Δ om. τα. Some witnesses add ο Ιησους before εν τω (𝔐 M N U Δ Λ f 1.13 2 28 33 118 [Ιησους] 565 579 700 1071 1424). ‫ א‬om. διδασκων εν τω ιερω. επεβαλεν επ’ αυτω τας χειρας for επιασεν αυτον 28. ηλθεν for εληλυθει L. ελεγεν for ειπεν ‫ ;א‬ειπον F. ‫ א‬om. παλιν; 28 1071 om. αυτοις; αυτοις παλιν 1424. P.Oxy. XV 1780 confidently did not include the subject ο Ιησους following αυτοις together with 𝔓66*.75 ‫ א‬B D L T W b (e) ly pbo. All other witnesses read ο Ιησους. ζητειτε 69; following με some witnesses add και ουκ ευρησετε με Ν, και ουχ ευρησετε με f 1 565, και ουχ ευρησετε με 700, or ευρησετε 118. τη αμαρτιαν 𝔓75; ταις αμαρτιαις 1071. και οπου U f 1.13 118 565. και ελεγον 69.

Date: III

12 P.Oxy. LXV 4445 (𝔓106) John 1:29-35, 40-46 8.8 × 13.0 cm TM no. 61631

Material: Papyrus

Published: M. W. Haslam, A. Jones, F. Maltomini, M. l. West, et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXV (London, 1998), 11–14 (no. 4445); P.  W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 645–47. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 11–12; P. M. Head, “The Habits of New Testament Copyists: Singular Readings in Early Fragmentary Papyri of John,” Biblica 85 (2004): 403. Introduction With an average line length of 25 letters and an estimated 36 lines to the page, the original codex size would have been taller than it was wide, roughly 23–25 cm tall and 12–13 cm wide, and thus of Turner’s Group 8. The handwriting has been assigned to the third century based on parallels to P.Ryl. III 463 (the Gospel of Mary); Roberts, 20b (dated to 206); and to the Dictys Cretensis (P.Oxy.

New Testament Texts [12]

61

XXXI 2539), all of the third century.12 The surviving page represents the second in the codex, and the pages are numbered (γ, δ) in the top center above the first line of writing. It is estimated that the entire Gospel of John would occupy roughly seventy pages on a codex of this size. At places the papyrus is stained and quite difficult to read, and therefore a discussion of its unique contributions must proceed with some caution. The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra, although Ἰσραήλ is left uncontracted in l. 8. The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. First, it attests to several unique readings: ἐὰν instead of ἄν in John 1:33, the omission of οὗτος in John 1:41 (a reading that is also attested in one Latin manuscript), and the omission of τόν before Ἰησοῦν in John 1:42. Although these unique readings are rather insignificant to our overall understanding of the development of the text of the Gospel of John, they do demonstrate a tendency toward brevity on the part of the scribe or perhaps represented in his exemplar. Second, the possibility that the papyrus read ἠκολούθησαν is noteworthy. The reading would change the verb to an aorist indicative form while representing only a slight nuance in meaning. Unfortunately, the reading is too questionable for any particular confidence in the restoration. Third, the papyrus is witness to several readings for which it now provides the earliest attestation. At John 1:31 it shares the word order ἐγὼ ἦλθον with C, the oldest witness to do so. The omission of λέγων in John 1:32 (with ‫ )א‬is likewise the earliest attested witness. Finally, perhaps the most significant reading of the papyrus is at John 1:34 where in place of ὁ υἱός (“the son”) the papyrus reads ὁ ἐκλεκτός (“the chosen”) with ‫ א‬before it (‫ )א‬was corrected. The reading ὁ ἐκλεκτός is also widely attested in the versions, the Old Latin (b e ff 2*) and the Old Syriac (sys.c). This gives further strength to the notion that ὁ ἐκλεκτός is original and that it enjoyed widespread circulation. P. M. Head has argued that the error from ὁ ἐκλεκτός to ὁ υἱός is more understandable based on the scribe’s interest to harmonize with Johannine style and theology.13 Unfortunately, the reading is somewhat in doubt in this particular witness.

↓ 5

12 13

γ ἴδε ̣ ὁ ἀμ ̣νὸς τοῦ̣ [θ(εο)ῦ ὁ αἴρων τὴν] ἁμαρ̣τί α̣ ̣ν τοῦ κ[ό]σ̣μ [̣ ο]υ̣. ο̣[ὗτ]ό̣ς ἐστιν [ὑ]πὲ̣ ρ οὗ ἐγὼ εἶπο̣ [̣ ν· ὀ]πί̣ σ̣ ω ̣ μ [̣ ου] ἔρχ[ετ]α ι̣ ̣ ἀ ̣νὴρ ὃς ἔμπρ̣ο [̣ σ]θ̣έν μου γέγο̣[ν]εν̣, ὅτι πρῶ[τ]ός μο̣ [̣ υ] ἦν. κ ἀ̣ γ̣ ὼ ̣ ̣ οὐκ ̣ [ᾔ]δε ι̣ ̣ν̣ αὐτόν̣, [ἀλλ’] ἵ [̣ ν]α ̣ φανερωθῇ ̣ [τῷ Ἰσρα]ὴλ διὰ το̣[ῦ]το ἐγὼ ἦλθον

1:29 1:30 1:31

C. H. Roberts, Greek Literary Hands: 350 B.C.–A.D. 400 (Oxford, 1956), 206 no. 20b. Head, “Habits of New Testament Copyists,” 403.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

62

10

15

20

→ 25

30

35

40

[ἐν ὕδα]τ̣ι βαπτίζ ω ̣ ν̣. Κ α̣ ὶ ἐμαρτύ̣[ρησεν Ἰ]ωάννη̣ [ς] ὅ̣τι τεθέα μ ̣ αι τὸ π̣ν(εῦμ)α ̣ κ α̣ ταβαῖ ̣ν̣[ο]ν̣ ὡς ̣ περ̣ιστερ̣ὰν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ καὶ ἔμ[εινε]ν ἐ ̣π ̣’ [αὐ-] τ̣όν. κἀγὼ οὐκ ᾔδει ̣ν̣ αὐ̣ [̣ τό]ν̣, ἀ [̣ λλ’ ὁ̣ πέμψας με βαπτίζειν [ἐν τῷ] ὕ̣δατι ἐκεῖνός μοι εἶπεν· [ἐφ’ ὃν] ἐ ὰ̣ ν ἴδῃς τὸ πν(εῦμ)α καταβα[ῖνον] [κ]αὶ μένο̣ν̣ ἐ ̣π̣ ’ α̣ ὐ ̣τόν, οὗτός [ἐστιν] [ὁ] βαπτί ζ̣ ω̣ ν̣ [ἐ]ν̣ πν(εύματ)ι ἁγίῳ̣. [κἀγὼ] ἑώ ̣ ρακα κα̣ ὶ ̣ [με]μ̣ α̣ ρ̣τ ύρη̣ [κα ὅτι] ο̣ὗ ̣τός ἐστιν ὁ̣ [ἐ]κ λ̣ ε̣ κ̣ [̣ τὸς τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ.] Τ̣ῇ̣ ἐπα̣ύ̣ρ̣ι̣[ον δ τ]ῶν δύο τῶν ἀκου̣ [σάντω]ν παρὰ ̣ Ἰωάννου κ̣ αὶ η. . . [. . .] . αν αὐτῷ· εὑρίσκ[ει] πρῶτο̣[ν τὸ]ν̣ ἀδελφὸ̣ν̣ τὸν ἴδιον [Σί]μων[α] κ α̣ ὶ̣ λέγει αὐτ[ῷ]· εὑ̣ ρήκαμε[ν] τὸν Μ[ε-] σ̣ σ̣ίαν, ὅ ἐστ̣ιν̣ ̣ [με]θερμηνευ[ό]μ̣ ε̣ν̣ο̣ [ν] Χρ̣(ιστό)ς. ἤγαγεν α[ὐ]τ̣ὸν πρὸς Ἰη̣ (σοῦ)[ν. ἐμβλέ-] ψ̣ας αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς εἶπεν· σὺ ε [̣ ἶ Σίμων ὁ] υ̣ἱ ὸ̣ ς Ἰωάννου, [σ]ὺ κληθή[σῃ Κηφᾶς,] ὃ ἑρμηνεύ[ετα]ι Πέτ̣ρο̣ ς̣ .̣ Τ̣ῇ ἐπα [̣ ύ-] ρ̣ι ο̣ ̣ν̣ ἠ [̣ θέλ]η̣ σ̣ ε̣ν̣ ἐ ξ̣ ̣ ε̣ λ̣ θ̣ε̣ῖν εἰς τὴ̣ [ν Γα-] λ̣ ι̣λ̣ α̣ [ία]ν̣ καὶ εὑρίσκει Φίλιππον. κ[αὶ λέ-] [γει αὐ]τῷ ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς· ἀκολούθει μοι. ἦ̣ ν̣ δὲ ὁ [Φίλι]π ̣πος ἀπὸ Βηθσαιδά, ἐκ τῆ̣ [ς] [. .] . . . . Ἀνδρ̣έου καὶ Πέτρο̣υ̣. ε̣ [ὑ-] [ρίσκ]ε̣ι ̣ Φίλιππος τὸν Ναθαναὴ[λ καὶ] [λέγ]ε̣ι αὐτῷ· ὃν ἔ γ̣ ρ̣ α ̣ψεν̣ Μ ω ̣ [̣ υσῆς ἐν] [τῷ νό]μῳ καὶ ο̣ἱ ̣ π̣ ρ̣οφ ̣ ῆται ε̣ [ὑρή-] [καμε]ν̣, Ἰ ̣η(σοῦ)ν υἱὸ[ν] τοῦ Ἰωσὴφ [τὸν] [ἀπὸ Ναζα]ρ̣έθ. κ̣ α̣ ὶ ̣ εἶπεν α̣ ὐ [̣ τῷ] [Ναθαναήλ· ἐκ Ναζαρ]ὲ̣θ̣ δ̣[ύ]νατ̣[αί]

1:32

1:33

1:34 1:35 1:40 1:41

1:42 1:43 1:44 1:45

1:46

____________ 8. pap. ισραελ’. 15. The ο of μοι was corrected from ι. 23. pap. ϊωαννου. 30. pap. ϊωαννου. 35. pap. βηθ’σαϊδα. 40. pap. υϊον L; pap. ϊωσηφ.

2 2–3 4

Μ om. ιδε. τας αμαρτιας W s. περι for υπερ ‫א‬c A Cc 𝔐 G* K L M N P U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 0101 2 28 33 157 565 579

New Testament Texts [12]

7 8 9 10 11–12

12 13 14–15 16 17 18 19 20 22 23–24 24 24–25 26–27 27 28 28–29 29 29–30 31 32 32–33 34 35 36 37 38

63

700 892 1071 1241 1424 l 2211 Epiph.; G* om. ειπον; ειπον εγω 1071; following ειπον Ws adds υμιν οτι and f 13 adds υμιν. εγνων for ηδειν 579. εγω ηλθον C* 700 b bo and P.Oxy. LXV 4445, all others read ηλθον εγω (28 157 om. εγω). εν τω A 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Π f 13 2 28 157 565 700; βαπτιζιν, probably in error, W s. o Ιωαννης Cc G M U f 13 69 124 788; Ιωανης Β L; P.Oxy. LXV 4445 om. λεγων following Ιωαννης with ‫ *א‬e. The traces of ink are rather difficult to discern in the middle of the line but πνευμα ως περιστεραν καταβαινον εκ του (‫ )א‬can probably be ruled out. A number of witnesses read ωσει for ως 𝔓66 K M P U Y Δ Λ Π f 1.13 0101 28 157 700 892 1071 1241 1424 l 2211. The superscript over the nomen sacrum was probably included, but it is no longer visible on the papyrus. εκ του ουρανου ‫ א‬f 1; μενον for εμεινεν ‫ א‬Ws; ερχομενον for εμεινεν 1424. και εγω ‫ ;א‬ουκ ηδειν αυτον om. in 579; Α* οm. αυτον. βαπτιζων 579; a small number of witnesses read εν τω υδατι (𝔓66 ‫ א‬f 1 samss Orpt), the likely reading of this papyrus. εαν is unique to P.Oxy. LXV 4445, all others read αν. 565 οm. και μενον; αυτω Ws; αυτος for ουτος A 1424. τω πνευματι L N; τω πνευματι τω αγιω 33 579; αγιω και πυρι C* sa Or (an addition resulting from harmonization to Matt 3:11). εορακα 𝔓75 𝔐 Κ P Ws Θ Π 28 33; εορακα αυτον G* 124. αυτος for ουτος 124; ‫ *א‬b e ff2 sys.c read o εκλεκτος (electus filius [a] ff2c sa), all other witnesses read ο υιος. 1071 om. των δυο; ‫ *א‬C om. των (2nd); Ιωανου B. The suggestion by W. E. Cockle that the papyrus should be restored ηκολ[ουθη]σαν (𝔓75 ηκολουθησαντων) makes the best sense of the surviving traces of ink although this restoration creates a unique reading. τω Ιησου for αυτω G; του Ιησου Λ; αυτων 124; ευρεσκει B*; ευρεισκει Bc; all other witnesses read ευρισκει ουτος (αυτος Δ). The omission of ουτος is attested also in e (hic). πρωτος ‫ 𝔐 *א‬K L U Ws Γ Δ Λ 2 124 157 565 579 700 1071 1241; πρωτος πρωτος 28; πρωι b e (j) r1 sys; 1424 syc om. πρωτον. Μεσιαν 𝔐 G K L* M U Λ Π Ψ f 13 2 28 33 118 157 565 579 700 1071 1424. μεθερμηνευομενος L; μεθερμηνεβομενος 579. ουτος ηγαγεν 𝔓66c G f 1 bo Epiph.; και ηγαγεν A 𝔐 K M U Y Ws Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 13 2c 28 33 118 157 565 700 892 1071 1241 1424 lat sy samss; Χριστος ηγαγεν δε 579. The papyrus is unique in om. the definite article (τον) before Ιησουν. και εμβλεψας Ws a e q syc.p; εμβλεψας δε 𝔓75 S Δ Θ Λ f 13 33 69 788 892 1071 1241 1424 1582c (om. δε) lat syh* samss bo. Ιησους περιπατουντι λεγει ει συ ει 579. Θ 1 28 69 788 1582* οm. ο before υιος; Ιωανου B*; Ιωνα A Bc 𝔐 K M S U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ f 13 1 2 28 69 118 157 565 579 700 788 892 1071 1582 c q vglcl sy bomss Epiph.; Ιωαννα Θ 1241 vg. ος ερμηνευεται A. ο Ιησους εξελθειν G F H U Θc Ω f 13 2 28. Γαλειλαιαν Β Θ; Γαληλαιαν G; Γαλειλεαν Ws. F H M 2 33 69 700 1424 om. ο Ιησους; ‫ *א‬om. δε ο; F* 69 Ws f 13 565 om. ο. Βηθσαιδαν 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬f 13; Βηδσαιδα 𝔓75* Θ* 579; Βιθσαιδα Ψ 1071; ‫ *א‬om. εκ. The expected reading is πολεως Ανδρεου following all other mss, but the traces of ink do not appear to fit well with this reconstruction. Ανδραιου Ψ. Ναθανηλ Δ*; Ναθαηλ Λ*. Μωυσεις Θ; Μωσης ‫ א‬Α 𝔐 Μ U Δc f 1 2 69 157 565 700 788 1071 1346 1424.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

64 40 41 42

L om. Ιησουν; τον υιον A 𝔐 K L M S U Y Ws (om. υιον) Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 2 28 157 565 700 892 1241 1424 Orpt; 1071 om. υιον του Ιωσηφ τον; A K M Y Δ Π 1424 om. του; Ιησουν υιον Ιωσηφ 33; Ιωσηφ του απο S; Ισηφ 𝔓66*. Ναζαρετ 𝔓66 ‫ א‬Α Β H L Χ 118 157 565 579 1582; Ναζαραθ Δ; Ναρατ Θ; Ναναζαρεθ 69*; ‫ א‬a b e sys.p om. και. Ναθαηλ f 13; Ναζαρετ 𝔓66 ‫ א‬Α Β L Δ 118 157 565 579 1582; Ναζαρατ Θ; Ναζετ 1071.

Date: III

13 P.Oxy. LXV 4446 (𝔓107) John 17:1-2, 11 4.4 × 4.4 cm TM no. 61632

Material: Papyrus

Published: M. W. Haslam, A. Jones, F. Maltomini, M. L. West et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXV (London, 1998), 14–16 (no. 4446); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 648–49. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 13; P. M. Head, “The Habits of New Testament Copyists: Singular Readings in Early Fragmentary Papyri of John,” Biblica 85 (2004): 403. Introduction This small fragment from a papyrus codex is written in a semicursive that was written in a right sloping hand where the handwriting is largely bilinear. There are no ligatures, and the use of the nomina sacra is suggested by line length considerations. In the ed. pr., W. E. Cockle dated the papyrus to the third century and compared the handwriting to that of P.Oxy. XXXIII 2659 (II, List of Comic Poets and Their Plays). An average line of text contained an estimated 23 letters, and there were about 33 lines to the page. With so little surviving text, a reconstruction of the original dimensions of the codex are difficult, but a broad estimation would suggest that the codex was slightly taller than it was wide. There may be a rough breathing over εν on l. 15, and οὐρανόν is left uncontracted. Diaeresis over initial iota is present in two occasions. The papyrus preserves a singular reading with the addition of καί in the phrase ἵνα καὶ ὁ υ(ἱὸ)ς δοξάσῃ at John 17:1. Regarding this phrase, the witnesses that read καί also read σου following υἱός, whereas this papyrus departs with those witnesses by also omitting σου. At John 17:11 the papyrus provides the earliest witness to the reading of D following ἔρχομαι (οὐκέτι εἰμὶ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ, καὶ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ εἰμί, “I am no longer in the world, and I am in the world”). Additionally, at John 17:11 it agrees with B and a few other witnesses

New Testament Texts [13]

65

in reading καὶ ἡμεῖς, and it also preserves one agreement with W against all other witnesses δῷς αὐτῷ at John 17:2.

↓ 5

→

10

15

] καὶ ἐ̣π̣[άρας τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς αὐ-] [τοῦ εἰ]ς τὸν [οὐρανὸν εἶπεν· π(άτ)ερ, ἐ-] [λήλυ]θεν ἡ [ὥρα· δόξασόν σου] [τὸν υ(ἱό)ν,] ἵνα κ[αὶ ὁ υ(ἱὸ)ς δ]ο̣ξ[άσῃ σέ,] [καθὼ]ς ̣ ἔδωκας αὐτῷ ἐ [̣ ξουσίαν] [πάση]ς σαρκός, ἵνα πᾶν [ὃ δέδω-] [κας αὐ]τ̣ῷ δῷς α [̣ ὐ]τ̣ῷ ζω[ὴν] ]..[ ].[ ]....[ ] σὲ ἔρχ [̣ ομαι.] [οὐκέτι εἰμὶ ἐ]ν̣ τῷ [κόσμῳ,] [καὶ ἐν] τ̣ῷ̣ [κόσμῳ εἰ]μὶ . . [ἅ-] [γιε, τή]ρησον αὐτοὺς ἐν [τῷ ὀνό-] [ματί σο]υ ᾧ ἔδωκας μοι, [ἵνα] [ὦσιν] ἓ ̣ν καθὼς καὶ ἡ [̣ μεῖς.] ]..[

17:1

17:2

17:11

___________ 4. pap. ϊνα. 6. pap. ϊνα.

1

The reconstructed line is rather long, and perhaps an omission of some sort (αυτου?) can account for it. επηρεν A Cc 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ 28 118 157 209 700 l 844. 2 και ειπεν A Cc 𝔐 K M N U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ 0250 2 28 118 209 157 700 1346 l 844 sy; πατηρ N. 4 και om. ‫ א‬A B C* D W Θ f 1 565* 579; K om. ο before υιος; P.Oxy. LXV 4446 probably did not include σου following υιος (A Cc 𝔐 D G K L M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 1 2 28 33 118 157 565s 579 700 1071 1346 1424 0250 l 844 lat sy ly bo Orpt; δοξασει H M Y Δ Θ Ω 28 33 565s 579 1071 1424. The reading of P.Oxy. LXV 4446 ινα και ο υιος δοξαση is unique. All witnesses that contain και also read σου following υιος. 5 και καθως 124 788 1346; 69 om. αυτω. 6–7 εδωκας E G Η K S Y Δ Θ Λ Π Ω 2 565s. 7 δωσει for δως Β 𝔐 N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 13 0301 1 2 28 69 118 124 157 565s 579 700 788 892s 1241 1346 1424 1582c l 844; δωσω ‫ *א‬0109; δωση ‫א‬c A C G H K M S Ω 0250 33 1071 1582*; εχη D; only two witnesses read δως (L W), and only a small handful of witnesses read αυτω in the second instance (‫ *א‬W 0109 1 1582* f ff2), all others read αυτοις. 11–12 D (a c) r1 contain the expansion ουκετι ειμι εν τω κοσμω και εν τω κοσμω ειμι, while all other mss om. this phrase. The presence of this reading in the papyrus gives much earlier support for this text although P.Oxy. LXV 4446 does not follow D in adding και οτε ημην μετ᾽αυτων (εν τω κοσμω D*) εγω ετηρουν αυτους εν τω ονοματι σου (“and that I was with him [in the world], I watched over them in your name”) before ο εδωκας. 12 The line probably ends with π̣ α̣[τερ (πατηρ B N), and the traces of ink could fit this reading. 14 ο δεδωκας D* U 157 1424; ω δεδωκας 𝔓60.66vidA B C 𝔐 K Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 1 2 28 33 565s 700 1071 1241; ους δεδωκας Dc Nc 69 209 892s aur f q vg samss; ου εδωκας Ν*. 14–15 𝔓66* it ly om. ινα ωσιν εν καθως ημεις.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

66 15

‫ א‬A Bc C D 𝔐 K L M N U W Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ f 13 1 2 28 33 118 124 157 565s 788 1071 1424 1582* om. και.

Date: III

14 P.Oxy. LXV 4447 (𝔓108) John 17:23-24; 18:1-5 6.2 × 10.5 cm TM no. 61633

Material: Papyrus

Published: M. W. Haslam, A. Jones, F. Maltomini, M. L. West et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXV (London, 1998), 16–18 (no. 4447); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 650–52. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 13; P. M. Head, “The Habits of New Testament Copyists: Singular Readings in Early Fragmentary Papyri of John,” Biblica 85 (2004): 403. Introduction P.Oxy. LXV 4447 preserves two papyrus fragments that have been joined together from the bottom of a page from a third-century codex. The lower and left margins are preserved, and the handwriting is that of a well-executed, rounded biblical uncial. The overall heights of the line are rather consistent throughout the fragment with φ extending slightly above and below the line. The top of δ is curled into a small serif, and the tail of α can extend beneath the letter following it. For paleographic comparanda, W. E. H. Cockle noted P.Chester Beatty IX–X 183 (III, Ezekiel, Daniel, and Esther). Because the papyrus is written in metallic ink, an ink that is produced from a mixture of oak-galls and iron sulphate, it is very unlikely that it predates the third century. Line lengths vary considerably and may contain between 21 and 27 letters, for a rough estimate of about 24 letters per line. There were an estimated 23 lines per page, and the estimated size of the reconstructed codex is set at 18.5 cm tall and about 14.5 cm wide and thus in Turner’s Group 9. The usual nomina sacra are used, and diaeresis appears over initial iota and upsilon. Additionally, the papyrus preserves the common itacistic spelling of γινώσκῃ (l. 5). The papyrus attests to several interesting readings. At John 18:3 the papyrus almost certainly omitted ἐκ τῶν (before Φαρισαίων), a reading that is attested also in ‫א‬c A C 𝔐. This would be the earliest witness for the omission of ἐκ τῶν. The papyrus also agrees with ‫ א‬and others in reading Ἰησοῦς δὲ εἰδώς in John 18:4 instead of Ἰησοῦς οὖν εἰδώς with 𝔓60vid A B C and others. The papyrus does agree in one instance with B against D at John 18:2 in reading

New Testament Texts [14]

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παραδιδούς, and at John 17:24 it read ἔδωκας (an aorist indicative instead of the perfect indicative form δέδωκας) with B K N and others.

↓ 5

10

→

15

20

25

3 4–5

6 7 8

]ν . [ ...[ ἐν̣ [αὐτοῖς καὶ σὺ ἐν ἐμοί, ἵνα] ὦσ̣ι [̣ ν τετελειωμένοι εἰς ἕν, ἵνα] γιν[ώσκῃ ὁ κόσμος ὅτι σύ με ἀ-] πέστ[ειλ]α̣ ς ̣ κ̣ α̣ ὶ ̣ [ἠγάπησας αὐτοὺς] καθὼς ἐμὲ ̣ ἠ[γάπησας. Πάτερ, ὃ] δέδω[κ]άς μοι, [θέλω ἵνα ὅπου εἰ-] μὶ ἐγ̣ὼ κἀκεῖν[οι ὦσιν μετ’ ἐμοῦ,] ἵν[α θ]εωρῶσι [̣ ω τὴν δόξαν τὴν ἐ-] μὴ[ν,] ἣν ἔδ[ωκας μοι ὅτι ἠγάπη-] σάς με πρὸ κ[αταβολῆς] ]α̣ὐ̣τ̣[οῦ. Ἤι-] [δει δὲ καὶ Ἰούδας ὁ παρα]διδο̣ [ὺς αὐ-] [τὸν τὸν τόπον, ὅτι πολλά]κις συν[ή-] [χθη ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς ἐκεῖ μετὰ τῶν] μαθ̣η̣ [τῶν αὐτοῦ. ὁ οὖν Ἰούδας] λαβὼν τὴ[ν] [σπεῖραν καὶ ἐκ] τῶ [̣ ν ἀρχ]ιερέων [καὶ Φαρισαίω]ν ὑπηρέτας ἔρχε[ται ἐκεῖ μετ]ὰ ̣ φανῶν καὶ λαμπά[δων καὶ ὅπλ]ων. Ἰη(σοῦ)ς δὲ εἰδὼς [πάντα τὰ ἐρχ]ό̣μενα ἐπ’ αὐτὸν [ἐξελθὼν εἶπε]ν αὐτοῖς· τ̣[ί]να ζη[τεῖτε; ἀπεκρίθη]σαν αὐτ[ῷ·] Ἰη(σοῦ)ν [τὸν Ναζωραῖο]ν̣. λέγει αὐτοῖ [̣ ς·]

17:23

17:24

18:1-2

18:3

18:4 18:5

____________ 5. pap. γεινωσκη. 10. pap. ϊνα. 19. pap. ϋπηρετας.

συ εν εμοι καγω εν αυτοις “you in me and I in them” for [εγω] εν [αυτοις και συ εν εμοι] “I in them and you in me” D; εν εν 1. εις εις C*; το εν D; και ινα Α 𝔐 H K M N U W Y Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 13 1 2 28 157 565 579 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 1582 l 844 f q syp.h; 𝔓66 ‫ א‬W 1 579 1582* lat om. ινα and add και. It is equally possible that the line could be restored εις εν και γεινωσκη (𝔓66 ‫ א‬W 1 1582* read γινωσκη; 579 reads γινωσκει); γινωσκη 𝔓66 ‫ א‬A C 𝔐 L M N U W Δ Π Ψ 1 33 69 118 (γινωσκει) 124 157 579 (γινωσκει) 788 1582; γινωσκει H Κ Y Γ Λ f 13 2* 28 565 700 1071; γνω 1424. ηγαπησα D 0141 892s 1424 it vgmss syp bopt. συ με for εμε D; καμε for εμε W; ηγαπησαν 579; πατηρ A B N; ους for ο A C 𝔐 K L M N U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 2 28 33 157 565 700 892s 1071 1241 1424 l 844 lat syp.h sa pbo Cl; ου for ο Θ. εδωκας Α.

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

και εκεινοι A K N U W Π 157. θεωρωσιν 𝔓60. D om. την εμην. ην δεδωκας ‫ א‬A C D H L M U W Δ Ψ Ω f 1.13 28 33 565 579 700 1071 1424. μετα υπο for με προ Β*. G 124 om. δε; παραδιδων D; 1424* om. ο παραδιδους αυτον; αυτων for αυτον. 579 om. τον. συνεχθη και ο Ιησους Δ*; συνηχθη εκει ο Ιησους D 579; συνηχθη και ο Ιησους 𝔐 (Η) Γ Δc 2 28 892s; συνηχθη ο Ιησους A C K M Ν U W Θ Π Ψ f 1.13 33 118 124 157 565 700 1071 1241 1424 l 844; συνηχθη και Ιησους Λ. 16–17 Ιησους μετα των μαθητων αυτου εκει (“Jesus with his disciples [met] there”) B; εκει ο Ιησους μετα των μαθητων αυτου (“[met] there, Jesus with his disciples”) D 579. 17 παραλαβων N f 1 565; λαβων ολην f 13. 19 Only a small number of witnesses (‫ *א‬D L 579) include εκ before των Φαρισαιων. The length of the line suggests that this papyrus read και Φαρισαιων with ‫א‬c A C 𝔐 K M N U W Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 2 28 33 157 565 700 1071 1424. B reads και των Φαρεισαιων. The orthography of Φαρισαιων varies: Φαρεισαιων B C, Φαρισεων L; γραμματεων for Φαρισαιων 118. 19–20 εκει ερχεται U. 20–21 των φανων 1071; λαμπαδων και φανων N. 21 Ιησους ουν ειδως Α Β C 𝔐 Κ Μ N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π 2 28 118 700 892s 1241 1424 aurc e vg syh; Ιησους ουν ειδων D (δε for ουν) Ψ; ο δε Ιησους ιδων f 13 69 124 788; Ιησους ουν ιδων 157; Ιησους ειδως 579; ο δε Ιησους (om. ειδως) 1346. 22 τα επερχομενα Δ 28 1071 1424; f 13 om. τα. 23 [εξηλ]θεν εξω κ[αι] 𝔓60; [ε]ξ[ηλ]θην 𝔓66; εξηλθε και B C* D f 1 565; U om. εξελθων; λεγει for ειπεν B C* D f 1 565 lat. 25 Ναζαρηνον D a c vg; Ναζωρεον L; Ναζωραιων 579; Ναζοραιον 1424.

9 10 10–11 11 12 14–15 15 15–16

Date: III

15 P.Oxy. LXV 4448 (𝔓109) John 21:18-20, 23-25 4.1 × 7.9 cm TM no. 61634

Material: Papyrus

Published: M. W. Haslam, A. Jones, F. Maltomini, M. L. West et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXV (London, 1998), 19–20 (no. 4448); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 653–55. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” TynBul 51 (2000): 13; P. M. Head, “The Habits of New Testament Copyists: Singular Readings in Early Fragmentary Papyri of John,” Biblica 85 (2004): 403; J. Chapa, “The Early Text of the Gospel of John,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 153.

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Introduction This small papyrus fragment originating from a single leaf of a third-century codex preserves portions of the final chapter of the Gospel of John, the earliest witness to the final chapter of John. The handwriting is a rounded biblical uncial that is largely bilinear with ι and ρ extending above and below the line respectively. The cross member of θ extends to the right and left, a feature that W. E. H. Cockle noted as indicative of a third-century date. Letters are executed with a rather blunt pen in places, and it is obvious at times where the scribe reinked the pen. The handwriting is slightly right slanting, and there are no obvious ligatures. The usual nomina sacra for θ(εό)ν and Ἱη(σοῦ)ς can be assumed. No evidence of punctuation has survived. The estimated size of a complete page is 24 cm high and 12 cm wide and thus of Turner’s Group 8. The papyrus is interesting at several points. On the front side at l. 4 following σε, there may be a correction underneath what now looks like a stain on the papyrus. The faint outline of several letters can be seen in the available images, but they are too faint for any confident reconstruction of them. Cockle’s reconstruction of l. 3 proposed the singular reading ἄλλοι ζώσουσιν καὶ οἴσουσίν σε (“others will dress you and they will lead you” [John 21:18]), a reconstruction that is plausible given the available space on the fragmentary line of text. Also, there are two stray marks following δέ in l. 4 that rightly could be considered part of a ν. Whether the stray marks are a correction or some other note on the papyrus is now unclear. The papyrus does not omit πρὸς σέ at John 21:23 following ‫ א‬and a few other witnesses (Cc D 1 565 1582*). At John 21:20 the papyrus omits δέ following ἐπιστραφείς, a reading that is also attested in Α B C W, the Old Latin, and also in one Syriac manuscript and Sahidic.

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[ἐκτε]ν̣εῖ[ς [τὰς χεῖράς σου,] κ α̣ ὶ ἄλλοι [ ca. 12 ]ουσιν̣ σ̣ε ̣ [ὅπου οὐ θέλεις. τ]οῦτο̣ δ̣ὲ . . [εἶπεν σημαίνων ποίῳ] θ̣α[νάτῳ δοξάσει τὸν θ(εό)ν. καὶ] [τοῦτο εἰπὼν λέγει αὐ]τ̣ῷ̣· ἀκο[λούθει μοι. Ἐπιστραφ]ε̣ὶ ς̣ ̣ ὁ̣ [Πέτρος βλέπει τὸν] μαθη[τὴν ]..

21:18

μ̣[έ]ν̣ε̣[ιν ἕω]ς [ἔρχομαι, τί] πρὸς σ[έ; Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ μα-] θητὴς [ὁ καὶ μαρτυρῶν πε-] ρὶ τούτ[ων καὶ ὁ γράψας] τ̣αῦ̣ [̣ τα, καὶ οἴδαμεν ὅτι]

21:23 21:24

21:19

21:20

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[ἀληθὴς αὐτοῦ ἡ μαρτυρία] ἐσ[τίν. Ἔστιν δὲ καὶ ἄλλα] πολ λ̣ [ὰ ἃ ἐποίησεν ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς, ἅ-] τινα [ἐὰν γράφηται καθ’ ἕν,] οὐδ̣[

21:25

αλλος A B C* 𝔐 K M N U Δ Θ Λ Ψ 2 69 118 124 157 700 788 1071 1346 1424; απο for αλλος Π. 3 The restoration of the lacuna is rather uncertain due to the fact that the attested readings for this phrase contain too many letters to fill the missing text. The space would permit roughly 12 letters. The word order and text following αλλοι varies greatly, and texts that have the singular αλλος also have singular verb forms while the plural αλλοι is connected with 3rd person plural verbs: ζωσει σε και οισει B C*; ζωσουσιν σε και ποιησουσιν σοι οσα ‫ ;*א‬ζωσουσιν σε και αποισουσιν σε ‫א‬c; σε ζωσουσιν και αποισουσιν σε W f 1 565; σε ζωσει και οισει σε Α; ζωσωσιν σε και οισουσιν Cc; σε ζωσουσει και απαγουσιν σε D; σε ζωσει και οιση U; σε ζωσει και εισι Θ; σε ζωση και οιση Ψ 2; σε ζωσει και οισει 𝔐 Κ M N Δ Λ 69 118 124 157 700 1071 1424; σε ζωσουσιν και αποισουσιν σε 𝔓59vid (only ποισου is visible) W Π 1 33 syhmg; σε ζωσοι και οισοι 788 1346. 4 οπου συ ου θελεις Dc (ου om. in D*) W Θ; ‫ *א‬om. οπου; ταυτα D. 5 ελεγεν W Θ f 1 565. 7 ταυτα Λ; 157 οm. αυτω. 8 Α B C W 33 lat sys sa, like P.Oxy. LXV 4448, om. δε following επιστραφεις; 1 1582* om. ο. 12 ‫ *א‬Cc 1 565 1582* om. προς σε. 13 και μαρτυρων B W Or. The line length is not conclusive regarding whether και should be included. ‫ א‬A C D 𝔐 K M U Δ Λ Πs Ψ f 1 2 157 565 700 1071 1424 om. και. 14 ο και γραψας ‫א‬c f 13 33 69 124 1346 l 2211 c sy*; ω και γραψας Θ. 15 ο και οιδαμεν G. 16–17 αληθης εστιν αυτου η μαρτυρια D 69 l 2211; αληθης εστιν η μαρτυρια αυτου ‫ א‬A Cc 𝔐 Κ M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Πs Ψ f 1.13 2 124 157 565 700 892s 1071 1241 1346 1424; αληθης αυτου εστιν η μαρτυρια 33; εστιν αυτου η μαρτυρια l 2211. 17–20 ‫ *א‬om. John 21:25 in its entirety. 18 πολλα α only ‫א‬c B C* Ψ 33 l 2211 Or. All other witnesses read πολλα οσα. Χριστος Ιησους D. 18–19 Ιησους ενωπιον των μαθητων αυτου αντινα 1346. 20 καθ εις ουδε Λ; ουδε A C 𝔐 K M U W Πs Ψ 2 124 157 565 700 1071 1424. 2

Date: III

16 P.Oxy. LXXI 4803 (𝔓119) John 1:21-28, 38-44 2.7 × 11.0 cm TM no. 112358

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. Hatzilambrou, P. J. Parsons, J. Chapa, et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXI (London, 2007), 2–6 (no. 4803). Related Literature: J. K. Elliott, New Testament Textual Criticism: The Application of Thoroughgoing Principles; Essays on Manuscripts and Textual

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Variation (Leiden, 2010), 171; J. Chapa, “The Early Text of the Gospel of John,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 140–41. Introduction P.Oxy. LXXI 4803 preserves two fragments from the bottom portion of a leaf from a papyrus codex. J. Chapa dated the manuscript to the third century based on paleographic similarities to P.Oxy. LXVI 4498 (III, Hebrews), P.Oxy. I 23 (III, Plato), and P.Oxy. XVII 2098 (II/III, Herodotus). An average line of text originally contained 33 letters, and therefore a complete page would have contained an estimated 40 lines of text. Using these estimates to reconstruct a completed page, Chapa calculated that a page would have been roughly 14 cm tall and 25 cm wide and thus of Turner’s Group 8. The complete Gospel of John would have occupied roughly 55 pages on a codex of this size. Chapa suggested that this codex was perhaps included with other texts based on the fact that the Gospel of John began on the right-hand page of the codex and not at the top of the left-hand page. 𝔓75 presents an example of a papyrus codex where the Gospel of Luke precedes the Gospel of John. It should be noted that in 𝔓75 the Gospel of Luke ends on the same page as the Gospel of John begins, and thus only a minimal amount of space occurs between the beginning of one and the ending of the other. So little of the papyrus survives that any discussion of its interesting features is hampered by doubt. Nonetheless, there are several potentially interesting readings attested in P.Oxy. LXXI 4803. In John 1:25, following καὶ ἠρώτησαν αὐτόν “they asked him,” all Greek witnesses include a form of the phrase “and he said to him.” It seems likely that the papyrus omitted καὶ εἶπον. The omission may have resulted from the fact that εἶπον is somewhat redundant following ἠρώτησαν. At John 1:27 the papyrus certainly does not include the later expansion of the text after ἐρχόμενος (ὃς ἔμπροσθέν μου γέγονεν, “who is before me”) that is included in A. In John 1:42 an omission occurs that cannot be accounted for through a discussion of commonly attested variants. The omission of ὁ Ἰησοῦς εἶπεν has been conjectured, and indeed it seems to be the most likely explanation for the reconstruction of l. 28; since the omission involved the ending of one line and the beginning of another, it is difficult, however, to suggest this with any certainty. The papyrus seems to agree with 𝔓66c.75 and B against later witnesses in reading ὄψεσθε instead of ἴδετε in John 1:39.

↓ 5

] κ̣α̣ὶ̣ [ἠρώτ̣[ησαν αὐτόν·] [τί οὖν; σὺ Ἠλίας εἶ; καὶ] λ έ̣ γ̣ [̣ ει· οὐκ εἰμί. ὁ [προφήτης εἶ σύ; καὶ ἀπε]κρίθ̣ η· ο̣[ὔ. εἶπαν οὖν] [αὐτῷ· τίς εἶ; ἵνα ἀπόκρισι]ν δῶ μ ̣ ε̣ [̣ ν τοῖς πέμ-] [ψασιν ἡμᾶς· τί λέγεις π]ερὶ σεα[υτοῦ; ἔφη·]

1:21 1:22 1:23

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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[ἐγὼ φωνὴ βοῶντος ἐν τῇ] ἐ ρ̣ ήμῳ· [εὐθύνατε] [τὴν ὁδὸν κ(υρίο)υ, καθὼς εἶπεν] Ἠσαί[ας ὁ προφή-] [της. Καὶ ἀπεσταλμένοι ἦσ]αν ἐκ τ̣[ῶν Φαρι-] 1:24 [σαίων. καὶ ἠρώτησαν αὐτὸ]ν· τί οὖν̣ [βαπτίζεις] 1:25 [εἰ σὺ οὐκ εἶ ὁ Χ(ριστὸ)ς οὐδὲ Ἠλ]ί α̣ ς οὐδ[ὲ ὁ προφή-] [της; ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰ]ωάνν[ης λέγων·] 1:26 [ἐγὼ μὲν βαπτίζω ἐ]ν ὕδατι· [μέσος δὲ] [ὑμῶν ἕστηκεν ὃν ὑμεῖς ο]ὐ̣κ οἴδατ̣[ε, ὁ ὀπίσω] 1:27 [μου ἐρχόμενος, οὗ οὐκ εἰ]μὶ̣ ̣ ἐγὼ ἄ [̣ ξιος ἵνα λύ-] [σω αὐτοῦ τὸν ἱμάντα το]ῦ̣ ὑπο[δήματος. Ταῦτα] 1:28 [ἐν Βηθανίᾳ ἐγένετο πέρ]αν τ̣[οῦ Ἰορδάνου,] [ ]..[ ] [ ] . π̣οῦ̣ ̣ [μένεις; λέγει αὐτοῖς· ἔρχεσθε] 1:38-39 [καὶ ὄψεσθ]ε .̣ ἦ̣ λθ̣[ον οὖν καὶ εἶδαν ποῦ μένει καὶ] [παρ’ αὐτῷ] ἔμειν[αν τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην· ὥρα] [ἦν ὡς δε]κάτη. Ἦ̣ [ν Ἀνδρέας ὁ ἀδελφὸς Σίμω-] 1:40 [νος Πέ]τ̣ρου εἷ [̣ ς ἐκ τῶν δύο τῶν ἀκουσάν-] [των παρ]ὰ Ἰ ω ̣ ά ̣ν̣[νου καὶ ἀκολουθησάντων αὐ-] [τῷ· εὑρίσ]κ [̣ ει] ο̣ὗ ̣τ̣[ος πρῶτον τὸν ἀδελφὸν τὸν] 1:41 [ἴδιον Σί]μων̣α ̣ κ α̣ [̣ ὶ λέγει αὐτῷ· εὑρήκαμεν] [τὸν Μεσσία]ν̣, ὅ ἐστι[ν μεθερμηνευόμενον Χ(ριστό)ς.] [ἤγαγεν α]ὐτὸν π̣[ρὸς τὸν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν. ἐμβλέψας] 1:42 [ ]ω σὺ εἶ [Σίμων ὁ υἱὸς Ἰωάννου, σὺ] [κληθήσ]ῃ ̣ Κηφᾶς, [ὃ ἑρμηνεύεται Πέτρος. Τῇ ἐ-] 1:43 [παύριο]ν ἠθ̣έ λ̣ [̣ ησεν ἐξελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν] [καὶ ε]ὑρίσκε [̣ ι Φίλιππον. καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ] [Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς· ἀκολ]ο̣ύθει [μοι. ἦν δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος ἀπὸ] 1:44 [Βηθσαιδά,] ἐκ τ[ῆς __________ 7. pap. ησαϊ[. 12. pap. ϋδατι. 15. pap. ϋπο. 23. pap. ϊωαννου.

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3 4 5 6 7

επηρωτησαν παλιν ‫ ;*א‬ηρωτησαν αυτον παλιν ‫א‬c Ws it syp. συ ουν τι Ηλειας B; συ τις ει Ηλιας 1071; τις ουν συ Ηλειας 𝔓66; τι ουν συ Ηλειας 𝔓75; τι ουν Ηλιας ‫ א‬L a; τι ουν Ηλιας ει συ Α Cc 𝔐 K M U S Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 0234 2 28 69 157 565 579 700 892 1241 1424 lat syh; τι ουν συ ει Ηλιας Ws. ‫ א‬om. και, and S and 565 om. και λεγει ουκ ειμι. απεκριθη ου for λεγει ουκ ειμι 69; ουκ ειμι τι ουν Ws; the definite article is om. before προφητης in ‫ *א‬69. f 1 118 om. και. There is no means to distinguish between ειπαν (𝔓66.75 B C* Ws etc.) and ειπον (‫ א‬A Cc 𝔐 etc.). f 1 om. αυτω; συ τις ει 𝔓66c.75 E* 157 (c r1); τις ει ειπε ημιν 1071; ανακρισιν M. ημιν 28; ο δε εφη f 13. εν τη is om. in 2*; ετοιμασατε for ευθυνατε 124. Ws adds ευθειας ποιειτε τας τριβους αυτου (l. ευθυς “make his paths straight”) following

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κυριου; Ισαιας l. The usage of organic diaeresis does not enter into common usage until the second century. See Z. Aly, Λ. Koenen, Three Rolls of the Early Septuagint (Bonn, 1980), 7 noted in Chapa, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXI, 3. 8 οι απεσταλμενοι ‫א‬c Ac Cc 𝔐 K M N U Ws X Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 0234 2 28 33 157 565 579 700 892 1071 1241 1424 boms. 8–9 Φαρεισαιων B; Φαρισεων N Ws. 9 ‫ א‬a e syc οm. και ηρωτησαν αυτον. P.Oxy. LXXI 4803 is unique in om. και ειπον (ειπαν 𝔓5vid.66.75 C* L Ws) αυτω (αυτον 28). 10 εις ο Χριστος Δ; ει Χριστος 124; Ηλειας 𝔓66c.75 Β L; Ηλιας 𝔓66* ‫ א‬Α C 𝔐 K M N U Ws Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 28 33 118 124 157 565 579 700 1071 1424; ουτε . . . ουτε 𝔐 K M U Δ Λ Π f 13 157 565 700 1424; ουδε . . . ουτε Θ 28; C Δ om. the definite article before προφητης. 11 απεκρινατο L U 33 579 (απεκρηνατο); Ιωανης 𝔓75* B; 𝔓75.120 f 1 124 e om. λεγων. 12 εγω μεν f 13 124 it samss bopt; βαπτιζω υμας N Δ Θ 063 086vid 565 1071 1424, which can likely be excluded based on consideration of the line length. εν τω υδατι ‫*א‬. The majority of witnesses include δε following μεσος, although most of the papyri and a few other witnesses om. δε (𝔓59.66.75.120 ‫ א‬B C* L 083 bomss). 13 στηκει B G L f 1 083 Orpt; ιστηκει 𝔓75.120vid (‫ )א‬1071 f vg. Following οιδατε, the majority of witnesses read αυτος εστιν Α Cc 𝔐 K M Nvid S (αυτος εστιν ον ειπον) U Γ Δ Λ Π f 13 2 28 118 157 565 700 892 1424 lat sys.p or ουτος εστιν G Ψ. P.Oxy. LXXI 4803 likely did not contain the longer reading unless, of course, it was inserted as a correction above or at the end of the line. ‫ *א‬B om. ο before οπισω; Ν* om. ο οπισω. 14 After ερχομενος some witnesses add ος εμπροσθεν μου γεγονεν (“who is before me”) A Cc 𝔐 G K M Nc S U Γ Δ Λ Π f 13 2 118 157 565 700 892 1424 lat sy(p).h bomss; ος εμπροσθεν μου γεγονεν οτι πρωτος μου ην (“who is before me, that one was preferred”) 28; εμπροσθεν μου γεγονεν Θ. N* om. ου ουκ; f 13 om. ου. Α 𝔐 K M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1 2 28 124 157 700 892 1241 1424 follow the wording ου εγω ουκ ειμι αξιος; 𝔓66*.75 ‫ א‬C L 33 565 1071 1346 aur* q om. εγω; ικανος for αξιος 𝔓66.75. 15 𝔓66* reads τον τον ιμαντα. 579 om. του υποδηματος; υποδηματος αυτου 𝔓66. Following the end of v. 27 (υποδηματος) E F G H N 2* add εκεινος (αυτος for εκεινος N) υμας βαπτισει εν πνευματι αγιω και πυρι (“that he will baptize you in the holy spirιt and fire”). 16 εγενετο εν Βηθανια 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬Hc it; Βηθαβαρα Cc K T Π f 1 69 (Βηθεβαρα) sys.c sa Or; Βηθεβαρα f 13 33 (Βηθαβαρα); Βηθαραβα ‫א‬c 892vl (syhmg); Βιθανια G 565 1071; Βιθαβαρα U; Βεθανια Δ*; Βηθεβαρα εγενοντο Λ; Βηθανια εγενοντο Ν 19 ιδετε for οψεσθε ‫ א‬Α Cc 𝔐 K M Ν P U Γ Θ Λ Π f 13 2 28 69 157 565 700 892 1071 1241 1424 latt samss bo Orpt; ιδατε Δ; ηλθαν 𝔓5.66.75 B* C Ws. The length of the line before the first visible letter strongly suggests the papyrus read οψεσθε. The papyrus may have om. ουν following 𝔐 K M P U Γ Δ Π f 1 2 28 69 565 700 1241 1424 lat syh. ειδαν 𝔓66.75 B* C Ws. 20 εμεινον P; εκεινην την ημεραν f 13; ωρα δε ‫ א‬Cc Ω 0233. 21 G om. ως; ως εκτη Α; δε Ανδρεας A Ws Λ f 13 2c 28 579 1424. 21–22 Σειμωνος Ws. 22 και εις L; 1071 om. δυο των; ‫ *א‬C om. των (2nd). 23 Ιωανου Β; ηκολουθησαντων 𝔓75. 23–24 τω Ιησου for αυτω G; του Ιησου for αυτω Λ; αυτων 124. 24 ευρεσκει B*; αυτος for ουτος Δ; πρωτος ‫ 𝔐 *א‬Κ L U Ws Γ Δ Λ 2 124 157 565 579 700 1071 1241; πρωτος πρωτος 28; πρωι b e (j) r1 sys; 1424 syc om. πρωτος. 26 Μεσιαν 𝔐 G K L* M U Λ Π Ψ f 13 2 28 33 118 157 565 579 700 1071 1424; μεθερμηνευομενος L; μεθερμηνεβομενος 579. 27 ουτος ηγαγεν 𝔓66c G f 1 bo Epiph; και ηγαγεν A 𝔐 Μ U Ws Y Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 13 2c 28 33 118 157 565 700 892 1071 1241 1424 lat sy samss; και ηγαγον Κ Ψ; ηγαγεν δε 579.

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

The first visible letter of the line likely belongs to [αυτ]ω, but this reading appears to be several letters too short to make sense of the available space. It is likely that the papyrus read εμβλεψας δε (“and looking” 𝔓75 Δ Θ Λ f 13 33 69 788 892 1071 1241 1424 1582c lat syh* samss bo), which would fill out the line nicely although the reading cannot explain what appears to be the omission of ο Ιησους ειπεν, a phrase that appears to have dropped out in P.Oxy. LXXI 4803. The papyrus likely did not read και εμβλεψας Ws a e q syc.p. 579 preserves the unique reading ο Ιησους περιπατουντι λεγει ει συ ει Σιμων. Θ 1 28 69 788 1582* om. the definite article before υιος. Ιωανου B*; Ιωνα A Bc 𝔐 K M S U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ f 1.13 1 2 28 69 118 157 565 579 700 788 892 1071 1424 1582 c q vgcl sy bomss Epiph; Ιωαννα Θ 1241 vg. 29 ος for ο A. 30 ο Ιησους before εξελθειν F G H U Θc Ω f 13 2 28; Γαλειλαιαν B Θ; Γαληλαιαν G; Γαλειλεαν Ws. 31–32 F H M 2 69 700 1424 om. ο Ιησους; Ιησους without the article ‫*א‬. 32 ‫ *א‬om. δε; ‫ *א‬F* Ws f 13 69 565 om. the definite article before Φιλιππος. 33 Βηθσαιδαν 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬f 13; Βηδσαιδα 𝔓75* Θ 579; Βιθσαιδα Ψ 1071; ‫ *א‬om. εκ. 28

Date: III

17 P.Oxy. LXXI 4805 (𝔓121) John 19:17-18, 25-26 3.3 × 4.5 cm TM no. 112360

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. Hatzilambrou, P. J. Parsons, J. Chapa, et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXI (London, 2007), 9–11 (no. 4805). Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 16; L.  W. Hurtado, “The Staurogram in Early Christian Manuscripts: The Earliest Visual Reference to the Crucified Jesus?” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2006), 207–26; J. K. Elliott, New Testament Textual Criticism: The Application of Thoroughgoing Principles; Essays on Manuscripts and Textual Variation (Leiden, 2010), 173. Introduction This small fragment preserves the bottom portion of a leaf from a papyrus codex, and the handwriting is bilinear and in the Severe Style. J. Chapa assigned the handwriting to the third century based on a close parallel to P.Oxy. LXVI 4497 (III, Romans). An average line of text contained roughly 22–23 letters. Because no complete lines or side margins survive, conclusions based on this average must remain tentative. However, a broad reconstruction of the codex

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size can be suggested. An average page would have contained 37 lines of text on a page that measured roughly 12 cm wide by 28 cm tall, thus belonging to Turner’s Group 8. Chapa conjectured that the entire Gospel of John would have occupied 82 pages on a codex of this size. Diaeresis appears twice, and the usual nomina sacra occur for Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς, ἐστ(αύ)ρ(ωσ)αν, and μ(ήτε)ρ. Despite preserving only a few complete words, the papyrus is interesting for several reasons. The papyrus reads ἕνα ἐντεῦθεν (“one on a side”) at John 19:18, a reading that is likely reminiscent of Mark 15:27 where perhaps Mark’s use of ἕνα influenced the text of John in this witness (Mark 15:27: ἕνα ἐξ ἐντεῦθεν). This is the earliest witness for the reading, which is attested in only one other manuscript (579). At John 19:25 the spelling Κλοπᾶ agrees with a small handful of witnesses (H Ψ Ω 28s 69), and the omission of καὶ λέγει in ‫ *א‬is not attested. → ].[ λέγε-] [ται Ἑ]βραιστὶ Γ[ολγοθα, ὅπου αὐτὸν] 19:17-18 [ἐστ(αύ)ρ(ωσ)α]ν, καὶ με [̣ τ’ αὐτοῦ ἄλλους δύο] [ ἔν]α ἐντεῦ[θεν]

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Κλ]οπᾶ κ̣α̣ὶ̣ Μ̣[αρία ἡ] [Μαγδαληνή.] Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς οὖν ἰ[δὼν τὴν μ(ητέ)ρα] [καὶ τὸν μα]θητὴν π[αρεστῶτα] [ὃν ἠγάπα, λέ]γει τῇ μ(ητ)ρ[(ί)

19:25 19:26

__________ 2. pap. εβραϊστι. 6. pap. ϊδων.

2 3 4 5

6 6–7 8

Εβραιστη 2 28s 579 1071 1424; Εβραιστι δε L Ψ 33 vgcl sa bopt (b vgst.ww ly); Γολγοθ Β samss; Γολγοτα Ds; Γολγολθα 1582; Γολγογοθα 28s. εσταυρωσαν αυτον 1 565 1582; δυο αλλους Ds. The superlinear stroke indicating the nomen sacrum εστ(αυ)ρ(ωσ)αν is visible over ν. Only one ms (579) reads ενα εντευθεν, the likely reading of P.Oxy. LXXI 4805 (cf. Mark 15:27). This would be the earliest witness to this reading. All others read και εντευθεν. Only H Ψ Ω 28s 69 read Κλοπα, αll others read Κλωπα. Following Κλωπα S adds the somewhat confused reading ὁ τίς Κλωπᾶ καὶ Ἰωσὴφ ἀδελφοὶ καὶ Μαρία ἡ μ(ήτ)ηρ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ καὶ Μαρία ἀδελφάς, οἱ οὖν δύο ἀδελφοὶ ἔλαβον τὰς δύο ἀδελφάς (“this Clopas, and the brothers of Joseph and Mary the mother of the Lord and Mary’s sisters, and the two brothers took the two sisters”). Μαριαμ ‫ א‬L Ψ f 1 1 33 565 l 844 syh. Μαγδαληνην E*; Μαγδαλινη Π 124 1071; ο Ιησους Θ; Ιησους δε ‫א‬c; ουν ως ειδεν f 1 565; ιδως 2; ‫ *א‬om. Ιησους ουν ιδων την μητερα; μητερα αυτου Θ Ω. και και f 13; την μητεραν και και 579; W Λ* om. παρεστωτα. L* 1346 om. ον ηγαπα; ο Ιησους λεγει Θ; και λεγει ‫*א‬.

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Date: III

18 P.Oxy. XIII 1597 (𝔓29) Acts 26:7-8, 20 5.7 × 2.8 cm TM no. 61701; Van Haelst 0488

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIII (London, 1919), 10–12 (no. 1597); P. W. Comfort and D.  P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 125–27. Related Literature: F. F. Bruce, The Acts of the Apostles: The Greek Text with Introduction and Commentary (3rd ed.; Grand Rapids, 1990), 72. Introduction This small papyrus fragment from the bottom portion of a codex is written in a somewhat irregular uncial script. The handwriting is angular with a triangular δ and a rather small ο, μ has the middle point descending below the two vertical strokes, the top stroke of π is curved, and the hasta of ε is consistently extended, while the bottom of ω is nearly flat, and the top of ξ is rounded. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt assigned the papyrus to the third century and not later than the fourth. An estimated 33–34 lines of text are missing between the front and reverse, and thus a complete page comprised 38–41 lines. The codex was written in a single-column format and is estimated to be roughly 16 cm wide by 28 cm tall, thus belonging to Turner’s Group 6. The text is notable for its significant omissions, and commentators have frequently described the text as “Western.” Only a few variants can be discussed with any degree of certainty other than to say that significant omissions have occurred in 26:7 and 26:20. These omissions are otherwise unattested and may be the result of scribal carelessness or perhaps a different recension of Acts as Grenfell and Hunt were inclined to think. These omissions make P.Oxy. XIII 1597 a tantalizing subject of study. Also notable is the unique spelling of Jerusalem in l. 7 (Ἱεροσολομοις) and the spelling variation of ἐλπίζει (ἐλπίδι) in l. 3.

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τὸ δωδεκ[άφυλον ἡμῶν ἐν ἐκτε-] νίᾳ νύκτ[α καὶ ἡμέραν λατρεῦον] ἐλπίδι κ [̣ αταντῆσαι, περὶ ἧς ἐλπίδος] ἐνκαλοῦ[μαι ὑπὸ Ἰουδαίων, εἰ] ὁ θ(εὸ)ς νεκρ̣[οὺς 26:8 ἀ]λλὰ τοῖς ἐ[ν] [Δαμασκῷ πρῶτόν τε καὶ Ἱερο]σολόμοις, κα[ὶ]

26:7

26:20

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[τῆς Ἰουδαίας καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσιν] ἐκήρυξα [ [μετανοεῖν καὶ ἐπιστρέφειν ἐ]πὶ τὸν θ(εό)ν, [ [ἄξια τῆς μετανοίας ἔργα πρ]ά̣σσοντας. [ __________ 7. pap. ]σολομοις.

1 1–2 2 2–3

3–4 4 4–5

5 7 7–8

8–9 9 9–10

δωδεκαφιλον 2147; δωδεκαφυλλον 69 330 2344; 618 1738 om. ημων. εκτενεια ‫ א‬Β L 1 33 81 226 323 440 547 614 927 945 1270 1505 1611 2147* 2412 2495. νυκταν 33; ημερα Ψ 88 618 927 945 1243 1505 1611 1646 1738 2495 049; λατρευων H Ψ 33 104 330 618 1738 1837 2147c. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt restored λατρευον εν?. The reading of P.Oxy. XIII 1597, [εν] ελπιδι is unique. The form ελπιδι could be an orthographic variation of ελπιζει (Gignac, 1.75–76), or a visual copying error from Acts 26:6. Grenfell and Hunt restored the end of the line περη ης νυν? Other witnesses read ελπιζει Β L and many others; ελπιζι ‫ א‬C; ελπιζειν E 330; ελπιζη 1646. καταντησειν Β. All other witnesses read ης ελπιδος εγκαλουμαι “it is for hope that I am accused” (ενκαλουμαι C). βασιλευ υπο Ιουδαιων 1243; βασιλευ Αγριππα υπο Ιουδαιων H L P and others. The text of P.Oxy. XIII 1597 appears to have been significantly abbreviated following ενκαλουμαι and the beginning of the following line. It is not certain what portion was missing, but the majority of witnesses read υπο Ιουδαιων βασιλευ (with variation) τι απιστον κρινεται παρ’ υμιν ει (“by Jews, O king. Why is it thought incredible by any of you that . . .”). εγειρει νεκρους 1270; εγειρι Ε; εγειρη 1243 2147. E H L P Ψ 1 33 and others om. τε; και τοις εν τοις εν Ιεροσολυμοις 2412; και τοις εν Ιεροσολυμοις 614 1505 1611 2147 2495; και ε Ιεροσολυμοις 1243; και εν Ιεροσολυμοις A E (Ιεροσολημοις) Ψ 927 1828c 1854 2344. Following Ιεροσολομοις another significant omission appears to have taken place. Most witnesses read εις (om. 𝔓74 ‫ א‬Α Β vgmss) πασαν τε (τε οm. L 88) την (om. H 618 1738) χωραν της Ιουδαιας (“and throughout the countryside of Judea”). των Ιουδαιων 𝔓74; τοις Ιουδαιοις 2344. Grenfell and Hunt restored the beginning of the line τη Ιουδαια. εθνεσι 323 945 1243 1739 1891. All other witnesses preserve a form of the verb απαγγελλω or καταγγελλω before μετανοειν in place of εκηρυξα. μετανωειν 1646; επιστρεφιν 𝔓74 ‫ א‬Ε; επιστρεφην 049 1243; ζωντα θεον 69 104 1175. θεον τον ζωντα αξια 330; τε της E; πραττοντας 69 104; πρατγοντας 88 1175.

Date: III

19 P.Oxy. LXVI 4497 (𝔓113) Romans 2:12-13, 29 2.7 × 2.4 cm TM no. 65896

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis, J. Chapa, W. E. H. Cockle, D. Obbink, P. J. Parsons, and J. D. Thomas (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXVI (London, 1999), 7–8 (no. 4497); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 661.

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Introduction This small fragment containing a few letters from a column of writing originates from a third-century papyrus codex and is written in the Severe Style. The handwriting is mostly bilinear with υ extending below the line of writing, ο is rather small, and μ is written in two strokes and is quite broad. The handwriting was compared paleographically to P.Oxy. XXXII 2619 (II, Stesichorus, Ἰλίου πέρσις) and P.Oxy. LX 4041 (II/III, Aeschines), the latter of which also has similar narrow columns of writing. High stops occur in l. 2 following κριθήσονται, in l. 7 after πνεύματι, and in l. 8 after γράμματι. Rough breathing marks are noted in l. 8, and the usual nomen sacrum πν(εύματ)ι occurs. The papyrus is notable because it is the earliest Greek New Testament papyrus codex from Oxyrhynchus written in a multicolumn format. W. E. Η. Cockle suggests either two or three columns per page and notes only two other three column codices, both dated to the fourth century and written on parchment (PSI II 129 and Vaticanus) with the possibility that Codex Vaticanus Gr. 1288 (V, Dio Cassius) is also a three-column codex. Because the evidence for the three-column format is so limited, Cockle favors a two-column format with roughly 35 lines per column. If this suggestion is correct, a reconstructed page would measure roughly 14–15 cm wide and 21 cm tall and thus be of Turner’s Group 7. The only notable reading of the papyrus is the omission of τοῦ before νόμου, a reading that is also attested in ‫ א‬Α Β D G Ψ 1175 and a few other minuscules.

→

νό]μου κρι[θήσον]ται̣· οὐ [γὰρ οἱ ἀ]κ̣ ροατ̣ [αὶ] [νόμου δί]κ̣ αι[οι]

2:12 2:13

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κ]α̣ὶ̣ π̣[εριτο-] μὴ κα[ρδίας ἐν] π ̣ν(εύματ)ι οὐ [γράμμα-] [τ]ι, οὗ̣ [ὁ ἔπαινος] [ο]ὐκ [

2:29

__________ 2. pap. θησονται· ου >. 7. pap. π̅ν̅ι̅·. 8. pap. τι· οὑ [.

1–2 3 4 5–6 7–8 8

κριθησοντε 1739 1874 2464; κριθησον 365. ακροατε 460 618 1243 1646* (ακροται) 2464. P om. Rom 2:13 in its entirety. του νομου K L 049 460 618 1243 1646* 2344 326* 2464 αnd many other minuscules; δικαιωθησονται 2344; δικαι 326*. 1836 om. και περιτομη. γραμματει G; γραματι 205; 1241 om πνευματι ου γραμματι. επαι for επαινος D*; επενος 1243; 056 326 424 440 1270* 1646 1837 om. ο.

New Testament Texts [20]

Date: III

20 P.Oxy. XI 1355 (𝔓27) Romans 8:12-27; 8:33–9:9 11.2 × 4.4 cm TM no. 61854; Van Haelst 0498

79

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XI (London, 1915), 9–12 (no. 1355); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 118–21. Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:455–57; P. W. Comfort, Encountering the Manuscripts: An Introduction to New Testament Paleography (Nashville, 2005), 63; S. Siikavirta, “𝔓27 (Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1355): A Fresh Analysis,” TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism 18 (2013): 1–10. Introduction The manuscript is currently housed in the Cambridge University Library and bears a Cambridge Library call number (add. 7211) in addition to its original numbering in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. These fragments from a single page from a papyrus codex are badly mutilated, and no complete lines of text have been preserved. However, the original page contained 43 lines of text and measured roughly 13 × 25 cm and is thus in Turner’s Group 8. The scribe of this leaf is probably the same as that of P.Oxy. IX 1171 [22] and thus also from the third century. The handwriting is largely bilinear with ρ sometimes extending slightly below the line. ω is rather broad, and the hasta of ε extends into the letter following it. A single correction occurs at l. 17, and the correction appears to be in the hand of the original scribe. Diaeresis occurs above initial ι and υ, and a line indicating a paragraphos is noted between l. 53 and l. 54 at the beginning of the line. No other punctuation is evident. The usual nomina sacra occur. Because so little of the text survives, little can be said of its variant and unique readings. The papyrus reads συνμαρτυρεῖ with 𝔓46 ‫ א‬A B* and D against later witnesses and Bc (συμμαρτυρεῖ in l.8 and l. 45). At Romans 8:26 the papyrus probably did not read ὑπερεντυγχάνει ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν (“pleads for us”) with ‫א‬c C K L P and Ψ, and at Romans 8:34 the papyrus almost certainly did not contain the addition ἐκ νεκρῶν (“from death”) found in ‫ *א‬A C and Ψ. At Romans 9:1 the papyrus did not read Χριστῷ Ἰησοῦ with D* F and G, and at Romans 9:3 the papyrus agrees with 𝔓46 ‫ א‬and B in reading ἀπὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ instead of ὑπὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ with D and G. The scribal correction at Romans 8:21 is rather confusing, and it is possible that the scribe intended to create

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the reading ἐλευθερωθήσεται (“will be liberated”) but wound up inadvertently creating another mistake, ἐλευθεροῦται (“it is freed”), a reading that NA 28 notes is supported in some Vulgate manuscripts.

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10

15

20

ο]ὐ̣ [τῇ σ]α̣ρκὶ [τοῦ κατὰ σάρκα ζῆν, εἰ γὰρ κατὰ σάρκα ζ]ῆτ̣[ε,] μέλ[λετε ἀποθνῄσκειν· εἰ δὲ πν(εύματ)ι τὰς πράξει]ς τοῦ σώ[ματος θανατοῦτε, ζήσεσθε. ὅσοι γὰρ π]ν(εύματ)ι θ(εο)ῦ ἄγον[ται, οὗτοι υ(ἱο)ὶ θ(εο)ῦ εἰσιν. οὐ γὰρ ἐλάβετε πν(εῦμ)α] δουλείας [πάλιν εἰς φόβον ἀλλὰ ἐλάβετε πν(εῦμ)α υἱοθε]σ̣ί α̣ ς̣ ̣ ἐν [ᾧ κράζομεν· Αββα ὁ π(ατ)ήρ. αὐτὸ τὸ πν(εῦμ)α συ]νμαρτυ[ρεῖ τῷ πν(εύματ)ι ἡμῶν ὅτι ἐσμὲν τ]έκνα θ[(εο)ῦ. εἰ δ]ὲ ̣ τέκνα, 8:17 [καὶ κληρονόμοι· κληρονόμοι] μὲν θ(εο)ῦ, συγκληρονό[μοι δὲ Χ(ριστο)ῦ, εἴπερ συμπάσχομε]ν ἵνα καὶ συνδοξα[σθῶμεν. Λογίζομαι γὰρ ὅτι οὐκ] ἄξια [τ]ὰ παθήμ[ατ]α ̣ [τοῦ νῦν καιροῦ πρὸς τὴν μέλλ]ο̣υσ̣ α̣ ν δ[ό]ξ [̣ α]ν ἀποκα[λυφθῆναι εἰς ἡμᾶς. ἡ γὰρ ἀπο]καραδ[ο]κ [̣ ία] τῆς [κ]τ̣ί -̣ [σεως τὴν ἀποκάλυψιν τῶν] υ̣(ἱ)ῶν το̣ῦ ̣ θ(εο)ῦ ἀπε κ̣ -̣ [δέχεται. τῇ γὰρ ματαιότητι ἡ] κ ̣τίσις ὑπε̣ τάγη̣ , [οὐχ ἑκοῦσα ἀλλὰ διὰ τὸν ὑπο]τ̣άξαντα, [ἐ]π’ ἐλπίδι [ὅτι καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ κτίσις ἐλευθερ]ωθή〚. . 〛 ⸌[ο]υ̣τ̣α̣ ι ̣ ἀπ̣ [ὸ]⸍ τῆς δου[λείας τῆς φθορᾶς εἰς τὴν ἐλε]υ̣ θερίαν̣ τῆς δόξης [τῶν τέκνων τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ. οἴδαμεν] γὰρ ὅτ[ι] πᾶσα ἡ κτί[σις συστενάζει καὶ συνωδίν]ει ἄχρ[ι] τοῦ νῦν·

8:12 8:13 8:14 8:15 8:16

8:18 8:19 8:20 8:21 8:22

3 lines missing 25

30

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βλεπο]μένη [οὐκ ἔστιν ἐλπίς· ὃ γὰρ βλέπει τίς ἐλπίζει; εἰ] δὲ ὃ οὐ [βλέπομεν ἐλπίζομεν, δι’ ὑπομονῆς ἀπ]ε̣ κ̣ δ̣ε̣ χ̣ [ό][μεθα. Ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τὸ πν(εῦμ)α συναντιλα]μβάνεται [τῇ ἀσθενείᾳ ἡμῶν· τὸ γὰρ τί προσευξώ]με̣ θα κα[θὸ δεῖ οὐκ οἴδαμεν, ἀλλ’ αὐτὸ τὸ πν(εῦμ)α ὑπερε]ν̣ [τ]υ̣ [γ]χ̣ ά -̣ [νει στεναγμοῖς ἀλαλήτοις· ὁ δὲ ἐραυνῶν τὰς καρ]δ̣ίας τί̣ς̣ [ἐγκαλέσει κατὰ ἐκλεκτῶν θ(εο)ῦ; θ(εὸ)ς ὁ δικαιῶν· τίς] ὁ κατ[ακρινῶν; Χ(ριστὸ)ς Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς ὁ ἀποθανών, μᾶλλον δὲ ἐγερθείς,]

8:24 8:25 8:26 8:27

8:33-34

New Testament Texts [20]

35

40

45

81

ὃς κα [̣ ί ἐστιν ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, ὃς καὶ ἐντυγχάνει ὑπὲρ] ἡμῶ [̣ ν. τίς ἡμᾶς χωρίσει ἀπὸ τῆς ἀγάπης τοῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ;] 8:35 θλῖψ[ις ἢ στενοχωρία ἢ διωγμὸς ἢ λιμὸς ἢ γυμνότης] ἢ κίν̣[δυνος ἢ μάχαιρα; καθὼς γέγραπται ὅτι ἕνεκεν] 8:36 σοῦ θ[α]ν̣α ̣τ̣ού̣ μ ̣ [̣ εθα ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐλογίσθημεν] ὡς πρόβατα σφα[γῆς. ἀλλ’ ἐν τούτοις πᾶσιν ὑπερνικῶ-] 8:37 μεν διὰ ̣ τ̣οῦ ἀγα [̣ πήσαντος ἡμᾶς. πέπεισμαι γὰρ ὅτι] 8:38 οὔτε θάνα ̣τος ο̣ὔ [̣ τε ζωὴ οὔτε ἄγγελοι οὔτε ἀρχαὶ οὔ-] τε ἐνεστῶτα οὔ[τε μέλλοντα οὔτε δυνάμεις οὔτε] 8:39 ὕ̣ψωμα οὔτε βά[θος οὔτε τις κτίσις ἑτέρα δυνήσεται] [ἡ]μᾶς χωρίσαι ἀ ̣π̣ [ὸ τῆς ἀγάπης τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ τῆς ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ Ἰ(ησο)ῦ] [τ]ῷ̣ κ̣ (υρί)ῳ ἡμῶν. [Ἀλήθειαν λέγω ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ, οὐ ψεύδομαι,] 9:1 συνμαρτυρούσης ̣ [μοι τῆς συνειδήσεώς μου ἐν πν(εύματ)ι] ἁγίῳ, ὅτι λύπη μ[οί ἐστιν μεγάλη καὶ ἀδιάλειπτος ὀ-] 9:2 δύνη τῇ καρδίᾳ μ[ου. ηὐχόμην γὰρ ἀνάθεμα εἶναι αὐ-] 9:3 τὸς ἐγὼ ἀπὸ τοῦ Χ(ριστο)[ῦ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδελφῶν μου τῶν συγγε-] νῶν μου κατὰ σ[άρκα, 3 lines missing

55

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αἰῶ ̣ν̣[ας, ἀμήν. Οὐχ οἷον δὲ ὅτι ἐκπέπτωκεν ὁ λόγος] 9:5-6 τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ. ο[ὐ γὰρ πάντες οἱ ἐξ Ἰ(σρα)]ὴλ οὗτοι Ἰ(σρα)ήλ· οὐδ’ ὅτι] 9:7 εἰσὶν σ[πέρμα Ἀβραάμ πάντες τέκνα, ἀλλ’· ἐν Ἰσαὰκ] κληθή̣ σ̣ε [̣ ταί σοι σπέρμα. τοῦτ’ ἔστιν, οὐ τὰ τέκνα τῆς] 9:8 σαρκὸ[ς ταῦτα τέκνα τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, ἀλλὰ τὰ τέκνα τῆς ἐπαγγε-] λί ̣α̣ ς λ[ογίζεται εἰς σπέρμα. ἐπαγγελίας γὰρ ὁ λόγος] 9:9 οὗτος· [κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐλεύσομαι καὶ] ἔσ[ται __________ 10. pap. ϊνα. 14. pap. ϋων. 42. pap. ϋψωμα.

1 2 2–3 3–4 4 4–5 5 5–6

σαρκει F G. τη κατα 69*; 049 1245 om. γαρ; κατα τα (2nd) 999; ζηται F G (ζηται ζηται) P 88 1646 1735 2464. μελλεται F G P 049 326 440 618 1735 1837 1874; μελεται 1646 2464; τι μελετε 330; μελλετε παλιν 1827; μελλετε και 330; πραξις ‫ א‬D F G 2464. της σαρκος for του σωματος D F G 630 latt Irlat; του σω 1424*; του πνευματος for του σωματος 1. θανατουτε και Ψ; 614 1646 2412 om. γαρ. αγοντε 1874. δουλεγιας F; δουλιας ‫ א‬D* P 049* 1874; δειλιας 1836. 1854* om. δουλειας παλιν εις φοβον αλλ᾽ ελαβετε πνευμα; Ψ 33 326 1837 om. παλιν; υιοθεσειας F G; υιωθεσιας 1735.

82 7 7–8 9 9–10 10 10–11 12 12–13 13–14 14 14–15 15 16 17

18 19 20 25

26–27 27 28 28–29 30 32

33

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus αυτο γαρ το 1827; ωστε αυτο D (syp). συνμαρτυρι F G; μαρτυρει 1; συμμαρτυρειτω 1315; συμμαρτυρει Bc C K L P Ψ 33 and others. κληρωνομοι κληρωνομοι 618; 𝔓46 F G om. κληρονομοι (2nd); Ψ οm. ει δε τεκνα και κληρονομοι κληρονομοι θεου; F G 460 618 om. μεν θεου; 𝔓46 om. μεν. συγκληρονομοι Bc C K Ψ and others; F G 460 618 om. συγκληρονομοι; συνκληρωνομοι 2464. 1245* om. δε; συμπασχομεν Bc K Ψ and others; πασχομεν 𝔓46; 𝔓46 vgms sams om. και. συνδοξασθομεν 1646. μελουσαν 1646 2464. αποκαλυπτεσθαι 1505 1735 2495; αποκαλυψθηναι F G; αποκαλυφθηναι δοξαν 1827 2400. πιστεως for κτισεως 69 460 1242 1738 2464. τον υιον 618 1735 1738; F G om. του. εκδεχεται 049* 910. 1243 om. γαρ; φθοραι for ματαιοτητι 424c; υπεταγην 1243. ου θελουσα for ουχ εκουσα F G Irlat; εφ for επ 𝔓46 ‫ א‬B* D* F G Ψ ClexThd; ελπιδη 1243 2464; ελπιδει 049; ελπειδει F G. The scribal correction at the end of the line makes little sense since one would expect a correction to the reading ελευθερωθησεται. Perhaps the scribe intended to create the reading ελευθερωθησεται but wound up inadvertently creating another mistake, ελευθερωθουται (NA28 notes vgms as support for this reading). 2400 om. της δοξης. 209 om. των; δε οτι for γαρ οτι A 796 1241; ο for οτι 1243*. Siikavirta reads απασα for πασα. οδυνει for συνωδινει F G; το νυν L. τις τι και ελπιζει ‫א‬c C K L P Ψ 049 33 81 104 and many other witnesses; ‫ *א‬A read υπομενει for ελπιζει. τις ελπιζει 𝔓46 B*; τις τι ελπιζει Bc D (F) G lat Or Cyp; τις τουτο και 131 1646 1734; τις και ελπιζει ‫( *א‬υπομενει, A syp co) 1243* 1739*; the longer reading, τις τι και, is found in the majority of witnesses and it is possible that it was also the reading of P.Oxy. XI 1355, although the shorter reading (τις ελπιζει) seems more probable given the length of the line. C* 1315 om. ο. απεγδεχομεθα 2464. 33 323 om. και; συναντιλαμβανετε Α 1243 1573; συναντιλαβανεται 1646. της δεησεως for τη ασθενεια F G; τη ασθενεια της δεησεως it Ambst; D* om. ημων; προσευχομεθα F G and other witnesses; D2 K L P Ψ προσευξομεθα. ‫ א‬A B C 326 1739 1837 1874* 2464 προσευξωμεθα. καθω 618. The majority of witnesses add υπερ ημων before στεναγμος (‫א‬c C K L P 1 33 618 lat sy co, etc.), but the earliest witnesses om. this phrase. The line can be confidently restored as having om. υπερ ημων. κατακρεινων 𝔓46 B*; κατακρίνων Bc Dc K L Ψ 33 81 104 365 630 1241s etc.; κατακρινον 1646 2147 2464; αμα δε Χριστος 𝔓46 ar d* Irlat; Χριστος (om. Ιησους) Β D K 0289 88 330 489 927 1448 1506 ar m syp sa Irlat Ambst and others; δε και εγερθεις 𝔓46 D (F G) L K Ψ and others; εγερθεις εκ νεκρων ‫ *א‬A C Ψ 33 81 88 104 326 330 1243 1506 1837 0289vid co. The addition of εκ νεκρων would create an unusually long line. ‫ *א‬Α C 0289vid 81 131 323 424 440 460 547 618 629 796 945 1242 1315 1506 1734 1738 1836 2125 it vgww bo Irlat om. και (1st); 1739 1881 om. εκ νεκρων ος και εστιν; 1735 om. ος (2nd); 796 om. και (2nd).

New Testament Texts [21] 34 35 36 37 38–39 39 40 40–41

41–42 43 44 45 46 47–48 48 49 53 54 55 56 57 57–58 58 59

83

τις ουν ημας F G; του θεου της εν Χριστω Ιησου B; του θεου ‫ א‬326 330 365 1352 1506 1837 1854 1982 2125 2400 t sa. θλειψις B; θλιψεις F G 1315; θληψης 1243; η om. before διωγμος 𝔓46 D* F G; 1 om. η λιμος η γυμνοτης η κινδυνος; 910 1424 om. η κινδυνος. καθαπερ for καθως Cl. 049 om. ολην την ημεραν. υπερνικομεν 2464; υπερνεικωμεν Β F G. τον αγαπησαντα D F G latt; του ηγαπησαντος 326c; ημας Χριστου 326 1837 2464; 2495 om. ημας. 618 om. ουτε θανατος ουτε ζωη ουτε αγγελοι; οτι ουτε ζωη ουτε θανατος 547; ουτε ζωη ουτε αγγελος ουτε εξουσια D. αρχαι ου ουτε 𝔓46; ουτε εξουσιαι for ουτε ενεστωτα C 81 104 syh** bomss; ουτε δυναμεις ουτε εξουσιαι ουτε ενεστωτα ουτε μελλοντα 1245; ουτε εξουσιαι ουτε δυναμεις ουτε ενεστωτα ουτε μελλοντα ουτε ζωη ουτε 1836*; δυναμεις in place of ενεστωτα K L Ψ 1 33 and many others; ενεστωτα in place of μελλοντα K L Ψ 1 330 and many others; μελλοντα in place of δυναμεις K L 1 33 and many others. Ψ om. ουτε υψωμα; 𝔓46 D F G 1505 2495 lat sy om. τις. λωρεισαι for χωρισαι F G; χωρησαι 33 326 330 1506 1611 1646 1836 1837 2464 049 056; 1646 om. θεου. του κυριου Α C F G; Χριστω Ιησου D* F G ar vgs. συμμαρτυρουσης Bc K L Ψ 1 6 33 and many others; συνμαρτυρουσης is the reading of the earlier witnesses together with some later witnesses as well (𝔓46 ‫ א‬B* A C D F G 326 2464); 𝔓46 1506 om. μου. μοι λυπη εστι 440. της καρδιας K 33 614 999 1175 1836 1874 2147 2344 2412; γαρ αυτος C K L 69 104 326 1837 etc.; 1827 om. γαρ; γαρ εγω αυτος αναθεμα ειναι 2400; εγω αναθεμα ειναι C K L 33 104 205 (εγω om.) 330 1243 1827 1836, etc. υπερ του Χριστου Ψ; υπο του Χριστου D G 1505; 𝔓46 om. μου; B* om. των αδελφων μου. D* F G om. μου; των κατα D F G 1315 2147 2815. 1319 om. αμην; ουχ οι 1245; οιον δε οτι οιον 365; 𝔓46 it syp Ambst om. οτι. οι γαρ παντες 618; 1245 1738 om. οι; 1243 om. ουτοι; Ισραηλειται (2nd) D* F G; Ισραηλιται (2nd) Dc (88) 614 999 1881c 2147 2412 vgww; Ισραηλιτες (2nd) 330. εισι Ψ 1 6 69 88 104 131 etc.; τεκνα Αβρααμ 1242; παντες και σπερμα αλλ 1241. οτι του τα ‫א‬c Bc Ψ 69 330 365 614 999 1319 1505 1506 1573 1982 2147 2412 2495 (om. τα). τα τεκνα 365; F G 056 69 945 1245 om. του; 489 om. τα; τα τα 2147. επαγγελειας A F G 2464. D om. the article before λογος. ουτως 1175 1646 1874 049; προς σε και 104 460 1506 1836.

Date: III

21 P.Oxy. LXVI 4498 (𝔓114) Hebrews 1:7-12 3.8 × 7.1 cm TM no. 65897

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis, J. Chapa, W. E. H. Cockle, D. Obbink, P. J. Parsons, and J. D. Thomas (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXVI (London, 1999),

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

84

9–10 (no. 4498); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 663. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 16. Introduction This small scrap of papyrus originally belonging to a papyrus codex preserves the fragmentary portions of ten lines of text. W. E. Cockle in the ed. pr. argued that the reverse side of the papyrus was left blank because it belonged to an empty page used for the title of the work or perhaps left intentionally blank as a means of introducing the book of Hebrews. For paleographic comparanda, Cockle noted P.Oxy. I 23 (III, Plato), P.Oxy. XXXIV 2700 (III, Apollonius Rhodius), and P.Oxy. XLII 3008 (III, Prose about Dualism). P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett describe the handwriting as a reformed documentary hand.14 The writing is largely bilinear with ρ and υ extending below the line. ω has a rather flat bottom, and the center of μ is sometimes shallow. The handwriting tends to lean slightly to the right, and there are no indications of punctuation or rough breathing marks in the surviving portion of text. The nomen sacrum for θ(εό)ς occurs. A complete line of text contained approximately 36–42 letters, which would indicate that roughly 17 lines of text preceded the beginning of the surviving text. This would indicate that a column of writing contained roughly 27 lines of text. A complete page would have measured about 15 × 25 cm and thus be of Turner’s Group 7. The papyrus presents two interesting features. At Hebrews 1:9 the papyrus attests to the unique word order variant σου ὁ θεός, whereas all other manuscripts read ὁ θεός σου. The text following this reading was also different from the surviving witnesses although it is impossible to say what omission or correction would account for the text following θεός in l. 5. Additionally, the papyrus read ὡς ἱμάτιον (“as a garment”) at Hebrews 1:12 with 𝔓46 ‫ א‬A Β P and Ψ.

→ 5

14

] αὐ[τοῦ πυρὸς φλόγα, πρὸς δὲ τὸν υἱόν· ὁ θρόνος] σο̣υ ὁ θ(εό)ς, ε [̣ ἰς τὸν αἰῶνα, καὶ ἡ ῥάβδος τῆς εὐθύτητος] ῥάβδος [τῆς βασιλείας σου. ἠγάπησας δικαιοσύνην] καὶ ἐμ[ίσησας ἀνομίαν· διὰ τοῦτο ἔχρισέν σε ὁ θ(εὸ)ς] σου ὁ θ(εό)ς, [ ] κατ’ ἀρχ[άς, κ(ύρι)ε, τὴν γῆν ἐθεμελίωσας, καὶ ἔργα τῶν χει-] ρῶν σού [εἰσιν οἱ οὐρανοί· αὐτοὶ ἀπολοῦνται, σὺ δὲ δια-]

Comfort and Barrett, Text of the Earliest, 663.

1:7-8 1:9 1:10 1:11

New Testament Texts [22]

10 2

3 4 4–5

7 7–8 9–10

μέν[εις, καὶ πάντες ὡς ἱμάτιον παλαιωθήσονται,] κα[ὶ ὡσεὶ περιβόλαιον ἑλίξεις αὐτούς, ὡς ἱμά-] τι [̣ ον

85

1:12

The majority of mss read τον αιωνα του αιωνος, but P.Oxy. LXVI 4498 almost certainly om. του αιωνος along with B 33 t vgmss; Dc K L P Ψ 0278 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1881 2464 l 249 𝔐 t vgcl sy om. και; ραβδος ευθυτητος η D K L P Ψ 0278 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1881 2464 𝔐; ‫ *א‬om. ραβδος της ευθυτητος. αυτου for σου 𝔓46 ‫ א‬Β. ανομιας D*; αδικιαν for ανομιαν ‫ א‬A 33vid Or. The expected reading following θεος in l.  5 would be ελαιον αγαλλιασεως παρα τους μετοχους σου και συ (“[your God, has anointed you] with the oil of gladness beyond your companions. And you”), a reading that would create an unusually long line of text. Several possibilities exist that could explain the unusually long line: the scribe may have made a copying error and fixed it interlinearly, the papyrus may have contained a new reading for this line that is unattested elsewhere, or a simple omission of some sort occurred that would reduce the length of the line by several letters. The beginning of l. 5 appears to begin with a copying error as the expected reading would be ο θεος σου. On the dating of the abbreviation of ουρανος, see Paap, Nomina Sacra, 104–5; O’Callaghan, “Nomina Sacra” in papyris graecis saeculi III neotestamentariis, 55–56, 78. διαμενεῖς Dc 0243 365 629 lat. αλλαξεις for ελιξεις ‫ *א‬D* t vgcl.ww Ath. The papyrus certainly read ως ιματιον. The omission is attested in Dc K L P Ψ 𝔐 0243 0278 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1881 2464 l 249 lat sy samss bo Ath.

Date: III

22 P.Oxy. IX 1171 (𝔓20) James 2:19–3:9 11.5 × 4.3 cm TM no. 61618; Van Haelst 0547

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IX (London, 1912), 9–11 (no. 1171); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 106–8. Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:464–65. Introduction This small scrap of papyrus originating from a third-century papyrus codex preserves portions of lines from James 2:19–3:9. Unfortunately, none of the lines are complete, nor are the margins intact, and therefore the lines of text can be restored only rather tentatively. The handwriting is a semicursive that A.  S. Hunt ascribed to the third century without any note of paleographic comparanda. P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett have suggested that the scribe is

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

86

the same as P.Oxy. XI 1355 [20]. The handwriting does appear to be the same although the fragments belong to different codices. This fragment belonged to a codex that originally measured 12 × 16 cm and had about 25 lines of text per page with an estimated 30–35 letters per line. This would place the codex among the Aberrants of Turner’s Group 9. πατήρ is left uncontracted, but the usual nomina sacra occur for πν(εῦμ)α, κ(ύριο)ς, and θ(εό)ς. Diaeresis occurs frequently, and an apostrophe indicating the end of the names Αβρααμ and Ρααβ is also used. The papyrus is otherwise left unpunctuated. The papyrus preserves the unusual spelling ἐγβαλοῦσα for ἐκβαλοῦσα, an otherwise unattested spelling variation. A correction in the hand of the original scribe is evident in l. 26. The papyrus agrees with C and a few other minuscules in the word order δεδάμασται καὶ δαμάζεται at James 3:7, and the papyrus omits δέ following ἐπίστευσεν in James 2:23, the earliest witness to do so. The papyrus reads κενέ instead of καινέ at James 2:20, the reading of ‫א‬ and Α. κ]α̣λῶς ποι[εῖς κα]ὶ ̣ φρίζουσιν θέλ ε̣ [ις κ]ε ̣νέ, ὅτι ἡ πίστις χ[ωρὶς Ἀβ]ρ̣αὰμ ὁ πατὴρ ἡμ[ῶν 5 ] ἀ ̣ν̣ενέγκας Ἰσα[ὰκ ] θυσιαστήριον βλέ[πεις ] τ̣οῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐ [̣ κ ἐτε]λ ε̣ ιώθ̣η, καὶ ἐπληρ[ώθη ἐπίστ]ευσεν Ἀ β ̣ ραὰμ [ 10 δ]ικαιοσύνη[ν ] ἐξ ἔργων̣ [ κα]ὶ ̣ οὐκ ̣ [ἐ]κ ̣ πίστεω[ς Ῥ]αὰβ ἡ ̣ π̣ό [̣ ρ]νη οὐ[κ ] ὑ̣ποδεξ[α]μένη τ̣[οὺς 15 ὁ]δῷ ἐκβαλοῦσα ὥ[σπερ χωρ]ὶς πν(εύματο)ς νεκρόν ἐ[στιν ] χ̣ ωρὶς ἔργων νεκρά ̣ [ δι]δ̣άσκαλοι γίνεσθε [ ὅ]τ̣ι μεῖζον κρίμα λ[ημψόμεθα 20 ] γ̣ὰρ πτ̣α [̣ ίομεν

↓

→ 25

μετ]ά̣γο̣ ̣μεν ἰδοὺ κ[αὶ ] κ α̣ [̣ ὶ] ὑπὸ ἀνέμων̣ [ ] μετάγεται ὑπὸ [ ὅπ]ο̣υ ̣ ἡ ὁρμὴ τοῦ εὐ[θύνοντος οὕτω]ς ̣ κ α̣ ὶ ἡ γλῶσσα [ ] μεγάλα αὐχεῖ ἰδ[οὺ

2:19 2:20 2:21 2:22 2:23 2:24 2:25 2:26 3:1 3:2 3:3-4

3:5

New Testament Texts [22]

30

35

40

ὕ]λην ἀνάπτει κα[ὶ κόσ]μο̣ ς τῆς ἀδικ[ί]ας [ ] ἐν το̣ῖς μέλεσ[ιν] ἡ [̣ μῶν σ]ῶμα καὶ φλογί[ζουσα γεν]έσε ω ̣ ς καὶ φ[λογιζομένη γεέ]ννης πᾶσα γὰρ φ[ύσις πετειν]ῶν ἑρπετῶν [ δεδάμαστ]α[ι] καὶ δ[α]μά̣ ζεται [ ἀνθρωπ]ίνῃ τὴν δὲ γλῶσσ̣[αν δύν]ατα [̣ ι] ἀνθρώπων ἀ [̣ κατάστατον ] μ̣ε σ̣ ̣τ̣ὴ̣ ἰοῦ θανατη[φόρου εὐλογοῦ]με̣ ν τὸν κ(ύριο)ν κ[αὶ καταρ]ώμεθα τοὺ[ς ὁμοί]ω̣σ̣ι̣ν θ(εο)ῦ [

87

3:6

3:7 3:8 3:9

__________ 4. pap. Αβρααμ’. 5. pap. ϊσαακ. 13. pap. ρααβ’. 15. pap. εγβαλουσα. 18. pap. γεινεσθε. 21. pap. ϊδου. 23. pap. ϋπο. 26. pap. ϊδου. 37. pap. ϊου.

1 2 3 4 5 8 9 14 15 16 17 21 22 24 25 26  27 31 33 34

πιστευεις for ποιεις 1367 l 422. The majority of witnesses read φρισσουσιν (for the interchance of σσ and ζ, see Gignac 1.120–24. φριττουσιν 43 206 319 330 365 442 631 etc. φρισσουσιν και πιστευουσιν 218; φρισσουσιν και τρεμουσιν 2147c; πιστευουσιν και τρεμουσιν 321 2147*. καινε ‫ א‬Α 049vid 81 1718 2464 l 422; η πιστις σου 1751. υμων 018vid 61 400 1270 1297 1595 1598 1611 1661 1718 1729. 61 326 629 630 1837 1838 1893 2242 etc. om. Ισαακ. εδικαιωθη for ετελειωθη 365 1661. επιστευσεν δε ‫ א‬A B C P 33 69 81 88 218 𝔐 vgmss. δεξαμενη 945 1241 1739. εμβαλουσα 918 1842. του πνευματος 33 69 945 1241 1739 2298 etc. των εργων A C K L P 1739 𝔐. μεταγομεν αυτων A Ψ 33 81 2344 2818. υπο σκληρων ανεμων Α L Ψ 33 1739 𝔐 etc. The papyrus likely read οπου + βουλεται with the majority of witnesses. Other witnesses read αν η ορμη + βουληται A C P Ψ 5 33 81 307 436 442 642 1175 1243 1448 1611 1735 1739 1852 2344 2492 syh ms. ωσαυτως (for ουτως) 𝔓74vid Α Ψ 5 81 218 623 2464. It appears that the scribe intended to write out μεγαλα αυχει. The scribe first copied out μεγαλαυ and then corrected the reading to μεγαλα αυχει. It is almost certain that the line should be restored μεγαλ〚α〛 ̀α ́υχει; μεγαλαυχει ‫ א‬Cc K L Ψ 1739 𝔐 syh. ‫ *א‬l 844 om. και. γενεσεως ημων ‫ א‬88 104 326 442 459 621 915 1838 1842 1845 2544 l 596; γενεσεως υμων 629. πετεινων και 5 1845 1890. The word order of P.Oxy. IX 1171 is attested in a few other witnesses (C 322 323 424 629 631 945 1241 1609 1739 2298 2492 2774) while the majority of witnesses read δαμαζεται και δεδαμασται.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

88 36 38 40

ανθρωπων δαμασαι ‫ א‬A K P Ψ 049 5 43 69 81 630 1241 1505 l 1440 l 1441. θεον for κυριον 307 436 442 642 1243 1448 1611 2344 2492c 𝔐 vgst.ww syh sa bopt ac. του θεου 614 1292 1448 1490 1505 1611 1831 1890 2138 2147 2412 2495 2544 2652 2674 l 590.

Date: III

23 P.Oxy. X 1229 (𝔓23) James 1:10-12, 15-18 12.1 × 11.2 cm TM no. 61620; Van Haelst 0543

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri X (London, 1914), 16–18 (no. 1229); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 111–14. Related Literature: K. Junack and W. Grunewald (eds.), Die Katholischen Briefe: Das Neue Testament auf Papyrus, Vol.  1 (Berlin, 1986), 14; D. Barker, “The Reuse of Christian Texts: P.Macquarie Inv. 360 + P.Mil.Vogl. Inv. (𝔓91) and P.Oxy. X 1229 (𝔓23),” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 136–38. Introduction Originally dated to the fourth century by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, P.Oxy. X 1229 has more recently been dated to the second century by P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett based on similarities to the second hand of P. Chester Beatty X (III, Ezekiel). The handwriting is that of a scribe who attempts bilinearity but is unable to maintain a consistent letter size throughout. Some letters extend below the lines (β and φ), while κ at times is enlarged so that it extends into the line above and below the line of writing. The handwriting has the appearance of a trained hand that is still in its early stages of development. Serifs are added to α, δ, and ι somewhat as an afterthought. The scribe appears to lift the pen at the completion of the letter to create the small serifs. Diaeresis is used once, and there is a middle point in l. 21 used for punctuation. Page numbers survive in the top margin and are centered to the text. About nine or ten lines have been lost at the bottom of the page between the front and reverse. πατρός is left uncontracted, and no other occasions for the use of nomina sacra occur. A complete page would have measured roughly 13 × 21 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 8. The top, right, and left margins are preserved, and the surviving page was folded up. D. Barker has suggested that the papyrus was intentionally folded to show the words, μακάριος ἀνὴρ ὃς ὑπομένει πειρασμόν· ὅτι

New Testament Texts [23]

89

δόκιμος γενόμενος λήψεται τὸν στέφανον τῆς ζωῆς (“Blessed is anyone who endures temptation. Such a one has stood the test and will receive the crown of life”).15 Thus folded, the papyrus would have served the purpose of encouragement or as a memory aid for the owner. The papyrus is interesting as a witness to the reading τοῦ προσώπου αὐτοῦ (“of its appearance,” James 1:11), a reading that is also found in ‫ א‬and A (B omits αὐτοῦ). The papyrus reads ἀνήρ instead of ἄνθρωπος together with ‫ א‬and B at James 1:12. And the papyrus reads ἀποσκιάσματος with ‫ *א‬and B at James 1:17 although it contains the unique reading παραλλαγῆς where ‫ *א‬and B read παραλλαγή.

↓ 5

10

15

→

20

25

15

β τῇ ταπειν〚ου〛ˋώˊσει αὐτοῦ, ὅτι ὡς ἄνθος χόρτου παρελεύσεται. ἀνέτειλεν γὰρ ὁ ἥλιος σὺν τῷ καύσωνι καὶ ἐξήρανεν τὸν χόρτο(ν), καὶ τὸ ἄνθος αὐτοῦ ἐξέπεσεν ˋκαὶˊ ἡ εὐπρέπεια τοῦ προσώπου αὐτοῦ ἀπώλετο· οὕτως καὶ ὁ πλούσιος ἐν ταῖς πορείαις αὐτοῦ μαρανθήσεται. Μακάριος ἀνὴρ ὃς ὑπομένει πειρασμόν, ὅτι δόκιμος γενόμενος λήμψεται τὸν στέφανον τῆς ζωῆς, ὃν ἐ ̣π [̣ ηγγείλ]ατο τοῖς ἀ γ̣ [̣ απῶσιν αὐτόν.] γ συλλαβοῦσα τίκτει ἁμαρτίαν, ἡ δὲ ἁμαρτία ἀποτελεσθεῖσα ἀποκύει θάνατον. Μὴ πλανᾶσθε, ἀδελφοί μου ἀγαπητοί. πᾶσα δόσις ἀγαθὴ καὶ πᾶν δώρημα τέλειον ἄνωθέν ἐστιν καταβαῖνον ἀπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς Barker, “Reuse of Christian Texts,” 136–38.

1:10 1:11

1:12

1:15 1:16 1:17

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

90

30

τῶν φώτων, παρ’ ᾧ οὐκ ἔνι παραλλαγῆς ἢ τροπῆς ἀποσκιάσματος. βουληθεὶς ἀπεκύησεν ἡμᾶς λόγῳ ἀληθείας, εἰς τὸ εἶναι ἡμᾶ[ς ἀπ]αρχήν τ[ινα

1:18

__________ 4. pap. καυσωνει. 12. pap. ϋπομενει. 21. pap. τον·; pap. πλανασθαι.

2–3 4 6 8 10 11–12 12 12–13 16 20 21–22 25–26 26 27–28 28–29

30

παρερχεται for παρελευσεται 2180. καυσωνι αυτου 88 915. 206 254 429 522 614 630 1505 etc. vgms om. αυτου. Β 1827 1893 om. αυτου. εαυτου for αυτου C*. ανθρωπος for ανηρ Α Ψ 1448 Cyr. υπομενει K L P 049 1 6 69 1735 etc.; υπομενη 69 1243 1729* l 170 l 2087. πειρασμους 056 0142. Following επηγγειλατο C (om. definite article) P 0246 𝔐 syh add ο κυριος; 4 33vid 323 945 1241 1739 vg syp Ath Didpt Cyr add ο θεος. αποκυεῖ L Ψ 5 33 93 181 323 1739 etc. αδελφοι αγαπητοι 38 321; αγαπητοι μου αδελφοι 1127 1509 l 422 l 921. κατερχομενον 322 323 424 945 1241 1739. παρα for απο K 056 0142 5 104 623 2464 etc.; εκ σου for απο 1241; εκ for απο 2374 2805 l 427 Anast. εστιν for ενι ‫ א‬P 197 206 378 522 614 630 1505. παραλλαγη ουδε τροπης αποσκιασμα Ψ vg syp; παραλλαγη η τροπης αποσκιασματος ‫ *א‬B; παραλλαγη η τροπος αποσκιασμα 1241; παραλλαγη η τροπη αποσκιασματος 614 1505 2412 2495; παραλλαγη η τροπης η τροπης αποσκιασμα ουδε μεχρι υπονοιας τινος υποβολη αποσκιασματως 876 1765 1832 2138 24948; παραλλαγη η τροπης αποσκιασμα ff Aug. γαρ απεκυησεν 1367 1853 1893 2298 vgcl; εποιησεν for απεκυησεν 206 378 429 614 630 2495 syh.

Date: III/IV

24 P.Oxy. VIII 1079 (𝔓18) Revelation 1:4-7 15.1 × 9.8 cm TM no. 61636; Van Haelst 0559

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII (London, 1911), 13–14 (no. 1079); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 103–5. Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:201–2.

New Testament Texts [24]

91

Introduction This small fragment containing a portion of the book of Revelation on the reverse and Exodus on the front (P.Oxy. VIII 1075) derives from a third- or fourth-century papyrus roll.  The writing of the front appears to predate the writing of the reverse by a century or more. The handwriting is a medium-sized cursive that is often rather crudely formed. The writing is mostly bilinear with ρ extending below the line and β extending above it. Some ligatures are employed, and final ν is once noted by a supralinear stroke. Nomina sacra are abbreviated by suspension Ἰη(σοῦ) Χρ(ιστοῦ), although θ(εό)ς is abbreviated by contraction. A medial point is used following τοῦ (l. 6) and following αὐτοῦ (l. 13). The papyrus contains one unique reading that is otherwise unattested. At Revelation 1:6 the word order τὸ κράτος καὶ ἡ δόξα is reversed from its usual attested order. Also, the papyrus read ἡμῖν at Revelation 1:6 with A and λύσαντι ἡμᾶς ἐκ (“and washed us”; Rev 1:5) with ‫א‬c A and C. A scribal correction occurs as a result of parablepsis in l. 12, where the scribe began to write τοῦ θεοῦ, perhaps as a result of looking at αὐτοῦ a few words later. Realizing the mistake, the scribe corrected the error to τῷ θεῷ, the attested reading.

↓ 5

10

15

[Ἰωάννης τα]ῖ̣[ς ἑπτὰ] ἐκ[κλησ]ίαις [ταῖς ἐν τῇ] Ἀσίᾳ· χάρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρή[νη ἀπὸ ὁ ὢν] καὶ ὁ ἦν καὶ ὁ ἐρχόμε[νος καὶ ἀπὸ τ]ῶν ἑπτὰ πνευμά[των ἃ] ἐν[ώ]πιον τοῦ θρόνου αὐ[τ]οῦ καὶ ἀπὸ Ἰη(σοῦ) Χρ(ιστοῦ), ὁ μάρτυς, ὁ πιστός, ὁ πρωτότοκος τῶν νεκρῶ(ν) καὶ ὁ ἄρχων τῶν βασιλέων τῆς γῆς. Τῷ ἀγαπῶντι ἡμᾶς καὶ λύσαντι ἡ[μ]ᾶς ἐκ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν ἐν [τ]ῷ αἵματι αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐποίησεν ἡμ[ῖ(ν)] [βα]σ[ιλ]είαν, ἱερεῖς τοῦˋῷˊ θ〚υ〛(ε)ῷ καὶ π[α]τρὶ [αὐτο]ῦ, αὐτῷ τὸ κράτος καὶ ἡ δόξα [εἰς το]ὺς αἰῶνας· ἀμήν. Ἰδοὺ [ἔρχε]ται μετὰ τῶν νεφελῶν, [καὶ ὄψε]ται αὐτὸν πᾶς ὀφθαλ[μὸς καὶ ο]ἵτινες αὐτὸν ἐξε[κέντησαν,]

1:4

1:5

1:6 1:7

__________ 2. pap. ϋμιν. 12. pap. ϊερεις. 14. pap. ϊδου.

3 5

απο θεου 𝔐 046 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2329 2344 2351 (ar) t Vic Prim. των for α ‫ א‬A. α εστιν P 2053 𝔐A. The space preceding ενωπιον strongly favors the shorter α against των.

92

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

εκ των νεκρων 𝔐A. ‫ *א‬om. τω; αγαπησαντι P 𝔐A 2053 2062; λουσαντι P 𝔐K 046 1006 1841 1854 2053 2062 lat bo. 9–10 ‫ *א‬om. ημας. 10 απο των αμαρτιων P 𝔐K 046c 1006 1841 2351; A om. ημων. 11 ποιησαντι 046c 1854; ημων C 1611 2329 h t vg; ημας ‫ א‬P 𝔐 046c 1006 1841 2050 2351 ar gig vgcl Tert Vic Prim; the remains of the supralinear stroke at the end of the line confirms the reading ημι(ν). 12 βασιλειον 046 1854 2050 2351; βασιλεις και P 𝔐A; ιερατευμα 2351 vgms; the intent of the correction is to create the reading τω θεω although the scribe did not erase ου (from του). 13 Αll other mss read η δοξα και το κρατος. 14–15 Before αμην ‫ *א‬C 𝔐 046 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2062 2329 2351 latt syr Did add των αιωνων. 2344 om. εις τους αιωνας αμην. 15 επι for μετα C 2053 sa. 16 οψονται ‫ א‬1611 2351 sy bo. 17 ‫ *א‬om. αυτον. 7 9

25 P.Oxy. XXIV 2384 + PSI inv. 3407 (𝔓70) (was CNR 419, 420) Matthew 2:13-16; 2:22–3:1; 11:26-27; 12:4-5; 24:3-6, 12-15 Frag. A 5.4 × 2.0 cm; Frag. B 3.8 × 3.6 cm; Frag. C 8.3 × 4.5 cm TM no. 61789; Van Haelst 0360 Date: III/IV Material: Papyrus Published: E. Lobel et al.  (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXIV (London, 1957), 4–5 (no. 2384); M. Naldini, “Nuovi frammenti del Vangelo di Matteo,” Prometheus 1 (1975): 195–200; P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 473–77. Related Literature: T. Wasserman, “The Early Text of Matthew,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 97. Introduction One of these fragments from a papyrus codex was discovered at Oxyrhynchus and was published in volume XXIV of the series. Later, two fragments in Florence were identified as belonging to the same codex. M. Naldini published the additional fragments, thus bringing the total number of fragments from this papyrus codex of Matthew to three. The handwriting of the fragments was dated to the third or fourth century by E. G. Turner based on paleographic comparison to P.Oxy. VI 847 [27] and P.Oxy. X 1224 [75] and then later by Naldini based on comparison to P.Oxy. XV 1780 [11] and P.Lond.Lit. 33, both of which also date from the third or fourth centuries. The writing is in a black carbon ink with upright and regularly formed letters: ο is rather small; ω is broad and rounded. The style of handwriting is a reformed documentary hand,

New Testament Texts [25]

93

and the usual nomina sacra can be assumed. An estimated 22–23 lines of text are missing between the front and reverse sides with a single column of text measuring 28–29 lines tall or roughly 14 cm tall when margins are calculated. The width of the codex can be estimated to be roughly equal to the height and thus of Turner’s Group 9. The papyrus is interesting for several unique readings and for its agreement with C in reading γινώσκει at Matthew 11:27 against ‫ א‬and B. At Matthew 2:23 the papyrus preserves the singular spelling Ναζαρά instead of Ναζαρέτ or Ναζαράθ. More interesting is the singular noun τῷ σάββατῳ where all other witnesses have the plural (Matt 12:5). For Matthew 24:5, the papyrus changes the preposition ἐπί to ἐν, which, although it does not alter the meaning, does represent a singular reading. At Matthew 24:14 the papyrus agrees with ‫ א‬in word order (εἰς ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην) against other witnesses. frag. A

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[τὸ παιδίον] τ̣οῦ ἀ̣[πολέσαι αὐτό. ὁ δὲ] [ἐγερθεὶς π]αρέλ[αβε τὸ παιδίον καὶ] [τὴν μητ]έρα αὐ[τοῦ νυκτὸς καὶ] [ἀνεχώρησ]εν εἰς ̣ [Αἴγυπτον, καὶ ἦν] [ἐκεῖ ἕως] τῆς τε[λευτῆς Ἡρῴδου·] [ἵνα πληρω]θῇ τὸ [ῥηθὲν ὑπὸ κ(υρίο)υ διὰ τοῦ] [προφήτου] λέγ[οντος· ἐξ Αἰγύπτου] [ἐκάλεσα τὸ]ν υ(ἱό)ν [μου. Τότε Ἡρῴδης] [ἰδὼν ὅτι ἐν]ε̣π̣α̣ [ίχθη [βασι-] [λεύει τῆς Ἰουδαί]ας ἀ[ντὶ τοῦ πατρὸς] [αὐτοῦ Ἡρῴδου ἐφοβ]ήθη ἐ [̣ κεῖ ἀπελθεῖν·] [χρηματισθεὶς δὲ] κατ’ ὄ[ναρ ἀνεχώ-] [ρησεν εἰς τὰ μέρ]η τῆς Γ[αλιλαίας,] [καὶ ἐλθὼν κατῴκη]σεν ε[ἰς πόλιν λε-] [γομένην Ναζα]ρ̣α· ὅπω[ς πληρωθῇ] [τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ τῶν] προ̣φ̣η[τῶν ὅτι] [Ναζωραῖος κληθ]ήσε[ται. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς] [ἡμέραις ἐκείναις] π̣αρα [̣ γίνεται]

2:13-14 2:15

2:16 2:22

2:23 3:1

frag. B

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[ἔμ-] προ̣σ[̣ θέν σου. Πάντα μοι παρε-] δόθη ὑ̣[πὸ τοῦ π(ατ)ρ(ό)ς μου, καὶ οὐ-] δεὶς γ[ινώσκει τὸν υἱὸν εἰ μὴ] ὁ π(ατ)ήρ, [οὐδὲ τὸν π(ατέ)ρα τις ἐπιγι-] νώσκ[ει

11:26-27

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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καὶ τοὺς] ἄρ̣[τους τῆς προθέσεως ἔ]φαγεν, ὃ [οὐκ ἐξὸν ἦν αὐτῷ φαγ]εῖν οὐδὲ [τοῖς μετ’ αὐτοῦ εἰ μὴ το]ῖς ἱερεῦ[σιν μόνοις; ἢ οὐκ ἀνέγ]νωτε ἐν [τῷ νόμῳ ὅτι ἐν τῷ σάββ]ατῷ [

12:4

12:5

frag. C

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[συντελεί]ας τοῦ α̣[ἰῶνος; Καὶ] [ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ Ἰ(ησοῦ)]ς εἶπεν αὐ[τοῖς·] [βλέπετε μή τ]ις ὑμᾶς πλαν[ήσῃ· πολ-] [λοὶ γὰρ ἐλ]εύσονται ἐν τ̣ [ῷ ὀνό-] [ματί μου] λέγοντες· ἐγώ [εἰμι] [ὁ Χ(ριστό)ς, καὶ] πολλοὺς πλα[νήσου-] [σιν. μελλήσ]εται δὲ ἀκού[ειν πο-] [λέμους καὶ ἀ]κοὰς πολέμω[ν· ὁρᾶ-] [τε, μὴ θροε]ῖσθε· δεῖ γὰρ [ ] πολλ[ῶν. ὁ δὲ ὑπο-] [μείν]α̣ ς εἰ ς̣ ̣ τέλος [οὗτος σωθή-] [σεται.] καὶ κηρυχθ̣[ήσεται τὸ] [εὐαγ]γ̣έλιον `τοῦτο´ τῆς β[ασιλείας] [εἰς ὅλ]ην τὴν οἰκου[μένην] [εἰς μ]αρτύριον πᾶ [̣ σιν τοῖς] [ἔθνεσ]ιν, καὶ τότε ἥ[ξει τὸ τέ-] [λος. Ὅτα]ν οὖν ἴδη[τ]ε [τὸ βδέλυ-] [γμα τ]ῆ̣ ς ἐρημώσε[ως

24:3-4 24:5

24:6

24:12-13 24:14

24:15

__________ 27–28. pap. ϊερευσιν. 31. pap. ]ς̅. 32. pap. ϋμας. 33. pap. ελευσονται·. 35. pap πολ’λους. 38. pap. θροισθαι. 38g. pap. πολ’λων. 46. pap. ϊδητε.

τον παιδα D; αυτω K L* 2* 28 1071; αυτον D. διεγερθεις D 33; τον παιδα D. Εγυπτον L. The line likely did not read του κυριου with 𝔐 K L M U 2 28 118 124 157 565 700 788 1071 1582c. The line is already slightly longer than average without the addition of του. Following δια, sys adds του στοματος Ησαιου. 6–7 δια του προφητου is om. in 788. 7 Εγυπτου D L. 10 επι της Ιουδαιας C D K L M U W Δ Π 𝔐 2 28 118 157 579 1071 1424 1582c. 10–11 The word order here is not at all certain. There are two distinct traditions, του πατρος αυτου Ηρωδου ‫ א‬Β C* W and Ηρωδου του πατρος αυτου Cc D K L M N U Γ Δ Π 𝔐 f 1.13 28 33 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1241 1346 1424 l 2211 latt Eus.

1 2 4 6

New Testament Texts [26] 11 13 14–15 15 16 17 18 20 21 22 23–24 25 26 27 28 28–29 30–31 32 33–34 34 35–36 36 38 40–42 42 43 44 46

95

απελθειν εκει N. Γαλειλαιας B; Γαληλαιας 2. εν πολει λεγομενη 565. The reading Ναζαρα is unique (attested also in Eus), the other attested spellings are Ναζαρετ ‫ א‬B D L 33 118 157 700 892 1241 1346 1424 1582 l 2211; Ναζαρεθ C K M N W Γ Π 𝔐 f 13 2 28 565 1071 lat co; Ναζαραθ Δ 1 f 1. Ναζαρεθ λεγομενην 124 788. υπο των ‫א‬c C. Ναζωρεος D W; Ναζοραιος K 1424; D K L M Nvid Γ Δ Π 𝔐 2 28 118 565 700 l 844 l 2211 it sys bopt om. δε. παραγεινεται ‫ א‬B D N W; παραγενεται 579. ‫ *א‬sams bo Ju MarIr lat om. μου. επιγινωσκει B N; επιγεινωσκει D; επιγιγνωσκει W; τον πατηρ for τον υιον N. ο υιος for ο πατηρ N; τον υιον for τον πατερα N. επιγεινωσκει B D; επιγιγνωσκει W. προσθεσεως D; εφαγον ‫ א‬B 481; ελαβεν for εφαγεν 892*; ους for ο ‫ א‬C K L M N U Γ Δ Θ Π 𝔐 f 1 2 28 118 157 565 579 700 892 1071 1424 lat syh sa bo; οις for ο 33, η for ο 1346. εξεστιν for εξον ην C 2 28 33 118; ην εξον D; φαγειν αυτω 28 1071 1424. τους μετ L; αλλ η for ει μη f 1. μονον L Δ; μονον τοις ιερευσιν 1424; f 1 om. μονοις; αν for ουκ 33. P.Oxy. XXIV 2384 preserves a singular reading here with the singular noun σαββατω. All other witnesses read οτι τοις σαββασιν (οτι εν τοις σαββασιν C D W); οτι τοις εν τω ιερω τοις σαββασιν (“in the temple on the Sabbath”) f 13 1346. αποκριθεις δε for και αποκριθεις f 1 33. τι υμας πλανησει 579. All other witnesses read επι τω ονοματι. οτι εγω C*. πλανησωσιν Π* 157 1424. μελλεται D f 13; μελλησετε ‫ א‬Bc C K L M Π 𝔐 f 1 2c 28 69 118 124 565 700 788 1071 1346; μελησετε 157 1424; 124 om. δε. και μη 1424; θροηθητε 118. W om. ουτος. The majority of witnesses read τουτο το ευαγγελιον, although D 579 read το ευαγγελιον τουτο; 1424 g1 (1) r1 Eus Cyr om. της βασιλειας. ‫ א‬and P.Oxy. XXIV 2384 are unique in reading εις ολην την οικουμενην (“[declared] to all the world”). The more broadly attested reading is εν (εν om. 1 118 1582*) ολη τη οικουμενη. W om. πασιν. δε for ουν ‫א‬c L 157.

Date: III/IV

26 P.Oxy. LXIV 4402 (𝔓102) Matthew 4:11-12, 22-23 5.0 × 3.3 cm TM no. 61790

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. W. Handley et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIV (London, 1997), 4–5 (no. 4402); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.),

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

96

The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 639–40. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 8; T. Wasserman, “The Early Text of Matthew,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 99. Introduction This small scrap of papyrus preserves a few lines from a papyrus codex containing portions of Matthew 4:11-12 and 22-23. No complete lines survive, and only a few letter forms are evident, and thus a paleographic analysis is rather difficult. The scribe prefers geometric forms, particularly noteworthy for triangular α and rounded ω. The scribe does not attempt to create bilinear lines, and letters frequently extend above and below the line of writing. J. D. Thomas, in the ed. pr., dated the handwriting to the third or fourth century based on parallels to P.Herm. 4 (IV, Letter from John and Leon to Theophanes) and 5 (IV, Letter from Hermodorus to Theophanes). There is a midpoint following αὐτῷ in l. 4, but there is otherwise no punctuation or other marks on the papyrus. An estimated 33 lines of text have been lost between the front and reverse sides, assuming a line length of about 27 or 28 letters. Given regular-size margins of about 1.5 cm, a complete page would have measured about 14 × 27 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 8. Because the text is so fragmentary, it is of little help in understanding the development of the textual tradition of Matthew 4.

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[ἀφίησιν αὐτὸν] [ὁ διάβολος, καὶ ἰδοὺ] ἄ γ̣ γελοι προ̣σ-̣ [ῆλθον καὶ διηκόνουν] αὐτῷ. Ἀκούσας [αὐ] τῷ̣. Καὶ περι[ῆγεν ca. 14 letters?] δ̣ι̣δάσκων ἐ̣ν [

4:11 4:12 4:22-23

__________ 4. pap. αυτω·.

1 2–3 3–4 4

5

αυτω for αυτον L. ηλθον S; προσηλθοντες (om. και) 157. Matt 4:22 is om. in M W 33. The word order and orthography of the end of the line are doubtful, but one would expect for P.Oxy. LXIV 4402 to preserve a reading similar to the known witnesses for this passage: εν ολη τη Γαλιλαια (“in all Galilee”) Β (k) syc sa mae; ο Ιησους εν τη Γαλιλαια ‫*א‬ (om. ολη) C* (+ oλη) sys.p.h bo (+ ολη); ο Ιησους ολην την Γαλιλαιαν ‫א‬c D f 1 33 157 892 1424 l 844 l 2211 lat Eus; εν ολη τη Γαλιλαια ο Ιησους Cc; ολην την Γαλιλαιαν 33; ολην την Γαλιλαιαν ο Ιησους K M U W Δ Π 𝔐 f 13 2 28 565 579 700 788 1071. αυτους εν ‫*א‬.

New Testament Texts [27]

Date: III/IV

27 P.Oxy. VI 847 (0162) John 2:11-22 16.2 × 14.6 cm TM no. 61637; Van Haelst 0436

97

Material: Parchment

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VI (London, 1908), 4–5 (no. 847); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 682–84. Related Literature: D. C. Parker, “The Majuscule Manuscripts of the New Testament,” in The Text of the New Testament in Contemporary Research: Essays on the Status Quaestionis, ed. B. D. Ehrman and M. W. Holmes (Grand Rapids, 1995), 28–29; U. B. Schmid, D. C. Parker, and W. J. Elliott, The Gospel According to John: The Majuscules (Leiden, 2007), 131–32. Introduction P.Oxy. VI 847 is decidedly the earliest parchment codex preserving a copy of a canonical text from Oxyrhynchus. Although parchment codices are somewhat common by the third and fourth centuries, this is the first one from Oxyrhynchus containing a canonical Christian text to have been catalogued and published from such an early date. Some early examples of texts written on parchment prior to the third century are P.Dura 3 (III, Homer, glossary of Iliad 4.302–316); the Psalm 14:3-5 parchment from Montserrat (III, Abadia Roca 2); PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]. The fact that P.Oxy. VI 847 is written on parchment tells us little regarding its date to either the third or the fourth century. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt were inclined to date the leaf to the fourth century because the handwriting is “related to the sloping oval type of the third/fourth centuries than to the squarer heavier style which subsequently became common for biblical texts.”16 Notably, the handwriting exhibits a rather small ο and a shallow ω, with a preference for a bilinear line of text. υ sometimes extends below the line as does φ. Middle point stops are employed frequently, while some of the other dots seem rather accidental. The nomina sacra for Ἰησοῦς and μήτηρ occur, although two different forms for Ἰησοῦς occur (Ιης [l. 9] and Ις [l. 30]). The parchment is now housed in New York at the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Inv. 09.182.43). The parchment is notable for several agreements with B as well as a singular reading in John 2:17. At John 2:12 the text agrees with M and 124 in reading 16

P.Oxy. VI p. 4.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

98

ταῦτα against the other papyri witnesses of the Gospel of John and B that read τοῦτο, whereas the spelling of Καφαρναούμ (2:12) agrees with the papyri and B against other witnesses that read Καπαρναούμ. The omission of αὐτοῦ following ἀδελφοί in 2:12 also agrees with the two witnesses on papyrus (𝔓66.75) as well as B. P.Oxy. VI 847 agrees with the two papyrus witnesses in adding ὡς before φραγέλλιον in John 2:15 and with B in reading κέρματα instead of κέρμα (𝔓66.75 and ‫)א‬. The parchment reads ἀνέτρεψεν (“overturned”) with Β instead of κατέστρεψεν (“overturned/ruined”) with ‫ א‬or ἀνέστρεψεν (“overturned completely”) with 𝔓75. At John 2:17 the scribe made an error (γεγραμμένος) by changing the case ending of the participle. The parchment agrees with the corrector of B and A in reading ᾠκοδομήθη instead of οίκοδομήθη in John 2:20. Overall, the text agrees most often with B and the early papyrus witnesses for John 2:11-22.

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αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐπίστευσαν εἰς αὐτὸν οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ. Μετὰ ταῦτα κατέβη εἰς Καφαρναοὺμ αὐτὸς καὶ ἡ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐκε ῖ̣ ἔμειναν οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας. Καὶ ἐγγὺς ἦν τὸ πάσχα τῶν Ἰουδαίων, καὶ [ἀνέ]β̣η̣ ε ἰ̣ ς̣ Ἱεροσόλυμα ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς· [Καὶ εὗ]ρεν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τοὺς πω[λοῦ]ν̣τας βόας καὶ πρόβατα [κα]ὶ ̣ π̣εριστερὰς καὶ τοὺς κερμ[ατ]ιστὰς καθημένους, [καὶ] ποιήσας ὡς φραγέλλιον [ἐκ σ]χοινίων πάντας ἐξέβαλε[ν ἐ]κ τοῦ ἱεροῦ, τά τε πρόβατα καὶ τοὺς βόας, καὶ τῶν κολλυβιστῶν ἐξέχεεν τὰ κέρματα καὶ τὰς τραπέζ[α]ς ἀνέτρεψεν, καὶ τοῖς τὰς περιστερὰς πωλοῦσιν εἶπεν· ἄρατε ταῦτα [ἐ]ν̣τεῦθεν, μὴ ποιεῖτε τὸν̣ οἶκον τοῦ π(ατ)ρ(ό)ς μου οἶκον ἐμπορίου. ἐμνήσθησαν οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ ὅτι γεγραμμένος ἐστίν· ὁ̣ ζ ̣ῆ̣ λ ο̣ ς̣ ̣ τοῦ οἴκου σου καταφάγεταί με.

2:11 2:12

2:13 2:14 2:15

2:16

2:17

New Testament Texts [27]

30

35

Ἀπεκρίθησαν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι καὶ εἶπαν αὐτῷ· τί σημ[εῖον δει-] κνύεις ἡμῖν ὅτι ταῦ[τα ποιεῖς;] ἀπεκρίθη Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς καὶ εἶπεν αὐ[τοῖς·] λύσατε τὸν ναὸν τοῦτον [καὶ] [ἐν τ]ρ̣ι σ̣ ̣ ὶ ̣ν̣ ἡ μ ̣ έραις ἐγερῶ [αὐτόν.] [εἶπ]αν οὖν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι· μ καὶ ἓξ ἔτε[σι]ν ᾠκοδομήθη ὁ ναὸς οὗτο̣ς ,̣ κ α̣ ὶ̣ σὺ ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἐγερεῖς αὐτόν; ἐκεῖνος δὲ ἔλεγεν περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ τοῦ σώματος αὐτοῦ. ὅτε οὖν ἠγέρθη ἐκ ν̣εκ[ρῶν]

99

2:18 2:19 2:20 2:21 2:22

__________ 1–2. pap. αυτου·. 3–4. pap. καφαρναουμ·. 4. pap. αυτου·. 6. pap. αυτου·. 7. pap. ημερας·. 8. pap. ϊουδαιων·. 10. pap. ϊερω. 11. pap. προβατα·. 12. pap. περιστερας·. 15. pap. εκ’. 16. pap. ϊερου·. 18. pap. κερματα·. 19. pap. ανετρεψεν·. 20. pap. ειπεν·. 21. pap. εντευθεν·. 23. pap. εμποριου·. 24. pap. αυτου·. 25. l. γεγραμμενον; pap. εστιν·. 26. pap. σου·. 27. pap. ϊουδαιοι. 28. pap. αυτω·. 29. pap. ημιν·. 33. pap. ϊουδαιοι· μ̅ και ε̅ξ.̅ 34–35. pap. ουτος[·?]. 36. pap. αυτον·. 38. pap. αυτου·.

‫ *א‬om. αυτου. εις σαυτον 𝔓66*; επιστευσαν οι μαθηται αυτου εις αυτον ‫*א‬. και μετα H. μετα τουτο 𝔓66.75 ‫ א‬A Β H K L N U Ws Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 33 118 157 565 579 700 1071 1424; μετα τουτω 788. 3–4 ο Ιησους εις Καπερναουμ f 1 565 1424; εις Καπερναουμ A H K L M N U Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 13 2 28 33 118 124 157 579 700 788 1071; Ws om. εις Καπερναουμ. 4–6 και η μητηρ αυτου και οι αδελφοι αυτου και εκει (“and his mother and his brothers [were] there”) ‫ א‬it ly; και οι μαθηται αυτου και η μητηρ και οι αδελφοι αυτου και (“and his disciples, and his mother and brothers and”) W s; και η μητηρ αυτου και οι μαθηται αυτου και οι αδελφοι και εκει K Π f 13 28. 5 αδελφοι αυτου 𝔓66c ‫ א‬A M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ 𝔐 f 1 2 33 69 124 157 565 700 788 892 1346 1424 lat sy sa bo. 5–6 L om. αυτου following μαθηται; Ws om. εκει; εμεινεν 𝔓66c A F G Hc Λ f 1 124 565 (εμενεν 1241) b samss ly bo. 7 εγγυς δε (om. και) ‫ ;א‬και εγγυς δε 𝔓66*. 8 το πασχα η εορτη 579; Ιουδεων Ws. 9 ο Ιησους εις Ιεροσολυμα Ιησους A; ο Ιησους εις Ιεροσολυμα 𝔓66.75 G L M N U 1071 1241 1424 b j r1 vgcl; f 13 om. ο Ιησους. 11–12 τας βοας 𝔓75 1346 ly; τους βοας 2; και τα προβατα και βοας και περιστερας ‫ ;*א‬τα προβατα ‫א‬c. 12–13 κολλυβιστας for κερματιστας Ws. 14 εποιησεν ‫ א ;*א‬A B K G M P U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 13 2 28 157 579 700 1071 1424 sy co Or om. ως. 14–15 σχοινιου 33; σχοινιων και ‫ *א‬579; εξεβελεν 1071. 16 ‫ *א‬om. τε. 17 κολυβιστων for κολλυβιστων 33.

1 1–2 2 2–3

100

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

17–18 εξεχεν Δ; εξεχεαν 579; το κερμα εξεχεεν G f 1 565. 18 το κερμα 𝔓66* ‫ א‬A K M N P U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f(1.)13 2 28 69 157 (565) 700 892 1071 1241 1346 1424 sy. 19 ανεστρεψεν 𝔓75 Α G K L M N P U Γ Δ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 1 2 28 (ανετρεψεν) 33 565 579 700 892 1071 1241 1424 Ors; κατεστρεψεν 𝔓59vid ‫ א‬f 13 69c 157 1346; κατορθωσε 69*. 19–20 και τοις πωλουσιν τας περιστερας (“the ones that sold doves”) Ws; και τους for και τοις 1346. 20 πωλουνται K; πωλουντας H. 21 εντευθεν και 𝔓66 A U Ws Θ f 1.13 28 33 157 565 700 1071 1241 it vgcl sy boms. 23 οικου 𝔓75. 23–24 εμνησαν δε H; εμνησθη δε U; και εμνησθησαν Ws it boms; εμνησθησαν δε και M; εμνησθησαν δε A K N P Γ Δ Θ Λ Π 𝔐 f 1.13 050 2 28 33 157 565 700 892 1071 1241 1424 c r1 vg syh; τοτε εμνησθησαν a (e) Ors. 24 33 om. αυτου. 25 εστιν γεγραμμενον B; εστιν οτι 𝔓66.75 Ws 050 1071; Δ om. ο. 26 καταφαγετε 𝔓66 L Θ 1346 Ws; κατεφαγε 69; κατεφαγεν 1071. 27 Y N f 13 33 579 om. ουν; δε for ουν 1582. 28 ειπον ‫ א‬A K M P U Y Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ Ω* f 1.13 2 28 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1424 1582. 28–29 διγνυεις A L N P. 29 𝔓75 L om. ημιν. 30 ο Ιησους ‫ א‬K N Ω f 1.13 28 33 565 579. 32 B om. εν; P.Oxy. VI 847 is unique in reading τρισιν. 33 ειπον ‫ א‬A K L M P U Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 33 157 565 700 1071 1424; ουν αυτω Μ Θ 33. 33–34 εστιν for ετεσιν 1071. 34–35 οικοδομηθη 𝔓66.75 ‫ א‬Β* Ψ 33 124 579; ο ναος ουτος οικοδομηθη Ws. 35 𝔓66* om. συ; 𝔓75* σοι; ‫ א‬om. εν. 36 αυτος for εκεινος Ws. 38 ‫ *א‬οm. αυτου; ηνεστη for ηγερθη Ws.

Date: III/IV

28 P.Oxy. XIII 1596 (𝔓28) John 6:8-12, 17-22 10.7 × 5.2 cm TM no. 61635; Van Haelst 0444

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIII (London, 1919), 8–10 (no. 1596); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 122–23. Related Literature: J. K. Elliott and D. C. Parker (eds.), The New Testament in Greek IV: The Gospel according to St. John; Vol. 1, The Papyri (Leiden, 1995), 44–45. Introduction This small papyrus fragment from a codex preserves a few lines of text from the Gospel of John. The handwriting is a documentary hand with hastily formed

New Testament Texts [28]

101

letters and that is right slanting. α is triangular, ω has a shallow center, and υ and ρ frequently extend below the line. The lower margin is preserved and thus provides some indication of the overall size of a complete page. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt noted that the fragment was discovered alongside documents that can be dated to the third/fourth century. The papyrus does employ a high point for punctuation at l. 41, and the usual nomen sacrum occurs for Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς but not for ἀνθρώπος. Enlarged spaces demonstrate sense breaks (l.  46 and l. 49). A complete codex page would have measured 13 × 20 cm with 25 lines per page and thus of Turner’s Group 7. Although the text is rather fragmentary, it is interesting for several readings. At John 6:9 the papyrus diverges from 𝔓66* in the word order τί ἐστιν ταῦτα and instead follows the word order of B and 𝔓75. At John 6:10 it does not contain the addition of A (ἄνθρωποι before ἄνδρες). It departs from the reading of ‫ א‬at John 6:11 where the expansion, τοῖς μαθηταῖς οἱ δὲ μαθηταί (“to the disciples, and the disciples”) following ἔδωκεν, is not attested. At John 6:17 the papyrus agrees with 𝔓66.75 and B (σκοτία . . . ἐγεγόνει καὶ οὔπω πρὸς αὐτούς, “it was dark and he was not with them”) against the Majority text reading. The papyrus also contains several peculiar spellings (ἔλεβεν, ἐνγύς, and φοβεῖσθαι) that characterize the overall care and quality of the copy.

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14 lines lost [αὐτοῦ, Ἀνδρέας ὁ ἀδελφὸς Σίμω]νος Πέτρο[υ·] [ἔστιν παιδάριον ὧδε ὃς ἔ]χ ε̣ ι πέντε ἄρτους κ [̣ ρι-] [θίνους καὶ δύο ὀψάρια· ἀλ]λὰ ταῦτα τί ἐστιν εἰ [̣ ς] [τοσούτους; εἶπεν ὁ Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς· ποιήσ]ατε τοὺς ἀνθρώπου[ς] [ἀναπεσεῖν. ἦν δὲ χόρτ]ο̣ς πολὺς ἐν τῷ̣ τόπ [̣ ῳ.] [ἀνέπεσαν οὖν οἱ] ἄ ̣νδρες τὸν ἀριθ̣[μὸν] [ὡσει πεντακισ]χίλε ι̣ [̣ ο]ι.̣ ἔ λ̣ εβεν οὖ̣[ν] [τοὺς ἄρτους ὁ Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς κα]ὶ εὐ̣χα ρ̣ ιστήσας ἔδω-̣ [κεν τοῖς ἀνακειμ]ένοις, ὁμοίως καὶ ἐ[κ] [τῶν ὀψαρίων ὅσο]ν ἤθελον. ὡς δὲ [ἐνεπλήσθησαν,] λέγει τοῖς μαθηταῖς α[ὐ-

6:8 6:9 6:10

6:11 6:12

13 lines lost [χοντο πέ]ρ̣α ̣ν̣ [τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς Καφαρναούμ.] 6:17 [κα]ὶ σκοτία ἤδη ἐ [̣ γε]γ̣[όνει καὶ οὔπω πρὸς αὐτοὺς] [ἐ]λ ̣ηλύθει ὁ Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς, ἥ τε θ[άλασσα ἀνέμου μεγά-] 6:18 [λο]υ πνέοντος διεγεί[ρετο. ἐληλακότες οὖν] 6:19 ὡ ς̣ σταδίους εἴκο̣σι̣ π[έντε ἢ τριάκοντα θεωροῦσιν] [τὸ]ν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν περιπατοῦ̣[ντα ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσσης] [κ]αὶ ἐνγὺς τοῦ πλοί[ου γινόμενον, καὶ]

102

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

ἐφοβήθησαν. ὁ̣ δ[ὲ λέγει αὐτοῖς· ἐγώ εἰμι,] μὴ φοβεῖσθε. ἤθ[ελον οὖν λαβεῖν αὐτὸν] εἰς τὸ πλοῖον, καὶ ε[ὐθέως ἐγένετο τὸ πλοῖον] ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς εἰς ἣ [̣ ν ὑπῆγον. Τῇ ἐπαύ-] ριον ὁ ὄχλος ὁ ἑστ̣[ηκὼς πέραν τῆς θαλάσσης] ῖδεν ὅτι πλοιάριον [ἄλλο

6:20 6:21 6:22

__________ 21. l. ελαβεν. 41. pap. ι̅ς̅·. 45. l. εγγυς. 47. pap. φοβεισθαι. 51. l. ειδεν (‫ א‬D lat); pap. ϊδεν.

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 22–23 23 24 25 39 39–41 40 40–41

41 41–42 42 43

Ανδραιας D; 69 124 om. ο; Πετρου Σιμωνος Θ 157; Σιμονος 579. εστι 579; The addition of εν following παιδαριον (A G H K M U Γ Δ Θ Λ 𝔐 2 28 124 579 700 1424 lat sys.p.h) would create a longer than average line; ω εχει H; ο εχει ‫ א‬Dc K L M Δ Θ Π 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 124 157 565 1424. τι εστιν ταυτα 𝔓66* e; ταυτα εστιν D*. τοσουτοις 579; ειπεν ουν 𝔓66 D G 1241 lat; ειπεν δε A K M N U W Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 69 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1424 b q syh; f 13 om. the definite article before Ιησους; οχλους for ανθρωπους 1071. τοπος for χορτος ‫ ;*א‬πολυς χορτος Α; Δ om. τω. ανεπεσον K S U Y Θ Λ Π Ω 2 28 33 124 565 700; M S Δ Ω 𝔐 2 28 om. ουν; δε for ουν 1424; οι ανθρωποι ανδρες A K Y; 𝔓66* D L N W Ψ f 1 33 157 565 579 892 1071 1241 om. οι; τον αριθμον ανδρες N. ως for ωσει 𝔓75 ‫ א‬B D L N W Ψ 579; τρισχιλιοι ‫ ;*א‬πεντακισχειλιοι, this orthographic variant is supported in a few witnesses (A B W Θ 28); και λαβων G Θ f 1.13 565 (ελαβεν) 579. τους πεντε αρτους D; δι’ ευχαριστησας 124; ευχαριστησεν και ‫( א‬ηυχαριστησεν) D it syc.(p). διεδωκεν for εδωκεν A B K L M U W Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 1.13 2 33 118 157 565 700 1424; δεδωκε 28. Following εδωκεν ‫א‬c D K M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Ψ 𝔐 f 13 2 28 69 118c 124 700 1071 b e j (sys) ly bomss add τοις μαθηταις (αυτου 157 892 1424) οι δε μαθηται; τους ανακειμενους Π; τοις οχλοις for τοις ανακειμενοις Ψ 157; ομοιως δε και D M 124; απο for εκ M. των ιχθυων for των υψαριων 124. επλησθησαν E Θ f 1 565. Καπερναουμ A K L M U Γ Δ Θ Λ f 1.13 2 33 124 157 565 700 1071 1424; Καπαρναουμ 579. The reading of L* is unique for John 6:17b: Καπερναουμ κατελαβεν δε αυτους και η σκοτια ηδη εγεγονει και ουπω εληλυθει προς αυτους Ιησους (“he caught up to them at Capernaum and it was already dark and Jesus had not yet come to them”). κατελαβεν δε αυτους η σκοτια ‫ א‬D. Grenfell and Hunt restored the end of the line ου προς αυτους; ουπω προς αυτους εγεγονει 𝔓75; ουπω εληλυθει Ιησους προς αυτους ‫ ;א‬ουπω εληλυθει ο Ιησους προς αυτους D a; ουκ εληλυθει προς αυτους ο Ιησους Α K Μ U Γvid Δ Θ Λ 𝔐 f 1 2 28 157 565 700 892 1424 lat sy sa ly; ουπω εληλυθει προς αυτους Ιησους Lc; ουπω εληλυθει προς αυτους ο Ιησους W Γ f 13 33 124 788 (ελιλυθει) 1071. Ιησους εις το πλοιον K f 13; δε for τε 𝔓75vid D N 579. 69 om. μεγαλου. διηγειρετο ‫ א‬A D K M N W Γ Δ Θ Ψ 𝔐 f 1 2 28 33 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1424. ω σταδιους B* K* Θ f 13 124; ως σταδια ‫ ;*א‬σταδια ωσει D; ωσει σταδιους A Y f 1 157 565.

New Testament Texts [29] 43–44 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51

103

Grenfell and Hunt [θεωρουσι]ν Ι(ησου)ν. την θαλασσην 𝔓75vid. γεινομενον A B D W Θ; γινομενοι E*; 69 157 om. και. και for ο δε ‫ ;א‬αυτους K. syc om. μη φοβεισθε; ηλθον for ηθελον ‫ ;א‬αυτον λαβειν D Ψ 69 124; αυτον βαλιν W. το πλοιον εγενετο (for εγενετο το πλοιον) ‫ א‬K M U Γ Δ Θ Λ 𝔐 2 28 157 700 1424 a f ff2 vgcl; το πλοιον εγενηθη D. την γην ‫ *א‬f 13 28 157 579 1424 Or; υπηγοντο 579; υπηντησεν ‫*א‬. 565 om. the definite article before οχλος; εστεικως 1071; εστως ‫א‬. ειδον A B Δ Θ 33 it syp.h; ιδων H Κ Μ U Γ Λ Ψ Ω* 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 124 157 565 700 892 1241 1424; ιδον L N W 579; ειδως 1071; αλλο πλοιαριον f 13; αλλον πλοιαριον 565.

Date: III/IV

29 PSI X 1165 (𝔓48) Acts 23:11-17, 25-29 16.0 × 25.0 cm TM no. 61702; Van Haelst 0486

Material: Papyrus

Published: G. Vitelli and S. G. Mercati (eds.), Papiri greci e latini X (Florence, 1932), 112–18 (no. 1165); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 352–54. Related Literature: S. E. Porter, “Developments in the Text of Acts before the Major Codices,” in The Book of Acts as Church History: Apostelgeschichte als Kirchengeschichte, ed. T. Nicklas and M. Tilly (Berlin, 2003), 31–67; C. M. Tuckett, “The Early Text of Acts,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Leiden, 2012), 167–70. Introduction This single sheet of papyrus preserves 33 fragmentary lines of the book of Acts, with 20 lines on the front side and 13 on the reverse. That handwriting is in the Severe Style and thus reasonably dated to the third or fourth century. A strip of papyrus has been torn away in the center of the front side, but the right- and left-hand margins are still preserved. The handwriting is mostly bilinear with ρ, υ, and φ extending below the line. The handwriting is careful, and lines tend to undulate from left to right. A complete page would have contained approximately 42–47 lines per page, and thus, allowing for margins, a complete page would have measured about 36 cm tall and approximately 29 cm wide and thus in Turner’s Group 1. These approximations are made with greater hesitation with respect to PSI X 1165 because there are so many unique and otherwise unattested readings that caution against more precise estimations. The text of the papyrus is quite interesting for the number of unique readings and its close affinity with the Western text of Acts. At Acts 23:12 the

104

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

papyrus reads ἄν where all other witnesses read οὗ. Additionally, following ἄν the papyrus uniquely reads ἀποκτείνας τὴν Παῦλον (“killed Paul”), which is clearly an error that went unnoticed by the scribe and resulted in the erroneous τὴν Παῦλον instead of τὸν Παῦλον. Παῦλον is divided from τήν through a line division, and thus the error was less readily obvious. At Acts 23:14 following τὸ σύνολον, the manuscript adds ἕως ὅτου where other witnesses read ἕως οὗ; and following νῦν at Acts 23:15, the papyrus adds οὖν παρακαλοῦμεν ὑμᾶς ποιήσατε ἡμῖν τοῦτο συναγαγόντες τὸ συνέδριον (“now we call on you, bring about this gathering to the council”), an addition that is otherwise unattested. The ending of l. 17 and the beginning of l. 18 cannot be easily restored because they attest to an otherwise variant reading in Acts 23:16. The ed. pr. and subsequent editions have offered the reconstruction ἀκούσας δὲ νεανίας τις υἱός. Other unique readings include ἀδελφῆς in Acts 23:16; an expansion of Acts 23:25 attested in a few minuscules and a few Vulgate and Syriac manuscripts (ἐφοβήθη γὰρ μήποτε ἐξαρπάσ̣ α̣ν̣τ̣ες̣ ̣ αὐτὸν̣ ο̣ἱ̣ Ἰουδαῖοι ἀποκτείνωσιν καὶ αὐτὸς μεταξὺ ἔγκλημα ἔχῃ ὡς εἰληφὼς ἀργύρια γράψας δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ἐν ᾗ ἐγέγραπτο, “the [tribune] was afraid lest they carry him off. The Jews would kill him because he was accused of stealing the money, writing to them a letter in which it said”); a previously unattested word-order variant at Acts 23:26 (Κλαύδιος Λυσίας Φήλικι τῷ κρατίστῳ); and the reading εἶναι Ῥωμαῖον in Acts 23:28.

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[Ἰερουσαλήμ, οὕτω σε δεῖ καὶ εἰς Ῥώ]μ̣ην̣ [μαρτυρῆ-] 23:11 σ]αι. Γε[νο]μένης δ[ὲ ἡ]μέρας κ α̣ ὶ̣ ̣ τ̣[5–6 letters] 23:12 βοήθειαν συστρα[φέ]ν̣τες τινὲς τῶν Ἰ[ουδ]α ί̣ -̣ ων ἀνεθεμάτισ[αν] ἑαυτοὺς λέγοντες μὴ φαγεῖν μήτε πίε[ιν ἕ]ω ς̣ ἂν ἀποκτείνας τὴν Παῦλον. ἦσαν δὲ [πλεί]ους μ ̅ οἱ ἀναθεματίσα(ν)23:13 τες ἑαυτούς, οἵτιν[ες] π̣ρο̣σελθόντες τοῖς ἀρχιε23:14 ρεῦσι καὶ τοῖς πρε [̣ σβυ]τέροις εἶπαν· ἀναθέματι ἀνεθεματίσαμ[εν] ἑαυτοὺ[ς] μηδενὸς γεύσασθαι τὸ σύνολ[ον], ἕως ὅτο[υ] ἀποκ[τείνωμεν τὸν Παῦλον. νῦν [οὖν] παρακ[α]λοῦμ[εν ὑμᾶς] 23:15 ποιήσατε ἡμῖν [τοῦ]το συνα [̣ γα]γ̣όντ̣[ες τὸ συνέ-] δριον ἐμφα[νίσατε τῷ χιλιάρ]χῳ ὅ[πως καταγά-] γῃ αὐτὸν εἰς ἡ [̣ μᾶς ὡς μέλλοντ]ας δια [̣ γινώσκειν] [ἀ]κριβέστερ[ον τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ· ἡμεῖ]ς ̣ δ[ὲ πρὸ τοῦ ἐγ-] [γί]σαι ὑμῖν [αὐτὸν ἕτοιμοί ἐσμεν τοῦ ἀ]ν[ελεῖν αὐ-] [τὸ]ν ἐὰν δέ[η καὶ ἀποθανεῖν. Ἀκούσας] δ[ὲ . . . .] 23:16 [ . .]ς υ(ἱὸ)ς ̣ ἀ[δ]ελ[φῆς Παύλου τὴν ἐνέδ]ρ̣α [̣ ν πα-] [ρα]γενόμε[νος καὶ εἰσελθὼν εἰ]ς ̣ τ̣[ὴν παρεμ-]

New Testament Texts [29]

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20

[βο]λ ̣ὴν ἀπή[γγειλεν τῷ Παύλῳ. προ]σ[καλεσάμε-] [νος]

23:17

→

[ἐφοβή]θη γὰρ μήποτε ἐξαρπάσ̣α̣ν̣τ̣ε̣ς̣ αὐτὸν̣ ο̣ἱ̣ [Ἰου-] [δαῖοι] ἀποκτείνωσιν καὶ αὐτὸς μεταξὺ ἔγκλημ[α] ἔχῃ ὡς εἰληφὼς ἀργύρια γράψας δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐπιστολὴν ἐν ᾗ ἐγέγραπτο· Κλαύδιος Λυσίας Φήλικι τῷ κρατίστῳ ἡγεμόνι χαίρειν. τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον 〚ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰουδαίων〛 συνλημφθέντα ὑπὸ τῶ(ν) Ἰουδαίων καὶ μέλλοντα ἀναιρεῖσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῶ(ν), [ἐπιστὰς σὺν τῷ στ]ρατεύματι ἐρυσάμην κράζον[τα καὶ λέγοντα] εἶναι Ῥωμαῖον βουλόμενός τε [γνῶναι τὴν αἰτ]ίαν ἣν ἐ κ̣ άλουν αὐτῷ κατή[γαγον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ] σ̣ υ̣ν̣έδριον οὐδὲν πλοῖον εὗ[ρον ]ω̣ [.]ε̣ω̣ ς ̣ κ̣ α̣ ι ̣ ]η̣[

23:25

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23:28 23:29

__________ 9. pap. ανεθετισαμεν. 26. l. συλλημφθεντα.

ουτως 𝔓74 C E H L P 1 88 618; 104 om. σε; δι for δει 𝔓74 2147; εν Ρωμη 1. μαρτυρησε 𝔓74; μαρτυρισαι 88 1837 2147. γενομενος τε Β Ψ 614 1175 1611 1505 2412 2464 2495 h; following ημερας one would expect ποιησαντες συστροφην. The remaining traces of ink do not seem to fit ποιησαντες and the reading of the beginning of l.  3 (βοηθειαν συστραφεντες) is unique. L 69 88 927 1270 add τινες while all other witnesses om. it following συστροφην. οι Ιουδαιοι συστροφην Ψ 614 1611 2412 syh; οι Ιουδαιοι αναστροφην 1505 2495; τινες των Ιουδαιων συστροφην H P 049 056 1 104 226 and others lat syp samss; οι Ιουδαιοι 𝔓74 ‫ א‬A Β C E 33 81 323 (om. οι) 547 1175 1891 2344. 4 ανεθεματησαν P 049 1837; αναθεματισαν 1241; C Ψ 056 323 440 945 1270c 1505 1739 1891 2147 2495 om. λεγοντες; all other witnesses read μητε. 5 ποιειν for πιειν 69* 88; PSI X 1165 is unique in reading αν where all other witnesses read ου. The end of the line is somewhat confused and it would seem that the scribe attempted to write αποκτεινας την (an aorist singular participle), again a reading that is unique to PSI X 1165. The witnesses vary between αποκτεινωσιν (also αποκτινωσιν) 𝔓74 ‫ א‬B 1 33 81 and αποκτεινωσι H L 049 69 88 1241; αναιλωσιν A; ανελωσι 226c; αποκτεινουσι 330. 5–6 των Παυλον 1243. The scribe mistakenly wrote την instead of τον. 6 Following τεσσερακοντα (μ) one would expect οι ταυτην την συνωμοσιαν ποιησαμενοι (𝔓74 ‫ א‬Α Β C L P [συνομοσιαν] Ψ 88 104 and others), οι την συνομωσιαν πεποιηκοτες 69* (συνωμοσιαν 69c), οι ταυτην την συνουσιαν ποιησαμενοι 33, οι την συνωμοσιαν ταυτην πεποιημενοι 1175, or οι ταυτην την συνομοσιαν πεποιηκοτες H Ψ 049 1 330 1270 1646 1828 2492 in place of οι αναθεματισαντες εαυτους. 8 ειπον H L Ψ 049 056 1 69 104 and others. 8–9 αναθεμα 1175 1243; 1837 om. αναθεμα. 9 εν εαυτους 1828. 9–10 γευσασθε ‫ א‬A. 10–13 Beginning with το συνολον, PSI X 1165 presents a number of unique readings that expand the context of Acts 23:15. Following το συνολον, the ms adds εως οτου where 1 1–2 2

106

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14 14–15 15 16 16–17 17 17–18 18 19–20 21–23 23–24

24–25 26 28–29 29 29–30 30 31 32

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus other witnesses have εως ου, and following νυν, the papyrus adds ουν παρακαλουμεν υμας ποιησατε ημιν τουτο συναγαγοντες το συνεδριον (“and we summon you to make the council gather together for us”), a reading that is otherwise unattested. εμφανισαται E. Following χιλιαρχω, the majority of witnesses add συν (ολω 614 1505 1611 2147 2412 2495) τω συνεδριω οπως. οπως αυριον καταγαγη L 𝔐 69 323 2147; οπως αυτον αυριον καταγαγη 1270 1646; οπως αυτον καταγη Ψ; καταγαγει αυτον 33; οπως αυριον αυτον καταγαγη H P 049 056 614 1505 1611 2412 2495 and others. προς for εις 𝔓74 C H L P Ψ 049 1 33 330 614 and others; ημας Ψ 330 Er, all other witnesses read υμας for ημας; μελλοντα 33 2344; μελλωντα E. ακριβεστερον διαγινωσκειν (γινωσκειν) C 69 88 104 614 1175 1505 1611 (διαγυνωσκειν) 2147 2412 2495. It is possible that PSI X 1165 om. τα following Ψ 614 1611 2412 given the length of the line. The reading υμιν is unique among Greek witnesses, but is attested in vgmss syp.h**. αυτω for αυτον 927 945; ‫ *א‬E 945 om. του. 𝔓74 om. αυτον. The reading εαν δεη και αποθανειν, which appears to be present here, is also attested in 614 (δεει) 2147 2412 h syhmg. The ending of l. 17 and the beginning of l. 18 are difficult to restore because it appears they attest to an otherwise unknown variant in Acts 23:16. The ed. pr. and subsequent editions have offered the reconstruction ακουσας δε νεανιας τις υιος. All other witnesses read της αδελφης. ενεδρον H L P Ψ 049 056 1 69 104 1646 2147 and others. συναγωγην for παρεμβολη A. The omission of ο χιλιαρχος (614 2147), αυτον for Παυλον (614 2147), the verb εχη, and the phrase ως ειληφως αργυρια γραψας δε αυτοις are otherwise unattested readings. Following επιστολην two readings are attested: εχουσαν τον τυπον 𝔓74 ‫ א‬B E Ψ 33 81 323 945 1175 1505 1739 1891 syh and περιεχουσαν τον τυπον Α L 1241 𝔐. The expanded ending (with variations) of Acts 23:25 is attested in 614 2147 (vg) syhmg and is quite different in PSI X 1165 (ἐφοβήθη γὰρ χιλίαρχος μήποτε ἁρπάσαντες τὸν Παῦλον οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι ἀποκτείνωσι καὶ αὐτὸς μεταξὺ ἔγκλης σχῆ ὡς ἀργύριον εἰληφώς ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ ἐπιστολήν περιέχουσαν τὸν τύπον τοῦτον). Other witnesses read Λυσιας τω κρατιστω ηγεμονι Φηλικι. 614 1505 1611 2412 2495 om. τω. παρα των for υπο των 𝔓74. ερυσαμην κραζον[τα και λεγοντα] is unattested, other witnesses read εξειλαμην (Ρωμαιος) μαθων οτι 𝔓74 ‫ א‬A B 33 81 and others. All other witnesses read Ρωμαιος (Ρωμαιως 81 2147; Ρωμεως 𝔓74) εστιν/εστι. δε επιγνωναι 𝔐 33 81 614 927 1611 1739 1891 2344 2412 e gig syh; δε γνωναι (τε γνωναι 𝔓74 and E) 𝔓74vid E H L P 049 056 1 104 2147 and others. εκαλουν is likely a mistake for ενεκαλουν. αιτιαν δι ην 𝔓74 ‫ א‬A H L P 049 056 104 1175 and others. αυτον for αυτω 1245. 𝔓74 ‫ א‬Α 33 614 927 945 1739 1891 2412 om. αυτον; B* 81 om. κατηγαγον αυτον εις το συνεδριον αυτων. The expected reading would be εις το συνεδριον αυτων ον ευρον, the reading of all other witnesses. The end of the line should likely be restored Μ]ω[υσ]εως και, a reading attested in 614 2147 and 2412.

New Testament Texts [30]

107

30 P.Oxy. VII 1008 (𝔓15) + P.Oxy. VII 1009 (𝔓16) 1 Corinthians 7:18–8:4 + Philippians 3:10-17; 4:2-8 26.5 × 14.0 cm; 15.1 × 11.1 cm TM no. 61859; Van Haelst 0505 + 0524 Date: III/IV Material: Papyrus Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VII (London, 1910), 4–11 (nos. 1008 + 1009); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 93–100. Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:457–61; A. M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 253. Introduction These two leaves most likely derive from the same papyrus codex, but the leaf containing portions of Philippians was written in brown ink instead of the black ink that was used for the portion preserving 1 Corinthians. The same scribe arguably wrote both leaves. The original codex size can be estimated to be 18 × 26 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 7. The codex contained 37–38 lines per page for the leaf containing 1 Corinthians and 38–39 lines per page for the leaf containing Philippians. It is written in a documentary hand and is round with a noticeable right slant. A. S. Hunt dated the handwriting to the second half of the fourth century, a date that was confirmed by the discovery of other documents from the late fourth and early fifth centuries nearby during the excavations. The fragments have also been dated to the thrid century by later editors. The usual nomina sacra are used with the addition of the unusual abbreviation κ(όσ)μου in l.  36 (1008). A rough breathing is used occasionally; an elision of α is noted in l. 7 (1008). The usual interchange of ει for ι and vice versa occurs (1008 ll. 12, 25, 52, 59–60; 1009 l. 14). Punctuation in both fragments is executed through the use of a blank space and not medial points. A rough breathing is twice employed (1008 l. 5, 1009 l. 34), and a circumflex accent in l.  26 (1009) is a “misinformed breathing.” Double consonants are sometimes separated by the use of an apostrophe. Because so much of the papyrus survives and is legible, these fragments are foundational witnesses to the development of the text of 1 Corinthians 7–8 and Philippians 3–4. In a discussion of this length, it is not possible to note all of the important and noteworthy contributions of P.Oxy. VII 1008 and 1009. The papyrus contains a number of unique readings that are interesting. At the end of 1 Corinthians 7:35 the papyrus adds εἶναι, a reading that is otherwise unattested. The

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omission of ἐν following κέκρικεν in 1  Corinthians 7:37 is also unattested but may be the result of a scribal error. At 1 Corinthians 7:20 the papyrus adds ἐν before ᾗ ἐκλήθη, which is likely the result of a visual copying error when the scribe saw the phrase ἐν τῇ κλήσει immediately preceding it. The reading is also attested in a small handful of minuscules. The omission of the definite article τό before λοιπόν in 1 Corinthians 7:29 is noteworthy because it is also attested in D*, F, and G against ‫ א‬A and B. At 1 Corinthians 7:34 the papyrus includes καί after ᾖ ἁγία, a reading that is attested in ‫ א‬and B but that is omitted in 𝔓46 A and D. The reading πνεῦμα Χριστοῦ in 1 Corinthians 7:40 is supported only in a tenth-century cursive where other witnesses read πνεῦμα θεοῦ. At 1 Corinthians 7:35 αὐτῶν is omitted, a reading that is attested in a few minuscules. A notable word order agreement with ‫ א‬occurs in Philippians 4:3 (ll. 25–26) where both witness the reading συνεργῶν μου καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν (“and the rest of my co-workers”). No other witnesses attest to this word order. At Philippians 3:12 the papyrus omits καί before καταλάβω, a reading that has support in 𝔓46.61vid ‫א‬c A B and Dc. The word order Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ in l. 15 (1009) is the wording order of D* F and G. There is probably a singular word order variation in l. 10 (1009), but unfortunately the reading is otherwise unattested and therefore difficult to reconstruct given the lacuna. At Philippians 3:16 the papyrus reads ἐφθάσατε, a reading that has support only in some Sahidic Coptic witnesses. The unique longer reading at Philippians 4:7 is perhaps the most significant variation where the papyrus reads νοήματα καὶ τὰ σώματα where other witnesses do not include καὶ τὰ σώματα (“and the bodies”). →

5

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[ἐπι-] [σπά]σθω· ἐν ἀκροβυστίᾳ τις κέ[κλ]η̣ 1 Cor 7:18 [ται,] μὴ περιτεμνέσθω. ἡ περιτ[ο-] 7:19 [μὴ] οὐδέν ἐστιν καὶ ἡ ἀκροβυστία [οὐδ]έν ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ τήρησις ἐντολῶ(ν) [θ(εο)ῦ.] ἕκαστος ἐν τῇ κλήσει ἐν ᾗ ἐκλ̣ ή̣ 7:20 [θη,] ἐν ταύτῃ μενέτω. δοῦλος ἐκλή7:21 [θη]ς ̣ , μή σοι μελέτω· ἀλλ’ εἰ καὶ δύνα[σαι] ἐλεύθερος γενέσθαι, μᾶλλον χρῆ[σαι.] ὁ γὰρ ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ κληθεὶς δοῦλος ἀπε7:22 [λε]ύ̣θερος κ(υρίο)υ ἐστίν, ὁμοίως ὁ ἐλεύ̣ [θερ]ος κληθεὶς δοῦλός ἐστιν Χ(ριστο)ῦ. [τι]μ̣ ῆς ἠγοράσθητε· μὴ γίνεσθε 7:23 [δο]ῦλοι ἀν〚θ〛(ρώπ)ων. ἕκαστος ἐν ᾧ ἐκλή7:24 [θη,] ἀδελφοί, ἐν το̣ύτῳ μενέτω πα[ρὰ] θ̣(ε)ῷ. Π̣ [ερὶ] δ̣ [ὲ] τ̣ῶ ̣ν̣ παρ̣[θ]έ[νω]ν ἐ7:25 [πι]τ̣αγὴν κ(υρίο)υ [οὐκ ἔχω, γ]νώμη̣ ν δὲ δ[ί-] [δ]ω̣ μι ὡς ἠλ̣ [εημέ]νος ὑπὸ κ(υρίο)υ πιστὸ[ς]

New Testament Texts [30]

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↓

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[εἶ]ναι. Νομίζω οὖν τοῦτο καλὸν ὑ[πά]ρχειν̣ δ̣ ι[ὰ] τὴν ἐνε[σ]τῶσαν ἀν̣ά [̣ γ-] [κη]ν, ὅτι κ [̣ αλ]ὸν ἀν(θρώπ)ῳ τ̣[ὸ] οὕτως εἶν[αι.] [δέ]δεσα[ι] γυναικί, μὴ ζήτει λύσιν· [λέ]λ̣ υσαι ἀπ[ὸ γ]υναικ̣ ό̣ς, μὴ ζήτει [γυ]ναῖκα. ἐ [̣ ὰν] δ̣ ὲ [καὶ γ]α̣ μήσῃς, οὐχ [ἥ]μ̣ αρτες, [καὶ] ἐὰ[ν γή]μῃ ἡ παρθέ[ν]ος, οὐκ ἥ[μα]ρ̣τ[εν· θ]λῖψιν δὲ τῇ [σα]ρ̣κὶ ἕξου̣ [σιν οἱ τοιοῦ]τοι, ἐγὼ δὲ [ὑ]μ̣ ῶν φε[ίδομαι. τοῦ]το δέ φημι, [ἀδ]ελφοί, ὁ̣ [καιρὸς συνε]σ̣ταλμένος [ἐσ]τίν· λ[οιπόν, ἵνα καὶ] οἱ ἔ χ̣ ̣ [ο]ν̣τες γυ[ν]α̣ ῖκας ὡ[ς μὴ ἔχον]τες ὦσιν, καὶ [οἱ] κλαίον̣[τες ὡς μὴ] κλαίοντες [κα]ὶ οἱ χαί[ροντες] ὡ ς̣ μὴ χαίρον[τε]ς καὶ οἱ [ἀγοράζον]τες ὡς μὴ κα[τέ]χοντες, [καὶ οἱ χρώ]μενοι τὸν κό[σμ]ον ὡς μ[ὴ καταχρ]ώ μ ̣ ενοι· παρά[γε]ι̣ γὰρ τὸ σ[χῆμα τοῦ] κ(όσ)μου τούτου. [Θέ]λω δὲ ὑ[μᾶς ἀμερί]μνους εἶναι. [ὁ ἄ]γαμος [μεριμνᾷ τὰ] τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ, πῶς ̣ [ἀρέσ]ῃ τῷ κ̣ (υρί)ῳ· ὁ δὲ γαμήσας μερ̣[ιμνᾷ] [τὰ] τοῦ κ(όσ)μου, πῶς ἀρέσῃ τῇ γυν[αικί,] καὶ μεμέρισται. καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἡ ̣ ἄγαμος καὶ ἡ παρθένος μεριμνᾷ [τὰ τοῦ] [κ(υρίο)υ,] ἵνα ᾖ ἁγία καὶ σώματι καὶ [πν(εύμ)ατι·] ἡ ̣ δ̣ὲ ̣ γαμήσασα μεριμνᾷ τὰ το[ῦ κ(όσ)μου,] πῶς ἀρέσῃ τῷ ἀνδρί. τοῦτο δ[ὲ πρὸς] τὸ ὑμῶν σύμφορον λέγω, οὐ[χ ἵνα] βρόχον ὑμῖν ἐπιβάλω ἀλλὰ π̣ [ρὸς] τὸ εὔσχημον καὶ εὐπάρεδρο[ν τῷ] κ(υρί)ῳ ἀπερισπάστους εἶναι. Ε̣ [ἰ δέ] τις ἀσχημονεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν παρ[θένον] αὐτοῦ νομίζει, ἐὰν ᾖ ὑπέρακ[μος] καὶ οὕτω ὀφείλει γίνεσθαι, ὃ θ̣[έλει] [ποιε]ί ̣τω, ο[ὐχ ἁμαρτά]νει, γαμε[ίτω-] σ̣ α̣ν̣. [ὃς δ]ὲ ἕσ̣τ̣[ηκεν τῇ] καρδίᾳ α[ὐτοῦ] ἑδρα ῖ̣ ο̣ ς, μὴ̣ ἔχων̣ [ἀνά]γκην, ἐξο[υσί-] α̣ ν̣ δὲ ἔχει περὶ τοῦ ἰ [̣ δ]ί ο̣ ̣υ̣ θελή[μα-] [το]ς ̣ καὶ το̣ [ῦ]το κέ κ̣ ̣ ρ̣[ικ]εν τῇ ἰδ[ίᾳ] κ̣ αρδίᾳ, τη̣ ρ̣εῖν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ π[αρθέ-]

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7:31 7:32 7:33 7:34

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

νον, καλῶς ποιήσ[ει.] ὥστε κα[ὶ ὁ γα-] μίζων τὴ[ν ἑ]αυ̣ [τοῦ π]αρθένον̣ [κα-] λῶς ποιήσε̣ [ι κ]αὶ ὁ [μὴ] γαμίζω[ν] κρεῖσσον π[οιήσ]ει. Γυνὴ δέ[δεται] ἐφ’ ὅσον χρό̣[νον] ζ ̣ ῇ ̣ [ὁ ἀν]ὴρ αὐτ[ῆς·] ἐὰν δὲ κο̣ [ιμηθῇ ὁ ἀν]ήρ, ἐλευ[θέ-] ρα ἐστὶν [ᾧ θέλει γαμ]ηθῆν[αι, μό-] νον ἐν κ[(υρί)ῳ. μακαριω]τέρα δέ [ἐστιν] ἐὰν οὕτως μ̣ [είνῃ, κατ]ὰ τὴν ἐμ̣ [ὴν] γνώμην· δ[οκῶ δὲ κἀ]γ̣ὼ πν(εῦμ)α Χ[(ριστο)ῦ ἔ-] χειν. Π[ερὶ δὲ τῶ]ν εἰδωλο[θύτων,] οἴδ̣αμεν ὅτ[ι πάντες γ]νῶσιν [ἔχο-] μεν. ἡ γνῶ[σις φυσιοῖ,] ἡ δὲ ἀγ[άπη] οἰκοδομεῖ· [εἴ τις δοκ]εῖ ἐγνω[κέ-] ναι τι, οὔπ̣ [ω ἔγνω κ]α̣ θὼς δε[ῖ γνῶ-] ναι· εἰ δέ τ[ις ἀγαπᾷ τὸ]ν θ(εό)ν, οὗ̣[τος] ἔγνωσται ὑ[π’ αὐτοῦ.] Περὶ τ[ῆς]

7:38 7:39

7:40 8:1 8:2 8:3 8:4

__________ 5. pap. ἡ. 7. pap. αλλ’. 9. pap. γαρ’. 12. pap. γεινεσθε. 13. pap. ὡ. 15. pap. παρθενων ε >. 17. pap. ϋπο. 18–19. pap. ϋπαρχειν. 23. pap. ουχ’. 25. pap. ουχ’; pap. θλειψιν. 37. pap. ϋμας. 42. pap. παρ’θενος. 43. pap. ϊνα. 46. pap. ϋμων. 47. pap. ϋμιν. 48. pap. ευπαρ’εδρον. 51. pap. ϋπερ’ακμος. 52. l. ουτως L; pap. οφιλει; pap. γεινεσθαι. 53. pap. ο[ ]’. 56. pap. ϊδιου. 57. pap. ϊδια. 58. pap. καρ’δια. 59–60 pap. γαμειζων. 62. pap. κρεισ’σον. 63–64. pap. ανηρ’. 75. pap. ϋπ.

1 1–2 2 3 3–4 5

6 6–7 7 7–8 8

περισπασθω 131; επιπασθω 1735; ακροβυστεια F G 1874; ακροβυστιαις K. καικλητε τις 2464; κεκληται τις 𝔓46 ‫ א‬A B P 33 69 81 104 365 630 1175 1739 etc.; τις κεκληται D* F G Ψ 1881 etc.; τις εκληθη Dc K L 1 6 1241s 1505 1735 etc. P.Oxy. VII 1008 is unique in om. τις following κεκληται. επεριτεμνεσθω 1837; περιτεμνησθω F. F G om. η before περιτομη. εστι 1 6 131 618 796 etc.; F G 104 323 460 (om. και) 618 (om. και) 1241s 1424 1982 2815 (om. η) om. και η. ακροβυστεια A; F G 104 323 1241s 1424 1982 om. ακροβυστια ουδεν εστιν; ακροβυστια αλλα 1836; εστι 330 796 945 1315 1827 2495; αλλ’ η 1735; τηρησεις F G 1175 1241s 1874; τηρησης 2464; τηρισις 1646; εντολας 1241s. 365 om. τη κλησει; 1573 om. κλησει η; κρισει for κλησει 1352; κληση 1315 1735; κλισει P; κλησι F G. εκαστος δε 365 1175 1270 1573. The addition of εν before η εκληθη may be the result of a visual copying error by the scribe (also attested in 1734 1739c 1827 ar Ambst). 1319* om. εν τη κλησει; εν ω εκληθη 1739c; εν εκληθη 1739*. μενετω εν ταυτη 2344; εν ταυτη και μενετω 330 2147 2400; εν τουτω μενετω A; μαινετω 1241s. εκκληθης 1319; εκληθεις 1241s. συ for σοι 1874 2464; μελετο 1243; μελλετω 2344; αλλα ει D* (om. ει) 330; η for ει 1319 1874 2464; F G 796 ar om. και. δυνασε D* 1836 1874 2464. γενεσθε D*; δε χρησαι 1270.

New Testament Texts [30] 9 10 10–11 11 12 13–14 14 15 15–16 16 16–17 17 18 18–19 19 20 21 22 23 24–25 25 26 27 28 28–29 29 29–30 30 31 32 33 33–34 34 34–35

111

κληθης F 1243 1424 1646 1735 1837 1874; κληθις D* G. 365 1243 2815 om. κυριου; κυριω 330 2400; Χριστου for κυριου 33; εστιν κυριου 629; ομοιως και K L 205 629 1175 1241 1424 2464 ar b vgmss syp.h etc.; ομοιως δε 326 1836 1837 1874; ομοιως δε και D F G 330 1505 1611 2400 2495; ομοιος δε 1874. 365 om. κυριου εστιν ομοιως ο ελευθερος. εστι L 1 6 69 104 205 326 330 etc.; Χριστου εστιν 𝔓46 ‫ א‬F G 629 (εστι); του Χριστου 33 205 1241s 1735. ηγορασθηται G P 131 1241s 1646; εγορασθηται F; γεινεσθε, the initial epsilon is corrected from iota; γεινεσθε 𝔓46 ‫ א‬B; γεινεσθαι Α D*; γινεσθαι D1.2 F G 69* 88 131 440 460 1175 1241s 1243 1646 1735 1881c 2125 2464; γενησθε 330 2400. η εκληθη 1734 2400. εκαστος αδελφοι εν ω εκληθητε D*.2 (εκληθη D1 F G); εκληθη παρα θεω αδελφοι εν τουτω μενετω 326 1837. 104 1241s om. αδελφοι; τουτο 1646 1891. περι των παρθενων δε 629; 69 om. των. επιταγειν 2464; επιταγης 330; 1241s* om. επιταγην. 796 1241s* 1243* (om. oυκ εχω . . . κυριου πιστος) om. κυριου; γνωμη 1319; συγγνωμην 1836. διδωμοι 910 999 1646 1241s 1874* (διδομοι); δεδιδωμι F G. παρα for υπο 945 2344; του κυριου 326 1424 1837 L; πιστος δουλος 1836. το καλον 1352; καλως for καλον 1241s; καλον τουτο 356. υπαρχην 1243 1874; υπαρχων 440. εφεστωσαν 323 945 1448. καλων 1646*; καλον εστιν D* F G 629; τω ανθρωπω 1505 1611 2495; ανθρωπω ουτος F 1243; ανθρωπω ουτως G; ουτως πιστευσαντι 1646*. δεδεσε ‫ א‬D* L 1874 2464; μηκετι for μη 1836; λυσειν F G. της γυναικος 1827. 365 796 om. και; λαβης γυναικα for γαμησης D E F G (ex lat.?) syp; γαμηση A; γημης K L 056 1 6 88 104 131 205 etc.; ουκ D 1319; ουχ η ουχ 1646. ημαρτεν 1319*; 460* 618 1738 om. και εαν . . . ουκ ημαρτεν; 1646 2344 om. και; και αν 1 205 209 630; και εαν μη 489; γαμη for γημη D* F G; B F G om. η before παρθενος. ουκ ημαρτεν D F; only 𝔓46 and B read θλειψιν with P.Oxy. VII 1008, all other witnesses read θλιψιν; δε εν τη D* F G. εξουσειν F G. υφ᾽ υμων 1891; ημων for υμων 999 1241s; φιδομαι ‫ א‬D* F G P; φηδομαι 2464; φειδωμαι 1646 1874; φιδωμαι 1735. αδελφοι οτι D Ε F G Ψ 104 205 209 1315 1424 1735 2147; 999 om. ο. καιρος το λοιπον συνεσταλμενος 205. εστι 6 69 330 365 424c2 630 1270 1319 1505 1573 1611 1739 1881 2400 2495; D2 Ε K L Ψ 056 1 88 104 131 209 226 323 etc. om. εστιν; το λοιπον 𝔓46 ‫ א‬Α B K L P Dc 056 33 1175, only D* F G Did also om. το; λοιπον εστιν Dc F G K L Ψ 1 88 104 205 (εστι) 226 323 etc. εχωντες . . . εχωντες 1646. ωσι B 056 1 6 131 205 226c 323 330 etc. κλεοντες ως μη κλαιοντες 2125*; κλεοντες ως μη κλεοντες D* 1241s 2464; κλεοντες ως μη κλεωσιν 1243; κλεωντες ως μη κλεωντες 1646; κλεθοντες ως μη κλεθοντες F G. χαιροντες εν απησεσιν 330; χαιροντες εν κτησεσιν 1505 1611 1735 2400 2495. 𝔓46 om. και; αγωραζοντες 618 1646; αγωραζωντες 2464; αγοραζοντες και οι αγοραζοντες B. αγορα κατεχωντες 1646*; εχοντες for κατεχοντες 1827. χρομενοι 460 1243 2147 2464; καταχρωμενοι 1424. τω κοσμω ‫א‬c D1.2 Ε K L P Ψ 056 1 6 69 88 104 etc. syh. The witnesses that contain the

112

35 35–36 36 37 38 39 40 41 41–42

42 43

44 45 46

47 48 49 50 50–51 51 52 52–53 53–54 54 54–55

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus dative also add τουτω (τον κοσμον τουτον D* F G 33 81 1739* sa Or1739mg); του κοσμου τουτου 1738; 618 om. τον κοσμον but includes τουτω. χρωμενοι Ψ 1735 lat; παραχρωμενοι L 910; καταχρομενοι 1243 1315 1646 1874 2147. παραγη 326 330 1243 1735 1837 2400. σχημα τουτου του κοσμου 629; σχημα τουτο 1735. F G 440 om. δε; 1891 om. υμας. 618 1738 om. ο. P.Oxy. VII 1008 reads αρεση with a handful of early witnesses (𝔓46 ‫ א‬A B D* F G 365 460 1175 1245*). The majority of witnesses read αρεσει (K L P Ψ 056 1 104 131 etc.); αρεσω 1319; αρεσι 1646. θεω for κυριω F G lat Tert Cyp Ambst 33 69 om. δε. 2464* om. τα του κοσμου; αυτα for τα 365. Dc F G K L Ψ 630 etc. om. και before μεμερισται. μεμεριστε 1243 2147 2464*; μεμερισται 1241 (om. both instances of και); μεμερισθαι 1646. D* 629 796 1245 1982 1241s om. και before η γυνη. D F G K L Ψ 056 1 ar b sy(p) Cyp Ambst Spec etc. alter the position of η αγαμος before μεριμνα (παρθενος η αγαμος μεριμνα); 6 is unique and reads η γυνη αγαμος και η παρθενος και η αγαμος; 2464 η παρθενος η παρθενος μεριμνα. η αγαμος και η παρθενος η αγαμος μεριμνα 𝔓46 ‫ א‬A 33 81 460 1739 1836 1874 1881 Or1739mg. 1881 om. τα. Following κυριου 547 and 1827 add πως αρεσει τω κυριω (και 1827); ινα αρ η αγιω 1646*; ινα αρ η αγια 1646c; ινα η σωματι αγια και 629; ινα η αγια τω σωματι 1611 2495; ινα η αγια σωματι 𝔓46 Α D P 6 33 69 (629) 1175 1505 ar t vgcl syp Epiph. F G K L Ψ 056 1 88 424 614 1646 1881 1891 2412 etc. also om. the definite article before σωματι. η ψυχη for πνευματι 1243; τω πνευματι ‫ א‬B 326 365 630 1319 etc. B Tert om. τα του κοσμου. K L P Ψ 056 1 6 69 etc. αρεσει; πως αρεσει τω κοσμω συν 1836; τουτω 1874. 945 om. το. The majority of witnesses add αυτων following υμων (𝔓46 ‫ א‬A B D F G K L P Ψ etc.), the omission of αυτων is attested in a small number of mss (205 1241 1319 2147 2412 latt Eus); αυτον for αυτων 6; αυτο for αυτων 330 2400; συμφερον ‫א‬c Dc E F G K L P Ψ 056 1 69 Eus etc. υμειν 𝔓46; ημιν 1241s; 2464 om. υμιν; υποβαλω 2464. ευσχημων 365 1241s (ευσχιμον) 1319 1573 1646 2464; ευπροσδεκτον 6; προσεδρον L; ευπροσεδρον K 056 1 131 205 209 226 323 424 489 etc. P.Oxy VII 1008 is unique in reading ειναι following απερισπαστως. περι for επι 1242; D ασχημονειν νομιζει επι την παρθενον αυτου εαν. παρθενον εαυτου P; εαυτου παρθενον 104. νομιζεις 460 1836; νομιζειν 1245 2400; ει for η 330 2400 2464; ην for η 𝔓46; υπεραγμος 1175 1315 1646 1874. ουτος F* 2400 2464; τουτο for ουτως Α; 𝔓46 B K L Ψ 056 1 69 88 1319 etc. οφιλει; 33 ωφιλει; οφειλη 1241s 1874 2464; γενεσθαι F G K L P Ψ 056 1 69 88 1319 1573 1739 1881; γινεσθαι Dc 6 104 131 205 209 226 etc.; γινεσθε ‫ א‬33; λεγεσθαι for γινεσθαι 365; ω for ο L. θελειν ποιειν ποιειτω 2344; θελη 1243; ποιητω L P 88 999 1241s 1243 1319 1735 1881 1891 2400; και ουχ 460 618 1738. ουκ αμαρταννει F G 1735; γαμητωσαν Κ L P 88 326 330 460 618 1241s 1243 1735 1891 etc.; γαμησαν 2400; γαμειτω D* F G 1505 1611 2495 d vgst syp. εστηκε 330 2400. 330 2400 om. εν before τη καρδια as P.Oxy. VII 1008 likely did. Αll other witnesses read εν τη καρδια. The word order of τη καρδια αυτου εδραιος appears to exist in three forms,

New Testament Texts [30]

56 57 58 58–59 59 59–60 59–61 60–61 61

62 62–63 63 64 64–65 65 66 67 67–68 68 68–69 70–71 71 72 72–73 73

113

that of P.Oxy. VII 1008, εδραιος εν τη καρδια αυτου ‫א‬c 1241s 1270 1505 1611 1735 1881 2495, and εδραιος εν τη καρδια K L Ψ 056 1 6 88 131 (επι for εν) 205 209 etc; 𝔓46vid F G b d om. εδραιος; γενναιος for εδραιος 1836 1874. A 88 om. δε; οικειου for ιδιου 1827. P.Oxy. VII 1008 om. εν following κεκρικεν, likely as the result of scribal error. D F G K L Ψ 6 88 424 630 1739 etc. om. ιδια. καρδια αυτου του D F G K L Ψ 88 226 etc.; καρδια εαυτου του 330 2400; καρδια αυτου το 323 1854 1241s; καρδια αυτου 056 1 33 131 205 209 424* 547 1245 1734 1827 2125 2815; καρδια του 6 104 424c 910; αυτου for εαυτου 1241s. παρθενιαν 323 1448. ποιει D L P Ψ 056 1 131 205 209 226 330 etc. εκγαμιζων L Ψ 056 1 6 69 104 131 424 460 2464 etc.; εγγαμιζων K 1424 1891; γαμειζων A 365 1175 (γαμειζων) 1573 1874 (γαμειζον); εκγαμηζων P; εγγαμιζον 910; εκγαμιζον 1243; εκγαμισον 796. F G 323 614 630 1319 1352 1837 2412 om. ωστε και ο γαμιζων την εαυτου παρθενον (Cl om. καλως ποιησει). την παρθενον εαυτου καλως B D; L Ψ 056 1 6 131 205 209 226 330 424 om. την εαυτου; την παρθενον αυτου καλως 𝔓46 629 Cl; K L Ψ 1241s 1505 2464c om. την παρθενον εαυτου; ο εκγαμιζων καλως ποιει Ψ 056 131 205 209 etc. ποιει ‫ א‬A P Ψ 056 1 33 88 104 460 629 1836 1874 2464 etc.; ο δε μη εκγαμιζων for και ο μη γαμιζων ‫א‬c (εγγαμιζων) K (εκγαμηζων L and P) L P Ψ 056 1 (om. δε 104 and 365) 104 131 205 209 365 460 629 (εγγαμιζων) 1241s (εκγαμιζων) 1505 2464 (εκγαμιζον) etc.; εκγαμιζων 69 104 330 1827 2400 etc.; γαμιζων D*; γαμειζων 1874; γαμειζων 365 1573; γαμηζων 1175. κρισσον 𝔓46 ‫ א‬A D* F G P 460 1243 2147; κρεισσων 33 999 1836; κρειττον 69 1270; ποιει D E F G K L Ψ 056 1 131 etc.; εστι for ποιησει 1352. δεδεται νομω ‫א‬c Dc F G L P Ψ 056 1 69 etc. ar vgcl sy Epiph Ambst; δεδεται γαμω K bo. F om. the definite article before ανηρ. δε και Dc L Ψ 1 131 205 209 226 440 etc. syh; εκοιμηθη 88; κεκοιμηθη F G; κοιμηθει 2464; αποθανη for κοιμηθη A 0278 330 2400 syhmg Cl Epiph; 1646 om. the definite article before ανηρ; ανηρ αυτης D (F) G L 6 33 69 104 323 1735 1837 etc. ελευθερος 618. θελη 326 330 365 460 618 (θελει) 1241s 1243 1315 1735 1837 1874 2400; γαμηθη F G; γαμησαι L*; γαμιθηναι 056 (γαμηθειναι) 489 1241s 1243. μακαρια 𝔓46 Cl. ουτω A 1 104 205 209 618 1175 1241s 1242 1245 1738; μηνη 1243 1315; μενει 1319; μηνει P 1175; μενη 330 365; μινη ‫ א‬F G 056. κατα γνωμην την εμην 629. καρδιαν for γνωμην 1874; γαρ for δε B 6 33 69 104 330 365 424c 630 etc. t syh; θεου πνευμα 1874. Only minuscule 33 agrees in reading Χριστου in place of θεου. εχω F G b d* Tert Ambst. θεου εχομεν 1881c; θεου εχωμεν 1881*; εχωμεν L 330 618 1175 1243 1424 1827 1874 2147 2464. η δε γνωσις 𝔓46 ar vgmss (syp); οι δε αγαπει 2147; 131 547 om. δε. οικοδομη 1505 1735; δε τις D F G K L Ψ 056 1 6 131 330 etc. vgcl syp.h**; τις δε 69. ειναι for εγνωκεναι 326 460 547 618 1352 1734 1837; ειδεναι for εγνωκεναι K L 056 1 6 131 365 614 1424 1505 1611 2495 etc. lat Ambst. 𝔓46 om τι; ουδεπω for ουπω D* E F G K L Ψ 056 1 6 205 etc;. ουδεν εγνω 69 1270; ουδεν εγνωκε 330 547 618 1352 1611 1734 2400; ουδεν εγνωκεν Dc K L 365 1241s 1243 1505; εδει for δει 33.

114

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

𝔓46 Cl om. τον θεον; ουτως 88 326 460 910 1175 1241s 1319 1352 1448 1646 1735* 1837 1874 2464; ουτω 1243. 74–75 εσται for εγνωσται 1245; εγνωστα F G; εγνωσε τα 330 2400; εγνωσθαι 1241s; τον θεον εγνωσται υπ αυτου ουτως Ψ; 𝔓46 ‫ *א‬33 Cl om. υπ αυτου; περι δε D 1 33 88 205 209 999 1245; περι ουν 104 365 1319 1573. 74

↓ 5

10

15

20

→ 25

30

[ἐπὶ τῇ πίστει, τοῦ γνῶ]ν̣αι̣ αὐτὸν καὶ Phil 3:9-10 [τὴν δύναμιν τῆς ἀνασ]τάσεως αὐτοῦ [καὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν τῶν] π̣αθημάτων [αὐτοῦ, συμμορφιζό]μενος τῷ θα[νάτῳ αὐτοῦ, εἴ πως] κ̣ αταντήσ̣ ω̣ εἰς 3:11 [τὴν ἐξανάστασιν τὴ]ν ἐκ νεκ̣ ρῶν. [Οὐχ ὅτι ἤδη ἔλαβον] ἢ ἤδη τετελεί3:12 [ωμαι, διώκω δὲ εἰ κατ]αλάβω, ἐ ̣φ’ ᾧ̣ [καὶ κατελήμφθην ὑπὸ Χ(ριστο)]ῦ. ἀδελφ̣οί, ἐ3:13 [γὼ οὔπω λογίζομαι ἐ]μα̣ υ̣ τὸν κ α̣ τει[ληφέναι· ἓν δέ, τ]ὰ ̣ μὲ ̣ν ὀπίσω̣ [ἐπιλανθανόμενος] τ̣ο̣ῖ ς̣ ̣ δὲ ἔμπρο[σθεν ἐπεκτεινόμε]νος, κατὰ σκο3:14 [πὸν διώκω εἰ]ς τὸ [βρ]αβεῖον τῆς ἄ[νω κλή]σεως τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ̣ ἐ ̣ν̣ Ἰ ̣(ησο)ῦ̣ Χ̣ (ριστ)ῷ̣. Ὅ̣σοι 3:15 [οὖν τέλ]ειοι, τοῦτο φ[ρο]ν̣ῶ μ ̣ ε̣ ̣ν̣· καὶ [εἴ τι ἑτ]έρως φρονεῖτ̣[ε], καὶ [τ]οῦτο [ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ὑμῖ]ν ἀποκαλύψ[ει]· πλὴν εἰς 3:16 [ὃ ἐφθάσ]ατε, τῷ αὐτῷ [στ]οιχεῖν. Συν3:17 [μιμηταί] μου γίνεσθ̣ε ,̣ [ἀδ]ελφοί, καὶ φρο[νεῖν ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. ναὶ ἐρωτῶ καὶ σέ,] γνήσιε σύ̣ζ[υγε, συλλαμβάνου αὐταῖς,] αἵτ̣ι ̣νες ἐν [τῷ εὐαγγελίῳ συνή-] θλησάν μοι [μετὰ καὶ Κλήμεντος] καὶ τῶν συν[εργῶν μου καὶ τῶν λοι-] πῶν, ὧν τὰ ὀ[νόματα ἐν βίβλῳ ζω-] ῆς. Χαίρετε̣ [ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ πάντοτε· πάλιν ἐρῶ,] χαίρετε. τ̣ὸ ̣ [ἐπιεικὲς ὑμῶν γνω-] σθήτω πᾶσ̣ [ιν ἀν(θρώπ)οις. ὁ κ(ύριο)ς ἐγγύς.] μηδὲν μερ[ιμνᾶτε, ἀλλ’ ἐν παντὶ] τῇ προσευ[χῇ καὶ τῇ δεήσει μετὰ] εὐχαρι̣σ τία̣ [ς τὰ αἰτήματα ὑμῶν] γνωριζέσθ̣ [ω] πρὸ[ς τὸν θ(εό)ν. καὶ ἡ εἰ-] ρήνη τοῦ θ(εο)[ῦ] ἡ ὑπερ[έ]χ̣ ο̣ [υσα πάν-]

4:2-3

4:4 4:5 4:6 4:7

New Testament Texts [30]

35

τα νοῦν φρ[ου]ρήσει τὰς κ[αρδίας ὑ-] μῶ ̣ν̣ κ̣ αὶ ̣ τ[ὰ ν]οήματα κ[αὶ τὰ σώμα-] τα ὑμῶν [ἐν] Χ̣ (ριστ)ῷ̣ Ἰ(ησο)ῦ. Τὸ λο[ιπόν, ἀδελ-] φοί, ὅσα ἐ[στὶ]ν ἀληθῆ, ὅ[σα σεμνά,] ὅσα δίκα[ια], ὅσα ἁγνά, ὅσ]α]

115

4:8

__________ 14. pap. βραβιον. 23. pap. αἱτινες. 26. pap. ῶν. 34. pap. ϋπερεχουσα. 37. pap. ϋμων.

‫א‬c D F G K L P Ψ 𝔐 075 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1505 1739 1881 add την before κοινιαν, which was probably included here. την om. in 𝔓46 ‫ *א‬A B 1241 2464. The definite article των before παθηματων is uncertain, but it was om. in 𝔓46 ‫ *א‬and B and included in ‫א‬c A D F G K L P Ψ 𝔐 075 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464. 6 των for την εκ K L 𝔐 075 630 1241 1739* 1881 2464 bo; των εκ F G. 7–8 η ηδη δεδικαιωμαι 𝔓46 D*.c (F G δικαιωμαι) ar (b; Irlat) Ambst. 8 Some witnesses read και καταλαβω 𝔓46.61vid ‫א‬c A B Dc K L P Ψ 𝔐 075 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 syh Cl, a reading that was likely not part of P.Oxy. VII 1009. 9 The expansion Χριστου Ιησου is supported by 𝔓46.61vid ‫ א‬A K L P Ψ 𝔐 075 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464 ar vg sy, but is unlikely here given the length of the line. 10 The reconstruction of this line is rather dubious as one would expect either εγω εμαυτον ου λογιζομαι κατειληφεναι (𝔓46 Β Dc F G K L Ψ 𝔐 630 1505 1739 1881 2464 lat syp sa Tert) or εγω εμαυτον ουπω ου λογιζομαι κατειληφεναι (‫ א‬Α D* P 075 33 81 104 365 614 [629] 1175 1241 ar vgmss syh** bo Cl). The position of εμαυτον likely indicates that P.Oxy. VII 1009 preserved an otherwise unattested word order variation. 14 διωκων I Ψ; επι το βραβειον D F G K L P 𝔐 075 104 630. 14–15 της ανεγκλησιας for της ανω κλησεως 1739v.l. Tert; της ανω κλησεως θεου 𝔓46 Ambst; της ανω κλησεως εν κυριω Ιησου Χριστου F G; της ανω κλησεως του θεου εν κυριω Ιησου Χριστου D*; της ανω κλησεως του θεου εν Χριστω Ιησου ‫ א‬A B Dc I K L P Ψ 𝔐 075 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464 lat sy(p) co Or. 16 φρονουμεν ‫ א‬L 326 1241 Cl. 19 Only P.Oxy. VII 1009 and a few Sahidic mss read εφθασατε instead of εφθασαμεν; εφθασαμεν τω αυτω στοιχειν κανονι το αυτο φρονειν ‫א‬c K L P Ψ 𝔐 075 630 1505 2464 sy(p); το αυτο φρονειν (+ και 629) τω αυτω (αυτοι D*) κανονι (-D*) στοιχειν (+ κανονι Dc) D 81 104 365 629 1175 1241 (vg); το αυτο φρονειν τω αυτω συνστοιχειν F G; το αυτο φρονειν 1881. 25–26 The word order and addition of the second των of P.Oxy. VII 1009 is supported by ‫*א‬ against all other witnesses who read και των συνεργων μον. 34 του Χριστου A t vgmss syhmg. 36–37 The reconstruction of these lines is fairly secure and presents a unique reading with the addition of και τα σωματα. A few witnesses replace νοηματα with σωματα (F G ar d MVict Pel), while this papyrus appears to conflate the two readings: νοηματα και τα σωματα. 37 εν κυριω for εν Χριστω Ιησου 𝔓46. 39 In the ed. pr. Grenfell and Hunt mistakenly printed αγια in place of αγνα. 3

116

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

31 P.Oxy. XIII 1598 (𝔓30) 1 Thessalonians 4–5 passim; 2 Thessalonians 1:1-2; 2:1, 9-11 8.8 × 6.2 cm TM no. 61860; Van Haelst 0528 Date: III/IV Material: Papyrus Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIII (London, 1919), 12–14 (no. 1598); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 128–33. Related Literature: R. C. Horn, “Identification of a Papyrus Fragment: Oxyrhynchus Papyrus Fragment 1598 frag. 5,” CP 28 (1933): 44–47; P.  W. Comfort, “New Reconstructions and Identifications of New Testament Papyri,” NovT 41 (1999): 214–30. Introduction These two consecutive leaves from a papyrus codex are numbered sequentially and fortuitously preserve the titles of both 1 and 2 Thessalonians, which are placed between the two books rather than at the beginning for both. The handwriting, originally compared by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt to P.Oxy. IX 1166 (III, Genesis) and P.Oxy. III 406 (III, patristic author? [82]), is a large rounded uncial and “not so formal and calligraphic” as 1166. The scribe employed the usual nomina sacra. The page numbers suggest a codex containing only the Pauline Epistles and the Letters of Romans through 1  Thessalonians would approximately account for the number of pages preceding the first surviving page of P.Oxy. XIII 1598 (p. 206). Some lines were visible to Grenfell and Hunt (ll. 21, 22, 24) that are no longer visible in the available photographs. The papyrus is now housed at the University of Ghent, and one of the smaller unidentified fragments was identified and placed in the edition published by P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett. The original codex can be approximated to have been 16 × 25 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 7. A complete page of text would have had about 33 lines and roughly 21 letters per line. The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. First, there are three instances where unique readings may have occurred but where the text cannot confidently be reconstructed because there are no attested variants that would help restore the missing text. Grenfell and Hunt offered suggested readings in these instances (ll. 60, 77, 109). At 1 Thessalonians 5:13 the papyrus reads ἐκπερισσοῦ in place of ὑπερεκπερισσοῦ, a reading that is attested in a single minuscule. At 1  Thessalonians 5:12 the papyrus reads προιστανομένους in agreement with ‫ א‬and A against B. A word order variant at 1 Thessalonians 5:9,

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ὁ θεὸς ἡμᾶς, agrees with B against all other witnesses. The titles for the books agree with ‫ א‬and B* for 1 Thessalonians and ‫ א‬A and B for 2 Thessalonians.

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οὐρα-] νοῦ καὶ ο̣[ἱ νεκροὶ ἐν Χ(ριστ)ῷ ἀ-] νασ̣τήσο[νται πρῶτον, ἔ-] [πειτα ἡμεῖς οἱ ζῶντες] [οἱ περιλειπόμενοι ἅμα] σ̣ὺ ̣ν αὐτοῖς ̣ ἁ [̣ ρπαγησόμεθα] [ἐν νε]φ̣[έλαις εἰς ἀπάντη-] σιν τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ εἰς ̣ [ἀέρα· καὶ οὕτως] πάντοτε σὺν̣ [κ(υρί)ῳ]

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ση [οὕτως ἔρχεται. ὅταν λέγ]ωσιν· [εἰρήνη καὶ ἀσφάλεια, τό]τ’ αἰ-

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ἐν-] [δυσάμενοι θώρακ]α πίστε[ως καὶ ἀγάπης καὶ] περικεφα̣ [λαίαν ἐλπίδα σ]ωτηρίας· ὅτι [οὐκ ἔθετο ὁ θ(εὸ)ς] ἡμᾶς εἰς ὀρ[γὴν ἀλλὰ εἰς π]εριποίη[σ]ι ̣ν̣ [σωτηρίας διὰ τ]οῦ κ(υρίο)υ ἡμῶν [Ἰη(σο)ῦ τοῦ ἀποθανόν]τος ὑπὲρ ἡ[μῶν, ±5 letters ἵν]α̣ ε̣ἴ [̣ τε γρ]η̣ [γορῶμεν

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[σθ] [ὑμῖν καὶ προιστ]α ̣ν̣[ο]μέ[νους ὑμῶν ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ κα]ὶ ̣ νου[θετοῦντας ὑμᾶς] κ α̣ ὶ ἡγεῖ[σθαι αὐτοὺς ἐ]κ ̣περισ̣σοῦ [ἐν ἀγάπῃ διὰ τὸ] ἔ [̣ ρ]γ̣ο ̣ν̣ αὐ-

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[τῶν.] ε[ἰρηνεύετ]ε ἐν ἑαυ̣ τοῖς. [Παρ]α κ̣ [̣ αλοῦμεν δὲ ὑ]μᾶ̣ ς, ἀ[δελφοί, νουθετεῖτε] τοὺς [ἀ]τ̣ά [̣ κ]τ̣[ο]υ̣ς ,̣ π [̣ α]ρ̣α [̣ μυθεῖσ]θε ̣ τοὺς ὀ[λι]γ̣οψ̣ύχ[ους, ἀντέχε-] σ̣ θε τῶ[ν] ἀ[σθ]ε[νῶν, ±5 letters] μακροθυμε̣ῖτ[ε πρὸς πάν-] τα̣ ς. ὁρᾶτε μή τ[ις κακὸν ἀν-] τὶ κακοῦ τινι ἀ[ποδῷ, ἀλλὰ] πάντοτε τὸ ἀ[γαθὸν διώκε-] τε καὶ εἰς [ἀλλήλους καὶ εἰς] πάν[τας. Πάντοτε χαίρετε,] ἀδια[λείπτως προσεύχεσθε,] ἐν π[αντὶ εὐχαριστεῖτε· τοῦ-] [το]

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18 lines lost [σι] καὶ περὶ ἡ[μῶν. Ἀσπάσασθε] 5:25-26 105 τοὺς ἀδ[ελφοὺς πάντας ἐν] φιλήματ[ι ἁγίῳ. Ἐνορκίζω ὑ-] 5:27 μᾶς τὸν κ(ύριο)ν [ἀναγνωσθῆναι] τὴν ἐπισ̣τ̣[ολὴν πᾶσιν τοῖς] ἀδελφ[οῖς ±10 letters. Ἡ χά-] 5:28 110 ρις τοῦ [κ(υρίο)υ ἡμῶν Ἰη(σο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ με-] θ’ ὑμ[ῶν.] [π ρος Θ εσσα]λ ονε[ι κ]ε̣ι ς  α  [π ρος Θ εσσαλ]ο̣ν ̅ε [̣ ι κ]ει ς β  [Παῦλος καὶ Σιλ]ο̣υανὸ[ς] κ̣ αὶ ̣ 2 Thess 1:1 115 [Τιμόθεος τῇ ἐκκ]λησίᾳ [Θεσσαλονικέων ἐ]ν θ(ε)ῷ [π(ατ)ρὶ ἡμῶν καὶ κ(υρί)ῳ Ἰη(σο)ῦ Χ(ριστ)]ῷ, χά1:2 [ρις ὑμῖν καὶ εἰρήνη] ἀ ̣πὸ̣ ̣

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148 ] Ἰη(σο)[ῦ

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[θείας οὐ]κ ἐ [̣ δέξαντο εἰς τὸ σω-] [θῆναι αὐ]το̣[ύς. καὶ διὰ τοῦ-] [το πέμπ]ει α [̣ ὐτοῖς ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἐνέργειαν] 185 [πλάνη]ς ε[ἰς

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θελω 104 614 630 1505 l 846 vgmss sy Augpt. πρωτοι D* F G latt Tert Eus. F G ar b Tert Ambst Spec om. οι περιλειπομενοι. υπαντησιν D* F G. εν κυριω B. δε λεγωσιν ‫א‬2 B D 0226 6 104 1505 1739 1881 2464 syh; γαρ λεγωσιν Ψ 𝔐 0278 ar v q. The word order of P.Oxy. XIII 1598 (ο θεος ημας) is attested also in B. Χριστου is om. in a few witnesses (B b m* vgmss sa), and given the length of the line it is likely that it was om. here also. περι ημων ‫ *א‬B 33. 60 B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt suggest ημων παντων to fill in the lacuna, but there is no textual support for such a reading. 67 προισταμενους B D F G K L P Ψ 𝔐 0278 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464. 69–70 ηγεισθε Β Ψ 6 81 104 326 1739 sy. 70 υπερεκπερισσου ‫ א‬A D2 K L P Ψ 𝔐 0278 33 81 104 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464; υπερεκπερισσως B D* F G. 72 A B D2 K L 0278 33 365 630 1175 1241 1739 1881c Cl om εν. 77 There is enough room at the end of the line for roughly five letters. Grenfell and Hunt conjectured εν υμιν, an otherwise unattested reading. 82 ‫ *א‬A D F G 6 33 1739 1881 2464 it vgcl syp Ambst Spec om. και (1st). 104 ‫ א‬Α D1 F G Ivid Κ L P Ψ 𝔐 365 630 1175 1241 lat syp bo om. και. 106 ορκιζω ‫ א‬D1 F G K L P Ψ 𝔐 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 2464. 109 αγιοις αδελφοις ‫א‬2 Α K L P Ψ 𝔐 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464 ar vg sy bo. Grenfell and Hunt suggest αδελφ[οις τοις αγιοις]. 180 της αδικιας ‫א‬2 D K L P Ψ 𝔐 365 630 1175 1241 1505; εν τοις ‫א‬2 D1 K L P Ψ 𝔐 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1881 sy. 181–82 του θεου for της αληθειας Irgr, lat pt ; της αληθειας Χριστου D*. 184 πεμψει ‫א‬2 D2 K L P Ψ 𝔐 0278 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 2464 it vgcl samss bo Irlat pt Ambst.

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32 P.Oxy. IV 657 (= PSI XII 1292) (𝔓13) Hebrews 2:14–5:5; 10:8-22; 10:29–11:13; 11:28–12:17 Height 26.3 cm TM no. 61861; Van Haelst 0537 Date: III/IV Material: Papyrus Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IV (London, 1904), 36–48 (no. 657); V. Bartoletti and Μ. Norsi, Papiri greci e latini XII (Florence, 1951), 209–20 (no. 1292); P. W. Comfort and D. P.

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Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 83–92. Related Literature: J. R. Royse, “The Early Text of Paul (and Hebrews),” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 175–203. Introduction P.Oxy. IV 657 preserves a substantial portion of the letter to the Hebrews written on papyrus. The numerous fragments come from a bookroll that was written using repurposed papyrus, and because of the large number of fragments and their varying widths it has been impossible up to this stage to give an estimated length of the complete bookroll. On the reverse side, portions of an epitome of Livy’s history are found (see P.Oxy. IV 668). In total, portions of 12 columns of writing are preserved. The columns are quite broad and contained approximately 35 letters per line and roughly 23–27 lines per column. The columns are numbered and begin with page 47. Page 47 corresponds to Hebrews 2:14, and therefore it is reasonable to suppose that another work preceded Hebrews and that the roll did not contain the entire Pauline corpus. Like 𝔓46, which preserves Romans before Hebrews, P.Oxy. IV 657 may have included Romans before Hebrews and was probably limited to those two texts. The handwriting of the reverse was dated to the beginning of the third century by G. Cavallo, and therefore the text of Hebrews was written sometime thereafter.17 The handwriting is reformed documentary of the oval type, but irregular. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt compared the handwriting to P.Oxy. III 404 (III/IV, Shepherd of Hermas [69]), and they also cited as evidence the fact that the cursive documents used to patch and strengthen the document date from the fourth century. Corrections were made by the original scribe, and some lectional signs are used (double points are used rather frequently). The system of division or punctuation may correspond to a system of στίχοι that were longer than those in other manuscripts and that are indicated in the manuscript through the notation “:”. The papyrus employs the usual nomina sacra. There is frequent usage of diaeresis over initial ι and υ and sometimes over η, an apostrophe was used to separate double consonants, and there are frequent orthographic peculiarities. The papyrus is interesting for many of its readings, a few of which are mentioned here. At Hebrews 3:10 the papyrus preserves the singular reading ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτῶν διὸ οὐκ (“in their heart, wherefore [they have] not”) where all other witnesses read τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτοὶ δὲ οὐκ. At Hebrews 3:13 the present tense form of the verb is changed to an aorist (παρακαλέσατε), and it is the 17

G. Cavallo, Ricerche sulla maiuscola biblica (Florence, 1967), 6.

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only witness to do so. In one instance (Heb 3:19), the papyrus preserves the common Koine form of the verb ἠδυνάσθησαν (cf. ἠδυνήθησαν) that is also attested in the LXX. At the end of Hebrews 4:6 the papyrus probably read ἀπιστίαν with 𝔓46 and ‫*א‬. At Hebrews 10:11 the accusative plural is changed to a singular (ἁμαρτίαν). A word order variant at Hebrews 10:38 (μου ἡ ψυχή) is also attested in 𝔓46 and D. At Hebrews 11:4 there is a preference for brevity when the scribe omitted τῷ θεῷ following προσήνεγκεν and in the omission of the prefix ἐκ from ἐκζητοῦσιν (Heb 11:6). The preference for brevity might also be seen in the omission of the expanded reading of ‫ א‬D and A at the end of Hebrews 3:6 and in the omission of the longer reading at the end of Hebrews 5:4. A tendency to prefer shorter readings is probably also seen at Hebrews 10:9 where ὁ θεός is omitted before τὸ θέλημα. A unique word order variation occurs in Hebrews 11:1 where the papyrus reads πραγμάτων ἀπόστασις. καὶ μή replaces μηδέ in Hebrews 11:5, an otherwise unattested reading. In many instances the papyrus agrees with 𝔓46 (ll. 69, 80, 99, 157, 216, 228, and 230).

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μζ [καταργήσῃ τὸν] τὸ κράτος ἔχοντα τοῦ θανάτου, [τοῦτ’ ἔστιν τὸ]ν διάβολον, καὶ ἀπαλλάξῃ τού[τους, ὅσοι φόβῳ θ]ανάτου διὰ παντὸς τοῦ ζῆν [ἔνοχοι ἦσαν δου]λείας. οὐ γὰρ δήπου ἀγγέλων [ἐπιλαμβάνεται] ἀλλὰ σπέρματος Ἀβραὰμ ἐπι[λαμβάνεται. ὅθ]εν ὤφειλεν κατὰ πάντα τοῖς ἀ[δελφοῖς ὁμοιωθ]ῆναι, ἵνα ἐλεήμων γένηται [καὶ πιστὸς ἀρχιε]ρεὺς τὰ πρὸς τὸν θ(εὸ)ν εἰς τὸ ἱλάσ[κεσθαι τὰς ἁμαρ]τίας τοῦ λαοῦ. ἐν ᾧ γὰρ πέπον[θεν αὐτὸς πειρασ]θείς, δύναται τοῖς πειραζομέ[νοις βοηθῆσαι. Ὅ]θεν, ἀδελφοὶ ἅγιοι, κλήσεως ἐ[πουρανίου μέτοχ]οι, κατανοήσατε τὸν ἀπόστολο(ν) [καὶ ἀρχιερέα τῆς ὁ]μολογίας ἡμῶν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν, πιστὸν ὄντα [τῷ ποιήσαντι] αὐτὸν ὡς καὶ Μωϋσῆς ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ [αὐτοῦ. πλείο]νος γὰρ δόξης οὗτος παρὰ Μωϋσῆν [ἠξίωται, καθ’ ὅ]σον πλείονα τιμὴν ἔχει τοῦ [ο]ἴκου ὁ [κατασκευά]σας αὐτόν· πᾶς γὰρ οἶκος κατασκευ[άζεται ὑπό] τινος, ὁ δὲ πάντα κατασκευάσας θ(εό)ς. [καὶ Μωϋσῆ]ς μὲν πιστὸς ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ [ὡς θεράπω]ν εἰς μαρτύριον τῶν λαληθησομέ[νων, Χ(ριστὸ)ς δὲ] ὡς υἱὸς ἐπὶ τὸν οἶκον αὐτοῦ· οὗ οἶκός [ἐσμεν ἡμεῖ]ς, ἐὰν τὴν παρρησίαν καὶ τὸ 〚χ〛καύχη[μα τῆς ἐλπ]ίδος κατάσχωμεν. Διό, καθὼς λέγει [τὸ πν(εῦμ)α τὸ ἅ]γιον· σήμερον ἐὰν τῆς φωνῆς αὐτοῦ [ἀκούσητε,] μὴ σκληρύνητε τὰς καρδίας ὑμῶν

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[ὡς ἐν τῷ πα]ραπικρασμῷ κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν τοῦ [πειρασμοῦ] ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ, οὗ ἐπείρασαν οἱ πατέρες ὑμῶ(ν) μη ἐν δ[οκι]μασίᾳ καὶ εἶδον τὰ ἔργα μου τεσσεράκον[τα] ἔτη· [δι]ὸ προσώχθισα τῇ γενεᾷ ταύτῃ καὶ εἶπ[ον·] ἀεὶ [πλ]αν[ῶ]νται ἐν τῇ καρδίᾳ, αὐτῶν διὸ οὐκ ἔγνω[σαν] τὰ[ς ὁδούς μο]υ, ὡς ὤμοσα ἐν τῇ ὀργῇ μου· εἰ εἰσ[ε-] λεύ[σοντ]αι ε[ἰς] τὴν κατάπαυσίν μου. Βλέπετε, ἀ[δελ-] φο[ί, μή]ποτε ἔσται ἔν τινι ὑμῶν καρδία πονηρ[ὰ] [ἀπι]σ̣[τία]ς ἐν τῷ ἀποστῆναι ἀπὸ θ(εο)ῦ ζῶντος, ἀλ[λὰ] πα [̣ ρα]καλέσατε ἑαυτοὺς καθ’ ἑκάστην ἡμ[έ-] [ρα]ν̣, ἄ [̣ χ]ρι οὗ τὸ σήμερον καλε[ῖ]ται, ἵνα μ[ὴ σκλη-] [ρυν]θ[ῇ τις ἐ]ξ ὑμῶν ἀπάτῃ τ[ῆ]ς ἁμαρτίας, [μέτο-] [χοι] γ̣ὰ[ρ τοῦ Χ(ριστο)]ῦ γεγόναμεν, ἐάνπερ τὴν ἀ[ρχὴν] [τ]ῆς ὑποστάσεως μέχρι τέλους βεβαίαν [κατά-] [σ]χωμεν, ἐν τῷ λέγεσθαι· σήμερον ἐὰν τῆς φ[ω-] νῆς αὐτοῦ ἀκούσητε, μὴ σκληρύνητε τὰς κ[αρ-] δίας ὑμῶν ὡς ἐν τῷ παραπικρασμῷ. τί[νες] γὰρ ἀκούσαντες παρεπίκραναν; ἀλλ’ οὐ πά[ντες] οἱ ἐξελθό[ντες ἐξ] Αἰγύπτου διὰ Μωϋσέως; τίσ[ιν] δὲ προσώχ[θισεν] τεσσεράκοντα ἔτη; οὐχὶ τ[οῖς] ἁμαρτήσασιν, ὧν τὰ κῶλα ἔπεσεν ἐν τῇ ἐ[ρή-] μῳ; τίσ[ι]ν δὲ ὤμοσεν μὴ εἰσελεύσεσθαι ε[ἰς] τ[ὴ]ν κατάπαυσιν αὐτοῦ εἰ μὴ τοῖς ἀπειθήσασε[ιν;] κ[α]ὶ βλέπομεν ὅτι [ο]ὐκ ἠδυνάσθησαν εἰσε[λ-] θεῖν δι’ ἀ[πιστ]ίαν. Φοβηθῶμεν οὖν, μήπ[ο-] τε κατα[λει]πομένης ἐπαγγελίας εἰσελθε[ῖν] [ε]ἰς τὴν κατάπαυσιν αὐτοῦ δοκῇ τις ἐξ ὑμ[ῶν] ὑστερ[η]κέναι. καὶ γάρ ἐσμεν εὐηγγελισμέν[οι] μθ [καθάπερ κ]ἀ κ̣ εῖνοι· ἀλλ’ οὐκ ὠφέλησεν ὁ λόγος [τῆς ἀκοῆς] ἐκείνους μὴ συγκεκερασμένους [τῇ πίστει το]ῖς ἀκούσασιν. Εἰσερχόμεθα γὰρ εἰς [κατάπα]υσιν οἱ πιστεύσαντες, καθὼς εἴρηκεν· [ὡς ὤμο]σα ἐν τῇ ὀργῇ μου· εἰ[σ]ελεύσονται εἰς τὴν κα[τάπαυ]σίν μου, καίτοι τ[ῶ]ν ἔργων ἀπὸ καταβο[λῆς κόσ]μου γενηθέντων. εἴρηκεν που περὶ τῆς [ἑβδόμ]ης οὕτως· καὶ κα[τέ]παυσεν ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἐν τῇ ἡμέ[ρᾳ τῇ ἑβ]δόμῃ ἀπὸ πάντ[ων] τῶν ἔργων αὐτοῦ, καὶ [ἐν τούτ]ῳ πά[λ]ιν· εἰσελεύ[σο]νται εἰς τὴν κατάπαυσί(ν) [μου. ἐ]πεὶ οὖν ἀπολείπεται τινὰς εἰσελθεῖν εἰς αὐτή(ν),

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[καὶ οἱ πρ]ότερον εὐαγγελισθέντες οὐκ εἰσῆ[λθ]ο(ν) [δι’ ἀπιστί]αν, πάλιν τινὰ ὁρίζει ἡμέραν, σήμερο(ν), 70 [ἐν Δαυ]ὶδ λέγων μετὰ τοσοῦτον χρόνον, [κα]θ[ὼ]ς [προείρη]τα ι̣ · [σ]ήμερον ἐὰν τῆς φωνῆς αὐ[τοῦ ἀ-] [κούσητ]ε, μ[ὴ] σκληρύνητε τὰς καρδίας ὑμ[ῶν.] [εἰ γὰρ α]ὐτοὺς Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς κατέπαυσεν, οὐκ ἂν π[ερὶ ἄλ-] [λης ἐλά]λει μετὰ ταῦτα ἡμέρας. ἄρα ἀπ[ολεί-] 75 [πεται σ]αβ̣βατισμὸς τῷ λαῷ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ. ὁ γὰρ εἰσ[ελθὼν] εἰ[ς τὴν] κατάπαυσιν αὐτ[οῦ] καὶ α[ὐ]τ̣ὸς̣ ̣ [κατέπ]αυσ̣[εν] ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων αὐ[τοῦ] ὥσ̣ [̣ περ] ἀ[πὸ τῶν ἰ]δίων ὁ θ(εό)ς. Σπουδάσωμεν [ο]ὖ[ν] εἰσελ[θεῖν εἰ]ς ἐκείνην τὴν κατάπαυσι[ν, ἵν]α ̣ μὴ ἐν 80 [τῷ αὐτ]ῷ τις ὑποδείγματι πέσῃ τῆς ἀπι[στί]ας. Ζῶ(ν) [γὰρ ὁ λό]γος τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ καὶ ἐνεργὴς καὶ [τ]ο̣μ [̣ ώτερο]ς ὑν πὲρ πᾶσαν μάχα[ιραν δίστομον καὶ διϊκνούμε-] νος ἄχρι μερισμ[οῦ ψυχῆς καὶ πν(εύματο)ς, ἁρμῶν τε] 85 καὶ μυελῶν, καὶ κ[ριτικὸς ἐνθυμήσεων καὶ ἐν-] νυῶν καρδίας· [καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν κτίσις ἀφανὴς] ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ, [πάντα δὲ γυμνὰ καὶ τετραχη-] λισμένα τοῖς ὀφ[θαλμοῖς αὐτοῦ, πρὸς ὃν ἡμῖν] ὁ λόγος. Ἔχοντε[ς οὖν ἀρχιερέα μέγαν διε-] 90 ληλυθότα τοὺ[ς οὐρανούς, Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ,] κρατῶμεν τῆς [ὁμολογίας. οὐ γὰρ ἔχομεν ἀρχιε-] ρέα μὴ δυνάμ[ενον συμπαθῆσαι ταῖς ἀσθε-] νεία[ι]ς ἡμῶν, [πεπειρασμένον δὲ κατὰ πάντα] καθ’ ὁμοιότητα [χωρὶς ἁμαρτίας. προσερχώμε-] 95 θα οὖν μετὰ [παρρησίας τῷ θρόνῳ τῆς χάριτος,] [ἵν]α λάβωμε[ν ἔλεος καὶ χάριν εὕρωμεν εἰς εὔ-] καιρον βοήθ[ειαν. Πᾶς γὰρ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐξ ἀνθρώ-] [πω]ν λαμβα[νόμενος ὑπὲρ ἀνθρώπων κα-] [θί]στατα[ι τὰ πρὸς τὸν θ(εό)ν, ἵνα προσφέρῃ δῶρα] 100 [καὶ θυ]σίας ὑ[πὲρ ἁμαρτιῶν, μετριοπαθεῖν δυ-] νάμενος τοῖς ἀ[γνοοῦσιν καὶ πλανωμένοις, ἐπεὶ] καὶ αὐτὸς περ[ίκειται ἀσθένειαν καὶ δι’ αὐτὴν] ὀφείλει, καθὼ[ς περὶ τοῦ λαοῦ, οὕτως καὶ περὶ ἑαυ-] τοῦ προσφέρ[ειν περὶ ἁμαρτιῶν. καὶ οὐχ ἑ-] 105 αυτῷ τις λαμβ[άνει τὴν τιμήν, ἀλλὰ καλούμε-] νος ὑπὸ τοῦ [θ(εο)ῦ. Οὕτως καὶ ὁ Χ(ριστὸ)ς οὐχ ἑαυτὸν ἐδό-] ξασεν γενη[θῆναι

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[ἀνώτερον λέγων ὅτι θυσίας καὶ προσφορ]ὰς 10:8 [καὶ ὁλοκαυτώματα καὶ περὶ ἁμαρτίας] οὐκ [ἠθέλησας οὐδὲ εὐδόκησας, αἵτινες κατὰ] νόμο(ν) ξβ προσφέροντα[ι, τό]τε εἴρη[κεν· ἰ]δοὺ ἥ[κω τοῦ ποιῆσαι] 10:9 τὸ θέλημά σου. ἀναιρεῖ τὸ [πρῶτ]ον ἵνα [τὸ δεύτερον] στήσῃ, ἐν ᾧ θελήματι ἡγιασμέν[ο]ι ἐσμ[ὲν διὰ τῆς προσ-] 10:10 φορᾶς τοῦ σώματος Ἰ(ησο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)[ῦ] ἐφάπαξ. [Καὶ πᾶς μὲν 10:11 ἱερεὺς ἕστηκεν καθ’ ἡμέραν λˋεˊιτου[ργῶν καὶ τὰς αὐ-] τὰς πολλάκις προσφέρω[ν] θυσίας, αἵτινες οὐ [δέπο-] τε δύνανται περιελεῖν ἁμαρτίαν. οὗτος δὲ [μίαν] 10:12 ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτιῶ[ν] προσενένκας θυσίαν εἰς τὸ διη[νεκὲς] ἐκάθισεν ἐν δε[ξιᾷ] τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, τὸ λοιπὸν ἐκδεχό[μενος] 10:13 ἕως τεθῶσιν οἱ ἐχθρο̣ὶ ὑποπόδιον τῶν ποδῶ[ν αὐτοῦ.] μιᾷ γὰρ προσφορᾷ τετελείωκεν εἰς τὸ διηνεκὲ[ς τοὺς] 10:14 ἁγιαζομένους. Μαρτυρεῖ δὲ ἡμῖν καὶ τ[ὸ πν(εῦμ)α] 10:15 τὸ ἅγιον· μετὰ γὰρ τὸ εἰρηκέναι· αὕτη δὲ ἡ δια[θήκη] 10:16 ἣν διαθήσομαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετὰ τὰς ἡμέρ[ας ἐκεί-] νας, λέγει κ(ύριο)ς· διδοὺς νόμους μου ἐπὶ καρδία[ς αὐτῶν,] καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν 〚α〛ἐπιγράψω αὐ[τούς,] καὶ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν καὶ [τ]ῶν ἀνομιῶν αὐτῶν οὐ μὴ 10:17 μνησθήσομαι ἔτι. ὅπου δὲ ἄφεσις τού[τ]ων, οὐκ10:18 έτι προσφορὰ περὶ ἁμαρτίας. Ἔχοντες οὖν, ἀδελ10:19 φοί, παρρησίαν εἰς τὴν εἴσοδον τῶν ἁγίων ἐν τῷ αἵματι Ἰ(ησο)ῦ, ἣν ἐνεκαίνισεν ἡμῖν ὁδὸν πρόσ10:20 φατον καὶ ζῶσαν διὰ τοῦ καταπετάσματος, τοῦτ’ ἔστιν τῆς σαρκὸς αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἱερέα μέγαν 10:21 ἐπὶ τὸν οἶκον τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, προσερχώμεθα μετὰ 10:22 An estimated 15 lines of text are missing.

πό̣ [̣ σῳ δοκεῖτε χείρονος ἀξιωθήσεται τιμωρίας ὁ τὸν] 10:29 υ[ἱὸν] τ̣[ο]ῦ [θ(εο)ῦ καταπατήσας καὶ τὸ αἷμα τῆς διαθήκης] κοινὸν ἡ [̣ γησάμενος, ἐν ᾧ ἡγιάσθη, καὶ τὸ πν(εῦμ)α τῆς χά-] 10:30 ριτος ἐνυ[βρίσας; οἴδαμεν γὰρ τὸν εἰπόντα· ἐμοὶ ἐκ-] 140 δίκησις, ἐγ[ὼ ἀνταποδώσω. καὶ πάλιν· κρινεῖ κ(ύριο)ς τὸν] 10:31 λαὸν αὐτο[ῦ. φοβερὸν τὸ ἐμπεσεῖν εἰς χεῖρας θ(εο)ῦ] ζῶντος. [Ἀναμιμνῄσκεσθε δὲ τὰς πρότερον ἡμέ-] 10:32 ρας, ἐν α[ἷς φωτισθέντες πολλὴν ἄθλησιν ὑπεμείνατε] παθημ[άτων, τοῦτο μὲν ὀνειδισμοῖς τε καὶ θλίψεσιν] 10:33

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[ξδ] [θεα]τριζόμενοι, τοῦτο δὲ κοινων[ο]ὶ τῶν οὕτως [ἀνα]στρεφομένων γενηθέντες. καὶ γὰρ τοῖς δεσ10:34 [μίοι]ς συνεπαθήσατε, καὶ τὴν ἁρπαγὴν τῶν ὑπαρ[χόν]των ὑμῶν μετὰ χαρᾶς προσεδέξασθ[ε] γινώσ[κο]ντες ἔχειν ἑαυτοὺς κρείττονα ὕπαρξιν καὶ μέν[ο]υ[σαν]. Μὴ ἀποβάλητε οὖν τὴν παρρησίαν ὑμῶν, 10:35 [ἥτ]ις ἔχει μεγάλην μισθαποδοσίαν, ὑπομονῆς 10:36 [γὰρ] ἔχετε χρείαν ἵνα τὸ θέλημα τοῦ [θ](εο)ῦ ποιήσαντες [κο]μί̣ σησθε τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν. ἔτ[ι] μικρὸν ὅσον 10:37 [ὅσο]ν, ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἥξει καὶ οὐ χρονίσει· ὁ δὲ δίκαιος 10:38 [ἐκ] πίστεως ζήσεται, καὶ ἐὰν ὑποστείληται, [ο]ὐκ εὐ[δοκ]εῖ μου ἡ ψυχὴ ἐν αὐτῷ. ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἐσμὲν [ὑ]ποστο- 10:39 [λῆ]ς εἰς ἀπώλειαν ἀλλὰ πίστεως εἰς περιποί[η]σιν ψυ[χῆ]ς. Ἔστι δὲ πίστις ἐλπιζομένων πραγμάτων ἀπό̣σ ̣τα- 11:1 [σις,] ἔλεγχος οὐ βλεπομένων. ἐν αὐτῇ γὰρ ἐμαρτυρή11:2 [θησ]αν οἱ πρεσβύτεροι. Πίστει νοοῦμεν κατηρτίσθαι 11:3 [τοὺ]ς αἰῶνας ῥήματι θ(εο)ῦ, εἰς τὸ μὴ ἐκ φˋαιˊ〚ε〛νομένων τὸ [βλ]επόμενον γεγονέναι. Πίστει πλείονα θυσίαν Ἄβε[λ] 11:4 παρὰ Κάεϊν προσήνεγκεν, δι’ ἧς ἐμαρτυρήθη εἶναι δ[ί-] [κ]αιος, μαρτυροῦντος ἐπὶ τοῖς δώροις αὐτῷ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, καὶ δ̣[ι’ αὐ-] τῆς ἀποθανὼν ἔτι λαλεῖ. Πίστει Ἑνὼχ μετετέθ[η] τοῦ [μὴ] 11:5 ἰδεῖν θάνατον, καὶ οὐχ ηὑρίσκετο διότι μετέθηκεν α[ὐτὸν] ὁ θ(εό)ς. πρὸ γὰρ τῆς μεταθέσεως μεμαρτύρηται εὐηρ[εστηκέ-] [ξε] ναι τῷ θ(ε)ῷ· [χωρὶς δὲ πίστεως ἀδύνατον εὐαρεστῆσαι·] 11:6 πιστεῦσαι γ[ὰρ δεῖ τὸν προσερχόμενον τῷ θ(ε)ῷ ὅτι ἔστιν] 11:7 καὶ τοῖς ζη[τοῦσιν αὐτὸν μισθαποδότης γίνεται. Πίστει] χρηματι[σθεὶς Νῶε περὶ τῶν μηδέπω βλεπομένων,] εὐλαβηθε[ὶς κατεσκεύασεν κιβωτὸν εἰς σωτηρίαν τοῦ] οἴκου αὐτοῦ [δι’ ἧς κατέκρινεν τὸν κόσμον, καὶ τῆς κατὰ] πίσ[τι]ν δικα[ιοσύνης ἐγένετο κληρονόμος. Πίστει καλού-] 11:8 μενος Ἀβραὰ[μ ὑπήκουσεν ἐξελθεῖν εἰς τόπον ὃν ἤμελ-] λεν λαμβάν[ειν εἰς κληρονομίαν, καὶ ἐξῆλθεν μὴ ἐπι-] 11:9 στάμενος π[οῦ ἔρχεται. Πίστει παρῴκησεν εἰς γῆν τῆς] ἐπαγγελίας [ὡς ἀλλοτρίαν ἐν σκηναῖς κατοικήσας μετὰ] Ἰσαὰκ καὶ Ἰακ[ὼβ τῶν συγκληρονόμων τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τῆς] αὐτῆς· ἐξ[εδέχετο γὰρ τὴν τοὺς θεμελίους ἔχουσαν πό-] 11:10 λιν, ἧς τεχν[ίτης καὶ δημιουργὸς ὁ θ(εό)ς. Πίστει καὶ αὐτὴ Σ-] 11:11

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άρρα δύναμ[ιν εἰς καταβολὴν σπέρματος ἔλαβεν καὶ πα-] ρὰ καιρὸν ἡλ[ικίας, ἐπεὶ πιστὸν ἡγήσατο τὸν ἐπαγγειλάμε-] 185 νον. διὸ καὶ [ἀφ’ ἑνὸς ἐγεννήθησαν, καὶ ταῦτα νενεκρω-] 11:12 μένου, κα[θὼς τὰ ἄστρα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ τῷ πλήθει καὶ] ὡς ἡ ἄμμος ἡ [παρὰ τὸ χεῖλος τῆς θαλάσσης ἡ ἀναρίθμητος.] Κατὰ πίστιν ἀ[πέθανον οὗτοι πάντες, μὴ λαβόντες τὰς] 11:13 [ἐ]παγγελία[ς, ἀλλὰ πόρρωθεν αὐτὰς ἰδόντες καὶ ἀσ-] 190 [π]ασάμενοι κ [̣ αὶ ὁμολογήσαντες ὅτι ξένοι καὶ παρεπίδημοί] [ε]ἰσιν ἐπὶ τῆς [γῆς, 1 column lost

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ξζ [πρωτότοκα θίγῃ α]ὐτῶν. Πίστει διέβησαν τὴν ἐρυθρὰν 11:28-29 [θάλασσαν ὡς διὰ ξηρ]ᾶς γῆς, ἧ[ς] πεῖραν λαβόντες οἱ Αἰγύ[πτιοι κατεπόθησαν.] Πίστει τὰ τείχη Ἰεριχὼ ἔπεσαν κυκλω11:30 [θέντα ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρα]ς. Πίστει Ῥαὰβ ἡ πόρνη οὐ συναπώ11:31 [λετο τοῖς ἀπειθήσασιν] δεξαμένη τοὺς κατασκόπους μετ’ [εἰρήνης. Καὶ τί ἔτι λέ]γω; ἐπιλείψει γάρ με διηγούμενον ὁ χρό11:32 [νος περὶ Γεδεών, Βαρ]άκ, Σαμψών, Ἰεφθάε, Δαυίδ τε καὶ Σαμουὴλ [καὶ τῶν προφητῶν,] οἳ διὰ πίστεως κατηγωνίσαντο βασιλείας, 11:33 [εἰργάσαντο δικαιοσύ]ν̣ην, ἐπέτυχον ἐπαγγελιῶν, ἔφρα[ξαν στόματα λεόν]των, ἔσβεσαν δύναμιν πυρός, ἔφυ11:34 [γον στόματα μαχ]αίρης, ἐδυναμώθησαν ἀπὸ ἀσθε ̣νεί[ας, ἐγενήθησαν ἰσ]χυροὶ ἐν πολέμῳ, παρεμβολὰς ἔκλι[ναν ἀλλοτρίων. Ἔλ]αβον γυναικα[. . ] ἐξ ἀναστάσεως τοὺς 11:35 [νεκροὺς αὐτῶν· ἄ]λλοι δὲ ἐτυμ[πα]νίσθησαν, οὐ προσδεξά[μενοι τὴν ἀπολύτ]ρ̣ω ̣ σ̣ ι̣ ν, ἵνα κρείττονος ἀναστάσεως [τύχωσιν· ἕτεροι δὲ] ἐμπαιγμῶν καὶ μαστίγων πεῖραν 11:36 [ἔλαβον, ἔτι δὲ δεσμ]ῶν καὶ φυλακῆς· ἐλιθάσθησαν, 11:37 [ἐπρίσθησαν, ἐ]πει[ρά]σθησαν, ἐν φόνῳ μαχαίρης ἀ[πέθανον, περ]ιῆ[λ]θον ἐν μηλωταῖς, ἐν αἰγείοις δέρμα[σιν, ὑστερούμενοι,] θλιβόμενοι, κακουχούμενοι, [ὧν οὐκ ἦν ἄξιος] ὁ̣ [κό]σμος, ἐπὶ ἐρημίαις πλανώμε11:38 [νοι καὶ ὄρεσιν καὶ σ]π̣ηλαίοις καὶ ταῖς ὀπαῖς τῆς γῆς. Καὶ 11:39

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215 [πάντες μαρτυρηθέ]ντες διὰ τῆς πίστεως οὐκ ἐκομί[σαντο τὴν ἐπ]αγγε[λ]ίαν, τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ περὶ ἡμῶν κρεῖττόν 11:40 [τι προβλεψα]μένου, ἵνα μὴ χωρὶς ἡμῶν τελειωθῶσ[ιν]. [Τοιγαροῦν καὶ] ἡμεῖς τοσοῦτον ἔχοντες περικείμενον 12:1 ξη 220 ἡμ[ῖν ν]έφος μαρ[τ]ύρων, ὄγκον ἀποθ[έμενοι] πάντα καὶ τὴ[ν εὐπ]ερίστατον ἁμαρτίαν, δι’ ὑπομονῆς τρέχωμεν τὸ(ν) π[ροκείμ]ενον ἡμῖν ἀγῶνα ἀφορῶντες εἰς τὸν τῆς πίστεως 12:2 ἀρχηγὸν καὶ τελειωτὴν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν, ὃς ἀντὶ τῆς προκειμένης αὐτῷ χαρᾶς ὑπέμεινεν τὸν σταυρὸν αἰσχύνης καταφρονήσας ἐν 225 δεξιᾷ τε [τ]οῦ θρόνου τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ κεκάθι[κ]εν. ἀναλογίσασθε γὰρ 12:3 τοιαύτην ὑπομεμενηκότα ὑπὸ τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀντιλογίαν, ἵνα μὴ κάμητε ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐκλελυομένοι. Οὔπω μέχρι αἵματος ἀντικατέστητε πρὸς τὴν ἁ12:4 μαρτίαν ἀγων[ι]ζόμενοι, καὶ ἐκλέλησθε τῆς παρακλήσεως, 12:5 230 ἥτις ὑμῖν ὡς υἱοῖς διαλέγεται· υἱέ μου, μὴ ὀλιγώρει παιδείας κ(υρίο)υ καὶ μὴ ἐκλύου ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ ἐλεγχόμενος· ὃν γὰρ ἀ- 12:6 γαπᾷ κ(ύριο)ς παιδεύει, μαστιγοῖ δὲ πάντα υἱὸν ὃν παραδέχετα[ι.] εἰς παιδείαν ὑπομ[έ]νετε, ὡς υ[ἱ]οῖς ὑμῖν προσφέρεται 12:7 ὁ θ(εό)ς. τίς γὰρ υἱὸς ὃν οὐ παιδεύει πατήρ; εἰ δὲ χωρίς [ἐστ]ε 12:8 235 παιδείας ἧς μέτοχοι γεγόνασι πάντες, ἄρα νό[θοι καὶ] οὐχ υἱοί ἐστε. εἶτα τοὺς μὲν τῆς σαρκὸς ἡμῶν π[ατ]έρα[ς ε]ἴχο12:9 μεν παιδευτὰς καὶ ἐνετρεπόμεθα· οὐ πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον ὑποταγησόμεθα τῷ πατρὶ τῶν πνευμάτων καὶ ζήσομεν; οἱ μὲν γὰρ πρὸς ὀλίγας ἡμέρας κατὰ τὸ δοκοῦ(ν) 12:10 240 αὐτοῖς ἐπαίδευον, ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ συμφέρον εἰς τὸ μεταλαβεῖν τῆς ἁγιότητος αὐτοῦ. πᾶσα δὲ παιδεία πρὸς μὲν τὸ 12:11 παρὸν οὐ δοκεῖ χαρᾶς εἶναι ἀλλὰ λύπης, ὕστερον δὲ καρπὸν εἰρηνικὸν τοῖς δι’ αὐτῆς γεγυμνασμένοις ἀποδίδω [̣ σιν] [ξθ] 245 δικ[αιοσύνης. Διὸ τὰς παρειμένας χεῖρας καὶ τὰ παραλελυμέ-] 12:12 να [γόνατα ἀνορθώσατε, καὶ τροχιὰς ὀρθὰς ποιεῖτε τοῖς] 12:13 πο[σὶν ὑμῶν, ἵνα μὴ τὸ χωλὸν ἐκτραπῇ, ἰαθῇ δὲ μᾶλλον.] Εἰρ[ήνην διώκετε μετὰ πάντων, καὶ τὸν ἁγιασμόν, οὗ χωρὶς] 12:14

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

οὐ[δεὶς ὄψεται τὸν κ(ύριο)ν, ἐπισκοποῦντες μή τις ὑστερῶν ἀπὸ τῆς] 12:15 250 χά[ριτος τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, μή τις ῥίζα πικρίας ἄνω φύουσα ἐνοχλῇ] κα[ὶ δι’ αὐτῆς μιανθῶσιν πολλοί, μή τις πόρνος ἢ βέβηλος] 12:16 ὡς [Ἠσαῦ, ὃς ἀντὶ βρώσεως μιᾶς ἀπέδετο τὰ πρωτοτόκια αὐτοῦ. ἴσ-] 12:17 τε [γὰρ ὅτι καὶ μετέπειτα θέλων κληρονομῆσαι τὴν εὐλογί-] 255 αν [ __________ 3. pap. διαβολον:. 5. pap. δουλειας:. 7. pap. ωφιλεν. 8. pap. ομοιωθηναι:. pap. ϊνα. 9–10. pap. ειλασκεσθαι. 10. pap. λαου:. 11. pap. πειρασθεις:. 11–12. pap. πιραζομενοις. 13. pap. μετοχοι:. 15. pap. αυτον:; pap. ως κε μωϋσης. 16. pap. μωϋσην. 17. pap. τιμη; pap. οικου:. 18. pap. αυτον:. 19. pap. τινος:; pap. κατασκευασας:. 21. pap. μαρτυριον:. 22. pap. οὑ. 23. pap. ημεις:; The initial κ of καυχημα has been corrected from χ. 24. pap. κατασχωμεν:. 26–28. pap. ϋμων. 28. pap. οὑ επιρασαν. 31. pap. προσωχθεισα. 34. pap. μου. pap. βλεπεται. 35. pap. εστε; pap. ϋμων. 36. pap. απιστιας:; pap. ζωντος; pap. καλειται: ϊνα. 39. The scribe wrote αρμαρτιας for αμαρτιας. 40. pap. γεγοναμεν:. 43. pap. ακουσητε:. 43–44. pap. καρδειας; pap. παραπικρασμω:. 44. pap. ϋμων. 46. pap. μωϋσεως. 47. pap. προσωχθεισεν; pap. τεσερακοντα. 48–49. pap. ερημω:. 50. pap. απιθησασειν:. 52. pap. απιστειαν:. 53. pap. καταλιπομενης. 55. pap. ϋστερηκεναι:. 58. pap. συγκεκρασμενους. 59. pap. πιστι; pap. ακουσασιν:. 60. pap. πιστευσαντες:. 61. pap. εισελευσοντε. 62. pap. μου:. 64. pap. ουτως:; pap. καταπαυσεν. 65. pap. αυτου:. 67. pap. επι; pap. απολιπετε. 70. pap. Δαυειδ. 71. pap. προειρηται:. 74. pap. ελαλι; pap. ημερας:. 76. pap. αυτου:. 78. pap. θεος·. 80. pap. υποδιγματι; The σ of πεση was corrected from τ; pap. απιθειας. 81. pap. ενεργης:. 84. pap. αχρει. 86. pap. καρδειας:. 87. pap. αυτου:. 89. pap. λογος:. 103. pap. οφιλει. 106. pap. ϋπο. 113. pap. σου:; pap. ϊνα. 114. pap. στηση:. 115. pap. εφαπαξ:. 116. pap. ϊερευς. 117–18. pap. ουδεποται. 118. pap. αμαρτιαν:. 119. pap. ϋπερ. 121. pap. ϋποποδιον. 127. The scribal error can likely be accounted for as the scribe began to write out αυτων again and then realized the error. 128. pap. ου μι. 129. pap. ετι:. 130. pap. αμαρτιαις:. 132. pap. ενεκενισεν. 134. pap. αυτου:; pap. ϊερεα. 137. pap. ϋιον. 142. pap. ζωντος:. 146. pap. θεατριζομενοι:. 147. pap. γενηθεντες:. 148. pap. συνεπαθησατε:. 149. pap. προσεδεξασθε:. 150. pap. εχιν. pap. κρισσωνα ϋπαρξιν. 150–51. pap. μενουσαν:. 151. pap. ϋμων. 152. pap. ϋπομονης. 153. pap. εχεται; pap. ϊνα. 154. pap. επαγγελειαν:; pap. οσον:. 156. pap. ζησεται:; pap. υποστειληται:. 157. pap. αυτω:; pap. ημις. 158. pap. απωλειαν:. 158–59. pap. ψυχης:. 160. pap. βλεπομενων:. 161. pap. πρεσβυτεροι:; pap. πιστι; pap. κατηρτεισθαι. 163. pap. γεγονεναι:; pap. πειστει. 164. pap. προσηνεν’κεν. 165. αυτω corrected from αυτου. 166. pap. λαλει:; pap. ενωχ’. 167. pap. ϊδειν; pap. εὑρίσκετο 168. θεος:. l.  ευαρ[. 180. pap. ϊσακ’; pap. ϊακωβ. 181. pap. αυτης:. 182. pap. πολιν:. 184–85. pap. επαγγειλαμενον·. 185–86. pap. νενεκρωμενου:. 189. pap. επαγγελειας. 193. pap. αυτων:. 194. pap. γης:. 195. pap. τιχη. 196. pap. ημερας:. 197. pap. μετ’. 198. pap. επιλιψει. 199. pap. βαρακ’; pap. ϊεφθαε Δαυειδ’. 201. pap. δικαιοσυνην:. 202. pap. λεοντων:; pap. πυρος:. 203. pap. μαχαιρης:; pap. εμ for εν. 204. pap. γυνεκα[. 204–5. pap. εκλειναν. 206. pap. ετοιμπανισθησαν. 207. pap. ϊνα. 208. pap. εμπεγμων; pap. μαστειγων. 209. pap. φυλακης:. 210. pap. επιρασθησαν. 211. pap. εγιοις. 212. pap. θλειβομενοι. 213. pap. κοσμος:; pap. ερημειαις. 214. pap. σπηλεοις. pap. γης:. 216. pap. επαγγελειαν. pap. κριττον. 217. pap. ϊνα. 218. pap. περικιμενον. 220. pap. ογκον:. 221. pap. αμαρτειαν. 222. pap. ημειν. 224. pap. ϋπεμεινεν. 225. pap. κεκαθικεν:; pap. αναλογισασθαι. 226. pap. ϋπομεμενηκοτα ϋπο. 227 pap. ϊνα. 227–28. pap. εκλελυμενοι:. 229. pap. εκλελησθαι. 230. pap. ϋμειν; pap. ϋιοις; pap. ϋιε. 231. pap. εγλυου ϋπ; pap. ελεγχομενος:. 232. pap. πεδευει; pap. μαστειγοι. pap. ϋιον. 233. pap. υπομενεται; pap. ϋιοις ϋμειν. 234. pap. ϋιος; pap. πεδευει; pap. εσται. 235. pap. παντες:. 236. pap. ϋιοι εστε:. 237. pap. ενετρεπομεθα:. 238–39. pap. ζησομεν:. 240. pap. επαιδευον:. 241. pap. αγιοτατης αυτου:; pap. προ. 243. ιρηνικον was changed to ειρηνικον; αυτοις was changed to αυτης.

New Testament Texts [32]

129

B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt restored παν{τον}τος. ταις αμαρτιαις A Ψ 33. Χριστον Ιησουν 𝔐. εν ολω οικω ‫א‬ Α C D K L P Ψ 𝔐 0243 0278 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464 lat sy. 16 ουτος δοξης 𝔓46vid ‫ א‬A B C D P Ψ 1505. 19 τα παντα Cc Dc L P Ψ 𝔐 0278 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 2464. 22 ος οικος 𝔓46 D* 0243 6 1739 lat (syp). 23 καν for εαν ‫ ;*א‬εανπερ 𝔓46 ‫א‬c A C Dc K L Ψ 𝔐 0278 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 2464 vgmss Lcf. 24 Following ελπιδος ‫ א‬A C D K L P Ψ 0243 0278 33 81 104 (323 with variant word order) 365 630 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464 latt sy(p) bo add μεχρι τελους βεβαιαν κατασχωμεν. 28 επειρασαν με ‫א‬c Dc K L P Ψ 𝔐 0243 0278 81 104 365 630 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464 lat sy bo.  30 εδοκιμασαν v vg Ambr; εδοκιμασαν με ‫א‬c D2 K L Ψ 𝔐 0278 104 630 1241 1505 2464 ar vgmss sy(p). 31 εκεινη for ταυτη C D2 K L P Ψ 𝔐 0278 81 104 365 630 1241 1505 2464 ar vgmss sy bo. 32 All other witnesses read πλανωνται τη καρδια αυτοι δε ουκ (“They always go astray in their hearts, and [have] not”). 37 P.Oxy. IV 657 is unique in reading παρακαλεσατε, other witnesses read παρακαλειτε. 38 καλειτε A C 104 1241 2464. 39 εξ υμων τις B D K L 𝔐 365 630 1505 syh. 41 υποστασεως αυτου A 629 1505 ar vgcl.ww; πιστεως 424c. 44 τινές K L P Ψ 0243 0278 1739 1881 latt. 47–48 τισιν δε και A d. 48 απειθησασιν for αμαρτησασιν A. 50 απιστησασιν for απειθησασιν 𝔓46 lat. 51 All other witnesses read ηδυνηθησαν. 53 της επαγγελιας D*. 58 συγκεκερασμενος ‫( א‬104) b d vgcl syp samss Lcf. 59 των ακουσαντων for τοις ακουσασιν D* 104 1505 syhmg Lcf; εισερχωμεθα A C; ουν for γαρ ‫ א‬A C 0243 0278 81 104 365 1739 1881 2464 vgms; δε for γαρ syp. 60 την καταπαυσιν ‫ א‬A C Dc K L P Ψ 𝔐 0243 0278 33 81 104 365 630 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464. 61 The majority of witnesses read ει εισελευσονται, Α also attests to its omission. 63 Only a few vulgate mss and the Syriac Peshitta agree with P.Oxy. IV 657 in the omission of γαρ after ειρηκεν. 64 The scribe mistakenly wrote καταπαυσεν for κατεπαυσεν. 66 ει εισελευσονται 𝔓46 ‫ א‬A B C Dc K L P Ψ 104 365 630 1241 1505 1881 2464 lat syh samss; η εισελευσονται I 33 326. 69 𝔓46 ‫ *א‬lat read απιστιαν, which seems to fit the space better than απειθειαν, the reading of the majority of witnesses. 71 προειρηκεν for προειρηται B 1739 1881; ειρηται for προειρηται Dc K L 𝔐 365 630 1241. 73 αρα for αν B. 80 P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett restore απι[στι]ας; απιστιας for απειθιας 𝔓46 104 lat syh; αληθειας D*. 81 εναργης B Hierpt. 84 σωματος for πνευματος 1505 2464. 85–86 P.Oxy. IV 657 is unique in reading εννυων, all other witnesses read εννοιων. 96 Β om. ευρωμεν. 4 10 14 15

130 99 102 103–4 104 106 108 110 113 114 115 116 118 120 121 123 124 127 128 129 135 136 138 140 142–43 146 147–48 150 154 156 157 159–60 160

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus τε following δωρα, the reading of the majority of witnesses, seems unlikely either at the end of l. 99 or the beginning of l. 100. In either position, the reading creates a longer than expected line. 𝔓46 B Dc Ψ also om. τε. δια ταυτην Cc Dc K L 𝔐 104 365 630 1241 syhmg; δια ταυτα 467 ar b vgcl.ww. The witnesses are divided between εαυτου (‫ א‬A C Dc K L P Ψvid 𝔐 0278c 33 81 104 630 1241 1505 1739 2464 l 249) and αυτου (𝔓46 Β D* 0278* 365 1881 l 846). υπερ αμαρτιων Cc Dc K L 𝔐 365 630 1241 2464. Following θεου, other witnesses add καθωσπερ (καθαπερ ‫א‬c Cc Dc K L P Ψ 𝔐 0278 81 104 365 630 1241 1505 1739 1881 2464; καθως C* l 846) και Ααρων (𝔓46 ‫ *א‬A B D* 33 l 249), which was possibly om. in P.Oxy. IV 657, although the omission cannot be certain. θυσιαν και προσφοραν ‫א‬c Dc I K L Ψ 𝔐 0278 81 104 365 630 1241 1505 1739 1881 2462 syh samss. τον νομον D K L 365 630 1241 𝔐. The expansion ο θεος before το θελημα (‫א‬c L 𝔐 0278vid 81 104 365 630 1241 1739 lat syp.h** boms) would create an unusually long line. οι δια Dc K L 𝔐 1241; ημεις δια 323. αιματος for σωματος D*. αρχιερευς A C P 0278 104 365 614 630 1175 2464 syp.h** sa. P.Oxy. IV 657 is unique in reading αμαρτιαν, all other witnesses read αμαρτιας. αυτος for ουτος Dc K L 𝔐 104 365 630 1175 1241 2464. εκ δεξια ‫ ;*א‬εκ δεξιων A 104. P.Oxy. IV 657 om. αυτου before υποποδιον. ανασωζομενους for αγιαζομενους 𝔓46. προειρηκεναι K L 𝔐 630 1241; D*.c and some old Latin mss also add δε before η διαθηκη. των διανοιων Dc Ψ 𝔐 it vgcl sy(p). Some witnesses add υστερον λεγει (104 323 945 1739 1881 vgms syhmg sa) or τοτε ειρηκεν (1505 syh) before και των αμαρτιων. αμαρτιων αυτων ‫ א‬A C Dc K L P Ψ 𝔐 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1881 2464 vgmss sy. μηνσθω 𝔓46 ‫א‬c Dc K L P Ψvid 𝔐 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 2464; ‫ *א‬b r om. τουτων. προσερχομεθα D K L P 104 326 365 629 1241 1881; προσερχομεθα γαρ 𝔓46vid. καταξιωθησεται 𝔓46. A om. εν ω ηγιασθη. ανταποδωσω λεγει κυριος ‫א‬c A Dc Κ L 𝔐 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 b r vgmss syh samss; παλιν οτι D 81 104 629 1505 1739 1881 lat; κυριος κρινει ‫א‬c L P Ψ 𝔐 365 630 1175. ημερας υμων ‫א‬c 33 81 bo; αμαρτιας υμων ‫*א‬. ονειδιζομενοι for θεατριζομενοι D*. δεσμοις 𝔓46 Ψ 104 (r); δεσμοις μου ‫ א‬Dc K L P 𝔐 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1881 Cl. εαυτοις D K L 𝔐 104 630 1175 1241; εν εαυτοις 1881; P om. εαυτους; υμας for εαυτους 0150; υπαρξιν εν ουρανοις ‫א‬c Dc Hc K L P Ψ 𝔐 81 (104) 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739* 1881 vgms sy; υπαρξιν εν ουρανω 945. Only 104 and a few Vulgate mss agree with P.Oxy. IV 657 on the omission of γαρ following ετι. The papyrus agrees with Dc Hc I K L P Ψ 𝔐 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1881 b t z vgmss bo in reading εκ πιστεως (om. μου). εκ πιστεως μου D* μ sy; μου εκ πιστεως 𝔓46 ‫א‬ A H* 33 1739 lat sa boms Cl. 𝔓46 D*.2 read μου η ψυχη. The majority of witnesses attest the word order η ψυχη μου. P.Oxy. IV 657 is unique in the reading πραγματων αποστασις, all other witnesses read υποστασις πραγματων. Other witnesses read εν ταυτη.

New Testament Texts [32]

131

162–63 τα βλεπομενα Dc K L Ψ 𝔐 104 365 630 1175 1505 lat sy. 164 Other witnesses read προσηνεγκεν τω θεω. 165 αυτου τω θεω (‫ *א‬A D* 33 326) is corrected to αυτω του θεου (zc). αυτου του θεου ‫א‬c Dc Κ L P Ψ 𝔐 0285 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881 lat sy bo. 166 λαλειται D K L Ψ 𝔐 630 1175 (z). 168 μεταθεσεως αυτου ‫א‬c Dc K L Ψ 𝔐 104 630 1175 1505 vgms sy. 170 ‫ *א‬Dc I 33 326 1241 Epiph. om. τω θεω. 171 P agrees with P.Oxy. IV 657 in reading ζητουσιν, all other witnesses read εκζητουσιν. 175–76 ο καλουμενος 𝔓46 A D* 33 1739 1881. 176 τον τοπον ‫א‬c Dc K L 𝔐 630 1175 1505 1739 1881. 182–83 One cannot be certain whether or not P.Oxy. IV 657 followed ‫ א‬A Dc K L 𝔐 33 630 1175 Aug in reading αυτη Σαρρα. But the other attested readings appear to offer no other viable alternatives: αυτη Σαρρα στειρα 𝔓46 D* Ψ latt; αυτη Σαρρα η στειρα Dc 6 81 1241 1739 1881. The scribe may have intended αυτης at the end of line 183 and then began the next line with αρρα, which created an unusual division of the name Σαρρα. 183 ελαβεν εις το τεκνωσαι και D* P 81 1501 b vgms (syh). 184 ηλικιας ετεκεν ‫א‬c Dc K L P 𝔐 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 b sy. 185 εγενηθησαν 𝔓46 Α D* K P 6 33 81 104 326 365 1175 lat. 187 𝔓46* D* Ψ om. η παρα το χειλος. 188 κομισαμενοι for λαβοντες ‫ *א‬I P 33 81 326 365 1241; προσδεξαμενοι for λαβοντες A. 194 Dc K L P 𝔐 630 om. γης. 195 κατεποντισθησαν 104. 196 η επιλεγομενη πορνη ‫ *א‬syh. 197 απιστησασιν for απειθησασιν 𝔓46. 198 με γαρ ‫ א‬A D* 33; με (om. γαρ) Ψ pc. 199 Βαρακ τε (D* om. τε) και Σαμψων και D*.2 K L P Ψ 𝔐 630 1505 (sy); τε (81 om. τε) και Σαμψων 81 104 365. 200 βασιλεις for κατηγωνισαντο βασιλειας 𝔓46. 203 ενεδυναμωθησαν ‫א‬c Dc Κ L P Ψ 𝔐 33 81 104 365 630 1241 1505 1739 1881 l 249. 205 It is uncertain whether the scribe intended γυναικας (‫ *א‬A D* 33) or γυναικες (‫א‬c Dc K L P Ψ 𝔐 81 104 365 630 1241 1505 1739 1881 l 249 lat). 210 επειρασθησαν επρισθησαν ‫ א‬L P 048 33 81 326 1505 syh boms; επρισθησαν επειρασθησαν Α D(*).c K Ψ 𝔐 104 365 630 1739 1881 l 249 lat bo Orpt; επειρασθησαν 0150 vgmss Cl. 213 εν ερημιαις D K L Ψ 𝔐 81 104 630 1505 Cl. Or. Eus. ελιθασθησαν επρισθησαν 𝔓46 1241 syp sa Orpt Eus. 215 It is possible that P.Oxy. IV 657 om. ουτοι before παντες (𝔓46 1739 1881 sa Cl). 216 τας επαγγελιας A I 1505 l. 249 sa bomss Eus Augpt. 217 προσβλεψαμενοι 𝔓46; προσβλεψαμενου 365 1241; προειδομενου Cl. 218 τηλικουτον for τοσουτον ‫ *א‬I. 221 ευπερισπαστον 𝔓46 1739. 224 The definite article before σταυρον is om. in the majority of witnesses. The omission is attested also in 𝔓46 and D. 225 εκαθισεν for κεκαθικεν 𝔓46. 226 τον τοιαυτην ‫ א‬A Dc K L P Ψcvid 𝔐 048 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881. 226–27 αυτον Dc K L Ψ* 𝔐 365 630 1175 1505 1739c 1881; εαυτον A P 104 326 1241 ar vgcl. 227–28 A handful of witnesses om. υμων before εκλελυομενοι (𝔓46 1739 1881 b d). 228 ουπω γαρ D* L ar b. 229 The reading αγωνιζομενοι for ανταγωνιζομενοι has support in 𝔓46 1505 z. 230 D* 81 614 630 1241 b om. μου. 231 P.Oxy. IV 657 is unique in reading και μη in place of μηδε.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

132 233 234 235–36 237 238 241 246 251 252

ει παιδειαν Ψ* 104 326 365 630 945. γαρ εστιν ‫א‬c D K L 𝔐 33 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881. The word order και ουχ υιοι εστε is altered in 𝔐, εστε και ουχ υιοι. ‫ *א‬Α Dc I K L Ψ 𝔐 048 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 latt syh om. δε. πατερων for πνευματων 1241. μεν in place of δε ‫ *א‬P 33 1739 1881 (d z); D* 048 104 om. δε; τε for δε 630. ποιησατε ‫א‬c A D H K L Ψ 𝔐 81 104 365 630 1175 1241 1505 1739 1881; ποιησετε 048. δια ταυτης for δι’ αυτης ‫ א‬D L Ψ 𝔐 630; οι πολλοι ‫ א‬A 048 33 81 104 326 1241 1505 Cl. τας πρωτοτοκειας 𝔓46 ar z; εαυτου for αυτου ‫ *א‬A C Dc; 𝔓46 Cl om. εαυτου.

Date: III/IV

33 P.Oxy. VIII 1078 (𝔓17) Hebrews 9:12-19 14.2 × 8.4 cm TM no. 61862; Van Haelst 0539

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII (London, 1911), 11–13 (no. 1078); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 101–2. Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:461–62. Introduction This single leaf from a papyrus codex contains 21 lines of text from the ninth chapter of Hebrews. A complete leaf would have contained approximately 16 lines of text per page and about 29 letters per line. The original size of the codex can be estimated to be about 19 × 25 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 5. In the ed. pr., A. S. Hunt suggested that the same scribe who wrote P.Oxy. VI 850 [70], a fourth-century copy of the Acts of John, also wrote P.Oxy. VIII 1078. P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett propose that 𝔓80 and 𝔓86 present closer paleographic parallels than those suggested by Hunt, and thus they prefer a third-century dating. The scribe employs double dots between verses, and elision is noted by an apostrophe in l. 2. An apostrophe is also used after final ξ (l. 2). There is one instance of a rough breathing in l. 15. Of particular interest here is what appears to be a developing system of punctuation for Hebrews noted through the usage of double dots that are also found in P.Oxy. IV 657 [see 32]. These double dots appear between verses 12–13 and 16–17. A middle point is used once in l. 20 following τράγων, and in l. 7 a variant reading has been written interlineally. Although the papyrus is quite small, it preserves a number of interesting features. At Hebrews 9:14 the papyrus departs from the corrector of ‫א‬c and D in reading αἰωνίου instead of ἁγίου. It may have an interlinear notation suggesting

New Testament Texts [33]

133

an alternate reading (the correction of πόσῳ to πολλῷ between ll. 6–7), a reading that is now preserved in two cursive manuscripts. At Hebrews 9:19 there is insufficient room for the papyrus to have included both the definite article before ἐντολῆς and before νόμον. The definite article τῆς is present in 𝔓46 and D*, and the definite article τόν is present in 𝔓46 and ‫א‬c.

↓ 5

10

→ 15

20

δ̣ι̣ὰ δὲ [τοῦ] ἰ̣[δ]ί̣[ο]υ [αἵματος, εἰσῆλθεν] ἐφάπαξ εἰς τὰ ἅγι[α, αἰωνίαν λύτρωσιν] εὑράμενος. εἰ γ[ὰρ τὸ αἷμα τράγων καὶ] ταύρων καὶ σπ[οδὸς δαμάλεως] ῥαντίζουσα τοὺς [κεκοινωμένους] ἁγιάζει πρὸς τὴ[ν τῆς σαρκὸς καθαρότητα,] λ λ̣ ̣ [π]όσῳ̣ [μᾶ]λ [̣ λ]ον τ[ὸ αἷμα τοῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ, ὃς διὰ] πν[(εύματ)ος αἰων]ίου [ἑαυτὸν προσήνεγ-] [κεν ἄμωμον τ]ῷ̣ θ̣[(ε)ῷ, καθαριεῖ τὴν] [συ]ν[είδησιν ἡ]μῶ[ν

9:12

οἱ κεκλημ]έ[νοι τ]ῆς αἰ[ω-] [νίου κληρονομία]ς. Ὅπου γὰρ διαθήκη, [θάνατον ἀνάγκη φ]έρεσθαι τοῦ διαθε[μένου· διαθήκη γὰρ] ἐπὶ νεκροῖς βεβαία, [ἐπεὶ μήποτε ἰσχύει ὅτε] ζῇ ὁ διαθέμενος. [ὅθεν οὐδὲ ἡ πρώτη χ]ωρὶς αἵματος ἐν̣[κεκαίνισται· λαληθ]είσης γὰρ πάσης [ἐντολῆς κατὰ τὸν νό]μον [ὑπὸ Μωϋ]σέω[ς] [παντὶ τῷ λαῷ, λαβὼ]ν τ[ὸ αἷμα τ]ῶν [μόσχων καὶ τῶν τράγω]ν μ[ετὰ ὕδα]τος [καὶ ἐρίου κοκκίνου καὶ ὑ]σσ[ώπου] αὐ[τό

9:15 9:16

9:13

9:14

9:17 9:18 9:19

__________ 2. pap. εφ’απαξ’. 3. pap. ευραμενος:. 12. pap. κληρονομιας:. 15. pap. ὁ. 16–17. l. εγκεκαινισται.

2 7 8 10 15 16 18 20

αγια των αγιων αιωνιαν P. The scribe perhaps attempted to correct the reading ποσω to πολλω through a correction above the line. The latter reading is attested in two cursives (14 and 17). However, Hunt stated that the first λ was of a “curiously rounded shape.” πνευματος αγιου εαυτον ‫א‬c D* P 81 104 326 365 629 630 2464 ar vg samss bo. υμων ‫ א‬Dc L 𝔐 0278 33 81 104 630 1241 1505 1739c 1881 2464 lat syh sa bopt; 614 om. ημων; ημων A D* K P 365 1739* vgcl syp bopt Ambr. μη τοτε for μηποτε ‫ *א‬D*. η πρωτη διαθηκη χωρις D* E*. της εντολης 𝔓46 D*; ‫ *א‬Dc K P 𝔐 365 630 1739 1881 om. the definite article (τον) before νομον. A word order variation is attested in some mss, τραγων και των μοσχων D 365 sams and μοσχων και τραγων 𝔐 33 104 630 bo. It is possible that P.Oxy. VIII 1078 followed the

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

134

text of ‫ *א‬A C 81 326 629 2464 lat samss, while the space preceding the visible segment of l. 20 seems to rule out the shorter reading of the majority text. The word order between D etc. and ‫ *א‬is indistinguishable here. ‫א‬c K L om. και των τραγων.

Date: III/IV

34 P.Oxy. LXV 4449 (𝔓100) James 3:13–4:4; 4:9–5:1 7.5 × 19.0 cm TM no. 61619

Material: Papyrus

Published: M. W. Haslam, A. Jones, F. Maltomini, M. l. West, et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXV (London, 1998), 20–25 (no. 4449); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 633–35. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 13–15. Introduction This single page from a papyrus codex preserves 26 fragmentary lines of text on both the front and reverse sides. Pagination for both the front and reverse are preserved in the upper margin, and the pages are numbered sequentially ϛ and ζ (6–7). This would indicate a codex that began with James and that could have included other texts following James. P. M. Head suggests that perhaps the codex contained the Catholic Epistles.18 James was often the first book included in the section of the Catholic Epistles, and here we may indeed have a codex of those epistles.19 It would be the earliest witness to a codex of the Catholic Epistles. The preserved upper margin measures 2 cm, and outer margins measure 1.5 cm. The approximate size of the original codex would have been 29 cm high × 13 cm broad and thus of Turner’s Group 8. A complete line of text contained 30 letters on average, and there were approximately 36 lines per page. The handwriting is a slightly sloping reformed documentary hand that is more upright and rounded on the reverse. It was compared to P.Oxy. LXV 4445 (III, Gospel of John [12]), although R. Hübner dated the papyrus to the fourth century based on some differences between the handwriting of 4445 and 4449.20 The scribe was arguably careless in some instances and created two nonsense words: ακαστασια for ἀκαταστασία 3:16 and νον—perhaps Head, “Some Recently Published,” 14. Metzger, The Canon of the New Testament, 299. 20 P.Oxy. LXV p. 21. 18 19

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135

intending νό(μο)ν—for νόμον 4:11. There are a significant number of iotacisms and etacisms for such a small fragment (ερειθειαν [3:14]; επιγιος [3:15]; υμειν [4:1]; κατεφιαν [4:9]; κρεινων [4:11]). There is a correction at the end of l. 5 in the hand of the original scribe. Enlarged spaces signal sense divisions, which were noted in NA 27 but are not noted in NA 28. There is a single use of an apostrophe (αλ’λα), and the scribe employs the usual nomina sacra. The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. At James 3:17 it reads καί before ἀνυπόκριτος with Byzantine texts (K and L), and at James 4:10 it reads τοῦ before κυρίου, a reading that is attested in several minuscules, Byzantine texts, and the Syriac. The papyrus reads μετατραπήτω with B and P at James 4:9. The papyrus does demonstrate some significant overlap with B. At James 3:14 it reads τῇ καρδίᾳ with A and B, and at James 4:4 the papyrus reads μοιχαλίδες with ‫ *א‬A and B. It most likely diverges from ‫ א‬at James 4:4 in reading ἔχθρα instead of τούτου ἔχθρα. At James 4:12 the papyrus probably added καί before κριτής with ‫ א‬A and B, and also at James 4:12 it read ὁ κρίνων with 𝔓74 ‫ א‬A and B. Finally, at James 4:13 it read ποιήσομεν with B and P instead of ποιήσωμεν with ‫ א‬and Α. The papyrus also preserves two unique readings: at James 4:14 it reads ποία γὰρ̣ ζωὴ ὑμῶν (“for what is your life”) where other witnesses preserve the definite article before ζωή, and at James 4:3 the papyrus reads αἰτεῖτε (l. 23) where all other witnesses read αἰτεῖσθε.

→ 5

10

15

20

] ϛ̣ [ ca. 12 ] καλῆς ἀνα σ̣ ̣τροφῆς τὰ ἔρ[γα αὐτοῦ ἐν πρα]ΰ̣τητι σοφία[ς]. εἰ δ[ὲ] ζῆλο(ν) [πικρὸν ἔχετε] καὶ ἐριθε ί̣ α̣ ν ἐν τῇ καρ[δίᾳ ὑμῶν, μὴ κ]α ̣τακαυχᾶσθε καὶ ψεύ̣δε[σθε κατὰ τῆς ἀ]λ ̣ηθείας. [ο]ὐκ ἔστιν αὕτη [ἡ σοφία ἄνωθεν] κατερχομέ ̣ν̣[η], ἀ λ̣ λ̣ ’ ἐπί γ̣ ει[ος, ψυχική, δαιμ]ο̣νιώδης. ὅπου γὰρ ζῆ[λος καὶ ἐριθεία, ἐ]κ ε̣ ῖ ἀκαταστασία καὶ πᾶν [φαῦλον πρᾶγμα.] ἡ ̣ δ̣ὲ ̣ ἄνωθεν σοφία πρῶ[τον μὲν ἁγνή ἐστι]ν, ἔπειτα εἰρηνική, ἐπι[εικής, εὐπειθής,] με̣ στὴ ἐλέους καὶ καρ[πῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἀδιάκρ]ι ̣τ̣[ος], καὶ ἀνυπόκρι[τος. καρπὸς δὲ δι]καιο̣[σύ]ν̣[η]ς ἐν εἰρήνῃ [σπείρεται τοῖς ποι]οῦσ[ιν εἰ]ρήνην̣. Πόθεν [πόλεμοι καὶ πόθεν μάχαι] ἐν ὑμῖν; οὐκ [ἐντεῦθεν, ἐκ τῶν ἡ]δονῶν ὑμῶν τῶ(ν) [στρατευομένων ἐν τοῖς] μέλε[σι]ν ὑμ̣ [ῶ](ν); [ἐπιθυμεῖτε, καὶ οὐκ ἔχετε,] φονεύετε καὶ [ζηλοῦτε καὶ οὐ δ]ύ̣να[σθ]ε ̣ ἐπιτυ̣[χ]ε [̣ ῖ]ν, μά[χεσθε καὶ πολεμ]εῖτε, οὐκ ἔ χ̣ ε̣ ̣τε διὰ τὸ μὴ

3:13 3:14 3:15 3:16 3:17

3:18 4:1

4:2

136

25

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

[αἰτεῖσθαι ὑμᾶς,] αἰτεῖτε κ[αὶ] οὐ λαμβάνε[τε, διότι κακῶ]ς αἰ ̣τ̣ε ῖ̣ τε, ἵ[να ἐν] ταῖς ἡδο[ναῖς ὑμῶν δα]πα̣ νήσητ[ε. μοιχ]αλίδες ,̣ [οὐκ οἴδατε ὅτι ἡ φιλί]α ̣ τ̣οῦ κό[σμου ἔχθρ]α [τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ ἐστιν; ὃς ἐὰν οὖν βουληθῇ] φ̣ίλο[ς]

4:3 4:4

__________ 4. pap. ερειθειαν. 5. pap. φευδευ̇. 7–8. pap. επιγιος. 9. pap. ακαστασια. 13–14. pap. ανϋποκριτος. 16. pap. ϋμειν. 17. pap. ϋμων. 18. pap. ϋμων. 23. pap. ϊνα.

↓ 5

10

15

20

25

ζ[ εἰς πένθος μετατραπή[τω καὶ ἡ χαρὰ] εἰς κατήφειαν. ταπεινώ[θητε ἐνώπι-] ον τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ καὶ ὑψ̣ώσει ὑμ[ᾶς. Μὴ καταλα-] λεῖτε ἀλλήλων, ἀδελφο[ί. ὁ καταλαλῶν] ἀδελ ̣φο̣ῦ ̣ ἢ κ[ρ]ίνων τ[ὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐ-] τοῦ καταλαλεῖ νόμου κα[ὶ κρίνει νόμον·] εἰ δὲ νον κρίνεις, οὐκ ε[ἶ ποιητὴς νόμου] ἀλλὰ κρ[ι]τής. εἷς ἐστιν ν[ομοθέτης καὶ] κριτὴς ὁ δυνάμενος [σῶσαι καὶ ἀπολέ-] σαι· σὺ δὲ τίς εἶ, ὁ κρίνω [̣ ν τὸν πλησίον;] Ἄγε νῦν οἱ λέγοντες· σή[μερον ἢ αὔρι-] ον πορευσό̣μ [̣ εθα εἰς τήνδε τὴν πόλιν καὶ] ποιήσομεν ἐκ [̣ εῖ ἐ]νιαυ̣[τὸν καὶ ἐμπο-] ρευσόμ [̣ ε]θα κα[ὶ κερ]δή[σομεν· οἵτινες] οὐκ ἐπί[σ]τασθε ̣ [τὸ τῆς αὔριον ποία] γὰρ̣ ζωὴ̣ ὑμ[ῶ]ν̣· [ἀτμὶς γάρ ἐστε ἡ πρὸς] ὀλίγ̣ον̣ φαιν̣[ομένη, ἔπειτα καὶ ἀφα-] ν̣ιζομέ̣ ̣ν̣η̣ . [ἀντὶ] τ̣ο [̣ ῦ λέγειν ὑμᾶς· ἐὰν] ὁ κ(ύριο)ς ̣ θ̣[ε]λ ̣ή σ̣ ῃ̣ ̣ , κ α̣ ὶ ̣ ζήσ[ομεν καὶ ποιή-] σομε̣ [̣ ν] τ̣ο [̣ ῦτ]ο̣ ἢ ̣ ἐκε[ῖ]ν̣[ο. νῦν δὲ καυ-] χᾶ σ̣ θε ̣ ἐ [̣ ν ταῖς] ἀ [̣ λ]α ζ̣ ον[είαις ὑμῶν· πᾶ-] σα κα[ύχησις] τ̣οι̣ α̣ ύτη [πονηρά ἐστιν.] ε ἰ̣ [̣ δότι οὖν] καλὸν ποι [̣ εῖν καὶ μὴ ποι-] ο̣ῦ [̣ ντι, ἁμαρτία αὐτῷ ἐστιν. Ἄγε νῦν] ο[ἱ

4:9 4:10 4:11

4:12 4:13 4:14

4:15 4:16 4:17 5:1

__________ 3. pap. κατεφιαν. 4. pap. ϋψωσει ϋμας. 6. pap. κρεινων. 9. pap. αλ’λα. 17. pap. ϋμων.

→ 1

3 4–5

A trace of a letter at the beginning of the line could be the remnant of ς and thus [σοφο]ς or a ϛ indicating a page number. ει δε αρα ζηλον A P Ψ 33 81 1735 1739 2344. ταις καρδιαις ‫ א‬1735 1739 2298 lat sy bo.

New Testament Texts [34]

137

καυχασθε for κατακαυχασθε A 1448. There is a correction at the end of the line that is not fully legible. υ and δ appear to have been partially written and then stopped in mid-stroke. A supralinear dot is noted above δ to note a deletion. The original scribe may have written ψεδευ, which the scribe then attempted to correct by inserting υ after the first ε to create ψευδευ. 5–6 κατα (-‫ )*א‬της αληθειας και ψευδεσθε ‫*א‬.2. 6–7 η σοφια αυτη for αυτη η σοφια C 1448 1611 1739 1852 Cyr. 9 ερεις for εριθεια C 1175; ερις for εριθεια P 1739 2492; εκει και ακαταστασια ‫ א‬A 33 81 436 1735 2344 syp. 12–13 μεστη ελεους μεστη καρπων 𝔓74. 13 καρπων εργων αγαθων C 1243 1739 Did; και is attested in a few minuscules (307 436 442 642 1175c Byz). 14 της δικαιοσυνης 307 1448 2492 Byzpt; ο δικαιοσυνης ‫ *א‬Ψ. 16 436 442 642 Byz vg syp sa om. ποθεν. The word order variation of A Ψ 5 1735 2344 Cyr (εν υμιν και ποθεν μαχαι) is not possible; και ποθεν εν υμιν μαχαι 33. 17 The beginning of the line seems to be several letters too short, but there are no known variants that would explain the shorter line. 21 πολεμειτε και ουκ εχετε ‫ א‬P Ψ 5 307 436 442 1175 1243 1448 1505 1611 1735 1852 2492 ff vgcl sy bo; πολεμειτε ουκ εχετε δε δια 1739. 22 αιτειτε δε και 𝔓74vid P Ψ 5 81 436 642 1175 1243 1735 1739. 23 The expected reading would be αιτεισθε. The papyrus is unique in reading αιτειτε. The reading is most likely the result of a visual copying error. 24 μοιχοι και μοιχαλιδες ‫א‬c P Ψ 𝔐 5 307 436 442 642 1175c 1243 1448 1611 1735 2344 2492 Byz syh**. 25 τουτου εχθρα ‫ א‬442 1735 2433 sy. 26 The variant εστιν τω θεω (‫ )א‬is possible here. 5

↓

μεταστραφητω ‫ א‬A Ψ 𝔐 5 33 81 307 436 442 642 1448c 1735 2344 Byz. ταπεινωθητε ουν ενωπιον ‫ א‬acvid. ‫ א‬A B P Ψ 33 81 307 1175 1243 1611 1735 1852 2344 Or om. του; του θεου for κυριου 1739 bopt ac. 5 αδελφοι αλληλων Ψ 5; αδελφοι μου αλληλων A 33 1735 2344; αλληλων αδελφοι μου 81 1175; ο γαρ καταλαλων 1448 1611 1852 Βyzpt 1 sy bo Spec. 6 και κρινων 5 307 442 642 Byz ff sams Spec. 8 νον is a scribal error for νομον, or perhaps ν(ομ)ον without the supralinear stroke. It is possible that P.Oxy. LXV 4449 read ουκετι for ουκ P Ψ 1175 1243 1739 2492 1 vgmss co Spec. 9 ο νομοθετης ‫ א‬A Ψ 33 1739. 9–10 𝔓74 442 642 Byz om. και κριτης. 11 1448 1611 sams bopt om. δε; ος κρινεις 307 442 642 Byz; ετερον for πλησιον 307 442 642 Byz. 12–13 και αυριον A P 307 442 642 1175 1243 1448 1611 1852 2492 Byz syh boms Hier Cyr. 13 πορευσωμεθα A Ψ 5 33 81 307 436 442 1448 1611 1735 2492 Byz. 14 ποιησωμεν ‫ א‬Α Ψ 5 33 81 307 436 442 1175 1243 1448 1611 1735 1852 2492 Byz; Α Ψ 33 81 436 1735 2344 Cyr. om. εκει; ενιαυτον ενα και Α Ψ 5 33 81 436 442 642 1175 1448 1611 1735 1852 2344 Byz sy Hier. Cyr. 14–15 εμπορευσωμεθα Ψ 5 81 307 436 442 1448 1611 1735 1852 2492 Byz; πορευσωμεθα 307*; κερδησωμεν Ψ 5 33 81 307 436 442 1448 1611 1735 1852 2492 Byz 1 Hier. 16 επιστανται for επιστασθε P 442 syp bo; B 1 om. το; τα της Α P 33 81 1175 1243 1448 1611 1739 1852 2344 2492 syh. 2 3–4 4

138

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

P.Oxy. LXV 4449 is unique in reading γαρ ζωη, other witnesses read γαρ η ζωη (𝔓74 ‫א‬c A P Ψ 5 33 81 307 436 442 642 1175 1243 1735 1739 2344 2492 Byz vg syp bo, or η ζωη (‫ *א‬B 1448 1611 1852 1 syh bomss). ημων for υμων 33 2344c Byzpt vgms syp; ατμις γαρ εστε B 81 642 1175 1243 1739 1852 2492 Syh Hier.; ‫ א‬om. ατμις γαρ εστε; ατμις γαρ εστιν 5 Byzpt sa bomss; ατμις εστιν 33 1735 2344 vg bo; ατμις γαρ (Α om. γαρ) εσται A P Ψ 307 436 442 1448 1611 Byzpt (1). 18 δε και for και P 𝔐 33; δε 61 sa; 614 630 1505 vgst.ww syh bo om. και. 20–21 θελη B P 81 614 630 1505 1852; ζησωμεν και ποιησωμεν Ψ 𝔐 33. 21–22 κατακαυχασθε ‫ א‬945 1241 1739 2298. 22–23 απασα ‫ ;א‬πασα ουν 614 630 1505. 17

Date: III/IV

35 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2684 (𝔓78) Jude 4-5, 7-8 10.6 × 2.9 cm TM no. 61695; Van Haelst 0558

Material: Papyrus

Published: L.  Ingrams, P. Kingston, P. Parsons, and J. R. Rea (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXIV (London, 1968), 4–6 (no. 2684); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 612. Related Literature: M. Mees, P78: Ein neuer Textzeuge für den Judasbrief (Rome, 1970), 5–10; T. Wasserman, The Epistle of Jude: Its Text and Transmission (ConBNT 43; Stockholm, 2006), 104–21; T. Wasserman, “P78 (P.Oxy. XXXIV 2684): The Epistle of Jude on an Amulet?” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2006), 137–60; T. S. de Bruyn and J. H. F. Dijkstra, “A Checklist of Papyri, Parchments, Ostraka, and Tablets,” BASP 48 (2011): 200– 201, no. 121; J. K. Elliott, “The Early Text of the Catholic Epistles,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 218–19. Introduction This folded page from a miniature papyrus codex contains two double leaves with writing on the front and reverse. The script is continuous from the front to the back but not between the leaves, and it can be estimated that two double leaves have been lost containing the text between the folds. Each page of this codex measured 5.3 cm wide and 2.9 cm high and was bound along the fold with string, the holes for which are still visible. The overall size of the codex places it in Turner’s Group 11, the category that describes miniature codices. It would have required approximately four or five leaves for the beginning of Jude that preceded the portion preserved on these two fragments. The editor of the ed. pr. argues that this is not part of a single quire codex containing only

New Testament Texts [35]

139

Jude and nothing else, but this seems to be a somewhat premature conclusion. It may have contained other works as well, and it may have been used as an amulet. The handwriting is a hastily written semicursive with occasional diaeresis used above initial υ and a middle stop for punctuation. There is the usual iotacism ει for ι, and ι for ει (ασελγιαν; ενυπνειαδομενοι), and ε for αι (βουλομε). A more peculiar orthographic variation is seen in the shift of δ for ζ.21 The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. First, the size of the codex raises questions as to its use and purpose and suggests itself as an object created for personal or private usage. The chosen text for this miniature codex or amulet is also somewhat surprising because it contains portions of the Epistle of Jude. The short fragment also contains a number of interesting readings. In Jude 4 the papyrus departs from the singular witness 𝔓72 that reads ἠμῶν δεσπότην (“our Master”). Also in Jude 4, the papyrus omits καί before κύριοτητα against ‫ א‬A B and all other witnesses except the Coptic. In Jude 5 it preserves a singular reading with the addition of ἀδελφοί following βούλομαι. At Jude 8 the papyrus reads αὐτοί with two minuscules against other witnesses that read οὗτοι. Also at Jude 8, the papyrus reads δόξαν (singular) with minuscule 5, the Latin of Clement, and some of the versions against 𝔓72 ‫ א‬Α and Β that read δόξας (plural). With so little text at our disposal for discussing the textual characteristics of this papyrus, it is difficult to be definitive as to the type of text it contains, but generally it seems to agree with later witnesses against earlier ones. fol. i

→

[ἀσέλ-] γειαν καὶ τὸν μόνον δ̣ε σ̣ ̣πότην κ(ύριο)ν ἡμ̣ ῶν Ἰη(σοῦ)ν Χρ(ιστὸ)ν

↓

ἀρνούμενοι. Ὑπομνῆσαι δὲ ὑμᾶς βούλομαι, ἀδελφ[οί,]

5

4

5

__________ 1. pap. γιαν. 4. ϋπο. 5. pap. ϋμας. 6. pap. βουλομε.

fol. ii ↓ αἰωνίου δίκην ἐπέχουσαι. Ὁμοίως μέντοι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐνυπνιαζόμε5 νοι 21

Gignac 1:120–21.

7 8

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

140

→

σάρκα μὲν μιαίνουσιν κυριότητα δὲ ἀθετοῦσ̣ι̣ν, δόξαν δὲ̣ __________ 4–5. pap. ενϋπνειαδομενοι. 7–8. pap. κυρειοτητα.

fol. i 2–3 3 5 6 fol. ii 2 3 6 7–8 9

ημων δεσποτην 𝔓72 Lcf. 𝔓72; θεον και κυριον ημων (-88) Ιησουν Χριστον Pvid Ψ 5 88 1175 1448 1611 1735 2492 Byz sy; και κυριον ημων Ιησουν Χριστον ‫ א‬A B C 33 81 307 436 442 642 1243 1739 2344 vg. The reading of the papyrus is supported in the Sahidic Coptic. ουν for δε C Ψ 1243 1739 2492 Lcf. P.Oxy. XXXIV 2684 is unique in reading αδελφοι following βουλομαι. The reading of the papyrus, επεχουσαι, is also supported in minuscules 378 876 1611 1756 2138 and some Sahidic mss; υπεχουσιν ‫א‬c; υπερεχουσαι A; μως for ομοιως A. Only minuscules 1735 1885 and P.Oxy. XXXIV 2684 read αυτοι where all other witnesses read ουτοι. 𝔓72 2344 bopt om. μεν. κυριοτητας ‫ א‬Ψ vgms syph ms sa Prisc. δοξας 𝔓72 ‫ א‬Α Β.

Date: III/IV

36 P.Oxy. X 1230 (𝔓24) Revelation 5:5-8; 6:5-8 4.1 × 7.0 cm TM no. 61641; Van Haelst 0562

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri X (London, 1914), 18–19 (no. 1230); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 115–16. Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:467; E. M. Schofield, “The Papyrus Fragments of the Greek New Testament” (Ph.D. diss., Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1936), 203–5; T. Nicklas, “The Early Text of Revelation,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 236. Introduction This small papyrus fragment containing portions of Revelation 5–6 has had little influence on our understanding of the development of the text of

New Testament Texts [36]

141

Revelation. The fragment is quite small, and the complete lines of text cannot be confidently reconstructed because none of the margins have survived and line lengths are now difficult to determine. Broadly speaking, the page had 43 to 45 lines, and the original size of the codex was approximately 19 × 28 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 5. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt dated the handwriting to the third or fourth century, although P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett prefer a date closer to the third century. The handwriting is an informal documentary hand with many ligatures and cursive tendencies. The handwriting appears to be hasty, and letterforms vary considerably. The papyrus presents a few interesting features, and those who have worked with the fragment have noted a broad convergence with ‫א‬. There is one interchange of ε for αι, and an apostrophe is used at the end of the name Δαυίδ. At Revelation 6:7 there is a scribal error where the scribe wrote ἠνέῳξεν instead of ἤνοιξεν. Although the form is not attested in any other witnesses for Revelation 6, the alternate aorist form ἠνέῳξα is attested elsewhere in the New Testament (John 9:17).

↓ 5

ἰ]δ̣οὺ̣ ̣ ἐ ̣ν̣[ίκησεν ] Δαυ]είδ, ἀν[οῖξαι ] [ αὐτ]οῦ κ[α]ὶ εἶδον ἐν̣ [ [ζῴω]ν καὶ ἐν μέσῳ τῶν πρ[εσβυτέρων] [ὡ]ς ἐσφαγμένον ἔχων κέρ[ατα] ] τὰ ζ ̅ πν(εύματ)α τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ ἀπεσπα . [ [ἦλ]θεν καὶ εἴληφεν ἐκ τῆς δ[εξιᾶς] ὅτ]ε ἔλα[βεν

5:5 5:6

5:7 5:8

__________ 2. pap. ]ειδ’.

→ 5

] καθήμ[ενος] [κ]αὶ ἤκουσ[α] [χοῖ]νιξ σίτου δηναρίου, κ[αὶ] [δην]αρίου καὶ τὸ ἔλαιον καὶ τὸ̣[ν] ] ὅτε ἠνέῳξεν τὴν σφραγ[ῖδα] [ἤκο]υσα φωνὴν τοῦ τετάρτ[ου] ] ε̣ἶ̣δ̣[ον] __________ 4. pap. ελεον.

↓ 2 3 5

ο ανοιγων for ανοιξαι 046 2351 𝔐k syh. ιδου και for ειδον A; ειδον και ιδου 1006 1841 lat; ειδον και 1611 2053. εχον for εχων P 1611 1841 1854 2053 2344 𝔐.

6:5 6:6 6:7 6:8

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142 6

7

→ 5

6 7

A Pvid 𝔐A 1006 1611 1841 2050 ar vg Irarm om. ζ. The expected reading would be απεσταλμενοι, and it is likely that the scribe mistakenly copied απεσπαλμενοι. απεσταλμενοι A 2053 Irlat; (+ τα 1611) αποστελλομενα 046 2351 𝔐K; τα απεσταλμενα 𝔐Α 1006 1841 2329 2344vid; απεσταλμενα ‫ א‬1854 2050. ειληφεν το βιβλιον 1006 1841 2050 it vgcl syph.h** co Cyp Prim; ειληφεν την 046. The scribe likely intended ἤνοιξεν. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt suggest the scribe confused the two forms ἀνέῳξεν and ἤνοιξεν. P.Oxy. X 1230 is unique in this reading. C P 𝔐K 046 1611 1854 2053 2329 2351 gig syh bo Prim Bea om. φωνην. Β 𝔐K 046 1854 2329 2351 gig vgcl Bea om. ειδον.

37 P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 (𝔓115) Revelation 2:1-3, 13-15, 27-29; 3:10-12; 5:8-9; 6:5-6; 8:3-8, 11-13; 9:1-5, 7-16, 18-21; 10:1-4, 8-11; 11:1-5, 8-15, 18-19; 12:1-5, 8-10, 12-17; 13:1-3, 6-16, 18; 14:1-3, 5-7, 10-11, 14-15, 18-20; 15:1, 4-7 Varia TM no. 65898 Date: III/IV

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis, J. Chapa, W. E. H. Cockle, D. Obbink, P. J. Parsons, and J. D. Thomas (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXVI (London, 1999), 10–35 (no. 4499); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 664–77. Related Literature: R. Bauckham, The Climax of Prophecy: Studies on the Book of Revelation (Edinburgh, 1993), 384–88; J. K. Elliott, “The Distinctiveness of the Greek Manuscripts of the Book of Revelation,” JTS 48 (1997): 116–24; R. C. Nevius, “Papyri Witnesses to the Text of the Nomina Sacra in the Apocalypse,” PapCongr. XXI (1997): 750–55; P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 15; D. C. Parker, “A New Oxyrhynchus Papyrus of Revelation,” NTS 46 (2000): 159–74; A.  M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 247–48; T. Nicklas, “The Early Text of Revelation,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 235. Introduction P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 catalogues numerous fragments from a third or fourth century papyrus codex containing the book of Revelation. The handwriting is a medium-size sloping informal hand with a tendency toward cursive forms.

New Testament Texts [37]

143

In the ed. pr., the handwriting is described as belonging to Turner’s “formal mixed” group or Cavallo and Maehler’s “sloping pointed majuscule.”22 For comparanda, J. Chapa offered P.Flor. II 108 (III) and P.Flor. II 259 (III), P.Oxy. VII 1016 (III), and P.Herm. 4 (ca. 325). A date in the mid-third century seems reasonable, but it could also reasonably date to the early fourth century as well. The fragments derive from nine different leaves from a papyrus codex that could have contained other writings in addition to Revelation. An average line of text contained about 29–30 letters, and there were approximately 33 to 36 lines of writing per page. With these approximations and the scant traces of margins (1.5 cm on the top, 1 cm on the bottom, 2 cm on the left, and 1 cm on the right), the size of the original codex can be estimated to be 15.5 × 23.5 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 7. There are a number iotacisms (αι for ε, οι for υ, ει for ι, and ι for ει). Diaeresis over initial ι and υ is frequently employed as is the use of an apostrophe to separate consonants. Punctuation is mostly noted through the use of a blank space or a high point. There are some corrections made to the text by the original scribe, while others may be in the hand of a corrector. The usual nomina sacra are employed. The papyrus is important for a variety of reasons; foremost among them is the number of the beast from Revelation 13:18 that reads 616 instead of 666 in other witnesses. The reading 616 was known to Irenaeus (Adv. Haer. 5.30.1) in the second century and is also attested in the uncial Ephraemi Rescriptus (C). Clearly P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 is the earliest witness for the reading 616, although Irenaeus was aware of it considerably earlier. In a short introduction to this witness, it is difficult to classify so much evidence, and perhaps most importantly the singular contributions should be highlighted. At the end of Revelation 2:27 the papyrus uniquely reads συντρίβεται αὐτοῦ where all other witnesses omit the pronoun. The addition of the pronoun may have been encouraged from the parallel text in Psalm 2:9 (συντρίψεις αὐτούς). At Revelation 9:10-11 the scribe omitted ἔχουσιν, a reading that may represent a simple error. At Revelation 9:19 the papyrus probably reads [ἐν τοῦ στό]ματος where all other witnesses read ἐν τῷ στόματι. At Revelation 11:19 the papyrus likely contained an unattested word-order variation for the phrase ἀστραπαὶ καὶ φωναὶ καὶ βρονταί that began with φωναί and ended with βρονταί. At Revelation 13:13 the papyrus omits ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, an omission that is not attested elsewhere and is likely the result of scribal carelessness. In addition to these unique readings, there are a number of instances where unique readings can be conjectured based on the length of restored lines (see notes below). Chapa’s assessment, which D. C. Parker later confirmed, is that P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 is a representative of the A C text type where the four main text types are 22

P.Oxy. LXVI pp. 10–11.

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144

as follows:23 (1) A C Oecumenius 2053 2344 2351; (2) ‫א‬a Andreas (the Majority text that follows Andreas [𝔐A] and P [025] usually belong to this group); (3) Koine (witnesses of the Koine text type are denoted by 𝔐K and 046 usually belongs to this group); (4) 𝔓47 and ‫( *א‬these witnesses are consistently cited in the notes). pages 3–4: frag. (a)

→ 5

↓ 5

περιπ]ατῶν ἐ[ν μέσῳ τ[ὰ ̣ ἔργα σου] ο]ὐ δύνῃ [ ἑαυ]τοὺς ἀπ[οστόλους ὑπο]μον̣[ὴν

2:1 2:2 2:3

Σαταν]ᾶ̣ς κ̣α̣τ̣ο̣[ι]κ̣[εῖ. ἀλλ᾽ ἔχω κατὰ σοῦ ὀλί-] 2:13-14 [γα ὅτι ἔχεις] ἐ κ̣ εῖ κρα[τοῦντας τὴν διδαχὴν Βαλα-] [άμ, ὃς ἐδίδασ]κ ε̣ ν τῷ [Βαλὰκ βαλεῖν σκάνδαλον ἐνώ-] [πιον τῶν υἱ]ῶν Ἰ(σρα)ὴλ ̣ [φαγεῖν εἰδωλόθυτα καὶ πορ-] [νεῦσαι. οὕτ]ω ς̣ ̣ ἔ χ̣ ε̣ [̣ ις 2:15 ]. . .[

pages 5–6: frag. (b)

→ 5

↓ 5

].[ ] ῥ̣άβδῳ σ[ιδηρᾷ ὡς τὰ σκεύη] [τὰ κεραμικὰ συντρίβε]τ̣αι, α̅ υ̅ τ̅ ο̅ υ̅ [ὡς κἀγὼ εἴληφα] [παρὰ τοῦ π(ατ)ρ(ό)ς μου, καὶ δώσ]ω̣ αὐτῷ [τὸν ἀστέρα τὸν] [πρωϊνόν. Ὁ ἔχων οὖς ἀκουσάτω τ]ί ̣ ̣ τὸ̣ [πν(εῦμ)α πειράσ]α̣ι̣ [τ̅]ο̅υ̅ς̅ τ̣[οὺς ἔρχ]ομαι τα[χύ 3:11 στέ]φανόν [σου ] ν̣αουˋῷˊ τ̣[ο]ῦ̣ [ ] καὶ [

pages 9–10: frags. (c) + (d)

→ 5 23

2:27 2:28 2:29 3:10

3:12

ἔλα]β̣ε̣ν̣ τὸ β[ιβλίον, τὰ δ̅ ζῷα καὶ οἱ] 5:8 [κ δ̅ ̅ πρεσβύτεροι ἔπε]σ̣αν ἐν̣[ώπιον τοῦ ἀρνίου ἔχοντες ἕκασ-] [τος κιθάρα]ν καὶ φ̣[ι]άλας χρυ[σᾶς γεμούσας θυμιαμάτων,] [αἵ εἰσιν αἱ πρ]οσευ[χαὶ τῶν ἁγίων, καὶ ᾄδουσιν] 5:9 [ᾠδὴν καινὴν] λέγοντε ς̣ ̣· [ἄξιος εἶ λαβεῖν τὸ βιβλίον καὶ] [ἀνοῖξαι τὰς σ]φραγ[ῖδας αὐτοῦ, ὅτι ἐσφάγης καὶ ἠγόρασας]

Parker, “New Oxyrhynchus Papyrus of Revelation,” 159–74.

New Testament Texts [37]

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[τῷ θ(ε)ῷ ἐν τῷ α]ἵ μ ̣ α̣ [̣ τί

↓ 5

].[ ὅτ]ε ̣ ἤ ̣νο[ιξεν 6:5 [λέγοντο]ς ̣· ἔρχο̣[υ] καὶ εἶδ[ον, καὶ ἰδοὺ ἵππος μέλας,] [καὶ ὁ] κ α̣ [̣ θή]με̣ [̣ ν]ο̣ς ̣ ἐπ’ [αὐτὸν ] φων[ὴν ἐν μέσῳ τῶν δ ̅ ζῴων λέγου-] 6:6 [σαν· χοῖνιξ σί]του δη̣ [ναρίου καὶ γ ̅ χοίνικες] [κριθῶν δηναρίου] καὶ̣ [ __________ 3. pap. ϊδον.

pages 13–14: frags. (e) to (i)

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10

15

] δώ̣[σε]ι̣ τα[ῖς προσευχαῖς τῶν ἁγίων πάντων ἐ-] [πὶ τ]ὸ̣ θυσια[σ]τ̣ή ρ̣ [̣ ιον τὸ χρυσοῦν τὸ ἐνώπιον τοῦ θρό-] [ν]ου. καὶ ἀνέβ[η ὁ καπνὸς τῶν θυμιαμάτων ταῖς] προσ̣ευχαῖς τῶ[ν ἁγίων ἐκ χειρὸς τοῦ ἀγγέλου ἐνώ-] πιον τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ. [καὶ εἴληφεν ὁ ἄγγελος τὸν λιβανω-] τὸν καὶ ἐ γ̣ [̣ έμισεν αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς τοῦ θυσια-] στηρίου καὶ ἔβαλ [̣ εν εἰς τὴν γῆν, καὶ ἐγένοντο βρον-] ταὶ ̣ κ α̣ [ὶ] φ̣ωναὶ κα[ὶ ἀστραπαὶ καὶ σεισμός. Καὶ οἱ ζ ]̅ ἄγ[γελοι] ο̣ἱ ἔχοντες τὰ[ς ζ ̅ σάλπιγγας ἡτοίμασαν] ἑα [̣ υτοὺς ἵνα σαλ]πίσω[σιν. Καὶ ὁ πρῶτος ἄγγελος] [ἐσάλπισεν· καὶ ἐγ]έ ̣νε[το χάλαζα καὶ πῦρ μεμιγμέ-] [να ἐν αἵματι καὶ ἐβλήθη εἰς τὴν γῆν, καὶ τὸ τρίτον] [τῆς γῆς κατεκάη] κ α̣ [̣ ὶ τὸ] τρ̣ίˋ[τ]ο̣[ν]ˊ τ̣ῶ[̣ ν δένδρων κατε-] [κάη καὶ πᾶς χ]ό̣ρτος [χλ]ω ρ̣ ὸς ̣ [κατεκάη. Καὶ ὁ δεύτε-] [ρος ἄγγελος ἐσ]ά λ̣ πι [̣ σεν·] καὶ [

8:3 8:4 8:5 8:6 8:7

8:8

(lines 16–23 lost) 25

30

35

]..[ τρί]τον τῶ [̣ ν ὑδάτων εἰς] [ἄψινθον καὶ πολλοὶ τῶ]ν̣ ἀν(θρώπ)ων̣ [ἀπέθανον ἐκ] [τῶν ὑδάτων ὅτι ἐπι]κρά ̣νθη[σαν. Καὶ ὁ τέταρτος ἄγ-] [γελος ἐσάλπισεν· καὶ ἐπλ]ή γ̣ η τὸ τ̣[ρίτον τοῦ ἡλίου] [καὶ τὸ τρίτον τῶν ἀσ]τέρων, [ἵ]ν̣[α σκοτισθῇ τὸ] [τρίτον αὐτῶν καὶ ἡ ἡ]μέρ̣α ̣ [μὴ φάνῃ τὸ τρίτον] . [.] . [νὺξ ὁμοίως. Καὶ εἶδον, καὶ ἤκουσα ἑνὸς ἀ-] ετοῦ πε[τομένου ἐν μεσουρανήματι λέγοντος] φωνῇ [μεγάλῃ· οὐαὶ οὐαὶ οὐαὶ τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐ-] πὶ τῆ[ς γῆς ἐκ τῶν λοιπῶν φωνῶν τῆς σάλπιγ-] γος τ[ῶν τριῶν ἀγγέλων τῶν μελλόντων σαλπίζειν.]

8:11 8:12

8:13

146

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εἶ]δ̣ον ἀ̣σ̣τ̣έ̣ρ̣α̣ [ἐκ] [τοῦ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ πεπτωκότα εἰς τὴν γ]ῆ̣ ν, καὶ ἐδόθ̣[η] [αὐτῷ ἡ κλεὶς τοῦ φρέατος τῆς ἀ]β̣ύσσου καὶ ἤ[νοι-] [ξεν τὸ φρέαρ τῆς ἀβύσσου, καὶ ἀ]νέβη καπ [̣ νὸς] [ἐκ τοῦ φρέατος ὡς καπνὸς] κ[α]μίνου με[γάλης, καὶ ἐσκοτώθη ὁ ἥλιος καὶ ὁ ἀ]ὴ̣ ρ ἐκ τοῦ [καπνοῦ τοῦ φρέατος. καὶ ἐκ το]ῦ καπνοῦ ἐξῆλ[θον ἀκρίδες εἰς τὴν γῆν,] καὶ ἐδόθη [α]ὐτοῖς ἐ[ξουσία ὡς ἔχουσιν ἐξ]ουσ̣ί α̣ ν οἱ σκο[ρπίο]ι τῆς [γῆς. καὶ ἐρρέθη αὐτοῖς] ἵνα μ [̣ ὴ ἀδικήσουσιν] [τὸν χόρτον τῆς γῆς οὐδὲ] πᾶν [χλωρὸν οὐδὲ πᾶν] [δένδρον, εἰ μὴ τοὺς ἀν(θρώπ)ους οἵτινες οὐκ ἔχουσιν] [τὴν σφραγῖδα] τ̣οῦ θ[(εο)ῦ ἐπὶ τῶν μετώπων. καὶ] [ἐδόθη αὐτοῖς] ἵν[α μὴ] ἀποκ [̣ τείνωσιν αὐτούς, ἀλλ’] [ἵνα βασανισ]θῶ[σιν] μῆν[ας ]..[..]..[

9:1 9:2

9:3 9:4 9:5

(lines 52–56 lost)

60

65

]..[ πρόσωπ]α̣ ἀν(θρώπ)ω̣ [ν, καὶ εἶχον] [τρίχας ὡς τρίχας γυναικ]ῶν, καὶ [οἱ ὀδόντες] [αὐτῶν ὡς λεόντων ἦσα]ν̣, καὶ εἶχ[ον θώρα-] [κας ὡς θώρακας σιδηρο]ῦ̣ς, καὶ ἡ ̣ φ̣[ωνὴ τῶν] [πτερύγων αὐτῶν ὡς] φωνὴ ἁρ̣[μάτων ἵππων] [πολλῶν τρεχόντων εἰς πόλεμον. καὶ ἔχου-] [σιν οὐρὰς ὁμοίας σκορπίοις καὶ κέντρ]α, καὶ [ἐν ταῖς οὐραῖς αὐτῶν ἡ ἐξουσία αὐ]τ̣ῶν ἀδι[κῆσαι τοὺς ἀν(θρώπ)ους μῆνας πέν]τ̣ε, ἐπ’ αὐτῶ(ν) [βασιλέα τὸν ἄγγελον τῆς ἀβύσσου, ὄνο]μα αὐ[ ]τω

9:7-8 9:9 9:10 9:11

pages 15–16: frags. (j) to (l)

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75

Ἑβραϊ[στὶ Ἀβαδδών, καὶ ἐν τῇ Ἑλληνικῇ ὄνομα] ἔχει Ἀ[πολλύων. Ἡ οὐαὶ ἡ μία ἀπῆλθεν· ἰδοὺ] ἔρχετ[αι ἔτι β̅ οὐαὶ μετὰ ταῦτα. Καὶ ὁ ἕκτος ἄγγελος] ἐ[σ]άλπισεν·[καὶ ἤκουσα φωνὴν μίαν ἐκ τῶν δ ̅] κεράτων [τοῦ θυσιαστηρίου τοῦ χρυσοῦ τοῦ ἐ-] νώπιον τ[οῦ θ(εο)ῦ, λέγοντα τῷ ἕκτῳ ἀγγέλῳ, ὁ] ἔχων τὴ[ν σάλπιγγα· λῦσον τοὺς δ̅ ἀγγέλους τοὺς] δεδεμένους [ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ τῷ μεγάλῳ Εὐ-] φ̣ράτῃ .̣ καὶ ἐλύ[θησαν οἱ δ̅ ἄγγελοι οἱ ἡτοιμα-]

9:12 9:13 9:14 9:15

New Testament Texts [37]

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[σ]μ [̣ έ]ν̣οι εἰς τὴν̣ [ὥραν καὶ ἡμέραν καὶ μῆνα] [καὶ ἐ]ν̣ιαυ̣[τ]ό̣ν, [ἵνα ἀποκτείνωσιν τὸ τρίτον] τῶν ἀν(θρώπ)ων. καὶ] ὁ ἀ[ριθμὸς τῶν στρατευμάτων]

147

9:16

(lines 81–89 lost) 90

].[ αὐ]τ̣ῶν. [ἡ γὰρ ἐξουσία] τ̣ῶ ̣ν [ἵππων ἐν τοῦ] 9:18-19 [στό]ματο̣ς ̣ αὐ[τῶν ἐστιν κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ ἐν τα ῖ̣ ς̣ ̣ [οὐραῖς αὐτῶν,] [αἱ] γὰρ οὐραὶ . [ ὄ]φεσιν, ἔχου[σαι κεφαλὰς καὶ] [ἐ]ν̣ αὐ̣ ταῖς ἀ δ̣ [̣ ικοῦσιν.] Κ α̣ ὶ οἱ λοιποὶ ̣ τ̣[ῶν ἀν(θρώπ)ων, οἳ οὐ-] 9:20 95 κ ἀ [̣ π]ε κ̣ τά [̣ νθησαν ἐν] ταῖς π[ληγαῖς ταύταις, οὐδὲ] μ[ετενόησαν ἐκ τῶν] ἔργω[ν τῶν χειρῶν αὐτῶν,] ἵν[α] μ[ὴ προσκυνή]σοˋωˊυσι[ν τὰ δαιμόνια καὶ τὰ] εἴδω[λα τὰ χρυσᾶ κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ τὰ ἀ [̣ ργυρᾶ καὶ τὰ χαλκᾶ καὶ] τὰ λίθινα [καὶ τὰ ξύλινα, ἃ οὔτε βλέπειν δύ-] 100 νανται ο̣ὔ [̣ τε ἀκούειν οὔτε περιπατεῖν, καὶ οὐ] 9:21 μετενόησαν [ἐκ τῶν φόνων αὐτῶν οὔτε ἐκ] τῶ ̣ν φαρμά[κων αὐτῶν οὔτε ἐκ τῆς πορνεί-] α ς̣ ̣ αὐ̣ τῶν οὔ[τε ἐκ τῶν κλεμμάτων αὐτῶν.] [Καὶ εἶδον ἄλλον ἄγγελον ἰσχυρὸν κατα]β̣αίνο̣(ν)10:1 105 [τα ἐκ τοῦ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ περιβεβλημένον νεφέλ]η̣ ν, καὶ ἡ [ἶρις ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ πρόσω]πον αὐ[τοῦ ὡς ὁ ἥλιος καὶ οἱ πόδες αὐτοῦ ὡς στῦ]λ ο̣ ι̣ ̣ π̣υ ρ̣ [̣ ός,] [καὶ ἔχων ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ βιβλαρίδιον] ἠνεῳγμέ10:2 [νον. καὶ ἔθηκεν τὸν πόδα αὐτοῦ τὸ]ν δεξιὸν 110 [ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσσης, τὸν δὲ εὐώνυμο]ν̣ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, [καὶ ἔκραξεν φωνῇ μεγάλῃ ὥ]σ̣ περ λέων μυ10:3 [κᾶται. καὶ ὅτε ἔκραξεν, ἐλάλη]σαν αἱ ζ̅ βροντα̣ [ί,] 10:4 [ἤμελλον γράφειν, καὶ ἤκουσα] φωνὴν . .  [ [ ἐκ τοῦ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ λέγουσαν·] σ̣φρ̣ά γ̣ ισον̣ [ἃ ἐλάλη-] 115 [σαν αἱ ζ ̅ βρονταί, καὶ μὴ αὐτὰ γρ]άψ[ῃς.

→

(lines 116–124 lost) 125

]..[ 10:8 μετ᾽ ἐ]μο̣ ῦ καὶ λ έ̣ [̣ γουσαν· ὕπαγ]ε ̣ λ [̣ άβε τὸ βι-] [βλαρίδιον τὸ] ἠ̣ νεῳγμέ[νον ἐν τῇ χ]ειρὶ τοῦ ἀ [̣ γγέ-] [λου τοῦ ἑστῶτο]ς ̣ ἐπὶ τῆς θαλά[σσης κα]ὶ ̣ ἐπὶ τῆς γ̣[ῆς.] [καὶ ἀπῆλθα πρ]ὸ̣ς ̣ τ̣ὸν ἄγγελ [̣ ον λέγ]ω ̣ν αὐτῷ δ̣[οῦ-] 10:9 130 [ναί μοι τὸ βιβλαρ]ίδιον. κ[αὶ λέγει μ]ο̣ι ̣· λά β ̣ ε̣ καὶ ̣ κ[α][τάφαγε αὐτό, καὶ πι]κ̣ ρανε̣ [ῖ σου τὴν κοιλ]ί α̣ ν, ἀ λ̣ ̣ λ̣ ’

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[ἐν τῷ στόματί σου ἔ]σ̣ται γ[λυκὺ ὡς μέλ]ι. Kαὶ ἔλα- 10:10 [βον τὸ βιβλαρίδιον] ἐ κ̣ τῆ̣ [ς χειρὸς τοῦ ἀγ]γ̣έλου καὶ [κατέφαγον αὐτό, καὶ ἦν ἐν τῷ στόμ]ατί ̣ μου ὡς 135 [μέλι γλυκὺ καὶ ὅτε ἔφαγον αὐτό, ἐγε]μ [̣ ί]σθη ἡ κοιλί[α μου. καὶ λέγουσίν μοι· δεῖ σε πάλ]ιν προφητεῦσ̣[αι] 10:11 [ἐπὶ λαοῖς καὶ ἔθνεσιν καὶ γλώσ]σαις καὶ βασιλ [̣ εῦ-] [σιν πολλοῖς. Καὶ ἐδόθη μοι κάλαμ]ο̣ς ὅμοιος ῥά [̣ βδῳ,] 11:1 pages 17–18: frags. (m) to (o) (line 139 lost) ].[ ἐν αὐ-] τ̣ῷ̣. κ α̣ [ὶ ] αὐ̣ τὴν̣ [ ] ἔ θ̣ νεσιν, κ [̣ αὶ τὴν πόλιν τὴν ἁγίαν πατήσουσιν] μ ̣ῆνας μ ̣ ̅β ̅.̣ [Καὶ δώσω τοῖς δυσὶν μάρτυσίν μου] 145 [κα]ὶ ̣ προ̣φ̣η[τεύσουσιν ἡμέρας Α σ̅ ̅ξ ̅ περιβεβλη-] [μ]έ ̣νοι σάκ[κο]υ̣[ς. οὗτοί εἰσιν αἱ β ̅ ἐλαῖαι καὶ αἱ β ]̅ [λυ]χ̣νί̣αι [αἱ ἐ]ν̣ώ[πιον τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ τῆς γῆς ἑστῶτες. καὶ] [εἴ τις αὐτ]ο̣ὺς θέλ [̣ ει ἀδικῆσαι, πῦρ ἐκπορεύεται] [ἐκ τοῦ στ]όματος [αὐτῶν καὶ κατεσθίει τοὺς ἐχθροὺς] 150 [αὐτῶν·] καὶ εἴ τ[ις θελήσῃ αὐτοὺς ἀδικῆσαι, οὕτως δεῖ] [αὐτὸν ἀ]πο̣ κ̣ [̣ τ]α [̣ νθῆναι.]

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].[ [τῆς μεγάλης,] ἥτι̣[ς καλεῖται πν(ευματ)ικῶς Σόδομα καὶ] 11:8 [Αἴγυπ]τ[ο]ς, ὅπο̣[υ καὶ ὁ κ(ύριο)ς αὐτῶν ἐσταυρώθη. καὶ βλέ-] 11:9 [πουσι]ν ἐκ τῶ[ν λαῶν καὶ φυλῶν καὶ γλωσσῶν] [καὶ] ἐθνῶν τὰ ˋκα [̣ ˊ πτώματα αὐτῶν ἡμέρας γ ]̅ [καὶ] ἥμισυ κα[ὶ τὰ πτώματα αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀφίουσιν] [τεθ]ῆ̣ ναι εἰς μ[νημεῖον. καὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες] 11:10 [ἐ]πὶ τῆς [γ]ῆς χα[ίρουσιν ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς καὶ εὐφραίνον-] [ται,] κ α̣ [̣ ὶ δ]ῶρα π [̣ έμψουσιν ἀλλήλοις, ὅτι οὗτοι] [οἱ β̅] προφῆται [ἐβασάνισαν τοὺς κατοικοῦντας] [ἐπ]ὶ τῆς γῆ̣ [ς]. Κα̣ [ὶ μετὰ τὰς γ̅ ἡμέρας καὶ ἥμισυ] 11:11 π ̣ν̣(εῦμ)α ζωῆς ̣ ε[ἰσῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἔστη-] σ̣αν̣ ἐπὶ το̣[ὺ]ς πό̣[δας αὐτῶν, καὶ φόβος μέγας ἐπέ-] πε̣ σεν ἐπὶ τοὺ[ς θεωροῦντας αὐτούς. καὶ ἤκουσαν] 11:12 [φω]νῆν μεγ̣ά[λην ἐκ τοῦ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ λεγούσαν αὐτοῖς·] [ἀνάβ]ατε ὧδ̣[ε. καὶ ἀνέβησαν εἰς τὸν οὐ(ρα)νὸν ἐν τῇ [] [

New Testament Texts [37]

σεισμ]ὸ̣ς̣ [μέγας καὶ τὸ δέκατον τῆς πόλεως ἔπε]σε(ν) [καὶ ἀπεκτάνθησαν ἐν τῷ σεισμῷ ὀ]νό[ματα ἀν(θρώπ)ων χιλιάδες ζ̅ καὶ οἱ λ]οιποὶ ἔμ[φοβοι ἐγένοντο καὶ ἔδωκαν]  [  ]  τῷ 180 [θ(ε)ῷ τοῦ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ. Ἡ οὐαὶ ἡ δευτέρ]α ἀπῆλ[θεν· ἰδοὺ ἡ οὐαὶ ἡ τρίτη ἔρχ]ε ̣τ̣[αι τα]χύ. Καὶ [ὁ ζ ̅ ἄγγελος ἐσάλπισεν· καὶ ἐ]γέ ̣ν̣[ο]ν̣[το] [φωναὶ μεγάλαι ἐν τῷ οὐ(ρα)νῷ λ]έγουσαι· [ἐγέ-] [νετο ἡ βασιλεία τοῦ κόσμου τοῦ] κ(υρίο)υ ἡμ [̣ ῶν] 185 [καὶ τοῦ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ αὐτοῦ, καὶ βασιλε]ύ̣[σ]ει ε [̣ ἰς]

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(lines 187–192 lost) κ]α ι̣ ρ̣[ὸς] [τῶν νεκρῶν κριθῆναι καὶ δοῦ]ναι τ̣ὸ ̣ν̣ 195 [μισθὸν τοῖς δούλοις σου τοῖς π]ρ̣οφήτα [̣ ις] [καὶ τοῖς ἁγίοις καὶ τοῖς φοβο]υ̣ μ̣ ένοις ̣ τ̣ [ὸ] [ὄνομά σου, τοὺς μικροὺς καὶ τοὺς] μεγ̣άλου[ς,] [καὶ διαφθεῖραι τοὺς διαφθείρ]ονˋτˊα̣ ς ̣ τ̣ὴ̣[ν] [γῆν. Καὶ ἠνοίγη ὁ ναὸς τοῦ] θ̣(εο)ῦ ὁ ἐ [̣ ν] 200 [τῷ οὐ(ρα)νῷ, καὶ ὤφθη ἡ κιβωτὸ]ς ̣ τῆ̣ [ς δι]α θ̣ [̣ ή][κης αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ ναῷ αὐτοῦ, καὶ] ἐγένοντο φ[ω][ναὶ ]ὶ ̣ κ[αὶ σ]ε ι̣ σμὸς [καὶ χάλαζα μεγάλη. Καὶ ση]με̣ ῖ̣ [̣ ο]ν̣ μέ[γα ὤφθη ἐν τῷ οὐ(ρα)νῷ, γυν]ὴ περιβ̣ε β ̣ λη205 [μένη τὸν ἥλιον, καὶ ἡ σελ]ή̣ νη̣ ὑποκά[τω τῶν ποδῶν αὐτῆς καὶ] ἐπὶ τῆς κε[φαλῆς αὐτῆς στέφανος ἀστέρω]ν̣ [ι̅β̅,]

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(line 208 lost) pages 19–20: frags. (p) to (s) κα ὶ̣ β̣ασα[νιζομένη τεκεῖν. καὶ ὤφθη ἄλλο] 12:2-3 210 σημεῖο[ν ἐν τῷ οὐ(ρα)νῷ, καὶ ἰδοὺ δράκων πυρ-] ρ̣ὸς μέγ[ας ἔχων κεφαλὰς ζ̅ καὶ κέρατα ι ]̅ [κ]αὶ ἐπὶ τὰς [κεφαλὰς αὐτοῦ ζ̅ διαδήματα,] [κ]αὶ ἡ οὐρ[ὰ αὐτοῦ σύρει τὸ τρίτον τῶν ἀστέρων] 12:4 [τ]οῦ [ο]ὐ(ρα)νοῦ̣ κ̣ [αὶ ἔβαλεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν γῆν. Kαὶ] 215 ὁ δράκων ἱσ[τήκει ἐνώπιον τῆς γυναικὸς] τῆ[ς] μ [̣ ε]λ [̣ λο]ύ̣[σης αὐ-] τ̣ῆς κα [̣ ταφάγῃ. καὶ ἔτεκεν υἱὸν ἄρσεν, ὃς] 12:5 μέ̣ λλε[ι ποιμαίνειν πάντα τὰ ἔθνη ἐν ῥάβ-]

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[δῳ] σιδ[ηρᾷ. καὶ ἡρπάσθη τὸ τέκνον αὐτῆς] 220 [πρὸ]ς τὸ[ν θ(εὸ)ν καὶ πρὸς τὸν θρόνον αὐτοῦ. ]  [ (lines 222–228 lost) ]   [ ο]ὐ(ρα)ν[ῷ.] καὶ ἐβ[λήθη ὁ δράκων] 230 [ὁ ὄφις ὁ μ]έγας, ὁ ἀρχαῖος, ὁ κα[λούμενος Διάβολος] [καὶ ὁ Σ]ατανᾶς ,̣ ὁ̣ πλανῶν [τὴν οἰκουμένην ὅ-] [λην, ἐ]β̣λήθη εἰς τὴν γῆν, κ [̣ αὶ οἱ ἄγγελοι αὐ-] [τοῦ μ]ε ̣τ’ αὐτοῦ ἐβλήθησαν. κ[αὶ ἤκουσα φω-] [νὴν] μεγάλην ἐν τῷ [ο]ὐ(ρα)νῷ [λέγουσαν· ἄρτι ἐ-] 235 [γέ]ν̣ετο ἡ σωτηρία καὶ ἡ δύ[ναμις καὶ ἡ βα-] [σιλ]εία̣ [το]ῦ̣ θ̣(εο)ῦ̣ ἡ μ ̣ ̣ ῶ [̣ ν] καὶ ἡ [ἐξουσία [ ] α̣ ὐ [̣ τοῦ, ὅτι ἐβλήθη ὁ κατήγωρ] [τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἡμῶ]ν, ὁ̣ [κατηγορῶν αὐτοὺς ἐνώ-] [πιον τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ ἡμῶν ἡ]μ̣ έ [̣ ρας]

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(lines 240–246 lost) ] κ α̣ ι̣ ρ̣ [̣ ὸ]ν̣ [ἔχει.] 12:12 [Καὶ ὅτε εἶδεν ὁ δράκων ὅτι ἐβλήθ]η εἰς τὴ̣ ν 12:13 [γῆν, ἐδίωξεν τὴν γυναῖκα ἥτις ἔτ]ε̣ κεν τὸν̣ 250 [ἄρσενα. καὶ ἐδόθησαν τῇ γυναικ]ὶ αἱ δύο πτέ ρ̣ υ̣ -̣ 12:14 [γες τοῦ ἀετοῦ τοῦ μεγάλου, ἵνα πέτηται] ε ἰ̣ ς̣ ̣ τ̣ὴν ἔ[ρη][μον εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτῆς, ὅπου τρέφε]τ̣αι ἐκ ε̣ [̣ ῖ] [καιρὸν καὶ καιροὺς καὶ ἥμισυ και]ρο̣ῦ ̣ ἀπ[ὸ] προ̣[σώπου τοῦ ὄφεως. καὶ ἔβαλεν ὁ ὄ]φις ̣ ἐκ τοῦ στό12:15 255 [ματος αὐτοῦ ὀπίσω τῆς γυναικὸς] ὕ̣δω ̣ [̣ ρ] ὡς [ποταμόν, ἵνα αὐτὴν ποτα]μο̣ ̣φό̣ρ[̣ η][τον ποιήσῃ. καὶ ἐβοήθησεν ἡ γῆ τ]ῇ γυνα [̣ ι]12:16 [κὶ καὶ ἤνοιξεν ἡ γῆ τὸ στόμα αὐτῆς] καὶ [κατέπιεν τὸν ποταμὸν ὃν ἔβαλεν ὁ δρ]ά κ̣ ω[ν] 260 [ἐκ τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ. καὶ ὠργίσθη ὁ] δ̣ρά12:17 [κων]

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(lines 262–266 lost) ] καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς κεφαλ[ὰς αὐτοῦ] [ὀνόματα βλασφ]ημίας. καὶ τὸ θηρίον̣ [ὃ εἶδον ἦν] [ὅμοιον παρδ]άλει καὶ οἱ πόδες αὐτο̣ [ῦ ὡς ἄρκου] 270 [καὶ τὸ στόμα α]ὐ̣τοῦ ὡ [̣ ς σ]τ̣όμα λέοντο[ς. καὶ] [ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ ὁ δ]ράκ ω ̣ ̣ν̣ τ̣ὴν δύναμιν α [̣ ὐτοῦ] [καὶ τὸν θρό]ν̣ον αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐξουσίαν [μεγά-] [λην. καὶ μία]ν ˋἐκˊ τῶν κ ε̣ ̣φα [̣ λ]ῶν αὐτοῦ ὡ [̣ ς]

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New Testament Texts [37]

151

[ ε]ἰ ς̣ ̣ [θάνατον, καὶ ἡ π]λ ̣η̣ [γὴ] 275 [τοῦ θανάτου αὐτοῦ ἐθερα]πε̣ ύθ[η. Καὶ ἐθαυ-] [μάσθη ὅλη ἡ γῆ ὀπίσω τοῦ] θ̣ηρί [̣ ου (lines 277–283 lost) pages 21–22: frags. (t) to (w)

↓ θ(εὸ)ν βλασφ̣[ημῆσαι τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν] 285 σκηνὴ[ν αὐτοῦ, τοὺς ἐν τῷ οὐ(ρα)νῷ σκηνοῦντας.] καὶ ἐδό̣θ [̣ η αὐτῷ ποιῆσαι πόλεμον μετὰ τῶν] [ἁ]γ̣ίων κα[ὶ νικῆσαι αὐτούς, καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῷ ἐ-] ξουσία ἐ [̣ πὶ πᾶσαν φυλὴν καὶ λαὸν καὶ γλῶσ-] σαν καὶ ̣ [ἔθνος. καὶ προσκυνήσουσιν αὐτὸν πάντες] 290 οἱ κατοικ ο̣ ῦν̣[τες ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, οὗ οὐ γέγραπται τὸ] ὄν[ο]μα̣ ἐν̣ τ[ῷ βιβλίῳ τῆς ζωῆς τοῦ ἀρνίου τοῦ] [ἐσφαγμένο]υ̣ [ἀπὸ καταβολῆς κόσμου. Εἴ τις ἔχει] [οὖς ἀκου]σάτω. [εἴ τις εἰς αἰχμαλωσίαν, ὑπάγει·] [εἴ τις ἐν μ]α χ̣ αίρ̣[ῃ ἀποκτανθῆναι αὐτὸν ἐν μαχαί-] 295 [ρῃ ἀποκτανθ]ῆνα[ι. Ὧδέ ἐστιν ἡ ὑπομονὴ καὶ ἡ] [πίστις τῶν ἁ]γίων. Κα ὶ̣ ̣ [εἶδον ἄλλο θηρίον ἀνα-] [βαῖνον ἐκ τῆ]ς ̣ γῆς, καὶ εἶ[χεν κέρατα β̅ ὅμοια] [ἀρνίῳ καὶ ἐ]λ̣ [ά]λει ὡς δ[ράκων. καὶ τὴν ἐξου-] [σίαν τοῦ π]ρ̣ώ ̣του̣ θ̣η̣[ρίου πᾶσαν ποιεῖ]

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(lines 300–303 lost) [πῦρ ποι]ῇ καταβα̣ [ίνειν εἰς τὴν γῆν ἐνώπιον] 305 [τῶν ἀ]ν(θρώπ)ων, καὶ πλ[ανᾷ τοὺς κατοικοῦντας ἐπὶ] [τῆς γ]ῆ̣ ς διὰ τὰ σημ [̣ εῖα ἃ ἐδόθη αὐτῷ ποιῆσαι] [ἐνώ]πιον τοῦ θη[ρίου, λέγων τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν ἐ-] [πὶ] τῆς γῆς π[οιῆσαι εἰκόνα τῷ θηρίῳ, ὃς ἔχει τὴν] π λ̣ ηγὴν τῆ[ς μαχαίρης καὶ ἔζησεν. Καὶ ἐ-] 310 δόθη αὐτῷ δ̣[οῦναι πν(εῦμ)α τῇ εἰκόνι τοῦ θηρίου, ἵν-] α̣ κ̣ [αὶ λ]αλήσῃ [ἡ εἰκὼν τοῦ θηρίου καὶ ποιήσῃ ὅσοι] [ἐὰν] μὴ̣ [προσκυνήσωσιν τῇ εἰκόνι τοῦ θηρίου] [ἀπ]οκτα̣ [νθῶσιν. καὶ ποιεῖ πάντας, τοὺς μικροὺς καὶ] [τοὺς] μ̣ εγ̣[άλους, καὶ τοὺς πλουσίους καὶ τοὺς]

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]  [ νο]ῦ̣ν ψηφισ̣[ά][τω τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦ θηρίου, ἀριθμὸ]ς ̣ γ̣ὰρ ἀν(θρώπ)ου [ἐστίν, καὶ ὁ ἀριθμὸς αὐτοῦ ] . η  χ ι̅ ̅ϛ .̅

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[Καὶ εἶδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ τὸ ἀρνίον ἑστὸ]ς ̣ ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρο̣[ς] 14:1 ̅ ̅ δ̅ χιλιάδε]ς ̣ ἔχουσα[ι] 325 [Σιὼν καὶ μετ’ αὐτοῦ ρμ [τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς α]ὐτοῦ γε[γραμμένον ἐπὶ τῶν μετώπω]ν̣ αὐτῶν. καὶ 14:2 [ἤκουσα φωνὴν ἐκ τοῦ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ ὡς] φωνὴ̣ ν ὑ[δάτων πολλῶν καὶ ὡς φωνὴν βροντῆς μεγά-] 330 [λης, καὶ ἡ φωνὴ ἣν ἤκο]υσα ὡ [̣ ς φωνὴν κι-] [θαρῳδῶν κιθαριζόντω]ν ἐν [ταῖς κιθάραις] [αὐτῶν. καὶ ᾄδουσιν ᾠδὴ]ν κ[αινὴν ἐνώπι-] 14:3 [ον τοῦ θρόνου καὶ] ἐ ̣νώπιον τῶ [̣ ν τεσσάρων] [ζῴων καὶ τῶν πρε]σβυτέρων, [καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐδύ-] ̅ ̅ δ̅ χιλιά-] 335 [νατο μαθεῖν τὴν] ᾠδὴν εἰ ̣ μ [̣ ὴ αἱ ρμ [δες, οἱ ἠγορασμένοι] ἀ ̣π̣ ὸ ̣ τ̣ῆ̣ς ̣ [ (lines 337–340 lost)

341

] εὑ̣ ρέθη ψ̣[εῦδος,] [ἄμωμοί εἰσιν. Καὶ ἄλ]λον εἴδον ἄγγ[ελον] [πετόμενον ἐν μεσουρανήμ]ατι, ἔχοντα [εὐαγ-] [γέλιον αἰώνιον εὐαγγελίσαι] τ̣οὺς κατοι [̣ κοῦν-] 345 [τας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς καὶ ἐπὶ πᾶν ἔθ]ν̣ος̣ ̣ καὶ φυλ [̣ ὴν] [καὶ γλῶσσαν καὶ λαόν, λέγων] ἐ ̣ν φωνῇ μ[ε-] [γάλῃ· φοβήθητε τὸν θ(εὸ)ν καὶ δ]ό̣τε αὐτ̣[ῷ] δόξα(ν), [ὅτι ἦλθεν ἡ ὥρα τῆς κρίσεως αὐτ]οῦ, [καὶ] [προσκυνήσατε τῷ ποιήσαντι τὸ]ν οὐ(ρα)ν̣[ὸν] 350 [καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν καὶ πη]γ̣ὰς ὑ[δάτων.]

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. .[ . ] . [ .[ . ] . . [ .....[ βασανισθή-] σ̣ε ̣τ̣α ι̣ ̣ ἐ ̣ν̣ [π]υ̣ρ[ὶ καὶ θείῳ ἐνώπιον ἀγγέλων] 360 ἁ [̣ γ]ί ω ̣ ̣ν̣ [κα]ὶ ̣ ἐνώ[πιον βα-] [σανισ]μο̣ ῦ̣ ̣ [αὐ]τῶν ε [̣ ἰς αἰῶνας αἰώνων] [ἀναβαίνει, κ]αὶ οὐκ ἔ[χουσιν ἀνάπαυσιν] [ ἡμέρας] κ̣ α̣ ὶ ̣ [

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(lines 364–373 lost) ] [ ] [ ἐπὶ] 375 [τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ σ]τ̣έφανο[ν χρυσοῦν καὶ] [ἐν τῇ χειρὶ αὐτοῦ δρ]έ ̣πανον [ὀξύ. καὶ ἄλ-]

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New Testament Texts [37]

153

[λος ἄγγελος ἐξῆλθ]ε ̣ν ἐκ τοῦ̣ [ναοῦ] [κράζων ἐν φωνῇ] μεγάλῃ ̣ [τῷ καθημένῳ] [ἐπὶ τῆς νεφέλης·] πέμψ[ον τὸ δρέπανόν σου] 380 [καὶ θέρισον, ὅτι ἦλθε]ν ˋἡˊ ὥρ̣[α θερίσαι, ὅτι] [ἐξηράνθη ὁ θερισμὸς ]. ῆς ̣ [ (lines 382–390 lost)

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391 [ ἤκμασαν αἱ σταφυλα]ὶ. α [̣ ὐ]τ̣ῆ[ς]. 14:18 [καὶ ἔβαλεν ὁ ἄγγελος τὸ δρέπανον αὐτοῦ] ε ἰ̣ ς τὴν 14:19 [γῆν καὶ ἐτρύγησεν τὴν ἄμπελον τῆς] γ̣ῆς καὶ ἔ[βαλεν εἰς τὴν ληνὸν τοῦ θυμοῦ το]ῦ θ(εο)[ῦ] τ̣ὸν μέ[γ]α(ν). 395 [καὶ ἐπατήθη ἡ ληνὸς ἔξωθε]ν̣ τ̣ῆς π̣[όλ]εως κ α̣ ὶ̣ 14:20 [ἐξῆλθεν αἷμα ἐκ τῆς] λ̣ ηνοῦ ἄχ̣ [ρι] τ̣ῶν χ[α-] [λινῶν τῶν ἵππων ἀπὸ σταδ]ί ω ̣ ν Β̅χ̅. [Καὶ εἶδον] 15:1 [ἄλλο σημεῖον ἐν τῷ οὐ(ρα)νῷ μ]έ γ̣ α καὶ θ̣ [αυμαστόν,] ]..[.].[ (lines 400–411 lost) [ ἐφαν]ε̣ ρώθη̣[σαν. Καὶ μετὰ] [ταῦτα εἶδον, καὶ ἠνοί]γη ὁ ναὸ[ς τῆς σκηνῆς] [τοῦ μαρτυρίου ἐν τῷ οὐ(ρα)]ν̣ῷ,̣ καὶ ἐξῆ[λθον οἱ ζ̅] 415 [ἄγγελοι οἱ ἔχοντες τὰς] ζ ̅ πληγ[ὰ]ς ̣ [ἐκ τοῦ] [ναοῦ ἐνδεδυμένοι λίνον] καθαρὸ[ν λαμπρὸν] [καὶ περιεζωσμένοι περ]ὶ ̣ τὰ στήθ[η ζώνας] [χρυσᾶς. καὶ ἓν ἐκ τῶν δ ]̅ ζῴων [ἔδωκεν τοῖς] ]...[

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__________ 40. pap. καμεινου. 42–43. pap. εξηλ᾽θον. 45. pap. ϊνα. 49. pap. ϊνα. 93. pap. αιχουσαι. 111–12. pap. μοικαται. 129. pap. αγ’γελον. 133. pap. αγ’γελου. 164. pap. ημισυ·. 166. γης·. 180– 81. pap. απηλ᾽θεν. 205–6. pap. ϋποκατω. 215. pap. ϊστηκει. 255. pap. ϋδωρ. 328–29. pap. ϋδατων. 342. pap. ϊδον αγ᾽γελον. 350. pap. ϋδατων.

pages 3–4: frag. (a)

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C 1611 1854 2053 a vgww syh (bo) om. οτι. εδιδαξεν 1006 1841 2351 𝔐Κ. The longer reading (εν τω Βαλααμ τον Βαλακ for τω Βαλακ 𝔐A P) is not possible unless there was a word order variation. ‫ *א‬om. τω Βαλακ, which was corrected to τον Βαλακ in ‫א‬c.

pages 5–6: frag. (b) This fragment represents a new leaf from the codex.

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συντριβησεται 𝔐 lat. The reading συντριβεται αυτου[ is unique to P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 and may result from the context of Ps 2:9 (LXX), which the author of Revelation paraphrases

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus here, ποιμανεῖς αὐτοὺς ἐν... συντρίψεις αὐτούς. The supralinear stroke above αυτου is most probably used to indicate deletion.

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The scribe again uses a supralinear mark to denote deletion. In this case it is the removal of a repeated word. See l. 3 pp. 5–6: frag. (b) above. ‫ א‬A C P 046 om. ιδου before ἔρχομαι. The correction is clearly intended to create the reading ναω from ναου, possibly an erroneous genitive, but possibly an otherwise unattested textual variation (του ναου?).

Frags. 9–10: (c) + (d) This fragment represents a new leaf from the codex.

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1 2 3 4 7

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𝔐 P om. τεσσαρα (δ̅). επεσον 046. κιθαρας 𝔐Α vg. The omission of αἱ (‫𝔐 *א‬K 1854 2329 2351) can probably be ruled out on the basis that it would create an unexpectedly short line. P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 almost certainly did not include the expansion (τω θεω) ημας (‫𝔐 א‬ 046 1006 1611 1841 2053 2329 2351 [lat]). ημας for τω θεω 2050 2344 sy Hipp Cyp. ερχου και ιδε ‫𝔐 א‬K 046 2329 2344 ar vgcl syph** Prim Bea; 𝔐K 046 1854 2329 2351 ar gig vgcl syph sa Bea. om. και ιδον.

pages 13–14: frags. (e) to (i) These five fragments belong to a new leaf of the codex. A leaf has been lost between these fragments and the preceding leaf.

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δωση P 𝔐 046 1854 2329 2344 2351; δω 1006 1841 2053. It is uncertain whether the papyrus read τας προσευχας 𝔐A gig Tyc., or ταις προσευχαις A C and most mss; των προσευχων 1611. 7 ελαβον for εβαλεν A; εβαλλεν P and some minuscules. 7–8 βρονται και αστραπαι for βρονται και φωναι και αστραπαι 1006; βρονται και αστραπαι και φωναι A 052 2329 2344 syh; φωναι και βρονται και αστραπαι P 𝔐A 1854 2053 Tyc. Bea. The papyrus agrees with ‫𝔐 א‬K 046 2351. 9 ‫ א‬2053 2351 om. οι. 10 αυτους for εαυτους ‫ *א‬A 2351. The papyrus almost certainly included αγγελος with 𝔐A 2329 it vgww samss bo Tyc. 13–14 046* (0253) gig sa om. και το τριτον των δενδρων κατεκαη. The correction is very difficult to make out. The correction is made in brown ink and appears to correct τριτων to τριτον. 15 ‫ א‬2053 syph om. αγγελος. 27 The scribe appears to have inadvertently om. καὶ τὸ τρίτον τῆς σελήνης following ηλιου. The error was likely created when the scribe’s eyes jumped to the second instance of καὶ τὸ τρίτον. 30–31 There is not enough visible text to distinguish between the word order variants that occur here, although it would appear that the text follows the order of ‫ א‬A 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 (-η 2329; φαινη P 𝔐A) gig sy. 1

New Testament Texts [37]

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31–32 αγγελου for αετου P 𝔐Α.

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38–39 39 40–41 41–42 43 48 50 61 64–65 66

‫𝔐 א‬K 046 1611 2053 ar vgmss syph samss bo om. και ηνοιξεν το φρεαρ της αβυσσου. 0207 om. καπνος. καιομενης for μεγαλης 𝔐K 046 2351 syh**; μεγαλης καιομενης 2053 gig syph. ‫( *א‬h) vgms om. εκ του καπνου του φρεατος και. αυταις Α P 𝔐 0207 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2344 2351. 𝔐A vgms om. του θεου. βασανισθησονται ‫ א‬Α 𝔐Α 2053 2329. The papyrus almost certainly did not om. ως θωρακας with 0207 1006 1611 gig. The word order variations of 𝔐A 1854 ar vgcl syph (κεντρα εν ταις ουραις αυτων και η εξουσια αυτων) and 𝔐K (κεντρα και εν ταις ουραις αυτων εξουσιαν εχουσιν του) were not attested here. πεντε και P 1854 2351 latt syph.h**. Following πεντε, the scribe appears to have om. the verb εχουσιν, the reading of the majority of witnesses ‫ א‬A P 0207 1006 2344 2351; εχουσαι 𝔐K 046 Tyc.

pages 15–16: frags. (j) to (l) Three fragments belonging to a new leaf of the codex.

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69–70 𝔓47 ‫ א‬2344 gig attest the word order εχει ονομα. 70 The papyrus is no help in discerning between ουαι μια απηλθεν ‫ *א‬and ουαι η μια απηλθεν 𝔓47 ‫א‬c 2053txt. 71 ερχονται ‫א‬c 𝔐A 046c 0207 2053 (2329) 2344 Tyc. 72–73 The papyrus cannot have om. τεσσαρων as did 𝔓47 ‫א‬c A 0207 2053 2344; ‫ *א‬om. μιαν εκ των τεσσαρων κερατων. 92 All other witnesses read τω στοματι. 𝔐A om. και εν ταις ουραις αυτων. 93 The space is too small to permit the attested reading: ουραι αυτων ομοιαι (ομοιοι 2053). The traces of ink to the left of the lacuna suggest that ουραι was followed by either α or ο. It is probable that either αυτων or ομοιαι was unintentionally om. by the scribe. C* attests the omission of ομοιαι. εχουσαι for εχουσιν C*or εχουσαις ‫)*(א‬.c P 2053. 95 Space consideration excludes the possibility that the papyrus read αυτων following πληγαις 𝔓47 ‫א‬. 97 The correction clearly intends to create the reading προσκυνησωσιν, the reading of P 𝔐 046 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2329 2344 2351. The uncorrected reading προσκυνησουσιν is the reading of 𝔓47 ‫ א‬A C. 97–98 𝔓47 samss om. και τα ειδωλα. 98 𝔐K vgms Tyc. om. και τα χαλκα. 99 𝔓47.85vid 1854 2329 om. τα before ξυλινα. 99–100 δυναται 𝔓47 𝔐K 046 1611. 102–3 πονηριας for πορνειας ‫ *א‬Α. 103 𝔓47 om. ουτε εκ των κλεμματων αυτων.

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104 P 046 2053 𝔐K om. αλλον. 105–6 ‫א‬c P 𝔐A 2053 sa om. η (definite article before ιρις). την κεφαλην A C. 108 ειχεν for εχων 𝔐A latt syh. βιβλιον 𝔓47vid 046 𝔐K 1854 gig vgmss Vic Tyc Prim; βιβλιδαριον C* 1006 1611 1841 2053 2344 𝔐A; βιβλαριον 2329.

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

A bo om. ηνεωγμενον; ανεωγμενον 046. C om. τον δεξιον. ως φωνη ‫*א‬. ‫ *א‬1611 2344 om. αι; 𝔓47 om. ζ̅. The papyrus om. τας εαυτων φωνας και οτε ελαλησαν αι ζ̅ βρονται with a few minuscules (149 336 385 2015) probably through homoioteleuton. 113 και ημελλον αυτα γραφειν 𝔓47. The horizontal bar at the end of the line probably indicates the deletion of a mistake. 114 οσα for α 𝔓47 ‫ א‬2344. 115 𝔓47* C gig om. ζ̅. μετα ταυτα γραφεις for μη αυτα γραψης 𝔐A; μη αυτας γραψης 𝔓47. 126 λεγουσα 𝔐K 2351. 126–27 βιβλιδαριον 046 𝔐; βιβλαριον 2329; βιβλιον A C 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 lat. το ανεωγμενον 𝔓47 046. C om. εν τη χειρι. 129 απηλθον C. 129–30 δος for δουναι P 2053 2329 𝔐A. 130 βιβλιον 𝔓47 ‫ א‬1006 1841 1854 2053 latt; βιβλαριον Α* 2329; βιβλιδαριον 046 1611 2344 𝔐. 130–31 λαβε αυτο και καταφαγε 𝔓47.85 ‫ *א‬2344. 131 καρδιαν for κοιλιαν A 2351 syhmg. 133 βιβλιον 𝔓47*vid ‫ א‬046 𝔐K 1854 lat; βιβλιδιον 𝔓47c; βιβλιδαριον 1006 1611 1841 2053; βιβλαριον 2329. 135 επικρανθη for εγεμισθη 𝔓47 A C P 𝔐 2329 2344. 136 μου πικριας ‫א‬c 1854 2329 gig syhmg Tyc Bea και λεγει P 𝔐A 1611 1854 2053 it (vgcl) sy sa bomss Tyc Prim. 137 και επι 046 𝔐K 2351 syh. 138 καλαμονος ραβδω 𝔓47. 108–9 109 111 112

pages 17–18: frags. (m) to (o) Three fragments belonging to a new leaf.

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περιβεβλημενους ‫ *א‬Α P 046 2329. 2053txt om. αι β ελαιαι και. ‫ א‬1611 2329 2351 lat οm. αι. θελησει for θελει 𝔓47 1841 latt. και η τις θεληση ‫ ;*א‬και η τις θελει C; και ει τις θελησει 𝔓47. 𝔓47 ‫א‬c 𝔐A 1611 ar* syph bo om. και before ο κυριος. 𝔓47 ‫ *א‬om. αυτων. It is possible that εσταυρωθη was abbreviated as a nomen sacrum. 163 το πτωμα 𝔓47 ‫ א‬A C. There is sufficient room for τα πτωματα, the likely reading of the papyrus. 165 εις μνημεια for εις μνημειον 1611; εις μνημειον C; εις μνηματα ‫א‬c. 166–67 ευφρανθησονται 𝔐K 046 2329 latt. 167–68 ουτοι οι προφηται οι β ‫ א‬2344. 𝔓47 om. ουτοι. 169 ‫ א‬P 𝔐A 1854 2344 om. τας before γ̅. το ημισυ C. 170 C P 1611 2053 read αυτοις (om. εν) as does P.Oxy. LXVI 4499. 171–72 επεσεν 𝔓47 ‫𝔐 א‬K 046 1841 2053. 172 των θεωρουντων C P. 173 The papyrus appears to agree with A 𝔐K 046 1611 2053 2329 2351 in reading φωνην μεγαλην εκ του ουρανου λεγουσαν instead of φωνης μεγαλης εκ του ουρανου λεγουσης 𝔓47 ‫ א‬C P etc. 174 αναβητε 𝔐 046 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2344. 145–46 146 147 148 150 161

New Testament Texts [37]

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175–76 In the ed. pr., these two lines appear to have been counted as a single line and therefore are counted here as line 175. l. 176 begins with μεγας. 176 τριτον for δεκατον 046 bo. 178–79 εν φοβω for εμφοβοι ‫ א‬2351 lat syph.hmg. 179 The missing word would be δόξαν, but the traces of ink are too faint to confidently restore this reading. 180–81 παρηλθεν ‫א‬. 181 η ουαι η τριτη ιδου ερχεται 046 𝔐K; ιδου τριτη ουαι ερχεται 1854; ιδου ερχεται η ουαι η τριτη 𝔓47 ‫ א‬2344. The word order of the papyrus is supported in A C P 1006 1611 1841 2053 2329 2351 𝔐A. 183 λεγοντες A 046 2053 2351 𝔐K. 193 κληρος for καιρος C. 196 τοις αγιοις τοις φοβουμενοις 051 1854; τοις αγιοις και φοβουμενοις ‫ ;א‬τους αγιους και τους φοβουμενους A (𝔓47 2351). 197 τοις μικροις και τοις μεγαλοις ‫א‬c P 046 𝔐 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053. 198 διαφθειραντας C 051 1611 1854 2329 2344 sy. 199 𝔓47 ‫ א‬P 046 051 𝔐 1611 1854 2053 2344 sams bopt om. ο before εν. 200 εδοθη for ωφθη C. 201 του (-046 2344) κυριου for αυτου (1st) 𝔓47 046 𝔐K 2344 2351 syhmg sa; του θεου for αυτου (1st) ‫ א‬h. 202 The papyrus probably contained a word order variation that is otherwise unattested with the phrase αστραπαι και φωναι και βρονται. Chapa suggests φ[ωναι και αστραπαι και βροντα]ι. 046 𝔐Κ om. και σεισμος. pages 19–20: frags. (p) to (s) A new papyrus leaf.

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210–11 μεγας πυρρος A P 051 1841 pm lat sa; πυρος μεγας C 046 1611 1854 2329 2344 pm syh; μεγας πυρος 1006 2351 syph. 212 αυτων for αυτου A Tyc Bea; 𝔓47 om. αυτου. 213 αστρων C 2053. 215 εστηκεν 𝔓47 ‫ א‬A P 046 etc.; εστηκει C; εστη 14 92. Chapa suggests that the papyrus read ιστηκει for the pluperfect ειστηκει, but it seems possible also that this is an iotacism for εστηκεν. 216 The supplement is too long for the end of the line, which reads following μελλούσης, τεκεῖν ἵνα ὅταν τέκῃ τὸ τέκνον. 217 αρσενα 𝔓47 ‫ א‬P 046 051 𝔐 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2329 2344 2351. 218 C P 051 𝔐Α 1006 1841 2053 om. εν. 220 𝔐A om. προς (2nd). 230 ο μεγας οφις ‫ ;א‬ο μεγας ο οφις A C P 046 051. 𝔓47 om. ο αρχαιος. 231 ο Σατανας (om. και) ‫ א‬1854 bo; και Σατανας 𝔓47 046 𝔐K 2329. 232–33 𝔓47 2053 bo om. αυτου. 051 𝔐A 1854 om. μετ᾽ αυτου. 235–36 σωτηρια for βασιλεια 1854. 236 σωτηρια for εξουσια 𝔓47. 237 The supplement at the beginning of the line is not long enough, particularly given the likely usage of the nomen sacrum. The text following η in l. 236 reads ἐξουσία τοῦ χριστοῦ in most witnesses. κατεβληθη for εβληθη 051 𝔐A. κατηγορος for κατηγωρ 𝔓47 ‫ א‬C P 046 051 𝔐 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2329 2344 2351. 238 αυτων for αυτους ‫ א‬C 046 𝔐Κ 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2329 2344 2351.

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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οτι εβληθη ο δρακων ‫א‬c. εξεδιωξεν ‫)*(א‬.c; απηλθεν εκδιωξαι 𝔓47 for εδιωξεν. εδοθη for εδοθησαν 𝔓47 ‫א‬c. A C P 051 2053 𝔐A add αι following γυναικι., which is likely om. in P.Oxy. LXVI 4499. 250–51 πτερυγας ‫ א‬046 𝔐K 2344. ‫ א‬om. του before αετου. 252 οπως (ινα 1854) τρεφηται 046 𝔐K 1611 1854. 253 C om. και ημισυ καιρου. 254 απο for εκ 𝔓47. 256 Following ως in l. 255, the supplement is too short to restore the line. The expected reading would be ὡς ποταμόν ἵνα αὐτὴν ποταμοφόρητον (“poured water like a river”). The variant reading ταυτην for αυτην (P 051 𝔐K) cannot explain what was missing in the text. 258 𝔓47 gig Prim om. η γη. 259 το υδωρ ο for τον ποταμον ον A. απο for εκ 𝔓47. 268 ονομα for ονοματα 𝔓47 ‫ א‬C P 𝔐A 1006 1841 2329 gig vgmss syph co Prim. Bea. 𝔓47 𝔐A om. ην. 270 λεοντων ‫ א‬1611 2351 syh Vic. 273 046* 𝔐A 1854 2053 om. εκ. 275–76 εθαυμασθη εν ολη τη γη 051 𝔐A; εθαμβηθη ολη η γη 2053; εθαυμασθη ολη η γη 𝔓47 A C syh. 248 249 250

pages 21–22: frags. (t) to (w) Four fragments belonging to a new leaf.

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284–85 C om. και την σκηνην αυτου. 285 και τους ‫א‬c P 046* 051 𝔐A 2053txt lat co Irlat Bea. 𝔓47 om. τους and σκηνουντας. 286–87 𝔓47 A C P 2053 𝔐A sa Irlat om. και εδοθη αυτω ποιησαι πολεμον μετα των αγιων και νικησαι αυτους (“Also it was allowed to make war on the saints and to conquer them”). 288 𝔓47 051 1006 𝔐A bo om. και λαον. 289 αυτω for αυτον ‫ א‬P 051 𝔐A 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2344. 290–91 ων ου (– ‫ )*א‬γεγραπται τα ονοματα αυτων (– ‫א‬c P 051) 𝔓47 ‫ א‬P 051 1006 1841 2329 lat; ων ου (ουτε 046) γεγραπται το ονομα (+ αυτων 1611 syh) 046 𝔐 1611 2344 2351 (co) Bea; ουαι γεγραπται το ονομα αυτου A; ου ου γεγραπται το ονομα αυτου C 1854 2053 Irlat Prim. 291 εν τη (τω ‫א‬c) βιβλω 𝔓47 ‫א‬c 2344; εν βιβλω (without definite article) ‫ *א‬1611 1854; βιβλιω (without definite article) C. 293 εις αιχμαλωσιαν απαγει for εις αιχμαλωσιαν 2351 gig vgcl sy Irlat Prim; εχει αιχμαλωσιαν 051* 𝔐K; εις αιχμαλωσιαν εις αιχμαλωσιαν υπαγει A 2351 lat sy sa Irlat. 𝔓47 ‫ א‬C P 046 051 𝔐 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2329 2344 bo Irarm Bea. read εις αιχμαλωσιαν υπαγει as does P.Oxy. LXVI 4499. 294 αποκτενει δει for αποκτανθηναι C P 046 051txt 𝔐A 2053 2329 2351 lat Irlat; αποκτεινει δει for αποκτανθηναι ‫ א‬1006 1611* 1841 1854 syh Irarm; δει (om. αποκτανθηναι) 051v.l. 𝔐K. 294–95 051v.l. 𝔐K om. εν μαχαιρη. 296–97 αναβαινων 𝔓47. 297 𝔐K 2377 om. δυο; ομοιω 𝔓47. 298 λαλει 𝔓47 gig. 304 The reading of P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 is unique. The phrase εκ του ουρανου before or after καταβαινειν has likely been om. while the verb form ποι]η καταβα[ινειν appears to

New Testament Texts [37]

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agree with ‫ א‬and other witnesses (ινα και πυρ ποιη καταβαινειν εκ του ουρανου ‫ א‬P 051 2329 sy) ινα και πυρ ποιη εκ του ουρανου καταβαινειν A C 1006 1611 1841 (– και 2053); ινα και πυρ εκ του ουρανου ποιηση εις την γην καταβηναι 1854; ινα και πυρ ποιηση εκ του ουρανου καταβηναι 𝔓47; και πυρ ινα εκ του ουρανου καταβαινη 046 2351 2377 𝔐K. επι την γην 𝔓47 046 𝔐K 2377. 305 τους εμους τους κατοικουντας 051 2377 𝔐K. 308 της γης και ποιησαι 046* sy. ο for ος ‫𝔐 א‬K 1006 1611 1841 2053 2329 2351 2377 ar vg. ειχεν for εχει 046 𝔐K 1006 1841 2351 2377 vgms syh. ‫ א‬046 𝔐K 2377 om. την. 309 και εζησεν απο της μαχαιρης 046 𝔐K 2351 2377. 310–11 αυτη for αυτω A C P*vid. The following word order variations are preserved: του θηριου ινα και λαληση η εικων του θηριου και ποιηση του ποιησαι 𝔓47vid. του θηριου ινα και λαληση η εικων του θηριου και ποιησει ‫ ;א‬του θηριου ινα και λαληση η εικων του θηριου και ποιηση A. ποιησει for ποιηση ‫ א‬2329 2351 vgmss. 312 προσκυνησουσιν ‫ א‬051 1006c 2351. την εικονα A. 313 ποιησει for ποιει ‫א‬c 1854 2329 vg co Vic; εποιει 1611 Prim.

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323

324 324–25 325 328 330 332 333–34 334 335–36 342

344 344–45 345 346 347 349 350

𝔓47 ‫ א‬syph sa om. και ο αριθμος αυτου; C P 051 𝔐A και ο αριθμος αυτου εστιν; 𝔓47 reads εστιν δε. The supplements do not account for the text of the beginning of the line. η with a supralinear stroke may indicate a deletion mark, and thus an error of some sort preceded χιϛ. The number 616 is attested in a few witnesses C 5 11 Tyc. Ps.-Augustine homilies on the Apocalypse (PL XXXV 24.37). Irenaeus condemns some texts for containing the number 616 (Adv. Haer. 5.30.1). The majority of witnesses read εξακοσιοι εξηκοντα εξ either written out or as χξϛ 𝔓47 ‫ א‬A 046 051 𝔐 1611 2329 2377; εξακοσια εξηκοντα πεντε 2344; εξακοσια εξηκοντα εξ P 1006 1841 1854 2053vid. 𝔓47 P 051 1854 𝔐A sa om. το (1st); εστως 𝔓47 051 𝔐A 1006 1611 1841 1854 2053 2329 Or; εστηκος 046 2377 𝔐K. C om. το (2nd). C reads ορος in place of το ορος Σιων. αυτου αριθμος 046 2377 𝔐K syh. φωνην ως 𝔓47. φωνην for η φωνη ην 𝔓47 P 2053 𝔐A; 𝔐A om. ως. 𝔓47 2053 ar t also include φωνην following ως, other witnesses read ως κιθαρωδων ‫ א‬A C P 046 051 𝔐. αδουσιν ως A C 051 1006 1841 𝔐A lat syph. C om. και των πρεσβυτερων. ενωπιον πρεσβυτερων ‫א‬. The line could also be restored ουδε εις with 046 051 2377 𝔐K. αι χιλιαδες C. αμωμοι γαρ 𝔓47 ‫ א‬046 1006 1611 1841 2329 2351 𝔐K ar t vgcl syph.h** co Or; οτι αμωμοι 051; αμωμοι A C P 1854 2053 lat. Although not attested elsewhere, it appears that P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 preserved a word order variation: και αλλον ειδον αγγελον where other witnesses read και ειδον αλλον αγγελον. 𝔓47 ‫ *א‬046 𝔐 1854 2344 sa Or Vic om. αλλον. The supplement ευαγγελισασθαι (𝔓47 ‫ א‬1854 2329 Or) is unlikely here given the length of the line. επι τους 𝔓47 ‫ א‬A C P 1611 1854 2053 2329 syph Or. καθημενους 𝔓47 ‫ א‬C P 1611 1854 2053 2329 etc.; καθημενους τους κατοικουντας 𝔐A. 𝔐A om. επι (2nd). 𝔓47 051 1611 2053 λεγοντα; ‫ א‬om. λεγων; A om. εν. κυριον for θεον 046 𝔐K gig (t) vgcl syhmg Bea. δοξασατε αυτον for δοτε αυτω 𝔓47. τω θεω τω ποιησαντι for τω ποιησαντι 2329 gig; αυτον τον (– 046*) ποιησαντα 046 𝔐K. It is unlikely that the papyrus had the definite article την before θαλασσαν with 𝔓47 ‫ א‬046 051 𝔐K 1854 2053 2329 Or.

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

pages 23–24: frags. (x) to (z) Fragments from a new leaf.

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358–59 βασανισθησονται A 1006 1841 vgms co Tyc. 359–60 των αγιων αγγελων 046 𝔐K; ενωπιον των αγγελων A. 360 Following ενωπιον, the witnesses read του αρνιου και ο καπνος του. The supplement is too long for the line and therefore an omission of some sort is likely. 361 αιωνα αιωνων (αιωνος C) C P 051; αιωνας των αιωνων ‫א‬. 363 The supplement is not long enough to complete both the end of l. 362 and the beginning of l.  363. The papyrus was likely witness to an expansion of the text. A sense break is unlikely here. 377 ουρανου for ναου 051 2053 𝔐A; ναου αυτου ‫ ;א‬κραζων εκ του ναου A. 378 ανακραζων 𝔓47 Prim. 380 εξηλθεν 𝔓47; σου η ωρα θερισαι 051 𝔐A; η ωρα του θερισαι 1006 1841 1854 2053 2329 it Prim Bea; η ωρα του θερισμου ‫ ;א‬ο θερισμος 𝔓47. 381 Perhaps the line should be restored θερισμος της] γ̣η̣ ς ̣ [.

→

ηκμασεν η σταφυλη της γης 046 𝔐K. επι την γην 𝔓47 1611; επι της γης ‫א‬. την μεγαλην ‫ א‬1006 1841 1854 2053 gig syph.hmg; του μεγαλου 𝔓47 1611 syh. εξω for εξωθεν ‫ א‬051 1854 𝔐A. μεχρι for αχρι 𝔓47. διακοσιων ‫ *א‬syph. χιλιων εξακοσιων 𝔓47 ‫א‬c A C P 046 𝔐K; χιλιων πεντακοσιων Lvt (gig); χιλιων εξακοσιων εξ 2036. 412 εφανερωθη 𝔓47. 415 𝔓47 ‫ א‬P 046 051 1006 1854 2053 2062 pm om. οι. 415–16 οι ησαν for εκ του ναου 046 𝔐K. 416 λιθον for λινον A C 2053 2062 vgst syhmg; λινουν 𝔓47 (‫ )א‬046 ar gig (h). 418 𝔓47 ‫𝔐 *א‬A om. εν; 𝔓47 om. ζωων.

391 392–93 394 395 396 397

Date: III/IV

38 P.Oxy. LXVI 4500 (Uncial 0308) Revelation 11:15-18 4.8 × 5.9 cm TM no. 65899

Material: Parchment

Published: N. Gonis, J. Chapa, W. E. H. Cockle, D. Obbink, P. J. Parsons, and J. D. Thomas (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXVI (London, 1999), 35–37 (no. 4500). Related Literature: J. K. Elliott, “Seven Recently Published New Testament Fragments from Oxyrhynchus,” NovT 42 (2000): 212.

New Testament Texts [38]

161

Introduction This small fragmentary leaf from a single-column parchment codex dates to the third or fourth century and is written by a very skilled scribe in a rounded uncial that is largely bilinear. As is typical with parchment codices, there is some transfer of ink from opposing pages, and in places the ink from the reverse side is visible on the front side. The handwriting was compared to 0171 (PSI I 2 + II 124 + P.Berol. inv. 11863, IV, Hermopolis Magna) and P.Amh. II 24 (second half IV, Demosthenes) in the ed. pr. A complete page would have had 14 lines of writing, giving a writing area of approximately 6.0 × 6.5 cm. A portion of the inner margin (1 cm) survives and a portion of the top margin survives (.5 cm), which would indicate that a complete page was no smaller than 8 × 8 cm. The codex was thus a miniature codex and of Turner’s Group 11. A similar size miniature codex from Oxyrhynchus is P.Oxy. VIII 1080 [46], which had a page size of 9.5 × 7.8 cm and 14 lines to the page. There is no visible punctuation on the page, and the scribe employed the usual nomina sacra. Despite its small size, the fragment is witness to several important readings. The papyrus includes ἀμήν at the end of Revelation 11:15 following ‫א‬, the Clementine Vulgate, and the Bohairic Coptic. The witnesses for the omission of ἀμήν are 𝔓47 A B C Ψ and 𝔐. The papyrus does not omit οἱ before εἴκοσι τέσσαρες as do ‫ *א‬and A, and it almost certainly omitted οἱ before ἐνώπιον at Revelation 11:16 following 𝔓47 and A. The parchment, however, departs from 𝔓47 in reading καθήμενοι instead of κάθηνται. In fact, the parchment does not attest to either of the unique readings of 𝔓47 in Revelation 11:17-18 (μένουσαν for μεγάλην and ὀργίσθη for ὠργίσθησαν). P.Oxy. LXVI 4500 contains one reading that is unique to the Greek witnesses: the reading καὶ before τοῖς προφήταις, a reading that is attested only in the Sahidic Coptic and one Old Latin manuscript. Flesh Side ] ἡ βασιλεί[α τοῦ κόσ-] [μ]ου τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ ἡμ[ῶν καὶ] [τ]οῦ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ αὐτο[ῦ, καὶ βασι-] λ̣ εύσει εἰς το[ὺς αἰῶ-] 5 νας τῶν αἰ[ώνων ἀμὴν.] καὶ οἱ κ̅δ ̅ πρ[εσβύτεροι] ἐνώπιον [τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ κα-] θήμενο̣[ι ἐπὶ τοὺς θρό-] νους α [̣ ὐτῶν ἔπεσαν] 10 ἐπὶ [τὰ πρόσωπα αὐτῶν] κ [̣ αὶ Hair Side κ]α ὶ̣ ὁ ἦν, [καὶ ὅτι] [εἴλη]φας τὴν δύν[αμίν]

11:15

11:16

11:17

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

162

5

10

[σου] τὴν μεγάλ [̣ ην] [καὶ ἐβ]ασίλευσας. κα [̣ ὶ] [τὰ ἔθν]η ὠργίσθησα[ν,] [καὶ ἦλθ]ε ̣ν ἡ ὀργή σου̣ [καὶ ὁ καιρ]ὸ̣ς τῶν νε[κρῶν κρι]θ̣ῆναι καὶ [δοῦναι τὸν μι]σθὸν [τοῖς δούλοις σο]υ καὶ [τοῖς προφήταις] καὶ [ ].

11:18

Flesh Side 1 αι βασιλειαι 1. 5 𝔓47 A B C 𝔐 Ψ etc. om. αμην. 6 ‫ *א‬A 2053txt om. οι. 7 ‫ א‬C P 𝔐K 051 1611 1854 2053 2329 2344 2351 read οι ενωπιον. 7–8 καθηνται 𝔓47 ‫א‬c C 1006 1611 1841 2053 2344; οι καθηνται ‫ *א‬046 𝔐K; οι καθημενοι 2351. 8–9 𝔓47 om. επι τους θρονους αυτων. 9 και επεσαν ‫ א‬1006 1841. Hair Side 1 ‫א‬c A 𝔐 lat sy om. και (2nd). The longer reading και ο ερχομενος οτι following ην 051 1006 1841 vgcl (bo) Tyc (Bea) is not possible here. 3 μενουσαν for μεγαλην 𝔓47. 5 οργισθη 𝔓47; ωργισθη ‫*א‬. 7 κληρος for καιρος C. 7–8 εθνων for νεκρων 522 617 2020 2027. 10 All Greek witnesses om. και before τοις προφηταις. The inclusion of και is supported by h and the Sahidic Coptic.

Date: III/IV

39 P.Oxy. LXXIII 4934 (𝔓125) 1 Peter 1:23–2:5, 7-11 9.5 × 15.0 cm TM no. 117814

Material: Papyrus

Published: D. Obbink and N. Gonis (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXIII (London, 2009), 17–22 (no. 4934). Related Literature: T. S. Caulley, “The Chrestos/Christos Pun (1 Pet 2:3) in P72 and P125,” NovT 53 (2011): 376–87; J. K. Elliott, “The Early Text of the Catholic Epistles,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 221–22.

New Testament Texts [39]

163

Introduction P.Oxy. LXXIII 4934 preserves 44 fragmentary lines of writing from a thirdor fourth-century papyrus codex. The handwriting has been described in the ed. pr. as a “medium-size, slightly right-sloping, informal version of the formal mixed group.”24 It is largely bilinear with the usual exception of ρ, υ, φ, and ψ. It was compared in the ed. pr. to P.Flor. II 108 (mid-III, Homer), P.Oxy. I 2 (III, Gospel of Matthew [5]), and P.Oxy. LXIV 4401 (III, Gospel of Matthew [6]); however, J. Chapa also notes some traits of the Severe Style, and so P.Herm. 4 and 5 (a Letter from John and Leon to Theophanes, and a Letter from Hermodorus to Theophanes, ca. 325) and P.Oxy. VII 1008 (IV, Philippians [30]) are also important comparanda. Thus, the comparanda suggest a date no earlier than the third century and probably closer to the fourth. On the reverse side, there are the remains of the right-hand margin (.7 cm), and on the front there are the remains of a portion of the top margin (1.5 cm). Line lengths vary from the front to the reverse, and a typical line had about 22 letters. A complete page would have contained approximately 30 lines of text. Based on the amount of missing text and the current size of the fragment, it is possible to reconstruct the size of the original codex. It appears to have been roughly half as wide as it was tall and of Turner’s Group 8. The dimensions of the codex were approximately 13 × 23 cm. Chapa estimates that this leaf was part of a longer codex that contained other books. Diaeresis is used over initial ι and υ (ll. 8, 12, 17, reverse 21, 22). The usual nomina sacra are used. There are no notations of grammar or punctuation. The papyrus contains several interesting readings that are worthy of mention. At 1 Peter 1:24 the papyrus agrees with 𝔓72 ‫ א‬A and B in the omission of αὐτοῦ following ἄνθος, the reading of the Byzantine witnesses. Also at 1 Peter 1:24 the papyrus reads ὡς (l. 2) with 𝔓72 , B, and C where ‫ *א‬reads ὡσεί. At 1 Peter 2:2 the papyrus does not read καί before ἄδολον, thus agreeing with 𝔓72 ‫ א‬and B. At 1 Peter 2:2 the papyrus does not omit εἰς σωτηρίαν with the Byzantine witnesses. Perhaps the most interesting feature of this papyrus is the possible reading Χριστός in 1 Peter 2:2. In the ed. pr., Chapa restored the line containing this reading with some hesitancy: χ̣ [ς̅ ο κ̅ς̅]. The traces of ink seem too faint to restore this much with confidence, but, if Chapa is correct, the papyrus agrees with 𝔓72 and L against ‫ א‬A B C Ψ 1739 and the Syriac tradition that read χρηστός. There is a notable agreement with B in 1 Peter 2:12 in the omission of ἔχοντες. The papyrus also contains the unique reading συνκαταλαλιά at 1 Peter 2:1.

→

24

[μέ]νον̣τος. δ̣[ιότι πᾶσα σὰρξ] [ὡς] χόρ̣τ̣ος̣ κ [̣ αὶ πᾶσα δόξα] P.Oxy. LXXIII, p. 17.

1:23-24

164

5

10

15

20

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

[ὡ]ς ἄνθος χ[όρτου· ἐξηράν-] [θη ὁ] χόρ̣τ̣ος κα[ὶ τὸ ἄνθος ἐξέ-] [πεσεν·] τὸ δὲ ῥῆ[μα κ(υρίο)υ μένει εἰς] [τ]ὸ̣ν αἰ ῶ ̣ ̣να. [τοῦτο δέ ἐστιν] τ̣ὸ ̣ ῥ̣ῆ̣ μα̣ ̣ τὸ ε[ὐαγγελισθὲν] εἰς ὑμᾶς .̣ Ἀπο̣ [̣ θέμενοι οὖν πᾶ-] [σ]α ̣ν κακ ί̣ αν̣ κ [̣ αὶ πάντα δόλον] [κα]ὶ ὑποκρίσ̣[ει]ς ̣ κ α̣ ὶ φ̣[θόνους] κ α̣ ὶ συνκατα λ̣ αλιά, [ὡς ἀρτιγέννη-] τα βρέφη τ[ὸ λο]γ̣ι κ̣ ὸν̣ [ἄδολον] γάλα ἐπιπ[οθ]ή σ̣ ατε, ἵν[α ἐν] αὐ̣ τῶν αὐξ [̣ η]θῆτε εἰ[ς σωτη-] ρ̣ίαν, εἰ ἐγ̣εύσ̣ασ̣θε̣ ̣ ὅ̣τ̣ι ̣ [χρηστὸς ὁ κ(ύριο)ς.] πρὸς ὃν προσε [̣ ρχόμενοι λί-] θ̣ον ζῶντα ὑπὸ ἀ[νθρώπων μὲν] ἀ[π]οδεδο̣κ μ ̣ α̣ σ̣ μ [̣ ένον, παρὰ] δ̣ὲ θ(ε)ῷ ἐκλεκτ̣ὸ ̣ν̣ [ἔντιμον,] κ̣[α]ὶ α̣ὐ̣τοὶ ὡ̣[ς] . . .[

1:25 2:1 2:2

2:3 2:4

2:5

__________ 8. pap. ϋμας. 13. pap. γελα; pap. ϊν[. 15. pap. ευγεσασθε. 17. pap. ϋπο. 18. l.  ἀποδεδοκιμασμένον?

↓ 5

10

15

20

] [ ἀπεδ]ο̣κ [̣ ίμασαν] [οἱ οἰκοδομοῦντες, ο]ὗ̣τ̣[ος] ἐ [̣ γενή-] [θη εἰς κεφαλὴν γω]νίας ̣ ̣ κα[ὶ λί-] [θος προσκόμματος] καὶ πέτ̣ρ[̣ α] [σκανδάλου· οἳ πρ]οσ̣κόψου̣[σιν] [τῷ λόγῳ ἀπειθοῦντ]ε ς̣ ̣ εἰς ὃ̣ [καὶ] [ἐτέθησαν. ὑμεῖς] δὲ γέν̣[ο]ς ἐκ [̣ λεκ-] [τόν, βασίλειον ἱ]ερ̣άτ[ε]υμ[α, ἔ-] [θνος ἅγιον, λαὸς] ε ἰ̣ ς̣ περιποίη[σιν, ὅπω]ς ̣τὰς [ἀρε]τὰς ἐξ [̣ α]γ[γείλητε] [τοῦ ἐκ σκό]τ̣[ους ὑ]μᾶς κα λ̣ έ̣ σαντος [εἰ]ς [τὸ θ]αυ̣ [̣ μ]αστὸν [φ]ῶ ς̣ · οἵ πο̣[τε ο]ὐ̣ [. . . ]ου νῦν̣ [δὲ] λαὸς θ(εο)ῦ̣, ο[ἱ] [οὐκ ἠλ]ε ̣ημένο[ι, ν]ῦ̣ν̣ δὲ ἐλ[ε]η̣ [θέντε]ς. Ἀγαπητ[οί], παρακα λ̣ ῶ [ὡς παροίκου]ς ̣ κ[αὶ] παρεπιδ̣ή -̣ [μους ἀπέ]χ ε̣ σ̣ [̣ θαι] τ̣ῶν σαρκ ι̣ [κῶν] ἐπ [̣ ιθυμιῶ]ν αἵτινε ς̣ [̣ [στρατεύοντ]αι κ[α]τὰ τῆς ψυ̣[χῆς·]

2:7 2:8

2:9

2:10 2:11

New Testament Texts [39]

[τὴν ἀναστ]ροφ̣ὴν ὑμῶ ̣ν̣ ἐν [τοῖς ἔθν]εσι[ν] καλήν, ἵ ̣ν̣α, [ἐν ᾧ κατ]α̣ λ̣ α̣ λ̣ [οῦσι]ν̣ ὑ̣μ̣ῶ [̣ ν] ] [

165

2:12

__________ 5. pap. κε. 21. pap. ϋμων. 22. pap. ϊνα. 23. pap. ϋμων.

→ 1

A number of witnesses (+ P 5 307 442 642 1175 1448c 1611 2492 Byz 1 t vgcl.ww Prisc Didpt) add εις τον αιωνα following μενοντος. οτι for διοτι 𝔓72; διο for διοτι Ψ 1852. 2 Some mss om. ως (‫א‬c A Ψ 33 307 1611 1735 1739 2492 1 vgmss sy Aug), but it should be included here based on space considerations. ωσει ‫*א‬. 3 αυτου ως ανθος ‫ ;*א‬ανθρωπου ως ανθος P Ψ 442 642 1448 2344 2492 Byz Augpt; αυτης ως ανθος 𝔓72 ‫א‬c A B C 33 81 614 945 1241 1505 1739 lat syh. 3–4 1838 sy om. εξηρανθη ο χορτος. 4–5 The longer reading αυτου εξεπεσεν (C P 307 442 642 1175 1243 1448 1739 1852 2492 Byz) can likely be ruled out on considerations of space. 7 A om. το ρημα το. 7–8 εις υμας ευαγγελισθεν 𝔓72. 10 υποκρισιν ‫א‬c B 1 t Cl Ambr Aug; υποκρισιν και φθονον 1 t vgmss syp; φονους B 1175. 11 P.Oxy. LXXIII 4934 is unique in reading και συνκαταλαλια ως where other witnesses read και πασας καταλαλιας 𝔓72 B C Ψ 33 614 etc.; και πασαν καταλαλιαν ‫ ;*א‬καταλαλιας (om. πασας) A; καταλαλιαν (om. πασας) Cl. 12 και αδολον 33 642 1448 1611 2344 1 vgww syh Eus Did. 13 The ed. pr. om. εν at the end of l. 13 perhaps because the next line reads αυτων instead of αυτω. The omission of εν would indicate that αυτων is part of a larger variation unit rather than a simple scribal mistake. The length of the line strongly suggests that it read εν. 14–15 642 Byzpt om. εις σωτηριαν. αξιωθητε 61 69 915. 15 ειπερ for ει ‫א‬c C P Ψ 5 33vid 81 307 436 442 642 1175 1243 1448 1611 1739 1852 2344 2492 Byz 1 vgcl.ww Cyr; εγευσασθαι επιστευσατε for εγευσασθε 𝔓72. Χριστος for χρηστος 𝔓72 33 442 642 1243 1611 1735 1852 2344 Byzpt samss bo. In the ed. pr. the end of the line was restored χ̣ [ς̅ ο κ̅ς̅. The traces of ink are so slight at the end of the line that the reading is difficult to confidently restore. 17 απο ανθρωπων C 307c 1175 1243 1611 1739 1852 2492; υπερ ανθρωπων 5.

↓ 5 6 7 12

13 14

The reconstruction of this line is rather dubious as one would expect προσκομματος και πετρα. The first fully visible letter is an obvious epsilon and thus part of a unique reading or error of some sort, although κε for και is possible. Some Bohairic witnesses and 1409 also attest to the reading προσκοψουσιν, all other witnesses read προσκοπτουσιν. απιστουντες B; απειθουσιν 1852; απειθουντι 1241; εις ον 1448 1611. καλεσαντος υμας l 1575 (0203). The spacing at the beginning of the line is somewhat questionable, and there does not appear to be enough room for the scribe to have written του εκ σκοτους as restored here. There are no attested variants that would help explain a possible omission, but the omission of του or εκ is probable. Only 𝔓72 and some Sahidic and Bohairic witnesses attest to the omission of αυτου after θαυμαστον in agreement with P.Oxy. LXXIII 4934. αγαθον φως for θαυμαστον φως 1890. The reconstruction of the beginning of the line is uncertain and perhaps the line originally

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

166

contained a scribal error of parablepsis connected with the repetition of the word λαος and thus λαος θεου. There are, however, no deletion marks above ]ου. The ed. pr. suggests ]μ̣ ου, but Chapa was not confident enough in the reading to restore μ in the edition but only in the notes. 15 ηγαπημενοι for ηλεημενοι 049. 18 απεχεσθε 𝔓72 Α C P 5 33 81 442 1243 1735 1852 2344 2492 Byzpt vgmss syh bo. 19 The length of the line is rather short and one would expect something following αιτινες, but there are no attested variants following αιτινες. 21–22 υμιν ‫א‬. την αναστροφην . . . εθνεσιν καλην, some mss (P 642 Byz) read υμων την αναστροφην εχοντες καλην εν τοις εθνεσιν and others read υμων την αναστροφην εν τοις εθνεσιν καλην εχοντες (𝔓72 1243 2492). P.Oxy. LXXIII 4935 om. εχοντες as does B. 23 καταλαλωσιν P 5 307 442 1243 2344 2492 Byzpt Clv.l..

Date: III/IV

40 P.Oxy. XI 1353 (Uncial 0206) 1 Peter 5:5-13 13.5 × 10.1 cm TM no. 61910; Van Haelst 0551

Material: Parchment

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XI (London, 1915), 5–6 (no. 1353). Related Literature: G. Cavallo, Ricerche sulla maiuscola biblica (Florence, 1967), 66; E. G. Turner, The Typology of the Early Codex (Philadelphia, 1977), 82–84; D. Barker, “How Long and Old Is the Codex of Which P.Oxy. 1353 Is a Leaf?” in Jewish and Christian Scripture as Artifact and Canon, ed. C. A. Evans and H. D. Zacharias (London, 2009), 192–202. Introduction P.Oxy. XI 1353 preserves four mutilated fragments of a leaf from a parchment codex written in iron gall ink. The size of the page measured 13.5 × 10.1 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 9. The handwriting is a biblical uncial with some similarities to the handwriting of Codex Sinaiticus. On the date of the handwriting, B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt offered only the comparison to ‫א‬, which is likely why they were inclined to see it as a fourth-century production. They did not mention the writing material as influencing their suggested dating of the codex. G. Cavallo has suggested that the leaf dates to the late fourth century. 25 In a more recent study of the leaf, D. Barker has reconsidered the question of the paleographical dating suggested by others and has redated the codex as early as the third century. He offers a variety of new and compelling comparanda, notably P.Oxy. IV 661 (II). Barker notes that the leaf belongs to a “small deluxe parchment,” and by deluxe Barker 25

Cavallo, Ricerche sulla maiuscola biblica, 66.

New Testament Texts [40]

167

means that the edition was written in careful block lettering with a strong emphasis on bilinearity. 26 At l. 3 there is a > sign at the end of the line to fill up space, although it is difficult to see in the available photographs and Grenfell and Hunt noted its presence with some hesitation. The text is interesting because of the page number in the top-right corner of the reverse that was added to the leaf by a different scribe. Grenfell and Hunt originally read the page number as σκθ, or 229, but the first letter is actually an ω with a supralinear stroke and thus 800.27 The next letter is either ι (ωιθ, 819) or κ (ωκθ, 829). With over 800 pages in such a small format, the book would have been rather small and bulky. Turner notes that the largest Greek or Coptic codex of which he was aware was the Coptic Manichaean Psalm Book, which had at least 638 pages, while he notes several Latin codices that were significantly larger still. At 800+ pages, this is the largest Greek codex to date on parchment from Oxyrhynchus, and by Barker’s estimation it is possible that the codex contained the Letters from Romans through 1 Peter, which would have needed approximately 778 pages on a codex of this size. There are also several interesting readings that are noteworthy. At 1 Peter 5:8 the parchment includes the article ὁ before διάβολος, a reading that is also attested in 𝔓72 . Also in 1 Peter 5:8 the text agrees with B Ψ and 1175 in reading καταπεῖν against other witnesses that read τίνα καταπιεῖν or τίνα καταπίῃ. At 1 Peter 5:9 the text agrees with A in reading ἐν κόσμῳ against ‫ א‬and B, which read ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ. At 1 Peter 5:10 it reads ἡμᾶς with a few minuscules, some Vulgate manuscripts, the Syriac Peshitta, and some Bohairic witnesses. At 1 Peter 5:10 it agrees with A B and Ψ in omitting θεμελιώσει and in the word order καταρτίσει στηρίξει σθενώσει. At 1 Peter 5:11 it is closer to A and B in reading κράτος, while it is unique in omitting the definite article (τό) before the noun. At the end of that verse, it agrees with ‫ א‬A and P for the longer reading εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων ἀμήν (“forever and ever, Amen”) against 𝔓72 and B, which omit τῶν αἰώνων.

↓ 5

26 27

[δί-] δωσι χάριν. Τ[α]πεινώθη[τ]ε οὖν ὑπὸ τὴν κρ[α]ται[ὰ]ν χεῖρα τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, ἵνα ὑμᾶς ὑψώσῃ ἐν καιρῷ, πᾶσαν [τ]ὴ̣ ν̣ μέριμνα[ν] ὑ[μῶν ἐπιρί-] ψατε ἐπ’ αὐ[τόν, ὅτι αὐ-] τῷ μέλει π[ερὶ ὑμῶν.] Barker, “How Long and Old,” 192–202. P.Oxy. XI pp. 5–6.

5:5-6

5:7

168

10

15

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

νήψατε, γρη[γορήσα-] [τε.] ὁ ἀντί[δικος ὑ]μ[ῶ(ν)] [ὁ διά]β̣ο̣ [̣ λος ὡς λέ]ων [ὠρ]υόμεν[ος περ]ιπα[τεῖ] ζητῶν [κα]τ̣[α]πεῖ(ν)· [ᾧ ἀ]ντίστητε στε[ρε]οὶ τῇ πί[στ]ει εἰδό[τες] τὰ αὐτὰ τῶν πα[θημά]τ[ων] τῇ ἐν κό-

5:8

5:9

__________ 2. pap. ϋπο. 3–4. pap. ϊνα >. 4. pap. ϋψωση. 6. pap. ϋμων.

→

20

25

30

35

ωκ θ̣ ̣ σμῳ [ὑ]μῶν ἀ[δε]λφότητ̣ι ̣ ἐ ̣πι̣ ̣τελεῖσθαι. [ὁ] δὲ θ(εὸ)ς πάσης χάριτ[ο]ς ,̣ [ὁ] καλέσας ἡμᾶς εἰς τὴν αἰώνιο[ν] αὐτοῦ δόξαν ἐν [Χ(ριστ)ῷ ὀλίγ]ον π[α]θόντας [αὐτὸς κα]τ̣αρτίει, στη[ρίξει, σθ]ενώσει. αὐτῷ [κράτος εἰ]ς τοὺς αἰῶνας [τῶν αἰώ]νων, ἀμ[ήν.] Δ [̣ ιὰ Σιλουανοῦ ὑμῖν] [τοῦ πιστ]οῦ ἀδε[λφοῦ,] ὡ[ς λογίζ]ομαι, δ[ι’ ὀλί-] γ[ω]ν ἔγραψα, παρ[ακα-] λῶν καὶ ἐπιμαρτ[υρῶν] ταύτη[ν] εἶναι ἀλη[θῆ] χάριν̣ θ̣(εο)[ῦ]: εἰς ἣν [στῆτε.] ἀσ[π]άζετ[αι ὑ]μ̣[ᾶς

5:10

5:11 5:12

5:13

__________ 19. pap. επιλεισθε.

3 5 6–7 8 10 11 13

χειραν ‫ א‬A. καιρω επισκοπης πασαν A P (+ υμων Ψ) 5 33 436 442 1735 2344 (it) vg syh** bo (Spec.). αποριψαντες 𝔓72; επιριψαντες ‫ א‬A B C P Ψ 323 614 etc. The reading of P.Oxy. XI 1353 (επιριψατε) is also attested in 1175 Aug. ημων for υμων ‫ *א‬33 436 442. οτι ο αντιδικος 𝔓72 ‫א‬c Ψ 5 33 442 1175 1243 1448 1611 1739 1852 Byzpt latt sy co. ‫ א‬A B C P Ψ 323 614 etc. om. the definite article before διαβολος, which spacing suggests was probably included here. ζητων τινα καταπιη 𝔓72 A 436 642 2492 lat; ζητων τινα καταπιειν ‫ א‬P 5 81 307 442 1243 1611 1739 1852 Byzpt; ζητων τινα καταπιει 33vid 1448 1735 2344 Byzpt.

New Testament Texts [41]

169

𝔓72 om. ω. εδραιοι for στερεοι 𝔓72. ειδοτες οτι 𝔓72 1448 1611. τω κοσμω 𝔓72 ‫ א‬B. αδελφοτητι υμων K; L om. υμων. επιτελεισθε ‫ א‬A B* 33 442 1175 1243 1448 1611 1852 2344 syh?; επιτελειται 𝔓72. υμας 𝔓72 ‫ א‬Α Β P Ψ 𝔐 lat. αυτου βασιλειαν και δοξαν L. εν τω Χριστω B; εν Χριστω Ιησου 𝔓72 A P Ψ 5 33 81 307 436 442 642 1175 1243 1448 1735 1739 1852 2344 2492 Byz latt syh** bo. 24–25 καταρτιει is probably an error for καταρτισει. καταρτισαι στηριξαι σθενωσαι θεμελιωσαι 1448 1611 syh?; καταρτισει στηριξει σθενωσει A B Ψ vg; καταρτισαι υμας στηριξει σθενωσει θεμελιωσει P 307 1735; καταρτισει υμας στηριξει σθενωσει θεμελιωσει 5 642 1739c 2492; καταρτισει στηριξει θεμελιωσει 𝔓72 81 1175 r t vgmss syp; καταρτισει στηριξει σθενωσει θεμελιωσει ‫ א‬33 436 442 1243 1739* 1852 2344 syh? 26 Following αυτω (l. 25), the majority of witnesses read η δοξα και το κρατος ‫ א‬P 307 442 642 1735 2492 Byzpt vgcl (syp); η δοξα κρατος Byzpt; δοξα κρατος 436; το κρατος και η δοξα 5 33 81 1175 1243 1448 1611 1739 1852 2344 syh bo; το κρατος A B Ψ vgst.ww. 26–27 εις τους αιωνας αμην 𝔓72 B 307 bo. 30–31 δια βραχεων for δι’ ολιγων 𝔓72; δι’ ολιγον 1852. 32 επιμαρτυρων και ‫א‬. 34 P.Oxy. XI 1353 is unique in om. the definite article before θεου ‫ א‬A B P 69 614; εστηκατε for στητε P 307 642 1448 1611 2492 Byz h r vgcl; αιτειτε for στητε Ψ. 14 14–15 15–16 17 18–19 19 21 22 22–23

Date: IV

41 P.Oxy. XXIV 2385 (𝔓71) Matthew 19:10-11, 17-18 5.0 × 9.5 cm TM no. 61794; Van Haelst 0368

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. Lobel et al.  (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXIV (London, 1957), 5–6 (no. 2385). Introduction This small papyrus fragment originates from a papyrus codex of the Gospel of Matthew. The reconstruction is rather tenuous because neither the beginning nor ending of lines remain, and thus the reconstruction is based on estimated line lengths. The handwriting is a biblical uncial somewhat similar to Vaticanus and “with some pretensions to style.”28 In the ed. pr., the handwriting was compared to P.Oxy. XIII 1600, a Christian literary text dated to the fifth century. There is a strong tendency toward geometric letterforms, particularly for α, δ, and η. The handwriting is mostly bilinear with υ sometimes extending below the line, while ρ extends only slightly. There is no punctuation, and the 28

P.Oxy. XXIV p. 5.

170

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

nomen sacrum for ἄνθρωπος (α̅ν̅ο̅υ̅) is probably required in l. 2. The original size of the codex can be estimated broadly based on line lengths of roughly 19–24 letters per line for the front and 16–19 letters per line on the reverse. About 550 letters are missing between the front and the reverse, and thus about 26–27 lines are missing between the two sides. A complete column of writing would have had about 31–32 lines. The codex was originally taller than it was wide, and, allowing for margins, an approximate size of 31–32 cm tall and 16.5 cm wide is probable. The codex would thus fall into Turner’s Group 5. The papyrus agrees with B against 𝔓25 and ‫ *א‬in including αὐτῷ in Matthew 19:10 following λέγουσιν. Also, the papyrus probably omitted the personal pronoun αὐτοῦ following οἱ μαθηταί. 𝔓25 includes the pronoun, while the majority of uncials do not. In both of these instances, the papyrus agrees with B and other witnesses. Perhaps the most significant reading is the omission of Ἰησοῦς in l. 10 following ὁ δέ. The omission is attested in a few late witnesses, and P.Oxy. XXIV 2385 provides the earliest evidence for the omission. The papyrus also agrees with B in reading ἔφη instead of εἶπεν in Matthew 19:18, a reading that is also attested in f 13. The papyrus does attest to one singular reading, the omission of ἡ before αἰτία (l. 3), which should be attributed to scribal error when the scribe confused η with the final ν οf ἐστίν and omitted η as a result.

→ 5

↓

10 2 3 4 5 7–8

[λέ-] [γο]υ̣[σιν] αὐ̣ [̣ τῷ] ο̣ἱ ̣ μα̣ [̣ θηταὶ,] εἰ οὕτως ἐστὶν αἰτία το[ῦ ἀν(θρώπ)ου] [μετὰ τ]ῆς γυναικός, [οὐ συμ-] [φέ]ρ̣[ει] γ̣αμῆσαι. ὁ δὲ [εἶπεν] [αὐ]τοῖς· οὐ πάντες χω[ροῦσιν]

19:10

θέ[̣λε]ι̣ς̣ εἰ̣ς̣ τ̣ὴ̣[ν ζωὴν] εἰσε λ̣ θεῖν, τ̣ή̣ ρ̣ε ι̣ ̣ [τὰς ἐν-] τ̣ολάς. Λέγει αὐ̣ ̣τ̣[ῷ· ποίας; ] ὁ δὲ ἔφη· τ̣ὸ οὐ̣ φ̣[ονεύ-] σ̣η̣ ς, οὐ μοιχεύσει[ς,]

19:17

19:11

19:18

𝔓25 ‫ *א‬om. αυτω; μαθηται αυτου 𝔓25 C D L K N W Z Γ Δ f 1.13 𝔐 078 33 565 579 700 892 1241 1424 lat sy samss bo. The length of the line does not appear to permit the longer reading. ‫ *א‬om. ει; the article η before αιτια is probably om. through a simple scribal error; ουτως ετιος (= αιτιος) γινεται ανθρωπος 𝔓25; ανδρος D. γυναικος αυτου Y Π 565. Ιησους ειπεν K M Y Π. Following θελεις M U W Γ Δ 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 118 157 700 788 1071 1241 1346 1424 syh read εισελθειν εις την ζωην τηρησον τας εντολας; Δ* reads εισελθειν τηρησον εις την ζωην τηρησον τας εντολας; τηρησον ‫ א‬C K L W Γ Δ Θ 𝔐 f 1.13 33 124 579 700 892 1241 1424 l 2211.

New Testament Texts [42]

171

In place of λεγει αυτω ποιας ‫ א‬L 124 579 (r1) read ποιας φησιν; f 1 ο δε λεγει ποιας; 892 ο δε φησιν ποιας. 10 Following δε most witnesses add Ιησους (F f 13 788 1346 1424 also om. Iησους). ειπεν for εφη ‫ א‬C D F H (ειπεν αυτω) K L M U W Δ Θ 𝔐 f 1 2 28 33 69 157 565 579 700 1071 1424; D M W om. το. 10–11 Only 579 reads φονευσης; φωνευσεις 1071, most mss read φονευσεις. 11 μοιχευσης 579; μηχευσεις 1071. 9

Date: IV

42 P.Oxy. LXVI 4494 (𝔓110) Matthew 10:13-14, 25-27 7.0 × 3.8 cm TM no. 65893

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis, J. Chapa, W. E. H. Cockle, D. Obbink, P. J. Parsons, and J. D. Thomas (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXVI (London, 1999), 1–3 (no. 4494); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 115–16. Related Literature: P. M. Head, “Some Recently Published NT Papyri from Oxyrhynchus: An Overview and Preliminary Assessment,” TynBul 51 (2000): 10–11; J. K. Elliott, “Seven Recently Published New Testament Fragments from Oxyrhynchus,” NovT 42 (2000): 209–13; T. Wasserman, “The Early Text of Matthew,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 101–2. Introduction This rather small fragment contains portions of 17 lines of the Gospel of Matthew from a papyrus codex that dates from the fourth century. The fragment is broken on all sides with the exception of a small segment of the right-hand margin on the front and left-hand margin of the reverse. The text is written in a black carbon ink in a right-sloping reformed documentary hand. The lines of writing tend to undulate slightly, and the scribe at times attempts to create bilinear lines and at other times seems less inclined to do so. β, υ, and φ extend above the line of writing, while other letters occasionally do so (λ, τ, ω). The scribe was also inclined to use small serifs at times. The oval of φ is pronounced, while ω has a flat bottom. The hasta of ε and the middle stroke of θ are extended. In the ed. pr., P.ChesterBeatty I (III) and P.Flor. II 108 (mid-III) are cited as comparanda, but W. E. H. Cockle felt that the “exaggerated width of phi and alpha” suggest a later date.29 Additionally, P.Oxy. XV 1778 (IV [95]) 29

P.Oxy. LXVI p. 1.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

172

was cited as a somewhat later example of the same hand. The scribe employs diaeresis over initial υ (ll. 3, 6), and an apostrophe is used three times (ll. 7, 12, and 15). Rough breathings occur in ll. 11, 15, and 16. The scribe also employs a variety of stops to indicate punctuation, suggesting that the fragment at one time belonged to a codex that was used for public reading. There are enlarged spaces (l. 7) and low and middle stops that are used generously (ll. 3, 4, 11, 13, 14). Final ν is indicated by a supralinear stroke once (l. 2). A complete page contained roughly 40–43 lines of text with an average of 24–26 letters per line. The codex to which this fragment belonged would have measured approximately 11 × 20 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 8. Despite the small size of this fragment, it is interesting for several reasons. First, it exhibits an unusually high number of unique readings, some of which seem attributable to the carelessness of the scribe and others that are more uncertain. At Matthew 10:13a the scribe omits ὑμῶν following εἰρήνη, a reading that is otherwise unattested. At Matthew 10:14 the papyrus also preserves the unique reading ἐξερχομένων, a genitive plural participle, instead of ἐξερχόμενοι, a nominative plural participle. The shift from nominative to genitive should likely be interpreted as belonging to a circumstantial participle where a genitive absolute is sometimes used in the New Testament. 30 The papyrus also included ὑμῶν following the participle, which is perhaps a simple scribal error. The spelling ἐκμάξατε, probably intended as a form of ἐκμάσσω (“to wipe”), is unexpected where all other witnesses read ἐκτινάξατε (“to shake”). Also in Matthew 10:14, the papyrus preserves a reading that is probably the result of harmonization with Luke 9:5 where the papyrus has ἀπὸ τῶν ποδῶν (“from the feet”) instead of (ἐκ) τῶν ποδῶν. Luke 9:5 also uses the preposition ἀπό instead of ἐκ. At Matthew 10:25 the word order ἐπεκάλεσαν Βεελζεβούλ is reversed from the word order attested in all other witnesses. In addition to its unique readings, P.Oxy. LXVI 4494 preserves a number of readings that indicate something of its textual character. We cannot be certain that the papyrus read ἐφ᾽ ὑμᾶς with ‫ א‬B and W at Matthew 10:13, but it is the more likely reconstruction. The papyrus reads ἐάν instead of ἄν with the Majority text at Matthew 10:14. The papyrus also agrees with the Byzantine witnesses in omitting ἔξω before τῆς οἰκίας at Matthew 10:14. At Matthew 10:14 the papyrus adds ἢ κώμης with ‫ א‬and a few minuscules. At Matthew 10:25 the spelling of Βεελζεβούλ is that of the Majority text. ↓ ].... ε]ἰ ρ̣ ̣ή̣ ν̣η̣ ἐπ’ αὐτή(ν), 10:13 [ἐὰν δὲ μὴ ᾖ] ἀ ξ̣ ία, ἡ εἰρήνη ὑμῶν F. Blass and A. Debrunner, A Greek Grammar of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature (Cambridge, 1961), §417. 30

New Testament Texts [42]

5

→

10

15

[ἐφ’ ὑμᾶς ἐπισ]τραφήτω. καὶ ὃς ἐὰν μὴ [δέξηται ὑμᾶ]ς μηδὲ ἀκούσῃ το̣ὺς λόγους [ὑμῶν, ἐξε]ρ̣χομένων ὑμῶν τῆς οἰ[κίας ἢ τῆς πό]λεως ἢ κώμης ἐκμάξα[τε τὸν κονιορτὸ]ν̣ ἀ ̣πὸ τῶ ̣ν̣ π̣ο [̣ δῶν

173

10:14

γένη-] 10:25 τ̣αι ὡς ὁ̣ [διδάσκαλος αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ δοῦλος] ὡς ὁ κ(ύριο)ς αὐ̣ ̣τοῦ. ε ἰ̣ ̣ [τὸν οἰκοδεσπότην ἐπεκά-] λεσ〚ε〛`α´ν Βεελζεβοὺ̣λ ,̣ πό̣ σ̣ ̣ῳ̣ [μᾶλλον τοὺς] οἰκιοὺς αὐτοῦ. Μὴ οὖν 〚β〛 φ[οβηθῆτε] 10:26 αὐτούς· οὐδὲν γάρ ἐστιν [κεκαλυμμέ-] νον ὃ οὐκ ἀποκαλυφθ[ήσεται καὶ] [κρ]υ̣ π τὸ̣ν ὃ οὐ γνωσθήσε[ται. ὃ λέγω 10:27 [ὑμῖν ἐν τῇ σ]κ̣ο̣[τίᾳ __________ 3. pap. αξια·; pap. ϋμων. 4. pap. επιστραφητω.. 6. pap. ϋμων. 7. pap. εκ᾽μαξατε. 11. pap. ὡς ὁ; pap. αυτου.. 12. pap. βεελ᾽ζεβουλ. 13. pap. αυτου.. 14. pap. αυτους.. 15. pap. ὁ ουκ’. 16. pap. ὁ.

The omission of υμων following ειρηνη (l. 2) is unique to P.Oxy. LXIV 4494. 579 om. επ’ αυτην εαν δε μη η αξια η ειρηνη υμων. 3 ει δε μη γε for εαν δε μη η αξια D (D* om. η before ειρηνη); ει δε μη αξια L. 4 προς υμας D L Y 579 700; επαναστραφητω Y; απιστραφητω 700; οσοι for ος L; αν for εαν ‫ א‬B D K L N W f 13 33 157 565 700 788 1424. 4–5 B* om. μη δεξεται; δεξονται L. 5 ακουσωσιν L; των λογων W*. 6–7 The singular reading of P.Oxy. LXVI 4494 (εξερχομενων υμων) may result in part from the omission of υμων before εξερχομενων. All other witnesses read εξερχομενοι. The repetition of υμων would be awkward, although there are no attested variants that would explain what preceded the verb. εξερχομενοι εξω ‫ א‬Β Θ 33 157 1424; εξερχομενοι εκ L; D (εξω) om. της οικιας. 7 D L om. η (1st); ‫ א‬1424 om. της; πολεως η κωμης ‫ א‬f 13 892 1346 (πολεως η της κωμης 0281) vgmss syhmg co; D om. εκεινης after πολεως. 7–8 The spelling of εκμαξα[τε] creates a nonsense reading. The expected reading is εκτιναξατε. 8 εκ των ‫ א‬C 33 157 892 0281 lat; all other witnesses read κονιορτον των. The parallel passage in Luke 9:5 reads απο των ποδων. 9–11 788 om. Matt 10:25 until ει τον οικοδεσποτην; 700 om. αυτου (l. 10); τω δουλω L Θ 1424; δουλος αυτου Δ*. 11 τω οικοδεσποτη Β*; τον δεσποτην K*. 11–12 The ζ of Βεελζεβουλ is written over a σ (Βεελσεβουλ). Βεεζεβουλ ‫ א‬B; βελζεβουλ D L; Beelzebub c (ff 1) vg sy. P.Oxy. LXVI 4494 is unique in placing the verb επεκαλεσαν before Βεελζεβουλ; επεκαλεσαντο ‫ *א‬N; εκαλεσαντω L; απεκαλεσαν U Y 157*; καλουσιν D; εκαλεσαν Θ f 1 2 124 700 1424. 12–13 τοις οικιακοις B*; τους οικειακους C D M U Y W f 1 157; τους οικιακους ‫ א‬Bc K L N Δ Θ Π 𝔐 f 13 2 28 33 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424. The reading of the papyrus is most likely an error for οικιακους, a suggestion made in the ed. pr. 2–3

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

174 14 14–15 15 16

ουδε f 13. εστιν συγκεκαλυμμενον f 13 28 124 788 1346; συγκεκαλυμμενον εστιν 1071. αποκαλυψθησεται Δ. ουκ αποκαλυφθησεται for ου γνωσθησεται Ε.

Date: IV

43 P.Oxy. LXXI 4804 (𝔓120) John 1:25-28, 33-38, 42-44 3.5 × 6.0 cm TM no. 112359

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. Hatzilambrou, P. J. Parsons, and J. Chapa (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXI (London, 2007), 6–9 (no. 4804). Related Literature: M. J. Kruger, “Manuscripts, Scribes, and Book Production within Early Christianity,” in Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament, ed. S. E. Porter and A. W. Pitts (Leiden, 2013), 37 n. 106; J. K. Elliott, New Testament Textual Criticism: The Application of Thoroughgoing Principles; Essays on Manuscripts and Textual Variation (Leiden, 2010), 171–73. Introduction P.Oxy. LXXI 4804 represents three fragments from a fourth-century papyrus codex. Two of the fragments come from the bottom of the page, and one fragment, the largest, comes from the top of the page. The handwriting is a small upright biblical uncial that is strictly bilinear except for φ (ψ is not attested). ε is oval, and ο is sometimes small and written slightly above the line of writing. The top of δ has a pronounced hook extending to the left. α, δ, and λ are triangular. In the ed. pr., the handwriting was compared to P.Oxy. LXV 4442 (early III, Exodus), P.Mich. III 138 (III/IV, Acts), and P. Chester Beatty IV 961 (IV, Genesis). Based on the comparanda, the papyrus should probably be dated to no later than the fourth century. The scribe uses enlarged spaces to indicate punctuation (l. 28), and there is a paragraphos extending into the margin between ll. 28 and 29. The purpose of the paragraphos may have been to delineate a reading section, a suggestion that was made in the ed. pr. The scribe also employed both organic and inorganic diaereses (ll. 3, 5, 6, 27, 31, and 54) and an apostrophe (l. 54). The usual nomina sacra are used. Fortunately, the margins survive, and therefore a fairly accurate approximation of the size of the codex can be established. The top margin measured 1.5 cm, and the bottom margin measured 1.3 cm. The side margins measured 1.5 cm. With an average of 28 letters per line and roughly 27 lines per page, the original codex would have measured approximately 11 × 20.5 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 8. The complete Gospel of John would have required about 95 pages in a codex of this size.

New Testament Texts [43]

175

The papyrus is interesting for several of its readings. At John 1:26 the papyrus omits λέγων after Ἰωάννης with 𝔓75 and f 1 against ‫ א‬and B. At John 1:26 the papyrus does not read ἐγὼ μέν with 𝔓119 and the Sahidic and Bohairic Coptic, but instead it agrees with ‫ א‬and B. At John 1:26 the papyrus probably read ἱστήκει (‫ א‬ἑστήκει) with 𝔓75 where B and L read στήκει and 𝔓66 and Α read ἕστηκεν. At John 1:27, the papyrus did not include the expansion of A and the Majority text in adding ὃς ἔμπροσθέν μου γέγονεν (“who is before me”) after ἐρχόμενος. At John 1:27 the papyrus agrees with ‫ א‬in reading οὗ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἄξιος (“of whom I am not worthy”). The papyrus did not omit αὐτοῦ at John 1:27 following λύσω as 𝔓66*c does. At John 1:28 the papyrus agrees with 𝔓75 A and B in the word order ταῦτα ἐν Βηθανίᾳ ἐγένετο where the spacing seems to exclude the reading Βηθαραβά. At John 1:34 the papyrus does not read ὁ ἐκλεκτός (“the chosen”) for ὁ υὶός as 𝔓106(vid) and ‫*א‬, and there is a unique reading at John 1:37—ἀκούσαν[τ]ε̣ς οἱ δύο μ̣ [αθηταί] (“the two disciples hearing”) where all other witnesses read ἤκουσαν. At John 1:35 the papyrus probably omitted πάλιν with 𝔓5(vid)75. The papyrus did not read (ἠθέλησεν) ὁ Ἰησοῦς with the Majority text at John 1:43.

↓ 5

] ὁ προφήτης; [ἀπεκρίθη αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰωάν]νης· ἐγὼ βα[πτίζω ὑμᾶς ἐν ὕδατι· μέ]σ̣ος ὑ̣μῶ ̣ ν ἱ -̣ [στήκει ὃν ὑμεῖς οὐκ οἴδ]α ̣τε, ὁ ὀπίσω [μου ἐρχόμενος, οὗ οὐκ εἰ]μὶ̣ ἄξιος ἵνα ̣ [λύσω αὐτοῦ τὸν ἱμάντα] τοῦ ὑποδή[ματος. ταῦτα ἐν Βηθανί]ᾳ ἐγένετο

1:25 1:26 1:27 1:28

15 lines missing

25

→

30

[ ] ἐφ’ ὃ̣ν ἐὰν̣ [ἴδῃς] [τὸ πν(εῦμ)α καταβαῖνον κα]ὶ μένον ἐ [̣ π’] [αὐτόν, οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ βαπ]τ[ίζων ἐν] [πν(εύματ)ι ἁγίῳ. κἀγὼ ἑώρακα,] κ α̣ ὶ μεμ [̣ αρ-] [τύρηκα ὅτι οὗτός ἐστ]ι ̣ν ὁ υἱὸς. τ̣ο̣ῦ̣ θ(εο)ῦ. Τῇ̣ [ἐπαύριον εἱστήκει ὁ Ἰωάν-] νης καὶ ̣ ἐ [̣ κ τῶν μαθητῶν αὐτοῦ δύο] καὶ ἐ μ ̣ β ̣ λέ [̣ ψας τῷ Ἰη(σο)ῦ περιπατοῦντι] λέγει· ἴδε ὁ [ἀμνὸς τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ. καὶ ἀκούσαν-] [τ]ε ς̣ οἱ δύο μ [̣ αθηταὶ αὐτοῦ λαλοῦντος καὶ] ἠκολούθη[σαν τῷ Ἰη(σο)ῦ. στραφεὶς δὲ ὁ] [Ἰ]η(σοῦ)ς καὶ θεα̣ [σάμενος 14 lines missing

1:33 1:34 1:35 1:36 1:37 1:38

176

50

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

ἑρμη-] ν̣εύεται Π[έτρος. Τῇ ἐπαύριον ἠθέλη-] [σ]εν ἐ ξ̣ ελ[θεῖν εἰς τὴν Γαλιλαίαν καὶ] [εὑρίσ]κ ε̣ [ι Φίλιππον. καὶ λέγει αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς·] [ἀ]κολούθ[ει μοι. ἦν δὲ ὁ Φίλιππος ἀπὸ] Βηθσαϊδ[ά

1:42 1:43 1:44

__________ 3–4. pap. ϋμων ϊστηκει. 5. pap. ϊνα. 6–7. pap. ϋποδηματος. 27. pap. ϋιος. 31. pap. ϊδε. 54. pap. Βηθ᾽σαϊδα.

1 2

3 3–4 4 5

6 6–7 7

24 25 26 27 28

C Δ om. definite article before προφητης. The longer reading (L U 33 579 απεκρινατο) can likely be excluded because it would result in a longer than ordinary line. A om. the definite article before Ιωαννης; Ιωανης 𝔓75* B; Ιωαννης λεγων 𝔓66 A B C K L M U Δ Θ Λ Π f 13 28 33 157 565 579 700 1424; εγω μεν f!3 124 it samss bopt. The inclusion of υμας (N Δ Θ 565 1071 1424) is plausible based on the fact that the line would be unexpectedly short without it. τω υδατι ‫ ;*א‬δε υμων Α Cc G K M N U Ws Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 1.13 063 2 28 33 118 157 565 579 700 892 1071 1241 1424 latt sy sa bo. Only the reading στηκει (B G L f 1 083 Orpt) can be excluded definitively. εστηκεν 𝔓66 Α C K M Ν U Tvid Ws Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 13 2 28 33 118 157 565 579 700 1424; ειστηκει (‫ )א‬f vg; ιστηκει 𝔓75 1071. Following οιδατε some witnesses add ουτος εστιν (G Ψ) or αυτος εστιν (Α Cc K M Nvid S [αυτος εστιν ον ειπον] U Γ Δ Λ Π 𝔐 f 13 2 28 118 157 565 700 892 1424 lat syp.h); N* om. ο οπισω. Some witnesses om. ο before οπισω (‫ *א‬B). Following ερχομενος some witnesses add ος εμπροσθεν μου γεγονεν A Cc G K M Nc U Γ Δ Λ Π 𝔐 f 13 2 118 157 565 700 892 1424 lat sy(p).h bomss; ος εμπροσθεν μου γεγονεν οτι πρωτος μου ην 28; εμπροσθεν μου γεγονεν Θ; f 13 om. ου; ου εγω ουκ ειμι αξιος A K M U Δ Θ Λ Π 𝔐 f 1 2 28 124 157 700 1424 lat; ουκ ειμι εγω αξιος B Nc T Ws Ψ f 13 083 69 118 579 788; ου ουκ ειμι ικανος 𝔓66* 𝔓75; ου ουκ ειμι εγω ικανος 𝔓66c. τον τον ιμαντα (om. αυτου) 𝔓66*. 579 om. του υποδηματος. υποδηματος αυτου 𝔓66; μεν εν K Π. Following υποδηματος, E F G H N 2* add αυτος (εκεινος E F G H 2*) υμας βαπτισει εν πνευματι αγιω και πυρι (Matt 3:11). ταυτα εγενετο εν Βηθανια 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬Hc it; εγενετο εν Βηθαραβα ‫א‬c 892vl (syhmg) sams; Βηθαβαρα Cc K T U Λ (Βηθεβαρα εγενοντο) Π Ψc f 1.13 (Βηθεβαρα) 083 2c 33 69 sys.c sa Or; Βιθανια G 565 1071; Βεθανια Δ*. 565 om. και μενον. αυτω for αυτον Ws; αυτον αυτος A 1424; it is possible that the definite article τω preceded πνευματι as in L N 33 579. τω αγιω 33 579; αγιω και πυρι 𝔓75vid C* sa Or; εορακα 𝔓75 𝔐 Κ P Ws Θ Π 28 33; εορακα αυτον G* 124. αυτος for ουτος 124; ο εκλεκτος for ο υιος ‫ *א‬b e ff2* sys.c. In the ed. pr. the end of the line was restored ]ο υιος ο̣, a reading that is difficult to confirm in the photographs and which is unattested elsewhere. The reading τη επαυριον παλιν (𝔓66 ‫ א‬A B C 𝔐 F H L K M N U P Ws Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 2 28 33 69 157 565 700 788 1346 1424) would create an unusually long line. ιστηκει 𝔓66 Α F H P Δ Ψ f 13 28 33 1071; ιστηκι ‫ א‬Ws; ειστηχει 𝔓75; ιστηκη παλιν 579; the definite article before Ιωαννης is om. in some witnesses (𝔓75 B L 28).

New Testament Texts [44]

177

28–29 Ιωανης B. 31 ειδε 𝔓55; ιδε ο Χριστος ο αμνος G Λ f 13 124 788 b syc Epiph. Following θεου 𝔓66* C* Ws 892* 1241 a aur ff2 add ο αιρων την αμαρτιαν του κοσμου (α ερων τας αμαρτιας του κοσμου Ws). 31–32 P.Oxy. LXXI 4804 is unique in reading και ακουσαντες, if indeed the reconstruction is correct. All other witnesses read either και ηκουσαν (𝔓66.75 ‫א‬c A B C 𝔐 etc.) or ηκουσαν ‫ *א‬Ψ f 1; και ηκουσαν αυτου 28 700; και ηκουσαν αυτω 69. 32 αυτου οι δυο μαθηται A Cc 𝔐 K M N P U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π f 1.13 2 118 565 700 1241 1346 (om. οι) 1424 lat syh; οι δυο αυτου μαθηται 𝔓66.75 C* L Ws Ψ 083 33 579; οι δυο μαθηται 157. 33 ‫ *א‬E F H M Γ Λ Ω 083 2 28 om. δε. 50–51 ηθελησεν ο Ιησους F G H U Θc Ω f 13 2 28; Γαλειλαιαν B Θ*; Γαληλαιαν G; Γαλειλεαν Ws. 52 F H M 2 69 700 1424 om. ο Ιησους; ‫ *א‬οm. the definite article before Iησους. 53 ‫ *א‬om. δε ο; F* Ws f 13 69 565 om. the definite article before Φιλιππος. 54 Βηθσαιδαν 𝔓66 ‫ *א‬f 13; Βηδσαιδα 𝔓75* Θ* 579; Βιθσαιδα Ψ 1071.

Date: IV

44 P.Oxy. LXXII 4844 (𝔓123) 1 Corinthians 14:31-34; 15:3-6 7.5 × 6.5 cm TM no. 113259

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis and D. Colomo (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXII (London, 2008), 1–3 (no. 4844). Related Literature: J. R. Royse, “The Early Text of Paul (and Hebrews),” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 199–203. Introduction This single leaf from a papyrus codex preserves 6 lines of text on the front and seven lines on the reverse. In the ed. pr., J. D. Thomas estimated that a page originally contained 21 lines of text, a calculation that was made based on the number of lines missing between the front and the reverse. Because the papyrus is broken off on the right and left, it is impossible to determine precisely the length of the original lines. However, a line would have contained approximately 36 letters. Based on these approximations, it is possible that the original codex would have measured 11 × 19 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 8. Vertical fibers precede horizontal fibers, suggesting that this fragment derives from the first half of the codex; page numbers are, however, absent, thus making it difficult to determine whether the original codex contained other texts prior to 1 Corinthians. In the ed. pr., the handwriting was compared to P.Herm. 4, a text dated to ca. 320. The handwriting is a right-sloping uncial that is mostly bilinear except for ρ and φ (ψ does not occur). Thomas noted the deep bow of μ, the rounded ω, and the small omicron. There appears to be a scribal notation

178

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

above the second ν of l. 1 (↓) using two short strokes above the letter. Also, on the front there is a short flat line above α of γάρ in l. 3. The purpose of these markings is unknown, and perhaps they indicate some type of sense division in the text. The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. At 1 Corinthians 14:32 the papyrus agrees with D and the western witnesses in reading πνεῦμα instead of πνεύματα, the reading of B, although the papyrus does not witness the placement of 1 Corinthians 14:34-35 after verse 40 that is attested in D F and G, nor does it witness the inclusion of διδάσκω following τῶν ἁγίων that is attested in F and G. The papyrus does not attest to the word order variation τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ of F and G at 1 Corinthians 15:4, nor does the papyrus share the two distinct readings with L for this section: ὑποτάσσονται in 1 Corinthians 14:32 and ἐπιτέτραπται at 1  Corinthians 14:34. Overall, the papyrus does show some affinities with D, but it would be premature to describe this papyrus as a witness to the western text type (D F G) because it does not include some of the peculiarities of the latter, such as the placement of 1 Corinthians 14:34-35.

↓ 5

→

10

2 3 5

6

μα]ν̣θά̣ν̣ωσιν κ̣[αὶ πάντες] [παρ]α κ̣ α̣ λ̣ ῶ ̣ ̣ντ̣[αι. καὶ] π̣ν̣(εῦμ)α προ̣φητῶν̣ [προφήταις] [ὑ]πο̣ ̣τά σ̣ σεται ,̣ ο̣ὐ γάρ ἐ σ̣ ̣τ̣ι[ν ἀ]κ α̣ τασ̣[τασίας ὁ θ(εὸ)ς] [ἀλλ’ εἰρ]ή ̣νης. Ὡς ἐ ̣ν πάσαις τα[ῖς] ἐ κ̣ κ [̣ λησίαις] [τῶν ἁγί]ω ̣ν̣, α ἱ̣ ̣ γ̣υναῖκες ἐν̣ [ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις] [σιγάτωσαν· οὐ γὰ]ρ̣̣ ἐ ̣πιτρέπ̣ [εται] ]...[

14:31 14:32 14:33

ὑ]μ̣ῖν ἐν π̣ρ̣ώ̣τ̣ο̣ι̣[ς, ὃ καὶ παρέλαβον, ὅτι] [Χ(ριστὸ)ς ἀπέθα]ν̣εν ὑπ̣ ὲ ρ̣ ̣ τῶ ̣ν̣ ἁ [̣ μαρτιῶν ἡμῶν κατὰ] [τὰς γραφὰ]ς καὶ [ὅτι ἐ]τ̣ά ̣φη καὶ ̣ [ὅτι] ἐγήγε ρ̣ τα [̣ ι τῇ] [ἡμέρᾳ τῇ τρίτ]ῃ ̣ κα̣ [τὰ] τ̣ὰ ς̣ ̣ γραφὰς κ̣ αὶ ὅτι ὤφ[θη Κηφᾷ] [εἶτα τοῖς δώδεκα· ἔπειτα] ὤ ̣φθη ἐ ̣πά̣ ̣ν̣ω ̣ πε ̣ν̣[τ]α[κοσίοις ἀδελφοῖς ἐφάπαξ, ἐ]ξ ̣ ὧν οἱ πλ̣ [είονες] [μένουσιν ἕως ἄρτι, τινὲς δὲ ἐκο]ι̣μ̣ [ήθησαν]

15:3

14:34

15:4 15:5 15:6

οικοδομουνται for παρακαλωνται 1735. πνευμα D F G K Ψ* 1 330 424c 1241s 1352 1646* 1891 2400 ar b vgmss syp, all other witnesses read πνευματα. υποτασσονται L; υποτασσεσθαι 88 1352; 𝔓46 F G 1646* om. the definite article before θεος; ο θεος ακαταστασιας A. των αγιων διδασκω F G 326 330 440* (om. των αγιων) 629 1243 1315 1319 1837 2400 2815; των αγιων διδασκαλων 365; των αγιων διδασκων 1573. Verse 34–35 is placed after verse 40 in some mss (D F G 88* ar b vgms Ambst). γυναικες υμων εν (D F G) K L 049 056 1 330 460 (γυναικαις) 1243 1646 1735 2344 2400 etc. ar b sy Cyp. Ambst 1243 om. ταις. επιτετραπται (L) Ψ 𝔐 049 056 1 6 131 1881 etc. MarcionE.

New Testament Texts [45]

179

εν πρωτης 1646; b om. ο και παρελαβον; παρελαβων 618 2147. υμων 1319 2147. Verse 4 is om. entirely in a few uncials (056 618 1175); 2125 om. οτι (1st); Ψ om. οτι (2nd). 10–11 τη τριτη ημερα F G K L P Ψ 049 1 6 88 1241s (om. ημερα) etc.; τη τριτη ημερα εκ νεκρων 629. 12 επειτα τοις for ειτα τοις ‫ א‬A K 049 33 69 88 460 etc.; και μετα ταυτα for ειτα D* F G lat; ενδεκα for δωδεκα D*1 F G 330 2400 latt syhmg; 460 1241s* 1836 om. επανω. 13 πλειους K L P Ψ 049 056 1 131 etc. 14 εισιν for μενουσιν 1424; δε και ‫א‬c Ac Dc L P Ψ 049 056 1 33 131 etc.; δε εξ αυτων και K; ετελευτησαν for εκοιμηθησαν 33. 8 9 10

Date: IV/V

45 PSI I 5 (Uncial 0173) James 1:25-27 6.0 × 7.2 cm TM no. 61621; Van Haelst 0545

Material: Parchment

Published: G. Vitelli (ed.), Papiri greci e latini I (Florence, 1912), 8 (no. 5). Related Literature: M. Naldini, Documenti dell’antichità cristiana: Papiri e pergamene greco-egizie della Raccolta Fiorentina (Florence, 1965), no. 21, pl. XV; E. Crisci, “La maiuscola ogivale diritta: Origini, tipologie, dislocazioni,” Scrittura e civiltà 9 (1985): 112–13, pl. 1a. Introduction PSI I 5 preserves a nearly complete leaf from a parchment codex containing the Epistle of James. The fragment has several large holes in it as well as some darkening in the outside margin that gives the impression of water damage. Both sides of the page contain nine complete lines of writing and are paginated at the top in the middle above the first line of writing (pp. 17–18). Fortunately, all of the margins survive: the top margin measures 1.2 cm, the bottom margin measures 1.4 cm, the inside margin measures .6 cm, and the outside margin measures 1.5 cm. The writing area measures 3.9 × 4.9 cm, and a complete page would have measured 6.5 × 7.2 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 11. E. Pistelli, the editor of the ed. pr., estimates that the complete Epistle of James would have required 48 pages or 24 folded sheets. The handwriting is an ovalshaped uncial that emphasizes heavy and light strokes, or strokes of unequal thickness. The handwriting is largely bilinear with ρ extending below the line. Letterforms are consistent, and the work lends the overall impression that it was a professional production. The ed. pr. dated the leaf to the fifth century but conjectured that it could perhaps be dated earlier. No paleographic comparanda were offered in support of this dating. Given the pagination (17–18),

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

180

it seems likely that the miniature codex began with the Epistle of James. This would mean that there are three examples of Christian codices from Oxyrhynchus that began with the Epistle of James (P.Oxy. X 1229 [23] and P.Oxy. LXV 4449 [34]). With such a small amount of text to consider, it is difficult to determine any consistent textual affiliations. Perhaps the most noteworthy is the agreement with ‫ א‬at James 1:26 in reading αὐτοῦ instead of ἑαυτοῦ with B (see note for ll. 13–14). Additionally, the fragment expands our body of evidence for the popularity of miniature codices at Oxyrhynchus and for codices that began with the Epistle of James. Flesh side

5

10

15

ιζ ε ἰ̣ ς̣ ̣ νό]μον τέλει[ο]ν τ̣ [ὸ]ν τῆς ἐλευθ[ερία]ς καὶ παραμ[είν]ας, οὐκ ἀκροατὴς ἐπιλησμονῆς γενόμενος ἀλ[λὰ] ποιητὴς ἔργο[υ,] οὗ[τος] μακάριος ἐν τ̣ῇ ̣ π̣οι̣ ̣ήσει Hair side ιη αὐτοῦ ἔστα [̣ ι.] Ε [̣ ἴ] τις δοκεῖ [θ]ρησκὸς εἶν[αι μ]ὴ χαλιν[αγωγῶν γλῶσ[σαν αὐτοῦ ἀλ-] λὰ [ἀπατῶν] καρδίαν αὐτοῦ, τ̣ούτου μά[τ]α ι̣ ο̣ ς̣ ̣ [ἡ] θρησκεία. [θρ]η[σκεία]

1:25

1:25-26

1:27

_________ 13. pap. χαλειν[.

4 7 8 10–11

ουτος ουκ P Ψ 5 307 642 1448 1611 2492 Byz syh. αλλα ακροατης νομου και 33 2344. 𝔓74 om. ουτος. The traces of ink do not seem to fit the longer reading ει δε τις C P 33 442 1175 1243 1739 2344 2492 ff vg, a reading that would create an unexpectedly long line. However, in the ed. pr. the end of the line was restored ε̣[ι δ]ε̣ and the accompanying note claims that this reading is secure. We can no longer make out the traces of ε at the end of the line.

New Testament Texts [46]

181

12 ειναι εν υμιν 5 307 642 2492 Byz Cyr. 13–14 χαλινων for χαλιναγωγων B. The ed. pr. reconstructed these lines as χαλειν̣[αγων γλ]ῶσ|σαν ε[αυ]τοῦ ἀλ|. εαυτου for αυτου B P 436 1175 1611 1852. 16 εαυτου for αυτου B C 1852; 1611 om. αυτου. 18–19 33 om. θρησκεια.

Date: IV/V

46 P.Oxy. VIII 1080 (Uncial 0169) Revelation 3:19–4:3 9.5 × 7.8 cm TM no. 61643; Van Haelst 0561

Material: Parchment

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII (London, 1911), 14–16 (no. 1080). Related Literature: B. M. Metzger, Manuscripts of the Greek Bible (New York, 1981), 72–73; H. Y. Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian Texts (New Haven, 1995), 236; T. Nicklas, “The Early Text of Revelation,” in The Early Text of the New Testament, ed. C. E. Hill and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2012), 236; M. J. Kruger, “Manuscripts, Scribes, and Book Production within Early Christianity,” in Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament, ed. S. E. Porter and A. W. Pitts (Leiden, 2013), 15–40. Introduction P.Oxy. VIII 1080 represents a nearly complete page from a parchment codex that contained the book of Revelation. The codex leaf is numbered and preserves pages 33 and 34 (λγ and λδ). That would indicate that the codex began with the book of Revelation, and, given the size of the codex, it is unlikely that it would have contained other works after Revelation. The codex size places it among the category of miniature codex and thus of Turner’s Group 11. A similar size miniature codex containing Revelation has been found at Oxyrhynchus (P.Oxy. VI 848) and was dated to the fifth century. This miniature codex was dated in the ed. pr. to the fourth century. A fourth-century date is possible, but it seems reasonable to allow for a fifth-century date as well. The hand is a medium-size uncial with some adornment of letters. The handwriting is not bilinear, and ρ, υ, and φ extend below the line: τ and λ also sometimes extend below the line of writing. Enlarged spaces are used to denote breaks in the text (ll. 2, 6, 14, 19). οὐρανός is contracted once (l. 27) and left uncontracted in l. 19, but otherwise the usual nomina sacra are employed. The scribe originally omitted a portion of Revelation 3:20 and then added it to the bottom of the page. The handwriting appears to be that of the original scribe, but the

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

182

surviving letters of the correction are barely legible. In l. 25 the scribe has projected the first letters into the margin (ekthesis) to signal a sense division. The arrow-shaped sign in l. 3 indicates the place where the omission of Revelation 3:20 occurs and hence where the insertion of the material at the bottom of the page should take place. Connecting the text of this codex with a specific text type is problematic because so little writing is preserved. R. H. Charles asserted that the text agrees with ‫ א‬more than any other uncial. 31 This assertion is partly based on the correction in Revelation 3:19 where the scribe corrected ζήλευε, the reading of A, to ζήλωσον, the reading of ‫ א‬and P. But at Revelation 4:1, the papyrus reads λαλούσης μετ’ ἐμοῦ λέγων (“speaking to me, said”) with A against the reading of ‫א‬. Also at Revelation 4:1, the papyrus reads ἃ (l. 23) with ‫ א‬instead of ὅσα with A. While the text type of this witness is somewhat mixed, the size of the codex provides an interesting facet of discussion. Most miniature codices were originally written on parchment, and, of those listed by Turner, 80 percent were written on parchment rather than papyrus. 32 M. J. Kruger sees these miniature codices as being easy to take along on trips and to refer to in conversations (perhaps evangelistic discussions) and to be conveniently hidden in the event of persecution. The small size of these codices may be connected to private ownership and would have been an important means of promulgating books that had not been officially received into the canon. 33 Flesh side

5

10

λγ ] ζήλω〚ευε 〛̣ ˋσονˊ οὖν καὶ μετα[νό]ησον. Ἰδοὺ ἕστηκα ἐπὶ [τ]ὴν θύραν καὶ εἰσελεύσομαι πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ δειπνήσω μετ’ αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐτὸς μετ’ ἐμοῦ. Ὁ νικῶν δώσω αὐτῷ καθίσ̣ αι μετ ἐμοῦ ἐ[ν τ]ῷ θρόν[ῳ `μ]ου,´ ὡς κἀγὼ 〚ν〛ἐνίκη〚κ〛[ˋσˊα] καὶ 〚κ〛ἐκάθισα μετὰ τ[ο]ῦ̣ π(ατ)ρ(ό)ς μου ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ αὐ̣ ̣τ̣οῦ. Ὁ ἔχων οὖς ἀκου[σάτ]ω τί τὸ πν(εῦμ)α λέγει τ̣αῖς ἐκκλησίαις. Μετὰ

R. H. Charles as quoted in Metzger, Manuscripts of the Greek Bible, 72. Kruger, “Manuscripts, Scribes, and Book Production,” 26. 33 Gamble, Books and Readers, 236. 31 32

3:19 3:20

3:21

3:22 4:1

New Testament Texts [46]

15

κ ρ̣ [̣ ο]ύω. ἐ[ά]ν̣ τ[ι]ς ἀ κ̣ ο̣ ύ[σῃ τῆς] [φων]ῆ̣ ς μ[ου καὶ ἀνοίξῃ τὴν θύραν, καὶ]

183

3:20 3:20

Hair side

20

25

30

λδ ταῦτα εἴδον, καὶ ἰδοὺ [θύ-] ρα ἡνεῳγμένη ἐ [̣ ν] τῷ οὐρανῷ, καὶ ἡ φωνὴ ἡ πρώτη ἣν ἤκουσα ὡς σάλπιγγος λαλούσης μετ’ ἐμοῦ λέγων· ἀνάβα ὧδ[ε,] καὶ δείξω σοι ἃ δεῖ [γε]ν̣έ σ̣ ̣ θα[ι μ]ετὰ ταῦτα. [Κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ [εὐ]θ̣έ ω ̣ ς̣ ̣ ἐ γ̣ [̣ ε]ν̣ό μ ̣ ̣η̣ ν̣ ἐν [. .] πν(εύματ)ι, κα[ὶ] ἰδο̣ὺ ̣ [θ]ρόνος ἔκειτο [ἐ]ν τῷ οὐ(ρα)νῷ, καὶ ἐπὶ τ̣ὸ [̣ ν θρό]νον καθήμενον, κ[αὶ] ὁ καθ[ήˋἐπὶ τὸν θρόνονˊ μενος ὅμ[οιος] ὁράσ[ει

4:1

4:2

4:3

__________ 2. pap. ϊδου. 3. pap. και ↑. 6. pap. μετ’; pap. νεικων. 7. pap. καθεισαι. 9. pap. ενεικησα. 12. pap. ὁ. 17. pap. ϊδον; pap. ϊδου. 18. pap. ρα̅; pap. ανεωγμενη, alpha of ανεωγμενη has been corrected by a second hand. 21. pap. σαλπιγ᾽γος. 22. pap. μετ’.

The correction is obviously intended to create the reading ζηλωσον, the reading of ‫ א‬2053 and 𝔐A. The variant appears to originate from the scribe writing ζηλευε, the reading of A B C 𝔐K 1611 1841. 3–4 A portion of v. 20 has been om., probably through scribal error when the scribe mistakenly resumed copying after the second instance of θυραν in the verse. Following την θυραν, other witnesses read καὶ κρούω ἐάν τις ἀκούσῃ τῆς φωνῆς μου καὶ ἀνοίξῃ τὴν θύραν. The om. passage is noted at the bottom of the page in ll. 15–16 by the original scribe, and the location of the omission is noted by a siglum in l. 3. 8 The addition of μου is added in the hand of a corrector. 9–10 The scribe appears to have written νενεικηκα και κεκαθισα, an otherwise unattested variant. 12 Hunt notes that the rough breathing may actually be a paragraph mark to signify a textual division beginning with ο εχων. 15–16 The om. reading (see ll. 3–4) is inserted at the bottom of the page. The insertion is noted by a lunate sign immediately above κ. ανοιξω ‫ א‬2053*vid. A P 𝔐A 1611 2050 2053 latt syh co om. the second instance of και. 19–20 και ιδου η φωνη ‫ א‬2344 t Prim. The last three letters of the line (η φω) are written by the corrector. 21–22 λαλουσης μετ’ εμου λεγουσα P 𝔐A; λαλουσαν μετ᾽ εμου (λεγουσα ‫א‬c) ‫ ;א‬μετ’ εμου λαλουσα 2329; λεγουσα μετ’ εμου 1854 ar. 22 αναβηθι A. 23 οσα for α Α. 25 ‫ א‬Α Β P 𝔐K 1006 1841 1854 2329 2344 om. και. 1

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

184 26

The beginning of the line is lacking roughly two or three letters, but there are no attested variants that would aid in the restoration of the lacuna. 28 του θρονου P 𝔐A. 28–29 The reading καθημενον is unique and probably resulted from attraction to τον θρονον immediately preceding it. The reading is corrected in ll. 29–30 when the scribe mistakenly began copying out the same passage and on the second attempt got it right. 𝔐 1006 1841 1854 2053 2344 om. και ο καθημενος.

Date: IV/V

47 P.Oxy. III 402 (𝔓9) 1 John 4:11-17 8.0 × 5.2 cm TM no. 61639; Van Haelst 0554

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri III (London, 1898), 2–3 (no. 402); P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett (eds.), The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts (Wheaton, Ill., 2001), 79–81. Introduction This small fragment from a papyrus codex preserves the oldest witness to 1 John. Because the canonicity of the Epistles of John was rather broadly contested, this witness to the text is important, coming as it does during the period when some still questioned the authenticity of at least some of the Johannine letters. 34 The papyrus is rather small and preserves portions of 6 lines of text on the front and 11 lines on the reverse. Although it is difficult to estimate because line lengths vary considerably, a complete line of text contained roughly 19 to 20 letters with 16 lines per page. A complete page would have measured approximately 11 × 15 cm and was thus on the larger end of Turner’s Group 11, the category that describes miniature codices. The handwriting is a rather inelegant semiuncial hand of the fourth or early fifth century that P. W. Comfort and D. P. Barrett call “crude and irregular.”35 Comfort and Barrett dated the handwriting to the third century, but it seems that without a significant reason to date the papyrus so early the dating suggested by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt is still reasonable. The scribe employed the usual nomina sacra, and the text is unusually corrupt. There are so many errors in such a small amount of text that it raises questions as to the purpose of this particular copy of the First Epistle of John. Typical iotacisms occur in 1 John 4:11 where the scribe wrote οφιλομεν and in 1 John 4:16 (εχι for ἔχει), and the interchange of ο for ω occurs in 1 John 4:11. 34 35

Metzger, Canon of the New Testament, 138–39; Jerome, Vir. ill. 9. Comfort and Barrett, Text of the Earliest, 79.

New Testament Texts [47]

185

The papyrus is interesting for the numerous unique readings created through carelessness. In 1 John 4:11 the scribe wrote ταπρισε(ν) instead of ἡγάπησεν, which suggests that the error was a result of a visual error. In 1 John 4:12 the scribe wrote ε instead of ἐν, suggesting that the scribe was copying letters instead of whole words. There is perhaps an error at 1 John 4:12 where the partial word τονειν appears at the beginning of l. 4. Grenfell and Hunt thought the scribe had mistakenly created the reading from τὸν θ(εό)ν, a reading that is partially preserved from two lines previous. Another inexplicable reading occurs in 1 John 4:15 in l. 5 where the attested text cannot help us confidently restore the line. Additionally, the scribe wrote χθς, which is probably a corruption of the reading θεός where the scribe began to write Χριστός and then altered the text midway and wrote θεός. The papyrus does not agree with B and some Vulgate manuscripts in preserving the longer reading Ἰησοῦς Χριστός in 1 John 4:15, but it does agree with B in reading πεπιστεύκαμεν in 1 John 4:16 against A that reads πιστεύομεν.

↓ 5

ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἡγάπησεν ἡ̣[μᾶς, καὶ ἡμεῖς] ὀφείλομεν ἀλλ ̣ή[λους ἀγαπᾶν. θ(εὸ)ν] οὐδεὶς πώποτε τ[εθέαται.] τονειν ἐὰν ἀγαπ [̣ ῶμεν ἀλλή-] λους, ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἐν ἡμῖν [μένει καὶ ἡ ἀ-] [γάπη] α̣ὐ̣τ̣ο̣ῦ τ[ετελειωμένη]

4:11 4:12

__________ 1. pap. ταπρισεν (ηγαπησεν). 2. pap. οφιλομεν. 3. pap. ποποτε. 5. pap. ε for εν.

→ 5

10

[ἀπέσταλκεν] τ̣ὸ[ν υ(ἱὸ)ν σωτῆ-] [ρα τοῦ κόσμ]ου. [ὃς ἐὰν ὁμολο-] [γήσῃ ὅτι Ἰη](σοῦ)ς ̣ ἐ σ̣ τιν ὁ [υ(ἱὸ)]ς τοῦ [θ(εο)ῦ, ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἐν] αὐτῷ μένει καὶ [ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἐν αὐ]τῷ ἐστιν. καὶ ἡμε`ῖς´ [ἐγνώκαμε]ν καὶ πεπιστεύκα[μεν τὴν] ἀγάπην ἣν ἔχει ὁ χ θ ς  [ἐν ἡμῖν. Ὁ θ](εὸ)ς ἀ[γ]άπη ἐστίν, καὶ [ὁ μένων ἐ]ν̣ τῇ ἀγάπῃ ἐν τῷ [θ(ε)ῷ μένει, καὶ ὁ θ](εὸ)ς ἐν αὐτῷ [μ]έ(ν)[ει. ἐν τούτῳ τετ]ε̣λ̣[είωται]

4:14 4:15 4:16

4:17

__________ 7. pap. εχι. 8. pap. κα¯.

↓

3–4

The line is unusually short and the beginning of l. 4 is not confirmed by the attested text. Obviously P.Oxy. III 402 preserved an otherwise unattested reading, although given the carelessness of the scribe it is possible that an inexplicable error is attested. Grenfell and Hunt suggested the error represents a corruption of τον θ(εο)ν.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

186 6

The last letter of the line is of little help in distinguishing between the attested variants. The papyrus likely followed the reading of ‫ א‬and B (τετελειωμενη εν ημιν εστιν), or that of Ψ 307 642 1175 1881 2344 2492 Byz syh (τετελειωμενη εστιν εν ημιν), or perhaps even the shortened reading of 1241 (τετελειωμενη εστιν). The reading of 𝔓74vid A 048vid (33) 69 81 323 614 630 945 1505 1739 t vg (εν ημιν τετελειωμενη εστιν) is not possible.

→

εαν ομολογη A 5 2344; ομολογησει for εαν ομολογηση Ψ; εαν ομολογησει 1881*vid; αν ομολογει 33vid. 3 Ιησους Χριστος B (vgms). 5 Following και of l. 4, other witnesses read αυτος εν τω θεω. It is possible that l. 5 read [αυτος εν αυ]τω εστιν. A few minuscules read αυτος εν αυτω 614 630 vgmss. 6–7 πιστευομεν for πεπιστευκαμεν A 33 436 1735 2344 cv. 7 The final three letters of the line are likely the result of a scribal error and not the intentional abbreviation of Χριστος θεος. The scribe appears to have started the name Χριστος and then changed the word to θεος after realizing that Χριστος was not written in the exemplar. 10–11 The second μενει is om. in Α 5 33 436 642 1735 1881c 2344 2492 Byzpt w vg. 11 The final line of text was restored in the ed. pr., but the traces of ink visible in the available photographs make any reconstruction of this line questionable. 2–3

Date: IV/V

48 P.Oxy. IX 1170 (𝔓19) Matthew 10:32-42; 11:1-5 22.9 × 9.0 cm TM no. 61798; Van Haelst 0357

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IX (London, 1912), 7–9 (no. 1170). Related Literature: G. Howard, Hebrew Gospel of Matthew (Macon, Ga., 1995), 186–87. Introduction This fairly complete page from a papyrus codex preserves 45 lines of text from the Gospel of Matthew. The page is complete at the top and the bottom, and therefore an accurate estimation of the height of the codex can be given. The width of the codex was approximately 15 cm, based on conservative estimated margins of 1.5 cm, and the height was nearly 23 cm. The codex would thus have been of Turner’s Group 5. The papyrus is written in brown ink that is typical of the fourth century and later. In the ed. pr., the handwriting was compared to P.Oxy. IX 1169 (V/VI, Gospel of Matthew) and was estimated to be somewhat earlier. A. S. Hunt noted that the papyrus was written in a good-sized uncial hand with rather widely spaced lines. Surprisingly, the papyrus does not

New Testament Texts [48]

187

use contractions for words that were typically contracted in Christian papyri, and thus there are no instances or even inferred instances of the use of nomina sacra. The certain omission of nomina sacra makes this witness unique among the New Testament papyri from Oxyrhynchus. The scribe employs diaeresis over initial υ and ι, but there is otherwise no use of punctuation. The papyrus is interesting for several reasons, and perhaps the most noteworthy feature of the papyrus is the omission of Matthew 10:37b and 10:38. The omission of 10:37b is attested also in B* and D. The omission of 10:38 is attested only in M*. Interestingly, Matthew 10:37b-38 are also omitted in Shem Tob’s Hebrew Matthew. 36 The Shem Tob Hebrew of Matthew derives from a Christian text that preserved a Jewish polemical treatise from the fourteenth century, and thus the witness is not remotely as early as P.Oxy. IX 1170. This papyrus is the earliest witness to this omission and offers another witness to the omission attested also in B* and D. Additionally, at Matthew 10:32 and 10:33 the papyrus omits the definite article τοῖς before οὐρανοῖς with ‫א‬ and D against B. At Matthew 10:33 there may be a unique reading where the scribe wrote ἀρνήσω, but the papyrus is illegible for the ending of the verb. The papyrus did not agree with D and some of the versions in reading ἀπόληται in Matthew 10:42 nor in the reading ὕδατος ψυχροῦ in the same verse. At Matthew 11:2 the papyrus probably read Χριστοῦ with ‫ א‬and B against Ἰησοῦ of D. Finally, the scribe frequently confuses ἐν for ἐμ.

↓ 5

10

15

36

ἔμπροσθεν [τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ὁμολο-] [γ]ήσω [κἀγ]ὼ αὐτὸν ἔνπρο[σθεν τοῦ πατρός] μου τ[οῦ ἐ]ν οὐρανοῖς· ὅ̣σ[̣ τις δὲ ἀρνή-] σηταί με ἔμπροσθεν τῶ[ν ἀνθρώπων,] ἀρνήσ[ . ] κἀγὼ αὐτὸν ἔμ[προσθεν τοῦ] πατρός μου τοῦ ἐν οὐρα[νοῖς. Μὴ] οὖν νομίσ̣η̣ τ̣ε ̣ ὅτι ἦλ[θον βαλεῖν] εἰρήνην ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν· [οὐκ ἦλθον] [βαλεῖν εἰ]ρ̣ή̣ν̣η̣ ν̣ ἀ [̣ λλὰ] μ[άχαιραν.] [ἦλθον γὰρ] διχάσαι ἄν[θρωπον κα-] [τὰ τοῦ π]ατρὸς αὐτοῦ [καὶ θυ-] [γατέρα κ]ατὰ τῆς μη̣ τ̣ρὸ̣ ς̣ ̣ [αὐτῆς καὶ] [νύμφην κα]τὰ τῆς ̣ π̣ε ̣ν̣θε̣ [̣ ρᾶς αὐτῆς,] [καὶ ἐχθροὶ] τοῦ ἀνθρώ[που οἱ οἰκι-] [ακοὶ] αὐτοῦ. Ὁ φιλῶν [πατέρα ἢ μη-] τέρα ὑπὲρ ἐμὲ οὐκ ἔστ̣[ιν μου ἄ-] ξιος, ὁ εὑρὼν τὴν ψ̣[υχὴν αὐτοῦ] Howard, Hebrew Gospel of Matthew, 186–87.

10:32 10:33 10:34

10:35

10:36 10:37 10:39

188

20

→

25

30

35

40

45

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

ἀ[πο]λέσε ι̣ ̣ αὐτήν, κ α̣ [̣ ὶ ὁ ἀπολέσας] τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτοῦ ἕ ̣ν̣[εκεν μοῦ] εὑρήσει αὐτήν. [Ὁ δ]εχ[όμενος] ὑμᾶς ἐμὲ δέχεται, κ [̣ αὶ ὁ ἐμὲ δε-] χόμενος δέχεται τὸ[ν ἀποστεί-] [λαντά με. ὁ δ]εχόμενος προφήτην [εἰς ὄνομ]α ̣ προφήτου μι̣ σ̣ θ̣ ὸ̣ ̣ν̣ προ[φήτου λήμ]ψεται, καὶ ὁ δε [̣ χό]μενος [δίκαιον ε]ἰς ὄνομα δικαίου μισθὸ(ν) [δικαίου λ]ήμψεται. καὶ ὃς εἂν πο[τίσῃ ἕν]α ̣ τῶν μικρῶν τούτων [ποτήριο]ν ψυχροῦ μόνον εἰς ὄ[νομα μ]αθητοῦ, ἀμὴν λέγω ὑμῖν, [οὐ μὴ ἀ]πολέ[σ]ῃ τὸ̣ν̣ [μισθὸν αὐ-] [τοῦ. Καὶ] ἐ[γέ]νε [̣ τ]ο̣ [ὅτε ἐτέλεσεν ὁ Ἰ(η-] [σοῦ)ς δι]ατ[άσ]σων τοῖ[ς δώδεκα μα-] [θηταῖς] αὐ[το]ῦ̣, [με]τ̣ [έβη ἐκεῖθεν] [τοῦ διδά]σκ[ει]ν̣ καὶ [κηρύσσειν] [ἐν ταῖς] π̣ό [̣ λεσι]ν̣ [αὐτῶν. Ὁ δὲ Ἰω-] [άννης ἀ]κο̣[ύσας ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρί-] [ῳ τὰ ἔρ]γ̣α ̣ τ̣οῦ̣ Χ ρ̣ ι̣ [̣ σ]τ̣ο [̣ ῦ πέμψας] [διὰ τῶν] μα̣ θ̣ ̣η̣ [τῶν αὐτοῦ εἶπεν αὐ-] [τῷ· σὺ εἶ] ὁ ἐρχόμεν[ος] ἢ ̣ [ἕτερον] [προσδο]κ ῶ ̣ μ ̣ ε̣ [̣ ν; καὶ ἀποκριθεὶς ὁ] [Ἰησοῦς εἶ]πεν αὐτοῖς· [πο]ρευθέν[τ]ε[ς] [ἀπαγγεί]λατε Ἰωάνν̣ῃ ̣ ἃ ̣ ἀκού[ετε καὶ β]λέπετε· τ[υ]φλοὶ ἀνα[βλέ-] [πουσιν καὶ] χωλοὶ περιπα ̣τ̣[οῦσιν, λ]ε[προὶ]

10:40 10:41

10:42

11:1

11:2 11:3 11:4 11:5

__________ 1. pap. ενπροσθεν. 4. pap. ]σθτε; pap. ενπροσθεν. 5. pap. εν[. 16. pap. ϋπερ. 21. pap. ϋμας. 30. pap. ϋμιν. 43. pap. ϊωαννη.

1 2 3 3–4 3–6 5

All other witnesses read εμπροσθεν. καγω εν αυτω ‫ א‬B C K M U W Δ Θ Π Ω f 1.13 2 28s 565 788 1346 etc.; αυτον καγω L; καγω αυτω G. Only D agrees with P.Oxy. IX 1170 in reading καγω αυτον. τοις ουρανοις B C K Ω f 13 565 788 892 1346 Eus; και οστις W; οστις δ’ C; οστις δ’αν ‫ א‬D K L (om. αν) M U Δc Θ Π Ω 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28s 565 579 700 788 892 1071 1346 l 2211 lat. The papyrus probably agreed with B and other witnesses in the omission of αν. απαρνησηται C Θ f 1.13 565 788 1346; αρνησεται L 28s. Δ* 157 om. οστις δε αρνησηται . . . του εν ουρανοις. The space does not allow for the reconstruction of αρνησομαι, the expected reading. Hunt’s suggestion (αρνησω) seems the most prudent solution here. The reading would be a unique textual variant. The majority of witnesses read αρνησομαι (αρνησωμαι Ω 2*

New Testament Texts [48]

6 6–7 7–8 8 9 10 11–12 13 14 14–15 15 17–18

18 20 21–22 24–25 25 25–27 27 28 29–30 31 32 33 33–34 35 36–37 37–38 38 39 39–40 40 41 42 43 43–44 45

189

1071; απαρηνσομαι f 1). αυτον καγω C F K L M U Γ Π Ω 𝔐 f 13 2 28s 124 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424. For ενπροσθεν see l. 1. τοις ουρανοις B Ω 124 788 892 1424; ουρανους Δc. μη νομισητε (om. ουν) ‫ א‬Β F K 2 33 118 124 1071 1346 etc. ειρηνην βαλειν ‫ ;א‬βαλλειν K 1424. της γης 1071 1424; 2c 13 1346 om. επι την γην but retain ουκ ηλθον. 2* 118 om. επι την γην ουκ ηλθον. βαλλειν 1424; ειρηνην επι την γην αλλα 1346; αλλα μαχην και μαχαιραν 28; διαμερισμον των διανοιων και μαχαιραν syc. δικασαι Δ; υιον for ανθρωπον D it sys.c. θυγατεραν L. 700 om. αυτης. οι εχθροι 1346; ανθρωπου εισιν 157. οικειακοι B U 118 1071 1582; οικια 579. ειπεν ο κυριος ο φιλων 1071. The majority of witnesses include Matthew 10:37b–38 (καὶ ὁ φιλῶν υἱὸν ἢ θυγατέρα ὑπὲρ ἐμὲ οὐκ ἔστιν μου ἄξιος· καὶ ὃς οὐ λαμβάνει τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀκολουθεῖ ὀπίσω μου, οὐκ ἔστιν μου ἄξιος; “and whoever loves son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me; and whoever does not take up the cross and follow me is not worthy of me.”). B* D om. 10:37b and M* om. 10:38 although the original scribe subsequently restored the om. verse. ‫ *א‬om. ο ευρων την ψυχην αυτου απολεσει αυτην, και (“those who find their life will lose it, and”). ο δε for και ο D. απο ευρησει 28*; ουτος σωσει for ευρησει 118. ο δε for και ο ‫ ;*א‬579 om. και ο εμε δεχομενος δεχεται. Θ om. μισθον προφητου. ληψεται K M U Π 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 33 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424. D om. και ο δεχομενος δικαιον εις ονομα δικαιου μισθον δικαιου λημψεται. ληψεται K M U Π 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 33 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424; αν Β D Θ 33 124 700 788. μεικρων Β; ελαχιστων for μικρων D latt.; τουτων των ελαχιστων 157 1424. υδατος ψυχρου for ψυχρου μονον D lat sys.c co Or Cyp; ψυχρουν M Z 2* 33 157 565; μενον for μονον Δ*; E* om. μονον εις ονομα μαθητου. αποληται ο μισθος D it sys.c bo Cyp. 700 om. και; συνετελεσεν for ετελεσεν M. διασσων Δ*; τους for τοις 28 118 157 565. μαθητας F 28 118 157 565. 1424 om. διδασκειν και. Ιωανης B. εν τω δεσμωτηριω τα εργα ακουσας M. Ιησου for Χριστου D 1071 1424 syc. δυο for δια Cc K L M U Γ Π* 𝔐 f 1.13 2 28 157 565 579 700 892 1071 1346 1424 lat syhmg bo Or. αυτοις for αυτω M. εργαζομενος for ερχομενος D*. αποκριθεις δε for και αποκριθεις D. αυτω for αυτοις 1346. τω Ιωαννη ‫ *א‬f 13 788 1346; Ιωανει B*; Ιωανη Bc; Ιωαννει D W Δ; Ιωαννην E. βλεπετε και ακουετε L. Z Δ 28 892 lat co om. και; D Cl om. και χωλοι περιπατουσιν; και λεπροι K.

190

Date: IV/V

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

49 P.Oxy. X 1227 (𝔓21) Matthew 12:24-26, 31-33 6.0 × 11.8 cm TM no. 61796; Van Haelst 0361

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri X (London, 1914), 12–14 (no. 1227). Introduction These papyrus fragments from a leaf containing portions of Matthew 12 derive from a fourth- or fifth-century codex. In total there are seven fragments from the leaf, some containing writing and some without any writing. There were an estimated 22 lines of text between the end of the front side and the beginning of the reverse, which indicates that a page had at least 31–32 lines of writing and perhaps more. Because so little of the papyrus survives, and because of the way that the leaf has been broken, it is difficult to give an accurate approximation of the size of the original codex from which these fragments survive. It is likely that the codex was slightly taller than it was wide: in the range of 15 cm wide × 22 cm tall and thus of Turner’s Group 7. The handwriting was dated paleographically to the fourth or fifth century based on similarities to P.Amh. I (V, Ascension of Isaiah). The ink is brown, and the scribe attempts bilinearity with ρ and φ extending below the line. The handwriting seems to favor the Coptic style of contrast between thick and thin strokes. The papyrus employs the usual nomina sacra, and there may be one instance of a rough breathing on the front side of the papyrus (l. 11) above ο, although the papyrus is difficult to read clearly in this instance. The papyrus is noteworthy for several agreements with D against earlier witnesses. At Matthew 12:24 the papyrus agrees with D and the Byzantine witnesses in reading Βεελζεβούλ instead of Βεεζεβούλ, the reading of ‫ א‬and B. It also agrees with D when D agrees with B and ‫ א‬at Matthew 12:25 in omitting ὁ Ἰησοῦς before τὰς ἐνθυμήσεις. At Matthew 12:32 it reads ἄν with D against B and ‫א‬, although it does not agree with D at Matthew 12:25 in reading ἑαυτήν. The agreements with D are noteworthy, particularly when considered in light of the fact that there are several unique B and ‫ א‬readings for this section of Matthew. The papyrus does exhibit a single unique reading at Matthew 12:32 with the inclusion of οὔτω following αὐτῷ. The singular reading may have resulted when the scribe saw ἀφεθήσεται αὐτῷ οὔτε later in the verse and mistakenly wrote οὔτω instead of οὔτε, which may also explain the omission of οὔτε later in the verse.

New Testament Texts [49]

→ 5

10

↓

15

20

191

ἀκού]σ̣α̣[ντες] [εἶπον·] ο[ὗτος οὐ]κ ἐκ β ̣ ά̣ [̣ λλει] [τ]ὰ δαιμό̣ν̣[ια] ε ἰ̣ ̣ μ ̣ὴ ἐν τῷ [Βε-] ελζ ε̣ β ̣ ο̣ ὺ̣ λ ἄρχον̣[τ]ι τῶν δ̣[αι-] μο̣ ν̣ί ω ̣ ̣ν. ἰδ̣ὼν δ̣ὲ τ̣ὰ ς̣ ̣ ἐ[νθυ-] [μήσει]ς αὐ̣ ̣τ̣ῶ ̣ν̣ εἶπ [̣ εν αὐτοῖς·] [πᾶσα β]ασ̣ιλε [̣ ί]α ̣ [μ]ερισ̣[θεῖσα κα-] [θ’] ἑ α̣ υτ̣ῆ̣ [ς] ἐ[ρημ]ο̣ῦται [καὶ πᾶ-] [σ]α ̣ πόλις ἢ̣ [οἰκία μ]ερι σ̣ θ̣[εῖσα] [κ]α θ̣ ̣’ ἑαυ̣[τῆς οὐ σταθήσεται.] [κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ ε ἰ̣ ̣ ὁ̣ σ̣[ατανᾶς]

12:24

[..]..[ [καὶ] ὃς ἂ ̣ν εἴπ [̣ ῃ λόγο]ν κατ̣ὰ ̣ τ̣[οῦ] [υ(ἱο)ῦ] τοῦ ἀν(θρώπ)ου, ἀφεθήσεται ̣ αὐ̣ -̣ [τ]ῷ οὔτω· ὃς δ’ ἂν ε[ἴ]πῃ κατὰ [τοῦ πν(εύματο)ς] τοῦ ἁγίου, οὐ[κ] ἀ [̣ φ]εθ̣ή -̣ [σεται ἐν] το̣[ύτ]ῳ̣ τῷ α [̣ ἰῶνι ο]ὔ[τε ἐν τ]ῷ μέ[λλ]οντ[ι]. Ἢ ̣ π̣ο [̣ ιή-] [σατ]ε τὸ δ[ένδρον] καλὸν [καὶ] [τὸν κ]α ρ̣ [̣ πὸν αὐτο]ῦ καλό[ν,] [ἢ ποιήσατε τὸ δ]ένδρο[ν]

12:31 12:32

12:25

12:26

12:33

__________ 3–4. βεελζεβουλ’. 4–5. pap. δαιμονιων·. pap. ϊδων. 11. pap. ὁ.

E 28 33 1071 1424 om. τω. Βεεζεβουλ ‫ א‬Β; Βελζεβουλ L 579; Beelzebub c (ff 1) vg sy. ειδως ‫ *א‬Β C E K L M N U W Γ Δ Θ Π 𝔐 f 1 2 28 124 157 565 579 700 788 1071 1346 1424 sa; ειδων f 13; δε ο Ιησους C E K L M N U W Γ Δ Θ Π 𝔐 f 1.13 0106 0281vid 2 28 33 124 157 565 579 700 788 892c 1071 1346 1424 ff 1 (lat) bomss syp.h mae. 7–8 εφ’ for καθ’ D. 8 εαυτην D L 28 33 118 1424; following εαυτης 1071 adds ουχ ισταται αλλ’; ερημουτει D*. 8–10 K reads ου σταθησεται και πασα πολις η οικια μερισθεισα καθ’ εαυτης ερημουται for ερημουται . . . σταθησεται: “(every kingdom) will not stand, and no city or house divided against itself will be laid waste.” 9 βασιλεια for πολις 579; 1* om. η. 10 εφ’ for καθ’ D; εαυτην D 28 33 157; στησεται D f 13 788. 11 ει δε και ο Σατανας D. 13 εαν ‫ א‬B C K L M N U W Γ Δ Θ Π 𝔐 2 28 118 157 700 1071 etc. 14 ουκ αφεθησεται B*. 15 The addition of ουτω is unique to P.Oxy. X 1227. The addition of ουτω may be a simple case of homoioteleuton as the scribe’s eyes jumped to the same word (αφεθησεται) later in the same verse. 16–17 αγιου πνευματος ουκ αφεθησεται f 13 788 1346; ου μη αφεθησετε ‫ ;*א‬ου μη αφεθη B;all other witnesses read αφεθησεται αυτω ουτε. 3 3–4 5

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

192

17–18 τω νυν αιωνι L M U Γ 2 118 579 700 1071 1424; τω νυν ουτε 28; εν τω αιωνι τουτω ουτε K Y Δ Θ Π f 13 565 788 1346. 18–19 ποιησηται W. 19 τον δενδρον D Θ. 21 33 om. η; τον δενδρον 1346.

Date: IV/V

50 P.Oxy. LXXI 4806 (𝔓122) John 21:11-14, 22-24 2.8 × 6.5 cm TM no. 112361

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. Hatzilambrou, P. J. Parsons, and J. Chapa (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXI (London, 2007), 11–14 (no. 4806). Related Literature: J. K. Elliott, New Testament Textual Criticism: The Application of Thoroughgoing Principles; Essays on Manuscripts and Textual Variation (Leiden, 2010), 173. Introduction These two small papyrus fragments join together to form a portion of a single leaf from a fourth- or fifth-century papyrus codex. The size of the original codex can be estimated to have been roughly 10 × 24 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 8. This estimation is based on the fact that a complete line of text averaged between 25 and 27 letters and that there were 44 lines of text per page. In the ed. pr., J. Chapa notes that the handwriting has a tendency to highlight the contrast between thick and thin strokes, an emphasis that may result from the influence of Coptic handwriting styles. He further calls it a “poor attempt” at a biblical uncial made by an “inexperienced scribe.”37 Indeed, the handwriting does lend the impression that it was carried out by a scribe who lacked practice. Paleographically, the handwriting was compared to P. Chester Beatty IV 961 (first-half IV, Genesis). Because of the similarities to Coptic handwriting styles, Chapa thinks P.Oxy. LXXI 4806 should be assigned perhaps to the fourth or fifth century. There are no examples of diaeresis or punctuation, but there is one instance of elision of final ε in δεῦτε (l. 5 of the front) before an α as well as a couple of instances of iotacism (ι for ει, on the reverse ll. 4, 6). The usual nomina sacra occur where the text has been preserved, and they can be inferred in other instances. Because both the right- and left-hand margins have been broken off, it is impossible to know the precise beginnings and endings of lines, and therefore this edition is based on conjectural line lengths. 37

P.Oxy. LXXI, p. 11.

New Testament Texts [50]

193

Despite the small size of these fragments, there are a couple of interesting features. The papyrus reads εἰς τὴν γῆν (“on the earth”) with ‫ א‬A and B against D and some Byzantine witnesses, and it also omits the expansion of D and some other witnesses at John 21:13 in adding εὐχαριστήσας ἔδωκεν (“gave thanks”). Τhe papyrus does share one reading with W at John 21:14 where both read ἐφανερώθη τοῖς μαθηταῖς (“appeared to the disciples”): L also shares this reading, but it reads Ἰησοῦς following μαθηταῖς. The papyrus does not agree with Byzantine witnesses in reading ἀκολούθει μοι at John 21:22. There is one singular reading. At John 21:23, where all other witnesses read ἐκεῖνος, the papyrus reads ἐκεῖνου. The change to the genitive singular makes no sense grammatically and is difficult to explain as anything other than a scribal error.

↓ 5

10

→ 5

10

] Πέ[τρος καὶ εἵλκυσεν τὸ] [δίκτυον ε]ἰς τ[ὴν γῆν μεστὸν ἰχθύων] [μεγάλω]ν ἑκατὸν ρ ̅ν ̅γ ·̅ κ [̣ αὶ τοσούτων ὄν-] [των οὐκ ἐ]σχίσθη τ[ὸ δίκτυον. λέγει] [αὐτοῖς ὁ Ἰ]η(σοῦ)ς· δεῦτ’ ἀ[ριστήσατε. οὐδεὶς] [δὲ ἐτόλμ]α τῶν μ[αθητῶν ἐξετάσαι αὐ-] [τόν· σὺ τί]ς ̣ εἶ; εἰδότε [̣ ς ὅτι ὁ κ(ύριό)ς ἐ-] [στιν. ἔρχετ]αι Ἰη(σοῦ)ς καὶ λ̣ [αμβάνει τὸν] [ἄρτον κα]ὶ δίδωσιν [αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸ ὀψά-] [ριον ὁμοί]ω ς̣ . τοῦτο [ἤδη τρίτον] [ἐφανερώ]θη τοῖς μ[αθηταῖς ]κ[

]..[ ἕω]ς ̣ ἔ ρ̣ χ̣ ο̣ μ[αι, τί πρὸς] [σέ; σύ μοι ἀκολ]ούθει. ἐξῆ[λθεν οὖν] [οὗτος ὁ λόγος] εἰς τοὺς ἀ[δελφοὺς] [ὅτι ὁ μαθητὴ]ς ἐκείνου [οὐκ ἀποθνῄ-] [σκει· οὐκ εἶπε]ν̣ δὲ αὐτῷ̣ [ὁ Ἰη(σοῦ)ς ὅτι] [οὐκ ἀποθνῄσκει,] ἀλλ’· ἐὰν α [̣ ὐτὸν θέ-] [λω μένειν ἕ]ω̣ ς ἔρχομα̣ [ι, τί πρὸς] [σέ; Οὗτός ἐστιν] ὁ μαθητὴ[ς ὁ] [μαρτυρῶν περ]ὶ τούτων [ ]. οἴδαμε̣[ν

21:11 21:12

21:13 21:14 21:21? 21:22 21:23

21:24

__________ 4. pap. ακολουτι. 6. pap. εκινου.

↓ 1 2

1346 om. και. δικτυον μεστον επι την γην D; επι της γης G K M U Γ Λ 𝔐 2 28s 118 157 700 892s 1071; επι την γην f 1 69 124 565 788 1346 1424.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

194 2–3 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

The reconstruction of the end of l. 2 and the beginning of l. 3 is uncertain. The papyrus could also be restored μεγαλων ιχθυων A Dc (μεγων D*) G L W Δ Θ Ψ f 1 33 565. 118 om. μεγαλων; αυτων οντων L. λεγει ουν 1071. B om. the definite article before Ιησους. αρισταται W. B C sa boms om. δε; μεντοι for δε 1071. ειδοντες Λ. ερχεται ο Ιησους ‫ א‬L Ψ f 1 1 33 157* 565 700 892s l 844 l 2211; ερχεται ουν ο Ιησους A K M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π 𝔐 f 13 2 28s 69 118 124 157c 788 1071 1241 1346 1424 f ff2 syh bo. αρτον ευχαριστησας εδωκεν αυτοις D d f r1 vgmss (sys). τουτο δε ηδη ‫ א‬G L Θ 33 700 1071 l 844 l 2211; τουτο δε (om. ηδη) Ν; τουτο (– δε ηδη) 69. This line is several letters shorter than those nearby. There are no existing variants that would explain the shortened line. The majority of witnesses read εφανερωθη ο Ιησους τοις μαθηταις (‫ א‬A K G M N U Γ Δ Θ Λ Π Ψ 𝔐 f 1.13 28s 33 124 etc. l 844 l 2211). Only L and W agree with P.Oxy. LXXI 4806 in reading εφανερωθη τοις μαθηταις.

→

συ δε C; σοι for συ 565; ακολουθει μοι Cc K M U Γ Δ Θ Λ Πs Ψ 𝔐 f 13 2 69 118 124 157 565 700 892s 1071 1241 1346 1424. 5 ο λογος ουτος Α K M U Δ Θ Λ Πs Ψ 𝔐 2 69 118 124 157 700 1071 1346 1424. 5–6 αδελφους και εδοξαν οτι ο μαθητης D; αδελφους οτι μαθητης οτι ο μαθητης Δ*; αδελφους οτι ο μαθητης οτι ο μαθητης Δc. 6–7 All other witnesses read εκεινος. Following αποθνησκει, a number of word order variants exist: και ουκ ειπεν αυτο D; και ουκ ειπεν αυτω A K M U Δ Θ Λ Πs Ψ 𝔐 f 1.13 2 118 157 565 700 1071 1424 lat syh; και ουκ ειπεν (om. αυτω) 69 124; και και ουκ ειπεν 1346. Λ* om. ο Ιησους οτι; D Λc om. οτι. 8 αποθνησκεις D e r1. 9–10 ‫ *א‬Ccvid 1 565 1582* a e sys om. τι προς σε; προς σε D. 10 There is sufficient room at the end of the line for και following B W. 11–12 The attested variants for the final two lines make restoration difficult. The possibilities are: και ο γραψας ταυτα και οιδαμεν B W; ο και γραψας ταυτα και οιδαμεν ‫א‬c Θ (ω for ο) f 13 33 69 124 1346 l 2211 c syh**; ο ‫ *א‬A C D K M U Δ Λ Πs Ψ 𝔐 f 1 2 157 etc. The attested readings, when used to restore the missing text, create lines that are too short. 4

Date: IV (ca. 316)

51 P.Oxy. II 209 (𝔓10) Romans 1:1-7 25.1 × 19.9 cm TM no. 61868; Van Haelst 0490

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri II (London, 1899), 8–9 (no. 209). Related Literature: K. Junack et al.  (eds.), Die paulinischen Briefe: Röm., 1. Kor., 2. Kor. (Das Neue Testament auf Papyrus, vol. 2.1; Berlin, 1989), xxi–xxii; R. Cribiore, Writing, Teachers, and Students in Graeco-Roman

New Testament Texts [51]

195

Egypt (American Studies in Papyrology 36; Atlanta, 1996), 247; A.  M. Luijendijk, “A New Testament Papyrus and Its Documentary Context: An Early Christian Writing Exercise from the Archive of Leonides (P.Oxy. II 209/ 𝔓10),” JBL 129 (2010): 575–96. Introduction P.Oxy. II 209 preserves a papyrus sheet that contains a selection from the beginning of Paul’s Epistle to the Romans at the top and a short excerpt in a cursive script near the middle of the page. The papyrus sheet has been definitively identified as originating from the archive of Leonides and thus has an identifiable owner from antiquity. 38 The papyrus was found bound together with a contract dated to the year 316, and therefore it is likely that it originates from sometime around the same year. The dates of the papyri preserved in the Leonides archive date from 315 to 334. 39 The handwriting is a large uncial hand that is rather crude and uneven. R. Cribiore describes the handwriting as “evolving,” and A. M. Luijendijk suggests that this is a writing exercise where the scribe was practicing writing nomina sacra.40 The handwriting shows a great deal of unevenness and variation in letterforms, and thus the suggestion that it is a school exercise seems reasonable. The front page is paginated (α), indicating the first page of a longer work, but beneath the excerpt from Romans there is a large amount of unused papyrus, suggesting that the scribe either abandoned the work or had some other goal in mind. The reverse side of the papyrus contains the broken phrase π̣ [ . . . ]ση ἀπόστολος and a large α in the middle of the page, both in a cursive script. These lines were probably written across the front of one of the folds of the papyrus as was common practice for letters. The text of Romans preserved on the papyrus is rather uninteresting although the papyrus does contain a singular reading. At Romans 1:6 the scribe wrote Χρ(ιστο)ῦ Ἰη(σο)ῦ instead of Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, the reading of all other witnesses. This singular reading is likely the result of a scribal error. Perhaps the more intriguing feature of this papyrus is knowing the purpose for which this piece was created. Several indicators point in the direction of this being a writing exercise. First, the rudimentary handwriting gives the impression of a student/school exercise. Second, the fact that a large amount of blank space is left beneath the text of Romans suggests that the student intentionally ended copying at Romans 1:7. Third, the cursive text at the bottom of the page is nonsensical, suggesting again that a student was practicing. Finally, the reverse side of the page includes the title “apostle,” probably in reference to Paul. The Luijendijk, “A New Testament Papyrus,” 578–79. Luijendijk, “A New Testament Papyrus,” 580. 40 Cribiore, Writing, Teachers, and Students, 247; Luijendijk, “A New Testament Papyrus,” 589. 38 39

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

196

designation of “apostle” in the nominative case is out of place if this were a title of the Epistle to the Romans. Instead, it looks as though the title was created for this particular page and was not part of the title of Romans as is commonly found in Greek witnesses (e.g., πρὸς Ῥωμαίους). Luijendijk conjectures that the reason Romans 1:1-7 was chosen was because of the high frequency of nomina sacra that occur in these lines, thus offering an evolving scribe the opportunity to practice them. This may in part be confirmed in the unusual abbreviation Δαυδ᾽ in l. 5. The passage does appear to be copied from an exemplar, and the inclusion of the page number α likely results from the source text.

→

5

10

Α Παῦλος δοῦλος Χρ(ιστο)ῦ Ἰη(σο)ῦ, κλη̣ τὸς ἀπόστολος, [ἀφ]ωρισμένος εἰς εὐαγγέλ ι̣ ον θ(εο)ῦ, ὃ [π]ρο[ε]πηγγείλατο διὰ τ̣[ῶ]ν π ρ̣ οφητῶν αὐτοῦ ἐν γρ[α]φαῖς ἁγίαις περὶ τοῦ υ(ἱο)ῦ αὐτοῦ τοῦ γενομένου ἐκ σπ[έ]ρματος Δαυὶδ κατὰ σάρκα, τοῦ ὁρισθέντος υ(ἱο)ῦ θ(εο)ῦ ἐν δυνάμει κατὰ πν(εῦμ)α ἁγιωσύνης ἐξ ἀναστάσεως νεκρῶν, Ἰ ̣η(σο)ῦ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ ἡμῶν, δι’ οὗ ἐ [̣ λάβο-] μεν χάριν καὶ ἀ[π]οστολὴν εἰς ὑπακοὴν πίστεως ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἔθνεσ[ι] ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος Ἰη(σο)ῦ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ, πᾶσιν τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν [Ῥ]ώμῃ ἀγαπητοῖς θ(εο)ῦ, κλητοῖς [ἁ]γίοις χάρις ἡμῖν καὶ ε[ἰρ]ήνη ἀπὸ θ(εο)ῦ π(ατ)ρὸς ἡμῶν καὶ κ(υρίο)υ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ Ἰη(σο)ῦ.

1:1 1:2 1:3 1:4

1:5 1:6-7

Bottom of the page in cursive script: Αὐρήλιος Παῦλο[ς . .]νυνισιου τῶν παρὰ γενήματος περὶ τῶν γενημάτων [ . . . ]ου ἐπὶ τοῦ λογείας . . [.]των (blank) 15

χιτ

↓

π̣[ . . . ]ση ἀπόστολος __________ 2. pap. παυλος·; pap. αποστολος·. 3. pap. ευαγ᾽γελιον; pap. προεπηγ᾽γειλατο. 3–4. pap. πρωφητων. 4. pap. αγ’ειαις. 5. pap. δαυδ’. 6. pap. αγιωσσυνης. 8. pap. αποστολων; pap. υπακωον. 10. pap. τους (for τοις).

New Testament Texts [52]

197

Translation of the Reverse “Aurelios Paulus, son of [ ]nunis, of the produce (sg.) for the produce (pl.) [ ] for the collection . . . of.” προεπηγγειλατο δουναι 6. 1827 om. δια των προφητων αυτου. 33 1827 om. αυτου (1st). περι τε του 1874. 910 om. του (2nd). το κατα σαρκα 88. του θεου 330 1241; πνευματος 460 618. θεου for κυριου 323 460 618 1738. ελαβωμεν 1175 1874. The papyrus om. αυτου εν οις εστε και υμεις κλητοι before Ιησου Χριστου (“including yourselves who are called to belong to [ Jesus Christ]”), probably in error. δια for υπερ 88. 10 G (includes εν) Or1739mg om. εν Ρωμη. εν αγαπη θεου for αγαπητοις θεου G it vgmss Ambst. 11 All other witnesses read υμιν. υμων for ημων 517. 11–12 P.Oxy. II 209 is unique in reading Χριστου Ιησου. The reversing of the expected order Ιησου Χριστου is likely the result of scribal error. 13–14 The sense of the text at the bottom of the page is not at all certain and appears to be nonsensical.  The genitive plural των agrees with γενηματων but not γενηματος. The noun γενημα appears here as a genitive singular (1st) and a genitive plural (2nd). επι του λογειας is unique to this papyrus. 15 χιτ is not likely a Christian isopsephy.

2 2–3 4 5 6 7 7–8 9

Date: IV/V

52 P.Oxy. XVIII 2157 (𝔓51) Galatians 1:2-10, 13, 16-20 8.2 × 13.9 cm TM no. 61869; Van Haelst 0516

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. Lobel, C. H. Roberts, and E. P. Wegener (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVIII (London, 1941), 1–3 (no. 2157). Introduction P.Oxy. XVIII 2157 preserves a fragment of a single leaf from a codex containing Galatians. The page is broken on all sides with no surviving margins. A complete page would have contained 38 lines of text. Despite the fragmentary state of the leaf, a rough approximation of the original size of the codex can be estimated to have been about 14/15 cm wide × 23/24 cm tall and thus of Turner’s Group 7. The handwriting is a square, right-sloping uncial that was dated in the ed. pr. to the fourth or fifth century. ρ, τ, υ, and φ extend below the line. ο is quite small, and α is triangular. The scribe employed the usual nomina sacra, which can frequently be inferred in the reconstructed lines based on space considerations. Diaeresis is used over initial υ and in one instance over an initial ι; two instances of a middle point stop are used; and there is one case

198

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

of a breathing used to differentiate εἰς from εἷς. At the end of Galatians 1:5 the scribe left an enlarged space to denote a sense break following the word ἀμήν. The textual character of this papyrus remains rather in doubt due to its brevity and fragmentary state. Even though there is very little evidence to work with, the papyrus does present several noteworthy readings. In Galatians 1:19 the papyrus reads Κηφᾶν (“Kephas”) with B instead of Πέτρον, the reading of ‫א‬c D and the Majority text. Also, at Galatians 1:19, the papyrus conflates the readings of D F and G with those of 𝔓46 ‫ א‬and B in preserving an otherwise unique reading: οὐκ εἶδον οὐδένα (“I did not see another”). This unique reading was subject to scribal alteration when the scribe appeared to have considered erasing the ending of οὐδένα and then changed course mid-correction. The papyrus reads ὑπέρ instead of περί at Galatians 1:4 with B and ‫א‬c. At Galatians 1:8 the papyrus agrees with a few minuscules in including the pronoun before the verb εὐαγγελίζεται. The papyrus may also contain a unique reading at Galatians 1:9 where it reads παρ’ ὃ ελ̣ [άβετε] instead of παρ᾽ ὃ παρελάβετε. The dropping of the prefix of the verb might signal a tendency toward brevity, although this may represent a genuine alternate reading.

↓ 5

10

15

20

[σὺν ἐ]μ̣ο̣[ὶ] πάντ[ες ἀδελφοὶ ταῖς] [ἐκκλη]σίαις ̣ τῆς ̣ [Γαλατίας, χά-] [ρις ὑμ]ῖν καὶ εἰρ̣〚 〛 ˋήˊ[νη ἀπὸ θ(εο)ῦ π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς] [καὶ κ(υρίο)]υ ἡμῶν Ἰ(ησο)ῦ Χ [̣ ρ(ιστο)ῦ τοῦ δόντος ἑ-] [αυτὸ]ν ὑπὲρ τῶν [ἁμαρτιῶν] [ἡμῶ]ν, ὅπως ἐξ[έληται ἡμᾶς] [ἐκ τοῦ] αἰῶνος τ̣ο[ῦ ἐνεστῶτος] [πονη]ροῦ κατ̣[ὰ τὸ θέλημα] [τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ] κ α̣ ὶ π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς ἡ μ ̣ ῶ ̣ [ν, ᾧ ἡ] [δόξα] εἰς τοὺς [α]ἰ ῶ ̣ [νας τῶν αἰ-] [ώνων,] ἀμήν. ⤚[ ]⟶ [Θαυμάζ]ω̣ ὅτι οὕτως τ̣ [αχέως με-] [τατίθ]ε̣σθε ἀπὸ τοῦ κα̣ [λέσαντος] [ὑμᾶς ἐ]ν χάριτι Χρ(ιστο)ῦ ε̣ [ἰς ἕτερον ε-] ὐ[αγγ]έλιον, ὃ οὐκ ἔστι[ν ἄλλο, εἰ] μ [̣ ή τ]ινές εἰσιν̣ οἱ τ[αράσσοντες ὑ-] μ[ᾶς] κ α̣ ὶ θέλοντες μ[εταστρέ-] ψ̣[αι τ]ὸ εὐαγγέλιον τ̣[οῦ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ. ἀλλὰ] [ἐὰν ἡ]μεῖς ἢ ἄγγελ[ος ἐξ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ] [ὑμῖ]ν̣ εὐαγγελίζε [̣ ται παρ ὃ εὐη-] [γγελ]ισάμεθα ὑμ[ῖν, ἀνάθεμα] [ἔστω.] ὡς προειρήκ [̣ αμεν καὶ ἄρ-] [τι πάλ]ιν λέγω· εἴ τ̣[ις ὑμᾶς εὐαγ-] [γελίζ]εται παρ’ ὃ ἐλ [̣ άβετε, ἀνά-]

1:2 1:3 1:4

1:5 1:6 1:7 1:8

1:9

New Testament Texts [52]

25

[θεμα] ἔστω. Ἄρτι γ[ὰρ ἀνθρώ-] [πους]

→

[ἐδίω-] [κον τὴν ἐκκλησ]ίαν̣ [τ]ο̣ῦ ̣ [θ](εο)ῦ κ [̣ αὶ]

26

40

45

50

199

1:10

1:13

9 lines lost [. . . ἀποκαλ]ύ̣ψ̣[α]ι ̣ τ̣[ὸ]ν̣ υ[ἱὸν αὐ-] [τοῦ ἐν ἐμοί, ἵ]να εὐαγγελ[ίζω-] [μαι αὐτὸν ἐν] τοῖς ἔθνεσ[ιν, εὐ-] [θέ]ως οὐ προσανεθέμην [σαρκὶ] [κα]ὶ ̣ α ἵ̣ μ ̣ α̣ τι οὐδὲ ἀπῆλθον εἰς [Ἱεροσόλυμ]α πρὸς τοὺς πρὸ ἐ[μοῦ ἀποστόλ]ο̣υς, ἀλλὰ ἀπῆλθο(ν) [εἰς Ἀραβίαν] κ α̣ ὶ πάλιν ὑπέστρ[ε-] [ψα εἰς Δαμασ]κόν. Ἔπειτα μετὰ [ἔτη τρία ἀν]ῆ̣ λ[θ]ον εἰς ˋἹεˊρ̣[ο-] [σόλυμα ἱστο]ρ̣ῆσαι Κηφᾶν [καὶ] [ἐπέμεινα] πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡμ[έ-] [ρας ιε, ἕτερον δὲ] τῶν ἀποστό[λω(ν)] [οὐ]κ̣ ε̣ἶ δ̣ ̣ ο̣ν̣ , [ο]ὐδέ ̣ν̣ 〚 〛 α εἰ μὴ Ἰάκ[ω-] [βον τὸν] ἀ̣δελφὸν τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ. [

1:16

1:17

1:18

1:19 1:20

__________ 5. pap. ϋπερ. 10. pap. εἰς. 21. pap. ϋμιν. 23. pap. λεγω·. 25. pap. εστω·. 43–44. pap. ϋπεστρεψα. 44. pap. επιτα. 49–50. pap. ϊακωβον.

1319* om. εμοι παντες; 1319c 1505 1611 2495 om. παντες. αδελφοι χαρις P. The scribal error is indecipherable, but it probably has to do with a misspelling of ειρηνη, which the scribe corrected. του πατρος 2125*. 4 ημων και κυριου ‫ א‬A P Ψ 056 33 81 131 326 365 1241s 1573 1836 1837 2125 2464 a b Ambst; 0278 547 910 999 1319 1424 1448 1874 1891 2147 vgmss om. ημων. 4–5 αυτον for εαυτον 𝔓46 056* 33; περι των αμαρτιων 𝔓46 ‫ *א‬A D F G K L P Ψ 075 𝔐 104 1739 1881 (g); 𝔓46 om. των. 6 υμων for ημων F 1243. 7 The ι of αιωνος is corrected from α. απο for εκ (104 330 2400) is possible given the space but unlikely. αυτου ενεστωτος αιωνος 69; ενεστωτος πονηρου αιωνος for αιωνος του ενεστωτος 489 927; ενεστωτος αιωνος for αιωνος του ενεστωτος ‫א‬c D F G Hvid K L P Ψ 𝔐 056 075 0278 1 6 88 104 131 etc. latt; ενεστωτος αιωνος του 330 1505 1573 2400 2495. 8 ‫ *א‬om. το. 9–10 910* om. θεου. After π of πατρος the scribe began to write α and then corrected it. ω εστιν η δοξα 1175; ου εστιν η δοξα 330 2400. 10–11 88* om. τους; 1 209 460 796 1243 1245 1735 1837 om. των αιωνων. 11 1241s Cl om. αμην. The arrow-like notation is used to fill up the end of a line following the end of Galatians 1:5 similar to the way that the scribe used >>>> to fill up the end of lines in P.Oxy. I 1 [57]. 1 2–3 3

200 12 12–13 14 14–15 15 16–17 17 17–18 18 19 20

20–21 21 22 23 24

37–38 40 41 42 43 45

46 47 48 49 49–50

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus δε οτι F G; F G 1982 om. ουτως; ουτω 𝔓46 K 056 6 205 209 323 517 547 796 945 1245 1352 1891; 460 618 1738 om. ταχεως. μετατιθεσθαι ‫ א‬D* F G 1 6 614 910 etc. ημας 𝔓46* 33 1241s 1424 1646; Ιησου Χριστου D 326 1241s 1837 syh**; του Χριστου for Χριστου 1424; 𝔓46 F* G Hvid ar b Tert Cyp Ambst Pel om. Χριστου; θεου for Χριστου 327. 205 om. ευαγγελιον. The ο of ουκ is corrected from θ. 2464* om. υμας; ημας 1241s 1646. ‫ *א‬2464* om. και θελοντες; θελοντες του 927. διαστρεψαι 1505 1611 2495. In the ed. pr. και is emended fοllowing αλλα, the reading of all other witnesses with the exception of 1874* and 2400. The ed. pr. prints ει ημεις instead of εαν ημεις. It is possible that the scribe wrote καν for και εαν. B om. εαν. υμεις for ημεις 1245; 1352* om. αγγελος. Nearly all other witnesses om. υμιν before the verb, only 1739 (ημιν 1739c) and 1175 include the pronoun before the verb. Other witnesses include the pronoun after the verb. ευαγγελισηται ‫א‬c A P 81 104 326 (1241s) (1352mg) 1837 d Tertpt Ambst; ευαγγελιζηται Β Dc F G L Ψ 056 1 33 69 1739 ar; ευαγγελισηται (om. υμιν) ‫ *א‬b g McionT Tertpt Lcf; ημιν παρα 1241s 1352 1836; υμας παρα D*.2 330 910* 1424 2400. ευηγγελισαμην 056 1739; παρελαβεται for ευηγγελισαμεθα 999 2464; 1734 om. παρ᾽ο ευηγγελισαμεθα υμιν. ημιν F 1241s; υμας 1448; 999 1734 2464 om. υμιν. 056 1874* οm. Gal 1:9. υμιν και 460 618 1738; προειρηκα ‫ *א‬323 489 630 796 927 945 1646c ar vgmss syp sams bopt. υμιν for υμας 440 1175 1315 1874c; ημιν for υμας 1241s. The reading of P.Oxy. XVIII 2157 is unique for the phrase παρ’ ο ελ[αβετε?]. Other witnesses read παρ’ ο παρελαβετε ‫ א‬A B D K L P 1 6 33 69 88 104 etc., or παρ’ ο παρελαβεται F G 1315 1646* 1735 2125*, or παρ’ ο ευηγγελισαμεθα Ψ. The omission of the preposition to the verb does little to change the meaning. ευαγγελιζομαι Dc L P 6 88 104 131 460 489 614 etc.; ευαγγελισωμαι 𝔓46 D* 330 2400. ανηλθον ‫ א‬A K L P Ψ 𝔐 056 075 1 6 33 69 81 104 1241s 1739 1881 etc. syh. επι for εις 330. εις for προς 104; προς τοις εμου F*; προς τους εμου Fc G. απηλθα 𝔓46; ανηλθον 1241s. προς Αραβιαν 1874*; Αρραβιαν 205 209 1505 1611 1827 2344 2495; Αραβειαν F G 33 2464. αιτη γ̅ for ετη τρια F G; τρια ετη ‫ א‬A P 33 (τρεια) 81 326 440 630 1241s 1315 1739 1837 1881 2464; απηλθον 33. The error at the end of the line, which may be reconstructed as το̣ρ̣, is the result of the scribe looking at ιστορησαι in the exemplar rather than picking up at Ιεροσολυμα. ιστορησε D*; Πετρον for Κηφαν ‫א‬c D F G K L P Ψ 𝔐 056 0278 075 69 81 104 330 365 630 1175 1505 1739mg 1881 2464 latt syh. εμεινα for επεμεινα 𝔓46 460 614 999 1175 2412. No doubt the number ιε stood in place of δεκαπέντε; 1243 om. δε. ουχ for ουκ 𝔓46 B*; ιδον for ειδον ‫ א‬Ψ 1175 1836c 1874. Only D* F G (om. ουκ) attest the addition of ουδενα. Ιακοβον 1 1874.

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201

Extracanonical Texts

Date: II

53 P.Oxy. LX 4009 Gospel of Peter(?) 9.0 × 2.9 cm TM no. 63663

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. A. Coles, M. W. Haslam, and P. J. Parsons (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LX (London, 1994), 1–5 (no. 4009); D. Lührmann, “POx 4009: Ein neues Fragment des Petrusevangeliums?” NovT 35 (1993): 390–410. Related Literature: F. Neirynck, “The Apocryphal Gospels and Mark,” in The New Testament in Early Christianity, ed. J.-M. Sevrin (Leuven, 1989), 140– 57, 171–75; J. C. Treat, “The Two Manuscript Witnesses to the Gospel of Peter,” in SBL Seminar Papers, ed. D. J. Lull (Atlanta, 1990), 191–99; P. M. Head, “On the Christology of the Gospel of Peter,” VC 46 (1992): 209–24; D. Lührmann, “Kann es wirklich keine frühe Handschrift des Petrusevangeliums geben? Corrigenda zu einem Aufsatz von Paul Foster,” NovT 48 (2006): 379–83; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 73, 78–79; T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas, Das Petrusevangelium und die Petrusapokalypse: Die griechischen Fragmente mit deutscher und englischer Übersetzung (Berlin, 2004); P. Foster, “Are There Any Fragments of the So-Called Gospel of Peter?” NTS 52 (2006): 1–28; A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007), 54–55; P. Foster, “The Disputed Early Fragments of the So-Called Gospel of Peter—Once Again,” NovT 49 (2007): 402–6; P. Foster, “The Discovery and Initial Reaction to the So-Called Gospel of Peter,” in Das Evangelium nach Petrus: Text, Kontext, Intertexte, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Berlin, 2007), 9–30; P. Foster, The Gospel of Peter: Introduction, Critical Edition, and Commentary (Leiden, 2010); T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 49–50, 253–54. Introduction The front side of this papyrus has been restored using parallels from the canonical Gospels of Matthew and Luke and is frequently attributed to the Gospel of Peter attested in the Akhmim Codex (P.Cairo 10759). Neither the front nor reverse can be restored through the Akhmim Codex, and thus it either is not from the Gospel of Peter or exists in a different form than that attested in the

202

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

Akhmim Codex, and thus it cannot be restored exempli gratia. The ordering of the pages does not solve the riddle of whether the → preceded the ↓ because this particular leaf could, depending on how the sheets of papyrus were folded, come from later in the codex when the typical order of → preceding ↓ is reversed. The fragment is rather small and measures just under 3 cm wide, representing what is perhaps one-fourth of the size of the original column of writing. That would suggest that the papyrus was roughly 8–9 cm wide, allowing for margins of 1.5 cm on both sides. This would still have been a rather small book unless it was, of course, a two-columned work. Its dimensions fall within the range of what would be considered a miniature codex. P. J. Parsons and D. Lührmann conjectured that the pages of the codex measured roughly 7 cm wide, but this seems rather too small given margins and the amount of missing text. There are 21 lines of text on the front and 20 lines on the reverse, but it is not known how many lines are lost between the front and reverse or whether they are even of the same work. One should think, however, of a codex that was taller than it was wide. The hand is uneven, sloping noticeably to the left with some ligatures and a tendency toward cursive forms. It has been dated through paleographic parallels to the second century, and such an early dating would place this particular fragment together with fragments from the Gospels of John and Matthew as the earliest Christian literary artifacts from Oxyrhynchus. References to the Gospel of Peter are found in Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 6.12; 3.3.2) and Origen (Comm. Matt. 10.7). Eusebius knew of a Gospel of Peter through Serapion, bishop of Antioch (ca. 190), who reported that a community of Christians in Rhossus were using the Gospel of Peter. In 2 Clement there is a reference to an early Christian apocryphal gospel that contained a dialogue between Jesus and Peter that may be construed as a reference to the Gospel of Peter. The modern discovery of the text of the Gospel of Peter can be traced to 1886–1887 when an eighth-century manuscript was discovered as part of a burial during the excavations at Akhmim. Interestingly, the three purported fragments of the Gospel of Peter show wide textual variation (P.Oxy. XLI 2949 [56], P.Oxy. LX 4009, and the Akhmim Codex). Although traditionally it has been a point of discussion, it is now rather widely assumed that the Gospel of Peter is dependent upon the canonical gospels for some of its material. In the ed. pr., the text of P.Oxy. LX 4009 was reconstructed based on a parallel to 2 Clement 5:2-4 that reads, ἔσεσθε ὡς ἀρνία ἐν μέσῳ λύκων. ἀποκριθεὶς δὲ ὁ Πέτρος αὐτῷ λέγει· Ἐὰν οὖν διασπαράξωσιν οἱ λύκοι τὰ ἀρνία; εἶπεν ὁ Ἰησοῦς τῷ Πέτρῳ· Μὴ φοβείσθωσαν τὰ ἀρνία τοὺς λύκους μετὰ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν αὐτά· καὶ ὑμεῖς μὴ φοβεῖσθε τοὺς ἀποκτένοντας ὑμᾶς καὶ μηδὲν ὑμῖν δυναμένους ποιεῖν (“You will be like lambs in the midst of wolves. But Peter answering said to him, ‘If then the wolves tear the lambs?’ Jesus spoke to Peter: ‘Let not

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203

the lambs fear the wolves after they die. And you, do not fear those killing you and able to do nothing to you’ ”). Indeed, the edition offered by Parsons and Lührmann is compelling, but there are significant reasons for doubting the reconstruction. As Foster has argued, the shared language between 2 Clement 5:2-4 and P.Oxy. LX 4009 is really not overwhelming and is noteworthy for the phrase ἔσεσθε ὡς [ . . . ]σον λύκων and ἐὰν οὖν. Beyond these parallels, the two sources share λέγει and perhaps other similarities that are not readily obvious (φοβεῖσθε, ἀποκτενόντων). Despite the rather interesting parallel to 2  Clement on the front page, the parallel to 2  Clement does nothing to help restore the text of the reverse, which is written by the same scribe and arguably of the same work. Additionally, the reverse cannot be restored exempli gratia to the text of the Gospel of Peter as preserved in the Akhmim Codex. It should be noted that 2 Clement does not report to quote from the Gospel of Peter but rather quotes from otherwise unattested sayings traditions that may or may not have been associated with Peter. By reconstructing the text exempli gratia of the synoptic parallels, it becomes apparent that the text follows the linear development of the synoptic tradition.

→ 5

10

15

2

].[ ]α εἰς[ ]. κα [ . . ]φ[ ] θερισμὸς [ Matt 9:37-38; Luke 10:2 πολὺς ἀκέ]ραιος ὡς αἱ ̣ [πεMatt 10:16b ριστεραὶ κ]αὶ φρό̣νι μ ̣ [ος ὡς οἱ ὄφεις.] ἔσεσθε ὡς  ἀρνία ἐν μέ]σον λύκων. Matt 10:16a; Luke 10:3 ]τον ἐὰν οὖ(ν) ]μεν ] λέγει μοι ο̣ἱ ]ξαντες τὸ ]κετι αὐτῶ ͅ  οὐ] ποιῆσ̣α[ ι] διὑ]μῖν [μὴ] φο- Matt 10:28; Luke 12:4 βεῖσθε ἀπὸ τ]ῶν ἀπ[οκτεννόντων ὑμᾶ]ς καὶ ̣ [ ] μ ̣ηκέ [̣ τι ποι]νω ν [ ] ἔχ ω ̣ ν[ ]μει[ __________ 11. pap. μοι·. 15. pap. υμειν.

204

↓ 5

10

15

20

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

].[

]ψει . [ ] . υσ . [ οὐδὲ τω[ παρεσχ[ θον τιμ[ κας δια . [ ὅτι ἀφˋεˊια[ λαια μα[ αὐτῷ ἐκ[ μενων[ τῷ ὀνόματ[ι ἀφεῖς κ(ύρι)ε[ ] . ουθ  [ ]μαι [ ]προ[ ]πη  [ ]σιν   [ ] σρ αι [ ] . . εν[

Lines 1–21 (→) reconstructed based on the parallel to 2 Clement 5:2-4 as given in the ed. pr.

5

10

15

].[ ]α εἰς[ ]. κα [ . . ]φ[ ] θερισμὸς[ Matt 9:37-38; Luke 10:2 [γίνου δὲ ἀκέ]ραιος ὡς αἱ̣ [πε-] Matt 10:16b [ριστεραὶ κ]αὶ φρό̣νι̣μ[ος] [ὡς οἱ ὄφεις.] ἔσεσθε ὡς  [ἀρνία ἀνὰ μέ]σον λύκων. Matt 10:16a; Luke 10:3 [εἶπον πρὸς αὐ]τόν‧ ἐὰν οὖ(ν) [σπαραχθῶ]μεν; [ὁ δὲ ἀποκριθεὶς] λέγει μοι· ο̣ἱ [λύκοι σπαρά]ξαντες τὸ [ἀρνίον οὐ]κέτι αὐτῷ οὐ[δὲν δύνανται] ποιῆσα [ ι] δι[ὸ ἐγὼ λέγω ὑ]μῖν‧ [μὴ] φοMatt 10:28; Luke 12:4 [βεῖσθε ἀπὸ τ]ῶν ἀπ[οκτεν-] [νόντων ὑμᾶ]ς καὶ ̣ [μετὰ τὸ] [ἀποκτεῖναι] μ ̣ηκέ [̣ τι ποι-] [ῆσαι δυναμέ]νων [μηδέν.]

Extracanonical Texts [54]

20

205

]ἔχ ω ̣ ν[ ]μει[

Translation (of the conjectured restoration ll. 4–19) reaping . . . (l. 5) and becoming pure just like the doves and wise just like the serpents. You will be just as the lambs in the midst of wolves. He said to him, ‘If therefore (l. 10) we will be torn apart?’ . . . and answering he spoke to me, ‘The wolves having torn apart the lamb are no longer able to make anything of him.’ (l. 15) Therefore I say to you, ‘Do not fear those who are killing you and those no longer able to make anything with the killing.’

→ 4

5

↓ 2

4

5

8 8–9 14 16

Lührmann and Schlarb reconstruct ο θερισμος. There do not appear to be any traces of ο in the available photographs. The quotations of synoptic sayings do not follow the precise order in which they appear in the gospels. Rather, the papyrus quotes short snippets of verses. The first visible letter on the line is clearly a ψ, but the following two letters are more difficult to discern. The second letter appears rounded, and thus ε, σ, φ, and ω are possible. συ δε in place of ουδε is also possible, a suggestion made by Lührmann in the ed. pr. and in the critical edition of Lührmann and Parsons. Lührmann restored a number of lines based on conjectural reconstructions. Those reconstructions are included here in the notes, but they should be considered suggestions rather than confident assertions. Here, Lührmann in the ed. pr. conjectured παρεσχ[ηκα τω προσελ]θοντι μ[οι]. οτι φˋεˊι〚.〛α Lührmann and Schlarb. [εν Γαλι]λαια μα[θητης] Lührmann in the ed. pr. Γαλιλαια seems to be a reasonable proposal, although παλαιά or κεφάλαια cannot be ruled out. Lührmann in the ed. pr. suggested [ακο]λουθ[εω]. The traces of ink seem to fit προ rather than του ο as suggested by Lührmann and Schlarb.

Date: Late II/Early III

54 P.Oxy. LXXVI 5072 Uncanonical Gospel(?) 7.0 × 7.0 cm TM no. 140276

Material: Papyrus

Published: D. Colomo and J. Chapa (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXVI (London, 2011), 1–19 (no. 5072). Introduction This intriguing text represents a Christian gospel that circulated independently of the canonical gospels, or at least it appears to be an independent sayings

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

206

gospel with a narrative structure that contains broad synoptic parallels. J. Chapa’s edition of this fragment is very thorough, and the notes heavily reflect his notes and restorations. The handwriting is a “small semi-cursive, upright, with many ligatures, not particularly elegant.”41 In the ed. pr., the handwriting was compared to P.Oxy. LX 4068 (March–April 200), P.Flor. II 278 (203–204), P.Oxy. L 3536 (III), P.Oxy. V 842 (late II), and P.Ryl. III 463 (mid-III) with the conclusion that the text should be assigned to somewhere around the turn of the third century. The scribe employs the nomina sacra for υἱέ and βασιλεία (β̅α̅λ̅ε̅ι̅α̅, also contracted in P.Oxy. XVII 2068 [96]), the latter of which is not usually abbreviated. Diaeresis is used over initial ι and υ. In a broad sense, the language of the papyrus is “slightly closer to that of Luke than to that of any other canonical gospel.”42 Because so little of the text remains, it is impossible to suggest the size of the codex from which it originates or even whether the → preceded the ↓ as they are reconstructed here. The papyrus is certainly noteworthy for its parallels to all three Synoptic Gospels and the Gospel of Thomas (see notes). Fortunately the parallels are significant enough to demonstrate a shared tradition, but unfortunately they are broken enough to make the restoration of complete lines almost impossible.

→ 5

10

] ἐ̣ναντίον̣ [.]. . .[. . .] οὐκ̣ [ ] ἀλλὰ κατέρρησσ̣εν ὅσα . [ οῦ]ν̣ ἀνέκραξε λέγων υ(ἱ)ὲ . ̅ [ ἦλ]θ̣ε ς̣ πρὸ καιροῦ ἡμᾶς π .[ ] ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ λέ [̣ γων ἔξ]ε λ̣ θε ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου̣ [ ] . ἐλθὼν ἐκάθισεν .[ α]ὐ̣τῶν̣ περ̣[.]. .[. . .]. . .[ Ἰ(ησοῦ)]ς περιεσ .[ ]. ον ενδυ .[ ]ε̣ι̣ τις αὐτῷ[ __________ 3. pap. υ̅ε̅ .̅[. 5. pap. αυτωι. 7. pap. .´ελθων. 9. pap. ]ς̅.

↓ 5

41 42

].[ ]με̣ ̣τ̣[. . .]. . . .ου ὁμολ [̣ δι]δάσκαλον ἐγὼ δέ σε ἀπ̣ [αρνήσομαι μ]ου μαθητήν· καὶ ἔ σ̣ η α ἰ̣ σ̣[χυνόμενος ἔσ]χ α̣ ̣τα· ναὶ λέγω ὑμῖν ὁ̣ φ̣[ιλῶν αὐ]τ̣οῦ ὑπὲρ ἐμὲ οὐκ ἔστ[ιν P.Oxy. LXXVI, p. 1. P.Oxy. LXXVI, p. 5.

Extracanonical Texts [54]

10

207

μαθ]η̣ τή̣ ς· εἰ οὖν γραμματικ[ ] Ἱεροσόλυμα καὶ εἰ σοφ[ ]. τα . . . .[.] ἡ ̣ δὲ βα(σι)λεία[ ἔμπρο]σ̣θε̣ ν ὑμῶ ̣ [̣ ν συν]ε̣τῶ ̣ν ἀπ̣ έκ̣ [ρυψε μ]α θ̣ ητὰς ̣ α ̣ .[ ].[ __________ 4. pap. κ´αι;. 5. pap. χαταν´; pap. ϋμιν. 6. pap. ϋπερ. 7. pap. ησε´. 8. pap. ϊεροσολυμα. 10. pap. ϋμων.

Translation opposite . . . not . . . but he denounced . . . and cried out saying son . . . you came at that time to us . . . [and] (l. 5) he rebuked him saying, . . . “Come out of the man” . . . coming [out?] he healed [him] . . . [to] him . . . [Jesu]s. with . . . [I?] declare . . . to the teacher, . . . I will confess you . . . my disciple. And you will be ashamed . . . [in the?] (l. 5) eschaton. Yes, I say to you, the? of friends? . . . for my sake is not . . . disciple. If the scribes . . . [from?] Jerusalem and the wise[?] . . . the kingdom . . . (l. 10) before you . . . of the wise he hid . . . to the disciples.

→ 1

2

3

4 5 7 8

The traces of ink following εναντιον could fit τοῦ, although αὐτῷ would also make sense. The sense seems to be that someone is being brought before Jesus(?) to be healed. The presense of the verb καταρρήσσω confirms that this text is independent of the NT. The verb does not occur in the NT, but its meaning “to tear in pieces” is reminiscent of the tearing of the demoniac’s clothes in Luke 8:27, 29 or the rending of his bonds in Mark 5:4. It is possible that the verb has been confused here and the scribe intended καταρράσσω “to fall down.” “Falling down” is mentioned in a number of healing stories and would thus open up a different set of parallels for the opening lines (Matt 17:15; Mark 9:20; Luke 9:39-42). At the end of the line ὁ Σατανᾶς and ὁ Σαμαρείτης seem impossible based on the traces of ink. Probably something like υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ is intended. The supralinear stroke is visible following ε, but the traces of ink following υε are too faint to suggest a restoration. Cf. Luke 8:28 ἰδὼν δὲ τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἀνακράξας. For the phrase υἱὲ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ὑψίστου see Mark 5:7 and Luke 8:28. For the title υιε δαυιδ, see Matt 9:27; 15:22; 20:30; Mark 10:47, 48. Cf. Matt 8:29 for πρὸ καιροῦ. Luke 4:35 καὶ ἐπετίμησεν αὐτῷ ὁ Ἰησοῦς λέγων, φιμώθητι καὶ ἔξελθε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ (cf. Matt 17:18; Mark 1:25; 9:25; Luke 9:42). J. Chapa interprets this line in reference to the demon departing from the person who was healed, cf. Matt 8:32; 17:18; Luke 5:14; 9:42; Mark 1:42. The sense of this line is unclear with respect to περ. Continuing on with the theme of healing, the pronoun indicates that the healed person was perhaps brought to Jesus, but the preposition περί following would make little sense. There are certainly many possibilities with περί as a prefix to a verb, but none that immediately recommend themselves.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

208 9

↓ 2

2–5 3–5 4 5

5–7 7–9

9

10 11 12

The begininning of the line ]ς̅ recommends the reconstruction Ἰη(σοῦ)ς although κ(ύριο)ς is also possible. Chapa suggests περιέσπ̣ [ασε] or περιεσπ̣ [άσατο] in the sense of “being distracted” or “leaving” (cf. Luke 10:40; Matt 28:9). Cf. Matt 10:32-33. Unfortunately the subject of the verb of confessing is lost. Perhaps Jesus is here declaring that those who do not confess him will not be accepted as disciples (cf. Luke 12:8-9). Cf. Luke 9:26; 12:8-9; Matt 10:32-33; Mark 8:38. Chapa noted broad parallels to the story of the young rich man in Matt 19:21-23 in these lines. Cf. Luke 9:26 (Mark 8:38). The restoration of αἰσ[χυνόμενος is questionable, but the traces of αι are fairly certain and the context of the confession in l. 2 would precede well the sense of someone being ashamed. Cf. Matt 10:37, ὁ φιλῶν πατέρα ἢ μητέρα ὑπὲρ ἐμὲ οὐκ ἔστιν μου ἄξιος, “Whoever loves father or mother more than me is not worthy of me” (cf. Luke 14:26-27). For the phrase ναὶ λέγω ὑμῖν see Matt 11:9 and Luke 7:26; 11:51; 12:5. If [ἔσ]χατα is correct, then the context of these sayings shifts to an eschatological context. For parallels to these lines, see Matt 10:37-38; Luke 14:26-27, 33; Gospel of Thomas 55, 101. These lines demonstrate phraseology with little parallel to the synoptic tradition. γραμματικός does not occur in the NT. The connection of the γραμματικοι and σοφοι might be intended here. These γραμματικοι (or singular γραμματικος) appear connected to Jerusalem, probably with the idea that the scribes from Jerusalem(?) have come to Jesus. Chapa notes in the ed. pr. that the added portion of the Freer Gospel (W) from the seventh or eighth century also abbreviate βασιλεύς at John 1:51 and 3:3 as well as P.Egerton 2. Following βασιλεια one expects a genitive such as the “kingdom of heaven” or the “kingdom of God.” Chapa notes the parallel to Gospel of Thomas 3 “the kingdom is within you.” The restoration εμπροσθεν υμων is relatively secure given the context and a search of the TLG turned up no other convincing possibilities, although ἐντο]σθεν ὑμῶ[ν is possible. Given the general echoes of NT language, one might expect a form of ἀποκρύπτω here. Chapa restored ἀπέκρυψε. Probably the last line refers to Jesus’(?) disciples (αὐτοῦ).

Date: II/III

55 P.Oxy. LXIX 4706 Shepherd of Hermas Varia TM no. 69384

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis, D. Obbink, D. Colombo, G. B. d’Alessio, and A. Nodar (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIX (London, 2005), 3–12 (no. 4706). Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, “The Genre and Function of the Shepherd of Hermas,” Semeia 36 (1986): 113–21; A. Carlini, “La Tradizione Testuale del Pastore di Erma e i Nuovi Papiri,” in Le Strade del Testo, ed. G. Cavallo

Extracanonical Texts [55]

209

(Bari, 1987), 23–43; A. Kirkland, “The Literary History of The Shepherd of Hermas, Visions I to IV,” JECS 9 (1992): 87–102; M. Bandini and G. Lusini, “Nuove Acquisizioni intorno alla Tradizione Testuale del Pastore di Erma in Greco e in Etiopico,” SCO 46 (1997): 625–35; C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999); G. Lusini, “Nouvelles recherches sur le texte du ‘Pasteur’ d’Hermas,” Apocrypha 12 (2001): 79–97; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas: The Shepherd in Egypt before Constantine,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 205; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 162–66, 387–88. Introduction These 27 fragments originate from a papyrus roll with writing on one side only (→). The roll contained portions of the Visions and Mandates. Some of the fragments remain unplaced and likely belong to one of these sections of the Shepherd but are too small to identify with any confidence. It is unclear how many columns are represented here, and the dimensions of those columns are unknown. The early dating of the papyrus places it close to the time of composition, which is broadly estimated to have been the middle part of the second century. Some titles survive (Vis. 4 [ὅρασις τετ]άρτη and Mand. 8 ἐντ[ολὴ ὀγδόη]). In the ed. pr., the handwriting was dated to the third century based on parallels to P.Oxy. XXXI 2611 (late II), P.Oxy. VIII 1100 (206), and P.Oxy. L 3532 (late II). The usual nomina sacra were employed, but ἄνθρωπος is left uncontracted, and there appear to be two instances where κύριος and θεός are not contracted (3.1 and 8.1 respectively). Some early Christians attributed this work to the Hermas mentioned in Romans 16:14, but it is more likely that the author of the Shepherd is the brother of Pius I (ca. 140–155) as is mentioned in the Muratorian Canon where it states regarding the Shepherd, “it has been written quite recently, in our own time, in the city of Rome by Hermas, while Pius his brother occupied as bishop the throne of the church of the city of Rome.”43 Irenaeus knew the work and mentioned it in ca. 175. This would place the time of composition to no later than the middle of the second century. These fragments can be dated approximately to within one hundred years of the time of composition. The Shepherd documents the life of Hermas, who was purportedly a slave and a Christian who was not initially deeply devout in his faith. Hermas was sold in Rome to Rhode, who later liberated him. After receiving his freedom, 43

K. Lake, The Apostolic Fathers (London, 1912), 2:3.

210

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

Hermas became rather wealthy and neglected raising his family according to Christian ideals. During a persecution of Christians in Rome, Hermas rededicated himself to the faith, and the Shepherd reports some of his visionary experiences following his rededication to the faith. One of the more compelling features of this work is that it represents the spirituality of Rome in the mid-second century, where Hermas debates the issue of returning to the faith after a period of laxity and weakness in his faith. He associates the rebirth of his faith to a period of persecution, which may indeed represent the struggles facing other Christian families in Rome at the time. The Shepherd is formally divided into five visions, twelve mandates or commandments, and ten similitudes or parables. Scholars have long recognized that visions 1–4 circulated independently, and P.Mich. II 129 and some Coptic witnesses begin with vision 5. Additionally, parables 9–10 may have been a later addition intended to create a transition between several independent sections that were eventually woven together to create the Shepherd as it has been passed down to us. Some editions of the Shepherd employ the division system of visions 1–5, mandates 1–12, and similitudes 1–10, whereas more recent editions seem to prefer the division of the text into 114 sections. The editions in this volume will provide reference to both systems of textual division. The Shepherd is attested in a wide variety of manuscripts, including Coptic (C1 Akhmimic and C2 Sahidic), a thirteenth-century florilegium (Fa), Codex Sinaiticus (S), Codex Athous (A), P. Bodmer XXXVIII (B), P.Mich. II 129 (M), Latin (L1), the “Palatine” Latin (L2), Ethiopic (E), and a significant number of papyri from Oxyrhynchus and other Egyptian locales. Also, the apparatus cites at times patristic authors such as Pseudo-Athanasius (Ath, Ath1, and Ath2).44 frag. 1 [παντών ἀξιώτερος] εἶ ἵνα [σοι ἀποκαλύφθῃ ἄλ]λ ο̣ ι γὰρ [σου πρότεροί εἰσι καὶ β]ελτί[ονές σου οἷς ἔδει ἀπο]καλυ5 [φθῆναι τὰ ὁράματα τ]αῦτα· [ἀλλὰ ἵνα δοξασθῇ τ]ὸ̣ ὄνο[μα τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ σοὶ ἀπεκ]αλύφθ[η] [καὶ ἔτι ἀποκαλυφθή]σ̣εται [διὰ τοὺς διψύχους] δ̣ι α̣ λο10 [γιζομένους ἐν ταῖς] καρδί-

Vis. III 4,3 (12.3)

44 For a fairly complete discussion of the witnesses to the Shepherd, see Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I, ix–xxii; and Holmes, Apostolic Fathers, 328–33.

Extracanonical Texts [55]

211

[αις αὐτῶν εἰ ἄρα ἔστι]ν ταῦ[τα] __________ 3–4. pap. βελτειονες.

2 3–4 4 7 9 11

Ε reads πολλοι for αλλοι. βελτειονες is also the spelling of B. σου seems likely based on the amount of space available (also SBL1L2). A E om. σου. S om. σοι απεκαλυφθη, and the corrector of S restored only the verb. The omission of σοι is possible here, given the length of the line, but the available witnesses are strong in its favor. There is insufficient space for τους before διαλογιζομενους. τους is included in S B A. A reads εσται for εστιν.

frag. 2 [ἔ]σ̣ον[ται τῷ θ(ε)ῷ ὥσπερ γὰρ] Vis. III 6,6–7 (14.6) [ὁ] λ ί̣ θο[ς ὁ στρογγύλος ἐὰν μὴ] [π]ερι[κοπῇ καὶ ἀποβάλῃ] [ἐξ] α̣ ὐτ̣ [οῦ τι οὐ δύναται τετρά-] 5 [γ]ω ̣ν̣ο [̣ ς γενέσθαι οὕτω καὶ οἱ πλου-] [τ]οῦν[τες ἐν τούτῳ τῷ αἰῶνι ἐ-] [ὰ]ν̣ μ̣[ὴ περικοπῂ αὐτῶν] 1 3 5

γαρ is om. in S L2 E and may have also been om. here. Line 3 is quite short and may reflect better the line length of this fragment. Gonis suggests that perhaps a word order variant can account for the unexpectedly short line (perhaps τι being written in l. 3 instead of l. 4). The line is several letters longer than nearby lines.

frag. 3 [τὸν κ]ύριον [καὶ ἐκκλεισθή-] [σεσθε] με̣ τ[ὰ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ὑ-] [μῶν ἔξ]ω ̣ τῆς [θύρας τοῦ πύργου·] [νῦν οὖ]ν ὑμ[ῖν λέγω τοῖς προ-] 5 [ηγουμ]ένο[ις τῆς ἐκκλησίας] [καὶ τοῖς] π̣[ρωτοκαθεδρίταις]

Vis. III 9,6–7 (17.6) (17.7)

__________ 4. pap. ϋμειν.

1 2

B reads θεον for κυριον. The longer reading of B (των αδελφων αγαθων) can be excluded as a result of consideration of space (cf. L1 cum bonis vestris, L2 cum omnibus divitiis, E cum divitiis vestris).

frags. 4 + 5 [ἡ θέσις· ὅτι τέσσα]ρ̣ας̣ [πό-] [δας ἔχει τὸ συμψέλι]ον [καὶ]

Vis. III 13,3–IV 1,1 (21.3)

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

212

5

10

15

[ἰσχυρῶς ἕστηκε]ν̣· καὶ γὰ[ρ ὁ] [κόσμος διὰ τεσσ]άρων [στοι-] [χείων κρατεῖται.] οἱ οὖν [με[τα]νοήσαν̣τ̣[ες ὁλο]τ̣ελ[ῶς νέ-] [οι] ἔσονται [καὶ τε]θεμ[ελιω-] [μ]ένοι ἐξ ὅ[λης τῆς κ]αρδ[ίας] [με]τ̣ανοήσαν̣[τες. ἀπ]έ χ̣ [̣ εις] [ὁλο]τ̣ελ[ῆ τὴν ἀποκ]άλυψι [̣ ν·] [μηκ]έτι [μηδὲν αἰτή]σῃ· ἐάν̣[ [τι δὲ δέῃ ἀποκ]α λ̣ υφθή[σεταί] [σοι ὅρασις τετ]άρτη [ἣν εἶδον ἀδελφοὶ] μετὰ [ἡμέρας εἴκοσι τῆς] π̣ροτέ[ρας]

(21.4)

(22.1)

__________ 1. pap. τεσσαρες.

οι εξ A L1 E. αιτησεις Sc, αιτησης A. The longer reading of A L1 E (περι αποκαλυψεως following αιτησης) can be ruled out on line length considerations. Gonis suggests σοι αποκαλυφθησεται. This reconstruction, however, creates an unusually long line. It is possible that σοι followed αποκαλυφθησεται as in S A.

8 11 12

frag. 6

5

[ὡσεὶ κεράμου καὶ] ἠ ρ̣ [̣ ξά-] [μην κλαίειν καὶ ἐρωτ]ᾶ ̣ν τ̣[ὸν] [κύριον ἵνα με λυτρώ]σ̣ ητα[ι] [ἐξ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἐπανεμν]ήσθη̣ [ν] [τοῦ ῥήματος οὗ ἀκηκόει]ν· μ[ὴ] [διψυχήσεις Ἑρμᾶ. ἐνδυ]σάμ [̣ ε-] [νος οὖν ἀδελφοὶ τὴν] π̣ί̣[σ]τ̣[ιν]

Vis. IV 1,6–8 (22.6–7)

(22.8)

κλιναι τα γονατα for κλαιειν S. λυτρωσεται S. υπανεμνησθην A. ακηκοα Α.

2 3 4 5

frag. 7 [τον ἔ]δω[κα. οὕτω δὲ τὸ θηρί-] [ον] ἤ ρ χ[ετο ῥοίζῳ ὥστε δύνα-] [σ]θαι α[ὐτὸ πόλιν λυμᾶναι.] [ἔρ]χ̣ ομα[ι ἐγγὺς αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ] 5 [τη]λ̣ικοῦτ̣[ο κῆτος 1 1–2 5

Vis. IV 1,8–9 (22.8)

δεδωκα A. The word order το θηριον ηρχετο is unattested in other witnesses. τηλικουτον κτηνος A.

(22.9)

Extracanonical Texts [55]

frag. 8 [ὁ θε]ὸς [δίδωσίν σοι πᾶσιν ὑστε-] [ρου]μ[ένοις δίδου ἁπλῶς μὴ] [διστ]άζ[ων τίνι δῷς ἢ τίνι] [μὴ δ]ῷς. [πᾶσιν γὰρ ὁ θεὸς δίδο-] 5 [σθα]ι θέ[λει ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων] [δωρ]ημά[των. οἱ οὖν λαμβά-] [νοντ]ε̣ς ἀ[ποδώσουσιν]

213

Mand. II 4 (27.4)

(27.5)

The text following μη δως has likely been corrupted through omission. πασιν διδου (S A) should follow, but the inclusion of πασιν διδου would create a longer than expected line. It may be that an omission occurred and that the correction was noted above the line.

4

frag. 9 [μὴ ἀν]αβαι [̣ νέτω σου ἐπὶ τὴν] [καρ]δίαν̣ [περὶ γυναικὸς] [ἀλ]λ̣ οτρία̣ [ς ἢ περὶ πορνείας] [τιν]ος ἢ π[ερὶ τοιούτων] 5 [τιν]ῶν ὁμ [̣ οιωμάτων πονη-] [ρῶ]ν̣. τοῦ̣[το frag. 10 [ἐάν τις ἐκπειρασθεὶς ὑπὸ] τ̣ο̣ῦ ̣ [διαβόλου ἁμαρτήσῃ μίαν] μετά[νοιαν ἔχει· ἐὰν δὲ ὑπὸ χ]ε̣ῖρα ἁ[μαρτάνῃ καὶ μὴ μεταν]οῇ ἀ5 [σύμφορόν ἐστι τῷ ἀν]θ̣ρώ[πῳ τῷ τοιούτῳ· δυσκ]ό

Mand. IV 1,1 (29.1)

Mand. IV 3,6 (31.6)

There is considerable variation following και: ου μετανοηση A, μετανοηση (om. ου) L1 L2 C1 E.

4

frag. 11 [τῷ θεῷ. ταῦτά σοι ὅσ]α ̣ λαλῶ [ Mand. IV 4,3–4 (32.3) [ἢ καὶ μέλλω λαλεῖν φ]ύλλασ-[ [σε ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν ἀφ’ ἧς] μο̣ ι παρ̣[ε[δόθης καὶ εἰς τὸν οἰκόν] σου κα5 [τοικήσω. τῶν δὲ προτέρω]ν σου (32.4) [παραπτωμάτων ἄφεσι]ς ̣ ἔσται ̣ [ ]. . . 3–4 5–6

ημερας παρεδοθης A. τοις δε προτεροις σου παραπτωμασιν A.

214

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

frag. 12 [μιγῇ ἡ ὀ]ξυ[χολία τῇ μακροθυμίᾳ] Mand. V 1,6–7 (33.6) [μιαίνετ]αι [ἡ μακροθυμία καὶ οὐ-] [κ εὐχρη]στό[ς ἐστι τῷ θεῷ ἡ ἔν-] [τευξις] αὐ̣[τῆς. ἤθελον, φημί,] (33.7) 5 [κύριε] γ̣ν[ῶναι τὴν ἐνέργει-] [αν τῆς ὀ]ξυ[χολίας ἵνα φυλά-] [ξωμαι] ἀπ’ [αὐτῆς. καὶ μήν,] [φησίν,] ἐὰν [μὴ φυλάξῃ ἀπ’ αὐ-] [τῆς σὺ] κ α̣ ὶ [ὁ οἶκός σου ἀπώ-] 10 [λεσας τ]ὴ̣ [ν πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα.] 1–10

There are a number of textual variants attested for this passage, but they are witness to the text within the brackets and therefore not visibly attested here. With so little visible text, it is difficult to determine the beginnings and endings of lines.

frag. 13 [στρεβλ]ὴ̣ [ν ἔασον. ἡ] γ̣ὰ[ρ] Mand. VI 1,2–5 (35.2–3) [στρεβ]λὴ ὁδὸς [τρ]ίβους [οὐ-] [κ ἔχει] καὶ τραχεῖά ἐστ[ι καὶ ἀ-] [κανθ]ώδης. βλαβερὰ [οὖν] 5 [ἐστι τ]οῖς ἐν αὐτῇ πο[ρευο-] [μένο]ις. οἱ δὲ τ[ῇ] ὀρθῇ ὁ[δῷ πο-] (35.4) [ρευό]μενοι ὁμαλῶ[ς περιπα-] [τοῦσ]ι καὶ ἀπροσκό[πως·] [οὔτε] γὰρ̣ τραχεῖά ἐστ[ιν οὔτε] 10 [ἀκαν]θώδ〚ε〛 ὴ ς́ . βλέπε [̣ ις] [οὖν ὅ]τ̣ι συμφορώτ[ερόν ἐσ-] [τι ταύτ]ῃ  τῇ ὁδῷ π[ορεύεσ-] [θαι. ἀρέσ]κ ε̣ ι , φημί, [κύριε, ταύ-] (35.5) [τῃ τῇ ὁ]δ̣ῷ πορεύ[εσθαι] 15 [πορεύσῃ.] φ̣[ησί,] καὶ [ὃς ἂν] __________ 2. pap. τρειβους.

1 3 4 5 11 13

η δε L1 L2, οτι E for η γαρ. A adds αλλ᾽ ανοδιας και προσκομματα πολλα following εχει. και βλαβερα (om. ουν) L1 L2 E. τοις ανθρωποις τοις εν αυτη for τοις εν αυτη L1. συμφερωτερον A. The omission of μοι is a scribal error.

Extracanonical Texts [55]

215

frag. 14

5

2–3 3–4 4 5 6

[ἐ]ν[τολὰς αὐτοῦ ἐκεί-] [νω]ν ἡ̣ [ζωή ἐστι παρὰ τῷ] [θε]ῷ. τῶν δ[ὲ μὴ φυλασσόν-] [τω]ν τὰς ἐν[τολὰς αὐτοῦ οὐδὲ] [ζω]ὴ ἐ̣ ̣ν αὐτοῖς. ] ἐντ[ολὴ η΄ ]..[.].[

(38.1)

παρα τω κυριω L1, εν κυριω/θεω E. των δε φοβουμενων τον θεον και μη φυλασσοντων L2 for των δε μη φυλασσοντων. L1 E om. τας εντολας αυτου. αυτω A. Gonis restores εντολη ογδοη.

frag. 15 [λίαν πονηρά, φημί, τοῖς] δούλοις ̣ [τοῦ θεοῦ. τούτων οὖν] π̣ άντων [δεῖ ἐγκρατεύεσθαι τὸν δ]ου[λεύοντα τῷ θεῷ. ἐγκρά]τευ5 [σαι οὖν ἀπὸ πάντων τού]τ̣ων [ἵνα ζήσῃ τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἐγκ]ρ̣α[φήσῃ] 3–4

Mand. VII 5 (37.5)

Mand. VIII 6 (38.6)

δουλον του θεου Ath1 L1, τον αγωνιστην και δουλον του θεου Ant. for δουλευοντα τω θεω.

frag. 16 [ἢ παράπτ]ω̣ μά τ[ι ὃ σὺ ἀγνοεῖς] Mand. IX 7–8 (39.7–8) [βραδύτερ]ον λα̣ [μβάνεις τὸ αἴ-] [τημά σου.] σὺ οὖν̣ [μὴ διαλίπῃς] Probably τι ο with A Ath2 Ant. σου L1 E, σου τι L2, om. Ath1.

1

frag. 17

5

] τ̣ῆς διψ̣[υχίας καὶ τῆς ὀ-] [ξυχο]λ ί̣ ας, πῶ [̣ ς, φημί, κύριε] [ἀδελ]φή ἐσ[τι τούτων; ἄλλο] [γάρ μοι] δοκε[ῖ εἶναι ὀξυχολία] ].[

frag. 18 ] ̣ν̣ι [̣ ] . αρ[

Mand. X 1,1–2 (40.1) (40.2)

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

216

] κα[ ]. α[ frag. 19 ]δ̣ . [ ]νκ[ ]η̣ να [̣ ].[ frag. 20 ]. ]α ]πα ].

.[ λε[ κα[ ω [̣

frag. 21 ]ε ̣νο̣[ ]ντο̣[ ]διδ̣[ frag. 22 ]ασμ . [ ]η̣ ο . [ ]αλ . [ frag. 23 ].ο.[ ]σ̣μ [̣ ].ω.[ frag. 24 ]ζ ̣ . . [ ] . ζωη frag. 25 ]ζ . [ το[ frag. 26 ]ων[ ] . πο . [ frag. 27 ]α̣ ρακ̣ [ ].[

Extracanonical Texts [56]

Date: II/III

56 P.Oxy. XLI 2949 Gospel of Peter(?) 4.0 × 7.5 cm TM no. 63897; Van Haelst 0592

217

Material: Papyrus

Published: G. M. Browne, R. A. Coles, J. R. Rea, J. C. Shelton, E. G. Turner, et al.  (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLI (London, 1972), 15–16 (no. 2949). Related Literature: D. Lührmann, “POx 2949: EvPt 3–5 in einer Handschrift des 2./3. Jahrhunderts,” ZNW 72 (1981): 216–26; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 72, 84–85; M. Myllykoski, “POx 2949 als Fragment des Petrusevangeliums,” in Verbum et Calamus: Semitic and Related Studies in Honour of the Sixtieth Birthday of Professor Tapani Harviainen, ed. H. Juusola et al.  (Helsinki, 2004), 171–89; T.  J. Kraus and T. Nicklas, Das Petrusevangelium und die Petrusapokalypse: Die griechischen Fragmente mit deutscher und englischer Übersetzung (Berlin/ New York, 2004); A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007); D. Lührmann, “Kann es wirklich keine frühe Handschrift des Petrusevangeliums geben?” NovT 48 (2006): 379–83; P. Foster, “Are There Any Early Fragments of the So-Called Gospel of Peter?” NTS 52 (2006): 1–28; P. Foster, “The Gospel of Peter,” in The Non-canonical Gospels, ed. P. Foster (London, 2008), 40; T. A. Wayment, “A Reexamination of the Text of P.Oxy. 2949,” JBL 128 (2009): 375–82; P. Foster, The Gospel of Peter: Introduction, Critical Edition, and Commentary (Leiden, 2010); T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 47–48, 252. Introduction The text presented here is derived from two small papyrus fragments with no writing on the reverse. The smaller fragment is written in the same handwriting, but its placement with respect to the larger fragment is unknown. In total, 13 lines of text survive on the larger fragment, and four lines survive on the smaller one. The first few lines of the larger fragment are badly abraded, and suggestions based on the traces of ink in ll. 1–5 must proceed with caution. The handwriting is slightly right slanting, and letters are formed quickly but with care. In the ed. pr., the handwriting was compared broadly to C. H. Roberts, Greek Literary Hands, 18c (II, Favorinus, Περὶ Φυγῆς) but without any significant discussion of differences or similarities. Most editions of this fragment

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

218

accept an early third-century date for the handwriting, and letterforms appear to be consistent with that assessment. Little can be said about the size of the roll(?) or sheet(?) from which these fragments derive. While this fragment may be too small to confidently assign to the Gospel of Peter preserved in the Akhmim Codex, it appears to preserve an account of Joseph of Arimathea’s request to Pilate to care for the body of Jesus after the crucifixion. However, even this suggestion must remain conjectural because so much of what we know about this fragment is based on the reconstructed text. The text begins with a “friend of Pilate[?],” and then what appears to be a dialogue ensues. The subject of the dialogue deals with a body, probably that of Jesus, being taken(?) to a tomb for burial. The reconstruction of Herod’s name in l. 9 is rather dubious, and not much weight should be assigned to it. Little more can be said of the contents of this fragment with confidence. The connection to the Gospel of Peter hinges in part on the phrase ὁ φίλος Πειλάτου (“the friend of Pilate”), which is also evidenced in Gospel of Peter 2:3. That section of the Gospel of Peter is broadly parallel to the contents of this fragment where it states, “there stood Joseph, the friend of Pilate, and of the Lord, and knowing that they intended to crucify him he came to Pilate and requested the body of Jesus for burial. And Pilate sent to Herod and requested his body. And Herod said, ‘Pilate, brother, if no one requested the body, we would have buried him.’ ” P.Oxy. XLI 2949 reads, “the friend of Pilate . . . that he asked . . . coming to Pilate . . . body for burial . . . he asked . . . saying . . . him.” frag. 1

→ 5

10

6 11

]....[ ]τ[ ]....[ ]ναὶ [ ] ὁ φίλος Π [ ε]ι λ̣ ά[τ]ου [ ]υς ὅτι ἐκ έλ ευσεν [ ἐλ]θὼν πρὸς Πειλᾶτ[ον ]σῶμα εἰς ταφὴν [ Ἡρῴδ]η ν ᾐτήσα[το ]ηναι εἰπὼν[ ] αἰτήσα[το ] αὐτὸν[ ] ὅτι α[ Bernhard, Lührmann and Schlarb reconstruct the beginning of the line as δ]ως, while Coles read ]ις. Bernhard, Lührmann and Schlarb reconstruct ητησα[το. The curvature of the first letter of this line appears to suit the curvature of α elsewhere on the fragment and not the straight top member of η.

Extracanonical Texts [57]

219

frag. 2

→ 4

μου[ Πειλ[ατ τις α[ μεν[ 57 P.Oxy. I 1 Gospel of Thomas 26–33, 77b 15.0 × 9.7 cm TM no. 62838; Van Haelst 0594

Date: II/III

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), ΛΟΓΙΑ ΙΗΣΟΥ: Sayings of Our Lord from an Early Greek Papyrus (London, 1897); B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri I (London, 1898), 1–3 (no. 1). Related Literature: H. Evelyn-White, The Sayings of Jesus from Oxyrhynchus (Cambridge, 1920); J. A. Fitzmyer, “The Oxyrhynchus Logoi of Jesus and the Coptic Gospel of Thomas,” TS 20 (1959): 505–60; O. Hofius, “Das koptische Thomasevangelium und die Oxyrhynchus-Papyri Nr. i, 654 und 655; II,” EvT 20 (1960): 189–92; J. A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (Missoula, 1974), 355–433; H.  W. Attridge, “Appendix: The Greek Fragments,” in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2–7 together with XIII,2, BRIT. LIB. OR. 4926(1), and POxy. 1, 654, 655, ed. B. Layton (New York, 1989), 95–128; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 118–31; A. D. DeConick, Recovering the Original Gospel of Thomas: A History of the Gospel and Its Growth (London, 2005); A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007), 32–40; A. D. DeConick, “The Gospel of Thomas,” in The Non-canonical Gospels, ed. P. Foster (London, 2008), 13–29; L. W. Hurtado, “The Greek Fragments of the Gospel of Thomas as Artefacts: Papyrological Observations on Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1, Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 654 and Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 655,” in Das Thomasevangelium, ed. J. Frey (New York, 2008), 19–32; A. M. Luijendijk, “Reading the Gospel of Thomas in the Third Century: Three Oxyrhynchus Papyri and Origen’s Homilies,” in Reading New Testament Papyri in Context, ed. C. Clivaz and J. Zumstein (Leuven, 2011), 241–67; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 171–77, 391–92.

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Introduction To date, three fragmentary papyri containing the Gospel of Thomas have been discovered at Oxyrhynchus. The first of them was edited as P.Oxy. I 1 and preserves a single page from a second- or third-century papyrus codex. The other two fragments of the Gospel of Thomas from Oxyrhynchus are both from bookrolls (P.Oxy. IV 654–655 [64–65]). The page edited here contains logia 26–33b and a portion of logion 77. The sayings are not numbered on the leaf, and some of them are difficult to read or have minor lacunae. A complete copy of the Gospel of Thomas was discovered in 1945 at Nag Hammadi in Egypt. That copy preserves a Coptic translation of the Greek original, and, in the case of P.Oxy. IV 654–655, the Coptic text has been helpful in reconstructing the Greek text where the papyri are deficient. P.Oxy. I 1 was a single-column papyrus with pagination on the front side 11 (ια) that is written in a different hand and in a slightly lighter color of ink. The hand has been dated as early as the second century, although more conservative estimations of the date place it in the second or early third century. The papyrus containing the Gospel of Thomas was discovered near a fragment of the Gospel of Matthew that was dated to the third century (P.Oxy. I 2 [5]). Because the papyrus must be dated based on paleographic comparanda, the process of giving it a precise date is rather subjective. The handwriting is rather careful but not calligraphic. The scribe attempts to achieve straight bilinear lines of text: ρ, φ, and ψ extend below the line of writing, and ι can extend below the line of writing when it appears at the end of a line. The handwriting is consistent, and the hasta of ε is frequently extended into the next letter; the scribe prefers the cursive form of α, and υ is often V shaped. A. M. Luijendijk offers the suggestion that this papyrus was “more at home in a private, studious milieu,” arguing that this copy of the Gospel of Thomas was perhaps owned privately or for educational purposes in the Christian community.45 Furthermore, Luijendijk suggests that the discovery of this fragment in the near vicinity of a fragment of the Gospel of Matthew suggests that it was at one time owned by the local church. The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra, and final ν at the end of a line is indicated by a supralinear stroke above the preceding letter. The scribe also employs a > shaped line at the end of some lines to give the impression that the copy has a straight right-hand margin as well as a straight left-hand margin; these notations appear in ll. 3, 9, 17, and 18. There is no punctuation between sayings, and the text is written scriptio continua. There is one instance of the use of diaeresis (l. 19), and there is some interchange of vowels ε for αι, ει for ι, and οι for ω. There is one instance where the form of an adjective was confused by 45

Luijendijk, “Reading the Gospel of Thomas,” 257.

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attraction to the form of the noun preceding it. The papyrus was repaired near the bottom of the page where a portion of the leaf was broken off completely. If the page followed roughly the same wording and order as the Coptic text, it can be estimated that approximately 10 lines of text are missing from the bottom of the page. Given that the top, right, and left margins survive, this would mean that the original codex measured roughly 15 cm wide × 18/19 cm tall and thus of Turner’s Group 9, a format that was fairly common for Christian codices at Oxyrhynchus. If P.Oxy. I 1 held to the same order as the Coptic Gospel of Thomas, then it is reasonable to suggest that this codex began with Thomas and perhaps contained other works following it. ια

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καὶ τότε διαβλέψεις ἐκβαλεῖν τὸ κάρφος τὸ ἐν τῷ ὀφθαλμῷ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ σου. λέγει Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς‧ ἐὰν μὴ νηστεύσητε τὸν κόσμον, οὐ μὴ εὕρητε τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ‧ καὶ ἐὰν μὴ σαββατίσητε τὸ σάββατον οὐκ ὄψεσθε τὸ(ν) π(ατέρ)α. λέγει Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς‧ ἔ[σ]την ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ κόσμου καὶ ἐν σαρκὶ ὤφθην αὐτοῖς καὶ εὗρον πάντας μεθύοντας καὶ οὐδένα εὗρον διψῶ(ν)τα ἐν αὐτοῖς καὶ πονεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου ἐπὶ τοῖς υἱοῖς τῶν ἀν(θρώπ)ων ὅτι τυφλοί εἰσιν τῇ καρδίᾳ αὐτῶ[ν ]καὶ̣ [οὐ] βλ έ̣ [πουσιν. . .]

Logion 26 Logion 27

Logion 28

__________ 5–6. pap. νηστευσηται. 7. pap. ευρηται. 13. σαρκει corrected to σαρκι. 16–17. pap. δειψωντα. 19. pap. ϋιοις.

→

[ἐνοι-] [κ]ε ῖ̣ ̣ [ταύτ]η[ν τ]ὴν πτωχε ία(ν). [λέγ]ει [Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧ ὅπ]ου ἐὰν ὦσιν [τρ]ε [̣ ῖς] ε[ἰσὶ]ν̣ ἄ θ̣ εοι, καὶ

Logion 29 Logion 30 + 77b

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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[ὅ]πο̣ υ̣ ε[ἷς] ἐστιν μόνος, [λ]έ γ̣ ω ἐγώ εἰμι μετ’ αὐτ[οῦ.] ἔγει[ρ]ον τὸν λίθο(ν) κακεῖ εὑρήσεις με‧ σχίσον τὸ ξύλον κἀγὼ ἐκεῖ εἰμι. λέγει Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧ οὐκ ἔστιν δεκτὸς προφήτης ἐν τῇ π(ατ)ρίδι αὐτ[ο]ῦ, οὐδὲ ἰατρὸς ποιεῖ θεραπείας εἰς τοὺς γινώσκοντας αὐτό(ν). λέγει Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧ πόλις ᾠκοδομημένη ἐπ’ ἄκρον ὄ]ρους ὑψηλοῦ καὶ ἐστηριγμένη οὔτε πεσ]εῖν δύναται οὔτε κρυβ]ῆναι. λέγει Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς‧ ἀκούεις ε]ἰ ς̣ τ̣ὸ ἓν ὠ ̣τ̣ίον σου τ̣ο [̣ ῦ[το . . .]

Logion 31

Logion 32

Logion 33

__________ 14. pap. γεινωσκοντας. 15–16. pap. οικοδομημενη. 17. pap. υψηλους.

Translation “. . . and then you will see in order to take out the splinter which is in your brother’s eye.” Jesus says, (l. 5) “If you do not fast to the world, then you will not find the kingdom of God. If you observe the Sabbath as a (l. 10) Sabbath, then you will not see the Father.” Jesus says, “I stood in the world, and I appeared to them in flesh, and I found them (l. 15) all drunken, and none did I find thirsty among them, and it pained my soul for the sons of men, (l. 20) that they are blind in their heart and do not see . . .” “. . . this poverty.” Jesus says, “Where there are three, they are godless, where one is alone, (l. 5) I say that I am with him. Lift up the stone, and there you will find me, split the wood and I am there.” Jesus says, (l. 10) “It is not acceptable for a prophet to be in his hometown, nor does a physician heal those who know him.” (l. 15) Jesus says, “A city built on top of a tall hill and protected cannot fall nor can it be (l. 20) hidden.” Jesus says, “What you hear in one of your ears, that . . .” 3 5

Hofius restored the line γ’ ουκ] ε[ισιν αθεοι and Fitzmyer restored it as γ’ θε]ο[ι] ε[ισι]ν θεοι και. Fitzmyer αυτω εγω.

Extracanonical Texts [58]

Date: II/III

58 P.Oxy. L 3528 Shepherd of Hermas 8.6 × 2.9 cm TM no. 59983

223

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. K. Bowman et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (London, 1983), 21 (no. 3528). Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); K. Aland and H.-U. Rosenbaum, Repertorium der griechischen christlichen Papyri II (Berlin, 1995), 308; C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 504; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas: The Shepherd in Egypt before Constantine,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 205– 6; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 160–61, 384–85. Introduction This single-column papyrus leaf contains six lines from Similitudes 9.20–22 from a second- or third-century codex. The small fragment fortuitously preserves pagination (119) in a different hand, which may suggest a professional production. M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge estimate that the codex contained the entire works of the Shepherd.46 This estimation would necessarily be based on the fact that a page had approximately 35 lines of writing and a codex size of roughly 17 × 19 cm, or of Turner’s Group 9, in addition to the fact that Similitudes 9 appears on page 119 of the codex. The handwriting is a small, rounded, regular script that C. H. Roberts in the ed. pr. says obtains “some elegance.” The writing is mostly bilinear with ρ extending below the line although φ and ψ are not preserved. There is some adornment of letters, and the margins appear generous. The handwriting was compared to P.Oxy. XLII 3010 (II) in the ed. pr. Overall, the impression is of a professional production. There are no visible punctuation or breathing marks, and the scribe uses the usual nomina sacra for θεός.47

46 47

Choat and Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas,” 206. For a discussion of the witnesses to the Shepherd, see [55].

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→ 3

ριθ̣ ε]ἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ ἀλλὰ Sim. IX 20,3–4 (97.3–4) τούτοις πᾶσι] φήσιν μετ̣άνοιά ἐστιν ταχινὴ δὲ ἵν’ ὃ τοῖς] π ρ̣ ο̣ τ̣έροις χ ρ̣ ό̣ ν̣οις

↓

πέμπτου ὄρου[ς τοῦ ἔχοντος βοτάνας χλωρὰς κα[ὶ τραχέος ὄντος οἱ πισ]τ̣εύσαντε[ς

6 2 3 4

Sim. IX 22,1 (99.1)

A om. φησιν. The line appears to be several letters too long and the supplement does not provide any variants that would explain a shorter line. Roberts suggested the omission of δε. του ορους του πεμπτου A.

Date: III

59 P.Oxy. LXIX 4707 Shepherd of Hermas 17.5 × 6.0 cm TM no. 69385

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis, D. Obbink, D. Colombo, G. B. d’Alessio, and A. Nodar (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIX (London, 2005), 13–17 (no. 4707). Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 444–48; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas: The Shepherd in Egypt before Constantine,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 207–8; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 167–69, 389–90. Introduction P.Oxy. LXIX 4707 catalogues three fragments from a papyrus codex preserving the Shepherd of Hermas. N. Gonis estimated that there were originally 55 lines of text per page and based on the surviving margins the original size of the codex would have been approximately 32.5 cm tall and 15 cm wide and thus of Turner’s Group 6. The handwriting was described as a “mature version of the ‘Severe Style’ ” and was dated to the third century. The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra and twice uses diaeresis over initial ι. There are also examples of iotacism (reverse ll. 9, 17, 18). The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. The division of the work into separate parables is noted on the papyrus through the use of indented

Extracanonical Texts [59]

225

blank spaces used to create a title that is centered between lines (see l. 12 of the reverse). Gonis noted that the papyrus agrees generally with M except in places where M preserves a shorter reading. The papyrus offers several new readings: there is a word-order variant in ll. 28–29 on the front (δήλωσόν μοι τηλαυγέστερον), a substantial omission not attested elsewhere (τρυφῶσιν τῇ ἑαυτῶν ἡδονῇ φερόμενοι, “being carried away by the pleasure it gives them”) on the reverse l. 5; the attestation of the verb ἐπερωτῆσαι instead of ἐρωτῆσαι (reverse l. 6); a textual corruption where the scribe wrote “a punishing angel” rather than “a punishing shepherd” (τὸν ἄγγελον τὸν τιμωρητήν); and the careless omission of σε in l. 28 of the reverse.

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ἃ ἔπραξαν, κ]αὶ τό[τε δοξάζουσι] Sim. VI 3,6–5,2 (63.6) [τὸν θ(εό)ν, ὅτι δίκαιος κριτὴς δικα]ίω [̣ ς ἔπαθεν] [πάντα ἕκαστος κατὰ τὰς πράξει]ς ̣ αὐτο̣ [ῦ· τὰ δὲ] [λοιπὰ δουλεύσουσιν τῷ κυρίῳ ἐν καθαρᾷ καρδίᾳ αὐτῶν] [καὶ εὐοδοῦνται ἐν πάσῃ πράξ]ε ι̣ αὐτ̣ῶν, λα[μ]βά[νοντες πάντα παρὰ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ ὅσα] α ἰ̣ ̣τ̣[ο]ῦ̣ν̣τ̣αι· καὶ τ̣[ό]τ̣[ε] [δοξάζουσιν τὸν κ(ύριο)ν ὅτι ἐμοὶ παρεδ]όθησαν, [καὶ οὐκέτι οὐδὲν πάσχουσι τῶν πονη]ρ̣ῶ ̣ν. λέ(64.1) [γω αὐτῷ· κ(ύρι)ε, ἔτι μοι τοῦτο δήλωσον. τί, φ̣ησίν,] [ἐπιζητεῖς; εἰ ἄρα, φημί, κ(ύρι)ε, τὸ]ν αὐτὸν χρόνον [βασανίζονται οἱ τρυφῶντες κ]α ὶ̣ ἀπα ̣τ̣ώμ  ενοι [ὅσον] [τρυφῶσι καὶ ἀπατῶνται; λέγει] μοι· τ[ὸν α]ὐτὸν χ [̣ ρό-] [νον βασανίζονται. ἔδει γὰρ τοὺς οὕτως τ]ρ̣υφ̣ῶ ̣ν̣(64.2) [τας καὶ ἐπιλανθανομένους τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ ἑπτα]π λ̣ α̣ σ̣[ί-] [ως βασανίζεσθαι. λέγει μοι· ἄφ]ρων [εἶ καὶ οὐ] νο(64.3) [εῖς τῆς βασάνου τὴν δύναμιν.] Εἰ γὰ[ρ ἐνό]ο̣υ [̣ ν,] φ̣η̣ [μί, κ(ύρι)ε, οὐκ ἄν σε ἐπηρώτων ἵνα μοι] δηλώσ̣[ῃ]ς. Ἄκουε, [φησίν, ἀμφοτέρων τὴν δύν]α μ ̣ ιν. τῆς τρυφῆς (64.4) [καὶ ἀπάτης ὁ χρόνος ὥρα ἐστὶ]ν μία· τ̣ῆς δ[ὲ] βασ̣ά- [νου ἡ ὥρα τριάκοντα ἡμερῶν δύ]ναμι̣ ν̣ ἔ χ̣ ει. ἐὰν οὖν [μίαν ἡμέραν τις τρυφήσῃ] κ α̣ ὶ ἀπ [̣ ατηθῇ  μίαν] [δὲ ἡμέραν βασανισθῇ, ὅλον ἐνιαυ]τὸν ἰσχύε [̣ ι ἡ ̣ ἡμέρα] [τῆς βασάνου. ὅσας οὖν ἡμέρ]ας τρυφήσῃ τις, το[σούτους ἐνιαυτοὺς βασανίζ]εται. βλέπεις οὖν, [φησίν, ὅτι τῆς τρυφῆς καὶ ἀπά]της ὁ χρόν[ο]ς ἐ[λάχιστός ἐστιν, τῆς δὲ τιμωρ]ί α̣ ς καὶ βα [̣ σά]νο̣[υ] [πολύς. Ἐπεί, φημί, κ(ύρι)ε, οὐ νενόη]κ α̣ ὅλως τ̣[ο]ὺ̣ς χρό(65.1) [νους τῆς ἀπάτης καὶ τρυφῆς] καὶ βασάνου, δή - [λωσόν μοι τηλαυγέστερον. ἀ]πο̣ κρ̣[ι]θείς μο̣ι ̣ (65.2) [λέγει· Ἡ ἀφροσύνη σου παράμονός ἐ]σ̣τιν, κ α̣ ὶ οὐ θέ-

226

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

[λεις σου τὴν καρδίαν καθαρίσ]α ι̣ καὶ δ̣ουλεύειν̣ [τῷ θ(ε)ῷ. βλέπε, φησίν, μήποτε] ὁ χρόν̣ος πληρ̣[ω-] [θῇ καὶ σὺ ἄφρων εὑρεθῇς. ἄκου]ε̣ νῦ[ν,] φ̣η̣σ̣ί̣ν̣, __________ 22. pap. ϊσχυει.

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οὖν ἐν τ]ῇ πρά[ξει αὐτοῦ. αὗται πᾶσαι τρυφαὶ βλαβε-] Sim. VI 5,5–VII 2 (65.5–6) ραί εἰσιν τοῖ[ς δούλοις τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ· διὰ ταύτας οὖν τὰς] ἀπάτ]ας πά[σχουσιν οἱ τιμωρούμενοι καὶ βα-] σανιζό]μενο[ι. εἰσιν δὲ καὶ τρυφαὶ σώζουσαι τοὺς ἀν-] θρ[ώ]πο̣ [υ]ς· πολλο̣[ὶ οὖν ἀγαθὸν ἐργαζόμενοι. αὕτη] (65.7) οὖν ἡ τ[ρ]υφὴ σύ[μφορός ἐστιν τοῖς δούλοις τοῦ] θ(εο)ῦ καὶ ζ ω ̣ ὴν πε[ριποιεῖται τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ τῷ] τοιούτῳ· αἱ δὲ βλ [̣ αβεραὶ τρυφαὶ αἱ προειρημέναι] [β]ασάνους καὶ τι[μωρίας αὐτοῖς περιποιοῦν-] τ̣αι· ἐὰν δὲ ἐπιμε [̣ ίνωσι καὶ μὴ μετανοήσωσιν,] [θ]άνατ[ον ἑ]αυ̣ ̣τ̣οῖ[ς περιποιοῦνται.] π̣ [αραβολὴ ζ] (66.1) Με̣τὰ [ἡμέ]ρ̣α̣ [ς ὀλίγας εἶδον αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ πεδί-] ον τ̣[ὸ αὐ]τό, ὅ[που καὶ τοὺς ποιμένας ἑωρά-] κειν, [κ]α ὶ̣ λέγ[ει μοι· τί ἐπιζητεῖς; Πάρειμι, φη-] μί, κ(ύρι)ε, [ἐ]περωτ[ῆ]σ[αί σε ἵνα τὸν ἄγγελον τὸν] τιμωρητὴν κ[έλευσῃς ἐκ τοῦ οἴκου μου ἐ-] ξελθεῖν, [ὅ]τ̣[ι] λί[αν με θλίβει. Δεῖ σε, φησίν, θλιβῆ-] ναι· οὕτ[ω γ]ὰρ π[ροσέταξεν ὁ ἔνδοξος ἄγγε-] λος τὰ ̣ π̣ε ρ̣ ὶ σοῦ· θ[έλει γὰρ σε καὶ πειρασθῆ-] ναι. Τί γάρ̣, φημί, κ[(ύρι)ε, ἐποίησα οὕτω πονηρόν,] ἵνα τούτῳ τῷ ἀγ̣[γέλῳ παραδοθῷ; Ἄκουε, φησίν·] (66.2) α[ἱ] μὲν ἁμ[α]ρτ[ίαι σου πολλαί, ἀλλ’ οὐ τοσαῦται] ὥσ̣[τ]ε ̣ σε τούτ[ῷ τῷ ἀγγέλῳ παραδοθῆναι· ἀλ-] λὰ ὁ οἶ κ̣ ός σου μ [̣ εγάλας ἁμαρτίας καὶ ἀνομίας ἠρ-] γάσατο, καὶ γὰ[ρ παρεπικράνθη ὁ ἔνδοξος ἀγγε-] λο̣ς ἐπὶ ̣ [τ]ο̣ῖς ἔ [̣ ργοις αὐτῶν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἐκέ-] [λευσ]ε χρ̣όνον̣ [τινὰ θλιβῆναι, ἵνα κἀκεῖ-] νοι μετ̣ανοή [ σωσι καὶ καθαρίσωσι ἑαυτοὺς] ἀπ̣ὸ πά[σ]η̣ ς ἐ[πιθυμίας τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου.] _________ 9. pap. τειμωριας. 17. pap. τειμωρητην. 18. pap. λειαν. 22. pap. ϊνα.

→ 2 3

A2 L1 L2 E add εστι και after κριτης, a reading that is almost certainly om. here. A2 L1 L2 read αυτων for αυτου.

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The missing line of text would have likely read δουλευσουσιν τω κω εν καθαρα καρδια αυτων. 5 πασαις ταις πραξεσι L1 L2. 6 A (L1 L2) om. παντα. Α L2 reads αν αιτωνται. 9 Gonis was able to restore the end of this line in the ed. pr. Μ adds φημι after μοι. 13 ουτω for ουτως Gonis. The papyrus likely read γαρ with (A) L1 L2. 13–14 After βασανιζονται some witnesses add ουχ ικανον, φημι, κυριε, χρονον βασανιζονται Fa or its equivalent in Latin (L1 L2). 17 ακουε̣ Gonis. A L1 om. σε. 21 The papyrus likely did not read τρυφηση τις with A. 22 L1 E (L2) read ισχυσει. 24 βασανισθησεται A2 E. 27 ετι A. 27–28 περι του χρονου της απατης A (E), περι της απατης Fa, tempora haec dulcetudinis L1 L2. 28–29 τηλαυγεστερον μοι δηλωσον M (δηλαυγεστε[ρο]ν A). 33 A reads ουν for νυν, L2 reads νυν ουν. 4

↓

Α reads επι for εν. πασαι αι τρυφαι A, δε αι πραξεις Α2. γαρ for ουν A2 L1 L2 E; A om. γαρ/oυν. Α2 αγαθα for αγαθον. Following εργαζομενοι, M A L1 L2 add τρυφωσιν τη εαυτων ηδονη φερομενοι. Α2 E om τη εαυτων ηδονη φερομενοι. 7–8 M om. τω τοιουτω. 9 M L1 L2 om. αυτοις. 10 επιμενωσι A. 12 The beginnings of new parables are introduced differently in the various witnesses. L1 L2 contain the equivalent of παραβολη ζ while M is brief, παραβολη. A reads αρχη αnd E reads παραβολη η. 15 A reads παρ᾽ εμοι for παρειμι. 16 M reads ερωτησαι. L2 om. σε; A E om. επερωτησαι σε. A L1 L2 M read ποιμενα for αγγελον. 16–17 L1 L2 τον επι της τιμωριας; E της τιμωριας. 18 Μ om. με. 19 Α reads γαρ φησι προσεταξεν for γαρ προσεταξεν. 22 A τω αγγελω τουτω. 24 A om. σε. 25 A ανομιας και αμαρτιας for αμαρτιας και ανομιας. 25–26 Α reads ειργασατο. 26 Gonis restored επικρανθη for παρεπικρανθη. It seems that the length of the line is insufficient evidence to posit this unique reading, although it is possible that the papyrus read επικρανθη. Α Μ read παρεπικρανθη. 28 Following εκελευσε other witnesses add σε, which is probably om. in error here. 1 5

Date: III

60 P.Oxy. LXIX 4705 Shepherd of Hermas 8.0 × 8.0 cm TM no. 69383

Material: Papyrus

Published: N. Gonis, D. Obbink, D. Colombo, G. B. d’Alessio, and A. Nodar (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIX (London, 2005), 1–3 (no. 4705).

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Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 336; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas: The Shepherd in Egypt before Constantine,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 207; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 161– 62, 386. Introduction This small fragment from a papyrus roll was written on the reverse of an otherwise unidentified literary text. In the ed. pr., N. Gonis dated the papyrus through paleographic comparison to P.Oxy. III 412 (III, Julius Africanus, Kestoi [84]) and GMAW2 63 (III, Gospel of John). The handwriting was described as an informal round type that was written mostly in a bilinear fashion. The preserved text places this fragment near the beginning of the Shepherd, and so it is impossible to tell how long the work was originally and whether it contained the entire text of the Shepherd. The scribe employed the usual nomen sacrum for θ(εό)ς, while there are no other examples of typically abbreviated words. The scribe frequently employed middle points, possibly “for reading aloud.”48 Although the fragment is quite small, it does present one new reading where the papyrus reads αὐτούς and other witnesses read ἑαυτούς (εαυτο Sc, αυτο S, εαυτον A). The papyrus does lend support to the reading of A (πολλὰ) μεταμελήσουσιν, an inferior reading, but nonetheless preserved here. The papyrus was corrected in at least one instance (l. 3), a change that may have been carried out by a second scribe.

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[καρδίαι]ς̣ α̣ὐ[τῶν] θάν[α]τ̣ο̣ν καὶ α̣[ἰχμα-] Vis. I 1,8–9 (1.8) [λωτισ]μὸ̣ ν̣ [ἐπ]ι σ̣ πῶ ̣ν̣τ̣αι, μά[λι-] [στα οἱ] τὸν ̀α 〚́ ε〛ἰῶ[ν]α ̣ τοῦτο̣ν̣ πε [̣ ριποι[ούμε]νοι κα[ὶ γ]αυ̣ ριῶντες ἐν̣ [τῷ [πλο]ύτῳ αὐτῶ ̣ν καὶ μὴ ἀν̣[τε-] [χόμ]ενοι τῶν ἀγαθῶν τῶν̣ [μελ-] [λόν]τω̣ ν. [μετ]α̣ μελήσουσιν [αἱ] (1.9) [ψυχ]αὶ ̣ αὐτ̣ [ῶ]ν̣ , οἵτινες οὐκ ἔ [̣ χου-] [σιν] ἐλπίδα, ἀλλ’ αὐτοὺς ἀπε̣ [γνώ-] [κασι]ν̣ καὶ τὴν ζωὴν αὐτῶν. [ἀλ-]

P.Oxy. LXIX p. 2.

Extracanonical Texts [61]

229

[λὰ σ]ὺ̣ π̣ροσεύχου πρὸς τὸν θ(εό)ν̣, [καὶ] [ἰάσετ]α̣[ι] τ̣ὰ ἁμ̣α̣ρτήματά σο̣υ̣ [ __________ 3–4. pap. περιποιουμενοι·. 5. pap. αυτων·. 6–7. pap. μελλοντων·. 8. pap. αυτων·. 9. pap. ελπιδα·.

1 6–7 7

9 12

B om. ταις καρδιαις, but the first letter of the line appears to fit ς better than ν (ἐν), the letter that would appear if the papyrus om. ταις καρδιαις. Α reads των μελλοντων αγαθων. B μεταμελησονται; S μετανοησουσιν (et debent paenitere E); A πολλα μεταμελησουσιν; vagantur L1; non resitent hisdem luxuriis L2. Gonis notes that grammatically speaking the reading of the papyrus is in error. The reading does appear to be based on a variant tradition since it cannot easily be explained as arising out of the nearby context. The reading of S, Gonis notes, may “be a correction of μεταμελήσουσιν.” S A read αλλα. S B A read εαυτους for αυτους. σου τα αμαρτηματα Α; τας αμαρτιας σου B.

Date: III

61 P.Oxy. L 3525 Gospel of Mary a 11.5 × 12.0 cm; b 2.1 × 1.0 cm TM no. 64187

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. K. Bowman et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (London, 1983), 12–14 (no. 3525). Related Literature: W. Till, Die gnostischen Schriften des koptischen Papyrus Berolinensis 8502 (rev. H.-M. Schenke; Berlin, 1955); R. McL. Wilson and G. W. MacRae, “The Gospel according to Mary BG, I:7,1–19,5,” in Nag Hammadi Codices V, 2–5 and VI with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502, 1 and 4, ed. D. M. Parrott (NHS 11; Leiden: Brill, 1979), 453–71; D. Lührmann, “Die griechischen Fragmente des Mariaevangeliums POxy 3525 und PRyl 463,” NovT 30 (1988): 321–38; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 62–65, 68–71; K. King, The Gospel of Mary of Magdala: Jesus and the First Woman Apostle (Santa Rosa, Calif., 2003); A. Pasquier, L’Évangile selon Marie (2nd ed.; Québec, 2007); C. M. Tuckett, The Gospel of Mary (Oxford, 2007), 108–11; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 43–45, 249. Introduction P.Oxy. L 3525 preserves two fragments from a papyrus roll written in cursive from the third century. There is no writing on the reverse. The Greek text is

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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reconstructed with help of the Coptic text. The manuscript is punctuated with the use of apostrophe at ll. 7, 14 and diaereses at ll. 11, 19, and there are abbreviations (suspension) at ll. 12, 19. A line of text contained approximately 50 letters, but because no beginnings or endings of lines survive, this must remain somewhat in question. The documentary hand may suggest that this was a private copy rather than one commissioned for professional usage. The smaller fragment remains unplaced and unidentified. The text of the Gospel of Mary is attested in Coptic in P.Berol. 8502 (V; see Till, Die gnostischen Schriften, 66ff.) and in Greek in P.Ryl. Gr. III 463 (III [62]). The translation offered below relies on the Coptic to make sense of certain ambiguous phrases as well as on the reconstructed text that was published in the ed. pr. by P. Parsons. This small fragment of papyrus is important as one of the three witnesses to the text of the Gospel of Mary, and, while our understanding of the textual development of this text is still in its infancy, it is likely that it originates from the mid- to late second century. The current trend in scholarship associates this text with gnostic Christianity, which, if correct, places this gnostic tractate alongside mainstream Christian documents in the trash heaps of Oxyrhynchus. The text may bear some echoes of New Testament language (τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, “of the kingdom of the son of man” [l. 7]). There is a strong sense in this short excerpt that Mary has the ability to convey truths that have not been heard previously (οὐκ ἠκούσαμεν, “we have not heard”), which may have as its reference point the mainstream Christian texts that have already been heard but where Mary can now expand upon them by adding things only she knew. frag. a

→ 5

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]. . . . . .[ ]ουδεν[ ]. . . . . .[

]. . . . . .[

τ]αῦτα εἰπὼν ἐ̣ ξ [ῆλθεν. οἱ δὲ ἐλυπήθησαν δακρύοντες πολλὰ καὶ] λέγοντες, πῶς π[ορευώμεθα πρὸς τὰ ἔθνη κηρύσσοντες τὸ εὐα]γγέλιον τῆς βα[σιλείας τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀν(θρώπ)ου; εἰ γὰρ μηδ’ ἐκείνου ἐφείσα]ντο πῶς, ἡμῶν ἀφ[έξονται; τότε ἀναστᾶσα Μαριάμμη καὶ ἀσπαζομένη] αὐτοὺς κατεφίλησε [πάντας καὶ λέγει, ἀδελφοί, μὴ δακρύετε μὴ λυπ]εῖσθε μηδὲ διστάζετε. ἡ [γὰρ χάρις αὐτοῦ ἔσται μ]εθ’ ὑμῶν σκέπουσα ὑμᾶς. μᾶλλον εὐχαρι[στῶμεν τῇ μεγαλειότ]η τι αὐτ(οῦ) ὅτι συνήρτηκεν ἡμᾶς καὶ ἀν(θρώπ)ου[ς πεποίηκεν. ταῦτα εἰποῦσα

Extracanonical Texts [61]

15

20

231

Μαριά]μμ η μετέστρεψεν τὸν νοῦν αὐτῶν ἐ[π’ ἀγαθὸν καὶ ἦρξαν συνζη]τ[εῖ]ν περὶ τῶν ἀποφθεγμάτων τοῦ σωτῆρ[ος. λέγει Πέτρος πρὸ]ς Μαριάμμην, ἀδέλφη, οἴδαμεν ὅτι πολλ[ὰ ἠγαπήθης ὑπὸ τοῦ σωτ]ῆ ρ ος ὡς οὐκ ἄλλη γυνή. εἶπον οὖν ἡμῖν ὅ[σους σὺ γινώσκεις λόγο]υς τοῦ σωτῆρος οὗς  ἡ μ  εῖς οὐκ ἠκούσαμεν. ὑπέ[λαβε Μαριάμμη λέγουσα ὅσα] ὑμ ᾶς  λανθάνει καὶ ἀπομνημονεύω ἀπα[γγελῶ ὑμῖν. καὶ ἦρχεν αὐτοῖς τού]των τῶν λόˋγˊ(ων), ἐμ[οῦ] πότε ἐν ὁράματι ἰδ[ούσης τὸν κύριον εἶπον,] κύρ ιε σήμερον [ . . . .] [.] . βε . [

frag. b

→

] κλε [

__________ 5. pap. αεξ[. 11. pap. ϋμας. 12. pap. αυˋτˊ. 16. pap. ημειν. 19. pap. ϊδ[.

Translation (l.  5) After saying these things, he departed. But they were distressed and wept much saying, “How do we go to the Gentiles and declare the gospel of the kingdom of the son of man? If they did not spare him how will they spare us?” Then Mary stood up and greeted them all and said, “Brothers and sisters, (l. 10) do not weep and be distressed nor concerned, for his grace will be with you protecting you. But rather may we praise his greatness because he established us and made us human.” When Mary said these things, she changed their mind for good and they began to reflect upon the words of the Savior. Peter then said (l. 15) to Mary, “Sister, we know the Savior loved you more than all other women. Speak to us the words of the Savior that you remember, the ones you know that we do not because we have not heard them.” Mary replied, “I will teach you what is hidden from you.” And she began to speak these words to them, “I saw the Lord in a vision (l. 20) [and I said to him], ‘Lord, [I saw you].’ ” ]ουδ’ ενομο[θετησα ως ο νομοθετης] Lührmann and Schlarb. α̣ ̣ξ[ Parsons. λεγουσα τοις αδελφοις Parsons. αδελφοι here should probably be taken in the sense of males and females who are listening. 10 δισταζετει Parsons; χαρις γαρ Parsons. 11 ευ〚 ̣〛χαρι[στωμεν Parsons. 12 ουτω λεγουσα following πεποιηκεν Parsons. The verb συναρτάω is otherwise unattested, but it appears to convey a sense similar to ἐξαρτάω “to depend upon, to follow.” 19 εμ[οι Parsons. 19–20 κυριον και επουση Parsons. 3 5 9

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

232 20

[ειπον] κυριε σημερον σ[ε ειδον] υπελαβε λεγ[ων μακαρια ει συ] Lührmann and Schlarb.

Date: III

62 P.Ryl. Gr. III 463 Gospel of Mary 9.9 × 8.9 cm TM no. 64111; Van Haelst 1065

Material: Papyrus

Published: C. H. Roberts, “463. The Gospel of Mary,” in Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library Manchester (3 vols.; Manchester, 1938), 3:18–23. Related Literature: S. G. Kapsamenos, “ΤΟ ΚΑΤΑ ΜΑΡΙΑΜ ΑΠΟΚΡUΦΟΝ ΕUΑΓΓΕΛΙΟΝ (P. Ryl. III 463),” Athena 49 (1939): 177–86; R. McL. Wilson and G. W. MacRae, “The Gospel according to Mary BG, I:7,1–19,5,” in Nag Hammadi Codices V,2–5 and VI with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502,1 and 4, ed. D. Parrott (NHS 11; Leiden, 1979), 453–71; D. Lührmann, “Die griechischen Fragmente des Mariaevangeliums POxy 3525 und PRyl 463,” NovT 30 (1988): 321–38; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 62–65, 68–71; W. Schneemelcher (ed.), New Testament Apocrypha (trans. R. McL. Wilson; Louisville, 2003), 1:392; K. King, The Gospel of Mary of Magdala: Jesus and the First Woman Apostle (Santa Rosa, Calif., 2003); A. Pasquier, L’Évangile selon Marie (2nd ed.; Québec, 2007); C.  Μ. Tuckett, The Gospel of Mary (Leiden, 2007), 112–18, 123–33; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 45–46, 250–51. Introduction This small papyrus fragment discovered among the papyri of the John Rylands Library collection contains a single page from a papyrus codex that contains the Gospel of Mary and was noted by the original editor as coming from Oxyrhynchus. There are 15 lines of text per page in addition to the page number at the top of each page (pp. 21–22). The codex began with the Gospel of Mary, but it cannot be determined if it contained other writings as well. The writing of the front does not continue immediately to the reverse, and some lines are lost between the two. It is difficult to determine the overall size of the codex from which this papyrus originated, but it was rather small and narrow. The handwriting is an upright uncial with some cursive tendencies. C. H. Roberts says of the handwriting that it is “clear and upright, is also ugly and ill-proportioned,

Extracanonical Texts [62]

233

and shows considerable cursive influence.”49 The scribe twice employs diaeresis (ll. 6, 14), and a high point is used twice to denote punctuation (ll. 2, 9). The scribe abbreviates ἄνθρωπον but not σωτήρ. For a discussion of the general importance of the Gospel of Mary, see P.Oxy. L 3525 [61]. These lines from the Gospel of Mary preserve a clear endorsement of the teachings of Mary that were passed on to her from the Savior. Peter in this section openly opposes what she has said, but Levi comes to her aid and defense. In the interchange, Andrew notes that the Savior had taught them not to teach the gospel νομοθετοῦντες, with the meaning approximating something like “not being legislated” or not “being ordained in law.” This criticism of lawbound Christianity seems to recall the New Testament criticism of Jewish legalism, and here it feels somewhat out of place in Oxyrhynchus. It is difficult to determine how the local community understood such passages, and it is easy enough to telegraph these concerns onto the wider Christian community, but this fragment attests that the Gospel of Mary was being read in the Oxyrhynchite nome.

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κ̣α τὸ λοιπὸν δρ̣όμου και[ρο]ῦ χρόνου αἰῶνος ἀνάπαυσιν ἐ[ν] σιγῇ‧ ταῦτ[α εἰ]ποῦσα ἡ Μαριάμμη ἐσιώπησε[ν] ὡς τοῦ σωτῆρος μέχρι ὧδε εἰρηκότος. Ἀνδρέας λέγε[ι‧ ἀ]δελφοί, τί ὑμῖν δοκε[ῖ] περὶ τῶν λαληθέντων; [ἐγ]ὼ [μὲν γὰρ οὐ πιστεύω ταῦτ〚ε〛ˋαˊ [τὸ]ν σ[ωτῆρα εἰρηκέναι· ˋἐˊδόκει γ[ὰρ ἑτερογνωμονεῖν τῇ ἐκ[ε]ίν[ου διανοίᾳ. περὶ τοιούτ[ω]ν πρα[γμάτων ἐξεταζόμενος ὁ σω[τὴρ λάθρα γυ[να]ικὶ ἐλ άλει καὶ [οὐ φανερῶς ἵνα πάντες ἀκούσω[μεν μὴ ἀ]ξιολογωτέραν η[ ]ων [ __________ 2. pap. σιγη·. 6. pap. ϋμειν. 6–7. pap. περι των περι των. 9. pap. ειρηκεναι·. 14. pap. ϊνα.

↓

49

κβ τοῦ σωτῆρος; Λευε[ὶ]ς λέγει Πέτρ̣ω ‧ͅ  Πέτρε, ἀ[εί] σο[ι] τὸ ὀργίλον παράκειται‧ καὶ ἄρτι οὕτως συνζητεῖ[ς] τῇ γυναικὶ ὡς  ἀντικείμενοι αὐτῇ. Roberts, “463. The Gospel of Mary,” 20.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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5

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εἰ ὁ σωτὴ[ρ] ἀξίαν αὐτὴν ἡγήσατο, σὺ [τ]ίς εἶ ἐξουθενῶν αὐτήν; πάντως  γὰρ ἐκεῖνος εἰδὼς αὐτὴν ἀσφ[αλῶς] ἠγάπησεν‧ μᾶλλ[ο]ν αἰσχ υ̣ (ν)θ[ῶμε]ν καὶ ἐνδυσάμενι τὸν τ[έλειο]ν ἄν(θρωπ)ον, ἐκεῖνο τὸ προσταχ [ θὲν ἡ]μῖν π[ο]ιήσωμεν‧ κηρύξ [ ωμεν τὸ] εὐαγγ[έ]λιον, μηδὲν ὁ[ρί]ζοντ[ες μ]ηδὲ νομοθετ[ο]ῦντες ὡς εἶπ[εν ὁ σωτήρ. ταῦ]τα εἰπὼν ὁ Λευ[εὶς μὲν ἀπελθὼν] ἦ ρ ξ̣ εν  κη[ρύσ[σειν] __________ 6. pap. εξουθεινων. 11. pap. ημειν. 15. pap. ηρχεν.

Translation “for the remaining period of time of the aeon, [I will] rest in silence.” When Mary said these things she became silent, as the Savior had spoken thus (l. 5) far. Andrew said, “Brothers, what do you think about these discussions? I do not believe that the Savior said these words. It seems (l. 10) to contradict his thinking. When the Savior was asked concerning these things, he spoke to a woman, but not openly so that all of us would hear . . . (l. 15) not more worthy than [us] . . .” “. . . (l. 1) of the Savior?” Levi said to Peter, “Peter you are always ready to be angry and now you question the woman as if we were against her. (l. 5) If the Savior judged her to be worthy who are you to disregard her? Knowing her completely, he certainly loved her. Rather, may we be ashamed and having put on the (l. 10) perfect man, we will do what has been asked of us, namely to preach the gospel, not in anger or legislated by law as the Savior said.” Having said these things, Levi (l. 15) went out and began to declare [the gospel].

→

3 5–6 7 8–9 9 10–11 12 13 14 15

τ[α] ειπουσα Tuckett; τ[α] εˋιˊπουσα Kapsamenos, Roberts. αελφοι Tuckett. εγω μεν Roberts, Kapsamenos, Lürhmann; [εγω μεν] Tuckett. σ[ο]ν σ[ω]τηρα Roberts; [ο]ν σ[ω]τηρα Kapsamenos, Pasquier, Lürhmann. δοκει Tuckett. εννοια Roberts, Tuckett. εξεταζομενος Lürhmann. Σω[τηρ μητι] Pasquier, Kapsamenos. ακουσα[ιμεν Roberts. [τι α]ξιολογωτερον α[ ]ων [   ] Roberts; [μη α]ξιολογωτεραν η[μ]ων [αυτην αποδειξαι ηθ]ε[λε ̣ ̣ ̣] Pasquier, Lürhmann, Kapsamenos.

Extracanonical Texts [63]

↓

2 4 5 8–9 9 10–11 11–12 13 16

235

οργειλον Tuckett. αντικειμενος Roberts, Kapsamenos, Pasquier, Lürhmann. σωτη Tuckett. αισχυνθ[ωμε]ν Tuckett. ενδυσαμενο[ι] Roberts, Pasquier, Lürhmann, Kapsamenos. προσταθ[εν] Roberts, Pasquier, Lürhmann, Kapsamenos. κηρυσσ[ειν] Roberts, Pasquier; κηρυξω[μεν] Kapsamenos. ως Kapsamenos. κη[ρυσσειν το ευαγγελι]ον [κατα Μαριαμ] Roberts, Kapsamenos; κη[ρυσσειν το ευαγγελι]ον [ευαγγελιον κατα Μαριαμμην] Lürhmann.

Date: III

63 P.Oxy. II 210 Apocryphal Gospel(?) 17.3 × 8.7 cm (largest fragment) TM no. 64007; Van Haelst 1151

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri II (London, 1899), 9–10 (no. 210). Related Literature: C. H. Roberts, “An Early Christian Papyrus,” in Miscellània papirològica Ramon Roca-Puig, ed. S. Janeras (Barcelona, 1987), 293–96; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 159–63; S. E. Porter, “P.Oxy II 210 as an Apocryphal Gospel and the Development of Egyptian Christianity,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1095–1108; S. E. Porter, “Textual Criticism in the Light of Diverse Textual Evidence for the Greek New Testament: An Expanded Proposal,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2006), 325–30; A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007), 100, 108–12; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 187–89, 402–3. Introduction P.Oxy. II 210 preserves 45 partial lines of writing on one fragment and two very incomplete lines of text on a smaller fragment. 50 Unfortunately, no complete lines of writing exist, and therefore it is difficult to reconstruct the size of the original papyrus codex or what it might have originally contained. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt noted that the handwriting was a “good-sized, rather 50

The ms is also catalogued as Cambridge, University Library Add. Ms. 4048.

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236

irregular uncial” that they dated without hesitation to the third century. 51 There is an apostrophe between the consonant pairs γκ (frag. 1, reverse ll. 11, 14), and the handwriting is consistent though not elegant with diaeresis over an initial upsilon and iota, but otherwise there is no punctuation. The large margins lend the impression of a well-executed codex. Any translation of the text is difficult because so few complete words remain. In ll.  14–17 of the reverse, the language of the New Testament is echoed regarding the fruit of the good tree (Matt 7:17-19; Luke 6:43-44), and, in l. 20 of the same side, there is a mention of (being conformed to?) the image of God (cf. Phil 2:6). Some of the narrative is written in the first-person present, but the remainder of the text offers mostly hints of what might have been written. The text is rather early and may represent a sermon, although it could equally well represent a lost gospel of sorts. frag. 1

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]αρτη[. . .]α̣λ̣ [ ]εξει ι[. . .]ν αγ[ ]ρ̣σιν οὐ δ̣ύ νατα[ι ὑ]π̣ ομεῖναι δ̣ ὲ πο[ ἔτ]α ξ̣ ε ἄγγελος πα[ πε]ρ̣ὶ ἀγγέλου λεχ[ ε[. .] ἡμῖ ̣ν̣ τ̣ὰ ̣ α[ ναται ου[ οὗτος τα[ ἔτι εξ[ . . ]α ̣ τι απ[ δου[ οπε[ [ [ [ σ̣ειν̣τ̣[ __________ 2. pap. εξει ϊ[. 7. pap. ημειν.

]μ [̣

↓

ν̣[ ]ω ̣πε[ ]ἀγαθο[

5 51

P.Oxy. II p. 9.

]ἔλεγεν̣[

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]υ̣ π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς υ[ἱὸς ]ν ἀγα[θ ]το[ ]π ρ̣ οι[ 10 ἀγα]θὸν το[ ]ἐνεγκε [̣ ]θ(εὸ)ς ὁ[. . .] ἀλλὰ[ ]α Ἰη(σοῦ)ς [κα]ὶ ἐρεῖ τ̣[ ἀγα]θοὺς ̣ [ἐν]έγκει ὁ [ Matt 7:17-19; Luke 6:43-44 15 ]ἐ ̣νέγ[κει ἀ]γαθὸς[ καρ]πὸ̣ ς δ̣[έν]δρου ἀγαθοῦ ]ὑπὸ [τὸ ἀ]γ̣αθὸν ἐγώ εἰμι ]τ̣ο εἰμι εἰκὼν τῆς[ ]ὃς ἐν μορφῇ θ(εο)ῦ Phil 2:6? 20 ]δια ὡς εἰκὼν αὐ[τοῦ ]μ̣ θ(ε)ῷ θ(ε)ῷ τῷ ]ν τοῦ εἶναι ]ειται ὅρατα ]ντα τοῦ αι [̣ 25 ε ι̣ δεν ὅτι[ ]εαν ιδεν̣[ ]ε ̣νος επ[ ]ἄνθρ(ω)πο̣ς ̣ π [̣ frag. 2 ]λ λ̣ [̣ 2 ]ν̣ηι̣[ _________ 6. pap. ϋ[. 11. pap. ενεγ᾽κε. 14. pap. ]εγ’κει. 25. pap. ϊδεν. 26. pap. ϊδεν.

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2 3 4–5 6 7 8 10 17

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να π Grenfell and Hunt. ου δ̣ [.]ι̣ νατα Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts. α επο[ιησε καθα προσε]ταξε Lührmann and Schlarb. αγγελον Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts. τ̣ι[̣ .]ς ημε̣ιν̣ τ̣α̣ αβ[ Grenfell and Hunt; ]ς ημειν τ̣α̣ α[ Bernhard; ε[στι] σημε̣ια̣ ̣ . ρ[ Lührmann and Schlarb; ε[. . .]σημ Roberts. να τα ισχ Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts; ναται συ Grenfell and Hunt. εξ[.]α̣ λ̣ Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts; ετι εξει α̣ Grenfell and Hunt. σειπ̣ ε̣ Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts. π̣ ελ[ Bernhard; ωπελ[ Grenfell and Hunt; κ̣ α̣[.]π̣ ε̣ Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts. ελεγε α̣ [ Bernhard, Grenfell and Hunt. ]ι̣ Bernhard. ενεγκο̣ Bernhard, Grenfell and Hunt.

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ιη(σου) Lührmann and Schlarb; ιη[. κ]αι Grenfell and Hunt; α ιη[ . . . .]ι Roberts. καρπους αγα]θους [εν]εγκει ο [δε πονηρος] Lührmann and Schlarb; ο̣ [θ(εο)ς] Porter. πονηρους ε]νεγ[κει Lührmann and Schlarb. υπο[. . α]γαθον Grenfell and Hunt; [κ]α̣ ι πο[ιει α]γαθον Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts. θ(ε)ω θ(ε)ω τω Bernhard; ]α θ(ε)ω θ(ε)ω Lührmann and Schlarb, Roberts. σ̣ αν Grenfell and Hunt. ]ανθρ(ω)π[ Lührmann and Schlarb; ]ανθρπο[. Grenfell and Hunt.

Date: III

64 P.Oxy. IV 654 Gospel of Thomas 7.8 × 24.4 cm TM no. 62840; Van Haelst 0593

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IV (London, 1904), 1–22 (no. 654). Related Literature: H. Evelyn-White, The Sayings of Jesus from Oxyrhynchus (Cambridge, 1920); J. A. Fitzmyer, “The Oxyrhynchus Logoi of Jesus and the Coptic Gospel of Thomas,” TS 20 (1959): 505–60; O. Hofius, “Das Koptische Thomasevangelium und die Oxyrhynchus-Papyri Nr. i, 654 und 655; II,” EvT 20 (1960): 189–92; J. A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (Missoula, 1974), 355–433; A. Pietersma, “The Edited Text of P.Bodmer XXIV,” BASP 17 (1980): 67–79; H.  W. Attridge, “Appendix: The Greek Fragments,” in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2–7 together with XIII,2, BRIT. LIB. OR. 4926(1), and POxy. 1, 654, 655, ed. B. Layton (New York, 1989), 95–128; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 118–31; A. D. DeConick, Recovering the Original Gospel of Thomas: A History of the Gospel and Its Growth (London, 2005); A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007), 32–40; L. W. Hurtado, “The Greek Fragments of the Gospel of Thomas as Artefacts: Papyrological Observations on Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1, Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 654 and Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 655,” in Das Thomasevangelium, ed. J. Frey (New York, 2008), 19–32; A. D. DeConick, “The Gospel of Thomas,” in The Non-canonical Gospels, ed. P. Foster (London, 2008), 13–29; A. M. Luijendijk, “Reading the Gospel of Thomas in the Third Century: Three Oxyrhynchus Papyri and Origen’s Homilies,” in Reading New Testament Papyri in Context, ed. C. Clivaz and J. Zumstein (Leuven, 2011), 241–67; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 171–77, 394.

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239

Introduction P.Oxy. IV 654 catalogues a papyrus sheet written on the reverse of a survey list of plots of land (unpublished). The text of the reverse contains several of the logia from the Gospel of Thomas. The papyrus was found in the second season of excavations at Oxyrhynchus (1902/1903), and the papyrus has been the focus of continued interest and scholarly discussion since its initial publication in 1904. Eventually, after the publication of the Coptic Gospel of Thomas that was discovered among the Nag Hammadi tractates, the missing portions of these sayings were able to be restored by translating the Coptic text into Greek. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt noted that the documentary text on the front of this papyrus dated to the second or early third century and that the handwriting of the reverse ought to be dated to the third century and no later than 300. More recently, A.  M. Luijendijk has more broadly discussed the paleography and compared the handwriting to P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 (III/IV, Revelation [37]), while A. Pietersma has suggested an earlier date of the second century. 52 If there is anything approaching a consensus on the dating of P.Oxy. IV 654, it is that Grenfell and Hunt’s assessment of the date was broadly accurate and perhaps even cautious. The scribe employed the usual nomina sacra for θεός, πατήρ, and ἄνθρωπος, and the scribe filled the end of partial lines with wedge- or carrot-shaped signs (>). Luijendijk notes that the text may have been used in liturgical settings or for reading aloud in educational settings, or that the scribe may have transferred the grammar from the Vorlage. 53 At any rate, this copy of Thomas does demonstrate that the Greek text had textually developed so that the sayings are designated as individual logia, and the scribe attempted to give the copy a professional appearance by creating straight right and left margins. The fact that this copy was made on repurposed papyrus is noteworthy and suggests that it was made for personal use. Other examples of this are the following: P.Oxy. IV 657 [32] is written on a reused papyrus, and P.Oxy. XV 1783 [67] is written on top of an earlier text.

↓ 5

52 53

οὗτοι οἱ λόγοι οἱ [ἀπόκρυφοι οὓς ἐλά-] λησεν Ἰη(σοῦ)ς ὁ ζῶν κ[αὶ ἔγραψεν Ἰούδας ὅ] καὶ Θωμᾶ καὶ εἶπεν‧ [ὅστις ἂν τὴν ἑρμηνει-] αν τῶν λόγων τούτ[ων εὑρίσκη, θανάτου] οὐ μὴ γεύσηται. [λέγει Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧] μὴ παυσάσθω ὁ ζη[τῶν τοῦ ζητεῖν ἕως ἂν] εὕρῃ, καὶ ὅταν εὕρῃ[ θαμβηθήσεται, καὶ θαμ-] βηθεὶς βασιλεύσει, κα[ὶ βασιλεύσας ἀναπα-] Pietersma, “Edited Text of P.Bodmer XXIV,” 67–79. Luijendijk, “Reading the Gospel of Thomas,” 253–54.

Logion 1

Logion 2

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

ήται λέγει Ἰ[η(σοῦ)ς‧ ἐὰν] Logion 3 οἱ ἕλκοντες ὑμᾶς [εἴπωσιν ὑμῖν‧ ἰδοὺ] ἡ βασιλεία ἐν οὐρα[νῷ, ὑμᾶς φθήσεται] τὰ πετεινὰ τοῦ οὐρ[ανοῦ‧ ἐὰν δ’ εἴπωσιν ὅ-] τι ὑπὸ τὴν γῆν ἐστ[ιν, εἰσελεύσονται] οἱ ἰχθύες τῆς θαλά[σσης προφθάσαν-] τες ὑμᾶς‧ καὶ ἡ βασ[ιλεία τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ] ἐντὸς ὑμῶν [ἐστι κἀκτός‧ ὃς ἂν ἑαυτὸν] γνῷ, ταύτην εὑρή[σει‧ καὶ ὅτε ὑμεῖς] ἑαυτοὺς γνώσεσθε, [εἴσεσθε ὅτι οἱ υἱοὶ] ἐστε ὑμεῖς τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ ζ[ῶντος‧ εἰ δὲ μὴ] γνώσθε ἑαυτούς, ἐν, [τῇ πτωχείᾳ ἐστὲ] καὶ ὑμεῖς ἐστε ἡ πτω̣[χεία. [λέγει Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧] Logion 4 οὐκ ἀποκνήσει ἄνθ[ρωπος πλήρης ἡμε-] ρῶν ἐπερωτῆσαι πα[ιδίον ἑπτὰ ἡμε-] ρῶν περὶ τοῦ τόπου τῆ̣ [ς ζωῆς καὶ ζή-] σεται‧ ὅτι πολλοὶ ἔσονται π [̣ ρῶτοι ἔσχατοι καὶ] οἱ ἔσχατοι πρῶτοι καὶ [εἰς ἓν καταντήσου-] σιν. λέγει Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧ γ[νῶθι τὸ ὂν ἔμπροσ-] Logion 5 θεν τῆς ὄψεως σοῦ, καὶ [τὸ κεκαλυμμένον] ἀπό σου ἀποκαλυφήσετ[αί σοι‧ οὐ γάρ ἐστιν κρυπτὸν ὃ οὐ φανε [̣ ρὸν γενήσεται.] καὶ τεθαμμένον ὃ ο[ὐκ ἐγερθήσεται.] [ἐξ]ετάζουσιν αὐτὸν ο[ἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ] Logion 6 + 7 [λέ]γο̣υ̣σ̣ιν̣ ‧̣ πῶς νηστεύ[σομεν; καὶ πῶς προσ[ευξόμ]εθα; καὶ πῶς [ἐλεημοσύνην ποιή-] [σομεν; κ]α ὶ̣ τί παρατηρήσ̣[ομεν περὶ τῶν βρω[μάτω]ν; λέγει Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧ [μὴ ψεύδεσθε καὶ ὅ-] [τι μισ]εῖτε μὴ ποιεῖτ̣ [ε πάντα γὰρ ἔμπρο-] [σθεν τ]ῆς ἀληθ[ε]ίας ἀν[αφαίνεται‧ οὐδὲν] [γάρ ἐστι]ν ἀ[π]ο̣ κεκρ̣[υμμένον ὃ οὐ φανερὸν] [ἔσται. μα]κάρι[ός] ἐστιν [ὁ λέων ὃν φάγεται] [ἄνθρωπος καὶ ὁ λέ]ων ἔστα̣ [ι ἄνθρωπος‧ καὶ] [οὐαὶ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ] ὅν̣ [φάγεται λέων.] __________ 1. pap. οιτοιοιοι. 5 pap. γευσεται 𝈽. 8. pap. βασιλευση. 9 pap. λεγει 𝈽. 10. pap. ημας. 13. pap. ϋπο. 14. pap. ϊχθυες. 15. pap. ϋμας. 16. pap. ϋμων. 19. pap. ϋμεις. 21. pap. ϋμεις. 23. pap. επερωτησε. 24–25. pap. ]σετε. 27. pap. σιν 𝈽. 31. pap. θεαμμενον. 36 pap. ]ν 𝈽. 37. pap. ]ειται.

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Translation These are the hidden words which the living Jesus spoke, and Judas Thomas recorded. He said, “Whoever discovers the meaning of these words (l. 5) will not taste death.” Jesus says, “Let him who seeks not pause until he finds, and when he finds he will be amazed and being amazed he will rule and having ruled he will rest.” (l. 10) Jesus says, “If those who draw upon you say to you, ‘Behold the kingdom is in heaven,’ the birds of heaven will be there before you. And if they say that it is under the earth, the fish of the sea will go there (l. 15) before you. The kingdom of God is in you and it is outside you. Whoever knows himself will find it, and when you know yourselves, you will be the sons of the living Father. But if you do not (l. 20) know yourselves, then you are in poverty and are poverty.” Jesus says, “A man full of days will not hesitate to question a child of seven days about the place of life and he (l. 25) will live. For many that are first will be last, and the last will be first and they will arrive [at the place of life].” Jesus says, “Know what is before your face, and what (l. 30) is hidden from you will be revealed to you. For there is nothing that is hidden that will not be made visible, and [nothing that] is buried that will not be raised up.” His disciples inquire of him and they say, “How shall we fast, and how shall we pray, and how shall (l. 35) we give alms, and how shall we act concerning food?” Jesus says, “Do not lie and do not do what you hate, for all things will be made apparent before truth. For there is nothing hidden that will not be made known (l. 40). Blessed is the lion who the man eats and the lion will be man, and woe to the man that the lion eats.” ουτοι οι {οι} λογοι Fitzmyer; οιτοι οι {οι} λογοι Attridge; οι τοιοι λογοι Grenfell and Hunt; οιτοιοιοι pap. likely a scribal mistake from οιτοι οι. 2 [οφθεις Ιουδα τω] και Θωμα Hofius. 9 [επαναπα]ησεται Grenfell and Hunt, Bernhard, Attridge. 14–15 φθασαντες Fitzmyer. 15 βασιλεια του πατρος Bernhard; βασιλεια των ουρανων Grenfell and Hunt; βασιλεια του θεου Fitzmyer. 16 οστις αν εαυτον Grenfell and Hunt, Bernhard. 18 γνωσεσθαι Grenfell and Hunt; ειδησετε Fitzmyer, Hofius; Bernhard om. οι. 21 πτο[ Grenfell and Hunt. 22–23 [παλαιος ημερων] Bernhard, Attridge, Hofius. 23 των επτα Bernhard. 24 και αυτους Bernhard. 26 [ζωην αιωνιον εξου]σιν Fitzmyer. 28 κεκρυμμενον Grenfell and Hunt. 35–36 [οταν δειπνωμεν] Fitzmyer. 42 [αναθεμα ο ανθρωπος] Attridge. 1

242

Date: II/III

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

65 P.Oxy. IV 655 Gospel of Thomas 8.2 × 8.3 cm TM no. 62839; Van Haelst 0595

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IV (London, 1904), 22–28 (no. 655). Related Literature: H. Evelyn-White, The Sayings of Jesus from Oxyrhynchus (Cambridge, 1920); J. A. Fitzmyer, “The Oxyrhynchus Logoi of Jesus and the Coptic Gospel of Thomas,” TS 20 (1959): 505–60; O. Hofius, “Das coptische Thomasevangelium und die Oxyrhynchus-Papyri Nr. i, 654 und 655; II,” EvT 20 (1960): 189–92; R. A. Kraft, “Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 655 Reconsidered,” HTR 54 (1961): 253–62; J. A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (Missoula, 1974), 355–433; A. Pietersma, “The Edited Text of P.Bodmer XXIV,” BASP 17 (1980): 67–79; H. W. Attridge, “Appendix: The Greek Fragments,” in Nag Hammadi Codex II,2–7 together with XIII,2, BRIT. LIB. OR. 4926(1), and POxy. 1, 654, 655, ed. B. Layton (New York, 1989), 95–128; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 118–31; A. D. DeConick, Recovering the Original Gospel of Thomas: A History of the Gospel and Its Growth (London, 2005); A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007), 32–40; L. W. Hurtado, “The Greek Fragments of the Gospel of Thomas as Artefacts: Papyrological Observations on Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1, Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 654 and Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 655,” in Das Thomasevangelium, ed. J. Frey (New York, 2008), 19–32; A. D. DeConick, “The Gospel of Thomas,” in The Non-canonical Gospels, ed. P. Foster (London, 2008), 13–29; A. M. Luijendijk, “Reading the Gospel of Thomas in the Third Century: Three Oxyrhynchus Papyri and Origen’s Homilies,” in Reading New Testament Papyri in Context, ed. C. Clivaz and J. Zumstein (Leuven, 2011), 241–67; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 171–77, 393. Introduction P.Oxy. IV 655 catalogues six papyrus fragments with writing on them that originate from a third-century papyrus roll. The text is written along the fibers, and the reverse side was not reused. In the ed. pr., B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt noted a number of second- and third-century paleographic comparisons:

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243

P.Oxy. I 23, P.Oxy. II 223, P.Oxy. III 420, P.Amh. II 12, P.Amh. I 3, P.Oxy. I 26, and P.Oxy. III 447. There are no punctuation or accent marks, but the scribe used a wedge-shaped siglum to fill up empty space at the end of a line. For further notes on the Gospel of Thomas, see P.Oxy. IV 654 [64]. The numbering of the Gospel of Thomas logia comes from the Coptic edition of the text.

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εἰ φῶς ἐσ]τ̣ιν [ἐν ἀνθρώπῳ φ]ωτ ὲ ί νῷ [ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ κ]όσμῳ [φωτίζει· εἰ δὲ μ]ή, [σκοτεινός ἐ]στιν. [λέγει Ἰ(ησοῦ)ς‧ μὴ μεριμνᾶ-] [τε ἀπ]ὸ̣ πρωὶ [ἕως ὀψέ,] [μήτ]ε ἀφ’ ἐσπ[έρας] [ἕως π]ρ̣ωί, μήτε ̣ [τῇ] [τροφῇ ὑ]μῶν τ̣ί φά[γητε, μήτε] τῇ στ[ο-] [λῇ ὑμῶν] τ̣ί ἐ ̣νδύ[ση]σ̣θε̣ ̣ [πολ]λῷ κρ[είσ̣-] [σον]έ ς̣ ̣ ἐ[στε] τ̣ῶν [κρί-] ν̣ω ̣ν̣ ἅ ̣τ̣ι [̣ να ο]ὐ ξα [̣ ί-] νει ο̣ὐδ̣ ὲ̣  ν̣[ήθ]ε ι̣ ̣ μ [̣ ηδ-] ὲν ἔ χ̣ ο̣ ̣ν̣τ̣[α ἔ]ν̣δ [̣ υ-] μα. τί ̣ ἐ̣ ̣ν[δεῖτε] κ α̣ ὶ ὑ̣μεῖς; τίς ἂν π̣ρο̣ σ̣ θ̣ η̣ ἐπὶ τὴν ἡλικία ̣ν ὑμῶν; αὐτὸ[ς δ]ώσ̣ε ι̣ ὑμῖν τὸ ἔνδυμα ὑ̣μῶν. λέγουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ μαθηταὶ αὐτοῦ‧ πότε ἡμῖν ἐμφανὴς ἔσει, καὶ πότε σε ὀψόμεθα; λέγει‧ ὅταν ἐκδύσησθε κ α̣ ὶ̣  μὴ αἰσχυνθῆτε

Logion 24

Logion 36

Logion 37

several lines of text missing 30

θ[ λέ[γει Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧ πολλάκις] ο[ὖν ἐπεθυμεῖτε] τ[ούτους τοὺς λό-] γ[ους μου ἀκοῦσαι]

Logion 38

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45

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κα [̣ ὶ ἔχετε οὐδε-] ν[ὸς ἄλλου ἀκοῦσαι] κα [̣ ὶ ἐλεύσονται] ἡμ [̣ έραι ὅτε ζητή-] σε [̣ τέ με καὶ οὐ μὴ] [εὑρήσετέ με. [λέγει] [Ἰη(σοῦ)ς‧ οἱ Φαρισαῖοι] [καὶ οἱ γραμματεῖς] ἔλ[αβον τὰς κλεῖδας] τῆς [γνώσεως καὶ ἔ-] κρυψ[αν αὐτάς‧ οὔτε] εἰσῆ[λθον οὔτε τοὺς] εἰσερ[χομένους ἀφῆ-] καν [εἰσελθεῖν. ὕμεῖς] δὲ γίν[εσθε φρόνι-] μοι ὡ[ς ὄφεις καὶ ἀ-] κέραι[οι ὡς περιστε-] ρ̣α̣[ί

Logion 39

__________ 20. pap. ειλικιαν. 22. pap. υμειν. 25. pap. υμιν. 27 pap. λεγει>>>>>. 49. pap. γει[.

Translation “if there is light within a man of light, then it enlightens the entire world. But if it does not then (l. 5) it is in darkness.” Jesus says, “Do not be anxious from morning until evening, nor from evening until morning, neither for (l. 10) your nourishment what you will eat or for your clothes, what you will wear. You are worth much more than the (l. 15) lilies which grow but they do not spin and they have no clothing. And what do you lack? Who of you can (l. 20) add to his stature? He will give you clothing.” His disciples say to him, (l. 25) “When will you be revealed to us and when will we see you?” He says, “When you undress and are not ashamed.” (l. 30) Jesus says, “You often wished to hear these my words (l. 35) and you have no one else from whom to hear them. There will be days when you will seek me but you will not (l. 40) find me.” Jesus says, “The Pharisees and scribes have seized the keys of knowledge and (l.  45) hidden them. They have not entered and they sent away those who would enter. You will become wise (l. 50) as serpents and as innocent as doves.” 15 17 18 31–40

α]υξανει Fitzmyer, Grenfell and Hunt. εχοντες Attridge, Grenfell and Hunt. ενδυεσθε Bernhard, Grenfell and Hunt. Hofius [ἐπεθυμήσατε τούτους τοὺς] λό[γους μου ἀκοῦσαι] ο[ὓς λαλῶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ ἕ]τε[ρον ὅστις ἂν λέ]γῃ [ὑμῖν ὥστε ἀ]κο[ῦσαι ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ οὐδέ]ν[α οὐ μὴ ἔχετε] κα[ὶ

Extracanonical Texts [66]

245

ἐλεύσονται] ἡμ[έραι ὅτε ζητή]σε[τέ με καὶ οὐχ εὑρήσετε] (“You desired to hear these my words which I will speak to you and others that would be said to you so that you will hear of him nothing but what you have and there will be days when you will seek me and will not find me”). Fitzmyer π]ο[λλάκις ἐπιθυμήσα]τα[ι ἀκοῦσαι τοὺς λό]γ[ους οὓς ὑμῖν λέγω] κα[ὶ οὐκ ἔχετε τὸ]ν [ἐροῦντα ὑμῖν] κα[ὶ ἐλεύσονται] ἡμ[έραι ὅτε ζητή]σε[τέ με καὶ οὐχ εὑρήσετέ με] (“Often have you desired to hear these words I am saying to you, and you have no other from whom to hear them. There will be days when you seek me and you will not find me”). 34 γυ Bernhard. 36 νρ Bernhard. 43 απ]ελ[αβον Fitzmyer, την κλειδα Grenfell and Hunt. 44–45 [και απε]κρυψ[αν] Fitzmyer, [και] κρυψ[αντες] Hofius, [αυτοι ε]κρυψαν] Attridge, Kraft. 50 οι οφεις Hofius, Fitzmyer. 51 αι περιστεραι Hofius, Fitzmyer.

Date: III/IV

66 P.Oxy. XV 1828 Shepherd of Hermas 2.9 × 4.9 cm TM no. 59987; Van Haelst 0665

Material: Parchment

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XV (London, 1922), 229–30 (no. 1828); S. G. Mercati, “Passo del Pastore di Erma riconosciuto nel pap. Oxy. 1828,” Bib 6 (1925): 336–38. Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M.  W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 446–48; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas: The Shepherd in Egypt before Constantine,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 210; A. M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 254; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 156, 378–79. Introduction This rather small fragment from a single leaf of a parchment codex preserves 12 lines of text. In the ed. pr., A. S. Hunt described the text as an “Ethical Treatise.” S. G. Mercati, writing a few years later, recognized the fragment as belonging to the Shepherd of Hermas and republished an edition with several significant corrections to Hunt’s earlier edition. Because no margins have survived, it

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

246

is difficult to determine the beginnings and endings of lines, or the precise length of a complete line of writing. Therefore, textual considerations based on an average line length of a line of text are rather tenuous. Approximately 16 lines of text are missing between the writing on the front and the writing on the reverse. Assuming regular margins, it can be estimated broadly that the original codex was likely 13 cm tall and 9.3 cm wide and thus of Turner’s Group 9 Aberrants. 54 The handwriting is a “well formed sloping uncial” that was dated to the third century through paleographic consideration although no comparanda were offered by Hunt or Mercati. 55 The papyrus shows several omissions that were likely the result of errors. It almost certainly agrees with M in the omission of γάρ in l. 2 and in the inclusion of πάντα in l. 12, but its textual affiliations are difficult to determine with so little text to consider. Flesh side

5

ἣ]ν π[οιεῖ‧ εἰς τὴν [α]ὔ̣ρι̣ ον ἐπιλανθάνεται [τί πρὸ μιᾶς] [ἔ]πραξεν‧ ἡ γὰρ τρυφὴ καὶ [ἀπάτη] [μν]ήμας οὐ[κ] ἔχει διὰ τὴν ἀ[φροσύ-] [νη]ν ἐνδέδυται‧ ἡ δὲ τιμ[ωρία καὶ ἡ βά-] [σα]ν̣ο[ς ὅ]ταν̣ κολλη̣ [θ]ῇ ̣ τῷ [ἀν(θρώπ)ῳ]

Sim. VI 5,3 (65.3)

Hair side

10

] κ α̣ ὶ ̣ γὰρ ὀξύχολ [̣ ος ̣ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ πράξει]Sim. VI 5,5 (65.5) [τ]ὸ̣ ἱκανὸν ποιῶν τρυφ[ᾷ‧ καὶ ὁ μοιχὸς] [καὶ] ὁ μέθυσος καὶ ὁ κατάλα[λος καὶ ὁ] [ψε]ύστης καὶ ὁ πλεονέκτης [καὶ ὁ ἀπ-] οστε]ρητὴς καὶ ὁ τούτοις τὰ [ὅμοια πάντα] ποιῶ[ν τ]ῃ ἰδί̣[ᾳ] νό[σῳ] τ̣ὸ ἱ[κανὸν __________ 3. pap. ]πραξιν. 5. pap. τειμ[. 8. pap. ϊκανον. 11. pap. τοϊουτο`ι´ς.

επιλανθανεται γαρ A (et L2 E, ac L1). It is unlikely that the papyrus read γαρ with A. ἣν before ουκ is om., probably in error, although the suggested restoration of Mercati is possible. νην η]ν Mercati. η βασανος Mercati. It is not certain that the papyrus preserved the definite article. If present, it would create a unique reading. κολληθηι Mercati; ι̣ο̣[. ο]ταν̣ πολλα̣ . [.] . τω[ Hunt. All other witnesses read ο οξυχολος. τρυφ[ηι Hunt. M om. the first instance of ο (before πλεονεκτης).

2 4 5 5–6 6 7 8 10 54 55

See [67] below for a discussion of the size of the codex. P.Oxy. XV p. 229.

Extracanonical Texts [67]

247

11 τοιουτος Mercati, Hunt. A reads τουτοις. 11–12 [παραπλησια?] Hunt, Mercati. 12 ιδι[αι Mercati; [τ]η̣ ι δι̣[α]νο[ιαι] τ̣ου[ Hunt. Α L2 E om. παντα.

Date: III/IV

67 P.Oxy. XV 1783 Shepherd of Hermas 6.0 × 9.3 cm TM no. 59991; Van Haelst 0659

Material: Parchment

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XV (London, 1922), 15–17 (no. 1783). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:503–4; S. G. Mercati, “Passo del Pastore di Erma riconosciuto nel pap. Oxy. 1828,” Bib 6 (1925): 336–38; M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 398–99; Α.  Μ. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 254; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 155, 376–77. Introduction This leaf likely belongs to the same codex as P.Oxy. XV 1828 [66]. 56 A. S. Hunt estimates that seven lines of text are missing from the top of the reverse side. The right and left margins appear intact, and, by adding the missing seven lines of text to the height of the page, a complete page can be estimated to have been 13 cm, thus resulting in a codex size of 13 cm tall and 9.3 cm wide. This size of codex does not fit easily into any of Turner’s groups, but it is closest to Group 9 “Square,” where some of the codices are small like this one and the width and height are not greater than 3 cm in difference. The handwriting was described in the ed. pr. as a round upright uncial of medium size, similar to the description offered of P.Oxy. XV 1828. Hunt noted the existence of a palimpsest text that ran in the reverse direction to the text of the Shepherd. It was a prose text that was approximated as being “very little earlier in date.”57 Hunt restored two lines from the palimpsest text: τὸν περιεσχίσθη οὐ μόνον τῷ, καὶ πληρῶ, the sense of which is not readily clear. On l.  4 the scribe left an enlarged space 56 57

Catalogued as MS Gen 1026/22. P.Oxy. XV p. 16.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

248

following πληροφορήσει to indicate a sense break, and the usual nomina sacra are employed. It is difficult to discuss the textual affinities of this text based on so little evidence, although it does show several departures from A and at least two unique readings that likely arise out of scribal errors (see n. 4 and 11).

5

10

πολυσπλ [̣ α]γχνίαν αὐτοῦ, ὅτι Mand. IX 2 (39.2) [ο]ὐ μή σε̣ [ἐ]ν̣ καταλ[ί]ψ̣ει, ἀλλὰ τὸ [α]ἴτημα̣ τῆς ψυχῆ ς σου πληροφορήσει. οὐκ ἔ σ̣ ̣τιν ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ὡς οἱ (39.3) [ἄ]νθρωπ[οι μ]νησικακοῦντες, [ἀλλ’] αὐτὸς [ἀμν]ησικάκητός ἐστιν [πάντων τῶν αἰτημάτων σου] Mand. IX 4 (39.4) ἀνυστέρ[ητος] ἔσῃ, ἐὰν̣ [ἀδιστά-] κτως αἰτ[ή]σ̣[ῃ] π̣αρ̣ὰ  τοῦ̣ [κ(υρίο)υ.] ἐ ὰ̣ ν̣ (39.5) δὲ διστάσ̣ῃ [ ς ἐν τῇ κ]αρδ̣[ίᾳ] σ̣[ου,] οὐ μὴ λάβ[εις τ]ῶ [̣ ν] α̣ ἰ τη̣ μ̣ [άτων] σου. οἱ γὰρ δισ[τάζοντες εἰς τὸν] θ(εό)ν, οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ δ̣ίψ̣υ̣χ̣ο̣ι̣, κ̣α̣ὶ __________ 3. pap. ]νκαταλε[ι]ψει. 4. pap. φορησει·.

1 2 4 8 9 10 11 13

Hunt was able to restore the beginning of this line with hesitation. πολευσπλαγχνιαν Ath2; πολλην ευσπλαγχνιαν A Ath1 Ant. εγκαταλιπη A Ath2 Ant. P.Oxy. XV 1783 is the only witness to attest to the omission of γάρ following εστιν. οσα αν A (L2?). αιτησης Α Ath2. A om. δε. Only Ant agrees with P.Oxy. XV 1783 in reading ου instead of ουδεν ου. All other witnesses read ληψη (fut. mid. of λαμβανω (Α Ath2 Ant) in place of λαβεις (aor., subj. of λαμβανω). Hunt originally read λαβεις, but only λαβ[ remains visible today. Ath2 reads ὡς for οἱ (om. Ath1).

Date: III

68 P.Oxy. L 3527 Shepherd of Hermas 19.0 × 10.5 cm TM no. 59986

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. K. Bowman et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (London, 1983), 17–20 (no. 3527). Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); T. W. Mackay, “A Papyrus of Iliad III,” BASP 10

Extracanonical Texts [68]

249

(1973): 59–61; C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 458; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas: The Shepherd in Egypt before Constantine,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 206–7; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 158–60, 382–83. Introduction P.Oxy. L 3527 catalogues three papyrus fragments from a single leaf of a papyrus codex. Some of the margins survive in part, and therefore an estimation of the size of the original leaf is possible. C. H. Roberts estimated that a complete page would have measured 21 × 30 cm and thus of Turner’s Group 3, although Group 3 catalogues single-column codices and Roberts suggested in the ed. pr. that the codex contained two columns of writing per page. M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge suggest that the papyrus originates from a single-column codex with parallels in Turner’s Group 8, Aberrant 1 (much taller than broad) and with measurements of 10.5 cm wide × 30 cm tall. Based on this reconstruction, Choat and Yuen-Collingridge suggest that the codex began with Mandate 5 rather than Mandate 4 as suggested in the ed. pr. and that the page numbers (82–83) are not column numbers as originally suggested. A consultation of the available photographs appears to support the conclusion that this is a single-column codex. If this was a single-column format, 7 lines of text are lost at the bottom of the page. Based on these revised estimations, this codex would have begun with Mandate 5 and may have been accompanied by a companion codex—a suggestion made by Choat and Yuen-Collingridge— that would have required 155–60 pages for the Similitudes and Vis. 1–Mand. 3 (or 4). Roberts referred to the handwriting as a “rounded Roman capital with occasional serifs” and offered P.Bodmer II (early II) and a codex of the Iliad as comparanda. 58 The scribe employs diaeresis over initial ι (ll. 7, 48). Deletion is noted by supralinear dots, and a correction is noted in l. 11 by an insertion above the line. The scribe frequently used enlarged spaces to denote punctuation, perhaps as a means of facilitating public reading. The papyrus is interesting for several agreements with the text of A and several agreements with M. Additionally, it preserves several unique readings: the omission of ἐκ σάκκου in l. 6; the confusion of ὅστις for ὥς τις in l. 12; the likely addition of ῥάβδους in l. 19; the reading ἄλλοι for εἶτα in l. 24; the possible omission of οἱ τάς before ξηράς in l. 24; the omission of two words and the possible insertion of an extra word in ll. 27–28; and an omission of τοὺς μέν in 58

P.Oxy L p. 17; Mackay, “A Papyrus of Iliad III,” 59–61.

250

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

l. 42. The scribe seems to be best characterized as a copyist who was prone to errors and omissions. The text is mixed but shows some greater affinity to the text of M.

↓ 5

10

15

20

25

→ 30

35

πβ [εἰς] τ̣ὸν τόπον τοῦ ἀγ[̣ γέλου] [τοῦ] μεγάλου, κἀγὼ πα [̣ ρεστά-] [θην] αὐτῷ. λέγει μοι‧ π [̣ ερίζω-] [σαι] ὠμόλινον καὶ διακ [̣ όνει] [μοι.] περιεζωσάμη̣ [ν ἐγὼ] [ὠμό]λινον γεγονὸς κ α̣ [θ]α -̣ [ρόν.] ἰδών δέ με πε ρ̣ ι [̣ εζω]σ̣[μέν]ον καὶ ἕτοιμον [ὄν]τ̣α τοῦ [διακ]ονεῖν αὐτῷ, κάλε[ι,] φ̣ησ̣ί ̣ν, [τοὺ]ς ̣ ἄνδρας ὧν εἰσιν α ἱ̣ ̣ ῥά[βδο]ι̣ πεφυτευμένα ὶ , ́ κατὰ [τ]ὰ ] ὅστις ἔδωκεν τὰς ῥά[βδου]ς .̣ ἀπῆλθον εἰς τὸ π̣ε δ̣ ί̣ ο̣ ̣ν [καὶ ἐκ]άλεσα πάντας ̣‧ κ [̣ αὶ ἐσ-] [τάθη πά]ν̣τα τὰ τάγμα [̣ τα. λ]έγει [δὲ αὐτ̣οῖ̣ ς‧ ἕκαστος ἐκ[τ]ε ι̣ νά[τω τὰς ῥάβδους τὰς ἰδ̣[ί]α ς̣ [καὶ φερέτω πρός με. [π]ρ̣ῶ-̣ [τοι ἐπέδωκαν οἱ τὰς [ῥά]β̣δ [̣ ο]υ̣ς ̣ [ξηρὰς καὶ βεβρωμέν̣[α]ς ἐ[σ]χ ̣η[κότες, ὡσαύτως εὑρέ[θ]η̣ σ̣α ̣ν̣ [ξηραὶ καὶ κ ε̣ κομμέναι‧ ἐ κ̣ έ[λευσεν αὐτο̣ὺς χωρὶς [στῆ]ν̣[αι. ἄλλοι ἐπέδωκαν τὰς ̣ ῥ[άβδ]ο̣υς̣ ̣ ξη[ρὰ]ς καὶ μ[ὴ] κ ε̣ [̣ κομμένας ἔχ [̣ οντες‧

Sim. VIII 4,1–5 (70.1)

(70.2)

(70.3) (70.4)

(70.5)

πγ [στῆ]ν̣α ι̣ .̣ εἶτα ἐπέδωκα[ν οἱ ῥάβ-] Sim. VIII 4,5–7,2 (70.5-6) [δους] ἡ μ  ιξ ̣ήρους σχισμ [̣ ὰς] [ἐχού]σ̣ας‧ πολλοὶ ἐξ α[ὐτῶν] [χλωρ]ὰς ἐπέδωκαν κα[ὶ μὴ ἐχού-] σ̣α [̣ ς σ]χ ι̣ σ̣ μ ̣ ά[ς‧ τινὲς δὲ χλωρὰς] καὶ πα̣ ραφυάδας ἐ χ̣ ούσ[ας, καὶ] εἰς τὰς παραφυάδας κα[ρπούς,] οἵας ἔσχον οἱ εἰς τὸν πύ[ργον] πορ[ε]υ̣θέντες ἐστεφα[νω-]

Extracanonical Texts [68]

40

45

50

μένοι‧ τινὲς δὲ ἐπέδ̣[ωκαν] ξηρὰς καὶ βεβρωμένα[ς, τι-] νὲς δὲ ξηρὰς καὶ ἀβρώτ̣[ους,] τινὲς δὲ οἷαι ἦσαν ἡμί̣ [̣ ξηροι] καὶ σ̣χ ι̣ σ̣ μὰς ἔχουσαι. ἐκέλε[υ-] σεν [αὐτο]ὺ̣ς ̣ ἕν̣α ἕκα[σ]τ̣ο ̣ν̣ χωρ[ι]σθῆ ν̣αι, πρὸς τὰ ̣ [ἴ]δ̣ια τάγματα, τοὺς δὲ χωρίς. εἶτα ἐπεδίδουν οἱ χλωρὰς μὲν ἔχοντες ̣ , σχισμὰς δὲ 〚οὐκ〛 ἐχούσας‧ οὗτοι πάντες χλωρὰς ἐπέδω κ̣ α̣ ν, καὶ ἔστησαν εἰς τὸ ἴδιον τάγμα. ἐχάρη ὁ ποιμὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις ,̣ ὅ[τ]ι ̣ πάντες ἠλλοιώθησαν κ α̣ ὶ ἀπέθοντο [τὰ σχίσ]ματα ̣ αὐ̣ ̣τῶν. ἐπέδω[καν δὲ καὶ οἱ τὸ ἥμι]σ̣υ̣ χ̣[λω]ρ̣όν,

251

(71.1)

(71.2)

__________ 6. pap. γεγονως. 7. pap. ϊδων. 15. pap. εκ[τ]ειατω;. 39. pap. οιοι. 48. pap. ϊδιον.

2 3 6 7 8 11–12 13 14–15 16–17 19 21 23 24 24–25 27–28 29 34 39 41 42

A E om. του μεγαλου. Α L2 E (tunc L1) read και before λεγει. The papyrus om. εκ σακκου following ωμολινον, probably in error. M om. δε. Μ reads τω for του. τα ταγματα M; το ταγμα Α (L E). Roberts suggests the scribe may have erroneously written τα|γμα a reading close to that of A (L E). Other witnesses read ως τις for οστις. Only A reads εδωκεν, all other witnesses read επεδωκεν. Α Ε (L1) read και απηλθον. The papyrus probably read εσταθη with M instead of εστησαν (A). There are some traces of ink at the end of the line. The papyrus reads εκτεινατω with M where other witnesses read εκτιλατω. The addition of ραβδους creates a unique reading, and the visible traces of letters are questionable. The papyrus reads ωσαυτως with M and E. A reads και οι ουτως. στηναι is the only attested reading for the end of this line, but the traces of ink are doubtful. The other witnesses read ειτα for αλλοι. Α L1 om. τας ραβδους. The scribe appears to have om. οι τας before ξηρας. The reading of the papyrus is unique. M reads οι τας ημισους (ημιξηρους A) ξηρους και σχισμας. The scribe apparently om. τας and replaced it with ραβδους? as well as om. και. A E read και πολλοι. Α reads οιους for οιας. A and E read ειχον for εσχον. M L2 E om. δε. Μ L E read εκαστον αυτων for ενα εκαστον (A). M L E read χωρις στηναι for χωρισθηναι, Α reads χωρις σταθηναι. The papyrus om. τους μεν before προς in error.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

252

44 The papyrus agrees with M in reading οι χλωρας. 48 Α L2 E add δε following εχαρη. 50–51 Α reads απεθεντο τας σχισμας where the papyrus reads ἀπέθοντο τὰ σχίσματα.

Date: III/IV

69 P.Oxy. III 404 Shepherd of Hermas 5.3 × 7.8 cm TM no. 59989; Van Haelst 0668

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri III (London, 1903), 7–9 (no. 404). Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 522–25; L.  W. Hurtado, The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts and Christian Origins (Grand Rapids, 2006), 23; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “The Egyptian Hermas: The Shepherd in Egypt before Constantine,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 210; T.  A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 149–51, 370–71. Introduction P.Oxy. III 404 preserves three small fragments from a papyrus codex that has been dated to the third or fourth century based on paleographic considerations. 59 The reverse side of the fragments is barely legible, and therefore a reconstruction of these lines can be made only with great hesitancy. The first two fragments join together almost seamlessly, while a small lacuna separates the first two fragments from the third. The lacuna is large enough to account for the loss of a line of text. This segment of the Shepherd is not attested elsewhere in Greek, and therefore the text can be only loosely restored in places based on the Latin translation. This portion of the Shepherd is attested in L1 L2 and E. This edition follows the reconstruction made by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. No complete lines survive, and therefore it is impossible to determine the size of the page or the length of a line. The usual nomina sacra were used, but there are no corrections or notations of punctuation.

59

Catalogued as Bodleian ms MS. Gr. th. f. 10 (P).

Extracanonical Texts [69]

frags. 1 and 2

5

ἐν κ(υρί)]ῳ ἐὰν [μὲν οὖν Sim. X 3,2–5 (113.2-3) καθαρὸν τὸν οἶ]κόν σου ε [̣ ὕρωσι μετὰ σοῦ παρα]με̣ νοῦσι [̣ ν. ἐὰν δὲ ]αμβ̣α ρ̣ ο̣ ν̣τ̣[ ἀποχ]ωρήσουσιν .[ αἱ γὰρ πα]ρθέν[οι αὗτ[αι ἀ]γ̣α ̣πῶ ̣ σιν τ̣[ λέγω αὐτῷ·] ἐλπ[ί]ζω ̣ [κ(υρί)ε ]τ̣α ̣ [

10

(line lost between fragments)

↓

frag. 3

↓

15

20

]τ̣ας εἰς τ̣[ Sim. X 4,3–4 (113.3–5) ]σ̣αι ὥσπε[ρ δὲ οὗτος ᾧ παρέδωκ]άς με οὐ [μέμφεταί με οὐδὲ α]ὗται μέμψ̣[ονταί με λέγει τ]ῷ ποιμένι οἶδ[α ὅτι δοῦλος το]ῦ θ(εο)ῦ θέλει ζῆ[ν καὶ τηρήσει τὰ]ς ἐντολὰς τ[α]ύ̣[τας καὶ τὰς παρθέ]νους ἐν καθαρότητι καταστήσει τ]αῦ̣ τα εἰ[π]ὼν τῷ ποιμένι πάλι]ν̣ παρέδ[ω]κ έ̣ ν με καὶ τὰς παρθέ]νους καλ έ̣ σας ]λέγ̣ει ̣ αὐταῖς

frags. 1 and 2

→

25

]ν[.] ι̣δ̣[ ]ι [.]ν[ ]λ [̣ ]τ̣ωδ̣ [̣ .]α λ̣ [̣ ]υ εσ[.] α ̣ [ ]ω ρ̣ [ ]. .[

frag. 3

→

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].[ ]. . . . υ[ ]. π ̣ . ω ̣ [

253

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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35

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]. . . ν[ ]. . . υ̣τ̣α[ ]. τ̣ιν . . . . .[ ̣ ]. τη̣ . ι̣σ̣ . . [ ]ω ̣ . αυ̣ γ̣ ε̣ ιν[ ]σ̣ε ̣ν̣α ̣ σ̣μ [̣ λ̣ [.] . . . . . α̣ ι [̣ ὡς μ [̣ ὴ] δ̣υν̣άμ [̣ ενοι ἔνοχοι γ̣ίν[ονται τούτου τοῦ α̣ἵ̣[μ]ατος ποι[εῖτε οὖν

(114.3–4)

__________ 41. pap. γειν[.

Date: IV

70 P.Oxy. VI 850 Acts of John 12.1 × 10.7 cm TM no. 64498; Van Haelst 0604

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VI (London, 1908), 12–18 (no. 850). Related Literature: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII (London, 1911), 11; C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:483–84; J. N. Bremmer (ed.), The Apocryphal Acts of John (Leuven, 1996); R. Gounelle, “Actes apocryphes des apôtres et Actes des apôtres canoniques: État de la recherche et perspectives nouvelles,” RHPR 84 (2004): 3–30, 419–41; É. Junod and J.-D. Kaestli, Acta Iohannis: Praefatio, Textus alii, Commentarius, Indices (Turnhout, 1983), 1:117–36; J. K. Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament (Oxford, 2005), 345–46; K. Haines-Eitzen, “The Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles on Papyrus: Revisiting the Question of Readership and Audience,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2006), 293–304; I. Czachesz, Commission Narratives: A Comparative Study of the Canonical and Apocryphal Acts (Leuven, 2007); H.-J. Klauck, The Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles: An Introduction (Waco, Tex., 2008), 15–46; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 10–12, 213–14.

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Introduction This single fragmentary leaf from a papyrus codex contains 38 lines of text from the Acts of John.60 The handwriting was described in the ed. pr. as a “goodsized, irregular and rather inelegant uncial of the fourth century.”61 The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra and freely uses middle and low points to denote punctuation. The Acts of John likely has its origin in the second century, and this copy dates to the fourth century and therefore postdates the composition of the Acts of John by roughly two hundred years. Mentioned in the Stichometry of Nicephorus, which puts the length of the work at 2,500 lines, the Acts of John are attested in the East first by Eusebius of Caesarea (Hist. eccl. 3.25.6) and then in the West by Augustine (Ep. 237). The Acts of John and other apostolic acts circulated in Manichaean circles as part of the Manichaean Psalter, while other evidence places these acts with the Priscillianists.62 Although early mention of the acts suggests usage was not widespread, the Acts of John have survived in a considerable number of versions, including but not limited to Greek, Syriac, and Coptic, as well as being known to the author of the Latin, Virtutes Johannis. This particular fragment of the acts is not attested elsewhere and may represent the transmission of an earlier recension of the text. Its fourth-century dating places this among the earliest fragments of the Acts of John. The longer composition was not likely in circulation prior to the third century, although scholars at one time considered it a second-century composition. Authorship of the acts is formally anonymous although the name Leucius (Charinus) has often been proposed. The identification of Leucius as author may have some merit, but the evidence for doing so is now lost to us (cf. Epiphanius, Haer. 51.427).

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ὑ]π̣ὲρ̣ αὐτοῦ π̣[ ]σ̣τ̣εν̣α γ̣ μ ̣ οὺς καὶ τ[ ]δὲ Ἰωάννης μ [̣ [Ζεύξ]ιδι ἀναστὰς ἄρας πο[ ]ο πτ [ . . ]ς ὁ ἀναγκάσας με μετα[ ]ἐννοοῦν̣[τα] β[ρ]οχίσαι ἑαυτ̣όν̣. ὁ τὰ ἀπεγν̣ω [̣ σμένα] ]ἐπιστρ[έφ]ων. εἰς σὲ ὁ τὰ [μ]ηδενὶ γνώρ[ιμα νοή-] [ματα μό]νος γνωρίζων ὁ κλαίων τοὺς τεθ̣λ ι̣ μ ̣ [̣ μένους] ]ω· ὁ τοὺς νενεκρωμένους ἀνιστῶν μ ̣ [ . ] ο̣υ ̣ [ [ὁ πρύτ]ανις τῶν ἀδυνάτων Ἰη(σο)ῦ‧ ὁ παράκλητος [τῶν] ]ι̣ων‧ αἰνοῦμέν̣ σ̣ε καὶ προσκυνοῦμεν κα[ὶ εὐχαρι-]

Catalogued as Bodleian Library MS. Gr. th. f. 13 (P). P.Oxy. VI p. 12. 62 Cf. B. D. Ehrman, Lost Christianities: The Battles for Scripture and the Faiths We Never Knew (Oxford, 2005), 262–63. 60 61

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[στοῦ]μεν ἐπὶ πάσῃ σ̣ [ο]υ̣ δωρεᾷ καὶ τῇ νῦν οἰκονο[μίᾳ σου] [καὶ] διακον̣ [ί]ᾳ‧ καὶ μόνῳ τῷ Ζεύξιδι τῆς εὐχαρ[ιστίας] ]ἐπέ[δωκ]ε̣ [ν] δὲ τοῖς β[ου]λ̣ ο̣ μένοις λαβεῖν‧ ]ἐ ̣ν̣ίσαν̣τ̣ε̣ [ς ο]ὐκ ἐτόλμησαν‧ ὁ δὲ ἀνθύπατο[ς] ]ωνα ̣ κ[α]τὰ τὸ μέσον τῆς ἐκκλη[σί]ας τῷ [Ἰωάννῃ] ]ω ̣ν λ [̣ έγε]ι ̣ δοῦλε τοῦ ἀκατωνομάστου ὁ̣ [ ]ἐπιστολὰς ἐκόμισεν παρὰ Καίσ̣[αρος] ] καὶ συν̣[ ἀπα]λ̣λαγή ] Ἀ]νδρόνικος και ἡ γ̣[υνή ] [ἡμερῶν δ]ὲ ὀλίγων διελθουσῶν ἐ[ξελθὼν ὁ Ἰωάν[νης ἅμ]α πλείοσιν ἀδελφοῖς πρὸς [ἐβουλέ[το περ]αίνειν γέφυραν ὑφ’ ἣν π[ο]ταμὸς ἔρρεεν [ [καὶ πο]ρευομένου [τ]οῦ Ἰωάννου πρὸς τ[οὺ]ς ἀδελφ[οὺς [ἀνή]ρ̣ τις [π]ρόσεισιν αὐτῷ σχήματι στρατιώτ[ου ἠμφι[ε]σμένος καὶ εἰς ὄψ[ιν] αὐτοῦ στὰς ἔφη‧ Ἰωάννη εἰ ̣ σ[ὺ θεοῦ δοῦ[λος εἰς] χεῖρα[ς] ἐλεύσει τάχιστα· καὶ ὁ Ἰωάννης ο̣ι ̣ [ἔφη‧ σ]βέσει σου ὁ κ(ύριο)ς τὴν ἀπειλὴν [κα]ὶ τὴν ὀργὴν κ[αὶ τὴν [πλημμ]έλειν καὶ ἰδοῦ ἐκεῖνος ἀφανὴς ἐγένετο ἀ[πελ[θόντο]ς οὖν τοῦ Ἰ[ω]άννου πρ[ὸ]ς οὓς ἀπῄε[ι] καὶ εὑρό[ντος [αὐτοὺ]ς συνηθροισμένους εἶπεν‧ ἀ[ναστά]ντες ἀ[δελ[φοί μου] κλίνωμεν γόνατα πρὸς τὸν κ(ύριο)ν [κ]αὶ τοῦ μεγ̣[άλου ἐχ[θροῦ ἀ]ό̣ρατ̣ο ̣ν ἐνέργημα καταργήσαν̣[τα] τ̣ησα[ αὐ]τ̣οῖς ἔκλινεν γόνατα ἅμα αὐ̣[τοῖς] π̣εν[ ]τῶν θ(εὸ)ς ἐ̣φ̣[ __________ 3. pap. ϊωαννης. 5. pap. ὁ. 6. pap. εαυτον.. 7. pap. επιστρεφων.; pap. ὁ. 8. pap. ὁ. 9. pap. ]ω·. 10. pap. Ι̅η̅υ·; pap. ὁ. 12. pap. δωρεα·. 13. pap. διακονια.. 14. pap. λαβειν·. 15. pap. ουκ’; pap. ανθϋπατο[. 17. pap. ὁ. 21. pap. ]>>>>>>>>>>>. 23. pap. ]>>>>>>>>>>>. 26. pap. ϋφ. 27. pap. ϊωαννου. 29. pap. εφη. ϊωαννη. 30. pap. ελευσι ταχιστα· και ὁ ϊωαννης. 31. pap. σβεσι. 32. pap. ]ελιαν; pap. ϊδου. 33. pap. ϊωαννου; pap. οὑς. 34. pap. ειπεν·. 35. pap. κλεινωμεν. 37. pap. εκλεινεν.

Translation For him . . . groaning and . . . but John . . . to Zeuxis raising and taking . . . (l. 5) who forced me . . . thinking to strangle himself, who the despairing . . . turns to you, who is not known to anyone . . . making known, weeping for the oppressed . . . raising up the dead . . . (l. 10) the lord of the helpless, Jesus. The paraclete . . . we praise and worship you, and give thanks for all your gifts and for your

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plan and righteousness. And to Zeuxis alone at the Eucharist, he gave to those wishing to receive . . . (l. 15) looking they did not have courage. The proconsul . . . in the midst of the church of John . . . said, “Servant of the unnamed. . . .” Brought letters from Caesar . . . and with (l. 20) . . . departure . . . Andronicus and his wife . . . after a few days passed, John went (l. 25) together with several of the brethren to cross a bridge beneath which a river flowed, and John went to the brethren . . . a certain man approached him wearing soldier’s clothing, and he stood in his presence and said, “John, you are a servant of God, (l. 30) what is in your hands is carried out quickly.” John said, “The Lord shall quench your threats and your wrath and your errors.” And behold, that man disappeared. When John came to those he intended to visit and finding them gathered together, he said, “Rise up (l. 35) my brothers and bend the knees to the Lord, he has abolished the invisible deed even of the great enemy . . .” bent their knees together with them . . . God 4–5 5

7 7–8 10 14 16

20 22 24–26 26 29–30

30 31–32 35–36 36

Junod and Kaestli reconstruct πο[τηριον προσηυξατ]ο in consideration of the Eucharistic overtones of the passage. Grenfell and Hunt reconstruct μετα[στρέφειν]. Junod and Kaestli further recommend μετα[στρεφειν α̅ν̅ο̅ν̅]. Because this particular passage is otherwise unattested in the Acts of John, these reconstructions are dubious. That a verb of “turning toward” would follow is possible but not necessarily probable. επιστρ[εφ]ων lacks a subject, which likely preceded the verb. γνωρ[ιμα νοηματα μο]νος follows the suggestion of Wessely. [ο πρυτ]ανις follows the suggestion of Wessely. ]επε[δωκ]ε̣[ν], the reconstruction fits the space available and seems to be warranted by δε. James reconstructs [κεντυρί]ωνα (The Apocryphal New Testament, 265). For the phrase see Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopulus, Hist. eccl.  4.34.7. των Εφεσιων might work equally well in the place of τω Ιωαννη. For the church of St John, see the Latin Acts, Virtutes Iohannis XXI. Junod and Kaestli reconstruct [απη]λ̣ λαγη. The reconstruction γ̣[υνη] follows Wessely and should logically be followed by αυτου. Junod and Kaestli offer an equally plausible reconstruction of these three lines, ε[ιδε ο Ιωαννης οραμ]α πλειοσιν αδελφοις προσ[ερχεσθαι και υπερβ]αινειν γεφυραν υφ’ ην π[ο]ταμος ερρεεν. The reconstruction here follows the suggestion of Grenfell and Hunt. Junod and Kaestli suggest [μεγας] and Grenfell and Hunt suggest [βαθυς] following ερρεεν. θεου δουλος εις, following Wessely, is a typical epithet of John in the Acts (see 47, 74, 76, 111) and is likely to have occurred here. John’s condemning response in ll. 31–32 suggests that something significant is missing from the text in ll. 29–30. Junod and Kaestli propose the ending of the line to read σ[ μοι εις] χειρας. Grenfell and Hunt postulate the rendering Ιωαννης ορ[γισθις] (sic). The reconstruction follows that of Grenfell and Hunt. μεγ̣[αλου εχθρου] follows the reconstruction of Grenfell and Hunt. Grenfell and Hunt suggest a line ending of καταργησαν̣[τα διη]γ̣ησα[μενος] as plausible, but do not place this suggested reading in their critical edition.

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Date: IV

71 P.Oxy. VI 849 Acts of Peter 9.8 × 9.0 cm TM no. 64453; Van Haelst 0603

Material: Parchment

Published: B. A. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VI (London, 1908), 6–12 (no. 849). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:481–82; A. Rimoldi, “L’apostolo S. Pietro nella letteratura apocrifa dei primi 6 secoli,” ScC 83 (1955): 196– 224; R.  A. Lipsius, Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha (Darmstadt, 1959), 3:8–11; J.  B. Green, “The Gospel of Peter: Source for a Pre-canonical Passion Narrative?” ZNW 78 (1987): 293–302; C. M. Thomas, The Acts of Peter, Gospel Literature, and the Ancient Novel (Oxford, 2003), 72–73; K. Haines-Eitzen, “The Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles on Papyrus: Revisiting the Question of Readership and Audience,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2006), 293–304; M. J. Kruger, “Manuscripts, Scribes and Book Production,” in Christian Origins and Greco-Roman Culture: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament, ed. S. E. Porter and A. W. Pitts (Leiden, 2013), 25–26 n. 53; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 35–36, 244. Introduction P.Oxy. VI 849 catalogues a single leaf from a parchment codex with numbers located at the center top of each page (167–68).63 The page numbers indicate that this codex began with the Acts of Peter, but whether it contained other writings is unclear. The codex to which this leaf belonged can be classified as a miniature codex that was almost square in shape (Turner’s Group 11). The Greek text of the Acts of Peter is partially attested in three different witnesses (P.Oxy. VI 849, Codex Patmos 48, Codex Vatopedi 79) as well as in Latin (Codex Vercellensis and others), Slavonic, Coptic, Armenian, and Ethiopic (cf. Lipsius).64 The portion of the Acts of Peter preserved here is attested only in Codex Vercellensis. The handwriting was described in the ed. pr. as being a common uncial of the third or fourth century, and the editors also noted that the parchment was discovered together with papyri that range in date from the third to the fifth 63 64

Catalogued as British Library Pap. 2041. Thomas, Acts of Peter, 72.

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centuries. There are no indications of punctuation in the manuscript other than the use of enlarged spaces to facilitate reading. Final ν is sometimes noted by a supralinear stroke, and there is one example of diaeresis. The handwriting is almost perfectly bilinear with a preference for triangular α, δ, and ρ. That the Acts of Peter are attested at Oxyrhynchus in a fourth-century parchment codex witnesses to their continued importance in the era after the canon was widely considered closed. The Acts of Peter are clearly legendary and have no arguable affiliation with the apostle of that name in the first century, but they may have served the purpose of pious fiction rather than offering a semiformal statement of gnostic beliefs and practices. The Acts of Peter are mentioned in the ninth-century Stichometry of Nicephorus (cf. Epiphanius, Haer. 66.625). Hair side

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ρξζ δι’ ἐμοῦ μὴ μελλήσαντες ]αὐτοῦ κατεχόντων εἰ ἀ]ρ̣α ἀληθῶς ἀπέθανεν καὶ ὁρώντων ὅτι ἀληθῶς  νεκρός ἐστιν συνεπάθουν τῇ γραίδι λέγοντες εἰ ἄρα βούλ ει μήτερ καὶ θαρρεῖς τῷ Πέτρου θ(εο)ῦ ἄραντες αὐτὸν ἡμεῖς ἀποισόμε[θα] ἐκ ε̣ ῖ ἵνα αὐτὸν ἐγ είρας  ἀποδῶ σοι· τούτων δὲ οὕτως  λαλούντων ὁ πραίφε[κτως ἀτ]ενίζω[ν τῷ] Πέτρῳ̣ ] ἰδο ὺ  Π έτρε

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ρξη ὁ παῖς μου νεκρ[ὸς] κεῖται ὃν καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἡδέως ἔχει καὶ οὐκ ἐφεισά[μη]ν αὐτοῦ καίτοι γε ἑτέρους ἔχων μετ’ ἐμαυτοῦ νεανίσκους. ἀλλὰ σὲ μᾶλλον καὶ τὸ(ν) διὰ σοῦ θ(εὸ)ν πειρᾶσαι θέλω(ν) εἰ ἄρα ἀληθεῖς ἐστε τοῦτο(ν) ἠβουλήθην ἀποθανεῖν. καὶ ὁ Πέτρος ἔφη οὐ πειράζεται

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θ(εὸ)ς οὐδὲ δοκιμάζεται Ἀγρίππα ἀλλὰ φιλούμενος καὶ παρακαλούμενος  ἀκούει [τῶ]ν ἀξίων. ἐπεὶ [δὲ νυνὶ __________ 8. l. θεω. 9. pap. αποιησομεθα. 10. pap. ϊνα.

Translation . . . whether he was really dead and to see if he was really a (l. 5) corpse, [they] comforted the old woman saying, “If you want, mother, and if you have faith in the God of Peter, we will pick him up and we will carry him (l. 10) to where Peter may raise him and restore him to you.” As they were speaking the prefect looking at Peter [said,] “Behold, Peter, (l. 15) my servant is dead, he being a favorite of the king, and I did not spare him even though I have other (l. 20) young men. But because I wanted to test God whom you preach, whether you (pl.) are true, I wished for the boy to die.” And Peter responded, (l. 25) “God is not to be tried, Agrippa, but loving him and being entreated, he hears the worthy. But now . . .” The sense of δι᾽ εμου is unclear and not easily explained through recourse to the Latin as is μη μελλησαντες. The corresponding Latin would probably be qui uenerunt. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt considered the phrase (δι’ εμου μη μελλησαντες) a corruption of the text, but it is possible to hold out hope that the Greek text preceding this phrase rendered it slightly more comprehensible. 2 The line appears to have room for a letter preceding αυτου, but no letter is required to make sense of the line. ταυτου is inexplicable and perhaps the line is slightly indented because of a flaw in the parchment. 2–3 There is a hole in the parchment that could fit one letter assuming that these lines began in line with those above and below them. It does not appear, however, that letters are missing. 10 εκει is brief and difficult to interpret without recourse to the Latin ad Petrum as is reflected in the translation. 14 ]ς ιδου Grenfell and Hunt. The missing part likely included ειπε and perhaps a conjunction: ουν? 15 The Latin witnesses om. μου. 18 The mention of the ετερους signals to the readers that the other boys could have been chosen to die, but the interlocutor chose the king’s favorite intentionally. 25 The Latin witnesses om. Αγριππα. 26–27 Grenfell and Hunt note that φιλουμενος και παρακαλουμενος is superior to the Latin dilectissimus ex animo colendus. 1

Extracanonical Texts [72]

Date: IV

72 P.Oxy. VIII 1081 Sophia Jesu Christi 20.3 × 10.7 cm TM no. 64398; Van Haelst 1064

261

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII (London, 1911), 16–19 (no. 1081). Related Literature: H. C. Puech, Les nouveaux écrits gnostiques découverts en Haute-Egypte, Coptic Studies in Honor of Walter Ewing Crum (Bulletin of the Byzantine Institute 2; Boston, 1950), 91–154; H. W. Attridge, “P.Oxy. 1081 and the Sophia Jesu Christi,” Enchoria (1975): 1–8; D. M. Parrott, Nag Hammadi Codices III,3–4 and V,1 with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502,3 and Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1081 (Leiden, 1991), 209–18; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 96–101; H.-J. Klauck, Apocryphal Gospels: An Introduction (London, 2003), 147–52; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 184–86, 399–400. Introduction The text of this fragment from a single leaf of a papyrus codex corresponds to the Nag Hammadi tractate Sophia Jesu Christi (NHC III 97,16–99,12; III 73,16–75, 11; V 3,15–4,25; and P.Berol. 8502, 88,18–91,15).65 In total there are three separate fragments from a single leaf (frag. A 15.9 × 5.7 cm, frag. B 12.9 × 5.1 cm, frag. C 6.5 × 5.8 cm), which when arranged together create a complete page size of 20.3 × 10.7 cm (Turner’s Group 8). A. S. Hunt’s edition of the fragment assumed that the text was perhaps from a Valentinian work, but the discovery of the Nag Hammadi texts in Coptic enabled H.-C. Puech to later identify this fragment as a part of the Sophia Jesu Christi. Later editors were able to restore the missing text of this fragment based on the Coptic text, and this edition is much indebted to their work.66 In the ed. pr., Hunt dated the papyrus to the fourth century based on parallels to P.Oxy. III 406 (III, patristic author? [82]) and P.Oxy. VI 847 (III/IV, Gospel of John [27]). There are no instances of punctuation or accents or other notations. The scribe employed the usual nomina sacra for πατήρ, σωτήρ, and θεός, although the abbreviation for πατήρ varies and sometimes it is abbreviated as π̅ρ̅ and other times as π̅ρ̅ς̅. The translation offered below is based on this 65 66

Catalogued as Cambridge, University Library Ms. 5894. Attridge, “P.Oxy. 1081,” 1.

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fragmentary text alone and not on the Coptic text. The text offers a tantalizing clue into the history of Gnosticism in the city of Oxyrhynchus.

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τα γεγονόσι[ν. εἰς δὲ] τὸ ἐμφανὲς ̣ [οὐκ ἔτι ἐ-] ληλύθεισαν. [διαφο-] ρά τε π̣ ολλὴ [μεταξὺ] τῶν ἀφθάρ[τ]ω ̣ν̣.̣ [ὁ δ’ ἐφώ-] νει‧ ὁ ἔχων ὦ[τ]α τ[ῶν ἀ-] περάντων [ἀ]κο[ύειν ἀ-] κουέτω κα[ὶ] τ̣οῖς ἐ γ̣ ρηγορο̣ῦσ̣ ι̣ ν [ἐγ]ὼ λαλῶ. ἔτι προ[σθεὶς ε]ἶπεν‧ πᾶντὸ γε [̣ ινόμε]νον ἀπὸ τῆς [φθορᾶς] ἀπογίνετ[αι ὡς ἀπ]ὸ φθορᾶς γεγ[ονός. τὸ δ]ὲ γε[ινό-] μεν[ον ἀπὸ] ἀφ[θ]αρσίας [οὐκ ἀπο]γίν[εται,] ἀλλ[ὰ μ]έ ̣ν̣[ει] ἄφ[θαρ-] τον ὡς ἀπὸ ἀ[φ]θ[αρσί-] [ας] γεγονός. [ὥσ]τ̣[ε πλῆ-] [θος] τῶν ἀν̣[θρ]ώ[πων] ἐπ λ̣ ανήθ[ησαν καὶ] μ ̣ὴ εἰδότ[ες τὴν δια-] φ[ο]ρὰν τα[ύτην ἀπέ-] θα ̣νον̣. [λέγει δὲ αὐτῷ] [Μαριὰμ ὅτ]ι κ(ύρι)ε, πῶς οὖν [ταῦτα γιν]ώσκομεν; λέγε̣ [ι] [ὅ τέλειος σ]ωτήρ‧ διέλθε -̣ [τε ἀπὸ τῶν] ἀφανῶν κα[ὶ] [εἰς τ]ὸ̣ τ̣έ[λο]ς τῶν φαινο[μέ]νων̣ κ α̣ ὶ αὐτὴ ἡ ἀπό[ρ-] ροια τῆ[ς ἐ]ννοίας ἀναδείξει ὑ[μῖ]ν, πῶς ἡ πίστ[ις εὑρ[ετ]έ[α τ]ῇ φαινομένῃ τοῦ ἀγ[εννή]τ̣ου π(ατ)ρ(ό)ς. ὁ ἔχων ὦτ̣[α ἀκού]ε ι̣ ν ἀκουέτω. [ὁ τῶν ὅλ]ω ̣ν δε -̣ σπότης ο[ὐ καλεῖτα]ι ̣ π(ατή)ρ, ἀλ-

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λὰ προπά[τωρ‧ ὁ γὰ]ρ π̣ (ατὴ)ρ̣ [ἀρ-] χή ἐ[σ]τ̣[ιν τῶν μ]ελλόν̣των̣ [φαίνεσθαι. ἐκ]εῖνο[ς] [δὲ ὁ ἄναρχος προ]πάτω[ρ] [εἰσορῶ]ν̣ α̣ ὐ τ̣ὸ ̣ν̣ [ἐ]ν̣ ἑαυ̣τ̣[ῷ] [ἐσόπτ]ρῳ‧ ὅμ[οιος] ἑαυ̣ -̣ [τῷ φαίν]εται‧ αὐ̣ [ τοῦ δὲ] [τὸ ὁμ]ο[ίω]μα̣ ἀν[εφάνη ὡς] [προπάτ]ω̣ ρ θ(εὸ)ς π(ατ)ὴ[ρ καὶ] [ἀντωπὸς ἐ]πὶ ἀντ̣ [ω]πί[ῳ] [τῷ προόν]τ̣ι ἀγενν̣ήτ[ῳ] [π(ατ)ρί. ἰσόχρονο]ς ̣ μὲν τοῦ [ὄντος πρὸ αὐ]τ̣ο [̣ ῦ φωτός] These lines are written along the fibers in the left hand margin beginnng with l. 32 and ending at l. 35.

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ἡ] ἐκ τ̣ῶν [ἀ]δή[λ]ων 12–13. pap. απογεινεται. 16. απογεινεται.

Translation . . . [They] had not yet come to appear. There is a great difference between incorruptible [things] (l. 5) He called out, “He who has ears to hear regarding the endless, let him hear, those who are watchful, what I speak.” Yet he continued (l.  10) and said, “Everything that came from corruption will depart because it came from corruption. That which (l. 15) came from incorruption will not depart but will remain incorruptible because it is from incorruption. So, many (l.  20) men went astray because they did not know this difference and they died.” (l. 25) Mary said to him, “Lord, how will we know these things?” The perfect Savior replied, “Come from the invisible to the end of the (l. 30) visible, the very emanation of thought will show to you how faith is revealed in the visible things of the un-begotten Father. (l .35) He who has ears to hear, let him hear. The Lord of the universe is not called Father but Forefather. But he, the beginningless Forefather, is the beginning of those that will appear. (l. 40) Seeing himself within himself just as he appears (l. 45) as Forefather, God, Father and above those before him, the preexistent, un-begotten Father. Being of equal (l. 50) age as light before him.”

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τοις μετα ταυτα γεγονοσι[ν] Lührmann and Schlarb; [τοις μετα ταυ]τα γεγονοσι [ου δε εις] Attridge. 2–3 [αυτοι ηληλυθεισαν] Attridge. 4 πολλη [ην εντος] Attridge. 5–6 [φω]νει Attridge. 7 [α]κο[ω]ν Hunt. 8 αγρη Wessely, Hunt. 18–19 π[ληθος δε] των Attridge; [τινες δε] Wessely. 23 φ[θο]ραν Wessely, Hunt. 26 [γιγν]ωσκομεν Attridge; [ευρ]ισκομεν Hunt; διελθο̣[υσιν] Hunt. 28 διελθε[τε εκ των] Attridge. 29 το [φω]ς Wessely. 32 Marginal note των [α]δη[λ]ων Lührmann and Schlarb. The note indicates something like “from the unseen things” and is in the handwriting of the original scribe. 33–34 η φαινομε [α]δη νηνου α[πατρι]κου π(ατ)ρ(ο)ς [λ]ων Wessely; α .[ . . . ι]κου Hunt. 37 ο[υκ εστ]ι Wessely. 40 των [μονον αλλ’ ο ε]κεινο[υ] Wessely. 41 [π(ατη)ρ εστι θ(εο)ς προ]πατω[ρ] Wessely. 42 [παντω]ν απο γ[ε]νεας εις Wessely; ]ν̣ απο γ[ε]ν̣εας Hunt. 43 [εισοπτ]ρω Attridge; [το πορ]ρω Wessely. 45 [ομοιω[μα]τα αν[αφαινει] Attridge, ω[ ]μ̣ α αν Wessely, Hunt. 47 αντ[ω]π̣ ι[̣ το Parrott; αντ[ω]π[ει] Attridge. 48 ]ει αγεννητ[ Wessely. 49 ]ο μεν του Hunt. 50 [προαρχοντος] τω[ν φωτων αλλα ανομοιος δυναμει] Attridge. 1–2

Date: IV

73 P.Oxy. IX 1172 Shepherd of Hermas 19.2 × 12.9 cm TM no. 59993; Van Haelst 0661

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IX (London, 1912), 11–16 (no. 1172). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:477–79; M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M.  W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 422–24; A. M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 253; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 151–52, 372–73.

Extracanonical Texts [73]

265

Introduction This fairly complete page from a papyrus codex is written in a medium-size sloping uncial that was dated by A. S. Hunt to the fourth century.67 The handwriting was done rather rapidly although letter forms are fairly consistent. A second leaf from the same codex has been identified (see notes and introduction for P.Oxy. L 3526 [74]). The leaf preserves pagination (pp. 70–71) in the upper right hand of the page. The original codex measured approximately 20 cm tall and about 13.5 cm wide and thus of Turner’s Group 7, Aberrant 1. There is a single accent in l. 2, occasional use of diaeresis, and the usual nomina sacra. Some of the corrections may be in the hand of a later scribe. The papyrus seems to consistently depart from A readings when A preserves word order variations. There are several singular readings: διδοῖ in l. 1 where A reads δίδωσιν; μακράν in l. 6, which is likely a mistake for μικράν, the reading of all other witnesses. The papyrus is also unique in reading δυνηθήσεται in l. 11 instead of the attested reading δυνήσεται. In l. 26 the papyrus is the only witness to read παρέχετε where A reads παρέχει. It is likely that the scribe intended παρέχεται. The papyrus does agree in a few instances with Pber, for example, in reading ἠργάσατο instead of A’s εἰργάσατο (l. 28) and in reading τὸ πλοῦτος instead of τὸν πλοῦτον (A) in l. 38. Unfortunately, the papyrus is of little help in l. 8 where the conjectured reconstruction ἄλλην is attested as α̅ν̅ο̅υ̅ in A and apud dominum in L2 . The papyrus probably read ἄλλην, but it is not certain. Overall, the papyrus tends to agree with Pber where the two witnesses overlap and in avoiding the frequent omissions of the Latin text.

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ο κ α̣ λ̣ ὸ̣ [ ν δ]ιδοῖ, ἐρ[ριμμένη δὲ ὀ]λ ί̣ γον καὶ σαπρὸν φέρει. Sim. II 2,4 (51.4) αὕτη ο]ὖ̣ν ἡ πα[ρ]αβ[ολὴ εἰς τοὺς δούλους] τ̣οῦ̣ θ(εο)ῦ κεῖται, [ε]ἰς πτ[ω]χ̣ ὸ[ν καὶ π]λούσιον. Πῶς, φημί, κ[(ύρι)ε; γ]ν̣ [ώ]ρισόν (51.5) μοι. Ἄ[κουε, φη]σίν· [ὁ μὲν πλούσιος ἔχει χρή]μ[α]τα, τὰ δὲ πρ[ὸς τ]ὸν κ(ύριο)ν πτ̣ω χ̣ ε[ύ]ε ι̣ ,̣ [περισπώμενος] π̣ε ρ̣ ὶ [τ]ὸν πλοῦτ[ον] ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ [λί]αν μακρὰ[ν] ἔ χ̣ ̣ ε̣ι ̣ [τὴ]ν ἔντ̣ευ[ξ]ιν καὶ τὴν ἐξομολόγησιν πρ[ὸς τ]ὸν κ(ύριο)ν, κ α̣ ὶ ἣν ἔχει, βληχρὰν καὶ μικρὰν καὶ ἄ[λλ]ην μὴ ἔχ[ο]υ̣σ̣αν δύναμιν. ὅταν οὖν ἐπαναπάῃ ἐπὶ τὸν πένητ̣α ὁ πλούσιος κ α̣ ὶ χορηγῇ αὐ[τῷ] τὰ δέοντα, πι[σ]τεύ[ε]ι ὅτι ἐὰν ἐργάσηται εἰς τὸν πένητα δυνηθήσεται τὸν [μι-] σθὸν εὑρεῖν παρὰ τῷ θ(ε)ῷ· ὅτι ὁ πένης πλούσιός ἐστ[ιν] Catalogued as British Library 2067.

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Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

ἐν τῇ `ἐντεύ´ξει αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐν τ̣ῇ ἐξο[μ]ολο̣γ ή[σ[ει,] κα[ὶ] δύ[ναμιν] μεγάλην ἔχει παρὰ τῷ θ(ε)ῷ ἡ̣ [ἔντευξις αὐτοῦ. ἐ ̣πι̣ -] χορη̣ γεῖ οὖν ὁ πλούσιος ̣ τ̣ῷ πένητι πάντ’ ἀ[διστάκτως·] ὁ πένης οὖν ἐπιχορηγούμεν̣ος ὑπὸ τοῦ πλο̣υ [̣ σίου ἐν-] (51.6) τυγχάνει τῷ θ(ε)ῷ εὐχα ρ̣ ιστῶν αὐτῷ ὑπὲ̣ ρ [τοῦ διδόν-] [τος] αὐτῷ. κἀκεῖνος ἔτι καὶ ἔτι ἐπισπουδάζ ̣ [ει περὶ] [τοῦ] πένητος, ἵνα ἀδιάλειπτος γένηται ἐν̣ [τῇ ζωῇ] [αὐτ]οῦ· ο ἶ̀ δ́ ε γὰρ ὅτι ἡ τοῦ πένητος ἔντευξι[ς προσ-] [δεκτή] ἐ σ̣ τιν καὶ πλουσία πρὸς κ(ύριο)ν. ἀμφό[τεροι οὖν] (51.7) [τὸ ἔργον] τ̣ελοῦσιν· ὁ μὲν πένης ἐργάζετ[αι τῇ] [ἐντεύ]ξει ̣ ἐν ᾗ πλουτεῖ, ἣν ἔ[λ]αβεν παρὰ τοῦ [κ(υρίο)υ· ταύ-] [την ἀπο]δίδωσι τῷ κ(υρί)ῳ τῷ ἐπιχορηγοῦ[ντι αὐτῷ.] [καὶ ὁ πλο]ύσ[ιος ὡσα]ύτως τὸ πλοῦτος ὃ ἔλ [̣ αβεν παρὰ] οα τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ ἀδιστάκτως παρ[έ]χ̣ε ̣τ̣αι τῷ πένητι. κα[ὶ τοῦ-] Sim. II 2,7 το ἔργο`ν´ 〚.〛 `μ´έγα ἐστὶν κα[ὶ] δεκτὸν παρὰ ̣ [τῷ θ](ε)ῷ, ὅτι συνῆκεν ἐπὶ τῷ πλούτῳ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἠ̣ ργ̣άσατ̣ο ἐπὶ τὸν πένητα ἐκ τῶν δωρημάτων τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ καὶ ἐτ[έλεσ]ε ̣ν̣ τὴν διακονίαν ὀρθῶς. παρὰ τοῖ[ς] (51.8) [ο]ὖν ἀ[νθρ]ώποις ἡ πτελέα δοκεῖ καρπὸν μὴ φ[έ-] ρ̣ειν, καὶ οὐκ οἴδ[ασι ο]ὐδὲ νοοῦσι ὅτι, ὅταν ἀβροχ[ί]α [γ]έν[η]ται, ἡ ̣ π̣ τ̣ε̣ λ̣ [έα] ἔχ̣ ουσα ὕδωρ τρέφει τ[ὴ]ν ἄμ[πελον,] κ̣ αὶ ἡ ἄμ̣ π̣ελ̣ [ο]ς ἀδιάλειπτ[ο]ν ἔχουσα τὸ [ὕδωρ] διπλο̣ῦν τὸ[ν] καρπὸν ἀποδίδωσ̣ ιν, καὶ ὑ[πὲρ ἑ]αυτῆς καὶ ὑπὲ̣ ρ̣ τῆς πτελέας. οὕτως οὖν κα[ὶ] [οἱ πέ]ν̣ητε ς̣ ̣ ὑπὲ[ρ] τ̣[ῶν] πλουσίων ἐντυγχάνον[τες] πρ[ὸς τ]ὸν κ(ύριο)ν π λ̣ ̣η̣ ρ̣ο ̣φοροῦσι τὸ πλοῦτος αὐ[τῶν, καὶ π]άλ ι̣ [̣ ν ο]ἱ πλού[σ]ιοι ἐπιχορηγοῦντες [τοῖ]ς πέ [̣ ν]η̣ σι τὰ δέοντα πληροφοροῦσι τὰς ψυ[χὰς] αὐτ̣ῶ ̣ν̣. γίνοντ̣αι οὖν ἀμφότεροι κοινω[νοὶ] (51.9) [τοῦ ἔ]ργο̣υ τ̣οῦ̣ δικαίου. ταῦτα οὖν ὁ ποιῶν οὐ[κ ἐγ-] [κατ]αλε ι̣ φθήσεται ὑπὸ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, ἀλλὰ ἔστα[ι γε-] [γρα]μμένος ε[ἰ]ς τὰς βίβλους τῶν ζώντ̣ω [̣ ν. μα-] (51.10) [κ]άριοι οἱ ἔχοντες καὶ συνιέντες ὅτι π[αρὰ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ] [π]λουτίζονται· ὁ γὰρ συνίων τοῦτο δυνή[σεται] [κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ διακονῆσαι τ̣ὰ `τί´ ἀγαθόν. vac. . παραβολὴ δ̅

Extracanonical Texts [73]

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_________ 2. pap. κεῖται. 4. εχι for εχει in ed. pr. 7. κ̅ν̅ written over κ̅υ̅. 11. pap. εργασητε. 16. pap. ϋπο. 17. pap. ϋπερ. 19. pap. ϊνα; pap. αδιαλιπτος. 23. pap. ]ξι. 26. pap. παρ[ε]χε̣τ̣ε. 33. pap. ϋδωρ. 34. pap. αδιαλιπτ[ ]ν. 35–36. pap. ϋ[περ]. 37. pap. ϋπερ. 37. pap. ετυγχανον[. 41. pap. γει`ν´ον`τ̣´ε. 43. pap. ϋπο. 45. pap. συνϊεντες. 46. pap. ]λουτιζοντε. pap. συνϊων. 47. pap. διακονησε.

1 4 6 6–7 8 9 10 11 13 16 17 18 20 21 22–23 23 25 26 28–29 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37–38 38 39 42 43 43–44 44 45 46–47 47

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A reads διδωσιν. Other witnesses add χαιμαι before ολιγον. σαπρον και ολιγον A. ] εχ[ι] Hunt and Wessely. χρηματα πολλα A. αυτου for εαυτου A. L2 E C2 om. λιαν. All other witnesses read μικραν. LL om. και and την εντευξιν. μικραν και βληχραν A. L1 om. και μικραν. Α reads α̅ν̅ο̅υ̅ for αλλην (apud dominum L2, om. in L1 and E). αναπλη Α (οm. in L1). ο πλουσιος επι τον πενητα A. χορηγηση. πιστευων A E C2. ο εργασεται for εαν εργασηται A. All other witnesses read δυνησεται for δυνηθησεται. Α οm. αυτου. LL om. και εν τη εξομολογησει; A om. εν. δε for ουν A. αυτω τω θεω ευχαριστων A. περι for υπερ A. ετι επισπουδαζει (om. ετι και) A. εντευξις του πενητος A. προς τον θεον for προς κυριον A (om. in LL). την εντευξιν A. απο for παρα A. τον πλουτον ον A. Pber likely reads απο for παρα. παρεχει A and likely Pber. ειργασατο A. εις τον πενητα Pber A. διακονιαν του κυριου A. ανθρωποις ουν A. εαν for οταν A L1 E. υδωρ εχουσα Α. A om. το. διδωσι for αποδιδωσιν A. αυτης for εαυτης Pber. All other witnesses om. ουν. εντυγχανοντες προς τον κυριον υπερ των πλουσιων A. τον πλουτον A. χορηγουντες Pber A and the likely reading of M. operibus bonis L1 (for του εργου του δικαιου); operibus iustitiae E. απο του θεου A. ενγ]ε[γ]ραμμενος M; επιγεγραμμενος A. vitae (for των ζωντων) L1. απο του κυριου M. ο γαρ συνιων τουτο δυνησεται και διακονησαιτα τι αγαθον οm. in A. M LL E C2 om. και. Pber L om. αγαθον. The reading of the papyrus (τα τι αγαθον) appears to be a conflation of two readings: τι αγαθον Pber LL and το αγαθον C2 and likely M. The scribe appears to have incorrectly written τα and then corrected it to τι, but then subsequently failed to correct the definite article to το or to delete it. θ̣ παραβολη δ Hunt and Wessely. παραβολη γ M L2 (L1); αρχη αλλης παραβολης A. E om. the title.

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Date: IV

74 P.Oxy. L 3526 Shepherd of Hermas 18.0 × 11.0 cm TM no. 59993; Van Haelst 0661

Material: Papyrus

Published: T. C. Skeat et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (London, 1983), 14–17 (no. 3526). Related Literature: M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 388–91; A. M. Luijendijk, “Sacred Scriptures as Trash: Biblical Papyri from Oxyrhynchus,” VC 64 (2010): 253; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 157–58, 380–81. Introduction This single papyrus leaf belongs to the same codex as P.Oxy. IX 1172 [73], although this page is in much worse condition than 1172. Based on the more completely preserved page of P.Oxy. IX 1172, it can be calculated that a complete page would have measured 19.2 × 12.9 cm. This leaf bears the same features in its scribal hand that J. R. Rea described as “rapid, slanting . . . with some cursive features.”68 There were 25 lines per page on this fragment and between 36 and 41 letters per line. The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra, but ἄνθρωπος is not abbreviated. There are two instances of rough breathing, and a deletion is noted by two dots above the letter. The papyrus is important because it is a witness to a portion of the Shepherd that is not attested in M or Sinaiticus, and it is much earlier than A. The papyrus attests several new readings that should be considered superior: the beginning of 34.5, which reads here ὅταν γὰρ πάν[τα τὰ π]ν(εῦμ)α where A reads ὅταν γὰρ ταῦτα τὰ πνεύματα; and ἰσχυροποιοῦ (ll. 36–37) where A reads ἰσχυροῦ and the Latin (nunc) and Ath 2 read ἴσχυε οὖν. Forms of ἰσχυροποιεῖν occur elsewhere in the Shepherd, and it is possible that P.Oxy. L 3526 attests the original reading here where the later witnesses attest a less reliable tradition.

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ἱλαρ]ά ἀγ̣̣α̣λ̣[λ]ι̣[ωμένη,] Mand. V 2,3–VI 1,2 (34.3) [ἀμέριμνος οὖσα, δοξάζου]σ̣α τὸν κ(ύριο)ν ἐν̣ [πα]ν̣[τὶ καιρῷ, μηδὲν ἐν ἑαυτῇ ἔ]χ ο̣ υσα πικρόν, παραP.Oxy. L p. 15.

Extracanonical Texts [74]

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[μένουσα διὰ πάντος πρ]α̣ εῖα καὶ ἡσύχιος, αὕ[τη οὖν ἡ μακροθυμία κατοι]κ ε̣ ῖ μετὰ τῶν τὴν πί[στιν ἐχόντων ὁλόκληρο]ν̣. ἡ δὲ ὀξυχολία πρῶ[τον μὲν μωρά ἐστιν,] ἐλαφρὰ καὶ ἄφρων. [εἶτα ἐκ τῆς ἀφροσύν]η̣ ς ̣ γίνεται πικρ`ί´α 〚α〛 εἶτ’ ]ἐ κ̣ ̣ δ̣[ὲ] τ̣οῦ θυμοῦ ὀρ̣γ ή, εἶτ’ ἐ κ̣ ̣ θ̣υ-̣ [μοῦ] μ ̣ῆ̣ [ν]ι ς̣ ̣· εἶτ’ ἡ μῆνις αὕτ̣η ̣ ἐκ τοσού[των κ]α̣ κῶ ̣ν̣ συνισταμένη γίνεται ἁ[μαρτί]α μεγ[ά]λ̣ η καὶ ἀνίατος. ὅταν γὰρ πάν[τα τὰ π]ν̣(εῦμ)α̣ ἐν̣ ἑνὶ ̣ ἀγγείῳ κατοικ̣ ῆ ̣ͅ , οὐκέτι τὸ [πν(εῦμ)α] τὸ ἅγιον χ̣ [ω]ρεῖ ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἀγγ`ι´ο〚ς〛, ἀλλ’ [ὑπερπλεο]ν̣ά [̣ ζει. τρυ]φερὸν οὖν πν(εῦμ)α, μὴ ἔχο(ν) [συνήθειαν με]τ̣ὰ [πονηρο]ῦ πν(εύματο)ς κατοικε ῖ̣ ν ]. . .ἀπ [̣ οχω]ρ̣εῖ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀνθρ̣[ώ-] [που τοῦ τοιούτου] καὶ ζητεῖ [κ]α ̣τοικεῖν μετ̣[ὰ] [πραότητος κα]ὶ ἡσυχίας. πάσης εἶτα ὅταν [ἀπο-] [στῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀν]θρ̣ώπου ἐκείνου οὗ κατ[οικεῖ,] [γίνεται ὁ ἄνθρωπο]ς ̣ ̣ ἐκεῖνος κεν̣[ὸ]ς ̣ [ἀπὸ τοῦ] [πν(εύματο)ς τοῦ] δικαί[ο]υ, καὶ τ̣[ὸ] λ [̣ οιπὸν πεπληρω-] [μένος τοῖς] πν(εύμασ)ι τοῖς πον̣[ηροῖς ἀκαταστα-] [τεῖ ἐν πά]σ̣ῃ πράξει αυ [̣̓ τοῦ, περισπώμε-] [νος ὧδε κἀ]κ ε̣ ι̣ ͂ ̣ ἀπὸ [τῶν ἀνθρώπων τῶν]

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(34.4)

(34.5)

(34.6)

(34.7)

[πονη]ρ̣ῶ̣ν̣, [καὶ ὅλως ἀποτυφλοῦται ἀπὸ] τ[ῆς] διανοίας τῆ̣ [ς ἀγαθῆς. οὕτως οὖν συμβαί-] νει ̣ π̣ᾶσι τοῖς ὀξυ[χόλοις. ἀπέχου οὖν ἀπὸ τῆς] (34.8) ὀξυχολίας, τοῦ πο[νηροῦ πν(εύματο)ς· ἔνδυσαι δὲ τὴν] μακροθυμίαν καὶ [ἀντίστα τῇ ὀξυχολίᾳ καὶ] τ[ῇ] πικρίᾳ, καὶ ἔσῃ [εὑρισκόμενος μετὰ τῆς] [σ]ε̣ μ̣νότητος τῆς ἠγα[πημένης ὑπὸ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ.] β̣λ έ̣ πε οὖν μήποτε παρ̣[ενθυμηθῇς τῆς ἐν-] [το]λ̣ ῆ̣ ς ̣ ταύτης· ἐὰν γὰρ τα[ύτης] τ̣ῆ̣[ ς̣ ἐντο-] [λῆς] κυριεύσῃς, `δύνῃ ζῆσαι´ καὶ τὰς λοιπὰ̣ ς̣ ̣ ἐντ[ολὰς δυνή-] σῃ φυλάξαι, ἅς οι μέλλω ἐντέλλε[σθαι. ἰσχυ-] ρ̣οποιοῦ οὖν ἐν αὐταῖς καὶ ἐνδυναμ [̣ ο̣ ῦ, καὶ] πάντες ἐνδυναμού[σθ]ωσαν ὅσοι [ἐὰν θε-] λήσουσι ἐν αὐταῖς π[ορεύεσ]θαι. Ἐντολ [̣ ὴ ϛ] (35.1) [Ἐ]νετειλάμην σ[οι, φ]η̣ σίν, ἐ[ν τῇ πρώτῃ ἐντολῇ] [ἵ]να φυλάξῃς τ̣ὴ̣ ν̣ πίσ[τι]ν̣ κ α̣ [̣ ὶ̣ τὸν φόβον καὶ τὴ(ν)] [ἐγκ]ράτειαν. Ναί, φημί, κ(ύρι)ε. Ἀλ[λὰ νῦν, φησί(ν),]

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45

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

[θέλ]ω σοι δηλῶσαι τὰς δυνάμ[εις αὐτῶν, ἵνα νοή-] [σῃ]ς τίς ̣ `αὐτῶν´ τ̣ί [̣ ν]α δύ[να]μ[ιν ἔχει καὶ ἐνέρ-] [γειαν. διπλαῖ γάρ] εἰσιν αἱ ἐνέργ[ειαι αὐτῶν·] [κεῖνται οὖν ἐπὶ δι]καίῳ καὶ ἀδίκ[ῳ· σὺ οὖν πίσ-] [τευε τῷ δικαίῳ,] τῷ δὲ ἀδ̣ίκῳ [μὴ πιστεύσῃς·] [τὸ γὰρ δίκαιον] ὁ̣ρθὴν̣ ὁ̣[δὸν ἔχει]

(35.2)

__________ 8. pap. γεινεται. pap. α̈. pap. ειτ’. 9. pap. ειτ’. 10. pap. ειτ’. 11. pap. συνεστραμμενη γεινεται. 13. pap. αγγιω. 15. pap. ον for ουν. 20. pap. ὁυ. 31. pap. πεικρια. 36. pap. ]σει. 36. pap. ἁς. 43. pap. εγκρατιαν.

7 8 9–10 10 12–13 13 13–14 14 15 16–17 19 20 23 25 29 33–34 35 36–37 38–39 42–43 43–44 44

All other witnesses read ελαφρα τε. After πικρια, there is an error and perhaps an omission. Other witnesses read after πικρια, εκ δε της πικριας θυμος. C. H. Roberts concludes that της was om. based on consideration of available space at the beginning of the line. After οργη, other witnesses read εκ δε του θυμου οργης μηνις (“from the passion of wrath, anger”). The text was likely om. in error when the scribe copied ειτα instead of εκ. Ath2 L2 E om. αυτη. There are several different attested readings: ταυτα τα πνευματα A, παντα τα ανθρωπινα ταυτα Ath2, hi omnes spiritus E, tam multi spiritus L2, haec omnia L1. It appears that the papyrus most closely reflects the tradition that gave raise to the Ethiopic translation. Other witnesses read ου και in place of the papyrus’ ουκετι. The text of the papyrus exhibits a variant textual tradition here where A reads, ου και το πνευμα το αγιον κατοικει ου χωρει το αγγος εκεινο. αγγ`ι´ο〚ς〛 `ν´ Roberts. The papyrus om. το before τρυφερον against all other witnesses. Following κατοικειν, the attested reading would be μηδε μετα σκληροτητος (om. L1). The scant traces of ink before απ appear to rule out ]τος, and perhaps a correction was made above the line to restore the om. text. πασης is not attested in any other witnesses. Ath L1 E om. εκεινου. των πνευματων των πονηρων Ath2. κακει is attested in Ath2, κακεισε Α. Ath2 also reads ανθρωπων where A reads πνευματων. The latter would have been written as a nomen sacrum and would have created an unusually short line. πονηροτατου A. All other witnesses read την εντολην ταυτην. The supralinear addition creates an unattested reading. The reading ισχυροποιου is unattested. ισχυρου A, ισχυε ουν Ath2 L1. All other witnesses read θέλωσιν. εγκρατευσει Ath2, paenitentiam L1 for την εγκρατειαν. The papyrus attests a word order variation, other witnesses read αλλα νυν θελω σοι φησιν δηλωσαι. All other witnesses add και before τας.

Extracanonical Texts [75]

Date: IV

75 P.Oxy. X 1224 Apocryphal Gospel; Sayings of Jesus 4.6 × 4.0 cm; 13.1 × 6.3 cm TM no. 64501; Van Haelst 0587

271

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri X (London, 1914), 1–10 (no. 1224). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:490–93; A. Schmidt, “P.Oxy. X 1224, Fragment 2 recto, Col. I: Ein neuer Vorschlag,” ZNW 80 (1989): 276–77; W. D. Stoker, Extracanonical Sayings of Jesus (SBLRBS 18; Atlanta, 1989); D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 170–77; L. W. Hurtado, The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts and Christian Origins (Grand Rapids, 2006), 113 n. 56–58; A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007), 100–101, 114–19; T. J. Kraus, “Other Gospel Fragments,” in Gospel Fragments, ed. T. J. Kraus, T. Nicklas, and M. J. Kruger (Oxford, 2009), 264–79; P. Foster, “Papyrus Oxyrhynchus X 1224,” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 59–96; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 192–94, 406–7. Introduction These fragments from a papyrus codex preserve several fragmentary lines that preserve sayings of Jesus that have canonical parallels but that cannot be directly attributed to any of the canonical gospels.69 The fragments are here presented in the order in which they appeared in the ed. pr. The reconstruction of the text within the brackets also follows closely that of B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt. The sayings record an account of a vision of Jesus as well as a dispute about a new teaching of Jesus(?). In frag. 2, Jesus responds to criticisms that he dines with a sinner, recalling a passage from the Synoptic Gospels (Matt 9:9-13; Mark 2:13-17; Luke 5:27-32). The final portion of text includes an injunction to pray for one’s enemies (Matt 5:44; Luke 6:27) and a statement recalling Luke 9:50. Because no complete lines of text survive, the restoration of the text within the brackets can be deemed only conjectural in many 69

Catalogued as Bodleian Library MS. Gr. th. e. 8 (P).

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

272

instances and perhaps probable in others. The surviving pages attested in these fragments are 139, 143–44(?), and 146. If the original codex contained only these text, then P.Oxy. X 1224 was originally a rather substantial composition. As P. Foster notes in his helpful edition of these fragments, P.Oxy. X 1224 has garnered little attention because the text is so fragmentary and lacks any solid parallels that would help place the text in any distinct Christian context. Foster concluded that the fragments are noteworthy because they view the scribes, Pharisees, and priests as a single literary unit reminiscent of the synoptic accounts. With so little text to use as the foundation for interpretation, it is perhaps best to withhold sweeping claims regarding this text and any supposed connections to gnostic Christianity and recognize that its closest ally is probably the Synoptic Gospels to which it remains related but independent. frag. 1

→

ρλθ ]ν̣τι ἐν παντὶ ]ων. ἀμὴν ὑμῖν λέγω ]εισ[ __________ 3. pap. ϋ.

frag. 1

↓

σεται. ὑμεῖς[ ]ητ[ __________ 1. pap. ϋμεις.

frag. 2 col. i

↓ 5

ροδ εἶ]πες μὴ ἀποκρινό[μενος. τί οὖν ἀ]πεῖπας; π̣ [ο]ίαν σέ [φασιν διδα]χὴν καιν[ὴν] δι[δάσκειν, ἢ τί βάπτισμ]α καινὸ(ν) [κηρύσσειν; ἀποκρί]θητι καὶ __________ 2. pap. αποκρεινο[.

frag. 2 col. ii

↓

[ροε] οἱ δὲ γραμματεῖς κα[ὶ Φαρισαῖ-] οι καὶ ἱερεῖς θεασά[μενοι αὐ-] τὸν ἠγανάκτουν [ὅτι σὺν ἁμαρ-] τωλοῖς ἀνὰ μέ[σον κεῖται. ὁ]

Extracanonical Texts [75]

5

273

δὲ Ἰη(σοῦς) ἀκούσας ̣ [εἶπεν‧ οὐ χρείαν] [ἔχ]ουσιν οἱ ὑ[γιαίνοντες] __________ 2. pap. ϊερεις. 6. pap. ϋ[.

frag. 2 col. i

→ 5

[ρ]οϛ [κ]αὶ ̣ π̣[ρ]οσεύχεσθε ὑπὲρ [τῶν ἐχθ]ρ̣ῶν ὑμῶν‧ ὁ γὰρ μὴ ὢ(ν) [κατὰ ὑμ]ῶ ̣ν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἐστιν. [οἱ ἀπέστησα]ν μακρὰν αὔριον [ἡ ὥρα αὐτῶν γ]ενήσεται, καὶ ἐν ]τοῦ ἀντιδί[κου] ]ι̣νενων̣[ __________ 2. pap. ϋπερ. 3. pap. ϋμων. 4. pap. ϋπερ ϋμων.

frag. 2 col. ii

→ 5

ρ[ογ] με ἐβάρησεν. κ α̣ ὶ [παρεσταμέ-] νου Ἰη(σοῦ) [ἐ]ν ὁράμα[τι λέγει‧] τί ἀθ̣[υμ]εῖς; οὐ γὰρ̣[ σ]ὺ ἀλλὰ ὁ[ δοὺς ἐπ[

Translation frag. 1 (→) “. . . in all [things] . . . Amen, I say to you . . .” frag. 1 (→) “he will . . . you”

frag. 2 col. i (↓) “. . . you said not answering, ‘Why did you renounce [them]? What kind of new teaching do they teach, or what new baptism to declare? You answered . . .’ ” frag. 2 col. ii (↓) . . . The scribes and Pharisees and priests seeing him were angry that he was dining together with sinners. When Jesus heard, he answered, “The healthy do not need a physician . . .” frag. 2 col. i (→) “. . . and pray for your enemies. For the one who is not against you is for you. They withdrew far away the next day. Their hour came, and in . . . of the enemy.”

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

274

frag. 2 col. ii (→) “it weighed me down, and Jesus drew near in a vision and said, ‘Why are you downhearted? For not . . . you, but the’ ” frag. 1 (→) 3 ]μ̣ ων Grenfell and Hunt, Lührmann and Schlarb. frag. 2 col. ii (↓) 6 Grenfell and Hunt, Lührmann and Schlarb add [ιατρου] after υ[γιαινοντες]. frag. 2 col. i (→) 5 ο σημερον ω]ν Grenfell and Hunt. 6 εγγυς υμων γ]ενησεται Grenfell and Hunt, Wessely.

Date: IV

76 P.Oxy. XIII 1599 Shepherd of Hermas 24.5 × 19.8 cm TM no. 59992; Van Haelst 0667

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIII (London, 1919), 15–19 (no. 1599). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:504–6; H. J. M. Milne (ed.), Catalogue of the Literary Papyri in the British Museum (London, 1927); M. Whittaker, Die Apostolischen Väter I: Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin, 1967); C. Osiek, The Shepherd of Hermas: A Commentary (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1999); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 462–65; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 153–54, 374–75. Introduction P.Oxy. XIII 1599 catalogues a single complete page from a papyrus codex of the fourth century.70 The numbering survives at the top of the page to the right of the center of the page (72–73). There are 28 lines of text on each side of the page, and the codex size (24.5 × 19.8 cm) places it in Turner’s Group 4. The line numbering is that of the ed. pr., which omitted numbering the lines of the page numbers. The handwriting is a “medium-sized upright semiuncial with a tendency to exaggerate the last stroke of α, κ, and λ.” 71 B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt noted that the papyrus was discovered together with third-century documents, but they judged it to be later, near the beginning of the fourth century. 70 71

Catalogued as British Library Pap. 2467. P.Oxy. XIII p. 15.

Extracanonical Texts [76]

275

The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra. Additionally, there is generous usage of diaeresis and a midpoint dot to note punctuation. An apostrophe separates double consonants and is used once following γαρ’. There are obviously two different hands at work on this papyrus: hand 1, ll. 1–5 ending with θ(εο)ῦ, and including τηκότες in l. 6 and the α of αὐτούς. The remainder of ll. 5–6 were written by a second scribe who completed the front of the page through the end of l. 28. Scribe 1 is responsible for the reverse side of the page. The papyrus is interesting for its large and fairly frequent omissions of text (see notes). These omissions are always unique and frequently can be explained as arising out of the scribe looking at the same or a similar word in the exemplar and thereby beginning copying in the wrong place. As a witness to the text of the Shepherd, it certainly should be seen as an inferior witness. The papyrus often departs from M in its readings and is prone to omit conjunctions. The liberal use of punctuation suggests that this text was intended for public use to facilitate reading.

↓

5

10

15

20

οβ ἀπὸ τῶν τοιούτων [. . . . . . . . .] ἡ ζωὴ ἀπέ[στη.] Sim. VIII 6,4–7,3 (72.4) οἱ δὲ τὰς ξηρὰς καὶ ἀσήπτους ἐπιδεδωκ[ότες,] καὶ (72.5) οὗτοι ἐγγὺς αὐτῶν‧ ἦσαν ὑποκριταὶ κα[ὶ διδ]αχὰς εἰσφέροντες ἑτέρ̣α ς̣ ‧ καὶ ἐκστρέφοντε[ς] τοὺς δούλους τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, μάλιστα δὲ πὰλιν τοὺς ἡμαρτηκότες, μὴ ἀφέντες αὐτοὺς μετανοεῖν, ἀλλὰ ταῖς διδαχαῖς ταῖς μωραῖς πείθοντες αὐτούς. οὗτοι οὖν ἔχουσιν ἐλπίδα τοῦ μετανοῆσαι. βλέπεις (72.6) δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν μετανενοηκότας ἀφότε ἐλάλησ`α´ς αὐτοῖς τὰς ἐντολάς μου· κα[ὶ] ἔτι μετα[ν]ο̣ήσωσιν. ὅσοι δὲ οὐ μετανόησαν, ἀπώλεσαν τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτῶν· ὅσοι δὲ μετανόησαν ἐξ αὐτῶν, ἀγαθ[ο]ὶ ἐγέ]ν̣ο ̣ν̣τ̣ο, καὶ ἐγένετο ἡ κατοικία αὐτῶν εἰ[ς] τὰ τείχη τὰ πρῶτα‧ τινὲς δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸν πύργ̣[ο]ν ἀνέβησαν. βλέπεις οὖν, φησίν, ὅτι ἡ μετάνοια τῶν ἁμαρτωλῶν ζωὴν εἶχεν, τὸ δὲ μὴ μετανοῆσ[αι] θάνατον. Ὅσοι δὲ ἡμιξήρους ἐπέ(73.1) δωκαν καὶ ἐν αὐτα ῖ̣ ς̣ σχισμὰς εἶχον, ἄκουε πε[ρὶ] αὐτῶν. ὅσων ἦσαν αἱ ῥάβδ[ο]ι ἡμιξήρους, δίψυχοί εἰσιν‧ καὶ κατάλαλοι, μηδέποτε εἰρην[εύ-] (73.2) οντες ἐν ἑαυτοῖς, ἀλλὰ διχοστατοῦντες [πάν-] τοτ̣ε. καὶ τούτοις, φησίν, ἐπίκειται μετάν[οια.] βλέπεις, φησίν, τινὰς ἤδη ἐξ αὐτῶν μεταν[ενο-] ηκότας· καὶ ἔτι ἐλπίς ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς μετα [̣ νοίας.]

276

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

25

ὅσοι οὖν, φησίν, ἐξ αὐτῶν μετανενοή[κασι,] βραδύτερον εἰς τὰ τείχη κατοικήσωσιν‧ οἱ δὲ οὐ μετανοήσωσιν ταῖς πράξε[σ]ιν αὐτῶν, θανάτῳ ἀποθανοῦνται.

→

ογ ὅ[σοι δ]ὲ χλωρὰς ἐπιδεδωκότες τὰς ῥάβδους αὐτῶν Sim. VIII 7,4–8,3 (73.4) κα̣[ὶ σχι]σμὰς ἐχούσας, οὗτοι πάντοτε πιστοὶ καὶ ἀγα[θοὶ] ἐγένοντο, ἔχοντες δὲ ζῆλόν τινα ἐν ἀλλ[ή]λοις περὶ πρωτείων καὶ περὶ δόξης· ἀλλὰ πάντες οὗτοι μῶροί εἰσιν, ἐν ἀλλήλοις ἀλλὰ καὶ οὗ(73.5) τοι ἀκούσαντες τῶν ἐ ̣ν̣τ̣ο λ̣ ῶ ̣ ν μου, ἀγαθο̣ὶ ὄντες, ἐκαθάρισαν ἑαυτοὺς καὶ μετανόησ̣α ̣ν̣ ταχύ. ἐγένετο οὖν ἡ κατοίκησις αὐτῶν εἰς τὸν πύργον. ἐὰν δέ τις αὐτῶν πάλιν ἐπιστραφῇ εἰς τ̣ὴν διχοσ[τα]σίαν, ἐκκολληθήσεται τοῦ πύργου, καὶ ἀπολέσει τὴν̣ ζωὴν αὐτοῦ. ἡ ζωὴ πάντων (73.6) ἐστὶν τῶν τηρο̣ύντων· τὰς ἐντολὰς τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ καὶ τὰς ἐντολὰς δὲ περὶ πρωτείων ἢ περὶ δόξης οὐκ ̣ ἔστιν, ἀλλὰ περὶ μακροθυμίας καὶ περὶ ταπεινοφρ[ο]σύνης ἀνδρός. ἐν τοῖς δὲ τοιούτοις ἡ ζωὴ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ, [ἐν] δὲ τοῖς διχοστάταις καὶ παρανόμοις θάνατος. Τῶν δὲ ἐπιδεδωκότων τὰς ῥάβδους ἥμισυ χλωράς, ἥμισυ (74.1) ξηράς, οὗτοί εἰσιν οἱ ταῖς πραγματείαις αὐτῶν ἐμπεφυρμένοι καὶ τοῖς ἁγίοις μὴ κολλώμενοι. δ̣ιὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἥ[μ]ι σ̣ υ αὐτῶν ζῇ, καὶ τὸ ἥμισυ ἀπέθανεν. πολλοὶ οὖν ἀκούσα̣ ντες τῶν ἐντολῶν μου μετε(74.2) [ν]όησαν. ὅσοι οὖν μετενόησαν, ἡ κατοικία αὐτῶν [εἰς] τὸν πύργον. τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν εἰς τέλος ἀπέστησαν̣. [οὗτο]ι οὖν μετάνοιαν οὐκ ἔχουσιν· διὰ τὰς πραγμα[τείας γ]ὰρ αὐτῶν ἐβλασφήσαν τὸν κ(ύριο)ν καὶ ἀπηρνήσαντο [α]ὐ̣τόν. ἀπώλεσαν οὖν τὴν ζωὴν αὐτῶν διὰ τὴν πο[νη]ρίαν ἣν ἔπραξαν. πολλοὶ δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐδιψύχησαν. (74.3) ο̣ὗ̣τοι οὖν ἔτι ἔχουσιν μετάνοιαν, ἐὰν ταχὺ μετανοήσωσιν̣

30

35

40

45

50

55

(73.3)

__________ 2. pap. οϊ. 3. pap. ουτοι·; pap. ϋποκριται. 4. pap. ετερας·. 5. pap. θεου·; pap. μαλλιστα. 6. pap. μετανοειν·. 8. pap. μετανοησαι· βλεπις. 9. pap. μετανενοηκοτες. 10. pap. μου·. 11. pap. μετενοησαν. 12. pap. αυτων·; pap. μετενοησαν. 13. pap. ]νοντο·; pap. κατ’οικια. 14. pap. πρωτα· τιχη. Erasure following πρωτα. 15. pap. ανεβησαν· βλεπις. 18. pap. ειχον·. 19. pap. αυτων·. 21. pap. εαυτοις·; pap. διχοστατουντες. 24. pap. ηκοτας·. 26. pap. τιχη κατοικησωσιν·. 28. pap. αποθανουνται·. 32. pap. αλ’λ[ ]λοις; pap. πρωτιων; pap. δοξας·. 33. pap. αλ’ληλοις. 35.

Extracanonical Texts [76]

277

pap. μετενοησαν. 36. pap. τον:. 37. pap. πυργον·. 38. pap. εκ’κολ’ληθησεται. 39. pap. απολεσι; pap. αυτου·. 41. pap. πρωτιων. 42–43. pap. ταπινοφρ[ ]συνης. 44. pap. διχοστατοις. pap. θανατος·. 46/ pap. πραγματιαις. 47. pap. ενπεφυρμενοι; pap. κολ᾽λωμενοι. 53/ pap. ]αρ’.

〚τ̣ο̣ιο̣ ̣υ̣τω ̣ ̣ ν̣〛 Wessely, Grenfell and Hunt. τοιουτων ουν M L1 E. δε τας ραβδους L2. P.Oxy. XIII 1599 is unique in om. γαρ following ησαν. ξενας for ετερας A; prauas LL duplicem (doctrinam) E. All other witnesses attest the word order, ετερας εισφεροντες. Μ (L2) om. και. 5 μα〚λ〛λιστα Grenfell and Hunt. The addition of παλιν following μαλιστα δε is unique to this witness. 5–6 Other witnesses read ημαρτηκοτας. 6 αφιεντες A; μετανοειν αυτους A. 9 δε πολλους εξ αυτων A. Only P.Oxy. XIII 1599 om. πολλους. και μετανενοηκοτας A (L1). αφ’ οτε Wessely, Grenfell and Hunt. αφ ης A. ελαλησα A; nuntiatum est E. 10 ετι δε Μ. μετανοησουσιν for μετανοησωσιν A. 11 οσοι δε ου μετανοησουσιν επει M. απωλεσαν amittent LL. Only P.Oxy. XIII 1599 reads ψυχην where other witnesses read ζωην. 12–13 L1 om. αγαθοι εγενοντο και. 13 ε̣γ̣[ι]ν̣ο̣ν̣τ̣ο Wessely; κατ’ οικια Grenfell and Hunt, Wessely. 16 All other witnesses read εχει in place of ειχεν. 18 [κατ]α [αυτας σχι]σματα M (om. και). ακουε και A. 19 οσον M. ησαν κατ αυ[τους] M. ραβδοι καθα το αυτο A + tantummodo L1. All other witnesses read ημιξηροι for ημιξηρους. 20 The papyrus attests a major omission, likely due to a visual copying error. Following εισιν, the papyrus om.: οὔτε γὰρ ζῶσιν οὔτε τεθνήκασιν. οἱ δὲ ἡμιξήρους ἔχοντες καὶ ἐν αὐταῖς σχισμάς, οὗτοι καὶ δίψυχοί είσιν (“for they are neither alive nor dead. But those whose sticks were half-withered and had cracks in them are both double-minded” translation from Holmes, Apostolic Fathers, 463). και καταλαλοι εισι A. και μηδε for μηδεποτε A; και μηδεποτε LL. 21 αλληλοις for εαυτοις Μ. αλλα και A, nam et L2. 22 επικειται (A [E]) a mistake for ετι κειται? 23 A L1 E om. ηδη. Only P.Oxy. XIII 1599 adds τινας. 23–24 μετανοοῦντας LL. 24 LL om. και ετι ελπις εστιν εν αυτοις μετανοιας. ετι φησιν A. εστιν εν αυτοις ελπις A. ελπις εστι[ν αυ]τοις M. 25 [οσοι ουν] και οσοι A, quicumque uero (enim L2) LL, οσοι Ε. A major omission occurs at the end of the line, where the scribe has om. τὴν κατοικίαν εἰς τὸν πύργον ἔχουσιν· ὅσοι δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν. 26 All other witnesses read βραδυτερον μετανοησουσιν (μετανενοηκασιν A L2). Other witnesses read κατοικησουσιν. 27 The expected reading would be οσοι. It is uncertain whether the papyrus read οσ|οι or οσοι] οι. Other witnesses read μετανοησουσιν, μετανενοηκασιν L1 E, μετανοουσιν A. The omission of αλλ εμμενουσιν εν occurs following μετανοησωσιν. 29 ο[σοι δ]ε Grenfell and Hunt, Wessely. It is possible that the papyrus read οι δε, the reading of all other witnesses, although the space allows for the conjectured reading of Grenfell and Hunt and Wessely. It may be that there was a correction at the beginning of the line. 30 παντοτε ουτοι A. 31 Α om. δε. 31–32 [ζηλον εν αλληλοις τι]να M, aemulationes L2 E. 1 2 3 4

278

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

δοξης τινος, L1 and E also om. τινος. [μωροι] αφρονες M. Following αλληλοις, the papyrus om. εχοντες περι πρωτειων. ζηλον is om. in M and A. 36 M om. ουν, et L2 E. κατοικια M. A om. αυτων. 37 επιστρεψη A. 38 επι for εις M, ad LL. The reading εκκολληθησεται is unique, the expected reading is εκβληθησεται. Other witnesses read εκ (απο A LL) του πυργου. 39 LL om. παντων. 40 The expected word order is των τας εντολας του κυριου τηρουντων (φυλασσοντων A). 41 Other witnesses read εν ταις εντολαις δε. M om. δε, περι (2nd). δοξης τινος A LL. 42–43 ταπεινοφρονησεως A. 43 All other witnesses om. δε and add ουν before η ζωη. 44 τοις διχοστατοις δε A M? 45 All other witnesses read οι δε επιδεδωκοτες. ημισυ μεν χλωρας ημισυ δε A. 46 οι εν ταις A. A om. αυτων. 47 μη κολλωμενοι τοις αγιοις A. 48 το δε ημισυ A. απεθανεν νεκρον εστι A. 49 μου των εντολων A. 50 γουν μετενοησαν A M? 50–51 εις τον πυργον η κατοικια αυτων M. εξ αυτων M, om. in L2. 52–53 oυκετι for oυκ M. δια γαρ τας πραγματειας A. 54 [αυτον]. λοιπον A. Μ om. ουν (et L2). 56 All other witnesses om. ουν. 32 33

Date: IV/V

77 P.Oxy. V 840 Apocryphal Gospel 8.8 × 7.4 cm TM no. 64601; Van Haelst 0585

Material: Parchment

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri V (London, 1908), 1–10 (no. 840). Related Literature: H. B. Swete, Two New Gospel Fragments (Cambridge, 1908), 4–5; C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:488–90; A. de Santos Otero, Los Evangelios apócrifos (Madrid, 1963), 80–82; J. Jeremias, Unknown Sayings of Jesus (London, 1964), 49–50; D. A. Bertrand, Écrits apocryphes chrétiens I (ed. F. Bovon and P. Geoltrain; Bibliotheque de la Pléiade; Paris, 1997), 407–10; D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 164– 69; F. Bovon, “Fragment Oxyrhynchus 840, Fragment of a Lost Gospel, Witness of an Early Christian Controversy over Purity,” JBL 119 (2000): 705–28; M. J. Kruger, “P.Oxy. 840: Amulet or Miniature Codex?” JTS 53 (2002): 81–94; T. J. Kraus, “P.Oxy. V 840–Amulett oder Miniaturkodex? Grundsätzliche und ergänzende Anmerkungen zu zwei Termini,” ZAC

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8 (2004): 485–97; M. J. Kruger, The Gospel of the Savior: An Analysis of P.Oxy 840 and Its Place in the Gospel Traditions of Early Christianity (Texts and Editions for New Testament Study 1; Leiden, 2005); S. E. Porter, “Textual Criticism in the Light of Diverse Textual Evidence for the Greek New Testament: An Expanded Proposal,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Texts and Editions for New Testament Study; Leiden, 2006), 325–30; A. E. Bernhard, Other Early Christian Gospels: A Critical Edition of the Surviving Greek Manuscripts (New York, 2007), 120–25, pl.  27; P. Shellberg, “A Jewish Reading of P.Oxy. 840,” in Jewish and Christian Scripture as Artifact and Canon, ed. C. A. Evans and H. D. Zacharias (London, 2009), 192–202; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 190–92, 404–5. Introduction This miniature codex originally measured approximately 9.0 × 7.5 cm (Turner’s Group 11) with 22–23 lines of writing per page and approximately 27 letters per line.72 The writing is quite small and cramped and was copied by a scribe whose writing style is refined but irregular. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt suggested that the codex was copied in the fourth century and definitely not as late as the fifth century. At times the scribe used red ink to emphasize certain points of punctuation. Enlarged blank spaces are used to denote sense breaks, and there is a generous usage of the midpoint dot for punctuation. The scribe employs the usual nomina sacra. ν at the end of a line is denoted by a supralinear stroke, probably in an effort to save space. At times the Greek seems abbreviated, which Grenfell and Hunt ascribed to omissions. Without any other copies of this work to compare it against, it is difficult to know whether it genuinely is a case of omission or whether the work itself was prone to brevity. The text bears certain broad canonical parallels such as the discussion between Jesus and a Pharisee over matters of purity, but the language is independent of the New Testament Gospels (Matt 15:1-20; Mark 7:1-23). The name given to the high priest, Levi, in Grenfell and Hunt’s edition has been retained in this one although the name is clearly speculative. There is no reason to refer to him by name other than convenience since the part of the line where the name occurs in the manuscript is missing. Even though the document is transmitted through a fourth-century copy, it does recall an earlier time in the history of Christianity when Jewish-Christian dialogue was still in its infancy. The author seems to be unaware of some issues associated with Jerusalem and its temple. The so-called pool of David lacks a clear point of reference, and he 72

Catalogued as Bodleian Manuscript MS. Gr. th. g. 11 (P).

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may have intended one of the pools relatively close to the temple, but to entitle one of the them the “pool of David” would be anachronistic. Also, the narrative that has survived seems to portray Jesus and his disciples walking directly into the temple where they encounter a priest officiating in his priestly duties. Certainly such open access to the inner courts of the temple was not possible for Jesus and his disciples, and thus it may be that the composition of this document was carried out by one who was unaware of Jerusalem and temple practice. There is also a consistent tone of rebuke against the Pharisees, suggesting that the composition had as its aim the distancing of Christian ideas from Jewish beliefs and practices. For a comprehensive discussion of P.Oxy. 840, see M. J. Kruger’s study, The Gospel of the Savior. Hair side

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πρότερον προαδικῆσ̣α ι̣ ̣ πάν̣τ̣α ̣ σ̣ο ̣φ̣ί- ζεται· ἀλλὰ προσέχετε μή πως καὶ ὑμε̣ ῖ̣ ς τὰ ὅμοια αὐτοῖς πάθητε· ο̣ὐ  γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ζωοῖς μόνοις ἀπολαμβάν̣ου̣ -̣ σιν οἱ κακοῦργοι τῶν ἀν(θρώπ)ων· ἀλλὰ ̣ [κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ κόλασιν ὑπομένουσιν καὶ πο[λ]λὴν βάσανον· καὶ παραλαβὼν αὐτ̣οὺ̣ ς ̣ εἰσήγαγεν εἰς αὐτὸ τὸ ἁγνευτήριον̣ κ α̣ ὶ̣  περιεπάτει ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ· καὶ προσ̣ε [̣ λ-] θὼν Φαρισαῖός τις ἀρχ̣ ιερεὺς [Λευεὶς] τὸ ὄνομα συνέτυχεν αὐτοῖς καὶ ε [̣ ἶπεν] τῷ σω(τή)ρι· τίς ἐπέτ̣ρε̣ ψέν σοι πατ[εῖν] τοῦτο τὸ ἁγνευτήριον καὶ ἰδεῖν [ταῦ-] τα τὰ ἅγια σκεύη μή `τε´ λουσα[μ]έ ̣ν̣[ῳ] μ [̣ ή-] τε `μὴν´ τῶν μαθητῶν σου τοὺς ̣ π̣[όδας βα-] πτισθέντων· ἀλλὰ μεμολυ[μμένος] ἐπάτησας το̣ῦ τ̣ο ̣ τὸ ἱερὸν τ̣[όπον ὄν-] τα καθαρόν· ὃν οὐδεὶς ἄ[λλος εἰ μὴ] λο̣υσ̣ άμενος καὶ ἀλλά[ξας τὰ ἐνδύ-] μα̣ τ̣α πατεῖ· οὐδὲ ὁ[ρᾶν τολμᾷ ταῦτα] τ̣ὰ ̣ ἅγια σκεύη̣ · καὶ σ̣[ταθεὶς εὐθέως ὁ σω(τὴ)ρ] [σὺν τ]οῖς μ̣ αθ̣η̣ταῖ[ς ἀπεκρίθη αὐτῷ·] σ̣ὺ ̣ ο̣ὖ ̣ν̣ ἐνταῦθα ὢν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ· καθα-

Flesh side 25

ρεύεις; λέγει αὐτῷ `ἐκεῖνος‧´ καθαρεύω· ἐλο̣υσάμην γὰρ ἐν τῇ λίμνῃ τοῦ Δ(αυεὶ)δ· καὶ δι’ ἑτέρας κλίμακος κατελθὼν δι’ ἑτέρας ἀ[ν]ῆλθον· καὶ λευκὰ ἐνδύματα ἐνε-

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δυσάμην· καὶ καθαρὰ καὶ τότε ἦλθο(ν) κ α̣ ὶ̣  προσέβλεψα τούτοις τοῖς ἁγίοις σκεύεσιν· ὁ σω(τὴ)ρ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπο[κρι]θεὶς εἶπεν: οὐαί· τυφλοὶ μὴ ὁρῶ(ν)τ̣[ε]ς· σὺ ἐλούσω τούτοις τοῖς χεομένοις ὕ[δ]α σ̣ ι ̣ ἐν οἷς κύνες καὶ χοῖροι βέβλην[ται] νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας: καὶ νιψάμε[ν]ος τὸ ἐκτὸς δέρμα ἐσμήξω· ὅπερ [κα]ὶ αἱ ̣ πόρναι καὶ α[ἱ] αὐλητρίδες μυρί[ζ]ο̣υ̣ [σιν κ]αὶ λούουσιν καὶ σμήχουσι [καὶ κ]αλλωπίζουσι πρὸς ἐπιθυμί[αν τ]ῶν ἀν(θρώπ)ων· ἔνδοθεν δὲ ἐκεῖ[ναι πεπλ]ήρωται σκορπίων καὶ [πάσης κα]κίας: ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ οἱ [μαθηταί μου] οὓς λέγεις μὴ βεβα[πτίσθαι βεβά]μ̣ μεθα ἐν ὕδασι ζω[ῆς αἰωνίου τοῖ]ς ἐλθοῦσιν ἀπὸ̣  ἀλ]λὰ οὐαὶ̣ [τ]οῖς __________ 1–2. pap. σοφιζεται·. 3. pap. ϋμεις; pap. παθητε·. 5. pap. α̅ν̅ω̅ν̅·. 6. pap. ϋπομενουσιν. 7. pap. βασανον·. 9. pap. ιερω·. 12. pap. σ̅ω̅ρ̅ι̅·. 13. pap. ϊδειν. 15–16. pap. πτισθεντων·. 17. pap. ϊερον. 18. pap. καθαρον·. 20. pap. ματει·. 21. pap. σκευη·. 23. pap. ϊερω. 23–24. pap. καθαρευεις·. 25. pap. δ̅δ̅·. 26. pap. κλειμακος. 27. pap. α[ ]ηλθον·. 30. pap. σκευεσιν·. 31. pap. ειπεν·. 32. pap. ορω̅τ[ ]ς·. 33. pap. ]ασι̣. 34. pap. ημερας·. 35. pap. εσμηξω·. 36. pap. αυλητρίδες. 39. pap. α̅ν̅ω̅ν̅·. 41. pap. ]κιας·. 43. pap. ϋδασι.

Translation “. . . earlier, before he does wrong he carries out all kinds of deception. Beware that you do not suffer the same kinds of things as they do, because (l. 5) the wicked among men not only receive their reward among the living, but they also will endure punishment and much torture.” Then he [the Savior] took and brought them into the very place of purification and walked around the temple. (l. 10) A certain Pharisee, a high priest whose name was [Levi], came to meet them and said to the Savior, “Who permitted you to enter in this place of purification and to see these holy vessels, when you have not washed yet and (l. 15) your disciples have not even washed their feet? Being unclean, you have entered this temple, a place that is pure where no one enters or (l. 20) dares to view these holy vessels unless he has washed himself and changed his clothes.” And the Savior stood with his disciples and answered him, “Are you then, being here in the temple, clean?” He said to him [the Savior], “I am clean (l. 25) because I washed in the pool of David, and having descended by one staircase I ascended by another.

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Then I put on white and clean clothes, and then I came and looked upon these holy vessels.” (l. 30) The Savior answered him and said, “Woe to you who are blind who do not see. You have washed in the running waters where dogs and pigs lie night and day, and you have washed and (l. 35) wiped the outer skin, which is the one that prostitutes and flute-girls anoint, wash, wipe, and adorn for the lust of men. But within they are (l. 40) filled with scorpions and every kind of wickedness. But my disciples and I, whom you accuse of not having washed, we have dipped in waters of life [eternal] . . . come from . . . (l. 45) but woe unto them . . .” 1 4 6 9–10 21 22 23–24 36–37 39–40 40 41 42–43 43–44 45

προ αδικησαι Lührmann and Schlarb, Jeremias, Wessely, Grenfell and Hunt. ζῴοις Wessely, Swete. The change would be from the adjective ζωοῖς (m., dat., pl.) to a noun (n., dat., pl.). ὑπομένουσιν (fut.); ὑπομενοῦσιν (pres.). προε[λ]θων Kruger. σ[ταθεις] Bernhard; σ[τας ευθεως] Lührmann and Schlarb, Wessely, Otero, Grenfell and Hunt. αυτου απεκριθη Bovon, Jeremias, Swete. καθαρευει Bovon. μυρι[ζ]ο̣υ̣[σαι] Bovon, Swete. εκεινων Kruger, Otero. [πεπλ]ηρωνται Kruger, Otero. αδικιας Bovon, Jeremias, Swete. βεβαμμενους Bovon, Swete. ζωσιν εκ του ουρανου ελθουσιν (“they enter living [waters] from heaven”) Kruger; ζωσι και καθαροις τοις ελθουσιν (“they enter living and pure [waters]”) Jeremias; ζωης αιωνιου τοις κατελθουσιν (“they enter [waters] of eternal life”) Bovon, Swete. [πατρος επανω αλ]λα Kruger; του θεου του ουρανου αλ]λα Bovon, Swete.

Date: IV

78 P.Oxy. XV 1782 Didache 5.0 × 5.8 cm; 5.7 × 4.8 cm TM no. 64596; Van Haelst 0642

Material: Parchment

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XV (London, 1922), 12–15 (no. 1782). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:502–3; J. P. Audet, La Didachè: Instructions des Apôtres (Paris, 1958), 226–42; K. Wengst, Didache (Apostellehre), Barnabasbrief, Zweiter Klemensbrief, Schrift an Diognet (Munich, 1984); G. Schöllgen and W. Geerlings, Didache: Zwölf-Apostel-Lehre/ Traditio Apostolica; Apostolische Überlieferung (Freiburg, 1991); C.  N. Jefford, “Did Ignatius of Antioch Know the Didache?” in The Didache

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in Context: Essays on Its Text, History and Transmission, ed. C.  N. Jefford (Leiden, 1995), 330–51; K. Niederwimmer and H.  W. Attridge, The Didache (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1998), 21–23; W. Rordorf and A. Tuilier, La doctrine des douze apôtres (Didachè): Introduction, texte, traduction (2nd ed.; SC 248; Paris, 1998); M. W. Holmes, The Apostolic Fathers (Grand Rapids, 1999), 344–69; E. Giannarelli, “Papiri, letteratura cristiana antica e apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento: Apporti e problemi vecchi e nuovi,” in I papiri letterari cristiani: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi in memoria di Mario Naldini, ed. G. Bastiani and A. Casanova (Florence, 2011), 111–14; T. A. Wayment, The Text of the New Testament Apocrypha (100–400 CE) (New York, 2013), 41–42, 247–48. Introduction P.Oxy. XV 1782 catalogues two vellum leaves of a fourth-century miniature codex (5.0 × 5.8 cm and 5.7 × 4.8 cm). The sheets were folded into a small quire, perhaps originally including eight sheets. It would have required eight sheets for the intervening material between the end of the first folio (fol.  1 reverse) and the beginning of the second folio (fol. 2 front). The handwriting is a medium-sized informal uncial dated in the ed. pr. to the fourth century. In one instance the text has been reinked in red (l. 20). There are some unusual divisions of words between lines, a result perhaps of the small format and the need to include as much text as possible in such a small space. A. S. Hunt thought the unusual word divisions indicated an untrained scribe. The size of this miniature codex suggests that we have here a copy of the Didache only. The usual nomen sacrum for πν(εῦμ)α is used, and there is no punctuation, but wedge-shaped signs are used to mark the end of a chapter. Despite the small size of these pages, they are important for the understanding of the development of the text of the Didache. Indeed, these fragments are the earliest Greek witness to any portion of the Didache. The complete text of the Didache is only known from a manuscript (Codex Hierosolymitanus) that was found in Istanbul by P. Bryennios and edited by him in 1883. That manuscript (H) dates to 1056 and is now located in the Patriarchate at Jerusalem. The text of H is reproduced in J. R. Harris, The Teaching of the Apostles (Διδαχὴ τῶν ἀποστόλων): Newly Edited, with Facsimile Text and a Commentary (London, 1887). Additionally, there are Coptic fragments (P.Lond.Or. 9271) that may also originate from Oxyrhynchus.73 The Didache was used by other Christian writers as early as the second century, and traces of it can be seen in the Didascalia (ca. II/III) and the Liber Graduum (ca. III/IV); it was also quoted in its entirety in F. S. Jones and P. A. Mirecki, “Considerations on the Coptic Papyrus of the Didache (British Library Oriental Manuscript 9271),” in The Didache in Context, ed. C. N. Jefford (Leiden, 1995), 47–49. 73

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the Apostolic Constitutions (ca. III/IV). Patristic authors also make note of it, and it is referred to by Athanasius in his thirty-ninth Festal Letter. P.Oxy. XV 1782 is important not only because of its early date but also because it demonstrates a significantly different text than that of H. The leaves include entirely new readings (ll.  8–12) and a variety of variant wordings. Additionally, the format and size of this codex are curious because the portion preserved, chapters 1–3, focus on The Two Ways and a rather broad list of Christian commandments. This little codex may have served a reminder to live a life of obedience for its owner, perhaps as a means of catechesis. Flesh side fol. i

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οὐχὶ καὶ τ[ὰ ἔθνη τοῦτο ποιοῦσιν; ὑμε[ῖ]ς  δὲ φιλεῖ[τε τοὺς μισοῦ(ν)τας ὑμᾶς καὶ οὐχ ἕξετε ἐχ -̣

1.3b

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[θρό]ν. ἄκουε τί σε δεῖ ποιοῦντα [σ]ώσαί σου τὸ πν(εῦμ)α. π[ρ]ῶτον πάντω(ν) ἀπόσχου τῶν σαρκ[ι]κῶν ἐπιθυ[μιῶν

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ἐλέγ[ξ]εις , π[ερὶ ὧ(ν) δὲ προσεύξε [̣ ι, οὓς] δὲ ἀγαπήσ[εις] ὑπὲρ τὴν ψ[υχή(ν)] σου. Τέκνον μο[υ,] φεῦγε ἀπ[ὸ]

Hair side fol. ii 25

〚ἀ]πὸ〛 παντὸς πράγματος πονηροῦ καὶ ὁμοίου αὐτοῦ.

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[μ]ὴ γίνου ὀργί[λο]ς· ἐπειδὴ ὁδ[η[γεῖ] ἡ ̣ ὀργὴ  πρὸς [τὸ]ν φόνον

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__________ 14. pap. σαρκε[ ]κων. 20. pap. σου>>>>>>>>>>. 27. pap. γεινου οργει[.

Translation Do not the gentiles do this? Love those (l. 5) who hate you and you will not have an enemy. Hear how the spirit (l. 10) saves you in doing so. Above all, avoid fleshly (l. 15) desires . . . reprove, for some you should pray, and for some you should love them more than (l. 20) your life. My son, flee from every (l. 25) evil thing and things like it. Do not become angry because anger leads (l. 30) to murder. το αυτο (H) for τουτο. Matt 5:47 εθνικοι το αυτο ποιουσιν while the Apost. Const. 7.1 reads εθνικοι τουτο ποιουσιν. 4–5 αγαπατε (H) for φιλειτε. The parallel to Matt 5:44 and parallels is strong, and one would naturally expect αγαπατε instead of φιλειτε. The variant is noteworthy. 8–12 The phrase ἄκουε τί σε δεῖ ποιοῦντα σῶσαί σου τὸ πνεῦμα (“Hear how the spirit saves you in doing so”) is not attested in any other witnesses. 13 απεχου (H) for αποσχου. 14–15 Hunt read επιθυμειων and Wessely read επιθυμεων. 16–17 δε ων H. προσεύξῃ Η. 24 Η om. πραγματος. 26 απο παντος ομοιου H; απο παντος κακου Apost. Const. in M. Metzger, Les Constitutions Apostoliques, SC 3.336. 28–29 οδηγει γαρ H. 2

Other Christian Literary Texts

Date: II

79 PSI XI 1200 bis Patristic Text 11.6 × 3.7 cm TM no. 63460

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. Pintaudi (ed.), Miscellanea Papyrologica (Pap. Flor. 7) (Florence, 1980), 41–45. Related Literature: D. Lührmann and E. Schlarb, Fragmente apokryph gewordener Evangelien in griechischer und lateinischer Sprache (MTS 59; Marburg, 2000), 178–79; L. W. Hurtado, The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts and Christian Origins (Grand Rapids, 2006), 55; D. S. Ben

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Ezra, “Weighing the Parts: A Papyrological Perspective on the Parting of the Ways,” NovT 51 (2009): 168–86. Introduction A. Carlini, editor of the ed. pr., convincingly argued that this small fragment was to be edited separately from PSI 1200 (Plato, Gorgias) because it preserved an otherwise unknown Christian text and was not part of the text of Plato on the front of the papyrus. Carlini also noted literary parallels to the text in the Epistle of Barnabas 6:13, Didascalia siriaca (XXVI, p. 136 Achelis-Fleming), and the Didascalia Apostolorum Latina (LIII, p. 87 Tidner). An additional parallel can be found in Clement, Hom. 3.14.2: ἔτι τε τὰ πρῶτα ἔσχατα λέγει, τὰ ἔσχατα πρῶτα, τὰ γενόμενα ὡς ἐσόμενα, τὰ ἐσόμενα ὡς ἤδη γεγονότα (“yet he speaks the first things last, and the last first. He speaks of past events as future, and future as already past”), where Clement derides the false prophet as getting some predictions right but others wrong. The parallel, however, lacks any mention of θεός, although it seems to share a conceptual parallel. Following the interpretation offered by Carlini, the likely conclusion is that this fragment preserves a saying of the Lord or perhaps a patristic text. The evidence here is not overwhelming, although the mention of the eschaton and God and the nomina sacra in close proximity are indicative of a Christian provenance. Ben Ezra has argued that this text is “shared literature” or literature that was shared between Christians and Jews, although again this consideration is based on rather slim parallels.74 Based on a characterization of the few complete words and the conceptual parallels noted above, it is probable that the fragment preserves an eschatological discourse or perhaps a hortatory sermon that draws upon prophetic themes.75

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].ν ἔσχατ[ ]μα.ωμε [̣ ]τὰ πρῶτ̣α [̣ ἔ]σ̣χ α̣ τ̣α ὁ θ(εὸ)ς[ ]ποιω ἐκ τ[ ]των εὗρεν̣[ ]τὰ πρῶτα[ ]τ̣α νῦν εστ[ ]ποι τ.[ ]θ(ε)ῷ κ.[ ]αρτι.[ D. S. Ben Ezra, “The Greek Inscriptions of the Sardis Synagogue,” HTR 94 (2001): 30–31. Cf. Hurtado, Earliest Christian Artifacts, 55.

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].ιω[ ]ε̣σ̣[ 1 2 6

It is probable that the traces of ink preceding the initial ν preserve an omicron and thus the reading τὸν ἔσχατον although Carlini suggests τῶν ἐσχάτων. Perhaps the line should be restored μασωμε, but this can only be a conjecture. The surviving traces of ink at the end of the line fit γ, κ, ν, or π following ε. The most likely reconstruction would be ν and thus εὗρεν.

Date: II/III

80 P.Oxy. III 405 Irenaeus, Adversus haereses 3.9 11.6 × 3.7 cm TM no. 61317; Van Haelst 0671

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri III (London, 1903), 10–11 (no. 405); J. A. Robinson, “A Papyrus Fragment of Irenaeus,” Athenaeum (October 24, 1903): 504; B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IV (London, 1904), 264–65 (no. 405). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:200–201; C. H. Roberts, “Early Christianity in Egypt: Three Notes,” JEA 30 (1952): 94; M. Richard and B. Hemmerdinger, “Trois nouveaux fragments de l’Adversus haereses de Saint Irénée,” ZNW 53 (1962): 252–55; L. Doutreleau and A. Rousseau, Irénée de Lyon: Contre les hérésies, livre 3 (SC 211; Paris, 1974), 104, 107–8; C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979), 53; A. Schmidt, “Der mögliche Text von P.Oxy. III 405, Z. 39–45,” NTS 37 (1991): 160; D. J. Unger and J. J. Dillon, St. Irenaeus of Lyons: Against the Heresies (ACW 55; New York, 1992), 3–4; S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 8 (1998): 251; E. J. Epp, “The New Testament Papyri at Oxyrhynchus: Their Significance for Understanding the Transmission of the Early New Testament Text,” in Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts, ed. A. K. Bowman et al. (London, 2007), 326; E. Giannarelli, “Papiri, letteratura cristiana antica e apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento: Apporti e problemi vecchi e nuovi,” in I papiri letterari cristiani: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi in memoria di Mario Naldini, ed. G. Bastiani and A. Casanova (Florence, 2011), 115. Introduction When the ed. pr. was published, P.Oxy. III 405 represented the first Greek papyrus fragments of Irenaeus’ Against Heresies discovered at Oxyrhynchus.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

288

The text of Irenaeus was already known at the time from a third- or fourth-century Latin translation that was discovered elsewhere. As a witness to the Greek text of Irenaeus, this papyrus fragment is certainly important even though it is quite small. But in addition to its importance in establishing the Greek text, it also represents what some scholars have thought to be a remarkably early copy written in Gaul and then transported to Egypt.76 This would date the copy to within a generation of the writing of the original and thus notably close to the autograph. The seven fragments originate from a bookroll and were dated on paleographic grounds to no later than the first half of the third century but possibly as early as the latter half of the second century. In addition to its importance in this regard, the text is also an early witness to the Gospel of Matthew 3:16-17 and Psalms 75(76):2-3 and 131(132):11. The text of Matthew shows two important agreements with the Majority text and D while also diverging from D in the omission of αὐτῷ in Matthew 3:16 and in the unique reading of D in Matthew 3:17 (see n. 28). The quotation of Matthew is noted on the papyrus through the insertion of > shaped marks in the margin. The upper margin, unfortunately, has not survived, and it is impossible to know whether the Psalms citations were similarly noted. The demarcation of Matthew may indicate some clue as to the use that was made of the original text, and perhaps it was used for catechetical purposes or to denote important scriptural passages in the fight to marginalize what were considered errant Christians. If the latter, it does represent how important Irenaeus’ writings became for the refutation of heretical beliefs and how a more concerted effort was made to undermine marginal beliefs. This must remain, however, only a suggestion based on an intriguing piece of evidence. col. i

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76

. . . .] . [.] . . [ [Χ(ριστ)οῦ] σ̣ου. [ὤμοσεν κ(ύριος) τ]ῷ̣ Δ [̣ αυ-] [εὶδ ἀ]λήθ[εια]ν κα[ὶ ο]ὐ μὴ ἀθε[τ]ή [̣ σε]ι [α]ὐτόν. Ἐκ κ[αρ]ποῦ τῆς κο̣ι λ̣ ί α̣ ς σου θήσ[ομ]αι ἐπὶ θρό[νου σου· κα]ὶ π[άλιν·] Γνωστὸς [ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ ὁ θ(εό)ς, κ]αὶ ἐγενή[θη ἐν εἰρήνῃ ὁ τό]πος αὐτοῦ [καὶ τὸ κατοικητήρ]ιον αὐτοῦ [ἐν Σιών· εἰς οὖ]ν̣ καὶ ὁ αὐ[τὸς θ(εὸ)ς ὃ ὑπὸ τῶν] προφη[τ]ῶ(ν) [κεκηρυγμένο]ς καὶ ὑπὸ τ̣οῦ Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief, 53.

Ps 131(132):10-11

Ps 75(76):2 75(76):3

Other Christian Literary Texts [80]

15

[εὐαγγελίου . .]τ̣ αγγελ[λ]όμε[νος καὶ ὁ υ(ἱὸ)ς ἐκ] π̣αρθέν[ου] [. . . . . . . . . . . . ] Οὗ καὶ τὸ [ἄσ-] [τρον Μωυσής μὲν οὕ]τως ̣ [ἐ-] [προφήτευσεν ἀνατε]λ [̣ εῖ]

289

Num 24:17

col. ii

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25

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[. . . . . λίβ]αν̣[ον δὲ ὅτι θ(εὸ)ς ὁ] [καὶ γν]ωσ̣ ̣τὸς [ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαίᾳ] [γεν]όμενος κ[αὶ ἐμφανὴς τοῖς] μὴ ζητοῦσιν [αὐτὸν καὶ ἐπὶ] τοῦ βαπ[τίσματος φησὶ Ματθαῖ-] >ος· ἀνεῴ[χθησαν οἱ οὐρανοί,] >καὶ εἶδεν τ̣ [ὸ πν(εῦμ)α τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ κατα-] >βαῖνον ὡς π[εριστερὰν καὶ] >ἐρχόμενον ἐ[π’ αὐτόν. καὶ] >ἰδοὺ φων̣ὴ̣ [ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν] >λέγουσα· σὺ ε[ἶ ὁ υ(ἱό)ς μου ἀγα-] >πητὸς [ἐ]ν ᾧ [εὐδόκησα. οὐ] γὰρ τότε ὁ Χ(ριστὸ)ς [κατῆλθεν εἰς] τὸν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν̣, ο̣ὐδ̣ ̣’ ἄ [̣ λλος μὲν ὁ Χ(ριστὸ)ς] ἄλλος δὲ Ἰ [̣ (ησοῦ)ς, ἀλλ’ ὁ λόγος τοῦ] θ(εο)ῦ ὁ Σωτ̣[ὴρ πάντων καὶ κυ-] ριεύω̣[ν

Matt 3:16 3:17

Translation (using NRSV) . . . his Christ. The Lord swore to David a sure oath from which he will not turn back: “One of the (l.  5) sons of your body I will set on your throne” (Ps 131[132]:11). And again, “God is known in Judea, and his abode has been made in peace, and his dwelling (l.  10) in Zion” (Ps 75[76]:2-3). This is the same God that was declared by the prophets and by the gospel . . . declaring the Son of the virgin . . . (l. 15) whose star, Moses on the one hand prophesied, “[He] will descend . . .” . . . frankincense, because he is God who (l. 20) was known in the land of Judea, and was made known to those that did not seek him.77 Matthew said, speaking concerning the baptism, “The heavens were opened and he saw the Spirit of God (l. 25) descending like a dove and alighting on him. And behold a voice from heaven said, ‘You are my beloved Son with whom I am well pleased’ ” (Matt 77 Irenaeus is here explaining the three gifts of the wise men. The text begins with his explanation of frankincense.

290

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

3:16-17). (l. 30) Christ did not at that time descend on Jesus, nor was Christ one and Jesus another, but the Word of God, who is the Savior of all and ruling . . . Grenfell and Hunt restored Χριστου but did not indicate the use of the nomen sacrum. αυτην LXX Ps. τον (θρονον) LXX Ps. There is an error in Wessely’s edition. He restores the three lines following [Σιών· ὁ ὑπὸ τῶν] προφη[τ]ῶ(ν) [κηρυσσόμενο]ς καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ. As a result his edition is missing one line of text for the first column. 13–15 These lines depart significantly from other witnesses of Irenaeus. It is not certain precisely how these lines should be restored. The Latin texts reads, et huius filius qui ex fructu ventris David, id est ex David virgine et Emmanuel, cuius et stellam (“and his Son, who was of the fruit of David’s line, who was from the virgin of David’s house, Emmanuel, whose star is”). Here it appears that the scribe has omitted something important in the text and it may be that these lines refer to the quotation of Matt 2:2, “For we observed his star at its rising, and have come to pay him homage” and not to the Emmanuel passage given here. 23 ηνεωχθησαν B 124 788; ανεωχθησαν ‫ א‬C Ds W f 1 𝔐 etc. The majority of witnesses (‫א‬c C Ds W f 1 𝔐 etc.) add αυτω following the verb. It is unlikely that P.Oxy. III 405 included αυτω, although it cannot be ruled out on considerations of space alone. 24 The traces of ink seem to fit τ better than π, and thus it is probable that the papyrus followed D and the majority text in including the definite article. ‫ א‬and B om. το before πνευμα. The same witnesses that include the article before πνευμα also have the definite article before θεου (C Ds K L M P U W 𝔐 f 1 etc.). 25 D adds εκ του ουρανου after καταβαινοντα (καταβαινον in P.Oxy. III 405). Only D agrees with P.Oxy. III 405 in reading ως instead of ωσει. ‫ *א‬B om. και. 26 Grenfell and Hunt restored ε[ις αυτον]. The majority tradition reads επ᾽ αυτον while C* reads προς and D* reads εις. 27 W reads εκ του ουρανου, while 188 reads εκ της νεφελης. 28 Grenfell and Hunt om. μου. D is unique following λεγουσα and reads προς αυτον συ ει ο υιος. 28–29 1071 reads μου ο αγαπητος μου. 1–2 4 5 10–12

Date: II/III

81 P.Mich. XVIII 764 Christian Homily 11.6 × 3.7 cm TM no. 59463

Material: Papyrus

Published: C. Römer and T. Gagos (eds.), P.Michigan Koenen: Michigan Texts; Published in Honor of Ludwig Koenen (Amsterdam, 1996), 35–43 (no. 764, pl. 5). Related Literature: A. Rahlfs and D. Fränkel, Verzeichnis der griechischen Handschriften des Alten Testaments (Göttingen, 2004), 9–10.

Other Christian Literary Texts [81]

291

Introduction This fragment originates from a papyrus roll with portions of two surviving columns. The intercolumn space survives, and the ink is still very legible. No complete lines of text survive, but, in the instances where biblical passages are cited, a complete line of text can be approximated to have been between 32 and 37 letters per line. There are 26 lines of text in the left column and 24 lines of text in the right column, and it is uncertain how many lines of text constitute a complete column of writing. The handwriting is small and rounded, and C. Römer judged it to be from the second or third century based on parallels to P.Bodmer II (Gospel of John) in R. Seider, Paläographie der lateinischen Papyri II (Stuttgart, 1978), no. 44, pl. 12; and to P.Oxy. XXV 2441 (Pindar), in O. Montevecchi, La papirologia (Turin, 1973), pl.  64. The handwriting is mostly bilinear with ρ and φ regularly extending below the line of writing. υ has a rather small vertical stroke, and often it is more V-shaped. Overall, the handwriting gives the impression of a skilled scribe who is fairly consistent in the formation of letters and in the generous usage of punctuation. The usual nomen sacrum for κ(ύριο)ς is used. The scribe employs middle and low points as well as an instance of a double point to create sense breaks, and the diple is used to note quotations from biblical authors. The production appears to be professional. The papyrus likely originated from Oxyrhynchus as was noted by H. I. Bell during the process of acquisition as noted on APIS (P.Mich. inv. 3689). The papyrus is interesting for several reasons. The copy reproduced on this papyrus shows some development in punctuation, and thus we can infer that the text was known and used in some specific ecclesiastical context, perhaps containing teachings for catechumens. The quotation of Jeremiah 18:3-6 and 1  Corinthians 3:13 are periphrastic and omit entire phrases and words haphazardly, thus suggesting that the quotations have here been inserted into the context of a larger discourse or homily rather than as commentary. When the contents of the quotations from Jeremiah and 1 Corinthians are considered, the theme of God as the potter and builder emerge, suggesting the idea of God as creator. Jeremiah 18:6 is also quoted in Romans 9:21 where Paul discusses the idea of chosenness as it relates to the people of faith. Furthermore, λέλεκται (col. 1, l. 11), a perfect passive form for λέγω, suggests that the author of the discourse was comparing things that had been previously understood in one way and were now to be interpreted in a new way. col. 1

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]φωθ̣ . . ζ]ώε̣ ι ̣ δι ̣ ]του ὡς ]η̣ μων

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

292

5

]α π̣νευ]μακαρι]ενη ε]ω λεγον].ον κα10 ]υ̣ειν συγ]λ έ̣ λεκτα ι̣ . ]θησόμε]υ̣ ἐμπα]ος του 15 ]κουσιν. ]. ἀκουε ]. τῷ κ̣ (υρί)ῳ ἔ]καστος ]ν διαφο20 ] τ̣ο πτύον εἰς τ]ὴ̣ ν ἀποθήκην ]. ερα τις αὐτο̣(ν) ἄ]νθρωπον ]γνωσιν κατι25 ]ρων· οὐ λο̣]. π ̣ . . α ρ̣ ̣

Matt 3:12 Col 3:9-10

col. 2 >[ .[ 5

10

15

]. .[ ]α ̣ .[ ]η[ ]. . . ἡ̣ σ[̣ ]ησατο .[ [> ἐπ]ο̣ίει ἔργο̣ν κ̣ [αὶ διέπεσεν αὐτό, πάλιν δ’ ἐ-] [> ποί]ησεν α̣ ὐτ[ὸ ἀγγεῖον ἕτερον. καὶ ἐγένε-] [>] το λόγος κ(υρίο)υ πρ̣[ός με λέγων·] > ἰδοῦ ὡς ὁ πηλ[ὸς τοῦ κεραμέως ὑμεῖς ἐστε ἐν ταῖς χερσίν [μου τες ἀναπλασσ̣ [ μεθα καὶ ὅτι .[ τοῦ κεραμέω[ς λέγοντος· δει .[ καμίνῳ ἔνθα[ καὶ εὐτόνῳ τ̣ .[ στελλόμενα γ[ ὁ μὲν] καὶ οἶνον κλη[ρώσεται

Jer 18:3-4 18:5 18:6

Other Christian Literary Texts [82]

293

δὲ ὕδωρ κληρώ [̣ σεται ἐ-] 1 Cor 3:13 > κάστου ἔργον φ[ανερὸν γενήσεται, καὶ ἐκάστου] > τὸ ἔργον ὁποῖόν [ἐστιν τὸ πῦρ δοκιμάσει φυ-] λασσόμενοι: .[ ησομεν ἰσοδυ[ναμ νον· ὡς γοῦν̣[

20

__________ 4. pap. ἡσ. 9. pap. ϊδου. 19. pap. ϋδωρ. 23. pap. ϊσοδυ[.

col. 1 2

16 23

The reading of the ed. pr. was ]. ε . δι[. The ω seems fairly secure, but the traces of ink following ε are dubious. It appears that the ι is written carelessly and may be a stray mark rather than an intentional letter. The first letter of the line could be a μ or perhaps another α. The parallel to Col 3:9-10 is weak, but perhaps intentional (ἐπίγνωσιν κατ’ εἰκόνα).

col. 2 10–11 These lines share some phraseology with 2 Clem. 8:1-3, ὃν τρόπον γὰρ ὁ κεραμεύς, ἐὰν ποιῇ σκεῦος καὶ ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ διαστραφῇ ἢ συντριβῇ, πάλιν αὐτὸ ἀναπλάσσει, ἐὰν δὲ προφθάσῃ εἰς τὴν κάμινον τοῦ πυρὸς αὐτὸ βαλεῖν, οὐκέτι βοηθήσει αὐτῷ (“For in the manner as the potter, if he makes a pot and it becomes misshapen or ruined in his hands, he forms it again, but if he has already put it into the fire, he can no longer help [i.e., change] it”). 19 The beginning of 1 Cor 3:13 in D* and a few Vulgate mss reads ὁ ποιήσας τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον, which differs from the text on this fragment where εκαστου precedes εργον. 20 All other witnesses attest to the use of the definite article (τό) before εργον. The reconstruction of the end of the line after φανερον is questionable because something of 1 Cor 3:13 has certainly been omitted. The expected text would be φανερὸν γενήσεται ἡ γὰρ ἡμέρα δηλώσει ὅτι ἐν πυρὶ ἀποκαλύπτεται καὶ ἐκάστου (“become visible, for the Day will disclose it, because it will be revealed with fire, and [the fire will test what sort of work] each [has done]”). The quotation of 1 Cor 3:13 resumes in l. 21. 22 The notation at the beginning of the line, a paragraphos, is perhaps used to denote the end of the quotation of 1 Cor 3:13.

Date: III

82 P.Oxy. III 406 Patristic Author(?) 10.1 × 7.5 cm TM no. 62336; Van Haelst 1152

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri III (London 1903), 11–12 (no. 406). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:201–2.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

294

Introduction This small fragment preserves a combined 22 lines of text from an unidentified Christian literary work of the third century. The fragment originates from a papyrus codex, and, although the text is rather broken, a quotation of Isaiah 6:10 enables us to restore the first nine lines of the papyrus exempli gratia. It is uncertain whether the text of the reverse is from the same author or whether it belonged to another unidentified work. It is, however, certainly Christian as indicated by the reference to the crucifixion of Christ. The usual nomina sacra are used for θεός and Χριστός, and, in addition to these two terms, ἐσταυρωμένος is used as a nomen sacrum with the usual supralinear stroke to indicate abbreviation. The quotation of Isaiah 6:10 is found elsewhere in the New Testament (Matt 13:15; Acts 28:27) as well as in a number of patristic authors of the third century and later (e.g., Origen, Cels. 2.8.24; Eusebius, Dem. ev. 2.3.81, 7.1.7, 7.1.15, 7.1.93). The handwriting is a large upright uncial dated in the ed. pr. to the third century based on parallels to P.Oxy. I 25 (III, Demosthenes) and P.Oxy. II 224 (III, Euripides). The papyrus exhibits the usual interchange of ω and ο, and there is one instance of diaeresis. The papyrus omits αὐτῶν following ὠσίν (ll. 2–3) as do the majority of New Testament witnesses, although αὐτῶν is present in a number of witnesses for Matthew 13:15 and Acts 28:27, most notably in ‫( א‬C 33 892 1241 it vgmss sys.c.p). The papyrus does contain the unique reading ὀφθαλμοῖς αὐτῶν in l. 6. Additionally, the abbreviation εστρνος (l. 21) is unusual. A. H. R. E. Paap lists a number of similar abbreviations prior to the fifth century: εστν (ἐσταυρωμένον) and other examples from around 200 (no. 14), εσ⳨ωμενον (ἐσταυρωμένον) from the fourth/fifth century (no. 271), εσ⳨ωσατε (ἐσταυρώσατε) from the fourth/fifth century (no. 389).78 The abbreviation εστρνος of P.Oxy. III 406 agrees more closely with the earlier examples. On the reverse side of the papyrus, the author appears to be confronting the beliefs of some (φησίν) and attributing those beliefs to a source ἄλλοθεν λαλῶ (from λαλέω, “to speak”).

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[ἐ-] παχύν[θ]η γὰρ [ἡ καρδία τοῦ] Matt 13:15; Acts 28:27; Isa 6:10 λαοῦ τούτου, κ[αὶ τοῖς ὠσὶν] βαρέως ἤκου[σαν, καὶ τοὺς] ὀφθαλμοὺς α[ὐτῶν ἐκάμ-] μυσαν, μήπ[οτε ἴδωσιν τοῖς] ὀφθαλμοῖς αὐ[τῶν καὶ τοῖς ὠ-] σὶν ἀκούσωσι[ν καὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ] συνῶσιν καὶ ἐ[πιστρέψωσιν,] A. H. R. E. Paap, Nomina Sacra in the Greek Papyri of the First Five Centuries (Leiden, 1959).

Other Christian Literary Texts [83]

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καὶ ἰ[ά]σωμαι α[ὐτούς.] τ̣[. . .]εχ[.] . [.]οιε [̣ ]ει̣[. . .]ον[ ]σι ]φησί(ν) ] . . οσ̣ . . . κω ] . α̣ ]σ̣ υ̣ . [.] . .[.]σαν̣υ̣ ] . ἄλλοθεν λαλῶ ] αὐτῶν γὰρ ] . . ρ̣̣ [ ]ω ̣που υἱὸς θ(εο)ῦ ]ος ἐστ(αυ)ρ(ωμέ)νος Χ(ριστὸ)ς ]σ̣[ . . . . . .]ρ̣ο __________ 9. pap. ϊ[ ]σομαι. 20. pap. υϊος.

Translation (Matt 13:15 NRSV) For this people’s heart has grown dull, and their ears are hard of hearing, and they have (l. 5) shut their eyes; so that they might not look with their eyes, and listen with their ears, and understand with their heart and turn—and I would heal them. . . . (l. 17) elsewhere I speak. . . . the son of God . . . (l. 21) Christ was crucified. 6

LXX and NT witnesses om. αυτων. The papyrus is a unique witness to the inclusion of αυτων following οφθαλμοις.

Date: III

83 P.Lond.Christ. 2 (P.Egerton 3) + PSI inv. 2101 Origen(?) 15.5 × 15.2 cm (estimated complete leaf) TM no. 62337; Van Haelst 691 Material: Papyrus

Published: H. I. Bell and T. C. Skeat, Fragments of an Unknown Gospel and Other Early Christian Papyri (London, 1935), 42–51; M. Naldini, “Nuovi frammenti Origeniani (PSI inv. 2101),” Prometheus 4 (1978): 97–108. Related Literature: R. M. Grant, “More Fragments of Origen?” VC 2 (1948): 243–47; R. Leaney, “The Authorship of Egerton Papyrus No. 3,” VC 9 (1955): 212–17; H. Chadwick, “The Authorship of Egerton Papyrus No. 3,” HTR 49 (1956): 145–51; M. Naldini, “Ancora sui nuovi frammenti Origeniani (PSI inv. 2101),” Prometheus 6 (1980): 80–82; R.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

296

Yuen-Collingridge, “Hunting for Origen in Unidentified Papyri: The Case of P.Egerton 2 (= Inv. 3),” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Texts and Editions for New Testament Study 5; Leiden, 2010), 39–57; E. Giannarelli, “Papiri, letteratura cristiana antica e apocrifi del Nuovo Testamento: Apporti e problemi vecchi e nuovi,” in I papiri letterari cristiani: Atti del convegno internazionale di studi in memoria di Mario Naldini, ed. G. Bastiani and A. Casanova (Florence, 2011), 116. Introduction Since the initial publication of these fragments by H. I. Bell and T. C. Skeat, there has been a developing consensus that this text belongs to a lost work of Origen. By the time that M. Naldini published additional fragments from the same codex, he stated with some certainty that “e appartenenti quasi sicuramente ad un’opera di Origene, forse ad una sezione ancora mancante o lacunose del Commento al IV Vangelo (o commento alla Genesi?).” 79 R. M. Grant argued that the reasons for considering this to be a work of Origen are the following: (1) the exegetical method employed; (2) the preference for Johannine language and the quotation of 2 Timothy 2:19, a favorite passage of Origen; and (3) the theological questions involved and the phrasing of the answers to those theological questions.80 More recently, and more judiciously, R. Yuen-Collingridge has argued against the consensus and has given some cogent reasons why the association with Origen might have been made in too hasty a fashion. In fact, the text that is not restored through quotations of biblical materials is quite slim; therefore, one is left to determine the authorship and identity of this work almost exclusively through its quotations. YuenCollingridge contends that one avenue of research for this work would be to more fully determine the purpose and usage of two-columned codices in the second and third centuries.81 Since Bell, Skeat, and Naldini published the fragments of P.Egerton 3, there has been no serious counterargument against its early dating, and indeed the early dating was influential in determining the original suggestion that this was one of Origen’s lost works because there were fewer possibilities of potential patristic authors with a third-century dating. However, as with all manuscripts dated primarily on paleographic comparisons, the third-century dating is merely an approximation and should not be used rigidly. Previous to this publication, editions of these fragments have been numbered separately according to the Bell and Skeat edition and the Naldini edition. This edition Giannarelli, “Papiri, letterature cristiana antica,” 116. Grant, “More Fragments of Origen?” 244. 81 Yuen-Collingridge, “Hunting for Origen in Unidentified Papyri,” 55–56. 79 80

Other Christian Literary Texts [83]

297

combines the fragments into a single edition that is now numbered consecutively. Admittedly, presenting the fragments in this way runs the risk of having placed them out of order. Bell and Skeat estimated that a complete leaf would have measured approximately 15.5 cm tall × 15.2 cm wide and thus of Turner’s Group 9, the grouping that describes square codices. Naldini later suggested a complete page measured 16 × 15.5 cm. The page here presented as the first had at least two columns of writing, and the fragments are presented in the order of horizontal fibers preceding the vertical fibers. Pages 2 and 3 also had two columns of writing, and they are presented here in the order of horizontal fibers preceding the vertical fibers. Following the three fragmentary pages are a number of unplaced fragments that could belong to the existing three pages, or they could represent fragmented columns from other pages. page 1, col. i

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]βασ[ ]ν̣αγο[ [πνε]ῦμα πο̣[νηρόν] [γέ]γραπτα [̣ ι· τοτέ] [παραλαμβάνε]ι ̣ ὁ διάβολο[ς] [τὸν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν εἰς τὴν ἁ]γίαν πόλ[ιν] [καὶ ἔστησεν αὐ]τὸν ἐπὶ τ[ὸ] [πτερύγιον το]ῦ ἱεροῦ. κ[αὶ] [πάλιν γέγραπτ]α̣ ι· πολλὰ σώ[ματα τῶν κε]κ ο̣ ιμημένω(ν) [ἁγίων ἠγέρθ]η καὶ εἰσῆλ[θεν εἰς τὴν ἁγ]ίαν πόλιν πα]ρ̣’ ἡμῖν πο]πος ἐκεῖνος ]εως κ ό̣ σμου ] . πόλις ]ο̣υ̣ απε]ν̣ου οι ]κει ].

page 1, col. ii

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.[ .[ .[ .[ δ̣ [ λ̣ [

Matt 4:5

Matt 27:52 27:53

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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30

θ̣ [ τ̣ [ δ[ ε[

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]. ]υ ̅ ] ]ν̣ ]α μ ̣ ]ς ]ν ]ω ̣· ]ι ]ος

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]αρ[ ]πισκ . [ ]ι μακα[ ]εν ὁ κ(ύριο)ς εἰ[πών· μακάριοι] [ο]ἱ καθαρο[ὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ ὅτι] [α]ὐ̣τοὶ τὸν [θ(εὸ)ν ὄψονται] .]δ̣ε τοῦ αρ . [ καρ-] [δ]ί α̣ ς καθαρ[ᾶς] . ος ̣ ὀρθὸς . [ τερον ὁτε[ ἐ-] δαφισθει̣[σ] τη κομιξ[ λογίων κ(υρίο)υ [ὁ ψαλ-] μῳδὸς ο .[ τὰ λό-] για κ(υρίο)υ λ ό̣ [̣ για ἁγνά, ἀργύρι-] ον πεπυ̣[ρωμένον, δοκί-] μον τ[ῇ γῇ, κεκαθαρισμέ-] νον ἑπ [̣ ταπλασίως] καὶ [ .[

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.]ησο̣[ .]οσου[

Matt 5:8

Ps 11:7

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.]ον ἴδι̣ο̣ [ν πε[ρ]ί σ̣ σωμα φ̣[ . . . ] . ν [καὶ ὁ λό-] [γ]ο̣ς σὰρξ ἐ γ̣ έ̣ νετ[ο] [ἐν] τοῖς ἑξῆς ἰδ̣ ̣ [ ὁ] [Ἰ]ωάννης ουτο[ [ἀλ]λὰ τὸν Ἰ(ησοῦ)ν ἐρχό̣[μενον] [πρ]ὸς αὐτ[ὸ]ν̣ λέγ̣ε̣ [ι· ἴδε ὁ ἀ-] [μ]ν̣ὸς τ[οῦ θ](εο)ῦ ὁ αἴρ̣[ων τὴν ἁ-] [μαρτί[αν τ]οῦ κ[όσμου.] λον ὅτ[ι . . .]νο[ ἵν̣α ̣ θυθ[ ἐξερχομ [̣ εν . . ὡς γέγραπ-] ται· ἡ [σά]ρξ ̣ [μου ἀληθής ἐστι(ν)] βρῶσι [̣ ς], κα [̣ ὶ] τὸ α [̣ ἷμά μου] ἀληθή [̣ ς ἐστι πόσις] πασχ[ ἀληθινὸ̣[ν . . . . . . . ] . [ . . ] . ἀρχή ἐστ[ιν . . . τὸ]ν θ(εὸ)ν θ(εό)ς. τοῦτ[ό ἐστιν τὸ φ]ῶς τὸ ἀληθι[νὸν ἥλιος ὑπ]ὲρ τὸ(ν) ἥλιο[ν] ἡμ[ῶν φ]ω̣ τίζω(ν). οἷς δ̣ ὲ ὁ̣ λόγο[ς ὃς ἐν] μ̣ ορφῇ θ(εο)ῦ ὑπάρχω[ν οὐχ ἁρ]παγμὸς ἡγή[σατο τὸ ε]ἶ ̣ναι [ἴ]σα θ(ε)ῶ ̣ σὰρξ ̣ [ἐγένετ]ο, τούτ̣οις φῶς τ[ὸ ἀληθές] ἐ σ̣ τι(ν) [ε]ἰς ἀρχὰς τ[ . . . . . . ] ἡμε̣ -̣ ρ̣ῶν τριῶ [̣ ν . . ] . ι ̣ν̣ φαν̣[ . . . ] προφη[

page 2, col. ii α̣μ̣[ απο[ 95 ημ[ τασ[ επι[ την̣ [ μα .[ 100 [ μεσ̣[

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Phil 2:6

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page 2, col. i ]φα ] . 〚νυ〛 ]ν̣της 105 ]ο̣ν ] `ος´ ]ειτις ]ψαλ]τ̣α [̣ 110 ]τισω ] . [. .].

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θ]ά̣[λ]ασσ̣αν [τῆς [Γαλιλ]αία[ς . . . . . ]ν̣ονο̣[ ]το α ̣π [̣ ] . [ . . . . . . ]τη[ ]σμ [̣ . . . . ]λ ο̣ . . [ ]υκο̣[ . . ]ε σ̣ μ ̣ ε̣ [̣ ]οι ο̣ . . [ . . . .]τ[ ]εο[ . ]δ̣[ . . . . ]δ̣’ ἐστιν ].θ..[ ]ο[.]εν ] . [.] . . ας ] . [.] . ται ] . . . ν̣ὺξ τ . ]ω [̣ .] . απο̣ ̣ . . . ] ὁ Ζαχα[ρίας ] αὐ̣τ̣οῦ καὶ [ ]ν̣ πα ρ̣ ’ αὐτοῦ [ ] δὲ ἐν τῇ [ἐπιστολῇ Τιμόθε]ο̣ν̣ λέγε[ι]· ἔγ̣ν[ω κ(ύριο)ς τοὺς ὄν]τ̣α̣ [ς] αὐτοῦ α[ ]μερο̣ [.] καὶ [ ] . . ν̣ην[ τη[ ]τ̣[η]ς ̣ τῆς μεγ̣[ ] . . τηρ και [ ]μο̣ .̣ ν̣υξ̣ [̣ κα[ ]η τῆς ]ης τοῦ̣ ].[

2 Tim 2:19

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καὶ κα[θ]ο̣μοιῶσιν οὐ̣ [νοεῖ-] ται πεπο̣ ιηκέναι τὸ̣ν̣ [θ(εὸ)ν] τοιοῦτ[ο] τ̣οῖς θέλουσι κ α̣ τ̣[η-] γορεῖν[ ]δ̣ομενου.[ αγ.οου[ ]α .̣ .[ μενου̣ [ τιη. . .[ ναὶ οὐδε̣ [ οὐ γὰρ π̣[ α ̣ αναγ.[ ακατα.[ πο̣ ιουντ[ ]υ.[ vac. vac. ]δ[ ]γει ]γ̣ενη ].ζηο̣ ]νο̣ ]ω ̣ ἰδὲ τοὺ[ς ].[ ἀνθρώ-̣ π̣ου̣ ς̣ ̣

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]. .[ ]ι ε̣ [ ]. . . ]. . ]ε δ̣ ]ε ̣τ̣αι ]ωμα ]υ̣δε ]α ] . ε ̣ν ]ρ.[ ].οσ̣ ]τισ̣.

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]ω.[ ].ωσ ]φ[]ισ[ ]. ].ασ̣το̣ν[ ]... ].ων το̣υ[ ].α.. ]αιτου.[ ]γ[ ].τ̣ου̣ ].εργα[ ]η ̣του̣[ ].ελφ[ ]κη̣[ ] ἐπιγ̣νωσ[ . ].[ ]νυ.ονε̣ωρ[ φον π.[ ]εω̣ ν̣ ακενδ[ τεικον̣[ ]γενομενο[ καθὼς [ ]ι ̣ ὁ Παῦλος ἐκ ̣ μέρους μ̣ [ε]τὰ γὰρ τὴν̣ [τῶν] π(νευματι)κῶν [δ]ι̣ήγησιν δε̣ί[ξας] τὴν κα[θ᾽ ὑ]π̣ ερβολὴν̣ [τῆς] ἀγάπης [ὁδὸ]ν ἐπήνεγ[κε] [κ]α ὶ̣ ̣ τ̣ὸ ἐκ [μ]έρους γὰρ γε ι̣ -̣ νώσκομ[εν] καὶ ἐκ μέρο̣ [υς] προφητε̣ [ύ]ομεν ὅταν [δὲ] ἔλθῃ ̣ τὸ τ[έ]λ̣ ιον τὸ ἐκ μ̣ [έ-] [ρο]υ̣ς κατ[α]ρ̣γ ηθήσετ̣α [̣ ι] ]κ ̣ ευ̣[ . . . . ]ο̣λον εστιν [το] κ̣ ά[τ’ εἰκόν]α̣ καὶ καθο-

1 Cor 12:31

13:9-10

page 3, col. i μοι̣[ῶσιν ...[ 205 ]ε ε̣ . ]τι ̣ . [ κ ε̣ τ[ γμ . [ αλλ[ 210 σω[ Ἰω-] άν[νης ἐν τῇ ᾱ ἐπιστολῇ] εἶπ̣ [ε]ν̣ [αγαπητοὶ νῦν τέ-] κν̣α̣ θ(εο)ῦ [ἐσμεv καὶ οὔπω ἐ-] φα̣ ν̣ε̣ ρ̣[ώθη τι ἐσόμεθα οἴ-] 215 δαμεν [ὅτι ἐὰν φανερώθη] ὅμοιο[ι αὐτῷ ἐσό]μεθα [ὅτι] ὀψόμε̣ [θα αὐτὸν] καθώς [ἐ-] στιν κ[αὶ π]ᾶ [̣ ς ὁ] ἔχων τ̣ [ὴν] ἐ]λ̣ πί [̣ δα τ]α̣ ύτ[η]ν̣ ἐπ᾽ αὐτ̣ [ῷ]

↓

1 John 3:2-3

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220 ἁγνί]ζ ε̣ [̣ ι] ἑ α̣ υτ[ὸ]ν̣ δ̣η λ̣ [̣ . . ] κ α̣ τ᾽ εἰκόν̣[α] ] ἐκείνοις α . [ ]νεται . υν̣ . [ ] . ποτὲ [ὑ]πὸ̣ τ]ὸ ὕδωρ [τῶ]ν̣ θαλασ225 [σ]ῶ ̣ν καὶ ὑπὸ τ[ὴν] γ̣ῆν ἡ κα̣ [θ]η̣ μένη χάρι [̣ ς] θ̣(εο)ῦ καὶ ἐν̣ ἐ ̣π̣ ακοὴ εξα . [ ]ομένη ψυχ̣ ὴ̣ ἀνθρώπο[υ] κ̣ ατ᾽ ε̣ἰ κ̣ όνα̣ τ̣ο̣ῦ ἀο̣ ράτου [θ(εο)ῦ] ὅταν τυ230 πώ ̣ σῃ καὶ μ[ορ]φώση ̣ [ ]ω ̣ χαρακτῆρι . [ . ]ενεα ̣ . τη παντὰ τὰ πρ̣[ο]ειρη̣ μένα ἔργα τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ περὶ ὧν ἐνισσόμενος ὁ Π[α]ῦ̣λ̣ ος ἐν̣ [ἐπιστολῇ 235 πρὸς Ἐφεσίου[ς . . ] . σε . [ . . αὐτοῦ γάρ ἐ[σμεν π]οί[ημα page 3, col. ii [κτι]σθέντες ἐν Χ(ριστ)[ῷ] Ἰ(ησο)ῦ ἐπὶ [ἔργο]ις ἀγαθοῖς οἷ[ς] προη[τοί]μασεν ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἵνα [ἐ]ν αὐτοῖς 240 [πε]ρ̣ιπατήσω [̣ μεν ] αρσεν ]ε ̣ αυτο . [ ]πο . ε ]ουκα ̣ ]ρ̣φ̣ . ε ̣ . . ]ως κα ὶ̣ ̣ 245 ].σειπεν̣ ]εθηλυ πρ]ο̣σλαμβ[α] ε ἰ̣ κόνα ]υλο]...[

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Eph 2:10

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]υ̣ [ ] . ση[ ]ιν. . . [ ]δὲ ἐνθυμω̣ [ ]εἰπεῖν θεμι[ ]ησωμεν ο[ ]ν̣ ἀκουομε[ν] ]αιρεσιν τ̣[ ] καὶ τοῦ γ[ ]ν̣ αροπο[ ]. ως πο . . [ ]ω ̣ν ἀναγν̣[ ]. ογος ου[ ]σπεριτο̣[ ]ναν[ ]οισ[ ] . ̅ ̅[

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].[ ]κ α̣ ι . [ ]εξου[ ]. . .μος κα [̣ 280 ] τὸ μὲν αρσε . [ ]ν̣ πρὸ ἡμῶν τ̣[ ]. τ̣οῦ νοὸς τ̣[ ]. τῆς αισθη[ ]με̣ ̣ν̣α ̣ οὓς κ[ 285 ]νομενου[ ]ἐὐ̣ λόγως ̣ γ̣[ ]μ̣ έχρις αν̣ [ ]οιωσιν η̣ [ ]σ̣ιν αὐξαν̣[ 290 ]π(νευματι)κὼς κ [̣ ]σ̣πευδ̣[ ]. το̣[ ] . [ ]η̣ ρ̣ο [̣ ]ε [̣

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].[ ].[ ]ινο . [ [και ἦσα]ν οἱ δύο [γυμνοί] [ὅ τε Ἀδὰ]μ καὶ ἡ γυ[νὴ αὐτοῦ] [καὶ οὐ]κ ᾐσχύν[οντο] 300 ]εν τῷ αν̣[ ] . βηθι ̣ .ν̣[ ]ν̣ θ(εόν) . ου[ [πᾶς γὰ]ρ ὁ φαῦλ [̣ α πράσσων] [μισεῖ] τὸ φῶς κ[αὶ οὐκ ἔρ-] 305 [χεται] πρὸς [τὸ φῶς] frag. 2

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] . απ[ ]τ̣οπ[ ]α γ̣ ενητ[ ]το πληρ̣[ώσατε οἰ]κουμέν[ην ]κουντε[ κα]τ̣ακυριεύ[σατε ]ον ὅτι εν̣ [ ]ν καὶ πα [̣ ] . . . οντ . [ ]τ̣η̣ ς σαρ[

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]..[ κα]θ᾽ ὁμοί[ωσιν ]ατετη[ ] . της [ ] . ιε ̣τε[

__________ 8. pap. ϊερου. 50. pap. ὁτε. 63. pap. ϊδιο[. 66. pap. ϊδ[. 72. pap. ὁτ[. 73. pap. ϊνα. 84. pap. ὁις.

306

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus 85–86. l. ἁρπαγμόν. 198. pap. τ[ε]. 218. pap. ϋδωρ. 219. pap. ϋπο. 227–28. l αἰνισσόμενος. 232. pap. οἱς[. 233. pap. ϊνα. 246. pap. ὁτι. 266. pap. σπεριτ〚ο〛?. 278. pap. οὑς.

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11 13–18

15–16 42–44 47 56–57 71–72 72 73

As Yuen-Collingridge has pointed out, only a few two-columned codices exist prior to the fourth century. They are P.Bad. IV 56 (II, Exodus, Deuteronomy), Geneva, Bibliothèque 187 (II, Antonius Diogenes?), BKT IX 185 (II/III, Demosthenes, Olynthiaca), P.Oxy. LXII 4310 (II/III, Demosthenes, Olynthiaca), Montserrat, Abadia de Montserrat II.1 + Oxford Magdalen College Gr. 17 + Paris, Bibl. Nat. Suppl. Gr. 1120 (II/III, Matthew, Luke), P.Beatty VI 6 (II/III, Numbers, Deuteronomy), P.Berol. inv. 13236 (II/III, Thucydides, Hist.), Cairo, Egyptian Museum, P.Medinet Madi 69.43 (II/III, Glossary to Iliad), P.Oxy. LX 4029 (III, Aeschines, In Timarch.), P.Oxy. LXVI 4502 (III, Anubion, Astrology), P.Ryl. III 529 (III, Heliodorus?, On Surgery), P.Ryl. III 3.536 (III, Glossary to Iliad), Berlin, Staatsbibliothek MS Gr. fol. 66, I, II + Warsaw, Institute of Papyrology, P.Berol. G.2a17b, 46–61 (III, Genesis), P.Ryl.  III 532 (III, Ptolemaios, Episemon poleon kanon and astronomy), P.Köln VII 304 + P.Oxy. LVII 3885 + P.Oxy. XLIX 3450 + P.Ryl. III 548 + P.Genève 2 (III, Thucydides, Hist.) Oxford, Sackler Library, P.Antin. 3 (III, tachygraphic comm.), P.Mil. Vogl. III 124 (III/IV, Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon), P.Ryl. III 487 (III/IV, Lysias, Pro Eratosthene + Pro Eryximacho), PSI I 2 = PSI II 124 (III/IV, Matthew, Luke), P.Köln VII 295 (III/IV, tachygraphic commentary), London, British Library Pap., 2561 (IV, tachygraphic commentary), London, British Library Pap. 2562 (IV, tachygraphic commentary), P.Oxy. XXXI 2551 = SB VI 9624 (IV, Egyptian king list and astronomical work), Schøyen MS 193 (IV, Melito + 1 Peter + Jonah + 2 Macc + work on Easter), P.Oxy. LXII 4819 (IV, Homer, Iliad). Bell and Skeat suggest ἀ]ν̣άγο[ν agreeing with πνεῦμα. Bell and Skeat restored the end of the line as πο̣[νηρόν]. While such a reading is possible, it is not at all certain that the opening of the discourse was cast in such negative phraseology. It is uncertain whether the papyrus included τότε, and Bell and Skeat om. it in their edition. It appears, however, that there was sufficient space for τότε. The quotation om. αὐτόν following παραλαμβάνει, an otherwise unattested variant. They further argue that τοτε παραλαμβανει is too long and suggest that perhaps the scribe wrote only λαμβανει. The reading ἠγέρθη is attested in A C W 𝔐, while ‫ א‬B D L Θ f 1.13 33 579 attest the reading ἠγέρθησαν. [ἡ δὲ ἁγία πα]ρ’ ἡμῖν πό[λις ἐστὶν ὁ τό]πος ἐκεῖνος [ἡμῖν ἀπὸ κτίσ]εως κόσμου [ἡτοιμασμένος], ἡ πόλις [γὰρ ἡμέτερα ἐξ] οὗ ἀπε[κδεχόμεθα κ̅ν̅ ιν̅ χ]ν̅ ου οι (“The holy city is the place for us that from the creation of the world was prepared for us, for from our city we eagerly await the Lord, Jesus Christ”) Grant; [οὐκ εἰς τὴν πα]ρ’ ἡμῖν πό[λιν: ἐστὶ γὰρ ὁ τό]πος ἐκεῖνος [ἀόρατος ἀπὸ κτίσ]εως κόσμου (“not to the city for us: for it is that unseen place from the creation of the world”) (ll. 13–15) Leaney. The contrast of κόσμος and πόλις appears in Origen, Fr. Luc. 214.3, Scholia Cant. 17.269.8 and Hippolytus, Comm. Dan. 4.51.3. Bell and Skeat suggest [ἐ]πισκο̣[πητεόν οἵτινές εἰ|σιν ο]ἱ μακά[ριοι· τοῦτο ἕδει|ξ]εν ὁ κ(ύριο)ς εἰ[πών. A letter preceded δ at the beginning of the line and it is unlikely the scribe would have divided a word so that only a single letter was carried over to the next line. Perhaps ὁ δέ. δοκιμον should probably read δοκίμιον, although this might be a variant reading. Bell and Skeat restore [δῆ]λον. Bell and Skeat suggest ὅτ[ι ὁ ἀμ]νό[ς. Bell and Skeat suggest that θυθ is nonsensical and is probably a corruption of τυθ. Bell and Skeat suggest τυθῇ. It is also possibly a form of θύω “to offer a sacrifice.”

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78–81 Bell and Skeat suggest ἀληθινὸ̣[ν φῶς. ἡ πάν]τ[ω]ν (“The true light. The entire”), cf. John 1:9. [τὸν ἀ]ληθινὸ̣[ν λόγον, ὃ]ς [ἐ]ν ἀρχῇ ἐστ[ιν πρὸς τὸ]ν θ̅ν̅, θ̅ς̅ (“the true word, which is in the beginning before God”) Yuen-Collingridge, “Hunting for Origen,” 48. 80 Bell and Skeat suggest προς τον θεον. 81–83 Bell and Skeat suggest τοῦ[ὁ ἐστιν τὸ φ]ῶς τὸ ἀληθι[νόν, ἥλιος ὑπ]ὲρ το̅ ἥλιο[ν] ἡμ[ῶν φ]ωτίζω̅ (“this is the true light, the sun beyond the sun giving light to us”); YuenCollingridge, “Hunting for Origen,” 49; τοῦτ[ό ἐστιν τὸ φ]ῶς τὸ ἀληθι[νόν, κ̅ς̅ ὁ θ̅ς̅ ὑπ] ὲρ το̅ ἥλιο[ν] ἡμ[ῶν φ]τίζω̅ (“this is the true light, the Lord God beyond the sun giving to us light”). 128–31 ] ὁ Ζαχα[ρίας· εἴ ἀγαθὸν,] αὐτοῦ, καὶ [εἴ τι καλὸ]ν παρ’ αὐτοῦ [ἔσται] YuenCollingridge, “Hunting for Origen.” 132 Bell and Skeat suggest [β̅ πρὸς Τιμόθε]ο̣ν̣, a restoration that is possible, but unlikely. Authors typically refer to the two letters of Timothy as the first (πρώτης) or the second (δευτέραν) letter of Paul, but not simply as “the second.” After the seventh century the second letter of Timothy was sometimes referred to simply as πρὸς Τιμόθεον β ( John Damascene, Theol. Scr. Eccl. 95.1025.19), but the shortened reference is unlikely in a work this early. 148 αγν̣οου is possible. 162 There is a marginal note in the right hand margin that reads ]ω ἰδὲ τοὺ[ς] ἀνθρώπους “look at the men.” 186 Probably a form of ἀδελφός here ].ελφ[. 187 Naldini suggests [εἰς] ἐπίγνωσ[ιν]. 190 Naldini suggests [κα]τ’ εἰκόν[. . .]γενόμενο[ς]. 202 Naldini suggests [το] κα[θ’]. 226–27 ἐν ὑπακοῇ is possible. 234 The addition of επιστολη creates an unexpectedly long line, but it follows well with the practice of describing the letters of Paul on this papyrus. 264 Naldini suggests [πο]ιήσωμεν οὖ[ ἄνθρωπον] as an allusion to Gen 1:26. 309 Perhaps an allusion to Gen 1:28 πληρώσατε τὴν γῆν καὶ κατακυριεύσατε αὐτῆς.

Date: III

84 P.Oxy. III 412 Julius Africanus 26.5 × 22.3 cm TM no. 61406; Van Haelst 0674

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri III (London, 1903), 36–41 (no. 412). Related Literature: J.-R. Vieillefond, Jules l’Africain: Fragments des Cestes (Florence, 1970), 277–91; K. Preisendanz et al., Papyri Graecae Magicae (Stuttgart, 1974), 2:23; E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 65; F. Thee, Julius Africanus and the Early Christian View of Magic (Hermeneutische Untersuchungen zur Theologie 19; Tübingen, 1984), 468–92; H. D. Betz, The Greek Magical Papyri

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

308

in Translation I (Chicago, 1992), 262–64; R. S. Bagnall, “An Owner of Literary Papyri,” CP 87 (1992): 137–40; reprinted in R. S. Bagnall, Later Roman Egypt: Society, Religion, Economy, and Administration (Aldershot, 2003), 138–39; W. M. Brashear, “The Greek Magical Papyri: An Introduction and Survey, Annotated Bibliography (1928–94),”ANRW II 18.5 (1995): 3547; A. Kahane, “The Literary Charms of P.Oxy. 412,” Hyperboreus 3 (1997): 319–35; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 32; L. W. Hurtado, The Earliest Christian Artifacts: Manuscripts and Christian Origins (Grand Rapids, 2006), 226; G. Staab, “Chronographie als Philosophie: Die Urwahrheit der mosaischen Überlieferung nach dem Begründungsmodell des Mittelplatonismus bei Julius Africanus (Edition und Kommentierung von Africanus Chron fr. 1),” in Julius Africanus und die christliche Weltchronistik, ed. M. Wallraff (TUGAL 157; Berlin, 2006), 61–82; J. Hammerstaedt, “Julius Africanus und seine Tätigkeiten im 18. Kestos (P.Oxy. 412 col. II),” in Die Kestoi des Julius Africanus und ihre Überlieferung, ed. M. Wallraff (TUGAL 165; Berlin, 2009), 53–69. Introduction P.Oxy. III 412 preserves 71 lines of writing in two columns, numbered 35 and 36 respectively. The text represented here is the ending of Sextus Julius Africanus’ Kestoi book 18. Julius Africanus died in the middle of the third century and was an acquaintance of Origen, and his writings were used by Eusebius both in his Chronicon and his Ecclesiastical History. The Kestoi treats rather mundane themes such as agriculture and history and is not a distinctly Christian work. On the reverse of the papyrus, there is a will of Hermogenes from the reign of the emperor Tacitus, and thus it is prior to 275–276. The manuscript is written in a rounded uncial of medium size. Although this work is written by a Christian author, the contents of this particular passage from Julius Africanus’ Kestoi has little, if anything, to do with Christianity directly. It contains a commentary on passages from the Iliad and the Odyssey, and the author attempts to establish the authenticity of several supposedly lost verses containing an incantation through recourse to an ancient library tradition, similar in some respects to the historical endorsement at the end of the Protevangelium of James (25). The importance of the papyrus for the study of paleography has been much overlooked in some regards. On the reverse of the papyrus, there is a document dating to the reign of the emperor Tacitus, and therefore the text of Africanus preserved on the front side of the papyrus must be dated prior to 275/276 since the reverse was written after the front when the papyrus was reused. It is probable therefore that this particular papyrus can be dated to

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the decade or two prior to the reign of Tacitus, and therefore quite exactly for a literary text. This would place the writing of the papyrus to within several years of the author’s lifetime (d. ca. 240). The Homeric section of the papyrus is punctuated by errors. Lines 44–68 are translated below because they mention the Aelia Capitolina in Palestine, and the library at the Pantheon, which Julius Africanus designed for the emperor. col. i

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λε [Τοὺς δ’ ἐπεὶ εὐχωλῇσ]ι λιτῇσί τε, ἔθνεα νεκρῶν, [ἐλλισάμην, τὰ] δὲ μῆλα λαβὼν ἀπεδειροτόμησα [ἐς βόθρον· ῥέε] δ’ αἷμα κελαινεφές· αἱ δ’ ἀγέροντο [ψυχαὶ ὑπὲξ Ἐρέ]βευς νεκύων κατατεθνηώτων· [νύμφαι τ’ ἠίθ]εοί τε πολύτλητοί τε γέροντες [παρθενικαί τ’] ἀταλαὶ νεοπενθέ’ ἄωτον ἔχουσαι· [πολλοὶ δ’ οὐ]τάμενο[ι χ]αλκήρεσιν ἐγχείῃσιν, [ἄνδρ]ες [ἀρ]ηίφατοι β[εβ]ροτωμένα τεύχε’ ἔχοντες· [οἳ πολλ]οὶ παρὰ βόθρον ἐφοίτων ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος [θεσπε]σίῃ ἰαχῇ· ἐμὲ δὲ χλωρὸν δέος ᾕρει. [Αὐτὰρ] ἐγὼ ξίφος ὀξὺ ἐ[ρ]υσσάμενος παρὰ μηροῦ [ἥμην, ο]ὐδ’ εἴων νεκύων ἀμενηνὰ κάρηνα [αἵματο]ς ἆσσον ἴμεν καὶ ἀμειβόμενος ἔπος ηὔδων· [ ] ἃ δεῖ ποιῆσαι εἴρηκεν [ὦ ποτα]μοὶ καὶ γαῖα καὶ οἳ ὑπένερθε κάμοντ〚ε〛 ὰ ς́ [ἀνθρώ]πους τ[ί]νυσθον, ὅτις κ’ ἐπ[ί]ορκον ὀμόσσῃ, [ὑμεῖς] μάρτυροι ἔστε, τελείετε δ’ ἄμμιν ἀοι[δή]ν· [ἦλθον] χρησόμενος ὡς ἂν εἰς γαῖαν ἱκάνω [Τηλεμ]ά χ̣ ου γε, ὃ̣ν ἔλειπον ἐπὶ κόλποισι τ[ιθή]νης, [τέκνο]ν ἐμόν· τοίη γὰρ ἀρίστη ἦν ἐπαοιδ[ή]. [ ] ἃ δεῖ ἐπᾷσαι λέγει [κλῦθί] μ̣ οι, εὐμειδὴς καὶ ἐπίσκοπος, εὔσπ̣ ο̣ [ρ’ Ἄν]ουβι [ ]α̣ υλλ̣ ι̣παε παρευνεταωσι θ̣οει[ . . . ] [ἔλθ’ Ἑρ]μῆ, ἅρπαξ, δεῦρ’ εὐπλόκαμε χθόνιε Ζεῦ, [κῦρσ]α ι̣ δωσάμενοι κρηήνατε τήνδ’ ἐπαοιδήν· [δεῦρ’ Αἵδ]η καὶ Χθών, πῦρ ἄφθιτον, Ἥλιε Τιτάν, [ἐλθὲ καὶ] Ἰ ά̣ α καὶ Φθᾶ καὶ Φρῆ νομοσώσω[ν], [καὶ Νεφ]θὼ πολύτιμε καὶ Ἀβλαναθὼ πολύολβε, [πυρσ]οδρακοντόζωνες, εἰσι χθον, ἰβικαρείη, [Ἀβραξ]ᾶ, περίβωτε τὸ κοσμικὸν οὔνομα δαίμων, [ἄξονα] καὶ χορίῳ καὶ φῶτ̣’ ἀνέμων παγέρ’ Ἄρκτων, [ἐλθὲ κ]αὶ ἐνκρατείᾳ πάντων προφερέστερ’ ἐμοί, Φρήν, ] . ωρ̣̣ ιευ καὶ φασιε καὶ σισυων̣

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[καὶ Γε]ν̣εὰ καὶ Ἀπηβιοτὰ καὶ Πῦρ καλλιαικά, [ἔλθ’ Ἶσι]ς χθονία καὶ οὐρανία καὶ ὀνείρω [ἣ μεδέει]ς ̣ καὶ Σείρι’ ὃ [καὶ τάδ]ε μὲν παρὰ βόθρον ἐγὼν ἤϋσα παραστ̣άς· [εὖ γὰρ] ἐμεμνήμην Κίρκης ὑποθημοσυνά [̣ ω]ν̣ [ἣ τόσα φ]άρμακα οἶδεν ὅσ̣ [α] τρέφει εὐρεῖα χθών· [ἦλθεν δὲ] μέγα κῦμα λεον[τ]ομάχου Ἀχέροντος [Κωκυτὸς] Λήθη τε Πολυφλεγέθων τε μέγιστος, [καὶ νεκ]ύων στόλος ἀμ[φι]παρίστατο καὶ παρὰ βόθρον· [πρώτη δ]ὲ ψυχὴ Ἐλπήνορος ἦλθεν ἑταίρου.

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λϛ τά θ’ ἑξῆς εἴτ’ οὖν οὕτως ἔχον αὐτὸς ὁ ποιητὴς τὸ περίεργον τῆς ἐπιρρήσεως τὰ ἄλλα διὰ τὸ τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἀξίωμα σεσιώπηκεν, εἴθ’ οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι τὰ ἄλλα συνράπτο(ν)τες ἔπη ταῦτα ἀπέσχισαν, ἀλλότρια τοῦ στοίχου τῆς ποιήσεως ἐκεῖ[να] ἐπικρίναντες ἐπ[ὶ] πολλο[ῖ]ς ἔγνω(ν)· ἅτε κύημα [πο]λ υ̣ τ̣ε[λ]έστερον ἐπι κ̣ [̣ ῆ]ς αὐτὸς ̣ ἐνταυθοῖ κατέταξα· τήν τε ̣ τὴν [.]ην σύνπασαν ὑπό̣θε̣ σιν ἀνακειμένην ε[ὑ]ρέσεις ἔν τε τοῖς ἀρχείοις τῆς ἀρχαίας π[α]τρίδος κολων̣[ία]ς ̣ [Α]ἰλίας Καπιτωλίνης τῆς Παλαιστείνη[ς] κἂν Νύσῃ τῆς Καρίας, μέχρι δὲ τοῦ τρισκαιδεκάτου ἐν Ῥώμῃ πρὸς ταῖς Ἀλεξάνδρου θερμαῖς ἐν τῇ ἐν Πανθείῳ βιβλιοθήκῃ τῇ καλῇ ἣν αὐτὸς ἠρχιτεκτόνησα τῷ Σεβαστῷ. Ἰουλίου Ἀφρικανοῦ Κεστὸς ι ̅η ̅

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__________ 1. pap. λειτησι. 4. pap. κατατεθνει̣ωτων. 7. pap. ]αλκηρεσσιν. 14. pap. ιρηκεν. 16. pap. τ[ ] νεσθον. 18. pap. ϊκανω. 22. pap. ειμειτης. 24. pap. ]μ̣ε̣ι̣. 26. pap. τειταν. 28. pap. πολυτειμε. 29. pap. εβηκαρειη. 34. l.  καλλιαιθές. 37. pap. ηϊσα. 48. pap. σεσιωπηκεν·. 52–53. pap. επικρειναντες. 55. pap. επεικ[ ]ς. 60–61. pap. καπιτωλεινης.

Translation (ll. 44–68, omitting the Homeric section) Whether the extra part of the spell stood as it is (l. 45) (here) and the poet himself skipped it because of the reputation of his work, or whether the Pisistratidae when they edited (l. 50) the poems, removed these verses judging them to be disruptive to the flow of the poem, I would very much like to know. I have recorded them here (l. 55) as being quite important to the epic, and you will find the spell preserved in the archives of your ancient fatherland, (l. 60) the colony of Aelia Capitolina in Palestine, at Nysa of Caria, and at Rome (up until the thirteenth verse of the spell) near the (l. 65) baths of Alexander, in the beautiful library in the Pantheon, which I designed for the Emperor. Julius Africanus, Kestos 18. These lines are a quotation of Homer, Od. 11.34–43. The quotation of the Odyssey om. four lines of text and then resumes at 11.48–50 in l. 11 where the expected beginning of the line would be αὐτὸς δὲ ξίφος. The reading of P.Oxy. III 412 is found in a marginal note in a medieval codex of Homer (F). 11–13 In order to facilitate the transition to a quotation of the Iliad, the author has altered the ending of the quotation of the Odyssey where one would expect πρὶν Τειρεσίαο πυθέσθαι following ἴμεν. Od. 11.48–50. 15–17 These lines are a quotation of Homer, Iliad 3.278–80. The quotation is introduced with ω instead of και, probably a result of the author attempting to ease the transition into the Iliad. At the end of l. 17 the author has again altered the text of Homer to ease the transition and where one would expect φυλάσσετε δ’ ὅρκια πιστά, the author has written τελείετε δ’ ἄμμιν ἀοιδήν. 19 Cf. Il. 6.467. 22–36 These lines contain the spell proper that the author wishes to introduce into the text of Homer, which will be explained later in the papyrus as being a genuine reading (see ll. 44–68). 27 The names Φθᾶ and Φρῆ occur frequently in magical papyri (cf. Preisendanz, 5:352; 7:362), while the name Φθᾶ is also mentioned by Eusebius (Praep. ev. 3.11.46) and Porphyry (Agalm. 10.9). The last word of the line appears to arise from a copying error, where the scribe wrote ομοσωσω in place of νομοσώσων. The name Αβλαναθω is a variant of the frequently used magical name Αβλαναθαναλβα (cf. Preisendanz, 3:63–64). 29 The reading εισι χθον appears to be the result of a visual copying error for ἐρυσίχθων. 30 For the name Ἀβράξας see Preisendanz, 3·449. 33 The line should perhaps be restored Δωριευ . . . Σισυφων. 39 This line is a quotation of Homer, Il. 11.741. 43 This line is a quotation of Homer, Od. 11.51. 64 Ἀλεξάνδρου in reference to Emperor Severus Alexander. 1–10

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Date: III

85 P.Oxy. XVII 2072 Christian Apology 11.6 × 4.8 cm TM no. 64186; Van Haelst 1156

Material: Papyrus

Published: Β. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVII (London, 1927), 15–16 (no. 2072). Related Literature: E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 26 n. 69. Introduction This papyrus fragment was originally given the title “Fragment of an Apology,” a title that is still fitting. A search of the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae still yields no convincing parallels that would help restore the text of this fragment in a meaningful way or otherwise help identify its author. The words and phrases that are attested are not biblical, but the text is certainly of Christian origin as is made obvious through the usage of nomina sacra. The handwriting is written with a slight angle upward from left to right, and the hand is that of a professional scribe who aspired to regularity. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt suggested a date “about the end of the third century,” and there seems to be nothing to suggest a need for significant reconsideration of this suggestion.82 Indeed, the letter forms appear to be from the third century or perhaps somewhat later. A rough breathing mark is noted on l. 26, and an apostrophe is used to separate two consonants. In the ed. pr., the ordering of the fragments was reversed because Grenfell and Hunt read the page number of what they determined was the front side (→) as a γ. However, upon closer inspection it appears that the page number is actually a stigma and therefore the ordering of the fragments should be reversed. The front side of the papyrus (↓) should likely be restored ρι[ε, although it is possible that what appears to be ι is actually the beginning of an η κ λ μ ν or π. In any case, the following page number ending in stigma indicates that the page number was perhaps ριϛ, but definitely a multiple of 100 + ? + 6. The text of the papyrus treats the issue of giving together (as a community of Christians?), and of yielding (to authority?), and it provides a note on the common cause of the community. The opening lines place the discussion in terms of Christ, who is perhaps referred to as the savior(?) of Israel. With so little text to serve as a foundation for firm conclusions, it is premature to characterize this text beyond a general description. The inclusion of this text into 82

P.Oxy. XVII p. 15.

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a fairly large codex (at least 116 pages in length) and copied by a professional scribe suggests that the text belonged at some point to the ecumenical needs of the Christian community at Oxyrhynchus.

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ρ[ ] μηχανικω . [ ]η̣ μαι αὐτὸν πρ[ ]ον καίτοι μὴ β[ ]σεν ἁπαξαπ[λῶς οὐ]κ ̣ αὐτὸς δὲ ἀλλὰ [̣ ]Χρ(ιστὸ)ς ὁ ἀπὸ τα[ ]ρ τῷ Ἰ(σρα)ὴλ καὶ πα̣ [ τοῖ]ς πιστεύουσι [ αὐ]τοῦ τῷ θ(ε)ῷ ὃν . [ ]τοις τούτοις ε[ ]ν Χρ(ιστὸ)ν ὁ αὐτ̣ [ὸς ]ου πυνθανη̣ [ κ]αὶ ἴσως οὐκ αγν̣ [ ]ον ἔνιγμα ει[ ]ασ . β . [. . .] . [ ]ϛ ] . οι τῶν ἰδίων ] . μεταδόντες ε[ ] παρόντες ἐγεν̣[ ]αχος τῇ χιρει κ[ ]ς καὶ χαρίεντα̣ [ς ] γὰρ ἡττηθῆν[αι ]ε̣ν τὴν οἴησιν [ ] ἀλήθειαν προ[ ἀ]δελφὸς συν . [ αἰδ]εσίμων τὰ μὲ [̣ ν ]νοις αὐτοῖς τ[ ] κ̣ αὶ κακὰ κοινὰ [ ]κ ε̣ ν καὶ τὰ μὲν [ ]τ̣ηματα ἐδέξα[ντο τὰ] δ̣ὲ ἀγαθὰ ἰδόν[τες

__________ 6. pap. ]κ᾽. pap. αλ’λα. 10. pap. ὁν. 14. pap. ϊσως. 15. l.  αινιγμα. 18. pap. ϊδιων. 23. pap. ητ᾽τηθην[. 25. The papyrus has been corrected to αληθειαν from αληθηαν. 32. pap. ϊδον[.

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Grenfell and Hunt offered a partial restoration of these lines in their notes on the papyrus. [ο θεος ημας εσω]σεν απαξαπ[λως . . . ου]κ αυτος δε αλλ[α ο υιος αυτου Ι(ησου)ς] Χρ(ιστο)ς ο αποτα[ξαμενος τη δοξη και γενομενος σωτη]ρ τω Ι(σρα)ηλ και πα[σι τοις

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εθνεσι τοι]ς πιστευουσι [και συναλλαχθεισι δι αυ]του τω θ(ε)ω. This reconstruction, while possible, is purely conjectural.  Grenfell and Hunt suggested the restoration Ι(ησου)ς] Xριστος, and also noted that the faint traces of a line at the left edge of the papyrus may indicate the supralinear stroke of the nomen sacrum. An unusually large space exists between the ending of απο and the beginning of τα that may have been necessitated by a flaw in the papyrus. The usual practice of the scribe is to leave a slightly larger space between words, see l. 24. Grenfell and Hunt restored πα[σι?] Grenfell and Hunt restored ουκ αγν[οειτε?] Grenfell and Hunt suggested εγεν[οντο]. Without further context it is not entirely certain what the scribe intended with χιρει, but it appears that the reading should be τῇ χηρείᾳ. χιρη is also possible, but the form is unusual. Grenfell and Hunt restored τα με[ν αγαθα]. The ending νοις allows for the possibility that the papyrus read [Χριστια]νοις or [εκει] νοις, but αὐτοῖς makes these possibilities unlikely. Grenfell and Hunt suggested [εν κοι] νοις, but with so many possibilities for restoring the line it seems premature to conjecture what the line read. Grenfell and Hunt restored τα μεν [κακα].

Date: Late III

86 P.Oxy. XVII 2070 Christian/Jewish Dialogue 30.0 × 11.0 cm TM. no. 64185; Van Haelst 1154

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVII (London, 1927), 9–14 (no. 2070). Related Literature: C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979), 24 n. 5; E. J. Epp, “The New Testament Papyri at Oxyrhynchus in Their Social and Intellectual Context,” in Sayings of Jesus: Canonical and Non-canonical; Essays in Honour of Tjitze Baarda, ed. W. L. Petersen, J. S. Vos, and H. J. de Jonge (Leiden, 1997), 62; B. F. Harris, “The Use of Scripture in Some Unidentified Theological Papyri,” in Ancient History in a Modern University, ed. T. W. Hillard et al. (Grand Rapids, 1998), 228–32; D S. Ben Ezra, “Weighing the Parts: A Papyrological Perspective on the Parting of the Ways,” NovT 51 (2009): 181 n. 48; W. Varner, “Two Jewish-Christian Dialogues from the Ancient Church,” in Christian Origins and Hellenistic Judaism: Social and Literary Contexts for the New Testament, ed. S. E. Porter and A. Pitts (Leiden, 2013), 559–62; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 180–81.

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Introduction Although this papyrus is quite fragmentary, the original editor and subsequent scholars have considered it to be an autograph by a Christian author writing against Jews. The numerous corrections to the text, combined with the nature of the correction at l. 24 where the author appears to have added Isaiah as an afterthought, seem to point in the direction of this papyrus representing an autograph. This thesis, while possible and perhaps even probable, is lacking sufficient evidence to make it a proven conclusion. While the evidence tends to agree with the hypothesis that we have here an autograph, it is worth noting that many of the corrections are found in Scripture citations and demonstrate that the author of this papyrus was also uncareful when copying. The two specific references to Isaiah are both corrected and seem indicative of an author who perhaps remembered the passage but was uncertain of the authorship and thus was reciting from memory. The papyrus is interesting also because it is a two-columned text with the body of writing on one side only. The larger issue of whether indeed this papyrus preserves a Christian invective against Jews is not without challenges. The text is clearly of Christian origin, as is attested in the use of the nomen sacrum of l.  10, although other distinctly Christian features are lacking. The absence of quotation from the New Testament is noteworthy if not significant. In addition, the text does seem to make reference to a dialogue partner, which is recorded in l. 30 where a typical introduction of a speaker is preserved: ὁ φ̅ εἶπε. A. S. Hunt suggested that the abbreviation φ̅ could be in reference to a Pharisee, probably as a characterization, but there is no other verifiable evidence in the papyrus that can substantiate this claim. φ̅ could signify a friend (ὁ φίλος) or even wisdom (ὁ φιλόσοφος). The burden of proof as to whether this papyrus preserves a Jewish or anti-Jewish dialogue rests on the usage of Psalms 3:8(?); 34(35):19(?); 17(18):44-46; 21(22):16-23; and Isaiah 29:13. Several factors speak for this being a tractate belonging to the literature that developed to explain Christianity’s developing conversation with Judaism, and several factors speak against such an association. In defense of the thesis that this text was written against Jews is the evidence that the passages of Scripture that are chosen from the Psalms and Isaiah are used elsewhere as part of the catalogue of proof texts drawn upon in other invectives against Jews. Specifically, Psalm 17(18):44 is used in Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 28.6.2; and Gregory of Nyssa, Testimonies against Jews PG 46.225.9–10. And, although not written against Jews specifically, Origen’s (Against Celsus 2.78.8) use of Psalm 17(18) demonstrates that it had some probative value in invective-style dialogues. The coupling of the usage of Psalm 17(18) with Isaiah 29 can also be found in Justin (Dial. 78.11.3), but not in the proximity one would hope for to strengthen the associative value

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of the comparison. Isaiah 29:13 is part of a developed anti-Jewish rhetoric of the fifth-century Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila (10.341, 438) believed to have been written near the time of Cyril of Alexandria.83 That the author appears to develop quotations at times with precision and at other times more loosely is suggestive of a larger context of scriptural cognition among Christians of the third century in their efforts to develop distinctions between their own beliefs and those of their Jewish counterparts. There is a selection of vocabulary of distinction and difference that confirms this contention in P.Oxy. XVII 2070: ἐκθραίνοντες (“enemies”), πλείους (“full”), ἐψεύσαντο (“they lie”), υἱοὶ ἀλλό[τριοι] (“sons of strangers”). Unfortunately, the language of difference is frequently reliant upon reconstructions made exempli gratia and therefore of limited use in establishment of the identity and character of this text. In contrast to these suggestions are several arguments that appear to be more compelling in helping identify the genre of this papyrus. First, the sequential order of the Psalm 17(18) quotations—namely, 17(18):44 followed by 17(18):45-46—raise the potential that the text is a commentary on Psalms. Indeed, the usage of Isaiah 29 in early Christian commentaries on the Psalms is noteworthy: Didymus Caecus, Commentary on Psalms 20–21 29.3; Eusebius, Commentary on Psalms PG 23.924.22; Basil of Caesarea, Homily on Psalms PG 29.301.36; Origen, Fragment on Psalms 1–150 PG 77.36.5; Origen, Selection on Psalms 12.1452; Asterius, Commentary on Psalms 21.32, 25.5. Despite the somewhat frequent usage of Isaiah 29 in the genre of the Jewish dialogue, a coupling of Isaiah 29 and a linear progression through a chapter of Psalms is indicative of commentary on the latter. Whether that commentary is itself openly or partly anti-Jewish is worthy of consideration. Second, Clement of Alexandria, writing nearly contemporaneously and in Egypt, demonstrates that Isaiah 29 was also used in an exhortative context and not exclusively or distinctively anti-Jewish contexts (Clement, The Instructor 8.62–63). In Clement the passage functions to distinguish between the various behaviors of those who are already close to Jesus. In Ptolemy’s Letter to Flora, an Isaiah quotation is introduced with language that is reminiscent of P.Oxy. VII 2070: Ἠσαΐας ἐξεφώνησεν, or, in the case of the Oxyrhynchus fragment, [Ἠσ]α̣ ί̣α̣ ἐ̣πεφών[ει]. For other texts that use a similar introductory formula with Isaiah, see Epiphanius, Against Heresies 1.453.21; cf. Didymus 83 J. Z. Pastis, “Representations of Jews and Judaism in ‘The Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila’: Construct or Social Reality?” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1994); J. N. Birdsall, “The Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila and the Early Harmonistic Traditions,” NovT 22 (1980): 66–77. On the use of Scripture in the development of anti-Jewish dialogue, see A. F. J. Klijn, “A Survey of the Researches into the Western Text of the Gospels and Acts: 1949–1959, Part Two,” NovT (1959): 161–73.

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Caecus, Commentary on Zechariah 5.71.3, PG 39.716.14; Amphilochius, Oration on the Resurrection of the Lord 62; Gennadius, Fragmenta in epistulam ad Romanos 397.9; Hesychius, Homily on Saint Mother (homilia 5) 4.1; Joannes Zonaras, Extracts of History 1.205.11, 1.205.7; Cyril of Alexandria, Commentary on the 12 Minor Prophets 2.101.3, 2.154.11; Cyril of Alexandria, Glaphyra PG 69.660.1; Didymus Caecus, Commentary on Zechariah PG 4.186.6; Nicephorus Gregoras, Former Answers PG 2.2.259.20 (oration 2). Finally, the writing of the reverse side of the papyrus appears to have been overlooked where there is clearly a line of text or a title that has been crossed out. The reconstruction of the single line of text must remain tentative because not only has part of it been erased but it was crossed out with some vigor. Despite these challenges, it appears that one can confidently conclude that the title or text, whatever it may have been, was written in the same hand as the original scribe although in a more rapid handwriting. As one might expect of a title, the direction of writing is vertical to that of the front side, and there are no other surviving traces of writing on the reverse. The surviving word can be restored with hesitation as [ἀ]κ̣ ολ̣ ούθως ̣ (adv. “following” or “agreeing”). Grenfell and Hunt restored the reverse as ]φ̣ε̣ν̣ουεως and declared that it had nothing to do with the writing on the front. The reading φενουεως creates a nonsense word and is difficult to understand as anything other than a scribal mistake. Contextually, ἀκολούθως can have several different meanings, and one is hesitant to proffer any conclusions based on so little evidence. One possibility is that the text was normative in the sense it was used to encourage genuine Christian behavior that leads to discipleship.

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ἐχ]θ̣ραίνοντας Ps 3:8(?) μα]ταίως ἢ ὅτι αοἱ ]ἐ κ̣ θραίνοντες Ps 34(35):19(?) [μοι ἀδίκω]ς ̣ εἶτά φησιν ε ⸌ὅτι ἀλ-⸍ [λότριοι ]α ̣ σοῦ διὰ τί 〚ὁ λαὸ̣ς〛 Ps 17(18):44 [ὃν οὐκ ἔγνων ] ἐδουλευσέ μοι [εἰς ἀκοὴν ὠτίου ὑπ]ήκουσέ μοι· τὸν Ps 17(18):45 μ]ηδέπω ἐ γ̣ ε̣ 〚ν〛νηἄν]θ̣ρωπον ὅλον ἤδη ⸌ς⸍ ]ε̣το〚ο〛 περὶ τοῦ Ἰη(σοῦ) ⸌δι⸍ ]μεντοι ὅτι πλείους ]ν αὐτοῦ τῷ λόγῳ̣ ο [ἔ]πειτα ὑπακούσωσιν [το]ῖ ς̣ πρώτο̣ις αὐτὸς ει [μοι

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]ο̣ὓς̣ οὐδέπω ̣ τοιγάρ ⸌αλ-⸍ ]ς τούτους δ̣ ὲ 〚λα〛 ⸌ὅ]τ̣ι ̣⸍ 〚.〛 λόγον ἀκου]ε̣ν αὐτῷ‧ κε].το υἱοὶ ἀλPs 17(18):45-46 [λότριοι φη]σί υἱοὶ ἀλλό[τριοι ]ἐμέ υἱοὺς ἀλλο]το [τρίους ]η ἐψεύσαντο [ὠ]νομάζον οὐκέ⸌η⸍ ⸌α ί̣ α̣ ̣ ἐ ̣πεφών[ει]⸍ τι ]ι δι Ἡ σ̣ ̣ α〚〛 [ἐγγίζει μοι ὁ λαὸς οὗτος τ]οῖς ̣ χείλεσι Isa 29:13 [τιμῶσί με ἡ δὲ καρδία πόρ]ρω ἀπέσ[χεν ἀπ᾿ ἐμοῦ μάτην δὲ σέβο]νται 〚με̣ ς 〛̣ ]εν αὐτούς οὐ]κ εἰδέναι ει ]ς καὶ ὁ φ ̅ εἶπε ⸌]λος ⸌τ̣η⸍ 〚μέ]χ ρ̣ ις ̣ εμα 〛̣ ]δ̣ ὲ οὐκ εἰδέναι‧ ]ω̣ ς τὸ μ̣ άτην ]δου ]νως ]τ̣οις γρα]μ̣ εν εμει ] περὶ αυ γ]ε̣ινόμενα ] ἴσ̣ως διὰ τὸν ἔγρα]ψ̣ε̣ν δι Ἡσαί〚α〛 ]μεις ος τοῦ κατὰ 〚 ]τ̣ αὐτὸ〛 τὸ τὴν ]των πάλιν ⸌λογίων⸍ 〚γ̣ρά̣ ̣φων〛 κατὰ μο[ κοτες οἷον ὡς οτ[ εἰς χοῦν] Ps 21(22):16-23 με θανάτου κατή[γαγες ὅτι ἐκύκλωσάν] με̣ κύνες συναγ[ωγὴ πονηρευομένων]

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〚ν̣ω ̣ν〛 περιέσχον [με ὤρυξαν χεῖ-] ρας καὶ πόδας μ[ου αὐτοὶ δὲ κατε-] ⸌π⸍ νόησαν καὶ ἐ〚φ〛εῖ[δόν με διεμερίσοντo τὰ ἱ-] ⸌〚η〛⸍ μά̣ ̣τ̣ιά μου 〚ἑαυ[τοῖς 〚α ̣ . . . . . . . . ε . .〛 〚. . . 〛 〚. . . . . 〛 βοήθειάν [μου 〚εἰς τὴν ἀντίλημ-〛] 〚ψ̣ί ̣ν̣ μο̣ υ〛 πρόσχ[ες. ῥῦσαι ἀπὸ ῥομφαί-] ας ̣ τὴν ψυχήν μο̣[υ καὶ ἀπὸ κεράτων] μονοκερώτων [τὴν ταπείνωσίν μου] δ̣ι ̣ηγήσομαι τὸ ὄ̣[νομά σου τοῖς] ἀδ̣ε λ̣ φοῖς μου [ .[ ]. .[ ]. ε . .[ μ [̣ 1 line missing

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αυ[ ι ̅[ 〚φ̣[ π[ ε ̣πο̣ι [̣ τ̣[.]ι μει[ τα [̣ ε〚ισ[ 〚μ 〛̣ σι πε[ κ[ τω ̣ν̣ .[ πωτα .[ τοσηδ[ε μωρια ̣ν̣[

319

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τε κα[ τασ[ εκ[ __________ 3. l. εχθραινοντες. 10. The final σ of ετος is not crossed out. pap. ι̅η̅. 13. pap. ϋπακουσωσιν. 15. pap. ὁυς. 19. pap. ϋιοι. 21. pap. ϋιους. 24. pap. ησαϊα. 41. pap. ησαϊα. 43. Correction appears to have been intented to render the line τοῦτο κατὰ τήν. In this instance τοῦτο appears to be a replacement for αὐτό, which the scribe crossed out. την corrected from της.

Translation (ll. 1–40 omitting the quotation of Psalm 21[22]:16-23) my enemies . . . for no reason or that . . . who hate me . . . unjustly . . . then they say (correction) that my . . . (l. 5) but wherefore a people I did not know . . . were subject to me . . . at the ear’s hearing it obeyed me . . . not yet brought forth . . . already completely human . . . (l. 10) concerning Jesus . . . full . . . his word . . . then they hearken . . . the first . . . (l. 15) not therefore . . . this . . . hear the word . . . him . . . sons of strangers . . . (l. 20) he says to the sons of strangers . . . to me, to the sons of strangers . . . they lied . . . I call by name no longer . . . because Isaiah declares (l. 25) the people draw near to me, with the lips they honor me, but the heart is far from me, in vain they honor me . . . in them . . . does not know (l. 30) . . . and the Pharisee(?) says . . . even so . . . but does not know . . . the vain . . . appearing . . . (l. 40) equally, through the . . . Isaiah wrote . . . (missing lines) again. 1–2

The first two lines appear to preserve a quotation of Ps 3:8, the pertinent section of which reads, τοὺς ἐχθραίνοντάς μοι ματαίως (“they hated me without a cause”). 3–4 The author appears to be making reference to Ps 34(35):19 by drawing a parallel to those who have hated the righteous unjustly in the past. Both Ps 3:8 and Ps 34(35):19 provide language for the author’s defense of why he is hated unjustly. 5 The reconstruction αλλοτριοι is conjectured based on the correction at the end of the preceding line. 6 Grenfell and Hunt restored εδουλωσε 15 The conjectured relative pronoun is based on the rough breathing. 18 Grenfell and Hunt restored [ει]π̣ εν but the traces of ink seem to fit ]ε̣ν. The first visible letter extends below ν thus making ε an unlikely fit. 19–20 Grenfell and Hunt fill in the lacuna with [αλλοτριοι εψευσαντο], which may have encouraged the reading μοι. This reading appears improbable from the current condition of the papyrus. No traces of μ are evident and the first visible letter is open at the right suggesting a σ or an ε. 20 The reliance upon Ps 17(18):45-46 is unmistakable, although something must have been added to the verses as commentary. Ps 17(18) is similarly used in other Jewish invectives; see Gregory of Nyssa, Testimony adversus Judaeos PG 46.225.9–10. Cf. also Athanasius, Homily de passione et cruce domine PG 28.188.29. 24 The presence of the name Isaiah is not secure, but is restored partly on the basis of the quotation from Isa 29:13 appearing in the three lines following. The scribe apparently attempted to correct the ending of the name, perhaps as Grenfell and Hunt suggest from Ησαια to Ησαιου. The initial η of the name Isaiah appears closer to ν than η, and the

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diaeresis above the place where ι would have been written is clear. The supralinear correction was read by Grenfell and Hunt as α̣ ϊ̣α̣ πεφωνη̣ , which they conjectured could be read as η δι Ησαια πεφωνημενη, an otherwise unattested form. The singular form of the verb restored here would fit the subject (Isaiah) and the author’s intent of connecting his interlocutors with those denounced by the prophet. In Ptolemy’s Letter to Flora (40.13.1), Isa 29:13 is similarly introduced with the verb εκφωνεω, Τοῦτο δὲ Ἠσαΐας ἐξεφώνησεν εἰπών. 25–27 The expected reading would be ἐγγίζει μοι ὁ λαὸς οὗτος τοῖς χείλεσιν αὐτῶν τιμῶσίν με, ἡ δὲ καρδία αὐτῶν πόρρω ἀπέχει ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ, μάτην δὲ σέβονταί με (“Because these people draw near with their mouths and honor me with their lips, while their hearts are far from me, and their worship of me is vain” Isa 29:13), but this reading presents an unacceptably long line. Grenfell and Hunt favored the omission of αυτων in l. 25, a reading that is unattested elsewhere, but that is conjectured based on 1 Clem 15:2; Theodoret 1.1502. The absence of αὐτῶν may simply be the result of scribal omission. 27 The correction at the end of the line appears to be the result of the scribe continuing the quotation of Isaiah 29:13 through to με, but then for unknown reasons crossed out the pronoun. 31 The correction appears to be the result of a copying error. The first word in the line is quite legible [με]χρις, but the remainder of the line is obscured, the result of the scribe crossing out the final three letters. 32 Grenfell and Hunt restore λ̣ ε ουκ ειδεναι. 39 Grenfell and Hunt preferred [φ]αινομενα but the traces better fit γινομενα. 42 Could read ημεις or υμεις.

Date: III

87 P.Oxy. XV 1786 Christian Hymn 4.8 × 29.6 cm TM no. 64184; Van Haelst 0962

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XV (London, 1922), 21–25 (no. 1786). Related Literature: H. Albert, “Ein neuentdeckter frühchristlicher Hymnus mit antiken Musiknoten,” Zeitschrift für Musikwissenschaft 4 (1921/22): 524–29; U. von Wilamowitz-Möllendorff, Die griechische und lateinische Literatur und Sprache (3rd ed.; Leipzig, 1922); W. Crönert, “Review of P.Oxy. 15, 1922,” Literarisches Zentralblatt 73 (1922): 398–400, 424–27; T. Reinach, “Un ancêtre de la Musique d’Église,” La Revue Musicale 3 (1922): 8–25; C. Del Grande, “Inno Cristiano antico,” Revista Indo-Greca Italica di Filologia, Lingua, Antichità 7 (1923): 11–17; R. Wagner, “Der Oxyrhynchos-Notenpapyrus,” Phil. 79 (1924): 201–22; H. Albert, “Das älteste Denkmal der christlichen Kirchenmusik,” Die Antike 2 (1926): 282–90; J. F. Mountford, “Greek Music in the Papyri and Inscriptions,” in New Chapters in the History of Greek Literature, ed. J.  U. Powell and

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E. A. Barber (Oxford, 1929), 146–83; J. Leclercq, “Papyrus,” DACL 13.1 (1937): 1370–1519; G. B. Pighi, “Ricerche sulla Notazione Ritmica Greca: L’Inno cristiano del POxy 1786,” Aeg 21 (1941): 189–220; E. J. Wellesz, “The Earliest Example of Christian Hymnody,” CQ 39 (1945): 34–45; K. Münscher, “Zum christlichen Dreifaltigkeitshymnus aus Oxyrhynchos,” Phil 80 (1952): 209–13; A. Dihle, “Die Anfänge der griechischen akzentuierenden Verskunst,” Hermes 82 (1954): 181–99; R. P. Winnington-Ingrams, “Fragments of Unknown Greek Tragic Texts with Musical Notation (P.Osl.  inv. 1413),” SO 31 (1955): 1–87; E. Pöhlmann, Griechische Musikfragmente: Ein Weg zur altgriechischen Musik (Nuremberg, 1960); E. Jammers, Musik in Byzanz, im päpstlichen Rom und im Frankenreich (Heidelberg, 1962); E. Pöhlmann, Denkmäler altgriechischer Musik: Sammlung, Übertragung und Erläuterung aller Fragmente und Fälschungen (Nuremberg, 1970); T. Wolbergs, Psalmen und Hymnen der Gnosis und des frühen Christentums (Meisenheim am Glan, 1971); A.  W.  J. Holleman, “The Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1786 and the Relationship between Ancient Greek and Early Christian Music,” VC 26 (1972): 1–17; C. Hannick, “Christian Church, Music of the Early (§5 Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1786),” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. S. Sadie (London, 1980), 4:363–71; P. Jeffrey, “An Early Cantatorium Fragment Related to MS Laon 239,” Scriptorium 36 (1982): 245–52; J. Quasten, Music and Worship in Pagan and Christian Antiquity (trans. B. Ramsey; Washington, D.C., 1983); J. McKinnon, Music in Early Christian Literature (Cambridge, 1987); M. West, “Analecta Musica,” ZPE 92 (1992): 1–54; M. West, Ancient Greek Music (Oxford, 1992); R. L. Crocker, An Introduction to Gregorian Chant (New Haven, 2000); E. Pöhlmann and M. L. West (eds.), Documents of Ancient Greek Music: The Extant Melodies and Fragments (Oxford, 2001); J. McKinnon, “Christian Church, Music of the Early,” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. S. Sadie (London, 2001), 5:795–807; S. Meier, Psalmen, Lobgesänge und geistliche Lieder: Studien zur musikalischen Exegese und biblischen Grundlegung evangelischer Kirchenmusik (Frankfurt, 2004); C. H. Cosgrove and M. C. Meyer, “Melody and Word Accent Relationships in Ancient Greek Musical Documents: The Pitch Height Rule,” JHS 126 (2006): 66–81; C. H. Cosgrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn with Musical Notation: Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1786; Text and Commentary (Tübingen, 2011). Introduction The publication of P.Oxy. XV 1786 has generated a significant amount of interest from scholars of early Christianity, musicology, and ancient Greek music, and this short introduction cannot hope to offer a sufficient summary of the

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excellent studies already in print on this particular papyrus. C. H. Cosgrove’s recent study of the papyrus is exceptional and thorough. The papyrus will continue to garner such focused attention because it represents the oldest fragment of a Christian hymn where the musical notations have been preserved. The hymn itself is preserved on the reverse side of a documentary text that represents an account of grain deliveries. The writing of the hymn is written along the fibers but at a right angle to the text of the reverse. This was done so that both texts were written along the fibers of the papyrus. Because the writing of the musical notation is significantly different from the handwriting of the text of the hymn, it has become a point of discussion as to whether the scribe who wrote the hymn also wrote the musical notations. Indeed, with no comparanda it will remain difficult to settle the issue of whether the musical notations and the text of the hymn were written by the same person. Cosgrove notes that the hymn reflects traditional Christian modes of expression that also incorporate language from the Greek intellectual tradition.84 Notable for those studying the hymn for its Christian material is the Trinitarian formulation “Father, and Son, and Holy Spirit.” This Trinitarian formula is given in the context of a call for divine silence and for the λόγιμοι of God, or the “noteworthy” of God, to praise or sing to the “sole giver of all good things.” The concept that nature should pause and be silent is reminiscent of Greek hymns and has been noted by several scholars who have studied the hymn. As a remnant of early Christian liturgy, the hymn probably has as its purpose the joining together in praise of the Christian community along with nature and perhaps even the angels. The papyrus has been dated to the period after the first half of the third century because of the grain account on the reverse (dated in the ed. pr. to approximately 250). Therefore, the reuse of the papyrus to record the hymn would have likely taken place in the last decades of the third century and provides a rather solid reference for dating the papyrus. In the late third century, the use of the Trinitarian formula and the double “amen” are noteworthy.

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] ὁμοῦ πᾶσαι τε̣ θεο̣ῦ λόγιμοι δ̣ε̣ . . . ι̣ . . . . [. . .] [ο]ὐ τὰν ἠῶ σιγάτω. μηδ᾽ ἄστρα φαεσφόρα χ [̣ . .]δ̣ε -̣ [σ]θ̣ων, [ἐκ]λ ε̣ ι ̣π [̣ όντων] ῥ̣[ιπαὶ πνοιῶν, πηγαὶ] π̣οταμῶν ῥοθίων πᾶσαι. ὑμνούντων δ᾽ ἡμῶν [π]α ̣τέρα χ᾽ υἰὸν χ ἅγιον πν̣εῦ̣ μα πᾶσ̣αι δυνάμεις ἐπιφωνούντων ἀμὴν ἀμήν, κράτος αἶνος [ἀεὶ καὶ δόξα θεῷ] δ̣[ωτ]ῆ[ρι] μ̣ό ̣ν̣ω [̣ ι] πά[ν]τ̣ων ἀγαθῶν ἀμὴν ἀμήν. __________ 2. pap. μηδ’. 3. pap. δ’. 4. pap. χ᾽.

Cosgrove, Ancient Christian Hymn, 62.

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Translation . . . together all the notable of God (sing.?). . . . or the day(?), let it be silent. Let the luminous stars not . . . [Let the winds(?) and] all the flowing rivers [be silent], while we sing, Father and Son and Holy Spirit, let all the powers respond, “Amen, amen.” Strength and praise (l. 5) [and glory forever to God], the sole giver of all good things, “Amen, amen.” 1

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An estimated 31 letters are missing with room for roughly 5 lexical spaces above the line. E. Pöhlmann suggested that the opening line should be restored Σὲ πάτερ κόσμων, πάτερ αἰώνων, μέλπωμεν based on a conjectured parallel to Clement of Alexandria, Paed. 59; Synesius, Hymn. 1.266–67. Cosgrove has noted, however, that while the suggested restoration does meet the requirements of missing letters and lexical spaces, the phrase did not appear in either the hymns of Clement or Synesius. The most attractive suggestion is that offered by M. West for the restoration of the end of the line following δε. West proposed δεσπότιδες referring to “queens.” This suggestion would fit the traces of ink, but must remain a conjecture with merit. The lacunae at the end of the line have been variously restored: α̣ . [. . .] . [. .]α̣ ρ̣ (B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt) and δ̣ ε[̣ .].[.]α̣ ι[̣ ]. . . ν̣ (West). The beginning of this line is somewhat confused, and it may be that the hymnist is intentionally invoking obscure or non-standard language to speak of common ideas. To make sense of the line, one must suppose that the Doric form of the definite article was used (τάν) instead of the usual τήν. Additionally, ἠῶ would then be read as the atypical word for day (ἀώς), a reading that is based on the parallel to Synesius (see n. 1 above). Cosgrove offers two alternatives for restoring the end of the line, both of which face obstacles. χλαδέσθων, “ring out” and κελαδέσθων, “sound” as in making sound, both face the challenge that they are either unattested during the time period in question or rely on the conjecture of a scribal error (κ for χ in κελαδέσθων). At least two significant conjectures have been made regarding the restoration of the beginnings of these lines. G. B. Pighi offered [ὅσα κόσμος ἔχει πρὸς ἐπουρανίων ἁγίῳ σελάων πρ]υτανήῳ σιγάτω “as expansive earth has a holy deposit of celestial light, let it be silent,” while T. Reinach restored it with [οὐ τὰν δείλαν ο]ὐ τὰν ἠῶ “not the evening or the day.” Pöhlmann and West conjectured that the lacuna contained the words οὐ νύκτα, but did not offer a restoration of all the missing letters. West restored the ending of the line as χ̣[. .]δε or ζε. Reinach [χ᾽ ὑψηλῶν ὀρέων κορυφαὶ μηδ᾽ ὠκεανός καὶ τῶν] ποταμῶν ῥοθίων πασαί “of the haughty seeing, nor the sources of ocean and all the flowing rivers.” Pöhlmann [ἀπ]ο̣λ̣ει̣ [̣ πόντω]ν̣ ῥ̣[ιπαὶ πνοιῶν, πηγαὶ] ποταμῶν πᾶσαι “let it remain the winds and all rivers.” Pighi [ἀπο]λ̣ ει̣ [̣ πόντω]ν̣ ῥ̣[αδιναὶ προχοαὶ] π̣ οταμῶν ῥοθίων πᾶσαι “let it remain the slender fountains and all flowing rivers.” Pöhlmann and West [ἐκ]λ̣ ει̣π̣[όντων] ῥ̣[ιπαὶ πνοιῶν, πηγαὶ] π̣ οταμῶν ῥοθίων πᾶσαι “let it remain the winds and all flowing rivers.” Grenfell and Hunt [νῦν κ’ εἰς αἰῶνας or δόξαν νῦν κἀεὶ δίδομεν δ̣ [ωτ]ῆ[ρι] “now and forever” or “glory, now and always we give to the giver.” Reinach [δόξ´ εἰς αἰεὶ βασιλῆι θεῷ] δ̣ [ωτ]ῆ[ρι] “glory forever to God the King, giver.” Wagner [νῦν κ᾽ εἰς αἰῶνας ἀμήν ἀμὴν] δ̣ [ωτ]ῆ[ρι] “now and forever, amen, amen.” Pighi [ἀεὶ καὶ δόζα θεῷ] δ̣ [ωτ]ῆ[ρι] “always and the glory to God, giver.”

Other Christian Literary Texts [88]

Date: III/IV

88 P.Oxy. III 407 Christian Prayer 14.5 × 15.7 cm TM no. 64310; Van Haelst 0952

325

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri III (London, 1903), 12–13 (no. 407). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 1:195; F. Pedretti, “Papiri cristiani liturgici I,” Aeg 36 (1956): 247–53; O. Montevecchi, “Nomen Christianum,” in Bibbia e papiri: Luce dai papiri sulla Bibbia greca (Barcelona, 1999), 155– 72; D. T. Barker, “The Reuse of Christian Texts: P.Macquarie inv. 360 + P.Mil.Vogl. inv. 1224 (𝔓91) and P.Oxy. X 1229 (𝔓23),” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T.  J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2010), 138–40; T. S. de Bruyn and J. H. F. Dijkstra, “A Checklist of Papyri, Parchments, Ostraka, and Tablets,” BASP 48 (2011): 212–13 (no. 173). Introduction The reverse of this small papyrus was at some point in its history reused as a receipt of some sort, although unfortunately there is no designation of the year or place of origin. The large number (2,136) of what are probably drachmae or measures of wheat are not extraordinary. What appear to be liquid measures are noted in the second line of the documentary text, and F. Pedretti has argued that the text reports an offering of oil.85 Below the title on the reverse there is the title, “a prayer” (προσευχή). The papyrus was small enough to be folded and carried around with perhaps only the title showing. Thus, this prayer may have been an individual expression of faith that was intentionally portable and easily accessible to the individual who owned it. According to the assessment of B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, the handwriting of the papyrus is “rather elongated and ornate, though not very regular.”86 The language of the prayer is distinctively Christian, but little more can be said regarding whether the prayer has any peculiar theological origins. Notably, the papyrus does not employ the nomina sacra when it could otherwise have done so. Barker has disputed the large measure in l. 9 as indicative of an oil offering, but the number in l. 9 need not refer to the measures of l. 10. 86 P.Oxy. III p. 12. 85

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ὁ θεὸς ὁ παντ[ο]κράτωρ ὁ ποιήσας τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὴν θάλατταν καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς βοήθησόν μοι ἐλέησόν με 〚εξ〛 ἐξάλιψόν μου τὰς ἁμαρτίας σῶσόν με ἐν τῷ νῦν καὶ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι αἰῶνι διὰ τοῦ κυρίου κα[ὶ] σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ δι’ οὗ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνω[ν] ἀμήν προσευχή (δραχμαι) ᾽Βρλϛ χωρ( ) λι(τρ ) ε (ἥμισυ?). __________ 5. pap. ϊησου. 6. pap. χρειστου.

Translation O God, Almighty, who made the heaven and the earth and the sea and all that is in them, help me, have mercy on me, cleanse me of my sins, save me here and now and in the coming (l. 5) age through our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ through whom is the glory and power forever and ever. Amen. (l. 8) Prayer 1

1–2 3 5–7

6 9–10

The phrase ὁ θεὸς ὁ παντοκράτωρ is relatively well known from the NT (Rev 4:8; 11:17; 15:3; 16:7; 21:22) and the OT (Hos 12:6; Amos 3:13; 4:13; 5:8, 14-15; etc.). It is also attested in Apoc. Baruch 1:3, Eusebius, Dem. ev. 4.16.30; Hist. eccl. 10.5.24, Epiphanius, Pan. 2.55.6; 2.88.26; 2.233.19; 2.449.8; 2.475.18. ο ποιησας . . . εν αυτοις Acts 4.24; ο ποιησας τον ουρανον Acts of Paul (Bodmer X codex page 53.7); 24.4; Odes of Solomon (12.2); Isa 42:5; 45:18, etc. Ps 108(109):26 seems to convey a similar sentiment, “help me, my Lord God, save me according to your mercy.” Athanasius, Ep. virg. 25.10–11 διὰ τοῦ κυρίου καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ᾧ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν (“through our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ, the glory forever and ever, amen”). Cyril of Alexandria, Comm. on Isaiah PG 70.580.50 διὰ τοῦ κυρίου καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (“through our Lord and Savior, Jesus Christ”). For a discussion of the spelling Χρειστου versus Χριστου, see W. Shandruck, “The Interchange of ι and η in Spelling χριστ- in Documentary Papyri,” BASP 47 (2010): 205–19. The measurements are unclear and the number (2,136) suggests that δραχμαί οught to be restored. λι( could signify λίτραι, a liquid measure preceded by some measure of land? [χωρ(ίς)]. See R. S. Bagnall, “Practical Help,” in R. S. Bagnall (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (Oxford, 2009), 179–96 for information on liquid and land measurements in Egypt.

Other Christian Literary Texts [89]

Date: III/IV

89 P.Oxy. I 4 Theological Treatise 12.7 × 7.2 cm, Frag. a TM no. 64286; Van Haelst 1070

327

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri I (London, 1898), 7–8 (no. 4). Related Literature: A. von Harnack, “Über zwei von Grenfell und Hunt entdeckte und publicirte altchristliche Fragmente,” SPAW (1898): 516–20; C. Römer, “Manichaeism and Gnosticism in the Papyri,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 631. Introduction The introduction to this papyrus by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt is quite brief and mentions only their assessment that the text is probably “Gnostic in character” and that it should be dated to the end of the fourth century, a date that is derived from the few lines of cursive on the reverse of the papyrus.87 The fragmentary text on the reverse side of the papyrus is in a documentary hand, the text of which cannot be recovered. In the same year that the fragment was published, A. von Harnack weighed in on its identification and suggested that it belonged to the school of Valentinus, perhaps as a result of Clement’s discussion of Valentinian ideas of the soul in Strom. 4.13. The gnostic character of the treatise is not at all secure and hinges on the idea that the text mentions an “upper” and “lower” soul in a positive way. The scribe employed a midpoint stop (ll. 9, 15, 23, 25), and there is one instance of the use of diaeresis over an initial ι. Because the text is so fragmentary, it is difficult to translate with anything approaching confidence, and bits and pieces of partial words offer tantalizing clues. frag. 1

↓

5

87

]ν ]κω [. . λ]αβειν[. . . . .]ετι τα τοῦ πονηροῦ οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἦν ὁ θάνατος τῷ θ(ε)ῷ ἢ ζημία ὅπερ ἀδύνατον ταῦτα παρὰ τῇ κατώτερα ψυχῇ φλύ[α-] ρα καλεῖται· ἡ δὲ ἀν[ώ-]

P.Oxy. I p. 7.

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328

10

15

20

25

τερα ψυχὴ τὰ ἴδια γι[-] νώσκει ὁ ἀδικῶν κα[ὶ] ὁ μὴ ἀδικῶ[ν] ἐν τῇ φ[υ-] λακῇ ἴσοι εἰσ[ὶν] κα[ὶ] τη κρ[ ες· υ[ α ψυχη[ εὐψυχ[ πονηρ[ ἄλλος π[ νεμε[ [. .]ατα[ εν . ρυ[ τα· εστ[ι ψυχῆς τ[ α[.]· παρα[ ν[.]μ̣ βα .[ πα[. .] . .[ τη[ τα[ __________ 8. pap. φλοι[. 10. pap. ϊδια γε[.

frag. 2 ↓ ]μερ . [ ] αγαθο̣ [ ]ρ̣ος ἀγα[θὸ]ς ]τιν 5 ]κ ε̣ ι καὶ frag. 3

↓

5

]υ[ ]ηδ[ ]την[ ]σιν[ ]ρ̣ητο̣[ ]δεπ [̣

Translation . . . of punishment not at all, for God death as a loss is not able to be considered foolishness by the lower soul. The upper soul knows these things, that the unrighteous and the righteous are equally in prison [for judgment?]. . . .

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7–8

The reference to a lower soul is not attested elsewhere in Greek literature in precisely the same way that it appears here. A search of the TLG demonstrates that the language of an upper soul (ἄνω) is frequent and not peculiarly Gnostic, even though Grenfell and Hunt felt that the coupling of the upper soul and lower soul was distinctively Gnostic in character. The idea of the “lower parts of the body” (τὰ κατώτερα μέρη τοῦ σώματος) is attested elsewhere (Theophilus, De corpore 4.9.6; Eph 4:9; Eusebius, Ecl. proph. 90.13; 101.26; Comm. Ps. PG 23.612.30; Origen, Comm. Jo. PG 19.20.137; PG 19.21.141). Epiphanius connects the idea of the lower soul to the followers of Mani (Pan. 4.31.6–7). 8 The reading of the end of the line is in doubt. The beginning of the word φλοι[ is quite clear and the beginning of l. 9 leads to the conclusion that the word carried over to the next line and thus φλοι[ . . ]ρα. The solution of Grenfell and Hunt is the most reasonable that the scribe intended φλύαρα. The reconstruction of this word is pivotal for the identification of the fragment, since it conveys some idea of the tone of the work. 12–13 For the phrase ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ, see Matt 14:10; Mark 6:27; Luke 23:19; Acts 5:22, 25. For μὴ ἀδικῶν, see Dio Chrysostom, Tyr. 25.2. 14 The line probably referred to “judgment” (κριτής) in connection with being imprisoned, although the definite article does not appear to confirm this as one would expect τῷ κριτῇ. 15–16 Perhaps κατωτερα “lower” or ανωτερα ψυχη “upper soul,” although other reconstructions are possible.

Date: III/IV

90 P.Oxy. XXXVI 2745 Onomasticon of Hebrew Names 16.7 × 16.0 cm TM no. 62339; Van Halest 1158

Material: Papyrus

Published: D. Rokeah, “A New Onomasticon Fragment from Oxyrhynchus and Philo’s Etymologies,” JTS 19 (1968): 70–82; R. A. Coles et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXVI (London, 1970), 1–6 (no. 2745). Related Literature: R. Cribiore, Writing, Teachers, and Students in GraecoRoman Egypt (American Studies in Papyrology 36; Atlanta, 1996), 43; J. Bingen, “L’exercice scolaire PUG II 53,” ChrEg 113 (1982): 107–10. Introduction The importance of P.Oxy. XXXVI 2745 for the study of the development of early Christian thought is largely limited to the questions of whether or not the list of names ought to be attributed to Origen; ancillary to that discussion is whether or not the presence of a nomen sacrum θ(εο)ῦ is sufficient to identify the text as Christian. Specifically, this papyrus preserves three columns of writing, with the first column presenting a Hebrew name that is then defined in the second column. The third column of text likewise presents a list of Hebrew names, but the fourth column that would explain the names of the third column has been broken off. The names appear orthographically

330

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

in the same form as they do in the Septuagint, a fact that is demonstrated by the shared spelling of names in the list that appear in the same form as they do in LXX Genesis and Chronicles. The author seems to have relied on the order of names as they appear in the Bible (cf. Gen 46:10) rather than on an alphabetical list. The names are not associated with Hebrew names present in the New Testament, and thus the Christian use of this list is not particularly straightforward. That the Hebrew names are copied in the order in which they appear in the Hebrew Bible helps explain the duplication of a name (Joab) in columns 1 and 3. In the publication of the ed. pr., D. Rokeah noted two other onomastica that demonstrated similarities to P.Oxy. XXXVI 2745 (Hieronymus’ Onomasticum = Liber interpretationis Hebraicorum nominum, vol. 72 of the CCSL, 1959, and the Onomasticum Coislinianum, Onomastica Vaticana, Glossae Colbertinae, ed. P. de Lagarde, Onomastica Sacra I, 1870). The connection of this papyrus to the writings of Origen hinge on the statement of Jerome (CCSL 72.59–60) that Origen was working on an onomasticon of Hebrew names. The relevant portion of Jerome’s statement reads, “laboravit ut, quod Philo quasi Iudaeus omiserat, hic [Origenes] ut Christianus impleret.” The passage should be translated as follows: “He [Origen] labored in this, since Philo—because he was a Jew—had omitted it, he [Origen], because he was a Christian, filled it in.” The challenge with interpreting the statement to mean that Origen created an onomasticon of Hebrew names similar to that of P.Oxy. XXXVI 2745 is that the statement of Jerome clarifies that Origen’s efforts were corrective and that he added to or expanded the work of Philo because he (Origen) was a Christian. If Jerome’s intent is understood correctly, then one would expect to find in the work of Origen an onomasticon that met the supposed deficiencies of Philo’s (Nom. hebr. 2.1 [ed. Lagarde]; Rufinus, Apologia Hier. 2.19.6). This corrective effort may have resulted in a work similar to the papyrus under consideration, and the third- or fourth-century dating of the fragment would be in line with this interpretation. This conjecture, however, is the only substantive connection with the writings of Origen, and it is far from certain that Origen’s work would have followed the type of linear progression associated with Genesis 46:10 that this papyrus demonstrates. In the fifth line of the second column, the scribe has contracted the name of God. The issue is that there are absolutely no other indicators to suggest a Christian provenance or Christian usage of this papyrus. The question comes down to whether or not a text can be identified as uniquely Christian through the presence of nomina sacra.88 In fact, D. Rokeah’s study of the fragment was criticized by E. Turner for failing to note that the presence of θ(εο)ῦ was 88 S. Brown, “Concerning the Origin of the Nomina Sacra,” SPap 9 (1970): 7–19; M. Choat and A. M. Nobbs, “Monotheistic Formulae of Belief in Greek Letters on Papyrus from the Second to the Fourth Century,” JGRChJ 2 (2001–2005): 36–51.

Other Christian Literary Texts [90]

331

sufficient to designate the papyrus as Christian.89 The presence of nomina sacra as an absolute designation that a manuscript was copied by or used by Christians is noted recently with some force by L. Hurtado.90 A challenge to this thinking has emerged as E. Tov has identified the usage of the nomina sacra in several texts of Jewish origin from the same time period as P.Oxy. XXXVI 2745.91 Despite these objections, it still seems reasonable to conclude that this papyrus is of Christian origin, and indeed the contraction of θ(εο)ῦ strongly suggests that the text was copied by a Christian, but the connection to Origen is rather tenuous, and the usage of such lists among Christian communities is not broadly attested.

↓

5

10

15

20

col. i [ Ιεβ̣[ Ιαβεις Ιεμουηλ Ιαμειν Ισσααρων Ιθαμαρ Ιεμαρεμ Ιωηλ Ιωαβ Ιωναδαβ Ιωχαζ Ιωφαλες Ιεθερ Ιααλ Ιωιαδε [Ιω]αμων Ιω ̣ ζ̣ α̣ χα [̣ ρ] Ι[ελιε(?)]ζερ̣ Ι[ωσαβ]εε

col. ii β̣[ κω [̣ παρ̣[ ]μα̣ ξη[ρ]ασμὸς ἢ αἰσχύ[νη] ἡμέραι αὐτοῦ θ(εο)ῦ δεξιός ἠλαιώμενος συντελεσσα πικρία̣ [ς] οἰκτιρμός ἀπαρχόμενος Ιαω ἰσχύς Ιαω ἑκουσιότης Ια̣ ω κατάσχε̣σ̣ις Ιαω διδάσκαλ̣ ος ἐρισσός ανανεναυσμενος Ιαω γνῶσ̣ι ς̣ πίστις Ιαω μνήμη Ιαω βοθια ̣ Ιαω πλησμονὴ ἢ Ιαω ̣ ἕβδ̣ομον

col. iii ] ]σ̣ις [. . . .]ι ο̣ υ̣ ̣ Ιω ̣ σ̣ [̣ εδ]εκ ̣ Ιαχειμ Ιεσσαι Ιωαβ̣ Ιερειωθ Ιαμειν Ιδα Ιεσεσι[ Ιαεκ[ Ι.υ[ Ιε̣ κεμ[ια] Ιερκ .[ Ιερκα [̣ αν] Ιωση[ Ιωσηρ[ Ιε ̣φθου̣[ Ιαβη[ Ιεβαα [̣ λ] Ιανω[ Ιελιφ[

P.Oxy. XXXVI pp. 2–3. L. W. Hurtado, “The Origin of the Nomina Sacra: A Proposal,” JBL 117 (1998): 662. 91 E. Tov, Scribal Practices and Approaches Reflected in the Texts Found in the Judean Desert (Leiden, 2004), 303–10. 89 90

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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Translation

(l. 5)

(l. 10)

(l. 15)

(l. 20)

1 4 7 8 11 16 20 21

Jeb[ Jabeis, dry or disgraced, Josedek Jemuel, days of God, Jachim Jamin, worthy, Jesse Issaron, anointed, Joab Ithamar, end of bitterness, Jerioth Jemarem, merciful, Jamin Joel, beginning, Ida Joab, God is strength, Jesesi Jonadab, God is willing, Jaek Jochaz, God is restraint, J[ Jofales, God is a teacher, Jekem[ia] Jether, extraordinary, Jerch[ Jaal, (?), Jerchaan Joade, God is knowledge, Jose[ Joamon, faith, Joser Jozachar, God is remembrance, Jephthou[ Eliezer (?), God is help, Jabe[ Josabe, God is satiety or God is seventh, Jebaal, (vac.) Jano[, Jeliph[ The ed. pr. offers an extensive discussion of each of the Hebrew names as well as marshalling the existing onomastic parallels both in Latin and rabbinic sources. That information is not repeated here in the notes. ξηρασμος is rarely attested, and derives from ζηραίνω “to become dry,” cf. Aelius Promotus, Περὶ τῶν ἰοβόλων θηρίων καὶ δηλητηρίων φαρμάκων 72.7. The definition of Ιαβεις indicates being “dry or disgraced.” l. ἐλαιώμενος “being oiled” or “anointed with oil.” l.  συντέλεια “completion.” The interpretation should probably be corrected and restored to read συντέλεια πικρίας “end of bitterness.” Ιαω here and elsewhere is understood as an abbreviation of the tetragrammaton, YHWH. The form ανανεναυσμενος does not occur, but appears to be a perfect passive participle from ἀνανάω, a non-attested verb. l. βοήθεια and therefore Ιελιεζερ is interpreted to mean “God is help.” Ιωσαβεε is interpreted to mean “Ιαω is satiety or Ιαω is seventh.” The latter is in reference to the seventh day, or the day of rest.

91 P.Oxy. I 5 Christian Text with Quotation of Hermes, Mandates 12.0 × 11.4 cm TM no. 61461; Van Haelst 0682 Date: III/IV Material: Papyrus

Other Christian Literary Texts [91]

333

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri I (London, 1898), 8–9 (no. 5). Related Literature: A. von Harnack, “Über zwei von Grenfell und Hunt entdeckte und publicirte altchristliche Fragmente,” SPAW (1898): 516–20; E. G. Turner, The Typology of the Early Codex (Philadelphia, 1977), 131, no. 528; H. Paulsen, “Papyrus Oxyrhynchus I. 5 und die Diadochê tôn Prophêtôn,” NTS 25 (1979): 443–53. Introduction This small papyrus fragment originates from a third- or fourth-century codex that contained a Christian text that quoted a few lines of the Mandates from the Shepherd of Hermas. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt in the ed. pr. offered a very brief introduction and described the handwriting as a “good-sized informal uncial hand.”92 As was typical of their early editions, they offered no paleographic comparanda. The papyri published in volume 1 were found during their first year of excavation, and so it is assumed that many of the papyri were found at approximately the same level as the other papyri from the first year of excavations and therefore derive from roughly the same time period. The papyrus initially generated some interest by A. von Harnack, who thought it was written at the end of the second century and possibly by Melito of Sardis (d. ca. 180).93 Almost a century later, H. Paulsen rightly questioned this association with Melito of Sardis as well as Harnack’s other major contention that the papyrus represents a text originating from disputes with Montanists.94 Paulsen’s study is more cautious in its approach and raises the question of whether or not a study of the reception history of the Shepherd would shed further light on understanding the origins of this papyrus. Without question, the legible portion of the papyrus treats the subject of Christian prophets. The vocabulary associated with the prophetic art is telling: τὸ σωμάτειον (“the group”) and τῆς προφητικῆς τάξεως (“of the prophetic order”). This vocabulary is very suggestive of a regulated prophetic order and is reminiscent of Didache 11 although the two texts do not preserve any significant verbal overlaps. Interestingly, in the quotation of the Shepherd, the phrase εἰς τὸ πλῆθος (“to the multitude”) is omitted, perhaps because the author intentionally wanted to obscure a distinct connection to a physical community and wanted rather to establish more broadly the parameters of the prophetic order. This language of prophecy and prophets is also closely connected to the phrase ὃ ἔστιν τὸ σῶμα τῆς σαρκὸς Ἰ(ησο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ τὸ μιγὲν τῇ ἀνθρωπότητι διὰ Μαρίας (“which is the body of the flesh of Jesus Christ, which was mingled P.Oxy. I p. 8. Von Harnack, “Über zwei von Grenfell und Hunt,” 516–20. 94 Paulsen, “Papyrus Oxyrhynchus I. 5,” 443–53. 92 93

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with human nature through Mary”). That the author would compare the prophetic art to the physical body of Christ that was mingled with human nature seems to expand the context of this discourse to include a renunciation of marginal beliefs associated with rejection of Jesus’ corporality.

→ 5

10

15

↓

20

25

30

τιν . . [ ὁ ἄγελ-] Mand. 11.9 (43.9) λος τοῦ πν(εύματο)ς τοῦ προφητ[ι-] κοῦ ὁ κείμενος ἐπ’ αὐτῷ π̣ [ . . ] . [ ] . ν, καὶ πλησθεὶς ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐκεῖνος τῷ πν(εύματ)ι τῷ ἁγίῳ λαλεῖ καθὼς ὁ κ(ύριο)ς βούλεται, οὕτως φανερὸν ἔστε τὸ 11.10 (43.10) πν(εῦμ)α τῆς θεότητος. τὸ γὰρ προφητικὸν πν(εῦμ)α τὸ σωμάτειόν ἐστιν τῆς προφητικῆς τάξεως, ὃ ἔστιν τὸ σῶμα τῆς σαρκὸς Ἰ(ησο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ τὸ μιγὲν τῇ ἀνθρωπότητι διὰ Μαρίας. ὅτι δὲ δοξῇ δ̣εκ ̣τικόν ἐστιν ] κ[ ]ν π(νευμ)[ . . . .] . ν̣[ ε ̣πε[ εα ̣ν̣[ . . . . . ]ω[ κα[ . . . . . . ]τε[ λικο[ . . . .] Δαυ̣ [̣ (ίδ] εμετ .[. . . .]με [ μασ[. . . . .]ει .[ τισθ .[. . . . .]ολ [ οὔτε . . . .[.]ου [ καλύψε [̣ ι] σοι[. . . . .]. ε ̣ τ]οῦ ἀνθ[ρώ]πο[υ π ̣ οὐρανίοις μ[ ὁ Δαυὶδ ἐν πν(εύματ)ι [. . . . .]ι[ κ(ύριο)ν αὐτὸν εἰς . [ __________ 7. pap. βουλετε. 8. l. εσται. 9. pap. θειοτητος. 16. pap. δοχη

Translation . . . [the] angel of the prophetic spirit which is appointed to him fills the man, and (l. 5) being filled with the Holy Spirit, that man speaks, just as the Lord

Other Christian Literary Texts [92]

335

wills. In this way the Spirit of the deity will be obvious. For the (l. 10) spirit of prophecy is the foundation of the prophetic order, which is the body of the flesh of Jesus Christ, which was mingled with human nature (l. 15) through Mary. Τhat the glory is acceptable. . . . 1 3 4 6–7 8 9

The quotation of the Shepherd begins with αγγελος. Other witnesses of the Shepherd read προς αυτον in place of επ’ αυτω. The line should probably be restored π[λη]ρ̣[οι τον ανθρωπ]ο̣ν. Following λαλει, the other witnesses add εις το πληθος. Other witnesses read ουν φανερον. The quotation of the Shepherd ends with θεοτητος.

Date: Late III/IV

92 P.Oxy. LXXVI 5073 Amulet Containing Mark 1:1 25.2 × 4.5 cm TM no. 140277

Material: Papyrus

Published: D. Colomo and J. Chapa (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXVI (London, 2011), 19–23 (no. 5073). Related Literature: T. S. de Bruyn and J. H. F. Dijkstra, “A Checklist of Papyri, Parchments, Ostraka, and Tablets,” BASP 48 (2011): 163–216. Introduction This small amulet preserves four lines containing the incipit of the Gospel of Mark that are introduced by a commendation to “Know well the beginning of the gospel.” The amulet is written against the fibers, suggesting that it is a reused papyrus although there is no writing on the reverse. The editors of the papyrus note that the strip containing these lines visibly narrows from left to right, thus lending the impression that these lines were written on a scrap of papyrus without much concern regarding the quality and appearance of the amulet. The amulet was rolled and worn around the neck as suggested by the fact there are no fold marks on the papyrus. Typically these amulets contain the Lord’s Prayer, verses from the Psalms, or the opening verses of the four gospels (cf. PSI VI 719 containing the incipit of Matthew, Mark, Luke, John, as well as the Pater Noster). The editors of the papyrus were inclined to see these verses as lending themselves to usage as an amulet because of the potential magical interpretation associated with ἰδοὺ ἀποστέλλω τὸν ἄγγελόν μου (“behold I send my angel”). The owner of the papyrus may indeed have been inclined to have these verses written because of his/her interest in the protection Jesus could offer and that God could send in the form of angels. Additionally, there is a confessional declaration: Ἰησοῦ τοῦ Χριστοῦ (see n. 1).

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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The papyrus is interesting also for its witness to the Gospel of Mark’s opening verse. The papyrus reads ὡς with Α D and the Byzantine text where other witnesses read καθώς. The papyrus also agrees with D and Θ in reading ἐν Ἠσαϊᾳ προφήτῃ (“in the prophet Isaiah”) where other witnesses include the definite article before προφήτῃ. In a single verse, two convergences with the D text are noteworthy.

↓ 5

ἀνάγνωθι τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ εὐαγγελίου καὶ ἴδε. Ἀρχὴ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου Ἰη(σο)ῦ τοῦ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ. ὡς γέγραπται ἐν Ἠσαϊᾳ τῷ προφήτῃ· ἰδοὺ ἀποστέλλω τὸν ἄγγελόν μου πρὸ προσώπου σου, ὃς κατασκευάσει

Mark 1:1

__________ 1. pap. αγαγνωτι. pap. ευαγ’γελιου. pap. ϊδε. 2. pap. ευαγ’γελιου. 3. pap. ησαϊα. 4. pap. αποστελω. pap. αγ’γελον.

Translation Know well the beginning of the gospel and see, “The beginning of the gospel of Jesus the Christ. As it is written in Isaiah the prophet: See, I send my angel (l. 5) before your face, who will prepare.” 1

2

3

4

G. S. Smith and A. E. Bernhard note in the ed. pr. the possibility that the phrase την αρχην του ευαγγελιου has catechetical overtones, a suggestion first made by M. Naldini, Il cristianesimo in Egitto (Florence 1968), 155, with respect to this phrase and its parallel in conjunction with the Gospel of Mark. However, they also note that the phrase is specifically used to introduce the beginning of a quote from one of the four gospels. The imperative αναγνωθι supports the contention that the Gospel of Mark is specifically in mind and that remembering/knowing it is valuable to the reader. The verb ἀναγιγνώσκω carries with it the sense of knowing with certainty and thus perhaps even memorizing, or even simply reading Mark. All mss of Mark read Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ or some variation of Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ υἱοῦ θεοῦ. The addition of τοῦ is probably not to be considered a genuine textual variation but rather part of an adaptation of Mark to fit confessional interests. The papyrus shows no knowledge of the variants that exist for l. 2: υιου του θεου (κυριου for θεου 1241) A K P Δ f 1.13 33 565 579 700 892 1241 1424 2542 l 844 𝔐; Ιησου Χριστου υιου θεου. ‫א‬c B D L W Γ latt sy co Irlat; Ιησου Χριστου ‫ *א‬Θ 28 l 2211 sams Or, Ir, and Epiph om. Ιησου Χριστου υιου θεου. Smith and Bernhard note that the title “Jesus, the Christ” is reminiscent of second- and third-century Christian writers and carries a distinct Messianic interest. They also note that the phrase does not appear in the NT, but they note examples in Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. 63; Ign., Eph. 18.2; Origen, Cels. 1.26. The reading ως agrees with A D Gs M U W Πc 𝔐 f 13 2 28 118 579 1424: all other witnesses read καθως. The papyrus agrees with D Θ f 1 700 l 844 l 2211 Ir. Orpt. Epiph. in reading εν Ησαια τω προφητη. ‫ א‬B and other witnesses add the definite article τῷ before Ησαια. In place of τω Ησαια τω προπητη A K P W Γ 𝔐 f 13 29 579 1424 2542 vgms syh (bomss) Irlat read the plural: τοις προφηταις. εγω αποστελλω ‫ א‬A K L P W Γ Δ 𝔐 f 1.13 28c 33 579 700 892 1241 1424 2542 l 844 vgcl syh sams boms Or Eus. Θ agrees with this papyrus on the spelling αποστελω.

Other Christian Literary Texts [93] 5

337

The final letter of the line is enlarged and thus probably indicates that the text intentionally breaks off at ι rather than continuing on to include the remainder of Mark 1:2ff.

Date: IV

93 MSS. Syr. d. 13 (P) and d. 14 (P) Manichean Fragments Varia

Material: Papyrus

Published: D. S. Margoliouth, “Notes on Syriac Papyrus Fragments from Oxyrhynchus,” JEA 2 (1915): 214–16. Related Literature: W. E. Crum, “A Manichaean Fragment from Egypt,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (April 1919): 207–8; F. C. Burkitt, The Religion of the Manichees: Donnellan Lectures for 1924 (Cambridge, 1925), 114–19; P. de Menasce and A. Guilou, “Un cachet manichéen de la Bibliothèque Nationale,” RHR 131 (1946): 81–84; C. Riccardo, “Hypothèses sur l’araméen manichéen,” Annali di Ca’ Foscari 34.3 (1995): 65–107; W.  M. Brashear, “Syriaca,”  APF  44 (1998): 86–127; S.  N.  C. Lieu, Manichaeism in Mesopotamia and the Roman East (Leiden, 1999), 63–64; M. Franzmann, “P. Kell. Addenda and Corrigenda: Syriac Texts,” in Coptic Documentary Texts from Kellis, ed. I. M. F. Gardner, A. Alcock, and W.-P. Funk (Dakhleh Oasis Project; Oxford, 1999), 303–23; S. N. C. Lieu, “Manichaean Terms in Syriac: Some Observations on Their Transmission and Transformation,” Aram Periodical 16.2 (2004): 129–40. Introduction These papyrus fragments represent the earliest Syriac documents published so far from Oxyrhynchus and were written in the Palmyrene script, a script that is similar to Estrangelo. A few other Manichean texts have been found in Egypt, chiefly those from Kellis (T.Kell.Syriac/Coptic 1 and 2) and Brit.Mus.Or. 6201 c (1). In addition to these notable fragments from Oxyrhynchus, W. M. Brashear notes the existence of numerous other Syriac fragments, some of which have not been formally published: St. Catherine’s on Mt. Sinai boasts 49 Syriac papyri; Florence, one papyrus; Berlin, one papyrus; Vienna, four papyri and four parchments; Heidelberg, two papyri and one parchment as well as one Syriac document on paper; Cheltenham, one papyrus, The Schøyen Collection MS 1644/1 (Didascalia Apostolorum) and 1644/2 (Acts of the Apostles). In the ed. pr., D. S. Margoliouth was inclined to see all of these fragments as belonging to a Manichean community, but F. C. Burkitt was more reserved in his reedition of the fragments because some of the writing shows no peculiar Manichean forms. He stated that the language of these papyrus fragments is “almost identical with classical Syriac” although there are several fragments

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

338

that demonstrate Manichean peculiarities.95 The fragment quoting 2 Corinthians 5:21 is probably Manichean, and frag. 3 (MSS Syr. d. 14 [P]) appears to be a Manichean homily.96 The early dating of these fragments is supported on paleographic grounds. These fragments are important for several reasons. They represent the only Manichean Syriac texts from Oxyrhynchus to have been published thus far and add to the small corpus of Manichean Syriac documents written on papyrus. The one fragment that quotes from the New Testament shows a clear dependence on the Peshitta rather than the Greek New Testament. S. N. C. Lieu notes that frag. 2 may belong to one of the writings of Mani or his successor, Sisinnius, who admonished the faithful that they would suffer on account of their special revelation.97 Furthermore, Lieu notes that the form of frag. 2 (MSS Syr. d. 14 [P]) bears some resemblance to Manichean writings in Parthia known as the “Crucifixion hymns” (i.e., hymns on the death of Mani). Mani’s followers celebrated his death as a means of remembering the crucifixion of Christ.98 MSS. Syr. d. 14 (P) frag. 1 (4 × 11 cm) ‫[ܕܠܐ ܝܕܥ ܚܛܝܬܐ ܡܛܠܬܟܘܢ ܚܛܝܬܐ‬ “who knew not sin on your account sin.” The Syriac text reads “on your account” where the Greek reads ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν thus substituting ὑμῶν for ἡμῶν. Burkitt notes that the text of this papyrus strip agrees with the Syriac NT (Peshitta) against all other witnesses and demonstrates Manichean dependence upon Syriac Christianity.

1

frag. 2 (3 × 12 cm) ‫[ܐܝܟ ܓܒܪ ܐܠܝܨ ܥܠܝܒ ܘܪܕ]ܝܦ‬ ]‫[ܠܩܕܡ ܓܒܪ ܛܒ ܩܫܝܛ ܘ‬ ‫[ܛܐ ܐܢ ܟܕ ܠܡܢܘ ܓܝܪ ܐܚܪܢ ܐܝܬ ܠܝ ܠܡܐܡ]ܪ‬ “like a man afflicted, oppressed, and persecuted . . . before a man good, true, and . . . For to whom else have I to say” 1

In Margoliouth’s edition, this fragment was printed as a single column of writing, but in Burkitt’s re-edition of the fragments he printed it as two columns and noted that Margoliouth had misread the papyrus.

Burkitt, Religion of the Manichees, 119. Margoliouth, “Notes on Syriac Papyrus,” 214. 97 Lieu, Manichaeism in Mesopotamia, 64. 98 This edition and the accompanying translations are reliant upon the work of Margoliouth and Burkitt’s editions as well as the expert help of Prof. Kristian Heal (Neal A. Maxwell Center, Provo, Utah). 95 96

Other Christian Literary Texts [93] 2

339

Burkitt noted that the spelling preserved in the second and third lines of this fragment demonstrate that the text was not influenced by “Edessene usage” and instead was closer to “Jewish and Palestinian Aramaic.”

frag. 3 (20 × 6.5 cm) ]‫[ܟܠ‬ ]‫ܐܬܐܠܨ ܟܠ ܙܕܝܩܐ ܒ‬ ]‫ܐܕܡ ܘܥܕܡܐ ܠܡܚܝܢܐ‬ ]‫ܐܠܐ ܐܢܐ ܕܝܢ ܐܡܪܢܐ‬ ]‫ܐܝܟ ܕܐܡܪ‬ ]‫ܒ‬ ‫ܠܐ ܢܫܬܡܗ‬. ‫[ܫܪܐ ܐܬܠܗ‬..]‫ܘܠ‬ ... ‫[ܪܘܚܐ ܒ‬..] ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܠܟ‬ “. . . There was afflicted every righteous man in [the world from] Adam even unto the Savior [ ]. But I say . . . as I [have] said. . . .” 1 7 8

Margoliouth has argued that this fragment might represent a homily similar to Aristotle, Physics 5.3 where the terms συνεχές and ἁπτόμενον are discussed. Burkitt suggests here “and to the [vul]ture I will give him.” Burkitt notes that Savior or Life-giver are regular terms used for Jesus as Lord.

MS. Syr. d. 13 (P) frag. 1 (4 × 15 cm) ‫ܐܝܕܝܐ‬ 1

The word “hands” is obvious. Burkitt noted the Greek letters καιον | την | πετα | τεστ |. The last two sets of letters are written at a right angle to the other writing on the papyrus strip.

frag. 2 (3 × 4.5 cm) ‫ܟܘܬܡܝܢ ܟܝܠܐ ܕܒܝ‬ “our stain(?)” frag. 3 (4 × 3 cm) ‫ܦܩܕ‬ ‫ܐܢܬ‬ “commanded . . . thou(?)” frag. 4 (4 × 3 cm) ‫ܡܛܠ‬ ‫ ܥܝܪ‬... Only broken words

340

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

frag. 5 (9 × 11 cm) Col. ii

Col. i

‫ ܐܢ‬. ‫ܕܢܥܢܢ‬

‫ܠܐܢܫܐ‬

‫ܡܢ ܢܬܒܢܐ ܠ‬

‫ܝܢ ܕܪܫܢܝܢ‬

1 2 3

‫ܐ[ܪܫܠܬܢܝ‬

4 5 6 7 8 9

‫ܗܕܐ ܫܕܪܢ]ܢ‬ ‫ܐܢ ܐܢܬ ܚܒܝܒܝ‬

10

‫ܗ[ܕܐ ܕܚܠܢܐ ܕܐܩܪܚ‬

11

‫ܢܐ ܘܡܡܪܚ ܐܢܐ‬

12

Col. i “to men . . . of princes . . . if you are my beloved . . . this I fear to utter . . . and I make bold” Col. ii “that it should cloud over. If . . . who shall be built unto . . . did let me go . . . this we sent” 1

Burkitt notes that the Syriac of these two columns is written in classical Syriac.

frag. 6 (2 × 5 cm) ...‫[ܢ‬..]‫ܘܐܦ‬.... ‫ܩܒܘܙܩܝܐ ̇ ܒܣܐ‬... ‫ܪܝܐܝܠ ܚܝܠܝܨ ܛܘܖ‬... “and ? … ? [–]ly brave(?)” 2

Margoliouth translated this line as “and you . . . a despised Cappadocian” which Burkitt notes is an error although he offered no translation because of the fragmentary nature of these lines.

frag. 7 (2.5 × 11 cm) ‫ܒܡܢܐ‬ ‫ܐܢܫܐ‬ ‫ܡܣܢܐ ܗܘ ܕܒܫܘܩܢ ܒܪܝܣ ܘܐ‬ “. . . wherewith(?) . . . men . . . that boot which is in our market tanned” 3

Burkitt suggests “That shoe in the markets of Persia (‫ ”)ܣܝܪܦ ܝܩܘܫܒܕ‬is also possible.

Other Christian Literary Texts [94]

Date: IV

94 P.Oxy. VI 924 Amulet 9.0 × 7.6 cm TM no. 64934; Van Haelst 0953

341

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VI (London, 1908), 289–90 (no. 924). Related Literature: C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:401; K. Preisendanz et al. (eds.), Papyri Graecae Magicae (Stuttgart, 1974), 2.192 Christliches 5a; H. Leitzmann, Griechische Papyri (Kleine Texte für Vorlesungen und Übungen 14; Bonn, 1934), 28, no. 24; M. de Haro Sanchez, “Le vocabulaire de la pathologie et de la thérapeutique dans les papyrus iatromagiques grecs: Fièvres, traumatismes et «épilepsie»,” BASP 47 (2010): 134–36; T. S. de Bruyn and J. H. F. Dijkstra, “A Checklist of Papyri, Parchments, Ostraka, and Tablets,” BASP 48 (2011): 186–87, no. 20. Introduction The text of this prayer is reconstructed from two fragments, one of which bears only the name Ἀρίας, while the other contains the text of the prayer. Prayers to ward off fevers are collected in M. de Haro Sanchez, “Le vocabulaire,” 134. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt note that the usage of the seven Greek vowels (l. 14ff.) is a common feature in magical incantations of this period. They dated the papyrus to the fifth or sixth century, but later editors have placed it as early as the fourth century. Here the seven vowels frame the title at the end of the papyrus and are used to outline the text that is written in a reverse pyramid shape with the point directed downward. Grenfell and Hunt gave the papyrus the title “Gnostic charm” because it contained the name Ἀβρασάξ near the end of the prayer and the use of the Greek vowels to frame the end of the text on the front side. The papyrus was probably carried around by an individual who suffered from fever and who equally hoped that even the slightest effects of fever would be warded off by the power of God through Arias’ faith. The threat of fever and how to treat the conditions of fever are common themes in the writings of Galen. Although it is difficult to state with any degree of certainty, the text of the prayer is likely a composition for the individual that requisitioned it and is not to be thought of as a copy of an already existing prayer that was circulated in multiple copies.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

342

→ 5

10

15

→

Ἦ̣ μ̣ὴ̣ν̣ φυλάξ̣ῃς καὶ συντηρήσῃς Ἀρίας ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐπιημερινοῦ φρικὸς καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ καθημερινοῦ φρικὸς καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ νυκτερινοῦ φρικὸς καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ λεπ ̣τοῦ̣ 〚το λεπτο̣υ 〛̣ πυρε[τοῦ καὶ κού-] φῆς. ταῦτα εὐ̣[μενῶ]ς ̣ [π]ρ̣ά [̣ ξ-] εις ὅλως κατὰ τὸ θέλημά σου πρῶτον καὶ κατὰ τὴν πίστιν αὐτῆς ὅτι δούλη ἐστὶν τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ τοῦ ζῶντος, καὶ ἵνα τὸ ὄνομά σου ᾖ δι̣ὰ ̣ παντὸς ἡ δεδοξασμέν[ον.] / / / α .[. . .] . ι̣ς ̣ ̅ ε̣ Ἰ(ησο)ῦ πατήρ υἱ ός· μήτηρ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ο υ ι πν(εῦμ)α α ω· ἅγιον ω Ἀβρα σάξ Ἀρίᾳ̣

__________ 2. l. Αριαν. 2–3. pap. εφημερινης.

Translation Truly guard and protect Aria from fever by day, and from daily fever, and from fever by night, and from minor fever and small fever. All this you will do with benevolence according to your will and according to her faith, because she is a servant of the living God so that your name may be glorified forever. Father of Jesus, son, mother of Christ, alpha and omega, Holy Spirit, Abrasax. 1

2–3 6

7–8 15 16

The formula of prayer (ἦ μὴν φυλάξειν) is common in literary texts. See Josephus, Ant. 9.145.2; 10.102.3; Appian, Bell. civ. 2.20.145; Lucian, Toxaris vel amicitia 50.22. Its usage here is the earliest attested Christian usage. It is possible also that η μην represent a misspelling of αμην. The scribe appears to have attempted to correct επιημερινος to επιημερινου. The suggested restoration [τοῦ τῆς κορυ]φῆς (cf. Preisendanz, 2:192) creates an unexpectedly long line. The idea that the supplicant wishes Jesus to protect her from small (λεπτοῦ) fevers is expressed in l.  5 and the corellary to that was perhaps to say “even very light ones.” The complication to this suggestion is that κούφης is not associated with fevers in literary texts. The suggestion could, however, account for the scribal error as a clarifying type of correction. Grenfell and Hunt restored πραξεις with great hesitancy. The ed. pr. read ἡ̣ Ἰ(ησο)ῦ. The line probably began with η to complete the framing of the end of the papyrus with the seven vowels.

Other Christian Literary Texts [95] 18

343

The name Ἀβρασάξ appears frequently in magical papyri from the Christian period as well as in patristic authors denouncing Gnosticism. See Epiphanius, Pan. 1.264.1; Hippolytus, Haer. 7.26.6; PGM 1:302; 3:77, 150, 213, 443; 4:332, 363, 1535. The name probably refers to the number 365 (α=1 + β=2 + ρ=100 + α=1 + σ=200 + α=1 + ξ=60) or the number of days in the year. Cf. P. J. Parsons, City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish: Greek Lives in Roman Egypt (London, 2007), 208.

Small fragment 1 The ed. pr. restored Ἀρίς,̣ but the traces of ink appear more suited to Ἀρίᾳ.

Date: IV

95 P.Oxy. XV 1778 + P.Heid. Inv. G 1013 Aristides, Apology 14.6 × 12.0 cm TM no. 59242; Van Halest 0623

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XV (London, 1922), 1–6 (no. 1778); D. Hagedorn, “Ein neues Fragment zu P.Oxy. XV 1778 (Aristides, Apologie),” ZPE 131 (2000): 40–44. Related Literature: H. B. Harris, The Newly Recovered Apology of Aristides: Its Doctrine and Ethics (London, 1891); J. R. Harris and J. A. Robinson, The Apology of Aristides on Behalf of Christians (Cambridge, 1893); J.-P. Migne (ed.), Patrologia Graeca 96 (Paris, 1860), 85–1240; C. Wessely, Le plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:500–502; A. N. Modona, “L’Apologia di Aristide e il nuovo frammento Ossirinco,” Bilychinis 19 (1922): 317–27; G. Krüger, “Aristides, Apologie 15,6–16,1 im Urtext,” TLZ 49 (1924): 47–48; J. de Zwaan, “A Gap in the Recently Discovered Greek of the Apology of Aristides 16,1,” HTR 17 (1925): 109–11; C. Vona, L’apologia di Aristide (Rome, 1950); C. Alpigiano, “L’Apologia di Aristide e la tradizione papiracea,” CClCr 7 (1986): 333–57; E.  J. Epp, “The New Testament Papyri at Oxyrhynchus: Their Significance for Understanding the Transmission of the Early New Testament Text,” in Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts, ed. A. K. Bowman et al. (London, 2007), 326. Introduction P.Oxy. XV 1778 and P.Heid. Inv. G 1013 catalogue two small papyrus fragments from the same codex that preserved the second-century Apology of Aristides. At the time of the publication of the Oxyrhynchus fragment, the text of the Apology was known from a Syriac translation and through a Greek version that was embedded in the legendary work Barlaam and Josaphat. More recently, D.  Hagedorn recognized a fragment from the same codex and reedited the

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

344

fragments together in a single publication. In the ed. pr., A. S. Hunt noted that the handwriting is a “well-formed uncial” that was compared to P.Oxy. VI 847 (IV, Gospel of John [27]). It can be estimated that a page contained 34–35 lines of text and roughly 15–16 letters per line. The scribe employed the nomen sacrum for θεός (see note for l. 34) but not for ἄνθρωπος and οὐρανός. Eusebius, Hist. eccl.  4.3.1–3 states that Aristides and Quadratus both wrote apologies of the Christian faith to the emperor Hadrian. Jerome, Illustrious Men 20 refers to the same work by Aristides and mentions that he was an Athenian philosopher. The Apology of Aristides is one of the earliest complete apologies of the Christian faith to survive. Mechitarist monks published an Armenian fragment of the Apology in 1878, and J. R. Harris published the entire Apology from a Syriac copy that he obtained at St. Catherine’s Monastery. J. A. Robinson immediately realized that the Apology of Aristides was known in Greek because it had been embedded in the work Barlaam and Josaphat, a work ascribed to John of Damascus. The Greek text of Barlaam and Josaphat agrees with these papyri of the Apology in large part. Parts of the apology are also attested on papyrus in P.Lond.Lit. 223 (XV, 6–XVI, 1). The editions of Hunt, Hagedorn, and Alpigiano offer extensive analysis of the development of the Greek text based on parallels to the Syriac, Armenian, Greek, and Latin versions of the Apology. frag. 1

↓ 1

5

ἀ [̣ ν]θ̣ ρ̣[ώπων. οἱ δὲ] νομί[ζοντες τὸ ὕδωρ] εἶνα[ι θ(εὸ)ν ἐπλανήθη-] σαν. τὸ̣ γ̣[ὰρ ὕδωρ γέ-] γονεν [εἰς χρῆσιν ἀν-] θρώπω [̣ ν καὶ κατακυ-] ριεύετ̣ [αι ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν,] μ[ι]έ ̣ν̣ [εται καὶ φθεί-]

V.1

Several lines lost frag. 1

→ 10

6 lines of text missing [

]μιαιρος

An estimated 16 lines missing [ ].[ [σωμάτων. φθ]είρετα [̣ ι] [δὲ καὶ κατὰ πο]λλοὺς

V.3

Other Christian Literary Texts [95]

15

[τρόπους ὑπὸ τῶ]ν ἀν[θρώπων σβεν]νύμε[νον καὶ φθει]ρόμενο(ν). [διὸ οὐκ ἐνδέχ]ε̣ται [τὸ πῦρ εἶναι θ(εό)ν,] ἀ λ̣ ̣ [λ᾽ ἔργον θ(εο)ῦ. οἱ δὲ νομί-]

345

V.4

frag. 2

→

20

25

ζοντες τὴν τῶ[ν] ἀ[νέ-] μων πνοὴν θ(εὸ)ν εἶναι, [πλανῶ]νται. φανερὰ [γάρ] ἐστιν ἡμῖν, ὅτι [δο]υλεύει ἑτέρῳ. ποτὲ [μὲν γὰρ] α̣ [ὔ]ξ ̣ ε[ι, ποτὲ] δὲ λήγει. οὐκοῦν ἀναγ[κά]ζεται ὑπό τινος .[ . . . . . . ].[ . . ] . .[.]ξ ̣ ε̣ι ̣ .[ . . . . . . ]ν̣ω̣ν̣α̣ . . [.] α̣ .[ . . . . . . ]λ̣ . . . [.]. . 4 lines lost

30

[. . . . . . . ]ε λ̣ . . . ι ̣ [ . . . . . . ]ν̣των τ̣ων [ . . . . . . . ]νων̣τ[.] 5 lines lost

35

40

[ . ].[ θ̣(εό)ν̣ , ἀ[λλ᾽ ἔργον θ(εο)ῦ. ε̣ἰ δὲ ν[ομίζουσι τὸν] ἥλιον ε[ἶναι θ(εό)ν, πλα-] νῶντ̣α̣ [ι. ὁρῶμεν γὰρ] αὐτὸν κ[ινούμενον] κατὰ ἀν[άγκην καὶ] τρεπόμε [̣ νον, καὶ] μ̣ [ετ]α̣ βα[ίνοντα ἀπὸ]

frag. 2

↓

45

[ση]μ[ε]ίου εἰς σημεῖον, καθ’ ἡμέραν φερόμενον, δύνοντά τε καὶ ἀνατέλλοντα τοῦ θερμαίνειν τὰ βλαστὰ καὶ τὰ φυτὰ εἰς

VI.1

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

346

50

55

τὴν χρῆσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἐπεὶ καὶ μερισμοὺς ἔχ[οντα μ]ετὰ τῶν λο[ιπῶν ἀσ]τέρων καὶ ἐ[λάττον]α ὄντα τοῦ [οὐρανοῦ] π[ό]λου. αὔ[ξει δὲ καὶ] μειοῦται [καὶ ἐκλίψεις] ἔχει καὶ μ[ηδεμίαν] αὐτοκρ[άτειαν ἔχον-] τα. διὸ οὐ ν[ενόμισται] [τὸ]ν ἥλιον [εἶναι θ(εό)ν,] An estimated 8 lines are missing

60

65

[ [ [ [ [ [

]. ]ρο̣ . [ . . . ] . ]..[....]. ]ν̣α̣ . [.]ν̣ους ̣ ] . ετ . [ . . ] . . ]...[

__________ 8. l. μιαίνεται. 9. l. μιαροῖς. 26. pap. ϋπο. 49. l. ἔτι for επει.

Translation .  .  . men. They also err in believing water to be a god. For water (l.  5) has been made for the use of men, and it is useful to them, and it is defiled and cor[rupted] . . . (l. 11) bodies. It (fire) is corrupted in many ways by men, (l. 15) being extinguished and quenched. Therefore it is not possible for fire to be a god, but a work of God. They also err in believing the (l. 20) wind to be a god. For it is obvious to us that it is governed by another, when it grows and (l. 25) diminishes (by the will of God), therefore it is determined . . . (l. 34) a goddess (i.e., the moon), but the work of God. They also err in believing the sun to be a god. We see that it moves by necessity and (l. 40) turns and moves from sign to sign, each day rising and (l. 45) setting, giving warmth to sprouts and plants for the use of men, yet it has (l. 50) part with the rest of the stars being smaller than the expansive sky, it waxes (l. 55) and wanes and has eclipses not having its own power. Therefore it is believed the sun is not a god. 1

It is uncertain how much text has been lost on the page prior to the beginning of the lines preserved on the Heidelberg fragment. The section from Barlaam and Josaphat (hereafter BJ) in Greek that precedes the beginning of this fragment reads: καταπατεῖται δὲ ὑπό τε ἀνθρώπων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ζῴων, αἵμασι φονευομένων μιαίνεται, διορύσσεται,

Other Christian Literary Texts [96]

347

γεμίζεται νεκρῶν, θήκη γίνεται σωμάτων. τούτων οὕτως ὄντων, οὐκ ἐνδέχεται τὴν γῆν εἶναι θεάν, ἀλλ’ ἔργον θεοῦ εἰς χρῆσιν. “It is trampled upon by men and by the remainder of the living, it is stained by the blood of murder, it is broken, it is full of the dead, it is the grave of bodies. Being thus it is not possible to appear on the earth, but a work of God that is useful.” The order of the text is substantially different for the same section preserved here. There is perhaps a highpoint to denote punctuation following σαν. In BJ the text reads καὶ αὐτὸ γὰρ εἰς χρῆσιν τῶν ἀνθρώπων γέγονε “and this is useful to man.” The conjectured emendation (μιαροῖς) is made based on the sense of the surrounding context. However, the Syriac has nothing to suggest that this word stood here. Hagedorn agrees with Hunt in the emendation. It is difficult to imagine what the scribe might have intended if not μιαροῖς. The abbreviation should stand for θεάν and not θεόν, following the text of BJ. The extension of εἰ into the left hand margin appears to be a form of ekthesis to indicate the beginning of a new paragraph.

4 4–6 9

34 35

Date: IV

96 P.Oxy. XVII 2068 Liturgical Fragments(?) Frag. 1 13.3 × 13.3 cm TM no. 64488; Van Haelst 0966

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVII (London, 1927), 5–6 (no. 2068). Related Literature: G. D. Kilpatrick, “Dura-Europos: The Parchments and Papyri,” GRBS 5 (1964): 222 n. 14; C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society, and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979), 17, 33; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 49–55. Introduction This text is made up from three fragments from a papyrus roll preserving what A. S. Hunt entitled “Liturgical(?) Fragments,” but then he warned that the “text does not fall into any obvious category.”99 The handwriting was compared to P.Oxy. VI 850 [70] and given a general date of the fourth century. The unusual nomen sacrum β̅ς̅ occurs twice in the papyrus, no doubt a contraction for βασιλεύς (ll. 7, 14). For another example of the abbreviation of βασιλεύς, see [54]. The text was written in columns, and on the largest of the fragments there are remains of two columns of writing, but there are no complete lines of text. If the reconstruction of l. 31 is correct based on the parallel to Deuteronomy 99

P.Oxy. XVII p. 5.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

348

6:2, then a complete line of text had approximately 30 letters per line. There are a significant number of allusions or echoes of the Hebrew Bible, but none of them are extensive enough to suggest a commentary on a biblical book. Because the text is so broken, only short phrases can be gleaned from the text. The scribe used a midpoint dot for punctuation, suggesting that this is a copy of a well-known and circulated text. frag. 1, col. i

→ 5

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ἁγ̣ί̣ῳ ἡμέραν ]θ̣ε ̣ν̣τ̣ες περὶ ἁπάντων ]υμεν· ἁγιαστα τῶ [̣ ν?] . β̣ [ ]ν̣των εὐλογητο̣ . . [ ] τὸ σάββατον ἀλ ̣ . . [ ]ν κ[ ]β(ασιλεὺ)ς ̣ ὁ̣ τῶν̣ α̣ ἰ ώ ̣ ̣ν̣ [ων 5 lines lost ] . ἑορτῆς σκ̣ η̣ νῆς ] β(ασιλεὺ)ς ὁ τῶν αἰώνων μόν̣ο̣ς ]ι σ̣ ιον κύκλον καὶ παρον]τες εἰς τὸν τρίτον καιρὸν ]την τῶν [σ]υ̣σ κια[σ]μῶν· ]τ̣α σου κ(ύρι)ε ̣ [

frag. 1, col. ii

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Ἰακώβ [ Ἄκουε Ἰ[σραήλ 8 lines lost πα̣ ρ̣ ο̣ ῦ̣ σ̣ α̣ τ̣ὰ ἐ ̣πι̣ [̣ πυλαῖς σου καὶ ἔστα[ι ἐὰν τὰς] ἐντολάς μου ἃς ἐγὼ ἐ[ντέλλομαί σοι σήμερον ἐπὶ καρδίαν σο[υ θ(εὸ)ν ὑμῶν καὶ τοῦ δουλ[ου να ὑμῶν καὶ ἐν πασ[ [ ]ν̣ι ̣ . [.]ν̣ . [

frag. 2

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40

Deut 6:2

[ἐ]πὶ τὴν ἐρυθρὰν Ps 105(106):22? [θάλασσαν καὶ τὰ θαυ]μά̣ σια σου ἐν εν̣ .[ ]ε̣ ς δικαιουσ̣ θ̣ε ]ι̣ ὁρῶντες κα[ [?φρόνη]σ̣ι ̣ν ἤ σ̣ κ̣ ησαν̣ [

Other Christian Literary Texts [96]

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]ς·̣ μ[ . . ] . ω̣ χα̣ [ ] . . ι̣ . τ̣ε[.] . [ frag. 3 → εὐλογ]ητὸς εἶ κ(ύρι)ε α[ ] προσταγματ[ 45 ]. . κ̅([ __________ 19. pap. ϊακωβ. 20. pap. ϊ[. 33 pap. ϋμων. 34. pap. ϋμων.

3

5 7

15 15–16 17 20–32

30 31–31 32 36–37

38 43 44 45

The form αγιαστα is unattested, but is probably derived from the noun ἁγιστεία “a ritual service to God.” The scribe may have intended αγιαστια + genitive in the sense of making an offering to someone (probably deity). Even so, forms of ἁγιστεία are only used infrequently. Cf. John 5:18, τὸ σάββατον ἀλλὰ καὶ πατέρα ἴδιον ἔλεγεν τὸν θεὸν ἴσον ἑαυτὸν ποιῶν τῷ θεῷ (“the sabbath, but was also calling God his own Father, thereby making himself equal to God”). The reading βασιλευς των αιωνων has an echo in Ps 144(145):13 (ἡ βασιλεία σου βασιλεία πάντων τῶν αἰώνων, “your kingdom is an everlasting kingdom”) and 1 En. 10:14 (ὁ βασιλεὺς πάντων τῶν αἰώνων, “the everlasting kingdom of all”). The title ὁ τῶν αἰώνων appears frequently in Greek Christian literature and is typically followed by either δεσπότης, ποιητής, or δημιουργής (see also l. 14). ]ι̣σ̣ ιον can also be read ]υ̣ σιον. Hunt suggests the reading παρόν[τες]. For συσκιασμός, see Eusebius, Comm. Ps. PG 23.565.52. The introductory formula ἄκουε Ἰσραήλ most likely introduces a biblical quotation, perhaps deriving from Deut 6:4 (Mark 12:29); 9:1; 20:1; 27:9. Deut 6:4 was a particular favorite of patristic authors (Ἄκουε, Ισραηλ· κύριος ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν κύριος εἷς ἐστιν, “Hear, o Israel, the Lord God is Lord”), see Clement of Alexandria, Protr. 8.80.4; Clement, Homily 3.57.1; Eusebius, Praep. ev. 11.13.1. The conjectured reconstruction καὶ ἔστα[ι ἐάν] further reinforces the interpretation that the papyrus preserves a theological text quoting from the OT. The phraise καὶ ἔσται ἐάν has a biblical ring to it, cf. Exod 4:9; 12:26, Num 5:27, etc. Deut 6:2 τὰς ἐντολὰς αὐτοῦ, ἂς ἐγὼ ἐντέλλομαί σοι (“his commandments that I am commanding you”). See Deut 11:18 ἐμβαλεῖτε τὰ ῥήματα ταῦτα εἰς τὴν καρδίαν ὑμῶν (“you shall put these words in your heart”), Prov 22:18 ἐὰν ἐμβάλῃς αὐτοὺς (sc. τοὺς λόγους) εἰς τὴν καρδίαν σου (“if you keep them in your heart”). Hunt suggested a possible parallel to Ps 105(106):22 θαυμάσια (‫א‬c A; θαυμαστά ‫ *א‬B) ἐν γῇ Χάμ, καὶ φοβερὰ ἐπὶ θαλάσσης ἐρυθρᾶς (“wondrous works in the land of Ham, and awesome deeds by the Red Sea”). Εγυ[πτω] and ερη[μω] are not possible based on the traces of ink at the end of the line. The scribe may have intended δικαιουσθαι, but δικαιους θε[ is also possible. Cf. Ps 118(119):12 εὐλογητὸς εἶ, Κύριε, δίδαξόν με τὰ δικαιώματά σου (“Blessed are you, O Lord; teach me your statutes”). From πρόσταγμα “a command or directive.” Following κ at the end of the line there is evidence of another supralinear stroke indicating the use of a nomen sacrum and thus something like κ(υριο)ς θ(εο)ς.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

350

Date: IV

97 P.Oxy. XVII 2073 Homily 4.8 × 6.6 cm TM no. 64489; Van Haelst 1157

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVII (London, 1927), 16–17 (no. 2073). Related Literature: A. Papathomas, “Zur byzantinischen Homilie P.Oxy. XVII 2073,” ZPE 161 (2007): 181–86. Introduction This small papyrus fragment preserves writing on both the front and the reverse in two different styles of handwriting. It is unclear how the two sides are connected or whether they represent two different texts. The one obvious connection is that both texts appear to quote randomly from biblical and extrabiblical writings (see notes). From the scant remains, it appears most likely that this fragment preserves two different Christian homilies, the text written on the front along the fibers of the papyrus likely being written prior to that of the reverse. A. S. Hunt offered a fourth-century date for the fragments without suggesting any paleographic comparanda. On the front side, the top margin is partially intact, but otherwise no margins survive, and it is uncertain how many letters there were per line or how many lines of text existed in each column of writing. For the lines that can be hesitantly restored through reference to extrabiblical texts, it appears that a complete line of text had roughly 34 letters. The papyrus is interesting because of the quotations of the Wisdom of Solomon, Sirach, and possibly the Sentences of Sextus. Additionally, there may be references or allusions to 2 Chronicles 28:9/2 Esd 19:24, 2 Macc 1:24, and 2 Corinthians 11:3. The close proximity of the quotations of biblical and extrabiblical materials led A. Papathomas to suggest that this was perhaps a fourthor fifth-century copy of an earlier patristic author. Indeed, if the reasons why the author chose such diverse texts as 2 Chronicles, the Wisdom of Solomon, and Sirach in such close proximity were known, a clearer picture of this text would emerge.

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] μή τις π̣ο̣υ̣ ο̣φ̣ . [ ]. . . λοι ̣ ῥεμβασμ [̣ ]ατος καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν αμ[ ] . ου λέγων ἡδονῇ καὶ ̣ [

Other Christian Literary Texts [97]

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]ε̣δωκ̣ [ . . . . ]ο̣υς εἰς τασ̣ [ ]δ̣ οκιαν . [ ] οὐκ ἐπ̣ ι [̣ ]ν̣τ̣ο̣ φι̣λ̣ ε̣ [

351

2 Chron 28:9?; 2 Esd 19:24?

] . . ρ̣ο[ ] ε δ̣ α̣[ ὧν] ο̣ὐ ̣ μ̣όν̣ ον ἡ βλάβ̣[η ἠδύνατο συνεκτρῖψαι] Wis. Sol. 11:19 [αὐτούς,] ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ ὄψεις ἐκ[φοβήσασα διολέ-] [σαι. συ]νοικῆσαι λέοντι καὶ [δράκοντι εὐδο-] Sir 25:16 [κήσω ἢ] ἐ ̣νοικῆσα̣ ι ̣ μ̣ ε̣τ̣ὰ γυνα̣ [ικὸς πονηρᾶς.] [κριτὴς ὁ] θ(εὸ)ς δίκα ι̣ [̣ ος καὶ ἰσ]χ υ̣ ρ̣[ὸς μὴ ὀργὴν] Ps 7:12? [ἐπάγων] κ̣ αθ᾽ ἑκά [̣ στην ἡμέραν.] ] εως οὑ σ̣ [ ]δρος ὁ χ . [ __________ 2. pap. λοι /. 3. pap. ατος, και ουκ,. 4. pap. ἡδονη. 7. pap. ουκ᾽. 10. pap. //εδα[. 11. pap. ἡ. 12. pap. ἡ. 17. pap. ἑως; pap. ὁυ. 18. pap. ὁ.

Translation (ll. 11–16) Not only could their damage exterminate them, but the sight of them could kill by fright. I will be pleased to live with a lion and a dragon rather than to live with a wicked woman. (l. 15) God is righteous and strong, and a God who is not angry every day. 2

3 4

5 6 7 9–10

Following λοι there is a dash “/” used to denote punctuation similar perhaps to a middle stop. The same mark appears again at l. 10 although it is doubled in the second instance. Hunt restored the end of the line ρεμβασμο̣[. Papathomas suggests καὶ ῥεμβασμό[ς] is possible. The traces of ink appear to fit λοι /ρεμβασμ[ος] better. Following ατος there is an enlarged blank space marking a paragraphos. Additionally, beneath the σ of ατος and the κ of ουκ, there is a mark to denote the endings of words(?). Papathomas restores ll. 3–4 ἅμ[α? ἀμφοτέροις?]. Papathomas restores the beginning of the line as ]δ̣ ουλευ̣ ων where Hunt suggested ]. ου λεγων. Papathomas suggests, following his corrections to Hunt’s edition, a parallel to the Sentences of Sextus 574: οὐκ ἔστιν ἅμα δουλεύειν ἡδονῇ καὶ θεῷ (“it is not possible to serve God and pleasure”), and thus beginning with l. 4 ]δουλεύων ἡδονῇ καὶ [θ(ε)ῷ . . . καὶ?] ἔδωκα[ς αὐτ]οὺς εἰς τὰς [χεῖρας αὐτῶν]. The shared language is noteworthy, but the transcription offered by Hunt seems secure. The parallel to 2 Chron 28:9 reads καὶ παρέδωκεν αὐτοὺς εἰς χεῖρας ὑμῶν (“he gave them into your hands”). Similarly, 2 Esd 19:24 reads καὶ ἔδωκας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῶν (“you gave them into their hands”). Papathomas suggests [ευ]δ̣ οκίαν or [προσ]δ̣ οκιαν. Hunt and Papathomas suggest ]ι̣ ουκ επ̣ ι[̣ . Papathomas suggests [οτ]ι̣ ουκ επι[στευσας]. Hunt suggested that these lines were added after the original composition was completed. The insertion of these lines is noted by two horizontal lines above and below εδα. The handwriting is also cramped, demonstrating that the scribe was attempting to fit it in.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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13–14 The quotation of Sir 25:16 begins with συνοικῆσαι. The quotation follows the text of Sirach with the exception of ενοικησαι (l. 14) where Sirach reads συνοικησαι. 15–16 The same phrase ὁ θεὸς . . . δίκαιος καὶ ἰσχυρός (“God is . . . righteous and powerful”) appears in 2 Macc 1:24 with the adjectives reversed. Papathomas notes also the parallel to Ps 7:12 ὁ θεὸς κριτὴς δίκαιος καὶ ἰσχυρὸς καὶ μακρόθυμος μὴ ὀργὴν ἐπάγων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν (“God is a righteous, powerful, and patient judge, and he is not angry every day”). 18 Papathomas suggests a few possible reconstructions for this line: [Ἀλέξαν]δρος ὁ χ[αλκεύς], 2 Tim 4:14 [κεφαλὴ παντὸς ἀν]δρὸς ὁ Χ[ριστός ἐστιν] (“the head of all mankind is Christ”), cf. 1 Cor 11:3.

Date: IV

98 P.Oxy. L 3529 Martyrdom of Dioscorus 6.5 × 13.3 cm TM no. 64490

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. K. Bowman et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri L (London, 1983), 22–24 (no. 3529). Related Literature: H. Delehaye, “Les martyrs d’Egypte,” AnBoll 40 (1922): 7–41; F. Halkin, “L’Apologie du martyr Philéas,” AnBoll 71 (1963): 5–27; H. Musurillo, The Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford, 1972), 328–44; F. R. Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianization, c. 370–529 (2nd ed.; Boston, 2001), 2:243; A. M. Luijendijk, “Papyri from the Great Persecution: Roman and Christian Perspectives,” JECS 16 (2008): 346 n. 12; R. S. Bagnall, Early Christian Books in Egypt (Princeton, 2009), 43–44. Introduction This small scrap of papyrus originating from a bookroll contains 11 lines from the Martyrdom of Dioscorus. The handwriting is described by Parsons as “large, upright, and gawky,” which he dated to the early fourth century based on parallels to P.Oxy. XLIII 3106 (II), P.Chester Beatty XII (IV).100 A date in the fourth century for this papyrus places the copy not far from tenure of Prefect Culcianus (303–308), who held office for at least five years at the beginning of the fourth century. P.Oxy. XLVI 3304 refers to Culcianus as early as June 6, 301, and P.Oxy. VIII 1104 indicates that he was still in office in May 29, 306. The Syriac text of the martyrdom references 306/307 as the date of the martyrdom. This would point to the latter end of his term in office. Valerius Victorinus held the office in early 308 and left before September of that year (P.Oxy. XXXIII 2674). Κλωδίῳ Κουλκιανός is mentioned in a number of early 100

P.Oxy. L p. 22.

Other Christian Literary Texts [98]

353

papyri apart from those mentioned above: BGU ΧΙΙ 2134; W.Chr. 230; CPR XV 12; P.Harr. II 208; P.Oxy. I 71; P.Oxy. VI 895; P.Oxy. XVIII 2187; P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673 [114]; P.Oxy. LIV 3728; and PSI VI 716. He is also mentioned in the Apology of Phileas and the Acta Sanctorum [163].101 Given the space at the beginning of the text, it is reasonable to suppose that this copy also had a reference to the date of the martyrdom. The Latin tradition provides a reference to the day of the martyrdom and states that it took place either May 18, June 17, or December 18. The Syriac witnesses give the date as January 4 or October 13.102 The reference to the day of the martyrdom would have followed the name Διοκλητιανοῦ in l. 1. The papyrus is important for understanding the development of the Greek, Syriac, and Latin witnesses. The text of the martyrdom is represented in a fifthor sixth-century Syriac manuscript and in three Latin manuscripts from the twelfth and the thirteenth centuries. This papyrus represents the earliest witness to the martyrdom and the first Greek witness. The manuscript tradition is represented by Vat.Syr. 160 (Syriac: AnBoll 39 [1921]: 21); BM Cotton Tiberius, D III (Latin: AnBoll 24 [1905]: 321, designated A); BM Cotton Nero, E. I (Latin: AnBoll 24 [1905]: 321, designated B); Bodl. Fell 3 (Latin: AnBoll 40 [1922]: 352, designated F). The martyrdom tells the story of a Christian named Dioscorus who refused to offer sacrifice to the emperor during the Great Persecution. It is implied that because Dioscorus is educated he will offer sacrifice to the gods, but the martyrdom advances the idea that Christianity is the true παιδεία (“learning”). At the time of the writing of this papyrus, there were four pagan temples at Oxyrhynchus, those to Serapis, Isis, Thoeris, and Caesar.

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Διο]κ̣λητιανοῦ [ [συλληφθεὶς Διόσκο]ρος ἀπὸ̣ ̣ τ̣[ῆς Ἄνω Κυνοπολιτῶν βουλευτὴς] [εἰσήχθη πρὸς Κουλκ]ιανὸν ἡγεμ[όνα] [Κουλκιανὸς εἶπεν·] Διόσκορε, ἠκούσα[μεν ὅτι λίαν συνετὸς] [γέγονας ἐν τῇ παι]δείᾳ. θῦσον καὶ ὑπά[κουσον τοῖς προστάγμασι] [τῶν κυρίων σεβαστῶ]ν̣. Διόσκορος εἶ[πεν· θεοῖς τοιούτοις οὐ θύω] [οὐδὲ ὑπακούω εἰ μὴ μό]νον τῷ θ(ε)ῷ [ ]νω ὃς οὐκ ‵ἐκ′ φα[ίνεται] ] τ̣ ῇ̣ καρδίᾳ . [ [Κουλκιανὸ]ς αὐτῷ εἶπ[εν· ἀναγνώστης εἶ; Διόσκορος [εἶπεν· οὐκ, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ πατ]ή̣ρ μου ἀναγ[νώστης ἦν] __________ 5. pap. ]δια.

101 102

Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 328–44. P.Oxy. L p. 23. See [114], n. 25–26.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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Translation [In the reign] of Diocletian .  .  . Dioscorus, a city councilor from the city of Upper Kynopolis, was arrested and brought to Culcianus the prefect. Culcianus said, “Dioscorus, we have heard that you have become adept in learning. (l. 5) Sacrifice and submit to the commands of the Augusti.” Dioscorus responded, “I will not sacrifice to these gods nor will I submit except to God alone.” . . . (l. 10) Culcianus said to him, “Are you a reader?” Dioscorus said, “No, but my father was a reader.” 2 7

7–9

The city of Upper Kynopolis is located southeast of Oxyrhynchus. Both the Syriac and Latin agree with the name of the city being Kynopolis. The end of the line is not easily restored. In Syriac, this statement is followed by a question from Culcianus, for which there is not sufficient room here. The Latin would follow immediately with τῷ κυρίῳ μου, a reading that is much too short to fill up the space at the end of the line. Parsons suggests that the papyrus preserved the question, but abbreviated the answer given to Culcianus’ question. The proposal of Parsons has Culcianus ask, “what God?” to which Dioscorus responds, “The true God.” This would indicate that the left hand portion of l. 8 would be restored ἀληθι]νῷ. The conjectured reading is plausible. There is enough variation between the Latin and Syriac witnesses to make a reconstruction of these lines difficult. The text of these lines probably included the phrase πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις εἰ μὴ μόνον τοῖς καθαροῖς (“for all men, not only for the pure”) likely preceding τῇ̣ καρδίᾳ.

Date: IV

99 P.Oxy. LX 4010 Pater Noster 11.5 × 15.0 cm TM no. 64491

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. A. Coles, M. W. Haslam, P. J. Parsons et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LX (London, 1994), 5–7 (no. 4010). Related Literature: G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 3 (1983): 104–5; S. R. Pickering, “A New Papyrus Text of the Lord’s Prayer,” New Testament Textual Research Update 2 (1994): 111–12; J. H. Charlesworth et al. (eds.), The Lord’s Prayer and Other Prayer Texts from the Greco-Roman Era (Valley Forge, 1994); A. H. Cadwallader, “An Embolism in the Lord’s Prayer?” New Testament Textual Research Update 4 (1996): 83–86; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 36–39; T. J. Kraus, “Manuscripts with the Lord’s Prayer: They Are More than Simply Witnesses to That Text Itself,” in New Testament Manuscripts, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Leiden, 2006), 227–66; B. Nongbri, “The Lord’s Prayer and ΧΜΓ: Two Christian Papyrus Amulets,” HTR 104 (2011): 59–68.

Other Christian Literary Texts [99]

355

Introduction The papyrus is badly damaged for the opening 5 lines, where the fibers that would otherwise preserve writing on them have been torn away and lost. Following these fragmentary lines, the papyrus preserves a prayer that precedes the Pater Noster. The handwriting is a form of the Severe Style and is written with regularity and care with some developing emphasis on thick and thin pen strokes, giving the overall impression that the papyrus is a professional production. The papyrus ends at l. 19, providing us with the end of the Pater Noster and the end of the prayer, thus demonstrating that this was likely a single-column text, probably containing only one column of roughly 20 lines. The size of the papyrus suggests that it belonged to a single sheet, and there is no handwriting on the reverse. It is difficult to surmise the intended usage of this papyrus sheet, and there are no obvious fold marks. Its size excludes it from being considered a miniature amulet. The usual nomina sacra are employed, and the scribe has used spaces to indicate the division of words. This may have been done in order to facilitate reading of the prayer by a novice, although no other punctuation survives. The scribe mistakenly omitted a phrase when copying Matthew 6:13, a result of homoioteleuton. The papyrus is textually interesting because it appends a short prayer before the Pater Noster using language that borrows from 2  Corinthians 1:3 and shares the common Christian phrase δέσποτα παντοκράτωρ (“Lord Almighty”) or perhaps even δέσποτα παντῶν (“Lord of All”). The end of the prayer repeats the injunction ῥῦσαι ἡμ̣ ᾶς, probably an intentional repetition to heighten the power of the invocation. There is sufficient space following the final injunction to include the closing ἀμήν, but there is no physical evidence that the papyrus included this word. The papyrus does not preserve any of the peculiar readings of the prayer preserved in the Didache, and it certainly favors the language of Matthew against Luke.

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] α[ vac. vac. vac. ]. [ ] μ . . [. .]. ελ̣ ε̣η[ ] ελε[. .]. υμο . [ δέσποτα παντ̣ . . . . [ὁ π(ατ)ὴρ τῶν οἰκτιρμῶν] καὶ θ(εὸ)ς πάσης πα̣ [αρακλήσεως] καὶ ἐλέησον καὶ κ υ̣ β̣. . . . [ καταξίωσον ἡμᾶ ς̣ ̣ . . [ Π(άτ)ερ ἡμῶν] ὁ ἐν τοῖς οὐ(ρα)νοῖς· ἁγιασ̣ θ̣ή ̣τ̣ω̣ [τὸ ὄνομά σου·]

2 Cor 1:3 Matt 6:9-13

356

15

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

ἐλθέτω ἡ βασιλεία σου· ὡς ἐ [̣ ν οὐ(ρα)νῷ καὶ ἐπὶ] γῆς· τὸν ἄρτον ἡμῶν τὸ̣[ν ἐπιούσιον δὸς] ἡμῖν σήμερον· καὶ ἄφες ἡ [̣ μῖν τὰ ὀφειλή-] ματα ἡμῶν, ὥσπερ κα[ὶ] ἡμ[εῖς ἀφήκαμεν] τοῖς ὀφειλέταις ἡμῶν· κ̣ α̣ [ὶ μὴ εἰσενέγκῃς] ἡμᾶς εἰς πε̣ι ̣ρα̣ ̣ σ̣μόν, ἀλ̣ λ̣ ὰ [ῥῦσαι ἡμᾶς ἀ-] π̣ὸ̣ τοῦ πονηροῦ, ῥῦσαι ἡμ̣[ᾶς] __________ 17. pap. οφιλεταις.

Translation (using NRSV for Pater Noster) Master of all . . . and Father of all mercies and God of all comfort . . . (l. 10) have compassion and [guide us?]. . . . Consider us [worthy?]. Our Father in heaven, hallowed be your name. Your kingdom come on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. (l. 15) And forgive us our debts, as we also have forgiven our debtors. And do not bring us to the time of trial, but rescue us from the evil one, rescue us. 6–11

The lines that were able to be restored exempli gratia have between 29 and 32 letters per line. Therefore, the endings of these lines are likely missing somewhere between 6 and 12 letters per line. 6 The ed. pr. suggests μο̣υ̣ [κα]ὶ̣ ἐλέη[σον] is possible. The traces are very fragmentary and do not suggest any complete letters on their own. 7 The ed. pr. suggests that perhaps the line can be restored ἔλε[ός σ]ο̣υ and is reminiscent of Ps 51:3: Ἐλέησόν με, ὁ θεός, κατὰ τὸ μέγα ἔλεός σου (“Have mercy on me, O God, according to your great mercy”). 8 The traces of ink are not sufficient to determine the ending of the word παντ. The invocation δεσποτα leads one to expect something like παντοκράτωρ. Cf. Did. 10:3 Σύ, δέσποτα παντοκράτορ, ἔκτισας τὰ πάντα (“You, Lord Almighty, Creator of all”); Testament of Abraham 8:7 ἀρτίως δέσποτα παντοκράτωρ, εἴ τι κελεύει ἡ σὴ δόξα καὶ ἡ βασιλεία ἡ ἀθάνατος (“Capable Lord Almighty, does your glory and immortal kingdom order anything?”); Acts of Thomas 30.8 καὶ δέσποτα πάντων καὶ πατήρ (“Lord, Father of all”). 10 καὶ ἐλέησον καὶ κυβέρνησον is possible: “have compassion and guide [us].” 11 A. H. Cadwallader restores the line καταξιωσον ημας ε[υχεσθαι] (“Make us worthy to pray”). 12 τω ουρανω mae Did. 13 Matt 6:10 reads ὡς in place of ωσπερ. D* a b c k bomss Tert Cyp om. ως. The scribe has om. γενηθήτω τὸ θέλημά σου, probably as a result of the scribe’s eyes skipping from σου following βασιλεία and picking back up at σου following θέλημα. 14 της γης D K L Θ f 13 𝔐 565 579 700 892 1241 1424 l 844 l 2211. 15–16 την οφειλην Didache; τα παραπτωματα Or. 16 Matt 6:12 reads ως in place of ωσπερ. αφιομεν for αφηκαμεν D L W Δ θ 565 co?; αφιεμεν ‫א‬c K 𝔐 f 13 579 700 1241 1424 l 844 l 2211 co. 19 The ending of the prayer is concluded with the repetition of the invocation, “save us” where one might otherwise expect “amen.” αμην following του πονηρου is the reading of 17 30 288* vgcl.

Other Christian Literary Texts [100]

Date: IV

100 P.Oxy. 4 1B 74/K(a) Hagiography TM no. 108135 21.5 × 14.5 cm

357

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. Reymond and J. Barnes (eds.), Four Martyrdoms from the Pierpont Morgan Coptic Codices (Oxford, 1973), 16; A. Alcock, “Persecution under Septimius Severus,” Enchoria 11 (1982): 1–5; H. M. Schenke, “Bemerkungen zum P.Hamb. Bil. 1 und zum altfayumischen Dialekt der koptischen Sprache,” Enchoria 18 (1991): 86–88. Related Literature: A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2009), 156 n. 6; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 251 n. 56; D. Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle (Berlin, 2004), 156–57. Introduction This fragment originating from a single leaf of what was a papyrus codex preserves 34 nearly complete lines of text in Coptic. The early dating of this Coptic fragment from Oxyrhynchus was made based on paleographic considerations, and, while significantly early for a Coptic text from Oxyrhynchus, it does also demonstrate several word forms and orthographical characteristics that are indicative of an early date.103 The text reports the influential and faithful role that the presbyter John played during the persecution of Christians in Egypt under Septimius Severus (193–211). The text breaks off abruptly, a feature that may represent an incomplete exemplar or the fact that the scribe was forced to stop copying for unknown reasons. L. H. Blumell has noted the popularity of John the apostle and his writings at Oxyrhynchus and raises the possibly that because of this martyrdom tradition the name John may have been doubly important because John the presbyter was martyred there.104 Additionally, A. M. Luijendijk has raised the concern that, because of several inaccuracies in the text (see notes below), this text should be taken not simply as a historiographical account but rather as part of the legendary martyrological tradition that grew up around John the presbyter.

↓ ⲣⲏⲓ̈ ϩⲧⲙⲉϩⲥⲁⲓ ⲛⲣⲁⲡⲉ ⲛⲥⲉⲟⲩⲣⲟⲥ

ⲙⲛⲛⲥⲁ ⲡⲇⲓⲟⲅ̈ⲙⲟⲥ ⲉⲣϣⲟⲡⲉ ϩⲁⲧⲉϥⲏ ⲓ̈ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲓⲟⲛⲓⲥⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ

103 104

Alcock, “Persecution under Septimius Severus,” 2. Blumell, Lettered Christians, 251 n. 56.

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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ⲛⲣⲁⲕⲁⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲣⲁ ⲇⲉ ⲥⲉⲟⲩⲣⲟⲥ ⲁϥⲧⲟⲩⲛ 5 ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲏⲓ̈ ⲉⲧⲛⲁϭ ⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲣⲁⲕⲁⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲉⲩⲓ̈ ⲙⲣⲟⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲛⲕⲏⲙⲉ ⲁϥⲧⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲟⲩⲇⲓⲱⲅⲙⲟⲥ ⲉϫⲉⲛⲉ ⲟⲩⲁⲙ ⲙⲓⲛ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲉⲛⲁⲩⲡ⟦ⲉ⟧ⲥⲧⲉⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲡⲉ ϩⲁϩ ⲛⲉⲛⲏⲧⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲉⲣϩⲁⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲑⲩⲥ[ⲓⲁⲍ]ⲉ 10 ⲉⲓⲇⲟⲗⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲟⲩⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲁϩⲁⲛⲁⲭⲟⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲗ ⲛⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲉⲡ ⟦.⟧`ⲟⲩ´ⲛⲉϣϭⲉⲛϭⲁⲙ ⲉ ⲧⲟ ⟦ⲩ⟧``ⲟ´ⲩⲛ ϩⲁⲡϣⲏϣⲉ ⲉⲧϫⲉϩ ⲉⲧⲥⲉⲛⲉ ⲉⲣⲁϥ ⲛⲁⲣⲉⲛϣ⟦.⟧`ⲏ´ⲟⲩⲉ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲛⲁϩⲕⲏ ⲉ ⲣⲏⲓ̈ ⲓ̈ ⲧⲁⲟⲩⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲧⲥⲛⲉⲉⲣⲛⲉϥ ⲉϫⲓ 15 ⲟⲩⲛⲓⲛⲉⲓ̈ ⲉⲃⲁⲗ ⲓ̈ ⲧⲡⲉⲣⲁ ϣⲁϥϣⲏ ⲛⲉϥ ⲛϣⲁⲡ ⲛϥⲑⲩⲥⲓⲁⲍⲉ ⲛⲥⲉⲕⲱ ⲛⲉϥ ⲉⲣⲏⲓ̈ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲡⲯⲟⲛⲓⲟⲛ ⲛⲁⲣⲉⲟⲩⲛⲁϭ ⲛⲇⲓⲟⲅⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥϣⲁⲡ ⲛⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲛⲕⲏⲙⲉ ⲛⲉ ⲭ ⲙⲙⲉⲛ ⲛⲁⲣⲉⲡⲉⲣⲁ ⲟⲧϥ ⲙⲁⲩ 20 ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϥⲡⲏⲓ̈ⲉ ⲛⲛⲉⲧⲥⲉⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲣⲁⲩ ϫⲉ ⲛⲁⲩⲕⲟⲧ ⲙⲁⲩ ⲁϩ̣ⲛⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲃⲁⲗ ⲭ ⲁⲩⲁⲛⲁⲭⲱⲣⲓ ⲛⲉⲩ ⲡⲁⲗ ⲧⲡⲟⲗ̣ⲓⲥ̣ ̣

→ ⲛⲁⲩⲛⲉⲙⲉⲩ ⲛϫⲉ ⲉⲛⲕⲁⲓⲡⲁⲗⲑⲉⲛⲟⲥ 5

10

ⲉϩⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲡⲣⲟⲁⲥⲧⲓⲟⲛ ⲉϥⲥⲁⲡⲓⲏⲧϥ ⲧⲡⲟ ⲗⲓⲥ ⲙⲓⲗⲓⲟⲛ ⲥⲛⲉⲩ ϩⲉⲡⲁⲟⲩⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲏ ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲣⲉⲛⲡⲉ ⲓ̈ⲱⲁⲛⲛⲏⲥ ⲁⲩϭⲱ ⲡⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲙⲉ ⲉⲩ⟦.⟧`ϣ´ⲁⲡ ⲛⲟⲩⲣⲁⲕ ⲛⲛⲁⲩϩⲟⲙⲛⲓⲛⲉ ϩⲓ̈ ⲉⲛⲓ̈ⲙⲏⲥⲓⲟⲩ ϩⲁⲧⲉ ⲛⲙⲉ ⲧⲉⲓ̈ ⲙⲁⲩ ⲉⲩⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲁⲣⲧⲉⲣⲓ ⲉ ⲡⲉϩϣⲏⲗ ⲉⲣⲉⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲓⲱⲁⲛⲛⲏⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲏⲣⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲁⲉⲣϣⲉⲡ ϫⲁϥ ⲉⲣⲟⲧⲟⲛ ⲉϥϣⲁⲡ ⲛⲉⲩ ⲑⲏ ⲛⲟⲩⲧ ⲉⲛⲁ ̣ⲛ̣ⲟⲩϥ

Translation In the sixth year of Severus, after the persecution which had taken place before the blessed Dionysius the Bishop of Alexandria, the king Severus arose and (l. 5) came down to the great city of Alexandria, which is the metropolis of Egypt.105 He raised a persecution against the Christians. Everyone therefore who believed in Christ, (l. 10) many of them were afraid and sacrificed to the idols; others withdrew from the city, unable to tolerate the polluted worship 105

Translation taken from Alcock, “Persecution,” 3.

Other Christian Literary Texts [101]

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which they saw. For altars were set down in the public square. (l.  15) He who wished to receive something from the king went secretly, sacrificed and was given a fee. There was a great persecution in the land of Egypt. The king (Alcock, “kind”) was slaughtering the Christians (l. 20) and they were building his temples for those who were called “god.” Some of the Christians withdrew from the city. With them also were virgins in a suburb two miles east of the city, belonging to a presbyter named John. (l.  5) They remained there in peace, having remained constant in the presence of many terrors in places from which they came(?), steadfast in their prayer, while the blessed John, of whom we have already spoken to you, (l. 10) was like a good father to them. 1

3

Assuming that the emperor (Septimius Severus) has been correctly identified, then the reference to the sixth year of his reign is off by a year according to A.  Alcock. Alcock (4) notes that Septimius did not enter Egypt until the seventh year of his reign when he attempted to reorganize the province. Alcock concludes that the more accurate date of the persecution of Christians in Egypt under Septimius would be the seventh year of his reign because Coptic Christians would have most likely tied the date of the persecution to the year of the emperor’s visit. The Severan persecution is mentioned by Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.2, who notes that it began in the tenth year of Septimius’ reign. Thus, there is a discrepancy of several years in the date: either it should be tied to the seventh year of Septimius’ reign, or to the tenth year when the persecution actually took place. Kienast (Römische Kaisertabelle, 156–57) records the date of Septimius’ entrance into Egpyt as late 199 or early 200 (157). Septimius was declared emperor on April 9, 193 and thus late 199 to early 200, depending on how the dates were counted, whether from the beginning of the new year (September 1) or the actual years of his reign, could actually fall within the sixth year of his reign or the seventh year as Alcock notes. Additionally, Septimius was accepted as emperor in Egypt on February 13, 194 (Kienast, Kaisertebelle, 156), a year later than his ascension in Italy, and thus it seems that the sixth year, if Alcock is correct in assuming that Coptic Christians would have dated the persecution from his visit to Egypt, is likely accurate because it is based on the year of his recognition as emperor in Egypt. The author has clearly confused Dionysius with Demetrius. Dionysius (248–264) was bishop during the Decian persecution (249–251).

Date: IV/V

101 P.Oxy. VII 1058 Amulet Preserving a Prayer 9.2 × 11.9 cm TM no. 64603; Van Haelst 0955

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VII (London, 1910), 212 (no. 1058).

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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Related Literature: K. Preisendanz et al.  (eds.), Papyri Graecae Magicae (Stuttgart, 1974), 2:6b; R. J. S. Barrett-Lennard, Christian Healing after the New Testament: Some Approaches to Illness in the Second, Third, and Fourth Centuries (Lanham, Md., 1994), 32 n. 133; D. Jordan, “Ψήγματα κριτικής, 4–10 [συνέχεια τοῦ ἀρθοῦ] «Ψήγματα κριτικής»,” Eulimene 2 (2001): 156–57; T. S. de Bruyn and J. H. F. Dijkstra, “A Checklist of Papyri, Parchments, Ostraka, and Tablets,” BASP 48 (2011): 200–201 (no. 109). Introduction This small papyrus fragment contains a prayer for help followed by what was probably a second prayer beginning with ὁ κατο[. The fragment is largely intact, and the papyrus does appear to have been folded along the center, likely to improve the portability of the document. The handwriting is a large and unpracticed uncial with a wide variation in the size and execution of letterforms. A few words appear written on the reverse of the papyrus in a hand that is different from the handwriting of the front side. The handwriting is very crude and appears to be that of a student. The pen strokes are thicker and heavier on the left side of the page, and it is readily apparent that the scribe inked the pen at the beginning of each line and then again about midline. The writing of the reverse side is written in alternating directions with some words written vertical to the fibers and some horizontal to the fibers. The reading οιπως is clearly visible in the bottom right-hand corner on the reverse side of the papyrus, but the letters are upside down with respect to the writing of the front. The correction in ll. 3–4 characterizes the scribe, who wrote δολον, then corrected it to δοῦλον, but in doing so made the υ to look like a sloppy ρ. The phrase “God of crosses” is unique, but theologically it is reminiscent of Luke 9:23 and the Christian idealism of bearing the cross of Christ. Unlike other Christian prayers from this century, this prayer is a general reminder to bear the burdens of being Christian or to bear with the vicissitudes of life. Other prayers seek help to ward off fevers and diseases (see [94]). This fragment functioned as an amulet that was likely carried by the owner.

→ 5

Ὁ θ(εὸ)ς τῶν παρακειμένων σταυρῶν, βοήθησον τὸν δοῦλόν σου Ἀπφουᾶν. ἀμήν. ὁ κατ̣ο [̣ ικῶν

Other Christian Literary Texts [102]

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Translation O God of the crosses that are upon us, help your servant Apphouas. (l.  5) Amen. The inhabitant . . . 3–4

4 6

The phrase βοήθησον τὸν δοῦλόν σου is also attested in Passio Sancti Ananiae (e codice Messanensi 42, fol. 105–10v); Papa Synadinus, Chronography of Serron 3.24.38, but it is clearly reminiscent of Ps 69(70):6 and Ps 108(109):26. D. Jordan has suggested the reading δο{ρ}λον rather than δοῦλον as in the ed. pr. Careful consultation of the images reveals what appears to be an upsilon that may have been corrected to rho, although the top of the corrected rho is written differently than the rho in l. 2. The scribe intended δοῦλον, but in correcting δολον to δοῦλον may have expanded the error by sloppily writing upsilon. The name Απφουα appears frequently in Greek documentary papyri and ostraka beginning in the early fourth century. Early attestations of the name appear in PSI IV 313; Chr. Wilck. 474; O.Mich. I 140, 143. Jordan restored the final line to read ὁ κατ̣ο̣[ικῶν ἐν βοηθείᾳ] from Ps 90(91):1. instead of ὁ καλ̣ [ as in the ed. pr. The emendation makes better sense of the traces of ink, but the suggested parallel to Ps 90(91):1 must remain a conjecture.

Date: IV/V

102 P.Oxy. XIII 1600 Melito, Peri Pascha 57–62 7.8 × 22.5 cm TM no. 61463; Van Haelst 0679

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIII (London, 1916), 19–21 (no. 1600). Related Literature: C. Bonner, “The Homily on the Passion by Melito Bishop of Sardis,” Annuaire de L’Institut de philologie et d’histoire orientales et slaves 4 (1936): 108–16; C. Bonner, “The New Homily of Melito and Its Place in Christian Literature,” PapCongr. V (1937): 94–97; C. Bonner, “Two Problems in Melito’s Homily on the Passion,” HTR 31 (1938): 175–90; E. J. Wellesz, “Melito’s Homily on the Passion: An Investigation into the Sources of Byzantine Hymnography,” JTS 44 (1943): 41–52; C. Bonner, “The Text of Melito’s Homily,” VC 3 (1949): 184–85; C. Bonner, “The Homily on the Passion by Melito, Bishop of Sardis,” in Mélanges Franz Cumont (Brussels, 1936), 107–19; O. Perler, Méliton de Sardes: Sur la Pâque et fragments (SC 123; Paris, 1966), 92–94; S. G. Hall, “The Melito Papyri,” JTS 19 (1968): 504–8; S. G. Hall, “Melito, Peri Pascha 1 and 2: Text and Interpretation,” in Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes Quasten, ed. P. Granfield and J. A. Jungmann (Münster, 1970), 236–48; S. G. Hall (ed.), Melito of Sardis: On Pascha and Fragments (Oxford, 1979); L. C. Cohick,

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

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“Melito of Sardis’ ‘Peri Pascha’ and Its ‘Israel,’ ” HTR 91 (1998): 351–72; L. C. Cohick, The Peri Pascha Attributed to Melito of Sardis: Setting, Purpose, and Sources (Brown Judaic Studies 327; Providence, 2000). Introduction Originally published by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt under the title “Treatise on the Passion,” P.Oxy. XIII 1600 was later identified by C. Bonner in 1936 as belonging to Melito’s Peri Pascha. The original edition of Grenfell and Hunt differs significantly from later editions, a result of suggestions for restoration made in the ed. pr. that were later proven to be inaccurate. The handwriting was described as a “rounded uncial of a formal type”106 and was excavated together with papyri that were mainly of the fifth century. Pauses are indicated by high stops or blank spaces, but their usage is infrequent. There are two corrections made to the papyrus at the end of ll. 19 and 21 where the correction is made at the end of the line. Little is known of Melito of Sardis (d. ca. 180), but he was thought to be a eunuch living in Sardis who devoted himself to writing and spiritual improvement (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.24.5). Eusebius reproduces a letter of Polycrates of Ephesus to Pope Victor I (ca. 194) reporting that Melito was interred at Sardis. Although the majority of Melito’s writings have been lost to us, some have survived in fragmentary form or in translation. Eusebius provides a list of Melito’s writings. Melito was a Quartodeciman, or one who celebrated Easter on the same day as Passover. Much of the early excitement surrounding P.Oxy. XIII 1600 was associated with the recognition that the text preserved a portion of one of Melito’s sermons. The text of the papyrus has been compared to the edition of S. G. Hall.107 → [ χ]ά̣ρ̣ι̣ν· ὅτ[ι [ ] . [.] π̣ί σ̣ τεως §57 [τύχῃ ἐ]κ̣ μακροῦ προο̣ [ραθὲν] ο̣ὕτω δὴ καὶ τὸ §58 5 [τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ π]ά θ̣ ος ἐκ μακροῦ [προτυπ]ωθέν, δὶα δὲ τύ[πον ὅρα]θεν σήμερον [πίστεως] τυγχάνει τετε[λεσμέ]ν̣ [ον, κ]α̣ [ίτοι 10 [ ] ὡ̣ς καινὸ[ν το]ῖ ς̣ ̣ [ἀν(θρώπ)οις] νομιζό[μενο]ν̣. [Ἔστιν γὰ]ρ καινὸ[ν καὶ π]ά -̣ 106 107

P.Oxy. XIII p. 19. Hall, Melito of Sardis.

Other Christian Literary Texts [102]

15

20

25

↓

30

35

40

45

50

[λαιον τὸ] τοῦ κ(υριο)ῦ μυστή[ριον, π]άλαιον μὲν κα[τὰ τὸ]ν̣ νό̣μον, καινὸν [δὲ κατ]ὰ τὴν χάριν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰ[ν] [ἀποβ]λέψης εἰ ς̣ ̣ τ̣ὸ ̣ν̣ τ̣ύ ̣π̣ ο̣(ν) [τοῦτ]ον ὄψῃ διὰ τῆς θ(εο)ῦ̣ [ἐκβάσε]ως. τοίνυν εἰ βούἐὰ ̣(ν)[ [λει τὸ] τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ μυστή ρ̣ ι̣ ο̣ (ν) [ἰδέσθ]αι· ἀπόβλεψον δ[ὴ] [εἰς τὸ]ν Αβελ· τ̣ὸ ̣ν̣ ὁ̣μ̣ο̣ί ω ̣ ̣ ς̣ [φ]ο̣ν̣ευό̣μενον̣ εἰς [τὸν Ἰ]σ̣ ά κ̣ ̣ τ̣ὸ ̣ν ὁμοίως [συμπ]ο̣δι̣ ζ̣ όμενον [εἰς τὸ]ν Ἰωσήφ· τὸν ὁ[μοί]ω̣ ς π̣ ιπ̣ ̣ ρ̣α̣ σ̣κ̣ όμ̣ ε̣[νον] εἰς τὸν Μωυσέα [τὸν] ὁμοίως ἐκτιθέ[μενον τ̣[ὸ]ν ὁμοί[ως διωκόμε-] νον εἰς τ̣ο̣ [ὺς προφήτας] τοὺς ὁμοίως [διὰ Χ(ριστὸ)ν πά-] σχοντες ἀπό̣β̣[λεψον δὲ] καὶ εἰς τὸν ἐν [γῇ Αἰγύπτου] πρόβατον σφ[άξοντα] τὸν πατάξαν[τα Αἴγυπτον] καὶ σώσαντα [τὸν Ἰσραὴλ] περὶ τοῦ α [̣ ἵμ]α ̣τ̣ος. [ἔστιν δὲ] διὰ π̣ [ρο]φητικῆ̣ ς ̣ [φωνῆς] τ[ὸ τοῦ] κ(υρίο)υ μυστή[ριον] κ̣ η̣ ρ̣υ̣σ̣σ̣ό μ ̣ ενον. φ̣[ησὶν γὰρ] Μωυσῆς πρὸς ̣ [ τὸν λαόν·] καὶ ὄψεσθε τὴν̣ [ζωὴν ὑ-] μῶν κρεμαμέν[ην ἔμπρο-] σθεν τῶν ὀφθαλ[μῶν ὑ-] μῶν νυκτὸς καὶ ̣ [ἡμέρας] καὶ οὐ πιστεύσητ[ε ἐπὶ τὴν] ζωὴν ὑμῶν. ὁ [δὲ Δαυὶδ] ε̣ [ἶ]π̣ ε̣ν·̣ ἵ ̣ν̣α̣ τ̣ί ̣ ἐ ̣φ̣ρ̣ύαξε̣ [ν ἔθνη καὶ] λα ο̣ ὶ ̣ ἐμελέτησα [̣ ν κενά;] π̣ α̣ ρ̣έ σ̣ τησαν ο̣ἱ ̣ β̣ α̣ [σιλεῖς] τῆς γῆς κ̣ α̣ ὶ ̣ οἱ ἄ [̣ ρχοντες]

363

§59

§60

§61

§62

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

364

55

συνήχθησαν ἐ[πὶ τὸ αὐ-] τὸ κατὰ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ κα[ὶ κατὰ τοῦ] Χ(ριστο)ῦ αὐτοῦ. ὁ δ̣[ὲ Ἰ]ε [̣ ρεμίας·] ἐγ̣ὼ ̣ ὡς ἀρνίο̣ν̣ [ἄκακον] ἀγόμενον τ̣οῦ̣ [θύεσθαι] ἐλογίσαντο ἐ ̣π̣ ᾽ ἐ [̣ μέ]

frag. 2

→

]...[ ] . ι λ̣ ̣ . [

Translation . . . faith, from a long while beforehand, thus also was (l. 5) the suffering of the Lord foretold beforehand, predicted through types and seen today, it brought faith, taking place (l. 10) [as had been foretold], and yet men believed it was something new. But the mystery of the Lord is both new and old, (l. 15) old according to the law, new according to grace. But if you look into this type, then you will see the fulfillment of it through God. If you wish (l. 20) to behold the mystery of the Lord, look to Abel, who likewise was killed, and to Isaac who likewise (l. 25) was bound, and to Joseph who likewise was sold, and to Moses who was likewise exposed, [and likewise to David] (l.  30) who was hunted, and to the prophets who likewise suffered because of Christ. Look at the one who sacrificed a lamb in the land of Egypt (l. 35) and beat Egypt. It is through the voice of prophecy that the (l. 40) mystery of the Lord was declared. Moses [said] to the people, “You will see your life ended before (l. 45) your eyes night and day, but you will not believe on your life” (Deut 28:66). David said, “Why do the nations conspire, and (l. 50) the peoples plot in vain? The kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take counsel together, against the Lord and (l. 55) his anointed” (Ps 2:1-2). As Jeremiah [said], “I, innocently like a lamb is led to slaughter. They reckon of me . . .” (Jer 11:19). The papyrus probably read προοραθεν with A instead of προτυπωθεν with Β. The shape of the letter at the end of the line suits ο better than τ. 4 A reads ουτως. 5 The papyrus reads πάθος with A against μυστήριον of B. 6–7 Following προτυπωθέν, B reads ὅραθεν δὲ σήμερον πίστεως. The papyrus agrees with A in reading διὰ (τε, added in A) τύπον πίστεως. 7 Β adds δέ above the line following ὅραθεν. 10 ]α̣ ς in the ed. pr. The beginning of the line cannot be confidently restored since the surviving witnesses read καίτοι ὡς καινόν etc. There may have been an enlarged space following καίτοι, but that does not explain the unusually large space at the beginning of l. 10. 11 The abbreviation ανοις must have occurred at the beginning of the line. There is sufficient room for about five letters. 12–13 Other witnesses read πάλαιον καὶ καινόν. 3–4

Other Christian Literary Texts [103]

365

P.Oxy. XIII 1600 is the only witnesses for the reading νόμον where other witnesses read τύπον. 18 ὄψῃ τὸ ἀληθὲς διὰ τῆς ἐκβάσεως A B. The addition of θεοῦ following ὄψῃ is unique and somewhat unexpected. It could perhaps be a scribal error, but there is nothing in the nearby context that would help account for the insertion. 19 ἐὰν should likely be construed with the verb βούλει. 21 [γνω]ν̣αι in the ed. pr. 29–30 Only one line of text is missing between the two sides of the papyrus (εἰς τὸν Δαυίδ). 32 The line would be unusually long with the inclusion of the definite article before Χριστόν, which was probably om., a reading that is attested in B. 38 Αll other witnesses read διά for περί. The papyrus likely om. καί following δέ (attested also in B). 47 Β reads οὐ μὴ πιστεύσητε. 57–59 The wording departs from the typical LXX version of Jer 11:19 where one would expect, “ἐγὼ δὲ ὡς ἀρνίον ἄκακον ἀγόμενον τοῦ θύεσθαι οὐκ ἔγνων· ἐπ’ ἐμὲ ἐλογίσαντο λογισμὸν πονηρὸν λέγοντες” (“But I was like a lamb innocently led to the slaughter. And I did not know it was against me that they devised schemes, saying.”) 15

Date: IV/V

103 P.Oxy. XIII 1601 A Christian Homily or Commentary 10.2 × 12.7 cm TM no. 62342; Van Haelst 0692

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIII (London, 1919), 21–23 (no. 1601). Related Literature: R. Reitzenstein, “Origenes und Hieronymus,” ZNW 20 (1921): 90–93; K. McNamee, “Origen in the Papyri,” CF 27 (1973): 28–51; É. Junod, “Une interprétation originale de Genèse 1,28 indûment attribuée à Origène (Pap. bibl. univ. Giss. inv. 30),” RHR 71 (1991): 11–31; R. Yuen-Collingridge, “Hunting for Origen in Unidentified Papyri: The Case of P.Egerton 2 (= Inv. 3),” in Early Christian Manuscripts: Examples of Applied Method and Approach, ed. T. J. Kraus and T. Nicklas (Texts and Editions for New Testament Study 5; Leiden, 2010), 39–57, esp. n. 11. Introduction The ed. pr. entitled this work a “Homily on Spiritual Warfare,” an attribution that was largely a result of the restoration of the text that was conjectured by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (see n. 2–3 below). Based on the recoverable text and what can potentially be restored through the various allusions to biblical passages, it appears that the discourse largely follows the sequence of Joel 1:6 and 1:8. Although there is some debate regarding the attribution of this work to Origen, it is likely safe to assume that this is a patristic homily or commentary

366

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

on the minor prophet Joel, perhaps even Origen’s work on Joel. With so little continuous text to work with, it is, however, difficult to assign the text to any particular author. Even so, it is notable that the text alludes to or quotes from Joel 1:6, 8; Hosea 3:3; and 1 Peter 5:8. In the ed. pr., Grenfell and Hunt suggested a date of the late fourth or fifth century, and there is no compelling reason to alter their suggestion. The text is notable for the unusual number of abbreviations (ll. 24, 28, 29, 30) that are indicated by an elongated stroke similar to what is done in documentary papyri. The nomen sacrum θ(ε)ῷ appears, but not for υἱός. There are three examples of diaeresis (ll. 5, 14, and 32), and there are a few instances where the scribe may have used an enlarged space to denote a sense break.

↓ 5

10

15

→ 20

25

30

]ω̣μ̣ε̣[ν ]ω μ ̣ ε̣ ̣ν̣ τοῦ νοῦ [ὅτι ἔθνος ἀνέβη] ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν τοῦ [ γάρ, φησίν, αἱ ψυχ[αὶ] καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ τοῦ υἱο[ῦ] ἔθνος ἐξουσιῶν τ[ του καὶ πνευματικ[ῆς] ἡ πάλη καὶ ἀναβαίνε [̣ ι] ρον τυγχάνον κα [̣ ὶ] θμων ὧν ἡ τετάρ̣ [̣ τη] κατὰ τοῦτο γὰρ λέλ[εκται ἀνα-] ρίθμητον τούτου [ [. .] ὀδόντες λέοντ[ος ὁ ἀντί-] δικος ὑμῶν διάβολ[ος ζ]η̣ τ̣ῶ ̣ν καταπιεῖν [

Joel 1:6

Eph 6:12

Joel 1:6; 1 Pet 5:8

]ε̣ται .[ ]π̣ υρον α̣ ι ̣ . . . .[ ] κ̣ εραυνηση ῥιπτι ]ν αὐτῶν ἀπόλλυσι ]ρον περιτίθησιν δὲ ] ὅπερ δηλοῦται ἐν ]τ̣ης μετὰ〚υ〛 ταῦτα θρή]ν̣ησον πρός με [σάκ]κον ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα αὐ(τῆς) [λ]έγει ἣν θρηνεῖ ἐπὶ [το]ὺς δικαίους τοὺς ἐν τῇ ] τῷ θ(ε)ῷ θρηνεῖν δὲ [ὅ]τι ̣ ἐ ̣ν̣ήστευσ(αν) καὶ ἐθρηνεῦσα(ν) ]ν ἔλεγ(εν) Ὡσηὲ γυναικ(ὶ) πορ(νευούσῃ) [ὅτι καθήσῃ] ἐπ’ ἐμοὶ καὶ οὐ μὴ πορνεύ(σῃς)

Joel 1:8

Hos 3:3

Other Christian Literary Texts [103]

367

]. ι̣ο̣ [. . .] .ρακ( ) ὅτι πρῶτ(ον) μὲν ]. ἔγραψεν Μωυσῆς ὅτι ἐὰν [ἐ]πι̣ θυμ( ) τὴν ἐξ ἔθν(ους) ἐκκλησία(ν) [τ]ουτ( ) ἀντὶ τοῦ μὴ ὡς ἐθνικ( ) __________ 5. pap. ϋιο[. 14. pap. ϋμων. 28. l. ἐθρηνοῦσαν. 32. pap. μωϋσης.

Translation Because “a nation went up to the land of the [Lord in strength?]” . . . he says the souls . . . (l. 5) and the soul of the son . . . nation of powers . . . spiritual . . . the battle goes up . . . (l. 10) of which the fourth . . . it has been called . . . numberless . . . “the teeth of a lion” your adversary the devil [prowls around looking] (l. 15) to devour. (l. 23) mourn [like a virgin in] sackcloth for her husband [of her youth] . . . (l. 25) he says . . . you mourn for . . . the righteous . . . for God to mourn . . . that they fasted and mourned . . . Hosea spoke to the fornicating woman . . . (l. 30) [that you will remain] mine and not fornicate . . . that the first . . . Moses wrote that if . . . to the church from Gentiles. 2–3

4

5 8

The lines are restored through the parallel to Joel 1:6. Following γῆν Grenfell and Hunt restore [κ̅υ̅ ισχυρον γη]. Although the restoration of the text within brackets is significant in their edition of P.Oxy. XIII 1601, Grenfell and Hunt do not offer any parallel text to justify the restoration. Their restoration of the text within the brackets is as follows: ]ω̣ με̣[ν ω̣ μ̣ εν̣ ̣ του νου [οτι εθνος ανεβη] ε̣π̣ι την γην του [κ̅υ̅ ισχυρον γη] γαρ φησιν αι ψυχ[αι των αγιων] 5 και η ψυχη του υιο[υ της απωλει(ας)?] εθνος εξουσιων τ̣[ου κοσμου του] του και πνευματικ[η εστιν ημιν] η παλη και αναβαινε̣[ι αυτο? ισχυ] ρον τυγχανον κα̣ [ι ανευ αρι] 10 θμων ων η τεταρ̣[τη] κατα τουτο γαρ λελ[εκται ανα-] ριθμητον τουτου [δε του εθνους] [οι] οδοντες λεοντ[ος οτι ο αντι-] [δι]κος υμων διαβολ[ος περιπατει] 15 [ζ]η̣ τω ̣ ̣ ν καταπιειν [ The surviving text shows several marked parallels to Basil of Caesarea’s Homily on Psalms, αὗται γάρ, φησίν, αἱ ψυχαὶ αἱ ἐξελθοῦσαι ἐκ τῶν μηρῶν Ἰακώβ (PG 29.400.11), and εἰκότως μεταλαμβάνουσι τῆς ἀσωμάτου καὶ πνευματικῆς χωρηγίας αἱ τῶν ἁγίων ψυχαί (ΠΓ 30.116.7). Ezek 18:4 offers a substantial parallel, the pertinent segment of which reads: Ὅτι πᾶσαι αἱ ψυχαὶ ἐμαί εἰσιν, ὃν τρόπον ἡ ψυχὴ τοῦ πατρός, οὕτως καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ τοῦ υἱοῦ ἐμή ἐστιν. The translation reflects ἡ πάλη as the subject of ἀναβαίνει, but this is far from certain.

368

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

13–15 The parallel to 1 Pet 5:8 is the most substantial of the first 15 lines of the fragment. If P.Oxy. XIII 1601 did quote the phrase “ὁ ἀντίδικος ὑμῶν διάβολος ὡς λέων ὠρυόμενος περιπατεῖ ζητῶν τινα καταπιεῖν” (“because your opponent the devil, as a roaring lion, does walk about, seeking whom he may swallow up”) from 1 Pet 5:8 in its entirety, then the line lengths were much longer than suggested in the edition of Grenfell and Hunt. 18 The form of the verb κεραυνόω is otherwise unattested and is likely a mistake for κεραυνώσῃ or κεραυνώσει. The end of the line probably represents a mistake for ριπτε-. 21 The phrase ὅπερ δηλοῦται ἐν is peculiar to Origen (Or. PG 24.4.9; PG 31.6.12; Comm. Matt. PG 14.1.56) and Didymus Caecus, In Gen. PG 176.24. 22 The scribal error is the result of the scribe copying μεταταυτα, where his eyes picked up at the wrong place and he began copying out μεταυτα. 23–24 The restoration of the text is from Joel 1:8 and the beginning of the line should likely be restored ὑπὲρ νύμφην περιεζωσμένην. This restoration would create a line length that was considerably longer than those proposed in the ed. pr. 30 The line is restored through the parallel to Hos 3:3. 32 It is unclear if the author intended to quote directly from a writing attributed to Moses or whether, as seems more likely, the reference to Moses is thematic and represents a generalization of Moses’ teachings.

Date: IV/V

104 P.Oxy. LXXIII 4933 Biblical Excerpts 5.1 × 10.1 cm TM no. 117813

Material: Papyrus

Published: D. Obbink and N. Gonis (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXXIII (London, 2009), 10–17 (no. 4933). Related Literature: M. C. Albl, “And Scripture Cannot Be Broken”: The Form and Function of the Early Christian Testimonia Collection (Cologne, 1999), 65–69; A. Falcetta, “The Testimony Research of James Rendell Harris,” NovT 45 (2003): 280–99. Introduction P.Oxy. LXXIII 4933 preserves a single page from what was probably a papyrus codex containing biblical excerpts for Christian usage and teaching. In the ed. pr., D. Colomo reconstructs the original size of the codex to be roughly 17.5 cm and thus of roughly the same width as many of the codices of Turner’s Group 5. The height of the codex is more difficult to reconstruct because it is no longer certain how many lines each page contained. It is likely that the codex was rather tall in format, perhaps ranging between 25 and 30 cm based on similar width codices in Turner’s Group 5. The handwriting is a semidocumentary hand with only a passing interest in bilinearity. The papyrus was dated paleographically to the fourth or fifth century based on parallels to P.Flor. I

Other Christian Literary Texts [104]

369

36 (312), P.Bodmer VII, X, XI (IV), and P.PalauRib.Lit. 4 (III/IV). The scribe employs a modified form of diaeresis that is approximate to an acute accent on the front side in ll. 3, 7, 11, 13 and on the reverse side in l. 14. The use of the nomen sacrum on the reverse in l. 10 indicates that this is a Christian work. In the publication of the ed. pr., Colomo drew attention to parallels between this text and Christian testimonia, or collections of Old Testament passages used to confirm and prefigure Christ and his ministry. These testimonia frequently quoted from Old Testament passages that were felt to have predictive value and were probative of a messianic interpretation of Jesus, his teachings, and death and resurrection. This fragment follows the familiar form of testimonia in listing such Old Testament passages. Unfortunately, the papyrus is too fragmentary to reconstruct how each quotation of scripture was introduced or even whether each passage was listed as belonging to a specific author as appears to have been the case in l. 6 of the front where there is a significant amount of space preceding the quotation of Amos and where the source of the quotation may have been directly attributed to Amos. The biblical quotations are restored exempli gratia. In the ed. pr., Colomo interprets the passages included in this testimonia as focusing on the theme of David’s tent in an eschatological sense. This raises the tantalizing suggestion of whether the collection of biblical passages were intended to comment upon John 1:14 ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν (“he dwelt among us”) and the idea of the Logos who dwells among his people in a tent. A translation of this papyrus is not given because so little text survives and because the reconstructed lines represent biblical passages exclusively.

↓ 5

10

15

κ̣α̣ὶ ἐν̣[οικοῦντες ἐν πόλεσιν Ἰούδα καὶ ἐν πασῇ τῇ γῇ] Jer 38:24 αὐ̣ ̣τοῦ ἅ [̣ μα γεωργῷ, καὶ ἀρθήσεται ἐν ποιμνίῳ. ὅ-] 38:25 τ̣ι ̣ ἐμέθ̣υσ̣ α̣ ̣ π̣[ᾶσαν ψυχὴν διψῶσαν καὶ πᾶσαν] ψυχ ̣ὴν εψ .[ ἐνέπλησα. διὰ] 38:26 τοῦτο ἐξηγ[έρ]θ̣[ην καὶ εἶδον, καὶ ὁ ὕπνος μου ἡ-] δύς μοι ἐ γ̣ έ ̣νε[το ἐν τῇ] Amos 9:11 ἡμέρᾳ ἐκείν̣ [ῃ ἀναστήσω τὴν σκηνὴν] Δα̣ υὶδ τὴν π[επτωκυῖαν καὶ ἀνοικοδομήσω] τὰ ̣ πεπτωκότ̣ [α αὐτῆς καὶ τὰ κατεσκαμμένα αὐ-] τ̣ῆς ἀν̣ασ̣τή[σω καὶ ἀνοικοδομήσω αὐτὴν] κ̣ αθὼς αἱ ἡμ̣ [έραι τοῦ αἰῶνος, ὅπως ἐκζητή-] 9:12 σωσιν οἱ κατ̣ [άλοιποι τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ] πάντα τὰ ἔθ̣ [νη ἐφ᾽ οὓς ἐπικέκληται τὸ ὄνομά] μου ἐπ᾽ αὐ[τούς, νεστη[ πορευ[

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

370

]σου[ ].[ __________ 5. pap. εξεγ[. 8. pap. δαυειδ.

→ 5

10

15

20

[αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐκ χειρὸς Σαουλ, καὶ εἶπεν κ(ύρι)]ε ἀγα̣ [-Ps 17(18):1-2 [πήσω κ(ύρι)ε ἡ ἰσχύς μου. κ(ύριο)ς στερέωμά μου καὶ] κ̣ α̣ ταφ[υ17(18):3 [γή μου καὶ ῥύστης μου, ὁ θ(εό)ς μου βοηθός μο]υ καὶ ἐ [̣ λ[πιῶ ἐπ αὐτόν, ὑπερασπιστής μου καὶ κέ]ρ̣[α]ς ̣ σωτη[ρί[ας μου, ἀντιλήμπτωρ μου. αἰνῶν ἐπι]καλέ σ̣ ο̣ μαι ̣ [κ(ύριο)ν καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μου σωθήσο]μ̣ αι. περιέσχον̣ 17(18):4-5 [με ὠδῖνες θανάτου, χείμαρρ]ο̣ [ι] ἀ ̣νομίας ἐξετ̣ [ά[ραξαν με ὠδῖνες ᾅδου περι]εκύ̣κ̣ λ̣ ωσάν με̣ , 17(18):6 [προέφθασάν με παγίδες θαν]άτο̣υ. καὶ ἐν τ[ῷ 17(18):7 [θλίβεσθαί με ἐπεκαλεσά]μ ̣ην κ(ύριο)ν καὶ ἐκ[έ[κραξα· πρὸς τὸν θ(εό)ν μου ἤκο]υ̣σεν ἐκ ναοῦ τῆ̣ [ς [φωνῆς μου, καὶ ἡ κραυγή] μ̣ ου ἐνώπιον α̣ [ὐ[τοῦ εἰσελεύσεται εἰς τὰ ὦτα] αὐτ̣ο[ῦ] καὶ ἐσα̣ 17(18):8 [λεύθη καὶ ἔντρομος ἐγενήθη] ἡ γῆ, κ̣ α̣ ὶ ̣ τὰ θεμέ[λια τῶν ὀρέων ἐταράχθη]σαν καὶ ἐσαλεύ[θησαν, ὅτι ὠργίσθη αὐτοῖς ὁ θ(εό)ς. ἀ]ν̣έβη καπνὸς 17(18):9 [ἐν ὀργῇ αὐτοῦ, καὶ πῦρ ἀπὸ προσ]ώπου αὐτοῦ [κατεφλόγισεν, ἄνθρακες ἀνή]φ̣θ̣η̣ σαν [ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. καὶ ἔκλινεν οὐρανὸν κα]ὶ ̣ κατέβη, 17(18):10 [καὶ γνόφος ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ. κ]αὶ ἐπέβη ̣ 17(18):11 [ἐπὶ χερουβιν καὶ ἐπετάσθη, ἐ]π̣ε̣[τάσθη __________ 5. pap. ]καλεσωμαι.

1 4

6 12 14

The line is somewhat longer than the average line and it is likely that some word has been omitted, although the lines may have been uneven and this line may simply have been longer than average. Following ψυχήν, Jer 38:25 continues πεινῶσαν ἐνέπλησα. It appears that either an unattested textual variant occurred following ψυχήν, or the author of the passage has added some brief comment or notation. The quotation of Jeremiah clearly resumes in l. 5 at Jer 38:26. Colomo suggests either εψυ[γμενην] or εψυ[ξα]. εγενετο is also attested in A. There is sufficient space at the beginning of the Amos quotation to include the reference εξ Αμως, Αμως, οr an enlarged space to denote the beginning of a new quotation. A′ 49′ 198 407 456 534 86mg SyhArab = Act xv 17 add τον κυριον after των ανθρωπων. If τον κυριον was written as a nomen sacrum, then it is possible that the papyrus also contained this reading. The quotation of Amos 9:12 ends on this line, probably at the end of the verse. Following the end of the quotation one would expect another biblical excerpt or even a commentary

Other Christian Literary Texts [105]

→

371

on the verses just quoted. If l. 15 begins a new quotation, then it is too broken to identify. Colomο has suggested 2 Chr 24:20.

1–21

The quotation of Ps 17:1-11 is more extensive than the quotations of Jeremiah or Amos. The unusually long quotation may signal the focus of the testimonia. 1 The noun κυριε may have been written out rather than abbreviated as a nomen sacrum. The supra-linear stroke is absent. 8 περιεσχον for περιεκυκλωσαν U. 10 The omission of the article before κυριον is unique to P.Oxy. LXXIII 4933 and is not attested in any other LXX witnesses. 11 The variant word order εκεκραξα προς τον θ(εο)ν μου, with the verb preceding the prepositional phrase, is otherwise unattested in the position it appears here. 11–12 Following εκ ναου, one expects αγιου αυτου φωνης μου Β′ L′ A′ or αγιου αυτου της φωνης μου U R. The traces of ink at the end of the line appear to fit της and thus της φωνης, which probably indicates that αγιου αυτου was om. 13 U VulgGac om. και. 14 Vulg om. και. 15 U om. και. 17 εναντιον for απο προσωπου B. 18 The line is unexpectedly short and may have included an otherwise unattested textual variant. 20 ανεβη for επεβη U.

Date: IV/V

105 PSI II 155 Theological Work TM no. 64565 11.0 × 10.0 cm

Material: Papyrus

Published: G. Vitelli (ed.), Papiri Greci e Latina II (Florence, 1913), 85–86 (no. 155). Introduction This small papyrus fragment is written in a right-slanting formal biblical uncial that is mostly bilinear with ψ, ρ, and χ being extended into the lines above and below. The handwriting is similar to that of P.Oxy. XVIII 2157 (IV, Galatians [52]) and should be dated to no earlier than the fourth century and perhaps as late as the fifth century. No comparanda were provided in the ed. pr., nor was there any discussion of its textual characteristics. The papyrus preserves the ending of ten fragmentary lines of varying lengths. The ink is black and abraded in some places, particularly l. 5. The surviving page likely results from a roll rather than a page of a codex. The reverse is reminiscent of a Christian letter where the author wished to obviate his or her Christianity through the use of the isopsephy/acrostic χμγ. The Christian character of this papyrus is confirmed through the use of the nomen sacrum θ(εο)ῦ and the isopsephy/acrostic

Christian Literary Papyri from Oxyrhynchus

372

χμγ found on the reverse. No parallels have been discovered that would associate this work with a known patristic author. It is possible that the papyrus preserves a homily or biblical commentary.

→ 5

10

↓ 2 5 7 8

↓ 1

[ὁ σ]ο̣φ̣ὸ̣ς̣ ἀ̣νεμνήσθη μου ἐνώπιον τοῦ [πά]λιν διὰ πολλῶν τρόπων̣ ]νὴν μ[ο]υ ψυχὴν ]αι ὁ πόθος τῆς ἀναγώ-̣ ]πε̣ ρισ̣σο̣ τερα[ ]λλω ε ἶ̣ ναι καὶ ὑπ[ ]. θ(εο)ῦ δ . . .ος στόματα ̣ ]κ[. . .]εν ἰδοὺ βα σ̣ τα]ην̣ δὲ ̣ . . [ ]..[ ]χ̅μ̅γ̅ __________ 6. pap. ϋπ[.

Following τοῦ at the end of l. 1, the likely reconstruction would be either κυρίου or θεοῦ. τῆς in l. 4 suggests that the genitive would follow (ἀναγωγέως), although the reconstruction is not certain. The line could perhaps be reconstructed δὲ πρὸς στόματα, but the traces of ink before ος do not seem to fit προς. The traces would better suit α or ν. Perhaps a form of βαστάζω should be restored at the end of the line. For a discussion of the isopsephy χμγ, see L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 46: M. Choat, “Echo and Quotation of the NT in Papyrus Letters to the End of the Fourth Century,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World ed. T. J. Kraus and N. Tobias (Leiden, 2006), 114–15; T. C. Skeat, “A Table of Isopsephisms (P.Oxy. XLV 2329),” ZPE 31 (1978): 45–54; G. Robinson, “ΚΜΓ and ΘΜΓ for ΧΜΓ,” Tyche 1 (1986): 177. Isopsephy does not typically appear in literary texts, but its usage is generally a feature of Christian letters and magical texts. It, together with other Christian abbreviations, is a feature of mutual recognition among Christians. The numeric value of the Greek letters is 643 and may indicate the phrase “God is a helper” (θεὸς βοηθός), which also has the numeric value of 643. It may also have originated as an acrostic Χ(ριστὸν) Μ(αρία) γ(εννᾷ) or “Mary begat Christ.”

III DOCUMENTARY PAPYRI AND CHRISTIANITY AT OXYRHYNCHUS

Decian Libelli Currently, the earliest documentary texts from Oxyrhynchus that potentially relate to Christians or Christianity are the Decian libelli, of which there are at present four published texts: P.Oxy. IV 658 [106]; P.Oxy. XII 1464 [107]; P.Oxy. XLI 2990 [108]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 [109]. The libelli from Egypt, along with Cyprian’s De Lapsis (On the Lapsed), select letters of Cyprian (Ep. 17, 18, 20, 23, 27, 55), fragments of Dionysius of Alexandria’s letters (preserved as extracts in Eusebius, Hist. eccl., bks 6 and 7), and the Passio Pionii (Martyrdom of Pionius) constitute the extant evidence for Decius’ edict requiring every citizen of the empire to offer sacrifice. Though the exact date Decius promulgated this edict is not known, it appears that it occurred sometime in the late autumn of 249 shortly after he became emperor or possibly as late as January of 250.1 While Decius’ edict is no longer extant, from the scattered sources its broad contours and scope can with some degree of certainty be reconstructed. The edict required all citizens—indiscriminate of age, sex, status, race (Jews excepted), or cultic adherence—to offer a sacrifice, to pour a libation, and to partake of the sacrificial offerings. The apparent motives behind this unprecedented act are not altogether clear, but, in his sacerdotal role as emperor, Decius may have felt that in light of the particularly turbulent times such a collective act of piety would not only please the patron deities but hasten Rome’s fortunes; furthermore, as Rome had just celebrated its thousandth anniversary the previous year (248), it may have been an especially auspicious time for such a show of devotion. While Eusebius asserts that there were distinctly D. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Empire: A Historical Commentary on the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle (Oxford, 1990), 261–63 (Potter suggests autumn 249); G. W. Clarke, The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage, I (ACW 43; New York, 1984), 25–27 (Clarke suggests early January 250). 1

373

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

374

political motives behind the edict—namely, Decius’ hatred for his predecessor Philip,2 who Eusebius believed was a Christian3—such an explanation seems unlikely. There is no evidence that Decius promulgated the edict to target Christians specifically or even to single out and coerce other recusants to make offerings to the gods. All the same, it is hard to imagine that Decius was completely unaware of the potential problems such an edict would cause such groups, especially Christians, since it would necessarily create at least a few “conscientious objectors” who would have to be dealt with by the state for civil disobedience. From Christian sources it becomes evident that the edict wreaked havoc on the Church. Dionysius of Alexandria—in a letter to Fabius, bishop of Antioch—dramatically describes the effects of the edict on the church once it began to be implemented in Alexandria: The edict arrived, and it was almost like that which was predicted by our Lord, well-nigh the most terrible of all, so as, if possible, to cause to stumble even the elect. Howsoever that be, all cowered with fear. And of many of the more eminent persons, some came forward immediately through fear, others in public positions were compelled to do so by their business, and others were dragged by those around them. Called by name they approached the impure and holy sacrifices, some pale and trembling, as if they were not for sacrificing but rather to be themselves the sacrifices and victims to the idols, so that the large crowd that stood around heaped mockery upon them, and it was evident that they were by nature cowards in everything, cowards both to die and to sacrifice. But others ran eagerly towards the altars, affirming by their forwardness that they had not been Christians even formerly; concerning whom the Lord very truly predicted that they shall hardly be saved. Of the rest, some followed one or other of these, others fled; some were captured, and of these some went as far as bonds and imprisonment, and certain, when they had been shut up for many days, then forswore themselves even before coming into court, while others, who remained firm for a certain time under tortures, subsequently gave in.4

Christians who chose to rebuff the dictates of the edict and failed to offer the prescribed sacrifices were subsequently interrogated, tortured, imprisoned, and in some cases exiled or even executed. 5 As a result, many Christians Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.39.1; cf. Orosius, C. Pag. 7.21. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.34.1. 4 Eusebius, Hist. eccl.  6.41.10–13. Translation taken from J. E. L. Oulton (trans. and ed.), Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History Books 6–10 (LCL 265; Repr., Cambridge, Mass., 1994), 103–5. 5 Martyred: Fabian in Rome ( January 20 or 21, 250); Babylas in Antioch ( January 24, 250); Nestor in Pamphylia (February 28, 250); and Pionius in Smyrna (March 12, 250). Cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.39.2–4; Origen languished in prison for months (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.39.5). 2 3

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sought ways to avoid detection and either fled from their homes or bribed local officials and obtained forged libelli.6 Still others, and in great numbers according to Dionysius and Cyprian, yielded to the edict out of fear and performed the prescribed sacrifices; the heated debates that raged over the status of the lapsed—the libellatici and sacrificati—in the aftermath of the edict reveals that it had presented serious problems to the Church. Therefore, in this charged atmosphere of anxiety and terror—where known Christians were informed on by their non-Christian neighbors who acted as deletores and where the government dealt with Christians in a very heavy-handed manner for not obeying the edict—one can see how contemporary Christians felt they were being specifically targeted by the state for persecution.7 Concerning the implementation of the edict, the Decian libelli from Egypt are perhaps the most useful sources because they reveal the process by which one satisfied its demands. To date, 46 libelli have been published (see list below), and despite minor differences it is clear that they followed a fairly consistent form. Though the libelli (Gk. βιβλίδια) are sometimes described as “certificates” that proved one had sacrificed and yielded to the edict of Decius, this is not entirely accurate. While it is certainly true that a libellus served as sufficient proof that one had performed the sacrifices, it took the form of a petition or application (rather than a certificate) whereby a petitioner or appellant sought official confirmation of the prescribed sacrificial act from the local commission. As a result, the libelli are couched in the language of an application and typically begin with an address to the local commission set up to oversee the sacrifices. This is followed by a declaration that the petitioner has yielded to the imperial commands and is loyal to the ancestral gods; the petitioner then testifies that he/she has offered a sacrifice, has poured a libation, and in some cases has partaken of the sacrificial offerings. In some libelli it is the paterfamilias who acts on behalf of the whole family and acknowledges that all in his household have sacrificed. In other libelli it is a single individual in a larger household. After claiming they have performed the stipulated rites, the petitioners then entreat the local commissioners to validate the sacrifice by countersigning the declaration. This is typically followed by a regnal formula and date, and the libelli often conclude with subscriptions by members of the local commission attesting that they have confirmed the sacrifice. Presumably 6 According to Dionysius of Alexandria, many Egyptians fled for refuge to “the Arabian mountain” to escape the edict (Eusebius, Hist. eccl.  6.42.2–3); Gregory of Nyssa, Vita Gregorii Thaumaturgi 83–84 (PG 46.945) reports that Gregory Thaumaturgus fled to the Pontic hills. Cyprian reports that he was aware that bishops had even fled from far away provinces to Rome to be lost in the crowd (Ep. 30.8.1; see also Ep. 21.4.1; 55.13.2). On the bribing of officials for forged libelli, see Cyprian, Ep. 30.3.1; 55.14.1. 7 Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.41.11.

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there were at least two copies of every libellus, one that the petitioner kept for personal records and another that was kept in the municipal archives.8 Since the edict required that every citizen of the empire must sacrifice, this undoubtedly put an enormous strain on the bureaucratic resources of the empire. While it is certain that some Christians were able to evade the edict by slipping through the cracks of imperial and local bureaucracies due to their inherent deficiencies and limitations combined with the fact that the onus was primarily on the sacrificants to come forth of their own accord to comply with the edict and apply for the libellus, the edict could still have far-reaching grasp and be rigorously conducted with some degree of thoroughness. It may be noted that there was already a bureaucratic apparatus in place for tax collection and census taking, which would have similarly required extensive government organization for implementation, and so it seems likely that the same bureaucratic procedure by which census returns for tax purposes were effected could have served as a kind of model upon which to pattern the implementation of the edict. On this point it may be noted that the phraseology preserved in certain libelli that mention ἀπογραφή (“registration”) and κατὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα (“according to what has been ordered”) otherwise occurs in census returns and suggests that the edict to sacrifice may have been carried out in a similar manner.9 Furthermore, it seems intuitive that census returns would have provided local authorities with a ready list of persons who were required to sacrifice and could have been easily used to track sacrificants and identify absentees and recusants. Of the forty-six published libelli, all date from May to July 250, and the overwhelming majority come from the village of Theadelphia in the Fayum: Theadelphia 37; Euhemeria 1; Ptolemais Euergetis 2; Alexandru Nesos 1; Narmuthis 1; Oxyrhynchus 3; Thosbis 1. Though some have suggested that because all the extant libelli date many months after the edict would have been originally issued they represent a later phase in the carrying out of the edict and were only required of suspected Christians, such reasoning seems improbable.10 Given the massive scale of the edict, it seems only likely that Decius allowed a generous time limit for it to be enforced: it would have taken at least a couple of months for the edict to reach various parts of the empire and some additional time for provincial and local governments to establish commissions

Two duplicate libelli have survived for a woman named Aurelia Charis: SB I 4440 and SB I 5943 from the village of Theadelphia in the Fayum and dated June 16, 250. 9 A. Brent, Cyprian and Roman Carthage (Cambridge, 2010), 207–8; J. Rives, “The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire,” JRS 89 (1999): 148–50. 10 Most recently argued by R. J. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians: In the Mediterranean World from the Second Century AD to the Conversion of Constantine (New York, 1987), 455–57. 8

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and even begin to implement the edict. Furthermore, the impression one gets from certain Christian sources is that the process could at times be very slow as throngs of petitioners crammed town centers and formed long lines as they made their way to the altars.11 Therefore, it should not be surprising that sacrifices were still being carried out in June and July of 250 even if the edict was issued as early as the late autumn of 249.12 Additionally, given that one of the petitioners of one of the libelli, a woman named Aurelia Ammonous, styles herself as a “priestess of the god Petesouchos” (W.Chr. 125.5–6: ἱερείας Πετεσούχου θεοῦ), it seems especially difficult to suppose how she could have been suspected of being a Christian. It appears that the edict was enforced with some rigor until the end of 250; in a letter of Cyprian written shortly before the end of the year, he applauded several confessors for their patient endurance and suffering and seems to imply that the worst was over.13 If the end of 250 did not bring a complete halt to the harsh measures of the edict, then the death of Decius in June of 251 surely did. Cyprian’s De Lapsis (1–5) begins with Cyprian rejoicing over the end of the persecution and the death of Decius. Despite the jubilation and relief many Christians must have surely felt at news of the death of Decius, the effects of his edict left behind a wake of problems for the church. As G. W. Clarke notes, “Decius’ religious rally had left behind a long-lasting legacy of disorder and disarray within the Christian ranks, with dissensions over the proper conditions for readmitting the fallen bitterly dividing the churches everywhere, and with bishops challenged for spiritual leadership by surviving (and, by definition, inspirited) confessors.”14 In conclusion, even though none of the extant libelli employ the term “Christian” or betray any distinct markers that would otherwise suggest that they were submitted by individual Christians, because they constitute the best independent evidence for how the edict of Decius was carried out, which inherently led to severe hostilities and persecutions against Christians, they are important, albeit indirect, sources for Christianity in the third century.

Cyprian, Ep. 8.2.3; 21.3.2. A similar delay may be noted in Diocletian’s first edict of the “Great Persecution,” where it was announced February 23, 303 in Nicomedia but did not begin to be enforced until June 5, 303 in a town near Carthage. 13 Cyprian, Ep. 37.2.1. 14 CAH XII p. 635. 11 12

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Published Decian Libelli15 Publication

Place

Date

1.

P.Hamb. I 61a

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 13, 250

2.

P.Hamb. I 61b

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 21, 250

3.

P.Lips. II 152

Euhemeria (Arsinoite)

June 16, 250

4.

P.Meyer 15

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 27, 250

5.

P.Meyer 16

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

6.

P.Meyer 17

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

7.

P.Mich. III 157 (=SB III 6824)

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 17, 250

8.

P.Mich. III 158 (=SB III 6825)

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 21, 250

9.

P.Oxy. IV 658 [106]

Oxyrhynchus

June 14, 250

10.

P.Oxy. XII 1464 [107]

Oxyrhynchus

June 27, 250

11.

P.Oxy. XLI 2990 [108]

Oxyrhynchus

c. 250

12. P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 [109]

Thosbis (Oxyrhynchite)

June 25–July 24, 250

13. P.Ryl. I 12

Ptolemais Euergetis (Arsinoite) June 14, 250

14.

P.Ryl. II 112a

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 20, 250

15. P.Ryl. II 112b

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

16. P.Ryl. II 112c

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 22, 250

17.

P.Ryl. II 112d (=SB III 6827)

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 21, 250

18. P.Ryl. II 112e (=SB III 6828)

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

19.

Narmuthis (Arsinoite)

June 4, 250

20. PSI V 453

P.Wisc. II 87 (=SB III 6826)

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 14–23, 250

21.

Theadelphia (?)

June 26, 250

22. SB I 4435

PSI VII 778

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 12, 250

23. SB I 4436

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 14, 250

24. SB I 4437

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 14, 250

25. SB I 4438

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 15, 250

26. SB I 4439

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

May 26–June 24, 250

27.

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 16, 250

28. SB I 4441

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 17, 250

29.

SB I 4440 (Duplicate of SB I 5943) SB I 4442

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 19, 250

30. SB I 4443

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 19, 250

31.

SB I 4444

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 21, 250

32. SB I 4445

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 22, 250

33. SB I 4446

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 23, 250

15

List derived from P.Lips. II pp. 226–32.

Decian Libelli Publication

379

Place

Date

34. SB I 4447

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 23, 250

35. SB I 4448

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 23, 250

36. SB I 4449

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 23, 250

37.

SB I 4450

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

July 14, 250

38. SB I 4451

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

39.

SB I 4452

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

40. SB I 4453

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

41.

SB I 4454

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

42. SB I 4455

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

250

43. SB I 5943 (Duplicate of SB I 4440)

Theadelphia (Arsinoite)

June 16, 250

44. SB VI 9084

Theadelphia (?)

June 17, 250

45. W.Chr. 124 (=BGU I 287)

Alexandru Nesos (Arsinoite)

June 26, 250

46. W.Chr. 125

Ptolemais Euergetis (Arsinoite) 250

Related Literature:16 A. Alfoldi, “Zu den Christenverfolgungen in der Mitte des 3. Jahrhunderts,” Klio 31 (1938): 323–48; A. Bludau, Die ägyptischen Libelli und die Christenverfolgung des Kaisers Decius (Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde und für kirchengeschichte 27; Freiburg, 1931); A. Brent, Cyprian and Roman Carthage (Cambridge, 2010), 193–223; G. W. Clarke, “Double-Trials in the Persecution of Decius,” Historia 22 (1973): 650–63; G. W. Clarke, The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage, I (ACW 43; New York, 1984), 22–36; G. W. Clarke, “Some Observations on the Persecution of Decius,” Antichthon 3 (1969): 63–77; G. W. Clarke, “Two Measures in the Persecution of Decius,” BICS 20 (1973): 118–23; R.  Duttenhöfer (ed.), Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig II (=P.Lips. II; Munich, 2002), 226–41; W. H. C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church: A Study of the Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus (Oxford, 1965), 389–439; L. Fronza, “Studi sull’imperatore Decio,” Annali triestini 23 (1953): 317–22; P. Keresztes, “The Decian Libelli and Contemporary Literature,” Latomus 34 (1975): 761–81; A. Knipfing, “The Libelli of the Decian Persecution,” HTR 16 (1923): 345–90; R. J. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians: In the Mediterranean World from the Second Century AD to the Conversion of Constantine (New York, 1987), 455–60; W. L. Leadbetter, “A Libellus of the Decian Persecution,” NewDocs 2 (1982): 180–85; H. Leclercq, “Libelli,” DACL 9.1 (1930): 1097–99; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 157–74; 16

Ordered alphabetically and not chronologically.

380

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

D. G. Martinez, “The Papyri and Early Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 605–6; P. M. Meyer, Die Libelli aus der Decianischen Christenverfolgung (Berlin, 1910); F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World (London, 1977), 567–68; J. Molthagen, Der römische Staat und die Christen im zweiten und dritten Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1970), 61–84; O. Montevecchi, La Papirologia (Turin, 1973), 288–89; H. A. Pohlsander, “The Religious Policy of Decius,” ANRW II 16.3 (1986): 1826–42; D. Potter, Prophecy and History in the Crisis of the Roman Empire: A Historical Commentary on the Thirteenth Sibylline Oracle (Oxford, 1990), 261–67; J. Rives, “The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire,” JRS 89 (1999): 135–54; P. Roasenda, “Decio e i libellatici,” Didaskaleion 5.1 (1927): 31–68; G. Schoenaich, Die Libelli und ihre Bedeutung für die Christenverfolgung des Kaisers Decius (Breslau, 1910); J.  Schwartz, “Une déclaration de sacrifice du temps de Dèce,” RB 54 (1947): 365–69; R. Selinger, The Mid-Third Century Persecutions of Decius and Valerian (New York, 2002), 27–82; P. J. Sijpesteijn (ed.), The Wisconsin Papyri II (=P.Wisc. II; Zutphen, 1977), 191–92; M. Sordi, “La data dell’editto di Decio e il significato della chiesa in Italia,” RSCI 34 (1980): 457–60; J. Stevenson, A New Eusebius: Documents Illustrating the History of the Church to AD 337 (7th rev. ed.; London, 1999), 213–24. 106 P.Oxy. IV 658 Libellus for Aurelius L. . .thion and Family 15.5 × 7.2 cm TM no. 20403 Date: June 14, 250 Material: Papyrus Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri IV (London, 1904), 49–50 (no. 658); J. R. Knipfing, “The Libelli of the Decian Persecution,” HTR 16 (1923): 365–66 (no. 4); P. Roasenda, “Decio e i libellatici,” Didaskaleion 5.1 (1927): 46–47 (no. 3); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 161–62. Related Papyri: P.Oxy. XII 1464 [107]; P.Oxy. XLI 2990 [108]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 [109]. Related Literature: P. D. Scott-Moncrieff, Paganism and Christianity in Egypt (Cambridge, 1913), 87; C. M. Cobern, The New Archaeological Discoveries and Their Bearing upon the New Testament and upon the Life and Times of the Primitive Church (New York, 1922), 271–73; P. M. Meyer (ed.), Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Hamburger Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek

Decian Libelli [106]

381

I (=P.Hamb. I; Leipzig, 1924), 215; H. I. Bell, “Evidences of Christianity in Egypt during the Roman Period,” HTR 37 (1944): 205; J. B. Rives, “The Decree of Decius and the Religion of Empire,” JRS 89 (1999): 148– 49; R. Duttenhöfer (ed.), Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig I (=P.Lips. I; Munich, 2002), 227; R. Selinger, The Mid-Third Century Persecutions of Decius and Valerian (Frankfurt, 2002), 138 (no. 48); Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 161–74; I. I. Leslies, “From Idleness to Boredom: On the Historical Development of Modern Boredom,” in Essays on Boredom and Modernity, ed. B. D. Pezze and C. Salzani (Amsterdam, 2009), 45. Introduction The text of this libellus is written on a rectangular papyrus with a dark brown ink. The papyrus contains two vertical folds and is broken off at the bottom. While the hand of the document is rapid and is marked by a number of ligatures, the text is clear. The writer regularly marks the iota with diaeresis (ll. 1, 12, 16, 19, 20) and on one occasion (l. 12) abbreviates the final word of a line that ends with nu by means of a supralinear stroke; l. 2 is marked by eisthesis. In some lines that end short of the right margin of the papyrus, the writer has deliberately extended the final stroke of the final letter to the edge of the papyrus.

→ 5

10

15

τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν [καὶ (?)] θυσιῶν πόλ[εως] παρ’ Αὐρηλίου Λ̣ [. . . . .] θίωνος Θεοδώρου μη[τρὸς] Παντωνυμίδος ἀπὸ τ̣ῆ [̣ ς] αὐτῆς πόλεως. ἀεὶ μὲν θύων καὶ σπένδων [τοῖ]ς θεο̣ῖ ς̣ [δ]ιετέλ[ουν ἐ]π̣ ⟨ε⟩ὶ δ̣ὲ καὶ νῦν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν κατὰ τὰ κελευσθ[έ]ν[τα] ἔσπεισα καὶ ἔθυσα κα[ὶ] τῶν ἱερῶν ἐγευσάμη(ν) ἅμα τῷ υἱῷ μου Αὐρηλίῳ Διοσκόρῳ καὶ τῇ θυγατρί μου Αὐρηλίᾳ Λαίδ̣ ι, ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς ὑποσημιώσασθαι μοι. (ἔτους) α Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Γαίου Μεσσίου Κυίντου

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20

Τραιανοῦ Δεκίου Εὐσεβοῦ[ς Εὐ]τυχοῦς [Σεβασ]τοῦ [Παῦ]νι κ. [. . . . .]ν̣( ) [ –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

__________ 1. pap. ϊερων. 12. pap. ϊερων; pap. εγευσαμη̅. 16. pap. λαϊδι. 18. pap.  α′. 19. pap. γαϊου. 20. pap. τραϊανου. 22. pap. κ′.

Translation To the commissioners in charge of the sacred victims and sacrifices of the city. From Aurelius L. . .thion, son of Theodorus and (l. 5) Pantonymis, his mother, of the same city. Always have I continued sacrificing and pouring libations to the gods, and now in your presence (l. 10) in accordance with what has been ordered I have poured a libation and I have sacrificed and I have tasted of the sacrifices together with my son Aurelius Dioscorus and (l. 15) my daughter Aurelia Lais. I request that you certify this for me below. Year 1 of Imperator Caesar Gaius Messius Quintus (l. 20) Traianus Decius Pius Felix Augustus. The 20th of Pauni. . . . 1–2

3–5

τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν [καὶ (?)] θυσιῶν πόλ[εως]. In P.Oxy. XII 1464.1 [107] the libellus is addressed [τοῖς] ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν αἱρεθεῖσι τῆς [Ὀ]ξυρυγχε̣ιτῶν πόλεως (“To the commissioners of the sacrifices of the city of Oxyrhynchus”) and in P.Oxy. LVIII 3929.1–2 [109] is addressed τοῖς ἀναδοθεῖσ̣ ι ̣ ἐπὶ θυσιῶ(ν) κώμης Θώσβεως (“To the commissioners of sacrifices of the village of Thosbis”). Similarly, the libelli from the Fayum are addressed τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ᾑρημένοις (“To the commissioners of the sacrifices”). It is therefore somewhat unusual why no “commissioners” are explicitly addressed in this libellus. While such a reference could potentially be lost in the lacunae at the end of ll. 1 or 2 the placement would be unusual within the construction of the text and so it seems likely it was never present in this libellus. Though it might be tempting to suggest τοῖς ἐπι(στάταις) τῶν ἱερῶν for l. 1 (“To the stewards of the sacred victims”), there is no abbreviation mark on επι and no other extant libellus is addressed to an ἐπιστάτης: the only attested titles of address in the libelli are to ᾑρημένοις (also αἱρεθεῖσι) and ἀναδοθεῖσι. N. Lewis, The Compulsory Public Services of Roman Egypt (Florence, 1982), 58 notes that ἀναδίδωμι is used in connection with village liturgies while αἱρέομαι is used of curial liturgies. The phrase τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν appears in P.Oxy. XII 1453.13 (30/29 BCE), a declaration of lamplighters, and in that document “overseers” or “commissioners” is implied by τοῖς. In the present document it should probably be assumed that “commissioners” is similarly implied. παρ’ Αὐρηλίου Λ̣ [. . . . .] θίωνος Θεοδώρου μη[τρὸς] Παντωνυμίδος. The name of the person submitting the libellus is lost in the lacuna, although it is evident from the declension of the name preserved at the beginning of l. 4 and the use of the gentilicium “Aurelius” that he was a male. The Greek male name Theodorus (Θεόδωρος) is a theophoric name based on the abstract noun for God (θεός) and has the meaning “gift of God” (θεός + δῶρον). The name is very popular in the papyri with over 1,000 attestations. Though this name became very popular among Christian males in late antique Egypt it is not a decisive

Decian Libelli [106]

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Christian indicator as the name was in use well before any Christian ever entered Egypt as it is already attested in the early Roman and Ptolemaic periods in the papyri. The female name Pantonymis (Παντωνυμίς) is also Greek in origin but unlike Theodorus, which was an exceptionally popular name, this name is only attested on one other occasion in SB I 25.1–2 (II/III; Panopolis?). 6–8 ἀεὶ μὲν θύων καὶ σπένδων [τοῖ]ς θεο̣ῖ̣ς [δ]ιετέλ[ουν]. In the ed. pr. the reading is [δ]ιετέλ[εσα ἔ]τ̣ι;̣ the present reading is taken from P.Oxy. LVIII p. 41 n. 6–7, where διετέλουν was suggested based on a parallel from P.Oxy. LVIII 3929.6–7 [109]. Through this clause the petitioner formulaically asserts his loyalty and devotion in the past to the ancestral gods and through his present offering before the proper officials (l. 9) demonstrates his continued devotion and loyalty as well as submission to the edict of Decius. Since variations of this phrase occur in every extant papyrus that preserves the full text of the libellus it seems that it was a required formula: cf. P.Oxy. XII 1464.4–5 [107]: ἀεὶ μὲν θύειν καὶ [σπέ]νδειν καὶ σέ̣β̣ειν θεοῖς εἰθισμένος (“Always has it been my habit to sacrifice and to pour libations and to worship the gods”); P.Oxy. LVIII 3929.5–7 [109]: ἀεὶ μὲν θύων καὶ σπένδων τοῖς θεοῖς διετέλουν (“Always have I continued sacrificing and pouring libations to the gods”). 9 καὶ νῦν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν. With this phrase, which is unique to the libelli from Oxyrhynchus (cf. P.Oxy. XII 1464.7 [107]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929.7–8 [109]), the petitioner acknowledges that the necessary sacrificial requirements have been performed in the presence of the proper authorities. In the libelli from Theadelphia the formulaic phrase νῦν ἐπὶ παρόντων ὑμῶν (“now in your [pl.] presence”) is used. 10 κατὰ τὰ κελευσθ[έ]ν[τα]. This refers to the edict of Decius, now lost, that all must sacrifice. The same phraseology is employed elsewhere in P.Oxy. XII 1464.6 [107]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929.8 [109]; W.Chr. 125.12–13 (250): P.Wisc. II 87.7 ( June 4, 250). But in most libelli the phrasing is κατὰ τὰ προσταχθέντα (“in accordance with the edict’s decree”) and may contain the stereotyped language of the actual edict: P.Lips. II 152.8–9; P.Meyer 16.7; P.Meyer 17.8–9; P.Mich. III 157.11; P.Ryl. II 112a.6–7; 112b.9; 112c.7–8; PSI V 453.9–10; SB I 4435.6–7; SB I 4436.9–10; SB I 4439.9–10; SB I 4444.7–8; SB I 4445.9; SB I 4448.10–11; SB I 4450.10; SB I 4451.9; SB I 4452.8–9; SB I 4455.8; SB III 6827.2; cf. τὰ προστεταγμένα: W.Chr 124.9–10 ( June 26, 250); P.Meyer 15.7–8 ( June 27, 250); P.Mich. III 158.9 (250). Dionysius of Alexandria describes the edict as τὸ βασιλικὸν πρόσταγμα (“the imperial edict”; Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.41.1). Cyprian, Ep. 22.2 refers to it as the praeceptum imperatoris (“command of the emperor”) and also in Ep. 40.3 as the edictum (“edict”). 12 τῶν ἱερῶν ἐγευσάμη(ν). In a number of libelli the petitioners state that they have not only sacrificed and poured a libation but that they have also partaken of the sacrifices. In the Passio Pionii 3.1, after Pionius and his companions were arrested, they were commanded by the νεωκόρος (“temple custodian”) “to offer sacrifice and to taste of forbidden meats” (ἐπιθύειν καὶ μιαροφαγεῖν). Similarly, Cyprian alludes to the fact that tasting of the sacrifices was a frequent requirement of the Decian edict to sacrifice (Ep. 31.7.1; Laps. 2, 28). 13–16 ἅμα τῷ υἱῷ μου Αὐρηλίῳ Διοσκόρῳ καὶ τῇ θυγατρί μου Αὐρηλίᾳ Λαίδ̣ ι. Since Decius’ edict required that all citizens of the empire offer sacrifice, not just Christians, if the petitioner was the head of the household it was his responsibility to ensure that all family members who made offerings were accounted for. In a number of libelli the petitioner will explicitly state which members of the household participated. Curiously absent from the present list of family members is the man’s wife. Was he a widower? Divorced? Did she already secure a libellus on her own? Or, had she refused to make the necessary offerings? For possible explanations, see Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 173–74.

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Dioscorus (Διόσκορος) is a theophoric Greek male name that has the meaning “son of Zeus” (Διός + κόρος). The name was a very popular one in the papyri and at Oxyrhynchus. The female name Lais (Λαΐς) is Greek and is very rare as it is only attested on two other occasions: O.Edfou II 291.1 (I); SB XXIV 16298.12 (ca. 256–270; provenance unknown). 16–17 ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς ὑποσημιώσασθαι. This phrase is used almost exclusively in the extant libelli and otherwise occurs only a couple of times: SB XXII 15500.13 (243; Appadana); cf. P.Lips. I 33.17 (before July 29, 368; Hermopolis). With this phrase the petitioner formulaically entreats the commissioner(s) to witness and validate, usually through their subscription, that the petitioner(s) has performed the prescribed offerings in accordance with the edict. In a number of libelli witnesses actually sign the libellus stating that they have seen the petitioner making the prescribed offerings (P.Oxy. XLI 2990.1–8 [108]) and then the commissioner(s) subscribes the petition: SB I 4435.15 ( June 12, 250): Ἑρμ(ᾶς) σεση̣ μ̣(είωμαι); cf. P.Meyer 16.13 (250); P.Mich. III 158.17 (250); P.Ryl. II 112a.12 ( June 20, 250); P.Ryl. II 112b.16 (250); P.Ryl. II 112c.15 ( June 22, 250). Since the end of the papyrus is broken off it is not possible to determine whether this libellus contained any subscriptions, but in the ed. pr. n. 23 it is suggested that at the end of the papyrus there may be the slightest traces of a signature of some kind in another hand.

Date: June 27, 250

107 P.Oxy. XII 1464 Libellus for Aurelius Gaius and Family 17.2 × 9.8 cm TM no. 21866

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XII (London, 1916), 190–99 (no. 1464); J. R. Knipfing, “The Libelli of the Decian Persecution,” HTR 16 (1923): 383–84 (no. 33); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:370–71; P. Roasenda, “Decio e i libellatici,” Didaskaleion 5.1 (1927): 59–60 (no. 26); A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar, Select Papyri: Official Documents (=Sel.Pap. II [LCL 282]; Cambridge, Mass., 1932), 352–53 (no. 318); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 163–64; A. Brent, Cyprian and Roman Carthage (Cambridge, 2010), 208–9. Related Papyri: P.Oxy. IV 658 [106]; P.Oxy. XLI 2990 [108]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 [109]. Related Literature: P. M. Meyer (ed.), Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Hamburger Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek I (=P.Hamb. I; Leipzig, 1924), 215; H. I. Bell, “Evidences of Christianity in Egypt during the Roman Period,” HTR 37 (1944): 205; P. Keresztes, “The Decian Libelli and Contemporary Literature,” Latomus 34 (1975): 762; A. Bowman, Egypt after the Pharaohs, 332 BC–AD 642: From Alexander to the Arab Conquest (Berkeley, 1986), 191; W. Griggs, Early Egyptian Christianity: From Its Origins to 451

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CE (Leiden, 1990), 110 n. 54; J. Kamil, Christianity in the Land of the Pharaohs: The Coptic Orthodox Church (London, 2002), 72; R. Duttenhöfer (ed.), Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig I (=P.Lips. I; Munich, 2002), 227; R. Selinger, The Mid-Third Century Persecutions of Decius and Valerian (Frankfurt, 2002), 150 (no. 77); P. Parsons, City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish: Greek Lives in Roman Egypt (London, 2007), 202; T. B. Williams, Persecution in 1 Peter: Differentiating and Contextualizing Early Christian Suffering (Leiden, 2012), 184 n. 20; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 481. Introduction This libellus is written on a light-colored papyrus in a single hand; the left margin of text is missing. The script is rapid but clear and because of its regularity has the appearance of a professional documentary hand. The scribe who wrote the libellus—(ll. 15–16) “Aurelius Sarapion, also called Chaeremon”—regularly placed diaeresis marks over iota and upsilon (ll.  3, 7, 8, 12) and in l.  2 extended the horizontal stroke of the sigma to the right margin. The orthography is regular. This libellus is a little unusual for a couple of reasons: (1) when referring to the edict of Decius using the phrase κατὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα (“in accordance with what has been ordered”), which is common in the libelli, it is followed by the phrase ὑπὸ τῆς θείας κρίσεως (“by the divine decree”), which is otherwise unattested in any libellus; (2) it does not include the validating subscriptions of witnesses or commissioners at the end even though this was common. The papyrus was later reused and contains writing on the verso that has no relation to the libellus on the recto. The scribbling on the back is in two different hands and includes names and amounts in drachmae; there are traces of about ten lines, and about the only legible words are two names: Βησᾶς and Ψεναμοῦνις.

→ 5

10

[τοῖς] ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν αἱρεθεῖσι τῆς [Ὀ]ξυρυγχε ι̣ τῶν πόλεως [παρ]ὰ Αὐρηλίου Γαιῶνος Ἀμμωνίου [μη]τρὸς Ταεῦτος. ἀεὶ μὲν θύειν καὶ [σπέ]νδειν καὶ σέ β ̣ ε̣ ιν θεοῖς εἰθισμένος [κατ]ὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς θείας κρίσεως [καὶ] νῦν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν θύων καὶ σπέν[δω]ν καὶ γευ[σ]άμενος τῶν ἱερείων ἅμα [Τα?]ῶ ̣τι γυναικὶ [κ]αὶ Ἀμμωνίῳ καὶ Ἀμμω[νι]α ̣ν̣ῷ̣ υἱοῖς καὶ ε..α θυγατρὶ δι’ ἐ μ ̣ οῦ κ [̣ α]ὶ ̣ [ἀξι]ῶ ̣ ὑποσημ⟨ε⟩ιώσασθαί μοι. (ἔτους) α [Αὐ]τοκράτορος Κ[α]ί [̣ σαρο]ς Γαίου Μεσσίου

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15

[Κυί]ντου Τ[ρ]αιανοῦ Δεκίου Εὐσεβοῦς [Εὐ]τυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ Ἐπεὶφ γ. Αὐρή[λιος] [Γαι]ὼν ἐπιδέδωκα. Αὐρήλ(ιος) Σαραπίων [ὁ κ(αὶ)] Χαιρήμων ἔγρ[αψα] ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μ ̣ὴ ̣ [εἰδό-] [τος] γράμματα. __________

3. pap. γαϊωνος. 7. pap. ϋμων. 8. pap. ϊερειων. 11. pap.  α′. 12. pap. γαϊου. 14. γ′.

Translation To the commissioners of the sacrifices of the city of Oxyrhynchus from Aurelius Gaius son of Ammonius and Taeus, his mother. Always has it been my habit to sacrifice and (l. 5) to pour libations and to worship the gods in accordance with what has been ordered by the divine decree, and now in your presence I have sacrificed and poured libations and tasted of the sacrifices together with Taos my wife and Ammonius and Ammonianus (l. 10) my sons and . . . my daughter acting through me, and I request that you certify this for me below. Year 1 of Imperator Caesar Gaius Messius Quintus Traianus Decius Pius Felix Augustus. The 3rd of Epeiph. I, Aurelius (l. 15) Gaius, have submitted [this application]. I, Aurelius Sarapion, also called Chaeremon, wrote on his behalf since he does not read. 1 3–4

5

6

[τοῖς] ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν αἱρεθεῖσι. See 106 n. 1–2. The libelli from the Fayum typically begin: τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ᾑρημένοις (“To the commissioners of the sacrifices”). [παρ]ὰ Αὐρηλίου Γαιῶνος Ἀμμωνίου [μη]τρὸς Ταεῦτος. The Petitioner, Aurelius Gaius son of Ammonius, is not otherwise attested in the papyri. The name Gaius (Γάιος) is a Latin name that is attested as a personal name (excluding imperial titulature) about forty times in the papyri from Oxyrhynchus. The name Ammonius (Ἀμμώνιος) is a Hellenized form of the Egyptian Ammon (Ἄμμων) and is a theonymic name. On this name, see P.Count. II pp. 320–21; W. Clarysse, D. J. Thompson, and U. Luft, Counting the People in Hellenistic Egypt (Cambridge, 2006), 2:320–21. Ammonius was an exceptionally popular name in the Roman and early Byzantine period with over 2,000 attestations and was also very common at Oxyrhynchus with hundreds of attestations in the papyri. The name Taeus (Ταεῦς) is an Egyptian female name (NB Dem. p. 1202) that is attested rarely in Greek papyri with only about twenty occurrences to date. The only other text from Oxyrhynchus where this name occurs is P.Oxy. XII 1473.30 ( June 4, 201). On the apparent second appearance of this name in l. 9, see n. 9. σέ̣β̣ειν. This is the only libellus where σέβω is employed along with θύω and σπένδω to describe the acts of veneration. Typically, and more correctly, the verb used is εὐσεβέω: P.Ryl. II 112a.4 ( June 20, 250); PSI V 453.6 ( June 14–23, 250); SB I 4436.4 ( June 14, 250); SB I 4437.1–2 ( June 14, 250); SB I 4440.6–7 ( June 16, 250). [κατ]ὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς θείας κρίσεως. On the use of τὰ κελευσθέντα, see 106 n. 10. This is the only extant libellus that employs the phrase ὑπὸ τῆς θείας κρίσεως (“by the divine decree”) to describe the edict of Decius. The phrase θεία κρίσις is not attested in any inscription and only appears in one other papyrus: P.Sakaon 16.5, 8–9, 13 (April 2, 309; Theadelphia). In literary texts it is only attested a handful of times before the third century, and then only in Jewish or Christian texts (Jub. 10:26; Philo, Spec. 3.121; 2 Clem.

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20:4), and by the third century had become a fairly common phrase among the Church Fathers, most notably Origen and Eusebius. 8 γευ[σ]άμενος τῶν ἱερείων. See 106 n. 12. 8–10 ἅμα [Τα?]ῶ̣τι γυναικὶ [κ]αὶ Ἀμμωνίῳ καὶ Ἀμμω[νι]α̣ ν̣ῷ̣ υἱοῖς καὶ ε..α θυγατρὶ. As noted previously (106 n. 13–16), the entire household was expected to sacrifice. 9 [Τα?]ῶ̣τι. This reading should be regarded as highly suspect. While the tau and iota are certain the reading of the omega is somewhat tenuous. In the ed. pr. it seems as though the editors were influenced by the same name occurring in l. 4. Since Taeus (Ταεῦς) is a fairly uncommon name, with only about twenty attentions in the papyri (see n. 3–4), it is perhaps unlikely to find it appearing twice in the same papyrus to refer to two different individuals. Assuming the ]ωτι reading is correct, then possible alternatives are the female names Heros (Ἡρῶς [dat. Ἡρῶτι]), Thasos (Θασῶς [dat. Θασώτι]), Tanos (Τανῶς [dat. Τανῶτι]), and Tikos (Τικῶς [dat. Τικῶτι]), to name just a few possibilities. 9–10 [κ]αὶ Ἀμμωνίῳ καὶ Ἀμμω[νι]α̣ ν̣ῷ̣ υἱοῖς. On the name Ammonius (Ἀμμώνιος), see n. 3–4. The name Ammonianus (Ἀμμωνιανός) is a Latin derivation of the Greek form (Ἀμμώνιος) of the Egyptian name Ammon (Ἄμμων). This name is attested about fifty times in papyri from Oxyrhynchus, most of which are from the third and early fourth centuries. The names of the two sons illustrate the onomastic practice of paponomy, which was widespread in Roman Egypt, whereby it was typical for grandsons to be named after their paternal grandfather (l. 3, Ἀμμώνιος). See D. Hobson, “Naming Practices in Roman Egypt,” BASP 26 (1989): 163–66. 10 καὶ ε..α θυγατρὶ. In the ed. pr. the transcription for this section was given as καὶ Θ̣ έκ̣ λ̣ᾳ θυγατρί, and so for a time it was thought this libellus was issued by a Christian family since Thecla is otherwise a Christian name. More recently, however, it is has been shown that this reading cannot be maintained: BL XII p. 140; S. J. Davis, “Namesakes of Saint Thecla in Late Antique Egypt,” BASP 36 (1999): 74; idem, The Cult of Saint Thecla: A Tradition of Women’s Piety in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2001), 202; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 163 n. 31. δι’ ἐ̣μοῦ. It is interesting to note that the offering of the wife and children of Aurelius Gaion are symbolically made through the head of the household. Cf. P.Meyer 15.10–11 ( June 27, 250): σὺν τοῖς ἀφήλιξί μου τέκνοις (“with my children, who are minors”). Cyprian (Ep. 55.13.2) notes the case of a Christian who sacrificed in person as proxy for his whole family to protect them from having to make the offering themselves: “for his entire family, thereby protecting his wife, his children and his entire household (domum totam).” 14–15 Αὐρή[λιος]⎪[Γαι]ὼν ἐπιδέδωκα. The verb ἐπιδιδόναι typically has a technical meaning in the papyri “to hand in” or “to submit” a document. A couple of other libelli contain a similar clause at the end where the petitioner(s) makes formal submission: SB I 4455.12 (250); P.Meyer 15.15 ( June 27, 250). 15–17 Αὐρήλ(ιος) Σαραπίων [ὁ κ(αὶ)] Χαιρήμων ἔγρ[αψα] ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μ̣ ὴ̣ [εἰδό-]⎪[τος] γράμματα. The scribe of this letter, “Aurelius Sarapion nicknamed Chaeremon,” is not otherwise attested in the papyri. The name Sarapion (Σαραπίων) is Greek and is derived from the name of the Greco-Egyptian deity Sarapis (Σάραπις) that was a combination of the Egyptian deities Osiris and Apis (Ὀσίρις + Ἆπις). In the Greek and Roman periods Sarapion is one of the best attested names with well over 4,000 attestations. The name Chaeremon (Χαιρήμων) is also Greek and like Sarapis it is a well attested name with nearly 2,000 occurrences in the Greek papyri. Attestations of double names, or nicknames, marked by the phrase ὁ καὶ (f. ἡ καί) are frequent in the papyri and have received much attention. See Hobson, “Naming Practices in Roman Egypt,” 159–74. In short, double names likely arose in part as a practical way of distinguishing people in a society

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where people tended to be named after relatives and where there were a limited number of available names. Furthermore, the use of a particular double name may have probably depended on the office or function one was performing at a certain time. The illiteracy formula that appears in this text is a common one and was used in official documents to explain why the petitioner could not write for himself: P.Oxy. LVIII 3929.20–21 [109]; cf. P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673.35 [114]. On the use of illiteracy formulae in official documents, see H. C. Youtie, “ΥΠΟΓΡΑΦΕΥΣ: The Social Impact of Illiteracy in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” ZPE 17 (1975): 201–21. Illiteracy formule appear in the following other Decian libelli: PSI VII 778.11–13 ( June 26, 250); SB I 4455.13 (250).

Date: ca. 250

108 P.Oxy. XLI 2990 Subscriptions to a Libellus 10.0 × 7.5 cm TM no. 30379

Material: Papyrus

Published: G. M. Browne, R. A. Coles, J. R. Rea, J. C. Shelton, and E. G. Turner (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLI (London, 1972), 89 (no. 2990); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 164. Related Papyri: P.Oxy. IV 658 [106]; P.Oxy. XII 1464 [107]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 [109]. Related Literature: G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 2 (1982): 181; R. Selinger, The Mid-Third Century Persecutions of Decius and Valerian (Frankfurt, 2002), 154–55 n. 88; A. Brent, Cyprian and Roman Carthage (Cambridge, 2010), 130 n. 37, 202 n. 21; T. B. Williams, Persecution in 1 Peter: Differentiating and Contextualizing Early Christian Suffering (Leiden, 2012), 184 n. 15. Introduction This fragment comes from the bottom portion of a libellus where the validating signatures of the commissioners or witnesses of the sacrifices were subscribed. While there may have been only two commissioners for the libellus to which this piece belongs, it is possible that more commissioners were listed above where the fragment breaks off. In P.Wisc. II 87.14–19 (=SB III 6826), six commissioners validate the libellus; however, in the libelli from Theadelphia, there are only two subscribers, and some libelli have only one subscriber (P.Ryl. I 12.11). It therefore seems that the local commissions who validated the libelli varied in number. From passing references in Cyprian, one gets this impression, although Cyprian once mentions a five-person commission.17 Since Aurelius Heraclides (l.  1) is such a common name, it is not possible to identify this individual with any other person bearing this name in 17

Cyprian, Ep. 43.3.1; cf. Passio Pionii 3.2.

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contemporary papyri. The other individual who is attested in this fragment, Marcus Aurelius Sesongosis (l. 4), is not attested in any other papyrus. Though nothing more is known about these two individuals, from the fact that Marcus Aurelius Sesongosis is identified using his tria nomina it might be supposed that he was a person of some standing.18 In one other libellus, the subscriber is identified as the Prytanis (P.Ryl. I 12.11), the presiding officer of the boule (“council”) and the chief administrative figure in the metropolis, and so it should probably be supposed that the commissioners were prominent individuals in the city.19 In fact, Cyprian explicitly mentions that the commissioners who oversaw the sacrifices in Carthage were “leading citizens” (primores illi).20 Finally, given that both P.Oxy. IV 658 [106] and P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 [109] are broken off at the bottom and potentially missing subscriptions, it could be possible that the present text could be the bottom portion of one of these documents: the width dimensions are basically the same, and the use of the plural “you” (ll. 2, 6; ὑμᾶς) in the present text agrees with these two libelli since multiple individuals are mentioned. On the other hand, one of the obstacles to this possibility is that in the extant libelli the subscriptions appear after the body of the libellus but before the regnal formula, but both P.Oxy. IV 658 [106] and P.Oxy. XLII 3929 [109] are broken off after the regnal formula. –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– [Α]ὐρ(ήλιος) Ἡρακ̣λ̣[ε]ί̣δ̣η̣[ς] εἶδον ὑμᾶς θύοντας κ α̣ ὶ̣ ̣ γευομέ ̣νους. (m2) Μ(άρκος) Αὐ(ρήλιος) Σεσονγῶσις 5 καὶ ὡς χρηματίζω εἶδον ὑμᾶς θύοντας καὶ {γε-} γευσαμένους τῶν ἱερείων.

→

__________ 1. pap. υρ′. 4. pap. μ′ αυ′. 8. pap. ϊερειων.

Translation I, Aurelius Heraclides, have seen you (pl.) sacrificing and tasting. I, Marcus Aurelius Sesongosis, (l. 5) and however I am styled, have seen you (pl.) sacrificing and tasting of the sacrifices. [Α]ὐρ(ήλιος) Ἡρακ̣ λ̣[ε]ί̣δ̣η̣[ς]. Heraclides (Ἡρακλείδης) is a Greek name that was quite popular as it is attested nearly 4,000 times in the papyri from the Ptolemaic to Byzantine

1

Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 167 n. 37. On the office of the prytanis, see [110], n. 1. 20 Cyprian, Ep. 43.3. 18 19

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3 4

5

6–8

periods. On the popularity of the name, see G. Nachtergael, “À propos d’une épitaphe chrétienne d’Égypte et des graphies du nom Hèrakleidès,” ChrEg 81 (2006): 282–86. γευομέ̣νους. See 106 n. 12. Μ(άρκος) Αὐ(ρήλιος) Σεσονγῶσις. The use of the tria nomina (praenomen, nomen, cognomen) is unusual in the papyri of this period as most persons are identified with their personal name and the nomen “Aurelius”/“Aurelia”; the tria nomina indicates that he was a person of some standing. See “Introduction” above. Sesongosis (Σεσονγῶσις) is a Greek derivation of the Egyptian name Sesonchis (Σεσονχις). See NB Dem. p. 970. In its various spellings the name is attested less than 100 times in the papyri and this is the only occurrence of the name, in any form, in a text from Oxyrhynchus. καὶ ὡς χρηματίζω. This phrase occurs with some frequency in documents of the third century and always follows a name and signifies that the person so identified occupied an official position. For the translation “however I am styled,” see P. J. Pestman, The New Papyrological Primer (2nd rev. ed.; Leiden, 1994), 303 where χρηματίζειν is rendered “to be styled” or “to be called.” Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 164) translates this phrase: “. . . and whoever I may be styled, . . .” {γε-}γευσαμένους τῶν ἱερείων. An alternative reading could be γεγευσ{α}μένους.

109 P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 Libellus for Aurelius Amois and Family 12.0 × 7.5 cm TM no. 17912 Date: June 25 to July 24, 250 Material: Papyrus Published: J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LVIII (London, 1991), 39–41 (no. 3929); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 165–66. Related Papyri: P.Oxy. IV 658 [106]; P.Oxy. XII 1464 [107]; P.Oxy. XLI 2990 [108]. Related Literature: D. Frankfurter, Religion in Roman Egypt: Assimilation and Resistance (Princeton, 1998), 24; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1314–16; R. Selinger, The Mid-Third Century Persecutions of Decius and Valerian (Frankfurt, 2002), 155 (no. 89); T. B. Williams, Persecution in 1 Peter: Differentiating and Contextualizing Early Christian Suffering (Leiden, 2012), 184 n. 19. Introduction This text is written along the fibers of a light-brown papyrus that has been discolored in places. The papyrus has two vertical folds and a few lacunae along the right margin and near the bottom of the papyrus where it is broken. As a result, only the month (Epeiph), and not the day, the libellus was issued is

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extant. A paragraphos is employed to separate the body of the libellus and the illiteracy formula written in another hand near the bottom of the papyrus. The hand of the libellus may be described as a rapid cursive that has a distinct slant to the right; the hand of the illiteracy formula at the bottom is considerably more regular and deliberate and has square uncial letter forms. On the back the registration of the libellus is written along the fibers. Though discovered at Oxyrhynchus, it is evident from l. 2 that this libellus was actually submitted in Thosbis, an Oxyrhynchite village located in the Upper Toparchy south of Oxyrhynchus (see n. 2), and so the present text may represent a duplicate copy that was held in the municipal archives in Oxyrhynchus (see n. 22). The appellant is an individual named Aurelius Amois (l. 3) and makes additional applications for his mother and his sister who presumably lived in the same household. While this libellus is fairly unremarkable and contains formulae and shares features that frequently appear in other libelli, the mention of “registration” (l. 22, ἀπογραφή) on the back is a noteworthy feature. τοῖς ἀναδοθεῖσ̣ι̣ ἐπὶ θυσιῶ(ν) κώμης Θώσβεως παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Ἀμόϊτος χρη(ματίζοντος) μητρὸς Τααμόϊτος ἀπὸ κώμ ̣η ς̣ ̣ 5 Θώσβεως. ἀεὶ μὲν θύων καὶ σπένδων τοῖς θεοῖς διετέλουν, ἐπ⟨ε⟩ὶ δὲ καὶ νῦν ἐνώπιον ὑμῶν κατὰ τὰ κελευσθ̣(έντα) ἔθυσα καὶ ἔσπ⟨ε⟩ισα καὶ τῶν ἱερ⟨ε⟩ί10 ων ἐγευσάμην ἅμα τῇ μητρί μου Τααμόϊτι καὶ τῇ ἀδελφῇ μου Τααρπα̣ ̣ήσ̣ι ο̣ ς̣ ,̣ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἀξιῶ ὑποσημ⟨ε⟩ιώσασθαί μοι. (ἔτους) α 15 Αὐτοκράτορος Καίσαρος Γαίου Μεσσίου Κυίντου Τραιανοῦ Δεκίου Εὐσεβοῦ[ς] [Εὐ]τυχοῦς Σεβαστοῦ, Ἐπεὶφ .[ (m2) ——— Αὐρήλιος Ἀμόϊς 20 ἐπιδέδωκα. Αυρήλιος . . . .[. . .].ίων ἔγραψα ὑπὲρ

→

–– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

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Verso (along the fibers) (m1?) ἀπογρ(αφὴ) Ἀμοϊτᾶ μη(τρὸς) Τααόϊτ(ος) __________ 1. σ̣ι̣ rewritten; pap. θυσιω̅ ̅. 3. pap. χρη̅ ̅. 8. pap. κελευσθ. 12. l. Τααρπαήσει. 14. pap.  α′. 17. pap. τραϊανου. 19 pap. ———. 21. pap. ϋπερ. 22. pap. απογρ∫αμοιταμηττααμοιτ.

Translation To the commissioners of sacrifices of the village of Thosbis, from Aurelius Amois officially known as the son of his mother Taamois from the village (l. 5) of Thosbis. Always have I continued sacrificing and pouring libations to the gods, and now in your presence in accordance with what has been ordered I have sacrificed and I have poured a libation and (l.  10) I have tasted of the sacrifices together with my mother Taamois and my sister Taharpaesis, and I request that you certify this for me below. Year 1 of (l. 15) Imperator Caesar Gaius Messius Quintus Traianus Decius, Pius Felix Augustus, Epeiph. . . . (second hand) I, Aurelius Amois, (l. 20) have submitted [the application]. I, Aurelius . . .ion, wrote on his behalf. . . . (Verso, first hand?) Registration of Amois, mother Taamois. 1–2

2

3

4–5

τοῖς ἀναδοθεῖσ̣ ι ̣ ἐπὶ θυσιῶ(ν) κώμης Θώσβεως. In P.Oxy. XII 1464.1–2 [107] the libellus is addressed to [τοῖς] ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν αἱρεθεῖσι [Ὀ]ξυρυγχε̣ιτῶν πόλεως whereas the libelli from the Fayum are typically addressed τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ᾑρημένοι (see 106 n. 1–2). The use of ἀναδίδωμι for the “commissioners” may be due to the fact that the officials who oversaw and validated the sacrifices were doing so as part of a liturgy. See Lewis, The Compulsory Public Services, 58 who notes that the verb ἀναδίδωμι only appears in connection with village liturgies. κώμης Θώσβεως. The village of Thosbis was located in the Upper Toparchy (ἄνω τοπαρχία) of the Oxyrhynchite Nome (south of Oxyrhynchus) near the village of Enteiis (Ἔντειις) and the hamlet of Pleroutos (Πλεροῦτος). While the village is first attested in the late first century BCE (PSI XV 1539.4), it is mostly attested in papyri of the second and third centuries in the context of agricultural production. By the early fourth century it seems that the village had a church and deacon (P.Oxy. LV 3787 [c. 313–320?][116]). On this village, see P. Pruneti, I centri abitati dell’Ossirinchite: Repertorio toponomastico (Florence, 1981), 63–64; A. Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome: A Papyrological Survey (Version 2.0; Leuven, 2012), 101–3; Diz. II pp. 301–2; Suppl. 1, p. 150; Suppl. 2, p. 74. παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Ἀμόϊτος χρη(ματίζοντος). The name Amois (Ἀμόϊς) is Egyptian and though it is presently attested less than 200 times in the papyri over three quarters of the attestations appear in papyri from Oxyrhynchus. Etymologically the name is derived from the Egyptian Ammon (Ἄμμων) and here it may be noted that theophoric names derived from Ammon have an especially high frequency in texts from Oxyrhynchus. See J. E. G. Whitehorne, “The Pagan Cults of Oxyrhynchus,” ANRW II.18.5 (1995): 3058– 59. On the use of χρηματίζοντος, see 108 n. 5. μητρὸς Τααμόϊτος. Taamois (Τααμόϊς) is a female Egyptian name derived from the male name Amois (Ἀμόϊς). See n. 3. While this name is presently attested only about 25 times in the papyri over three quarters of the attestations are in documents from Oxyrhynchus.

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20–21 Αυρήλιος . . . .|[. . .].ίων ἔγραψα ὑπὲρ . . . . Clearly this is the beginning of some kind of illiteracy formula. See 107 n. 15–17. 22 (m1?) ἀπογρ(αφὴ) Ἀμοϊτᾶ μη(τρὸς) Τααόϊτ(ος). This label, so to speak, may have been used in the archival process. The term ἀπογραφή is the typical term used for registering property under a census: κατ’ οἰκίαν ἀπογραφήν (“house-by-house registration”). Since the libellus also employs the phrase κατὰ τὰ κελευσθ̣(έντα) (“in accordance with what has been ordered”), a phrase that otherwise occurs mostly in census returns, it seems that in this libellus in particular an implicit connection is being made with such returns. A tentative argument could therefore be put forward that the obligation to sacrifice was perhaps carried out in the same manner in which the censuses were conducted and that all persons who were registered in the census were also required to sacrifice. See A. Brent, Cyprian and Roman Carthage (Cambridge, 2010), 207–8; cf. P.Oxy. LVIII p. 41 n. 21; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1315–16. Ἀμοϊτᾶ. Genitive form; should be taken as the same Ἀμόϊς (l. 19) who submitted the petition, even though it is a different genitive form than is given in l. 3 Ἀμόϊτος. See P.Oxy. LVIII p. 41 n. 22.

Christian References in Third-Century Documentary Texts 110 P.Oxy. XLII 3035 Summons for Petosorapis a “Christian” 11.7 × 9.5 cm TM no. 16434 Date: February 28, 256 Material: Papyrus Published: P. Parsons (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLII (London, 1974), 99–100 (no. 3035); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 177; E.  A. Judge, “The Conversion of Rome: Ancient Sources of Modern Social Tensions,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 228. Related Literature: E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 59 (no. 15); U. Hagedorn, “Das Formular der Überstellungsbefehle im römischen Ägypten,” BASP 16 (1979): 61–74; C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society, and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979), 1 n. 2; A. Bowman, Egypt after the Pharaohs, 332 BC–AD 642: From Alexander to the Arab Conquest (Berkeley, 1986), 192; A. Bülow-Jacobsen, “Orders to Arrest: P.Haun. inv. 33 and 54, and a Consolidated List,” ZPE 66 (1986): 93–98; T. Gagos, M. W. Haslam, and N. Lewis (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXI (London, 1995), 90–94; T. Gagos and P. Sijpesteijn,

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“Towards an Explanation of the So-Called ‘Orders to Arrest,’ ” BASP 33 (1996): 77–97; O. Montevecchi, “Nomen Christianum,” in Bibbia e papiri: Luce dai papiri sulla Bibbia greca (Barcelona, 1999), 156–57; G. F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life before Constantine (Macon, Ga., 2003), 287–88; P. Parsons, City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish: Greek Lives in Roman Egypt (London, 2007), 202–3; W. Tabbernee, Fake Prophecy and Polluted Sacraments: Ecclesiastical and Imperial Reactions to Montanism (Leiden, 2007), 258; E. A. Judge, “Did the Churches Compete with Cult-Groups?” in The First Christians in the Roman World: Augustan and New Testament Essays, ed. J. R. Harrison (Tübingen, 2008), 612–13; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 174–84; D. G. Martinez, “The Papyri and Early Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 603–4; E. A. Judge, “The Puzzle of Christian Presence in Egypt before Constantine,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 141, 145; E. A. Judge, “The Conversion of Rome: Ancient Sources of Modern Social Tensions,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 211–12; W. Shandruk, “The Interchange of ι and η in Spelling χριστ- in Documentary Papyri,” BASP 47 (2010): 211–12; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 482. Introduction The text is written with brown ink in a single hand on a square piece of papyrus that has three vertical folds. While there are a few holes in the papyrus, none obscure the text. At times the hand is rapid, as is evidenced by intermittent ligatures, but overall the text is clear and regular; ll. 2 and 6 are marked by ekthesis, and at the ends of some lines the writer has deliberately extended certain letter strokes to the right margin of the papyrus. Aside from spelling χριστιανός as χρησιανός (see n. 4–5), there are no other orthographic peculiarities in the text. This summons is one of a number of similar documents whereby an individual is sought out by the authorities so as to appear before a civil magistrate, in this case the prytanis (see n. 1). To date about one hundred such summonses have been published, mostly from the second and third centuries. Two questions naturally arise from the present document: (1) Why is Petosorapis’ presence being requested before the prytanis in Oxyrhynchus; and (2) why is he specifically identified as a “Christian”? Though it may be tempting to assume that this order is linked in some way to the persecution carried out against Christians by the emperor Valerian (253–260), this need not necessarily be the case as there is no evidence that Valerian began to take any

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measures against Christians until the following year (257).21 Nevertheless, this possibility cannot be completely ruled out, as action against Christians was possible even before formal edicts were promulgated; prominent Christians could have certainly been identified prior to official persecution. On the other hand, it is equally possible that Petosorapis was being sought out, not because he was a Christian, but for some other reason: he had committed a crime (unrelated to his status as a Christian); he had unresolved tax issues; or he had sought to deflect a liturgical obligation.22 In regard to the second question, concerning the use of the term “Christian,” if this summons is in fact early evidence for the persecution under Valerian, then the use of the epithet may have been a way of signaling out Petosorapis. On the other hand, as similar summonses will sometimes identify the person being sought out by reference to their profession, it seems possible that the reference to “Christian” implies that this was how Petosorapis was formally known. In another summons to the village of Mermertha from roughly the same period (P.Oxy. XXXI 2576 [III]), a man by the name of “Eros, the wine merchant” (ll. 2–3, Ἔρωτα οἰ[ν]έμπορον) is summoned. Since he is identified by the use of his occupation, is it possible then that Petosorapis’ occupation was a “Christian” and was identified as such because he was a member of the clergy in the village? It is worth noting that in SB XVI 12497 (first-half III), a list of nominations to the liturgy from somewhere in the Arsinoite, in ll. 49–50 a possible candidate by the name of Dioskorus is specifically identified using the epithet “Christian” (sc. χρηστιανός) because it was assumed that this was his occupation.

→ 5

π(αρὰ) τοῦ πρυτάνεως κωμάρχαις καὶ ἐπιστάταις εἰρήνης κώμης Μερμέρθων. ἐξαυτῆς ἀναπέμψατε Πετοσορᾶπιν Ὥρου χρησιανόν, ἢ ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ ἀνέλθατε. (ἔτους) γ Οὐαλεριανοῦ καὶ Γαλλιηνοῦ Σεβαστῶν Φαμενὼθ γ. __________ 1. pap. π⸍. 2. pap. επισταταις corrected from επιστατη. 4–5. l. χριστιανόν. 6. pap.  γ̅. 7. pap. γ̅.

21 On the persecution of Valerian, see C. J. Haas, “Imperial Religious Policy and Valerian’s Persecution of the Church, A.D. 257–260,” CH 2 (1983): 133–44; P. Keresztes, “Two Edicts of the Emperor Valerian,” VC 29 (1975): 81–95; W. H. C. Frend, Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church A Study of a Conflict from Maccabees to Donatus (Oxford, 1965), 420–22; R. Selinger, MidThird Century Persecutions of Decius and Valerian (New York, 2002). See these primary sources: Cyprian, Ep. 70; Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.10–11, 12; Acta Cypriani. 22 Judge and Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community,” 59; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 182–84.

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Translation From the prytanis to the komarchs and overseers of peace of the village of Mermertha. Immediately send up Petosorapis son of Horus, a Chresianos (i.e., Christian), (l. 5) or you yourselves come up. Year 3 of Valerian and Gallienus Augusti. Phamenoth 3. 1

2

3

4

4–5

πρυτάνεως. As the presiding officer of the boule (“Council”) the prytanis was the chief administrative figure in the metropolis (Oxyrhynchus). The term of the office was typically one year and because it was an especially important position it was usually held by a prominent citizen. On the office of the prytanis, see A. K. Bowman, The Town Councils of Roman Egypt (Toronto, 1971), 53–68; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 58–59; N. Lewis, “In the World of P.Panop Beatty,” BASP 28 (1991): 164–66. κωμάρχαις καὶ ἐπιστάταις εἰρήνης. komarchs (lit. “village leaders”) were the highest-ranking village officials who were appointed to preside over the village and act as intermediaries between it and the nome Metropolis (in this case Oxyrhynchus). During the Roman period villages typically had two komarchs, although their numbers could vary. Their primary responsibilities included assigning liturgists to the village, tax collection, overseeing agricultural production, and at times they might also be partially responsible for policing. They also had the power to name their successors. See H. Missler, “Der Komarch: Ein Beitrag zur Dorfverwaltung im ptolmäischen, römischen und byzantinischen Ägypten” (Diss. Marburg, 1970), 43–121. On the policing duties of the komarchs, see J. D. Thomas, “The Introduction of Dekaprotoi and Comarchs into Egypt in the Third Century A.D.,” ZPE 19 (1975): 113–19; R. S. Bagnall, “Army and Police in Roman Upper Egypt,” JARCE 14 (1977): 68. The “overseers of peace” were peace-keeping magistrates who functioned as something akin to an ancient police force, though they were not nearly as organized and had limited policing jurisdiction. See F. Oertel, Die Liturgie: Studien zur ptolemäischen und kaiserlichen Verwaltung Ägyptens (Leipzig, 1917), 278–81; R. Taubenschlag, The Law of Greco-Roman Egypt in the Light of the Papyri, 332 B.C.–640 A.D. (Warsaw, 1955), 486. Μερμέρθων. The Village of Mermertha was located in the Upper Toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite nome about 20–25 km south of Oxyrhynchus close to the border of the Kynopolite nome. The present papyrus is the earliest evidence for Christianity in this village. Later, ca. 313–320, a deacon and a church are attested in the village (P.Oxy. LV 3787.24– 26 [116]) and later still there is a reference to the celebration of a Christian festival (Ephiphany or Easter?) in either the fifth or sixth century (SB XIV 12130.13–14). On this village, see P. Pruneti, I centri abitati dell’Ossirinchite: Repertorio toponomastico (Florence, 1981), 103–5; A. Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome: A Papyrological Survey (Köln/Leuven, 2009), 182–85. Πετοσορᾶπιν Ὥρου. Though a “Petosarapis son of Horus” is known from P.Lond. III 1170.10.351 (Arsinoite), since this document dates from ca. 144, just over one hundred years earlier than the present text, this is not the same individual. Etymologically Petosorapis is an Egyptian theophoric name that means “he who belongs to Sarapis.” See NB Dem. p. 302. Horus is a theonymic name for the falcon god Horus. χρησιανὸν. The intended word here is clearly χριστιανόν (“Christian”). See P.Oxy. XLII p. 100 n. 4–5; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 182. In documentary papyri the word χριστιανός is spelled at least four different ways: χριστιανός; χρηστιανός; χρησιανός; and χρητιανός. See Montevecchi, “Nomen Christianum,” 155–72; Shandruk, “The Interchange of ι and η in Spelling χριστ- in Documentary Papyri,” 205–19. In papyri provenanced to

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5

“

397

Oxyrhynchus and its environs the epithet “Christian” appears on four other occasions: P.Oxy. XLIII 3119.14, 18 [111], χρηστιανοί (259–260); SB XII 10772.10 [112], χρησιανός (III); P.Laur. II 42.13 [159], χρηστιανή (IV/V); P.Oxy. XLIII 3149.3–4, χρητιανός (V?). Though divergent spellings are attested in the material from Oxyrhynchus, in every instance the eta replaces the first iota. Quite possibly the most notable example of this switch is referenced in Suetonius in the early second century where he notes that the Jews of Rome continually rioted in the reign of Claudius “provoked by Chrestus” (Suetonius, Claud. 25.4). Though there is debate over whether or not Suetonius really meant “Christus,” a century later Tertullian can complain that non-Christians still do not pronounce the name correctly and he reiterates that he is a “Christian” not a “Chrestian” (Tertullian, Nat. 1.3.8–9). In Codex Sinaiticus at Acts 11:26 and 26:28 χριστιανός is spelled χρηστιανός. On the association of the epithet “Christian” with χρηστός (“good”), see Justin, 1 Apol. 4.1. Nevertheless, given the periodic evidence of itacistic changes it is not always clear if such a distinction is being made consciously or whether it is simply a mispronunciation. See Gignac 1.235–39. The epithet “Christian” (χριστιανός) is first employed at Acts 11:26 to identify members of the early Jesus movement in Antioch. Later, in Acts 26:28, the epithet is employed by Agrippa II to identify a member of the movement. It is employed in 1 Pet 4:16 in a legal sense concerning persecution. The first Christian to actually identify himself by the epithet is Ignatius of Antioch, Rom. 3.1. For additional early usage, see Pliny, Ep. 10.96; Tacitus, Ann. 15.44; Lucian, Alex. 38.6; Justin, 1 Apol. 7.4, 2 Apol. 10, 12, 15; Mart. Pol. 10.1. See also TDNT 9:493–580. Φαμενὼθ. The Egyptian month roughly corresponding with March.

111 P.Oxy. XLIII 3119 Official Correspondence Mentioning “Christians” 25.5 × 9.0 cm TM no. 15998 Date: ca. 259–260 Material: Papyrus Published: J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLIII (London, 1975), 77–79 (no. 3119); J. E. G. Whitehorne, “P.Oxy. XLIII 3119: A Document of Valerian’s Persecution?” ZPE 24 (1977): 187; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 184–85. Related Literature: E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 59; M. M. Sage, “The Persecution of Valerian and the Peace of Gallienus,” Wiener Studien 17 (1983): 144; A. K. Bowman, Egypt after the Pharaohs, 332 BC–AD 642: From Alexander to the Arab Conquest (Berkeley, 1986), 192; O. Montevecchi, “Nomen Christianum,” in Bibbia e papiri: Luce dai papiri sulla Bibbia greca (Barcelona, 1999), 157; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1323–24; G. F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence

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of Church Life before Constantine (Macon, Ga., 2003), 288; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 185–88; W. Shandruk, “The Interchange of ι and η in Spelling χριστ- in Documentary Papyri,” BASP 47 (2010): 212; E. A. Judge, “The Puzzle of Christian Presence in Egypt before Constantine,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 146; C. H. Cosgrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn with Musical Notation: Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1786; Text and Commentary (Tübingen, 2011), 134–35; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 482; L. H. Blumell, “The Date of P.Oxy. XLIII 3119, the Deputy-Prefect Lucius Mussius Aemilianus, and the Persecution of Christians by Valerian and Gallienus,” ZPE 186 (2013): 111–13; E. J. Epp, “The Papyrus Manuscripts of the New Testament,” in The Text of the New Testament in Contemporary Research: Essays on the Status Quaestionis, ed. B. D. Ehrman and M. W. Holmes (2nd ed.; Leiden, 2013), 12. Introduction This fragmentary papyrus preserves the left half of a column that contained two different documents (doc. no. 1: ll. 1–11; doc. no. 2: ll. 12–20) and originally belonged to a roll; there is no writing on the back, and in the left margin at ll. 12 and 15 the last letters of an earlier column are partially visible. Given that the documents are official in nature, as both seemingly deal with legal matters, it appears that the papyrus came from some kind of official daybook that preserved legal correspondence in column format.23 Both documents are written by the same hand in a cursive script, and the second document is marked off by ekthesis in the first line (l. 12), separating it from the earlier document that ends with a reference to “year 7” (l. 11). It therefore seems that the only relationship between the two documents is a temporal one. Even though the contents of the texts are rather uncertain, owing to the fragmentary nature of the papyrus, they have garnered considerable attention since the second text on two occasions mentions “Christians” (lit. “Chrestians”) in ll. 14 and 18 (χρηστιανῶν). Consequently, the editor of the text, J. R. Rea, remarked, “Incomprehensible as this fragment still remains, it has strong claim on our attention.”24 Central to the interest in the references to “Christians” is the context in which this term is used in the document, but as the text is largely incomprehensible it is not entirely clear why Christians are being mentioned. In the ed. pr., it was tentatively suggested that the second document Whitehorne, “P.Oxy. XLIII 3119,” 188–89; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 186. P.Oxy. XLIII p. 77; cf. Whitehorne, “P.Oxy. XLIII 3119,” 187; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 185. 23 24

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could emanate from the persecution of Christians carried out by Valerian and Gallienus in 259/260 since both documents were written with a hand characteristic of the third century and the first document referred to a “year 7” in its last line (l. 11).25 But the editor was also quick to point out that there were other third-century possibilities for “year 7” besides 259/260: 227/228, year 7 of Severus Alexander; 243/244, year 7 of Gordian III; 249 (autumn only), year 7 of Philip; 275 (autumn only), year 7 of Aurelian; 281/282, year 7 of Probus; 290/291, year 7 of Diocletian. Despite the editor’s uncertainties, subsequent commentators have taken the reference to “year 7” as a reference to 259/260; have accordingly read the second document in light of the persecution of Valerian and Gallienus, arguing that the document probably contained instructions that a judicial inquiry be made into the property held by Christians; and have connected these instructions with an edict, issued in 258 by the same emperors, that church property was to be confiscated.26 Since this argument is somewhat circumstantial, relies primarily on contextual evidence drawn from Christian sources, and presupposes that the reference to “year 7” in l. 11 must be taken to refer to the reigns of Valerian and Gallienus in 259/60, some have questioned this interpretation of the evidence.27 As the result of a new reading proposed by L. H. Blumell, the date of the papyrus can now be securely dated to “year 7” of Valerian and Gallienus 259/260, thus emanating from the Christian persecution initiated by these two emperors.28 In l. 7 the papyrus reads, διασημοτάτου δ[. In the ed. pr. and subsequent reeditions, nothing more was done with this line. Blumell has demonstrated that the text should be expanded to διασημοτάτου δ[ιέποντος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν] and can refer only to the deputy prefect of Egypt, a certain L.  Mussius Aemilianus, whose deputy prefecture spanned the late 250s to early 260s. Furthermore, Blumell also pointed out that L. Mussius Aemilianus was actively enforcing the anti-Christian edicts of Valerian and Gallienus in Egypt, and actually conducted the hearing in which Dionysius of Alexandria and four fellow Christians were banished to Cephro in Libya, which is preserved by Eusebius.29 What is more, L. Mussius Aemilianus is identified in the account, which Eusebius claims was taken directly from the actual court proceedings themselves, as “the deputy prefect” (ὁ διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν) using the very same terminology that must have appeared in P.Oxy. XLIII 3119.7. Therefore, despite the uncertainties about the text and wider context of the P.Oxy. XLIII p. 77. Cyprian, Ep. 80; Whitehorne, “P.Oxy. XLIII 3119,” 191; Choat, “Christianity,” 482; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 186. 27 Judge, “Puzzle of Christian Presence,” 146. 28 Blumell, “Date of P.Oxy. XLIII 3119,” 111–13. 29 Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.11.6–10. 25 26

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papyrus owing to its fragmentary nature, a strong case can nevertheless be made that at least the second document (ll. 12–20) relates to the persecution of Christians under Valerian and Gallienus. The contents of the first document, occupying ll.  1–11, are difficult to make out, but, owing to the use of προσκεκρίσθαι (“to adjudge”) in l. 8, some kind of judicial context seems likely. The contents of the second document, spanning ll. 12–20, are a little clearer because more text can be read. The document begins with what appears to be a reference to an official in the Saite nome who has sent instructions to another official who may presumably have been in the Oxyrhynchite nome, since the text was found there. The instructions on two occasions mention “Christians” (ll.  14 and 18) and in l.  13 concern “the inspection of assets” (πε̣ρ̣ὶ ἐξετάσ̣ [ε]ως π̣ όρ[ων) and in l.  16 may have included a reference to “buildings” (π̣ [ε]ρ̣ὶ̣ οἰκ̣ ο̣π̣[έδων?). The text breaks off where it mentions an order of the prefect, which presumably refers back to the “inspection of assets,” and mentions an unknown individual named Aelius Godianus. In light of all the disparate references, it seems that the documents contained orders that some kind of judicial inquiry be made into the property of Christians. –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– col. ii

→ 5

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ο[ (tachygraphic marks) (tachygraphic marks) (tachygraphic marks) μετὰ τὰ . .[ οἱ δηλωθέν[τες] διασημοτάτου δ[ιέποντος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν . . .] προσ κεκρίσθαι τω[ γνώριζε ἐ ̣ν̣ τῷ .[ ὃ̣ ἐκομισάμην γ̣ρ[̣ (ἔτους) ζ[ Σαΐτου· Αὐρηλί[ου Ἑρμε (?)] πε̣ ρὶ̣ ἐξετάσ̣ [ε]ως π̣ όρ[ων] χρηστιανῶν κ [̣ Αὐρήλιος Ἑρμε [̣ ̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ π̣[ε]ρ̣ὶ ̣ οἰκο̣ [̣ ἐπ̣ ὶ ̣ τ̣ῶ ̣ν ὑπογεγρ̣α̣ [ χ[ρ]ηστιανῶν κελευ̣ [̣ [ ̣ ]̣ τ̣ατου ἡγεμόνος [̣

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[ ̣ ̣] ̣ου Αἰλίου Γορδι̣[ανοῦ] __________ 11. pap.  ζ′. 14. l. χριστιανῶν. 18. l. χριστιανῶν.

Translation (ll. 6–11) . . . Those declaring . . . of the most eminent d[eputy prefect] (L. Mussius Aemilianus) . . . to adjudge . . . know (imperative) . . . (l. 10) that I received (a letter?) . . . year 7. (ll. 12–20) From the Saite nome, Aurelius [Herme?] . . . concerning the inspection of assets . . . Christians . . . (l. 15) Aurelius Herme . . . concerning (buildings?) . . . underwritten . . . Christians, ordered . . . prefect . . . (l. 20) Aelius Gordianus . . . 1

6

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ο[. Since the omicron stands by itself it seems likely that it is perhaps the column number of the roll. See Whitehorne, “P.Oxy. XLIII 3119,” 187–88. As omicron equals 70 the column number could not be less than 70 and could be as high as 79 (οθ) since the text breaks off immediately to the right of the letter. οἱ δηλωθέν[τες]. In every prior edition of this papyrus this line is rendered οἱ δηλωθεν[. If οι is to be taken as the masculine plural nominative definite article οἱ, as all previous editions have done, then the δηλωθεν[ that follows can only be δηλωθέν[τες]. For example, there is not a single case in the TLG where οἱ followed by δηλωθεν is anything other than δηλωθέντες; outside of the present papyrus, this letter combination does not exist in the DDbDP. If, on the other hand, οι is not οἱ but the termination of a word, then other possibilities exist for δηλωθεν[. διασημοτάτου δ[ιέποντος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν]. In the third and fourth centuries the adjective διάσημος, -ον (superlative διασημότατος “most eminent”) is used overwhelmingly as an honorific epithet for the prefect as a basic search on the DDbDP will confirm. See also O. Hornickel, Ehren- und Rangprädikate in den Papyrusurkunden (Leipzig, 1930), 4–7. After the prefect, in third-century documents this epithet is most commonly used for the καθολικός (Catholicus). In such cases when it appears in a formulary for the prefect, it is typically followed immediately by ἡγεμών or ἔπαρχος Αἰγύπτου followed by the name of the prefect. The problem here is that after διασημοτάτου in l. 7, there is a very clear δ at the end of the line right before the lacuna. There are essentially only two options for what follows. The first is that it could be διασημοτάτου δ[ιαδεξαμένου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν . . . (“the most eminent past acting prefect”), but the problem with this reading is that it is never attested for any prefecture/vice-prefecture during a “year 7” in the third century: SB XXVI 16672.5–6 (216–217): κατὰ τὰ κελευσ[θ(έντα)] | [ὑ]π̣ ὸ̣ Αὐρηλίου Ἀντινόου τοῦ δια|σημ(οτάτου) διαδε̣ξαμ(ένου) τὴν ἡγεμονίαν . . . (“in accordance with what had been commanded by Aurelius Antinous the most eminent past acting prefect . . .”); cf. P.Rein. I 49.6–7 (215–216). Aurelius Antinous did not hold this office before 215 or after 216 thus excluding him from being a prefect during a “year 7.” See G. Bastianini, “Lista dei prefetti d’Egitto dal 30a al 299p,” ZPE 17 (1975): 307; O. W. Reinmuth, “A Working List of the Prefects of Egypt: 30 B.C.–299 A.D.,” BASP 4 (1967): 111. The other possibility is that the δ is the beginning of the word διέπων, which means that the reference is to a “deputy-prefect.” There is only one individual attested in the papyri who is identified as a “deputy-prefect,” whose titulature could fit the extant text on l. 7, and whose tenure spanned a “year 7”; it is Lucius Mussius Aemilianus who was deputy-prefect/prefect from the late 250s to the early 260s. See Reinmuth, “A Working

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus List of the Prefects of Egypt,” 119–20. According to Reinmuth (p. 119), the formula ὁ διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν meant that L. Mussius Aemilianus was administering the office of prefect until his appointment as ἡγεμών was formally made. See also Bastianini, “Lista dei prefetti d’Egitto dal 30a al 299p,” 314–15; G. Bastianini, “Lista dei prefetti d’Egitto dal 30a al 299p. Aggiunte e Correzioni,” ZPE 38 (1980): 88. In a number of texts from this period, including some that could date to 259, L. Mussius Aemilianus is identified by the formula διασημότατος διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν (“the most eminent deputy prefect”): P.Köln X 417.1–2 (ca. 256–258 [Oxyrhynchus]): [Λουκίῳ Μουσσίῳ] Αἰμιλιανῷ τῷ διασημοτάτῳ διέποντι | [τὴ]ν ἡγηεμονίαν; P.Oxy. XII 1468.1–2 (ca. 256–258 [Oxyrhynchus]): Λουκίῳ Μουσσίῳ Αἰμιλιανῷ τῷ διασημοτάτῳ | διέποντι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν; P.Wisc. I 3.6–8 (256–259 [provenance unknown]): τῷ | διασημοτάτῳ δ̣ ιέποντι τὴν ἡγ̣[ε]μ̣ ονίαν | Μουσσίῳ Αἰμ̣ ιλ̣ ιανῷ. Other references to the deputy-prefecture of L. Mussius Aemilianus include the following: P.Dubl. 18.5–6 (=P.Oxy. I 183R descr. [ca. 257–259 (Hermopolites [?])]): Μου]σ̣ σίου Αἰμιλ̣ ιανοῦ διέπον|[τος τὴν ἡγεμονίαν; P.Oxy. XLIII 3112 frag. 1.2 ( January 19, 258 [Oxyrhynchus]): Μούσσιος Α̣ [ἰ]μ̣ ιλιανὸς δι[έπω]ν̣ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν; P.Oxy. IX 1202.14–15 (September 24, 258 [Oxyrhynchus]): Μουσσίωι Αἰμιλανῷ τῷ λαμπροτάτωι διέποντι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν; P.Strasb. V 393.7, 11, 13 (ca. 256–259 [provenance unknown]): Αἰμιλιανὸς διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν; SB XX 14229.8 (either February 28, 258 or 259 [Oxyrhynchite]): τοῦ δ̣ ιαση̣ μ̣οτάτ̣ο̣υ Θεοδώρου ἐπανορ|[θωτοῦ Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λουκίου Μουσσίου Αἰ]μιλιανοῦ διέπο̣ν̣τ̣ο̣ς ̣ τ̣ὴν ἡγεμονίαν. In P.Ryl. II 110.6–7 (September 29–October 28, 259 [Hermopolite]), L. Mussius Aemilianus seems to no longer be referred to as the “deputy-prefect” but as the prefect: τοῦ διασημοτάτου | [ἡγεμόνο]ς Μουσσίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ. In Book 7 of Eusebius’ Ecclesiastical History, he preserves a partial account, which he claims was taken from the very court proceedings themselves, of the actual hearing of Dionysius of Alexandria and four fellow Christians before none other than L. Mussius Aemilianus: 7.11.6: αὐτῶν δὲ ἐπακούσατε τῶν ὑπ’ ἀμφοτέρων λεχθέντων ὡς ὑπεμνηματίσθη (“But hear the things themselves that were spoken on both sides, as they were placed on record”). On the date of this hearing N. Lewis, “Notationes Legentis,” BASP 13 (1976): 161 n. 9 has pointed out: “All that the text tells us is that the reigning emperors were Valerianus and Gallienus, which dates the passage prior to A.D. 260, when the former lost his life.” In the brief exchange preserved by Eusebius, L. Mussius Aemilianus commands Dionysius and his companions to forsake their beliefs and ultimately exiles them to Cephro in Libya because of their refusal. It is noteworthy that in this dialogue L. Mussius Aemilianus is repeatedly identified as “the deputy-prefect” (ὁ διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν) using the same unique terminology that must have appeared in P.Oxy. 3119: Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.11.6: Αἰμιλιανὸς διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν εἶπεν (“Aemilianus the deputy-prefect said”); 11.9: Αἰμιλιανὸς διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτοῖς εἶπεν (“Aemilianus the deputy-prefect said to them”); 11.10: Αἰμιλιανὸς διέπων τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτοῖς εἶπεν (“Aemilianus the deputy-prefect said to them”). προσκεκρίσθαι. The verb προσκρίνω (“to adjudge”) most often figures in judicial matters and typically concerns the appropriation of property or land. It is worthy of note that in P.Oxy. XXXIII 2665 [115] from 305–6 a Report of Property Registers, that the possessions of a certain “Paul from the Oxyrhynchite nome who has been placed under sentence” (l.  14, Παύλου ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀξυρυγχίτου ἀποφάσ⟨ε⟩ι ὑποβληθέντος), have been “adjudged to the accounts of the treasury” (ll. 15–16, προσκρ{ε}ιθῆναι τοῖς τοῦ ταμ⟨ε⟩ίου λογισμοῖς). As it has been argued that this Paul was likely a victim of the edicts of the “Great Persecution” at the start of the fourth century, the verbal parallel with the present text is noteworthy.

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11 12

13

14 15 16 18

19

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ὃ̣ ἐκομισάμην γ̣ρ̣[. While the verb κομίζω (“I receive”) is secure, what precedes and follows is less than certain. In documentary papyri κομίζω frequently occurs to acknowledge the reception of a letter. Perhaps, then, it is ἐκομισάμην γ̣ρ̣[άμματα]. While one would expect the definite article τά, the phrase ἐκομισάμην σου γράμματα without the article is attested: P.Yale I 83.3–4; PSI VII 837.3–4. In the notes in the ed. pr. both ὃ̣ ἐκομισάμην γ̣ρ̣[άμμα] and ὃ̣ ἐκομισάμην γ̣ρ̣[αμματεῖον] were raised as possibilities. (ἔτους) ζ. This reference should now be taken to securely refer to “year 7” of the reign of Valerian and Gallienus (i.e., 259/260). See “Ιntroduction” (above) and n. 7. Σαΐτου· Αὐρηλί[ου Ἑρμε (?)]. The Saite nome is located in the western Delta with its capital Sais (cf. Ezek 30:15-16) located some 85 km southeast of Alexandria on the Rosetta Branch of the Nile. From Sais to Oxyrhynchus is a distance of about 300 km depending on the exact travel route. The gentilicium Aurelius is common in third-century papyri after the Constitutio Antoniniana in 212. The suggestion of Ἑρμε in the lacuna is based on the reading Αὐρήλιος Ἑρμε ̣ in l. 15 and the assumption that the same person is being mentioned. For onomastic possibilities for Ἑρμε, see n. 15. πε̣ρ̣ὶ ἐξετάσ̣ [ε]ως π̣ όρ[ων]. In the ed. pr., on the suggestion of P. Parsons, the reading πε̣ρ̣ὶ ἐξετάσ̣ [ε]ως π̣ ό̣ρ̣[ων (“concerning the inspection of assets”) was proposed in the notes (P.Oxy. XLIII p. 79 n. 13) although the transcription in the ed. pr. read: πε̣ρ̣ὶ ἐξετάσ̣ [ε]ως . . ρ̣[. Cf. A. M. Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 185) who reads πε̣ρ̣ὶ ἐξετάσ̣ [ε]ως [π]ό̣ρ[ων. Based on a high resolution digital image of the papyrus both the omicron and rho are certain and one of the vertical legs of the pi can be detected. Since there are parallels for this phrase the reading is fairly certain: P.Harr. I 69.9 (217): τὴν τοῦ πράγματος ἐξέτασιν πόρων; P.Iand. VII 144.4 (214): τὴν ἐξέτασιν τοῦ πό̣ρου. χρηστιανῶν κ [̣ . On the spelling χρηστιανός instead of χριστιανός, see 110 n. 4–5. Αὐρήλιος Ἑρμε ̣[. In the notes in the ed. pr. it is pointed out that both Ἑρμεί̣[ου and Ἑρμεί̣[νου are possibilities. One additional possibility might be the name Hermerus (Ἑρμερῶς) rendered Ἑρμερ̣[ῶτος]. ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] π̣ [ε]ρ̣ὶ̣ οἰκο̣ ̣[. In the ed. pr. the reading is ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] π̣ [ε]ρ̣ὶ̣ οἰκ̣ ο̣ ̣[. In the notes (P.Oxy. XLIII p. 79 n. 13) P. Parsons suggested οἰκ̣ ο̣π̣[έδων (“buildings”); cf. Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 185) who reads π̣ [ε]ρ̣ὶ̣ οἰκ̣ ο̣π̣[έδων?]. χ[ρ]ηστιανῶν κελε̣υ̣[. Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 185) offers the following reconstruction for ll. 18–19 based on a suggestion given in the ed. pr. (P.Oxy. XLIII p. 79 n. 19): χ[ρ]ηστιανῶν κελε̣υ̣[σθέντων (c.?) ὑπὸ τοῦ διαση|[μο]τ̣άτου ἡγεμόνος ̣. The κελε̣υ̣[ is certainly some form of the verb κελεύω (“I command”); while κελευσθέντων is a distinct possibility it is not the only option. [ ̣ ̣]τ̣ατου ἡγεμόνος ̣[. There are a couple of obvious possibilities, either διασημοτάτου ἡγεμόνος or λαμπροτάτου ἡγεμόνος since both are widely attested in the third century for the prefect. Just before the text breaks off at the right there is a short section of a diagonal stroke going up left to right and suggests that ἡγεμόνος might be followed by a μ or a λ, two letters that could begin with a similar stroke. In light of the implied reference to L. Mussius Aemilianus in l. 7 a possible reading could be διασημοτάτου ἡγεμόνος Μουσσίου Αἰμιλιανοῦ, which is attested in P.Ryl. II 110.6–7 (September 29–October 29, 259); cf. P.Oxy. XLVI 3290.10–11 (258–260): τοῦ διασημοτάτου ἡμῶν ἡγεμόν[ος] Μουσσίου Α[ἰ]μ̣ ιλ̣ ̣ λιανοῦ. If the letter is a λ and the reference is in fact to L. Mussius Aemilianus the reading might also be Λουκίου Μουσσίου Αἰ]μιλιανοῦ: cf. P.Köln X 417.1 (256–258); P.Oxy. XII 1468.1 (256–258); SB XX 14229.8 (258–259); P.Oxy. XXXIV 2710.3 (261). [ ̣ ̣] ̣ου Αἰλίου Γορδι̣[ανοῦ. The name Aelius Gordianus (Αἴλιος Γορδιανός) is Latin and is otherwise unattested in the papyri. In the Historia Augusta, Vita Alex. Sev. 68, an Aelius Gordianus appears as one of the advisors of Severus Alexander, but J. R. Rea has pointed

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out that it cannot be the same individual (P.Oxy. XLIII p. 78). According to Whitehorne (“P.Oxy. XLIII 3119,” 191), Aelius Gordianus may have been a member of the prefect’s staff who was carrying out the order under his authority and might have served as the procurator rei privatae (“procurator of the private estate”; see 114 n. 11–12) or magister rei privatae (“master of the private estate”; see 114 n. 13–14).

112 SB XII 10772 Personal Letter Mentioning a “Christian” 13.0 × 12.0 cm TM no. 26702 Date: Mid- to Late III Material: Papyrus Published: H. Koskenniemi, “Fünf griechische Papyrusbriefe aus Florentiner Sammlungen,” Aeg 33 (1953): 322–24; V. Bartoletti (ed.), Papiri greci e latini XIV (=PSI XIV; 1957), 117–18 (no. 1412); E. Kiessling (ed.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten VI (=SB VI; Wiesbaden, 1958–1963), 314 (no. 9451); H. Koskenniemi, “Epistula Sarapammonis P.S.I. 1412 Particula Aucta,” Arctos 5 (1967): 83–84; H.-A. Rupprecht (ed.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten XII (=SB XII; Wiesbaden, 1976–1977), 7–8 (no. 10772); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 137–38. Related Literature: L. Moretti, “Note Egittologiche,” Aeg 38 (1958): 199–203; R. A. Coles, D. Foraboschi, A. H. Soliman el-Mosallamy, J. R. Rea, U. Schlag et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXVI (London, 1970), 84 n. 2; P. Parsons (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLII (London, 1974), 100 n. 4–5; O. Montevecchi, “Nomen Christianum,” in Bibbia e papiri: Luce dai papiri sulla Bibbia greca (Barcelona, 1999), 155–56; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 138–44; E. A. Judge, “The Puzzle of Christian Presence in Egypt before Constantine,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 146; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 141–42; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 483. Introduction This text is derived from two separate fragments. The first fragment, consisting of ll. 1–16, was published before the second adjoining fragment (ll. 17–23) was found; both fragments, comprising ll. 1–23, were then republished together. The hand of the text is practiced, as the letters are written clearly and regularly, and the orthography is consistent with only a single phonetic spelling.

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Paleographically the text is comparable with hands from the mid- to later part of the third century, 30 although it has been suggested that the writing is characteristic of the earlier part of the third century. 31 In the letter an individual named Sarapammon writes to his mother and sister in Oxyrhynchus to inform them that he has received their letter. He goes on to relate that while he has been delayed in the city of Antioch on account of the “contest” (l. 8, ἀγών), he will come home shortly. In the meantime, he is sending them some money through two different individuals. He informs them that he sent them “fifty gold coins” (l. 11) through an individual named Ion, probably the same person mentioned in l. 5 who delivered the letter from his mother and sister, and that through another individual named Sotas, he has sent them “two talents” (ll. 10–11). The reference to Sotas is worthy of note because he identifies him as a “Christian,” although he literally calls him a “Chresianos” (l. 10, χρησια[νοῦ]). While there is no indication that the writer of the text was a Christian himself, the reference to “Chresianos,” which must surely be taken as “Christian,” is significant because it is the first reference in a private document from Oxyrhynchus that uses this epithet. Besides this reference, the other notable aspect of this text has to do with the fact that it was written in Antioch and delivered to Oxyrhynchus, a distance of over one thousand kilometers. Evidence for such long-distance correspondence in the letters from Oxyrhynchus is on the whole quite rare and exceptional. The only other letter from Oxyrhynchus before the end of the fourth century that relates to Christianity and attests to such long-distance correspondence is PSI IV 311 [142], which mentions both Antioch and Laodicea.

→ 5

10

[Σαρα]πάμμ̣ων Ὀλυμπιά̣[δι τῇ ἰ]δίᾳ [μου μ]ητρὶ καὶ Διδύμῃ καλ [̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ πλ⟨ε⟩ῖστα χαίρειν. γιγνώσκ⟨ε⟩ιν ὑμ [̣ ᾶς θέλω] ὅτι μέχρι τούτου ὁλόκληρό[ς εἰμι. ἔ]λαβον δὲ ἀπὸ Ἴωνος τοῦ ἀδελφ̣[οῦ γ]ράμματα καὶ ἔγνων τὰ περὶ ὑμ [̣ ῶν. μ]ὴ οὖν ἀγωνιᾶτε. μέχρι γὰρ τούτ[ου οὔπ]ω ἤλθαμεν διὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν [ἐν Ἀ]ν̣τιοχείᾳ, μεθ’ ὃν ἐλευσόμεθα. [διεπ]εμψάμην σοι δι⟨ὰ⟩ Σώτου τοῦ χρησια[νοῦ] τ̣άλαντα δύο καὶ διὰ Ἴωνος πεντήκ[οντα] χρυσᾶ.

30 Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 137; cf. Moretti, “Note Egittologiche,” 199–200 (Moretti also considers prosopographical data to date the letter to the latter part of the third century). 31 Koskenniemi, “Fünf griechische Papyrusbriefe,” 322 (where he does not rule out a late second-century date even though he notes parallels from the middle of the third century); cf. Koskenniemi, “Epistula Sarapammonis,” 81; Montevecchi, “Nomen Christianum,” 155–56.

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15

20

ἐὰν̣ ο̣ὖν̣ θέλῃς {ἐὰν οὖν θέλῃς} [ἔστ]ιν παρ’ αὐ̣ τοῦ ἢ ἐν σίτῳ ἢ ἐν οἴνῳ λα[βεῖν· π]αρὰ γὰρ τ̣ὴ ̣ν̣ παρά συ τιμήν συ διδ⟨ο⟩ῖ· κα [̣ ὶ γὰ]ρ οὕτως αὐτῷ συνεθέμην. διεπεμψάμην δέ σοι [διὰ ̣ ̣ ]̣ υ δέκα χρ̣υσ̣ ᾶ̣ . ταῦτα γὰρ [ἔδωκα α]ὐτῷ. εἰ γὰρ ἔτι εἶχον ἐπεμ-̣ [ψάμην ̣ ̣ ]̣ ε̣ . ὁ πατήρ μου ἔγνω περὶ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ διὰ τῶν πεμ]φ̣θέ̣ ̣ν̣των γραμ[μάτων ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ περὶ τῆς Σύρας καὶ [πρότερον ἔγρα]ψα καὶ νῦν δὲ γράφω [̣ ca.?] [ὅτι ±8 αὐ]τ̣ῆ ς̣ ̣ ἀ ̣νέξασθ̣ [̣ ca.?] [ ca.? ]σ̣ε ̣η ̣π [̣ ca.?] –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Verso Traces of Address __________ 10. l. χριστιαν[νοῦ]. 14. l. σοι; l. σοι.

Translation Sarapammon to Olympias my own mother and Didyme . . . very many greetings. I want you (pl.) to know that until now I am healthy. I received (l.  5) (your) letter from my brother Ion and learned how you are doing. Therefore, do not agonize, for until now we have not yet come on account of the contest that is in Antioch; after which we will come. I sent (l. 10) to you through Sotas, the Christian, two talents and through Ion fifty gold coins. And so, if you want, it can be received from him either in grain or in wine; for he gives it to you at your local price. For thus (l. 15) I have also agreed with him. I have sent to you through . . . ten gold coins, for I have given them to him. My father knows concerning . . . because of the letter sent . . . (l. 20) concerning Syra I wrote earlier and now I write that . . . 1–2

[Σαρα]πάμμ̣ ων Ὀλυμπιά̣[δι τῇ ἰ]δίᾳ [μου μ]ητρὶ. This reading is based on the transcription given in PSI XIV 1412.1–2 and subsequently in SB XII 10772.1–2. Following the suggestion of Moretti (“Note Egittologiche,” 199), A. M. Luijendijk renders these lines as follows: [Σαρα]πάμμ̣ ων Ὀλυμπιο̣[ν(ίκης) τῇ ἰ]δίᾳ [μου μ]ητρί (“Sarapammon, Olympian victor, to his very mother . . .”). If the text Ολυμπια̣ [ is to be taken as the start of the name of Sarapammon’s mother, then the Greek female name Olympias (Ὀλυμπιάς) seems most likely, although, other possibilities like Olympiades (Ὀλυμπιάδης) or Olympiane (Ὀλυμπιανή) are possible. Aside from the present text, neither Olympias, nor Olympiades, are currently attested female names at Oxyrhynchus. Olympiane is, however, attested at Oxyrhynchus once in the sixth century: P.Oxy. XVI 1890.2, 18 (November 27, 508). The name of the sender, Sarapammon (Σαραπάμμων), is Egyptian and is a compound theophoric name derived from Sarapis (Σάραπις) and

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2

5

8–9

10

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Ammon (Ἄμμων). On compound names involving Ammon, see F. Dunand, “Les noms théophores en -ammon: A propos d’un papyrus de Strasbourg du IIIe siècle p.C.,” ChrEg 38 (1963): 134–46. Διδύμῃ καλ̣ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]. The name Didyme (Διδύμη) is Greek and is the female counterpart of the masculine Didymus (Δίδυμος) meaning “twin” or “double.” It is a very common female name in documents from Oxyrhynchus: e.g., P.Oxy. XIV 1774 [143]; SB VIII 9746 [144]. What follows the name is almost certainly an adjective. One possibility that fits the lacuna reasonably well is καλ̣ [λίστ]ῃ̣, but the problem is that it is unattested as a title of address in epistolary papyri. Ἴωνος τοῦ ἀδελφ̣[οῦ]. The name Ion (Ἴων) is a rather uncommon name, attested in only a handful of documents and only on one other occasion in a text from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. XVI 2036.6 (475–499). The name Ion is Greek and is related to Ἴωνες that means “Ionians.” Even though Ion is identified as a “brother,” it need not imply that he was the literal brother of Sarapammon, since familial language was often used metaphorically in personal letters, see 129 n. 1. All the same, this reference could certainly be taken literally. [ἐν Ἀ]ν̣τιοχείᾳ. The reference to Antioch should probably be taken to refer to Antioch in Coelesyria and reveals that the letter was sent from here to Oxyrhynchus. As noted above, evidence for such long distance correspondence in the papyri is rare. There is only one other letter from Oxyrhynchus, PSI IV 311.10, 27 [120], that mentions Antioch and presupposes the exchange of correspondence between this region and Oxyrhynchus. Additionally, in P.Oxy. XLII 3023.2.5 (II), an account of a proceeding before an emperor, “Antiochenes” appears to be mentioned but the papyrus is so fragmentary it is difficult to make much of the context. One other document from Oxyrhynchus that presupposes some kind of chain of communication with the larger region of Syria is P.Oxy. IX 1205 (ca. 291), a manumission of a woman and her two children by two men from the Jewish synagogue at Oxyrhynchus and a man from “Ono in Syrian Palestine” (l.  8). Ono was located in the region of Lydda and was inland from the city of Joppa. At roughly the same time this letter was sent there is clear evidence that the Alexandrian Patriarch, Dionysius, frequently exchanged letters with Fabius the bishop of Antioch (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.40.1; 6.46.1–5; 7.3.1). δι⟨ὰ⟩ Σώτου τοῦ χρησια[νοῦ]. This reading was first proposed in P.Oxy. XXXVI p. 84 n. 2 and again in P.Oxy. XLII p.100 n. 4–5 before it was incorporated into the edition by Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 137). On the misspelling of the name “Christian” [sic Chrestian], see 110 n. 4–5. The name Sotas (Σωτᾶς) is Greek and is not a very common name in the extant papyri from Oxyrhynchus outside of the mid- to late third century/ early fourth century: P.Oxy. XXIV 2412.4.103 (28–29); SB X 10239.1 ( June 25–July 24, 37); PSI I 82.7 (October 6, 65); SB XII 11019.7 ( January 9, 89); P.Oxy. XLII 3063.5 (II); PSI Congr. XX 9.3 ( June 157–ca. 159); PSI XIV 1409.3 (December 27, 196–January 25, 197); P.Corn. 38.10 (III); P.Oxy. XVII 2153.10 (III); P.Col. X 265.4 (206–212); PSI Congr. XXI 12.2.27, 4.41 (261); P.Alex. 29.4 (mid-/late III); PSI III 208.2 (mid-/ late III); PSI IX 1041.3 (mid-/late III); P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785.2 (mid-/late III); P.Oxy. XII 1492.21 (mid-/late III); P.Oxy. XIV 1747.2.41 (ca. 275–325); P.Oxy. VIII 1121.16 (February 8, 295); P.Oxy. I 71.1.5, 18 (February 28, 303); P.Oxy. XVIII 2187.2 ( January 13, 304); SB XXIV 16095.13 (311); P.Oxy. XXIV 2421.2.40 (ca. 312–323); P.Oxy. LXI 4125.2.37 (March 29, 322). Of these texts, five are potentially relevant to the present reference: P.Alex. 29.4 [130]; PSI III 208.2 [131]; PSI IX 1041.3 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785.2 [133]; P.Oxy. XII 1492.21 [134]. Luijendijk has made a compelling case, albeit circumstantial, that the Sotas who appears in the present text is likely the same Sotas who appears in these texts (Greetings in the Lord, 81–144 passim). In fact, she argues that this Sotas was an early

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bishop of Oxyrhynchus (see 133 n. 1–2) and tentatively raises the possibility that, as bishop, Sotas may have traveled to Antioch sometime between ca. 264–269 to participate in the excommunication of Paul of Samosata (cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.29–30). 10–11 τ̣άλαντα δύο. “Two talents” is a fairly large sum of money, as one talent equals 6,000 drachmae or roughly 1,500 denarii. In the papyri “talent” never appears to represent an actual coin but was only used as an accounting unit. See R. S. Bagnall, “Practical Help,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 188–91; R. S. Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt (Chico, 1985), 16–17. Given the large sum of money mentioned, two inferences may be drawn: (1) Sarapammon was a person of some means; (2) he implicitly trusted Sotas to faithfully transport the money back to his family in Oxyrhynchus. Given Sarapammon’s apparent trust in Sotas, it may be wondered whether they knew each other back in Oxyrhynchus, or whether, because Sotas was a “Chresian” (sic), he had some reputation as one who could be trusted. On the latter possibility, it is interesting to note that in P.Laur. II 42.13 [159], another personal letter where someone is called a “Christian,” the epithet is used because they avoided worldly business and could seemingly be trusted. 20 περὶ τῆς Σύρας. The name Syra (Σύρα) is a female Greek name (see NB Dem. 910) that occurs only about ten times in papyri from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. II 281.5 (ca. 20–50); SB XX 14409.8.7, 17 (ca. 106); P.Oxy. LIX 3993.1.1 (II/III); PSI X 1128.12 (III); P.Oxy. LI 3644.15 (III); P.Oxy. XXXIV 2710.4 (May 17, 261); P.Giss. I 34.2, 6, 10 ( July 8, 266); P.Oxy. I 43V 2.22 (ca. 295) [113]; P.Oxy. X 1299.1, 21 (IV); P.Oxy. XXIV 2421.1.13 (ca. 312–323).

113 P.Oxy. I 43V List of Guards/Watchmen Mentioning “Churches” 25.0 × 90.0 cm TM no. 20705 Date: After February 16, 295 Material: Papyrus Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri I (London, 1898), 89–100 (no. 43); L. Mitteis and U. Wilcken, Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, I. Bd. Historischer Teil, II Hälfte Chrestomathie (=Chrest.Wilck.; Leipzig, 1912), 559–62 (no. 474); V.  A. Tcherikover, A. Fuks, and M. Stern (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum III (=C.Pap.Jud. III; Cambridge, 1964), 38–39 (no. 475); L.  M. White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture (Valley Forge, Pa., 1997), 2:164–66 (no. 45). Related Literature: E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 60–61; N. Lewis, “Notationes Legentis,” BASP 18 (1981): 76–77; J. Krüger, Oxyrhynchos in der Kaiserzeit: Studien zur Topographie und Literaturrezeption (Frankfurt, 1990), 9, 80–84, 105–9, 116–17; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 53–54; G.  F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life before Constantine

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(Macon, Ga., 2003), 288; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 19–20; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 202. Introduction This text is written on the back of a papyrus that contains an account of supplies for the military (P.Oxy. I 43R) and is dated February 16, 295. While B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt therefore suggested that the present text written on the verso “was written not long afterwards” and dated it to ca. 295, 32 more recently it has been suggested that the document could have been written as late as a couple of decades later. 33 The text on the verso contains a list, with five extant columns, of the watchmen and guards who were dispersed throughout the city of Oxyrhynchus and who provided security for the chief streets and buildings. Thus, this text provides a very insightful description of the topography of the city of Oxyrhynchus at the close of the third century or the beginning of the fourth century. There are a number of blank spaces in the various columns due to the fact that the text was never finished and that in many places the names of the watchmen had not yet been entered. It is noteworthy that in this document many streets of Oxyrhynchus were named according to the residents. For example, some streets, like the “Street of the Shepherds” (2.24, καὶ ἐν τῇ ποιμενικῇ) or the “Street of the Libyans” (2.27, καὶ πρ(ὸς) τῇ Λιβικῇ), were doubtless named after the dominant group who occupied the street, and the “Street of Apollonius” (3.22, καὶ πρ(ὸς) τῇ Ἀπολλωνιάδι) was probably named after the most prominent resident on the block. A number of streets, however, were also named after the most prominent building. Of particular interest here are two streets named after buildings called ἐκκλησία (“church”) that were located in the northern part of the city and in the south. In the ed. pr., the only commentary on the two streets named after buildings called ἐκκλησία is given in the introduction to the papyrus, where it is stated: “There are two churches(?), the north and the south, which give their names to two streets.”34 While some initially thought that the references to an ἐκκλησία should instead be taken to refer to a generic place of “public assembly,” the streets in the document frequently take their names from actual buildings or residences that were found on the street, making such an interpretation less likely. Additionally, as more papyri from Oxyrhynchus were published, references began to emerge in later papyri to a “South Church,” P.Oxy. I p. 89. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 164 n. 83. 34 P.Oxy. I p. 89. 32 33

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which was clearly a Christian edifice and almost certainly is to be equated with the “South Church Street” mentioned in the present document (see n. iii.19). The references to the Christian churches in the document are brief and passing; no details about the actual buildings are given besides their approximate location within the city (north and south). While the names of the watchmen appear immediately after the references to the churches, it is important to note that the text does not imply that they were being assigned specifically to the churches but rather to the street on which the churches belonged. Though the two references to churches are early, it should be pointed out that P.Oxy. XII 1492.10 [134], which is likely earlier than the present text (mid- to late third century), contains a reference to a “place” (τόπος) that potentially has the meaning of “church.” Nearly a century later, in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto (History of the Monks in Egypt) [166], the author reports that “twelve churches” could be found in the city. Moving forward yet another century and a half to 535/36, a calendar of church services for Oxyrhynchus reports that the city had nearly forty churches!35 Even if the references in the present document are terse and lack much detail, they are among the earliest attestations of Christian churches in the papyri and establish that Oxyrhynchus had at least two Christian churches at the turn of the third/fourth century. 36 *Only col. i ll. 10–13 and col. iii ll. 19–21 have been reproduced. col. i 10

πρ(ὸς) τῇ βοριν[ῇ] ἐκκλησίᾳ, Ἀπφοῦς Θέωνος, οἰκῶν ἐν τῷ στάβλῳ τῆς Α ἰ̣ ωνίας. col. iii

19

καὶ πρ(ὸς) τῇ νοτινῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ, Ἀμόις Παράμμωνος, καταμένων ἀντικρὺς οἰκίας Ἐπιμάχου κηρωματικ(οῦ).

Translation . . . North Church Street, (watchman) Aphous son of Theon who lives in the stable of Aionia. . . . (col. iii, l. 19) South Church Street, (watchman) Amois son of Parammon who lodges opposite the house of Epimachus the wax-salve dealer. 35 P.Oxy. XI 1357. For an updated edition of this important church calendar, see A. Papaconstantinou, “La liturgie stationnale à Oxyrhynchos dans la première moitié du 6e siècle: Réédition et commentaire du P.Oxy. XI 1357,” REB 54 (1996): 135–159; cf. H. Delehaye, “Le calendrier d’Oxyrhynque pour l’année 535–536,” AnBoll 42 (1924): 83–99. 36 For a list of all the Christian churches attested in the Oxyrhynchite in the papyri from the third to seventh centuries, see Blumell, Lettered Christians, 330–36.

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τῇ βοριν[ῇ] ἐκκλησίᾳ. There is no other attestation of this church in the papyri. Ἀπφοῦς Θέωνος. The reference should be taken as “Aphous son of Theon” and not as a double name as some have seemingly done (White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture, 2:166: “Apphous Theonos”). Another “Aphous son of Theon” is attested in P.Oxy. LXI 4125.5, 14 (322): Αὐρήλι̣ο̣[ς] Ἀπφοῦ̣ς ̣ Θέωνος as a borrower of some money and may probably be identified with the watchman listed here. The name Aphous (Ἀφοῦς) is the Greek rendering of the Egyptian name Aphou (ⲁⲫⲟⲩ). Of the nearly 100 attestations of this name in the papyri over half appear in texts from Oxyrhynchus. Theon (Θέων) is a Greek name derived from the Greek abstract noun for god (θεός). The name is very common in the papyri with over 2,000 attestations and is especially common in third- and fourth-century texts from Oxyrhynchus. i.12 οἰκῶν ἐν τῷ στάβλῳ τῆς Α̣ ἰωνίας. The female name Aionia (Αἰωνία) is Greek and is derived from the adjective αἰώνιος, -α, -ον (“lasting for an age,” or “everlasting”). The name is extremely rare and is not otherwise attested in a text from Oxyrhynchus. The fact that Aphous is living in someone else’s stable probably suggests an impoverished status. iii.19 τῇ νοτινῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ. This church is attested in the following later papyri: P.Oxy. LXVII 4617.3 (V); P.Oxy. XI 1357.37, 61 (535/536); P.Oxy. LXVII 4619.4 (early VI); P.Oxy. XIX 2243a.76 (590). Immediately before this reference is a reference to the “South-Gate Street” (iii.17, καὶ πρ(ὸς) τῇ νοτινῇ πύλῃ) and the proximity of the references might suggest that the Church was located near this city gate. iii.20 Ἀμόις Παράμμωνος. The reference should be taken as “Amois son of Parammon” and not as a double name as some have seemingly done (White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture, 2:166: “Amois Parammonos”). An “Amois son of Parammon” is not otherwise attested in the papyri. On the name Amois (Ἀμόις), see 109 n. 3. The name Parammon (Παράμμων) is an Egyptian theophoric name that has the meaning “the one whom Ammon has made.” On this name, see F. Colin, “De la signification du nom Παράμμων,” ZPE 107 (1995): 213–16. The name is not a very common one with less than fifty attestations in the papyri and less than ten in documents from Oxyrhynchus. iii.20–21 καταμένων ἀντικρὺς οἰκίας Ἐπιμάχου κηρωματικ(οῦ). While the verb καταμένω has the meaning of “dwelling” or “residing” it seems to imply a state of “lodging temporarily.” The name Epimachus (Ἐπίμαχος) is a Greek name with nearly 450 attestations in the papyri, about 70 of which appear in documents from Oxyrhynchus. There is no other “Epimachus the wax-salve dealer” attested in the papyri. The term κηρωματικός is extremely rare and is only attested in one other papyrus: P.Oxy. XXIV 2421.7 (ca. 312– 323); the term is not attested in the TLG. In the LSJ the meaning given for κηρωματικός is “one who deals in κηρώματα.” i.10 i.11

Christian References in Fourth-Century Documentary Texts 114 P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673 Inspection of Church during “Great Persecution” 26.0 × 12.0 cm TM no. 16878 Date: February 5, 304 Material: Papyrus Published: P. J. Parsons, J. R. Rea, and E. G. Turner (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXIII (London, 1968), 105–8 (no. 2673); L. M. White, The

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Social Origins of Christian Architecture (Valley Forge, Pa., 1997), 2:166–70 (no. 46); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 192–93; A. M. Luijendijk, “Papyri from the Great Persecution: Roman and Christian Perspectives,” JECS 16 (2008): 366–67; M. Choat and R. Yuen-Collingridge, “A Church with No Books and a Reader Who Cannot Write: The Strange Case of P.Oxy. 33.2673,” BASP 46 (2009): 111–12; E.  A. Judge, “The Conversion of Rome: Ancient Sources of Modern Social Tensions,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 228. Related or Similar Papyri: P.Harr. II 208 (February 9, 304). 37 Related Literature: E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 59–60; J. R. Rea, “P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673: Πύλην to Ὕλην!” ZPE 35 (1979): 128; C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society, and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London, 1979), 65; G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 2 (1982): 169; Ε. Wipszycka, “Un lecteur qui ne sait pas écrire ou un chrétien qui ne veut pas se souiller? (P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673),” ZPE 50 (1983): 117–21; G. W. Clarke, “An Illiterate Lector?” ZPE 57 (1984): 103–4; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 256 n. 142; R. J. Lane Fox, “Literacy and Power in Early Christianity,” in Literacy and Power in the Ancient World, ed. A. K. Bowman and G. Woolf (Cambridge, 1994), 144; H. Y. Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church: A History of the Early Christian Texts (New Haven, 1995), 250 n. 31; E. Wipszycka, “Encore sur le lecteur ‘qui ne sait pas écrire,’ ” in Études sur le Christianisme dans l’Égypte de l’Antiquité tardive (SEAug 52; Rome, 1996), 421–26; A. D. Lee, Pagans & Christians in Late Antiquity: A Sourcebook (London, 2000), 70–71; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1321–22; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 50–51; W. Clarysse, “Inventories in Coptic Churches and Monasteries,” in Archives and Inventories in Eastern Mediterranean, ed. K. Vandorpe and W. Clarysse (Brussels, 2007), 85–93; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 197–210; Luijendijk, “Papyri from the Great Persecution,” 344–56; Choat and Yuen-Collingridge, “A Church with No Books,” 109–38; C. Keith, The Pericope Adulterae, the Gospel of John, and the Literacy of Jesus (Leiden, 2009), 87–88; D. G. Martinez, “The Papyri This text (i.e., P.Harr. II 208) is republished in Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 194–95. This document may have come from Oxyrhynchus, but it is not certain. 37

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and Early Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 606–7; E. A. Judge, “The Puzzle of Christian Presence in Egypt before Constantine,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 146–47; C. H. Cosgrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn with Musical Notation: Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1786; Text and Commentary (Tübingen, 2011), 135–36; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 184–86. Introduction This text survives in three copies, each written by a different scribe, and was discovered bound together with a strip of papyrus through a small cut in the top left-hand corner of the papyri. 38 As in the ed. pr., “Copy A” has been reproduced here. 39 “Copy A” is written with a dark-brown ink on a light-colored papyrus. The document is completely intact apart from the upper right-hand corner that has been broken off, resulting in the loss of the last part of the first five lines of text; however, the lost text can be confidently reconstructed from copies B and C. The hand of scribe A is competent and skilled; he uses elongated strokes on final letters of certain lines that extend to the right margin of the papyrus and deliberately spaces the text in certain places to mark division breaks. At the bottom of the papyrus (ll. 33–34), a second hand, which contains the subscription, is readily apparent. This document, which has garnered considerable attention, details the confiscation of a church’s property in the village of Chysis in the Oxyrhynchite nome during the “Great Persecution.” It is dated February 5, 304 (ll. 31–33), and relates to an edict issued by Diocletian nearly a year earlier in the spring of 303 that stipulated that churches throughout the empire were to be destroyed and that the sacred books belonging to Christians were to be burned. Eusebius describes the effects of the edict as follows: It was in the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, and the month Destrus, or March, as the Romans would call it, in which, as the festival of the Savior’s Passion was coming on, an imperial letter was everywhere promulgated, ordering the razing of the churches to the ground and the destruction by fire of the scriptures, and proclaiming that those who held high positions would lose all civil rights, while those in households, if they persisted in their profession of Christianity, would be deprived of their liberty. Such was the first document against us. But not long afterwards we were further visited Duplicate or even triplicate copies of papyri, though rare, are not completely uncommon. B. E. Nielsen (“A Catalog of Duplicate Papyri,” ZPE 129 [2000]: 187–214) provides a useful list. 39 For a scribal comparison of the different copies, see Choat and Yuen-Collingridge, “A Church with No Books,” 114–16. 38

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with other letters, and in them the order was given that the presidents of the churches should all, in every place, be first committed to prison, and then afterwards compelled by every kind of device to sacrifice.40

The document is issued on behalf of an individual named Aurelius Ammonius the son of Copreus, who is identified as the “reader of the former church of the village of Chysis” (ll. 8–9, Αὐρήλιος Ἀμμώνιος Κοπρέως ἀναγνωστὴς τῆς ποτε ἐκ⟨κ⟩λησίας κώμης Χύσεως). In the report, Ammonius swears that aside from some bronze items, which have already been handed over to the logistes, the church possesses no money, animals, clothes, slaves, or any other property. It is directed to the prytanis (chief city magistrate) and two syndics (official representatives of the city) of Oxyrhynchus and reports that in compliance with the orders from the prefect Clodius Culcianus, the procurator rei privatae Aurelius Athanasius, and the magister rei privatae Neratius Apollonides, the former church in Chysis has been thoroughly searched. While the report is relatively straightforward, there is one element that has provoked considerable debate. At the end of the document where Ammonius subscribes and swears that the declaration is true, a scribe who identifies himself as Aurelius Serenus signs on his behalf and does so because Ammonius “does not know letters” (l. 34, αὐτοῦ μὴ εἰ̣(δότος) γρά(μματα))—that is, he is illiterate. Were it not for the fact that earlier in the document Ammonius was identified as a “reader” (ἀναγνώστης) in the church there would be nothing unusual about Ammonius’ illiteracy since in a number of official documents from this period illiterate persons were signed for by scribes acting on their behalf. A number of different theories have been raised to explain how a “reader” could be illiterate (see n. 34–35): he was only feigning illiteracy as an act of protest; he knew Coptic but did not know Greek; he could read but he could not write.

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ἐπὶ ὑπάτων τῶν κυρίων ἡμ̣[ῶν αὐτοκρατόρων] Διοκλητιανοῦ τὸ ἔνατον καὶ Μαξ[ιμιανοῦ] τὸ η Σεβαστῶν Αὐρηλίοις Νείλῳ τῷ καὶ Ἀμμωνίῳ γυμ[( ) βουλ(ευτῇ)] ἐνάρχῳ πρυτάνει καὶ Σαρμάτῃ καὶ Ματρίνῳ ἀμφ[οτέροις] γυμ( ) βουλ(ευταῖς) συνδίκοις τοῖς πᾶσι τῆς λαμ(πρᾶς) καὶ λαμ(προτάτης) Ὀξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως (vac.) Αὐρήλιος Ἀμμώνιος Κοπρέως ἀναγνωστὴς τῆς ποτε ἐκ⟨κ⟩λησίας κώμης Χύσεως

40 Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 8.2.4–5. Translation taken from J. E. L. Oulton (trans.), Ecclesiastical History (LCL 265; Cambridge, 1932), 257–59. On the edict of Diocletian, see also Eusebius, Mart. Pal.  3.1; Lactantius, Mort. 11.8. On the restoration of destroyed churches, see Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 8.17.1, 9.

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10

ἐπιθεμένων ὑμῶν ἐμοὶ ἀκολούθως τοῖς γραφ⟨ε⟩ῖσι ὑπὸ Αὐρηλίου Ἀθανασίου ἐπιτρόπου πριουάτης ὡς ἐκ κελεύσεως τοῦ διασημ(οτάτου) μαγίστρου τῆς πριουάτης Νερατίου Ἀπολλωνί⟨δ⟩ου περὶ τοῦ παραστῆσαι ἅπαντα 15 τὰ ⟨ε⟩ἴδη τὰ [ἐ]ν τῇ αὐτῇ ποτε ἐκ⟨κ⟩λησίᾳ κα ὶ̣ ἐ μ ̣ οῦ προενεγκαμένου μὴ ἔχειν τὴν ⟨αὐτὴν⟩ ἐκ⟨κ⟩λησίαν μήτε χρυσὸν μήτε ἄσημον μήτε ἀργύριον μήτε ἐσθῆτα μήτε τετράποδα μήτε ἀνδράποδα μήτε οἰκόπαιδα 20 μή ̣τε ὑπάρχοντα μήτε ἀπὸ χαρισμάτων μηδ’ αὖ̣ ἀπὸ διαθηκῶν εἰ μὴ μό̣ νην τὴν̣ εὑ[ρε]τῖσαν χαλκῆ [̣ ν] ὕλην καὶ παραδοτῖσαν τῷ λογιστῇ πρὸς τὸ κατενεγχθῆναι ἐπὶ τὴν λαμ(προτάτην) Ἀλεξάνδριαν ἀκολούθως τοῖς γρα25 φ⟨ε⟩ῖσι ὑπὸ τοῦ διασημ(οτάτου) ἡμῶν ἡγεμόνος Κλωδίου Κο⟨υ⟩λκιανοῦ καὶ ὀμνύω τὴν τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν αὐτοκρατόρων Διοκλητιανοῦ καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ Σεβασ̣(τῶν) καὶ Κωνσταντίου καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων καισάρων τύχην ταῦθ’ οὕτως ἔχειν καὶ μηδὲν διε30 ψεῦσθαι ἢ ἔνοχος εἴην τῷ θείῳ ὅρκῳ (ἔτους) κ καὶ ιβ τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν Διοκλητιανοῦ καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ Σεβαστῶν καὶ Κωνσταντίου καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων καισάρων. Μεχεὶρ [ιʹ]. (m2) Αὐρήλιος Ἀμμώνιος ὤμοσα τὸν ὅρκον 34 ὡς (πρόκειται)· Αὐρ(ήλιος) Σερῆνος ἔγρα(ψα) ὑ(πὲρ) αὐτοῦ μὴ εἰ ̣(δότος) γρά(μματα)

__________ 3. pap. ηʹʹ. 6. pap. γυμ βουλ; pap. λαμ; pap. λαμ. 13. pap. σημ. 16. pap. προενεγ’καμενου. 19. l. οἰκόπεδα. 22. l. εὑρεθεῖσαν. 22–23. l. παραδοθεῖσαν. 23. pap. κατενεγ’χθηναι. 24. pap. λαμ. 25. pap. διασημ. 27. pap. σεβασ̣. 31. pap.  κʹ και ιβʹ. 34. pap. αυρ; pap. εγρα υ; pap. ει γρα.

Translation In the consulship of our lords the emperors Diocletian, for the ninth time, and Maximian, for the eighth time, the Augusti. To Aurelius Neilus also called Ammonius, (former?) gymnasiarch, city-councilor (l. 5) and chief magistrate (prytanis), and to Aurelius Sarmates and Aurelius Matrinus, both (former?) gymnasiarchs, city-councilors and judges (syndicoi), all from the famous and most illustrious city of the Oxyrhynchites, Aurelius Ammonius, son of Copreus, reader of the former church of the village of Chysis.

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(l. 10) Since you (pl.) commanded me in accordance with the letter from Aurelius Athanasius, procurator of the private estate, as a result of an order of the most distinguished master of the private estate, Neratius Apollonides, concerning the surrender of all (l. 15) goods in the same former church, and since I declared that the same former church had no gold, silver, or coin, no clothing, no animals, slaves, or real estate, (l. 20) no property whether from gifts or from inheritances, apart from the bronze objects found and handed over to the auditor (logistes) for transport to the most illustrious Alexandria in accordance with the letter (l. 25) from our most eminent prefect Clodius Culcianus, I also swear by the guardian spirit (tyche) of our lords the emperors Diocletian and Maximian Augusti, and of the most renowned Caesars Constantius and Maximianus Galerius that these things are so and that I have not deceived you, (l. 30) otherwise may I be liable to the divine oath. In the twentieth and twelfth year of our lords the emperors Diocletian and Maximian Augusti, and of the most renowned Caesars Constantius and Maximianus Galerius, Mecheir 10. (second hand) I, Aurelius Ammonius, swore the oath (l.  34) as stated above. I, Aurelius Serenus, wrote on his behalf since he does not know letters (i.e., is illiterate). 1–3 4–5

5

6

ἐπὶ ὑπάτων τῶν κυρίων ἡμ̣ [ῶν αὐτοκρατόρων] Διοκλητιανοῦ τὸ ἔνατον καὶ Μαξ[ιμιανοῦ] τὸ η Σεβαστῶν. On this formula and the consulship for year 304, see R. S. Bagnall et al., Consuls of the Later Roman Empire (Atlanta, 1987), 142–43. Αὐρηλίοις Νείλῳ τῷ καὶ Ἀμμωνίῳ γυμ[( ) βουλ(ευτῇ)] ἐνάρχῳ πρυτάνει. An individual bearing the double-name “Aurelius Neilos also called Ammonius” is not otherwise attested in the papyri. On the name Neilos (Νεῖλος), see 140 n. 2. On the name Ammonius (Ἀμμώνιος), see 107 n. 3–4. The γυμ[( )] transcription is to be maintained because it cannot be determined whether the reading is γυμ(νασιάρχῳ) “gymnasiarch” or γυμ(νασιαρχήσαντι) “ex-gymnasiarch.” A βουλευτής was a member of the metropolitan bouleutic class and hence served as a “city-councilman.” Members of this class represented the local elites who formed fullfledged municipal governments and were entrusted with general administrative responsibilities associated with the metropolis like tax collection. On the bouleutic class and its civic responsibilities, see A. K. Bowman and D. Rathbone, “Cities and Administration in Roman Egypt,” JRS 82 (1992): 107–27; D. Drew-Bear, “Les conseillers municipaux des métropoles au IIIe siècle après J.-C.,” ChrEg 59 (1984): 17–55. On the office of the πρύτανις (prytanis), see 110 n. 1. Σαρμάτῃ καὶ Ματρίνῳ. The name Sarmates (Σαρμάτης) is Greek and carries the meaning “the man from Sarmatia.” While the name is not an extremely common one, it currently has less than 200 attestations in the papyri, almost half of these appear in documents from the Oxyrhynchite. The name Matrinus (Ματρῖνος) is a Latin name with less than ten attestations in the papyri. Most of these, however, appear in papyri from Oxyrhynchus from the first half of the fourth century, making it at least possible that the present individual could also be attested in these other papyri. συνδίκοις. A syndic (σύνδικος) was an imperial official entrusted with judicial and civic duties in a particular city and was the Greek equivalent of the Latin defensor civitatis. A

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8

8–9

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syndic represented the city “externally in its dealings with the imperial government, and internally in its dealings with private citizens.” A. K. Bowman, Town Councils of Roman Egypt (Toronto, 1971), 47. See also H. J. Mason, Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A Lexicon and Analysis (Toronto, 1974), 89; B. R. Rees, “The defensor civitatis in Egypt,” JJP 6 (1952): 73–102; J. Lallemand, L’administration civile de l’Égypte de l’avènement de Dioclétien à la création du diocèse (284–382): Contribution à l’étude des rapports entre l’Égypte et l’Empire à la fin du IIIe et au IVe siècle (Brussels, 1964), 115–18; B. Kramer, “Liste der syndikoi, ekdikoi und defensores in den Papyri Ägyptens,” in Miscellanea papyrologica in occasione del bicentenario dell’edizione della Charta Borgiana, ed. M. Capasso, G. M. Savorelli, and R. Pintaudi (Florence 1990), 1:305–29. τῆς λαμ(πρᾶς) καὶ λαμ(προτάτης) Ὀξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως. This is a very common epithet (“the illustrious and most illustrious”) for the city of Oxyrhynchus with literally hundreds of attestations in the papyri. For its potential significance, see R.  A. Coles, “Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts,” in Oxyrhynchus: A City and its Texts, ed. A. K. Bowman et al. (London, 2007), 3; G. Fehérvári, “Introduction,” in The Kuwait Excavations at Bahnasā/Oxyrhynchus, ed. G. Fehérvári (1985–1987: Final Report; Kuwait, 2006), 5–6. E. G. Turner observed that from the Ptolemaic period to the end of the second century the city was usually identified as, “Oxyrhynchus city of the Thebaid,” whereas in the third century the adjectives “illustrious and most illustrious” often accompanied its name. See Turner, “Roman Oxyrhynchus,” JEA 38 (1952): 78. Αὐρήλιος Ἀμμώνιος Κοπρέως. On the name Ammonius (Ἀμμώνιος), see 107 n. 3–4.On the name Copreus (Κοπρεύς), which is etymologically related to Copres (Κοπρῆς), see 139 n. 1. An individual identified as “Ammonius son of Copres,” who is probably the same person, appears in P.Oxy. XLV 3257.4 (November 10, 318) in an application for a lease of land near Ision Panga in the Upper Toparchy. ἀναγνωστὴς τῆς ποτε ἐκ⟨κ⟩λησίας κώμης Χύσεως. A “reader” or “lector” (ἀναγνώστης) was a lower church official whose primary responsibility was the reading or cantillating of liturgical texts in church services. While the earliest references to scripture reading in church services give no indication that a particular clerical order was assigned this task ( Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. 67), in the third century this order begins to emerge and Tertullian is the first to use the noun “reader” for a person who read the scriptures in church services (Praescr. 41). Hippolytus (Trad. ap. 11) stipulated that “A reader is installed when the bishop hands him the book. He has no laying on of hands” (Ἀναγνώστης καθίσταται ἐπιδόντος αὐτῷ βιβλίον τοῦ ἐπισκόπου· οὐδὲ γὰρ χειροθετεῖται); however, by the middle of the third century readers seem to have been ordained and were counted as a clerical order (Apos. Cons. 8.22; Cyprian, Ep. 38.2, 39.1). Sometime in the fourth century it appears that readers no longer read the Gospels in church services, although they could read other portions of scripture, as this honor was bestowed on the deacons and on higher clergy (Apos. Cons. 2.57; Jerome, Ep. 147.6). See J. G. Davies, “Deacons, Deaconnesses and the Minor Orders in the Patristic Period,” JEH 14 (1963): 10–14. Prior to the fourth century, references to “readers” are extremely rare in the papyri. In P.Oxy. XLIX 3463, an “Application for the Ephebate” from 58, ll. 17–18 mentions a reader: ἐ̣πικριθέντος αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ τοῦ τοῦ̣τ̣[ο] τὸ ὑπόμνημα ἐπιστέλλον[το]ς ἀναγνώστου (“since he has been scrutinized by the reader who sends this memorandum”). While it is clear that the reference occurs in a decidedly non-Christian context the exact function of this “secular reader” is not altogether clear. See P.Oxy. XLIX p. 116 n. 17–18. References to readers in texts provenanced to Oxyrhynchus where a Christian context seems unlikely include P.Oxy. XXIV 2421.10 (ca. 312–323); P.Oxy. XLI 2969.4, 23–24 (323); P.Oxy. XLI 2993.13 (323). References to Christian readers before the end of the fourth century include P.Oxy. LV 3787.2.58 [116]; SB XIV 12021.2 [121]; cf. 162 n. 3.

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The phrase τῆς ποτε ἐκκλησίας (“of the former church”) probably implies that previously the Christians in the village of Chysis congregated in a physical church building. As per the edict of Diocletian that stipulated the “destruction of churches” it seems most reasonable to conclude that the church was demolished as occurred elsewhere (cf. Lactantius, Mort. 12, 15.7). As Luijendijk (“Papyri from the Great Persecution,” 349) notes, “the description ‘former church’ implies that the building was no longer in existence at the time the document was written.” Nevertheless, it is a little odd that the report goes on to mention that the church owned “no real estate or property” (ll. 19–20, μήτε οἰκόπεδα μήτε ὑπάρχοντα); if the church were a physical building it must have been erected on a piece of property. Could the church of Chysis have been a house church? The village of Chysis was located in the Upper Toparchy on the western bank of the Baḥr Yūsuf at an approximate distance of some 20–30 km south of Oxyrhynchus. On its location and significance, see Benaissa, Rural Settlements, 364–66, who notes that land in its vicinity (but not the village itself) was sometimes subsumed under the Pasko Toparchy of the Hermopolite nome. Also, at some point in the fourth century the village belonged to the Hermopolite nome (P.Lips. I 99) for administrative purposes, but it probably reverted to the territory of Oxyrhynchus by the sixth century (cf. P.Oxy. XVI 2032). See also Pruneti, I centri abitati dell’Ossirinchite, 219. 11–12 Αὐρηλίου Ἀθανασίου ἐπιτρόπου πριουάτης. The name Athanasius (Ἀθανάσιος) is a Greek name and carries the meaning “immortal.” It is derived from the noun ἀθανασία that means “immortality.” The name is unattested in the papyri before the third century and, given its connotations, can be seen as a distinctly Christian name; if the bearer of this name is not Christian then certainly the parents who gave the name were. The present Athanasius is also attested in P.Oxy. XXXIII 2665.10–11 [115] since the same titulature is employed. On the possibility that Athanasius was a Christian, see Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 214–15. The ἐπιτρόπου πριουάτης (“procurator of the private estate”) was the equivalent of the Latin procurator rei privatae who was a financial officer that was subordinate to the “master of the private estate” (ll.  13–14)—Lat. magister rei privatae. This official typically resided in Alexandria. See J. Lallemand, L’ administration civile de l’Égypte, 89–92; A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284–602 (Oxford, 1964), 1:411–13. 13–14 μαγίστρου τῆς πριουάτης Νερατίου Ἀπολλωνί⟨δ⟩ου. Neratius Apollonides (Νεράτιος Ἀπολλωνίδης): Neratius is a Latin name that is not attested in the papyri outside of references to this individual (see below) and Apollonides is a Greek name with just over 200 attestations in the papyri. This individual is attested in two other documents: P.Oxy. XXXIII 2665.13 [115] and P.Oxy. LI 3618.1 (305–310). The “master of the private estate” is the Greek equivalent of the Latin magister rei privatae. The holder of this office was a high official that only answered directly to the Prefect and was the superior of the “procurator of the private estate”/procurator rei privatae (see n. 11–12). See N. Lewis, “A New Document on the Magister Rei Privatae,” JJP 15 (1965): 157–61; Lallemand, L’ administration civile de l’Égypte, 89–92; Jones, The Later Roman Empire, 1:411–13. 14–22 As part of Diocletian’s anti-Christian edict that churches be destroyed, it was also expected that any valuables churches owned would be confiscated by the state. Here Aurelius Ammonius, reader of the former church, makes a declaration that “all goods” (ll. 14–15, ἅπαντα τὰ ⟨ε⟩ἴδη) had been handed over. As part of his declaration, he lists both items that the church in Chysis did not possess, as well as those that had been confiscated. It is interesting to note that Ammonius claims that the church did not have any gold (χρυσόν), silver (ἄσημον), coined silver (ἀργύριον), clothing (ἐσθῆτα), animals (τετράποδα), slaves (ἀνδράποδα), real estate (οἰκόπεδα) or property (ὑπάρχοντα). The

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absence of both “property” and “real estate” are particularly intriguing since a physical church must have surely been erected on a plot of land (see n. 8–9). Ammonius does declare, however, that the church possessed some “bronze objects” (χαλκῆ̣[ν] ὕλην), which could have either been liturgical vessels or bronze lamps, and that they have been handed over. The Acta Munati Felicis (Acts of Munatius Felix), which are incorporated into a later document from 320 (Gesta apud Zenophilum [Proceedings before Zenophilus]), contain an inquiry made into a church in Cirta (N. Africa) on May 19, 303 by a delegation of government officials during the “Great Persecution.” The Acta are therefore useful for comparison because the confiscated items from the church are listed. They included the following: calices duo aurei, item calices sex argentei, urceola sex argentea, cucumellum argenteum, lucernas argenteas septem, cereofala duo, candelas breves aeneas cum lucernis suis septem, item lucernas aeneas undecim cum catenis suis, tunicas muliebres LXXXII, mafortea XXXVIII, tunicas viriles XVI, caligas viriles paria XIII, caligas muliebres paria XLVII, capulas rusticanas XVIIII. (Gesta apud Zenophilum, 186.20–24) “Two gold cups, six silver cups, six silver urns, a small silver pot, seven silver lamps, two wax candles, seven small bronze candlesticks with their own wicks, eleven bronze lamps with their chains, eighty-two women’s tunics, thirty-eight capes, sixteen men’s tunics, thirteen pairs of men’s shoes, forty-seven pairs of women’s shoes, and nineteen crude clasps.” By comparison the church in Chysis appears quite barren. Nevertheless, as Choat and Yuen-Collingridge have pointed out (“A Church with No Books,” 135–36), the list of all the items mentioned but not owned by the church in Chysis should not lead to the conclusion that it was typical for churches to possess all of these items. Based on instructions given by the emperors Arcadius and Honorius to the comes rei privatae in 395 about the assessment of ownerless land from the fisc to the claimant Choat and Yuen-Collingridge see a distinct parallel with the present papyrus. Therefore, behind all the items mentioned in the papyrus was a generic checklist used by the comes res privatae to make inventories of confiscated properties. A comparison between the two lists makes this observation readily apparent:* Cod.Theod. 10.9.2 P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673 Urban estates praedia urbana Real Estate ὑπάρχοντα Buildings aedes Property οἰκόπεδα Slaves mancipia Slaves ἀνδράποδα Animals animalia Animals τετράποδα Gold aurum Gold χρυσόν Silver argentum Silver bullion ἄσημον Equipment ornamenta Material ὕλη Clothing vestes Clothing ἐσθῆτα Money pecunia Coined silver ἀργύριον *Comparison adapted from Choat and Yuen-Collingridge, “A Church with No Books,” 136.

22 23

χαλκῆ̣[ν] ὕλην. In the ed. pr. the reading is χαλκῆ̣[ν] πύλην (“bronze gate”). For the present reading, see Rea, “P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673: Πύλην to Ὕλην!,” 128. τῷ λογιστῇ. The logistes (Lat. curator civitatis) was an imperial official given charge over a particular city. It seems that this office emerged in Egypt sometime in the early fourth century and may have been a part of the administrative reforms of Diocletian. See Lallemand,

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L’administration civile de l’Égypte, 108–13; cf. B. R. Rees, “The curator civitatis in Egypt,” JJP 7–8 (1953–1954): 83–105. In the Acta Munati Felicis (Gesta apud Zenophilum 35) it is the curator rei publicae Munatius Felix that led the search of the church. 25–26 ἡμῶν ἡγεμόνος Κλωδίου Κο⟨υ⟩λκιανοῦ. The prefect Clodius Culcianus is attested in various Christian texts as an arch persecutor of Christians during the “Great Persecution.” As Eusebius claims (Hist. eccl. 9.11.4): “. . . such likewise was Culcianus, who had gone through every grade of office in the government, the same person who gloried in the murder of countless Christians in Egypt; and in addition to these not a few others, who were the chief means of confirming and increasing Maximin’s tyranny.” Cf. Epiphanius, Pan. 68.1.4. In the Acts of Phileas Culcianus is the inquisitor and in the account of the martyrs from Oxyrhynchus preserved in the Acta Sanctorum [163], he is likewise depicted as a ruthless persecutor; cf. P.Oxy. L 3529.3 [98]. He is first attested in the papyri as prefect of Egypt in P.Oxy. XLVI 3304 ( June 6, 301) and his latest attestation in the papyri is in P.Oxy. VIII 1104 (May 29, 306). 33–34 Αὐρήλιος Ἀμμώνιος ὤμοσα τὸν ὅρκον ὡς (πρόκειται). On the meaning of this phrase and imperial oaths, see Choat and Yuen-Collingridge, “A Church with No Books,” 123– 25; R. M. Grant, “Sacrifices and Oaths as Required of Early Christians,” in Kyriakon: Festschrift Johannes Quasten, ed. P. Granfield and J. A. Jungman (Munster, 1970) 1:12–17. 34 Αὐρ(ήλιος) Σερῆνος ἔγρα(ψα) ὑ(πὲρ) αὐτοῦ μὴ εἰ̣(δότος) γρά(μματα). The name Serenus (Σερῆνος) is a Latin name that is extremely common in the papyri with well over 1,000 attestations. An individual bearing the name Aurelius Serenus subscribes two other documents from the early fourth century: P.Col. X 184.22 (August 24–29, 311); P.Oxy. XIV 1708.25 (April 3, 311). The seemingly paradoxical use of the illiteracy formula for Aurelius Ammonius a church “reader” (ll. 8–9, ἀναγνώστης) has caught the attention of numerous commentators. In the ed. pr. the editor proposed that the most likely scenario was that the church services in Chysis were in Coptic and that the lector therefore knew Coptic but not Greek (P.Oxy. XXXIII p. 108). Subsequently, many have followed this view: P. Parsons, City of the Sharp-Nosed Fish: Greek Lives in Roman Egypt (London, 2007), 154; Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church, 3–4; Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt, 65; H. C. Youtie, “ΑΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΟΣ: An Aspect of Greek Society in Egypt,” HSCP 75 (1971): 163. E. Wipszycka has taken yet another view and argued that Ammonius did know Greek but feigned illiteracy as an act of protest and instead had someone sign on his behalf (“Un lecteur qui ne sait pas écrire ou un chrétien qui ne veut pas se souiller?” 117–21). More recently, Lane Fox has advanced yet another position, he has argued that while Ammonius could read he could not write, and thus uses the text to highlight the stark distinction in antiquity between the ability to read and the accompanying ability to write (“Literacy and Power in Early Christianity,” 144). Yet, despite the numerous attempts to explain away the apparent contradiction of an illiterate lector, perhaps the most likely scenario is to take the text as it stands without any extended explanation and to accept that an illiterate reader is a genuine possibility. Clarke (“An Illiterate Lector?” 103–4) marshals evidence for the existence of church lectors who could almost certainly not read since they were only five years old (Epitaphs: CIL XI 1709 and CIL VIII 453). Clarke also gives an example from the letters of Cyprian of a confessor by the name of Aurelius who did not know letters but who was nonetheless made a lector owing to his unyielding faith (Cyprian, Ep. 27.1; 38.2). While the primary responsibility of a lector was to provide the congregation with selected scriptural readings during the course of the liturgy at Sunday mass, given that the liturgy contained a limited number of scriptural readings combined with the fact that it was periodically cantillated, someone with minimal reading skills might be able to

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function in a limited capacity as a lector provided that the passages could be memorized (cf. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 256 n. 142; Choat and Yuen-Collingridge, “A Church with No Books,” 122–30).

115 P.Oxy. XXXIII 2665 Report of Property Registrars about a Certain Paul 22.0 × 28.5 cm TM no. 22511 Date: 305–306 Material: Papyrus Published: P. Parsons, J. R. Rea, and E. G. Turner (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXIII (London, 1968), 89–91 (no. 2665); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 210–13. Related Literature: E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 60 (no. 18); E. A. Judge, “Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri,” PapCongr. XVI (1981): 613–15; W. Clarysse, “The Coptic Martyr Cult,” in Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective, ed. M. Lamberigts and P. van Deun (Leuven, 1995), 380; G. F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life before Constantine (Macon, Ga., 2003), 289; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 51; L. E. Tacoma, Fragile Hierarchies: The Urban Elites of Third-Century Roman Egypt (Leiden, 2005), 301; B. Palme, “The Range of Documentary Texts: Types and Categories,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 375–76; A. M. Luijendijk, “Papyri from the Great Persecution,” JECS 16 (2008): 349 n. 23; C. H. Cosgrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn with Musical Notation: Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1786; Text and Commentary (Tübingen, 2011), 136; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 193 n. 135. Introduction This document is written with a single hand in a dark-brown ink along the fibers of a light-colored papyrus; there is no writing on the back. While the top left-hand side of this papyrus has broken off, the lost text on the first couple of lines can be confidently reconstructed since it begins with a regnal formula. The hand of the text is accomplished and shows signs of proficiency, and there are deliberate spaces between, and within, certain lines to mark divisions in the text. The text concerns a report made by two bibliophylakes (i.e., keepers of the archives) and two city councilors about an official inquiry into

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a matter concerning property. They report that in accordance with the “divine edict” (l. 11, θεῖον πρόσταγμα) of the emperors and under direct charge from Aurelius Athanasius, procurator rei privatae, they have searched the municipal archives to see if a certain Paul, who had been placed under sentence by Satrius Arrianus, the praeses of the Thebaid, had any registered property in Oxyrhynchus that needed to be confiscated. They report that after a detailed search of the archives they have determined that Paul owns nothing, after which the document promptly concludes. The commentary in the ed. pr. reads the document in a way that presupposes that Paul had possessions/property but that they had already been confiscated; however, it seems that all the document actually states is that an investigation was carried out to determine whether Paul had any possessions and that if he owned anything it would be confiscated, and the report came back that nothing could be found belonging to him or to his wife. This text has roused attention because, while there is not anything in it that is overtly Christian, it has been suggested that it relates to the “Great Persecution” and attempts to confiscate Christian property. The praeses of the Thebaid Satrius Arrianus who is mentioned in this text (l. 15) appears as an arch persecutor of Christians in a number of martyrdoms purporting to have taken place during the “Great Persecution,” and the name of the condemned, a certain Paul, could well suggest that he was a Christian. *Only ll. 10–21 of this text have been reproduced. 10

15

20

ἐπεστ⟨ε⟩ί [̣ λατε ἡμῖν κ]εκελευκέναι Αὐρήλιον Ἀθανάσιον ἐπίτροπον τῆς κατ’ Αἴγυπτον πριουάτης δι’ ὧν ἔγραψεν κατὰ θεῖον πρόσταγμα τῶν δεσποτῶν ἡμῶν βασιλέων τε καὶ Καισάρων ἀκολούθως τοῖς ἐπιτετῖσι πρὸς αὐτὸν γράμμασι Νερατίου Ἀπολλωνίδου τὰ ὑπάρχοντα Παύλου ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀξυρυγχίτου ἀποφάσ⟨ε⟩ι ὑποβληθέντος τοῦ διασημοτάτου ἡγουμένου Θ̣η β ̣ ᾳΐδος Σατρίου Ἀριανοῦ προσκρ{ε}ιθῆναι τοῖς τοῦ ταμ⟨ε⟩ίου λογισμοῖς καὶ ἐνγρ[ά]φως ἐπιδοῦναι. ὅθεν ἐξετάσαντες διὰ τῶν κατακ⟨ε⟩ιμένων ἐν τοῖς βιβλιοφυλακ⟨ε⟩ίοις βιβλ [̣ ί]ων δηλοῦμεν τὸν Παῦλον μηδὲν κεκτῆσθαι μηδ’ ὅ̣λ ω ̣ ς̣ διεστρῶσθαι διὰ τῶ(ν) κατακ⟨ε⟩ιμένων ἐν τοῖ[ς] βιβλιοφυλακ⟨ε⟩ίοις βιβλ [̣ ίω]ν̣ μηδὲ ε ἰδέναι τὴν τούτου γυνε͂ κα τινα [ ̣ ̣ ]̣ τω μὴ φ̣α ί̣ ̣ν̣εσθαι τὸν [π]ρ̣[ο]κ⟨ε⟩̣ί μ ̣ ε̣ ̣ν̣ο ̣ν̣ Παῦλον

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διεστρωμέ [̣ νον διὰ] τ̣[ῶ]ν̣ αὐ̣ ̣τῶν κατακ⟨ε⟩ιμένων [ἐ]ν τοῖς δημ[ο]σίοις ἀρχ⟨ε⟩ίοις __________ 11. pap. προσταγ’μα. 13. l. ἐπιτεθεῖσι; pap. ϋ. 15. pap. Θηβαϊδος. 18. pap. τω. 20. l. γυναῖκα.

Translation . . . You have written to us that Aurelius Athanasius, procurator of the private estate in Egypt has ordered by a letter written in accordance with a divine edict of our masters the Emperors and Caesars in accordance with the letter dispatched to him from Neratius Apollonides that the property of Paul from the Oxyrhynchite nome, who has been placed under sentence (l. 15) by the most illustrious praeses of the Thebaid, Satrius Arrianus, be adjudged to the accounts of the treasury and (we) deliver a written report. Wherefore, after making a search through the records deposited in the archives we declare that Paul owns nothing nor is he registered at all in the records deposited in the record offices and that we do not know of any (l. 20) wife of his . . . the aforesaid Paul does not appear to be registered in the same records deposited in the public archives. . . . 10–11 Αὐρήλιον Ἀθανάσιον ἐπίτροπον τῆς κατ’ Αἴγυπτον πριουάτης. On this individual and office, see 114 n. 111–12. 11 κατὰ θεῖον πρόσταγμα. The phrase “divine edict” begins to appear in the papyri in the late third century with the reign of Diocletian and after the first half of the fourth century is no longer attested: Pap.Agon. 3.36 (=P.Oxy. XXVII 2476)(288); P.Flor. I 32b.7 (298); P.Lond. V 1647.4 (298); P.Sakaon 76.3 (298); P.Cair.Isid. 4.5 (299); P.Cair.Isid. 5.4 (299); P.Panop.Beatty 2.50 (300); P.Sakaon 2.5 (300); P.Sakaon 3.4 (300); P.Ammon II 52.i.5–6 (303); P.Ammon II 52.ii.6 (303); P.Ammon II 52.iii.8–9 (303); P.Cair.Isid. 8.5 (309); P.Sakaon 1.4 (310); P.Ryl. IV 658.4 (early IV); P.Thomas 22.13 (301–325); P.Sakaon 41.3 (322–324); CPR XVIIA 37.8 (340); CPR V 10.4 (337–347). Therefore, even though the “divine edict” mentioned in this document almost certainly refers to the edict issued by Diocletian and associated with the “Great Persecution,” the phraseology is not restricted to this particular edict nor should it be seen as a calculated attempt to insult Christian sensibilities. Neither Lactantius nor Eusebius when referring to any of the edicts of the “Great Persecution” employ the actual phraseology “divine edict”: Lactantius, Mort. 13.1: Postridie propositum est edictum (“The next day an edict was published”); Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 8.2.4: βασιλικὰ γράμματα (“imperial letter”); cf. Gesta apud Zenophilum 4: ut iussioni parere possitis (“so that you may comply with the edict”). No “edict” is mentioned in the confiscation of church property in P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673 [114]. The Decian libelli from Oxyrhynchus refer to the edict of Decius to sacrifice with the phraseology κατὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα (“in accordance with what has been ordered”) (P.Oxy. IV 658.10 [106]; P.Oxy. XII 1464.6 [107]; P.Oxy. LVIII 3929.8 [109]); the libelli from the Arsinoite typically employ the phrase κατὰ τὰ προσταχθέντα (“in accordance with what has been ordered”). The full phraseology contained in P.Oxy. XII 1464.6 [107] is perhaps closest to the θεῖον πρόσταγμα mentioned for the edict of Decius: [κατ]ὰ τὰ κελευσθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς θείας κρίσεως (“in accordance with what has been ordered by the divine decree”).

424 13 14

15

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus Νερατίου Ἀπολλωνίδου. On this individual, see 114 n. 13–14. Παύλου ἀπὸ τοῦ Ὀξυρυγχίτου. On the name Paul, see 132 n. 2. Of this reference Clarysse (“The Coptic Martyr Cult,” 380) has pointed out: “The fact that no patronymic or description is given implies that Paulus was well-known locally; his name shows that he was almost certainly a Christian.” Though Paul appears to have been well known, perhaps even prominent, it is difficult to determine much beyond mere speculation about his apparently “well-known” status. Cf. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 210–14. Both Luijendijk and Clarysse (“The Coptic Martyr Cult,” 380) believe that Paul had become a Christian martyr. While this is certainly possible it needs to be remembered that not all confessing Christians were necessarily martyred in the “Great Persecution”: some were imprisoned, albeit for an indefinite period of time, and others were exiled or forced to work in the mines. If Paul did not become a martyr it may be wondered whether there might be any connection with him and another “well-known” Paul who wielded some influence in the Christian community at Oxyrhynchus some decades later [see 164]. τοῦ διασημοτάτου ἡγουμένου Θ̣ η̣ βαίδος Σατρίου Ἀριανου. On the use of the epithet διάσημος, see 111 n. 7. The term ἡγούμενος, from the verb ἡγέομαι, typically means “governor” but here has the meaning of “praeses.” When Diocletian became emperor he reformed Egypt administratively and divided the province into two administrative units: Egypt and the Thebaid, which division lasted until 314. The “governor” of each unit was known as the praeses and acted under the direct authority of the prefect. See J. Lallemand, L’administration civile de l’Égypte de l’avènement de Dioclétien à la création du diocèse (282–312) (Brussels, 1964), 249–54; cf. H. J. Mason, Greek Terms for Roman Institutions: A Lexicon and Analysis (Toronto, 1974), 51–52. Satrius Arrianus was the praeses of the Thebaid sometime during the start of the fourth century. The exact dates of his tenure are unknown and he only appears in three other texts: P.Flor. I 33.10 (305–311); P.Grenf. II 78.1 (307); O.Stras. I 801.5 (IV). He is also mentioned frequently in various synaxaria in connection with Egyptian martyrdoms during the “Great Persecution.” E.g., Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopoleos, Synaxarium mensis Decembris 14.2: Τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἄθλησις τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων Φιλήμονος, Ἀπολλωνίου καὶ τῆς συνοδίας αὐτῶν. Οὗτοι ὑπῆρχον ἀπὸ Θηβῶν τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ Ἀρριανοῦ ἡγεμόνος Θηβαΐδος . . . (“On this day is the struggle of the holy martyrs Philemon and Apollonius and their company. These were from Thebes in Egypt when Diocletian was emperor and Arrianus was the governor of the Thebaid . . .); Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopoleos, Synaxarium mensis Maii 19.2: Τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἄθλησις τοῦ ἁγίου μάρτυρος Κολούθου. Οὗτος ἦν ἐπὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκ Θηβαΐδος τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐν Ἑρμουπόλει καὶ διὰ τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν ὁμολογίαν Ἀρριανῷ τῷ ἡγεμόνι προσήχθη καὶ μήτε κολακείαις δελεασθεὶς μήτε τὰς ἀπειλὰς αὐτοῦ καταπτήξας, πρῶτον μὲν μεγέθει λίθου τὸν αὐχένα βαρύνεται, εἶτα τὴν διὰ πυρὸς λαμβάνει ἀπόφασιν· καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ βληθεὶς τελειοῦται (“On this day is the struggle of the holy martyr Kolouthus. He was from the Thebaid of Egypt in Hermopolis and on account of his confession of Christ was brought before Arrianus the governor; he was neither enticed by flattery nor cowered by his threats. First, his neck was weighed down by a great stone, then, he received the sentence of fire, and having been cast in he died”). See also H. Delehaye, “Les martyrs d’Égypte,” AnBoll 40 (1920): 5–154 passim (esp. 87–130).

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116 P.Oxy. LV 3787 Tax List Mentioning a “Deacon” and a “Lector” 22.0 × 28.5 cm TM no. 22511 Date: ca. 313–320 Material: Papyrus Published: J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LV (London, 1988), 33–40 (no. 3787). Related Literature: R. S. Bagnall, “Notes on Roman and Byzantine Documents,” ChrEg 66 (1991): 293–96; E. Wipszycka, “Les ordres mineurs dans l’Église d’Égypte du IVe VIIIe siècle,” JJP 23 (1993): 195 n. 29; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 280 n. 118; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1308–9; R. Alston, The City in Roman and Byzantine Egypt (London, 2002), 282; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 67–68; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 183 n. 121, 198 n. 25; E. A. Judge, “The Puzzle of Christian Presence in Egypt before Constantine,” in Jerusalem and Athens: Cultural Transformations in Late Antiquity, ed. A. Nobbs (Tübingen, 2010), 147. Introduction This document is written on the back of P.Oxy. XLIV 3184, which contains two “Lists of Village Liturgists” and is dated to late 296 and early 297. The present text is a tax list written in two columns that are arranged by villages in the Oxyrhynchite where the village name is marked by ekthesis. The entries for the respective villages list the names and amounts paid for a tax called the “city poll-tax” (ἐπικεφάλαιον πόλεως)41 with the amounts ranging anywhere from 400 to 2,600 drachmae but most commonly for 1,200 drachmae. While the document is interesting for a variety of different reasons, for the present purposes what is most intriguing about the text is that it contains a passing reference to a deacon of the church in the village of Thosbis and also mentions a lector in the village of Tampetei. While the text was dated in the ed. pr. to ca. 301/302, two subsequent treatments have dated it as late as 313–320 (the preferred date in this edition)42 or as early as the late third century.43 For discussions of this tax, see P.Oxy. XLII pp. 101–2; and P.Oxy. LV pp. 43–46. Bagnall, “Notes on Roman and Byzantine Documents,” 296. 43 Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église,” 1308–9. 41 42

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*Only col. i ll. 24–25 and col. ii ll. 57–58 have been reproduced. col. i 25

Ἀπφοῦς διάκων ἐκκλησίας καὶ ὁ ἀδελφ(ός) / (δραχμαὶ) Βυ

col. ii 57

Ταμ ̣πε [̣ τ]εί. Βησαρίων ἀνα[γ]ν̣ώστης / (δραχμαὶ) Αχ

Translation .  .  . Aphous, deacon of the church, (col.  i, l.  25) and his brother, drachmae 2,400. . . . (col. ii, l. 57) Tampetei. Besarion, reader, drachmae 1,200. . . . i.24–25 Ἀπφοῦς διάκων ἐκκλησίας. On the name Aphous (Ἀφοῦς), see 113 n. i.11. This individual (i.e., bearing this name and title) is not attested in any other papyrus. The reference to the ἐκκλησία ensures that διάκων has to be taken in an ecclesiastical context as opposed to a merely secular one (cf. P.Giss. III 101.10 [III; Oxyrhynchite]: Ἑρμάμμωνι διάκονι). The term deacon, from the Greek διάκονος, literally means “servant” or “minister.” In the NT, deacon is used in a nontechnical sense for a variety of persons: Matt 20:26 and 2 Cor 3:6 apostles; Matt 23:11 disciples; John 2:5 waiter; Rom 13:4 government officials; Rom 15:8 Christ; 2 Cor 11:15 servants of Satan; 2 Cor 11:23 and 1 Tim 4:6 evangelists and missionaries; Col 4:7 and 1 Thess 3:2 messengers. For deacon as a subordinate ecclesiastical office in the NT, see Phil 1:1 and 1 Tim 3:8-13. In the early centuries deacons are attested performing various ecclesiastical responsibilities: they disseminated the Eucharist ( Justin, 1 Apol. 67); assisted in baptism and the agape (Hippolytus, Trad. ap. 12); aided orphans and widows (Herm. Sim. 9.26.2); served as messengers (Ign. Phld. 10; Smyrn. 12); acted as ushers and kept order (Didas. 12); administered church property (Cyprian, Ep. 52.1); buried the dead (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.11.24). J. G. Davies, “Deacons, Deaconnesses and the Minor Orders in the Patristic Period,” JEH 14 (1963): 10–14; J. Colson, La fonction diaconale aux origines de l’église (Paris, 1960). On deacons and sub-deacons in the papyri, see E. Wipszycka, “Les ordres mineurs dans l’Église d’Égypte du IVe VIIIe siècle,” JJP 23(1993): 189–94; cf. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 59–60. In col. i.20 it mentions the village of Thosbis (Θώ̣σ̣β̣εως), which was located in the Upper Toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite (Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 101–3), that otherwise suggests that Aphous was a deacon of a church from this village. However, in col. i.22 there is written in the margin with a smaller hand and entered after the primary text was written the name of the village of Mermertha (Μερμέρθων). While this later emendation might only refer to the individual mentioned in col.  i.22 (Bagnall, “Notes on Roman and Byzantine Documents,” 293 n. 25) and is not applicable to Aphous, it is possible that this later annotation signals a new toponymn and refers to everyone mentioned in col. i.22–29: Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 68; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 183 n. 121. Like Thosbis, the village of Mermertha was also located in the Upper Toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite. (See Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 182–85.) ii.57 Ταμ̣ πε̣[τ]εί. Tampetei is a village located in the Middle Toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite. See Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 366–67.

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ii.57–58 Βησαρίων ἀνα[γ]ν̣ώστης. On the function of the office of ἀναγνώστης within the church, see 114 n. 8–9. Since ἀναγνώστης is not accompanied by ἐκκλησίας and the term could conceivably be used to refer to one who read documents for a living, some have suggested that Besarion should not be taken as a lector of the church (Wipszycka, “Les ordres mineurs dans l’Église d’Égypte,” 238 n. 7; cf. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 68). While this possibility cannot be ruled out, it needs to be remembered that references to ἀναγνώσται before the fourth century in decidedly non-Christian contexts are very rare: P.Oxy. XLIX 3463.18 (58); SB IV 7336.28 (late III; Oxyrhynchus or the Arsinoite). On the other hand, beginning in the early fourth century the term appears with much more frequency in the papyri and its rather sudden increase in usage must surely be attributed to the growing influence of Christianity at this time. While this does not prove that Besarion must have been a Christian lector it at least increases the probability.

117 P.Oxy. LIV 3759 Official Proceedings Mentioning the “Lord’s Day” 55.0 × 24.5 cm TM no. 15268 Date: October 2, 325 Material: Papyrus Published: R. A. Coles, H. Maehler, and P. J. Parsons (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LIV (London, 1987), 170–74 (no. 3759); S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 9 (2002): 106–18 (no. 30). Related Literature: N. Lewis, “Notationes Legentis,” BASP 27 (1990): 37–38; K. A. Worp, “Remarks on Weekdays in Late Antiquity Occurring in Documentary Sources,” Tyche 6 (1991): 222; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 50–51; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 87; R. A. Coles, “Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts,” in Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts, ed. A. K. Bowman et al. (London, 2007), 12–13; K. M. Girardet, “Vom Sonnen-Tag zum Sonntag: Der dies solis in Gesetzgebung und Politik Konstantins d. Gr.,” ZAC 11 (2007): 309–10; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 75. Introduction This document is written against the fibers (transversa charta) of a long papyrus that is broken in various places; nevertheless, aside from some damage along the right edge of the text that has resulted in the loss of a few letters at the end of some lines, the document is completely intact. According to the ed. pr., the papyrus was “cut from a roll of declarations of prices made to the logistes by the various guilds; the declarations thus preserved are published above as [P.Oxy

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LIV] 3747–53. 3759 begins at the 3753 end.”44 While the hand of the text is at times quite flowing and rapid, it is also quite legible. The document is a record of a legal proceeding that occurred in the temple of Kore (l. 1) on the evening of October 2, 325, before the logistes of Oxyrhynchus, over the possession of οἰκόπεδα (“buildings” or “real estate”). In the hearing it is evident that a previous judgment had been awarded in favor of the plaintiff but that as of yet he had been unsuccessful in having it executed. Due to the frequent exchanges between the plaintiff’s advocate, a certain Poemonius, and the advocate of the defense, a certain Ischyrion, the contours of the present hearing are difficult to follow and are somewhat complicated by the defense’s objection that the current defendants are not the same defendants in the prior proceeding. The defense therefore objects to the previous judgment since it does not apply to them, while the plaintiff’s attorney tries to turn the defense’s demur to his client’s advantage. The proceeding abruptly comes to an end with the logistes being unable to render a decision because evening has fallen and “the coming of the sacred Lord’s day has supervened” (l.  38, τῆς ἐπιούσης κυριακῆς ἱερᾶς ἐπέκυψεν). Therefore, the logistes puts off a decision but promises that when the hearing resumes a decision will be made whether or not all concerned parties (or even the correct parties?) are present. The reference to the “Lord’s day” (ll. 38–39, κυριακή) is especially noteworthy since this is the first time it occurs in the papyri. Also noteworthy is the fact that the logistes postpones the hearing because the “Lord’s day” is approaching, and promises to resume the hearing afterward. In 321, four years previous, Constantine had issued the earliest extant imperial legislation concerning Sunday, making it an official day of rest by prohibiting judicial and commercial business but granting a special exemption to work associated with agriculture and viticulture: Omnes iudices urbanaeque plebes et artium officia cunctarum venerabili die solis quiescant. ruri tamen positi agrorum culturae libere licenterque inserviant, quoniam frequenter evenit, ut non alio aptius die frumenta sulcis aut vineae scrobibus commendentur, ne occasione momenti pereat commoditas caelesti provisione concessa.45 Let all judges, people of cities, and those employed in all trades, remain quiet on the venerable day of Sunday (venerabili die solis). Persons residing in the country, however, can freely and lawfully proceed with the cultivation of the fields, as it frequently happens that the sowing of grain or the planting of

P.Oxy. LIV p. 170. Cod. Just. 3.12.2. The edicts ends with the date on which it was promulgated (March 3) followed by a reference to the second consulships of Crispus and Constantine. 44 45

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vines cannot be deferred to a more suitable day, and by making concessions to heaven the advantage of the time may be lost.46

P.Oxy. LIV 3759 is therefore a witness to how this edict affected the judicial system when it came to Sunday. *Only ll. 36–41 of this text have been reproduced. ↓ / ὁ λογι(στὴς) εἶ(πεν)· ἐπειδὴ ἑσπέρα{ς} ἐγ̣έν̣ετο πρόκριμα̣ οὐδὲν ἔσται τῆς κυρίας μήπω ἐνστάσης. ἐπείπερ μέρος τ̣ι ̣ τῆς ἐπιούσης κυριακῆς ἱερᾶς ἐπέκυψεν, ὑπε̣ [̣ ρ]τεθ̣ήσεται μετὰ τὴν κυριακὴν ἡ δίκη μέχ ρ̣ ι̣ ̣ [οὗ ἀμ]φ̣ό ̣τ̣ε ρ̣ α̣ ̣ 40 τὰ μέρη παρέσεται πρὸς δικαιολογίαν. ἐὰν 〚γ̣ὰρ〛 δέ τ̣ι ς̣ ̣ ἀ ̣πο̣ λ̣ [̣ ει-] φθῇ εἴ τι παρίσταται τῇ ἐμῇ μετριότητι ἀποκριθ̣ή̣σ̣ο̣μ̣[αι]. __________ 36. pap. λογι ει. 41. pap. παρϊσταται.

Translation . . . The logistes said, “Since evening has fallen, there will be no prejudgment, the appointed (day) not yet having arrived. Since some part of the coming of the sacred Lord’s day has supervened, the suit will be carried over after the Lord’s day until both (l. 40) parties shall be present for judgment. But if anyone shall be absent, I will give whatever judgment appeals to my sense of moderation. . . .” 36 38

ὁ λογι(στὴς). The logistes was Flavius Leucadius (l. 42). For the tenure of Flavius Leucadius, see P.Oxy. LIX p. 225. For the office of logistes, see 114 n. 22. τῆς ἐπιούσης κυριακῆς ἱερᾶς ἐπέκυψεν. In Christian literature the earliest reference to the “Lord’s day” (κυριακὴ ἡμέρα) occurs in Rev 1:10 after which it is attested in: Acts of John 6, 106; Acts of Thomas 31; Clement, Strom. 5.14.2, 7.12.4; Origen, Cels. 8.22. In the papyri there are only a couple of attestations: P.Oxy. XLVIII 3407.16 (IV); SB XX 15134.8 (483). While the edict of Constantine uses the secular dies solis (Gk. ἡμέρα ἡλίου) “Day of the sun,” instead of the “Lord’s day,” “Sunday” is clearly implied. Justin Martyr remarks that “on the day called Sunday” (τῇ τοῦ ἡλίου λεγομένῃ ἡμέρᾳ) Christians gathered for worship (1 Apol. 67.3). Tertullian is the first Christian author to equate “Sunday” with a “day of rest”: “As for ourselves, according to our tradition, only on the day [which commemorates] our Lord’s Resurrection should we refrain from this custom. . . . This includes deferring business, lest we give any opportunity to the Devil” (Or. 23.2). The verb ἔπειμι (“to come upon, come after, follow”) is frequently used to describe the transition from one day (or night) to the next: P.Cair.Zen. IV 59620.11 (248–239 BCE); P.Hib. II 197.8 (275–226 BCE); P.Petra III 56b.12 (259/258 BCE). See also Acts 7:26, 23:11; Philo, Opif. 1.189; Josephus, Ant. 6.207, 11.289; J.W. 1.98, 2.634, 6.235; Vit. 159, 275, 277, 331, 400. On the use of the adjective ἱερός, -ά, -όν, see 134 n. 1–2.

46 Translation adapted from P. R. Coleman-Norton, Roman State and Christian Church: A Collection of Legal Documents to A.D. 535 (London, 1966), 1:82.

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118 P.Hamb. IV 267 Business Letter Mentioning “ships of the church” 12.0 × 11.5 cm TM no. 32905 Date: ca. 336–348 Material: Papyrus Published: B. Kramer and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Griechische Papyrusurkunden der Hamburger Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek IV (=P.Hamb. IV; Stuttgart, 1998), 148–56 (no. 267). Related Literature: E. Wipszycka, Les resources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypte du IVe au VIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1972), 63; B. Kramer, “Urkundenreferat 1998,” APF 45 (1999): 233–34; N. Kruit and K.  A. Worp, “Metrological Notes on Measures and Containers of Liquids in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” APF 45 (1999): 115; N. Gonis, “Ship-Owners and Skippers in Fourth-Century Oxyrhynchus,” ZPE (2003): 163–65; P. van Minnen, “Greek Papyri and Coptic Studies, 1996–2000,” CoptCongr. 7 (2004): 437; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 159. Introduction This document is composed of two separate fragments that belong to two different collections. The fragment that makes up the right half of the text was first published as P.Ross.Georg. III 6.47 Later, the left half of this document was discovered in the Hamburg collection, and both pieces were first published together as P.Hamb. IV 267.48 Both the top and the bottom of the document are missing. The extant portions of the text are written with a single hand in a dark-brown ink. Based on the extant text, it appears that the document is a business letter, and the delivery instructions on the back further confirm this identification. The date of the fragment is principally derived from the monetary prices mentioned in the letter and an analysis of fourth-century inflation combined with monetary comparisons to P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729 [146] from the middle of the fourth century. In this letter, the sender informs the recipient of the shipment of various items. Among other things, the letter specifically mentions the shipment of two vessels containing coins (a saition with two thousand talents and a knidion with seven hundred talents), which are being transported independently by G. Zereteli and P. Jernstedt (eds.), Papyri russischer und georgischer Sammlungen: Spätrömische und byzantinische Texte III (Tiflis, 1930), 27–31. The dimensions of this right fragment are 11.5 × 6.0 cm. 48 The dimensions of this left fragment are 12.0 × 4.5 cm. 47

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two groups of sailors. After detailing the various items being sent, the letter breaks off with the sender charging the addressee to write back and provide information about the receipt of the items. While the reference to the containers carrying the coinage is noteworthy and has been lucidly treated,49 for the present purposes the most important aspect of the letter is a reference to the “sailors of the church” (l. 14, ναυτῶν ἐκκλησίας). When the sender informs the addressee of the second shipment of money, he states that they are being transported by these sailors. Beyond this passing reference, there is no other Christian reference, and there is no indication the writer was a Christian. *Only ll. 13–17 of this text have been reproduced.

→

15

ξεστῶν η /. καὶ νῦν κόμισον διὰ Τιμοθέου καὶ Θέωνος υἱοῦ Ἱέρακος ναυτῶν ἐκκλησίας ἀργυρίου κνίδιον ἓν ἔχων τάλαντα ἑπτακόσια, γί(νεται) (τάλαντα) ψ, κα ὶ̣ ἐπιστολὴν διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ναυτῶν. . . . __________ 14. pap. ϊερακος. 15. l. ἔχον. 16. corr. ex τ〚ου〛ων.

Translation [. . . of oil] 8½ sextarii. And now receive through Timothy and Theon, the son of Hierak, sailors of the church, (l.  15) one knidion of money having seven hundred talents, that is 700 (talents), and the letter through the same sailors. . . . 13

14

ξεστῶν η /. This reading is not certain. See B. Kramer, “Urkundenreferat 1998,” 233–34; Kruit and Worp, “Metrological Notes on Measures and Containers of Liquids in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” 115. Τιμοθέου. The name Timothy (Τιμόθεος) is a Greek theophoric name derived from the abstract name for God (θεός) and the Greek verb τιμάω (“to honor”) and carries the meaning “honouring God.” While the name Timothy sees a marked increase in texts from Oxyrhynchus during and after the fourth century, which surely must be seen as a result of the expansion of Christianity, the name is already attested well before Christianity even entered Egypt as it appears frequently in the Zenon Archive from the third century BCE. Θέωνος υἱοῦ Ἱέρακος. For the name Theon (Θέων), see 113 n. i.11; for the name Hierak, see 129 n. 1. A “Theon son of Hierak” is attested at Oxyrhynchus elsewhere in P.Oxy. XIV 1726.6 (early III) and P.Oxy. LV 3786.89 (III) but these texts are likely too early to be the same father and son pair that appears here. ναυτῶν ἐκκλησίας. On “sailors of the church,” see Wipszycka, Les resources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypte du IVe au VIIIe siècle, 63. There are two other fourth-century references in the papyri that are relevant: P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729.7–8 (mid-IV)[146]: κόμισον οὖν δι(ὰ) τοῦ πλοίου Θεοδώρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἡμῶν (“and so receive through the ship of Theodorus our bishop”); P.Münch. III 99.8 (390): κ̣ υβερνήτου πλοίου

49 Bagnall (P.Hamb. IV pp. 149–52) deduces from the names of the vessels and the amounts of coins contained therein that the letter likely dates ca. 336–348.

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15

καθο̣λ̣ικ̣ ῆς ἐκκλησίας τῆς αὐτ̣[ῆ]ς ̣ Ἀλ̣ εξ̣ αν̣δ̣ρείας (“steersman of the ship of the catholic church of the same Alexandria”). In Ps.-John Chrysostom, In principium jejuniorum (=PG 62.745) it mentions οἱ δὲ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ναῦται (“the sailors of the church”) but the reference is metaphorical as the “sailors” represent the leaders of the church. ἀργυρίου κνίδιον. On this reference, see P.Hamb. IV pp. 149–52. τάλαντα. On the meaning of “talent” in the papyri, see 112 n. 10–11.

Date: ca. 351–352

119 P.Oxy. XXII 2344 Petition from a “Bishop” 45.0 × 22.8 cm TM no. 22215

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. Lobel and C. H. Roberts (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXII (London, 1954), 130–32 (no. 2344). Related Literature: E. Wipszycka, “Καθολική et les autres épithètes qualifiant le nom ἐκκλησία: Contribution à l’étude de l’ordre hiérarchique des églises dans l’Égypte byzantine,” JJP 24 (1994): 208; R. A. Coles, M. W. Haslam, P. J. Parsons et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LX (London, 1994), 221–22; R. L. B. Morris, “Bishops in the Papyri,” PapCongr. XX (1994): 584; K. A. Worp, “A Checklist of Bishops in Byzantine Egypt (A.D. 325–c. 750),” ZPE 100 (1994): 286; A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (Rome, 1996), 646 n. 32; A. Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” ZPE 111 (1996): 171–73; R. Alston, The City in Roman and Byzantine Egypt (London, 2002), 307; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 52; N. Gonis, “Dionysius, Bishop of Oxyrhynchus,” JJP 36 (2006): 63–65; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 150–51. Introduction This text is written with a single hand in a dark-brown ink along the fibers of a badly damaged papyrus. Not a single line of extant text is entirely preserved, and the papyrus is literally riddled with lacunae throughout. While the text begins on the first line and for some lines the left margin is intact, in other lines the left margin is lost; the right margin is missing for most of the text, and the document breaks off before it finishes. The hand of the text is competent and regular and has a distinct slope to the right. When the text was first published, it was dated to ca. 336, but more recently it has been redated to ca. 351–352 because the strategus who is mentioned in l.  1 has since been discovered in

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another document that contains a secure date: P.Oxy. LX 4089.2 (October/ November 351). Since the papyrus is so fragmentary and the text so badly damaged, much of the document remains obscure. 50 Nevertheless, from the extant portions of text, it is evident that the document is a petition and apparently has to do with the management of an estate as well as the guardianship of some children. For the present purposes, what is most notable about the petition is that it was sent from a person who identifies himself in l. 1 as “Dionysius bishop of the catholic church” of Oxyrhynchus. The reference is significant for a couple of reasons: (1) this may be the earliest use of the title “catholic church” (see n. 1) in a document from Oxyrhynchus, and (2) the mention of a bishop named Dionysius is noteworthy because aside from this text this bishop is not definitively known from any other source. Furthermore, as another bishop of Oxyrhynchus named Theodorus is attested both in the papyri at this time (P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729.7–8 [146]), as well as in patristic literature ([146], n. 7–8), the presence of Dionysius raises a number of questions. Based on the legible sections of the petition, it seems that Dionysius was seeking to avoid some responsibilities related to the management of an estate and the guardianship of some children and was apparently accusing another party of evading such duties. *Only l. 1 of the text has been reproduced.

→ Φλ̣α̣[ουί]ῳ Παιανίῳ στρατη[γῷ Ὀξυρυ]γ̣χ̣ίτ̣ο̣[υ] π̣α̣ρὰ Διον[υσίο]υ

ἐπισκόπου κ α̣ θολικῆ [̣ ς ἐκκλη]σ̣ί α̣ ς̣ ̣ τ̣ῆ ς̣ ̣ αὐ[τ]ῆ⟨ς⟩ πόλε[ως] χ[ ]̣ λ̣ [̣ ca. 20? ]

Translation To Flavius Paianius strategus of the Oxyrhynchite from Dionysius bishop of the catholic church of the same city . . . 1

Φλ̣ α̣[ουί]ῳ Παιανίῳ στρατη[γῷ]. In the ed. pr. Παιανίῳ was read as Παρανίῳ. But with the publication of P.Oxy. LX 4089 (October 29–November 27, 351) and P.Oxy. LX 4091 (352) the correct reading is Παιάνιος. The strategus was the governor of the nome and was typically drawn from outside the nome and selected by the prefect; as a nome governor the office goes back to the third century BCE. See J. E. G. Whitehorne, Strategi and Royal Scribes of Roman Egypt (2nd ed.; Florence, 2006), 112 (for Fl. Paianius). In the fourth century the name Flavius (the nomen gentilicium of the emperors after Constantine) was typically used for persons of high status (honestiores) and tended to be honorific. See J. G. Keenan, “The Names Flavius and Aurelius as Status Designations in Later Roman Egypt,” ZPE 11 (1973): 33–63; J. G. Keenan, “An Afterthought on the Names Flavius and Aurelius,” ZPE 53 (1983): 245–50. The name Paianius (Παιάνιος) is Greek and occurs less than fifteen times in the papyri. Most of these attestations appear

50 An image of this text reveals that it has deteriorated since it was first published almost sixty years ago as certain readings contained in the ed. pr. can no longer be verified.

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus in documents from Oxyrhynchus in the middle part of the fourth century and refer to the present individual. As strategus of the Oxyrhynchite Fl. Paianius appears in only two other documents: P.Oxy. LX 4089.1 (October 29–November 27, 351) and P.Oxy. LX 4091.3 (352). Before he became strategus Fl. Paianius apparently served as logistes (curator civitatis) of Oxyrhynchus and was typically identified as “Fl. Paianius also known as Macrobius”: P.Oxy. X 1265.5 (March 26, 336): Φλαουίῳ Παιανίῳ τῷ καὶ Μακροβίῳ λο(γιστῇ) Ὀξ(υρυγχίτου); P.Oxy. X 1303.1 (336). π̣ α̣ρὰ Διον[υσίο]υ ἐπισκόπου. While there is no mention of this bishop in patristic literature it is possible that he could be referenced in two other papyri. In P.Harr. I 94 (mid-IV), an account of freights that contains a list of ship-owners, in ll. 12–13 it reads: πλ(οῖον) Ἀπολλωνίου υἱοῦ Διονυσίου ἐπισκόπου (“ship of Apollonius, son of Dionysus the bishop . . .”). As this text might have come from the Oxyrhynchite (N. Gonis, “Ship-Owners and Skippers in Fourth-Century Oxyrhynchus,” ZPE 143 [2003]: 164–65) there is a possibility it could be the same individual. If it is, it may be wondered whether his son Apollonius is the same Apollonius who signs as bishop of Oxyrhynchus at the Council of Seleucia in 359 (Epiphanius, Pan. 73: Ἀπολλώνιος ἐπίσκοπος Ὀξυρύγχου) and who appears in Marcellinus and Faustinus, Libellus Precum 100–101 [164]. On hereditary episcopal succession, see C. Rapp, Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 2005), 195–99. It may even be possible that this same Apollonius, or Dionysius, appears in P.CtYBR inv. 4623.3 (October 17, 377) [122] as “bishop of the catholic church.” Returning to Dionysius, a potential reference might also occur in P.Mich. XVIII 767 (IV), a letter titled “An Original Document from the Arian Controversy?” The letter appears to deal with ecclesiastical politics and a dispute over episcopal authority and mentions a bishop named Dionysius: l. 1, ἐπίσκ[οπον 〚Μα]ξι̣ μεῖνον〛 Διο̣[ν]ύ̣σιον . . . (“Bishop Maximinus Dionysius . . .”). κ̣ αθολικῆ̣[ς ἐκκλη]σ̣ ί̣α̣ς.̣ At present, this is the earliest reference to the “catholic church” in a dated document from Oxyrhynchus. It next appears in SB XVI 12021.2 (after March 21, 377) [121]; P.CtYBR inv. 4623.3–4 (October 17, 377) [122]; P.Wash.Univ. I 20.7–8 (ca. 360–380; village church) [126]; and in J. S. Moss, “Two Michigan Papyri,” BASP 46 (2009): 43 (l.  1, col. 2 [frag. A]; ca.  360–380). In patristic documents the earliest reference to the “catholic church” of Oxyrhynchus occurs in Marcellinus and Faustinus, Libellus Precum 92–101 passim [164]. In later documents the full titulature of this church appears to be ἡ ἁγία τοῦ θεοῦ καθολικὴ ἐκκλησία (“the holy catholic church of God”): SB XII 10939.1 (V); P.Oxy. XVI 1900.3 (528); PSI III 216.3 (534); P.Oxy. LVIII 3961.6 (631/32); cf. A. Benaissa, “New Light on the Episcopal Church of Oxyrhynchus,” ZPE 161 (2007): 201 n. 3–4. On the use of the epithet καθολική, see Wipszycka, “Καθολική et les autres épithètes qualifiant le nom ἐκκλησία,” 191–212. Athanasius, Ep. encycl. 5, uses the epithet to deliberately draw a distinction between the “orthodox” churches and those of the “Arians.” A reference to a “catholic church” also appears in CPR XXIV 1.5 (355) from Herakleopolis and the editor of this text notes that the title could have one of three meanings: (1) universal church; (2) orthodox church as opposed to churches of heretics/ schismatics; (3) the principal church of the city. On the name Dionysius (Διονύσιος), see 155 n. 1–2.

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120 P.Oxy. XLVI 3311 Petition to a Logistes Mentioning an “Apotactic [Monk]” 25.5 × 27.5 cm TM no. 15772 Date: 373–374 Material: Papyrus Published: J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLVI (London, 1978), 96–98 (no. 3311). Related Literature: E. Wipszycka, “Les terres de la congrégation pachômienne dans une liste de payements pour les apora,” in Le monde grec: Pensée, littérature, histoire, documents; Hommage à C. Preaux, ed. J. Bingen, G. Cambier, and G. Nachtergall (Brussels, 1975), 632–34; H. J. Wolff, “Literatur,” Z.Sav. 96 (1979): 347–48; E. A. Judge, “Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri,” PapCongr. XVI (1981): 614, 618–19; A. Emmett, “Female Ascetics in the Greek Papyri,” JÖB 32 (1982): 517–24; G.  H.  R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 3 (1983): 156–57; S. Elm, Virgins of God: The Making of Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1994), 238–39; J. E. Goehring, Ascetics, Society, and the Desert: Studies in Early Egyptian Monasticism (Harrisburg, 1999), 63–64; R. S. Bagnall, “Monks and Property: Rhetoric, Law and Patronage in the Apophthegmata Patrum and the Papyri,” GRBS 42 (2001): 12–15; E. Wipszycka, “Ἀναχωρητής, ἐρημίτης, ἔγκλειστος, ἀποτακτικός: Sur la terminologie monastique en Égypte,” JJP 31 (2001): 162–63; M. Choat, “The Development and Usage of Terms for ‘Monk’ in Late Antique Egypt,” JAC 45 (2002): 12; M. Choat, “Philological and Historical Approaches to the Search for the ‘Third Type’ of Egyptian Monk,” CoptCongr. 7 (2004): 864; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 52 n. 179. Introduction This text is written with a dark-brown ink along the fibers of a papyrus; there is no writing on the back. While the lower left corner of this papyrus is missing and the papyrus contains a few small holes and tears, the entire text of the document can be reconstructed. The subscription aside, the text is written with a single hand that is regular and shows signs of competence and skill. The document is a petition and can be dated with confidence to 373/374 since it is addressed to the logistes (curator civitatis) Flavius Sarapodorus (l. 1) who is known from other documents. In the petition, two biological sisters, a certain Cyrilla and a certain Martha, appeal to the logistes to recover some property. They reported that when their paternal cousin, a man named Gemellus, passed

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away he bequeathed his property to his maternal uncle, a certain Ammonius who also happened to be a monk. As the petition continues, the two sisters relate that Ammonius recently died, leaving neither a will nor an heir, and that a certain Ammon, perhaps a fellow monk(?), had taken possession of the property. They therefore entreat the logistes to hand the property over to them since Ammon, at least in their opinion, is not a rightful heir of Ammonius’ property. At various points the petition is a little vague, maybe deliberately so, and gives the impression of insincerity since these two sisters are only distantly related to Ammonius, being the children of his sister’s husband’s brother! Despite their plea that they only want to keep the land in the “family” (l. 8), it seems more like a land grab. Aside from the intriguing complexities of the interfamilial relations between the petitioners and Ammonius, this petition is noteworthy since Ammonius is specifically identified as a “monk” (l. 5) using the term ἀποτακτικός, which, at present, is the first attestation of this term in a text from Oxyrhynchus. *Only ll. 3–16 of the text have been reproduced.

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πόλεως. [Γέ]μελλος υἱός ἐστιν Ῥόδωνος ὄντος θείου ἡμῶν πρὸς πατρός, ὃς μέλλων τελευτᾶν τὰ καταλειφθέντα ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ πράγματα εἰσ̣ . σεν ὑπὸ τὴν ἐξουσίαν Ἀμμωνίου τινός, ἀποτακτικοῦ, κατὰ μητέρα θείου αὐτοῦ τυγχάνοντος, παρακελε [̣ υ]όμενος μὴ δι’ ὄχλου ἡμᾶς αὐτῷ γίγνεσθαι. συμβέβηκεν δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν Ἀμμώνι ο̣ ̣ν ἀποτακτικὸν ὄντα οὐ̣ μετ’ οὐ πολὺ ἐκ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀπελθε ῖ̣ ̣ν̣. τὰ δὲ τοῦ προειρημένου Γεμέλλου πράγματα ἡμῖν ἀνῆκεν ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ πατρικοῦ γένους τυγχανούσαις. ἐπεὶ οὖν οὔτε βουλημάτιον ὁ Ἀμμώνιος συνεστήσατο ο̣ὔ ̣τ̣ε ̣ [ἀ]πέ̣ δ̣ ε̣ ιξε ̣ν κληρονόμους, ἀποτακτικὸς δὲ ὢν ἐτελεύτα τὸν βίον, ἀλλ’ Ἄμμων τις ταῦτα τὰ μὴ ἀνήκοντα αὐτῷ πράγματα μὴ ὢν κληρονόμος κατέχει πρὸς βίαν, διὰ τοῦτο ἀξιοῦμεν τὴν σὴν ἐμμέλ⟨ε⟩ιαν ὥστε κελεῦσαι τὸν αὐτὸν Ἄμμωνα παραστῆναι καὶ καταναγκασθῆναι, μὴ ὄντα υἱὸν τοῦ Ἀμμωνίου [μηδὲ κληρον]ό̣μο̣[ν] ἀποδοῦναι ἡμῖν τὰ τοῦ Γεμέλλου πράγματα ταῖς οὔσαις

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[ἐκ τοῦ πατρι]κ ο̣ ῦ αὐ̣τοῦ γένους ἵνα δυνηθῶμεν ἐκ τῆς σῆς βοηθείας μηδε μ ̣ ί̣ αν [περιγραφὴν ὑπομ]έ̣νειν. (vac.) __________ 3. pap. υϊος. 4. pap. ϋπ; pap. ϋπο. 11. pap. αλλ’. 13. pap. υϊον. 15. pap. ϊνα.

Translation [. . . of the same] city. Gemellus is a son of Rhodon, our uncle on our father’s side. On the point of death he allowed(?) the property left behind by him (to come?) under (l. 5) the control of a certain Ammonius, a monk, who happened to be his uncle on his mother’s side, exhorting us not to cause trouble. It came about that the said Ammonius, who happened to be a monk, not long after departed from among mankind. The property of the aforementioned Gemellus reverted to us, since we are of his father’s family. Since, then, Ammonius neither drew up a will (l. 10) nor designated heirs, and lived his life to the end as a monk, but a certain Ammon is detaining by force this property that does not belong to him, not being an heir, for this reason we beg your providence to order the said Ammon to make an appearance in court and to be compelled, since he is not a son of Ammonius or an heir, to restore to us the property of Gemellus, (l. 15) since we are of his father’s family, so that as a result of your assistance we may be able to avoid suffering any loss. . . . 3

4 4–5

5

[Γέ]μελλος. The name Gemellus (Γέμελλος) is a Latin name with nearly 250 attestations in the papyri and about 25 attestations in texts from Oxyrhynchus. A “Gemellus son of Rhodon” is not attested in any other papyrus. The name Rhodon (Ῥόδων) is a Greek name with less than forty attestations in the papyri. Only three texts from Oxyrhynchus attest this name. ὃς μέλλων τελευτᾶν. A common expression for conveying “on the point of death.” τὰ καταλειφθέντα ὑπ’ αὐτοῦ πράγματα εἰσ̣ . σεν ὑπὸ τὴν ἐξουσίαν Ἀμμωνίου τινός. The precise meaning of this sentence is unclear since the operative verb cannot be read with certainty. In the ed. pr. (n. 4) it states as follows: “εἰσ̣ . σεν. Just possibly ε̣ should be read in place of σ̣ ; the next letter was very small, probably α̣ rather than ο̣, which is usually larger in this hand. The best solution seems to be to understand the word as εἴασεν, transcribing it εἴ{σ̣ }ασ̣ εν.” Despite the uncertainty of the reading this part of the narrative is not under question in the petition. Ἀμμωνίου τινός, ἀποτακτικοῦ. On the name Ammonius (Ἀμμώνιος), see 107 n. 3–4. The term ἀποτακτικός, often translated as “monk,” derives from the verb ἀποτάσσω (“to set apart”) and implies renunciation of the world: cf. Luke 14:33: οὕτως οὖν πᾶς ἐξ ὑμῶν ὃς οὐκ ἀποτάσσεται πᾶσιν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ ὑπάρχουσιν οὐ δύναται εἶναί μου μαθητής (“So therefore, none of you can become my disciple if you do not give up all your possessions” [NRSV]). There is some uncertainty about the precise meaning of the term. The ed. pr. takes the reference to refer to coenobitic monks; however, when the term is attested later in P.Oxy. XLIV 3203.6 ( June/July 400) [128], when two sisters who are described as “apotactic nuns” (μοναχαῖς ἀποτακτικαῖς) rent out a room in their house, it is taken to refer to eremitic monks who live in the city. Cf. J. Rowlandson, Women and Society in

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Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook (Cambridge, 1998), 79. Central to the ambiguity is whether one identified as an ἀποτακτικός can own property. Though S. Elm (Virgins of God, 238), states that, “Apotaktikos soon became a title indicating a religious person who no longer owned worldly goods,” she also acknowledges that in the papyri persons so identified are described as owning property. Furthermore, the legislation of Valentinian and Theodosius in the Theodosian Code (5.3) assumes that monks (and nuns) owned property. Cf. M. Krause, “Zur Möglichkeit von Besitz im apotaktischen Mönchtum Ägyptens,” CoptCongr. II (1985): 122. On monks owning property, see Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 228. The two best discussions of the term ἀποτακτικός in English are J. E. Goehring, Ascetics, Society, and the Desert: Studies in Early Egyptian Monasticism (Harrisburg, 1999), 54–72 who notes that the term has connections with communal monasticism; and Choat, “The Development and Usage of Terms for ‘Monk’ in Late Antique Egypt,” 12–22. Besides the present text and P.Oxy. XLIV 3203 the term ἀποτακτικός appears in eight other Greek papyri: P.Herm.Landl. 1.30.505 (346–347); P.Herm.Landl. 2.33.722 (346– 347) (=P.Flor. I 71); P.Würzb. 16.20 (October 10, 349); SB XXII 15311.20 (367–383); P.Lips. I 28.7, 27 (381); P.Herm. 9.2–3 (late IV); SB XVIII 13612.3, 8 (late IV); SB XVI 12718.6 (640–650). For use of the term in Coptic, see KSB I 695.6–7 (date?). 11–12 ἀλλ’ Ἄμμων τις ταῦτα τὰ μὴ ἀνήκοντα αὐτῷ πράγματα μὴ ὢν κληρονόμος κατέχει πρὸς βίαν. Though the two sisters, Cyrilla and Martha, are claiming that the retention of the property was illegitimate on the part of Ammon and that he was not a legitimate heir, they are vague (are they lying?). While Ammonius may not have made a will designating Ammon as heir, he could have bequeathed his property legally to Ammon through a donatio mortis causa (“gift because of death”). On the legalities of Ammon’s possession of the property, see H. J. Wolff, “Literatur,” Z.Sav. 96 (1979): 347–48. On the name Ammon (Ἄμμων), see 107 n. 3–4.

121 SB XIV 12021 Sale of House Mentioning a “Lector” and a “Monk” 22.3 × 15.9 cm TM no. 15514 Date: After March 21, 377 Material: Papyrus Published: M. H. de Kat Eliassen, “Four Papyri from the Oslo Collection,” SO 52 (1977): 106–8; H.-A. Rupprecht (ed.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten XIV (=SB XIV; Wiesbaden, 1981–1983), 417–18 (no. 12021). Related Literature: P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Notes on Papyri Published in SB XIV,” ZPE 55 (1984): 159 n. 16; P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Short Remarks on Some Papyri IV,” Aeg 68 (1988): 82–83. Introduction This badly damaged text is written in a single hand with a dark-brown ink and contains the fragmentary remnants of a sale of part of a house in the city of Oxyrhynchus (l. 7). The left, right, and bottom portions of the text are lost,

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and only a middle section of the document remains; it is possible, though not certain, that the first extant line is also the first line of the document. The text is written with a skilled hand that is both regular and clear, and the writer has generously spaced the lines. In the ed. pr., this text was dated to the late fourth or the fifth century based on paleographic comparanda, most notably PSI XII 1265 (December 27, 426). It seems possible, however, that a more precise date falling somewhere not long after March 21, 377, can be established given that a reference to the consul Flavius Merobaudes can be read in l. 5 though this was missed in the ed. pr. (see n. 5). Given the damaged state of the papyrus, one cannot be certain whether the names mentioned are those of the buyers or the sellers of the house. Though a number of readings are tentative, the text contains two references that relate to Christianity at Oxyrhynchus. The first occurs in l.  3 where there is a passing reference to a “reader of the catholic church”; in l. 4 there is reference to a “monk.” Due to the fragmentary state of this text, very little can be said about either of these two references. *Only ll. 1–5 of this text have been reproduced.

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[ca.? μετὰ κυρίου ἐμοῦ το]ῦ ἀνδρὸ̣[ς] Α̣ὐ̣ρηλίῳ Ἰω̣ά̣ννου [. . . ]δωρου καὶ [ca.?] [ca.? το]ῦ Θε ω ̣ ̣νᾶς ἀναγνώστῃ καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας [ca.? χαίρειν. ὁμολογῶ ca.?] [ca.? ἐπὶ τὸν ἅ]παντα χρόνον τὸ δια ̣φέρον μοι, ὅπερ περιῆλθε[ν εἰς ἐμὲ ca.?] [ca.? μο]νάζοντος ἀμφοτέρων Διον̣υσ̣ ίου μ ̣ητρὸς Δη[c.a?] [ca.? Μερ]υβαύδου τοῦ λαμπρο(τάτου) ἐν μηνὶ Φαμενὼθ κε̣ καὶ αὐτῶ[ - ca.?- ] __________ 1. l. Αὐρηλίου. 5. l. Μεροβαύδου; pap. λαμπρο⸍.

Translation [Date, place (Oxyrhynchus), name of seller, etc.  .  . . with my lord] brother Aurelius, son of Johannes . . . Theonas, to/by the reader of the catholic church [. . . greetings. I acknowledge to have sold to you . . .] from the present time henceforth forever the (half) share, which belongs to me . . . which came into my possession [by . . . from . . . and . . .] monk, both sons of Dionysius, whose mother is De[. . .] (l. 5) of the most illustrious Merobaudes, the 25th of the month Phamenoth . . . . 1

[μετὰ κυρίου ἐμοῦ το]ῦ. While it has been suggested (Sijpesteijn, “Notes on Papyri Published in SB XIV,” 159 n. 16) that the reading should be [μετὰ κυρίου τοῦ ἐμο]ῦ, the order of τοῦ and ἐμοῦ being switched, as the phrase currently reads it is much better supported by parallels from other papyri: CPR I 154.4 (December 3, 179): μετὰ κυρίου ἐμοῦ τοῦ ἀνδρός; Stud.Pal. XX 20.13–14 ( July 27, 211).

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus Ἰω̣ ά̣ννου [. . .]δωρου. In the ed. pr. it reads Ἰω̣ ά̣ννου [τοῦ] Δώρου. But we cannot be certain whether δωρου is the full name or only the latter part of another name like Theodorus or Isidorus. See P.J. Sijpesteijn, “Short Remarks on Some Papyri IV,” Aeg 68 (1988): 83. The name Johannes/John (Ἰωάννης) is a Semitic name ( Joḥanan: ‫ )יֹוָח ָנן‬that carries the meaning “Jehovah has graced.” See BDB 3076; T. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity: Part I, Palestine 330 BCE–200 CE (Tübingen, 2002), 134–43. On its use in Egypt, see NB Dem. 521. On the use of the name John at Oxyrhynchus, see L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 264. [το]ῦ Θε̣ω̣νᾶς ἀναγνώστῃ καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας. The name Theonas (Θεωνᾶς) is derived from the name Theon (Θέων), see 113 n. i.11. The “reader” is to be differentiated from Theonas since it appears in the dative case. On the function of a “reader” (ἀναγνώστης), see 114 n. 8–9. At present this is the only reference in a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus to a “reader of the Catholic Church”: P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673.8–9 [114]: ἀναγνֽώστης τῆς ποτε ἐκ⟨κ⟩λησίας κώμης Χύσεως (“reader of the former church of Chysis”); cf. P.Oxy. LV 3787.2.58 [116]. On the use of the phrase καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας, see 119 n. 1. [μο]νάζοντος. This term μονάζων (along with μοναχός, see 127 n. 6) is one of the most common generic terms for “monk” and is derived from the verb μονάζω meaning “to live alone” or “to separate oneself.” While Athanasius tends to use the term μονάζων to refer to communal-dwelling ascetics (D. Brakke, Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism [Oxford, 1995], 9), in the papyri no such nuance is readily evident based on the current attestations of the term. Most of the attestations of the term μονάζων in the papyri appear in texts of the fifth century and later making the present reference one of the earliest attestations of μονάζων in the papyri along with SB VIII 9683.8 (late IV; provenance unknown). In papyri from Oxyrhynchus the term is attested on three other occasions: P.Oxy. X 1338.2 (V); P.Oxy. ΧVI 1931.4 (V): μοναζούσης (“nun”); P.Col. XI 297.5 (V/VI). See E. A. Judge, “Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri,” PapCongr. XVI (1981): 617; F. Morard, “Monachos, moine: Histoire du terme grec jusqu’au 4e siècle,” FZPhTh 20 (1973): 332–411. [ca.? Μερ]υβαύδου τοῦ λαμπρο(τάτου). In the ed. pr. the reading is ]υ βαύδου τοῦ λαμπροῦ. The name Baudus, as noted in the ed. pr., is unattested. The present reading is attested elsewhere: P.Flor. I 95.83 (377): Μεροβαύδου τοῦ λαμπροτάτου; P.Lips. I 17.2–3 (377); PSI IV 287.2 (377). On the υ and ο interchange, see Gignac 1.293–94. On the consulship of Merobaudes, see R. S. Bagnall et al., Consuls of the Later Roman Empire (Atlanta, 1987), 288–89, 300–301. ἐν μηνὶ Φαμενὼθ κε̣. This date corresponds with March 21.

122 P.CtYBR inv. 4623 Sale on Delivery(?) Mentioning a “Bishop” 7.1 × 10.8 cm Date: October 17, 377 Material: Papyrus Published: A. Benaissa, “New Light on the Episcopal Church of Oxyrhynchus,” ZPE 161 (2007): 199–202. Related Literature: A. Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” ZPE 111 (1996): 171–73; N. Gonis, “Dionysius, Bishop of Oxyrhynchus,” JJP 36 (2006): 63–65.

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Introduction This text is written with a single hand in a dark-brown ink along the fibers of a badly damaged papyrus: only the top right-hand corner of this papyrus remains. The document is a contract (l. 8, ὁμολογία) and dates to October 17, 377, as the first two lines refer to the consuls Gratian and Merobaudes ([121], n. 5) and contain a date. In l. 9 the contract mentions “hay” and appears to be between certain individuals from a “landed estate” (l. 7, ἐποίκιον) somewhere in the Oxyrhynchite (ll. 5–8) and the son(?) of a bishop of Oxyrhynchus. The reference to the bishop (l. 3), though partially lost in a lacuna, is significant, and as the ed. pr. points out: “The chief interest of this document is the name of the bishop of Oxyrhynchus that it provides.”51 As the fasti of the bishops of Oxyrhynchus in the second half of the fourth century is not very well known, this papyrus helps to better elucidate that picture even if it ends up complicating it. *Only ll. 3–4 of this text have been reproduced.

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[ ca.? ]ίου ἐπισκόπου καθολικῆς [ἐκκλησίας τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λα]μ(προτάτης) Ὀξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως __________ 4. pap. ]μ.

Translation . . . -ius, bishop of the catholic [church of the illustrious and most] illustrious city of the Oxyrhynchites . . . ]ίου ἐπισκόπου. It is most likely that the -ίου genitive termination is a name. If such is the case, the presently held notion that the bishop of Oxyrhynchus from ca. 347 to 383/384 was a man named Theodorus needs to be reconsidered. See A. Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” ZPE 111 (1996): 173. Theodorus is attested in P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729.7–8 [146] as well as the Libellus Precum of Marcellinus and Faustinus [164] and is first mentioned as bishop of Oxyrhynchus in Athanasius, Ep. fest. 19.10 in the year 347 when the previous bishop of Oxyrhynchus, a man named Pelagius, was deposed. The bishopric of Oxyrhynchus seems to have been especially turbulent in the 350s as there is evidence for multiple, even competing, bishops: bishop Dionysius (see 119 n. 1); bishop Heracleidas (see 164); bishop Apollonius (see 119 n. 1; 164), in addition to bishop Theodorus. Of these bishops the only names that fit the -ίου ending are Dionysius (gen. Διονυσίου) or Apollonius (gen. Ἀπολλωνίου). If the -ίου termination is not a name then the reading could perhaps be ἁγ]ίου ἐπισκόπου (“holy bishop”). Though this possibility was effectively ruled out in the ed. pr., since it was noted that bishops were never qualified by the positive form of the adjective (ἅγιος, -α, -ον) but only with the superlative (ἁγιώτατος), this explanation is not entirely convincing. It is true that when the adjective ἅγιος modifies bishops in the papyri

3

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Benaissa, “New Light on the Episcopal Church,” 199.

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3–4 4

it almost always takes the superlative form: SB XX 14575.3 (V/VI): τοῦ ἁγιω[τά]του ἐπισκ(όπου); cf. P.Oxy. XVI 1967.3 (427): [τὸν ἁγιώτα]τον ἄπα Πέτρον ἐπίσκοπον; P.Oxy. XVI 1900.4–5 (528); P.Cair.Masp. III 67295(p. 3).18–19 (later VI); P.Grenf. II 93.6 (VI/VII); PSI III 216.3–4 (534); SB IV 7449.1, 15 (V); SB XII 10939.2–3 (early VI); SB XX 14575.3 (V/VI). There is one example, however, of the positive form: Stud. Pal.  X 75.15 (VII): [ἐκκ]λησίας τοῦ ἁγίου ἐπισκόπου (“church of the holy bishop”). Additionally, in Christian literary texts there are references to “holy bishops” using the positive form: Eusebius, Hist. eccl.  6.19.18; Epiphanius, Ancor. 118.14; Pan. 68.1.4: ἐν καιρῷ τοῦ διωγμοῦ ἅμα Πέτρῳ τῷ ἁγίῳ ἐπισκόπῳ (“. . . in the time of persecution with the holy bishop Peter . . . ”); Pan. 69.1.1. Therefore, while ἅγιος is an unlikely reading it cannot be completely dismissed. καθολικῆς ἐκκλησίας. See 119 n. 1. [τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λα]μ(προτάτης) Ὀξυρυγχιτῶν πόλεως. See 114 n. 6–7.

123 PSI VI 698 Division of Property Mentioning a “Nun” 30.0 × 27.0 cm TM no. 18959 Date: January 25, 392 Material: Papyrus Published: G. Vitelli and M. Norsa (eds.), Papiri greci e latini VI (Florence, 1920), 123–26 (no. 698). Related Literature: R. Rémondon, “L’Église dans la société égyptienne à l’époque byzantine,” ChrEg 47 (1972): 260; S. Elm, Virgins of God: The Making of Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1994), 234–35; Ε. Wipszycka, “L’ascétisme feminine dans l’Égypte de l’Antiquité tardive: Topoi littéraires et formes d’ascète,” in Le rôle et le statut de la femme en Égypte hellénistique, romaine et byzantine, ed. Henri Melaerts and Leon Mooren (Leuven, 2002), 395; Ε. Wipszycka, Moines et communautés monastiques en Égypte (IVe–VIIIe siècle) (Warsaw, 2009), 610; M. J. A. Martínez, “A Nun’s Dispute with Her Mother in P.Lond. V 1731,” PapCongr. XXV (2010): 10–11; M.  J.  A. Martínez, Prosopographia Asceticarum Aegyptiarum (Madrid, 2010), 34–35. Introduction This text is written on the recto of a papyrus that is damaged in many places; the left margin is completely lost, and in the lower half of the papyrus the damage to the text greatly increases as it extends to the middle of the papyrus. Nevertheless, the top and bottom portions of the papyrus are preserved. The text is written with a single hand in dark-brown ink. The hand is somewhat rapid yet fairly clear and consistent, and the lines are consistently spaced throughout.

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Despite the many lacunae, on the first line there is a reference to the consulship of Flavius Tatianus and Flavius Symmachus, as well as a reference to a month and day, so that the text can be securely dated to January 25, 392. The text preserves a division of an inheritance. In ll. 6–7 it describes the bulk of the inheritance that consists of a plot of land that is described by references to various surrounding properties. It notes that the eastern edge of the property is bordered by a property belonging to a woman named Annis who is identified as a nun (μοναχή). The reference is made in passing, and nothing else is mentioned about this individual elsewhere in the document. *Only l. 7 of the text has been reproduced.

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[ca.? νότο]υ̣ δημοσία ῥύμη, ἀπηλιώτου Ἄννιτος μοναχῆς, λιβὸς κληρονόμων Ἀπίωνος ἀπὸ πριμιπι[λαρίων - ca.?]

Translation .  .  . to the south [the property] is limited by the public road, to the east by [the property] of Annis the nun, to the north by the inheritance of Apion, ex-primipilaris, . . . 7

Ἄννιτος μοναχῆς. Ἄννιτος is the genitive form of the Greek female name Annis (Ἄννις), which is also attested in P.Ryl. II 288.2 (late III): μητρὸς Ἀνῖτ[ος] and noted in the ed. pr. (PSI VI p. 125 n. 7), “[Ἄννιτος] femminile, in genitive.” The name Annis is not very common with less than twenty attestations in the papyri. On the use of μοναχός (“monk”), the male equivalent of the female μοναχή (“nun”), see 127 n. 6. Other female ascetics that appear in Oxyrhynchite papyri include P.Oxy. XLIV 3203.3–6 ( June 25–July 24, 400)[128]: Α̣ ὐρηλία̣ ις Θ̣ ε̣ω̣δ̣ ώ̣ρ̣[ᾳ καὶ] Τ̣ αῦρι ἐκ πατρὸς Σι̣λβανοῦ [ἀ]πὸ τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης [Ὀ]ξυ̣ ρυγχιτῶν πόλεως μ̣ οναχαῖς ἀποτακτικαῖς (“To Aureliae Theodora and Tauris whose father is Silvanus, of the illustrious and most illustrious city of the Oxyrhynchites, apotactic nuns, . . .”); P.Oxy. XVI 1931.3–4 (V): διὰ τὸ ὁλοκόττινον τῆς μοναζούσης (“on account of the solidus [coin] of the nun”); P.Oxy. LVI 3862.19 (V): τὴν μοναχὴν Ἀθ̣ῶνιν (“the nun Athonis”); cf. Historia monachorum in Aegypto 5–6 [166]: . . . καὶ παρθένων ἀναριθμήτου ὄντος . . . δισμυρίας δὲ παρθένους . . . (“. . . nuns [lit. virgins] past counting . . . twenty thousand nuns [lit. virgins] . . .”). πριμιπι[λαρίων]. The Greek πριμιπιλάριος is from the Latin primipilaris that was in turn derived from the primus pilus (“first spear”) and typically has the meaning of “captain” or “Centurion of a company.” For a detailed discussion of this office, see B. Dobson, “The Significance of the Centurion and ‘Primipilaris’ in the Roman Army and Administration,” ANRW II.1 (1974): 392–434.

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124 P.Haun. III 67 Extradition Order Mentioning a “Holy Martyrium” 8.0 × 26.0 cm TM no. 15327 Date: August 14, 398 Material: Papyrus Published: T. Larsen and A. Bülow-Jacobsen (eds.), Papyri Graecae Haunienses III (Bonn, 1985), 80–81 (no. 67). Related or Similar Papyri: P.Mich. XV 727 (Order for Payment). Related Literature: R. A. Coles et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXVII (London, 2001), 250 n. 2; P. van Minnen, “Saving History? Egyptian Hagiography in Its Space and Time,” in The Encroaching Desert: Egyptian Hagiography and the Medieval West, ed. J. Dijkstra and M. van Dijk (Leiden, 2006), 63; A. Papaconstantinou, “The Cult of Saints: A Haven of Continuity in a Changing World,” in Egypt in the Byzantine World 300–700, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Cambridge, 2007), 353 n. 9; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 254. Introduction This document is written across the fibers of a dark-brown papyrus. The first hand of the text is rapid, and the writer employs various abbreviations; the second hand, which appears only in l. 3, is larger and a little clearer. The papyrus is partially damaged in the first line with the result that most of this line is lost. There is horizontal kollesis about 3 cm from the top of the papyrus. The first hand of the text shares a number of distinct similarities with the hand of P.Mich. XV 727 (IV/V), and, given that both texts were sent by an individual named Phileas, it is almost certain that it is the same person. The text preserves an order for some grain and vegetable seed to be supplied to a “Martyrium of apa T . . .” (l. 2). The reference to a Martyrium is significant because at present it is the earliest attestation to a “martyr-shrine” at Oxyrhynchus and one of the earliest in the papyri. Also worthy of note is the fact that the text is dated in l. 4 by reference to the Oxyrhynchite eras (see n. 4). On the back there are three short lines of text that are barely legible, and the first line contains tachygraphic signs written in another hand.

↓

Φιλέας (vac.) [ ca. ? ] παράσχου εἰς τὰ ἅγια μαρτύρ⟨ι⟩α ἄπα Τ̣[.]. . . . σίτου ἀρτάβας ὀκτώ, λαχανοσπέρμου ἀρτάβας δύο, (γίνονται) σίτ(ου) (ἀρτάβας) η, λαχ(ανοσπέρμου) (ἀρτάβας) β. μ(όνας)

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σεσημίομε σίτου ἀρ(τάβας) ὀκτώ λαχανοσπέρ(μου) δύο μόνα (ἔτους) οδμγ, Μεσορὴ κα (vac.)

__________ 3. pap. / σιτ η λαχ β μ ; 3. (m2). l. σεσημείωμαι; pap. αρ; pap. λαχανοσπερ. 4. .

Translation Phileas [to N. N. . . . greeting]. Supply to the holy Martyrium of Apa T . . . eight artabae of grain (and) two artabae of vegetable seeds, total 8 artabae of grain, 2 artabae vegetable seed, only. (hand 2) I confirm eight artabae of grain, two (artabae) vegetable seed, only. 52 (l. 4) Year 73/43, Mesore 21. Φιλέας. The name Phileas (Φιλέας) is a Greek name with just under 100 attestations in the papyri. The only other text in which the present Phileas appears for certain is P.Mich. XV 727.1–2 (ca. 398): Φιλέας (m2) Διονυσίῳ χ̣ει̣ (̣ ριστῇ) (m1) [Ἀ]σκλᾶ προνο(ητοῦ) χ(αίρειν). παράσχου . . . (“Phileas to [m2] Dionysius assistant [m1] of Asclas, supervisor, greetings”). τὰ ἅγια μαρτύρ⟨ι⟩α ἄπα Τ̣ [.]. . . . A μαρτύριον (sg.)/μαρτύρια (pl.) was a chapel or a sanctuary that was dedicated to a Christian martyr and that was sometimes erected, or at least purported to have been erected, on the actual site where the martyrdom took place. Accordingly, such chapels usually preserved relics of the Christian martyr after which it took its name. Christian martyria are a post Constantinian phenomenon since it was this emperor who first made the veneration of martyrs a state cult (Eusebius, Vit. Const. 4.23). See A. Grabar, Martyrium: Recherches sur le culte des reliques et l’art chrétien antique (Paris, 1946); H. Eideneier, “Ein byzantinisches Empfehlungsschreiben auf Papyrus (5./6. Jahrh.),” ZPE 6 (1970): 189. The name of the patron (martyr?) that follows the reference to the “holy martyria” cannot be read. After “apa” (i.e., “father”) all that can be read with some certainty is a tau, the first letter of the name. There are no references in the papyri to a martyria whose patron begins with the title “apa” and name begins with the letter tau. In the Oxyrhynchite the following martyria are attested: P.Oxy. VI 941.4 (VI): ἀντὶς τοῦ μαρτυρίου (“opposite the martyrium”); P.Oxy. XVI 1910.4 (VI/VII): εἰς τὸ μαρτύρ(ιον) τοῦ αὐτ(οῦ) κτήμ(ατος) Λεωνίδου (“to the martyrion of the same property of Leonidou”); P.Oxy. XVI 1911.92 (557): εἰς τὸ μαρτύριον τ̣[οῦ] ἁγί(ου) Σερήνου (“to the martyrium of St. Serenus”); P.Oxy. LV 3804.164, 211 (566): εἰς τὸ μαρτύριον τοῦ ἁγί(ου) Σερήνου . . . ἐδάφ(ους) μαρτυρίου Ἀκακίου (“to the martyrium of St. Serenus . . . ground of the martyrium of Acacius”); P.Oxy. LVIII 3960.3.20 (621): μαρτύρ(ια) τῆς πόλεως (“martyria of the city”); P.Oxy. LXVII 4619.2, 4–5 (early VI): μαρτύρ(ιον?) τοῦ ἁγί(ου) Σερήνου̣ . . . μαρτύρ(ιον?) τοῦ ἁγί(ου) Μηνᾶ . . . μαρτύρ(ιον?) τοῦ ἁγί(ου) Ἰωάννου (“martyrium(?) of St. Serenus . . . martyrium(?) of St. Menas . . . martyrium(?) of St. John”; P.Oxy. LXVII 4622.5 (V/VI): μαρτύρ(ιον?) τοῦ ἁγί(ου) Ἰωάννου (“martyrium[?] of St. John”). In P.Oxy. LXIII 4394.17–18 (494–500) and P.Oxy. LXIII 4395.3–4 (499/500) a “martyrium of St. John the Baptist” is attested but based on the context of these two papyri the martyrium is in the city of Alexandria. ἀρτάβας. An “artaba” was originally a Persian dry measure that replaced the Egyptian “sack” (h3r) and contained about 80 liters. In Greek papyri of the Roman period an artaba

1

2

52

This sentence is added later by another hand in the blank space in l. 3.

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus is consistently made up of 40 choinikes (1 choinix = .97 liters). See Bagnall, “Practical Help,” 186–87. (ἔτους) οδμγ. The dating reference here, lit. “year 74/43,” refers to the Oxyrhynchite eras first discussed by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt in P.Oxy. XIV pp. 27–30; cf. CSBE 55–58. Originally the Oxyrhynchite era was dated by reference to the regnal years of the reigning emperors starting with Constantine I in 305. Thus, the year 336/337 would have been written 31/21/13/4/2 according to the Oxyrhynchite era: Constantine I (had ruled 31 years), Constantine II (had ruled 21 years), Constantius II (had ruled 13 years), Constans (had ruled 4 years), and Dalmatius (had ruled 2 years). Over time this system underwent various changes, the most notable and relevant being that after the death of Julian ( June 26/27, 363) only the combination of the regnal years of Constantius II and Julian continued to be reckoned. Thus, the present date on the papyrus “year 74/43” (=398) can be understood as follows: year 74 is counted from the year 324 when Constantius II was first given ruling powers and year 43 from year 355 when Julian was first given ruling powers by Constantius II. Insofar as the current evidence is concerned, it is only in the locale of Oxyrhynchus that this chronological system was employed. Remarkably, it is attested into the seventh century.

125 P.Oxy. VI 903 Affidavit against a Husband Mentioning “Bishop” and “Church” 27.2 × 21.6 cm TM no. 33342 Date: IV Material: Papyrus Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VI (London, 1908), 238–41 (no. 903); V. A. Tcherikover, A. Fuks, and M. Stern (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum III (=C.Pap.Jud. III; Cambridge, 1964), 16 (no. 457d); L. M. White, The Social Origins of Christian Architecture (Valley Forge, Pa., 1997), 2:170–71 (no. 47). Related Literature: J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 126–27; R. S. Bagnall, “Church, State and Divorce in Late Roman Egypt,” in Florilegium Columbianum: Essays in Honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. K.-L. Selig and R. Somerville (New York, 1987), 58–59; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 195; K. Bradley, Slavery and Society at Rome (Cambridge, 1994), 171–72; J. C. Lamoreaux, “Episcopal Courts in Late Antiquity,” JECS 3 (1995): 157; J. Rowlandson (ed.), Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook (Cambridge, 1998), 207–8 (no. 153); R. M. Frakes, Contra Potentium Iniurias: The Defensor Civitatis and Late Roman Law (Munich, 2001), 214–15; R. Alston, The City in Roman and Byzantine Egypt (London, 2002), 307; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 51–52; J. Gascou, Sophrone de Jérusalem: Miracles des saints Cyr et Jean (Paris, 2006), 108; E. K. Broadhead, Jewish Ways of Following Jesus: Redrawing the Religious Map

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of Antiquity (Tübingen, 2010), 119–20; S. Huebner, The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict (Cambridge, 2013), 153. Introduction This document is written in a single hand along the fibers of a large papyrus. The text is complete in its entirety and is written with a hand that is remarkably clear and displays literary-like qualities (cf. P.Oxy. XII 1592 [137]; P.Oxy. LVI 3858 [151]). The first two lines are written with a distinctly larger script than the rest of the document, and the writer signals divisions in the document with ekthesis (ll. 2, 12, 15) and with line spacing and breaks. When the document was first published, it was assigned a general fourth-century date although no grounds were provided for this dating; though a fourth-century date should not be rejected, the possibility that this text could also date to the fifth century should not be ruled out. On the back of the papyrus, written along the fibers, are a few lines of Greek shorthand in two columns. The text contains an affidavit of an unnamed woman against her unnamed husband with an elaborate indictment of all her grievances and allegations. She begins by claiming that her husband had inhumanely imprisoned their children, foster children, and slaves (ll.  3–4); had severely beaten certain slaves (ll. 4–6); and had even stripped certain foster children naked and tortured them with fire to extract information (ll. 6–7). She then relates how he had sworn in the presence of bishops, who were seemingly acting as mediators, that he would not hide the keys (to the house?) and would no longer insult her. Despite his promises to reform his behavior, whereupon a marriage contract was made, the writer goes on to make further complaints and allegations. Upon returning home from church on a “Sabbath” (l. 19), she alleges that he locked her out of the house and furthermore charges that he mismanaged her tax payments. Finally, she claims that he accosted her while she was in Antinoopolis, where they presumably had some property, and concludes with a complaint that he shamelessly admitted he was going to take a mistress. Despite the fact that this affidavit is seemingly addressed to no one, that there is no formal address at the beginning, and that it is somewhat sensational, it need not be completely dismissed out of hand as pure rhetoric. The descriptions are especially vivid, and such bitter and often violent feuding between husbands and wives is attested in other papyri (cf. P.Oxy. L 3581). 53 For the present purpose, what is of most interest about this document is the reference to “bishops” (l. 15) as well as the reference to attending “church 53 Huebner, Family in Roman Egypt, 151–53. For a list of divorce documents, see O. Montevecchi, La Papirologia (Turin, 1988), 206.

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on the Sabbath” (l. 19). The affidavit reveals that bishops did at times play a mediating role in troubled marriages, and the reference to attending church on the Sabbath deserves some attention, although it should not be taken as evidence of a Judaizing movement afoot in Oxyrhynchus (see n. 19). *Only ll. 15–22 have been reproduced. 15

20

καὶ ὤμοσεν ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ τῶν ἐπισκόπων καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν αὐτοῦ ὅτι ἀπεντεῦθεν οὐ μὴ κρύψω αὐτὴ⟨ν⟩ πάσας μου τὰς κλεῖς καὶ ἐπέχω καὶ τοῖς δούλοις αὐτοῦ ἐπίστευσεν κα⟨ὶ ἐ⟩μοὶ οὐκ ἐπίστευσεν οὔτε ὑβρίζω αὐτὴν ἀπεντεῦθεν. καὶ γαμικὸν γέγονεν, καὶ μετὰ τὰς συνθήκας ταύτας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους ἔκρυψεν πάλιν ἐμὲ τὰς κλεῖς εἰς ἐμέ. καὶ ἀπελθοῦσα [εἰ]ς τὸ κυριακὸν ἐν σαμβάθῳ, καὶ ἐποίησεν τὰς ἔξω θύρας αὐτοῦ ἐνκλισθῆναι ἐπάνω μου λέγων ὅτι διὰ τί ἀπῆλθας εἰς τὸ κυριακόν; καὶ πολλὰ ἀσελγήματα λέγων εἰς πρόσωπόν μου καὶ διὰ τῆς ῥινὸς αὐτο[ῦ], . . . __________ 17. pap. ϋβριζω. 19. l. σαββάτῳ. 20. l. ἐγκλεισθῆναι.

Translation .  .  . And he swore in the presence of the bishops and of his own brothers, “Henceforward I will not hide all my keys from her” (he trusted his slaves but would not trust me!);54 “I will stop and not insult her.” Whereupon a marriage contract was made, and after this agreement and his oaths he again hid the keys from me; and when I had gone out to the church on the Sabbath, he had (l. 20) the outside doors shut on me, saying, “Why did you go to the church?” and speaking many terms of abuse into my face and through his nose; . . . ὤμοσεν ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ τῶν ἐπισκόπων. The oath before “the bishops” at the very least shows bishops acting as mediators in marital affairs. While some have even seen in this terse reference a formal episcopalis audientia (“hearing of the bishop”), where a bishop acted as a legal arbitrator or judge in a judicial matter, this may be going too far; there is no indication in the document that the bishops were doing anything more than exercising reconciliation within the purviews of their pastoral care. According to Eusebius, Vit. Const. 4.27, Constantine granted bishops certain judicial powers and Sozomen, Hist. eccl.  1.9.5 alleges that Constantine allowed litigants to appeal legal decisions before a bishop if they preferred them to state rulers. Thus, as the fourth century progresses one sees bishops assuming greater roles as arbitrators and judges in all sorts of matters. In the Sancti Augustani Vita (Life of St. Augustine) 19.2–6 by Possidius it reports that as bishop Augustine spent many hours in judgment presiding over disputes; since Augustine periodically complained about the amount of time spent in adjudicating disputes, the description given by Possidius may not be totally exaggerated (Op. mon. 37; Enarrat. Ps.

15

54

This sentence is inserted between the lines.

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118; Serm. 24.3–4; Ep. 213). See also J. C. Lamoreaux, “Episcopal Courts in Late Antiquity,” JECS 3 (1995): 143–67. Turning to the papyri, there are relatively few texts that show bishops arbitrating a dispute. In P.Lips .I 43 (IV) a bishop by the name of Plousianus arbitrates a case where a woman named Thaesis, who is described as an “ever-virgin” (l. 4, ἀειπάρθενος), is accused of stealing books from a church. In SB IV 7449 (450–500), from Oxyrhynchus, a woman named Nonna from the village of Spania petitions the bishop of Oxyrhynchus because she does not want her daughter to get married although her nephew, who was apparently also the child’s guardian, had arranged a marriage with a kinsman; the petition concludes with a promise that she will accept the bishop’s decision whatever it should be. Finally, in P.Cair.Masp. III 67295.3.1–19 (VI) an individual named John is accused of certain offenses before a bishop whereupon he admits sincere regret for what occurred but goes on to blame someone else. The reference to “bishops” in the plural is interesting as there are only a handful of references to “bishops” (in a clearly Christian context) in the papyri: SB X 10466.8 (IV): [ca.? ἀ]ν̣αλώματα τῶν ἐπι[σ]κ̣ όπ[ων ca.?] (“expenditures of the bishops”); P.Lond. VI 1913.4–5 (334): ἐπισκόπ̣ ο̣υ̣ς ̣ τ̣ε καὶ πρεσβυτέρους (“bishops and presbyters”); P.Lond. VI 1914.46–47 (335): ἐπισκόπους ἕπτα (“seven bishops”); P.Michael. 41.48 (ca. 539– 544): κληρικοῖς τε καὶ διοικηταῖς καὶ ἐπισκόποις (“to the clerics and treasurers and bishops”). 16–17 καὶ τοῖς δούλοις αὐτοῦ ἐπίστευσεν κα⟨ὶ ἐ⟩μοὶ οὐκ ἐπίστευσεν. This interlinear insertion is seemingly a parenthetical clarification of οὐ μὴ κρύψω . . . αὐτὴ⟨ν⟩ πάσας μου τὰς κλεῖς καὶ ἐπέχω in l. 16. 17 καὶ γαμικὸν γέγονεν. If the events narrated in the affidavit are given in chronological order, it is certainly odd that the woman would agree to marry the man (i.e., “made a marriage contract”) after all the horrible things he was purported to have committed (i.e., beating, imprisonment, and torture). 19 καὶ ἀπελθοῦσα [εἰ]ς τὸ κυριακὸν ἐν σαμβάθῳ. The adjective κυριακός, -ή, -όν should be taken to refer to a church; κυριακόν = Lat. dominicum = “that which is the Lord’s” (i.e., “the house of the Lord”). In the aftermath of the Edict of Milan when Maximinus was compelled to grant complete toleration to the Christians and make full restitution, Eusebius reports that when church buildings were being rebuilt he uses the same neuter adjective κυριακόν to describe them (Hist. eccl. 9.10.10–11): καὶ τὰ κυριακὰ δὲ τὰ οἰκεῖα ὅπως κατασκευάζοιεν, συγκεχώρηται (“And permission has also been granted them to build the Lord’s houses”). Similarly, in the Vita Antonii (Life of Anthony) κυριακός is used for a physical church (Vit. Ant. 1): συνήγετο μέντοι μετὰ τῶν γονέων ἐν τῷ κυριακῷ (“Indeed, he attended church with his parents”). See F. J. Dölger, “Kirche als Name für den christlichen Kultbau: Sprach- und Kulturgeschichtliches zu den Bezeichnungen κυριακόν, οἶκος κυριακός, dominicum, basilica,” Antike und Christentum 6 (1950): 161–95. In the ed. pr. the reading was Σαμβάθῳ and it was taken to refer to a toponym named “Sambatho.” However, the intended reading is “Sabbath” (σαββάτῳ). See W. Schubart, Einführung in die Papyruskunde (Berlin, 1918), 371; Pruneti, I centri abitati dell’Ossirinchite, 234. This might be the only instance in the papyri where Sabbath (σάββατον) is spelled σάμβαθον; whenever the same spelling is attested elsewhere it refers to a container called a sambathon (sp. σάμβαθον, σάμφαθον, σάμαθον): P.Oxy. XXXIV 2728.33 (III/IV); P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729.9 [146]; P.Münch. III 124.4 (late IV); PSI VII 829.21 (IV); P.Wisc. II 62R.4 (III/IV); P.Haun. II 21.4–5 (III/IV). On this container, known as a “Sabitha” to Epiphanius, see P. Mayerson, “Epiphanius’s Sabitha in Egypt: Σάμβαθον, σάμφαθον, σάμαθον,” BASP 35 (1998): 215–18. See also 146 n. 9; and NewDocs 4 (1987): 231.

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In a Latin letter from the sixth century the same phonetic spelling is used and was taken, at least in the introduction to the text, to refer to the “Sabbath”: P.Ryl. IV 613.3–4 (VI): propter sambatha (“on account of the Sabbath”). The only other reference to the “Sabbath” in the papyri might be in SB XIV 11541.4 (VI/VII): [ ca.? σά]β̣ βατον ἦλθεν καὶ ε[ ca.? ]; cf. SB X 10471.9 (VI/VII): [ ca.? ]κες ̣ μ̣ ε ἐν τῷ σαμβατα[ ca.? ]. Though some have conjectured that this papyrus might suggest some form of Judaizing in Oxyrhynchus given that the woman goes to church on the Sabbath, such speculation is unwarranted. In the fourth and fifth centuries many non-Judaizing Christians attended church services on the Sabbath (i.e., Saturday) since various services and functions were offered: Socrates, Hist. eccl. 5.22. Furthermore, it is clear from The Life of Apa Aphou [167], bishop of Oxyrhynchus at the close of the fourth century/beginning of the fifth century, that he held church services on both Saturday and Sunday and many of the city’s inhabitants attended on both days (secs. 24–25). In sections 25–26 it specifically reports: “Sabbaths he [Aphou] used to spend among those in need or ill-treated, and he used to meet their needs and he continued to bear their petitions until the ninth hour.” In light of this reference it may be wondered whether the female petitioner of P.Oxy. VI 903 was going to church on the Sabbath to complain about her husband to the bishop. See also R. A. Kraft, “Some Notes on Sabbath-Observance in Early Christianity,” AUSS 3 (1965): 18–33; R. Goldenberg, “The Jewish Sabbath in the Roman World up to the Time of Constantine the Great,” ANRW II.19.1 (1979): 442–46.

126 P.Wash.Univ. I 20 Complaint against a Presbyter of the Church 7.1 × 10.8 cm TM no. 32567 Date: IV (ca. 360–380?) Material: Papyrus Published: V. B. Schuman, Washington University Papyri I (Missoula, 1980), 34–35 (no. 20). Related Literature: P. Pruneti, “Brevi note a P. Wash. Univ.,” Aeg 61 (1981): 119; J. Schwartz, “Washington University Papyri I: Non-literary Texts (Nos. 1–61),” Gnomon 54 (1982): 827; K. Maresch and Z. M. Packman, Papyri from the Washington Collection, St. Louis, Missouri II (=P.Colon. XVIII; Opladen, 1990), 242; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 224; J. S. Moss, “Two Michigan Papyri,” BASP 46 (2009): 40 n. 6. Introduction This text is written along the fibers of a light-colored papyrus in a single hand. Beginning in l. 6, the left margin of the papyrus is damaged, and after l.  12 the bottom of the papyrus is completely broken off. The hand of the text is rapid and at times a little shaky; in various places throughout the document, the writer has corrected the text by erasure or by crossing out the mistake and writing over top. In the ed. pr., the hand is compared to W. Schubart, Griechische Palaeographie (Munich, 1925), Abb. 51 (=BGU IV 1093 [265]) and 52

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(=P.Ryl. II 117 [269]), but then a fourth-century date is given to the text even though both paleographic comparanda come from the middle part of the third century. While a fourth-century date seems accurate, it may be possible to narrow it more precisely to ca. 360–380; the “Flavius Macrobius senator of the Oxyrhynchite” (ll.  1–2, Φλαουίῳ Μακροβίῳ πολιτευομένῳ Ὀξυρυγχίτου) who is appealed to in the present text is also attested in P.Wash.Univ. II 83.1 (ca. 360–380)55 and is also possibly the same Flavius Macrobius who appears in P.Oxy. LXVI 4529 (June 23, 376). 56 The complaint, which effectively serves as a petition, is made by two brothers from the village of Paneuei of the Oxyrhynchite nome: Aurelius Orsentius and Aurelius Panaclius, sons of Pataurius. According to their claim, when they recently returned to their homes from “flight” (l. 6, φυγή), they found that the “presbyter of the catholic church” (ll. 7–8) of the same village had taken possession of their property (homes and land) and was unwilling to vacate the premises and give it back. They therefore petition Flavius Macrobius to intervene in the matter so that they can reclaim their property. While it may be that the presbyter has taken unlawful action in confiscating their property, their use of the term “flight” (φυγή) to describe their absence begs a number of questions. As this term typically has the meaning of “desertion,” or “banishment,” and can even be associated with anachoresis (“flight from settled society”), by so doing the two brothers may have effectively forfeited their property rights (see n. 6). Therefore, maybe there was more to this case than the petitioners would have us believe, and it may not have been a straightforward matter of theft. *Only ll. 5–10 have been reproduced. 5

10

νομοῦ. διὰ τὰς καλὰς καὶ ἀγαθάς σου διοι〚ι κ̣ 〛̣ κήσης ἀ ̣πὸ φυγῆς ἐ ̣πα̣ ̣ν̣ε λ̣ θόντες ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκία [εὕρομεν . . . .]ον τὸν πρεσβύτερος τῆς καθολικῆ ς̣ ̣ [ἐκκλησίας τ]ῆς κώμης δια〚κα〛κατέχοντα [καὶ αὐτὰ κ]αὶ τὸν τόπον. εὐλόγος οὖ⟨ν⟩ αὐτῷ διεστ⟨ε⟩ι[λάμεθα το]ῦτον ἡμῖν παραδοῦναι καὶ οὐκ ἠθέλησεν. __________ 5. l. διοικήσεις. 6. corr. ex φυκης. 7. l. πρεσβύτερον. 8. l. διακατέχοντα. 9. l. εὐλόγως.

Translation . . . [same] nome. On account of your honorable and good administration we returned from flight to our homes and found the presbyter of the catholic church of the village in possession not only of them but also of the land. We For this dating of P.Wash.Univ. II 83, see Moss, “Two Michigan Papyri,” 40 n. 6; cf. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 224 n. 77. 56 On the potential identification, see P.Oxy. LXVI p. 197 n. 3. 55

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therefore with good reason ordered (l. 10) him to hand this over to us, and he would not. . . . 6

7 7–8 10

ἀ̣πὸ φυγῆς. The term φυγή is vague and this may have been deliberate on the part of the petitioners. In P.Abinn. 32.7 (ca. 346) φυγή has the meaning of “desertion” as a soldier is described as AWOL. In BGU V 1210.102 (ca. 149), sec. 36 of the Gnomon of the Idios Logos, φυγή has the specific meaning of “banishment” (cf. P.Oxy. XLII 3014.6 [I]); here banishment is also associated with loss of property. There are numerous instances in the papyri of persons being put to “flight” to escape debt obligations, the liturgy, or to pursue better opportunities elsewhere: P.Tebt. I 38.23 (113 BCE); P.Wisc. II 81 (143); P.Oxy. XVI 1876.5 (480); Philo, Spec. 3.159–160; see also N. Lewis, Life in Roman Egypt under Roman Rule (Oxford, 1986), 163–65. Cf. L. S. B. MacCoull, “Patronage and the Social Order in Coptic Egypt,” in Egitto e storia antica dall’Ellenismo all’età araba, ed. L. Criscuolo (Bologna, 1989), 499, who details a situation where a man entrusted his property to a priest for a year while he was away. τὰ οἰκία. In the ed. pr. the reading is οἰκίδ̣ ια̣ ̣ . For the present reading, see P.Wash.Univ. II p. 242. [εὕρομεν . . . .]ον. In the ed. pr. the reading is [ἡμῶν ἐξεύρομ]εν. For the present reading, see P.Wash.Univ. II p. 242. From the context it is evident that the name of the presbyter should fill the lacuna: [εὕρομεν (name)]ον. πρεσβύτερος. On the meaning of this ecclesiastical title, see 133 n. 2. τῆς καθολικῆ̣ς ̣ [ἐκκλησίας τ]ῆς κώμης. On the meaning of this phrase, see 119 n. 1. ἠθέλησεν. In the ed. pr. the reading is ἠθέλησε̣. For the present reading, see P.Wash.Univ. II p. 242.

127 SB XX 15199 List of Deposits Mentioning a “Monk” 32.6 × 15.6 cm TM no. 34203 Date: Second-Half IV

Material: Bone

Published: C. Gallazzi and P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Quattro ossa ossirinchite,” ZPE 94 (1992): 161–62; H.-A. Rupprecht, Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten XX (=SB XX; Wiesbaden 1997), 720–21 (no. 15199). Related Literature: E. A. Judge, “The Earliest use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll.  Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 72–89; M. Choat, “Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri,” PapCongr. XXIII (2007): 95–101; M. Choat, “The Development and Usage of Terms for ‘Monk’ in Late Antique Egypt,” JAC 45 (2002): 10.

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Introduction This text is rather unusual because it is written on the scapula of an ox. To date, documents written on bone from Roman and Byzantine Egypt currently number eight including the present text: O.Trim. I 454 (ca. 345–370; Trimithis [Oasis Magna]); SB I 442 (date?; Kom Sciugafa); SB I 443 (date?; provenance unknown); SB XVIII 13957 (IV–VII; provenance unknown); SB XX 15198 (mid-IV; Oxyrhynchus); SB XX 15200 (second-half IV; Oxyrhynchus); SB XX 15201 (mid-IV; Oxyrhynchus). Why the present text was written on bone is not readily discernible, although it may have been due to a lack of papyrus and the fact that bone was readily accessible and could adequately serve the needs of the writer. For example, Diogenes Laertius preserves a story that Cleanthes, the notable student of Zeno, had to take his notes on ostraca and the “blade-bones of oxen” (βοῶν ὠμοπλάτας) because he did not have enough money to buy papyrus (7.174). The present text contains a list of deposits by various individuals in different amounts of “myriads of denarii” (δηναρίων μυριάδες). The only entry of note for the present purposes details the deposit of a monk named Philoxenus. *Only l. 6 has been reproduced. 6

δι(ὰ) Φ̣ιλόξινος μονωχὸς (δηναρίων) (μυριάδες) σκθ __________ 6. pap. δι; l. Φιλόξενος μοναχοῦ; pap. 𝈂 𝉅.

Translation . . . through Philoxenus the monk 229 myriads of denarii . . . 6

6

Φ̣ ιλόξινος μονωχὸς. The name Philoxinus is a variant of Philoxenus (Φιλόξενος; on the ι and ε interchange, see Gignac 1.249–56). It is a Greek name and is directly derived from the adjective φιλόξενος (φίλος + ξένος) and literally means “stranger-loving.” On the interchange of ω and α in μονωχὸς, see Gignac 1.286–89. At present this is the first attestation of the term μοναχός in a document from Oxyrhynchus/Oxhyrhynchite. Other attestations include P.Oxy. XXVII 2480.256 (565/566); cf. Historia monachorum in Aegypto 5.1–6 [166]. On the use of the related term μοναχή, see 123 n. 7. On the meaning, use, and frequency of μοναχός in the papyri, see Judge, “The Earliest use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” 72–89; Choat, “The Development and Usage of Terms for ‘Monk’ in Late Antique Egypt,” 9–12. (δηναρίων) (μυριάδες). A myriad, or ten thousand denarii, was equivalent to 6 2/3 talents. After 352 “myriad” (μυριάς) referred to an actual coin. See R. S. Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt (Chico, Calif., 1985), 11–12; cf. Bagnall, “Practical Help,” 191.

454

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

128 P.Oxy. XLIV 3203 Lease Mentioning “Apotactic Nuns” 30.0 × 12.0 cm TM no. 15963 Date: June 25–July 24, 40057 Material: Papyrus Published: A. K. Bowman et al. (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XLIV (London, 1976), 182–84 (no. 3203); G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 1 (1981): 126–30. Related Literature: E. A. Judge, “The Earliest use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 82, 89; E. A. Judge, “Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri,” PapCongr. XVI (1981): 613; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 277–78; S. Elm, Virgins of God: The Making of Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1994), 235; J. Rowlandson (ed.), Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook (Cambridge, 1998), 79 (no. 61); J. E. Goehring, Ascetics, Society, and the Desert: Studies in Early Egyptian Monasticism (Harrisburg, 1999), 56; M. Choat, “Fourth-Century Monasticism in the Papyri,” PapCongr. XXIII (2007): 100; E. Wipszycka, “Ἀναχωρητής, ἐρημίτης, ἔγκλειστος, ἀποτακτικός: Sur la terminologie monastique en Égypte,” JJP 31 (2001): 162–64; M. Choat, “The Development and Usage of Terms for ‘Monk’ in Late Antique Egypt,” JAC 45 (2002): 10; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 53; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 117–18; E. J. Epp, “The Jews and the Jewish Community in Oxyrhynchus: Socio-religious Context for the New Testament Papyri,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and N. Tobias (Leiden, 2006), 44; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 17; M. J. A. Martínez, Prosopographia Asceticarum Aegyptiarum (Madrid, 2010), 116–17, 123; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 87 n. 276, 248 n. 43. Introduction This document is written with a dark-brown ink across the fibers of a rectangular papyrus. The papyrus is damaged down the center of the text, where it seems that the papyrus was folded, and there are minor breaks and lacunae 57 While the document technically falls outside of the purview of this investigation (i.e., the fourth century), since it is at the start of the fifth century it has been included.

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throughout the text. Nevertheless, the document in its entirety can be reconstructed. The hand is written in a cursive script with thin strokes that is regular and skilled; the first letter of each line is deliberately larger than the remaining letters on the line. Lines are consistently spaced, and the orthography is regular aside from a few phonetic spellings. The overall impression given by the document is that it is the work of a competent professional. At the bottom there is a subscription in a different hand (ll. 25–28). The date of the text can be determined by the reference in l. 1 to the consul Flavius Theodorus and the mention of the coming month of Mesore in l. 10. The document is a lease for an “exedra [hall] together with one cellar in the basement” (ll. 15–16, ἕ̣να ἐξέδραν κα[ὶ] [τ]ὴ̣ [ν] ἐν τῷ κ̣ α̣τα̣ γ̣εί̣ ῳ κ̣ αμάραν μία[ν]) of a property in the city of Oxyrhynchus. As noted in the laconic introduction in the ed. pr., the lease is typical of byzantine leases from the Oxyrhynchite, and as one commentator has noted, “The rent is in line with other lease payments for parts of city houses known from the period, and the whole transaction is distinguished by its routineness.”58 Notwithstanding the mundane character of the lease, the description of the owners of the property given in the document, as well as that of the tenant, have garnered some attention and are of particular interest for the present purposes. The owners of the property are two sisters, a certain Aurelia Theodora and Aurelia Tauris, who are described as “apotactic nuns” (l. 6, μ̣ οναχαῖς ἀποτακτικαῖς). The reference is important because it is the only one of its kind (see n. 6) and shows that ascetics styled as apotactics owned property. The description given of the tenant, whose name is “Aurelius Jose son of Judas” (l. 7, Αὐρηλίου Ἰωσὴ Ἰούδα), is also noteworthy since he is identified as a “Jew” (l. 7, Ἰουδαῖως; l. Ἰουδαῖος). Therefore, for all its ordinariness, the lease provides a rather extraordinary glimpse of “interfaith” relationships at Oxyrhynchus at the start of the fifth century. *Only ll. 1–14 have been reproduced.

5

10 58

[μ]ετὰ τὴν ὑπα̣ ̣τ̣[είαν Φλ(αουίου) Θεοδώρου] τοῦ λαμπ [̣ ρ(οτάτου) Ἐπεὶφ ]̣ Α ὐ̣ ρηλία ι̣ ς Θ̣ε ω ̣ δ̣ ώ ̣ ρ̣ [̣ ᾳ καὶ] Ταῦρι{ν} ἐκ πατρὸς Σι λ̣ βανοῦ [ἀ]πὸ τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης [Ὀ]ξ υ̣ ρυγχιτῶν πόλεως μο̣ ναχαῖς ἀποτακτικαῖς παρὰ Αὐρηλίου Ἰωσὴ Ἰούδα Ἰουδαῖως ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς πόλε ω ̣ ς̣ .̣ ἑκουσίως ἐπιδέχομαι μισθώσασ̣θαι ἀπὸ νεομηνί α̣ [̣ ς] τοῦ ἑξῆς μηνὸς Μεσ̣ο ρ̣ ὴ τοῦ ἐνεστῶτος ἔτους οϛ με ἀρχῇ τῆ [̣ ς] τεσσαρεσκαιδεκ[άτης] Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 277.

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ἰνδικ[τ]ίονο̣ς ἀπὸ [τῶ]ν̣ ὑπαρχό̣ν̣τ̣ω ̣ν̣ ὑμῖ̣ ν ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ Ὀξ υ̣ ρυγ̣χ ι̣ τῶν πόλει ἐπ’ ἀμφόδου Ἱππέω̣ν Παρεμβολῆς __________ 4. pap. Ταϋριν. 7. pap. ϊωση; pap. ϊουδα; l. Ἰουδαῖος: pap. ϊουδαιως. 11. pap. οϛ.

Translation The year after the consul[ship of Flavius Theodorus] the most illust[rious, Epeiph . . .]. To Aureliae Theodora and Tauris whose father is Silvanus, (l. 5) of the illustrious and most illustrious city of the Oxyrhynchites, apotactic nuns, from Aurelius Jose son of Judas, Jew, of the same city. I voluntarily undertake to lease from the first day (l. 10) of the next month Mesore of the present year 76/45, at the start of the fourteenth indiction, from your property in the same city of the Oxyrhynchites in the Cavalry camp quarter, . . . 1 2 3–4

5–6 6

7

[μ]ετὰ τὴν ὑπ̣ α̣τ̣[είαν Φλ(αουίου) Θεοδώρου]. For this consulship, see Bagnall et al., Consuls of the Later Roman Empire, 332–33. Ἐπεὶφ ̣]. The month of Epeiph corresponds roughly to July. This month can with confidence be supplied in the lacuna since in l. 10 the lease mentions the following month of Mesore. Θ̣ ε̣ω̣δ̣ ώ̣ρ̣[ᾳ καὶ] Τ̣ αῦρι{ν} ἐκ πατρὸς Σι̣λβανοῦ. The name Theodora (Θεοδώρα) is Greek and is the feminine counterpart of the masculine Theodorus (Θεόδωρος) that has the meaning “gift of God.” See 106 n. 3–5. The name Tauris (Ταῦρις) is a female Egyptian name that means “the one of Horos.” See NB Dem. 1205. Neither a Theodora nor a Tauris who has the patronymic Silvanus is attested elsewhere. On the name Silvanus (Σιλβανός), see 129 n. 7–8. τῆς λαμπρᾶς καὶ λαμπροτάτης [Ὀ]ξυ̣ ρυγχιτῶν πόλεως. On this phrase, see 114 n. 6–7. μ̣ οναχαῖς ἀποτακτικαῖς. On the use of the term μοναχή (“nun”), see 123 n. 7. On the masculine ἀποτακτικός, see 120 n. 5. These are the only women in the papyri, as well as Greek literature as a whole, who are identified both with μοναχαὶ ἀποτακτικαί. There is only one occurrence of the masculine nouns in apposition: Simeon Stylites (the younger), Serm. 4.53: μοναχὸς ἀποτακτικός (“apotactic monk”). On this reference Judge (“The Earliest use of Monachos,” 82–83, 89) has noted, “Theodora and Tauris are the only women in the cases reviewed to whom the terms monachos and apotaktikos are applied, and provide the only instance of the direct association of these two styles (though Egeria brings them together in a way that is not at all clear). Presumably the apotaktikai of Oxyrhynchus are a subclass of monachai. The two sisters will have been amongst the ‘20,000’ virgines whom Rufinus heard to have been established in houses there at this time. Is their topos simply a residential suite for themselves, or does their reference to the ground-floor room as an exedra imply that a larger number of people were to use it? . . . At the end of the century, P.Oxy. 3203 confirms that apotactics are an urban category of monks, and that the two terms can now be used of women as well as men, in both respects supporting the implications of Egeria’s account.” Αὐρηλίου Ἰωσὴ Ἰούδα Ἰουδαῖως. The name Jose (Ἰωσή), also rendered Joses (Ἰωσῆς), is a semitic name, possibly derived from the name Joseph (Ἰωσήφ; ‫)יֹוֵסף‬, and appears a handful of times in the papyri: BGU III 715.4 (101/102); P.Herm. 20.20 (IV); P.Oxy.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [128]

10 11 12

14

457

XLVI 3314.1 (IV); P.Herm. 52.4 (398) (=P.Herm.dupl. 53.5); P.Naqlun I 9.18 (VI); SB XXII 15475.6 (IV/V); SB XXII 15711.13 (626–675); P.Ross.Georg. V 47.9 (685–705?). Besides the foregoing references there may be two additional attestations: P.Princ. I 2.2.12–13 (25): Νε[ ̣ ̣]ειων Ἰ̣ωση[ ca.? ] δ | [Πομ]ψάϊς Ἰ̣[ωσ]η[ ca.? ] δ. The name could be Jose but in both cases it is immediately followed by a lacuna. In this text’s republication in C.Pap.Jud. II 416.12–13 the reading is thought to be Ἰώσηπος (“Josephus”). In P.Oxy. LXVII 4611V.2 (363) the reading is given as Ἰωσήπου Τιμοθέου (“Josephus son of Timotheus”) but in the notes it is pointed out that it could also be read Ἰωσῆ τοῦ Τιμοθέου (“Jose son of Timotheus”). This name is attested in the NT in Mark 6:3, 15:40, 47 as well as in Luke 3:29 in Codex Alexandrinus. See also NB Dem. 522 where it is supposed that the name derives from Joseph; if such is the case then it may have the meaning of “to increase” (from ‫ ;יסף‬see BDB 3254). See also P.Oxy. LXIV 4403.3 [3] that contains the earliest attestation of “Jose” at Matt 13:55. Judas (Ἰούδα), also rendered Jude, is a Semitic name that has the meaning “he shall be praised” (from ‫ ;ידה‬see BDB 3063). While the name is more common than Jose and is attested about 25 times in the papyri it is only attested in one other text from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. XLVI 3314.2 (IV). On its use in Egypt, see NB Dem. 522; cf. Ilan, Lexicon of Jewish Names in Late Antiquity, 112–25. For the religious implications of the name in the papyri, see Blumell, Lettered Christians, 85–88. There is nothing especially unusual about the use of the epithet “Jew” as it is already attested in papyri of the Ptolemaic period and continues to be employed right through the sixth century in the papyri. In papyri from Oxyrhynchus the epithet is used in the following texts: P.Oxy. LV 3807.10 (26–28); P.Oxy. II 335.4 (85); P.Oxy. IX 1189.9–10 (117– 118); P.Oxy. III 500.11 (130); P.Oxy. IV 707R.1 (ca. 136); P.Oxy. IV 705.2.33 (202); P.Oxy. IX 1205.7 (291); P.Oxy. LXXVII 5119.4 (403); P.Oxy. XVI 2019.20 (547–578); P.Oxy. LV 3805.56 (566); P.Oxy. XVI 2037.29 (576–600). There is even a Jewish quarter (Ἰουδαικῆς) attested in the city in the first and second centuries: P.Oxy. II 335.8 (85) and P.Oxy. I 100.9 (133). See J. Krüger, Oxyrhynchos in der Kaiserzeit: Studien zur Topographie und Literaturrezeption (Frankfurt, 1990), 84; S. Daris, “I quartieri di Ossirinco: Materiali e note,” ZPE 132 (2000): 217. For Hebrew texts at Oxyrhynchus, see Blumell, Lettered Christians, 7 n. 29. μηνὸς Μεσ̣ ο̣ρὴ. Corresponds roughly with the month of August. ἔτους οϛ. This chronological reference refers to the Oxyrhynchite eras. See 124 n. 4. ἰνδικ[τ]ίονο̣ς. An “Indiction” was initially a fiscal year but came to be reckoned as cycles of fifteen years and began in 312. As Bagnall (“Practical Help,” 183) points out, “Indiction dates are thus not sufficient in themselves to identify a year uniquely for the historian; other dating criteria, internal or external, are also needed. Unfortunately for the papyrologist and historian, the indiction eventually supplanted the regnal year entirely except in Oxyrhynchus and perhaps a few other places, and even there the regnal year vanished before the end of the fourth century. The imperial indiction year coincided in Egypt with the old civil year, but in practice in the Thebaid and some other parts of the country it soon came to be reckoned from Pachon 1, or four months before the civil year. There are a number of local complexities in its use.” See also CSBE 22–35. ἐπ’ ἀμφόδου Ἱππέω̣ ν Παρεμβολῆς. The “Cavalry camp quarter” of Oxyrhynchus is attested in numerous documents. At present it is first attested in P.Mich. III 170.3–4 (49) and last attested in P.Oxy. LXVIII 4693.11–12 (466). On this district, see Krüger, Oxyrhynchos in der Kaiserzeit, 85–86; S. Daris, “I quartieri di Ossirinco,” 217.

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Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries

Date: Mid- to Late III

129 P.Vind.Sijp. 26 Asclepius to Hieracammon 23.4 × 10.1 cm TM no. 30477

Material: Papyrus

Published: P. J. Sijpesteijn (ed.), Einige Wiener Papyri (=Pap.Lugd.Bat. XI; Leiden, 1963), 115–19 (no. 26); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 107–9 (no. 13); L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 126–27. Related Literature: E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 51–52; H.-J. Drexhage, Preise, Mieten/Pachten, Kosten und Löhne im römischen Ägypten (St. Katharinen, 1991), 65; P. Guyot and R. Klein, Das frühe Christentum bis zum Ende der Verfolgungen. Band II: Die Christen in der heidnischen Gesselschaft (Darmstadt, 1994), 49–51; S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 7 (1994): 50; N. Kruit and K. A. Worp, “Geographical Jar Names: Towards a Multi-disciplinary Approach,” APF 46 (2000): 109; G. F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life Before Constantine (Macon, Ga., 2003), 284; C. Kreuzsaler, B. Palme, and A. Zdiarsky (eds.), Stimmen aus dem Wüstensand: Briefkultur im griechischrömischen Ägypten (Vienna, 2010), 149; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 483. Introduction This letter was written on the front and back of a rectangular papyrus that is well preserved. Though there are six vertical fold lines on the papyrus, they have caused relatively little damage to the text. The text is written in a clear and competent hand that on paleographic grounds shares parallels with documents written in either the late third century or early fourth century. A late third-century date, perhaps sometime ca. 270–274, has been suggested based on parallels given for the prices of wine mentioned in the letter. 59 The letter is written between two Christians serving in the lower echelons of nome administration. The recipient of the letter, an individual named 59

Drexhage, Preise, Mieten/Pachten, 65.

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Hieracammon, is addressed as the “marshal of the strategus in Kynopolis” (l. 25), and the sender, whose name is Asclepius, identifies himself as an “assistant of the collector” (ll.  2, 26) who seems to have been based in the Oxyrhynchite nome (ll.  14–15). In the letter, Asclepius reminds Hieracammon that when he recently visited they had talked about a supplier of wine who preferred that purchases be made through Hieracammon. Asclepius therefore entreats Hieracammon to provide the bearer of the letter with wine and outlines the prices for the different amounts he is seeking. As the letter concludes, Asclepius prays that Hieracammon is well “in God” (l.  23, ἐν θεῷ); while this reference is subtle, it is a distinct Christian marker and is the only such marker in the text. This letter is therefore significant because it reveals that in the pre-Constantinian period at least some Christians had come to occupy the lower levels of nome administration in the Oxyrhynchite as well as the Kynopolite nomes.

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κυρίῳ μου̣ ἀδε̣λ̣φῷ Ἱερακάμμωνι Ἀσκλ ̣ηπιὸς βοηθὸς ἐπείκτου χαίρειν. (vac.)

μέμνη⟨σο⟩, ἄδελφε, ἡνίκα ἤμην ἐν τῇ Κυνῶ παρά σοι ἀριστήσας καὶ ἐπα ̣νερχόμενος διελέχ θ̣ ην σοι ὡς Σιλβανοῦ τοῦ ὑπηρέ ̣του ἔχοντος οἰνίδια ὀλίγα, ὧν ἐβούλετο τὴν τι10 μὴν διδόναι διά σου τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἀδελφοῦ; παρακληθεὶς ποίησον αὐτὰ δοθῆναι τῷ ἀναδίδοντί σο̣ι ταῦτά μου τὰ γράμμα̣ τα ὅ̣πως μοι αὐτὰ κομίσῃ 15 ἐν τῷ Ὀξυρυγχείτῃ. ἔστι δέ· διπλοκέραμα β (δηναρίων) ξ καὶ ἁπλᾶ δ 〚(δηνάρια)〛 π̣ρὸς (δηνάρια) κ (γίνεται) (δηνάρια) π καὶ κνίδι⟨ο⟩ν α (δηνάρια) λε (γίνεται) (δηνάρια) ροε. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀμελήσῃς, ἄδελφε, 20 γράψα ι̣ μοι, ἵνα γνῶ ὅτι σπουδέως ἐποίησας. ἐρρῶσθαί σε, κύριε ἄδελφε, ἐν θεῷ πόλλοις χρόνοις εὔχομαι.

5

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

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Verso (along the fibers) 25

κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ Ἱερακάμμωνι ἡγουμένῳ τοῦ στρ(ατηγοῦ) ἐν Κυνῶ π(αρὰ) τοῦ βοηθοῦ τοῦ ἐπείκτοῦ. __________ 16. pap. β 𝈂 ξ. 17. pap. δ; pap. 𝈂 κ / 𝈂 π⸍. 18. pap. α⸍ 𝈂 λε⸍ 𝈂 / ροε⸍. 20–21. l. σπουδαίως. 25. pap. στρ∫; pap. π.

Translation To my lord brother Hieracammon, Asclepius, assistant of the collector, (sends) greetings. Remember brother when I was (l.  5) in Kynopolis, having dined with you, and when I was about to return I spoke with you about Silvanus the attendant who had some cheap wine and who desired that (l. 10) payment is given through you my brother. I ask you to do these things, to give these things to the one bearing my letter so that he can bring them to me (l. 15) in the Oxyrhynchite. That is, 2 diplokerama (measures) for 60 denarii and 4 simple (measures) for 20 denarii each, which equals 80 denarii, and one knidion (measure) for 35 denarii, in total 175 denarii. But do not neglect, brother, (l. 20) to write me in order that I should know that you have done it as soon as possible. I pray, lord brother, for your health for many years in God. (verso) To my Lord brother Hieracammon, the marshal of the strategus in Kynopolis, from the assistant of the collector. 1

κυρίῳ μου̣ ἀδε̣λ̣φῷ Ἱερακάμμωνι. The name Hieracammon (Ἱερακάμμων) is a polytheophoric name comprised of the names for the deities Hierak (Ἱέρακ) and Ammon (Ἄμμων). See A. Benaissa, “Greek Polytheophoric Names: An Onomastic Fashion of Roman Egypt,” AncSoc 39 (2009): 71–97. This name appears to be a very uncommon one given that there are currently no other attestations of it in the papyri. The only other attestation of this name is in an inscription from Terenouthis (Kom Abu Billo) in the Delta (SEG XXVIII 1497.1 [III/IV]). The use of ἀδελφός in the opening and closing address (l. 25) need not imply that Hieracammon was the biological brother of Asclepius. Though they may have indeed been literal brothers it is important to note that the use of ἀδελφός (“brother”), or ἀδελφή (“sister”), as titles of address in letters was often done so metaphorically for a close friend or associate and was frequently used as an endearing term that showed genuine friendship between the sender and addressee. See P. Arzt-Grabner, “ ‘Brothers’ and ‘Sisters’ in Documentary Papyri and in Early Christianity,” RivB 50 (2002): 189–201; cf. NewDocs 1 (1981): 59–61; 2 (1982): 49–50; E. Dickey, “Literal and Extended Use of Kinship Terms in Documentary Papyri,” Mnemosyne 57 (2004): 154–61. Though Christians were known to address their co-religionists who were not necessarily blood relations with familial language like ἀδελφός, or ἀδελφή (Matt 28:8; 1 Cor 5:11; Lucian, Peregr. 13), non-Christians also employed familial language metaphorically: Plato, Menex. 239a; Xenophon, Anab. 7.2.25; Josephus, J.W. 2.122; Plotinus, Enn. 2.9.18. Therefore, the use of ἀδελφός in the address should not necessarily be taken as a distinct Christian marker. See Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 15–16; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo

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e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 31–32. As an important aside, however, when familial language appears in official documents (e.g., contracts, wills, petitions, etc.) it is usually best to assume that such language should be taken literally. See R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, 300BC–AD 800 (Ann Arbor, 2006), 85–86. The use of κύριος as a title of address, even for one also identified as a “brother,” is not unusual in the papyri, and is used in a number of letters of Christian and non-Christian origin. As a title of address in the papyri κύριος (as well as the female κυρία) has a wide range of meanings; in personal letters specifically it is often employed as a sign of respect for superiors but is also used between peers or social equals, as seems to be the case here with the use of “brother,” as a sign of admiration. See Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci, 28–31. There is nothing either explicitly Christian or explicitly un-Christian with the use of κύριος (or κυρία) as an epithet in letters in the papyri. Ἀσκλ̣ ηπιὸς βοηθὸς ἐπείκτου. The name Asclepius (Ἀσκληπιός) is a Greek theonymic name and is not a very common name at Oxyrhynchus. As with the present text, the other attestations of the name come from the third century: P.Mich. III 165.5, 6–7 (November 20, 236); P.Oxy. XX 2284.1–2 (September 27, 258). An ἐπείκτης (ll. 2, 27) is a generic title for a “collector” and typically refers to a minor office of compulsory public service (liturgy). When this title is used in official documents it is most often modified by reference to the nature of the collection: P.Oxy. X 1257.13 (ca. October 28, 279) “collector of the public grain” (ἐπείκτου δημοσίου σίτου); P.Oxy. XII 1413.25 (September 1–15, 272) “collector of the golden crown” (ὁ ἐπείκτης χρυσοῦ στεφάνου); P.Oxy. XII 1428.3–4 (mid-IV) “collector of the linen” (τοῦ ἐπείκτου [τῆς] ὀθόνης); P.Vind.Sijp. 1.1 (December 24, 338) “collector of charcoal” (ἐπείκτῃ ἄνθρακος); etc. See N. Lewis, Inventory of Compulsory Services in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt (New Haven/ Toronto, 1968), s.v. ἐπείκτης; cf. S. L. Wallace, Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian (Princeton, 1938), 315. By the Byzantine period the title ἐπείκτης was also used to denote those who kept the stables for the army: C. Drecoll, Die Liturgien im römischen Kaiserreich des 3. und 4. Jh. n. Chr.: Untersuchung über Zugang, Inhalt und wirtschaftliche Bedeutung der öffentlichen Zwangsdienste in Ägypten und anderen Provinzen (Stuttgart, 1997), 134. Given the generic nature of the title “assistant to the collector” we can only speculate what this title exactly implies in this letter. In any case, since an ἐπείκτης was a fairly minor liturgical office, an “assistant” to such was not a very important position. However, having said that, it must be remembered that in order to qualify for just about any liturgy the potential candidate certainly had to be a person of at least modest means and abilities. χαίρειν. The use of χαίρω in the opening address of letters preserved on papyrus is ubiquitous through the fourth century, after which time epistolary practices change and the opening formula is typically dropped (along with χαίρειν). Though it may seem unusual to have a nominative followed by an infinitive, as one would probably expect the imperative χαῖρε (“Greetings!”), in initial greetings of the sort contained in this letter (as well as most others treated in this study) where the form is A to B χαίρειν, a λέγει is implied, although it is rarely written. Thus, the meaning of the formula is something like: A says (λέγει) to B to rejoice (χαίρειν). See G. A. Gerhard, “Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des grieschischen Briefs I: Die Formel ὁ δεῖνα τῷ δεῖνι χαίρειν,” Philologus 64 (1905): 27–65; cf. Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie, 155–58; H.-J. Klauck, Ancient Letters and the New Testament: A Guide to Context and Exegesis (Waco, Tex., 2006), 18. ἐν τῇ Κυνῶ. In the ed. pr. the editor corrects the text so it reads ἐν τῇ Κυνῶ⟨ν⟩, but Κυνῶ is a well-attested form for Kynopolis that does not require any emendation. See N. Litinas, “Corrigenda Varia,” ZPE 117 (1997): 210; idem, “Κυνῶ πόλις and Εὐεργέτις,” APF 40 (1994): 149; idem, “Villages and Place-Names in the Cynopolite Nome,” APF 40 (1994): 157–64.

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus In Egypt there were two cities named Kynopolis, or the “City of the Dog.” Kynopolis superior (ἄνω) was located some 15 km east of the city of Oxyrhynchus on the western side of the Nile while Kynopolis inferior (κάτω) was located in the Nile Delta in the Bousirite nome. Given that the letter primarily discusses the purchase and transportation of some wine between associates who occupied posts in the lower echelons of nome administration it is safe to say that the Kynopolis being referred to is the former since it was the closest metropolis to Oxyrhynchus. Though Plutarch preserves a somewhat humorous story about how the inhabitants of Kynopolis (ἄνω) and Oxyrhynchus could be quite hostile to each other owing to offenses each city committed against the patron deity of the other city, the papyri suggest that there was frequent communication and commerce carried on between the two cities. See Blumell, Lettered Christians, 125–28. Besides the present papyrus, there is no other evidence for Christianity at Kynopolis before the fourth century; however, in the fourth century there is evidence that the city became the seat of an episcopal see and it is reported that there were martyrs from the city during the “Great Persecution.” See Timm, 5:2133–34; K.  A. Worp, “A Checklist of Byzantine Bishops (AD 32–c. 750),” ZPE 100 (1994): 301. For the location and description of the city, see H. Verreth (ed.), A Survey of the Toponyms in Egypt in the Graeco-Roman Period (Cologne/Leuven, 2008), 270. Σιλβανοῦ τοῦ ὑπηρέ̣του. The name Silvanus (Σιλβανός) is of Latin origin and is most common in the papyri between the first and fourth centuries, after which it is less attested. In documents from Oxyrhynchus the name is most common in texts from the third and fourth centuries. The term ὑπηρέτης is a generic term in the papyri that occurs in a number of different contexts and that simply means “attendant,” “assistant,” or “servant.” Without additional context it is difficult to know exactly how the term is being employed. λε. In the ed. pr. the reading is instead κ . For the correction, see Kruit and Worp, “Geographical Jar Names,” 109 n. 111. ἐν θεῷ. This subtle prepositional phrase represents the single definitive Christian marker in the letter. Beginning in the third century a distinct epistolary shift in greetings and valedictions may be noted with the emergence of phrases like ἐν θεῷ (“in God”), ἐν κυρίῳ (“in the Lord”), and ἐν κυρίῳ θεῷ (“in the Lord God”). The first such letter to contain one of these phrases is P.Bas. 16 (early III; provenance unknown) where in l. 1 the sender greets the recipient with ἐν κ(υρ)ίῳ. While κύριος is contracted as a nomen sacrum, which assures that the writer was a Christian, the significance of the phrase for the present purposes is that it is the first time in the papyri the phrase occurs in a greeting and shows clearly that it signifies a Christian context. As one traces the usage of the phrase ἐν κυρίῳ, or alternatively ἐν θεῷ, it becomes clear that they can be traced back to certain letters in the NT. With the specific case of ἐν θεῷ, it first appears in 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:1; Jude 1, after which it can be seen in greetings and valedictions of certain letters of Ignatius (Eph. 1:1, 21:2; Magn. 1:1; Rom. 1:1; Pol. 1:1). Over time it develops into a standard epistolary formula in Christian letters. Therefore, even when this phrase is employed without a nomen sacrum, as it is here, it establishes that the writer was a Christian. In fact, there is no example where the uncontracted phrase ἐν θεῷ (or ἐν κυρίῳ/ἐν κυρίῳ θεῷ) appears in a greeting/valediction of a letter in a decidedly non-Christian context. Furthermore, very often when this uncontracted phrase does occur, the letter can be established as Christian on other grounds: G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 13; Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie, 162; Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci, 29–30; M. Choat and A. M. Nobbs, “Monotheistic Formulae of Belief in Greek Letters on Papyrus from the Second to the Fourth Century,” JGRChJ 2 (2001–2005): 39; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 103–4; Choat, “Christianity,” 483; cf. E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Own Hometown,” JBL 123 (2004): 24 n. 62.

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In letters from Oxyrhynchus the uncontracted phrase ἐν θεῷ also appears in SB XII 10800.3 [155] and the uncontracted phrase ἐν κυρίῳ θεῷ appears in P.Oxy. LIX 3998.2–3 [153]; SB XXII 15359.2–3 [154]; P.Haun. II 25.4 (V); P.Oxy LVI 3864.4 (V). While the phrase ἐν κυρίῳ is transcribed in the ed. pr. of P.Oxy. XX 2276.29–30 (late III/ early IV): ⟨ἐ⟩ν̣ κ̣ υ̣[ρίῳ], we are not confident in this reading. 23–24 πόλλοις χρόνοις εὔχομαι. The use of a prayer formula here does not on its own constitute Christian authorship as prayer valedictions (or greetings) similar to the one found in this letter appear in a number of letters in decidedly non-Christian contexts as well as in letters from the second and first centuries BCE. See A. M. Nobbs, “Formulas of Belief in Greek Papyrus Letters of the Third and Fourth Centuries,” in Ancient History in a Modern University, ed. T. W. Hillard et al. (Grand Rapids, 1998), 2:233–37; E. Wipszycka, “Remarques sur les lettres privées des IIe–IVe siècles (A propos d’un livre de M. Naldini),” JJP 18 (1974): 205. 25 Ἱερακάμμωνι ἡγουμένῳ τοῦ στρ(ατηγοῦ) ἐν Κυνῶ. At first glance the title applied to Hieracammon, “marshal under the strategus,” seems like a more prominent position than “assistant of the collector,” as the strategus served as the chief official in a given nome and was only subject to the epistrategoi and the prefect of Egypt. See J. E. G. Whitehorne, Strategi and Royal Scribes of Roman Egypt (2nd ed.; Florence, 2006); idem, “The Role of the Strategia in Administrative Continuity in Roman Egypt,” PapCongr. XVI (1981): 419–28. The problem with the title “marshal under the strategus” is that it is a somewhat nebulous designation as it is attested only once outside of the present letter: P.Oxy. II 294.19–20 (December 11, 22): [ὁ] μὲν ἡγούμενος τοῦ στρα[τ]ηγοῦ; cf. O.Wilck. 1188.6 [I–IV] Ἡγούμενο(ς) στρατηγοῦ is clearly taken as a name. The right hand man, so to speak, of the strategus was the royal scribe. After the royal scribes there were a series of minor officials (district scribes, village scribes, village elders, magistrates and town councillors, liturgists) whose administrative responsibilities are rather clear. On the other hand, the function of the ἡγούμενος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ is not altogether apparent. Typically when the title ἡγούμενος (participial form of ἡγεμών) appears in papyri it refers to either the praeses (governor of a part of Egypt) or to the prefect (governor of all of Egypt). See Mason, Greek Terms for Roman Institutions, 144–49. In P.Lond. III 839 descr. (=SB XX 15076; September 10, 206) receipts are issued by a group of persons identified as ἡγούμενοι. Perhaps all that can be assumed by this title is that Hieracammon must have worked within the coterie of close associates and personal agents/assistants that served in the retinue of the strategus of the Kynopolite nome. —Dossier of Sotas, Bishop of Oxyrhynchus—

Date: Mid- to Late III

130 P.Alex. 29 Sotas to Maximus 15.5 × 6.5 cm TM no. 30466

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. Świderek and M. Vandoni, Papyrus Grecs du Musée Gréco-romain d’Alexandria (=P.Alex.; Warsaw, 1964), 73–74 (no. 29); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence,

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1968), 127–28 (no. 19); C.-H. Kim, Form and Structure of the Familiar Greek Letter of Recommendation (Missoula, 1972), 25 (no. 70); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 87–88. Related or Similar Papyri: PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; P.Oxy. XII 1492 [134]. Related Literature: J. van Haelst, “Les sources papyrologiques concernant l’Église en Égypte à l’epoque de Constantin,” PapCongr. XII (1970): 498; E. A. Judge, “The Earliest Use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 80–81; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 30, 61, 64; S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 8 (1998): 169–71; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1312–13; R. Burnet, L’Egypte ancienne à travers les papyrus: Vie quotidienne (Paris, 2003), 87 (no. 33); G. F. Snyder, Ante Pacem: Archaeological Evidence of Church Life before Constantine (Macon, Ga., 2003), 284–85; A. M. Nobbs, “ ‘Beloved Brothers’ in the New Testament and Early Christianity,” in The New Testament in Its First Century Setting: Essays on Context and Background in Honour of B. W. Winter on His 65th Birthday, ed. P. J. Williams et al. (Grand Rapids, 2004), 145 n. 16; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 155; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 88–124; A. M. Nobbs, “Some Duties and Responsibilities of a Bishop(?) in Late Antique Egypt,” in Religion and Retributive Logic: Essays in Honor of Professor Garry W. Trompf, ed. C. M. Cusack and C. Hartney (Leiden, 2010), 159–64; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 113–15. Genre: Letter of Recommendation. Introduction In its current state, this letter survives in two fragments: a small fragment measuring about 1 cm 2 that comprises the partial remains of l. 1, and a much larger fragment that contains the remainder of the letter occupying ll. 2–15. On the larger fragment, there are three vertical folds, and the one on the left, which roughly aligns with the left margin of the text, has resulted in a few small lacunae in the text. The hand of the letter is regular and practiced, and the writer employs only a few ligatures; orthography is standard. The postscript is set off by a line break and by eisthesis. In the ed. pr., the editor discussed an early fourth-century date for the letter based on paleographic considerations but also noted that it contained certain features characteristic of the late third

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century.60 In M. Naldini’s subsequent treatment of the letter, he dated it to the third century, and A. M. Luijendijk has suggested a mid-third-century date for the letter.61 While the name of the sender is partially lost owing to a lacuna at the beginning of l. 4, and the extant text reads ]τ̣ας, there can be little doubt the reconstruction should be [Σώ]τ̣ας. Two other Christian letters of recommendation from Oxyrhynchus of roughly the same date as the present letter, PSI III 208 [131] and PSI IX 1041 [132], were also issued by an individual named Sotas. Furthermore, these two letters begin with the very same phraseology as the present letter, making it virtually certain that all three were issued by the same Sotas: χαίρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ, ἀγαπητὲ ἄδελφε N.N., Σώτας σε προσαγορεύω. While the handwriting of this letter is different from either PSI III 208 [131] or PSI IX 1041 [132], since both of these letters were written with different hands it can be assumed that Sotas simply used a scribe or secretary to write on his behalf. Therefore, while the provenance of this letter is not actually known, it seems most likely that it originated from Oxyrhynchus. In a number of respects, this letter of recommendation shares distinct similarities with other extant Christian letters of recommendation preserved on papyrus from the third and fourth centuries: PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; P.Oxy. VIII 1162 [149]; P.Oxy. LVI 3857 [150]; SB III 7269 (IV/V; provenance unknown); SB X 10255 (III/IV; provenance unknown); SB XVI 12304 (late III/early IV; Panopolis?). After the initial greeting, wherein the sender identifies himself and the addressee is greeted “in the Lord,” using the nomen sacrum ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ, the sender proceeds to introduce the recommended individual.  The name of the individual(s) is always given, and, depending on their standing with respect to the church, additional instructions may be given, such as a charge to receive them “in peace” (ἐν εἰρήνῃ), as is the case in the present letter in l. 8. The letter typically concludes with the writer sending additional greetings to the receiving individual via the recommended individual. 

→ 5

[χ]α̣ ίρε ἐ̣[ν κ(υρί)ῳ,] [ἀγα]πητὲ ἄδελφε [. . .] Μάξιμε, [Σώ]τ̣ας σὲ προσαγορεύω{ι}. [τ]ὸ̣ν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶ [̣ ν] Δ [̣ ίφ]ιλον ἐρχ ό̣ μ ̣ ε̣ ̣ν̣ο ̣ν̣

P.Alex. p. 73: “Le papyrus est assez complet et présente une écriture proche des mains du III s. et ne permet pas de placer le texte plus tard qu’au début du IV s. de n. è. . . . mais elle est caractéristique pour le début du IV s. et la fin du III s.” 61 Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 127; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 87. 60

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10

15

π [̣ ρό]ς σε προσδ̣[έξ]α ι̣ ̣ ἐν̣ [ε]ἰρήνῃ δι’ [οὗ] σὲ κ[αὶ] τοὺς σὺν σοὶ ἐγ[ὼ] καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμο̣ὶ ̣ προσαγορεύομε̣ν. (vac.) ἐ ρ̣ ρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι, ἀγαπητὲ ἄδελφε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. __________ 15. pap. κ ω  .

Translation Greetings in the Lord, beloved brother Maximus, I, Sotas, salute you. (l.  5) Our brother Diphilus is coming to you, receive him in peace. Through him, (l. 10) I and those with me salute you and those with you. Farewell, I pray for you, beloved brother, in the Lord. 1

2

ἐ̣[ν κ(υρί)ῳ,]. This reading can be readily reconstructed given that Sotas employs it in his other letters of recommendation: PSI III 208.1 [131]; PSI IX 1041.1 [132]. As an epistolary greeting/valediction the phrase ἐν κυρίῳ enters the epistolographic tradition via Paul: Rom 16:8, 11-13, 22; 1 Cor 16:19; Phil 3:1, 4:4; Col 4:17; 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:1. It is continued in the Apostolic Fathers: Ign., Pol. 8:3; Pol. Phil. 1:1. On this epistolary formula, see M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 102–4; cf. 129 n. 23. [ἀγα]πητὲ ἄδελφε. Cf. ll. 14–15. While the phrase ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφός is first attested in Tob 10:13 (καὶ Εδνα εἶπεν πρὸς Τωβιαν ἄδελφε ἀγαπητέ . . . [“And Edna said to Tobias, ‘beloved brother . . .’ ”]), it is in the letters of Paul and certain other NT letters where it first emerges as a distinct salutation: 1 Cor 15:58; Eph 6:21; Phil 4:1; Col 4:7, 9; 1 Tim 6:2; Phlm 1, 16; cf. Jas 1:16, 19, 2:5; 2 Pet 3:15. In letters on papyrus, the phrase ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφός does not occur until the third century, and then mostly in letters of recommendation, and almost exclusively in letters that on other grounds can be shown to have been written by Christians. Thus, in the papyri ἀγαπητὸς ἀδελφός seems to have been a unique Christian salutation. See Nobbs, “ ‘Beloved Brothers,’ ” 143–50; NewDocs 4 (1987): 250–55; cf. L. Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography to A.D. 527 (Washington, 1929), 17–20. The adjective ἀγαπητός, -ή, -όν appears mostly in papyri of the fourth century and later and in clearly Christian contexts; thus, this adjective seems to be closely associated with Christianity. There are, however, a few instances where it is used in decisively non-Christian contexts in the papyri: PSI VI 577.16 (248/247 BCE): ἀγαπητόν (correspondence between Dionysius and Zenon; Dionysius uses it as a substantive to refer to Zenon); P.Oxy. II 235.2 (ca. 15–20; Horoscope): Τρύφων ἀ̣γ̣α̣π̣ετ̣ έ (“beloved Trypho”; l. ἀγαπητέ); P.Ross.Georg. III 4.28 (=SB I 4650; early III): ἀσπάζο[μαι] ὑ[μᾶς ἀγαπη]τ̣οὶ ἡμῶν (“our beloved I greet you [pl.]”; this letter begins with an invocation to Isis, Apollo, and other gods [ll. 3–5], ruling out a Christian context, but the reconstruction of ἀγαπητός in the lacuna is tenuous). The adjective also appears in P.Oxy.

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XIV 1680.19 (III) in the address: [τῷ κυρίῳ] καὶ ἀγαπητῷ πατρὶ Ἀπόλλωνι [ ca.? ] (“to my lord and beloved father Apollon . . .”). Based on this reference Choat (Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 93, 156) and others (Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 161–63 [no. 32]; Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” 267) think this letter was authord by a Christian; Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 36) and Wipszycka (“Remarques sur les lettres privées chrétiennes des IIe–IVe siècles,” 215) do not believe that on its own this adjective is enough to constitute Christian authorship. On the use of this adjective in the papyri and inscriptions, see C. Spicq, “Le lexique de l’amour dans les papyrus et dans quelques inscriptions de l’epoque hellénistique,” Mnemosyne ser. IV 8 (1955): 25–33. [. . .] Μάξιμε. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto2, 432) proposes: [μου] Μάξιμε. The name Maximus (Μάξιμος) is a Latin cognomen derived from the Latin adjective maximus, -a, -um and appears with some frequency as a personal name in the papyri. Naldini (127 n. 1) speculated that perhaps the addressee Maximus was the patriarch of Alexandria whose episcopate lasted from ca. 264–282 (cf. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.11.26). While this is a possibility, it is pure speculation; there is nothing in the letter that would otherwise suggest the said Maximus must have been the patriarch of Alexandria. Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 112–13) rightly notes that while the identity of Maximus cannot be discerned from the letter it is likely that he was either a bishop or an ecclesiastical leader of some sort. [τ]ὸ̣ν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶ̣[ν]. Typically in Christian letters of recommendation if the recommended individual is identified using familial language such as “brother” (ἀδελφός) or “sister” (ἀδελφή) this connotes that one is a baptized Christian as opposed to a catechumen. See K. Treu, “Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” in Zetesis: Album Amicorum Door Vrienden en Collega’s Aangeboden Aan Prof. Dr. E. de Strycker Ter Gelegenheid Van Zijn 65e Verjaardag (Antwerpen, 1973), 634–35. Δ̣ [ίφ]ιλον. The name Diphilus (Δίφιλος) is a Greek theophoric name that has the meaning “friend of Zeus.” See Masson, 1:595. It is a rare name in the papyri with less than fifty attestations and only occurs on one other occasion in a text from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. Hels. 20.1.2, 2.10, 3.15 ( January 21, 139). προσδ̣ [έξ]α̣ ι.̣ On the use of this verb in letters of recommendation, see C. W. Keyes, “The Greek Letter of Introduction,” AJP 56 (1935): 41; Kim, Form and Structure of the Familiar Greek Letter of Introduction, 112–13. ἐν̣ [ε]ἰρήνῃ. This prepositional phrase occurs with some regularity in Christian letters of recommendation: P.Oxy. XXVI 2785.10–11 [133]; P.Oxy. VIII 1162.9 [149]; P.Oxy. LVI 3857.9 [150]; and SB XVI 12304.7–8 (late III/early IV [Panopolis]). Outside of these letters it is only attested two other times in the papyri: P.Oxy. XVII 2156.23 [160]; P.Oxy. XVI 1865.11 (VI/VIII). In some Christian letters of recommendation this phrase is replaced with either κατὰ τὸ ἔθος (PSI III 208.6 [131]) or ὡς καθήκει (PSI IX 1041.12 [132]); cf. P.Oxy. XXXI 2603.25 (IV): προσδέξα̣ ι οὖν ἐν ἀγάπῃ (“Wherefore, receive in love”). The phrase ἐν εἰρήνῃ occurs frequently in the LXX in a variety of contexts and only seven times in the NT: Luke 2:29, 11:21; Acts 16:36; 1 Cor 16:11; Jas 2:16, 3:18; 2 Pet. 3:14. As part of an epistolary formula it occurs first in Barn. 1:1: χαίρετε υἱοὶ καὶ θυγατέρες ἐν ὀνόματι κυρίου τοῦ ἀγαπήσαντος ἡμᾶς ἐν εἰρήνῃ (“Greetings sons and daughters in the name of our Lord who loved us in peace”). While it has been noted (P.Oxy. LVI 3857 p. 116) that in Christian letters of recommendation ἐν εἰρήνῃ functions “to remind the recipients that it is their duty to give proper hospitality to the recommended person,” the meaning of the phrase is likely more technical and refers specifically to the fact that the recommended party was a baptized Christian in good standing. As Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 123) has pointed out, the phrase ἐν εἰρήνῃ functions to alert the receiving party that they should welcome the guest with the kiss of peace,

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Date: Mid- to Late III

131 PSI III 208 Sotas to Peter 11.8 × 5.3 cm TM no. 33228

Material: Parchment

Published: G. Vitelli and M. Norsa, Papiri greci e latini III (Florence, 1914), 69 (no. 208); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 129–30 (no. 13); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:386–87; H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2785.13; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 151–52 (no. 28); C.-H. Kim, Form and Structure of the Familiar Greek Letter of Recommendation (Missoula, 1972), 232 (no. 77); T. M. Teeter, “Christian Letters of Recommendation in the Papyrus Record,” PBR 9 (1990): 61; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 84–85. Related or Similar Papyri: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; P.Oxy. XII 1492 [134]. Related Literature: G. Bardy, “La vie chrétienne aux 3e et 4e siècles d’après les papyrus,” Revue Apologétique 41 (1926): 649; J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 149; L. G. Modena, “Il cristianesimo ad Ossirinco: Papiri letterari e cultura religiosa,” BSAA 10 (1938–1939): 307; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 267, 272, 274; M. Naldini, Documenti dell’antichità cristiana: Papiri e pergamene greco-egizie della Raccolta Fiorentina (Florence, 1965), 35 (no. 44); J. van Haelst, “Les sources papyrologiques concernant l’Église en Égypte à l’epoque de Constantin,” PapCongr. XII (1970): 498; K. Treu, “Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” in Zetesis: Album Amicorum Door Vrienden en Collega’s Aangeboden Aan Prof. Dr. E. de Strycker Ter Gelegenheid Van Zijn 65e Verjaardag (Antwerp, 1973), 629–36; E. A. Judge, “The Earliest Use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 81; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 103; M. G. Sirivianou (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LVI (London, 1989), 112–14; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton,

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1993), 282; T. M. Teeter, “Letters of Recommendation or Letters of Peace,” PapCongr. XXI (1997): 960; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1312–13; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 45; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 167; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 81–112; L. H. Blumell, “A Note on Dionysius of Alexandria’s Letter to Novatian in Light of Third-Century Papyri,” ZAC 14 (2010): 359; A. M. Nobbs, “Some Duties and Responsibilities of a Bishop(?) in Late Antique Egypt,” in Religion and Retributive Logic: Essays in Honor of Professor Garry W. Trompf, ed. C. M. Cusack and C. Hartney (Leiden, 2010), 159–64; L. H. Blumell, “Christians on the Move in Late Antique Oxyrhynchus,” in Travel and Religion in Antiquity, ed. P. A. Harland (Waterloo, 2011), 244–45; C. Kim, “Grüße in Gott, dem Herrn! Studien zum Stil und zur Struktur der griechischen christlichen Privatbriefe aus Ägypten” (Ph.D. diss., Trier, 2011), 24, 38, 130, 170; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 113–17; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 483. Genre: Letter of Recommendation. Introduction As with P.Alex. 29 [130], this letter was authored by Sotas and is a letter of recommendation. What is most remarkable, and in fact quite unusual, about this letter, as well as PSI IX 1041 [132], is that both are written on parchment instead of papyrus. To give some idea of the rarity with which letters were written on parchment, of the almost nine hundred published letters provenanced to Oxyrhynchus between the first century BCE and seventh century CE, these are the only two. Furthermore, of the roughly 7,500 letters currently published from Egypt between the third century BCE and seventh century CE, there are only two others written in Greek that are also written on parchment, making four in total.62 Given these statistics, it is more than just coincidence that the same person would send two letters written on parchment and strongly suggests something more is going on here. Since parchment was more expensive 62 P.Iand. II 12 (III/IV); SB III 7269 (V/VI). P.Dura 46 (late III) is also written on parchment, but its provenance is outside of Egypt. A search of Coptic letters on the BCD lists only one letter written on parchment, O.Crum VC 116. Additionally, in the Duke collection P.Duk. inv. 5 (b) is a fragment of a Coptic letter written on parchment. This letter was written over a washed-out text with part of Plato’s Parmenides in Greek (P.Duk. inv. 5[a]). See W. H. Willis, “A New Fragment of Plato’s Parmenides on Parchment,” GRBS 12 (1971): 548–49.

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than papyrus, it tended to be used only in the production of books, and it did not come to be used with much regularity in book production until the fourth and fifth centuries.63 For example, in P.Oxy. XVII 2156 [160] the sender informs the recipient of the following: “receive through the one delivering my letter the skin of parchments in 25 tetradia to the value of 14 . . . (?) talents of silver” (ll. 7–11, κόμισαι διὰ τοῦ ἀναδιδοῦντός σοι ταῦτά μου τὰ γράμματα τὴν διφθέραν [τ]ῶν μεμβρανῶν ἐν τετραδίοις εἰκ[οσ]ιπέντε τιμῆς ἀργυρίου (ταλάντων) ιδ).64 By way of comparison, a roll of papyrus at roughly the same time the letter [i.e., P.Oxy. XVII 2156] was sent could be bought for between three and six talents.65 It therefore seems that the evidence of PSI III 208, as well as PSI IX 1041, suggest that the parchment on which these letters were written were leftover scraps from the production of codices and that Sotas may well have been involved in the production of Christian texts at Oxyrhynchus. As A. M. Luijendijk has pointed out, “Behind a material detail—these two seemingly insignificant parchment scraps [PSI III 208 and PSI IX 1041]—I behold the contours of a Christian scriptorium at Oxyrhynchus.”66 Furthermore, it is interesting to note that, at roughly the same time these letters were written, fragments from Christian parchment codices begin to appear in the remains from Oxyrhynchus.67 Aside from the material upon which this letter was written, it is essentially no different from P.Alex. 29 [130]. Though it is addressed to an individual named Peter (l. 2), the opening address is identical, and generally the very same structure and phraseology are employed throughout. The main exception is that, in P.Alex. 29, Sotas entreats the addressee that he receive the A search on the LDAB reveals that at Oxyrhynchus parchment appears to have been used most in the fourth and fifth centuries based on a survey of extant fragments. Statistics for literary parchment remains at Oxyrhynchus are as follows: I Cent. 1; II Cent. 4; III Cent. 10; IV Cent. 40; V Cent. 39; VI Cent. 14; VII Cent. 5. 64 For an explanation of this quantity, see [160] n. 9–11. 65 SB XIV 11593 (= SPP XX 81; ca. 338–341) 3 T. 2000 dr./roll; P.Panop. 19 ix (342) 6 T. 4000 dr./roll. For other monetary comparisons, see R. S. Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt (Chico, Calif., 1985), 61–72. See also H.-J. Drexhage, Preise, Mieten/Pachten: Kosten und Löhne im römischen Ägypten (St. Katharinen, 1991), 384–89; cf. T. C. Skeat, “Was Papyrus Regarded as ‘Cheap’ or ‘Expensive’ in the Ancient World,” Aeg 75 (1995): 75–93; idem, “Length of the Standard Papyrus-Roll and the Cost Advantage of the Codex,” ZPE 45 (1982): 169–75. C. Kotsifou (“Books and Book Production in the Monastic Communities of Byzantine Egypt,” in The Early Christian Book, ed. W. E. Klingshirm and L. Safran [Washington, D.C., 2007], 61 n. 47) argues that the cost for parchment given in P.Oxy. XVII 2156 is quite high: “In the fourth century A.D. in Oxyrhynchus one could rent half a house for a year for the same price.” 66 Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 150–51; cf. Blumell, Lettered Christians, 178–81. 67 P.Oxy. XV 1828, Shepherd of Hermas (III) [66]; P.Oxy. VI 847, John 2:11-22 (III/IV) [27]; P.Oxy. XV 1783, Shepherd of Hermas (III/IV) [67]; P.Oxy. LXVI 4500, Rev 11:15-18 (III/IV) [38]; PSI I 5, Jas 1:25-27 (IV/V) [45]; P.Oxy. VIII 1080, Rev 3:19–4:3 (IV/V) [46]. 63

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recommended party “in peace” (l. 8, ἐν εἰρήνῃ), whereas in the present letter he asks that they are received “according to custom” (l. 6, κατὰ τὸ ἔθος). While the hand of this letter is different from P.Alex. 29, this can readily be explained by the use of a scribe or secretary. The hand of this letter is rather angular and sharp with a subtle rightward slant; the writer uses a number of ligatures and abbreviates the final nu of words at the end of the line with a supralinear stroke (l. 10). The nomina sacra (ll. 1, 12) are regular, and the postscript is marked off by a line break and eisthesis. Flesh Side

5

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χ̣α̣ ῖρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ ἀγαπητὲ [ἄδ]ελφε Πέτρε, Σώτ̣ [ας] [σ]ε προσαγορεύω. τ̣ὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν Ἡ ρ̣ ακλῆν παράδεξαι [κ]ατὰ τὸ ἔθος, δι᾽ οὗ σὲ κ α̣ ὶ τοὺς σὺν σοὶ πάντ̣ας ἀδελφοὺς ἐγὼ κ̣ αὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμοὶ προσαγορεύομε(ν). (vac.) ἐρρσῶθαι σε ἐν θ(ε)ῷ εὔχομαι. __________ 1. pap. κ ω  . 10. pap. προσαγορευομε̅. 12. pap. θ ω.

Translation Greetings in the Lord, beloved brother Peter, I, Sotas, salute you. Receive, according to custom, (l. 5) our brother Heracles through whom I and the ones with me salute you and all the brethren with you. Farewell, I pray for you in God. 1 1–2 2

χαῖρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. See 130 n. 1. ἀγαπητὲ [ἄδ]ελφε. See 130 n. 2. Πέτρε. Vocative of Peter (Πέτρος). This name is Greek and is directly derived from the noun πέτρος that means “rock” or “stone.” This name is basically unattested in the papyri before the rise of Christianity in Egypt. At Oxyrhynchus there are only two other third-century attestations of the name: P.Oxy. X 1254.26 (November 27, 260), Publication of Appointments: Αὐρήλιον Πέτρον ἐγ’ (l.  ἐκ) μητρὸς Ταύριος (“Aurelius Peter, whose mother is Taurius”); P.Oxy. XXII 2338.2.60 (ca. 289), List of Poets, Trumpeters and Heralds: Ἀπολλώνιος Πέτρου κῆρυξ (“Apollonius, son of Peter, a herald”). Concerning third-century Christian onomastics in Egypt there is an interesting statement by Dionysius of Alexandria, patriarch of Alexandria ca. 247–265, that the faithful were in the

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus habit of naming their children after the apostles: “I [Dionysius] hold that there have been many persons of the same name as John the apostle, for out of love for him, admiring and emulating him, and desirous of being loved by the Lord even as he was many assumed the same name; even as the children of the faithful are often called after Paul and also after Peter” (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.25.14). It is therefore interesting that at about the same time this statement was made distinctive Christian names like Peter begin to appear in the papyrological record. τ̣ὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν. See 130 n. 5. Ἡ̣ρακλῆν. The name Heracles (Ἡρακλῆς) is Greek and was a fairly popular name in the papyri. At Oxyrhynchus there was a district named after Heracles: P.Oxy. XLVI 3276 (61/62); P.Oxy. XL 2912 (III); SB XVI 12588 (II/III); cf. Whitehorne, “The Pagan Cults of Roman Oxyrhynchus,” 3069. [κ]ατὰ τὸ ἔθος. Given the general meaning of this phrase it appears in a number of different contexts in the papyri when precedent is being invoked. In Christian letters of recommendation it occurs on two other occasions: SB X 10255.7 (III/IV); SB III 7269.7 (IV/V). Unlike ἐν εἰρήνῃ (130 n. 8), however, there is no indication that the phrase had a technical meaning since it has no discernible history in Christian literary texts. It seems, then, that it simply meant that the recommended party ought to be received with the proper reception as befitting their status. It is worth pointing out that in 1 Clem. 1:2 related phraseology is employed as the author of this letter praises the Corinthian Christians since they were in the “custom” (ἦθος) of bestowing hospitality on guests: καὶ τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς τῆς φιλοξενίας ὑμῶν ἦθος οὐκ ἐκήρυξεν; (“Who did not proclaim the magnificent custom of your hospitality?”).

Date: Mid- to Late III

132 PSI IX 1041 Sotas to Paul 10.0 × 6.3 cm TM no. 30662

Material: Parchment

Published: G. Vitelli and M. Norsa, Papiri greci e latini IX (Florence, 1929), 74–75 (no. 1041); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 153–55 (no. 29); C.-H. Kim, Form and Structure of the Familiar Greek Letter of Recommendation (Missoula, Mont., 1972), 226 (no. 71); R. Burnet, L’Egypte ancienne à travers les papyrus: Vie quotidienne (Paris, 2003), 87 (no. 34); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 84–85; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 116. Related or Similar Papyri: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; P.Oxy. XII 1492 [134]. Related Literature: J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 149; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 267, 272–74; H. Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und

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Phraseologie des griechischen Briefes bis 400 n. Chr. (Helsinki, 1956), 164– 65; M. Naldini, Documenti dell’antichità cristiana: Papiri e pergamene greco-egizie della Raccolta Fiorentina (Florence, 1965), 35–36 (no. 45); J. van Haelst, “Les sources papyrologiques concernant l’Église en Égypte à l’epoque de Constantin,” PapCongr. XII (1970): 498; K. Treu, “Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” in Zetesis: Album Amicorum Door Vrienden en Collega’s Aangeboden Aan Prof. Dr. E. de Strycker Ter Gelegenheid Van Zijn 65e Verjaardag (Antwerp, 1973), 629–36; J. O’Callaghan, El cristianismo popular en el antiguo Egipto (Madrid, 1975), 105; E. A. Judge, “The Earliest Use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 81; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 103; M. Naldini, “In margine alle ‘lettere cristiane’ nei papiri,” CClCr 2 (1981): 174–75; M. G. Sirivianou (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LVI (London, 1989), 112–14; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 282; A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (Rome, 1996), 172 n. 219, 706 n. 256; M. Naldini, “Egitto cristiano: Testimonianze papirologiche,” in L’Egitto cristiano: Aspetti e problemi in età tardo-antica, ed. A. Camplani (Rome, 1997), 285; T. M. Teeter, “Letters of Recommendation or Letters of Peace,” PapCongr. XXI (1997): 960; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 45; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 157; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 81–112; A.  M. Nobbs, “Some Duties and Responsibilities of a Bishop(?) in Late Antique Egypt,” in Religion and Retributive Logic: Essays in Honor of Professor Garry W. Trompf, ed. C. M. Cusack and C. Hartney (Leiden, 2010), 159–64; L. H. Blumell, “Christians on the Move in Late Antique Oxyrhynchus,” in Travel and Religion in Antiquity, ed. P. A. Harland (Waterloo, 2011), 244–45; Blumell, Lettered Christians, 113–17, 178–80, 200; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 483. Genre: Letter of Recommendation. Introduction As with PSI III 208 [131], this letter is also written on parchment; whereas the former letter was written on the flesh side of the parchment, this text was written on the hair side. For the use of parchment instead of papyrus as a medium for letters, see “Introduction” in [131]. While this letter was sent by Sotas, the hand of the letter differs from both P.Alex. 29 [130] and PSI III 208 [131]. Overall the hand of this letter is practiced and very legible even though the writer does at times write with a more rapid hand that has many ligatures. The

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beginning of the prescript is marked off by ekthesis in l. 1, and the body of the letter is also marked off by ekthesis in l. 4; on the other hand, the postscript that begins in l. 15 is marked off by eisthesis. It therefore seems that the writer of this letter, which could have been Sotas himself or a secretary or scribe, especially strove for legibility. As with PSI III 208, this letter is dated to the mid- to late third century on paleographic grounds. While this letter represents yet another letter of recommendation from Sotas and shares many of the same features of his previous letters of recommendation in terms of structure, phraseology, and terminology, it is longer since it recommends a group of six individuals. What is especially interesting is that Sotas specifies that five members of the recommended party are “catechumens of the ones gathered” (ll. 8–9, καθηχουμένους τῶν συναγομένων)—that is, catechumens belonging to Sotas’ flock—and that the other remaining individual is a “catechumen in the beginning of the gospel” (ll. 10–11, καθηχούμενον ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου). The references to the catechumenate are significant for a couple of reasons: (1) this is the earliest attestation of the catechumenate at Oxyrhynchus and one of the earliest attestations in the papyri; and (2) the letter seems to confirm Origen’s observation in Contra Celsum 3.51 that there were, broadly speaking, two classes of catechumens—more advanced catechumens and true beginners or novitiates (see n. 8–9, 10–11). From another perspective the references to catechumens are intriguing because they afford a brief glimpse into the Christianization of Egypt in the third century. Hair Side

5

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15

χαῖρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ ἀγαπητὲ ἄδελφε Παῦλε, Σώτας σε προσαγορ(εύω). τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἡμῶν Ἥρωνα καὶ Ὡρίωνα καὶ Φιλάδελφον καὶ Πεκῦσιν καὶ Νααρωοῦν καθηχουμένους τῶν συναγομένων καὶ Λέωνα καθηχούμενον ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου πρόσδεξαι ὡς καθήκε [̣ ι]· δι’ ὧν σὲ καὶ τοὺς σὺν σοὶ ἐγὼ καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμο̣ ὶ προσαγορεύω. ἐρρῶσθαι σε εὔχομαι ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ, ἀγαπητὲ ἄδε λ̣ ̣(φε).

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Flesh Side Illegible traces of writing (address?) __________ 1. pap. κ ω  . 3. pap. προσαγορ. 8. l. κατηχουμένους. 10. l. κατηχούμενον. 16. pap. κω  .

Translation Greetings in the Lord, beloved brother Paul, I, Sotas, salute you. Receive as is fitting our brothers (l. 5) Heron and Horion and Philadelphus and Pekysis and Naäroous, who are catechumens of the ones gathered, and (l. 10) Leon who is a catechumen in the beginning of the gospel. Through these ones I and those who are with me salute you and those who are with you. (l. 15) Farewell, I pray for you in the Lord beloved brother. 1 1–2 2

4 5–7

8–9

ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. See 130 n. 1. ἀγαπητὲ ἄδελφε. See 130 n. 2. Παῦλε. Vocative of Paul (Παῦλος). This name is Latin and is derived from the adjective paulus, -a, -um or “small.” Though this name is better attested than is the name Peter (131 n. 2) in the early papyri, on the whole it is rarely attested in the papyri prior to the rise of Christianity in Egypt. In documents from Oxyrhynchus the name could be first attested in P.Ryl. IV 593.4 (August 6, 35 BCE), although the reading is uncertain: Π̣ [αύ]λ̣ ου̣ . The name then occurs in P.Oxy. II 335 (ca. 85), a document that concerns the sale of a sixth part of a house. In this document a person by the name of Paul sells the property to a man by the name of Nikaias Silvanus son of Psoubius. Perhaps what is most interesting about this text is that Paul appears to be identified as a Jew. The house is reportedly located in the “Jewish quarter” (l. 8, ἐπ’ ἀμφόδ(ου) Ἰ̣ουδαϊ̣κ̣(ῆς)) of the city and the document goes on to state that it was sold by the “Jews of the city of Oxyrhynchus” (l. 4, τῶν ἀπ’ Ὀξ(υρύγχων) πόλ(εως) Ἰουδ̣ αίων). Over the course of the next couple of centuries the name occurs occasionally in documents from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. XII 1547.20 ( January 23, 119); P.Oxy. XLII 3037.11 (March 4, 198); P.Oxy. LXV 4485.2 (II); P.Oxy. XXII 2338.2.54 (ca. 289). In light of Dionysius of Alexandria’s remarks regarding Christian onomastic practices in mid-third-century Egypt (131 n. 2), the appearance of the name Paul in this letter is all the more interesting. τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἡμῶν. See 130 n. 5. Ἥρωνα καὶ Ὡρίωνα καὶ Φιλάδελφον καὶ Πεκῦσιν καὶ Νααρωοῦν. The name Heron (Ἥρων) is etymologically derived from a horse god from Thrace and was quite common in Egypt in the first few centuries. See J. Quaegebeur, Le dieu égyptien shaï: Dans la religion et l’onomastique (Leuven, 1975), 265–66; cf. NB Dem. p. 12. Horion (Ὡρίων) is the diminutive form of Horus (Ὧρος) and was also a fairly common name. While the name Philadelphus (Φιλάδελφος), which is Greek and has the meaning of “loving one’s brother,” carries Christian overtones, it was a very popular one in Egypt (due to the Ptolemies) prior to the rise of Christianity. While the name Pekysis (Πεκῦσις) is Egyptian it is an ethnic name that literally means “the Nubian.” See Bagnall, “Practical Help,” 192; cf. NB Dem. p. 160. The name Naäroous (Νααρώους) is etymologically Egyptian and is derived from the name Ἰναρωυς (NB Dem. p. 72); as it is presently spelled (Νααρώους) it also occurs in two other documents from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. LXVI 4533.2 (75–125); P.Oxy. XIX 2240.2.25, 32 (after April 14, 211). καθηχουμένους τῶν συναγομένων. On the interchange tau and theta, see Gignac 1.87;

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the same spelling is also attested in P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785.7–8 [133]. The contrast between the καθηχουμένους τῶν συναγομένων and the καθηχούμενον ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου (ll. 10–11) seems to presuppose two distinct stages in the catechumenate. According to Origen (Cels. 3.51): But as far as they can, Christians previously examine the souls of those who want to hear them, and test them individually beforehand; when before entering the community the hearers seem to have devoted themselves sufficiently to the desire to live a good life, then they introduce them. They privately appoint one class consisting of recent beginners who are receiving elementary instruction and have not yet received the sign that they have been purified, and another class of those who, as far as they are able, make it their set purpose to desire nothing other than those things of which Christians approve. Among the latter class some are appointed to inquire into the lives and conduct of those who want to join the community order that they may prevent those who indulge in trickery from coming to their common gathering; those who do not do this they whole-heartedly receive, and make them better every day. (Trans. taken from H. Chadwick [ed. and trans.], Origen: Contra Celsum [Cambridge, 1965], 163. Similarly, Canon 14 of the Council of Nicaea presupposes two distinct groups of catechumens. See also Blumell, Lettered Christians, 200–201; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 115–19. 10–11 Λέωνα καθηχούμενον ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου. The name Leon (Λέων) is Greek and is the name for “Lion.” The name was associated with bravery and courage. It seems that whereas the other five catechumens mentioned in the letter were somewhat advanced in catechesis that Leon was just beginning the process. However, it might be possible that the reference to the “beginning of the Gospel” (ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου) could potentially refer to the incipit of the Gospel of Mark (cf. P.Oxy. LXXVI 5073 [92]) and that Leon was studying this Gospel (cf. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 116–17). While this latter interpretation is probably a little forced, and it is best to take ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου in a straightforward way to mean that Leon was just beginning his Christian education, the phraseological parallel is intriguing; cf. Phil 4:15: οἴδατε δὲ καὶ ὑμεῖς, Φιλιππήσιοι, ὅτι ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου . . . (“You Philippians indeed know that in the early days of the gospel . . .”). 12 ὡς καθήκε̣[ι]. Given the general nature of this phrase, it appears in a number of different contexts in the papyri. But it does not appear in any other Christian letter in the papyri and there is no indication that it had some technical Christian meaning, as the phrase is not attested with any regularity in Christian literary sources. It only occurs in one other Christian letter, Ep. 283.7 of Nilus of Ancrya (d. 430?), but here it is not employed in the context of epistolary recommendation. It seems most likely, then, that as with the phrase κατὰ τὸ ἔθος (131 n. 6), it was simply used by Sotas to remind the receiving party that the recommended individuals should receive a proper reception befitting their status.

133 P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 Elders of Herakleopolis to Papa Sotas 13.5 × 8.0 cm TM no. 32644 Date: Mid- to Late III Material: Papyrus Published: R. A. Coles, D. Foraboschi, A. H. Soliman el-Mosallamy, J. R. Rea, U. Schlag et al.  (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXVI (London,

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1970), 83–84 (no. 2785); G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 191 (no. 31); A.  M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 86; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 115. Related or Similar Papyri: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XII 1492 [134]. Related Literature: K. Treu, “Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” in Zetesis: Album Amicorum Door Vrienden en Collega’s Aangeboden Aan Prof. Dr. E. de Strycker Ter Gelegenheid Van Zijn 65e Verjaardag (Antwerp, 1973), 629–36; E. A. Judge, “The Earliest Use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 81; Tibiletti, Le lettere private, 103; S. K. Stowers, Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia, 1986), 157–58; M. G. Sirivianou (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LVI (London, 1989), 112–14; S. R. Llewelyn, “ΣΔ, a Christian Isopsephism?” ZPE 109 (1995) 125–27; A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (Rome, 1996), 652– 53, 706; T. M. Teeter, “Letters of Recommendation or Letters of Peace,” PapCongr. XXI (1997): 960; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (2nd rev. ed.; Florence, 1998), 422; M. Naldini, “Nuovi contributi nelle lettere cristiane su papiro dei primi quattro secoli,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1017–18; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 45; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 122, 167; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 81–112; A. M. Nobbs, “Some Duties and Responsibilities of a Bishop(?) in Late Antique Egypt,” in Religion and Retributive Logic: Essays in Honor of Professor Garry W. Trompf, ed. C. M. Cusack and C. Hartney (Leiden, 2010), 159–64; L. H. Blumell, “Christians on the Move in Late Antique Oxyrhynchus,” in Travel and Religion in Antiquity, ed. P. A. Harland (Waterloo, 2011), 244–45; Blumell, Lettered Christians, 113–17, 178–80, 200; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 483; R. Choy, “Seeking Meaning behind Epistolary Clichés: Intercessory Prayer Clauses in Christian Letters,” in The Church and Literature, ed. P. Clarke and C. Methuen (Rochester, 2012), 3. Genre: Letter of Recommendation. Introduction Unlike the three previous letters of recommendation, which were all issued by Sotas, this letter was issued by the presbyters of Herakleopolis to Sotas to recommend two individuals, a woman named Taion and a catechumen named

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Anos. The letter is written in a single hand on the front of a fully intact papyrus that has three vertical folds; there is no writing on the back. The hand of the text is proficient but also quite rapid as the handwriting has a number of ligatures. In the ed. pr., the letter is dated to the fourth century, but the editor gives absolutely no paleographic justification for this date and never addresses a single dating issue in the edition. In G. Tibiletti’s subsequent edition, he simply repeats the dating given in the ed. pr. without offering any additional paleographic assessment. While A. M. Luijendijk does not address the paleography of this particular letter and the bearing it may have on its date, she makes a compelling case that it belongs to the Sotas dossier; since the other letters in this collection date to the mid- to late third century, the same date should be applied to the present letter. It is worth noting that even though this letter of recommendation was written to Sotas it shares a number of very specific parallels with his letters of recommendation: (1) it begins with χαῖρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ ἀγαπητὲ followed by the name of the sender, who then salutes the addressee using σε προσαγορεύω; (2) after the opening address, the recommending parties are introduced, and pertinent information is given—in the case of Taion it asks that she be received “in peace” (ll.  6–7, ἐν εἰρήνῃ), and in the case of the catechumen Anos that he be received “for edification” (l.  9, εἰς οἰκοδομήν); (3) the body of the letter concludes with the presbyters sending additional greetings to the receiving party (προσαγορεύω) via the recommended individuals; (4) the valediction brings the letter to an end with the formula ἐρρῶσθαί σε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ εὐχόμεθα, ἀγαπητὲ N.N. These parallels suggest either that there was a general template followed for Christian letters of recommendation in Egypt at this time or that Sotas or the presbyters of Herakleopolis were aware of each other’s letters of recommendation and consciously imitated each other.

→ 5

10

χαῖρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ ἀγαπητὲ πάπα Σώτα πρεσβ(ύτεροι) Ἡρακλέους πολλά σε προσαγορεύομεν· τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἡμῶν Ταΐωνα παραγινομένην πρὸς σὲ παράδεξε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, καὶ Ἄνον̣ καθηχούμενον ἐν τῇ Γενέσει, εἰς οἰκοδομὴν παράδεξε, δι’ ὧν σε καὶ τοὺς παρὰ σοὶ ἀδελφοὺς ἡμεῖς καὶ οἱ σὺν ἡμ{ε}ῖν προσαγορεύομεν· ἐρρῶσθαί σε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ

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εὐχόμεθα, ἀγαπητὲ πάπα. σδ.

15

__________ 1. pap. κω  . 2. pap. πρεσβ. 5. pap. ταϊωνα. 6. l.  παράδεξαι. 7–8. l.  κατηχούμενον. 9–10. l. παράδεξαι. 13. pap. κω  . 15. pap. σ δ .

Translation Greetings in the Lord, beloved Papa Sotas, we, elders of Herakleopolis, give you many greetings. Receive in peace our sister (l. 5) Taion who comes to you, and receive for edification Anos, who is being instructed in Genesis. (l.  10) Through them we and our companions greet you and the brethren with you. Farewell, we pray for your health in the Lord, beloved (l. 15) Papa, 204. 1 1–2

2

ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. See 130 n. 1. ἀγαπητὲ πάπα Σώτα. Cf. ll. 14–15. On the use of the adjective ἀγαπητός, -ή, -όν, see 130 n. 2. The use of the title πάπα, “father” or lit. “papa,” is very interesting as this term could refer to priests, presbyters, or even to bishops. See T. Derda and E. Wipszycka, “L’emploi des titres abba, apa et papas dans l’Égypte byzantine,” JJP 24 (1994): 23–27; Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle, 652–53. While it has been traditionally thought that the reference to πάπα only meant that Sotas was a priest, more recently Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 95–102) has made a compelling case that πάπα should be taken in this instance to mean “bishop,” and that Sotas was an early bishop of Oxyrhynchus. Among other things Luijendijk specifically pointed out (p. 100) that it is presbyters who are addressing Sotas as “papa,” which shows his seniority in rank, and must indicate that he was a bishop. Since the publication of A. M. Luijendijk’s work, her suspicion about papa Sotas has been confirmed. In a recently discovered Ethiopic ms that dates to the Aksumite age (IV–VII) and contains fragments of some thirty-six different treatises (see A. Bausi, “La collezione aksumita canonico-liturgica,” Adamantius 12 [2006]: 54–70, who provides an annotated list of the different documents), it contains a work that has come to be identified as the History of the Alexandrian Patriarchate (not to be confused with either the Coptic History of the Church or the Arabic History of the Patriarchs). This document is especially important because it renders accounts of various early Alexandrian patriarchs that were previously unknown. For the episcopates of Maximus (ca. 262–282), Theonas (ca. 282– 300) and Peter I (ca. 300–311) the document is particularly insightful since it reports that under these patriarchs a number of bishops were ordained in the chora. Remarkably, under the episcopate of Theonas it is specifically reported that he ordained a man by the name of Sotas as bishop of Oxyrhynchus! Though this text is being currently edited by A. Camplani and A. Bausi and is not yet published, Camplani has informed the authors that Sotas is mentioned in this treatise as being ordained bishop of Oxyrhynchus by Theonas. πρεσβ(ύτεροι) Ἡρακλέους. In the ed. pr. it reads: πρεσβ(ύτερε). For the present reading, see K. Treu, “Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” 634–35. In the papyri the term πρεσβύτερος appears in a wide variety of contexts and can have a number of different meanings, both secular and religious, and can also carry the straightforward meaning of “the elder” as opposed to “the younger.” See Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 60–67; G. Schmelz, Kirchliche Amtsträger im spätantiken Ägypten (Munich/ Leipzig, 2002), 172–83. Context is therefore of utmost importance in determining which

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus connotation is being implied by the use of the term. Since the letter is clearly Christian and the senders are recommending individuals to another church, πρεσβύτεροι must be understood here as members of the Christian ministry. Nevertheless, there is still some uncertainty about its exact meaning. According to Lampe (s.v. πρεσβύτερος, pp. 1129– 30) early Christian writers used the term πρεσβύτερος to refer to: “venerable men, one respected on account of age, or authority in the church, and may be applied to an apostle, a member of the college of ἐπίσκοποι, a ‘monarchical bishop,’ a teacher, an early witness to eccl. tradition, or any respected member of the church.” Herakleopolis (Ἡρακλέους Πόλις) was the metropolis of the Herakleopolite nome bordering the Oxyrhynchite nome on the north. The distance from Herakleopolis to Oxyrhynchus was about 67 km. See R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 335. Given the relatively close proximity of this city with Oxyrhynchus there is much evidence for contact and correspondence between these two centers. See Blumell, Lettered Christians, 128–30. τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἡμῶν. See 130 n. 5. Ταΐωνα. Taion (Ταΐων) is a female Egyptian name. Outside of the present text this name is only attested on four other occasions: SB XVIII 13858.2 (211–21; Herakleopolite); PSI III 162.20 (March 1–August 28, 286; Oxyrhynchus); P.Cair.Isid. 6.6.90 (300–305; Karanis); SB X 10728.6 (318; Oxyrhynchus). Since she is referred to as “our sister” (l. 4, τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἡμῶν) and the presbyters ask that she be received “in peace” (ll. 6–7, ἐν εἰρήνῃ) it may be assumed that she was a baptized Christian. ἐν εἰρήνῃ. See 130 n. 8. Ἄνον̣ καθηχούμενον ἐν τῇ Γενέσει. In the ed. pr. it reads: ἄν(θρωπ)ον̣. For the present reading, see BL 11.164; cf. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle, 706 n. 256. The confusion between ἄν(θρωπ)ον̣ and Ἄνον̣ partially arose from the fact that the writer of the letter left extra space before and after the name and as well as the fact that Ἄνος is an otherwise unattested name. In P.Oxy. IV 732.1 ( January 22, 150) the name Ἄν(ω) (?), which could be Ἄνος, is attested but since it is abbreviated it is less than certain. On the other hand, Ἄννος, with a double nu, is otherwise attested and it may be possible that this name was intended here. Though it is ultimately unanswerable, it may be wondered whether this traveling pair were husband and wife, and that Anos had gradually come over to Christianity via his wife Taion. For evidence of early Christian “interfaith marriages” where the wife was a Christian and the husband was a non-Christian, see 1 Cor 7:13; Justin, 2 Apol. 2; Jerome, Ep. 107.1. The reference to καθηχούμενον ἐν τῇ Γενέσει should probably be taken to mean that Anos was in the first stages of catechesis much like Leon in PSI IX 1041.10–11 [132] who was identified as a καθηχούμενον ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου. According to Egeria catechetical instruction began with the book of Genesis: “. . . during the forty days he [the bishop] goes through the whole Bible, beginning with Genesis, and first relating the literal meaning of each passage, then interpreting its spiritual meaning. He also teaches them at this time all about the resurrection and the faith” (Itin. Eger. 46.2). Translation taken from J. Wilkinson (trans. and ed.), Egeria’s Travels: Translated with Supporting Documents and Notes (Oxford, 1971), 162. Similarly, Augustine reports that catechesis should begin with the first verse of Genesis and conclude with the present times of the church and focus specifically on familiarizing the baptismal candidate with how the OT points to Christ and his church and how the NT establishes the moral standards by which Christians are to regulate their lives (Catech. 3.5; 4.8; 7.11; 8.12). As an aside, it may be pointed out here that in the Jewish tradition it was customary to begin the elementary “catechetical” instruction, for lack of a better term, with Leviticus whereas a detailed study of the first chapters of

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15

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Genesis (as well as portions of Ezekiel) were to be reserved for a later stage of learning since it sometimes included esoteric or even mystical exposition (m. Ḥ ag. 2:1). εἰς οἰκοδομὴν παράδεξε. While the typical meaning of οἰκοδομή is “edifice” or “building” it can also mean “edification,” as is the case here: cf. Pol. Phil. 13.2: πᾶσαν οἰκοδομὴν τὴν εἰς τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν ἀνήκουσαν (“all things that tend to edification in our Lord”); Apos. Cons. 8.16.3: πρὸς οἰκοδομὴν τοῦ λαοῦ σου (“for edification of your people”). σδ. pap. σ δ. The most likely interpretation of the sigma delta combination with a supralinear stroke is that it is functioning as an isopsephism (on this phenomena, see 139 n. 34) that equals 204 (σ = 200 + δ = 4). While this numeric combination is unattested and it is unclear what word or phrase is being surreptitiously referred to, one fairly convincing proposal is that it is the word εἰρηνικά (“peace”) since its numerals also add up to 204: Llewelyn, “ΣΔ, a Christian Isopsephism?” 125–27; NewDocs 8 (1998): 172. Alternatively, it has been argued that σδ represents the registration number of the letter (G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C., 191), but this proposal is less likely and it is probably best to regard the sigma delta combination as an isopsephy. Treu (“Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” 634) has argued that isopsephisms commonly occur in Christian letters of recommendation as a way of esoteric legitimization, in particular cases where the sender and addressee were unknown to each other in order to add credibility to the recommendation. Christian isopsephisms occur in the following other letters from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. XXXI 2601.34 [139]; P.Oxy. VIII 1162.15 [149]; P.Oxy. LVI 3857.3 [150]; P.Oxy. LVI 3862.1 (V).

134 P.Oxy. XII 1492 Sotas to His Holy Son Demetrianus 22.6 × 10.3 cm TM no. 31748 Date: Mid- to Late III Material: Papyrus Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XII (London, 1916), 249–50 (no. 1492); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 123–28 (no. 12); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924),  2:385–86; G. Bovini, La proprietà ecclesiastica e la condizione giuridica della chiesa in età preconstantiniana (Milan, 1948), 128–30; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 156–58 (no. 30); L. M. White, Social Origins of Christian Architecture (Valley Forge, 1997), 2:162–64 (no. 44); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 126–27. Related or Similar Papyri: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]. Related Literature: G. Ghedini, “Ο ΤΟΠΟΣ nel P.Oxy. 1492,” Aeg 2 (1921): 337–38; H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2784.12; J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 148; H. A.

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Steen, “Les clichés épistolaires dans les lettres sur papyrus grecs,” C&M 1 (1938): 156; H. I. Bell, “Evidences of Christianity in Egypt during the Roman Period,” HTR 37 (1944): 196; B. R. Rees, “Popular Religion in Graeco-Roman Egypt: II. The Transition to Christianity,” JEA 36 (1950): 97; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 267, 272–73; H. Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefes bis 400 n. Chr. (Helsinki, 1956), 150; J. van Haelst, “Les sources papyrologiques concernant l’Église en Égypte à l’epoque de Constantin,” PapCongr. XII (1970): 501; E. Wipszycka, Les resources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypte du IVe au VIIIe siècle (Brussels, 1972), 29; E. Wipszycka, “Remarques sur les lettres privées des IIe–IVe siècles: (A propos d’un livre de M. Naldini),” JJP 18 (1974): 212–13; J. P. Thomas, Private Religious Foundations in the Byzantine Empire (Washington, D.C., 1987), 11; A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (Rome, 1996), 714 n. 287; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 156; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 125–36; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 483. Introduction This letter is written with a single hand on the front of a papyrus that contains at least one vertical fold down the center of the papyrus. While much of the top right margin is missing, some of this section can still be reconstructed. For the most part, the hand is clear and legible and shares affinities with the hand of PSI IX 1041 [132], so many in fact that A. M. Luijendijk wonders whether both letters were written by the same individual.68 Reinforcing the thesis that the same writer may have written both letters is the fact that they share the same general layout; in the present letter, the beginning of the prescript is marked off by ekthesis in l. 1 as well as the first line of the body of the letter in l. 4, although it is not as pronounced. Likewise, the postscript is marked off in ll. 18–20 by eisthesis. These very same features are all present in PSI IX 1041. Unlike the previous letters in the dossier of Sotas, which are all letters of recommendation, the present letter concerns a request made by Sotas to the addressee, a certain Demetrianus, who is addressed as a “holy son” (ll. 1, 21). After a few prefatory remarks, wherein Sotas mentions “our common salvation” (ll. 5–6, τὸ κο̣ι[̣ νὸν] σωτήριον ἡμῶν) and “divine providence” (l. 8, θείᾳ προνοίᾳ), he proceeds to entreat Demetrianus to donate an “aroura to the place” (ll. 10–11, τὴν ἄ̣ρ[ο]υ̣ ραν τῷ τόπῳ) and prefaces the request by citing “ancient custom” (ll. 9–10, π̣ α̣λ̣[αιὸν] ἔθος). Though the language is somewhat 68

Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 126.

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vague, the implication is that “the place” could be taken to refer to a church or perhaps church property detached from the church. If such is the case, it would be significant since it would reveal that already by the mid- to late third century the church at Oxyrhynchus had become a property-owning institution. At present the only other early reference to the church as a physical place can be found in P.Oxy. I 43V [113] from the late third or early fourth century (cf. P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673 [114]). Following the request, Sotas concludes the letter by stating that regardless of Demetrianus’ decision regarding the donation of land he ought to be of “good cheer,” and ends by saluting the household of Demetrianus.

→ χα[ῖ]ρε, ἱερ[ὲ ὑιὲ] 5

10

15

20

Δημητρι[ανέ. Σώτας] σε πρ[οσαγορεύω.] τὸ κοινὸν . . [. . . . . .] ε̣ὔδ̣ ηλον καὶ τὸ κο̣ι [̣ νὸν] σωτήριον ἡμῶν [. . .] ταῦτα γάρ ἐστιν τὰ ̣ ἐ[ν τῇ] θείᾳ προνοίᾳ. εἰ οὖν ἔκρ{ε}ινας κατὰ τὸ π̣ α̣ λ̣ [αιὸν] ἔθος δοῦναι τὴν ἄ ρ̣ [ο]υ̣ραν τῷ τόπῳ, ποίησον αὐτὴν ἀφωρισθῆναι ἵνα χρήσωνται, κ[α]ὶ ὡς ἐὰν κρ{ε}ίνῃς περὶ τοῦ ἔ [̣ ρ]γ̣[ου] θάρρει. πάντας τ[ο]ὺ̣[ς] ἐν τῷ οἴκῳ σου ἅπα̣ ντ̣ ̣ [ας] προσαγόρευε. ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμας εὔχομαι τῷ θεῷ διὰ παντὸς καὶ ἐν παντί.

Verso τῷ ἱερῷ υ[ἱ]ῷ μ[ο]υ Δημητριανῷ π(αρὰ) Σώ̣του. __________ 1. pap. ϊερ. 12. l. ἀφορισθῆναι. 13. pap. ϊνα. 18. pap. ϋμας. 21. pap. ϊερω; pap. π.

Translation Greetings, holy son Demetrianus, I, Sotas, salute you. (l. 5) Our common . . . is clear and our common salvation . . . ; for these are the things included in divine providence. And so if you have decided, according to the ancient (l. 10) custom, to give the aroura to the place, make it separated so that they may use it. But

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however you should decide concerning the work, (l. 15) be of good cheer. Salute all those who are in your house. Farewell, I pray to God for you continually (l. 20) and on every occasion. (verso) To my holy son Demetrianus from Sotas. 1–2

ἱερ[ὲ ὑιὲ] Δημητρι[ανέ]. The address on the back of the letter (l. 21, τῷ ἱερῷ υ[ἱ]ῷ μ[ο]υ Δημητριανῷ) enables the reconstruction of l. 1. The name Demetrianus (Δημητριανός) is a Latin name that is rather uncommon as it is currently attested less than 40 times in the papyri. In texts from Oxyrhynchus the name occurs less than twenty times and mostly in documents from the late third and early fourth century: P.Oxy. XIV 1696.23 (May 9, 197); P.Oxy. IX 1221.1 (III/IV); P.Oxy. XXXI 2584.7 (May 25, 211); P.Oxy. XII 1552.2 (214/15); P.Oxy. XXXVI 2796.4 (ca. 275–325); P.Oxy. XII 1562.3, 6, 12, 22 (ca. 279– 282); P.Oxy. X 1260.9 ( June 12, 286); SB XVIII 13932.6 (December 31, 287); P.Oxy. XII 1503.3, 17 (288/89); P.Oxy. XIV 1642.1 (after March 19, 289); P.Vind.Sal. 7.7 (293); SB VI 9502.19 (296); P.Oxy.Hels. 26.3 ( June 13, 296); P.Oxy. XII 1571.3 (August 9, 297); P.Oxy. XII 1572.1 (May 13, 299); P.Oxy. IX 1204.4, 19, 27 (after August 19, 299); P.Oxy. XII 1590V.15 (IV); P.Oxy. XII 1542.4 (May 27, 307); P.Oxy. ΧΙΙ 1470.13, 16 (February 26–March 26, 336). Without more information it is impossible to know with any degree of certainty whether the Demetrianus mentioned in the present letter occurs in other contemporary documents from Oxyrhynchus. Though Sotas calls Demetrianus his “son,” based on the laconic nature of the reference and the lack of relevant information given in the letter it is not possible to know whether the reference should be taken literally to mean that Demetrianus is the biological son of Sotas or metaphorically because he was younger and Sotas regarded him as a kind of “spiritual” son. As with the use of the terms “brother” (ἀδελφός) or “sister” (ἀδελφή) (see 129 n. 1) it is difficult to know when such familial titulature is used in letters whether it is being employed literally or figuratively. As E. Dickey (“Literal and Extended Use of Kinship Terms in Documentary Papyri,” Mnemosyne 57 [2004]: 164) points out, “υἱός can be used for a son in any context, but for other males only when indicating a connection to the writer (or the writer’s own connection to the addressee), and then only when accompanied by a name or in the vocative case. Its extended usage is probably confined to texts of the second century AD and later and is probably restricted to younger men with a close connection to the writer.” If Sotas is employing the term metaphorically, and this is probably the case given the overall tone of the letter, it is likely that it was because Sotas was a bishop and as such was the ecclesiastical superior of Demetrianus. It is worth noting that “son” was often used by bishops to address members of their congregations as well as lower clergy, like priests and deacons (Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 75). Just because Sotas was a bishop it should not be assumed that he was celibate and therefore could not have had a biological son; episcopal celibacy was a later development, and in the third century and even into the fourth century, there is much evidence for married bishops (C. Rapp, Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity: The Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition [Berkeley, 2005], 213–14). The use of the adjective ἱερός, -ά, -όν is interesting since this epithet is hardly attested in the papyri: P.Oxy. XII 1592.7–8 [137]: τὸ ἱερόν σου [πρόσωπον (?)] (“your sacred countenance”); P.Oxy. LIV 3759.38 [117]: τῆς ἐπιούσης κυριακῆς ἱερᾶς (“the coming sacred Lord’s day”); P.Herm. 8.6 (late IV): τὸ ἱερὸν π̣ ρ̣ό̣σ̣ω̣π̣ ο̣ν̣. Typically, the word for “holy” employed in letters as a title of address is the adjective ἅγιος, -ία, -ον. The adjective ἱερός, -ά, -όν is only used once in the NT at 2 Tim 3:15 (ἱερὰ γράμματα [“sacred writings”]), although it also appears in the short ending of Mark 16:8 preserved in W and L: . . . ἱερὸν καὶ ἄφθαρτον κήρυγμα τῆς αἰωνίου σωτηρίας (“. . . the sacred and

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2 4–6

5–6

8

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imperishable proclamation of eternal salvation”). According to the TDNT 3:226, 229 it was generally avoided by Jews and Christians since it was apparently tainted with pagan cultic overtones. Among early Christian writers the adjective is used most by Origen (TDNT 3:230). On various occasions Origen referred to his friend and patron Ambrose as ἱερὲ ἀδελφὲ Ἀμβρόσιε (“holy brother Ambrose”) or ἱερὲ Ἀμβρόσιε (“holy Ambrose”) (Cels. 4.1, 7.1). The editor of the entry states (p. 230) that the use of ἱερός by Origen meant more than just “pious” and suggested that it had a special meaning whereby Origen used it for Ambrose since he was devoted to the study of the scriptures. According to Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 130), Origen may have also used the epithet since Ambrose had supported him financially and sees in this a parallel usage since in the present letter Sotas entreats Demetrianus for financial support for the church at Oxyrhynchus. [Σώτας]. The name Sotas can be confidently reconstructed in the lacuna since it appears in the address (l. 21) on the back of the papyrus. τὸ κοινὸν . . [. . . . . .] ε̣ὔ̣δηλον καὶ τὸ κο̣ι[̣ νὸν] σωτήριον ἡμῶν [. . .]. Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme, 2:386) offers the following dubious reconstruction for these lines: τὸ κοινὸν [φῶς ἡμῶν] ε̣ὔ̣δηλον καὶ τὸ κο̣ι[̣ νὸν] σωτήριον ἡμῶν [Χ(ριστό)ς] (“our common light is clear and our common salvation is Christ”). τὸ κο̣ι[̣ νὸν] σωτήριον ἡμῶν. Cf. Jude 3: περὶ τῆς κοινῆς ἡμῶν σωτηρίας (“concerning our common salvation”). Though it is somewhat difficult to determine exactly how this phrase figures in the letter owing to the surrounding lacunae, it seems perhaps that it may have functioned to buttress the proceeding request and to highlight its importance. In P.Oxy. LIX 4003, a letter dated IV/V but probably from the first half of the fifth century, a thematically similar kind of phrase is used to buttress a request that the recipient of this letter haul some stones with all haste for the construction or repair of a church. Here the sender exhorts the recipient to fulfill the request by stating: “you are acting for the sake of my soul and of yours!” (l. 31, καὶ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς καὶ τῆς σοῦ ποιεῖς). θείᾳ προνοίᾳ. This phrase does not occur in the papyri until the third century. There is only one other third-century document from Oxyrhynchus where this phrase is used: P.Oxy. XXXIII 2664.3 (ca. 245–249): [ἡ θ]ε̣ί̣α πρόνοια τῶν κυρίων ἡμῶν Σεβαστῶν (“the divine providence of our lords Augusti”). As is clear from this reference it is evident that the phrase appears in a number of different religious contexts, both Christian and non-Christian: Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 84; E. J. Epp, “The Jews and the Jewish Community in Oxyrhynchus: Socio-Religious Context for the New Testament Papyri,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Thier Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and N. Tobias (Leiden, 2006), 39. In literary sources it appears in the writings of a number of Greek authors, usually within the context of divine retribution: Euripides, Phoen. 640; Diodorus Sicilus 20.70.1; 29.18.1; Strabo 13.4.14; Dionysius of Halicarnassus 5.54.1; Cassius Dio 15.57.22; Herodian 2.9.7; 2.15.6; Iamblichus, De vita Pythagorica 28.145.12; 32.217.7. It has been argued that the phrase has a Stoic pedigree. See NewDocs 3 (1983): 143–44; Cicero, De nat. deor. 2.73 (deorum providentia mundum administrari [“the world is governed by divine providence”]). The phrase is also used by various Jewish authors: Philo, Flacc. 125; Mos. 1.162; Josephus, Ant. 5.157; 3 Macc 5:30; 4 Macc 3:19; 17:22. The first Christian author to employ the phrase is Clement of Alexandria: Strom. 6.3, 15. While the phrase does not appear in the writings of the Apostolic Fathers the sentiment implied by the phrase does appear in 1 Clem. 24:5 and Herm. Vis. 3.4. By the fourth century the phrase is used almost exclusively by Christian authors: Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 10.5.18; Vit. Const. 2.68; Athanasius, Apol. sec. 8.5; 47.6; 58.5; 87.7; Decr. 42.2; H. Ar. 24.4; Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 3.2.6; Socrates, Hist. eccl. 1.9; 2.3. In the papyri ἡ θεία πρόνοια is used in a number of different documents (petitions, proclamations, judicial proceedings, etc.) but appears most frequently in letters of the

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third and fourth centuries to express hope that the recipient is doing well and is typically employed formulaically at either the opening or closing of a letter. See NewDocs 3 (1983):143–44 for a list of the different papyrological contexts in which the phrase appears. For a supplemented list of third and fourth-century attestations, see M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 84 n. 355. At Oxyrhynchus the phrase occurs in six letters where Christian authorship can be established on other grounds: PapCongr. XV 20.4–5 [135]; SB XXII 15359.4–5 [154]; P.Oxy. XVII 2156.5–6 [160]; PSI I 71.9 (VI); SB XX 14987.20 (VI). It appears in an additional eight letters whose religious provenance cannot be determined conclusively: P.Oxy. XIV 1682 (mid-IV); P.Oxy. XLVI 3314 (mid-IV); P.Oxy. XLVIII 3396 (mid-IV); P.Oxy. XLVIII 3417 (mid-IV); P.Oxy. LV 3821 (mid-IV); P.Oxy. LVI 3859 (mid-IV); P.Oxy. LIX 4000 (late IV); P.Oxy. LIX 4001 (late IV). The phrase ἡ θεία πρόνοια has an earlier polytheistic counterpart (ἡ τῶν θεῶν πρόνοια [“The providence of the gods”]) that can be traced back to at least the second or third century BCE: P.Oslo III 148.3–4 (III/II BCE); P.Oxy. XXVII 2477.9 (289); P.Laur. II 41.3 (III); P.Ammon I 12.2 (ca. 350). 9–10 κατὰ τὸ π̣ α̣λ̣[αιὸν] ἔθος. This phrase occurs twice in early Christian literature: Justin, Dial. 87.3; Eusebius, Praep. ev. 1.4.6. But in neither case is it a technical one to denote some specific ancient Christian custom or practice. Here the phrase may simply be a general one that Sotas uses to demonstrate that there is an established practice in the church for donating or consecrating one’s goods. See Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 132 n. 27 who cites pertinent biblical passages for consecration; cf. White, Social Origins of Christian Architecture, 2:164 n. 63; B. Blue, “The Influence of Jewish Worship on Luke’s Presentation of the Early Church,” in Witness to the Gospel: The Theology of Luke-Acts, ed. I. H. Marshall and D. Peterson (Grand Rapids, 1998), 487. It is interesting to note that Sotas seemingly has a penchant for citing “custom” in his letters: PSI III 208.6 [131]: [κ]ατὰ τὸ ἔθος; cf. PSI IX 1041.12 [132]: ὡς καθήκε̣[ι]. 10–11 τὴν ἄ̣ρ[ο]υ̣ραν. An aroura is a measurement of land that in principle was 100 cubits per side (52.5 m) and had a total area of 2,756 m2, or about half the size of an American football field (1 km2 = 363 arourae). See Bagnall, “Practical Help,” 185–86. According to P. Pestman, (The New Papyrological Primer (2nd rev. ed.; Leiden, 1994], 49) a person could sustain oneself for a year off the net production of two arourae of land. Based on the fact that Demetrianus was in the position to donate an aroura to the church it may be assumed that he was a person of some means. 11 τῷ τόπῳ. While various definitions are given for τόπος in the TDNT 8:187–208 that range from the generic “place,” “district,” “territory,” or “land,” it can also have the technical meaning of “sanctuary,” “temple,” and “church.” In the fourth through eighth centuries the term was used frequently for monasteries and churches. See Wipszycka, Les ressources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypt du IVe au VIIIe siècle, 13; cf. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto (2nd rev. ed.), 425–26. Reinforcing the interpretation that “the place” should probably be taken as “church” is the fact that in a number of letters of recommendation receiving churches/congregations are identified with the phrase κατὰ τόπον: P.Oxy. 1162.1–4 [149]: Λέων πρεσβύτερος τοῖς κατὰ τόπον σ̣ υ̣ν̣λ̣ ιτουργοῖς πρεσβυτ[έ]ροις καὶ διακώνοις ἀ[γ]απητοῖ[ς] ἀδελφοῖς (“Leon the presbyter to his fellow-servants in every locality, presbyters and deacons, beloved brothers”); P.Oxy. LVI 3857.2–3 [150]: τοῖς κατὰ τόπον ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ συνλειτουργοῖς (“To the beloved brothers and fellow ministers in every locality”); SB III 7269.1–2: Τύραννος τοῖς κατὰ τόπον [ἀ]γαπητ[ο]ῖς ἀδελφοῖς (“Tyrannus to the beloved brothers in every locality”); SB XVI 12304.1–3: Ἡρακλ̣ ίτ̣η̣ς ̣ π(α)π(ᾶς) το[ῖς κα]τὰ τόπον συλλειτουργ[οῖς ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς] (“Father Heraclitus to the fellow-servants in every locality, beloved brothers”); cf. P.Oxy. XXXI 2603.34–35; P.Oxy. LXXIII 4965.8–9. Furthermore,

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as pointed out by Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 133 n. 32) when Lactantius (esp. Mort. 48. 7–9) reproduces the “Edict of Milan” issued by Constantine and Licinius the Latin loca is used for “places” where Christians met (i.e., churches); in Eusebius’ Greek translation of this rescript he translates loca with τόποι. Though Ghedini (“Ο ΤΟΠΟΣ nel P.Oxy. 1492,” 237–38) proposes that τῷ τόπῳ was to serve as a cemetery (cf. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 156) this interpretation is forced and without much basis. See Wipszycka, “Remarques sur les lettres privées des IIe– IVe sièces,” 212–13; Wipszycka, Les resources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypte du IVe au VIIIe siècle, 29 n. 1. Cf. White, Social Origins of Christian Architecture, 2:163. 13–14 ὡς ἐὰν. We take this as conditional instead of temporal. 

Date: Late III/Early IV

135 PapCongr. XV 20 Collouthus to Ammonius 26.0 × 11.0 cm TM no. 32157

Material: Papyrus

Published: J. Bingen and G. Nachtergael (eds.), Actes du XVe Congrès International de Papyrologie (=PapCongr. XV; Brussels, 1979), 94–95 (no. 20). Related Literature: G. H. R. Horlsey (ed.), NewDocs 4 (1987): 264; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 63; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 155; M. Choat, “Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Roman Egypt, ed. C. Riggs (Oxford, 2012), 483. Introduction This letter is written on the recto of a papyrus that has eight vertical folds. Between ll. 7 and 16, the papyrus is badly damaged although the left margin is still intact. The letter is written in a single hand that is rapid and is marked by ligatures but is nonetheless legible and clear. As noted in the ed. pr., the hand shares a number of paleographic affinities with texts written in either the later part of the third century or first part of the fourth century with notable parallels being P.Oxy. XXXVI 2784 (III) and P.Mert. I 28 (late III). The opening address and valediction are marked by eisthesis (ll.  2 and 18–19), and the body of the letter is marked by ekthesis (l. 3). While there are a few letter interchanges, the orthography is fairly regular. In l.  2 in the opening address, the writer employs the nomen sacrum for κύριος, which is the only distinctly Christian marker in the entire letter. While it is believed that the letter originally came from Oxyrhynchus, there is nothing in the letter itself that confirms an Oxyrhynchite provenance.69 PapCongr. XV p. 94: “Although I have been told that this papyrus almost [certainly] comes from Oxyrhynchus, and the names mentioned in it are not rare there, I cannot assure that this is an Oxyrhynchite papyrus.” 69

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Overall the letter is fairly mundane. It was sent from an individual named Collouthus to a man named Ammonius who is identified as his “lord brother” (l. 1, κυρίῳ μου ἀδελφῷ). After the initial greeting, Collouthus prays to “divine providence” (ll.  3–4, τῇ θείᾳ προνοίᾳ) that his letter is received and then rebukes Ammonius for receiving a man named Heracleius, although no reason is given for the rebuke. Collouthus then informs Ammonius that a measure of oil has been received by an individual named Aphous; given the large quantity of olive oil mentioned (ll. 7–8, 12, μετρητής [see n. 7–8]), it may be wondered whether Collouthus, Ammonius, or someone else in the letter worked in the olive oil trade. At this point the letter breaks up due to the damage in the right margin, and the letter concludes with a valediction, whereby Collouthus prays for the health of Ammonius, and contains a short address on the back. κυρίῳ μου ἀδελφῷ Ἀμμωνίῳ Κολλούθως ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ χαίρειν. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαι τῇ θείᾳ προνοίᾳ ὅπως ἀπολάβῃς τὰ παρ’ ἐμοῦ 5 γράμματα. ἀληθῶς θαυμάζω πῶς τω{τη}σοῦτο ἐσφάλης ὡς σοῦ τεξαμένου Ἡράκλει[ον]· περὶ τοῦ μετρητὴν τοῦ ἐλαίου τ̣οῦ ἀ[ποστ]αλέντος Ἀπφοῦτι.̣ Νεφε[ρῶς] ἀ ̣πέ̣ σχε 10 τὸν ἔ λ̣ α̣ ι̣ ο̣ ̣ν̣ τ̣οῦ̣ ̣ ἐ ̣ν̣ε [̣ στ]ῶ[τος] μηνὸ̣ς ̣ [ ca. 9 ] [ ̣ ]̣ ̣ πλὴν τ[οῦ ca. ?] μετρ̣η ̣τ̣οῦ̣ ̣ τ̣οῦ̣ ̣ ἐ λ̣ α̣ ί̣ ο̣ υ̣ ̣ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ Ἀπφοῦ δικα ί̣ ο̣ υ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ καλ-] ὸν ποιήσῃς ο̣ὖ ̣ν̣ [ ca. 12 ] 15 σχεσιν ἐποίησας [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ σὺ γὰρ ἀπέσ[τ]⟨ε⟩ιλας ἀ λ̣ ηθ̣[ῶς ca. ?] αὐτὸν παρ’ ἐμοῦ. (vac.) ἐρρῶσθ[αί σα]ι εὔχ[ομαι] πολλοῖς χρόνοις.

→

Verso 20

[ ca. ? ἀποδὸς τῷ ἀδελφ]ῷ Ἀμμωνίῳ [παρὰ] Κολλούθως. __________ 2. pap. κ ω  . 6. l. τοσοῦτο. 6–7. l. δεξαμένου. 7–8. l. τοῦ μετρητοῦ. 15. corr. ex ποιησας. 18. l. σε.

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Translation To my lord brother Ammonius, Collouthus (sends) greetings in the Lord. Before all else I pray to divine providence that you receive my (l. 5) letter. I am truly amazed how great a fault you committed when you received Heracleius. Concerning the measure of olive oil sent to Aphous, Nepheros received (l. 10) the olive oil of the present month . . . (l. 16) for you truly sent him away from me. I pray for your health for many years. (verso) Deliver to my brother Ammonius from Collouthus. 1 2

3–4

7

7–8

κυρίῳ μου ἀδελφῷ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 1. Ἀμμωνίῳ. On the name Ammonius (Ἀμμώνιος) name, see 107 n. 3–4. Κολλούθως. Collouthus (Κολλούθως), usually spelled Κολλοῦθος, is a variant of the Egyptian name Κολλουθης. See NB Dem. 990–91. While this name is attested over 50 times in the papyri from Oxyrhynchus, on only one other occasion is it spelled Κολλούθως as it is in the present letter: P. Oxy. XLII 3086.1 (III/IV). In later centuries the name became more common at Oxyrhynchus with the rise of the cult of the saints and St. Collouthus, a saint associated with bodily and spiritual healing. See A. Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints en Égypte: des byzantins aux Abbassides (Paris, 2001), 123–25; cf. P.Oxy. LXVII 4618.10, 16 (VI): [το]ῦ̣ ἁγίου Κολλούθου (“of St. Collouthus”); P.Oxy. XVI 1934.4–5 (VI): π(αρὰ) Φοιβάμμωνος πρεσβ(υτέρου) (καὶ) οἰκ(ονόμου) τοῦ ἁγ(ίου) Κολλούθου (“from Phoebammon presbyter and steward of St. Collouthus”). ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαι τῇ θείᾳ προνοίᾳ. In a number of personal letters, both Christian and non-Christian, it is not unusual after the initial address for the sender to offer a formulaic prayer that opens with the phrase πρὸ μὲν πάντων (“Before all else . . .” or “In the first place . . .”) and either prays for the recipient’s health or that the letter might find them well, as is the case in the present letter: cf. P.Abinn. 22.2–5 (c. 351); P.Abinn. 23.2–5 (c. 350); P.Lips. I 111.2–5 (IV); P.Oxy. LIX 4000.2–3 (IV); P.Wash.Univ. I 31.3–5 (IV); SB XXVI 16716.4–8 (IV); Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie, 139–45. The use of εὔχομαι is not distinctly Christian: see 129 n. 23–24. On θεία πρόνοια, see 134 n. 8. The prayer formula εὔχομαι τῇ θείᾳ προνοίᾳ (vel sim. εὐχόμενος τῇ θείᾳ προνοίᾳ) is not attested in papyri until the fourth century although references to θεία πρόνοια occur earlier: P.Abinn. 10.5–6 (c. 346); P.Abinn. 11.3–4 (c. 346); P.Abinn. 25.3 (c. 346); O.Oxy. XLVI 3314.3 (IV); P.Oxy. XLVIII 3396.3 (IV); P.Oxy. LVI 3859.3 (IV); P.Oxy. LIX 4000.2 (IV); SB VI 9605.2–3 (early IV); SB XIV 11588.3–4 (late IV). See also Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 14; cf. Tibiletti, Le lettere private, 118–19 n. 34. Ἡράκλει[ον]. Heracleius (Ἡράκλειος) is a Greek name that has the meaning “of Heracles.” See LSJ s.v. Ἡράκλειος. This name is not attested until the Roman period in documents from Oxyrhynchus and then is attested over 100 times in documents from the Roman and Byzantine periods. A district in Oxyrhynchus was named after Heracles: P.Oxy. XLVI 3276 (61/62); P.Oxy. XL 2912 (III); SB XVI 12588 (II/III). See also Whitehorne, “The Pagan Cults of Roman Oxyrhynchus,” 3069, who notes that a number of shrines were set up to Heracles in the surrounding nome. περὶ τοῦ μετρητὴν τοῦ ἐλαίου. A μετρητής was a liquid measure that depending on time and place ranged from roughly 30 to 39 liters. See Bagnall, “Practical Help,” 188. Given the quantity of oil mentioned it may probably be assumed that someone in the letter worked in the olive oil trade. In the ed. pr. it is suggested that perhaps Heracleius was an epiteretes elaiou (“superintendent of oil”).

490

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

Ἀπφοῦτι̣. The name Aphous (Ἀπφοῦς) is Egyptian but its exact etymology is not known. While the name is not that popular in the papyri, with just over 100 attestations, almost half of the attestations are found in documents from the Oxyrhynchite and would suggest that the name had some currency in the region. Νεφε[ρῶς]. Nepheros (Νεφερῶς) is an Egyptian name that means something like “handsome” or “beautiful.” See NB Dem. 641. In the papyri from Oxyrhynchus the name is rather uncommon as it is only attested in a handful of other documents: P.Oxy. LX 4060.1.19, 25, 2.31, 35 ( June 161); P.Oxy. XLIV 3185.4 (III); P.Oxy. XLIX 3514.5 (May 25, 260); P.Oxy. IX 1208.3, 7, 8, 30 ( January 21–February 24, 291); PSI I 87.3 ( June 29, 423). 13–14 [καλ]ὸν ποιήσῃς. On this epistolary formula, see H. A. Steen, “Les clichés épistolaires dans les lettres sur papyrus grecs,” C&M 1 (1938): 140–44.

9

Date: Late III/Early IV

136 P.Oxy. XII 1493 Thoonis to Heracleus 10.9 × 9.6 cm TM no. 31749

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XII (London, 1916), 250–51 (no. 1493); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 138–40 (no. 16); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:395–96; H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2785.16; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 164–65 (no. 33). Related Literature: G. Bardy, “La vie chrétienne aux 3e et 4e siècles d’après les papyrus,” Revue Apologétique 41 (1926): 647; J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 149–50; H. G. Meecham, Light from Ancient Letters: Private Correspondence in the Non-literary Papyri of Oxyrhynchus of the First Four Centuries, and Its Bearing on New Testament Language and Thought (London, 1923), 72; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 267; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 50; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 156; A.  M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 63; J. Muir, Life and Letters in the Ancient Greek World (London, 2009), 52; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 111.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [136]

491

Introduction Since this papyrus is currently lost and there is no known image of it and in the ed. pr. neither the format of the text nor its paleographic features were described, little can be said here about this text.70 According to the brief introduction of B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, this papyrus contains “the first part of another interesting early Christian letter from a man to a friend or relative with reference to the addressee’s son, who had been entrusted to the writer’s charge.” 71 The paleographic date given the text by Grenfell and Hunt is “late third or early fourth century,” but they cite no paleographic parallels and give no details about the hand of the text. The lone Christian marker in this letter is a nomen sacrum for κύριος that appears as part of the opening address in l. 4; curiously the writer fails to contract θεός, which immediately follows in l. 5, as a nomen sacrum.

→ 5

10

Θῶνις Ἡρακλήῳ τῷ φιλτάτῳ πλεῖστα χαίρειν. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὁλοκληρεῖν καὶ ὑιένειν παρὰ τῷ κ(υρί)ῳ θεῷ. γινώσκειν σε θέλω, ἄδελφε, ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ι τοῦ ὄντος μηνὸς Θὼθ ἐκομισάμην σου τὸν υἱὸν εὐρωστοῦντα καὶ ὁλοκληροῦντα διὰ παντός. τούτου οὖν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιήσω ὡς ἰδίου υἱοῦ. οὐκ ἀμελήσω δὲ ἀναγκάζειν αὐτὸν παραπροσέχειν τῷ ἔ [̣ ρ]γῳ ἐκ τούτου θεοῦ [ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ρ̣ε [̣ . . . . . . . . . . . . .]ολο̣[ ]̣ –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Verso Traces of the address __________ 4. l. ὑγιαίνειν; pap. υϊενειν; π of παρα over κ ̣ ̣, which has been expunged (〚καί 〛?); pap. κω  . 6. pap. ι̅. 8. pap. υϊον.

R. A. Coles, Location-List of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri and of Other Greek Papyri Published by the Egypt Exploration Society (London, 1974), 32: “Not found at Chr. Hosp. [i.e., The Clerk of Christ’s Hospital].” Coles also notes on the same page that no photograph of the papyrus is available at the Ashmolean Museum. 71 P.Oxy. XII p. 250. 70

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

492

Translation To his dearest Heracleus, Thoonis (sends) very many greetings. Before all else I pray that you are whole and healthy before the Lord (l. 5) God. I want you to know, brother, that on the 10th of the present month of Thoth, I received your son well and healthy in every respect. (l. 10) I shall accordingly take care of him as my own son. I shall not neglect to compel him to attend to his work and as a result . . . 1

2

3–5

5

Θῶνις. On the name Thoonis (Θῶνις), see 138 n. 1–2. Ἡρακλήῳ τῷ φιλτάτῳ. The name Heracleus (Ἡράκληος) is a variant of the name Heracleius (Ἡράκλειος). On this latter name, see 135 n. 7. The adjective φίλτατος “dearest” (φίλος, -η, -ον) does not appear as a title of address in the papyri before the Roman period and it is not until the first century that it begins to be used with some frequency. After the fourth century the use of φίλτατος significantly diminishes. See H. Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefs bis 400 n. Chr. (Helsinki, 1956), 97–100. When the term is used it tends to express a genuine, often profound, affection for the person so addressed. See E. Dickey, Greek Forms of Address: From Herodotus to Lucian (Oxford, 1996), 134–38. Cf. SB VIII 9746.25 [144]; P.Oxy. XIV 1680.2 (III/IV); P.Oxy. XXXI 2603.17 (IV); P.Oxy. X. 1298.6 (ca. 330); L. Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography to A.D. 527 (Washington, 1929), 91–92. πλεῖστα χαίρειν. The use of the superlative form of the adjective “many” (πολύς, -ή, -ύ) is employed to intensify the opening salutation. This intensifier is first attested in letters of the first century BCE with the earliest datable letter being BGU VIII 1871.1–2 (November 6–December 5, 61 BCE). By the first century CE it appears frequently as part of epistolary address and virtually disappears after the fourth century when epistolary salutation is largely dropped. See also πολλὰ χαίρειν, SB XII 10800.3 [155]. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὁλοκληρεῖν καὶ ὑιένειν παρὰ τῷ κ(υρί)ῳ θεῷ. On the phrase πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί, see 135 n. 3–4. As noted previously, it is not uncommon in opening prayer formulae to pray for the health and welfare of the recipient of the letter; such formulae do not appear before the Roman period. Three letters that share remarkable parallels with the prayer formula of the present letter are: P.Oxy. X 1299.4–5 (IV): πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σε ὑγιαίνειν καὶ ὁλοκληρεῖν παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ θεῷ (“Before all else I pray that you are well and whole before the lord god”); P.Lugd.Bat. XXV 64.3–4 (IV): [πρὸ μὲν πάντω]ν εὔχομαί σε ὁλοκληρεῖν [καὶ ὑγιαίνειν παρ]ὰ̣ τῷ κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ (“Before all else I pray that you are whole and well before the Lord God”); PSI XIV 1423.3–5 (ca. 338): [πρὸ μὲν] πάντων εὔχ̣ομαί σε [ὑγιαίνειν κ]αὶ ὁλο[κληρεῖ]ν̣ παρὰ [τῷ κυρ]ί̣ῳ θεῷ (“Before all else I pray that you are well and whole before the lord god”). It is curious that the writer of the letter employs the nomen sacrum for κύριος but then leaves θεός uncontracted, which he does again in l.  13. In P.Oxy. XVII 2156.25 [160] the very opposite phenomenon is found as the writer contracts θεός but writes κύριος in full: ἐν κυρί[ῳ] θ̣(ε)ῷ; cf. P.Oxy. XXXI 2601.5 [139]: παρὰ τῷ κυρί(ῳ) θ[(ε)ῷ.]. On irregular nomina sacra in letters, see C. H. Roberts, Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (Oxford, 1979), 27; cf. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 62–69. γινώσκειν σε θέλω. On this phrase, see 139 n. 6.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [137]

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κατὰ τὴν ι τοῦ ὄντος μηνὸς Θὼθ. The 10th of Thoth corresponds roughly with September 7. 9–11 τούτου οὖν τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ποιήσω ὡς ἰδίου υἱοῦ. Though the phrase ἰδίου υἱοῦ has a NT parallel in Rom 8:32a (ὅς γε τοῦ ἰδίου υἱοῦ οὐκ ἐφείσατο [“He who did not withhold his own son”]) this need not be regarded as a deliberate echo. The context of the letter is very tantalizing here: why is the sender of the letter receiving the recipient’s son? Was the son merely traveling for employment and staying with the writer of the letter for the duration of seasonal work? Or, does the fact that the writer is a Christian have some direct bearing on why the “son” is staying with him? If such is the case, could “son” be taken metaphorically to mean that the person is an ecclesiastical subordinate? See P.Oxy. XII 1592.3, 5 [137] where “father” is surely to be taken in a religious, and not a biological, sense. Lastly, is it possible the “son” has traveled for educational purposes and is merely boarding with the sender while away at school? On this latter point it is worth noting that privileged youths from all over Egypt traveled for education. Two (non-Christian) letters that attest to the movement of youths from Oxyrhynchus are P.Oxy. X 1296 (III) and P.Oxy. XVIII 2190 (ca. 100) (=SB XXII 15708). On student travel in Roman and Byzantine Egypt, see J. R. Rea, “A Student’s Letter to his Father: P.Oxy. XVIII 2190 Revised,” ZPE 99 (1993): 75–88; R. Cribiore, “Higher Education in Early Byzantine Egypt: Rhetoric, Latin, and the Law,” in Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300–700, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Cambridge, 2007), 47; cf. E. Watts, “Student Travel to Intellectual Centers: What Was the Attraction?” in Travel, Communication and Geography in Late Antiquity:Sacred and Profane, ed. L. Ellis and F. L. Kidner (Aldershot, 2004), 13–23. 13–15 Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:396) offers the following dubious reconstruction for these lines: ἐκ τοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ  [ἀτ]ρέ[πτου καὶ ἀμεταβ]όλο[υ]  [λογισμοῦ . . . . . . . .] (“from the reasoning of the immutable and unchangeable God . . .”). 6–7

Date: Late III/Early IV

137 P.Oxy. XII 1592 A Woman to Her “Father” 5.0 × 10.3 cm TM no. 31771

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XII (London, 1916), 285 (no. 1592); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:387–88; G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 131–33 (no. 14); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 159–60 (no. 31); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 74–78; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 181–82. Related Literature: H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2785.14; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,”

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

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Aeg 34 (1954): 267; H. Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefs bis 400 n. Chr. (Helsinki, 1956), 76; B. F. Harris, “Biblical Echoes and Reminiscences in Christian Papyri,” PapCongr. XIV (1975): 156; G. Tibiletti, “Proposte di lettura,” Aeg 57 (1977): 164–65; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 57, 116; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 27; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 75, 121, 156; M. Choat, “Echo and Quotation of the New Testament in Papyrus Letters to the End of the Fourth Century,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and N. Tobias, (Leiden, 2006), 288; R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, 300 BC–AD 800 (Electronic Version ACLS Humanities E-Book; Ann Arbor, 2008), A14.13 (no. 90); P. Arzt-Grabner, “Paul’s Letter Thanksgiving,” in Paul and the Ancient Letter Form, ed. S. E. Porter and S. A. Adams (Leiden, 2010), 151 n. 68. Introduction This letter is written along the fibers of a fragmentary papyrus in a single hand; the back of the papyrus contains a few illegible traces of ink. While the opening and closing of the letter are no longer extant, given that χαίρειν can be securely reconstructed in l. 1 it seems likely that not more than one or two lines of text are missing at the beginning of the letter. Though the contents of the letter are rather mundane—since they only detail the reception of a letter from the sender’s “father,” likely an ecclesiastical superior of some sort (see n. 3)—this document is nonetheless exceptional for a few reasons. First, it is evident in l. 7 from the use of the feminine participle δεξαμένη that the letter was sent by a woman. Second, the hand of the letter is exceptional due to its “literary” character; the letters are remarkably clear and extremely well formed, lines are straight with uniform spacing, spacing between letters is generous and not crowded, and the left margin, although frayed, appears to have been straight. Concerning the paleography of this letter, R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore have commented that the letter is written “in an uncial script more reminiscent of literary manuscripts than of letters.”72 In light of the “literary” qualities of the hand, one of two possibilities seem most likely about the sender of the letter: (1) either she was a proficient writer who worked with literary manuscripts, and if such is the case then one is immediately reminded of Origen’s reference to Christian scribes who were “girls trained for beautiful writing” (κόραις ἐπὶ τὸ καλλιγραφεῖν Bagnall and Cribiore, Women’s Letters (e-book), A14.13; cf. Luijendijk (Greetings in the Lord, 77–78), who similarly notes the “professional” character of the hand. 72

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [137]

495

ἠσκημέναις; Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.23.2);73 or (2) the female sender of the letter procured the services of a professional scribe to write on her behalf.74 Two other noteworthy features of this letter are its use of nomina sacra as well as its employment of a scriptural allusion—in fact, it is the first definite scriptural allusion to appear in a Christian letter from Oxyrhynchus. In l. 3 the author contracts κύριος and πατήρ, and again in l. 5 contracts πατήρ. Unlike the previous letters that employ nomina sacra where they are clearly used to refer to the divine (i.e., God), here the nomina sacra are rather “profane” since they refer to the addressee of the letter. In ll. 3–5, where the sender expresses joy that the addressee had sent an earlier letter, the writer employs the verbs μεγαλύνω and ἀγαλλιάω; in Luke 1:46-47, which forms part of the Magnificat or Mary’s Song of Praise (Luke 1:46-55), it begins with these two same verbs. The collocation of these two rare verbs is no coincidence; the writer is surely drawing upon the language of Luke 1:46-47. –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

→ 5

[ ca. 8 χαί]ρειν. αἰδεξά [̣ μ]η ̣ν σου τὰ γράμματα, κ(ύρι)έ μου π(άτε)ρ, καὶ πάνυ ἐμεγαλύνθην καὶ ἠγαλλ{ε}ίασα ὅτ{ε}ι τοιοῦτός μου π(ατ)ὴρ τὴν μνήμην ποιεῖται. αὐτὰ γὰρ δεξαμένη τὸ ἱερόν σου [πρόσωπον (?) προσεκ]ύνησα –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– __________ 1–2. l. ἐδεξαμην. 3. pap. κ̅ε̅; pap. π̅ρ̅. 5. pap. π̅η̅ρ̅. 7. pap. ϊερον.

Translation . . . greetings. I received your letter, my lord father, and I am extremely ecstatic and I rejoiced exceedingly (l.  5) because so great a one as my father makes remembrance of me. For having received it I venerated your sacred countenance. . . .

For evidence of female scribes in early Christianity, see K. Haines-Eitzen, Guardians of Letters: Literacy, Power, and the Transmitters of Early Christian Literature (Oxford, 2000), 41–52; cf. C. Kotsifou, “Books and Book Production in the Monastic Communities of Byzantine Egypt,” in The Early Christian Book, ed. W. E. Lingshirm (Washington, 2007), 58–59. 74 Bagnall and Cribiore (Women’s Letters [e-book], A14.13) are inclined to think that the actual writer of the letter was different from the female sender and that it was a professional scribe. 73

496 3

3–5

6 7–8

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus κ(ύρι)έ μου π(άτε)ρ. As with the familial terms of address “brother/sister” (ἀδελφός/ ἀδελφή) or “son/daughter” (υἱός/θυγάτηρ) (see 129 n. 1 and 134 n. 1–2 respectively), which can be used both literally and metaphorically, so too the use of the familial term “father” (πατήρ) could be used both ways. When it was used figuratively, as seems to be the case here given the sender’s gushing praise and excessive flattery, it was employed because the person so addressed was a superior of some sort. See Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 12–13, who notes, “The use of πατήρ as a title of respect for elders and superiors is classical. In the literature examined, we have found it used only for ecclesiastics, generally the Pope, and bishops of Constantinople and especially Alexandria, and also for very aged and respected bishops. Examples for its use of other ecclesiastics are rare.” As a result, some have speculated whether the addressee of the letter, who is twice addressed as “father,” may have been a bishop. See Tibiletti, Le lettere private, 116. On the use of πατήρ as a title of address in classical literature, see Dickey, Greek Forms of Address, 78–81. It is worthy of note that here and again in l. 5 the sender employs a nomen sacrum for πατήρ even though it does not refer to the divine but only to the recipient of the letter. Though unusual, it is not an isolated case as there are other letters where nomina sacra are used in the same way to refer to the recipient or someone else in the letter: PUG I 26.5 (=SB 10466; IV): εἰς τὸν κ̣ (ύριο)ν ἡμ̣ ῶ̣ν̣ (“to our lord”); SB XIV 11532.2 (IV): ἀδελφὸν κ(ύριό)ν μου Ἰουλ[ι]ανόν (“my lord brother Julian”); P.Kellis V 11.1 (ca. 350–380): κυρίῳ μου ϋἱῷ Πσεναμοῦνι (“to my lord son Psenamounis”); P.Strasb. I 35.23 (IV/V): ἐπίδ(ος) σ̣ ὺν θ(ε)ῷ τῷ κ(υρί)ῳ (“deliver, with God’s [help], to my lord”); SB XII 10773.1–3 (early V): τῷ δεσπότῃ μου τῷ τιμιωτάτῳ Χερ̣ήμονι τῷ π(ατ)ρὶ Τατιανὸς ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ χαίρειν (“To my most honored master and father Cheremon, Tatian (sends) greeting in the Lord”). At least in the present letter, given the exceptional quality of the hand, if the writer was accustomed to copying NT mss it may be wondered whether the writer had a natural inclination to contract πατήρ. On an additional note, it may be pointed out that two different forms are given for the nomen sacrum. In l. 3 the vocative is rendered π(άτε)ρ but in l. 5 the nominative is rendered π(ατ)ήρ; the nominative form is common in biblical mss but the vocative form, which is less common, is most often rendered π(άτ)ερ not π(άτε)ρ. καὶ πάνυ ἐμεγαλύνθην καὶ ἠγαλλίασα. Cf. Luke 1:46-47: καὶ εἶπεν Μαριάμ· μεγαλύνει ἡ ψυχή μου τὸν κύριον, καὶ ἠγαλλίασεν τὸ πνεῦμά μου ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ τῷ σωτῆρί μου (NRSV Luke 1:46-47: “46And Mary said, ‘My soul magnifies the Lord, 47and my spirit rejoices in God my Savior’ ”). Both the verbs μεγαλύνω and ἀγαλλιάω are otherwise unattested in documentary papyri. This reference constitutes a definite scriptural allusion: Blumell, Lettered Christians, 222; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 76; Choat, “Echo and Quotation,” 288; idem, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 75; Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri,” 27 n. 69; Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C., 116; Harris, “Biblical Echoes and Reminiscences,” 156. τὴν μνήμην ποιεῖται. Cf. P.Fay. 19.10 (II); P.Col. X 270.14 (ca. 201–260). τὸ ἱερόν σου [πρόσωπον (?)]. On the use of the adjective ἱερός, -α, -ον, see 134 n. 1–2. On the reading πρόσωπον, see Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 75. Instead of πρόσωπον, Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:387) had earlier suggested ἴχνος (“footprint”).

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [138]

138 P.Oxy. LXI 4127 Letter of Ptolemaeus to Thoonius 26.0 × 4.0 cm TM no. 33609 Date: Late III/Early IV

497

Material: Papyrus

Published: T. Gagos, M. W. Haslam, and N. Lewis (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXI (London, 1995), 124–27 (no. 4127). Related Literature: E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 44; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 159; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 64; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 110. Introduction This letter is written with a dark-brown ink in a single hand on the recto of a light-brown papyrus that is long and very narrow; the address is written on the back of the papyrus along the fibers. Though the papyrus is now riddled with a number of small holes, the text can be confidently reconstructed in most places. In the ed. pr., the letter is dated to the “first half of the fourth century,” 75 but the editor gives no justification, paleographic or otherwise, for this date. Paleographically, the hand is a sloping semicursive that shares parallels with texts from the third century and the first quarter of the fourth century: most notably P.Oxy. LXI 4118 (III) but also P.Oxy. XXXI 2601 (early IV) [139] and PSI IV 311 (ca. 330) [142]. Therefore, a date ranging from the late third century to the early fourth seems most likely for the letter based on paleographic parallels. For the most part, the hand is deliberate and clear, but at times, as the text approaches the right margin, it becomes more rapid and cramped as the writer runs out of space. While the orthography is regular, the letter is at times hard to follow because of the use of some ambiguous and obscure terminology. The letter is written by an individual named Ptolemaeus to a person named Thoonius who is identified as a “beloved brother” (ll. 3–4). After the initial greeting—wherein the writer of the letter employs the nomen sacrum for κύριος (l. 4), which is the only certain Christian marker in the entire letter—he proceeds to give the recipient of the letter a number of instructions regarding the sending and purchasing of a variety of goods. Though fairly mundane, the variety of items mentioned is interesting. The letter concludes with a greeting 75

P.Oxy. LXI p. 124.

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to an individual named Tithoes (l.  38), who, like the recipient of the letter Thoonius, is called “beloved.” There is no valediction at the end of the letter, which is somewhat uncharacteristic of letters in this period, and on the back of the papyrus there is a short address.76

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Πτολεμαῖος Θωνίῳ τῷ ἀγαπητῷ ἀδελφῷ ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ χαίρειν. π ρ̣ [̣ ὸ] μὲ̣ ̣ν̣ π̣[άν]των εὔχο[μαί] σε ὁλοκληρεῖν̣ ψυχῇ καὶ σώμα[τι]. γ{ε}ινώσκειν σ̣ε θ̣έλω ὅτι ̣ εἰ οὔπω [ἠ]γ̣όρασας τὸ̣ λ ι̣ ̣ν̣α -̣ ρίδιον κ α̣ ὶ̣ τὰ ἄλλα, μὴ ἀγοράσῃς. ὁ γὰρ ἄνθρ̣ωπος ἀπετάξατο περὶ αὐ̣το̣ῦ ,̣ ὡς ̣ ε ἶ̣ ̣πό̣ ν σοι, ὅτι· οὐκ ἐγὼ θέλω. τὸν δὲ πίνακα ἐξαυτῆ ς̣ μὴ ἀμελή -̣ σῃς πέμψαι, καὶ δήλωσόν μοι τίνι θ̣έ -̣ λεις μεταβα̣ λεῖν̣ τὴν τιμὴν αὐτοῦ. μνήσθητι ἀγοράσαι μοι πα̣ ρθενικὸν τέλειον σόλιον τρίχινον

76 The ed. pr. of this letter is well done and should be consulted for any in-depth study of this papyrus.

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καὶ Κανωπικὸν α. τὸν ἀγαπητὸν Τιθ̣οῆν ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ π ρ̣ οσα γ̣ ό̣ ρ̣ ε̣ υ̣ ε̣ .̣

Verso Θωνίῳ ἀ̣[δελ]φ(ῷ) π(αρὰ) Πτολ̣ε̣μ̣α̣ί̣[ου]. __________ 4. pap. κ ω  . 36. pap. α.

Translation Ptolemaeus to Thoonius his beloved brother, greetings in the Lord. (l.  5) Before all else I pray that you are well in body and soul. (l. 10) I want you to know that if you have not yet bought the linen yarn and the (l. 15) other things, do not buy them. For the man gave up concerning it, as I said (l. 20) to you, “It is not I who want (it?).” As for the platter, do not neglect to send it immediately, (l. 25) and make known to me to whom you want me to pay the price of it. (l. 30) Remember to buy for me a girl’s pair of well-finished slippers made of hair and (l. 35) one canopic (garment?/cake?). Salute my beloved Tithoes from me. (verso) To Thoonius his brother from Ptolemaeus. 1–2

3–4 6–8 9–10

Πτολεμαῖος Θωνίῳ. The Greek name Ptolemaeus (Πτολεμαῖος) is a very common name in the papyri with literally thousands of attestations from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. The name Thoonius (Θώνιος), on the other hand, a variant of the Egyptian name Thoonis (Θοῶνις) that has the meaning “strong,” is much less attested. Of the just over 100 attestations of the name over 90 percent of them appear in documents from Oxyrhynchus. At Oxyrhynchus the name was originally associated with the cult of Horus and its apparent popularity can probably be attributed to the fact that at Oxyrhynchus there was an active cult of Horus well into the fourth century with both a Thoonieion and priests of Thoonis: P.Oslo III 143.8 (I); P.Wisc. I 19.14 (=P.Theon 1) (September 15, 156); P.Köln IV 202 (II); P.Oxy. I 43V 2.6 (=W.Chr 474) (IV); P.Oxy. L 3590 (II/III); cf. J. E. G. Whitehorne, “The Pagan Cults of Roman Oxyrhynchus,” ANRW II.18.5 (1995): 3083. ἀγαπητῷ ἀδελφῷ. On this phrase, see 130 n. 2. π̣ ρ̣[ὸ] μ̣ ὲ̣ν̣ π̣ [άν]των εὔχο[μαί] σε ὁλοκληρεῖν̣. On this phrase, see 136 n. 3–5. ψυχῇ καὶ σώμα[τι]. The dichotomy of “soul” (ψυχή) and “body” (σῶμα) occurs in a handful of letters in the papyri, most of which are from the fourth century: P.Herm. 5.14 (ca. 317–323); P.Neph. 1.5–6 (IV); P.Neph. 2.11 (IV); P.Neph. 5.24 (IV); P.Neph. 7.12–13 (IV); P.Ross.Georg. V 6.6–7 (IV); SB VI 9401.8 (VI/VII); cf. P.Berl.Sarisch. 16.3 (VI/VII). The dipartite division of “body” and “soul” first appears in the LXX in 2 Macc 6:30, 7:37, 14:38, 15:30 and Prov 11:17. In the NT it appears in Matt 6:25 (cf. Luke 12:22–23) and 10:28. Philo uses this dichotomy frequently in his writings and Justin is the first post NT Christian author to employ this dipartite division: 1 Apol.  8.4, 19.7; 2 Apol. 10.4; Dial. 6.2. On the trichotomy of “body (σῶμα), soul (ψυχή), and spirit (πνεῦμα),” see 148 n. 6–7.

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10–11 γ{ε}ινώσκειν σ̣ ε θ̣έλω. On this phrase, see 139 n. 6. 13–14 τὸ̣ λ̣ ιν̣ ̣α̣ρίδιον. The diminutive of λινάριον (i.e., λιναρίδιον) is not otherwise attested, as the ed. pr. points out (P.Oxy. LXI p. 126 n. 13–14). On the meaning of λινάριον as “linen yarn,” see R. Pintaudi, “PSI V 481 verso: Conto di spese,” Aeg 61 (1981): 100–101. 22 πίνακα. The exact meaning of this word is difficult to determine. A πίναξ can be a “board” or a “plank” (s.v. LSJ), which seems out of place in the context of the letter, or a “platter” or “dish.” Likewise, a πινάκιον could be a “small tablet” or a “small platter” or “small dish.” When πίνακα is used in P.Coll.Youtie I 7.15 (224 BCE) or P.Ryl. IV 568.20–21 (275–226 BCE) it is taken as “platter,” which probably best fits the context of the present letter. 23–24 μὴ ἀμελή̣σῃς. On this common epistolary formula, see H. A. Steen, “Les clichés épistolaires dans les lettres sur papyrus grecs,” C&M Ι (1938): 162–65. 31–34 πα̣ ρθενικὸν τέλειον σόλιον τρίχινον. As noted in the ed. pr. this phase likely refers to a single item. The adjective παρθενικός,-ή, -όν, meaning “of or for a maiden,” is used to specify that the item is for a female/girl. This is the only time in the papyri this adjective is used. In P.Oxy. IV 741.8–9 slippers are specified as “male” and “female”: σό̣λια ἀρσενικὰ ζεύγ(η) η | [γυ]ναικεῖα ζεύγ(η) ϛ (“eight pairs of men’s slippers, six pairs of women’s”). The noun σόλιον (Lat. solea) is best taken as “slipper.” The use of the adjective τέλειος, -εία, -ον is employed to specify that the slippers are to be “perfect” or more probably “well-finished”: cf. P.Oxy. LVI 3869.3 (VI/VII): τρία σανδάλια καλὰ τέλεια π̣ [υ]κ̣ νὰ πάνυ (“three pairs of nice, well-finished, very solid [?] sandals”). In the ed. pr. it is translated as “full-sized.” Slippers of “hair” (θρίξ, [gen.] τριχός) are otherwise unattested; cf. John the Baptist (Matt 3:4) who wore a garment of “camel’s hair” (τριχῶν καμήλου). 35–36 Κανωπικὸν. On the possible meanings of this term, see 143 n. 15–16. 36–38 τὸν ἀγαπητὸν Τιθ̣οῆν. The name Tithoes (Τιθοῆς) is a variant of the Egyptian theonymic name Totoes (Τοτοῆς) or Tutu. See NB Dem. 1273–1275. At present it is attested in only a handful of documents from Oxyrhynchus: PSI XII 1228.28, 35 ( January 22, 188); SB XVIII 13333.3, 27 (August 4–12, 208); P.Oxy. XL 2937.4 (268–271); P.Oxy. L 3580.22 (IV); P.Oxy. LIX 3981.2 (February 26–March 26, 312); P.Oxy. LIV 3767.3 (December 30, 330); P.Princ. III 181.3–4 (344); P.Mich. XX 800.6 (354). Since Tithoes is identified with the adjective “beloved” (ἀγαπητός, -ή, -όν) it may probably be assumed that he was a fellow Christian.

139 P.Oxy. XXXI 2601 Copres to Sarapias 26.6 × 7.0 cm TM no. 32692 Date: Early IV, Shortly after February 23, 303

Material: Papyrus

Published: W. B. Barns, P. J. Parsons, J. R. Rea, and E. G. Turner (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXI (London, 1966), 167–71 (no. 2601); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 169–72 (no. 35); P. W. Pestman, The New Papyrological Primer (2nd rev. ed.; Leiden, 1994), 255–57 (no. 69); M. Trapp (ed.), Greek and Latin Letters: An Anthology, with Translation (Cambridge, 2003), 52–55 (no. 4); A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 216–17; A. M. Luijendijk,

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“Papyri from the Great Persecution: Roman and Christian Perspectives,” JECS 16 (2008): 368–69; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 134–35. Related Literature: J. van Haelst, “Les sources papyrologiques concernant l’Église en Égypte à l’epoque de Constantin,” PapCongr. XII (1970): 498, 503; E. A. Judge and S. R. Pickering, “Papyrus Documentation of Church and Community in Egypt to the Mid-Fourth Century,” JAC 20 (1977): 53; E. A. Judge, “The Mark of the Beast, Revelation 13:16,” TynBul 42.1 (1991): 159; S. Mitchell, “Maximinus and the Christians in A.D. 312: A New Latin Inscription,” JRS 78 (1988): 111; R. J. S. Barrett-Lennard, Christian Healing after the New Testament: Some Approaches to Illness in the Second, Third, and Fourth Centuries (Lanham, Md., 1994), 12–17; P. Schubert, Vivre en Égypte gréco-romaine: Une sélection de papyrus (Vevey, 2000), 109–11 (no. 27); H. Chadwick, The Church in Ancient Society: From Galilee to Gregory the Great (Oxford, 2001), 180–81; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1322–23; R. Burnet, L’Egypte ancienne à travers les papyrus: Vie quotidienne (Paris, 2003), 83 (no. 30); E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 50; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 92 n. 397; G. E. M. de Ste. Croix, “Aspects of the ‘Great’ Persecution,” in Christian Persecution, Martyrdom, & Orthodoxy, ed. M. Whitby and J. Streeter (Oxford, 2006), 36; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 216–26; Luijendijk, “Papyri from the Great Persecution,” 357–64; D. G. Martinez, “The Papyri and Early Christianity,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 607; C. H. Cosgrove, An Ancient Christian Hymn with Musical Notation: Papyrus Oxyrhynchus 1786; Text and Commentary (Tübingen, 2011), 136–37; P. Parsons, “A People of the Book,” in I papiri letterari Cristiani, ed. G. Bastianini and A. Casanova (Florence, 2011), 54. Introduction  This letter is written in a single hand with a dark-brown ink along the fibers of a rectangular papyrus. The text occupies the entire front side of the papyrus and continues into the left margin and onto the back. While the text is partially effaced in places, particularly along the left margin and the back, it is readable and can be confidently reconstructed. Between l. 19 and l. 20, there is a large gap in the papyrus as a horizontal front strip of papyrus has been torn off leaving only the vertical strips of the papyrus exposed; nevertheless, since the letter continues directly from l. 19 to l. 20, it is apparent that this damage

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had occurred before the letter was ever written.77 The hand is regular and clear and according to the ed. pr. is “a competent sloping semicursive assignable to the late third or early fourth century.” 78 The writer employs diaeresis over initial upsilons and iotas, and on l.  19 abbreviates the final word with a supralinear stroke that marks the final nu. In the initial greeting at the start of the letter, the writer employs the nomen sacrum for κύριος and θεός, although the abbreviation κυρι is unusual; and on the back of the papyrus at the very end of the letter, the writer employs the isopsephy Ϙθ (=99) for ἀμήν (“amen”). Besides a few common iotacisms, the orthography is regular. This letter has garnered considerable attention, as evidenced by the extensive bibliography, since it details in passing the enforcement of one of the anti-Christian edicts of Diocletian instituted at the start of the “Great Persecution.” The letter is written by a man named Copres who had become embroiled in a dispute over some land and had made a trip (to Alexandria?) to appear in court regarding the matter. Copres relates that when he arrived at court he was surprised to find that an altar had been erected at the courthouse and that he was expected to make a sacrifice at the start of the case, which he did not wish to do being a Christian. Copres then relates to his wife Sarapias, the recipient of the letter, how he arranged for a power of attorney to be made for a non-Christian friend to appear on his behalf and thus evaded the sacrifice. The situation described by Copres is best seen in light of the first edict of the “Great Persecution” promulgated by Diocletian on February 23, 303, that is preserved by Lactantius and stipulated that all litigants who were to appear in court were required to make a sacrifice: [A]n edict was posted in which warning was given that those who adhered to this religion would be deprived of all official position and status, . . . and that they would be unable to bring actions for wrongs done to them, for adultery, or for theft. . . . [A]nd to stop justice being dispensed hastily against anyone, altars were set up in council-chambers and in front of tribunals, so that litigants could do sacrifice before pleading their cases; thus the judges would be approached in the same way as gods.79

After relating how he evaded the obligation to sacrifice, which is described in the letter as more of an act of annoyance than an act of persecution, Copres concludes the letter by asking how his family is fairing and instructs his wife Pestman (New Papyrological Primer, 256) notes: “Plates of the recto and a part of the verso are given in the edition, pl. V and IV (no. 2601). The text is complete and the papyrus is not broken in two parts, as plate V incorrectly suggests.” 78 P.Oxy. XXXI p. 167. 79 Lactantius, Mort. 13.1, 15.5 (emphasis added). 77

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to let one of the family members accompany her mother so that an eye ailment may be healed.

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Κοπρῆς Σαραπιάδι ἀδελφῇ πλεῖστα χαίρειν. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομε ὑμᾶς ὁλοκληρ⟨ε⟩ῖν παρὰ τῷ κυρί(ῳ) θ[(ε)ῷ.] γινώσκ⟨ε⟩ιν σε θέλω ὅτι τῇ ι α̣ ̣ εἰσήλθαμεν καὶ ἐγνώσθη ἡμῖ̣ ̣ν ὅτι οἱ προσερχόμενοι ἀναγκάζονται θ̣ύειν καὶ ἀποσυστα ̣τ̣ι -̣ κὸν ἐποίησα τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου καὶ μέχρι τούτου οὐδὲν ἐπράξαμεν ἐκατηχή σ̣ α̣ μ ̣ εν δὲ ῥήτορα τῇ ιβ̣ ἵνα τῇ ιδ̣ εἰσαχθῇ τὸ πρᾶγμα περὶ τῶν ἀρουρῶ(ν). (vac.) εἴ τι δὲ ἐὰν πράξωμεν γράφω σοι. οὐδὲν δέ σοι ἔπεμψα ἐπ⟨ε⟩ιδὴ εὗρον αὐτὸν Θεόδωρον ἐξερχόμενον. ἀποστέλλ ω ̣ ̣ σ̣οι δὲ αὐτὰ διὰ ἄλλου ταχέως. γράφε δὲ ἡμῖν περὶ τῆς ὁλοκληρίας ὑμῶν πάντων καὶ πῶς ἔσχεν Μαξιμῖνα

Downwards along the left margin καὶ Ἀσενά. καὶ εἰ δυνατόν ἐστιν ἐρχέσθω μετὰ τῆς μητρός σου Verso (along the fibers) ἵνα θεραπευθῇ τ̣ὸ ̣ λ ε̣ υ̣ κ̣ ω ̣ μάτιον. ἐγὼ γὰρ (vac.) εἶδον ἄλλους θεραπευθέντ̣ας. ἐρρῶσθ̣α ί̣ ̣ σ̣ε ̣ εὔ̣ χ̣ ομε. ἀσπάζο̣μαι πάντας τοὺς ἡμῶν κατ’ ὄνομα.

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ἀπ(όδος) τῇ ἀδελφῇ π(αρὰ) Κοπρῆτ(ος). (ἀμήν). (illegible traces of letters) __________ 4. l. εὔχομαι; pap. ϋμας. 5. pap. κυρι . 7. pap. ια. 10. pap. αναγ’καζονται. 13. μου corr. ex σοου. 17. pap. ι ϊνα; pap. ιδ, corr. ex ια̣. 19. pap. αρουρω. 29. pap. ϋμων. 32. pap. ϊνα. 33. l. εὔχομαι. 34. pap. απ; pap. π κοπρητ Ϙθ.

Translation Copres to his sister Sarapias, very many greetings. Before all else I pray that you are well (l. 5) before the Lord God. I want you to know that on the 11th we arrived and it became known to us that those presenting themselves (l. 10) were being compelled to sacrifice and I made a power-of-attorney for my brother and as of yet we have (l .15) accomplished nothing but we instructed an attorney on the 12th, so that on the 14th the matter concerning the arourae could proceed. (l. 20) If we should accomplish anything I’ll write to you. I have sent nothing to you since I found that Theodorus himself is departing. (l. 25) I am sending it (i.e., the letter) to you by another person shortly. Write to us concerning the health of all of you and (l. 30) how Maximina has been and Asena. If it is possible let him (her?) go with your mother (verso) so that his (her?) leukoma may be healed, for I have seen others healed. Farewell, I pray for you. I greet all our (friends) by name. Deliver to my sister, from Copres 99 (Amen). 1

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Κοπρῆς. The name Copres (Κοπρῆς) is a Greek name derived from the word κόπρος that means “excrement” or “dung.” Since it is hard to image why a parent would give their child such a patently offensive name it was traditionally thought that persons bearing a copronym were so named because they had been abandoned at birth and had been found at a dunghill (κοπρία). See S. Pomeroy, “Copronyms and the Exposure of Infants in Egypt,” in Studies in Roman Law in Memory of A. Arthur Schiller, ed. W. Harris et al. (Leiden, 1986), 147–62. A more likely explanation, however, for why persons were given this name is probably due to the fact that it was thought to protect the bearer of the name from the harmful effects of the “evil eye” (βασκανία). See D. Hobson, “Naming Practices in Roman Egypt,” BASP 26 (1989): 163–65; Pestman, New Papyrological Primer, 256 who notes: “. . . (the so-called copronyms) were used in order to protect the bearer from the evil eye. Copronyms do not have the connotation of ‘persons found on a rubbish heap.’ ” See also M. Malouta, “The Terminology of Fatherlessness in Roman Egypt: ἀπάτωρ and χρηματίζων μητρός,” PapCongr. XXIV (2007): 620–24, who provides a detailed listing of the name Copres in the papyri. After the fourth century the name is little attested. Σαραπιάδι ἀδελφῇ. The name Sarapias (Σαραπιάς) is a Greek female name derived from the masculine theonymic name Sarapis (Σάραπις). See M. C. D. Paganini, “Σαραπία and Σαραπεῖος: Two Greek Ghost-Names,” ZPE 165 (2008): 169–74. As the name is presently spelled it is attested almost 100 times in documents from Oxyrhynchus and mostly in the third century. While Copres addresses Sarapias as his “sister” (ἀδελφή) in l.  2 since he refers to “your mother” (i.e., the mother of Sarapias) in l.  31 it seems most likely that Sarapias was his wife. On this interpretation, see Pestman, The New Papyrological Primer, 255; cf. E. Dickey, “Literal and Extended Use of Kinship Terms in Documentary Papyri,” Mnemosyne 57 (2004): 157–58 who notes that in the Ptolemaic and Roman period it was

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not unusual for spouses, even non-consanguineous marriage partners, to address each other as “brother” (ἀδελφός) or “sister” (ἀδελφή). See 154 n. 1–2. If Sarapias is not to be regarded as the wife of Copres at the very least she is not to be considered his full sister. 2 πλεῖστα χαίρειν. On this phrase, see 136 n. 2. 3–5 πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομε ὑμᾶς ὁλοκληρ⟨ε⟩ῖν παρὰ τῷ κυρί(ῳ) θ[(ε)ῷ.]. On this formula, see 135 n. 3–4. A similar suspension for κύριος is attested in SB XII 10841 (=PSI VIII 972; IV): πρὸ μὲν [π]άντων εὔχομαι τὴ(ν) ὁλοκληρίαν σου παρὰ {παρα} τῷ κυ(ρίῳ) θ(ε)ῷ (“Before all else I pray that you are whole before the Lord God”). 6 γινώσκ⟨ε⟩ιν σε θέλω. This is a very common epistolary cliché that typically occurs after the opening section of the letter and introduces the principal reason(s) for the letter. See S. E. Porter and A. W. Pitts, “The Disclosure Formula in the Epistolary Papyri and in the New Testament: Development, Form, Function, and Syntax,” in The Language of the New Testament: Context, History, and Development ed. S. E. Porter and A. W. Pitts (Leiden/ Boston, 2013), 421–38; J. L. White, “Epistolary Formulas and Cliches in Greek Papyrus Letters,” SBLSP 14 (1978): 302–3. 11–13 ἀποσυστα̣ τ̣ικ̣ ὸν ἐποίησα τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου. On the use of the epithet “brother” in epistolary papyri, see 129 n. 1. Since Copres calls the individual who sacrifices on his behalf “my brother” it may probably be assumed that he was a non-Christian. There is no inherent discrepancy with a Christian calling a non-Christian a “brother” since the term also has the meaning of “colleague” in epistolary papyri. See P. Arzt-Grabner, “ ‘Brothers’ and ‘Sisters’ in Documentary Papyri and in Early Christianity,” RivB 50 (2002): 187. Finally, it may also be that when Copres uses the term “brother” it is literal and his biological brother was not a Christian and was able to act on his behalf and sacrifice. 16 ῥήτορα. The primary meaning of ῥήτωρ in the papyri is “attorney” or “advocate,” as is the case here. Less frequently it can refer to teachers of rhetoric. See R. Cribiore, “The Schools,” in Oxyrhynchus: A City and Its Texts, ed. A. K. Bowman et al. (London, 2007), 293–94. 17 τῇ ιβ̣ . In the ed. pr. the reading given is τῇ ι .; for the present reading, see Pestman, New Papyrological Primer, 255. 17–18 εἰσαχθῇ. The verb εἰσάγω has a technical meaning here of “to bring (a case) into court.” See Pestman, New Papyrological Primer, 257. 19 περὶ τῶν ἀρουρῶ(ν). On the technical meaning of “aroura,” see 134 n. 10. 24 Θεόδωρον. On the name Theodorus (Θεόδωρος), see 106 n. 3–5. 30 Μαξιμῖνα. The female name Maximina (Μαξιμῖνα) is Latin and is derived from the Latin male name Maximinus (Μαξιμῖνος). At present this is the only attestation of the name in the papyri. 31 Ἀσενά. The name Asena (Ἀσενά) is a masculine name whose exact origin is unknown. Outside of the present letter is it only attested in P.Wash.Univ. II 95.7 (V/VI). The related name Ἀσενάς occurs twice in P.Oxy. XVI 2058.6.134, 150 (VI). Since the name occurs once in Ezra 2:50 (cf. 1 Esd 3:31) it may have an Aramaic origin ‫ ֲאָס ָנא‬and have the meaning of “thorn bush.” See BDB no. 619. καὶ εἰ δυνατόν ἐστιν ἐρχέσθω μετὰ τῆς μητρός σου. The letter is ambiguous here as it is not possible to determine whether Copres is speaking of Maximina or Asena. Pestman (New Papyrological Primer, 257), however, takes the reference to refer to Maximina. 32–33 ἵνα θεραπευθῇ τ̣ὸ̣ λ̣ ευ̣ ̣ κ̣ωμάτιον. ἐγὼ γὰρ (vac.) εἶδον ἄλλους θεραπευθέντ̣ας. Leucoma was an eye disease where an opaque white spot appeared on the cornea and could result in partial or full blindness. In the papyri references to λεύκωμα appear in SB XX 14471.10 ( July 160 BCE); SB XX 14481.5 (August 158 BCE); P.Grenf. I 33.12 (II BCE); P.Mich. X 582.2.12 (50); BGU III 834.12 (125); P.Grenf. II 51.9 (143); SB I 4414.6 (October 10, 143); SB V 7515.22.17 (February 9, 155); P.Mich. VI 426.20–21 (ca. 200).

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34

The phrase ἐγὼ γὰρ (vac.) εἶδον ἄλλους θεραπευθέντ̣ας could perhaps be taken to refer to miraculous healings that Copres has witnessed. See NewDocs 4 (1987): 249. In the Hist. mon. 1.12 it reports that John of Lycopolis miraculously healed the wife of a local senator from Leucoma by having her anoint her eyes three times with oil. (ἀμήν). Pap. Ϙθ. The text contains the following isopsephy Ϙθ for ἀμήν. An isopsephy, from the Greek ἰσόψηφος which has the meaning “equal number of votes” or “equal in numerical value,” is a kind of alphanumeric cryptogram where the letter combination has the same numerical value as the letter combination of another word or phrase that it is representing. The most famous Christian example of an isopsephism is contained in Rev 13:17-18 where the number “of the beast,” 666 (χξς) or in some ms traditions including one at Oxyrhynchus 616 (χις; cf. Irenaeus, Haer. 5.30) [see 37], is used to surreptitiously refer to Nero Caesar. See B. M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the New Testament (2nd ed.; Stuttgart, 2002), 676. The isopsephy Ϙθ has the numerical value of 99 (Ϙ = 90 + θ = 9), as does ἀμήν (α = 1 + μ = 40 + η = 8 + ν = 50). While there are conceivably a number of other words besides ἀμήν whose numerical equivalent is 99, ἀμήν is the most likely choice for a couple of reasons: (1) already in the second century Irenaeus was aware that certain Christians, namely the Marcosians whom he criticizes, associated the number 99 with ἀμήν (Haer. 1.16.1; cf. Epiphanius, Pan. 34.12.6); (2) since this is the last word in the letter, which effectively concludes the letter, ἀμήν is very fitting and gives it a definite religious tone. The isopsephy Ϙθ occurs elsewhere in the letters from Oxyrhynchus in the following texts: P.Oxy. VIII 1162.15 [149]; P.Oxy. LVI 3857.3 [150]; P.Oxy. LVI 3862.1 (V).

Date: Early IV

140 P.Oxy. XII 1495 Neilus to Apollonius 26.0 × 11.5 cm TM no. 33650

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XII (London, 1916), 252–53 (no. 1495); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 159–61 (no. 21); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:394–95; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 216–18 (no. 48). Related Literature: H. G. Meecham, Light from Ancient Letters: Private Correspondence in the Non-literary Papyri of Oxyrhynchus of the First Four Centuries, and Its Bearing on New Testament Language and Thought (London, 1923), 47, 149; H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2787.21; H. A. Steen, “Les clichés épistolaires dans les lettres sur papyrus grecs,” C&M 1 (1938): 159; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 268; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 19; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout,

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2006), 166; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 302. Introduction This papyrus is presently lost, and there is no extant image.80 In B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt’s terse introduction to the letter in the ed. pr., they mentioned nothing about the state of the papyrus but only remarked that the hand of the text pointed to a mid-fourth-century date: “The handwriting suggests about the middle of the fourth century.”81 While their terse paleographic assessment cannot be tested, based on a unique prosopographical feature contained in the letter it should now be dated to the early fourth century. In ll. 6–7 the sender entreats the recipient to give another individual, a man named Zacaon who is a pastry-cook (Ζακάωνι πλακουντᾷ), some money for an account. In P.Oxy. LXIV 4441 (315–February 316)—a large roll containing reports to the logistes (curator civitatis) of Oxyrhynchus—in column 6, while outlining who is responsible for repairing a stoa, it mentions a man named Zacaon who is identified as a pastry-cook (6.10, Ζακαῶνος πλακουντᾶ) using the very same unusual term πλακουντᾶς. Undoubtedly, this is the same Zacaon who is mentioned in the present letter; therefore, because P.Oxy. LXIV 4441 dates to 315/316, the letter should probably also be dated to the earlier part of the fourth century.82 The letter is fairly mundane as the sender, a man named Neilus, entreats the recipient, a certain Apollonius, to pay a debt on his behalf. Aside from the use of nomina sacra in the opening formula of address (ll. 4–5), there is nothing else that is decisively Christian in the letter.

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κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ Ἀπολλωνίῳ Νεῖλος χαίρειν. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σοι τὴν ὁλοκληρίαν παρὰ τῷ κ(υρι)ῷ θ(ε)ῷ. πᾶν ποίησον, ἄδελφε, δὸς τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου Ζακάωνι πλακουντᾷ εἰς λόγον μου ὡς τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα, καὶ δήλωσόν μοι δῶ τὰς ἴσας ἐνταῦθα καὶ γενέσθω σοι,

80 R. Coles, Location-List of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri and the Other Greek Papyri Published by the Egypt Exploration Society (London, 1974), 32: “Not found at Bang. [i.e., The Library at University College of North Wales Bangor].” Coles also notes on the same page that no photograph of the papyrus is available at the Ashmolean Museum. 81 P.Oxy. XII p. 252. 82 In the commentary following P.Oxy. LXIV 4441, it is not noted that “Zacaon the pastry-cook” is also attested in the present letter.

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15

ἐπὶ οι [̣ ]̣ ν̣ην[ ]̣ ο ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ α̣ ς̣ ̣ ὁ̣δο̣ ῦ̣ , ἐπ⟨ε⟩ιδὴ οὐκ ἐδυνήθη μετ’ αὐτοῦ ἄξειν. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀμελήσῃς, ἄδελφε, ὡς εἰδὼς τὴν ὀφ⟨ε⟩ίλειάν μου ἐν̣τ̣αῦθα. ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι πολλοῖς χρόνοις, κύριέ μου.

Verso κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ Ἀπολλωνίῳ Νεῖλος. __________ 4–5. pap. κ ω θ ω.

Translation To my lord brother Apollonius, Neilus (sends) greetings. Before all else I pray that you are whole before the Lord (l. 5) God. By every means, brother, give to my brother Zacaon the pastry-cook about forty talents for my account, and let me know if I should give the equivalent amount (l. 10) where you are and you shall have it, . . . since he could not bring it with him. But do not neglect this, brother, for you know (l. 15) my debt in that quarter. I pray for your continued health. (verso) Neilus to his lord brother Apollonius. 1

2

3–5 5 6–7

κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ Ἀπολλωνίῳ. On the use of ἀδελφός as a title of address, see 129 n. 1. The name Apollonius (Ἀπολλώνιος) is a Greek theonymic name derived from Apollo (Ἀπόλλων) where the suffix implies that the bearer of the name was dedicated to or belonged to Apollo. See I. Kajanto, Onomastic Studies in the Early Christian Inscriptions of Rome and Carthage (Helsinki, 1963), 100; cf. NB Dem. 12–14. This is one of the most popular names in the papyri of the Ptolemaic, Roman, and Byzantine periods with over 5,000 attestations in the papyri. Νεῖλος. The name Neilus (Νεῖλος) is a Greek name than means the “Nile” (i.e., Nile River). See Chantraine, 712; Masson, 1:151. A popular name in the papyri with just under 1,000 attestations, it is first attested in a document from Oxyrhynchus in the Ptolemaic period: BGU XIV 2400.4 (III BCE). πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαί σοι τὴν ὁλοκληρίαν παρὰ τῷ κ(υρι)ῷ θ(ε)ῷ. On this formula, see 135 n. 3–4. πᾶν ποίησον. On this common epistolary formula, see Steen, “Les clichés épistolaires dans les lettres sur papyrus grecs,” 158–59. τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου Ζακάωνι πλακουντᾷ. This individual is also attested in P.Oxy. LXIV 4441.6.10 (see “Introduction” above). The name Zacaon (Ζακαῶν) is derived from Sakaon (Σακαῶν) and is of unknown origin. Besides the present letter and P.Oxy. LXIV 4441 this name appears in three other documents from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. XLII 3042.6 (October 1, 306); SB VI 9214.5, 31 ( July 311); P.Oxy. VIII 1116.19 (August 30–September 28, 363). πλακουντᾷ is the dative form of the noun πλακουντᾶς (gen. πλακουντᾶ) and has the same meaning as the more common πλακουντάριος “maker of cakes, pastry-cook”;

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s.v. LSJ; B. Olsson, “Die Gewerbenamen auf -ᾶς in den Papyri,” Aeg 6 (1925): 249. On “pastry-cooks,” see also Ε. Wipszycka, Les ressources et les activités économiques des églises en Égypt du IVe au VIIIe siecle (Brussels, 1972), 107; Palladius, Hist. Laus. 7.4 notes that there were “pastry-cooks” (πλακουντάριοι) among the monks in Nitria. 7 εἰς λόγον μου. “For my account.” For this translation, see Meecham, Light from Ancient Letters, 47. 8 ὡς τεσσαράκοντα τάλαντα. On the meaning of “talent,” see 112 n. 10–11. 13–14 μὴ ἀμελήσῃς. On this formula, see 138 n. 23–24. 16–18 ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι πολλοῖς χρόνοις, κύριέ μου. This valediction is a very common one in the third and fourth centuries as it is paralleled, word for word, in over twenty other letters from this period. 19 κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ. On this address, see 129 n. 1.

141 P.Oxy. LXIII 4365 Letter about the Exchange of Scriptural Books 11.5 × 8.0 cm TM no. 33683 Date: Early IV Material: Papyrus Published: J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LXIII (London, 1996), 44–45 (no. 4365); D. Hagedorn, “Die ‘Kleine Genesis’ in P.Oxy. LXIII 4365,” ZPE 116 (1997): 147–48; R. Otranto, “ ‘Alia tempora, alii libri’: Notizie ed elenchi di libri cristiani su papiro,” Aeg 77 (1997): 106–8; R. Otranto, Antiche liste di libri su papiro (Rome, 2000), 128–29; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 71–74; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 169. Related Literature: S. Franklin, “A Note on a Pseudepigraphical Allusion in Oxyrhynchus Papyrus No. 4365,” VT 48 (1998): 95–96; J. Rowlandson, Women and Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: A Sourcebook (Cambridge, 1998), 78 (no. 59); K. Haines-Eitzen, Guardians of Letters: Literacy, Power, and the Transmitters of Early Christian Literature (Oxford, 2000), 77; A. Hilhorst, “Erwähnt P.Oxy. LXIII 4365 das Jubiläenbuch?” ZPE 130 (2000): 192; T. J. Kraus, “Bücherleihe im 4. Jh. n. Chr.: P.Oxy. LXIII 4365—ein Brief auf Papyrus vom Anfang des vierten Jahrhunderts und die gegenseitige Leihe von apokryph gewordener Literatur,” Biblos 50 (2001): 285– 96; J. M. Scott, Geography in Early Judaism and Christianity: The Book of Jubilees (Cambridge, 2002), 239 n. 44; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 21–35; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 167; T. J. Kraus, “The Lending of Books in the Fourth Century C.E. P.Oxy. LXIII 4365—A Letter on Papyrus and the Reciprocal Lending of Literature Having Become Apocryphal,” in Ad Fontes:

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Original Manuscripts and Their Significance for Studying Early Christianity—Selected Essays, ed. T. J. Kraus (Leiden, 2007), 185–207. Introduction This short letter, comprised of only 21 words, was written on the back of a petition that is dated to the late third or early fourth century (P.Oxy. LXIII 4364). The petition was cut down so that the papyrus could be reused for the letter on the back; only the right half of the petition is still extant and contains a subscription in a different hand by a woman who identifies herself as “Aurelia Soteira alias Hesychium.” The letter on the back is written along the fibers perpendicular to the text of the petition. While the hand of the letter is clear, owing to its rather large letter forms, and is written in uncial letters, it is not exceptionally skilled. At times the hand appears slightly awkward or at the very least hasty. Though the editor of the text raised the possibility that the hand of the letter is perhaps the same as the hand of the subscription on the petition (P.Oxy. LXIII p. 44), this suggestion seems unlikely; the subscription is written with a thicker hand, and the alphas and etas are markedly different from how they appear in the letter. Despite the brevity of the letter, it has gained considerable attention since it concerns the exchange of scriptural books between two Christians. While the letter begins with an opening address that is in many respects unremarkable and the sender greets the recipient “in the Lord” (l. 2) employing the nomen sacrum for κύριος, the opening address is somewhat unusual since the name of neither the sender nor the recipient is present. Though the first editor of this text raised the possibility that the names were not included due to discretion, and implied that the letter may have been written at a time of persecution when it was potentially dangerous to profess Christianity,83 this line of reasoning is unlikely. Since this is a personal letter, sent between family or friends and likely transmitted by a mutual acquaintance, there would have been no reason to deliberately conceal one’s name for fear of reprisal for being a Christian. A more likely reason why the names of the sender and addressee are absent is due to brevity; this “letter” reads more like a quick note to a friend than a formal request and was probably so terse because there was already in place a mutually understood context, so there was no need to include every detail in the request. In light of these factors, this letter is similar to many invitations from Oxyrhynchus that are comparable in length, which render only the most essential details about the purpose of the invite, rarely contain the name of the recipient, and on some occasions also omit the name of the sender. Finally, while the name of the sender and addressee are not present, it is at least clear 83

P.Oxy. LXIII p. 44.

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the recipient was a woman as the letter is addressed “to my dearest lady sister” (ll. 1–2). Though some have suspected that the sender was also a woman, this cannot be confirmed via the extant remains of the letter.84 The sender begins the letter abruptly with a request that the recipient lend “Ezra” since the sender had previously loaned “little Genesis.” The reference to “Ezra” should probably be taken to refer to one of the many pseudepigraphical books published under his name, probably 4 Ezra (2 Esdras in the Apocrypha) and not the book of Ezra from the Old Testament (see n. 3). The reference to “little Genesis” has been taken in two ways: (1) as a reference to a miniature codex of Genesis, or (2) as a reference to the book of Jubilees. In Epiphanius, Pan. 39.6.1, he notes that the book of Jubilees was also known as “little Genesis,” using the very same terminology that appears in the letter: Ὡς δὲ ἐν τοῖς Ἰωβηλαίοις εὑρίσκεται, τῇ καὶ λεπτῇ Γενέσει καλουμένῃ (“As is found in Jubilees, that is also called ‘little Genesis’ ”).

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τῇ κυρίᾳ μου φιλτάτῃ ἀδελφῇ ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ χαίρειν. χ ρ̣ ̣ῆσον τὸν̣ Ἔσδραν, ἐ ̣πε̣ ὶ ἔχρη̣ σά σοι τὴν λεπτὴν Γένεσιν. ἔρρωσο ἡμ{ε}ῖν ἐν θ(ε)ῷ. __________ 2. pap. κω  . 6. pap. θ ω.

Translation To my dearest lady sister, greetings in the Lord. Lend the Ezra, since I lent you the (l. 5) little Genesis. Farewell in God from us. τῇ κυρίᾳ μου φιλτάτῃ ἀδελφῇ. The use of the title κυρία, like κύριος, is a common title of address in epistolary papyri and signals respect and admiration. The adjective φίλος, -η, -ον, especially its superlative form, is employed to express a strong and genuine affection for the recipient of the epithet. See Dickey, Greek Forms of Address, 135–38. Dineen (Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 91) notes, “The adjective φίλτατος is found rarely as a term of address in the Christian writers.” ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23. Ἔσδραν. A fragment from a fourth-century miniature codex (P.Oxy. VII 1010) containing 6 Ezra (=4 Ezra 15–16) has been found at Oxyrhynchus. But, as Epp has rightly pointed out, “only the wildest speculation would identify that [P.Oxy. VII 1010] with the ‘Ezra’ of our letter [P.Oxy. LXIII 4365]” (“Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri,” 34). Nevertheless, its presence should at the very least serve to increase the probability that the Ezra under question was a copy of one of the many pseudepigraphical works circulating under his name and not the book of Ezra from the OT. To date no fragment from LXX Ezra has been found at Oxyrhynchus (or even larger Egypt). P.Leid.Inst. 13 (=P.Lugd.Bat.

1–2

2 3

84

Epp, “Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri,” 28–29.

512

5

6

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus XXV; VII/VIII), an inventory of church property, mentions that it had in its possession “one new book containing the Apocalypse of Esdras” (6.36, βιβ[λί(ον)] κ̣ [αινούργ(ιον) ἔ]χ̣(ον) Ἔσδρα προφ(ητείαν) –α). λεπτὴν Γένεσιν. If “little Genesis” is taken to refer to the size of the codex, and not a reference to the book of Jubilees (see “Introduction” above), it may be noted that Christians from Oxyrhynchus seem to have been especially fond of miniature sized codices for their texts as they begin to appear in the third century: P.Ryl. III 463 Gospel of Mary (III) [62]; P.Oxy. XV 1828 Shepherd of Hermas (III) [66]; P.Oxy. XIII 1594 Tobit (III/IV); P.Oxy. VI 849 Acts of Peter (IV) [71]; P.Oxy. VI 850 Acts of John (IV) [70]; P.Oxy. VII 1010 6 Ezra (IV); P.Oxy. XV 1783 Shepherd of Hermas (IV) [67]; P.Oxy. LXV 4444 Wisdom of Solomon (IV); P.Oxy. V 840 Apocryphal Gospel (IV/V) [77]; P.Oxy. XV 1782 Didache (IV/V) [78]; C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2.482–83; Apocalypse of Peter (V); P.Oxy. I 6 Acts of Paul and Thecla (V). According to E. G. Turner’s typology, miniature codices are those whose breadth is less than 10 cm (The Typology of the Early Codex [Philadelphia, 1977], 22, 29–30). Fragments of Genesis from Oxyrhynchus include P.Oxy. IV 656 (II/III); P.Oxy. VII 1007 (III); P.Oxy. IX 1166 (III); P.Oxy. IX 1167 (IV); P.Oxy. VIII 1073 (late V); and possibly S. Uljas, “A Hitherto Unattested Section of Sahidic Old Testament,” ZPE (2010): 63–65 (VI). To date there has not been a fragment from the book of Jubilees found at Oxyrhynchus; only one fragment of Jubilees from Egypt in Sahidic Coptic has been published: A. Crislip, “The Book of Jubilees in Coptic: An Early Christian Florilegium on the Family of Noah,” BASP 40 (2003): 27–44. “Genesis” is referenced in P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785.7–8 [133]: καθηχούμενον ἐν τῇ Γενέσει; Gen 48:16a is quoted in P.Köln IV 200.3–5 [158]. ἐν θ(ε)ῷ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23.

142 PSI IV 311 Delivery Instructions for a Letter to Bishop Theodotus of Laodicea 23.5 × 13.0 cm TM no. 33125 Date: ca. 330 Material: Papyrus Published: G. Vitelli and M. Norsa (eds.), Papiri greci e latini IV (Florence, 1917), 43–45 (no. 311); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 154–58 (no. 20); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:389–91; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II– IV (Florence, 1968), 184–87 (no. 39); L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 140–41; L. H. Blumell, “PSI IV 311: Early Evidence for ‘Arianism’ at Oxyrhynchus?” BASP 49 (2012): 277–96. Related Literature: G. Farina and G. Vitelli, “Aggiunte e correzioni,” Aeg 2 (1921): 107; H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2790.34; J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 170–71; L. G. Modena, “Il cristianesimo ad Ossirinco: Papiri letterari e cultura religiosa,” BSAA 10 (1938–1939): 299; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere

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cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 269; M. Naldini, Documenti dell’antichità cristiana: Papiri e pergamene greco-egizie della Raccolta Fiorentina (Florence, 1965), 36 (no. 46); J. van Haelst, “Les sources papyrologiques concernant l’Église en Égypte à l’epoque de Constantin,” PapCongr. XII (1970): 499, 501; J. O’Callaghan, El cristianismo popular en el antiguo Egipto (Madrid, 1975), 98–99; E. J. Epp, “New Testament Papyrus Manuscripts and Letter Carrying in Greco-Roman Times,” in The Future of Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester, ed. B. A. Pearson et al. (Minneapolis, 1991), 49–50; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 306; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 127, 159; M. DelCogliano, “The Eusebian Alliance: The Case of Theodotus of Laodicea,” ZAC 12 (2008): 256 n. 27; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 81 n. 1; L. H. Blumell, “Christians on the Move in Late Antique Oxyrhynchus,” in Travel and Religion in Antiquity, ed. P. A. Harland (Waterloo, 2011), 246. Introduction This letter is written with a single hand in a dark-brown ink across the fibers of a fragmentary papyrus; there is no writing on the back. While the left and right margins of the text are partially intact, the top and bottom of the papyrus are broken off with the result that the opening and closing of the letter are lost. While the hand is at times rapid, the text is clear and legible on the extant portions of the papyrus, and the orthography is regular aside from a few phonetic spellings. Paleographically the hand is characteristic of the fourth century, and the best indicator of the date of the letter are the references to Bishop Theodotus of Laodicea in ll. 20–21 and 28 since his tenure as bishop of Laodicea is well known (see n. 20–21). Though this fragmentary letter was first published nearly a century ago, its significance for the study of ancient Christianity at Oxyrhynchus has not been fully recognized. While most treatments of this letter tend to see that its only significance lies in the fact that it contains instructions for a letter (no longer extant) to be delivered to the famous, or perhaps infamous, bishop of Laodicea (Syrian), Theodotus, no substantive attempt has been made to spell out the potential ecclesiastical consequences and/or implications of such contact. However, given that this is the only letter in the entire Oxyrhynchus corpus addressed to a prominent bishop also known from patristic sources, and given that it reveals that some kind of early epistolary network existed between certain Christians at Oxyrhynchus—perhaps even some early bishop—and Theodotus of Laodicea (inhabitants of two cities separated by over one thousand kilometers), it deserves serious attention given that such long-distance

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correspondence is extremely rare in the letters from Oxyrhynchus. Looking at this letter in light of what can be known about the episcopal career of Theodotus, it becomes apparent that this letter could very well serve as evidence, albeit indirect, for what may be regarded as an early “Arian” faction at Oxyrhynchus given that Theodotus had strong Arian leanings throughout his career. This interpretation seems warranted in light of the reference to the “letter of peace” (ll.  18–19) that was being delivered to Theodotus, as such letters tended to signify theological bonds and loyalties between two parties. If one examines what can be known about the bishopric of Oxyrhynchus in the aftermath of the Arian controversy, to consider the context of this letter, it becomes evident that, for the first thirty or forty years after Nicaea, Oxyrhynchus was anything but the bastion of orthodoxy it was purported to have become by the end of the century when the anonymous author of the Historia monachorum in Aegypto reports that the bishop of the city was orthodox and not a single “heretic” could be found within the city’s walls (Hist. mon. 5.4) [166]. From ca. 325–347, it would appear that the bishop of Oxyrhynchus was a man by the name of Pelagius.85 In Athanasius’ Festal Letter of 347 (XIX), written shortly after the return of his second exile, near the end of the letter Athanasius deposed Pelagius and appointed another bishop by the name of Theodorus in his stead (Ep. fest. 19.10).86 While the specific reasons behind the removal of Pelagius are not altogether clear, the question that naturally arises is whether or not it had something to do with Pelagius’ theological ties. Elsewhere, Athanasius points out that Pelagius had Melitian, and by implication (according to Athanasius) Arian, ties (Apol. sec. 71.6, 78.7). As Melitians and Arians are virtually synonymous for Athanasius, it is sometimes difficult to differentiate the associates of the two groups in his writings (Ep. Aeg. Lib. 22; H. Ar. 31, 78; cf. Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 2.21; Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 1.9.14).87 In any case, the fact that Pelagius clearly had theological commitments to one, or another, or even both of these groups was likely a decisive factor for his removal by Athanasius in 347. This interpretation may be further supported by the fact that when Athanasius did return to Egypt in 346 he immediately began some house cleaning so to speak and removed a few other bishops at A. Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” ZPE 111 (1996): 172– 73; K. A. Worp, “A Checklist of Bishops in Byzantine Egypt (A.D. 325–c. 750),” ZPE 100 (1994) 303; Timm, 1:285. 86 This letter is only extant in Syriac. On Athanasius’ fourth return from exile, see Socrates, Hist. eccl. 2.22. On the chronology of his Festal Letters, see T. D. Barnes, Athanasius and Constantius: Theology and Politics in the Constantinian Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1993), 183–91 (app. 1: Festal Letters). 87 See also H. I. Bell (ed.), Jews and Christians in Egypt: The Jewish Troubles in Alexandria and the Athanasian Controversy (repr., Westport, Conn., 1972), 41–42. 85

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the same time whose orthodoxy and theological connections were suspect. As Pelagius’ episcopal career largely overlapped with that of Theodotus of Laodicea, if the sender of PSI IV 311 were the bishop of Oxyrhynchus, which is certainly conceivable in light of what is known about long-distance episcopal correspondence in the early fourth century, then it may be no coincidence that a bishop whose theological leanings were suspect according to Athanasius is corresponding with a prominent Arian sympathizer. It should also be pointed out here that Pelagius’ successor, Theodorus, though appointed by Athanasius, eventually sided with the Arians during his episcopacy, and it is reported that he even led a group of Arian clergy to sack a church in Oxyrhynchus because they had consecrated a rival (“orthodox”) bishop by the name of Heracleidas (see [164]). –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

→ 5

10

15

20

α̣[ ]88 [. . . .]ομαι γρα [̣ ±10 ] [. . . .]αι εἰς ἀν.[ ±10 ] [. .] δὲ θέλω ἀσ̣[ ±8 ἀ-] π[ο]δ̣οθῆναι .[ ±8 ἄν-] θρωπος εἰς τὴν ὐ̣[πάρχου-] σαν οἰκίαν. ἀποδ[. . . . . ἵνα] εἰς χεῖρας ἔλθῃ ᾧ [ἐγὼ θέ-] λω. τούτου χάριν τ̣ῷ̣ ἐπισκόπῳ τῆς Λαυδικίας τῆς πρὸ δύο μονῶν Ἀντιοχείας ἀπ [̣ ο]δοθῆναι αὐτὰ θέλ ω ̣ ,̣ κἀκεῖνος ἀσφαλ[ῶ]ς ̣ αὐτ̣ὰ ̣ π̣έ μ ̣ -̣ πει τῷ ἀνθρώπ [̣ ῳ] ᾧ βούλομαι. τὸν Χρ{ε}ιστ[όν] σοι. ⟨σὺ⟩ οὖ̣[ν] 〚σὺ〛 ἄπελθε πρ[ὸς] τ̣ὸν ἄν[θρωπ]ο̣ν̣ κ[αὶ ε]ἰς χεῖρας δ̣[ὸς] αὐτῷ [τὸ] γράμμα [εἰρην]ι κ̣ όν. δ[ιὰ τ]ούτου ἵνα [εἰ]ς χεῖρας Θ[εο]δότῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ τῆ[ς] Λαυδικίας ἀποδῷ· οὕτως γὰρ ἔχει καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή. ἐπ⟨ε⟩ὶ δὲ δύο εἰσὶν Λαυδικίε μία τῆς

The line numbering for this edition differs from all previous editions because they do not start their line count until l. 2 of the present edition. 88

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25

Φρυγίας καὶ μί̣ α ἡ κα[τ]ὰ Συ̣ ρί α̣ ν, .[ –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Written downward along the left margin across the fibers

29

[πρ]ὸ̣ς τὴν Λαυδικίαν τῆς κοίλης Συρία[ς τ]ῆς ̣ πρὸ δύο μονῶν [Ἀ]ντιοχείας· ἐκεῖ ἐστιν Θεόδοτος ὁ ἐπίσκοπο[ς ·] αὐτὰ ̣ ο̣ὖν ἀπόδος σω. .[ vac. ἄδελφε ἀσύγκριτε. __________ 13–14. l. πέμψει. 16. pap. σ̅υ. 19. pap. ϊνα. 24. l. Λαυδικίαι.

Translation . . . (l. 6) deliver to his house so that they (neuter) may go into the hands of him whom I want. For that reason I want them to be delivered to the (l. 10) bishop of Laodicea, which is two stations before Antioch, and that man will send them safely to the one whom I wish. (l. 15) By Christ I beg you! And so you go to the man and deliver the letter of peace into his hands. Through that man, so that he may deliver it (l. 20) into the hands of Theodotus the bishop of Laodicea. For such is in fact the address. But since there are two Laodiceas, one (l. 25) in Phrygia and one in Syria, .  .  . (he should deliver it?) to Laodicea of Coelesyria, two stations before Antioch. Theodotus is the bishop there. Deliver them (safely?), incomparable brother. 1 2

3

From the note (ll. 27–28) written in the left margin it would seem that there are probably not more than 2–3 lines of text missing before the first line. ]ομαι γρα̣ [. Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 156; Farina and Vitelli, “Aggiunte e correzioni,” Aeg 2 [1921]: 107) and Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:389) believed that the most likely reconstruction for this line of text was [βούλ]ομαι γρ[άμματα]. While this reconstruction is certainly possible, it should be pointed out that there are also a number of other equally plausible readings for these lacunae: [δέχο]μαι γρά̣[μματα] (“I receive the letter”) (BGU II 674.7 [VI]; P.Apoll. 63.18 [later VII]); [δέ]ομαι γρά̣[ψαι] (“I need to write”) (P.Oxy. XIV 1679.23 [III]); [δύν]ομαι γρά̣[φειν] (“I am able to write”) (P.Tebt. II 760.3 [215/214 BCE]); etc. Without more context it is nearly impossible to determine which conjectural reading is to be preferred. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 185) left this line as [. . .].ομαι γρα̣ [ and did not fill in the lacunae. [. . . .]αι εἰς ἀν.[. In the ed. pr. and in Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:389) the following reconstruction was given [. . . .]αι εἰς Ἀν[τιόχειαν. To this Ghedini added [πέμψ]αι at the start of the line (Lettere cristiane, 156; Farina and Vitelli, “Aggiunte e correzioni,” Aeg 2 [1921]: 107). Though all these reconstructions are possible they are only conjectures, and with the case of Ghedini’s [πέμψ]αι it hinges on his reconstruction of the previous line. Given the number of possibilities with this letter combination no reading can be established with much certainty. Between the iota and sigma there is an unusually large space on the papyrus that could easily accommodate two letters. While this gap could signal some kind of word break or sense division it seems more likely that the space

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4 6–7

7

8–9

10

517

is simply accommodating a long iota hanging down from the previous line. Alternative letter combinations could be either ]αιει σαν[ or ]αι ει σαν[; however, no parallels could be found in the DDbDP for either of these possibilities. [. .] δὲ θέλω ἀσ̣ [. The ed. pr., Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 156), and Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 185) read [. .] δὲ θέλω ἀ . [. Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:389) expands the text and reads [ἐγὼ] δὲ θέλω ἀσ̣ [φαλῶς. τὴν ὐ̣[πάρχου]|σαν οἰκίαν. Neither the ed. pr., Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 156), nor Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 185) attempted to fill this lacuna and both the ed. pr. and Ghedini read τὸν instead of τήν. Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2·389) reconstructs the lines as follows: τὸν [τόπον καὶ μὴ τὴν τυχοῦ]|σαν οἰκίαν. But the major problem with Wessely’s reconstruction is that it is far too long to reasonably fit the lacuna. The present rendering fits remarkably well with ὑπάρχω. Not only does this reconstruction make some sense in light of the context of the delivery instructions, it also has a parallel in BGU III 998.7 (December 13, 101 BCE): τὴν ὐπάρχουσαν οἰκίαν (“his own house”). ἀποδ[. . . . . ἵνα]. The four letters that precede the lacuna are almost certainly the first part of the verb ἀποδίδωμι, which the writer employs frequently throughout the letter (ll. 4–5 and 11–12, ἀποδοθῆναι; l. 22, ἀποδῷ; l. 28, ἀπόδος). However, since there is little context to go on at this point it is difficult to determine its exact form. In the ed. pr. and in Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 156) the lacuna is empty. Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2.389) proposed ἀποδ[ότω ἵνα μὴ], Winter (Life and Letters in the Papyri, 171 n. 2) ἀπόδ[ος ἵνα], and Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 186) ἀπόδ[ος οὖν ἱνα]. It seems likely that that lacuna also contained ἵνα, with the diaeresis, to introduce the subjunctive ἔλθῃ in l. 8 since the writer employed ἵνα in l. 19 to introduce the subjunctive ἀποδῷ in l. 22. Additionally, when ἵνα appears in l. 19 it is immediately followed by εἰς χεῖρας (l. 20), which also appears immediately after this lacuna in l. 8. εἰς χεῖρας ἔλθῃ ᾧ [ἐγὼ θέ]|λω. The ed. pr. and Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 156) reconstructed the lacuna with [ δη]λῶ. Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:389) proposed ἔλθῃ ᾧ [τινιουν ἀπατη]|λῷ and Winter (Life and Letters in the Papyri, 171 n. 2) suggested [ θέ]|λω. Seemingly building upon Winter’s proposal Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 186) filled the lacuna with [ἐγὼ θέ]|λω. Naldini’s reading seems the most likely for a number of reasons: (1) it makes sense in light of the context of the papyrus; (2) this reading fills the lacuna nicely as it requires four or five letters; (3) the emphatic ἐγὼ θέλω is attested frequently in the papyri and elsewhere in the letter the writer employs personal pronouns for emphasis (l. 16); (4) since the writer appears to have had a penchant for repeating certain verbs (ll. 4–5, 11–12, 28 ἀποδίδωμι), this makes it more likely that θέλω was used here since it also appears in ll. 4 and 12; (5) the dative relative pronoun ᾧ that directly proceeds this lacuna also appears in l. 14 accompanied with the related verb for “wishing/desiring” βούλομαι. τῆς Λαυδικίας. As is clear in ll.  24–27 the Laodicea being referred to is the one in Coelesyria (Laodicea ad mare), not the Phrygian Laodicea (Laodicea ad Lycum). As a survey of the papyri reveals, Laodicea in Coelesyria is hardly ever mentioned. One other near contemporaneous reference to this Laodicea is found in P.Ryl. IV 630.247 (ca. 317–323), which belongs to the archive of Theophanes of Hermopolis. This papyrus, along with P.Ryl. IV 627 (early IV), contains a dated list of the travel expenses Theophanes incurred on his round-trip from Hermopolis to Antioch. For a detailed treatment of these texts, see J. Matthews, The Journey of Theophanes: Travel, Business, and Daily Life in the Roman Near East (New Haven, 2006). For the present purposes the Theophanes material is relevant because it may offer some indication of the route taken and the time required to deliver the letter spoken of in PSI IV 311. Theophanes left Hermopolis in the middle of March (Phamenoth) and

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sailed to Babylon (of Egypt = Old Cairo). After a few days rest he went on to Athribis, a city about 50 km north of Babylon on the eastern bank of the Sebennytic Mouth of the Nile, then to Pelusium and followed the coast of the Levantine Seaboard (via maris) until he reached Antioch. Based on a survey of his dated travel expenditures listed in P.Ryl. IV 627 he was able to make the trip from Athribis to Antioch in only twenty-four days and averaged about 50 km a day (see Matthews, The Journey of Theophanes, 49–50). While one cannot assume that the person delivering the letter mentioned in PSI IV 311 took the same route as Theophanes, or made it in about the same amount of time, Theophanes’ itinerary is still useful for comparison. If the bearer of the letter was able to draw on the resources of the cursus publicus on his journey then it is conceivable that he could have delivered the letter relatively quickly, at least by ancient standards (on the Christian use of the cursus publicus see: Eusebius, Vit. Const. 3.6; Gregory of Nyssa, Ep. 2.12; Ammianus Marcellinus 21.16.18). For letters conducted via the resources of the cursus publicus it is estimated that on average a letter would move about 50 Roman miles per day (A. M. Ramsay, “The Speed of the Imperial Post,” JRS 15 [1925]: 65–69; cf. R. Chevallier, Roman Roads, trans. N. H. Field [London, 1976], 194–95). While there are notable examples where letters traveled more than a 100 Roman miles in a single day, such speeds represent the rare exception necessitated under special circumstances (E. G. Turner, Greek Papyri: An Introduction [Oxford, 1980], 139–40; J. L. White, Light from Ancient Letters [Philadelphia, 1986], 214–15; cf. E. J. Epp “New Testament Papyrus Manuscripts and Letter Carrying in Greco-Roman Times,” in The Future of Christianity: Essays in Honor of Helmut Koester, ed. B. A. Pearson et al. [Minneapolis, 1991], 53–55). Alternatively, if the letter was being conducted outside of the resources of the cursus publicus by a private individual or by a subdeacon, deacon, or acolyte, who often conveyed episcopal correspondence (see Ign. Eph. 2:1; Phld. 10:1, 11:1–2; Smyrn. 10:1, 12:1; Cyprian, Ep. 8.1.1; 9.1.1; 20.3.2; 36.1.1; 44.1.1; 47.1.2; 52.1.1; 55.2.1; 59.1.1, 9.4; 67.1.1; 75.1.1; 79.1.1), it could have taken considerably longer to deliver the letter. For letters delivered over long distances it was not uncommon for them to take up to a year or even more for delivery (M. R. P. McGuire, “Letters and Letter Carriers in Christian Antiquity,” CW 5 [1960]: 200; cf. Paulinus of Nola, Ep. 17.1; Jerome, Ep. 28, this letter was sent from Augustine to Jerome and took nine years to be delivered due to a series of misfortunes). 10–11 τῆς πρὸ δύο μονῶν Ἀντιοχείας. The Greek μονή is the equivalent to the Latin mansio (CGL II 127.5, 327.59, 342.27, 436.45, III 411.4, 5). Mansiones (pl.) were roadway lodging houses or resting stops/staging points set up at various points along major roads or highways for the state post (cursus publicus) or for travelers on official state business. See A. H. M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284–602 (Oxford, 1964), 1:831–34; P.Köln V pp. 255 and 264. At least in Egypt the evidence suggests that mansiones were run and funded by private individuals in their capacity as liturgists. See C. Adams, “ ‘There and Back Again’: Getting Around in Roman Egypt,” in Travel and Geography in the Roman Empire, ed. C. Adams and R. Laurence (London, 2001), 143–44. It would seem that mansiones were typically spaced about a day’s journey apart for normal travel (while traveling about Palestine and Egypt [ca. 381–384] Egeria often uses the term mansio as a computation for the distance traveled on a particular day on her journey [i.e., a day’s journey]); although couriers on horseback could traverse multiple mansiones in a single day (Procopius of Caesarea, Historia arcana, 301–5). Both Theophanes (R.Ryl.  IV 627V col.  viii.330–33) and the Pilgrim of Bordeaux (ca.  333, Itinerarium Burdigalense, 582) agree that the distance between Laodicea and Antioch was 64 Roman miles. While the present letter supposes that Laodicea was “two stations before Antioch” (ll. 27–28) the Pilgrim of Bordeaux records that there were two

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mansiones between Antioch and Laodicea: Platanus (mansio platanus) 16 miles from Laodicea; Catelae (mansio catelas) 40 miles from Laodicea (Itinerarium Burdigalense, 582). 12–14 κἀ|κεῖνος ἀσφαλ[ῶ]ς ̣ αὐτ̣ὰ̣ π̣ έ̣μ̣|πει. In the ed. pr. it reads κο̣σ̣|μ̣ εῖν ὅσα σφάλ[ματ]α π̣ εμ̣ |πει and this reading is followed by Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 156). Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:390) prefers instead εἰκὸς | ἐκεῖνος ἀσφαλ[ῆ κ]ατασκο|πείτω and Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 186) reads κἀ|κεῖνος ἀσφαλ[ῶς] α̣ ὐ̣τὰ̣ [.].[.]|πει. The present reading for these lines suggests that while the letter of peace will be delivered to Theodotus (esp. ll. 15–19) he (κἀ|κεῖνος) will forward it. As letters of peace served as effective travel documents for the bearer they could be presented at multiple locations and were sometimes written as a kind of open letter. For example, P.Oxy. LVI 3857 (IV) [150] is addressed τοῖς κατὰ τόπον ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ συνλειτουργοῖς (“To beloved brothers and fellow ministers in every locality”). Other “open” letters of peace include SB XVI 12304 (III/IV); P.Oxy. VIII 1162 (IV) [149]; SB III 7269 (IV/V). On the other hand, letters of peace could also be quite specific and address a single recipient: PSI III 208 (late III) [131]; PSI IX 1041 (late III) [132]; P.Alex. 29 (late III) [130]; P.Oxy. XVI 2785 (late III) [133]; SB 10.10255 (III/IV). If Theodotus was forwarding the letter onto the bishop of Antioch then it may probably be assumed that it was after 327 when Eustathius, a bitter enemy of Theodotus, was deposed and when the Antiochene See was occupied for a time by Arian and semi-Arian bishops. On the Arian leanings of the bishops of Antioch at this time, see Barnes, Athanasius and Constantius, 227–29. 15 τὸν Χρ{ε}ιστ[όν] σοι. ⟨σὺ⟩ οὖ̣[ν]. The exact meaning of this line has eluded previous editions. The ed. pr. followed by Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 157) read τὸν χρειστ[όν?] σοι ο[. .] and were unable to make much sense out of this line. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 186) proposed τὸν χρειστ[ὸν] σοι. .[. .] and suggested that τὸν χρειστ[όν] should perhaps be read as τὸν χρηστ[όν?]. It is curious that after σοι Naldini does not read any other letters given that the omicron is completely visible. Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:390) reads τὸν Χρ{ε}ιστ[ὸν] σοιστ[ῆναι] with the note l. συστ[ῆναι]. While Wessely’s reading of σοιστ[ῆναι] is to be rejected because it is too long for the lacuna, his earlier reading in the line is correct as Χρειστ[όν] should be taken as Χριστ[όν]. Here τὸν Χρειστ[όν] is an asseverative accusative: “By Christ!” See E. A. Sophocles (ed.), Greek Lexicon of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (From B.C. 146 to A.D. 1100) (New York, 1900, 44; A. N. Jannaris, An Historical Greek Grammar (London, 1897) §1746b. Cf. SB XVIII 13867.1: τὸν Σάραπιν (“By Sarapis!”). While one of the most common vocalic interchanges in the papyri is ι < > ει, Χριστός is frequently spelled in the papyri as Χρηστός (W. Shandruk, “The Interchange of ι and η in Spelling χριστ- in Documentary Papyri,” BASP 47 (2010): 205–19). There are, however, a few examples of Χρειστός for Χριστός: P.Oxy. III 407.5–6 (III/IV) [88]: Ἰησοῦ Χρειστοῦ (“Jesus Christ”); SB XXVI 16677.3–5 (V): κ(ύριός) Χρειστὸς (“Lord Christ”); SB XX 15192.4 (V–VI): τὰ μυστήρεια τοῦ Χρειστοῦ (“the mysteries of Christ”); cf. P.Lips. I 43.13 [IV]: βιβλίων Χρε[ιστ]ια⸌νι⸍κ̣ ῶν (“Christian books”); P.Lond. I 77.71–72 [ca. 610, p. 231]: κατὰ τῆς τῶν Χρειστιανῶν πίστεως. Finally, though it might be expected that Χριστός should be rendered using a nomen sacrum, in documentary texts, unlike literary mss, it is rarely contracted. See L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians, 51; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 64–65. 15–16 ⟨σὺ⟩ οὖ̣[ν] 〚σὺ〛 ἄπελθε. In Naldini’s edition (Il Cristianesimo, 186) he writes συ̅ν̣̅ά̅π̅ε̅λθε; however, the supralinear stroke is only over the sigma and the upsilon. Naldini may have extended the supralinear line because he felt that it was functioning to divide the letter and therefore acting as a paragraphos to indicate where a new part of the instructions began. Despite our best efforts we were unable to see the nu identified by Naldini (συ̅ν̣̅ά̅π̅ε̅λθε). Syntactically there is a problem as one would expect the sentence to begin with

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σὺ οὖν instead of οὖν σὺ. Perhaps the scribe forgot to write σύ after σοί because it sounded the same and so the beginning of the sentence should be transcribed: ⟨σὺ⟩ οὖ̣[ν] {σὺ}. The overstroke is not a paragraphos but indicates a deletion. The writer confused σοι (l. 15) and σύ (sound the same), which explains the confusion about the postpositive οὖν, and so deleted the σύ in l. 16. 16–17 πρ[ὸς] τ̣ὸν ἄν|[θρωπ]ο̣ν̣ κ[αὶ ε]ἰς χεῖρας. The ed. pr., Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 157) and Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:390) read πρ[ὸς τ]ὸν Ἀν[τι]|[οχείας ἐπίσ]κ[οπον ἐ]ις χεῖρας. However, the problem with this reading is that there are too many letters forced into the lacunae on l. 17. This reading supposes that the line contained twenty-four letters; however, none of the fully intact lines exceeds twenty-one letters and most contain between eighteen to twenty letters. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 186) transcribed this section as πρ[ὸς] τὸν ἀν|[. . . . . . . ]κ[. . . ε]ἰς χεῖρας. A high resolution digital image of this papyrus reveals that before the kappa on l. 17 there are traces of two and possibly three preceding letters after the lacuna. Immediately before the kappa the tops of two vertical strokes can be detected, which resemble the top half of a nu. Preceding these strokes is part of a slightly curved horizontal bar. These two letters are possibly an omicron followed by nu, which makes sense given the masc. acc. singular article on the preceding line. Only a very small portion of the third letter is visible, not nearly enough to distinguish it from any other letters. While the reading ἄν|[θρωπ]ο̣ν̣ lends itself as a distinct possibility, and may be reinforced since it occurs in ll. 5–6, it is still conjectural. Another possibility, albeit a less likely one, is ἀν[α]|[γνώστ]η̣ ν̣ since there is some space at the end of l. 16 and it is a masculine noun. 18–19 [τὸ] γράμμα | [εἰρην]ι̣κὸν. This reading has not been previously suggested. In the ed. pr. the lacunae surrounding γράμμα are left blank. Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 157) suggested [ταῦτα] γράμμα|[τα? . . .]κὸν, Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:390) [καὶ τὰ] γράμμα|[τα Ἰο]κόνδ[ου, and Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 186) [τὰ] γράμμα|[τα? . . .]κόν. The problem with all of these readings is that they assume γράμμα must be the pl. γράμματα and are then at a loss as to how to incorporate the -κον that immediately follows. Wessely’s suggestion of Ἰo]κόνδ[ου is pure speculation. Furthermore, this name is unattested in the DDbDP. In his notes Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2:391) also raises the possibility that it could be [Σε]κονδ[ου], noting that the name is frequent in Latin, but again this name is not attested in the DDbDP. While this emendation is a relatively minor one, it has significant implications for elucidating the latent church historical context behind PSI IV 311. A little over a century after this letter was written, the Council of Chalcedon (451) would officially mandate that a “letter of peace” (ἐπιστολὴ εἰρηνική/epistola pacifica), a technical designation for a specific kind of travel letter used within ecclesiastical channels, was to be understood as a letter provided to a member of the laity by an ecclesiastical authority so that they might be able to attain support, hospitality, or even communion on their travels as it vouched for their upstanding character in the church. While such letters, even one hundred years earlier when PSI IV 311 was written, were primarily used as travel documents, they implied that the sender and addressee, both of whom were typically bishops, shared a common bond and as such implicitly functioned to create, maintain, and reinforce theological and ecclesiastical ties between like-minded church leaders. Both Basil of Caesarea and Epiphanius of Salamis periodically use the phrase τὸ γράμμα εἰρηνικόν within the context of strengthening theological bonds with a fellow bishop (Basil, Ep. 258; cf. Ep. 203.4). Likewise, the so-called Apostolic Canons make it clear that such letters were sent between bishops who regarded each other as orthodox. On this front the later evidence of Leo I of Rome (bp. 440–461) is pertinent: he specifically employed “letters of peace” (epistolae pacificae) as a way of approving of the orthodoxy of another bishop (Leo I, Ep. 111.1 [PL 54, 1021]).

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There is one additional reference that bears heavily on PSI IV 311, since it is contemporaneous and emanates from Egypt. In a letter (Athanasius, Apol. sec. 69) written to Athanasius shortly before the Council of Tyre (ca. 334–335), Arsenius of Hypselis, who had been used as a pawn by the Melitians in their struggle against Athanasius, wrote to Athanasius to ask for pardon and request communion with the Catholic Church: “Being earnestly desirous of peace and union with the Catholic Church, over which by the grace of God you [Athanasius] preside, and wishing to submit ourselves to the Canon of the Church, according to the ancient rule, we write unto you, beloved Papa, . . .” As a sign of his sincerity, Arsenius promised Athanasius that he would now adhere to the Nicene faith, pledged that he would disassociate himself from both the Melitians and Arians, would no longer hold communion with them, and at the request of Athanasius would not “send to them or receive from them letters of peace”(μήτε γράμματα εἰρηνικὰ ἀποστέλλειν μήτε δέξασθαι παρ’ αὐτῶν). From this reference it is clear that at the same time and in roughly the same region where PSI IV 311 was written, the act of sending and receiving a “letter of peace” signified loyalty and unity between two bishops and often presupposed some kind of theological bond. The new reading in PSI IV 311 is thus supported by external evidence and suggests that someone at Oxyrhynchus, perhaps a bishop or at the very least a prominent ecclesiastical figure, shared a close bond with Theodotus, a noted Arian supporter throughout the entirety of his episcopal career. Therefore, it seems likely that there is an Arian subtext to the letter. 19 δ[ιὰ τ]ούτου. This appears to modify τ̣ὸν ἄν[θρωπ]ο̣ν̣ (ll. 16–17) with the effect that there is actually a second intermediary who will deliver the letter of peace to Theodotus. To be more clear, the instructions imply that the letter will be given to one letter carrier who will at some point hand off the letter to another letter carrier (i.e., τ̣ὸν ἄν[θρωπ]ο̣ν̣ [ll. 16–17]) who will complete the delivery. It is not unusual for letters conducted over great distances to be transported via multiple letter carriers. For example, in P.Mich. VIII 490 (II), a letter sent from Portus (Ostia) to Karanis, it is evident from the body of the letter that the correspondence between the sender and addressee would have to be conducted via multiple letter carriers because of the great distance involved. 20–21 Θ[εο]δότῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ τῆ[ς] Λαυδικίας. While the starting point of Theodotus’ episcopacy cannot be determined with precision, according to Eusebius of Caesarea it began sometime during the “Great Persecution” (ca. 303–310) after his predecessor, a certain Stephen, apostatized under duress (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.32.2). As a lifelong friend and theological ally of Theodotus, Eusebius of Caesarea dedicated his two major apologetic works to him, Praeparatio evangelica and Demonstratio evangelica, and Eusebius even praised Theodotus in his Ecclesiastical History by pointing out that he was a dedicated student of the scriptures and was renowned for his abilities to heal both the bodies and souls of those who visited him (Praep. ev. 1.1.1; Dem. ev. intro.; Hist. eccl. 7.32.23). From the start of the Arian controversy ca. 317 Theodotus firmly aligned himself with Arius and sided with him against the Alexandrian patriarch Alexander. Interestingly, the only other letter (besides PSI IV 311) from fourth-century Egypt that mentions Theodotus is a letter from Arius to Eusebius of Nicomedia written ca. 318; in this letter Arius complains to the Nicomedian bishop that Alexander has unjustly driven him and his followers out of Alexandria and condemned certain eastern bishops, among them Theodotus of Laodicea, because they shared similar beliefs regarding Jesus (Theodoret, Hist. eccl.  1.5.1–5; more specifically, Arius states that the eastern bishops were condemned, along with himself, because λέγουσιν ὅτι προϋπάρχει ὁ θεὸς τοῦ υἱοῦ [“they say that God had an existence prior to that of His son”]). Sometime later, but before the Council of Nicaea in 325, in a passing remark Athanasius alleges with disgust that certain eastern bishops, including Theodotus, had circulated writings in Egypt defending, and one might even say promoting, certain Arian tenets (Athanasius, Syn. 17.1–7).

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus A short time later, Theodotus reappears at the Council of Antioch, held at either the end of 324 or the beginning of 325, that was convened to deal with internal problems plaguing the Antiochene church and to deal with the schism between Arius and Alexander. At this council, at which more than fifty bishops were in attendance, it was determined that they would side with Alexander against Arius. A creed was then drawn up supporting Alexander and condemning Arius and his theology. All the bishops in attendance signed with the exception of three recusants, one of whom was Theodotus. He and the two others were condemned for holding the same views as Arius and excommunicated until the Council of Nicaea (still six months away) when they would be given a chance to repent. At the Council of Nicaea Theodotus, at least ostensibly, repented of his former convictions by signing the creed, though it would become clear that he was less than wholehearted in doing so. Some months after the conclusion of the council, Constantine directed a pointed letter to Theodotus ordering him not to mimic the actions of Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis of Nicaea, who had been removed from their bishoprics and exiled for drawing up and circulating a document that undercut the Nicene Creed and provoked controversy, as it offered an interpretation contrary to the one agreed to at the council (Athanasius, De decr. 42; Gelasius, Hist. eccl. 3 app. 2). While the extent of Theodotus’ involvement with Eusebius and Theognis in this post-Nicene affair is not perfectly clear from the letter, and it may be argued that he played a less significant role since Constantine did not exile him, it is evident that he still harbored genuine Arian sympathies. For the next few years we know nothing about Theodotus’ episcopal career; there is no mention of him in any source until the year 327. Here he reappears as a prominent attendee at another Antiochene council that was convened as a result of a bitter dispute between Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, and Eusebius of Caesarea over the meaning of the term homoousios. The outcome of this council was that Eustathius was deposed and sent into exile (Eusebius, Vit. Const. 3.59.4; Athanasius, H. Ar. 4.1; Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 1.21.9). What is most interesting is that Theodoret, who is one of the primary sources for this council, specifically points out that in the proceedings Theodotus’ Arian sympathies were again made manifest in his denunciation of Eustathius (Hist.eccl. 1.21.4). The following year Theodotus attended, and possibly presided over, yet another council at Antioch as the episcopal successors of the deposed Eustathius had died in rapid succession resulting in severe unrest in the city. After this third council at Antioch we hear of Theodotus one last time in his capacity as bishop. Sometime ca. 335 it is reported that he reprimanded the young Apollinaris, who would later become bishop of Laodicea, because he attended lectures of the sophist Epiphanius and failed to leave when Epiphanius recited a hymn to Dionysus (Sozomen, Hist. eccl.  6.25; cf. Socrates, Hist. eccl.  2.46.1–12). After this episode Theodotus effectively disappears from the sources and what we know of him is that he was succeeded by George, a native of Alexandria and enemy of Athanasius. Exactly when Theodotus was replaced by George (presumably because he had died) cannot be determined precisely. Nevertheless, George’s presence as bishop of Laodicea at the Dedication Council in Antioch in 341 provides a terminus ante quem for the end of Theodotus’ episcopacy (Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 3.5.10). In light of a later comment by Theodoret, where he identifies Theodotus among the leading Arians in the East and laments that he and the other Arians were aided in their heresy by the “indifference of Constantius” (Hist. eccl. 5.7.1: Κωνσταντίνου ἡ εὐκολία), it should not only be supposed that he outlived Constantine but that he retained his Arian sympathies throughout the entirety of his episcopal career.

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22–23 οὕτως γὰρ ἔχει καὶ ἡ ἐπιγραφή. ἐπιγραφή may be loosely translated here as “address.” Only a few letters preserved on papyrus contain a delivery address that is typically signaled by the word σημασία (“address”): P.Oxy. XIV 1678.27–30 (III) (=Ghedini, Lettere cristiane, 94–95 [no. 7] =Naldini, Il Cristianesimo, 93–96 [no. 9]); cf. P.Laur. I 20.14– 15 (early III); P.Oxy. XIV 1773.40–44 (III); P.Oxy. XXXIV 2719.1–15 (III); P.Hamb. IV 267.22 (ca. 336–348). See further N. Gonis, “Some More Elaborate Epistolary Addresses,” ZPE 136 (2001): 116–17; S. R. Llewelyn, “The εἰς (τὴν) οἰκίαν Formula and the Delivery of Letters to Third Persons or to Their Property,” ZPE 101 (1994): 71–78; R. Daniel, “Through Straying Streets: A Notice on σημασία Texts,” ZPE 54 (1984): 85–86; NewDocs 7 (1994): 29–43. 26 From the marginal note (ll. 27–29) it would seem that there are anywhere from 1–2 lines of text missing after this line. 28 αὐτὰ̣ ο̣ὖν ἀπόδος σω. .[. In the ed. pr. it was thought that σω . . was probably the first part of σώζειν and this reading was subsequently followed by Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 158). Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments, 2.390) read σωφ̣ῶ[ς] with a note l. σοφῶς and Naldini (Il Cristianesimo, 187) read σωθ̣ .[. More recently J. R. Rea has suggested that the reading could be ἀπόδος Σώτ̣ᾳ̣[ (P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 p. 84 n. 2). While the reading proposed by Rea is a better possibility, since names regularly follow the verb ἀπόδος, especially when it concerns delivery instructions, it is nevertheless conjectural. On the conjectural reading of the name “Sotas,” see also Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 81 n. 1. Another possibility is that it could be σῶα̣ (from the adjective σῶος, -α, -ον), referring to αὐτά, and have the meaning “safe and sound.” Earlier in the letter at l. 13 the author expressed concern that it be delivered “safely” (ἀσφαλῶς). While the αὐτά̣ may seem somewhat unusual here and could be read τ]αῦτα̣ , a parallel can be found in P.Herm. 13.9 (IV): οὖν ἀ̣[πό]δος αὐτά. 29 ἄδελφε ἀσύγκριτε. This phrase is attested once in CPR XXV 3.7–8 (IV); cf. P.Bas. 16.1. Similar phrases are: P.Oxy. X 1298.1–2 (ca. 330): τῷ δεσπότῃ καὶ ἀσυγκρίτῳ (“to my incomparable master”); PSI VII 783 frag. A.10 ( July 375[?]): π̣ ά̣τ̣ερ ἀσύγκριτε (“incomparable father”); SB XXIV 16204.14, 21 (IV/V): δέσποτα ἀσύγκριτε (“incomparable master”). In the papyri the adjective ἀσύγκριτος, -ον is commonly rendered ἀσύνκριτος. This phrase is unattested in the TLG.

Date: Mid-IV

143 P.Oxy. XIV 1774 Didyme and the Sisters to Atienateia 21.9 × 10.3 cm TM no. 33676

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XIV (London, 1920), 187 (no. 1774); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 141–44 (no. 17); G. Manteuffel, “Epistulae privatae ineditae,” Eos 30 (1927): 213–14; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 178–80 (no. 37). Related or Similar Texts: SB VIII 9746 [144].

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Related Literature: H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2786.17; U. Wilcken, “Urkunden-Referat,” APF 9 (1930): 97; P. Barison, “Ricerche sui monasteri dell’Egitto bizantino ed arabo secondo documenti dei papyri greci,” Aeg 18 (1938): 138; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 269, 273; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 31–32, 40, 73; A. M. Emmett, “Female Ascetics in the Greek Papyri,” JÖB 32 (1982): 507–15; A. M. Emmett, “An Early Fourth-Century Female Monastic Community in Egypt?” in Maistor: Classical, Byzantine and Renaissance Studies for Robert Browning, ed. A. Moffat (Canberra, 1984), 77–83; J. E. Goehring and R.  F. Boughner, “Egyptian Monasticism (Selected Papyri),” in Ascetic Behavior in Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook, ed. V. Wimbush (Minneapolis, 1990), 463; S. Elm, Virgins of God: The Making of Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1994), 236–37, 241–44; D. Brakke, Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism (Oxford, 1995), 29; N. Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” ZPE 119 (1997): 142–44; J. E. Goehring, Ascetics, Society, and the Desert: Studies in Early Egyptian Monasticism (Harrisburg, 1999), 24–25; E. Wipszycka, “Del buon uso delle lettere private: Commento a SB III, 7243 e P.Oxy. XIV, 1774,” in “Humana Sapit”: Études d’Antiquité Tardive offertes à Lellia Gracco Ruggini, ed. J.-M. Carrié and R. L. Testa (Turnhout, 2002), 469–73; R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, 300 BC–AD 800 (Ann Arbor, 2006), 193–95; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 158; M.  J.  A. Martínez, Prosopographia Asceticarum Aegyptiarum (Madrid, 2010), 38, 42–43; C. Rapp, “Early Monasticism in Egypt: Between Hermits and Cenobites,” in Female Vita Religiosa between Late Antiquity and the High Middle Ages: Structures, Developments and Spatial Contexts, ed. G. Melville and A. Müller (Berlin, 2011), 40. Introduction This letter is written with dark-brown ink in a single hand across the fibers of a papyrus where only the bottom portion is lost. The hand is upright and regular, and letters are well formed and generally detached; there are only a few ligatures in the text. Besides a few common phonetic spellings, the orthography of the letter is consistent, and the text is relatively straightforward. In the ed. pr., the hand was judged to be “early fourth century,” but the editor provided no paleographic justification for this date or listed any comparanda; subsequent reeditions have similarly supplied an “early fourth century” date for the text but have neglected to provide any paleographic support for this dating. Based on paleographic comparisons, this text shares similarities with dated

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documents more toward the middle part of the fourth century than the early part: P.Oxy. LXVI 4528 (May 336); P.Col. VII 147 (April 6, 342); P.Abinn. 47 (May 1, 346). Therefore, a date falling somewhere toward the middle part of the fourth century seems more likely.89 In this letter, the sender, a certain woman named Didyme, writes to a woman named Atienateia to inform her that she still has a balance of 1,300 denarii to her credit and asks that she indicate any additional wants. The use of the phrase ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ in l. 3 in the introduction written as a nomen sacrum assures that Didyme, and most likely Atienateia, were Christians. Since it is Didyme and “the sisters” (ll. 2–3, αἱ ἀδελφαί) who send greetings to Atienateia, some have wondered whether Didyme was the head of a group of female ascetics. Though the letter could certainly be read within a monastic context, it could just as easily be read within the context of lay Christian women engaged in business activities. Though it is not altogether clear from the letter what orders Didyme and the sisters were filling, given the reference to the shipment of “canopic cakes” (l. 15) it could suggest that one of the business activities undertaken by Didyme and her associates involved baking. Like many letters containing a high degree of implicit information, this letter is open to various interpretations.

→ 5

10

15

κυρ{ε}ίᾳ τῖ ἀδελφῇ Ἀτιενατείῃ Διδύμη καὶ αἱ ἀδελφαὶ ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ χαίρειν. προηγουμένως ἀναγκον ἦν προσαγορεύειν σαι εὐχόμεναι ὑγιένιν σαι ἡμ{ε}ῖν. γράφε ἡμν, κυρ{ε}ία μου, περὶ τῆς ὑγ⟨ιε⟩ίας σου καὶ ὧν χρῄζεις ἐντολικῶν ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσα. εἰ ἐκομ{ε}ίσθης τὰ ἐντολικά σου δήλωσον ἡμ{ε}ῖν. ἐλοιπάσθη δὲ παρ’ ἡμ{ε}ῖν ἐκ τοῦ ἀργυρ{ε}ίου τῶν ἐντολικῶν σου ὡς νομ{ε}ίζω (δηνάρια) Ατ. Κανωπηκά σοι λημφθέντα αὐτῶν ἀποστέλο⟨υ⟩νται. προσαγόρευε τὴν κυρ{ε}ίαν ἀδελφὴν μακαρ{ε}ίαν Ἀσοῦν

89 Based on the content of the letter, Wipszycka (“Del buon uso delle lettere private,” 470) suggested a date for the letter in the early 340s.

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20

καὶ τὴν μητέρα{ν} αὐτῆς καὶ [. .]. .[. . . . .]. [.]θ̣αντα τὸν –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Verso κυρ{ε}ίᾳ μου ἀδελφῇ Ἀτιεν̣α̣τείῃ Διδύμη σὺν ταῖς ἀ[δελφαῖς.] __________ 1. κυρεια corr. ex. κυρει; l. τῇ. 3. pap. κω. 4–5. l. ἀναγκαῖον. 5. l. σε; 6. l. ὑγιαίνειν σε. 7. l. ἡμῖν. 14. pap. 𝈂 . 15. l. Κανωπικά. 16. ed. pr. reads ἀποστέλ⟨λ⟩ονται.

Translation To my lady sister Atienateia, Didyme and the sisters (send) greetings in the Lord. Before all else, it is necessary (l. 5) to salute you, praying that you are well. Write to us, my lady, concerning your health and whatever orders you have need. (l. 10) If you have received your orders, make it known to us. There is a balance with us from the money of your orders, which I believe is 1,300 denarii. (l. 15) Canopic cakes received for you from them will be sent. Salute the blessed lady sister Asous and her mother and . . . (verso) To my lady sister Atienateia, Didyme with the sisters. κυρ{ε}ίᾳ τῖ ἀδελφῇ Ἀτιενατείῃ. The name Atienateia (Ἀτιενατείη), as is currently spelled in the present letter, is not attested in any other papyrus. Given the writer’s frequent insertion of ε when it is not needed the name could be Atienatia (Ἀτιενατίη), although this name is not attested either. On the use of the title κυρία, see 141 n. 1–2. On the phrase κυρίᾳ ἀδελφῇ, see 129 n. 1. 2 Διδύμη. On the name Didyme (Διδύμη), see 112 n. 2. 2–3 καὶ αἱ ἀδελφαὶ. On the use of familial language, see 129 n. 1. 3 ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23. 4 προηγουμένως. In place of the phrase πρὸ μὲν πάντων (see 135 n. 3–4) the adverb προηγουμένως is sometimes used to introduce prayer formulae or epistolary proskynesis with the same effect: cf. SB VIII 9746.3–4 [144]; SB XXII 15359.3–6 [154]; P.Oxy. XLVIII 3421.3–4 (IV). See Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie, 139. 14 (δηνάρια) Ατ. The usage of the Roman currency term denarii, albeit as a symbol (𝈂 ), attests a fourth-century date and is equal in sum to 5,200 drachmae. See Bagnall and Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, 194. 15–16 Κανωπηκά σοι λημφθέντα αὐτῶν ἀποστέλο⟨υ⟩νται. This ungrammatical phrase is somewhat obscure and the meaning of Κανωπηκά is uncertain. M. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 179) translates Κανωπηκά as “cakes” and notes that Athenaeus 14.57 (647c) quotes a certain Chrysippus of Tyana who listed Κανωπηκά as a type of “cake.” In P.Oxy. IV 738.2–3 (I) a κανωπικὸν/ἧπαρ is listed in an account of food but the translation given is “Canopic liver”; since the phrase is so unusual could it instead be read as “a Canopic cake; a liver”? In P.Oxy. VI 936.15 the phrase σφυρίδιον Κανωπικόν occurs in a portion of a letter that contains a list of various foodstuffs being delivered but the translation given is “canopic basket.” It therefore seems that κανωπικόν could be rendered simply as “basket.” Since that letter continues with ὅπ̣ ου ζεύγη ἄρτων δ καὶ ϛ ζεύγη σκωρσελε̣ί̣νας (“with four pairs of loaves and six pairs of celeriacs”) it might also be wondered if the primary meaning of κανωπικόν is still “cake” and that this was a convenient way of referring to a 1–2

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basket primarily intended to carry cakes and breads since among the contents for delivery were four loaves of bread. Κανωπηκά are also mentioned in SB VIII 9746.32 [144] and P.Oxy. LXI 4127.35–36 [138]. 16 ἀποστέλο⟨υ⟩νται. In the ed. pr. it reads ἀποστέλ⟨λ⟩ονται (pres. ind. mid. pass. 3rd pl.). For the present reading (fut. ind. mid. pass. 3rd pl.), see Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 179. 17–18 τὴν κυρ{ε}ίαν ἀδελφὴν μακαρ{ε}ίαν Ἀσοῦν. The female name Asous (Ἀσοῦς) is a very rare name and is of unknown origin. Besides the present text it is only attested elsewhere in P.Mich. I 82.20 (III; Karanis). The use of the adjective μακάριος, -ία, -ον implies a state of joy, happiness, or general blessedness. In early Christian literature it was first used to refer to deceased saints of the OT and NT: 1 Clem. 47·1 (Paul), 55·4 ( Judith); Pol. Phil.  3:2 (Paul). The first occurrence where the epithet is used of deceased post biblical Christians appears in Pol. Phil. 9:1: ἐν τοῖς μακαρίοις Ἰγνατίῳ καὶ Ζωσίμῳ καὶ Ῥούφῳ ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις τοῖς ἐξ ὑμῶν (“. . . in the case of the blessed Ignatius, and Zosimus, and Rufus, but also in others among yourselves, . . .”). While the epithet gains wider usage in the third century it is still used almost exclusively for deceased persons, with few exceptions (Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.11.5–6), but beginning in the second and third decades of the fourth century the usage is greatly expanded to include living persons: Athanasius, Syn. 16.2; Apol. Const. 34.3. In the papyri (aside from the present text) the epithet is first used as a title of address in P.Lond. VI 1919.25 (ca. 330–340); cf. P.Sakaon 48.4 (343). In papyrus letters of the fifth through seventh centuries the epithet is widespread. There is no indication that the title necessarily implied some special ecclesiastical office or function on the part of the person so identified but often seems to have served as a term of endearment and religious admiration for the person so addressed.

Date: Mid-IV

144 SB VIII 9746 Didyme and the Sisters to Sophias 27.5 × 12.5 cm TM no. 33802

Material: Papyrus

Published: G. Manteuffel, “Epistulae privatae ineditae,” Eos 30 (1927): 211– 15; F. Bilabel (ed.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten III (=SB III; Berlin, 1926–1927), 253–54 (no. 7243); E. Kiessling (ed.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten VIII (=SB VIII; Wiesbaden, 1965–1967), 85–86 (no. 9746); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 173–77 (no. 36). Related or Similar Texts: P.Oxy. XIV 1774 [143]. Related Literature:90 U. Wilcken, “Urkunden-Referat,” APF 9 (1930): 97–98; B. Olsson, “Zwei Papyrusstellen besprochen,” Aeg 12 (1932): 355; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 269, 90

For additional literature, see “Related Literature” for P.Oxy. XIV 1774 [143].

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273, 276;91 G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 15, 43, 68; J. E. Goehring and R. F. Boughner, “Egyptian Monasticism (Selected Papyri),” in Ascetic Behavior in Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook, ed. V. Wimbush (Minneapolis, 1990), 462–63; N. Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” ZPE 119 (1997): 142–44; R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, 300 BC–AD 800 (Ann Arbor, 2006), 196–97; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 158; M.  J.  A. Martínez, Prosopographia Asceticarum Aegyptiarum (Madrid, 2010), 97–98. Introduction This letter is written with a single hand in a dark-brown ink and is basically preserved in its entirety; only l. 6 of the letter is obscure as large portions of the text in this line are lost in a lacuna. The front of the papyrus contains two vertical folds. The hand of the letter is very similar to the hand of P.Oxy. XIV 1774 [143]. Not only are the hands remarkably similar, but as the present letter was sent from “Didyme and the sisters” (l. 2), just as P.Oxy. XIV 1774.2–3, there can be little doubt that both letters were written by the same person—either Didyme herself, a scribe, or a “sister” writing on her behalf. The same kinds of phonetic spellings found in P.Oxy. XIV 1774 are also contained in the present letter, and the overall style of the language is simple and straightforward. While the size of the text is quite small, the legibility is good because the letter forms are clear and regular with few ligatures. The concluding valediction at the end of the letter is indented and is cramped as the writer nears the right margin. The address on the back is written with a much larger script and contains a design. The letter begins much like P.Oxy. XIV 1774, although it is addressed to a different individual, a woman identified as “beloved sister Sophias” (l. 1), and is primarily concerned with the sending and receiving of various supplies. A number of individuals are mentioned in the letter, and aside from the sender, Didyme, none appear in P.Oxy. XIV 1774. While the letter is fairly mundane as it is preoccupied with daily occurrences and routine matters, it is nonetheless interesting because of the range of items mentioned in the letter, such as sacks of sour grapes, a large ostrich egg, and Syrian date palms. Whatever the context behind the letter, a female ascetic community or simply the day-to-day maintenance of a business, the impression given by the letter is that there was frequent correspondence between the senders and addressee. The distinctly In Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” the present text is cited using its first publication reference: SB III 7243. 91

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Christian aspects of the letter are confined to the use of nomina sacra at both the beginning and end of the letter (ll. 2, 34).

→ 5

10

15

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[Σοφιάτι μ]ου ἀγαπητῇ [ἀ]δελφῇ [Διδύμη καὶ] αἱ ἀδελφαὶ ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ χαίρ⟨ε⟩ιν. [προηγουμ]ένως ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησά[μεθα προ]σαγορεύειν σαι. [ἐ]κομίσθημεν [παρὰ τοῦ] ἀδελφοῦ Πιπερ̣ᾶ ̣ τὰ ὁ[δ]οιπό̣ -̣ ρια κα ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ επι ̣τ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ νων [. . .]ασον αὐτὴν ἕως ἐπι̣ δ̣ ̣ημ ̣ήσῃ ἡμῖν. πλὴν γίνονται. ἐκομίσθημεν καὶ δι’ ἑτέρων αὐτῇ κνί[δ]ι α̣ διπλᾶ ζ καὶ σάκ⟨κ⟩ον τρίχινον ὀμφακοῦ. ἐὰν εὕρωμεν, διά τινος ἀποστελμέν σοι καὶ τὸν σάκ⟨κ⟩ον καὶ {τ}ἃ εὕραμεν κανείδια, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα οὔπω ἐκομισάμεθα καί, ἃ βούλ⟨ε⟩ι, σπούδαζαι, {ε}ἵνα διὰ τῶν γ[ν]ωρίμων ἀποστ⟨ε⟩ιλῶμεν. εἰδέναι σαι θέλω περὶ τοῦ λε⟨ν⟩τίου, οὗ ἀπέστ⟨ε⟩ιλας Λουκ[ίλ]ου, ὅτι τοῦ ἀργυρίου αὐτοῦ ἀπέστ⟨ε⟩ιλά σοι σα⟨ν⟩δάλια δύο [ε]ὐθὺς τῶν λινύφων ἀγορασθέντα (ταλάντων) δ, περὶ ὧν μοι οὐκ ἀντέγραψας, καὶ διὰ το̣ῦ ̣ ναύτη Σιφάρου τοῦ Πλου[. . .]. ς ̣ νύμφῃ[.?] Πανσοφίου ὀειὸν ⟨σ⟩τρούθ[ειον] μέγα καὶ σφυρίδιον μικρὸν ἔχω σιρ⟨ι⟩ακοὺς φυν̣ί κ̣ ας, ο[ὐ]δὲ περὶ τούτων ἔγραψας. προσαγόρευε τὴν φιλτάτην Διδύμην καὶ τὸν φίλτατον Φαβουρῖνον. τὰ ἔπιπλα τῆς γλυκυτάτης Διδύμης εὑρήθησαν εἰς τὸ σάκ⟨κ⟩ι ο̣ ν τῶν ἐριδίων Σευήρου. προσαγορεύεταί σαι ἡ κύρα καὶ ἡ ἄλλη κύρα Οὐαλερ[ιάν]η οἷς περὶ Φιλόσοφον, Λουκίλα, Παν[σό]φιον. προσαγόρευε τὴν καλὴν Βικευτίαν. εἰ ἐκομίσθη παρ’ Α ἰ̣ ω ̣ ̣νίου τὸ κεφαλοδέσμιον καὶ κανωπικὰ δύο. καὶ πάντας προσαγόρευε, Εἰταλίαν, Θεοδώραν. ἐρρῶσθαί σαι ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ, ὁ κ(ύριό)ς σαι διαφυλάξαι ἡμῖν.

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Verso κυρίᾳ τῇ ἀδελφῇ Σωφιάτι Διδύ- = = μη καὶ αἱ ἀδελφαί. __________ 2. pap. κ ω. 4. l. σε. 11. l. ἀποστελῶμέν. 12. l. κνίδια. 15. l. σε. 20. l. ναύτου. 21. l. ὠιὸν. 22. ἔχον. 23. l. φοινίκας. 28. l. σε. 34. l. σε; pap. κ ω; pap. κ ς. 35. l. σε. 36. l. Σoφιάτι.

Translation To my beloved sister Sophias, Didyme and the sisters (send) greetings in the Lord. First of all we think it necessary to salute you. We received (l .5) from brother Piperas (or “the brother of Piperas”) the supplies for the voyage . . . her until she comes home to us. But they are being made. We also received through other people for her 7 double knidia and a (l. 10) coarse sack of sour grapes. If we should find (someone), we will send to you through this person both the sack and the knidia that we have found. We have not yet received the remaining things. That which you want quickly (tell us) so that (l. 15) we may send it through acquaintances. I want you to know about the cloth that you sent to Loukilus, that of the same value I sent to you two pairs of sandals purchased directly from the weavers for 4 talents(?), concerning which you did not write to me, (l. 20) and through the sailor Sipharus son of Plou . . . for the bride of Pansophius (or “daughter in law of Pansophion”) a large ostrich egg and a small basket containing Syrian date palms, but you did not write concerning them. Salute the dearest Didyme (l.  25) and the dearest Favorinus. The implements of the sweetest Didyme were found in the sack of the wool of Severus. The lady and the other lady Valeriane salute you and those of Philosophus, Loukila, and (l. 30) Pansophion. Salute the fair Bikeutia (and ask) if she received from Aionius the head cover and the two canopic cakes. Salute everyone also, Italia, Theodora. Farewell in the Lord, may the Lord preserve you for us. (verso) To the lady sister Sophias, Didyme and the sisters. 1

2

[Σοφιάτι μ]ου ἀγαπητῇ [ἀ]δελφῇ. The female name Sophias (Σοφιάς), derived from the Greek σοφία “wisdom,” is not a very common name at Oxyrhynchus as it currently appears in only two other documents: SB XX 15183.1 (V/VI); P.Wisc. II 64.2 ( January 27, 480). However, the very similar female name Sophia (Σοφία), from which the present name is derived, is much better attested at Oxyrhynchus. In the reconstruction of the first part of l.  1 Σοφιάτι has been put in the lacuna because the name appears in the address on l. 36. Another possible reading for the lacuna could be [κυρίᾳ μ]ου as was suggested in Bagnall and Cribiore, Women’s Letters, 197 who pointed out that this reading would provide a more normal formula. While this might provide a more typical reading for the first part of the address and may be paralleled in the first part of l. 1 in P.Oxy. XIV 1774 [143] the problem that arises from this reading is that it would mean that there is no name for the sender in the address. While this is not unparalleled in epistolary address it is certainly somewhat atypical; cf. P.Lond. VI 1927.1 [145] where the name of the addressee is similarly missing. [Διδύμη καὶ] αἱ ἀδελφαὶ. Cf. P.Oxy. XIV 1774.2 [143].

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[προηγουμ]ένως. See 143 n. 4. Πιπερ̣ᾶ̣ τὰ ὁ[δ]οιπ̣ ό̣ρια. The masculine name Piperas (Πιπερᾶς) is an uncommon name that only appears in two other papyri, neither of which is from Oxyrhynchus: P.Laur. III 98a.6 (ca. 271); P.Tebt. II 424.1 (ca. 249–265). The term ὁδοιπόρια typically refers to supplies or provisions for a voyage, or, to passage money paid to a shipmaster. 6 ρια κα ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ επι ̣τ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ .̣ At the end of the line there appears to be the letter combination αγε, though this reading has never been noted in any previous edition of the papyrus. Continuing to the next line the reading would be αγε|νων. It could be the genitive plural form of the adjective ἀγενής, -ές (“unborn” or “ignoble”) but this seems unlikely given the context of the letter. Another possibility is ἰθαγενής, which can be used to refer to the mouths of the Nile (Herodotus 2.17), and might be more likely since the letter discusses the “shipping of cargo” immediately before the lacuna (cf. P.Hib. II 274.10 [c. 220]: ἰθαγενῶν). 9 κνί[δ]ι̣α διπλᾶ ζ. In the papyri there are a number of different names for vessels containing liquid measures, either wine or less commonly oil. Certain vessels like the κνίδιον, which represented a measure of wine, were named after the place Knidos (Κνίδιος) and originally signified that the wine came from this locale. The κνίδιον was a very common vessel name and was usually equated with the “double jar” (διπλοῦν). See R. S. Bagnall, “Practical Help,” 188. 16 Λουκ[ίλ]ου. The name Loukilus (Λουκίλος) also spelled Loukillus (Λουκίλλος) is an uncommon name not currently attested in any other document from Oxyrhynchus. 17–18 ἀπέστ⟨ε⟩ιλά σοι σα⟨ν⟩δάλια δύο. While the literal translation is “two sandals” what is likely intended is probably “two pairs of sandals.” Footwear in the papyri is often referred to in the singular even though a “pair” is the intended meaning: cf. P.Oxy. 4127.31–34 [138]. 19 (ταλάντων). The symbol is mostly lost in a lacuna but it seems most likely that the symbol was for ταλάντων rather than for δραχμῶν proposed in the ed. pr. For this reading, see Wilcken, “Urkunden-Referat,” 97; cf. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 172 n. 19, who notes that the price in drachmae would have been far too low. 20 διὰ το̣ῦ̣ ναύτη Σιφάρου. In the ed. pr. and subsequent early editions the reading was διὰ το̣ῦ̣ Ναυτησιφάρου, but the name Nauthesipharus is both unusual and unattested. More recently it has been suggested that the reading should be διὰ το̣ῦ̣ ναύτη (l. ναύτου) Σιφάρου. See Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” 142–43. While the name Sipharus (Σιφάρος) is uncommon it is attested in two other documents including one that is roughly contemporaneous from Oxyrhynchus: CPR VII 54.15 (II); P.Oxy. XXIV 2421.42 (ca. 313–323). τοῦ Πλου[. . .]ς. In the ed. pr. and subsequent early editions the reading was τοῦ Πλου[σίο]υ̣ . As pointed out by Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” 142–43 this reading is not possible. He notes that while it may be a patronymic it could also be something else. 21 νύμφῃ Πανσοφίου. If the name Pansophius (Πανσοφίος) is taken as a masculine name then this is the only attestation. If on the other hand the name is feminine it could be Pansophion (Πανσόφιον) (cf. l. 30) which is attested in one other text: P.Oxy. LIX 3984.7 (ca. 340). Additionally, after νύμφῃ there is a small hole so that the reading could be νύμφη[ς]. See N. Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” 143. ὀειὸν ⟨σ⟩τρούθ[ειον]. In the ed. pr. the reading was ὀειὸν τρούθ[. . .] but in the notes it was suggested that it could be ᾠὸν ⟨σ⟩τρούθ[ειον]. Later Wilcken (“Urkunden-Referat,” 97) suggested ᾠὸν ⟨σ⟩τρουθ[οῦ]; however, since P.Mich. I 9R.2 (ca. 257 BCE) has ὠιὸν στρούθειον this reading is probably to be preferred. 22–23 καὶ σφυρίδιον μικρὸν ἔχω σιρ⟨ι⟩ακοὺς φυν̣ί̣κας. In the ed. pr. and in subsequent early editions the reading was . . . καὶ σφυρίδιον μικρόν. ἔχωσι (l. ἔχουσι) ῥάκους φυν̣ικ̣ ας (l. φοινίκας). . . . But the problem with this reading is that the passage is awkward and is 3 5–6

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difficult to understand. A far better reading for these lines is . . . καὶ σφυρίδιον μικρὸν ἔχον σιριακοὺς φοινίκας. For this reading, see Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” 143–44. 24 τὴν φιλτάτην Διδύμην. On the name Didyme (Διδύμη), see 112 n. 2. On the use of the feminine adjective φίλη in epistolary address, see 141 n. 1–2. 25 τὸν φίλτατον Φαβουρῖνον. The name Favorinus (Φαβουρῖνος) is a Greek variant of the Latin name Favorinus and is only attested twice: SB XXII 15264.1 (II/III); I. Memnonion 3.2 (332 BCE–284 CE). 25–26 τὰ ἔπιπλα τῆς γλυκυτάτης Διδύμης. It is unclear whether this Didyme (l. 26) is the same Didyme just mentioned (l. 24). In l. 24 the epithet φιλτάτη is employed but here the epithet is γλυκυτάτη from γλυκύς. In Christian literary texts γλυκύτατος/γλυκυτάτη is often used as a title of affection or intimacy for inferiors or close relatives. See Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 87; cf. Dickey, Forms of Address, 119–20 for non-Christian usage as a title of address. In the papyri the superlative form is used for both males and females and is first attested in BGU XVI 2646.1 (May 12, 3 BCE) and last attested in the eighth century; between the fifth and seventh centuries the use of this title of address is more common than in other periods. 27 Σευήρου. The name Severus (Σευῆρος) is a Greek variant of the Latin name Severus and is attested just over a dozen times in the papyri from Oxyrhynchus. 29 Οὐαλερ[ιάν]η. The name Valeriane (Οὐαλεριάνη) is a Greek variant of the Latin name Valeriana. As it is currently spelled this is the only attestation in the papyri. Φιλόσοφον. In the ed. pr. and subsequent early editions the reading was Φιλοσόφ[ι]ον. As noted by Gonis (“Remarks on Private Letters,” 144) the second iota is simply part of the loop of the phi. As a name Philosophus (Φιλόσοφος) is attested in a number of Oxyrhynchite texts. Λουκίλα. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 175 and 176 n. 29) incorrectly has Λουκιλᾶ. The name Loukila (Λουκίλα) is a Greek variant of the Latin name Lucilla. As presently spelled this is the only attestation of the name; however, for the alternate spelling Λουκίλλα there are four attestations in documents from the Oxyrhynchite: P.Iand. VI 95.5 (II/III); P.Oxy. IX 1209.7, 13 (March 27–April 25, 252); PSI IV 295.8 (268–269); P.Oxy. XLVI 3296.4, 22 ( June 10, 291). 30 Παν[σό]φιον. See n. 21. 30–31 Βικευτίαν. The female name Bikeutia (Βικευτία) is otherwise unattested in the papyri and is of unknown origin. 33 Εἰταλίαν. The female name Italia (Εἰταλία) is a Greek variant of the Latin name Italia. As spelled, this is the only attestation of the name in the papyri. The variant Εἰταλεία is attested on one occasion: P.Brem. 58.13 (ca. 113–120). Θεοδώραν. The female name Theodora (Θεοδώρα) is a Greek name, derived from the masculine Theodorus (Θεόδωρος) that has the meaning “gift of god,” and becomes a somewhat common women’s name after the third century. See 106 n. 3–5. 34-35 ὁ κ(ύριό)ς σαι διαφυλάξαι ἡμῖν. Since similar phrases are found at LXX Deut 7:12 and LXX Ps 40:3a perhaps a vague reminiscence is being made. Nevertheless, as this phrase is attested in later Christian writings (Prot. Jas. 20: κύριός σε διαφυλάξει [“May the Lord preserve you (sg.)”]) and variations are widely attested it seems to have become a popular phrase. In the papyri close variations include P.Abinn. 6.25–26 (342–351): ὁ κύριος ὁ θεὸς διαφυλάξῃ σε (“may the Lord God preserve you”); SB XX 14282.26–27 (V/VI): ὁ κ(ύριο)ς διαφυλάξῃ ὑμᾶς (“may the Lord preserve you [pl.]”); cf. P.Oxy. XVII 2156.5–7 [160]: ὁμοῦ τῇ θείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προνοίᾳ εὐχόμενος ἀεὶ διαφυλάξαι σε ἡμῖν (“praying at the same time to the divine providence of God that it may always protect you [sg.] for us”); P.Oxy. XVI 1860.2 (VI/VII): εὐχόμενος εἰς τὸν δεσπότην θεὸν διαφ[υ]λά̣[ξαι] αὐτὴν (“praying to the master, God, to preserve her”); cf. P.Köln IV 200.8–9 [158]: [ὁ]

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παντοδύναμος θ(εὸ)ς φυλάξα[ι σε] (“may the all-powerful God protect you”). On this phrase, see also I. Gelzer, “Die Orthographie des Grußes ὁ θεός σε διαφυλάξαι,” Hermes 74 (1939): 167–75; Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C., 64–66.

Date: Mid-IV

145 P.Lond. VI 1927 Dorotheus to Paphnutius 24.0 × 32.0 cm TM no. 32660

Material: Papyrus

Published: H. I. Bell and W. E. Crum (eds.), Jews and Christians in Egypt: The Jewish Troubles in Alexandria and the Athanasian Controversy (London, 1924), 110–13 (no. 1927). Related Literature: H. A. Steen, “Les clichés épistolaires dans les lettres sur papyrus grecs,” C&M 1 (1938): 134, 146; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 268; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 17, 68–69, 71–72; H. Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefes bis 400 n. Chr. (Helsinki, 1956), 188– 89; E. A. Judge, “The Earliest Use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 83; C. Spicq, Lexique théologique du Nouveau Testament (Fribourg, 1978), 77 n. 3; G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 4 (1987): 246, 249; J. E. Goehring and R. F. Boughner, “Egyptian Monasticism (Selected Papyri),” in Ascetic Behavior in Greco-Roman Antiquity: A Sourcebook, ed. V. Wimbush (Minneapolis, 1990), 460–61; S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 6 (1992): 171; R. J. S. Barrett-Lennard, Christian Healing after the New Testament: Some Approaches to Illness in the Second, Third, and Fourth Centuries (Lanham, Md., 1994), 44–48; D. Brakke, Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism (Oxford, 1995), 211–12; A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (Rome, 1996), 689 n. 203; A. Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” ZPE 111 (1996): 172; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 74, 160; M. Choat, “Echo and Quotation of the New Testament in Papyrus Letters to the End of the Fourth Century,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and N. Tobias (Leiden, 2006), 271–72; A. Martin, “Les relations entre le monachisme égyptien et l’institution ecclésiastique au IVème siècle,” in Foundations of Power and Conflicts of Authority in Late-Antique Monasticism, ed. A. Camplani and G. Filoramo (Leuven, 2007), 33; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 210–11, 226–27; R. Bennett,

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“A Case for the Relative Consistency of Nomina Sacra in Documentary Papyri” (M.A. thesis, Macquarie University, 2012), 28–29, 46–51. Introduction This lengthy letter is written in two columns with a dark-brown ink and in a single hand. Only the first 15 lines of the first column are extant, owing to a large lacuna on the bottom left-hand side of the papyrus: 32 lines of text are preserved in the second column. Two smaller fragments, perhaps belonging to the bottom section of the first column, are also preserved. There are eight vertical fold lines on the papyrus. The hand is regular and exceptionally clear and may be described as a sloping uncial script reminiscent of the kind of script found in literary manuscripts: cf. P.Oxy. XII 1592 [137]; P.Oxy. LVI 3858 [151]. There are no ligatures, and the writer frequently abbreviates words ending a line with nu with a supralinear stroke. The overall impression given by the competency and style of the hand combined with the overall format of the letter in two even columns is that the author was a skilled writer who possessed a very practiced hand; if the letter was not written by a professional scribe, it might be wondered whether the author also worked in the literary sphere of copying manuscripts. The content of the letter is remarkable for a couple of reasons and stands out in contrast to many of the other extant letters written by Christians from Oxyrhynchus. To begin, this letter contains a much higher proportion of nomina sacra than other letters as it contains ten nomina sacra in the extant portions of the text, whereas most other letters that contain nomina sacra tend to contain anywhere from one to three. What is also noteworthy about the use of nomina sacra in this letter is not only their uniformity, as they are written following normal literary conventions, but also their range. Not only does the author employ nomina sacra for God (θεός) and Lord (κύριος), which are the most common to appear in letters, but he also employs nomina sacra for spirit (πνεῦμα) and Father (πατήρ), which occasionally appear in other letters, as well as Jesus (Ἰησοῦς), Christ (Χριστός), and world (κόσμος), which are exceptionally rare in letters (see n. 5–6 and 32 below). Another notable feature of this letter is its use of scriptural language. Right from the start of the letter, the author employs words and phrases that have a distinctly scriptural ring, and near the end of the letter (ll. 44–47) he cites Ephesians 5:16 as part of an argument that the addressee has done well to forsake the present world. Given the overall literary quality of the letter combined with its adept use of Scripture and scriptural language, it naturally raises questions about the identity of the sender and addressee as well as the larger context of the letter. The sender of the letter is a certain Dorotheus who styles himself in the introduction as an “Oxyrhynchite” and self-deprecatingly refers to himself

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as an “unprofitable servant” (ll. 2–3). The recipient of the letter, who is never mentioned by name, is addressed as “most honored brother and beloved of God” (ll. 1–2), and the overall tone of the letter suggests that the addressee was someone who Dorotheus revered and regarded as an ecclesiastical or spiritual superior; whereas Dorotheus identifies himself as the “unprofitable servant,” the recipient is regarded as the “good servant” (l. 11). Owing to the circumstances in which the letter was found, it seems almost certain that the unnamed recipient was an individual named Paphnutius. To elaborate, P.Lond. VI 1927 was found among a small archive of six other letters that were all addressed to an individual named Paphnutius and comprise P.Lond. VI 1923–1929.92 H. I. Bell, the editor of the archive, noted that, while P.Lond. VI 1927 is the only letter where the name of the recipient does not occur, there is no reason to doubt that it belongs to the same archive and was also sent to Paphnutius.93 From P.Lond. VI 1925, where Paphnutius is called an “anchorite” (l. 24, ἀναχωρητής), and P.Lond VI 1926, where he is identified among the “ascetics” (ll. 9–10, ἀσκούντων), it is evident that Paphnutius was a hermit, or perhaps a monk, and the letters in the archive cumulatively demonstrate that Paphnutius was revered as one who possessed significant spiritual authority. In the letters he is variously addressed as “beloved of God” (l. 2; cf. P.Lond. VI 1923.2), “Father” (P.Lond. VI 1923.3; 1924.1; 1925.2; 1928.1; 1929.1), and “upholder of Christ” (P.Lond. VI 1926.1). Furthermore, he is asked for spiritual guidance and direction (P.Lond. VI 1924.8–9), to pray on behalf of the sick since his prayers were considered more efficacious before God (P.Lond. VI 1926.13–16; P.Lond. VI 1929.7–8), and to consecrate oil for anointing the sick (P.Lond. VI 1928.4–7); and he was even thought to have received divine “revelations” (P.Lond. VI 1926.9–10, ἀποκαλύμματα). Since Paphnutius (variously spelled in the letters: Παπνούθιος, Παπνουτίος, and Παφνοῦθις), an Egyptian name that has the meaning “he who belongs to the god” (ⲡⲁ-ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ), is extremely common in documents and texts from fourth-century Egypt, one can only speculate whether this same individual is attested elsewhere.94 The only hint given in any of the letters about his possible location is in the present letter where Dorotheus asks if “we should come up” (l.  58, ἀ̣νέλθωμεν) to visit him. If ἀνέρχομαι is being used technically here to literally refer to “going up the Nile,” then it appears that Paphnutius lived somewhere

92 An additional letter, SB I 2266 (IV), might have also been addressed to the same Paphnutius. See Brakke, Athanasius and the Politics of Asceticism, 210 n. 31. 93 P.Lond. VI p. 100. 94 See P.Lond. VI pp. 100–103, where H. I. Bell mentions a number of other well-known individuals bearing the name Paphnutius in fourth-century Egypt.

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south of Oxyrhynchus.95 Finally, it should be noted that there is an archive from the middle part and second half of the fourth century from Oxyrhynchus (ca. 360–375) that details the activities of two brothers named Paphnutius and Dorotheus who engaged in various business pursuits and who worked primarily as tax collectors over a sizeable area around Oxyrhynchus. While it would be difficult to situate P.Lond. VI 1927 into this archive, as one would have to assume some kind of significant professional change on the part of Paphnutius and Dorotheus, it is an intriguing possibility. In the letter, which Bell described as “singularly empty of content,”96 Dorotheus begins by praising Paphnutius for his holiness and entreats him to offer up prayers on his behalf. At this point the letter breaks off, and, when it resumes in column two, Dorotheus is once again praising Paphnutius, describing him as an athlete who has pursued a most holy and revered way of life and who has renounced the world. After citing Ephesians 5:16, which is used to endorse Paphnutius’ renunciation of the world, Dorotheus proceeds to ask whether he should come up to see Paphnutius and tells him to send word by the bearer of the present letter. At this point the letter breaks off. On the back there are the remains of a few letters, but it seems that the address, if indeed there was one, was lost in the large lacuna occupying the bottom half of column one. col. i

→ 5

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τῷ τιμιωτάτῳ ἀδελφῷ καὶ θε[ο]φιλ [̣ ε]ῖ.̣ Δωρόθεος ὁ Ὀξ [̣ υ]ρ̣υγ̣ χ̣ είτης ὁ ἄχρ⟨ε⟩ιος δοῦλος προσαγορεύει σε ἐν πν(εύματ)ι καὶ ἐν ἀγάπῃ Χ(ριστο)ῦ. πρὸ μὲν πάντων παρακαλῶ τὸ(ν) θ(εὸ)ν καὶ π(ατέ)ρα τοῦ σωτῆρος Ἰη(σο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ὅπως καταξιώσῃ με τοῦ εὑρεῖ(ν) χάριν ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ δέξασθέ σαι τὰ παρ’ ἐμοῦ γράμματα· 〚ο̣〛 ἐν τούτῳ γὰρ κἀγὼ μέλλω εὐθυμ⟨ε⟩ῖσθαι ὅταν ὁ ἀγαθὸς δοῦλος διὰ γραμμάτω[ν] με προσδέξητα [̣ ι] καὶ τὰς ὑπὲ ρ̣ ̣ ἐ [̣ μ]οῦ εὐχὰς ἀναφέρει προθύμως π̣ρὸ̣ ς τὸν δεσπότην ἐν ⟨ε⟩ἰλικρινεῖ διανοίᾳ. πιστεύω

Alternatively, it could be taken to refer to up into the desert in which case Paphnutius may not have necessarily been located south of Oxyrhynchus. 96 P.Lond. VI p. 110. 95

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γὰρ [ὅ]τ̣ι ̣ [̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ν̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– frag. 1 Traces 2 lines 20

[ ca.? ] εὐ̣ φρασ[ία ca.?] [ ca.? ἐγκω]μιαζομ[ ca.?] [ ca.? ] εὐ̣φρα[σία ca.? ] [ ca.? ]π̣ ρ̣ο̣ [ ca.? ]

frag. 2

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[ [ [ [ [ [ [

ca.? ca.? ca.? ca.? ca.? ca.? ca.?

]ν̣δ[ ]̣ αι ̣ [̣ ca.? ] ] ̣ ὠφελι [̣ μ ca.? ] ]νιστ [̣ ca.? ] ]ο̣π ̣τα ̣ [̣ ca.? ] ] γὰρ δικ [̣ ca.? ] ] ̣ ι̣ λα[ ca.? ] ] ̣ [̣ ca.? ]

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35

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ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν εὐκλ[ε]εστάτην [σ]ου π̣ [ο]λ̣ ιτ⟨ε⟩ίαν καὶ σε [̣ μ]ν̣οτάτην, διότι τὴν τοῦ κ(όσ)μ(ο)υ ἀλαζον⟨ε⟩ία(ν) ἀπεκήρυ[ξ]ας καὶ τὴν τῶ[ν] κενοδόξω(ν) μεγαλαυχίαν ἐβδέλ̣ υξας. καὶ ἡμεῖς οὖν ἐπενοῦμεν μᾶλλο(ν) ἐπὶ τῇ ἀκοῇ ὅτι φρονίμως ἔδ⟨ε⟩ιξας τὸ γεννεότατον ἆθλον, ἐπιθυμοῦμεν δὲ μ{ε}ιμεῖσθαι ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ πολ{ε}ιτείᾳ τῇ σου φιλοκἀγαθ{ε}ίᾳ, ὅτι ὡς ἱκανς τάχα σοι ὁ θ(εὸ)ς ἐχάρισεν τὸν κα ̣τ̣ὰ τὸν καιρὸν εὑρεῖ(ν) ἀντί ̣π̣ α̣ λον καὶ θε̣ ρα̣ πευτικὸν ἀποφα{σ}τικόν, τὸν καιρ̣[ὸ]ν̣ γ̣ὰ ρ̣ ̣ ἐ ξ̣ α̣ γ̣ ο̣ ρ̣ ά̣ ζ̣ [ο]ν̣τες, κηρ̣ύττει ὁ̣ τρισμακά ρ̣ ι̣ ο̣ ̣ ς ἀπόστολ[ο]ς, ὅτι αἱ ἡμ̣ έ ρ̣ αι πονηραί εἰσιν. ἐπίστευω̣ ν δὲ καὶ τὸν χαρακτῆρά σου θεάσασθαι ἐὰν ἐπιτ̣ ρέπε̣ι ̣ ὁ κ(ύριο)ς, ἐπεὶ ἐ ̣φ̣όδ̣ιοί ἐσμε(ν), αἰ δ̣ οῦμ[α]ι δὲ ἐλθεῖν̣ μή ποτε

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538

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[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ [̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ ̣ ἡ μ ̣ ᾶ̣ ς̣ ̣ καὶ ἐντράπωμε(ν). [πάνυ(?)] ο̣ὖν ἐπιστεύσαμεν ὅτι εἰ θέ[λημα θ](εο)ῦ̣ ἐστὶν τοῦ ἡμᾶς σοι ἀπαντᾶ(ν) [ἀγγελ]ε ῖ̣ ς̣ πρῶτον διὰ τοῦ φέρον[τός σοι] τ̣ὸ ἐπιστόλιον. δὸς οὖν [αὐτῷ τὴ]ν ἀγγελίαν ὅ τι βούλει{ς} ἢ οὐ [βούλει] ἀ ̣νέλθωμεν, μὴ ὥστε π̣ [ο]ι[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ε ̣ν̣ [̣ ]̣ ̣ α̣ ς̣ ̣ ἴδιοι πληρῶ[μ]ε ̣(ν) [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ω ̣ν̣ τὴν περὶ σοῦ ἀγάπ[η(ν)] [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣πε(?)]ρ̣ὶ σέ ,̣ τιμιώτατε ἐν πν[(εύματ)ι], [καὶ τοὺς σὺ]ν̣ σ̣ ο̣[ὶ] ἀδελφοὺς ̣ ̣[ ca.? ] __________ 4. pap. πνι; pap. χυ. 5. pap. το. 6. pap. θν; pap. πρα; pap. ι ηυ χυ. 7. ο of ὅπως added later in the margin; pap. ευρει. 8–9. l. δέξασθαί σε. 10. l. καὶ ἐγὼ. 13. pap. ϋπ. 15. pap. ϊλικρινει. 32. pap. κμυ; pap. αλαζονια. 33. pap. κενοδοξω. 35. l. ἐπαινοῦμεν; pap. μᾶλλο. 37. l. γενναιότατον. 39. pap. αυτη. 40–41. l.  ἱκανῶς. 41. pap. θς. 42. ο of the first τον corr. ex η; pap. ευρει. 48. l.  ἐπίστευον. 49–50. corr. ex επιο̣τ̣ρεπε̣ι̣. 50. pap. κς; pap. εσμε. 52. pap. εντραπωμε. 54. pap. ]υ; pap. απαντα. 59. pap. ϊδιοι; pap. πληρω[ ]ε. 61. pap. πν[. 

Translation To my most honored brother and beloved of God: Dorotheus the Oxyrhynchite, the unprofitable servant, salutes you in the spirit and in the love of Christ. (l. 5) Before all else I beseech God, even the Father of the Savior Jesus Christ, that he consider me worthy to find grace before him and that you receive this letter from me. (l. 10) For in this I too will have cause to rejoice when the good servant receives me on account of my letter and zealously offers up prayers to the master on my behalf (l. 15) with a pure mind. For I believe that . . . (resumes l. 30) . . . but on account of your most renowned and revered way of life, and because you renounce the arrogance of the world and abhor the boasting of the vainglorious. (l. 35) We therefore rejoice even more in the report that you prudently made manifest the most noble struggle. We earnestly desire to imitate your same way of life with (l. 40) kindliness, because, as is presently fitting, God rejoiced to find for you a fitting and salutary renunciation accordant with the times: (l. 45) “Redeeming the time,” proclaims the thrice-blessed apostle, “because the days are evil” (Eph 5:16). I trust to behold your countenance, if (l. 50) the Lord permits, since we are on the way, but I fear to come lest you [rebuke?] us and we are put to shame. We certainly believe that if it be God’s will that we should meet you, (l. 55) you will first inform us through the one who brings you this letter. Wherefore, give him the message whether or not you want us to come up . . . not with the result that we fulfill (l. 60) our love toward you and the brothers with you, you who are most honored in the spirit, . . .

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τῷ τιμιωτάτῳ ἀδελφῷ καὶ θε[ο]φιλ̣ [ε]ῖ̣. The adjective τιμιώτατος (τίμιος, -α, -ον) is used as a title of address in letters already in the first century; one of the earliest attestations of this epithet in a letter is in P.Oxy. II 292.1 (early I). As a Christian title of epistolary address it is first attested in Eusebius, Ep. Flacc.: τῷ τιμιωτάτῳ καὶ ἀγαπητῷ συλλειτουργῷ Φλακίλλῳ Εὐσέβιος ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν (“To my most honored and beloved fellow-servant Flacillus, Eusebius [sends] greeting in the Lord”). In the fourth century the epithet is common both in the papyri and the Church Fathers, most notably in Gregory Nazianzus and Basil of Caesarea. As a Christian title of address it is used for bishops, priests, deacons, lectors, and the laity, both male and female. See Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 73–75. In general the epithet signifies respect and admiration for the recipient on the part of the sender and need not always imply that the recipient is a superior. The adjective θεοφιλής, -ές has the meaning of “divinely favored” or “loved by God” (Lampe s.v.) and as a title of epistolary address appears rarely; the superlative θεοφιλέστατος is far more common. In the papyri it is only attested a handful of times: P.Lond. VI 1923.2 (mid-IV); P.Cair.Masp. III 67342.2 (VI); Stud.Pal. XX 233.5 (VI/VII). Among Christian letter writers of late antiquity it is used for the emperor (Athanasius, Ep. Jov. 1.1; Basil, Ep. 225.1) as well as for a few bishops. See Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 53–54. On the use of ἀδελφός, see 129 n. 1. Δωρόθεος ὁ Ὀξ[̣ υ]ρ̣υ̣γ̣χείτης ὁ ἄχρ⟨ε⟩ιος δοῦλος. The name Dorotheus (Δωρόθεος) is a Greek theophoric name derived from the abstract noun for God (θεός) and has the meaning “gift of God” (δῶρον + θεός). Though it is attested already in the Ptolemaic period the name seems to have become most popular in the fourth through sixth centuries and is most common in texts from the Heraκleopolite and Hermopolite nomes. In total the name is attested over 400 times between the third century BCE and eighth century CE. In the ed. pr. H. I. Bell rightly notes that it would be “hazardous” to identify Dorotheus with either one of two notable persons bearing the same name and appearing in Palladius’ Hist. Laus. 2.1; 30.1. With the designation ὁ Ὀξ[̣ υ]ρ̣υ̣γ̣χείτης, “the Oxyrhynchite” or “citizen of Oxyrhynchus” Dorotheus established ties with the metropolis and likely suggests the letter was sent from Oxyrhynchus; cf. H. I. Bell (P.Lond. VI p. 110): “The writer calls himself ‘Dorotheus the Oxyrhynchite,’ which suggests, but does not necessarily imply, that he lived at Oxyrhynchus.” Such a self-referential designation is unusual in a personal letter and otherwise only occurs in a single official document: P.Oxy. XIV 1643.1–2 (May 11, 298): [Αὐρήλ(ιος) Σαραπ]άμμων ὁ καὶ [Δ]ίδυμος Ὀξυρυγχεί[της ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] (“Aurelius Sarapammon also called Didymus, the Oxyrhynchite”); cf. P.Ryl. II 93.10 (III): Θερμουθίων Ὀξυρυγχείτη[ς - ca. ?- ]. The meaning of the phrase ὁ ἄχρ⟨ε⟩ιος δοῦλος (“the unprofitable servant”) is curious; it is attested once elsewhere in a prayer in SB XXII 15375.8–9 (V/VI). While the phrase is ultimately derived from either Matt 25:30 (τὸν ἀχρεῖον δοῦλον) or Luke 17:10 (δοῦλοι ἀχρεῖοί ἐσμεν), and may well constitute a scriptural allusion, it is important to note that it appears as a self-deprecating phrase of humility in patristic authors. Though it has been suggested that Dorotheus could have been a mid-fourth century bishop of Oxyrhynchus (Timm, 1:285), seemingly implied by the phrase ὁ Ὀξ[̣ υ]ρ̣υ̣γ̣χείτης ὁ ἄχρ⟨ε⟩ιος δοῦλος, nothing about this phrase indicates that Dorotheus should be regarded as a bishop. See Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” 172. ἐν πν(εύματ)ι καὶ ἐν ἀγάπῃ Χ(ριστο)ῦ. This phrase is otherwise unattested, although “spirit,” “love,” and “Christ,” appear in close proximity in a number of literary texts: cf. . . . ἐν τῷ πνεύματι, μίτος δὲ ἡ δι’ ἀγάπης Χριστοῦ . . . (Hippolytus, Antichr. 4). Phrases

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involving the “love of Christ” appear a few times in the NT: Rom 8:35; 2 Cor 5:14; Eph 3:19; 1 Tim 1:14; 2 Tim 1:13. But the exact phrase ἐν ἀγάπῃ Χριστοῦ is not attested before Basil of Caesarea (Ep. 22.3) and is used almost exclusively by him. In the papyri the closest parallel is in P.Oxy. LVI 3862.7 (V): ἔχοντες τὴν ἐν Χρι̣σ̣τῷ ̣ ̣ ἀγάπην (“having the love in Christ”); cf. P.PalauRib. 37.13 (III): [ἐν] ἀγάπῃ; P.Oxy. XXXI 2603.25 (IV): προσδέξα̣ ι οὖν ἐν ἀγάπῃ (“receive in love”). On the nomen sacrum for Χριστός, see n. 6. 5 πρὸ μὲν πάντων. On this phrase, see 135 n. 3–4. 5–6 παρακαλῶ τὸ(ν) θ(εὸ)ν καὶ π(ατέ)ρα τοῦ σωτῆρος Ἰη(σο)ῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ. Similar phraseology occurs in Rom 15:6 (τὸν θεὸν καὶ πατέρα τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστου [“the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ”]) and Tit 1:4 (θεοῦ πατρὸς καὶ Χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ τοῦ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν [“from God the Father and Christ Jesus our Savior”]). Cf. 1 Cor 1:3; 2 Cor 1:2-3, 11:31; Gal 1:3; Eph 1:2-3, 6:23; Phil 1:2; 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Thess 1:1; 1 Tim 1:2; Phlm 3; 1 Pet 1:3; 2 John 1:3. In papyrus letters references to “Jesus Christ” are rare before the sixth century. Fourth-century attestations include SB VI 9605 (early IV): τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (“of our Lord Jesus Christ”); P.Lond. VI 1917.2 (330–340): ἐ̣ν̣ δεσπό[τῃ Ἰη]σοῦ Χριστῷ (“in the master Jesus Christ”); SB XIV 11532.11 (IV): ἡ χάρις τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ ἡμῶν Ἰη(σοῦ) [Χρ(ιστοῦ) μετὰ πάντων ὑμῶν] (“the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ with you all”); SB XXVI 16687.33–34 (IV): ἡ̣ [χά]ρι̣ς ̣ τοῦ κ(υρίο)υ ἡμ̣ ῶ̣ν̣ Ἰ̣(ησο)ῦ Χ̣ (ριστο)ῦ (“The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ”). Though σωτήρ is periodically contracted as a nomen sacrum in biblical mss beginning in the fourth century, in documentary papyri there is at present no example where it is either contracted or suspended in a document before the sixth century: BGU I 295.2 (591): σωτῆρ(ος); SB I 5317.1 (585–601): σ(ω)τ(ῆρο)ς; BGU II 395.2 (600): σ(ωτῆ) ρ(ο)ς. For literary papyri, see A. H. R. E. Paap, Nomina Sacra in the Papyri of the First Five Centuries A.D. (Leiden, 1959), 97. 7–8 εὑρεῖ(ν) χάριν ἐνώπιον αὐτοῦ. Similar phraseology occurs in Acts 7:46: ὃς εὗρεν χάριν ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ (“who found favor before God”); cf. LXX Exod 33:17, 34:9. 11 ὁ ἀγαθὸς δοῦλος. Cf. Luke 19:17: ἀγαθὲ δοῦλε (“good servant”); Matt 25:21, 23: δοῦλε ἀγαθὲ καὶ πιστέ (“good and faithful servant”). This phrase is not attested elsewhere in the papyri. 13–14 τὰς ὑπὲ̣ρ̣ ἐ̣[μ]οῦ εὐχὰς ἀναφέρει προθύμως π̣ ρ̣ὸς τὸν δεσπότην. In another letter in this archive a woman named Valeria likewise believed that Paphnutius’ prayers had special intercessory powers: P.Lond. VI 1926.13–16 (mid-IV): οὕτως γὰρ πεπίστευκα καὶ πιστεύω ὅτι ἐὰν εὔξῃ ἐπάνω μου ἴασιν λαμβάνω. δέομαι τῷ θεῷ δέομαι καί σοι μνήσθητί μου ἐν τῇ ἁγίᾳ σου προσευχῇ (“For thus I have trusted and yet trust that if you pray on my behalf I shall obtain healing. I pray to God, I pray also to you, remember me in your holy prayer”). 14 π̣ ρ̣ὸς τὸν δεσπότην. Though not nearly as common as κύριος, δεσπότης is used in the LXX and NT for God: Jdt 9:12; Wis 8:3; 13:3; Sir 36:1; Dan 9:15; Acts 4:24. 15 ἐν ⟨ε⟩ἰλικρινεῖ διανοίᾳ. Cf. 2 Pet 3:1: ἐν ὑπομνήσει τὴν εἰλικρινῆ διάνοιαν (“sincere attention by reminding you”). The phrase also appears in Athanasius, Decr. 42.3. 30–31 διὰ τὴν εὐκλ[ε]εστάτην [σ]ου π̣ [ο]λ̣ ιτ⟨ε⟩ίαν καὶ σε̣[μ]ν̣οτάτην. The adjective εὐκλεής, -ές (“good report”) only occurs one other time in the papyri prior to this letter in P.Got. 3.8 (215/16). It is used almost exclusively as a title of address in sixth and seventh-century documents. The adjective σεμνός, -ή, -όν, on the other hand, is attested in the papyri beginning in the late first century BCE and is well attested through the sixth century. As a title of address, see Dineen, Title of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 61–62, who notes that it is used mostly for bishops but is also attested for a few women.

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The noun πολιτεία has a wide range of meaning but here seems best to be translated as “way of life.” Cf. 1 Clem. 2·8 where it is first used for a distinctly “Christian” way of life. In the Apophthegmata Patrum (PG 65.136c) it can be used to refer to an ascetic way of life. It is interesting to note that in the Vita Antonii (Life of Anthony) the term πολιτεία is repeatedly used to describe the idealized ascetic life of Anthony: Vit. Ant. proem. 2; 46.7; cf. 7.13 where it is used to describe the ascetic lifestyle of Elijah the biblical prophet. 32–33 διότι τὴν τοῦ κ(όσ)μ(ο)υ ἀλαζον⟨ε⟩ία(ν) ἀπεκήρυ[ξ]ας. In the papyri the verb ἀποκηρύσσω appears very rarely. When it does appear it is almost always in legal contexts and has the technical meaning of “to disinherit”: SB XIV 12139.3.3 (II/III); P.Oxy. XXII 2342.6 (102); cf. P.Oxy. LIV 3758.169 (325). On this meaning, see Jur.Pap. p. 57; R. Taubenschlag, The Law of Greco-Roman Egypt in Light of the Papyri: 332 B.C.–640 A.D. (Warsaw, 1955), 137–38. Here it seems best to translate the verb ἀποκηρύσσω as “to renounce” (see Lampe s.v.). The noun ἀλαζονεία is not otherwise attested in the papyri. It does appear twice in the NT at Jas 4:16 and 1 John 2:16. The latter reference is interesting because ἀλαζονεία is mentioned in the context of the evils of the “world” (κόσμος) and a thing that is to be avoided (1 John 2:16b: καὶ ἡ ἀλαζονεία τοῦ βίου, οὐκ ἔστιν ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ κόσμου ἐστίν [“and the vain glory of life, is not of the Father, but is of the world”]). In this respect there is at least a loose thematic parallel between 1 John 2:15-16 and the present text of the letter. 32 τοῦ κ(όσ)μ(ο)υ. The contraction of κόσμος as a nomen sacrum is very peculiar. In no other documentary text is this word ever written as a nomen sacrum and there is only one literary text where the contracted form is attested: 𝔓15 (=P.Oxy. VII 1008 [30]: 1 Cor 7:1820). In l. 36 (1 Cor 7:31) and in l. 40 (1 Cor 7:32) it is written κ(όσ)μου; however, when it appears in ll. 34–35 it appears to be written out in full κο⎟[σμ]ον. See also R. Bennett, “A Case for the Relative Consistency of Nomina Sacra in Documentary Papyri,” M.A. Thesis, Jacquarie University, 2012, 28–29. 33–34 τὴν τῶ[ν] κενοδόξω(ν) μεγαλαυχίαν ἐβδέλ̣ υξας. The nouns κενοδοξία and μεγαλαυχία are otherwise unattested in the papyri. It is worth noting that they appear together, along with ἀλαζονεία (l. 32), in 4 Macc 2:14b in a list of “violent passions” (τῶν βιαιοτέρων δὲ παθῶν): κενοδοξίας καὶ ἀλαζονείας καὶ μεγαλαυχίας καὶ βασκανίας (“vainglory, boasting, arrogance, and malice”). While μεγαλαυχία is not attested in the NT κενοδοξία appears once in Phil 2:3. The verb βδελύσσομαι is only attested once in the papyri prior to the present text in SB VI 9564.9 (I BCE). The reference is especially interesting because it occurs in a fragmentary letter where it is used to describe the feelings of some group against some Jews: οἶδας γὰρ ὅτι βδελύσ⟨σ⟩ονται Ἰουδαίους (“you know that they despise Jews”). The only other attestation of the verb in the papyri occurs in P.Cair.Masp. III 67353.16 (569). As H. I. Bell noted (P.Lond. VI p. 113 n. 34): “in the sense ‘abhor’ the word should be middle.” 37 τὸ γεννεότατον ἆθλον. For the use of the epithet γενναιότατος as a title of address, see Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistologprahy, 97; cf. Dickey, Greek Forms of Address, 140–41. In the papyri this epithet is attested between the third and sixth centuries with most attestations appearing in fifth- and sixth-century papyri. 38–39 ἐπιθυμοῦμεν δὲ μ{ε}ιμεῖσθαι ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ πολ{ε}ιτείᾳ τῇ σου. On the term πολιτεία, see n. 30–31. It is interesting to note that Dorotheus (and others) are seeking to imitate the ascetic lifestyle of Paphnutius since the Vita Antonii (Life of Anthony) explicitly sets up Anthony, as well as other select saints, as the ideal who should be consciously imitated (μιμεῖσθαι): Vit. Ant. 27.1; 38.2; 72.4. 40 φιλοκἀγαθ{ε}ίᾳ. The noun φιλοκἀγαθία is extremely rare and is only attested a handful of times: Nilus of Ancrya, Ep. 156; TAM V.1 490.4 (159/60); SEG XXXIV 1593.10 (III);

542

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cf. P.Oxy. I 33.2.13 (late II): ἀφιλοκαγαθία. In the papyri the adjective φιλοκάγαθος is attested in P.Lond. V 1677.6 (566/77). 44 ἀποφα{σ}τικόν. As noted by H. I. Bell this reading is both uncertain and unexpected. A. S. Hunt had proposed ἀγοραστικόν (P.Lond. VI p. 113) but Bell rejected the suggestion since the φ is certain and suggested that ἀπόφασις was probably intended; an examination of a digital image of the papyrus confirms Bell’s reading. The translation is based on Bell’s proposal that the author intended ἀπόφασις instead of ἀποφατικός. 44–47 τὸν καιρ̣[ὸ]ν̣ γ̣ὰ̣ρ̣ ἐ̣ξα̣ ̣γ̣ο̣ρ̣ά̣ζ[ο]ν̣τες, κηρ̣ύττει ὁ̣ τρισμακά̣ρ̣ιο̣ ̣ς ἀπόστολ[ο]ς, ὅτι αἱ ἡμ̣ έ̣ραι πονηραί εἰσιν. The citation of Eph 5:16 is precise and is rendered with almost no variation from the way it appears in NA28. The only difference is that ἐξαγοράζω (“to buy up, to redeem”) occurs as a middle participle in NA28 (ἐξαγοραζόμενοι) whereas in this letter it occurs as an active participle (ἐξαγοράζοντες). While the phrase ἐξαγοραζόμενοι τὸν καιρόν occurs in about every ms of Eph 5:16 in Col 4:5 the word ordering is τὸν καιρὸν ἐξαγοραζόμενοι. It is therefore possible that perhaps Dorotheus was thinking of the word order of this passage. The change from middle to active voice for ἐξαγοράζω is unattested in any ms. While it is possible that the change in voice from middle to active could be the result of a textual variant, the variation may have been deliberate on the part of Dorotheus so that he depicts Paphnutius as actively engaged in “redeeming the time” and therefore is partially responsible for it. See Choat, “Echo and Quotation,” 271–72. Within the context of the letter, Ephesians 5:16 is skillfully employed as it is used to confirm Paphnutius’ ascetic lifestyle, whereby the things of the present world are rejected in favor of a more intimate relationship with God. In Ephesians 5 the verse appears in the context of becoming a disciple of God by rejecting the sins and errors of the world (vv. 1-15). John Chrysostom, Hom. Eph. 18.5.5–17 similarly uses the verse to emphasize the need to focus on the things of God by avoiding worldly pursuits; however, various ancient commentators apply these verses differently: Barn. 2:1; Clement, Paed. 3.82.3; Tertullian, Fug. 9.2. 46 ὁ̣ τρισμακά̣ρ̣ιο̣ ̣ς ἀπόστολ[ο]ς. The epithet τρισμακάριος (“thrice-blessed”) connotes a state of being “especially blessed” and does not occur in either the LXX or the NT. It is first used by Aristophanes and Greek playwrights and Philo is the first Jewish author to employ the epithet: Philo, Spec. 1.31; 4.123. By the third and fourth centuries the epithet is frequently used by the Church Fathers. This epithet occurs in two other papyri: P.Cair. Masp. III 67295.15 (later VI): P.Cair.Masp. III 67312.109 (567). Only John Chrysostom and Theodoret identify Paul with this epithet: John Chrysostom, In Petrum et Paulum PG 59.494.63; Theodoret, Ep. 81, Interpretatio in xiv epistulas sancti Pauli PG 82.320.46, 82.460.15; Haereticarum fabularum compendium PG 83.540.47. Perhaps Dorotheus refers to Paul as being “thrice blessed” since he had a vision of the “third heaven” (2 Cor 12:2). 49–50 ἐὰν ἐπιτ̣ρέπε̣ι ̣ ὁ κ(ύριο)ς. This phrase could be some kind of reminiscence of 1 Cor 16:7b: ἐὰν ὁ κύριος ἐπιτρέψῃ (“if the Lord permit”); all the same it is a fairly general statement. This phrase does not otherwise occur in the papyri although loose variations are attested: P.Brem. 15.18 (567). 53–54 ὅτι εἰ θέ[λημα θ](εο)ῦ̣ ἐστὶν. On “God willing” phraseology in letters, see Blumell, Lettered Christians, 63–64, 221–22; Choat, “Echo and Quotation,” 277. 58 ἀ̣νέλθωμεν. See introduction (above) for implications about the possible location of Paphnutius based on the technical meaning of ἀνέρχομαι (“to go up”).

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Date: ca. 352–359

146 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729 Dioscurides to Akyleus 25.0 × 14.0 cm TM no. 32645

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Published: L. Ingrams, P. Kingston, P. J. Parsons, and J. R. Rea (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXIV (London, 1968), 135–39 (no. 2729); J.-M. Carrié, “Papyrologica numismatica (I),” Aeg 64 (1984): 208–11; J.-M. Carrié, “Aspects concrets de la vie monétaire en Province,” RN 159 (2003): 201–2. Related Literature: A. Martin, “L’Église et la khôra égyptienne au IVe siècle,” REAug 25 (1979): 9 n. 36; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 31–32, 40, 73; R. S. Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt (Chico, Calif., 1985), 17, 45–46; J. P. Callu, “Monnaies de compte et monnaies réelles: L’Ostracon 54 de Douch,” ZPE 79 (1989): 78–79; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 37 n. 156; K. A. Worp, “A Checklist of Byzantine Bishops (AD 325–c. 750),” ZPE 100 (1994): 303–4; A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (Rome, 1996), 499 n. 167, 656 n. 71, 765; A. Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” ZPE 111 (1996): 173; P. Mayerson, “σπάτιον/σπάθιον—A Wineskin,” ZPE 121 (1998): 227–28; P. Mayerson, “Epiphanius’s Sabitha in Egypt: Σάμβαθον, σάμφαθον, σάμαθον,” BASP 35 (1998): 217; Carrié, “Aspects concrets,” 188–91; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 162; N. Gonis, “Dionysius, Bishop of Oxyrhynchus,” JJP 36 (2006): 64 n. 5; A. Benaissa, “New Light on the Episcopal Church of Oxyrhynchus,” ZPE 161 (2007): 199; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 102; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 149 n. 237. Introduction This letter is written with dark-brown ink on the front and back of a rectangular papyrus that has three vertical folds on the front. The writer has used almost every square inch of available papyrus as the textual margins at the top and bottom run right up to the edge of the papyrus, and the writer has even written downward along the left margin; the writing on the back of the papyrus is written along the fibers and occupies almost the entire back of the papyrus. The hand is fairly rapid and contains many ligatures, but it is also quite clear and regular. The orthography is erratic as words frequently contain

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misspellings, phonetic or otherwise, and the text contains numerous monetary symbols and abbreviations. In this respect the text is significant because it provides a number of monetary amounts for various goods and gives a brief glimpse of monetary inflation in the middle of the fourth century. The ed. pr. is deficient in some respects in both its transcription and its translation, and it has been considerably improved by a French reedition by J.-M. Carrié, who also proposed a date ca. 352 for the letter based on the monetary amounts mentioned.97 Aside from the economic details rendered in the letter, it is important because it contains some interesting, albeit passing, references to the church in Oxyrhynchus in the middle of the fourth century. In ll. 7–8 of the letter, it refers to the bishop of Oxyrhynchus, a man named Theodorus, who apparently owned his own ship. The reference is significant because this individual is almost certainly the same person mentioned in the nineteenth Festal Letter of Athanasius issued in 347. In this letter, Athanasius deposed a bishop named Pelagius from the episcopal see of Oxyrhynchus and installed Theodorus in his stead.98 This same Theodorus probably also appears in Marcellinus and Faustinus, Libellus precum 92–101 [164], and was engulfed in the episcopal factionalism that swept Oxyrhynchus during the late 350s when rival bishops contested each other’s authority; in this work it is alleged that the partisans of Theodorus even destroyed the church of a rival bishop named Heracleidas. Also worthy of note in the letter is the use of the staurogram (⳨) in the address (l. 42) since this is one of the earliest attestations of this early Christian symbol in a letter from Oxyrhynchus. Finally, it is also worth pointing out that in this letter one can begin to see the Christianization of Egypt via onomastics as distinctly biblical names like Elias (l. 8) and John (l. 25), uncommon in Egypt before the fourth century, are attested. → κυρίῳ μ̣ου ἀδελφῷ Ἀκυλέῳ Διοσκουρίδης ἐν κ υ̣ ρ̣ ίῳ χέρειν. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαι τῷ δεσπότῃ θ(ε)ῷ περὶ τῆς ὁλοκληρ{ε}ίας ὑμῶν· θαυμάζω πῶς 5 ἕως σή μ ̣ ε̣ ρ̣ ο̣ ν οὐδαιμίαν ἐπιστολήν μοι ἔπεμψας ̣· ε ἲ̣ ̣ σαπρὰ εἲ ̣ καλά, δὸς δύο ἄργυρα καὶ γράψον μοι· κόμισον οὖν δι(ὰ) τοῦ πλοίου Θεοδώρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἡμῶν δι(ὰ) Ἠλίας ναύτου σάμβαθον α ἔχων ἀργυρίου μυρ(ιάδας) Βψ 10 ὁμοί(ως) κόμισον δι(ὰ) πλοίου Ἀβάνης πλοίου ἠδίCarrié, “Papyrologica numismatica (I),” 219. Athanasius, Ep. fest. 19.10. This letter is no longer extant in Greek but only via a Syriac translation. See W. Cureton, The Festal Letters of St. Athanasius, Discovered in an Ancient Syriac Version (London, 1848), lv: “In Oxyrynchus [sic], Theodorus, in the room of Pelagius.” 97 98

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15

20

545

ου ἄ λ̣ λ̣ ο̣ κνίδιον διπλοῦν α κέρματος ἔχων ἄλλας μυρ(ιάδας) Δ· ὁμοῦ γί(νεται) τὰ δύο ἀνγῖα [μυρία]δ(ων) τ̣α λ̣ ̣(άντων)· α καὶ μυρι(άδες) ψ· ὁμοί(ως) κόμισον δι(ὰ) τοῦ αὐτοῦ πλοίου Ἀβάνης σίδηρα κενδ(ηνάρια) β τ̣έω ς̣ ἔχοντες τὰ β μάδια μη. διαμερήσαται οὖν σοι καὶ ὁ ἀδελφός μου Διόσκορος καὶ πάλιν πέμπω ἡμῖν ἄλλα· ἡ τιμὴ αὐτῶν γὰρ σήμερον μυρ(ιάδες) Ασ οὐδαὶ οὐκ ἔνι· τὴν νύκτα{ν} ἔβαλα αὐτὰ εἰς τὸ πλοῖον· ὁμο(ίως) ἀπέστ⟨ε⟩ιλά σοι δι(ὰ) πλοίου Ὡριγένου[ς] υἱὸς Ἡρᾶ οἴνου ὀμφακηρὰι πρωτ(είου) α ὥστε ἠγόρασες ὀμφακηρὰι κε τέως· ἤδει γὰρ ἐπλήρωκα αὐτῷ ἀγγ⟨ε⟩ίων ὅσον αὐτῆς τὴν περαγωγῆς αὐτῶν· μηδὲν οὖν δῇς αὐτῷ· ἐὰν κομήσῃς ταῦτα, γράψον μοι· καὶ ἤκουσα γὰρ ὅτι

Across the fibers, downwards in the left margin of the recto: 25

ἑστάκαται σοὶ καὶ Ἰωάννου εἶτα{ς} κεφαλεωτὰς οὕτως οὖν ἀγοράσαται ὁμοῦ σοὶ καὶ Διόσκορος εἴδη καὶ πέμψον μοι ταχύ.

Verso, along the fibers:

30

35

ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀμελήσῃς, κύριέ μου ἄδελφαι· ὁμοῦ ἀγοράσαται εἴδη καλὰ καὶ πέμψατέ μοι εἴδη ἤδη λί(τρα) χωρικὰ ἢ λί(τρα) π ρ̣ ̣( ) ἤδη κονχίσζματα ἤδη χαλκώματα ἤδη σπάτια ἤδη ἁπαξαπλῶς μὴ ἀφῆκες μαι· ἀργῶς κ ά̣ θ̣ ημαι μόνος· εἰμὶ γὰρ εἰς τὴν ἀποθήκην ἡμῶν· οὐ δύναμαι γὰρ σαλευθῆναι τῆς ἀποθήκης μου· πάντα ⟨τὰ⟩ θελόμενα πολλ⟨ο⟩ῦ ἀγόρασται. ἄρτι κυκλεύουσιν εἰς τὰς ἀποθήκας τὸ λί(τρον) τῶν ις ὠνκιῶν ἀργύρων κε τὸ χωρικὸν τῶν ιγ ὠνκιῶν ἀργύρων κ τὸ κόνχισζμα τ̣οῦ̣ ̣ α δε μυρ(ιάδων) λη τὸ αρ . ον μυρ(ιάδων) τ̣ ̣ τὸ σπάτιου μυρ(ιάδων) ν καὶ νβ· τὸ χάλκωμα τοῦ α κε(ν)δ(ηναρίου) μυρ(ιάδων) Αων καὶ Α ϡ· γέγονεν πάντα ⟨τὰ⟩ θελόμενα· πέμψον μο̣ ι̣ ̣ κατὰ πλοῖ⟨ο⟩ν καὶ πέμπω σοι κέρμα· τὸ νομιζμάτιον σήμερον μυρ(ιάδων) ψλ· εἰ δοκῖ σοι, πέμψον μοι σπάτιον γάρου καὶ κεράμιον α ταριχῶν· ἀσπάζομαι πολλὰ

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40

Ἑλένην καὶ Χωοῦς σὺν τῇ μητρὶ Ἁν[ο]υ̣ καὶ εἰπὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου Ἀμῦς ὅτι μὴ νομίσῃς ὅτι ἐκθρός σού εἰμι· ἐὰν θέλις πέμψαι ἐ{κ}ξουσίαν μου . . .· ἐρρῶσθαι εὔχομαι. (vac.) ⳨̣ ἀποδ(ὸς) Ἀκυλέῳ π(αρὰ) Διοσκουρίδης ἀδελφῶι̣. __________ 2. l. χαίρειν. 3. pap. θ ω . 5. l. οὐδεμίαν. 6. l. ἢ; l. ἢ: pap. εϊ. 7. pap. δι. 8. pap. δι. 9. pap. α̅; l. ἔχον; pap. μυρ̲ Βψ. 10. pap. ομοι−; pap. δι; l. Ἀβάνου. 10–11. l. ἰδίου. 11. pap. α̅; l. ἔχον. 12. pap. μυρ̲ Δ; pap. γι; l. ἀγγεῖα. 13. pap. α̅; pap. μυρ̲ ψ ομοι−; pap. δι. 14. l. Ἀβάνου; l. σιδήρου; l. κεντηνάρια: pap. κενδ; pap. β̅. 14–15. l. ἔχοντας. 15. pap. β̅; l. μάτια; pap. μη; l. διαμερίσατε. 17. l. ὑμῖν; pap. μυρ̲  σ̅. 18. l. οὐδὲ; l. ἔβαλον. 19. pap. ομοι−; pap. δι. 20. l. υἱοῦ: pap. υϊος; l. ὀμφακηρὰν; pap. πρωτ α. 21. l. ὀμφακηρὰς; pap. κ̅ε̅; l. ἤδη. 22. l. τῆς. 22–23. l. παραγωγῆς. 23. l. δῷς. 23–24. l. κομίσῃς. 25. l. ἑστάκατε; l. σὺ; l. Ἰωάννης; l. κεφαλαιωτὰς. 26. l. ἀγοράσατε; l. σὺ. 28. l. ἄδελφε; l. ἀγοράσατε. 29. l. ἤτοι; pap. λ; pap. λ ; l. ἤτοι; l. κογχίσματα; l. ἤτοι. 30. l. ἤτοι; l. σπάθια; l. ἤτοι; l. με. 32. l. ἠγόρασται. 33. pap. λ; pap. ϊς; l. οὐγκιῶν. 34. pap. κε; l. οὐγκιῶν; pap. κ; l. κόγχισμα. 35. pap. α; pap. μυρ̲; pap. μυρ̲; l. σπάθιον; pap. μυρ̲ ν. 36. pap. α; κεδ: l. κεντηναρίου; pap. μυρ̲ ; pap.  ϡ. 37. l. νομισμάτιον; pap. μυρ̲ ψλ. 37–38. l. δοκεῖ. 38. l. σπάθιον; pap. α. 39. pap. Ἁν[; 40. l. ἐχθρός; l. θέλῃς. 42. pap. αποδ; pap. π; l. Διοσκουρίδου ἀδελφοῦ.

Translation To my lord brother Akyleus, Dioscourides (sends) greetings in the Lord. Before all else I pray to the Lord God concerning your (pl.) health. I am astonished that (l. 5) up to the present day you have not sent me a single letter: (are you) sick or doing well? Spend two silver coins and write me! Receive off the ship of our bishop Theodorus one sambathon containing 2,700 myriads from Elias the sailor. (l. 10) Likewise, receive off the ship of Abanes, a private ship, one double knidion containing another 4,000 myriads: a sum total of two jars equaling one talent (of myriads) 700 myriads. Similarly, receive off the same ship of Abanes two hundred weight of iron, (l. 15) the two containing 48 matia. Wherefore, my brother Dioscorus will also divide them with you, but I am sending others to you (pl.) again. At the moment they are worth 1,200 myriads and there are none to be had; I loaded them onto the ship during the night. Likewise, I sent to you by the ship of Horigenes, (l. 20) son of Heras, one flagon of first rate wine; your account currently stands at 25 flagons. I have already paid him in full for the transport of the vessels, do not give him anymore. When you receive them, write to me. For I also heard that (downward in the left margin) (l. 25) you and John have been made headmen; so both you and Dioscorus buy containers and immediately send them to me. (verso) But do not neglect, my lord brother. Buy good quality containers and send them to me; it can be a local litra or . . . litra or konkismata or (l. 30) bronze vessels or spathia or at any rate do not abandon

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me. I sit idly alone; for I am in our storehouse and I am not able to come and go from the storehouse. All of the items I request you to buy are expensive. They are currently circulating in the storehouses at a rate of 25 argyra for the litron of 16 ounces, the local vessel at a rate of 13 ounces for 20 argyra, the konkisma of one . . . (l. 35) is at 38 myriads, the argon(?) is at 300 and . . . myriads, the spathion is at 50 and 52 myriads, and the bronze vessel of one centenarius for 1,850 and 1,900 myriads. I am finished with everything that I requested; send me (the items) by boat and I will send you the coins. Today the solidus is worth 730 myriads. If it seems agreeable, send to me a wineskin of fish sauce and one jar of pickled fish. I wholeheartedly greet Helene and Choous with their mother Hanu. Tell my brother Amys, (l. 40) “Do not think that I am your enemy.” If you wish to send . . . I pray that you are well. (address) Deliver to Akyleus from his brother Dioscurides. 1

2

3 4 5–7

6–7

7–8

κυρίῳ μ̣ ου ἀδελφῷ Ἀκυλέῳ. On the phrase κυρίῳ μου ἀδελφῷ, see 129 n. 1. The name Akyleus (Ἀκυλέος) is Greek and is a variant of the name Akyla (Ἀκύλα). As it is presently spelled it is not attested in any other papyrus. Διοσκουρίδης. The name Dioscourides (Διοσκουρίδης) is Greek and is etymologically derived from Ζεύς and κόρος with the diminutive Greek suffix (cf. Διόσκουρι “sons of Zeus”). As the name is presently spelled it is attested over 400 times in the papyri. ἐν κ̣ υ̣ρίῳ χαίρειν. On the phrase ἐν κυρίῳ, see 129 n. 23. At the end of κ̣ υ̣ρίῳ there is a seemingly deliberate stroke descending from the omega: pap. κ̣ υ̣ρίω. Since there is no suspension or contraction the meaning of the stroke is not entirely clear. Is it possible that the writer did not know how to properly contract the nomen sacrum κ(υρί)ῳ? In the next line (l. 3) he correctly contracts the nomen sacrum for θεός; cf. P.Oxy. XXXI 2601.5 [139]: παρὰ τῷ κυρί(ῳ) θ[(ε)ῷ]; PSI VIII 972.3 (IV): τῷ κυ(ρίῳ) θ(ε)ῷ. πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαι τῷ δεσπότῃ θ(ε)ῷ. On the phrase πρὸ μὲν πάντων εὔχομαι, see 135 n. 3–4. On the use of δεσπότης to refer to God, see 145 n. 14. θαυμάζω πῶς. Cf. P.Laur. II 42.1 [159]. ἕως σή̣μ̣ερ̣ ̣ον οὐδαιμίαν ἐπιστολήν μοι ἔπεμψας·̣ ε̣ἲ̣ σαπρὰ εἲ̣ καλά, δὸς δύο ἄργυρα καὶ γράψον μοι. An alternative translation for this section could be: “I am amazed how you did not even send me one letter until today! Whether sick or well spend two coins and write me.” This translation would imply that Dioscourides just received a letter from Akyleus in which he had given an excuse for taking so long to write. The interpretation of this passage depends in large part on how ἕως is to be best understood. δὸς δύο ἄργυρα καὶ γράψον μοι. It is not clear from this statement whether the “two silver coins” covered the costs of transporting the letter or writing the letter or both. Regardless, the implication is that the sending and or writing of a letter was cheap and not cost prohibitive so the addressee had no excuse for not communicating. δι(ὰ) τοῦ πλοίου Θεοδώρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἡμῶν. As noted in the introduction, Theodorus, bishop of Oxyrhynchus, is mentioned in the nineteenth Festal Letter of Athanasius of 347 that is only preserved in Syriac: “In Oxyrynchus, Theodorus, in the room of Pelagius.” See Cureton, The Festal Letters of St. Athanasius, lv. This Theodorus is almost certainly to be identified with the bishop of Oxyrhynchus bearing the same name and who appears in Marcellinus and Faustinus, Libellus Precum 94–101 [164]; cf. 119 n. 1; 122 n. 3. On ecclesiastics owning ships, see 118 n. 14.

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δι(ὰ) Ἠλίας ναύτου. The name Elias (Ἠλίας) is derived from the semitic name Elijah (‫ )ֵא ִלָּיה‬that means “my God is Jehovah” or “Yah(u) is God.” See BDB 452; NB Dem. 521. The name is attested just over 200 times in the papyri with nearly twenty attestations in papyri from Oxyrhynchus. The earliest attestation of this name in a dated document from Oxyrhynchus occurs in P.Oxy. XLII 3044.8 (313/14). 9 σάμβαθον α ἔχων ἀργυρίου μυρ(ιάδας) Βψ. A “sambathon” (σάμβαθον) was a container, whose exact size (in xestai) is unknown, and typically held wine: PSI VII 829.21 (IV); PSI XIV 1423.23 (ca. 338); P.Wisc. II 62R.4 (III/IV). However, it is evident from the papyri that the container could have a secondary use for carrying other bulky items like money: cf. P.Ryl. IV 630.475 (317–323): ὑπ̣ ὲ̣ρ Σαμβαθ( ) α (δραχμαὶ) τ (“one sambathon with 300 drachmae”). In the ed. pr. of this document (i.e., P.Ryl. IV 630) the editor interpreted Σαμβαθ( ) as possibly σαββάτ(ων) and takes it as a payment to local Jewish funds. See also 125 n. 19. In the fourth century accounts were often kept in talents or in myriads of denarii. A myriad, or ten thousand denarii, was equivalent to 6 ⅔ talents. See Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt, 12. In the ed. pr. it reads “2,700 myriads (of drachmae)” but it must instead be “2,700 myriads (of denarii).” 10 δι(ὰ) πλοίου Ἀβάνης. The name Abanes (Ἀβάνης) is Greek and is only attested in one other text besides the present document: P.Bad. II 31.14 (ca. 375–399). The name might be related to the name Abanis (Ἀβάνις) that is only attested a handful of times in the papyri. 11 κνίδιον διπλοῦν. On this phrase, see 144 n. 9. 12 ὁμοῦ γί(νεται) τὰ δύο ἀνγῖα [μυρία]δ(ων) τ̣α̣λ̣(άντων)·. The term ἀνγῖα (l. ἀγγεῖα from ἀγγεῖον) denotes a generic “vessel” that typically held various liquid measures. See K. Kruit and K. A. Worp, “Metrological Notes on Measures and Containers of Liquids in Graeco-Roman and Byzantine Egypt,” APF 45 (1999): 116. In the ed. pr. this line reads: ὁμοῦ γί(νεται) τὰ δύο ἀνγῖα [̣ ]̣ [̣ ]̣ ̣ .̣ For the present reconstruction of the lacuna, see Carrié, “Papyrologica numismatica (I),” 207. This reading is supported in Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt, 17, 19. 12–13 [μυρία]δ(ων) τ̣α̣λ̣(άντον)· α καὶ μυρι(άδες) ψ. On this sum Bagnall (Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt, 17) notes that the total of 2,700 myriads (l. 9) and 4,000 myriads (l. 12) are added to form 1 talent myriad and 700 myriads so that the value of the solidus (730 myriads) indicated that gold was 350,400 talents per pound. 14 σίδηρα κενδ(ηνάρια) β. Here centenaria (l. κεντηνάρια) refers to weight and a centenarion (κεντηνάριον) totaled 100 Roman lbs. Taking the standard Roman pound as 327.45 grams (OCD3 1621), the total weight of the iron is 65.49 kilos (=144 lbs by today’s standard). Cf. P.Oxy. LXIII 4388.8–9 ( January 28, 423) where an iron anchor is described as weighing “two hundredweights, thirteen pounds.” In the notes the anchor is reckoned to weigh about 68 kilos. 15 τὰ β μάδια μη. “Two matia” (l. μάτια from μάτιον) refer to an Egyptian dry measure of capacity. A “mation” was approximately 1/10 of an artaba. See R. S. Bagnall, “Practical Help: Chronology, Geography, Measures, Currency, Names, Prosopography, and Technical Vocabulary,” in The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. R. S. Bagnall (Oxford, 2009), 187; cf. 124 n. 3. 16 ὁ ἀδελφός μου Διόσκορος. On the use of “brother,” see 129 n. 1. The name Dioscorus (Διόσκορος) is Greek and is etymologically derived from Ζεύς and κόρος having the meaning “son of Zeus.” See n. 1. It is a very popular name in the papyri with nearly 2,000 attestations. 17 ἡ τιμὴ αὐτῶν γὰρ σήμερον μυρ(ιάδες) Ασ. In the ed. pr. the reading is: ἡ τιμὴ αὐτῶν γὰρ σήμερον μυρ(ιάδες) (ταλάντων) σ. The symbol before the sigma is not for ταλάντων but for Α = 1,000. On this reading, see arrié, “Papyrologica numismatica (I),” 208–9. 8–9

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19–20 δι(ὰ) πλοίου Ὡριγένου[ς] υἱος Ἡρᾶ. The name Horigenes (Ὡριγένης), which could also be rendered Origen (Ὠριγένης), is Greek and has the meaning “begotten of Horus.” See NB Dem. 27. The name is attested just over three hundred times in Greek and Coptic papyri. The name Heras (Ἡρᾶς) is a Greek name with over 1,500 attestations in the papyri. A Horigenes son of Heras is not otherwise attested in the papyri. 20 οἴνου ὀμφακηρὰι πρωτ(είου) α. The term ὀμφακηρὰι (l. ὀμφακηρὰν) refers to a vessel of some sort, a “flagon” (?), that typically contained wine but also other liquids. On this vessel, see H. C. Youtie, “Ten Short Texts on Papyrus,” ZPE 23 (1976): 100. 25 Ἰωάννου. On the name John (Ἰωάννης), see 121 n. 1. κεφαλεωτὰς. On the meaning of “headmen” (sg. κεφαλαιωτής), see F. Oertel, Die Liturgie: Studien zur ptolemäischen und kaiserlichen Verwaltung Ägyptens (Leipzig, 1917), 255–57. 26 Διόσκορος. On the name Dioscorus (Διόσκορος), see n. 16. 29 λί(τρα) χωρικὰ. A “litra” can have various meanings: it can refer to a weight (=1 lb) as well as a liquid measure of capacity. For a discussion of “local litra” at Oxyrhynchus, see P.Hamb. IV p. 154. Cf. P.Oxy. LIV 3753.20 (March 26, 319). κονχίσζματα. For a discussion of this rare term, see P.Hamb. IV p. 153. 30 σπάτια. On the meaning of spathia as “winseskin,” see Mayerson, “σπάτιον/σπάθιον—A Wineskin,” 226–28. 33–34 τὸ λί(τρον) τῶν ις ὠνκιῶν ἀργύρων κε τὸ χωρικὸν τῶν ιγ ὠνκιῶν ἀργύρων κ. On these prices and weights, see Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt, 45. 36 τοῦ α κε(ν)δ(ηναρίου) μυρ(ιάδων) Αων καὶ Α ϡ. In the ed. pr. the reading is: τοῦ α κεδ( ) μυρ(ιάδων) (ταλάντων) ων καὶ (τάλαντα) ρ. For the present reading, see Carrié, “Papyrologica numismatica (I),” 209. The symbol ϡ is for 900 and is called σαμπῖ (“sampi”). 36–37 πέμψον μ̣ ο̣ι ̣ κατὰ πλοῖ⟨ο⟩ν. In the ed. pr. this text was rendered πέμψον μ̣ ο̣ι ̣ καταπλοιν and in the translation καταπλοιν was rendered as “cloth(?).” In the notes it was pointed out that this was a new word that may have been related to καθάπλωμα. It is far easier, however, to read καταπλοιν as κατὰ πλοῖον since this phrase is attested elsewhere: SB IV 7408.9 (64/63 BCE); SB IV 7409.12 ( July 14, 63 BCE); BGU III 802.4.15 (42). 37 κέρμα. R. S. Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt, 11: “For the fourth century, West and Johnson’s statement remains correct: ‘In private letters κέρμα is a generic term for money.’ One may now add further references in confirmation (P.Herm. 13, PSI XIII 1342 [for which R. Rémondon proposed a fifth-century date, see PapCongr. XII (1970); BL VI 186, as already C. Préaux, BL V 91], P.Fouad 81).” 37 τὸ νομιζμάτιον σήμερον μυρ(ιάδων) ψλ. Bagnall (Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt, 16) notes that the term νομισμάτιον for solidus is not found in any securely dated text before 352. 38 σπάτιον γάρου καὶ κεράμιον α ταριχῶν. For the meaning of σπάτιον, see n. 30. “Garum” (γάρος) was a kind of sauce or paste made of brine and small fish. See H.-J. Drexhage, “Garum und Garumhandel im römischen und spätantiken Ägypten,” Münstersche Beiträge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 12 (1993): 23–55; R. I. Curtis, Garum and Salsamenta: Production and Commerce in Materia Medica (Leiden, 1991). Here it is worthy of note that in one of the monastic Canons from the White Monastery that the consumption of garum was prohibited for monks unless they were ill and taking their meals in the infirmary. See B. Layton, “Social Structure and Food Consumption in an Early Christian Monastery: The Evidence of Shenoute’s Canons and the White Monastery Federation A.D. 385–465,” Le Muséon 115 (2002): 37 n. 58, n. 45. 39 Ἑλένην καὶ Χωοῦς σὺν τῇ μητρὶ Ἁν[ο]υ̣ καὶ εἰπὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου Ἀμυς. The name Helene (Ἑλένη) is a Greek female name with almost 400 attestations in the papyri; Choous (Χωοῦς) is a male Egyptian name with just over 50 attestations in the papyri; the reading Hanu (Ἁνου) provided in the ed. pr. is possible but is not attested elsewhere

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as a female name; Amys (Ἀμῦς) is a male Egyptian name with only two other attestations in the papyri. ἐὰν θέλις πέμψαι ἐ{κ}ξουσίαν μου . . .·. In the previous editions of the text the reading has simply been: ἐὰν θέλις πέμψαι ἐξουσίαν . . . . . .· In the ed. pr. it was noted that “the last half-dozen letters are badly rubbed.” Despite the effacement, μου can be read with some confidence. Despite this new reading the meaning of the phrase still remains ambiguous. In the ed. pr. the staurogram (⳨) is transcribed as preceding this line but in the later edition of J.-M. Carrié (“Papyrologica numismatica [I],” 210) it is the cross (+). As the text is partially effaced in this portion of the papyrus the reading is difficult; while it could be a cross (+) the more likely reading is the staurogram (⳨). See Blumell, Lettered Christians, 44–45.

Date: IV

147 P.Oxy. VI 939 Demetrius to Flavianus 17.6 × 25.3 cm TM no. 33344

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VI (London, 1908), 307–9 (no. 939); G. Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri (Cambridge, 1910), 128–30 n. 53; L. Mitteis and U. Wilcken, Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde 1.2 (=W.Chr.; Leipzig, 1912), 155–56 (no. 128); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 229–34 (no. 35); A. S. Hunt and C. C. Edgar, Select Papyri: Private Affairs (=Sel.Pap. I [LCL 266]; Cambridge, 1932), 384–87 (no. 163); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 256–59 (no. 61). Related Literature: H. G. Meecham, Light from Ancient Letters: Private Correspondence in the Non-literary Papyri of Oxyrhynchus of the First Four Centuries, and Its Bearing on New Testament Language and Thought (London, 1923), 69, 71, 130; W. Schubart, Ein Jahrtausend am Nil: Briefe aus dem Altertum (Berlin, 1923), 105–6 (no. 89); H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2791.38; J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 93; W. Döllstädt, Griechische Papyrusprivatbriefe in gebildeter Sprache aus den ersten vier Jahrhunderten n. Chr. (Borna, 1934), 58–59 (no. 5); L. G. Modena, “Il cristianesimo ad Ossirinco: Papiri letterari e cultura religiosa,” BSAA 10 (1938–1939): 300; B.  R. Rees, “Popular Religion in Graeco-Roman Egypt: II. The Transition to Christianity,” JEA 36 (1950): 97; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 268; H. Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie des griechischen Briefs bis 400 n. Chr. (Helsinki, 1956), 130; B. F. Harris, “Biblical Echoes and Reminiscences in Christian Papyri,” PapCongr. XIV (1975): 157–58; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei

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papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 34, 124; G.  H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 4 (1987): 246–47; F. Mawet, “Du grec θλῖψις à l’arménien netut’iwn,” ChrEg 66 (1991): 245; R. J. S. Barrett-Lennard, Christian Healing after the New Testament: Some Approaches to Illness in the Second, Third and Fourth Centuries (Lanham, Md., 1994), 21–30; M. Choat, “Papnouthios in SB I 2266: New Man or New Patron?” ZPE 133 (2000): 162 n. 54; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 129–30; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 118 n. 118, 225, 286–87. Introduction This letter is written with a dark-brown ink in a single hand along the fibers of a papyrus. From ll. 1–17, the beginning of each line is lost, owing to the fact that the top left-hand side of the papyrus is broken off; despite the damage, however, the text can be reconstructed with some degree of certainty as the sense of what is implied in the lost portions of the letter is fairly clear. The format of the letter is deliberate and exhibits signs that the letter was professionally drafted: the opening address is consciously spaced and set off from the body of the letter; the margins surrounding the letter are straight and uniform; the valediction is deliberately set off from the body of the letter; the diction and grammar are rather polished and suggest literary competency on the part of the writer; overall the quality of the hand displays signs of proficiency as letter forms are regular and clear. In the ed. pr., the letter was assigned a fourth-century date even though no justification, paleographic or otherwise, was given. The text is written with a slight rightward slant and as noted previously is regular and clear. Since the hand has a number of distinct paleographic similarities to the hand of PSI IV 311 [142], which can be objectively dated to ca. 330 given the reference to Bishop Theodotus of Laodicea, perhaps the present letter belongs to the first half of the fourth century. This letter is sent by an individual named Demetrius to another individual named Flavianus. The overarching purpose of the letter concerns the health of the sender’s wife, who is unnamed, but who had apparently been quite ill. As is clear from the letter, Demetrius had written at least one previous letter to Flavianus regarding his wife’s health, and the present letter serves mainly to update him about her status and to put his mind at ease since the previous letter was written when she was suffering terribly. In this letter Demetrius writes that while his wife is still sick she has improved. The letter concludes with Demetrius informing Flavianus that his wife is awaiting his arrival and is comforted knowing that he is coming.

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While there are no explicit Christian markers in this letter, like a nomen sacrum or the epithet “Christian,” there are a cluster of elements that cumulatively point toward Christian authorship. The letter begins (ll.  4–8) with Demetrius expressing gratitude to the “Lord God,” because God has been gracious in hearing their prayers regarding his sick wife, with language that is reminiscent of Titus 2:11 (see n. 3–4). As part of this section, Demetrius states that God “was merciful to us” (l. 7), and this might constitute a scriptural echo of Hebrews 8:12 (see n. 7). Near the end of the letter in l. 22, Demetrius mentions his son who bears the name Athanasius—a name with clear Christian overtones and otherwise known to have been popular among Christians. Lastly, in the valediction (ll. 28–30), Demetrius prays to the “master of the universe” for the health of Flavianus; this phrase is a peculiar phrase in the papyri but otherwise appears with some frequency in Christian literary sources (see n. 29–30). Therefore, while no single marker on its own definitively establishes Christian authorship for this letter, taken cumulatively this cluster strongly points to the fact that Demetrius was a Christian.

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[τῷ κυρίῳ] μου (vac.) Φλαβιανῶι [Δημήτ]ριος (vac.) χαίρειν. [ὡς ἐν ἄλ]λ ο̣ ις πλείστοις νῦν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἡ πρὸς σὲ [τοῦ δεσπό]τ̣ου θεοῦ γνῶσις ἀνεφάνη ἅπασιν ἡμῖν [ἐν τῷ τὴν] κυρίαν ἀνασφῆλαι ἐκ τῆς καταλαβούσης [αὐτὴν νόσ]ου, καὶ εἴη διὰ παντὸς ἡμᾶς χάριτας ὁμο[λογοῦντα]ς διατελεῖν ὅτι ἡμῖν ἵλεως ἐγένετο [καὶ ταῖς εὐ]χαῖς ἡμῶν ἐπένευσεν διασώσας ἡμῖν [τὴν ἡμῶν] κυρίαν· ἐν γὰρ αὐτῇ πάντες τὰς ἐλπίδας [ἔχομεν.] συνγνώμην δέ, κύριέ μου, σχοίης μοι [καὶ εὔνους] ἀποδέξει με εἰ κ α̣ ὶ̣ ἐς τηλικαύτην σε [ἀγωνία]ν ἄκων ἐνέβαλον γράψας περὶ αὐτῆς ὅσα [ἔπαθεν.] τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτα ἐν θλίψει αὐτῆς [πολλῇ οὔ]σ̣ης οὐκ’ ὢν ἐν ἐμαυτῷ ἀπέστειλα [Πλούταρχον] εἴ πως ἐκ παντὸς τρόπου δυνηθείης [πρὸς ἡμᾶς] ἀφικέσθαι, τοῦτο τοῦ καθήκοντος ἀ ̣π [̣ α]ι [̣ τοῦντ]ος· ὡ[ς δὲ ἐπὶ τ]ὸ ῥᾷον ἔδοξεν τετράφθαι ἕτερά σε γράμματα ἐπικαταλαβεῖν ἐσπούδασα διὰ Εὐφροσύνου ἵνα σε εὐθυμότερον καταστήσω. νὴ γὰρ τὴν σὴν σωτηρίαν, κύριέ μου, ἧς μάλιστά μοι μέλει, εἰ μὴ ἐπινόσως ἐσχήκει τὸ σωμάτιον τότε ὁ υἱὸς Ἀθανάσιος αὐτὸν ἂν ἀπέστειλα πρὸς σὲ ἅμα Πλουτάρχῳ ἡνίκα ἐβαρεῖτο τῇ νόσῳ. νῦν δὲ πῶς πλ⟨ε⟩ίονα γράψω περὶ αὐτῆς ἀπορῶ, ἔδοξεν μὲν γὰρ ὡς προεῖπον ἀνεκτότερον ἐσχηκέναι ἀνακαθεσ̣θε̣ ῖ-

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σα, νοσηλότερον δὲ ὅμως τὸ σωμάτιον ἔχει. παραμυθούμ[ε]θ̣α ̣ δ̣ὲ ̣ αὐτὴν ἑκάστης ὥρας ἐκδεχόμενοι τὴν [σ]ὴν ἄφιξιν. ἐρρῶσθαί σε, κύριέ μου, διὰ παντὸς τῷ τῶν ὅλων δεσπότῃ εὔχομαι. Φαρμοῦθι ϛ.

Verso Φλαβιανῶι Δημήτριος. __________ 7. pap. ϊλεως. 14. pap. ουκ’. 19. pap. ϊνα. 22. pap. υϊος. 24. l. πλείονα. 31. pap. ϛ.

Translation To my lord Flavianus, Demetrius (sends) greeting. As on many other occasions, but now more than ever, the mind of the Lord God regarding you has been revealed to us all (l. 5) in that our mistress has recovered from the sickness that overtook her, and may we never cease to profess thanks that He has been merciful to us and paid heed to our prayers in preserving our mistress; for she is the object of all our hopes. (l. 10) Grant me pardon, my lord, and take my action in good part although I unwillingly cast you into such distress by writing about what she had suffered. I first wrote when she was in great affliction; I was beside myself! I sent (l. 15) Ploutarchus if by any means you might succeed in coming to us, for so my duty demanded. But as she seems to have taken a turn for the better, I have made haste to have another letter brought to you by Euphrosynus, in order to cheer you. (l. 20) For by your welfare, my lord, which is my primary concern, if my son Athanasius had not been sick I would have sent him to you along with Ploutarchus when her illness lay heavy upon her. And now what more to write about her I do not know; for she seems, (l. 25) as I said before, to be in a more tolerable state, having sat up, nevertheless she is still rather ill. We comfort her by looking forward to your arrival every hour. I pray, my lord, to the master of the universe to give you lasting health. (verso) To Flavianus from Demetrianus. 1

2 3

[τῷ κυρίῳ] μου (vac.) Φλαβιανῶι. The name Flavianus (Φλαουιανός) is a Latin name that occurs less than 30 times in the papyri as a personal name. Over half of these attestations appear in documents from Oxyrhynchus. While the reconstruction [τῷ κυρίῳ] is possible it could just as easily be [τῷ ἀδελφῷ]: “To my brother Flavianus.” [Δημήτ]ριος. This name can be reconstructed from the address on the back (l. 33). On the name Demetrius (Δημήτριος), see 153 n. 33. [ὡς ἐν ἄλ]λ̣ οις πλείστοις νῦν. The phrase ὡς ἐν ἄλλοις πλείστοις is not attested elsewhere although the very similar phrase ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις πλείστοις is attested in John of Damascus, Oratio de his qui in fide dormierunt PG 95.261.15. Another possibility for this

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus lacuna could be σὺν ἄλλοις πλείστοις (“With many other occasions so now . . .”). The phrase σὺν ἄλλοις πλείστοις is attested elsewhere. ἡ πρὸς σὲ [τοῦ δεσπό]τ̣ου θεοῦ γνῶσις ἀνεφάνη ἅπασιν ἡμῖν. Statements about the “knowledge” (γνῶσις) of God or the Lord appear occasionally in the LXX and NT: Ps 73:11; Wis 2:13, 14:22; Sir 33:8; Rom 11:33; 2 Cor 10:5; 2 Pet 3:18. None of these references, however, ought to constitute a definite scriptural echo as the parallels are quite general. Overall the language of the phrase is somewhat reminiscent of Tit 2:11: ἐπεφάνη γὰρ ἡ χάρις τοῦ θεοῦ σωτήριος πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις (“For the grace of God has appeared, bringing salvation to all” [NRSV]). The verb ἀναφαίνω (“to give light, show forth”) does not appear that frequently in the papyri and when it does it tends to be used in the context of “appearing”: cf. P.Mert. II 80.8 (II); P.Oxy. XVI 1876.5 (ca. 480). In the NT the verb is only used twice: Luke 19:11; Acts 21:3. On these lines of text, see also P.Neph. p. 53. [ἐν τῷ τὴν]. In the ed. pr. the reading is [ὥστε τὴν]. For the present reading, see Sel.Pap. I pp. 384–85; cf. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 258 n. 5. τῆς καταλαβούσης [αὐτὴν νόσ]ου. On the use of the term νόσος in this papyrus (and l. 23), see Barrett-Lennard, Christian Healing after the New Testament, 23–25. It was not uncommon for the verb καταλαμβάνω to be used when describing the onset of sickness: PSI VI 696.9 (III); P.Lond. VI 1928.5 (mid-IV); Philo, Abr. 82; Josephus, J.W. 7.451; Pausanius, Descr. 9.38.3; used frequently by Galen. ὅτι ἡμῖν ἵλεως ἐγένετο. The language here is reminiscent of Heb 8:12a (citing Jer 31:34): ὅτι ἵλεως ἔσομαι (“For I will be merciful”). See Choat, “Echo and Quotation,” 290. In the context of Heb 8:12 the object of the Lord’s mercy has to do with the forgiveness of people’s sins. [καὶ ταῖς εὐ]χαῖς ἡμῶν ἐπένευσεν. The verb ἐπινεύω (“to approve, give consent”) appears rarely in the papyri. Contextually the closest parallel is: P.Neph. 6.8 (IV): θεοῦ δὲ ἐπινεύοντος (“with God’s consent”); cf. P.Oxy. IX 1204.16 (299): ἐπένευσεν ἡ θεία τύχη αὐτῶν (“their [i.e., emperors’] divine fortune consented”). The verb only appears in the NT in Acts 18:20. Close parallels to the present phrase occur in a handful of literary texts of Jewish and Christian origin: Philo, Mos. 1.252: ὁ δ᾽ ἐπινεύει ταῖς εὐχαῖς (“He [i.e., God] assented to their prayers”); Mos. 2.5, 2.36; Josephus, Ant. 1.99: ἐπένευεν αὐτῷ τὰς εὐχάς (“He [i.e., God] assented to his [i.e., Noah’s] prayers”); John Chrysostom, Non desp. (PG 51.366): ἐπένευσε ταῖς εὐχαῖς τοῦ δικαίου (“He [i.e., God] assented to the prayers of the just”); Hom. Gen. (PG 54.420 and 54.525). For a discussion of the verb ἐπινεύω in the papyri, see P.Neph. p. 52 n. 8. [ἔπαθεν.]. In the ed. pr. the reading is [ἐκομίσω] (“you received”). For the present reading, see Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 257; cf. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane, 230 who has [ἔγραψα] (“I wrote”). ἐν θλίψει. On the use of θλῖψις in the papyri, see Mawet, “Du grec θλῖψις à l’arménien netut’iwn,” 245–49. [Πλούταρχον]. In the ed. pr. the reading is [σπουδάζων] (“being in haste”). For the present reading, see Mitteis and Wilcken, Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde 1.2, 156 n. 15. In Sel.Pap. I 163 the reading is [γράμματα] (“letter”). The name Ploutarchus (Πλούταρχος) is supplied from the reference in l. 23. This name is a Greek male name with nearly 150 attestations in the papyri; over half of these references appear in papyri from Oxyrhynchus. Εὐφροσύνου. The name Euphrosynus (Εὐφρόσυνος) is a Greek male name with just over 20 attestations in the papyri. In texts from Oxyrhynchus, the name appears in only two other documents: P.Oxy. XII 1451.6, 18, 32 (175); P.Oxy. XL 2906.2.4, 21 (270/71). ὁ υἱὸς Ἀθανάσιος. On the name Athanasius (Ἀθανάσιος), see 114 n. 11–12.

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29–30 τῷ τῶν ὅλων δεσπότῃ. This phrase is first used by Philo and Josephus and in a couple of pseudepigraphical works: Philo, Plant. 91: ὁ δεσπότης καὶ ἡγεμὼν τῶν ὅλων (“the master and ruler of the universe”); Josephus, Ant. 1.72: δεσπότην εἶναι τῶν ὅλων (“master of the universe”); cf. Ant. 4.46; J.W. 1.207; T. Ab. 20:12: τῷ δεσπότῃ τῶν ὅλων θεῷ; Apoc. Mos. 37:4: ὁ τῶν ὅλων δεσπότης. In the second century it begins to appear in Christian texts and by the third and fourth centuries is quite common in various Christian authors: Acts John 44:2: τὸν τῶν ὅλων δεσπότην; Diogn. 8:7 ὁ γὰρ δεσπότης καὶ δημιουργὸς τῶν ὅλων θεός; Irenaeus, Haer. 1.6; Tatian, Oratio ad Graecos 5.1, 12.6. This phrase allegedly occurs in P.Neph. 5.24–25 (IV) in a lacuna: ὁ τῶ(ν) [ὅλων δεσπότης]. Here the editors have argued that it could be an Arian designation for God (P.Neph. 6 n. 8). Notwithstanding this argument, for which the editors provide little substantive evidence aside from bald assertions, M. Choat has shown that there is nothing in the phrase that necessarily denotes Arianism as he has shown that this phrase was employed by both Arian and orthodox Christians in the fourth century. See Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 129–30. 31 Φαρμοῦθι ϛ. This is one of the rare examples of a personal letter containing a date. Typically it is only official letters that contain a date since it was more often relevant to the subject of the letter. Pharmouthi 6 corresponds approximately with April 1.

Date: IV

148 P.Oxy. VIII 1161 Letter from a Sick Woman 7.0 × 8.8 cm TM no. 33632

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII (London, 1911), 265–66 (no. 1161); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 225–28 (no. 34); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:388–89; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 254–55 (no. 60). Related Literature: H. G. Meecham, Light from Ancient Letters: Private Correspondence in the Non-literary Papyri of Oxyrhynchus of the First Four Centuries, and Its Bearing on New Testament Language and Thought (London, 1923), 147–48; H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2790.33; J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 153–54; L. G. Modena, “Il cristianesimo ad Ossirinco: Papiri letterari e cultura religiosa,” BSAA 10 (1938–1939): 298; J. O’Callaghan, “Sobre P.Oxy. VIII, 1161, 11–15 (IVp),” Emerita 37 (1969): 323–25; B. F. Harris, “Biblical Echoes and Reminiscences in Christian Papyri,” PapCongr. XIV (1975): 156–57; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 116; R. J. S. Barrett-Lennard, Christian Healing after the New Testament: Some

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Approaches to Illness in the Second, Third, and Fourth Centuries (Lanham, Md., 1994), 30–34; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 25 n. 63; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 76; R. S. Bagnall and R. Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, 300 BC–AD 800 (ACLS Humanities E-Book; Ann Arbor, 2008), B1.13 (no. 150); L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 224–25. Introduction This letter is written in a single hand across the fibers of a badly damaged papyrus where both the opening and the closing of the letter are missing. There are four vertical folds on the papyrus, and the two middle folds have resulted in minor tearing and breakage on the papyrus. The hand of the letter is upright and clear, and there are few ligatures; while the hand is not exceptionally skilled, it is not the hand of a novice or beginner. At the end of l. 6, the author employs the nomen sacrum for “spirit,” crosses it out because of lack of space, and then rewrites it at the beginning of the next line. Aside from some common iotacisms, the orthography is regular, and the writer employs the subjunctive correctly (l. 5). As noted in previous editions of this letter, the hand is characteristic of the fourth century, and there are no reasons to doubt this paleographic dating. This letter is interesting for a number of reasons. First, as is evidenced by the use of some feminine particles—l. 8 (νοσοῦσα and ἔχουσα) and l. 9 (δυναμένη)—the writer of the letter was a female and thus adds to the handful of letters written by females in the present collection: P.Oxy. XII 1592 [137]; P.Oxy. XIV 1774 [143]; SB VIII 9746 [144]; maybe also P.Oxy. LXIII 4365 [141]. Second, the extant portion of the letter begins with an invocation that mentions the “good savior” and “beloved son” (ll. 2–4), that must surely refer to Jesus, and that is followed by a reference to the trichotomy “body, soul, and spirit” (ll. 6–7). The content of the letter is also fascinating since the author was apparently very ill when she sent the letter and on numerous occasions reminds the addressee of her poor condition. The final section of the letter, ll. 12–15, is somewhat obscure, and it is difficult to determine what exactly the author was communicating. –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

→ 5

[ ca.? ] ̣ ̣α̣ς̣ καὶ τ̣ῷ ἀγαθ[ῷ ἡμῶ]ν̣ σωτῆρι καὶ τῷ οι[ἱ]ῷ̣ αὐτοῦ τῷ ἠγαπημένῳ ὅ̣πω ̣ ς οὗτοι πάντες β[ο]ηθήσωσιν ἡμῶν τῷ σώματι, τῇ ψυχῇ, τῷ 〚π ̣ν̣(ευματ)ι 〛̣

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10

15

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πν(εύματ)ι. ταῦτα δέ σοι ἔγραψα νοσοῦσα, δε [̣ ιν]ῶς ἔχουσα, πάνυ μὴ δυναμένη ἀναστῆναι ἐκ τῆς κοίτης μου, ὅτι πάνυ δ⟨ε⟩ινῶς ἔχω. περὶ δὲ οὗ μοι ἔγραψας διὰ ̣ με̣ ̣ ν ιν ὅτι ἔπ⟨ε⟩ιγε αὐτὸν τῶν εἴκοσι ἡμερῶν ἡ νέη αὖ πρὶν νοσήσω ὑπῆ -̣ γ̣ε ̣ν̣ καὶ ε[ ca.? ] –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Along the left margin 16

ἀσπάζονται ὑ]μᾶς πάντες οἱ ἐνταῦθ[α

Verso[ ca.? ] 𝈂 τῆς ἀδελφῆς Σ̣ ̣[ ̣] ̣ __________ 3. l. υἱῷ. 7. pap. πνι. 12. l. μῆνιν. 14. l. νέα; l. ἐνόσησα. 14–15. pap. ϋπηγεν.

Translation . . . and our good savior and his beloved son, that they (l. 5) may all lend aid to our body, soul, and spirit. I write this to you in sickness, being terribly ill, unable even to rise (l. 10) from my bed because I am terribly ill. Concerning what you wrote to me in wrath saying, “Press him within the twenty days!” The first of the month passed before I became ill, and . . . all those here greet you (pl.) . . . (address) . . . (from) his/her sister S . . . 1 2–4

[ ca.? ] ̣ α̣ ̣ ς ̣ καὶ. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme, 2:388 proposes the following for this line: ἴσθι πᾶσαν ἡμέραν εὐχομένας ἡμ]ᾶς . . . (“Be praying for us every day”). There exists no known parallel for this reconstruction and it is highly unlikely. τ̣ῷ ἀγαθ[ῷ ἡμῶ]ν̣ σωτῆρι καὶ τῷ οι[ἱ]ῷ̣ αὐτοῦ τῷ ἠγαπημένῳ. In the ed. pr., as well as in the translation of Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme, 2:389) and Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 255), the translation is such that the reference to “his beloved son” is taken to refer to the son of the “savior” mentioned in l. 2. The explanation is then that the “savior” referred to must be God and in the ed. pr. Luke 1:47 is given as a proof text to show that God can be referred to as the “savior”: καὶ ἠγαλλίασεν τὸ πνεῦμά μου ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ τῷ σωτῆρί μου (“and my spirit rejoices in God my Savior”); cf. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane, 227 who also cites 2 Pet 1:1: τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν καὶ σωτῆρος Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ (“of our God and Savior Jesus Christ”). On the other hand, Bagnall and Cribiore, Women’s Letters from Ancient Egypt, no. 150, argue that the “savior” and “beloved son” both refer to the same person—i.e., Jesus—and point out that “savior” is consistently an epithet for Jesus and not the Father. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 255) argues that the phrase τῷ οι[ἱ]ῷ̣ αὐτοῦ τῷ ἠγαπημένῳ is perhaps a scriptural reminiscence of Eph 1:6: ἐν τῷ ἠγαπημένῳ (“in the beloved”). Harris, “Biblical Echoes and Reminiscences in Christian Papyri,” 156, on the other hand, sees it more probably as a subtle allusion to Mark 1:11: σὺ εἶ ὁ υἱός μου ὁ

558

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ἀγαπητός (“you are my beloved son”). Epp (“The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri,” 27 n. 69) thinks that the language is too general to constitute a solid reminiscence. On the υ > οι interchange in l. 3, see Gignac 1.197–99. 6–7 τῷ σώματι, τῇ ψυχῇ, τῷ 〚π̣ ν(̣ ευματ)ι̣〛 πν(εύματ)ι. Here the author has employed the Christian trichotomy of “body,” “soul,” and “spirit” that originated with Paul in 1 Thess 5:23b: . . . καὶ ὁλόκληρον ὑμῶν τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ τὸ σῶμα ἀμέμπτως ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ τηρηθείη (“and may your spirit and soul and body be kept sound and blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ” [NRSV]). It is important to note, however, that the ordering is different from how it appears in 1 Thess 5:23 where it is spirit, soul, and body but here appears as body, soul, and spirit. While the different ordering may be of no consequence, it could be significant given that in Egypt the order of the trichotomy was typically changed in the liturgy. Therefore, this Pauline echo may actually have come via the liturgy. See Blumell, Lettered Christians, 224–25; M. Choat, “Echo and Quotation of the New Testament in Papyrus Letters to the End of the Fourth Century,” in New Testament Manuscripts: Their Texts and Their World, ed. T. J. Kraus and N. Tobias (Leiden, 2006), 291; S. K. Stowers, Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia, 1986), 74; J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek New Testament (London, 1914–29), 522, 699. In the Sacramentary of Serapion in the Unction of the Sick (εὐχὴ εἰς ἔλαιον νοστούντων ἢ εἰς ἄρτον ἢ εἰς ὕδωρ [17] [“Prayer for the oil of the sick or for bread or for water”]) the order is ψυχή, σῶμα, πνεῦμα. The trichotomy appears in three other letters: P.Harr. I 107.7–9 (III/IV): διαφυλάξωσιν κα{ι}τά τε ψυχὴν κα⟨ὶ⟩ σῶμα καὶ πνεῦμα (“they may preserve the soul and body and spirit”); P.Neph. 17.15 (IV): ἡ θ⟨ε⟩ία πρόνοια διαφ[υλάττοι ψυχῇ] κ(αὶ) π̣ ν(̣ εύματ)ι̣ κ̣ α̣ὶ̣ σ̣ ώμ ̣ ̣ α̣τι̣ ̣ (“divine providence may preserve the soul and spirit and body”): SB XII 11144.5 (VI/VII): ὑγιαίνοντες ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος καὶ πνεύματος (“be well in soul and body and spirit”). 8 δε̣[ιν]ῶς. This transcription is based on Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 255. In the ed. pr. the transcription is δ[ειν]ῶς. 11–12 περὶ δὲ οὗ μοι ἔγραψας διὰ̣ μ̣ ε̣νιν. The reading διὰ̣ μ̣ ε̣νιν requires explanation. In the ed. pr. it was rendered δια̣ μ̣έ̣νιν but in the notes it was pointed out that this reading was “unconvincing.” If it is the verb διαμένειν, “to remain, continue, stand by,” it is certainly difficult to determine how it fits into the rest of the sentence that follows in ll. 12–13. Consequently, from l. 12 to the end no translation was given for these lines in the ed. pr. Similarly, neither Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 226) nor Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 255) offered translations of this section of the letter in their respective editions owing to uncertainties in the text. Wessely (Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme, 2:388) suggested that the reading might be διαβαίνειν (“to go through”) but this suggestion is highly improbable. Later O’Callaghan (“Sobre P.Oxy. VIII, 1161, 11–15 [IVp],” 324–25) proposed that δια̣ μ̣έ̣νιν is best taken as διὰ Μῆνιν (η > ε), and takes it to refer to an individual named Menas who was the agent through which the correspondence in question was delivered. This emendation, while thought provoking, is almost certainly incorrect. In epistolary phrases involving γράφω with the preposition διά the name of the personal agent that follows is given in the genitive, as numerous examples illustrate: 1 Pet 5:12: διὰ Σιλουανοῦ ὑμῖν . . . ἔγραψα; Ign., Phld. 11:2: . . .γράφω ὑμῖν διὰ Βούρρου . . .; Ign., Smyrn. 12:2: . . . γράφω ὑμῖν διὰ Βούρρου . . .; P.Fay. 123.4–5 (ca. 100): . . . σοι ἔγραψα διὰ Μάρδωνος τοῦ σοῦ . . .; P.Mich. VIII 466.5–8 (March 26, 107): ὅτι πλειστάκις μου γρ[άψαντος διὰ] Σατουρνίνου τοῦ σημεαφ[όρο]υ, ὁμ[ο]ίως διὰ Ἰου[λ]ιανοῦ τοῦ τοῦ Λονγείν[ο]υ 〚κ̣ α̣ὶ̣ δ̣ ιὰ̣ ̣ Δίου〛; BGU I 33.19–21 (II/III): . . . γράψεις δέ μοι περὶ πάντων ἀντιφώνησιν διὰ Διοσκόρου τοῦ υἱοῦ Χαιρήμονος . . .; P.Oxy. VI 937.19–21 (III): ἀντίγραψόν μοι

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διὰ τοῦ Ἀντινοέω[ς] περὶ οὗ σοι ἔπεμψα. See also Athanasius, Apol. sec. 36.1; Basil, Ep. 244.9. O’Callaghan’s suggestion that it can be the accusative is unlikely based on all the evidence to the contrary. Furthermore, it is based upon a single tenuous case; the lone example cited by J. O’Callaghan is from P.Grenf. I 53.36 (IV) that O’Callaghan changes, ostensibly following Ghedini (Lettere cristiane, 205 [no. 29]), so that it reads: ταῦτα δέ σοι γράφω Θεοδώρῳ, [ἵνα] πάντα ποίει⟨ς⟩ διὰ τὸ⟨ν⟩ ὑπάρχον (“I write these things to you, Theodorus, so that you do everything through the lieutenant” [trans. O’Callaghan]). The correct reading, however, offered in the ed. pr. and essentially followed by W.Chr. 131, Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 242, Winter, Life and letters in the Papyri, 156 n. 4, as well as the DDbDP is: ταῦτα δέ σοι γράφω Θεοδώρῳ, ὅ̣τι πάντα ποίει διὰ τὸ ὑπάρχον (“I write these things to you, Theodorus: do everything on account of the present situation”). If δια̣ μ̣έ̣νιν is not to be taken as a form of the verb διαμένω nor as διὰ Μῆνιν the best alternative is perhaps διὰ μῆνιν—μῆνιν being the accusative case of the feminine noun μῆνις that means “wrath” or “anger.” The η > ε interchange is very common and poses no problem to this reading (Gignac 1.242–44) and the phrase διὰ μῆνιν with the accusative is an attested phrase for expressing anger or wrath (“on account of wrath”; “through wrath”; “in wrath”): LXX Num 35:21; Josephus, Vit. 392; Sib. Or. 14:30; Clement, Strom. 1.17.1; Epiphanius, Pan. 1.11.1. This reading works especially well if ἔπιγε that immediately follows is taken as the imperative ἔπειγε. 12–13 ἔπ⟨ε⟩ιγε. In the ed. pr. it is rendered ἔπιγε but it was pointed out in the notes that it could either be the imperative ἔπειγε or the imperfect ἤπειγε; the present translation takes it as the former.

Date: IV

149 P.Oxy. VIII 1162 Leon the Presbyter to the Presbyters and Deacons 12.5 × 9.2 cm TM no. 33633 Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), Oxyrhynchus Papyri VIII (London, 1911), 266–67 (no. 1162); G. Ghedini, Lettere cristiane: Dai papiri greci del III e IV secolo (Milan, 1923), 162–66 (no. 22); C. Wessely, Les plus anciens monuments du christianisme écrits sur papyrus (Paris, 1924), 2:396–98; H. Leclercq, “Lettres chrétiennes,” DACL 8.2 (1929): 2787.22; M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 223–24 (no. 50); C.-H. Kim, Form and Structure of the Familiar Greek Letter of Recommendation (Missoula, 1972), 231 (no. 76). Related or Similar Papyri: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; P.Oxy. LVI 3857 [150]. Related Literature: H. G. Meecham, Light from Ancient Letters: Private Correspondence in the Non-literary Papyri of Oxyrhynchus of the First Four Centuries, and Its Bearing on New Testament Language and Thought (London, 1923), 148–49; J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 149; L. G. Modena, “Il cristianesimo ad Ossirinco: Papiri letterari

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e cultura religiosa,” BSAA 10 (1938–1939): 299–300; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 268, 281; K. Treu, “Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” in Zetesis: Album Amicorum Door Vrienden en Collega’s Aangeboden Aan Prof. Dr. E. de Strycker Ter Gelegenheid Van Zijn 65e Verjaardag (Antwerp, 1973), 631– 32; E. A. Judge, “The Earliest Use of Monachos for ‘Monk’ (P.Coll. Youtie 77) and the Origins of Monasticism,” JAC 20 (1977): 81; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 19; G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 4 (1987): 254; S. K. Stowers, Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia, 1986), 158; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 284; A. Martin, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (Rome, 1996), 648 n. 35, 786; T. M. Teeter, “Letters of Recommendation or Letters of Peace,” PapCongr. XXI (1997): 960; S.  R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 8 (1998): 170–72; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1314; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 166; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 63; R. Luiselli, “Greek Letters on Papyrus First to Eighth Centuries: A Survey,” AS/EA 62 (2008): 695; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 312, 315, 317. Genre: Letter of Recommendation. Introduction This letter is written with a dark-brown ink in a single hand along the fibers of a light-colored papyrus; there is no writing on the back. The papyrus has two vertical folds that run top to bottom and have resulted in some damage. The hand of the text is deliberate and clear and has marks of elegance as some letters are written with roundels on the tips of diagonal or horizontal strokes (τ and υ), and descenders on some letters have deliberate tails or hooks (ρ and φ). There are few ligatures in the text. Every four or five lines, the author writes with a much larger hand. In l. 4 χαρᾷ χαίρειν is at least twice the size of the preceding text and is spaced out so that it occupies the entire line. Similarly, ll. 9 and 12 are written with a distinctly larger hand as is ἐρρῶσθαι at the beginning of l. 13. In these lines the hand is the same as the remainder of the letter, so that the hand of another writer need not be supposed here; nevertheless, such distinct shifts in text size are conspicuous and seemingly serve no discernible purpose within the letter. Aside from a few phonetic spellings in the letter, the orthography is regular.

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The letter is sent by a presbyter named Leon who is recommending a fellow Christian named Ammonius. While the letter shares various parallels with other Christian letters of recommendation from Oxyrhynchus in terms of phraseology and vocabulary, this letter contains some interesting novelties. Instead of addressing a single patron or ecclesiastical leader, the letter is addressed generally “to his fellow-servants in every locality, presbyters and deacons” (ll. 1–3) and may suggest that it was not intended for one specific congregation but was an open letter of recommendation that was intended to be used in various locations/congregations by the recommended party during travel. The opening address is also unique because it concludes with the unusual χαρᾷ χαίρειν. Also noteworthy in the letter is the use of numerous nomina sacra including some uncommon nomina sacra like Ἐμμ(ανουή)λ and μάρτ(υς) that hardly ever appear in documentary texts. Finally, the letter concludes with the isopsephy Ϙθ that carries the numeric value ninety-nine and has the meaning “amen” (ἀμήν).

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Λέων πρεσβύτερος τοῖς κατὰ τόπον σ̣υν̣̣ λ ι̣ τουργοῖς πρεσβυτ[έ]ροις καὶ διακώνοις ἀ[γ]απητοῖ[ς] ἀδελφοῖς ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ χαρᾷ χα[ί]ρειν. τὸν ἀδελφὼν ἡμῶν Ἀμμώνιον παραγινόμενο̣ν πρὸς ὑμᾶς συνδέξασθαι αὐτὸν ἐν ⟨ε⟩ἰρήνῃ, δι’ οὗ ὑμᾶς καὶ τοὺς σὺν ὑμῖν ἐγώ δε καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμοὶ ἡδέως ὑμᾶς προσαγορεύεσθαι κ(υρί)ῳ. ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς εὔχομε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ [θ](ε)ῷ. Ἐμμ(ανουὴ)λ μάρτ(υς). (ἀμήν). __________ 2. l. συλλειτουργοῖς. 3. l. διακόνοις. 4. pap. κ ω θ ω. 6. l. ἀδελφὸν. 7. corr. ex π ̣ραγινομενο̣ν. 8. pap. ϋμας; l.  συνδέξασθε. 9. pap. ϊρηνη. 10. pap. ϋμιν; l.  τε. 11. pap. ϋμας. 12. corr. ex προσαγορευ〚traces〛εσθαι. 12. pap. κ ω. 13. pap. ϋμας; l. εὔχομαι. 14. pap. κ ω [ ]ω; pap. ε μ μλ μαρ τ. 15. pap. Ϙθ.

Translation Leon the presbyter to his fellow-servants in every locality, presbyters and deacons, beloved brothers, (l. 5) joyful greetings in the Lord God. Our brother Ammonius, who is coming to you, receive in peace. (l. 10) Through him, we and those with me salute you and those who are with you kindly in the Lord. I pray for your health in the Lord God. Emmanuel is my witness. Amen.

562 1–5

1 1–2 2

3 3–4 5

6–7 9 14

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus The opening formula of address does share some parallels to the opening address of Athanasius’ Ep. encycl. 1.1: τοῖς κατὰ τόπον συλλειτουργοῖς, κυρίοις ἀγαπητοῖς, Ἀθανάσιος ἐν κυρίῳ χαίρειν (“Athanasius to the fellow-servants in every locality, beloved masters, greetings in the Lord”). Λέων πρεσβύτερος. On the name Leon (Λέων), see 132 n. 10–11. On the title πρεσβύτερος, see 133 n. 2. Cf. P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785.2 [133]. κατὰ τόπον. On the possible meanings of τόπος (“place”), see 134 n. 11. σ̣ υ̣ν̣λ̣ ιτουργοῖς. In non-Christian contexts the noun συλλειτουργός has the primary meaning of “fellow-liturgist” or “co-worker”: P.Kellis I 23.8 (353); Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 284. In Christian contexts the meaning is typically something like “fellow minister” or “colleague in the sacred ministry” (Lampe s.v.). As a title of address it appears in a number of letters from the third and fourth centuries by various Church Fathers: Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 7.30.2; Ep. Flacc. 1; Gregory of Nyssa, Thephl. 1.1; Epiphanius, Pan. 3.71.2; Athanasius, Decr. 35.1; Apol. sec. 41.1; 66.1; Ep. encycl. 1.1; Ep. Serap. de morte Arii. 1.1; Ep. Rufin. 1; Marcellus of Ancrya, Frag., 129; Basil. Ep. 92.1; 243.1; Socrates, Hist. eccl. 1.6.4; 4.12.10; 4.12.22; Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 2.8.1; Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 6.11.1. In the papyri the term appears in two other letters written by Christians: P.Oxy. LVI 3857.3 [150]; SB XVI 12304.2, 15 (III/IV); maybe also P.Giss. I 55.2 (IV): συλ̣ [λ(ιτουργῷ(?))]. διακώνοις. On this ecclesiastical title, see 116 n. i.24–25. ἀ[γ]απητοῖ[ς] ἀδελφοῖς. On this phrase, see 130 n. 2. χαρᾷ χα[ί]ρειν. The only other papyrus where this phrase occurs is in P.Genova I 26.4, a fourth-century letter of Christian provenance; though a lacuna appears immediately before the phrase (l. 4, [ca.? ]χαρᾷ χαίρειν) the reading appears secure as it is clearly a part of the opening formula of address. This epistolary phrase is only attested elsewhere in the prescript to Ignatius of Antioch’s Letter to the Ephesians: πλεῖστα ἐν Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ καὶ ἐν ἀμώμῳ χαρᾷ χαίρειν (“heartiest greetings in Jesus Christ and in blameless joy”). In the NT similar phrases occur in John 3:29b (ὁ δὲ φίλος τοῦ νυμφίου ὁ ἑστηκὼς καὶ ἀκούων αὐτοῦ χαρᾷ χαίρει διὰ τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ νυμφίου [“but the friend of the bridegroom, who stands and hears him, rejoices greatly at the bridegroom’s voice”]) and 1 Thess 3:9b (ἐπὶ πάσῃ τῇ χαρᾷ ᾗ χαίρομεν δι᾽ ὑμᾶς ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ θεοῦ ἡμῶν [“for all the joy that we feel before our God because of you”]); cf. LXX Isa 66:10. According to Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 51): “Espressioni intensive sul tipo di χαρᾷ χαίρειν (50, 5; cfr. 91, 7), sono riferibili alla combinazione idiomatica dell’infinito assoluto di un verbo con un sostantivo della stessa radice. Il semitismo di tale costrutto, raro nel greco classico e nella koinè, risulta evidente per la sua singolare frequenza nei LXX e nel N.T.” On this phrase, see also Luiselli, “Greek Letters on Papyrus First to Eighth Centuries: A Survey,” 695. Ἀμμώνιον. On this name, see 107 n. 3–4. ἐν ⟨ε⟩ἰρήνῃ. On this phrase, see 130 n. 8. Ἐμμ(ανουὴ)λ μάρτ(υς). The word “Emmanuel” is of Hebrew origin and literally means “God with us” (‫ ִ)ע ָּמנּו ֵאל‬. In the NT it appears in Matt 1:23, which is a citation of Isa 7:14, and is used to refer to the birth of Jesus: ἰδοὺ ἡ παρθένος ἐν γαστρὶ ἕξει καὶ τέξεται υἱόν, καὶ καλέσουσιν τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ Ἐμμανουήλ, ὅ ἐστιν μεθερμηνευόμενον μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν ὁ θεός (“ ‘Look, the virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and they shall name him Emmanuel,’ which means, ‘God is with us’ ” [Matt 1:23 NRSV]). Emmanuel only occurs on one other occasion in the papyri in P.Oxy. LVI 3857.13 [150] where it also appears as a nomen sacrum; in Matt 1:23 Emmanuel is not contracted as a nomen sacrum in Codex Sinaiticus, Codex Vaticanus, or Codex Washingtonianus. This term is also attested in four inscriptions from Egypt, albeit not as a nomen sacrum: IEgBaillet 141.IIb.2 (V–VIII; Thebes); IEgBaillet 784.2–3 (V–VIII ; Thebes); IEGChr 222.12–13 (V–VI; Antinoopolis); SEG 37.1628.1

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(V–VII; Elephantine). As a personal name Ἐμμανουήλ is presently unattested in the papyri. The abbreviation μάρτ(υς), which was less than certain in the ed. pr. as it was rendered μάρτ(υς?), is now certain. See A. Gostoli, “Una nuova ipotesi interpretativa della sigla cristiana ΧΜΓ,” SPap 22 (1983): 10 n. 4. The abbreviation μάρτ(υς) also appears in non-Christian legal contexts for “witness”: P.Babatha 11.32, 34 (124); also abbreviated μά(ρτυς) and μάρ(τυς): P.Babatha 12.17 (124); P.Babatha 14.47 (125); P.Babatha 15.41 (125); P.Babatha 19.34 (128); P.Babatha 20.50 (130); P.Babatha 23.29 (130). The phrase Ἐμμ(ανουὴ)λ μάρτ(υς) might be loosely derived from 1 Thess 2:5: θεὸς μάρτυς (“God is witness”). ἀμήν. pap. Ϙθ. On this isopsephy, see 139 n. 34.

Date: Mid- to Late IV

150 P.Oxy. LVI 3857 Letter of Recommendation 14.5 × 7.5 cm TM no. 33598

Material: Papyrus

Published: M. G. Sirivianou (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LVI (London, 1989), 114–15 (no. 3857); S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 8 (1998): 169– 71 (no. 15). Related or Similar Papyri: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; P.Oxy. VIII 1162 [149]. Related Literature: T. M. Teeter, “Letters of Recommendation or Letters of Peace,” PapCongr. XXI (1997): 956; M. Naldini, “Nuovi contributi nelle lettere cristiane su papiro dei primi quattro secoli,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1018; E. Wipszycka, “Les papyrus documentaires concernant l’Église d’avant le tournant constantinien: Un bilan des vingt dernières années,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1313 n. 12; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 45; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 167; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 63–65, 119–20; L. H. Blumell, “Christians on the Move in Late Antique Oxyrhynchus,” in Travel and Religion in Antiquity, ed. P. A. Harland (Waterloo, 2011), 243–45; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 117 n. 116; S. R. Llewelyn and J. R. Harrison (eds.), NewDocs 10 (2012): 165. Introduction This letter is written across the fibers of a papyrus with a single hand; there is no writing on the back. Though the top of the papyrus is broken off and missing, it

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is unlikely that more than a single line, or perhaps two, are lost. Since there are five horizontal fold lines on the papyrus, whose height increases from bottom to top, the letter must have been folded from bottom to top, and this probably helps to explain why the top of the letter eventually broke off as it would have been most susceptible to wear and exposure. Even though the letter sizes vary considerably depending on the line, and even though one gets the impression from the overall formation of the individual letters that they were hastily written, the hand of the letter is very clear and practiced. Paleographically the hand was assigned to the fourth century in the ed. pr., and while there is no reason to doubt this dating, given the formation of certain letters like ε and π, which are written with multiple strokes, perhaps the letter was written in the middle to later part of the fourth century when such letter forms become more typical.  Of all the letters of recommendation found at Oxyrhynchus, the present letter is closest in style and form to P.Oxy. VIII 1162 [149]; in fact, since the introductory greetings are so similar and both letters use the same unusual nomen sacrum for Ἐμ(μανουή)λ, as a well as the isopsephy Ϙθ for ἀμήν, one is almost inclined to think that they were sent by the same individual. While the paleography of the respective letters is quite different, making it unlikely that they were actually written by the same individual, it is not impossible that the differences in handwriting reflect the use of scribes, as is the case with Sotas’ letters of recommendation: P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]. Nevertheless, it is important to keep in mind that the parallels could simply be due to the fact that both letters are effectively functioning as open letters of recommendation and that the similarities could be attributed to an emerging standardization in the writing of ecclesiastical letters of recommendation.99 As noted previously, it appears that not more than a line or two are missing from the top of the letter and that the letter begins somewhere in the introductory section where the recipients are addressed. The letter is directed to unnamed clergy “in every locality” (κατὰ τόπον), thereby serving as an open letter of recommendation that could have been used in various places. It is noteworthy in this letter that there is no formal “greeting” (χαίρειν), and its absence is unusual;100 it is highly unlikely that it preceded the extant text and was lost in the lacuna since the ordering of such an introductory formula is

99 P.Oxy. LVI pp. 111–14; cf. K. Treu, “Christliche Empfehlungs-Schemabriefe auf Papyrus,” in Zetesis: Album amicorum door vrienden en collega’s aangeboden aan Prof. Dr. E. de Strycker (Antwerp, 1973), 629–36. 100 While this is noted in the ed. pr. (P.Oxy. LVI p. 114), no explanation is given.

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completely unattested.101 In the letter, a woman named Germania is given ecclesiastical endorsement, and it is interesting that she is identified as “our daughter” (see n. 4) instead of “our sister” (cf. P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785.4 [133]). The letter asks that she be received “in peace,” which shows that she was a baptized Christian in good standing, and also points out that she is “in need of help” (ll. 5–6). Given the lack of context, it cannot be determined whether the “help” she required was what might be normally expected from a Christian traveler relying on the charity of fellow Christians for lodging and other travel needs or whether something more was being implied by the phrase (see n. 5–6). The letter concludes with some brief greetings. –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

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̣ ̣ ̣[ ca.? ] (vac.) τοῖς κατὰ τόπον ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ συνλειτουργοῖς. τὴν θυ̣γα̣ ̣τέρα ἡμῶν Γερμανίαν, ἐπικουρίας δεομένην, π[αραγι]νομένην πρὸς ὑμᾶς προσδέξασθε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, δι’ ἧς ὑ̣μᾶς καὶ τοὺς σὺν ὑμῖν ἐγώ τε καὶ οἱ σὺν ἐμοὶ προσαγορεύομεν. Ἐμ(μανουή)λ. (ἀμὴν). ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ εὔχομα̣ ι, ἀγαπητοὶ ἀδ̣ε̣λφοί̣. __________ 3. l. συλλειτουργοῖς. 13. pap. εμλ Ϙθ. 15. pap. κ ω.

101 According to Koskenniemi (Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie, 58–67), the function of the epistolary prescript was that of greeting (χαίρειν), and he notes that in the fourth century there begins to be a trend to drop the greeting (χαίρειν) from the prescript and that this eventually contributed in the complete loss of any kind of epistolary prescript and greeting in letters beginning in the fifth century. Though his explanation is somewhat vague and ambiguous, it may be that the present letter is attesting this phenomenon. See also S. R. Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 8 (1998):122–25.

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Translation . . . to the beloved brothers and fellow ministers in every locality. Our daughter Germania, (l. 5) being in need of help, is coming to you, and so receive her in peace. (l.  10) Through her, I and those with me salute you (pl.) and those with you (pl.). Emmanuel. Amen. Farewell, I pray for you in the Lord, beloved brothers. 1

2 2–3 3 4

4–5

5–6

9 13 16

̣ ̣ ̣[ ca.? ]. The remains of the bottommost portion of three letters can be seen on the top of the papyrus. Since the letter effectively begins in l. 2 there are a couple of options for this line: (1) it contains the name (and ecclesiastical title?) of the sender (cf. P.Oxy. VIII 1162.1–3 [149]); (2) or, given that there is an intentional space between l. 1 and l. 2, it is possible that perhaps it contains a cryptogram/isopsephy like χμγ that is frequently used before the first line of text in Christian letters beginning in the mid- to late fourth century: P.Oxy. LVI 3862.1 (V); PSI XIII 1342.1 (late V). κατὰ τόπον. On the possible meanings of τόπος (“place”), see 134 n. 11. ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς. On this phrase, see 130 n. 2. συνλειτουργοῖς. On this term, see 149 n. 2. τὴν θυ̣γ̣α̣τέρα ἡμῶν. Typically in letters of recommendation if the recommended individual is identified using familial language such as “brother” (ἀδελφός) or a “sister” (ἀδελφή) this connotes that one is a baptized Christian. See 130 n. 5. Here the reference to “daughter” need not be taken to suppose that Germania is somehow less than a “sister” and that she is not a baptized Christian, rather, it probably indicates that she is somewhat younger than the sender and the likely recipients of the letter. See Llewelyn (ed.), NewDocs 8 (1998): 171; cf. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 120–21. Γερμανίαν. As is noted in the ed. pr. (P.Oxy. LVI p. 116 n. 4–5), this is a Latin name derived from the country of Germania (i.e., Germany) through metonymy. See I. Kajanto, The Latin Cognomina (Helsinki, 1965), 203. At present, the name Germania is only attested on three other occasions in the papyri and they are all from Oxyrhynchus: P.Gen. II 116.2, 51 (247); PSI XIV 1418.1 (III); P.Oxy. X 1349.1 (IV). Of these three letters only in the case of P.Oxy. X 1349 is it possible the same Germania could potentially be referenced since it is roughly contemporaneous. Assuming a fourth-century date for the present letter P.Gen. II 116 is probably too early. The Germania who appears in PSI XIV 1418 does so in a decidedly non-Christian context. See also A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 121 n. 160. ἐπικουρίας δεομένην. This phrase, seemingly mundane, is perhaps noteworthy since it will appear in Canon Eleven of the Council of Chalcedon that deals with the issuing of “letters of peace” and “letters of recommendation.” This canon reads as follows: πάντας τοὺς πένητας καὶ δεομένους ἐπικουρίας μετὰ δοκιμασίας ἐπιστολίοις ἤγουν εἰρηνικοῖς ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς μόνοις ὁδεύειν ὡρίσαμεν καὶ μὴ συστατικοῖς, διὰ τὸ τὰς συστατικὰς ἐπιστολὰς προσήκειν τοῖς οὖσιν ἐν ὑπολήψει μόνοις παρέχεσθαι προσώποις. (“We have decided that all poor, as well as those who need to be helped, after proper evaluation, will be issued short letters called ‘ecclesiastical [letters] of peace,’ and not ‘of recommendation’ because the ‘letters of recommendation’ are issued only to persons of distinction.”) ἐν εἰρήνῃ. On this phrase, see 130 n. 8. Ἐμ(μανουή)λ. On this nomen sacrum, see 149 n. 14. ἀμὴν. pap. Ϙθ. On this isopsephy, see 139 n. 34. ἀγαπητοὶ ἀδ̣ ελ̣ φοί̣. On this phrase, see 130 n. 2.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [151]

Date: IV

151 P.Oxy. LVI 3858 Barys to Diogenes 25.5 × 10.55 cm TM no. 33599

567

Material: Papyrus

Published: M. G. Sirivianou (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LVI (London, 1989), 117–20 (no. 3858); S. R. Llewelyn and J. R. Harrison (eds.), NewDocs 10 (2012): 165–69 (no. 28). Related Literature: E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 53; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 167; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 64; R. Luiselli, “Greek Letters on Papyrus First to Eighth Centuries: A Survey,” AS/EA 62 (2008): 710; J.-L. Fournet, “Esquisse d’une anatomie de la lettre antique tardive d’après les papyrus,” in Correspondances: Documents pour l’histoire de l’antiquité tardive, ed. R. Delmaire, J. Desmulliez, and P.-L. Gatier (Lyon, 2009), 34–35; H. Harrauer, Handbuch der griechischen Paläographie: Textband (Stuttgart, 2010), 407–8 (no. 215). Introduction This letter is written in a single hand with dark-brown ink along the fibers of a papyrus that is intact in its entirety aside from a few small holes. There is no writing on the back. The hand of the text is exceptionally clear and regular and may be described as a sloping uncial script similar to P.Oxy. XII 1592 [137] and P.Oxy. XXXI 2603 (IV). In the ed. pr., it was noted that the practiced hand resembles the skilled hand found in certain documents of the archive of Theophanes of Hermopolis (ca. 315–325), notably P.Herm. Rees 4, although the letter may not be quite as early.102 The writer of the letter tends to abbreviate words with a supralinear stroke that end with nu and that end a line (ll. 4, 11, 14) and employs diaereses (ll.  9 and 23) and an apostrophe (l.  13). The writer contracts κ(ύριο)ς (l. 3) and θ(εό)ς (l. 25) as nomina sacra. The first line is marked by ekthesis, and all the following lines form a straight left margin. Aside from a few phonetic spellings, the orthography is regular. The letter is sent from an individual named Barys to an individual named Diogenes who is identified as a “beloved (friend) and father” (ll. 1–2). Though Barys identifies Diogenes as a “father,” it is interesting that in the next line (ll. 2–3) he calls himself a “brother” (to Diogenes). As noted previously ([129], 102

P.Oxy. LVI p. 117.

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n. 1), it is not uncommon for multiple epithets—both familial and secular, as well as those that distinguish rank (“son/daughter,” “brother/sister,” “father/ mother,” “Lord/Lady”)—to be used in epistolary address to express respect and admiration on the one hand and equality and familiarity on the other. The letter concerns an individual named Horus, who appears to have been working for Diogenes in some capacity. Barys asks Diogenes to give Horus leave because he is already occupied with some land belonging to another individual and in the month of Hathyr will be devoting himself full time to a λειτουργία (“public service”).

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τῷ ἀγαπητῷ καὶ πατρὶ Διογένη Βαρὺς ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ χαίρ⟨ε⟩ιν. εἰδώς σου τὴν ἀγάπη(ν) καὶ τὴν θεοσέβειαν ἣν ἔχεις πρὸς ἡμᾶς, κύρ̣ιέ μου πάτερ, δι’ αὐτὸ̣ τοῦτο ἔγραψά σοι, ἀξι -̣ ῶν σε, ἵ ̣να μὴ ἐπιβαρήσω τοῦ ἐλθεῖν πρὸς σέ, εἰδώς σου τὴν ἀσχολία(ν). τοῦτο οὖν σε ἀξιῶ, οὐ̣κ’ ἐπιτάσσων, περὶ Ὥρ̣ου, περὶ οὗ ἐλάλησέ(ν) σο̣ι Παθερμοῦθεις, περὶ αὐτοῦ, εἰ δυνατόν ἐστιν, συνχωρῆσε αὐτῷ ταύτην τὴν τετράμηνον, ἐπ⟨ε⟩ιδὴ πάνοι μέτριός ἐστιν καὶ ἔχει χωρίον Σερηνιανῷ. τῷ γὰρ Ἁθὺρ μέλλ⟨ε⟩ι ἀποτάξε αὐτῷ ἵνα σχολάσῃ τῇ λ⟨ε⟩ιτ[ο]υργίᾳ. δυνατὸς ὁ θ(εὸ)ς φυλάξε σε, ἔστ’ ἂν ἐκτελέσῃς τὴν λ⟨ε⟩ιτ̣[ο]υ̣ρ-̣ γίαν, ἀπρόσκοπον. ἐρρῶσθέ σε εὔχομε πολλοῖς χρόνοις. __________ 2. l. Διογένει. 3. pap. κ ω. 4. pap. αγαπη. 9. pap. ϊνα. 11. pap. ασχολια. 13. pap. ουκ’. 14. pap. ελαλησε. 17. l. συγχωρῆσαι. 19–20. l. πάνυ. 22–23. l. ἀποτάξασθαι. 23. pap. ϊνα. 25. pap. θ ω. l. φυλάξαι. 28. l. ἐρρῶσθαί; l. εὔχομαι.

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Translation To (my) beloved (friend) and father Diogenes, Barys (your) brother, (sends) greetings in the Lord. Knowing your love (l. 5) and the piety which you have toward us, my lord father, for this very reason I have written to you with my request to you, so as not to burden (you) (l. 10) by coming to you, for I know that you are busy. So this is the request I make to you, not giving you an order, about Horus, about whom (l. 15) Pathermouthis has spoken to you in his case, if it is possible, grant him this quadrimenstruum, because (l. 20) he is of very moderate means and he holds a piece of ground for Serenianus. For in Hathyr he is going to give it up, in order to devote his time to the liturgy. (l. 25) May God, who is mighty, keep you unharmed till you complete the liturgy. I pray for your health for many years. 1–2

2 3 4–5

9–10

τῷ ἀγαπητῷ καὶ πατρὶ Διογένη. On the use of the adjective “beloved” (ἀγαπητός, -ή, -όν) in epistolary address, see 130 n. 2; on the use of the epithet “father” (πατήρ), see 137 n. 3. The name Diogenes (Διογένης) is Greek and has the meaning “sprung from Zeus” (see LSJ s.v. Διογένης; cf. NB Dem. 1249). The name is extremely common with over a thousand attestations in the papyri and hundreds of attestations in the papyri from Oxyrhynchus. Just to the left of l. 1, there appears to be the vestiges of a single vertical stroke. Since the top portion of the stroke is lost in a lacuna, and assuming the stroke is deliberate and not merely accidental, a cross (+) may precede the first line of text in the margin. Βαρὺς. The name Barys (Βαρύς) is Greek and has the etymological meaning of “heavy” or “strong.” As a personal name it is very rare and is only attested on one other occasion: P.Oxy. XIII 1593.17 (III/IV). ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23. εἰδώς σου τὴν ἀγάπη(ν) καὶ τὴν θεοσέβειαν. As a noun ἀγάπη is hardly attested in the papyri before the fourth century; its earliest attestation is P.PalauRib. 37.13 (III): [ἐν] ἀγάπῃ (“in love”). Since the use of the term seems to directly correlate with the rise of Christianity in Egypt there seems to be reason to think that it was primarily used by Christians. On the use of this noun in the papyri, see Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri, 99–101. θεοσέβεια is not attested in the papyri before the fourth century; during the fourth century it is used primarily as a title of address (Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 6–9). In Christian literary texts of the fourth and fifth centuries it is used mostly for bishops and other ecclesiastics (Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri, 38–39; cf. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 197 n. 5). The term only appears once in the NT at 1 Tim 2:10 and a handful of times in the LXX: Gen 20:11; 4 Macc 7:6, 22; 17:15; Job 28:28; Sir 1:25; Bar 5:4. While the ed. pr. makes the assertion (P.Oxy. LVI p. 119 n. 5) that “this is the only case in the papyri where it is used in a more meaningful sense, as in the Pauline letter 1 Tim 2.10,” such a claim is erroneous. Already in P.Neph. 4, which was published before the present text, θεοσέβεια is used in a seemingly “meaningful sense”: l. 4, προηγουμένως εὔχομαι νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας καταξιοῦσθαι ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς θεοσεβ⟨ε⟩ίας (“before all else I pray night and day to be deemed worthy of your piety”). ἵ̣να μὴ ἐπιβαρήσω τοῦ ἐλθεῖν πρὸς σέ. There is a deliberate pun here that was missed in the ed. pr. While explaining the reason for making the request via letter, instead of

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personally coming, Barys claims that he does not want “(lit.) to weigh down” (ἐπιβαρέω) the recipient by personally coming. As the name Barys (Βαρύς) has the literal meaning of being “heavy” there seems to be a deliberate pun between Βαρύς and ἐπιβαρέω. On the different uses of the genitive articular infinitive (τοῦ ἐλθεῖν), see B. G. Mandilaras, The Verb in the Greek Non-literary Papyri (Athens, 1973), 334–37. 11 εἰδώς σου τὴν ἀσχολία(ν). Barys prefaces his requests by noting that the recipient is “busy” (lit. “without leisure”) and seems to be subtly flattering him with banal niceties in preparation for his request (cf. ll. 9–10). The noun ἀσχολία is used rarely in the papyri and most often occurs in personal letters to compliment someone for their industry or chide them for not being “busy”: P.Mich. XV 752.37 (late II); P.Oxy. LV 3812.3 (late III); P.Oxy. VI 938.7 (III/IV). 12–13 τοῦτο οὖν σε ἀξιῶ, οὐ̣κ’ ἐπιτάσσων. As noted in the ed. pr. the request in the letter is made respectfully, not by way of command, and seems to imply some kind of equal status between the sender and recipient. However, given the deference that is shown to Diogenes by Barys throughout the letter and especially in the buildup to his request, which is couched in respectful language so as not to offend, Diogenes is probably a superior. In NewDocs 10 (2012): 167 it is claimed that this request, “parallels Paul’s introduction to his request to release Onesimus for service: Διὸ πολλὴν ἐν Χριστῷ παρρησίαν ἔχων ἐπιτάσσειν σοι τὸ ἀνῆκον διὰ τὴν ἀγάπην μᾶλλον παρακαλῶ (‘For this reason, though I am bold enough in Christ to command you on the basis of love . . .’; Phlm 8-9).” 14 Ὥρ̣ου. On the name Horus (Ὧρος), see 110 n. 4; cf. 132 n. 5–7. 15 Παθερμοῦθεις. The name Pathermouthis (Παθερμοῦθεις), usually spelled Πατερμουθις, is Egyptian and means “The one of Thermouthis.” See NB Dem. 424. As the name is spelled in this letter it is the only attestation. When one includes all the derivations of the name Πατερμουθις in Greek, it is attested a little over 100 times. In documents from Oxyrhynchus the name is little attested, with less than twenty occurrences, most of which appear in documents of the late third and early fourth century. 17–19 συνχωρῆσε αὐτῷ ταύτην τὴν τετράμηνον. The note in the ed. pr. (P.Oxy. LVI p. 119) is especially useful for elucidating this phrase: “It is just possible that the phrase has a perfectly neutral sense, ‘this four-month period,’—i.e., the four months before Hathyr, but it is far more likely that it refers to a quadrimenstruum in the technical sense. Taxes in the Byzantine period were payable in three installments each year, which was therefore divided into three four-month portions, cf. P.Oxy LI 3628 p. 82 n. 5–6. In that case this quadrimenstruum would be the first one of the Egyptian year, Thoth, Phaophi, Hathyr, Choeac. Horus wanted to carry on farming or administering his land for at least the first two of these months, so Barys supported his request to be excused for the quadrimenstruum. It is reasonable to guess that the public service in question was concerned with collecting taxes and that Diogenes was the official appointee.” 21 Σερηνιανῷ. The name Serenianus (Σερηνιανός) is of Latin origin and is presently attested less than twenty-five times in the papyri. This name only occurs in one other text from Oxyrhynchus: P.Erl. 53.18 (IV). 22 Ἁθὺρ. The Egyptian month of Hathyr corresponds roughly with November. 25 ὁ θ(εὸ)ς φυλάξε σε. On this phrase, see 144 n. 35; cf. P.Köln IV 200.9 [158]. 26–27 τὴν λ⟨ε⟩ιτ̣[ο]υ̣ ργ̣ ίαν. The “liturgy” is here used in a strictly non-Christian sense and refers to compulsory public services imposed on the civilian population of Egypt. The term is first used in Athens in the fifth century BCE to refer to “work for the people” (ληϊτ-, -ία, -ός → λαός + ἔργον) whereby men of means were obligated to take turns overseeing public works and projects and to defray the ensuing costs out of their pockets. Rome similarly

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developed a system of munera, or public duties, that citizens of some means and status were required to discharge. By the first century Rome had imposed a system of liturgical obligations upon the inhabitants of Egypt that ranged from tax collection to the maintaining of dikes and holding certain civic offices. On the liturgy in Egypt, see N. Lewis, The Compulsory Public Services of Roman Egypt (2nd ed.; Florence, 1997).

Date: IV

152 P.Oxy. XXXI 2609 Mebrion(?) to His Sister 8.5 × 7.5 cm TM no. 32695

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. Barns, P. J. Parsons, J. R. Rea, and E. G. Turner (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXI (London, 1966), 179 (no. 2609); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 296–97 (no. 74). Related Literature: G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 19; G.  H.  R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 4 (1987): 247; R. J. S. Barrett-Lennard, Christian Healing after the New Testament: Some Approaches to Illness in the Second, Third and Fourth Centuries (Lanham, Md., 1994), 34–37; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 118 n. 533, 167; L.  H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 45–46. Introduction This letter is written with a single hand on the verso of a papyrus that has many lacunae. Part of the introduction of the letter is lost, as well as the ends of a few lines, and the end of the letter is missing in its entirety. The hand of the letter is practiced and clear, and the orthography is for the most part consistent, although the writer regularly interchanges αι with ε (ll. 4, 7, 13).103 The writer tends to form his letters with thick strokes, and the letter forms are such that a fourth-century date for the letter should be maintained based on paleographic grounds, as was suggested in the ed. pr. The letter is fairly mundane as the writer informs the addressee, a woman identified as his “lady sister” (ll. 2–3), that after she went away his son became sick but that with “God’s help” (ll. 8–9) he has now recovered. The writer also asks about the welfare of the recipient before the letter breaks off, and, in the extant portions of the left-hand margin, the writer appends a note that she send 103

On αι to ε interchange, see Gignac, 1.192–93.

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some sacks (of?). The only explicitly Christian marker in the letter occurs in the opening address where the writer sends greeting “in the Lord” (l. 3) and employs the nomen sacrum for κ(ύριο)ς. After the nomen sacrum and before the “greeting” (χαίρειν), there are faint traces of what appear to be the Christogram or chi-rho monogram (⳩). If this reading is correct, then this is one of the earliest attestations of this monogram in a documentary text.

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Μηβρ̣̣ι̣ω̣ ̣[ ca.? ] τῇ κυρίᾳ μου̣ ἀ [̣ δελ-] φῇ ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ ⳩ ̣ χαίρε[ιν]. εἰδένε σε θ̣έ λ̣ ω ̣ ̣ ὅ̣τ̣ι ̣ μετὰ τὸ ἐξελθεῖν σε ὁ υἱός μου Ἕλενος νενώθραντε ὀλίγας ἡμέρας. κα ὶ̣ ̣ ἤ δ̣ ̣η ̣ [σ]ὺ̣[ν θε-] ῷ ἐπα̣ ύ̣ σ̣ α̣ ̣τ̣ο ̣ . δ̣[ήλω-] σ̣ο ̣ν̣ ο̣ὖ ̣ν̣ ἡ μ ̣ {̣ ε }̣ ῖ ̣ν̣ καὶ περὶ τῆς σ̣ῆς σ̣ω ̣τ̣η ρ̣ ̣ [̣ ίας]. α ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [̣ ca.? ]

Written in the left margin perpendicular to the body of the letter: κόμισε τ̣ὸ̣ν̣ σ̣ά̣κ̣κον̣. __________ 3. pap. κω. 4. l. εἰδέναι. 6. pap. υϊος. 6–7. l. νενώθρανται. 13. l. κόμισαι.

Translation Mebrion(?) . . . to his lady sister, greetings in the Lord (Christ?). I want you to know that (l. 5) after you went away my son Helenus became sick for a few days. And now with God’s (help) it has stopped. And so make known (l. 10) to us concerning your health . . . receive the sacks . . . 1

2–3 3

Μηβρ̣̣ιω ̣ ̣ . While the first three letters of the name (?) are secure what follows is very tentative. In the ed. pr. it was suggested that perhaps the name was Μηβρ̣ίων but the editor was quick to point out that no such name is otherwise known; this name is still unattested. The closest attested parallels are Mebis (PSI XIV 1429.10 [VI]: Μῆβις), mentioned in the ed. pr., and Mebrichius (O.Ηeid. 111.3 [191]: Μεβρίχιος). τῇ κυρίᾳ μου̣ ἀ̣[δελ]φῇ. On this phrase, see 141 n. 1–2. ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ ⳩̣ χαίρε[ιν]. On the phrase ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ, see 129 n. 23. Though it is faint, it seems that the writer has employed the monogram ⳩ in the opening address. If this reading is correct then the force of the phrase seems to be: ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ ⳩ (ριστῷ) χαίρειν “in the Lord Christ greetings.” Cf. SB I 2266.28 (IV): ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ Χ(ριστ)ῷ; cf. P.Lond. VI 1926.4 (mid-IV): ἐν Χριστῷ χαίρειν. Typically when this monogram appears in letters or other kinds of documents it appears as a freestanding monogram that occurs in the left margin at either the beginning or end of the document. Its seeming placement in the middle of an

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opening formula of address suggests that it is functioning as more than just a symbol but should be read as Χρ(ιστός). The only other fourth-century attestation of ⳩ in a letter is in P.Mich. VIII 520.15 where the symbol precedes the address on the back of the letter. The origin of this monogram dates back to the beginning of the fourth century and Constantine’s alleged vision on the eve of the Battle of the Milvian Bridge in October of 312. According to Eusebius, Constantine saw a vision of a cross (σταυρός) but then later put the chi-rho monogram (⳩) on his standards despite being told in a dream to inscribe the same symbol he had seen in the sky on his standards (Vit. Const. 1.28–31). Lactantius never mentions what Constantine saw in the sky but reports that he had the chi-rho inscribed on various shields; his description is not entirely clear as the monogram he is describing can either be interpreted as a christogrom (⳩) or possibly a staurogram (⳨) (Mort. 44). On the usage of this monogram, see M. Black, “The Chi-Rho Sign—Christogram and/or Staurogram?,” in Apostolic History and the Gospel: Biblical and Historical Essays Presented to F. F. Bruce on His 60th Birthday, ed. W. W. Gasque and R. P. Martin (Grand Rapids, 1970), 319–27; cf. Blumell, Lettered Christians, 45–46. 4 εἰδένε σε θ̣έ̣λ̣ω̣. On epistolary formulas of disclosure, see 139 n. 6. 6 Ἕλενος. The name Helenus (Ἕλενος) is a Greek male name. It is not a very common name in the papyri with less than 100 attestations and only three other attestations in the papyri from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. IV 743.2.22–23 (October 2, 2 BCE); SB XX 15122.5 (III); P.Oxy. XVII 2155.1 (IV). 6–7 νενώθραντε. The verb νωθρεύειν is certainly being referenced but the unusual spelling that presupposes the form νωθραίνειν is otherwise unattested. While the literal meaning of νωθρεύειν is “to become sluggish” or “torpid” (s.v. LSJ), it connotes “sickness” or “ill health”: BGU II 449.4 (II/III); P.Tebt. II 421.5 (III); P.Tebt. II 422.5 (III). 8–9 [σ]ὺ̣[ν θε]ῷ. As noted in the translation this phrase typically means “with God’s help.” This phrase does not appear in either the LXX or the NT. The first Christian writer to employ it is Athenagorus (Leg. 31.4) in the later part of the second century. From the third through seventh centuries the phrase is frequently used by various Christian authors. In the papyri, the phrase is used in Christian and non-Christian contexts, and has the decisively non-Christian precursor σὺν θεοῖς (“with the gods help”; P.Oxy. XII 1482.9 [II]; P.Oxy. XIV 1760.15 [II]). On its own it is not a decisive marker of Christian identity. For a more in-depth analysis of this phrase, see Blumell, Lettered Christians, 65–66. 10–11 περὶ τῆς σ̣ ῆς σ̣ ω̣τ̣η̣ρ̣[ίας]. This is not a theologically loaded phrase as σωτηρία, which can mean “salvation,” here simply has the meaning of “health.”

Date: IV

153 P.Oxy. LIX 3998 Thoonis to Syras and Callinicus 25.5 × 15.0 cm TM no. 33119

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. W. Handley, H. G. Ioannidou, P. J. Parsons, and J. E. G. Whitehorne (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri LIX (London, 1992), 145–51 (no. 3998). Related Literature: B. Wander, Gottesfürchtige und Sympathisanten: Studien zum heidnischen Umfeld von Diasporasynagogen (Tübingen, 1998), 111

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n. 81; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 22 n. 54; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 95 n. 413, 97 n. 424, 167; S. T. Tovar, “Egyptian Loan Words in Septuaginta and the Papyri,” PapCongr. XXIII (2007): 688–99; J. Kramer, “Ein gallisches Wort in den Papyri: βασκαύλης,” APF 55 (2009): 332; J. Kramer, Von der Papyrologie zur Romanistik (Berlin, 2011), 186–87. Introduction This text is written along the fibers of a light-brown papyrus in a single hand. The text occupies the entire front side of the papyrus and continues in the left margin, written transversa charta, for three lines. There are at least five vertical folds on the papyrus, and in places the papyrus is riddled with holes; the bottom half of the papyrus (after l. 19) is badly damaged so that there are a number of lacunae in the text in this portion of the letter. The hand is very clear and gives the impression that the letter forms are deliberate and were not hastily written. All the same, the hand does not appear exceptionally skilled. The three lines of text written down the left margin have a distinct slope to the right; the text in the main body is not written with as prominent a slope. In the ed. pr., the letter is dated to the fourth century, but the editor provides no paleographic justification for this dating.104 Two texts that have similar hands are P.Oxy. LIV 3774 (341) and SB XXII 15768 (364). The orthography contains a number of iotacisms. The letter is written by a man named Thoonis to two persons: a woman named Syras who is probably his daughter, and a man named Callinicus who could be the husband of Syras (so the ed. pr.). While the letter is sent to both Syras and Callinicus, who are addressed by Thoonis as “my lord children” (ll. 1–2), the body of the letter primarily concerns Syras. Following the opening greeting and the epistolary proskynesis that begins the letter (see n. 4–5), Thoonis explains to Syras why he has been slow in coming. He explains that while he is obligated to return by the “20th of Phamenoth” (l. 8), he will not be able to do so as a result of a death; Thoonis relates that the husband of Theodora, who is identified as Syras’ “sister,” has died and as a result a dispute over some affairs has broken out. He then goes on to ask his daughter to find out what the others who were obliged to return by a certain date are doing since it is unlikely he will return by the deadline. At this point the letter begins to break up, but it seems that the focus of the letter shifts as Thoonis informs Syras that he received an earlier letter and was very pleased to hear that she and her children were doing well. The letter then concludes with Thoonis sending 104

In other respects, however, the edition of this papyrus is exemplary.

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greeting to a number of different individuals. The letter concludes at the bottom of the papyrus, but in the left margin Thoonis adds an additional note where he provides his daughter with an itemized list of items he would like her to procure in advance of his coming. Though the list is fairly mundane and includes items like a washbasin, a cooking pot, and a lamp, the range of different items mentioned is interesting. On the back of the letter, there are faint traces of an address. The only Christian marker in the entire letter is in the address where Thoonis sends greetings “in the Lord God” (l. 2).

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Θῶν̣ις Σ̣υ̣ρᾶτ̣ι ̣καὶ Καλλινίκῳ τοῖς κυρίοις μο̣ [̣ υ] τ̣έκνοις ἐν θεῷ κυρίῳ πλ⟨ε⟩ῖστα χαῖραι. τὸ προσκύνη μ ̣ α̣ ὑμῶν ποιῶ καθ’ ἑκάστην ἡμέρ[α]ν̣ παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ θεῷ. γινώσκ⟨ε⟩ιν σε θέλω ὅτι κατεσχέθην ὑ̣πὸ̣ τῶν Ὀξυρυγχ{ε}ιτῶν καὶ ἐποίησάν μαι χ⟨ε⟩ιρογραφῆσαι μέχρι εἰκά[δο]ς Φαμενώθ με̣ ̣ κ α̣ θ⟨ε⟩ισελθ⟨ε⟩ῖν μετὰ τ̣ῶν ἀδελφῶν σου καὶ πάνυ συ̣νέχομαι μὴ δ̣υνασθῶ πρὸς τὴν προθεσμίαν καθ⟨ε⟩ισελθ⟨ε⟩ῖν διότι ἐτελεύτησεν ὁ ἀνὴρ τῆς ἀδελφῆς σου Θεοδώρας καὶ ἐν συ{ν}ζητήσ⟨ε⟩ι εἰμ{ε}ὶ μετὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ ἕνεκα τῶν τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτῆς. καλῶς οὖ̣ν̣ π[ο]ιήσης, κ υ̣ ρία μου θύγατηρ, πολυπραγμονῆ σ̣ α̣ ι̣ ̣ τ̣ί καὶ ἄλλοι χε ι̣ ρογραφήσαντές τι μέλλουσι π ρ̣ ᾶ̣ ξ̣ αι. ἀλλὰ μὴ ἀμελήσῃς. προσ̣δοκῶ γὰρ μέ χ̣ ρ̣ ι̣ δευτέρας ἀπελθ⟨ε⟩ῖν 〚.〛 πρὸς τὴν̣ ἀδελφήν σου. ἐὰν μὲν δυνασθῶ π⟨ε⟩ῖσ̣α ι̣ ̣ [αὐ]τούς, εὖ ἂν ἔχ[ο]ι ,̣ ἐὰν̣ δ̣ὲ ̣ [ ̣ ]̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ]̣ σιν, πᾶν̣ πο̣ιῶ ̣ ἐλθ⟨ε⟩ῖν. κ[α]ὶ ̣ γ̣ὰρ πρὸ̣ το̣ύ ̣τ̣ου̣ ̣ η ̣ [̣ ]̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣πρ[ο]σκ υ̣ νῆ σ̣ α̣ ι ὑμᾶς. ἔλαβά σου ἐπιστόλι⟨ο⟩ν ̣ ̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ]̣ ω ̣ ̣ν̣ος̣ καὶ ἐχ [̣ ά]ρ̣η ̣ν̣ ἀκού̣σα̣ ς̣ ̣ π̣ε ρ̣ ὶ̣ ̣ τῆς ὁλοκληρίας ὑμῶ(ν) κ α̣ ὶ̣ τ̣[ῶν π]α ι̣ δ̣ ίων ὑ[μ]ῶν. δη [̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ σαμ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ε̣ ι ὅτι, ἔδω [̣ κα] τὸ ἀρ̣γύ̣ ρ̣ ι̣ ο̣ ̣ν καὶ ο̣ὔπω ̣ [ἔ]σ̣χον τὰ ⟨ε⟩ἴ δ̣ ̣η καλῶς ο̣[ὖν] π̣οι[ήσ⟨ε⟩]ι ς̣ ̣ λαβ⟨ε⟩ῖν τὰ ⟨ε⟩ἴ δ̣ ̣η. [ο]ὐ γὰ ρ̣ ἀπε̣ τα ξ̣ ά̣ -̣ μην αὐ̣ ̣τ̣ῶν. οὐ γὰρ ο̣ἶδε καὶ αὐ̣[τὸ]ς ̣ ὅ̣τι οὐ̣κ ̣ ἀ ̣πε -̣ ταξ[ά(?)]μ [̣ η(?)]ν̣ τ̣αῦτα ̣ π̣ερὶ τῶν ⟨ε⟩ἰδῶ[ν] ̣ ̣ ̣ ω ̣ ς θύ̣γα̣ ̣τ̣η ρ̣ ̣ οὕτως ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ ̣ .̣ ἀσπα[ζ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ]̣ σου. ἀσπάζε ̣τ̣α ι̣ σαι ἡ ἀδε λ̣ ̣φή σου [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ρ̣ ας. ἀσπάζ ε̣ ται ὑμᾶς Εὐ̣ λ̣ όγις. ἀσπάζεται [ὑμᾶς] Ἀπολλώνιος κ α̣ ὶ̣ Θῶνις. ἄσπα ζ̣ ε̣ ̣ Καλλίν̣ικον̣ [κα]ὶ ̣ Κάλλιππο(ν) κ α̣ ὶ Θῶνιν καὶ Δημήτ̣ριον κα ὶ̣ [̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ν. (vac.)

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35

ἐρρῶσθα ι̣ ̣ [ὑ]μᾶς εὔχομαι ⟨ε⟩ἰς τὸν ̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ,̣ κυρία μου (vac.) θύγατη ρ̣ ̣ ̣ (vac.)

Downwards in the left margin:

38

πᾶν ποιῆσῃς λαβοῦσα τὰ ⟨ε⟩ἴδ̣η ̣ π̣ά ̣ντα. ἔστιν δὲ τὸ κατ’ ἰδέα [̣ ν· τὸ β]α σ̣ κ̣ αύλι [̣ ον κ]αὶ τ[ὸ] καδι⟨ο⟩ν βαλα ̣ν⟨ε⟩ί[ο]υ̣ καὶ ὁ κόκκομα̣ [ς] καὶ ⟨τ⟩ὴ⟨ν⟩ κρεμαστὴ⟨ν⟩ λυχ ̣ν̣ία ̣⟨ν⟩ καὶ τ̣[ὸ]ν̣ ξέσ̣την καὶ τὸν λύχνον ἔχο̣ντα ἀλωπηκαν̣ καὶ τὸ πελύκιν̣ κ α̣ ὶ τὰ δύο ἐνώ-̣ δια σὺν τοῖς π̣ιναρ⟨ί⟩οις αὐ̣ ̣τῶν (vac.?) καὶ τὰ ἐπωμίδια δύο καὶ τὴ ̣ν̣ λίτραν τ̣[ο]ῦ σιππέ⟨ι⟩ου τρυφερα.

Verso ̣ ̣ ̣ τῇ θυγ̣α̣ vac.? ̣ ̣ ̣ __________ 3. l. χαῖρε. 4. pap. ϋμων. 7. l. με. 15. l. ποιήσεις; l. θύγατερ. 16–17. corr. ex χι̣ιρογραφησαντες. 22. pap. ϋμας. 23. pap. ϋμω̅. 24. pap. ϋ[ ]ων. 28. pap. ϊδω[ ]. 30 l. σε. 31. pap. ϋμας. 32. pap. καλλιππο̅. 34. pap. ϊς. 35. l. θύγατερ. 37. l. ἀλώπεκα. 37–38. l. ἐνώτια. 38. pap. σιπ’πεου; l. τρυφεροῦ.

Translation Thoonis to Syras and Callinicus, my lord children, very many greetings in the Lord God. I make your obeisance (l. 5) every day in the presence of the Lord God. I want you to know that I was detained by the Oxyrhynchites and they made me give a written agreement that I would return by the 20th of Phamenoth with your brothers, but (l.  10) I am absolutely constrained and cannot return by the due date, because your sister Theodora’s husband has died and I am in dispute with his brother about her daughter’s affairs. (l. 15) You will do well, my lady daughter, to inquire what the others who have made agreements for some purpose are going to do. But do not forget, for I expect to go off to your sister until the 2nd of the month. If I manage (l. 20) to persuade them, it would be a good thing, but if . . . , I shall make every effort to come. For even before this (I had hoped?) to salute you (pl.) (in person?). I received your (sg.) letter .  .  . and rejoiced to hear of the health of you both and of your children .  .  . (l.  25) that, “I gave the money and I did not get the goods yet.” So you will do well to get the goods. For I did not waive claim to them. Doesn’t he know that I did not waive claim? So much for (?) the goods. . . . Your . . . greet(s you?). (l. 30) Your sister . . . greets you. Eulogius greets you. Apollonius and Thoonis greet you. Greet Callinicus and Callippus and Thoonis and Demetrius and . . . I pray for your health for . . . , my lady (l. 35) daughter. (left margin) Make every effort to get all the goods. Here is the itemized list: the washbasin and the pail for the bath and the cooking pot (cauldron or boiler?) and the hanging lamp and the pint pot (ewer?) and the lamp that has a

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fox and the hatchet and the two earrings with their pearls and the two shoulder pieces(?) and the pound of fine tow. (verso) . . . to (Syras) his daughter . . . Θῶν̣ις Σ̣ υ̣ ρᾶτ̣ι ̣καὶ Καλλινίκῳ. On the name Thoonis (Θῶνις), see 138 n. 1–2. Syras (Συρᾶς) is a Greek name that could be used by either sex; here it is female and refers to the daughter of the sender of the letter. There are presently less than fifteen attestations of the name in the papyri and only two attestations in other texts from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. II 295.1 (ca. 35); P.Oxy. XIV 1765.17 (III). Callinicus (Καλλίνικος) is a Greek male name that has the meaning “beautiful victory” and at present is only attested about 100 times in the papyri; the name is attested in five other texts form Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. XVII 2128.7 (ca. 175–199); P.Oxy. XII 1463.23 (September 16, 215); P.Oxy. XXXI 2560.16 ( July 25– August 23, 258); SB V 7635.13 (ca. 475–525); P.Coll.Youtie II 94.5 (ca. 575–625). 1–2 τοῖς κυρίοις μ̣ ο̣[υ] τ̣έκνοις. On this phrase, see 129 n. 1. 2 ἐν θεῷ κυρίῳ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23. The ordering of this expression is very unusual, and without parallel, as it is typically reversed: κυρίῳ θεῷ (“Lord God”) and not “God Lord.” In l. 5 the usual order is given: παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ θεῷ. Could an alternative translation for this section of the opening address be “in God, [our] Lord”? In LXX Ps 117:17 the same order is attested: θεὸς κύριος καὶ ἐπέφανεν ἡμῖν (“God is the Lord and he has shined upon us”). 3 πλ⟨ε⟩ῖστα χαῖραι. This uncommon formula (l. πλεῖστα χαῖρε) of address is only attested elsewhere in P.Oxy. LIX 3999.2 (IV). It is not attested in any literary text or in any inscription. The phrase πλεῖστα χαῖρειν (see 136 n. 2), however, is attested widely. Though the papyrus reads χαῖραι and the editor takes it as χαῖρε, given the unique nature of the address, it may be wondered whether the writer could have actually intended χαῖρειν even though there is no ν. Another unusual aspect of this greeting is that if it is intended to be πλεῖστα χαῖρε why does the author use the singular imperative χαῖρε and not the plural imperative χαίρετε since there are two persons being addressed: Syras and Callinicus. On the differences between χαῖρε and χαῖρειν in epistolary address, see 129 n. 3. 4–5 τὸ προσκύνη̣ μ̣α ὑμῶν ποιῶ καθ’ ἑκάστην ἡμέρ[α]ν̣ παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ θεῷ. This is a case of epistolary proskynesis (προσκύνημα) to the “Lord God.” This is a clear Christian adaption of an earlier non-Christian epistolary formula whereby obeisance to a particular deity, usually Sarapis, or deities, is made at the start of a letter: e.g., P.Oxy. XIV 1677.2–3 (III): τὸ προσκύνημά σου ποιῶ παρὰ τῷ κυρίῳ Σαράπιδι (“I make your obeisance every day before the lord Sarapis”). On epistolary proskynesis in the papyri, see Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie, 139–45; G. Geraci, “Ricerche sul proskynema,” Aeg 51 (1971): 3–211; Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C., 53–58. On specifically Christian examples, see J. O’Callaghan, “Proskynein en la Correspondencia Cristiana (Siglos IV a V),” EstBib 33 (1974): 187–89; H. C. Youtie, “P.Mich. Inv. 346: A Christian ΠΡΟΣΚΥΝΗΜΑ,” ZPE 28 (1978): 265–68. 5–6 γινώσκ⟨ε⟩ιν σε θέλω. On this phrase, see 139 n. 6. 8 Φαμενώθ. This month roughly corresponds with March. 9 μετὰ τ̣ῶν ἀδελφῶν σου. On this phrase, see 129 n. 1. 12 Θεοδώρας. On the female name Theodora (Θεοδώρα), see 128 n. 3–4. 14–15 καλῶς οὖ̣ν̣ π[ο]ιήσης. On this epistolary phrase, see Steen, “Les clichés épistolaires dans les lettres sur papyrus grecs,” 151–52. 25–26 καλῶς ο̣[ὖν] π̣ οι[ήσ⟨ε⟩]ι̣ς.̣ See n. 14–15. 31 Ε̣ ὐ̣λόγις. Eulogis (Εὐλόγις) is a Greek male name derived from Eulogius (Εὐλόγιος); it is related to the noun εὐλογία and has the meaning of “blessing.” As the name is presently spelled it is only attested four other times in the papyri. The name Eulogius (Εὐλόγιος), 1

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on the other hand, is rarely attested in the papyri before the fourth century but then sees a rapid upsurge in use that must surely be indicative of the spread of Christianity. See R. S. Bagnall, “Conversion and Onomastics: A Reply,” ZPE 69 (1987): 244. Ἀπολλώνιος. On the name Apollonius (Ἀπολλώνιος), see 140 n. 1. 32 Θῶνις. On the name Thoonis (Θῶνις), see 138 n. 1–2. Καλλίν̣ικον̣. On the name Callinicus (Καλλίνικος), see n. 1. Κάλλιππο(ν). The name Callippus (Κάλλιππος) is a Greek male name that has the meaning “beautiful horse.” With less than fifty attestations it is not a very common name in the papyri. There is only one other attestation of the name in a document from Oxyrhynchus in the Roman period: P.Oxy. XII 1496.2.21 (after March 27, 280). 33 Θῶνιν. On the name Thoonis (Θῶνις), see 138 n. 1–2. Δημήτ̣ριον. The name Demetrius (Δημήτριος) is a Greek theonymic name that has the meaning “belonging to Demeter.” It is a very common name in the papyri with nearly 2,000 attestations. 34 εὔχομαι ⟨ε⟩ἰς τὸν ̣ ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ Based on a potential parallel in P.Fay. 117.27–28 (108) a possible reconstruction could be: ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον (“I pray for your perpetual good health”). 35–38 The list of various items written in the margin is lucidly treated in the ed. pr. (P.Oxy. LIX pp. 149–51); there is no need to reduplicate this material here. Those seeking a better contextual understanding of the items mentioned in the list should consult the ed. pr.

Date: Mid-IV

154 SB XXII 15359 (=P.Oxy. I 182 Descr.) Thoonius to Thecla 12.8 × 8.1 cm TM no. 33346

Material: Papyrus

Published: D. Montserrat, G. Fantoni, and P. Robinson, “Varia Descripta Oxyrhynchita,” BASP 31 (1994): 48–50; H.-A. Rupprecht and J. Hengstl (eds.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten XXII (=SB XXII; Wiesbaden, 2001), 125 (no. 15359). Related Literature: B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (London, 1898), 241 (=P.Oxy. I 182 Descr.);105 N. Gonis, “Some More Elaborate Epistolary Addresses,” ZPE 136 (2001): 117 n. 3; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 161.106 Introduction This letter is written with a single hand along the fibers of a light-brown papyrus; the address is written along the fibers on the back. The papyrus is damaged The brief description given about this papyrus is as follows: “Letter from Thonius to his wife and sister Thecla, referring to a payment of 20 talents. Fourth century. Incomplete, the end being lost. Eighteen lines. 12.8 × 8.1 cm.” 106 Choat refers to this document as “P.Oxy.Descr. 11.” 105

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at the bottom, resulting in the loss of the end of the letter. The hand of the text is deliberate and clear and, as pointed out in the ed. pr., is characteristic of the mid-fourth century with notable paleographic comparanda being P.Oxy. XLVIII 3387 (358) and P.Oxy. XLVIII 3390 (342). The orthography is a little erratic at times as the writer employs various phonetic spellings, and the grammar is likewise a little precarious as the case endings for nouns are periodically incorrect; nevertheless, the intended meaning of the extant portion of the letter is fairly clear. The letter is addressed to a woman named Thecla and is sent by her husband, a man named Thoonius. After formulaically invoking “divine providence” (l. 5) that he receive a letter from his wife, he proceeds to relate that in a matter concerning twenty talents he has retained a man named Papnouthius, although the context is not immediately clear. Before the letter breaks off, there is mention of a person named Copres who either is identified as a “son” or perhaps could be the patronymic depending on whether the noun case of “son” that immediately proceeds is correct. There is only one element in the letter that readily establishes that the writer, Thoonius, was a Christian; in the opening address, he employs the phrase “in the Lord God” (ἐν κυρίῳ θεῷ). A secondary Christian element that is noteworthy is the name of the wife, “Thecla,” since this female name is distinctly Christian (see n. 1–2). Finally, it is worth pointing out, as noted in the ed. pr., that this letter might belong to the archive of Paphnutius and Dorotheus—two brothers who engaged in various business pursuits and who from ca. 360–375 worked primarily as tax collectors over a sizeable area in and around Oxyrhynchus.107

→ 5

10

τῇ συμβίῳ μου καὶ ἀδελφῇ Θέκλᾳ{ς} Θώνιος ἐν κυρίῳ θεῷ πλεῖστα (vac.) χαίρειν. προηγουμένως εὔχομαι τῇ θείᾳ προνοίᾳ ὅπως ἀπολαβ⟨ε⟩ῖν τὰ παρὰ σοῦ γράμματα. ἔπ⟨ε⟩ιτα ἐπ⟨ε⟩ιδὴ ἔγραψας μαι 〚δια〛 περὶ Παπνουθίου ἕνεκεν τῶν εἴκοσι ταλάντων, ἐκράτησα αὐτὸν ἐνταῦθα καὶ εἶπον [ὅτι ἔδ]ωκα αὐτὰ Παπνου[θίῳ. τὸ]ν υἱὸν Κοπρῆς καὶ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ φ̣ρα̣ ι ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ε̣ υς [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ α̣ ρ̣ α̣ δοι

The bulk of this archive is published in P.Oxy. XLVIII 3384–3430, but other texts include P.Oxy. IX 1223 and XLIX 3480; P.Oslo III 88 and 162; and SB V 7756. See P.Oxy. XLVIII p. 76. 107

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

580

15

[ ca. 12 ] ̣ ̣ λ̣ ιου [ca. 15 ] χ̣ ους

Verso Θέκλᾳ{ς} ἀπ(οδὸς) ἐ̣ν οἰκίᾳ Λαλλάχ̣[ου] __________ 7. l. μοι. 12. pap. ϋιον, υ corr. ex ν. 17. pap. απ.

Translation To my wife and sister Thecla, Thoonius (sends) very many greetings in the Lord God. Before all else, I pray to (l. 5) divine providence to have received the letters from you. And secondly, since you wrote to me about Papnouthius concerning the matter of the twenty talents, I have kept (l. 10) him here, and I said that I had given them to Papnouthius. Your son Copres and . . . (verso) Deliver to Thecla in the house of Lollachus. 1–2

2 2–3 3

τῇ συμβίῳ μου καὶ ἀδελφῇ Θέκλᾳ{ς}. The female name Thecla (Θέκλα) is Greek and though its origin is somewhat obscure it may have been derived from the Greek female name Θεόκλεια. See I. Kajanto, Onomastic Studies in the Early Christian Inscriptions of Rome and Carthage (Helsinki, 1963), 99–100. The popularity of this name in late antique Egypt is directly tied to the emergence of the cult of saint Thecla in the late fourth through sixth centuries. See S. Davis, “Namesakes of Thecla in Late Antique Egypt,” BASP 36 (1999): 71–81; cf. S. Davis, The Cult of Saint Thecla: A Tradition of Women’s Piety in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2001), 201–9; Blumell, Lettered Christians, 270–71. The present reference to Thecla is the first documented occurrence of the name in a text from Oxyrhynchus. In the ed. pr. of P.Oxy. XII 1464.10 (=Sel. Pap. II 318) [107], a libellus from the Decian Persecution, it was thought that the name occurred: Θ̣ έκ̣ λ̣ᾳ θυγατρί. Upon further investigation the reading of the name was determined to be incorrect: see Davis, “Namesakes of Saint Thecla,” 74; Davis, Cult of Saint Thecla, 202; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 163 n. 31. Other occurrences of the name Thecla appear in the following papyri from Oxyrhynchus: P.Wash.Univ. II 95.11 (V/VI); P.Köln II 102.1 (April 9, 418); P.Oxy. L 3599.7, 23 (December 9, 460); PSI I 60.11 (October 8, 595); SB VI 8987.2, 7, 25 (644/645). Though Thoonius addresses Thecla as “wife and sister” it is unlikely that it was a consanguineous marriage (i.e., brother-sister marriage), even though such sibling marriages are attested in Egypt. See K. Hopkins, “Brother-Sister Marriage in Roman Egypt,” CSSH 22 (1980): 303–54. There is evidence that familial language like ἀδελφή or ἀδελφός could be used for spouses metaphorically, just as these terms were used metaphorically for friends and associates. E. Dickey (“Literal and Extended Use of Kinship Terms in Documentary Papyri,” Mnemosyne 57 [2004]: 158) notes: “. . ., it is distinctly possible—and now tacitly assumed by many editors—that the majority of spouses for whom ἀδελφός or ἀδελφή is used are not siblings;” cf. H. Zilliacus, “Zur Sprache griechischer Familienbriefe des III. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. (P. Michigan 214–221),” Societas Scientiarum Fennica: Commentationes Humanarum Litterarum 13 (1943): 31. Θώνιος. On the name Thoonius (Θώνιος), see 138 n. 1–2. ἐν κυρίῳ θεῷ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23. πλεῖστα χαίρειν. On this phrase, see 136 n. 2.

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προηγουμένως εὔχομαι. On this phrase, see 143 n. 4. θείᾳ προνοίᾳ. On the meaning of this phrase, see 134 n. 8. Παπνουθίου. Papnouthius (Παπνούθιος) is a male Egyptian name derived from the abstract noun for “God” (Pa-pȝ-ntr; Coptic: ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ) and carries the meaning: “he who belongs to God.” See R. S. Bagnall, “Religious Conversion and Onomastic Change in Early Byzantine Egypt,” BASP 19 (1982): 110. The name Papnouthius (and all its derivations) is hardly attested at Oxyrhynchus before the fourth century but then sees a dramatic increase in usage that can almost certainly be attributed to the growth and spread of Christianity where names employing the abstract noun for god (θεός) become more popular. 9 ταλάντων. On the meaning of “talent,” see 112 n. 10–11. 11–12 Παπνου[θίῳ]. See n. 8. 12 [τὸ]ν υἱὸν Κοπρῆς. The grammar is confused here as the case ending seemingly does not work. To agree with the accusative τὸν υἱόν the name should be rendered Κοπρῆν. On the other hand, since the writer appears to correct υἱόν to the genitive υἱοῦ, although the article is τόν as the ν is clearly visible, perhaps υἱοῦ Κοπρῆτος was intended. On the name Copres (Κοπρῆς), see 139 n. 1. 17 Θέκλᾳ{ς} ἀπ(οδὸς) ἐ̣ν οἰκίᾳ Λαλλάχ̣[ου]. This reading is not entirely secure. See Gonis, “Some More Elaborate Epistolary Addresses,” 117 n. 3. To the left of the name Thecla there are traces of ink. Additionally, although there are a few exceptions (e.g., P.Oxy. IV 744.16 [ June 17, 1 BCE]; SB XVI 12620.12–13 [IV]), it is most common in epistolary address to have the name in the dative follow (and not precede) the verb ἀποδός. In the ed. pr. the name of the owner of the house is rendered Λαλλόχ[ου], which is otherwise an unattested name. The name Λάλαχος, on the other hand, is attested on two other occasions: PSI XIII 1332.29 (II/III); SB XXII 15768.4 (364).

4 5 8

Date: IV

155 SB XII 10800 Besarion to Dionysius 26.7 × 10.5 cm TM no. 32552

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. A. Kraft and A. Tripolitis, “Some Uncatalogued Papyri of Theological and Other Interest in the John Rylands Library,” BJRL 51 (1968): 154–58; H.-A. Rupprecht (ed.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten XII (=SB XII; Wiesbaden, 1976–77), 21 (no. 10800); G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 1 (1981): 130–31 (no. 83). Related Literature: I. F. Fikhman, “Les ‘patrocinia’ dans les papyrus d’Oxyrhynchus,” PapCongr. XV (1978): 189; J. R. Rea (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri (London, 1988), 72 n. 12; P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Short Remarks on Some Papyri IV,” Aeg 68 (1988): 80 n. 28. Introduction This letter is written along the fibers of a well-preserved papyrus in a single hand. The text is written in a semicursive upright script that may be noted for

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its thick strokes and many ligatures. The orthography is fairly standard, but the writer does at times interchange a few vowels (ω→ο, υ→ε, ε→α). At the ends of ll. 6, 23, and 25, the writer uses a supralinear stroke to indicate the suspension of a letter; and in ll. 16, 19, and possibly 22, the writer employs the supralinear apostrophe; in l. 14 a deletion of text is signaled by the use of supralinear dots. The numerical amounts given in ll. 15–17 are not certain. In the ed. pr., the letter was dated on paleographic grounds to either the late third century or the early fourth century. More recently, however, it has been suggested based primarily on onomastic considerations, specifically the attestation of the name Simeon in ll. 13–14, that the letter is likely to be dated to the latter half of the fourth century since this was apparently a Christian name.108 On its own, this onomastic argument is rather tenuous. All the same, a fourth-century date for the letter is probably to be preferred to a late third-century dating. There is no writing on the back of the letter. The sender of the letter is a man named Besarion. He writes to his “lord patron” (l.  1, κυρίῳ μου πάτρωνι), a certain Dionysius who apparently had extensive landholdings, to give an account of the property under his care. Besarion begins by informing Dionysius about some property near the village of Plelo and then proceeds to detail how he has sent some money via an individual named Simeon. The letter concludes with Besarion asking Dionysius to send a man to inspect some flax and closes by relating the progress two builders have made on an irrigation machine. The lone Christian marker in the letter is contained in the opening address where Besarion greets Dionysius using the phrase “in God” (l. 3).

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κυρίῳ μου πάτρωνι Διονυσίῳ Βησαρί ω ̣ ν π[ολ]λ ὰ̣ ̣ ἐν θεῷ χαίρειν. ἔγρα ̣ψ̣ά σοι διὰ Διδύμου τὴν διάθεσιν τῶν γηδίων ὧνπερ ἔγραψάς μοι τῶν ἀποτά(κ)των̣ τῆς Πλελὼ καὶ οὐκ ἔγραψάς μοι περὶ αὐτῶν. εἴ τί σοι δοκ⟨ε⟩ῖ ἀντίγραψό̣ν μοι περὶ αὐτῶν. καὶ δι’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐσχόλασα ἀναβῆναι πρός ̣ σο̣υ.̣ ἀγοράζον σπέρμα̣ τα ̣ ̣· ἔπε[μ]ψα διὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μου Συμεώνος 〚καὶ ἐπαγάθου .〛, ἀργυρίου P.Oxy. LV p. 72 n. 12.

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(τάλαντα) τ̣λα τοῦτων φόρου προβά[τω]ν τ̣ῆς Λιλῆ (τάλαντα) ξ ̣η, καὶ ὑ(πὲρ) ἀργυρ̣ε κ̣ οῦ φόρου τὰ λοιπὰ (τάλαντα) σξγ. καὶ πέμψον μοι τὸν μέλλοντα δοκιμάζ⟨ε⟩ιν τὰ σίππια· ἑτοίμασαν γὰρ αὐτά. ἔπεμψα δὲ διὰ τοῦ αὐτοῦ φο̣ινίκ ι̣ α̣ πεταλίδια τέ σ̣ σ̣ ε̣ ρ̣ α . οἱ δὲ τά -̣ κτονας εἰ μὴ μί̣ α ̣ν κυκλάδα(ν) οὐκ ἐποίησαν. Πανηφ ̣ σ̣ ̣η ̣ καὶ Πασοῆρις μόν̣οι̣ ̣ ἐποίησαν τὴν α(ὐτήν). ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι πο̣ λ̣ λο̣ῖς χ̣ρ̣ό̣ν̣οις. __________ 6. pap. αποτα. 11. l.  σε. 11–12. l.  ἀγοράζων. 15. pap. 𐅺. 16. pap. 𐅺; pap. υ⸍. 16–17. l. ἀργυρικοῦ. 17. pap. 𐅺. 19. pap. σιπ’πια. 22–23. l. τέκτονες. 23. pap. κυκλαδα. 25. pap. α.

Translation To my lord patron Dionysius, Besarion (sends) many greetings in God. I wrote to you through Didymus (l. 5) about the disposal of the pieces of land concerning whose fixed rents at Plelo you wrote to me, but you did not write to me concerning them. If it seems good to you, write back to me concerning them. (l. 10) For this very reason I did not have the leisure to come up to you since I am buying seed. I have sent through my brother Simeon, also an honest man, (l.  15) 331 talents of silver; of this, for rent of sheep at Lile, 68 talents, and the remaining 263 talents for rent in cash. Send to me the one intending to approve the tow, (l. 20) for they are ready. Through the same man I sent four small dishes made of palm-wood. The builders did not make anything except a part of the irrigation machine: Paneph. .se(?) and (l. 25) Pasoeris alone made it. Farewell, I pray for you often. 1–2

κυρίῳ μου πάτρωνι Διονυσίῳ. For the use of the term κύριος in epistolary address, see 129 n. 1. The term πάτρων (Lat. patronus) usually indicated that the person so addressed was a superior and in epistolary address is usually accompanied by κύριος, as is the case in the present letter, or δεσπότης: P.Abinn. 25.1 (ca. 346); P.Abinn. 29.1 (ca. 346); P.Abinn. 31.1 (ca. 346); P.Abinn. 34.1–2 (ca. 346); P.Abinn. 35.33 (ca. 346); P.Abinn. 36.24 (ca. 346); P.Abinn. 37.1 (ca. 346); P.Oxy. LI 3645.1 (III/IV); P.Oxy. XLVIII 3420.1 (IV); P.Ross.Georg. III 8.1, 24 (IV); PSI IX 1081.1, 35 (late IV); SB XXIV 16282.1 (late IV). Διονύσιος. The name Dionysius (Διονύσιος) is a Greek theonymic name that is one of the most popular names in the papyri with well over 3,000 attestations. Βησαρί̣ων. The name Besarion (Βησαρίων) is a Greek derivation of the name of the Egyptian god Bes. As a name it is not that common in the extant papyri with less than 200 attestations; at Oxyrhynchus it is attested about 25 times and mostly in papyri dated to the third century.

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Διονυσίῳ Βησαρί̣ων. In the ed. pr. the interpunction for this line is Διονυσίῳ · Βησαρί̣ων but this needs to be dropped; the address is completed after the greeting in l.  3 and requires no interpunction before this point. 3 π[ολ]λ̣ ὰ̣ ἐν θεῷ χαίρειν. On the phrase ἐν θεῷ, see 129 n. 23. On the meaning of the phrase πολλὰ χαίρειν, see 136 n. 2. Given the uncertainty of the reading π[ολ]λ̣ ὰ̣, it could also be π[λεῖσ]τ̣α̣, although the lacuna is a little small for four letters. 4 Διδύμου. The name Didymus (Δίδυμος) is Greek and has the meaning “twin.” It is a very well attested name in the papyri with over 2,000 attestations. On the female Didyme (Διδύμη), see 112 n. 2. 6–7 τῶν ἀποτά(κ)των̣. This transcription could also be ἀποτά(κτων) τῶν. The word ἀπότακτος is best rendered here as “fixed rent” or “prescribed sum” instead of “set apart.” On the related term ἀποτακτικός, see 120 n. 5. 7 τῆς Πλελὼ. Though the exact location of the toponym of Plelo is unknown, since it was known to have been located in the Middle Toparchy (and later sixth pagus) of the Oxyrhynchite it was probably not more than 20 or 25 km north of Oxyrhynchus. See Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 287–88. In the papyri this toponym is attested both as an ἐποίκιον (“hamlet” or “settled estate”) and as a κώμη (“village”). Given the use of the feminine article in the present letter it should be supposed that κώμη is being implied. 13–14 διὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μου Συμεώνος. The name Simeon (Συμεών), a variant of the name Simon (Σίμων), is a Semitic Hebrew name (‫)ׁשמ ְעֹון‬ ִ that appears to have the meaning of “heard” (BDB 8095; cf. NB Dem. 524 and 927). Its Greek form is attested widely in the LXX and on seven occasions in the NT: Luke 2:25, 34; 3:30; Acts 13:1; 15:14; 2 Pet 1:1; Rev 7:7. The present spelling of the name is only attested in two other papyri: P.Herm. 40.1 (500–525; Hermopolis); O.Bodl. II 2135.4 (619–629; Hermonthis). At Oxyrhynchus the name Σίμων is only attested in BGU VI 1228.14 (October 27–November 25, 256 BCE). While the sender identifies Simeon as a “brother,” it is difficult to determine whether this familial term was being used literally or metaphorically. See 129 n. 1. 14–15 ἀργυρίου (τάλαντα). pap. 𐅺. On the meaning of “talent,” see 112 n. 10–11. 16 τ̣ῆς Λιλῆ. The toponym of Lile was located somewhere in the Eastern Toparchy (and later the fifth pagus) not more than 20 km east of Oxyrhynchus. Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 168–69. Given the use of the feminine article in the present letter it should be supposed that κώμη (“village”) is being implied. ὑ(πὲρ). In the introduction in the ed. pr. it is noted that a “supralinear apostrophe” is evident above the upsilon. This could be the case but it seems that it might just be an extended stroke signaling the abbreviation. 19 τὰ σίππια. Translated as “tow,” it refers to a coarse, broken fiber such as flax, hemp, or jute that was used for various purposes. See R. S. Bagnall, “Fourth-Century Prices: New Evidence and Further Thoughts,” ZPE 76 (1989): 75–76. 23 κυκλάδα(ν). For a discussion of this term of uncertain meaning, see J. P. Oleson, Greek and Roman Mechanical Water-Lifting Devices: The History of a Technology (Dordrecht, 1984), 133–34, 152–53. 24 Πανηφ ̣ ̣σ̣η̣. There is no single name that readily lends itself to fill this lacuna. Possibilities could include Πανεφρέμις; Πανεφρύμις; Πανεφρῦς; Πανῆφις; Πανιφνοῦς. Since the final two letters of this name cannot be read with certainty it greatly complicates the reconstruction. 25 Πασοῆρις. Pasoeris (Πασοῆρις) is a rare Egyptian name that is only attested at present in one other papyrus: P.Oxy. XXXIV 2724.5, 20 (469). 26–27 ἐρρῶσθαί σε εὔχομαι π̣ ολλ ̣ ο̣ῖς χ̣ρ̣ό̣ν̣οις. On this valediction, see 129 n. 23–24. 2

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—Dossier of Theon—

Date: Late IV/Early V

156 P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 Theon to Pascentius 26.5 × 9.4 cm TM no. 35623

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. Lobel, C. H. Roberts, and E. P. Wegener (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVIII (London, 1941), 153–54 (no. 2193); R. Cavenaile (ed.), Corpus Papyrorum Latinarum (=C.Pap.Lat.; Wiesbaden, 1958), 376 (no. 270); J. O’Callaghan, Cartas Cristianas Griegas del Siglo V (Barcelona, 1963), 179–82 (no. 53); P. Cugusi (ed.), Corpus Epistolarum Latinarum, papyris tabulis ostracis servatarum I (=C.Epist.Lat. I; Florence, 1992), 260 (no. 243); A. Bruckner and R. Marichal (eds.), Chartae Latinae Antiquiores XLVII (=Ch.L.A. XLVII; Olten, 1997), 22–23 (no. 1410). Related or Similar Papyri: P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 [157]; P.Köln IV 200 [158]. Related Literature: C. Spicq (ed.), Lexique théologique du Nouveau Testament (Fribourg, 1978), 1579; P. van Minnen, “Notes on Texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt,” ZPE 96 (1993): 120; P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Apphus and Pascentius: Servi dei tempore,” APF 40 (1994): 69–70; J. O’Callaghan, “Nota sobre ‘Servus Dei’ en los papiros,” ZPE 106 (1995): 201–2; L. H. Blumell, “Reconsidering the Dates of Three Christian Letters: P.Oxy. XVIII 2193, 2194, P.Köln IV 200 and a Reference in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto,” APF 54 (2008): 219–22; C. Kim, “Grüße in Gott, dem Herrn! Studien zum Stil und zur Struktur der griechischen christlichen Privatbriefe aus Ägypten” (Ph.D. diss., Trier, 2011), 23, 57, 104, 130, 144; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 212–13; L. H. Blumell, “A Potential Source for the Latin Preface in P.Oxy. XVIII 2194,” ZPE 182 (2012): 72–74. Introduction This letter is written with a dark-brown ink along the fibers of a papyrus that is broken into two pieces with a complete tear running horizontally between ll. 8 and 9; on the back along the fibers, the sender has written the address. This letter along with P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 [157] and P.Köln IV 200 [158] comprise a small dossier of letters sent by an individual named Theon who may probably be identified with an individual bearing this name and mentioned in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto (see. n. 6). These letters are also noteworthy because they are bilingual and are written in Greek and Latin. In the case of the present letter, while the body of the letter is written in Greek (ll. 4–24),

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both the preface (ll. 1–3) and the address (l. 25) are written in Latin. As noted in the ed. pr., the formation of the Latin script has influenced the character of the Greek script as the Greek letters have a distinct Latinate form, and it is notable that the δ and η are written with the Latin d and h and that the ω is written with u. In the ed. pr., the hand of the letter was dated to the fifth century or even the early sixth century, but more recently it has been shown that the hand is more characteristic of the late fourth or early fifth century.109 In the Latin preface (ll. 1–3), it is evident that the author is starting the letter with a quote or saying of some kind, but the putative source of the preface is difficult to determine. In the ed. pr., it was suggested that the author was prefacing the letter with a loose quotation of Wisdom of Solomon 2:23-24,110 but this suggestion is certainly incorrect, and another source should be sought (see [157], n. 1–5). It seems that the sender is not quoting a scriptural source but rather a more general aphorism about mortality. The letter effectively begins in l. 4 where the sender, Theon, addresses an individual named Pascentius. In the letter, Theon entreats Pascentius, who was clearly a person having some influence or authority, to lend aid to an elderly woman who was claiming that she and her son were being unjustly treated. The request is buttressed by an appeal to LXX Job 36:19, although it is quoted slightly different in the letter from how it appears in the LXX, and is adeptly woven into the letter to readily fit the context of the petition. After reiterating the request, the letter abruptly breaks off. The unusual Latin address on the back is attested only in the letters of Theon.

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una mortis condidit deus lues autem com m[o]rtis fieri. χαῖρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ σωτῆρι μω φιλάγαθε Πασκέντιε διὰ Θέωνος. ἔφθασεν ἐπὶ σὲ ὁ θειότατος καὶ παρακλητικὸς λόγος τὸ μ ̣ή σε ἐκκλ{ε}ινέτω ἑκὼν ὁ νοῦς μηδὲ πα ρ̣ {ε}ίδῃς δέησιν πενήτω(ν) τῶν ἐν ἀνάγκῃ ὄντων· διὸ ἐλBlumell, “Reconsidering the Dates of Three Christian Letters,” 219–22. P.Oxy. XVIII p. 154, n. 1–3.

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θοῦσα ἡ γραῦς ᾐτήσατο γράμματα πρὸς τὴν σὴν ἔνθεον γνώμην ἐκδιηγησαμένη ὅτι ἀδικοῦμαι καὶ τὸν υἱό(ν) μου ἀδικοῦσιν· γνῶθι οὖν ἀσφαλῶς

Written upward along the left margin: εἰ ἔχει τινὰ δικαιολογίαν καὶ σύνελθε ὁσίως. Verso 25

redde Pascentio ṣẹṛbo dei tempore. __________ 1. l. unius mortis. 2–3. l. cum morte. 4. pap. κ ω θ ω. 5. l. μου. 13. pap. πενητω. 21. pap. ϋιο. 25. l. servo.

Translation “God ordained one death, in the moment of death they dissolve.” Greetings in the Lord God (l. 5) my savior, beneficent Pascentius, from Theon. The most divine and spiritual word has come to you, (l. 10) “Let not your mind of its own free will turn aside neither neglect the supplication of the poor, of them that are in distress” (Job 36:19). (l. 15) Wherefore, the old woman came and asked for letters for your inspired opinion: (l. 20) she recounted, “I am being wronged and they are wronging my son.” And so assuredly know that if there is any justice in her, please devoutly assist her. (verso; l. 25) Deliver in good time to Pascentius, servant of God. 1–3

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una mortis condidit deus lues autem com m[o]rtis fieri. On this Latin preface, see 157 n. 1–5. The use of Latin in the preface (ll. 1–3), as well as in the address on the back (l. 25), is somewhat unusual as bilingual letters (Greek/Latin) are rather uncommon and are typically official and not personal in nature. At present there are ten other Greek/Latin letters from Oxyrhynchus besides the three written by Theon: P.Oxy. XLIV 3208 (=Ch.L.A. XLVII 1420; C.Epist.Lat. I 10; late I BCE/early I); P.Ryl. IV 608 (=Ch.L.A. IV 245; C.Epist.Lat. I 81; C.Pap.Lat. 248; I–II); P.Oxy. VII 1022 (=Ch.L.A. III 215; C.Epist.Lat. I 140; C.Pap.Lat. III; RMR 87; February 24, 103); P.Oxy. I 32 (=Ch.L.A. IV 267; C.Epist.Lat. 169; C.Pap. Lat. 249; II); P.Oxy. XLIII 3129 (=Ch.L.A. XLVII 1419; C.Epist.Lat. 224bis1; 335); P.Oxy. LV 3793 (=Ch.L.A. XLVII 1426; C.Epist.Lat. I 225bis; 340); P.Oxy. LV 3794 (=Ch.L.A. XLVII 1427; C.Epist.Lat. I 225ter; 340); P.Oxy. L 3579 (=Ch.L.A. XLVII 1422; C.Epist. Lat. 225quinquies; 341–343); P.Oxy. L 3577 (=Ch.L.A. XLVII 1421; C.Epist.Lat. 225quater; 342); P.Oxy. LXIII 4369 (=Ch.L.A. IV 255; C.Pap.Lat. Ann. 9; 345); P.Oxy. VIII 1106 (Ch.L.A. IV 237; VI); Ch.L.A. V 291 (=SB XVI 12990; VI). lues autem comm[o]rtis fieri. The syntax of this phrase is unusual and its meaning is not certain; commortis is an unattested Latin adjective. In the ed. pr. the editor took commortis

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Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus as commort⟨al⟩es but was still unable to make much sense of the phrase. One possibility is to take autem as an extension of the previous sentence and lues, whose primary meaning is “disease” or “plague,” to mean that God appointed all people one indiscriminate death (van Minnen, “Notes on Texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt,” 120). For the present translation of the phrase, see Blumell, “A Potential Source for the Latin Preface in P.Oxy. XVIII 2194,” 73 n. 13. χαῖρε ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ. This form of epistolary address is not very usual as χαίρω is typically rendered by the infinitive χαίρειν and not the imperative χαῖρε as it is done here. On the use of χαῖρε instead of χαίρειν in epistolary address, see 129 n. 3. It may be noted that Theon drops χαίρω altogether from the opening address in P.Oxy. 2194.5 [157]. σωτῆρι μω. In the ed. pr. the reading is σωτηρίμῳ. For the present reading, see BL 3.142. On the use of the epithet σωτήρ for people, see TDNT 7:1006–12. φιλάγαθε. Τhe adjective φιλάγαθος, -ον only occurs on one other occasion as a title of address in papyri in Theon’s other letter to Pascentius: P.Oxy. XVIII 2194.5 [157]. Used as a non-title of address it occurs once in P.Cair.Masp. I 67002.7 (May–July 567). It is used once in the LXX in Wis. 7:22 as an attribute of wisdom and once in the NT in Tit 1:8 as an ideal attribute of a bishop: ἀλλὰ φιλόξενον φιλάγαθον σώφρονα δίκαιον ὅσιον ἐγκρατῆ (“but he must be hospitable, a lover of goodness, prudent, upright, devout, and self-controlled”). Though the term is used in patristic texts it does not appear as a title of address. The only other time this adjective appears as a tittle of address is in certain inscriptions where it occurs as an honorary epithet: IG V,2 266.1 (46–43 BCE); IG II2 1326.9 (ca. 176/175). Πασκέντιε. The name Pascentius (Πασκεντίος) is Latin and is otherwise only attested in the papyri in P.Oxy. XVIII 2194.5, 13 [157]. As an aside, the only other known Pascentius at the time was the comes domus regiae in Africa who, as an Arian, had used his position to harass catholic bishops (PLRE 2.834–35; cf. Augustine, Ep. 238–239, 241; Possidius, Vit. Aug. 17). Given the nature of the request in the present letter, as well as in P.Oxy. XVIII 2194, it seems that Pascentius was a person who wielded some administrative authority. διὰ Θέωνος. This is an unusual way for the author of the letter to identify himself in the opening address. Typically the sender’s name is in the nominative, as is the case in P.Oxy. XVIII 2194.5 [157], or if it appears in the genitive, the preposition παρά is employed instead of διά. In letters διά + name in the genitive is most often used for the person who actually bears the letter. See 148 n. 11–12. On the name Theon (Θέων), see 113 n. i.11. Given Theon’s broad knowledge of various Christian texts combined with his rather adept skill of competently weaving them into the fabric of his letters it may be wondered whether he was a member of the clergy or was a monk. Similarly, his use of Latin at both the beginning and end of the letter is noteworthy since bilingual letters are on the whole rather uncommon (see n. 1–3). It is worth pointing out that in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto [166] it mentions a well-known “holy man” (ἀνὴρ ἅγιος) by the name of Theon who knew Greek as well as Latin and who lived just outside of Oxyrhynchus at the end of the fourth/beginning of the fifth century: εἴδομεν δὲ καὶ ἄλλον οὐ μακρὰν τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τὴν ἔρημον, Θέωνα ὀνόματι, ἄνδρα ἅγιον ἐν οἰκίσκῳ καταμόνας ἐγκεκλεισμένον ἐπὶ τριακονταέτη χρόνον σιωπὴν ἀσκήσαντα· . . . πεπαίδευτο δὲ ὁ ἀνὴρ τριπλῇ τῶν διαλέξεων χάριτι ἔν τε Ἑλληνικοῖς καὶ Ῥωμαϊκοῖς καὶ Αἰγυπτιακοῖς ἀναγνώσμασιν, . . .111

111 Hist. mon. 6.1, 4. Greek text taken from A.-J. Festugière (ed. and trans.), Historia monachorum in Aegypto: Édition critique du texte grec et traduction annotée par André-Jean Festugière (Brussels, 1971), 43–44.

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“We saw also another [father] in the desert not far from the city [Oxyrhynchus], named Theon, a holy man who had lived as an anchorite in a small cell . . . By grace the man [Theon] had been educated in three languages, being able to read Greek, Latin and Coptic, . . .” Given the overlaps it may be wondered if the Theon who authored this letter, as well as P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 [157] and P.Köln IV 200 [158], is the Theon who is mentioned in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto. On this potential identification, see L. H. Blumell, “Reconsidering the Dates of Three Christian Letters,” 219–22. 7–9 ὁ θειότατος καὶ παρακλητικὸς λόγος. This refers to the scriptures and is Theon’s way of introducing the scriptural quotation that shortly follows. The phrase παρακλητικὸς λόγος occurs on one other occasion in papyri in P.Oxy. LXXIII 4965.10 (IV) where it is taken in a Manichaean context. The phrase occurs once in Zech 1:13 where it refers to “comforting words.” 10–15 τὸ μ̣ ή σε ἐκκλ{ε}ινέτω ἑκὼν ὁ νοῦς μηδὲ πα̣ ρ{ε}ίδῃς δέησιν πενήτω(ν) τῶν ἐν ἀνάγκῃ ὄντων. Here Theon employs LXX Job 36:19a, which in the LXX version reads: μή σε ἐκκλινάτω ἑκὼν ὁ νοῦς δεήσεως ἐν ἀνάγκῃ ὄντων ἀδυνάτων (“let not your mind of its own free will turn aside from the supplication of the powerless, of them that are in distress”). Theon’s rendering of the verse differs only slightly as he inserts an additional command παροράω (“to look at , take notice”), which is not found in the LXX, to reinforce the fact that one should not neglect certain petitions, and substitutes the LXX’s “powerless” (ἀδύνατος) with “poor” (πένης). Both variants are otherwise unattested in the ms evidence. These differences need not necessarily suggest that Theon was relying on some ms that contained these variants as he may have simply crafted the verse to more aptly suit his purposes in the letter or inadvertently altered the passage. Given that Theon inserted the word “poor,” perhaps the petition of the woman on whose behalf he was writing the letter was not wealthy and was in financial distress. In some mss of Ps 9:13, most notably Vaticanus, a subtle parallel can be found: Οὐκ ἐπελάθετο τῆς δεήσεως τῶν πενήτων (“he did not forget the supplication of the poor”). The majority reading for this passage is: οὐκ ἐπελάθετο τῆς κραυγῆς τῶν πενήτων (“he did not forget the cry of the poor”). 25 redde Pascentio ṣẹṛvo dei tempore. Outside of the present letter, P.Oxy. XVI 2194.13 [157] and P.Köln IV 200.11 [158], this Latin address is unattested. While it has traditionally been interpreted as “deliver to N.N. the servant of God in good time,” more recently P. J. Sijpesteijn has argued that tempore should not be separated from servus dei so that the meaning should be “deliver to N.N. being a servant of God at the present time/in this life.” See Sijpesteijn, “Apphus and Pascentius,” 69–70. In the ed. pr. it is noted (P.Oxy. XVIII p. 153): “that the recipient Pascentius is addressed as servus dei need mean no more than that he was a pious layman.” The theme of divine slavery appears in Pauline language: Vg. Rom 6:22: servi autem facti Deo (“but became servants to God”); Vg. Eph 6:6: ut servi Christi (“but as servants to Christ”).

Date: Late IV/Early V

157 P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 Theon to Pascentius 9.5 × 25.0 cm TM no. 35624

Material: Papyrus

Published: E. Lobel, C. H. Roberts, and E. P. Wegener (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVIII (London, 1941), 154–55 (no. 2194); R. Cavenaile

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(ed.), Corpus Papyrorum Latinarum (=C.Pap.Lat.; Wiesbaden, 1958), 376 (no. 271); J. O’Callaghan, Cartas Cristianas Griegas del Siglo V (Barcelona, 1963), 179–82 (no. 54); P. Cugusi (ed.), Corpus Epistolarum Latinarum, papyris tabulis ostracis servatarum I (=C.Epist.Lat. I; Florence, 1992), 261 (no. 244); A. Bruckner and R. Marichal (eds.), Chartae Latinae Antiquiores XLVII (=Ch.L.A. XLVII; Olten, 1997), 24–25 (no. 1411). Related or Similar Papyri: P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 [156]; P.Köln IV 200 [158]. Related Literature: R. E. Gaebel, “The Greek Word-Lists to Vergil and Cicero,” BJRL 52 (1969/70): 312; R. Seider, Paläographie der lateinischen Papyri II (Stuttgart, 1972), no. 59; P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Apphus and Pascentius: Servi dei tempore,” APF 40 (1994): 69–70; P. van Minnen, “Notes on Texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt,” ZPE 96 (1993): 120; J. O’Callaghan, “Nota sobre ‘Servus Dei’ en los papiros,” ZPE 106 (1995): 201–2; L. H. Blumell, “Reconsidering the Dates of Three Christian Letters: P.Oxy. XVIII 2193, 2194, P.Köln IV 200 and a Reference in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto,” APF 54 (2008): 219–22; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 213–14; L. H. Blumell, “A Potential Source for the Latin Preface in P.Oxy. XVIII 2194,” ZPE 182 (2012): 72–74. Introduction This letter is written with a dark-brown ink across the fibers of a fragmentary papyrus. The upper left corner of the papyrus has been broken off and lost, resulting in the loss of the first half of the first line of extant text. Two thirds of the way along the top of the papyrus, above the first line of text, there is a downward stroke that might suggest there was a previous line of text. The first few lines of the letter are written in a large script with generous spacing, but, as the writer begins to run out of space as he approaches the bottom of the papyrus, each successive line gets smaller and more cramped. Downward in the left margin, the letter is continued with at least two lines of text, but only a small portion is extant owing to breakage of the left margin of the papyrus. In l. 5 the writer marks the text with two horizontal strokes () to signal where the Latin preface ends and the Greek text begins and in l. 7 leaves a deliberate gap to signal the end of a quotation of Sirach 12:2. The hand of the text is the same as P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 [156]. While the Latin preface that occupies ll. 2–5 contains the same material that appears in the preface to P.Oxy. XVIII 2193.1–3 [156], in the present letter it is expanded to include additional material. As recently noted, the expanded Latin preface found in this letter shares a number of distinct features with a Greek passage found in the Acta Apollonii (The Acts of Apollonius), a purportedly late second-century Christian martyrdom, and suggests either some kind of direct reliance or reliance on a common source (see n. 2–5).

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Following the expanded preface, the letter proper begins in l.  5 where Theon addresses Pascentius, who was also the recipient of P.Oxy. XVIII 2193.5, 25 [156]. The overall theme of the letter is similar to P.Oxy. XVIII 2193, where Theon writes to Pascentius primarily to make a request. In the present letter, Theon entreats Pascentius and asks that he ensure that no one troubles a certain veteran by the name of Paul in regard to a matter having to do with a boat, at which point the letter breaks off. To buttress this request, Theon prefaces it by citing Sirach 12:2, which is competently woven into the fabric of the letter and is quoted with little variation from how it appears in the LXX witnesses. On the back of the papyrus, Theon includes an address in Latin written with a very large script. [

→ 5

10

ca. ?

].[

ca. ?

]

[ ca. 17 ]os et probatos et inperatoṛum eṭ ṣenatorum et maximo disserto et pauperos una mortis condidit deus lues autem com mortis fieri. φιλαγάθῳ Πασκεντίῳ Θέων. εὖ ποίησον φησὶν ἀνδρὶ καὶ ἕξεις τὰ ἀνταπόδομα ἐὰν δ[ὲ] μὴ παρ’ αὐτοῦ παρὰ δὲ τῷ ὑψίστῳ· διὸ Παῦλος ὁ οὐεδρανὸς σ̣ὺν πᾶσιν τοῖς ὁμονοοῦσιν αὐτῷ ὑπερευχαριστοῦσι τῷ θ(ε)ῷ ἐπὶ τῇ σ̣πουδῇ ὑμῶν τῇ βελτίστῃ καὶ πάλαι καὶ νῦν· προσθὲς δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς αὐτο[ῦ] [εὐ]ποιείαις πρὸς τὸ μηθέις τῶν ἐκτὸς ὀχλήσιεν αὐτῷ περὶ τοῦ πλοίου.

Upward along the left margin [ [

ca. 12 ].οχθεισω[ ca. ? ] ]σ̣[ ]. ρ̣ισηται α[ ca. ? ]

Verso serbo dei tempore Pascentio __________ 2. pap. inperatō. 2–3. l. imperatorum. 3. pap. maximō; l. maxime; pap. dissertō; l. dissertos. 3–4. l. pauperes. 4. l. unius mortis. 5. l. cum morte; pap. fieri . 7. l. οὐετρανὸς. 8. pap. θω. 9. pap. ϋμων. 10. l. εὐποιΐαις; l. μηδένα; l. ὀχλησειν. 13. l. servo.

Translation [“. . . for all men(?), good] and bad, emperors and senators, the mighty, the eloquent, the poor, God ordained one death, in the moment (l. 5) of death they dissolve.” Theon to the beneficent Pascentius. It says, “Do good to man and you will be repaid, if not by him, certainly by the Most High” (Sirach 12:2). Wherefore, Paul the veteran together with all that are of like mind to him give abundant thanks to God for your most excellent diligence. Do add to your

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(l. 10) benefits toward him and see that none of those outside trouble him in the matter of the boat. . . . (verso) (Deliver?) To the servant of God Pascentius in good time. 1

[ ca. ? ].[ ca. ? ]. While an entire line could be lost it seems that if such were the case the bottom portion of more than just one letter would be visible. As noted in the ed. pr. (P.Oxy. XVIII p. 155 n. 1): “The space between this line and 1. 2 is larger than usual; possibly the single letter of which a trace survives was π(αρά), which often appears at the head of Byzantine letters. Otherwise, more ought to be visible.” In both the present letter and in P.Oxy. XVIII 2193.1–3 [156] the specific intent and meaning of the Latin preface is somewhat enigmatic.

2–5

P.Oxy. XVIII 2193.1–3 una mortis condidit deus lues autem com 3 m[o]rtis fieri

P.Oxy. XVIII 2194.1–5 ].[ [ ca. 17 ]os et probatos et inperatοṛum et ̣ ṣenatorum et maximo disserto et pauperos una mortis condidit deus lues autem 5 commortis fieri.

In ll. 4–5 of the present letter and in ll. 1–3 of P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 [156] Theon employs the very same phrase: una mortis condidit deus lues autem commortis fieri. In the ed. pr. of these two papyri, as well as all subsequent editions, it was thought that unamortis ought instead to be read as immort⟨al⟩es so that a vague allusion could be found to Wis. 2:23–24. As a natural part of this change the editor was also compelled to change commortis to commort⟨al⟩es; however, as he noted, commortalis never occurs in the Vulgate (P.Oxy. XVIII p. 154 n. 1–3). More recently it has been argued that the reference to Wis. 2:23–24 is very tenuous and that instead of reading unamortis as immort⟨al⟩es it is much simpler to take it as the equivalent for unius mortis “one death.” See van Minnen, “Notes on Texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt,” 120. It therefore seems that Theon was trying to make the point that all persons were subject to one indiscriminate death. In this letter Theon has prefaced the shared Latin material with P.Oxy. XVIII 2193.1–3 with references to various officials and persons of differing social and economic classes. In the Acta Apollonii, a Christian martyr account that allegedly took place sometime ca. 183–185, but is only known through a much later recension of the treatise, a remarkable parallel exists. In the course of Apollonius’ hearing before the proconsul of Asia, Perennis, wherein Apollonius is repeatedly threatened to renounce his Christianity or forfeit his life, he makes the following retort: γινώσκειν δέ σε θέλω, Περέννιε, ὅτι καὶ ἐπὶ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἐπὶ συγκλητικοὺς καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔχοντας ἐξουσίαν πολλὴν καὶ ἐπὶ πλουσίους καὶ πτωχοὺς καὶ ἐλευθέρους καὶ δούλους καὶ μεγάλους καὶ μικροὺς καὶ σοφοὺς καὶ ἰδιώτας ἕνα θάνατον ὥρισεν ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ πάντων . . . I want you to know, Perennis, that for emperors and senators and those who wield much power, for rich and poor, for slave and free, for the great and the lowly, for the wise and the simple, God has decreed one death for all . . .112 The parallels between Apollonius’ statement and certain parts of the preface to P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 are so specific and numerous that they can hardly be considered mere Acta Apollonii 25. Translation adapted from H. Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford, 1972), 97. 112

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coincidence: imperatοrum et senatorum/ἐπὶ βασιλεῖς καὶ ἐπὶ συγκλητικούς; et maximo/καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἔχοντας ἐξουσίαν πολλήν; et pauperos/καὶ πτωχούς; unius mortis condidit deus/ἕνα θάνατον ὥρισεν ὁ θεός. Notwithstanding the parallels it is still difficult to ascertain for what exact purpose the author of P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 was employing this material. In the Acta Apollonii the passage is employed by Apollonius to assure his inquisitor that he is not frightened by the prospect of death, since everyone will surely die at some point, but that he rather fears the judgments of God that come after death. In P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 the passage has nothing explicitly to do with martyrdom and is seemingly detached from the immediate context of the letter that contains a straightforward request that the addressee lend aid to another individual. However, as the preface will be immediately followed by a citation of Sir 12:2 (ll. 6–7), which is used within the letter to lend authority to the request and remind the addressee that it is akin to a religious duty to help one in need, perhaps the preface is functioning in a similar fashion. That is, the sender may have inserted the preface to remind the addressee of his mortality as a way of compelling him to render prompt service while he still could. If such is the case, and this is only a hypothesis, then in a broad sense the phrase serves similar thematic objectives in both the Acta Apollonii and in P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 as it serves as a vivid reminder that all life is ephemeral and as such persons should conduct themselves with the hereafter in mind. 4–5 lues autem com mortis fieri. On this phrase, see 156 n. 2–3. 5 Πασκεντίῳ φιλαγάθῳ. See 156 n. 5. 6–7 εὖ ποίησον φησὶν ἀνδρὶ καὶ ἕξεις τὰ ἀνταπόδομα ἐὰν δ[ὲ] μὴ παρ’ αὐτοῦ παρὰ δὲ τῷ ὑψίστῳ. This citation is very close to Sir 12:2, which in the LXX reads: εὖ ποίησον εὐσεβεῖ καὶ εὑρήσεις ἀνταπόδομα καὶ εἰ μὴ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῦ ὑψίστου (“Do good to the devout and you will be repaid, if not by them, certainly by the Most High”). The main difference between the two is that in LXX Sir 12:2 the verse begins with εὖ ποίησον εὐσεβεῖ (“do good to the devout”) whereas here Theon has rendered it εὖ ποίησον ἀνδρί (“do good to man”). There is no ms evidence that supports this reading. The change can probably be explained by Theon’s attempt to make the verse readily fit the context of the situation and need not be regarded as a textual variant. A certain Paul needed some help and Theon simply altered the verse, deliberately or perhaps even unintentionally, so that it would readily fit the context of the situation so that the desired course of action would be clear to Pascentius. The other noteworthy difference is that the LXX employs εὑρήσεις (lit. “you shall find”) whereas Theon has ἕξεις (“you will have”), another change that is unattested. Finally, it may be wondered if Theon’s τῷ ὑψίστῳ is meant as τοῦ ὑψίστου since it is governed by παρά. As noted by Gignac (1.208–9), ου > ω interchange is common in the final position of words. 7 Παῦλος ὁ οὐεδρανὸς. On the name Paul, see 132 n. 2. 11–12 In the ed. pr. the lines are transcribed as follows: [. . . .]σ̣ [. . . . . . .]οχθεισω[ | [. . . . . . . . . . . .]ρισηται α[. In l. 11 the sigma with the underdot is a mistake as this should be in l. 12. It seems very likely that the word in l. 11 is some form of μοχθέω (“to be weary with toil, to be sore distressed”), perhaps the second person singular indicative μοχθεῖς. This reading deserves some merit since the traces of ink to the right of the lacuna and to the left of the omicron could very well be the tail of a mu. In l. 12 if the reading ρ̣ισηται is accurate then it is likely the termination of some subjunctive aorist middle third person singular verb: χαρίζομαι (?); ὁρίζω (?); πορίζω (?). 13 serbo dei tempore Pascentio. See 156 n. 25.

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Date: Late IV/Early V

158 P.Köln IV 200 Theon to Aphous 13.0 × 19.0 cm TM no. 34796

Material: Papyrus

Published: B. Kramer, C. Römer, and D. Hagedorn (eds.), Kölner Papyri IV (Opladen, 1982), 211–16 (no. 200); A. Bruckner and R. Marichal (eds.), Chartae Latinae Antiquiores XLVII (=Ch.L.A. XLVII; Olten, 1997), 111 (no. 1455); L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 214–16. Related Papyri: P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 [156]; P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 [157]. Related Literature: A. Bruckner and R. Marichal (eds.), Chartae Latinae Antiquiores XI (=Ch.L.A. XI; Olten, 1979), 62 (no. 517); P. Cugusi (ed.), Corpus Epistolarum Latinarum, papyris tabulis ostracis servatarum I (C.Epist.Lat. I; Florence, 1992), 286–87 (no. 244 bis); P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Apphus and Pascentius: Servi dei tempore,” APF 40 (1994): 69–70; J. O’Callaghan, “Nota sobre ‘Servus Dei’ en los papiros,” ZPE 106 (1995): 201–2; L. H. Blumell, “Reconsidering the Dates of Three Christian Letters: P.Oxy. XVIII 2193, 2194, P.Köln IV 200 and a Reference in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto,” APF 54 (2008): 219–22. Introduction This letter is written with a single hand in a dark-brown ink along the fibers of a papyrus that has five vertical folds. The top of the letter is broken off so that the extant text begins somewhere near the middle or latter part of the letter; the conclusion of the letter and valediction of the letter are preserved at the bottom of the papyrus, and the address is preserved on the back of the papyrus written along the fibers. The valediction (l.  10) is written in Latin as is the address on the back (l.  11). Since the address parallels the unusual Latin addresses contained in P.Oxy. XVIII 2193.25 [156] and P.Oxy. XVIII 2194.13 [157], it establishes that the author of the present letter is the same author as these two letters. Furthermore, upon closer examination the handwriting of the present letter matches the handwriting of both P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 and 2194. In ll. 3, 7, and 9, the writer employs nomina sacra for θ(εό)ς; and on l. 6 for κ(ύριο)ς and in l. 10, the writer suspends the Latin deus as de(um). Since the letter is only partially preserved, it is difficult to contextualize its contents. Nevertheless, from the extant portion it would appear that at least one of its purposes was to engender courage in the addressee, who appears to be a man by the name of Aphous, since the extant portion of the letter is directed to this individual. It is evident that Aphous was undergoing some

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hardship as Theon offers him words of encouragement and assures him that despite his present difficulties the “Lord God” would deliver him. As part of Theon’s counsel, he quotes Genesis 48:16a to reassure Aphous that just as an angel of God had delivered the patriarch Jacob from his hardships, so too he may expect divine aid. The letter closes with Theon reiterating that God will protect Aphous. –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

→ 5

10

α̣[. . . . . . . .]ατερα[. . . . . .] α[.]ω ̣ ταύ[τα]ις ταῖς φωναῖς ἐχρήσατο [ὁ] ἄγγελος τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ μο[υ] ὁ ῥυσάμεν[ός] με [ἐ]κ πάντων τῶν κακῶν μου. διό, γνήσιε τέκνον μου Ἀπφοῦς, θάρσ⟨ε⟩ι κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ τῷ ῥύσαντί σε τότε ἀπὸ βρέφους καὶ νῦν πάλιν. [ὁ] παντοδύναμος θ(εὸ)ς φυλάξα[ι σε.] vale apud de(um)

Verso [r]edde serbo dei te[mpore Apphuti] __________ 3. pap. θυ . 6. pap. κ ω. 7. pap. θ ω. 9. pap. θ ς. 10. pap. de . 11. l. servo.

Translation . . . by these utterances he [Jacob?] proclaimed, “The angel of my God who has delivered me from all (l. 5) my harm” (Gen 48:16a). Wherefore, my true child Aphous, take courage in the Lord God who formerly delivered you from the womb and again at the present time. May the all-powerful God protect you. (l. 10) Live well with God. (verso) Deliver in good time to Aphous, servant of God. 1

2–3 3–5

α̣ [. . . . . . . .]ατερα[. . . . . .]. While it is not the only option the letter combination naturally lends itself to πατέρα (“father”). If this is correct then it may be that the name Ἰακώβ (“Jacob”) is in the lacuna since he will be quoted in the following lines. Perhaps it read something like Ἰακὼβ τὸν πατέρα ἡμῶν (“our father Jacob”). ταύ[τα]ις ταῖς φωναῖς ἐχρήσατο. This exact phrase is attested in Ammonius, In Aristotelis categorias commentarius 25.13; cf. Gregory of Nyssa, Beat. 1–8 (PG 44.1209.24): ταύταις ταῖς φωναῖς κεχρημένος (“it has been declared by these utterances”). [ὁ] ἄγγελος τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ μο[υ] ὁ ῥυσάμεν[ός] με [ἐ]κ πάντων τῶν κακῶν μου. Here Theon is citing LXX Gen 48:16a, which reads: ὁ ἄγγελος ὁ ῥυόμενός με ἐκ πάντων τῶν κακῶν (“the angel who has delivered me from all harm”). The quotation differs in a couple of ways from how it is rendered in the LXX witnesses. Theon adds the phrase τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ μου, which is an otherwise unattested variant, and is probably best explained as an attempt by Theon to clarify that the angel was from God. In LXX Gen 48:16a it is

596

5–6

6 6–7

8–9

10

11

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus clear that the angel came from God since in the preceding verse, Gen 48:15, both the terms θεός and μου are employed and anticipate the reference to ἄγγελος in Gen 48:16. Additionally, Theon adds μου after τῶν κακῶν, which is another unattested variant. By citing this passage Theon reassures Aphous that just as an angel of God had protected the patriarch Jacob so too he may expect divine protection in his present difficulties. γνήσιε τέκνον. This phrase is paralleled in 1 Tim 1:2 (Τιμοθέῳ γνησίῳ τέκνῳ [“Timothy, my true child”]) and Tit 1:4 (Τίτῳ γνησίῳ τέκνῳ). The vocative construction with the accusative τέκνον is attested in 1 Tim 1:18 (τέκνον Τιμόθεε). While the adjective γνήσιος, -α, -ον (“true, legitimate, genuine”) could imply that Aphous was the biological child of Theon this seems unlikely and it is probably best to take the adjective metaphorically, as a term of endearment, to suggest that there was a close bond between Theon and Aphous, as is the case with its use in 1 Tim 1:2 and Tit 1:4. Cf. TDNT 1:727: “Timothy and Titus are genuine sons of Paul because they have a true faith.” Moulton and Milligan (MM, 129), point out that in Christian literature γνήσιος is most often used as “an epithet of affectionate appreciation”; cf. Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 93. The use of the noun τέκνον as an address is typically used by elders for younger persons or for disciples. As an epistolary title of address it is rare. In the papyri there are only a couple of examples where it is seemingly used for someone who is not a biological child: P.Oxy. XXXVIII 2860.1–2 (II): τῶι τιμιωτάτῳ τέκνῳ (“to my most honored child”); CPR XXX 22.3 (ca. 640–700): τέκνῳ κυρίῳ Φοιβάμμωνι διοικ(η)τ(ῇ) (“to my lord child Phoibammon, administrator”). See also Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 90–91. Cf. P.Oxy. LIX 3998.2 [153] where τέκνον is used for a child and a son-in-law. Ἀπφοῦς. On the name Aphous (Ἀπφοῦς), see 113 n. ii.11. θάρσ⟨ε⟩ι κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ. θαρσέω only appears a handful of times in the papyri and mostly occurs in texts of the fourth century and later: SB XIV 11646.9 (III/IV); P.Oxy. LV 3814.11 (III/IV); P.Lond. V 1836.15 (IV); SB XVI 12620.2 (IV); P.Abinn. 31.15 (346); P.Abinn. 50.18 (346); P.Oxy. LIX 4003.38 (V); SB V 7656.5, 6 (IV–VII). The closest literary parallel is θάρσει ἐν κυρίῳ and appears in Theodorus Studites, Ep. 66.35. [ὁ] παντοδύναμος θ(εὸ)ς φυλάξα[ι σε.]. On the phrase θεὸς φυλάξαι σε, see 144 n. 34–35; cf. P.Oxy. LVI 3858.25 [151]. The adjective παντοδύναμος, -ον appears in the LXX at Wis. 7:23, 11:17, 18:15. The phrase παντοδύναμος θεός appears in Ps.-Clem. Hom. 8.15.3; Clement of Alexandria, Ecl. 26.2; Eusebius, Vit. Const. 3.5.2. vale apud de(um). This phrase is unattested in Latin. The closest parallel we could find is vale in deo that appears once in Angela of Foligno, Instructiones 18, p. 584 l. 87 but it is very late (XIII). This phrase is roughly equivalent to the Greek ἔρρωσο ἐν θεῷ, which only appear once in Ps-Zonaras, Lexicon, p. 876 l. 8 (XIII). The phrase ἐρρῶσθαί ἐν θεῷ is unattested but close parallels appear in Ign. Pol. 8:3: ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς διὰ παντὸς ἐν θεῷ (“fare ye well continually in God”); PSI III 208.11–12 [131]: ἐρρῶσθαί σε ἐν θ(ε)ῷ εὔχομαι (“I pray that you fare well in God”). It is noted in the ed. pr. (P.Köln IV p. 215 n.  10) that in later Latin literature apud could be equivalent with the Greek σύν; the phrases ἔρρωσο σὺν θεῷ and ἐρρῶσθαί σὺν θεῷ are both unattested. [r]edde servo dei te[mpore Apphuti]. See 156 n. 25.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [159]

Date: Late IV/Early V

159 P.Laur. II 42 Letter about a Request for Help 25.1 × 17.7 cm TM no. 33500

597

Material: Papyrus

Published: R. Pintaudi (ed.), Dai Papiri della Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana II (Florence, 1977), 50–52 (no. 42); G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 196–97 (no. 34); G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 2 (1982): 172– 74 (no. 102); L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 40–41. Related Literature: J. Bingen, “Papyrus littéraires et Documents,” ChrEg 53 (1978): 179; H. Harrauer, “P.Laur. II 42: Textus prior ined.,” ZPE 67 (1987): 105–8; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 282 n. 126; S. Elm, Virgins of God: The Making of Asceticism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1994), 236 n. 27; M. Naldini, “Nuovi contributi nelle lettere cristiane su papiro dei primi quattro secoli,” PapCongr. XXII (2001): 1023; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 47–48, 170; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 39 n. 57; M. J. A. Martínez, Prosopographia Asceticarum Aegyptiarum (Madrid, 2010), 37. Introduction This fragmentary letter is written on the front and back of a reused papyrus that was deliberately effaced so that the present text could be written. The underlying text on the recto (=SB XVIII 14039), which was not published until after the overlying letter was published, contains a list of tax debts for a three-year period. The list mentions the tenth to twelfth indictions, and the date seems likely to correspond with 366/367–368/369,113 so that the year 368/369 represents a solid terminus post quem for the composition of the present letter. The hand on both sides of the papyrus is the same and paleographically is regular and elegant; the letters β, ε, κ, and υ in particular are written with a Byzantine style characteristic of the late fourth or fifth century. Aside from a few phonetic spellings, the orthography is fairly regular; and though there are a few mistaken noun cases used in ll. 5 and 7, the writer of the letter has corrected them interlineally. In ll. 8 and 9, and 14 and 15, there are deliberate paragraph breaks in the text. 113

Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 282 n. 126.

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Based on the content of the letter, it seems that the text on the verso precedes the text on the recto. The letter does not begin with an opening address but begins with the unidentified sender of the letter expressing concern about the behavior of a sailor who is described as a drunkard and requesting that the addressee apprehend him or enlist the help of others to do so. The papyrus then breaks off. On the back, the letter seemingly continues, but owing to the break in the letter it is not certain whether the same person is being addressed. Here the sender criticizes actions taken against a certain woman named Atheas who is described both as a “Christian” (l. 13) and as a “laywoman” (l. 14). Specifically, the sender has an issue since Atheas “has never been found (doing) worldly business,” and the sender rebukes the offending party for seemingly involving her in secular affairs(?). Though the writer uses the epithet “Christian” for someone else, and though this is the only distinctly Christian marker in the entire letter, it is evident from the context in which it is applied that the sender was also a Christian (see n. 13–14). The letter then concludes (or breaks off?) with the sender relaying some information about two individuals. There is no extant valediction or address on the papyrus.

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θαυμάζω πῶς ἀκούσας ὡς ὅτι Τλήτης ναύτης ἐν τοῖς μέρεσι ὑμῶν ἐστιν καὶ ἠμέλ{λ}ησας αὐτὸν συνλαβέσθαι 〚εστ̣αι〛· ὑποδεξάμενος γὰρ τὸν γόμων ἀπενεγκεῖν εἰς Βαβυλῶνα τὸ ἥμισυ σχεδὸν ἀνήλωσεν. βοήθησον οὖν εἴτε διὰ σοῦ εἴτε ἀξιώσει τοῖς διαφέρου{ν}σιν Μαξίμου ἢ Δόλιος αὐτὸν συνλαβέσθαι· διακιν⟨ε⟩ῖ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς μέρεσι ὑμῶν δύνα⟨ν⟩ται δ̣ὲ οἱ ἀπὸ Ταμμουρῶ ἄγροικοι Δόλιος αὐτὸν συνλαβέσθαι. μεθυσστοὶς γάρ ἐστιν καὶ κακῆς προαιρέσεως. vac. [ ca.? ].[. .] τὸν κακὸν ναύτην πάντα [ ca.? συνλ]α β ̣ έσθαι αὐτὸν ἑπτακόσια διπλᾶ [ ca.? ]. . εἰς Βαβυλῶνα{ν} καὶ τετρακόσια –– –– –– –– –– –– –– –– πάνυ ἐλυπήθην καὶ λοιπούμεθα πάνυ σφόδρα διότι 〚τὸ κακὸν〛 ἐτόλμησας ποιήσῃς πρᾶγμα τοιοῦτο Ἀθηᾶτι χρηστιανὴ οὖσα, διότι καὶ λαε [̣ ι]κὴ οὖσα καὶ μηδέποτε εὑρέθη ⟨ποιοῦσα⟩ πράγματα τοῦ κόσμου. vac. γνῶτι ὅτι σπεκουλάτωρα γέγονεν Θεόδωρος ὁ Τηείτης. ἦλθεν μετὰ Θέωνος τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μου. Traces

__________ 3. l. γόμον. 5. αξιωσει corr. ex αξιωσης; τοις corr. ex τους; διαφερουνσιν corr. ex διαφεροντας. 6. pap. ϋμων. 7. οι corr. ex τοις. 8. l. μεθυστὴς. 12. l. λυπούμεθα. 13. l. χριστιανὴ. 14. l. λαικὴ. 15. l. γνῶθι.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [159]

599

Translation Having heard that Tletes, the sailor, is in your region, I marvel how you also have neglected to apprehend him. Although he promised to deliver the shipment to Babylon, he consumed almost half of it. Either you help (l. 5) or allow the men of Maximus or Dolis to apprehend him; for he goes about in your region and the peasants of Dolis from Taamorou can apprehend him. For he is a drunkard and of a bad disposition . . . the wicked sailor . . . (l. 10) to apprehend him. 700 dipla . . . to Babylon and 400. . . (back) I was very annoyed and we are exceedingly grieved because you dared to do such a thing to Atheas, who is a Christian, since she is also a laywoman and she has never been found (taking part in) worldly affairs. (l. 15) Know that Theodorus from Teis has become a speculator. He came with my brother Theon. 1

2 3 5

7

10 13

Τλήτης ναύτης. This is the only attestation of the name Tletes (Τλήτης) in the papyri. In the ed. pr. (P.Laur. II p. 52 n. 1) it is suggested that this unique personal name is an ethnic name based on the village Τηλα, which is mentioned in P.Oxy. XVI 2000.3 (VI–VII) and possibly located in the Apionic prostasia of Hiereon. See Benaissa, Rural Settlements in the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 398. As such it was taken as an Egyptian name. It may be wondered, however, if the name could also be derived from another ethnic. Theopompus, Frag. 200 (FGH 2b, 115, F) recorded that an “Iberian race living around Tarshish” were called “Tletes”: Τλῆτες· ἔθνος Ἰβηρικὸν περιοικοῦν τοὺς Ταρτησσίους. An alternative reading for this part of the line could be: ὅτι. .τλητης. See J. Bingen, “Papyrus littéraires et Documents,” ChrEg 53 (1978): 179. συνλαβέσθαι. While the verb συλλαμβάνω has a wide variety of meanings that can range from “collect” or “gather” to “assist,” here the most likely meaning is “apprehend.” See LSJ s.v. εἰς Βαβυλῶνα. The “Babylon” referred to in this letter is the Roman fortress located on the eastern bank of the Nile near present-day Old Cairo. See H. Verreth, A Survey of Toponyms in Egypt in the Graeco-Roman Period (Köln/Leuven, 2008), 93. Μαξίμου. On the name Maximus (Μάξιμος), see 130 n. 3. Δόλιος. The name Dolis (Δόλις) is not attested in any other papyrus (see also l.  7). A potentially related name Doles (Δόλης) is attested twice in BGU XVI 2577.17.292 (30 BCE–14 CE). Though it is probably best to take Δόλιος as a name it is possible that it could instead be taken as δόλιος with the adverb δόλιως being implied: l. 5, “apprehend him craftily.” Ταμμουρῶ. In the ed. pr. it was rendered Ψαμμοῦρβ. For the present reading, see BL 8.164. The village of Taamorou is located in the Koites Toparchy of the Herakleopolite Nome some 25 km north and east of Oxyrhynchus. See M. R. Falivene, The Herakleopolite Nome: A Catalogue of Toponyms with Introduction and Commentary (Atlanta, 1998), 201–2. Due to periodic shifts in nome boundaries between the Herakleopolite and Oxyrhynchite it may have also been a part of the Lower Toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite at times. See Verreth, A Survey of Toponyms in Egypt in the Graeco-Roman Period, 541–42; Benaissa, Rural Settlements in the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 493–94. [συνλ]α̣ βέσθαι. In the ed. pr. it reads [λ]α̣ βέσθαι, but [συνλ]αβέσθαι seems most likely given the repeated uses of this verb earlier in ll. 2, 6, 7. Ἀθηᾶτι. There are two possibilities for the rendering of this name. One possibility, employed in the translation above, is Atheas (Ἀθηᾶς). See P.Laur. II p. 52 n. 2. The other possibility is Atheatis (Ἀθηᾶτις). On the latter reading, see BL 7.76.

600

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

13–14 ἐτόλμησας ποιήσῃς πρᾶγμα τοιοῦτο Ἀθηᾶτι χρηστιανὴ οὖσα, διότι καὶ λαε̣[ι]κὴ οὖσα. The syntax is a little confusing: does χρηστιανὴ οὖσα refer to the addressee or to Atheas? NewDocs 2 (1982): 173 takes it to refer to the addressee: “. . ., since you are a Christian, because she also is a laywoman. .  .  .” But it seems more likely that the participle οὖσα should be taken to refer to Atheas. Furthermore, διότι καὶ λαε̣[ι]κὴ οὖσα qualifies what comes before and should describe the same person. Therefore, the better translation is, “. . . who (i.e., Atheas) is a Christian, since she is also a laywoman. . . .” See Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci, 197; Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity, 282 n. 126; Elm, Virgins of God, 236 n. 27; Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri, 47–48, 170; Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 39 n. 57; Martínez, Prosopographia Asceticarum Aegyptiarum, 37. Luijendijk points out: “The message is clear: the reference to Atheas being a Christian has to do with behavior; Christians are supposed to treat each other differently. The way a Christian should be treated is a matter that is understood, although perhaps the emphasis here is on how a Christian woman should be treated. Again, the writer does not identify her or himself as Christian, but places this epithet upon someone else. However, from the context it is clear that this letter was written by a Christian” (Greetings in the Lord, 39 n. 57). On the use of the term “Christian,” see 110 n. 4–5. 14 λαε̣[ι]κὴ. The correct spelling is λαικὴ and the adjective λαϊκός, -ή, -όν is being used as a substantive: “laywoman.” The only other time this adjective appears in a Christian context in the papyri is in CPR V 11.14 (early IV). μηδέποτε εὑρέθη ⟨ποιοῦσα⟩ πράγματα τοῦ κόσμου. On the addition of ⟨ποιοῦσα⟩, see P.Laur. II p. 52 n. 3. The phrase πράγματα τοῦ κόσμου is widely attested in Christian literature. 15 γνῶτι. In the ed. pr. it is rendered γνῶστι. For the present transcription, see BL 8.164. σπεκουλάτωρα γέγονεν Θεόδωρος ὁ Τηείτης. σπεκουλάτωρ is from the Lat. speculator and may have the meaning of “scout” in the Roman army (s.v. LSJ). In a roughly contemporaneous letter P.Oxy. LIX 4002.6 (IV/V) the term may be used to refer to a member of one of the provincial officia, a member of the militia officialis rather than a proper soldier. But this is only an inference. See P.Oxy. LIX p. 164 n. 5–6. For a list of references in the papyri to the speculator, see P.Neph. pp. 96–99. On the name Theodorus (Θεόδωρος), see 106 n. 3–5. A “Theodorus the speculator” is not attested in any other papyrus. ὁ Τηείτης. This is a seemingly ethnic name based on the village of Teis (Τῆις). This village was located somewhere in the Thmoisepho Toparchy/eighth pagus of the Oxyrhynchite nome. See Benaissa, Rural Settlements in the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 394–96. 16 Θέωνος τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μου. On the name Theon (Θέων), see 113 n. i.11. On the use of ἀδελφός, see 129 n. 1.

Date: Late IV/Early V

160 P.Oxy. XVII 2156 Amyntas to Seras 16.5 × 12.5 cm TM no. 32837

Material: Papyrus

Published: A. S. Hunt (ed.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XVII (London, 1927), 275–76 (no. 2156); J. O’Callaghan, Cartas Cristianas Griegas del Siglo V (Barcelona, 1963), 60–63 (no. 8); M. Naldini, Il Cristianesimo in Egitto: Lettere private nei papiri dei secoli II–IV (Florence, 1968), 345–47 (no. 89).

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Related Literature: J. G. Winter, Life and Letters in the Papyri (Ann Arbor, 1933), 170; M. T. Cavassini, “Lettere cristiane nei papiri greci d’Egitto,” Aeg 34 (1954): 269, 276; E. Wipszycka, “Remarques sur les lettres privées des IIe– IVe siècles (A propos d’un livre de M. Naldini),” JJP 18 (1974): 219–20; G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 21, 64, 72; M. Naldini, “In margine alle ‘lettere cristiane’ nei papiri,” CClCr 2 (1981): 175; G. H. R. Horsley (ed.), NewDocs 3 (1983): 143; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 44 n. 218; T. M. Teeter, “Letters of Recommendation or Letters of Peace,” PapCongr. XXI (1997): 957 n. 15; E. J. Epp, “The Oxyrhynchus New Testament Papyri: ‘Not without Honor except in Their Hometown,’ ” JBL 123 (2004): 24 n. 61; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 170; C. Kotsifou, “Books and Book Production in the Monastic Communities of Byzantine Egypt,” in The Early Christian Book, ed. W. E. Klingshirm and L. Safran (Washington, D.C., 2007), 61–62; F. Mitthof (ed.), Griechische Papyrusurkunden kleineren Formats, Neuedition: SPP III.2 119–238; Schuldscheine und Quittungen (Vienna, 2007), 40–41; A. M. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord: Early Christians and the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (Cambridge, Mass., 2008), 67 n. 33; A. Maravela-Solbakk, “Monastic Book Production in Christian Egypt,” in Spätantike Bibliotheken: Leben und Lesen in den frühen Klöstern Ägyptens, ed. H. Froschauer and C. Römer (Vienna, 2008), 27; R. S. Bagnall, Early Christian Books in Egypt (Princeton, 2009), 53–54; J. Kramer, Von der Papyrologie zur Romanistik (Berlin, 2011), 89–90; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 179–80. Introduction Since there is no digital image of this text available, and since the piece is currently lost,114 at present one can only rely on the description of the text given in the ed. pr., which tersely remarks: “A letter written by a Christian announcing the dispatch of parchment quaternions and other articles.”115 While the date rendered in the ed. pr. is “late fourth or fifth century,” R. S. Bagnall has raised the possibility, based on the monetary amounts mentioned in the letter at ll. 11 and 14, whether the letter was not written sometime earlier in the fourth century ca. 325–330.116 The letter is well written and is sent by a man named Amyntas to a “brother” named Seras (ll. 1–2). After relating to the addressee that he is writing because he has found a “favorable opportunity” through an individual who is going to Coles, Location-List of the Oxyrhynchus Papyri, 40. P.Oxy. XVII p. 275. 116 Bagnall, Early Christian Books in Egypt, 53. 114 115

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convey the correspondence, Amyntas proceeds to inform Seras about some items that are being sent. Of particular interest in the letter is the reference to 25 tetradia of parchments of unspecified dimensions for fourteen talents (ll. 9–11). The letter closes with Amyntas sending greetings to various individuals and breaks off near the end of the valediction; the address is on the back. The lone Christian marker in this letter is the use of the nomen sacrum for θ(εό)ς in the concluding address (l. 25).

→ 5

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τῷ ποθεινοτ[άτῳ] μου ἀδελφῷ Σερᾷ Ἀμύντας χαίρειν. εὔκαιρον καὶ νῦν δεξάμενος ἀφορμὴν τοῦ γ{ε}ινομένου πρὸς σὲ ἀναγκαῖον ἐνόμισα προσειπεῖν σε, ὁμοῦ τῇ θείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προνοίᾳ εὐχόμενος ἀεὶ διαφυλάξαι σε ἡμῖν. κόμισαι διὰ τοῦ ἀναδιδοῦντός σοι ταῦτά μου τὰ γράμματα τὴν διφθέραν [τ]ῶν μεμβρανῶν ἐν τετραδίοις εἰκ[οσ]ιπέντε τιμῆς ἀργυρίου (ταλάντων) ιδ [. . .], καὶ εἰ χρεία ἐστὶν ἐκτὸς τούτων ἀπ ̣’ [ἐκ(?)]ε ί̣ ̣νων λαβεῖν με, ἀντίγραψον κ[αὶ λα]μβάνω. ἴσθι δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν, εἰ βούλει, τὴν τιμὴν (τάλαντα) ϛ εἶναι, ἐ γ̣ [̣ ὼ] δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ δικαστηρίου ηὐ̣θύ̣ μ ̣ ̣ησα ἵνα ἐκεῖνα τὰ ὀλίγα ἐπιταγίδια ἀποστείλω. κόμισαι διὰ Ἀπῖ τὸ στιχάρι⟨ο⟩ν καὶ τὸ μαφόρτι⟨ο⟩ν καὶ εὐθέως κναφήτω, ἔχει δὲ καὶ Ἀφύγγ̣ιος ὁ κναφεὺς τὸ ἄλλο μαφόρτι⟨ο⟩ν. προσαγόρευε Ἀμμώνιον καὶ τὰς ἀδελφάς. πολλά σε ἀσπάζεται Αὐρήλιος καὶ τὸν κύριόν μου ἀδελφὸν Ἑρμεῖνον καὶ Λέοντα καὶ τοὺς ἡμῶν πάντας ἐν εἰρήνῃ. [ἐρρ]ω μ ̣ ένῳ σοι καὶ εὐθυ[μοῦντ]ι̣ ἐν κυρί[ῳ] θ̣(ε)ῷ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ ̣ [̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ]̣ α̣[ ̣ ]̣ –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

Verso δὸς τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου Σερᾷ π(αρὰ) Ἀμύντα. __________ 18. l. κναφέτω. 25. pap. θ ω.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [160]

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Translation To my most longed-for brother Seras, Amyntas (sends) greetings. Having now been afforded a favorable opportunity by a man who is going to you, (l. 5) I thought it necessary to greet you, praying at the same time to the divine providence of God that it may always protect you for us. Receive through the one delivering my letter the skin of parchments in (l. 10) 25 tetradia to the value of 14 . . . (?) talents of silver. And if there is any need for me besides these to take from the others(?), write and I take them. You need to know, if you want, that the value of them is 6 talents. (l. 15) And I myself also, since the (affair at) court (is finished), took courage to send those few little commissions. Receive through Apis the tunic and the cloak and let them be cleaned immediately; and Aphyngius, the fuller, has the other cloak. (l. 20) Salute Ammonius and his sisters. Aurelius sends many greetings to you and to my lord brother Herminus and to Leon and to all our relatives in peace. [I pray . . .] that you are in health and happiness (l. 25) in the Lord God. (verso) Give to my brother Seras from Amyntas. 1

2

3–4

τῷ ποθεινοτ[άτῳ] μου ἀδελφῷ. The adjective ποθεινός, -ή, -όν, from the verb ποθέω meaning “to long for,” or “to desire,” is a fairly uncommon title of address in the papyri before the fifth century: P.Kellis I 71.2 (mid-IV); P.Lond. VI 1925.1 (mid-IV); P.Ross. Georg. V 6.1 (IV); SB V 8003.1 (IV). In the papyri it becomes more common in the fifth and sixth centuries. In patristic literature it does not appear as an epithet before the fourth century and is then used by a number of different authors: Athanasius, Basil, Gregory of Nyssa, Cyril of Alexandria, and John Chrysostom. For usage in patristic literature, see Dineen, Titles of Address in Christian Greek Epistolography, 68–70. The epithet is even employed in certain non-Christian letters as Julian employs the address and it is also attested in at least one Manichean letter: P.Kellis I 63.1 (first half IV). Within Christian circles the title occurs in a number of different contexts as it was used to address bishops, lower clergy, laity, as well as churches and congregations. Σερᾷ. The name Seras (Σερᾶς) appears in two other texts from Oxyrhynchus: SB XX 14409.8.13 (ca. 106?); P.Oxy. III 520.11 ( June 25–July 24, 143). The name is Greek and is likely derived from the name Sarapis sp. Serapis (Σέραπις), although it is also possible that it could be a hypocoristic of the Latin Serenus. See W. Clarysse and M. C. D. Paganini, “Theophoric Personal Names in Graeco-Roman Egypt: The Case of Sarapis,” APF 55 (2009): 89. Ἀμύντας. The Greek name Amyntas (Ἀμύντας), derived from the Greek ἀμύντης (“defender”), is a somewhat common name at Oxyrhynchus between the second and third centuries and is attested in about 20 texts. δεξάμενος ἀφορμὴν. It is common in letters for the recipient to give the “occasion” (ἀφορμή) for writing as the opportunity provided by a letter carrier. Since happenstance letter carriers seem to be the general norm, news that an associate was traveling to a particular location often prompted a letter to be written. These letters begin with what might be termed an ἀφορμή-formula where the letter begins with the sender explaining to the addressee that they thought to send a letter since there was a ready letter carrier. On the use of this formula, see Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C., 80–82. In Ps.-Libanius’ ἐπιστολιμαῖοι χαρακτῆρες (Epistolary Styles), 58, he states that

604

6 6–7 9–11

11 12 14

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus the “friendly letter” (φιλική) may begin by stating that one has many “sterling letter carriers available” (εὐπορήσας γραμματηφόρων) and so use the availability of letter carriers as the pretext for writing. Cf. P.Oxy. XXXIV 2731.1–5 [161]. θείᾳ τοῦ θεοῦ προνοίᾳ. On this phrase, see 134 n. 8. ἀεὶ διαφυλάξαι σε ἡμῖν. On the comparable phrase θεὸς φυλάξαι σε, see 144 n. 34–35. τὴν διφθέραν [τ]ῶν μεμβρανῶν ἐν τετραδίοις εἰκ[οσ]ιπέντε τιμῆς ἀργυρίου (ταλάντων) ιδ. Tetradia (τετράδια) is the Greek term for the Latin quaterniones (sg. quaternio)—“set of four” from which the English word “quire” is derived. A quire consisted of 4 sheets = 8 leaves = 16 pages. Ancient codices were typically composed of a series of quires that were labeled before the whole codex was bound together. Therefore, the reference to “25 tetradia” would equal 100 sheets and provide 400 pages for writing. On quires and ancient book making, see E. G. Turner, The Typology of the Early Codex (Philadelphia, 1977), 55–63. Bagnall (Early Christian Books in Egypt, 53) lucidly describes the apparent price of 14 talents listed for the 25 tetradia of parchments: “If that number is taken at face value as the price per quaternio, we could proceed to calculate that the solidus must be valued at 66⅔ quaterniones per solidus times 14 talents per quaternio, yielding a result of 933⅓ talents per solidus and thus the pound of gold at 67,203 talents (933⅓ × 72). That is an impossible figure for any time after 351 and not easy to locate in the monetary history of the period before 351 . . . In the period to which the papyrus is assigned, in fact, the price of gold in talents was more than ten times this amount. It is true that there is a possible twoletter lacuna in the text after the numeral 14, but that would at best be the place for a fraction and thus of no material help to us. (The editor remarks that in fact nothing may have been written there.) Unfortunately, the papyrus is lost, and no photograph is available. It is thus impossible to verify either the assigned date or the readings. It would, perhaps, be possible to argue that the price given is not per tetradion but for the entire 25 of them making up the diphthera; the wording is not entirely clear. . . . In that case, 14 talents should equal the fraction of a solidus that these quaterniones were worth, or three-eighths on the assumption that a solidus bought 66⅔. That would put the solidus at 37⅓ talents, or the pound of gold at 2,688 talents. That price level would belong to the period 325–330. That would be quite a bit earlier than the ‘late fourth or fifth century’ date assigned by the editor, but I do not think we can dismiss the possibility out of hand.” τὴν διφθέραν [τ]ῶν μεμβρανῶν. This phrase “skins of parchment” is not attested elsewhere in the papyri. The term μεμβράνα only appears in one other papyrus: P.Petaus 30.3–5 (II): Δεῖος γενόμενος παρ’ ἡμ{ε}[ῖ]ν ἐπέδειξεν μὲν ἡμ{ε}ῖν τὰς μεμβράνας ἕ̣ξ ̣ (“Deius came to us and showed us the six parchments”); cf. 2 Tim 4:13: τὸν φαιλόνην ὃν ἀπέλιπον ἐν Τρῳάδι παρὰ Κάρπῳ ἐρχόμενος φέρε, καὶ τὰ βιβλία μάλιστα τὰς μεμβράνας (“When you come, bring the cloak that I left with Carpus at Troas, also the books, and above all the parchments” [NRSV]). (ταλάντων). On the meaning of “talent,” see 112 n. 10–11. ἀπ̣ ’ [ἐκ(?)]ε̣ί̣νων. Naldini (Il Cristianesimo in Egitto, 346–47) reads instead: ἄλ[λων] τ̣ιν̣ ῶν. In n. 12, Naldini states, “legge ed integra Hunt; ma, a parte l’incertezza delle tracce, il senso che ne ricaveremmo non risulta soddisfacente.” ἐ̣γ̣[ὼ]. In the ed. pr. the reading is ὅ̣τ̣[ι] but as Hunt pointed out (P.Oxy. XVII p. 276 n. 14) the reading “is very doubtful.” Following the suggestion of Winter (Life and Letters, 170 n. 2), ἐγώ is to be preferred since we are likely beginning a new sentence and the δὲ καὶ αὐτός that immediately follows makes more sense with this reading.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [161]

605

Ἀπῖ. This is a dative form of the Egyptian name Apis (Ἆπις). The name is attested in thirteen other texts from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. XII 1479.4 (late I BCE); P.Oxy. LV 3810.5 (II/III); P.Oxy. IV 732.3 ( January 22, 150); P.Oxy. III 476.13 (ca. 159–161); P.Hamb. IV 245.2 ( January 8, 165 or 166); P.Oxy. XLIV 3168.3.45 (April 155 or April 178); PSI XIV 1409.10 (196–197); P.Oxy. XLIII 3102.14 (ca. 225–226); P.Oxy. VII 1044.1.7 (ca. 234–235); P.Oxy. XXII 2338.8 (after or about 289); P.Oxy. LV 3802.6 (Ocober 31, 296); P.Oxy. LXVI 4528.9 (May 6, 336); P.Oxy. LXVIII 4697.6 (December 27–30, 489). 19 Ἀφύγγ̣ ιος ὁ κναφεὺς. The name Aphyngius (Ἀφύγγιος) is Egyptian and is a variant of the name Ephonychos (Ἐφωνυχος). See NB Dem. p. 60. Variants of the name were quite popular and appear frequently in the papyri. Here the Aphyngius is distinguished by his occupation as “fuller” κναφεύς. Cf. Mark 9:3 γναφεύς. 20 Ἀμμώνιον. On the name Ammonius (Ἀμμώνιος), see 107 n. 3–4. 21 Αὐρήλιος. The name Aurelius (Αὐρήλιος) is Latin and after Caracalla’s constitutio antoniniana of 212 becomes a ubiquitous gentilicium in the papyri. See also 106 n. 3–5. 21–22 τὸν κύριόν μου ἀδελφὸν Ἑρμεῖνον. On the use of κύριον ἀδελφὸν as a title of address, see 129 n. 1. The name Herminus (Ἑρμῖνος) is Greek and is a variant of the name Herminos (Ἑρμῖνος). See BL 12.243. It is a fairly common name at Oxyrhynchus with a couple of dozen attestations. Λέοντα. On the name Leon (Λέων), see 132 n. 10–11. 23 ἐν εἰρήνῃ. On this phrase, see 130 n. 8. 24–26 [ἐρρ]ω̣ μένῳ σοι καὶ εὐθυ[μοῦντ]ι̣ ἐν κυρί[ῳ] θ̣(ε)ῷ [ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣] ̣ ̣[ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣ ̣]α̣ [ ̣ ̣]. There can be little doubt that in the lacunae of l. 26 (and l. 27?) the verb εὔχομαι is used. One possibility for what follows in could be something like διὰ παντὸς ὁλοκληρίαν εὔχομαι. Cf. J. O’Callaghan, Cartas Cristianas Griegas del Siglo V, 63 n. 26–27; see Koskenniemi, Studien zur Idee und Phraseologie, 152. 25 ἐν κυρί[ῳ] θ̣(ε)ῷ. On this phrase, see 129 n. 23. It is worth noting that κύριος is seemingly spelled in full while θεός is contracted: cf. P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729.3 [146]: τῷ δεσπότῃ θ(ε)ῷ; PSI VIII 972 (=SB XII 10841): τῷ κυ(ρίῳ) θ(ε)ῷ. 17

161 P.Oxy XXXIV 2731 Maximus to His Mother Zenobia 26.9 × 18.8 cm TM no. 32646 Date: Late IV/Early V

Material: Papyrus

Published: L. Ingrams, P. Kingston, P. J. Parsons, and J. R. Rea (eds.), The Oxyrhynchus Papyri XXXIV (London, 1968), 141–42 (no. 2731). Related Literature: G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C.: Tra paganesimo e cristianesimo (Milan, 1979), 21, 41; M. Naldini, “In margine alle ‘lettere cristiane’ nei papiri,” CClCr 2 (1981): 176; R. S. Bagnall, Egypt in Late Antiquity (Princeton, 1993), 191 n. 62; M. Choat, Belief and Cult in Fourth-Century Papyri (Turnhout, 2006), 170; A. Papathomas, “Notizen zu griechischen Briefen auf Papyri und Ostraka,” ZPE 172 (2010): 208; S. Huebner, The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict (Cambridge, 2013), 148.

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

606

Introduction This letter is written along the fibers of a light-colored papyrus in a single hand with a dark-brown ink. The letter is mostly intact aside from the right margin that is frayed in places, resulting in the loss of a few letters at the end of some lines. In the ed. pr., the terse description of the papyrus runs as follows: “A letter of remonstrance, written on thick and coarse papyrus in an elongated, slapdash cursive.”117 Aside from the apparently “slap-dash” paleographic features of the text, the ed. pr. provides no justification for the “fourth/fifth century” date assigned to the letter. The text may be described as a hasty yet deliberate cursive script, written with thin strokes, that contains numerous ligatures; notable letter forms include a three-stroke epsilon, an elongated beta that has the appearance of two circles connected by a vertical line, and a delta that is unusually circular and closely resembles an omicron. Though the hand is difficult to place, a date falling somewhere in the fourth or fifth century seems likely. The sender of the letter is a certain Maximus, who was likely a soldier and who writes to a woman identified as his “lady mother Zenobia” to send greetings to various individuals and relay some instructions. After expressing relief that he has finally found someone to convey the letter, he gently chides Zenobia for not sending any letter and reminds her that he has requested that she send his wife since he will not be returning anytime soon since “the praepositus is not releasing anyone” (ll. 16–17). Though he addresses Zenobia as his “mother,” in the body of the letter he requests that she pass along greeting to a woman named Rufina who is also identified as his “mother” (ll. 7–8). Aside from the use of nomina sacra in the opening address, there are no other distinctly Christian elements in the papyrus. The back of the papyrus contains a fragmentary address written along the fibers.

→ 5

10

117

τῇ κυρίᾳ μου μητρὶ Ζηνοβίᾳ Μάξιμος ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ χαίρειν. καὶ νῦν κατ’ εὐχὴν συμβέβηκεν εὐπορε [̣ ῖν] τοῦ προσερχομένου καὶ τὴν σὴν ἀμίμητον διάθεσιν προσειπεῖν. πρόσειπε ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ τὴν σύμβιόν μου Σαλαμάει· ἀσπάζεται ὑμᾶς ἡ μήτηρ μ[ου] Ῥουφῖνα· πρόσειπε ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ τοὺς ἀδελφούς μου κατ’ ὄνομα· ἅπαξ καὶ δὶς καὶ τρὶς ἐδήλωσά σου τοῦ σε ἀποστεῖλ[αι] τὴν σύμβιόν μου καὶ οὐκ ἐβουλήθης· νῦ[ν δὲ] μὴ ἀμελήσῃς νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας τοῦ σε ἀποστεῖλαί με τὴν σύμβιόν μ [̣ ου] P.Oxy. ΧXXIV p. 141.

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [161]

15

20

607

κλέος γάρ {γαρ} μού ἐστιν καὶ εὐ̣ δ̣ οξί α̣ .̣ τοῦ με παρ{ε}ιέναι πρὸς ὑμᾶς πάλαι μ[ὲν] καὶ ὑμεῖς οὐκ ἀγνοεῖται ὅτι ὁ κύριός μο[υ] πραιπόσιτιος οὐκ ἀπολύει οὐδένα{ν}. π[αρα-] κα λ̣ ῶ δέ, ἀντιγράψατέ μοι ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμῶ[ν] ὑγιείας ἵνα ὑ̣πε̣ ρθέμεν̣ος εὐ̣ θυμήσω.̣ προσαγορεύω πάντας τοὺς ἡδέως ὑμᾶς ἔχοντας κατ’ ὄνομα. ἐρρῶσθαι ὑμᾶς εὔχομαι πολ[λοῖς] χρόνοις.

Verso 25

. . [ .] . [ .] Ζηνοβίᾳ παρὰ Μαξίμου [. . ]. . χαίρειν. __________ 2. pap. κ ω θ ω. 7. pap. ϋμας. 9. pap. κατ’. 10. σε corr. ex με. 15. pap. ϋμας. 16. pap. ϋμεις; l. ἀγνοεῖτε. 18. pap. ϋπερ; pap. ϋμω[ ]. 19. pap. ϊνα ϋπερθεμενος. 20. pap. ϋμας. 21. pap. κατ’. 25. The χ of χαίρειν is written over top of what appears to be a ϋϊ (υἱοῦ).

Translation To my lady mother Zenobia, Maximus (sends) greeting in the Lord God. Now at last I have the opportunity which I have prayed for of finding someone who is visiting you and of greeting your (l.  5) inimitable disposition. Greet my wife Salamai for me. My mother Rufina sends her best wishes to you. Greet my brothers for me, each by name. Once, twice, (l. 10) three times I have told you to send my wife and you have refused. Well now, exert yourself night and day to send my wife for she is my pride and joy! (l. 15) As for my visiting you (pl.), you (pl.) have known for a long time that my lord the praepositus is not releasing anyone. I implore you, write back to me about your health so that being unburdened I may be of good cheer. (l. 20) I greet all those who love you, each by name. Farewell, I pray for you (pl.) often. (verso) . . . to Zenobia from Maximus, greetings. 1

2

τῇ κυρίᾳ μου μητρὶ Ζηνοβίᾳ. The first two lines of the papyrus are written with deliberate spacing between certain words. On l. 1 there are deliberate spaces on either side of μητρί. Though it almost seems that the sender wrote τῇ κυρίᾳ μου and then skipped to Ζηνοβίᾳ leaving a large space that was later filled in with μητρί, similar spacing around titles or names is attested in other letters: P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785.7 [133]; P.Oxy. X 1300.1 (V). The name Zenobia (Ζηνοβία) is a Greek female name that has the meaning “Zeus living” and it is only attested in one other papyrus that is from the Fayum: SB XIV 12173.6, 18 (IV). Μάξιμος. On this name, see 130 n. 3. ἐν κ(υρί)ῳ θ(ε)ῷ χαίρειν. This phrase, unattested in any fourth-century letter from Oxyrhynchus, begins to appear in fifth-century letters from Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. X 1300.1; P.Oxy. LVI 3863.4; P.Oxy. LVI 3864.4. The deliberate word spacing of the phrase

608

4–5

5 7 8 9–10 14

17

19

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus is similar to the spacing found in P.Oxy. X 1300.1 (V). Of course, the phrase ἐν κυρίῳ or ἐν θεῷ is attested already in the third century. See 129 n. 23. τὴν σὴν ἀμίμητον διάθεσιν. This phrase is also attested in P.Neph. 13.4 (IV): τὴν ἀμίμητόν σ̣ [ου διάθεσιν] and P.Herm. 9.5–6 (IV): τὴν ἀ̣μίμη̣ τόν σου διάθεσιν. In both of these letters the phrase ἀμίμητος διάθεσις is used in a monastic context to address a superior whereas in the present letter no monastic context is readily apparent. However, as noted in the introduction, the sender identifies both the addressee as well as another woman mentioned in the letter (l. 7) as “mother.” Could it be possible then that when the sender refers to Zenobia as his “mother,” and then goes on to refer to her “inimitable disposition,” that the epithet “mother” was being used as a title of respect just as “Father” would be used in Christian contexts? Cf. 137 n. 3. While this is a possibility, it might also be that “mother[-in-law]” is simply being implied in one of the two references to “mother” (ll. 1, 7). The phrase ἀμίμητος δίαθεσις is not attested in any literary texts. See also G. Tibiletti, Le lettere private nei papiri greci del III e IV secolo d.C., 41–42. προσειπεῖν. The repeated use of προσλέγω (also ll. 6 and 8) for greeting is uncommon. Far more common in the papyri are προσαγορεύω (l. 20) and ἀσπάζομαι (l. 7). However, προσλέγω can have the meaning of “greeting.” See LSJ s.v. Σαλαμάει. The name Salamai (Σαλαμάει) is a Semitic name and seems to be some kind of female variant of Salmas (Σάλμας) that means “healthy” or “safe.” See NB Dem. p. 514. As this name is presently spelled it is the only attestation in the papyri. Ῥουφῖνα. The name Rufina (Ῥουφίνα) is a Latin name whose male equivalent is Rufinus. There are no other attestations of the name at Oxyrhynchus, although it is attested on seven other occasions in the papyri. ἅπαξ καὶ δὶς καὶ τρὶς. See C. Spicq, Lexique théologique du Nouveau Testament (Fribourg, 1978), 151 n. 2. This phrase is governed by the verb ἐδήλωσα. κλέος γάρ {γαρ} μού ἐστιν καὶ ε̣ὐδ̣ οξί̣α̣. The exact meaning of this line is not clear. It seems that this line extends the thought of the previous line where he emphatically entreats Zenobia to send him his wife. Cf. P.Oxy. XXIV 2407.53 (late III): τοῦτό μοι [ἔ]παινος καὶ κλέος ἐστ[ί]ν (“this is my credit and glory”). While the primay meaning of κλέος is “fame” or “glory” (LSJ s.v.) and εὐδοξία is “good repute” or “honor” (LSJ s.v.) the English colloquialism “pride and joy” probably best captures the essence of the Greek. In the ed. pr. the reading is ε̣.δ̣. ξι̣ ̣ .[. But in the notes it is pointed out that the reading εὐδοξία is probable. Due to the ambiguity of the sentence it was left untranslated in the ed. pr. It was pointed out, however, that it could be taken to refer to Maximus and not his wife. πραιπόσιτιος. From the Lat. praepositus. In the fourth century, toparchies—a geographic subdivision within a nome—were redivided and reconfigured into a number of pagi. These administrative units were governed by an official called a praepositus (usually styled praepositus pagi) who was a member of the curial class and who was responsible for overseeing tax collection and appointing village officials. See Lallemand, L’Administration, 97–98, 131–34. ἵνα ὑ̣π̣ερθέμεν̣ος ε̣ὐθυμήσω̣ . In the ed. pr. it reads ἵνα ὑ̣π̣ερθέμεν̣ος ε̣υθυμης ̣ ̣[. On the reading ε̣ὐθυμήσω,̣ see Papathomas, “Notizen zu griechischen Briefen auf Papyri und Ostraka,” 208. Whenever the verb ὑπερτίθημι appears in the papyri as a participle in the aorist middle nominative masculine form it is almost always accompanied by πάντα and has the meaning “postpone everything” and is typically followed by an immediate request: e.g., P.Oxy. LV 3817.15–16 (III/IV): πάντα οὖν ὑπερθέμενος ἀντίγραψόν μοι (“therefore put off everything and write me”). Since it is masculine it must refer to Maximus and not Zenobia and seems to imply that once he knows how she is doing he will be “unburdened” in some way. In the ed. pr. the translation is: “so that my heart may be lightened.”

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [162]

Date: IV/V

162 SB XVIII 13110 Letter concerning a Church 18.0 × 6.7 cm TM no. 32996

609

Material: Papyrus

Published: P. J. Sijpesteijn, “Fragments of Byzantine Texts from the Michigan Collection,” Aeg 66 (1986): 75–76 (no. 4); H.-A. Rupprecht and J. Hengstl (eds.), Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten XVIII (=SB XVIII; Wiesbaden, 1993), 15–16 (no. 13110). Related Literature: N. Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” ZPE 119 (1997): 145–46; L. H. Blumell, Lettered Christians: Christians, Letters, and Late Antique Oxyrhynchus (Leiden, 2012), 119. Introduction This fragmentary letter is written with a dark-brown ink on a light-brown papyrus that contains numerous tears and holes. The beginning and end of the letter are lost, but both the left and right margins are intact; there is no writing on the back. Three vertical folds can still be detected on the papyrus. The letter contains sixteen short lines of text that are comprised of anywhere from one to three words. The hand is rapid, and the text contains numerous ligatures. The writer abbreviates some words that end a line with an elongated horizontal stroke ascending from the final letter (ll. 13 and 15). In places the text is difficult to decipher owing to the fluidity of the hand and damage to the papyrus. Letter forms have a distinct Byzantine style and share features that are indicative of the later fourth or fifth century. Due to the fragmentary nature of the text, combined with uncertainties with the transcription, the contents of the letter are not entirely clear. The letter begins with a reference to the village of Petne, which is located in the Oxyrhynchite nome, and then proceeds to mention the “holy church of Phoibammon” (ll.  6–8). Instructions are then given to hand over to a certain individual named Phoibammon, who is identified as an assistant, one gold solidus. The letter concludes with a reference to a man named Theodorus before it breaks off. –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

→ 5

ὅπως νομ.[.]ο̣ . ἐν κώμῃ Πέτνη ἀγ̣α̣ γεῖν̣ . [τού]τ̣ου̣ ς̣ ̣ [εἰ]ς ̣ χρείαν

Documentary Papyri and Christianity at Oxyrhynchus

610

10

15

τῆς ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας Φοιβ[ά]μ μ ̣ ω ̣ ̣ν̣[ο]ς‧ θέλησον δὲ παρασχεῖν τὸν ἕνα χρυσίνον Φοιβάμμωνι τῷ συμμάχ(ῳ) [καὶ] ἔ ̣τι (?) φάσιν [πέμψα]ι ̣ Θεοδώρ(ῳ) [. . . . . .]. δέξαι –– –– –– –– –– –– –– ––

__________ 13. pap. συμμαχ. 15. pap. θεοδωρ.

Translation . . . so that . . . to bring them in the village of Petne (l. 5) for the use of the holy church of Phoibammon. Please (l. 10) present the one gold solidus to Phoibammon, the symmachos, and also (l. 15) send word to Theodorus . . . 1

2

3

ὅπως νομ.[.]ο̣.. In the transcription given in SB XVIII 13110 this line is transcribed as ὅπως νομ.[.]. while the ed. pr. has the same reading as the present transcription. There are distinct traces of what appears to be an omicron and even slight traces of one other letter at the end of the line. It seems probable that some form of the verb νομίζω (“to suppose, think”) is being used at the end of the line. ἐν κώμῃ Πέτνη. There were at least two villages called Petne in the Oxyrhynchite nome. One was located some 20 km NW of Oxyrhynchus in the Middle Toparchy and the other south of Oxyrhynchus somewhere in the Upper Toparchy. See Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome, 277–79. Based on the context it is not possible to determine which village of Petne is being referred to in the letter. ἀγ̣ αγεῖν̣ .. A digital image of this papyrus shows that to the right of the ν there are distinct traces of another letter that seem to resemble an omicron along with a descending horizontal stroke. Since these traces are so obvious it is surprising that no recognition is given to them in the transcription or in the notes in the ed. pr (see also n. 9). If the reading is αγαγεινο the problem that emerges is that there are no good parallels; the closest parallel that emerges is in P.Oxy. XIV 1642.4 (289) where in the notes it is pointed out that the name Ἀγαθείνου is corr. ex αγαγεινου. If the first γ, which is uncertain, is instead read as a ν, then the reading would be αναγεινο and would otherwise suggest that some form of the verb ἀναγινώσκω “to read” was being employed. Though the present spelling would then have both ι and ει and ο and ω interchanges these are both so well attested and common that they would not effect this emendation. See Gignac 1.189–91, 275–77. For ἀναγινώσκω spelled with an ο instead of an ω, see P.Oxy. XVI 1837.2 (early VI) and for ἀναγινώσκω spelled ἀναγεινώσκω there are numerous examples: P.Lond. VI 1912 (November 10, 41); P.Giss. I 85.14–15 (ca. 117); M.Chr. 372.6.10 (August 26, 142); P.Oxy. IV 724.10 (March 1, 155); SB VI 9016.11 (160); BGU I 15.1.14 ( July 26, 194); P.Mil.Vogl. IV 231.10 (II); P.Oxy. XLI 2988.9 (II); P.Wash.Univ. II 71.15 (II); SB XIV

Letters Written by Christians from the Third and Fourth Centuries [162]

6–8

9 11

12

13

14 15

611

12139.15–16 (II/III); P.Oxy. VI 899.27 (August 29, 200); SB V 7696.4.82–83 (August 28, 249); SB XVIII 13174.9, 18 (258); P.Oxy. XII 1415.13 (ca. 280–300); BGU III 925.1 (III); P.Oxy. VI 930.14–15 (II/III); P.Oxy LIV 3758.54 (ca. March 325). If the verb ἀναγινώσκω is indeed the correct reading and the seeming horizontal stroke on the last letter is an abbreviation, as is attested in ll. 13 and 15, then perhaps the reading is ἀναγεινό(σκειν). The translation could instead be: “read them in the village of Petne for the use of the holy church of Phoibammon.” τῆς ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας Φοιβ[ά]μ̣ μ̣ω̣ν̣[ο]ς. Τhis is the only reference to a “holy church of Phoibammon” in Petne; although, there are numerous references to both a “church of Phoibammon” and a “holy church of Phoibammon” at Oxyrhynchus: P.Oxy. LXVII 4620.5–6 (V/VI); P.Oxy. XI 1357.3, 6, 35–36, 43, 57, 66 (535–536); P.Oxy. LXVII 4618.7, 18, 20–22, 25 (VI); Stud.Pal. X 35.5 (VI–VII). In addition, there is also a reference to a Monastery of “St. Phoibammon” in the village of Thmoinakomis in the Eastern Toparchy in P.Oxy. LV 3805.5.67 (ca. 566). In Coptic hagiographical literature there was reportedly a famous Christian named Phoibammon who suffered martyrdom at the start of the fourth century. See A. Papaconstantinou, Le culte des saints en Égypte: Des byzantins aux Abbassides (Paris, 2001), 204–14; D. L. O’Leary, The Saints of Egypt (New York, 1937), 229–32. δὲ. This word was not transcribed in the ed. pr. although it is clearly present on the papyrus. ἕνα χρυσίνον. In the ed. pr. it is transcribed χρυσίον even though the first ν is clearly visible and the reading should be χρυσίνον; ἕνα χρυσίνον is well attested: P.Amh. II 152.6 (V); P.Oxy. LIX 4005.4 (VI); CPR X 23.3 (VI/VII); P.Pintaudi 57.4, 8 (VI/VII). The word χρύσινος is one of various terms (ὁλοκόττινος, νομισμάτιον, χρυσοῦν) that begins to be used in the fourth century and refers to the solidus or gold coin that was first issued by Diocletian. See Bagnall, “Practical Help,” 19; R. S. Bagnall, Currency and Inflation in Fourth Century Egypt (Chico, Calif., 1985), 16; cf. L. C. West and A. C. Johnson, Currency in Roman and Byzantine Egypt (Princeton, 1944), 137–39. Φοιβάμμωνι. The name Phoibammon (Φοιβάμμων) is an Egyptian compound theophoric name derived from Phoib and Ammon. On the popularity of this name at Oxyrhynchus, see Blumell, Lettered Christians, 255, 266. It is an especially popular name in late antique Egypt with well over 1,000 attestations in the papyri. τῷ συμμάχ(ῳ). In the ed. pr. it is rendered συμμάχῳ but the correct transcription should be συμμάχ(ῳ). A σύμμαχος could refer to an assistant of some sort or to an armed messenger. See A. Jördens, “Die ägyptischen Symmachoi,” ZPE 66 (1986): 105–18; see also A. Jördens, “Fünf neue Symmachos-Papyri,” ZPE 92 (1992): 230 where reference is made to this papyrus. A “Phoibammon the symmachos” is not attested in any other papyrus. [καὶ] ἔ̣τι (?) φάσιν. This reconstruction is based on Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” 146. In the ed. pr. it reads [. . . τ]ὴ̣ν φάσιν. [πέμψα]ι̣. This reconstruction is based on Gonis, “Remarks on Private Letters,” 146. In the ed. pr. it has [. . . . . .]. Θεοδώρ(ῳ). In the ed. pr. it reads Θεοδωρ( ). On the name Theodorus (Θεόδωρος), see 106 n. 3–5.

IV PATRISTIC, COPTIC, AND OTHER SOURCES ON CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY AT OXYRHYNCHUS

There are relatively few literary sources that refer to Oxyrhynchus and even fewer that directly relate to or illuminate in some meaningful way notable Christians in the city or the city’s Christian contingents. In Greek and Latin sources, the majority of references to Oxyrhynchus are passing—for example, Ammianus Marcellinus’ terse remark that it was merely one of the “great cities” of Egypt during his time.1 Of these passing references, the most noteworthy is certainly Plutarch’s somewhat humorous account of how the inhabitants of Oxyrhynchus and the inhabitants of nearby Kynopolis came to blows owing to offenses each city committed against the other city’s patron deity: “And in our days the Oxyrhynchites, because the Kynopolites were eating the sharpnosed fish, captured a dog and sacrificed it and as sacrificial meat they ate it. As a result of this they became involved in war and inflicted much harm upon Ammianus Marcellinus 22.16.6. See also Agatharchides (Geogr. 22), who merely mentions that the “Oxyrhynchite [nome] is the third” (τρίτος ὁ Ὀξυρυγχίτης) between Memphis and the Thebaid. Aelius Herodianus, De prosodia catholica, p. 226: Ὀξύρυγχος πόλις Αἰγύπτου τιμῶσα τὸν ὁμώνυμον ἰχθύν (“Oxyrhynchus is a city of Egypt that venerates the fish having the same name”). Aelius Herodianus, Partitiones, p. 865: while discussing the meaning of the grammatical termination –ιτης in Greek, he gives the example of Oxyrhynchus among others—τοῦ Ὀξύρυγχος Ὀξυρυγχίτης (“of Oxyrhynchus, Oxyrhynchite”). Cf. Ephorus, Hist. frag. 154. Strabo (Geogr. 17.1.40) while describing the nomes of Egypt gives a brief description of Oxyrhynchus: ἐν δὲ τῇ περαίᾳ Ὀξύρυγχος πόλις καὶ νομὸς ὁμώνυμος· τιμῶσι δὲ τὸν ὀξύρυγχον καὶ ἔστιν αὐτοῖς ἱερὸν ὀξυρύγχου, καίτοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Αἰγυπτίων κοινῇ τιμώντων τὸν ὀξύρυγχον (“On the far side of the river lies the city of Oxyrhynchus and a nome having the same name. They venerate the oxyrhynchus [sharp-nosed fish] and have a temple sacred to Oxyrhynchus, though other Egyptians in common venerate the oxyrhynchus”). Claudius Ptolemy (Geogr. 4.5.59) gives a similarly brief description of the city and its nome: Συνάπτει δὲ ἀπὸ μὲν δυσμῶν τοῦ ποταμοῦ νομὸς Ὀξυρυγχίτης, καὶ μεσόγειος μητρόπολις Ὀξύρυγχος (“The Oxyrhynchite nome links from the western side of the river, and the inland metropolis is Oxyrhynchus”). Claudius Aelianus (De natura animalium 10.46, 11.24 and 17.32) describes the oxyrhynchus fish but does not mention the city. 1

612

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources

613

each other, and they later were brought to order through chastisement by the Romans.”2 The first Christian writer to refer to Oxyrhynchus is Clement of Alexandria who merely notes in passing that the inhabitants of the city worshiped a fish from which the city derived its name. 3 The earliest reference to a notable Christian in the city is to be found in the History of the Alexandrian Patriarchate that contains a reference to the ordination of a third-century bishop in Oxyrhynchus by the Alexandrian patriarch Theonas (ca. 282–300).4 This text mentions that during Theonas’s episcopacy he ordained a bishop in Oxyrhynchus by the name of Sotas; undoubtedly this is the very same Sotas who appears in P.Alex. 29 [130]; PSI III 208 [131]; PSI IX 1041 [132]; P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 [133]; and P.Oxy. XII 1492 [134]. As one proceeds into the fourth and fifth centuries, there are a few passing references to later bishops in the city. For example, a bishop named Pelagius attended the Council of Tyre in 335 and was also mentioned by Athanasius as one of the Melitians who eventually became reconciled to the Orthodox Church. 5 Additionally, Epiphanius of Salamis preserves an encyclical letter from the Council of Seleucia issued in 359 where a Melitian bishop of Oxyrhynchus by the name of Apollonius is mentioned.6

Plutarch, Is. Os. 380B–C: οἱ δ’ Ὀξυρυγχῖται καθ’ ἡμᾶς τῶν Κυνοπολιτῶν τὸν ὀξύρυγχον ἰχθὺν ἐσθιόντων κύνα συλλαβόντες καὶ θύσαντες ὡς ἱερεῖον κατέφαγον, ἐκ δὲ τούτου καταστάντες εἰς πόλεμον ἀλλήλους τε διέθηκαν κακῶς καὶ ὕστερον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων κολαζόμενοι διετέθησαν. Translation adapted from LCL 306, p. 169. 3 Clement, Protr. 2.39: Ὀξυρυγχῖται τὸν φερώνυμον τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ὁμοίως ἰχθύν (“the residents of Oxyrhynchus likewise worship a fish which takes its name from their country”). 4 This work is only extant in Ethiopic and is not yet published; it is currently being edited by Alessandro Bausi and Alberto Camplani: “New Egyptian Texts in Ethiopia,” Adamantius 8 (2002): 149; “La collezione aksumita canonico-liturgica,” Adamantius 12 (2006): 55. This History of the Alexandrian Patriarchate is not to be confused with the Coptic History of the Church or the Arabic History of the Patriarchs: T. Orlandi, Storia della Chiesa di Alessandria: Testo copto, traduzione e commento di Tito Orlandi (2 vols.; Milan, 1968–1970); B. Evetts (ed. and trans.), “History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria: I, Saint Mark to Theonas (300),” PO 1 (1907): 101–214; B. Evetts (ed. and trans.), “History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church in Alexandria: II, Peter I to Benjamin I (661),” PO 1 (1907): 381–518. In the extant fragments of the History of the Alexandrian Patriarchate, it details how during the episcopates of Maximus (ca. 262–282), Theonas (ca. 282–300), and Peter I (ca. 300–311), these patriarchs ordained various bishops in the chora. Specifically, it relates that during the patriarchy of Maximus 29 bishops were ordained; under Theonas, 49 bishops were ordained; and under Peter I, 59 bishops were ordained. 5 Athanasius, Syn. 71.6: Πελάγιος ἐν Ὀξυρύγχῳ (“Pelagius in Oxyrhynchus”); List of Tyre (CPG 2123.27); H.-G. Opitz, Athanasius Werke 2 (Berlin/Leipzig, 1935–1941), 159. 6 Epiphanius, Pan. 73 (PG 42.453) (= 6.26.4, in F. Williams [trans.], The Panarion of Epiphanius of Salamis: Books II and III [Secs. 47–80, De Fide][Leiden, 1994], 461): Ἀπολλώνιος ἐπίσκοπος Ὀξυρύγχου (“Apollonius bishop of Oxyrhynchus”). For this letter, see also Athanasius, Syn. 29.3–9; Socrates, Hist. eccl. 2.40.8–17. 2

614

Christian Oxyrhynchus

Later, the conciliar proceedings of the Council of Ephesus in 431 mention that the bishop of Oxyrhynchus, a man named Peter, was in attendance.7 In addition to these passing references, there are thirteen references provided below and treated in more detail since they provide fuller accounts that either relate directly to Christianity at Oxyrhynchus or relate to the achievements or words of some prominent Christian from the city. Generally these accounts have been ordered diachronically by reference to the events they purport to relate regardless of the actual date of the sources themselves. The first reference [163], which is found in the Acta Sanctorum, contains a brief martyr account describing how seventeen individuals from Oxyrhynchus were condemned by the prefect of Egypt Clodius Culcianus during the time of the “Great Persecution” ca. 303–305. Leaving aside some of the miraculous aspects of the martyrdom, it otherwise presents a fairly plausible scenario that corresponds in a number of aspects to other martyrdoms from this period. The next significant reference [164] is to be found in a Libellus precum (“petition of request”) presented to the emperors Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius, ca. 383, wherein an incident of episcopal factionalism that allegedly took place in Oxyrhynchus ca. 357–361 is recounted in some detail. According to the story, rival bishops—orthodox and Arian—were set up in Oxyrhynchus, and one bishop even led a faction that destroyed the church of his episcopal rival. The next reference [165] comes from the Ecclesiastical History of Theodoret of Cyrrhus, who reports how a popular Edessan bishop was removed from his see ca. 373 and exiled for a time to Oxyrhynchus before being moved elsewhere. While the account is fairly brief, it does report how the bishop was accepted in Oxyrhynchus and beloved by the city to such an extent that he had to be removed and exiled elsewhere. Next in chronological order is the most well-known account [166] about Christianity at Oxyrhynchus in patristic literature. In the Historia monachorum in Aegypto, the author devotes an entire section of this hagiography to the city of Oxyrhynchus and a description of its Christian inhabitants ca. 395. While the account is highly idealized and almost certainly exaggerated, it does give some idea of the extent to which Christianity had taken a hold in the city by the end of the fourth century. Shortly after the description of Oxyrhynchus given in the Historia monachorum in Aegypto at the very close of the fourth century, a bishop named Aphou was ordained by Theophilus of Alexandria; sometime later his hagiography was written in Sahidic, and it is here for the first time presented in its entirety in an English translation [167]. Aphou’s hagiography 7 ACO 1.1.2.7. This bishop might also be attested in P.CtYBR inv. 215(A).4 (= Benaissa, “New Light on the Episcopal Church,” 202–6): ἄπα Π̣ [έτρον?]. P.Oxy. XVI 1967.3 (427): ἄπα Πέτρον ἐπίσκοπον.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [163]

615

is intriguing since it details how he practiced an austere form of asceticism before being ordained, had spent most of his life living among the antelope in the desert, and only after being reluctantly ordained had to balance his rigorous asceticism and the demands of the bishopric. The hagiography is also very important because it contains one of the few accounts of the anthropomorphite controversy that erupted in Egypt in 399 as a result of the paschal letter issued by Theophilus that year and purports to contain a dialogue between Aphou and Theophilus. In addition to this hagiography, there has also been included a brief encounter that is narrated in the Life of Paul of Tamma about a chance meeting with Aphou [168] as well as the sole apophthegm preserved in the Apophthegmata Patrum that is attributed to Aphou [169]. Sticking to the Apophthegmata Patrum at this point, three anonymous sayings, preserved in Greek, that relate in some way Oxyrhynchus will be provided. The first saying [170] relates to an episode that allegedly took place one cold night in Oxyrhynchus and is used to illustrate the faith and gratitude of an indigent Christian at Oxyrhynchus. The next saying [171] concerns a poor widow in Oxyrhynchus and how she was unnecessarily shamed by one of the fathers. In the last episode [172], which is fairly lengthy, a story is preserved by an anonymous bishop of Oxyrhynchus about how he journeyed deep into the heart of the desert to see if he could find a monk serving Christ. The next three accounts are preserved in various Coptic sources. The first [173], contained in the hagiographical Life of Shenoute by Besa, recounts a brief encounter between Shenoute and a man from Oxyrhynchus. The second comes from The Life of Apa Onnophrius the Anchorite [174], wherein a wandering ascetic named Paphnutius meets four ascetics from Oxyrhynchus living in the desert and subsequently spends a week with them in the desert. The final [175] account comes from The Martyrdom of Apa Epima, where the trial and death of Epima, a notable Christian from Pankylis in the Oxyrhynchite, is detailed during the “Great Persecution.” 163 Martyrs of Oxyrhynchus during the “Great Persecution” ca. 303–305 Acta Sanctorum vol. 40, August tom. VI, pp. 14–15 This text comes from the Acta Sanctorum, the compilation of the lives of saints arranged according to their feasts in the ecclesiastical year, published by the Société des Bollandistes between 1643 and 1940.8 In this massive collection, which occupies 68 volumes, the present text is the only one in the series that 8 For a useful overview of the making and publication of the Acta Sanctorum by the Société des Bollandistes, see D. Knowles, Great Historical Enterprises: Problems in Monastic History (London, 1963), 3–32.

616

Christian Oxyrhynchus

mentions Oxyrhynchus and contains an account of Christian martyrs.9 On the feast day of August 27, it contains a brief account of a group of Christians from Oxyrhynchus who were martyred in the course of the “Great Persecution” because they refused to recant their faith and to offer a sacrifice. This text is potentially important, assuming of course it contains a historical core, since there is no direct evidence as of yet in the papyri for Christian martyrs at Oxyrhynchus during the “Great Persecution.”10 The account begins by placing the martyrdom during the consulship of Diocletian and Maximianus who were consuls in both 303 and 304, after which the names of the seventeen martyrs are given.11 Some of the names of the martyrs are of interest because various titles are attached. Among the martyrs is a certain Peter a soldier, three clerics, Chiron, Ammonius and Serapion, a tribune named Marcellus, and a bishop named Miletus. If the information is accurate, then it appears that Miletus may have been the bishop of Oxyrhynchus at the start of the “Great Persecution” and may be added to the fasti of the bishops of Oxyrhynchus.12 The inquisitor of the proceedings is none other than the prefect of Egypt Clodius Culcianus, who is attested in patristic literature as an archenemy of the Church and who actively enforced Diocletian’s anti-Christian edicts in Egypt;13 in at least two papyri from Oxyrhynchus, Culcianus is mentioned in the context of the imperial edicts taken against the Christians: P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673.25–26 [114]; P.Oxy. L 3529.3, 10 (IV) [98].14 The verbal interchanges between Culcianus and the Christians in this short hagiography is interesting because in some ways it is reminiscent of the exchange Culcianus had with Phileas in the Acts of Phileas that is typical of protocol style.15 When the Christian defendants are brought before Culcianus, they immediately claim that they have defied the imperial edict to sacrifice because they refuse to engage in idolatry and worship demons. Culcianus responds that unless they sacrifice they will be executed and then orders them to be kept in prison until they should appear in the theater on the morrow. The next day, when the Christians are lead out to the theater, Culcianus entreats them for a 9 H. Delehaye, “Les martyrs d’Égypte” AnBoll 40 (1920): 5–154, 299–364; BHL 5240; BHL supp. 5249b. 10 Blumell, Lettered Christians, 252–53. 11 R. S. Bagnall, A. Cameron, S. R. Schwartz, and K. A. Worp, Consuls of the Later Roman Empire (Atlanta, 1987), 140–43; E. Bickerman, Chronology of the Ancient World (2nd ed.; Ithaca, 1980), 161. 12 Papaconstantinou, “Sur les évêques byzantins d’Oxyrhynchos,” 171–73. 13 Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 9.11.14. 14 To this list could also be added P.Harr. II 208.5 (IV) if the text does indeed come from Oxyrhynchus. See Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 194–95. 15 T. D. Barnes, Early Christian Hagiography and Roman History (Tübingen, 2010), 142–47.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [163]

617

second time to sacrifice, assuring them that if they fail to do so they will certainly be consumed by wild beasts. When they refuse to sacrifice yet again, Culcianus becomes more enraged and begins to mock them by pointing out the folly of worshiping a crucified man; here a parallel with the Acts of Phileas is worth pointing out since Culcianus makes a similar accusation.16 As the dialogue continues, Culcianus warns them yet again to sacrifice, but when they refuse he orders beasts to be let loose upon them. When four bears are brought into the theater, they do not attack the group but simply lick their feet. Culcianus then orders the Christians to be burned with fire, but when the fire miraculously fails to burn them he orders them to be slain with the sword. After the execution, the account concludes by reporting that their remains were brought back to Oxyrhynchus. Notwithstanding the supernatural occurrences related in the story, which are typical of Christian hagiography, it may be possible that there is some historical basis to these martyrdoms: the dating of the consulship and the reference to Culcianus are appropriate; and at least some of the names of the martyrs (e.g., Serapion, Ammonius, Chiron) are names that are attested with some regularity in the papyri from Oxyrhynchus. Likewise, Culcianus’ general conduct and repeated insistence that the Christians must offer sacrifice so as to avoid death is consistent with how he is presented in the Acts of Phileas and is in keeping with the actions of the inquisitors in more authentic martyrdoms where the accused Christians are given a number of opportunities to sacrifice before finally being condemned. Additionally, the actual proceedings described in the account are not set in Oxyrhynchus, which would have been somewhat unusual, since it would have been unlikely for the prefect to appear in Oxyrhynchus for the hearing. Rather, the accused are sent somewhere other than Oxyrhynchus to appear before the prefect. While many of the details rendered in the account otherwise lend some degree of authenticity to the whole account, if the account is indeed an ancient one then it was written sometime well after August 27, 303 or 304, when the martyrdoms purportedly occurred, because it employs phraseology that presupposes Nicene orthodoxy.17

16 Acts of Phileas 6–8; cf. H. Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1972), 335–39. 17 Sec. 6 where one of the martyrs declares that Christ is “unius substantiae cum Patre” (“one substance with the father”).

618

Christian Oxyrhynchus

1. In Aegypto coronati sunt sancti consulatu Diocletiani iterum et Maximiani crudelissimorum persecutorum, mense Augusto, sexto Kalendarum Septembrium sub praeside Cultiano. Nomina vero martyrum haec sunt: Petri devotissimi militis, et Chironis, Ammonis, et Serapionis clericorum, et Marcelli tribuni, et coniugis eius Mammeae, et filiorum Iohannis et Babilae: et Miletius episcopus, et Atheogenes, et Ariston, et Festus, et Victor, et Susanna, et Zoyillius, et Domninus, et Memnon. Horum accusatio facta est apud praesidem ab Herone et Actio, eo quod essent Christiani, dicentium: Hi soli sunt in Oxirinchena civitate, qui contradicunt imperiali precepto, et impii sunt in religione deorum, et tribunal tuum contemnunt, non acquiescentes jussioni tuae. 2. Cumque haec audisset praeses, statim jussis apparitoribus praecepit, ut de Oxyryncho civitate ferro vincti, ad domum in civitate, ubi supradictus praeses degebat, adducerentur. Cum igitur ante tribunal Cultiani praesidis venissent, ait: Isti sunt impiae religionis cultores, qui decreta caesaris contemnunt, et tribunal meae ditionis despiciunt, et deorum venerationem abdicant, et culturam sperunt. Cum igitur huiusmodi beati martyres blasphemiarum verba audissent, exclamaverunt unanimiter tamquam ex uno ore, securi de Christi misericordia, et dixerunt: tu impie agis, qui tyrannos reges appellas, et lapides et ligna opera manuum hominum, habitacula daemonum veneraris, et in Deum summum, qui spiritum in manu tenet, impius existis, qui potens est subvertere consilia vestra, et in momento delere, qui daemones putatis esse venerandos ad vestram perditionem. 3. Cum haec igitur Cultianus auddisset, repletus ira et indignatione dixit: Ne putetis, vos per haec injuriarum verba velocius esse plectendos; ut ossa vestra balsamo et diversis pigmentis et aromatibus a mulierculis perungantur. Nam et illi, qui ante vos comprehensi sunt, hujusmodi verbis usi sunt, putantes sibi aliquid ex verbositate posse conduci, quos vorans flamma consumpsit. Nunc igitur relinquentes omnem desidiam, et desperationem, accedite ad aram, et immolate diis immortalibus, ut honoribus maximis cumulemini, et regi placere possitis, et in mearum amicitiarum foedere conjungi. Tunc beatus Marcellus cum sociis dixit: Nos Christiani sumus, et dominatorem nostri habemus Deum, qui fecit caelum, et terram, mare, et omnia, quae in eis sunt; qui potens est liberare nos de insania tua, et malitia patris vestri diaboli: nec enim fas est, ut impiis vestris acquiescamus consiliis, et immolemus daemonibus ad iniuriam creatoris Domini nostri.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [163]

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1. In Egypt, saints have been crowned once more under the consulships of Diocletian and Maximianus, the most cruel of the persecutors, in the month of August, on the sixth of the kalends before September18 under the governorship of Culcianus. Indeed, the names of the martyrs are the following: Peter, a most devoted soldier, and the clerics Chiron, Ammonius, and Serapion, Marcellus, a tribune, and, his spouse Mammaea and his sons John and Babilus, Miletius a bishop, Atheogenes, Ariston, Festus, Victor, Susanna, Zoyillius, Domninus, and Memnon. Because they were Christians an accusation was made against them in the presence of the governor by Heron and Acatius. They said, “These are the only ones in the city of Oxyrhynchus who defy the imperial rule and are at the same time impious against the religion of the gods and hold your tribunal in contempt by refusing to accept your command.” 2. When the governor heard this he immediately issued commands to his servants that the prisoners be escorted in irons from the city of Oxyrhynchus to the house in the city where the aforementioned governor was spending time. When therefore they had come before the tribunal of Culcianus the governor said, “These are the professors of an impious religion. They hold in contempt the decrees of Caesar; they despise the tribunal of my authority, and renounce veneration of the gods and spurn culture.” When therefore the blessed martyrs heard such blasphemous words they exclaimed unanimously as if in one voice, being steadfast through the mercy of Christ, and said, “You rule impiously. You who address tyrants as kings, stones and wood the works of men’s hands, you venerate the dwelling places of demons! Before the highest God, who holds life in his hand, you appear impious. He is able to overthrow your plans and to destroy them in an instant. To your own ruin it is demons that you think are to be worshiped.” 3. When therefore Culcianus had heard these things, being filled with anger and indignation, he said, “Do you not think that on account of these unlawful words you will swiftly be punished so that your bones will be anointed with balsam and different paints and perfumes by disgraceful women? For these here, who are united before you, are used to words such as these. You are thinking within yourselves that you are able to persuade someone by your verbosity, but devouring flames consume such persons. Now therefore, relinquish all idleness and desperation. Approach the altar and make a sacrifice to the immortal gods so that you would be filled with the highest honors and are able to appease the king and to be united in the bond of our friendship.” Then the blessed Marcellus and his compatriots said, “We are Christians and we have God, our master, who made heaven and earth and sea and all things which are in them. He is able to liberate us from your madness and from the malice of your father the devil. For it is not lawful that we accept your impious counsels and sacrifice to demons at the detriment of the creator, our Lord.” 18

August 27.

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4. Cultianus dixit: Quia resistunt, et praeceptis imperialibus obedire nolunt, ligantes manus et pedes eorum, et in collo boias imponentes, in interiore parte carceris collocate, et maturius vigilantes, deducite eos in stadio, ut a bestiis consumantur, quia deos blasphemaverunt, et reges tyrannos dixerunt: et ditionis meae tribunal contempserunt. In crastino vero die omnis populus convenit ad stadium, ut triumphantes sanctos Martyres viderent. Et cum vidisset praeses Cultianus dixit: Adducite illos detestandos, et contemptores deorum. Hierius dixit: Praesto sunt. Et cum inducti fuissent in stadio; dicit ad eos Cultianus: Quid igitur vobis placuit, Marcelle, ecce nunc subruendi estis ad bestias, ut devorentur carnes vestrae. Evigilate itaque et acquiescite praeceptis imperialibus, ut non pereatis. 5. Per salutem imperatorum, quod si non acquieveritis immolare diis immortalibus, ossa vestra, quae a feris derelicta fuerint, igni cremabo. Tunc beatus Marcellus dixit grandi voce, ut etiam omnes audirent: O impie, et infauste, non legisti, aut etiam audisti, quod scriptum est, dicente Domino ad patrem vestrum diabolum: Non tentabis Dominum Deum tuum? Et ego itaque dico tibi: non tentabis Dominum Deum tuum, et famulos ejus. Cultianus praeses dixit: Non magnopere miror verbositates vestras, quia parcens vobis parumper differo, exspectans et conversionem vestram et poenitudinem. Parcite itaque vobis et erubescite, qui hominem crucifixum colitis, ante paucos annos ad mortem damnatum, mortuum, et sepultum sub Pontio Pilato, cuius et gesta, ubi auditus est, et addictus morti, usque ad praesens manet; et hunc Deum dicitis, et colitis et invocatis, et quomodo vobis potest ferre praesidium, qui sibi auxilium ferre non potuit? 6. Cui Petrus dixit: Vade, et mone caecos similes tui, cum quibus in perditionem ibis. Sic enim scriptum est: Si caecus caeco ducatum praebet, utrique in foveam cadunt. Considera itaque perditionem tuam et temetipsum mone. Nobis autem praestet Deus, pro nomine illius, quem tu indignus putas hominem purum esse, omnia tormenta perferre. Ipse enim propter nostram salutem in fine saeculi homo dignatus est nasci et formam servi suscipere, ut nos homines, invidia diaboli in terra jacentes, et variis erroribus obligatos, dextera sua erigeret, et caecitatem cordis nostri illuminaret. Cultianus praeses dixit: Multiplicationes verborum vestrorum non opus habeo: sed hoc, quod ad rem pertinet, moneo. Immolate diis immortalibus, et abnegate illum, quem Deum putatis. Quod si nolueritis, extorquebo per tormenta animas vestras. Tunc sanctus Milecius episcopus, et innocens Joannes, repleti Spiritu sancto dixerunt: Absit a nobis, ut

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4. Culcianus said, “Since they are resisting and refuse to obey the imperial commands, after binding their hands and feet and setting iron collars on their necks bring them into the innermost part of the prison; after keeping watch for a time lead them away to the stadium so that they will be consumed by beasts because they have blasphemed the gods, called the kings tyrants, and despised the seat of my power.” Indeed, on the next day all the people assembled in the stadium so that they saw the holy martyrs triumph. When the governor Culcianus saw all the people he said, “Bring in those detestable people who are disdainful of the gods.” Hierius said, “They are here.” And when they had been led into the stadium Culcianus said to them, “What therefore pleases you Marcellus? Behold, now you are going to be thrown over to the beasts so that they may devour your flesh. Therefore, come to your senses and accept the imperial commands so that you do not perish. 5. I swear by the health of the emperors that if you do not agree to sacrifice to the immortal gods, your bones, which will become abandoned by wild beasts, I will burn with fire.” Then the blessed Marcellus spoke with a great voice so that all indeed heard, “O impious and wretched man, have you not read or have you not heard what was written when the Lord spoke to your father the devil, ‘You shall not tempt the Lord your God?’ (Matt 4:7; Luke 4:12). And therefore I say to you, you shall not tempt the Lord your God and his servants.” Culcianus the governor said, “I am not surprised at your words. I disagree, but after tolerating you for a while I expect your change of heart and repentance. Therefore desist and be ashamed since you attend to a crucified man who was condemned before a few years, died, and was buried during the reign of Pontius Pilate, and whose deeds, when they are heard, are given over to death, remain until the present. And you declare this man to be God and attend to him and invoke him; in what manner is he able to render protection to you who could not protect himself?” 6. To this, Peter said, “Come and warn the blind like you with whom you shall go to ruin. Thus it is written, ‘If the blind offer to be leaders of the blind, both fall into a pit’ (cf. Luke 6:39). Consider, then, your ruin and watch yourself. But God grants us, through the name of that one whom you think is unworthy, but [in reality] is a faultless man, [the power] to endure all torments. For on account of our salvation he was born a worthy man at the end of time and took the form of a servant in order that he raise up us mortals with his right hand and enlighten the blindness of our hearts after we were cast upon the earth by the spite of the devil and bound by various errors.” Culcianus the governor said, “I have no need for the multiplication of your words but [only] that which pertains to the matter. I advise that you sacrifice to the immortal gods and deny the one whom you think is God, because if you refuse, I will twist your spirits with tortures.” Then the holy bishop Miletius and John the innocent, being filled with the Holy Spirit, said, “Far be it from us. We will not deny the name of our Lord

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negemus nomen Domini et Dei nostri Jesu Christi, qui est verbum Dei vivi ante constitutionem mundi, unius substantiae cum Patre, qui nostram fragilitatem et ruinam erexit, quae per patrem tuum diabolum nobis accidit: et gloria sua nos illuminare dignatus est. Siquid autem facere disponis, facito; et verbis tuis terrere noli: quia in nulla parte audire te disponimus. 7. Tunc repletus est furore, et indignatione Cultianus praeses, et dixit, ut bestiae dimitterentur ad devorandos Sanctos. Quod cum audisset princeps arenae, volens placere praesidi, divisit quatuor ursas saevas nimis; quae cum magno impetu venissent, statim corruerunt ad pedes Sanctorum, et lambere coeperunt vestigia eorum tamquam agni mansueti. Cumque vidisset hoc praeses, praecepit, ut in igni consumerentur, dicens: Etsi bestiae magica arte mansuetae fuerint, ab igne crementur. Cumque allata fuissent ligna, et rogus structus fuisset, impositis Sanctis, ignis suppositus est. Tunc beatus Petrus expandens manus ad caelum (nutu enim Dei solutae fuerunt manus eorum, quae funibus erant constrictae) dixit: 8. Gratias tibi agimus, Domine Deus, Pater unigeniti Filii tui, qui fecisti caelum et terram, qui nos dignatus es participes esse mystici hujus calicis sanctae confessionis pro nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi: ut et in hac hora inveniamur tamquam holocaustum sacrificii in conspectu tuo. Cumque haec dixisset, flamma ignis nutu Dei huc illucque diffusa est, tamquam ventus aufugit, fugiens nemine persequente. Tunc pariter levantes manus suas, dixerunt: Benedictus es, Domine Deus, qui fecisti mirabilia magna solus, qui in hac hora ostendisti, quod protector sis servorum tuorum, et timentium nomen tuum, qui sanas contritos corde et alligas contritiones eorum. Respice de excelso habitaculo tuo salvans animas, qui rabiem bestiarum fraenasti, qui caelesti rore ignem fugasti et flammas avolare fecisti: protege sperantes in te ad gloriam nominis tui et laudem servorum tuorum, et ad confusionem infidelium, qui mirabilibus tuis credere nolunt. Illumina autem caecitatem cordis illorum, ut agnoscant te verum et viventem Deum. 9. Tunc effeminata, insania furibundus Cultianus, dixit: Video hos homines, et bestiarum feritatem circumventionibus quibusdam mutasse, et flammarum globos fugasse: praecipio, ut gladio feriantur, et sic demum corpora eorum igne crementur: videbo, quid illis prosit religio et intentio sua. Quibus jussa complentibus, Sancti ad optata vota pervenerunt. Consummati sunt igitur beati Martyres, cervices suas gladiis supponentes, sexto Kalendas Septembris: et asportatae sunt religiosae reliquiae eorum in territorium Oxyrhynchenae civitati, in possessione vocabulo Stypsoches.

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and God Jesus Christ, who is the word of the living God before the foundation of the world, of one substance with the father, who bore our weakness and ruin that befell us on account of your father the devil. He has deemed it worthy to enlighten us by his glory. But if you have determined to do anything, let it be done. We are not terrified by your words and we are not disposed in any way to listen to you.” 7. Then Culcianus the governor was filled with furor and indignation and said that the beasts should be sent out to devour the saints. When the chief of the arena heard, desiring to please the governor, he released four savage bears that came with great force. Immediately they fell to the feet of the saints, and becoming like tame lambs, began to lick the bottoms of their feet. When the governor saw this he ordered them to be consumed in fire, saying, “Although they have tamed the beasts with some magical art they are going to be consumed by fire.” When the wood had been brought forth and the fire erected, when the saints were laid on, the fire was transformed. Then the blessed Peter extended his hands to heaven (his hands, which were bound by cords, had been loosed by the will of God) and said, 8. “We give thanks to you, Lord God, father of your only-begotten Son, who made heaven and earth, who has deemed us worthy to be participants of the mystery of the cup of sacred confession for the sake of the name of our Lord Jesus Christ: Oh that in this hour we may be as a burnt offering of sacrifice in your sight.” And when he had said these things the flame of the fire dissipated to and fro by the will of God, and fled just as the wind, fleeing with no one following it. Then raising their hands together they said, “You are blessed, Lord God, who alone has made great wonders, who was manifest in this hour because you are the protector of your servants who fear your name, who heals the contrite in heart and binds up their sorrows. From your exalted habitation consider saving souls, you who restrained the fury of the beasts and who chased off fire with heavenly dew and made the flames to fly away. Protect those who trust in you to your name’s glory and the praise of your servants and to the confusion of the unfaithful who refuse to believe in your miracles. Enlighten the blindness of their hearts so that they may truly recognize you, the living God.” 9. Then Culcianus, having become unmanly, raging in frenzy, said, “I see that these men have changed the ferocity of the beasts by certain deceptions and fled from the balls of flames. I command that they be slain by the sword and thus finally their bodies be burnt with fire. I will see what advantage their religion and their enterprise provides.” These things being done according to his commands, the saints were able to fulfill the sacrifices they had wanted to give. The blessed martyrs were crowned by having their necks put under the sword on the sixth of the kalends before September. And their pious remains were brought into the territory of the city of Oxyrhynchus in possession of a man named Stypsoches.

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164 Episcopal Factionalism at Oxyrhynchus ca. 357–361 Marcellinus and Faustinus, Libellus Precum 92–101 The present story about episcopal factionalism at Oxyrhynchus represents but a small subsection in a larger work. Sometime ca. 383, two Luciferian priests, a certain Marcellinus, and his fellow priest Faustinus directed a petition to the emperors Valentinian, Theodosius, and Arcadius.19 In this extensive entreaty titled De confessione verae fidei et ostentatione sacrae communionis et persecutione adversantium veritati but more commonly known as the Libellus precum, Marcellinus and Faustinus asked the emperors to bring to an end the persecutions directed against the Luciferians in various parts of the empire.20 The petition preserves a number of reports, albeit in disordered form, of past wrongs

92. Et qui finis erit, si cuncta referamus, quae singuli quique fidelium passi sunt atque patiuntur? vnum tamen atrox persecutionis facinus ad compendium referendum est, quod in Aegypto apud Oxyrynchum commissum est sub totius testimonio ciuitatis. 93. Certa pars est apud Oxyrynchum sanctae plebis, in cuius sacro numero plerique quanto intentius ad res diuinas studium curamue posuerunt, tanto sollicitius diligentiusque fidem catholicam inuiolabiliter seruare contendunt, ita ut se nullis haereticis nullisque praeuaricatoribus per diuina commisceant sacramenta. Ad hanc obseruantiam plerique eorum eruditi sunt exemplo et motu beatissimi Pauli, qui isdem fuit temporibus, quibus et famosissimus ille Antonius, non minori uita neque studio neque diuina gratia quam fuit sanctus Antonius. Nouit hoc et ipsa ciuitas Oxyrynchus, quae hodieque sanctam Pauli memoriam deuotissime celebrat.

19 On Faustinus, see M. Simonetti, “Note su Faustino,” Sacris Erudiri 14 (1963): 50–98. Marcellinus is otherwise unknown. 20 Latin text taken from CCSL 69. Cf. PL 13.101A–B; CSEL 35.1 pp. 33–36.

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committed against various Luciferian communities in the East, particularly in Egypt and Palestine, and includes material that occurred some decades earlier. While discussing the situation in Egypt, Marcellinus and Faustinus relate an incident that allegedly took place in Oxyrhynchus sometime between 357 and 361 when George was bishop of Alexandria. At this time there was a secession from the communion of the metropolitan bishop Theodorus because of his close ties with the Arian Patriarch George. In the ensuing chaos, an orthodox anti-bishop named Heracleidas was ordained, and the petition goes on to relate how his church was demolished by the partisans of Theodorus. The episcopal situation at Oxyrhynchus is further complicated since the petition reports how a third bishop, a certain Apollonius who had Melitian ties,21 entered the fray at Oxyrhynchus. Thus, it seems that at one point there were three bishops vying for power in Oxyrhynchus.

92. And what will be the end if we relate everything that each one of the faithful have suffered and are still suffering? Nevertheless, one savage act of persecution must be referred to in summary, which was perpetrated in Egypt at Oxyrhynchus by the testimony of the whole city. 93. A certain part of the holy congregation at Oxyrhynchus, of which many are numbered with the saints, placed attentive zeal or care toward divine affairs with such careful diligence that they strived to inviolately guard the Catholic faith so that they would not mingle with any heretics or transgressors during the divine sacraments. Many of them were instructed with regard to this observance by the example and initiative of the most blessed Paul, who was active at the same time as that most celebrated Anthony, and whose life and zeal and divine grace was no less than that of saint Anthony.22 That city of Oxyrhynchus knew this and most devoutly celebrates the holy memory of Paul to this day. 21 This Apollonius is almost certainly the same Apollonius who is mentioned by Epiphanius as present at the Council of Seleucia (Pan. 73). 22 Though Delehaye (AnBoll 44 [1926]: 64–69) believed that this Paul was the legendary Paul of Thebes mentioned by Jerome (Vit. Paul.), this identification is to be rejected. See T. U. Barnes, Early Christian Hagiography and Roman History (Tübingen, 2010), 182–83; cf. F. Cavallera, “Paul de Thèbes et Paul d’Oxyrhynque,” Revue d’ascétique et de mystique 7 (1926): 302–5. One possibility is that the “most blessed Paul” who is mentioned here is “Paul the simple” who was a famous disciple of Anthony’s (Hist. mon. 31; Palladius, Hist. Laus. 22; Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 1.13). Since the passage implies some connection between Anthony and Paul, this is a possibility. However, it is also possible that this Paul of Oxyrhynchus was merely a local figure who had attained some notoriety in the city. In P.Oxy. XXXIII 2665 [115]—a report of property registrars

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94. Sed haec ipsa pars plebis, ubi uidit episcopum illius ciuitatis nomine Theodorum in impiam praeuaricationem fuisse conlapsum, ita ut non solum fidem integram condemnaret neque ut tantummodo impie subscriberet sed ut etiam laicum se fieri ab impio Georgio pateretur et denuo ab ipso haeretico episcopum ordinari, exsecrata est eius communionem habens se cum presbyteros et diacones illibatae fidei, per quos fruebatur diuinis sacramentis una cum supra memorato beatissimo paulo. Sed postea etiam episcopum sibi per tunc temporis episcopos catholicos ordinauit sanctum Heraclidam, tanto magis idoneum, quanto et firmius contra haereticos et praeuaricatores debuit ordinari, qui et in uita esset perspicuus, a prima aetate deo deseruiens contemptis bonis saecularibus et in fide et doctrina perfectus existens. Vnde et pro apostolica fide, pro doctrina euangelica, pro conuersatione caelesti apud cunctos illic uenerabilis est, solis tantummodo haereticis et praeuaricatoribus displicens; unde et magis deo placet, cum talibus displicet. 95. Sed hic tantus ac talis ita coepit exercere pontificium, ut ad opinionem fidei eius et doctrinae atque ipsius sanctissimae conuersationis plerique etiam de longissimis regionibus aduenirent execrantes nefariam praeuaricatorum societatem eiusque sacrosanctum consortium desiderantes. 96. Sed ille egregius bis episcopus hoc non patitur. Et primum quidem uexat per publicas potestates, ita ut aliquotiens solum intempesta nocte raptum per lancearios de urbe sustulerit. Sed cum eaedem potestates non in hoc perseuerant, in quo temerarie coeperant (quod enim ius habere poterant contra episcopum catholicum ? unde et merito a coepta persecutione cessarunt, maxime unus ex ipsis etiam diuina plaga admonitus), tunc egregius iste bis episcopus iam propriis uiribus nititur et mittit turbam clericorum ad ecclesiam beati Heraclidae catholici episcopi eamque euertit destruens undique parietes, ita ut ipsum altare dei securibus dissiparet, cum horrore totius ciuitatis et gemitu, quod illa ecclesia euerteretur, cuius episcopum etiam diuersae partis homines rectae et illibatae fidei confitentur. that is likely connected to one of the edicts issued during the Great Persecution in which Christian property was being confiscated—one well-known or prominent Christian by the name of Paul is attested. See W. Clarysse (“The Coptic Martyr Cult,” in Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective, ed. M. Lamberigts and P. van Deun [Leuven, 1995], 380), who notes, “The fact that no patronymic or description is given implies that Paulus was well known locally; his name shows that he was almost certainly a Christian.” Though Paul appears to have been well known, perhaps even prominent, it is difficult to determine much beyond mere speculation about his apparently “wellknown” status. Cf. Luijendijk, Greetings in the Lord, 210–14.

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94. But this part of the congregation saw that the bishop of that city, whose name was Theodorus, had fallen into impious transgression in such a way that he not only condemned the perfect faith or merely prosecuted it impiously but he even allowed himself to be made a member of the laity by the impious George, and then was reordained bishop by that heretic. The congregation detested his communion since it had presbyters and deacons of the unblemished faith by whom it enjoyed the divine sacraments together with the most blessed Paul mentioned above. But afterward the city ordained a bishop for itself, holy Heracleidas, through those who were Catholic bishops at the time. He was more suitable inasmuch as he was ordained firmly against heretics and transgressors. His life was exemplary: he zealously served God from his early years; he despised secular goods; and in faith and doctrine was perfect. Wherefore he was revered by all in that place for his apostolic faith, evangelical doctrine, and divine conduct, only displeasing the heretics and transgressors—he pleases God all the more because he displeases such people. 95. But this man of such great character also began to exercise his pontifical power in such a way so that in accordance with his opinion of faith and doctrine and most holy conduct many were even coming from the farthest regions because they abhorred the impious fellowship of the transgressors and desired his most holy fellowship. 96. But that infamous twice [ordained] bishop did not allow this. And indeed at first he harassed him through public officials so that several times during the dead of night he carried off extraordinary plunder by means of the lancers of the city. But these same officials did not continue in this thing in which they imprudently commenced (because they could make a law against the catholic bishop? Wherefore they rightly ceased from the initial persecution; one of them was even rebuked by a very great plague). Then that infamous twice [ordained] bishop [Theodorus], relying now on his own men, sent a multitude of clerics to the church of the blessed catholic bishop Heracleidas. Overthrowing it, he demolished the walls on all sides so that he destroyed the altar of God with axes. With horror the entire city [of Oxyrhynchus] groaned because that church was destroyed. Nevertheless, the people of the different parts of the upright and unblemished faith from the city still sustained the bishop [i.e., Heracleidas].

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97. Aduertite, quaesumus, piissimi imperatores et rectae fidei uindices: numquid pro tam impiis episcopis edicta proponitis, ut hi affligantur, qui ob meritum fidei et sanctissimae uitae mundo ipso pretiosiores sunt? credite, religiosissimi imperatores, beatum Heraclidam unum esse de illo numero sanctorum, de quibus refert scriptura diuina dicens: circuierunt in melotis et caprinis pellibus, indigentes, in tribulationibus et doloribus afflicti; quorum non erat dignus mundus. 98. Quomodo enim beatus Heraclida non talis est, qui omnia saecularia respuens oblectamenta per ipsas amaritudines confragosae uitae istius aemulans dominica uestigia nudus expeditusque uirtutum iter salutare sectatur, qui sic pro diuinae fidei amore conspirat, sicuti et sanctos legimus conspirasse, nihil habens de saeculo quam pro fide tribulationes et dolores, sic uiuens, sic incedens, sicuti et illi sancti, de quibus supra positum est testimonium? merito ergo et beatus Gregorius ceterique sancti episcopi sanctimoniae istius uenerabili consortio in tot malis afflictae ecclesiae uelut diuinis solatiis releuantur. 99. Non solum autem in tam uenerabilem episcopum grassatus est Theodorus sed et in ipsam sanctissimam plebem eius, quae pro sincerissimi et fidelissimi sacerdotis doctrina et moribus instituta est. Et longum est referri, quae contra pudorem propositumue sacrarum uirginum molitus est, quarum monasteria pro merito sanctimoniae earum ciuitas ipsa ueneratur. Sed et ipsos seruos dei aliquotiens atrocibus afflixit iniuriis, quos magis probauerat sanctiores. Sed quid mirum, si oues ut lupus affligeret, quarum bonum pastorem frequenter affligit? 100. ecce, qui sub uobis piis imperatoribus et pro fide catholica uenientibus iactat se esse catholicum, euertens ecclesiam catholicorum, persequens catholicos sacerdotes et seruos Christi nec non et sacras eius uirgines impie affligens! hic est egregius et sanctissimus ille episcopus, qui cum fuisset primum a catholicis episcopis episcopus ordinatus, postea ab impio Georgio in laicorum numerum redactus nihilominus ab ipso Georgio episcopus ordinatus est in

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97. Take note most pious emperors, we ask that you will avenge the upright faith. Surely you would not set forth edicts in favor of such impious bishops so that those [righteous bishops], who on account of their service of faith and most holy lives are more precious than the world itself, are afflicted? Believe us, most religious emperors, that the blessed Heracleidas is numbered among the saints, about whom the divine scriptures refer saying, “They wandered about in sheepskins and in goatskins, being in need, afflicted in tribulations and in pains, of whom the world was not worthy” (Heb 11:37-38). 98. For how then is the blessed Heracleidas not of such a kind, who despises every worldly pleasure through the very severity of a hard life by walking in the footsteps of the Lord, destitute and unencumbered by material goods, striving after the virtuous path of salvation, who likewise acts in harmony with the love of the divine faith, just as we read that the saints also acted in harmony [with the divine faith]; having no part of this world except the tribulations and pains for the sake of the faith: thus living, thus advancing, just as those saints, of whom he has previously been appointed a witness. Rightly therefore the blessed Gregory and the rest of the holy bishops of such piety,23 after they were afflicted with so many evil things, were lifted up by the venerable fellowship of the church even as through divine consolations. 99. However, not only has Theodorus acted violently against so venerable a bishop but also against his own most holy community that was established in conformity with the doctrine and customs of the purest and most faithful priest [i.e., Jesus]. It would take too long to relate everything which he plotted against the purity or against the resolution of the sacred virgins, whose monasteries the city itself venerates on account of the good work of their piety. But also several times he afflicted the servants of God with cruel afflictions, whom he had previously judged to be rather holy. But what a surprise, if a wolf should afflict the sheep does he not often afflict the good shepherd of them? 100. Behold, that one [i.e., Theodorus] who is subject to you, O pious emperors, claims that he is catholic and that he goes about in harmony with the catholic faith while at the same time he perverts the catholic church, persecutes catholic priests and servants of Christ, and also impiously afflicts his [i.e., Christ’s] sacred virgins! This is that “famous” and “most holy” bishop, who was initially made bishop by catholic bishops; afterward he was reduced by the impious George to the rank of laity; nevertheless he was reordained by that same George much 23

37, 40.

This is Gregory of Elvira (ca. 320–392), who is mentioned earlier in the treatise at 33–35,

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uexationem fidelium, sedens et communicans in una eadem que ciuitate cum Apollonio Melitianorum episcopo consentienti impietatibus Georgii et cum ipso item Apollonio idem Theodorus persequens beatum Heraclidam catholicae fidei uindicem! 101. ecce, cui quasi catholico basilica nunc tradita est Apollonii ex generalis edicti uestri auctoritate, cum utique idem Theodorus, qui quasi catholicus haeretici Apollonii basilicam accepit, similiter impie gessit, ut gessit et Apollonius, nisi quia atrocius gessit Theodorus, cum de episcopo catholico fit laicus, damnans piam fidem et subscribens Arrianae impietati, ut ab haeretico iterum episcopus ordinetur! sane hinc se uult catholicum uideri, quod et ipse nunc quosdam presbyteros seu diacones Apollonii facit suasu quodam laicos et eos iterum ordinat, ut uideatur turpissimae istius ordinationis uicem referre, quam passus est. Numquid non excedit omne sacrilegium haec ludibria sub nomine catholico?

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to the annoyance of the faithful. Sitting and communicating in one and the same city with Apollonius bishop of the Melitians—a bishop who agrees with the impieties of George—and likewise the same Theodorus with that Apollonius persecutes the blessed Heracleidas, the defender of the catholic faith. 101. Behold, the basilica of Apollonius has now been handed over to that quasi catholic [i.e., Theodorus] by the authority of your general edict. That same Theodorus, the quasi catholic who accepted the basilica of the heretic Apollonius, similarly behaved impiously just as Apollonius did, except that Theodorus behaved more savagely. When he was made laity from being a catholic bishop he condemned the pious faith and subscribed to the impiety of the Arians, so that once more he was made bishop by the heretic [i.e., George]! On account of this he wants to be seen as a catholic, because he now, on the advice of Apollonius, makes certain presbyters or deacons laity and then he reordains them so that it appears that the vicissitude of his disgraceful ordination, which has been endured, is now being repeated. Do not these mockeries in the name of Catholicism surpass every sacrilege?

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165 Barses and His Exile to Oxyrhynchus ca. 373 Theodoret, Hist. eccl. 4.16 Barses, about whom relatively little is known, was a prominent figure in the latter half of the fourth century in the Syrian church and a staunch defender of Nicene orthodoxy.24 The Chronicle of Edessa reports that he was originally the bishop of Haran but was then translated to the bishopric of Edessa by Constantius in ca. 361, though no reason for the transfer is given.25 Though he would remain bishop until his death in 378, in ca. 373 he was exiled from his episcopal see by the emperor Valens. At the beginning of the Gothic war in 367, the

Βάρσην δέ, οὗ καὶ νῦν πολὺ τὸ κλέος οὐκ ἐν Ἐδέσσῃ μόνον ἣν ἴθυνε καὶ ταῖς ταύτης πλησιοχώροις πόλεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν Φοινίκῃ καὶ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Θηβαΐδι (ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα διελήλυθε τὰ ἔθνη διὰ τὴν τῆς ἀρετῆς περιφερόμενος λαμπηδόνα), πρῶτον μὲν αὐτὸν ὁ Βάλης Ἄραδον οἰκεῖν τὴν νῆσον προσέταξεν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἔγνω μυρία πάντοθεν πρὸς αὐτὸν συρρέοντα πλήθη (ἀποστολικῆς γὰρ χάριτος ἀνάπλεως ὢν λόγῳ τὰς νόσους ἐξήλαυνεν), εἰς Ὀξύρυγχον αὐτὸν τὴν Αἰγυπτίαν ἐξέπεμψε πόλιν. ὡς δὲ κἀκεῖ τὸ τούτου κλέος συνήγειρεν ἅπαντας, εἰς φρούριον ἔσχατον τοῖς ἐκεῖ γειτονεῦον βαρβάροις (Φηνὼ δὲ τούτῳ ὄνομα) ὁ τῶν οὐρανῶν ἄξιος ἀπήχθη πρεσβύτης. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἀράδῳ φασὶ τὴν ἐκείνου μέχρι καὶ τήμερον μεμενηκέναι κλίνην, πλείστης ἀξιουμένην τιμῆς. πολλοὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀρρωστούντων ἐπ’ ἐκείνης κατακλινόμενοι τὴν ὑγείαν διὰ τῆς πίστεως δρέπονται.

Greek text taken from SC 530.240–42. The Chronicle of Edessa 25. From B. H. Cowpar, “Selections from the Syriac: No. I—The Chronicle of Edessa,” Journal of Sacred Literature 5 (1864): 32. 24 25

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emperor Valens had been baptized by Eudoxius the Arian bishop of Constantinople, and, on the appointment of his episcopal successor, Demophilus in 370, Valens undertook a persecution of those who did not hold his Arian views and began to exile bishops who did not adhere to the Arian faith. 26 Among the bishops deposed and exiled by Valens was Barses of Edessa.27 Barses was first exiled to the island of Aradus, off the coast of Phoenicia, but had to be relocated to Oxyrhynchus on account of the crowds that flocked to him because of his popularity and miracle working. While in exile at Oxyrhynchus, he attained the same popularity so that he was moved yet again to a remote spot called Pheno. The name Barses (Βάρσης) is unattested in any papyrus from Oxyrhynchus.

Barses, whose fame is now great not only in his own city of Edessa, and in neighboring towns, but in Phoenicia, in Egypt, and the Thebaid (through all these peoples he had traveled with a high reputation that he won by his great virtue), had been relegated by Valens to the island of Aradus. But when the emperor learned that innumerable multitudes streamed thither, for Barses was full of apostolic grace and drove out sickness with a word, he sent him away to the city of Oxyrhynchus in Egypt. But there too his fame drew all men to him, and the old man, worthy of heaven, was led off to a remote castle near the country of the barbarians of that district (Pheno by name). It is said that in Aradus his bed has been preserved to this day, where it is held in very great honor, for many sick persons lie down upon it and by means of their faith recover.

Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 6.14; Basil, Ep. 243; Gregory Nazianzus, Or. 20, 25, 43. Sozomen reports that Barses was not ordained a bishop of a city but rather of a monastery (Hist. eccl. 6.34). Theodoret, on the other hand, regarded him as the bishop of Edessa (Hist. eccl. 5.6). So too did Basil of Caesarea, who addressed two letters to him while in exile—Ep. 264.1, 267.1: Βάρσῃ, ἐπισκόπῳ Ἐδέσσης, ἐν ἐξορίᾳ ὄντι (“To Barses, bishop of Edessa, while in exile”). 26 27

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166 Description of Christian Oxyrhynchus ca. 395 Historia monachorum in Aegypto 5.1–7 This glowing and highly idealized account of the city of Oxyrhynchus comes from the anonymous Historia monachorum in Aegypto,28 a travelogue of a group of Palestinian monks who visited Egypt ca. 395.29 Setting out from Lycopolis in the south (Upper Egypt), this group traveled north to Alexandria and made frequent stops along the way, visiting the notable Christian ascetics and holy men who dotted the landscape. Over the course of this journey, which is detailed in the first person, the group stopped at the city of Oxyrhynchus.

1. παρεγενόμεθα δὲ καὶ εἰς Ὀξύρυγχον πόλιν τινὰ τῆς Θηβαΐδος, ἧς οὐκ ἔστιν εἰπεῖν κατ’ ἀξίαν τὰ θαύματα. γέμει γὰρ οὕτως ἔνδοθεν μοναστηρίων, ὡς τὰ τείχη ἐξηχεῖσθαι ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τῶν μοναχῶν, περιέχεται δὲ ἔξωθεν μοναστηρίοις ἑτέροις, ὡς ἄλλην εἶναι παρ’ αὐτὴν τὴν ἔξω πόλιν. 2. ἔγεμον δὲ τῆς πόλεως οἱ ναοὶ καὶ τὰ καπετώλια τῶν μοναχῶν καὶ κατὰ πᾶν μέρος τῆς πόλεως οἱ μοναχοὶ ᾤκουν. 3. δεκαδύο γάρ εἰσιν ἐν αὐτῇ ἐκκλησίαι μεγίστης οὔσης τῆς πόλεως, ἐν αἷς οἱ ὄχλοι συνάγνται· τὰ γὰρ τῶν μοναχῶν εὐκτήρια καθ’ ἕκαστον ἦν μοναστήριον. καὶ σχεδὸν πλείους ἦσαν οἱ μοναχοὶ ὑπὲρ τοὺς κοσμικοὺς πολίτας κατὰ τὰς εἰσόδους τῆς πόλεως καὶ ἐν τοῖς πύργοις τῶν πυλῶν καταμένοντες. 4. πεντακισχίλιοι γὰρ μοναχοὶ ἐλέγοντο εἶναι ἔνδοθεν, τοσοῦτοι δ’ ἄλλοι ἔξωθεν αὐτὴν περιέχοντες, καὶ οὐκ ἦν ὥρα ἡμερινὴ οὐδὲ νυκτερινὴ ἐν ᾗ τὰς λατρείας οὐκ ἐπετέλουν θεῷ· ἀλλὰ γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἦν οἰκήτωρ αἱρετικὸς οὐδὲ ἐθνικὸς ἐν τῇ πολει, ἀλλὰ πάντας ὁμοῦ οἱ πολῖται πιστοὶ καὶ κατηχούμενοι, ὡς δύνασθαι δοῦναι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἐν τῇ πλατείᾳ εἰρήνην τῷ λαῷ. 5. οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ αὐτῶν καὶ οἱ ἄρχοντες οἱ τὰς φιλοτιμίας τοῖς δήμοις παρέχοντες κατὰ τὰς πύλας καὶ τὰς εἰσόδους σκοποὺς ἔστησαν πρὸς τὸ εἰ ξένος που πενόμενος φανείη ἀχθῆναι πρὸς αὐτοὺς ληψόμενον πρὸς παραμυθίαν ἀναλώματα. καὶ τί ἄν τις εἴποι τὴν εὐλάβειαν τῶν δήμων ὁρώντων ἡμᾶς τοὺς ξένους διὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς παριόντας καὶ ὥσπερ ἀγγέλοις ἡμῖν προσιόντων; τί δὲ τὸ πλῆθος ἐξείποι τις τῶν μοναχῶν καὶ παρθένων ἀναριθμήτου ὄντος; While the Latin translation of Historia monachorum in Aegypto is usually attributed to Rufinus, the author of the Greek vorlage is unknown. See N. Russel (ed. and trans.), The Lives of the Desert Fathers: The Historia Monachorum in Aegypto (London, 1981), 6–7. 29 Greek text taken from A.-J. Festugière (ed. and trans.), Historia monachorum in Aegypto: Édition critque du texte grec et traduction annotée par André-Jean Festugière (Brussels, 1971), 41–43 (sec. 5). 28

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The city is described in glowing details as it is reported that it was thoroughly devoted to Christ. The author claims that the city had a bishop, twelve churches, and a number of monasteries, and even alleges that all of the inhabitants of the city were orthodox Christians as he specifically points out that neither heretic nor pagan could be found there. While this account is highly idealized and undoubtedly contains much hyperbole, 30 given that it is only at Oxyrhynchus where such a claim is made perhaps the city possessed a larger than normal Christian population compared to the other cities visited during the course of the pilgrimage.

1. We also went to Oxyrhynchus, one of the cities of the Thebaid. It is not possible to adequately speak of its wonders. For it is so full of monasteries that the walls resound with the voices of monks. Other monasteries encircle its exterior, so that the outer city forms another town alongside the inner. 2. The temples and capitols of the city were full of monks and accordingly every quarter of the city was inhabited by them. 3. Since the city is large there are twelve churches located in it in which the people assemble. Oratories for the monks are in every monastery. The monks were almost in a majority over the secular inhabitants as they lodge at the entrances of the city and even in the gate towers. 4. In fact there are said to be five thousand monks within the walls and as many outside, and there is no hour of the day or night when they do not perform worship to God. For there are no heretics or pagans in the city but all the citizens are believers and catechumens, so that the bishop is able to bless the people in the street. 5. The governors and rulers presented largesse to the common people and by the gates stationed watchmen so that if any needy foreigner should appear he would be led to them and receive sustenance at their expense. What can one say of the piety of the common people who upon seeing us foreigners present in the agora approached us as though we were angels? How can one convey an adequate idea of the multitudes of monks and nuns past counting?

R. S. Bagnall, “Combat ou vide: Christianisme et paganisme dans l’Égypte romaine tardive,” Ktema 13 (1988): 293. 30

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6. πλὴν ὅσον παρὰ τοῦ ἐκεῖ ἁγίου ἐπισκόπου Ἱερακίονος31 ἠκριβευσάμεθα ἐδηλώσαμεν, μυρίους μὲν μοναχοὺς ὑπ’ αὐτόν, δισμυρίας δὲ παρθένους ἔχοντος. τὴν δὲ φιλοξενίαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν ἀγάπην οἵαν καὶ εἶχον, ἐμὲ οὐχ οἷόν τε ἐξειπεῖν· διεσπᾶτο γὰρ ἡμῶν τὰ πάλλια ἑκατέρων ἡμᾶς πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς ἀνθελκόντων. 7. καὶ εἴδομεν ἐκεῖ πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους πατέρας διάφορα χαρίσματα ἔχοντας, τοὺς μὲν ἐν λόγῳ, τοὺς δὲ ἐν πολιτείᾳ, τοὺς δὲ ἐν δυνάμεσι καὶ σημείοις.

While the name of the bishop is not given in Festugière’s edition, in two reliable mss. not utilized in his edition (Sinai 432 and Bodleian Cromwell 18, fol. 26V) the name is attested. See D. Chitty, “Historia Monachorum in Aegypto, édition critique du texte grec (Review),” JTS 13 (1962): 174. 31

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6. However, as far as we could ascertain from the holy bishop of that place, Hieracion, we would say that he had under his jurisdiction ten thousand monks and twenty thousand nuns. They possessed such hospitality and love that I am not able to describe it, for each of us had our garments torn apart by them pulling us to stay with them. 7. We saw there many great fathers who possessed various gifts, some in speech, some in citizenship, and others in powers and miracles.

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167 The Life of Apa Aphou, Bishop of Pemje (Oxyrhynchus) Apa Aphou was a monk who was ordained bishop of Pemje (Oxyrhynchus) sometime at the end of the fourth century or beginning of the fifth century. He is the only named bishop from Oxyrhynchus cited in the Apophthegmata Patrum [169] and for whom a hagiography (in Sahidic Coptic) has come down to us. His hagiography, titled The Life of Apa Aphou the Anchorite and the Bishop of Pemje for the Twenty-First Day of the Month of Thoth, 32 was first published in 1883 by Eugène Revillout from a single manuscript discovered in Turin, Italy (Cat. 63000). 33 A few years later in 1886 this same manuscript was republished by Francesco Rossi who corrected some of the earlier transcriptional errors present in Revillout’s edition. 34 Neither Revillout nor Rossi devoted much attention to the codicological and paleographical features of the manuscript and therefore said little about the date of the text; however, more recently it has been suggested that the manuscript that contains the Life of Aphou is unlikely to be any earlier than the seventh century and could even be a century or two later. 35 On the one hand, the Life of Aphou is like many other Coptic hagiographies whose purpose is to describe in glowing detail the feats and accomplishments of its protagonist and how he/she had lived an exemplary life worthy of remembrance and emulation; yet on the other hand, it lacks some of the features typical in hagiographical literature like an emphasis on the miraculous. While there are certainly miraculous aspects in the Life of Aphou—he has visions and communes with angels—they do not occupy a prominent place within the narrative. In fact, the overall focus is more mundane and realistic as it details the personal struggles of Aphou trying to balance a rigorous ascetic regimen while at the same time faithfully devoting himself to his episcopal responsibilities. It also highlights Aphou’s debate with Theophilus of Alexandria over the interpretation of Scripture relative to the anthropomorphite The reference to “the twenty-first day of Thoth” corresponds to September 18 and refers to the fact that this text was to be read on this day as part of the liturgical cycle. 33 E. Revillout, “La Vie du bienheureux Aphou, Evêque de Pemdje (Oxyrinque),” Revue Egyptologique 3 (1885): 27–33. Revillout provided only a brief introduction and a Coptic transcription. 34 F. Rossi, “Trascrizione di tre manoscritti Copti del Museo Egizio di Torino, con traduzione italiana,” Memorie della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino 37 (1886): 67–84 (Coptic text) and 145–150 (Italian trans.). The text was subsequently republished in F. Rossi, I papiri copti del Museo egizio di Torino, trascritti e tradotti (2 vols.; Torino, 1887–1892), 5–22 (Coptic text), 83–88 (Italian trans.). 35 G. Florovsky, “Theophilus of Alexandria and Apa Aphou of Pemgje,” in Harry Austryn Wolfson Jubilee Volume on the Occasion of His Seventy-Fifth Birthday, ed. S. Lieberman, S. Spiegel, L. Strauss, and A. Hyman ( Jerusalem, 1965), 1:273–310. 32

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controversy in 399. In fact, given the rather ordinary character of the Life of Aphou, some commentators have been led to believe that in certain respects it represents a fairly plausible account of his life. 36 The work begins with a brief introduction where the hagiographer introduces Aphou by claiming that he was a disciple of the first ascetics, and places him in a succession of holy men who emulated the lives of the apostles. Though the explicit claim that Aphou was a disciple of Antony is not made in the text, in another hagiography, the Life of Paul of Tamma [168], this claim is made. The story continues by detailing Aphou’s austere form of ascesis whereby he withdrew from society, wore only a loin cloth, and lived a life of solitude and denial among the antelope in the desert. Once a year he would be visited by a brother who reminded him about Easter, and so he would journey from his monastic retreat to Pemje to hear the annual paschal letter read out to the congregation. On one occasion Aphou was extremely troubled by what he heard in the letter and was immediately charged by an angel to go to Alexandria to the archbishop Theophilus to correct him; thus, this incident serves as a defining moment in the narrative, and Aphou’s subsequent theological quarrel with Theophilus occupies a prominent place within the narrative and is recounted in detail. The backdrop of the dispute is the anthropomorphite controversy that erupted in Egypt at the end of the fourth century with the publication of Theophilus’ paschal letter in 399, which is no longer extant. A number of sources reported that this letter angered many monks since Theophilus had argued in it that God ought to be regarded as incorporeal and alien to human form and that anyone who thought God was corporeal and that humans were made in the literal image of God were mistaken. 37 As an advocate of anthropomorphite E. Drioton, “La discussion d’un moine anthropomorphite audien avec le Patriarche Théophile d’Alexandrie en l’année 399,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 20 (1915–1917): 93–94; Florovsky, “Theophilus of Alexandria,” 279; cf. E. Clark, The Origenist Controversy: The Cultural Construction of an Early Christian Debate (Princeton, 1992), 51–52. 37 John Cassian (Consolationes 10.2) describes the reaction of the monks in Scete to the arrival of the letter: “In accordance with this custom, then, a very few days after the previously mentioned conference with Abba Isaac had taken place, there arrived the solemn letter of Theophilus, bishop of the aforesaid city. Along with the Easter announcement he also argued extensively against the foolish heresy of the anthropomorphites and demolished it at great length. Because of their errant naiveté, however, this was received with such great bitterness by nearly all the various sorts of monks who were living throughout the province of Egypt that the vast majority of the elders decided that the aforementioned bishop should be abominated by the entire body of the brothers as a person who had been tainted by a very serious heresy.” Translation taken from John Cassian: The Conferences, trans. and ed. L. J. Donohoo (ACW 57; New York, 1997), 371. Sozomen (Hist. eccl. 8.11.2–3) similarly relates how the letter angered a number of monks: “But those who searched into the hidden meaning of the terms of scripture held the opposite view and they maintained that those who denied the incorporeality of God were guilty of blasphemy. 36

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theology, Aphou promptly went to Alexandria, and the Life of Aphou reports that he had to stand at the entrance to Theophilus’ residence for three days before he was granted a hearing. The ensuing debate between Aphou and Theophilus is recounted in detail and is based on the literal and metaphorical meaning of certain scriptural passages (i.e., Gen 1:26; 9:6; etc.). The result of the prolonged discussion was that Theophilus changed his mind, became convinced of his fault, and issued a new encyclical correcting the error. While the Life of Aphou makes it clear that Theophilus was in the wrong, it broaches the whole issue in a very gentle way, ultimately blaming the ploys of the devil for scandalizing the bishop and upholds Theophilus’ change of heart as an honorable example of episcopal humility. Following the debate Aphou returned to the desert and quietly resumed his ascetic practices. After three years the bishopric of Pemje became vacant, and, though the city had nominated another candidate, Theophilus rejected their nominee and instead insisted that Aphou be ordained. Though Aphou was unwilling and the city had to essentially capture him to make him bishop, he eventually conceded and accepted the bishopric. Central to his reluctance

ⲡⲃⲓⲟⲥ   ⲛⲁ   ϫⲉ  ϫⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲉ . 1. ⲙ ⲛ ⲩⲛ(ⲛ) ⲉ ⲉⲩⲉ ⲉ ⲉⲩⲃ.  ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲉϥⲣⲁ(ⲛ) ⲙⲉ ϩ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ. ⲉⲩⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ϩ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲧϭϭⲟⲙ. ϣⲟⲣ ⲙⲉ ⲛⲉⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲁ ⲑⲩⲡⲟⲧⲁⲏ ϩⲉⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲥ. ⲁ ϩⲱⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁⲁϩⲉ ϩⲉ ϩ ⲁⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲁⲡⲥⲧ. ⲁϥⲁⲛⲁⲥⲧⲣⲉⲫⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉⲩⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲥⲉⲙⲛⲟⲛ. ⲙⲥⲁ ⲧⲣⲉⲩⲕⲟⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥϣⲱϫ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁϥ. ⲉϥⲥⲟⲟⲩ(ⲛ) ⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲥⲟⲛ. ⲡⲁ ϩⲱⲱϥ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲁϥϫⲓⲥⲃⲱ ⲉⲧϭⲓⲛⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲣⲁ ⲉⲧⲡⲉ. 2. [ⲙⲙⲁϥ] ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲁϥⲣⲁⲛ[ⲁϥ ⲇ]ⲉ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥⲱ[ⲛ] ϩ ⲟⲩⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲧⲉⲙⲓⲛⲉ. ⲁϥⲕⲁⲁϥⲕⲁ[ϩⲏ]ⲧ ⲛⲉϥϩ[ⲟⲓ]ⲧⲉ ⲁϥⲙⲟⲣ ϣⲁⲁⲣ ⲉϫ ⲧⲉϥϯⲡⲉ ⲁϥϭⲱ ⲉ[ϥ]ϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲙ ϣⲟϣ ϩ ⲧⲉⲣⲏⲙⲟⲥ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡ[ⲉϩ]ⲟⲟⲩ ⲙ (ⲧⲉ)ⲩϣⲏ ϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲛⲁϥ ⲥⲩ[ⲛⲁ]ⲝⲓⲥ. ⲧⲉ[ϥⲧ]ⲣⲟⲫⲏ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲉⲥϣⲟⲟ[ⲡ ⲛ] This later opinion was espoused by Theophilus, and preached by him in the church; and in the epistle which, according to custom, he wrote respecting the celebration of the Passover, he took occasion to state that God ought to be regarded as incorporeal, as alien to a human form. When it was signified to the Egyptian monks that Theophilus had broached these sentiments, they went to Alexandria, assembled the people together in one place, excited a tumult, and determined upon slaying the bishop as an impious man.” Translation adapted from NPNF2 2.406. Cf. Socrates, Hist. eccl. 6.7.1–5.

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was his concern that he could not maintain his ascetic lifestyle and at the same time fulfill all his episcopal responsibilities. As a compromise he agreed to come to the city on Saturdays and Sundays to fulfill his duties as bishop, provided that during the rest of the week he could live at a monastery outside of the city walls, which he did until death. Two features in the hagiography seem to most mark his episcopacy. The first was that he was especially concerned for the poor and needy and tried to help the less fortunate through the church and even appointed a special officer for the task. The second was that he stressed scriptural literacy among both laity and clergy and even tested the latter on their knowledge of the Scriptures before ordination. The Life of Aphou ends with Aphou exhorting the inhabitants of Pemje to righteousness and then closes with an encomium pronounced upon him by the author of the hagiography. The Coptic text used for this translation is that of Rossi’s, albeit with a few minor corrections. The present translation represents the first time this text has been translated in its entirety into English. 38

The Life of Apa Aphou the Anchorite and the Bishop of Pemje (Oxyrhynchus) for the Twenty-First Day of the Month of Thoth 1. After these things it is necessary that we remember the holy bishop, this one whose name among men is Aphou is also called among men “the powerful one.” First he was subordinate to some elect and faithful men; these themselves were also established by the disciples of the apostles. He conducted himself according to their pious way of life. After their death he alone remained. He was acquainted only with a brother who also had been instructed by them how to ascend to heaven. 2. It pleased Aphou to live this sort of life: he stripped off his garments, he bound a skin upon his loins, and he remained with the antelope in the desert. Day and night were to him a mass. His food was similar to their fodder and

38

We would like to thank Dr. John Gee for all of his generous help with this translation.

Christian Oxyrhynchus

642

ⲁϥ ⲡⲣⲟⲥ ⲧϭⲓⲛⲱⲛ ⲛⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϥⲧⲟⲛⲧ ⲙⲙⲟϥ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ϭⲓ ⲡⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉ ⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲧⲧ[ϭ]ⲱⲃ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϫⲓⲛⲧⲁⲩⲥⲟⲧ ⲁⲣ ϭⲓ ⲁ[ⲙⲟ]ⲕⲙ[ⲉⲕ]39 ⲧⲧϣⲏⲣⲉϣⲏⲙ ⲧⲁϥⲁⲣⲭⲉ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲧⲉⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲁⲡⲁⲛⲧⲁ ⲇⲉ. . .ⲛ ⲛ. ⲛϣⲣ ϣⲁϫⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ . . . . . ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ ⲛⲧⲁⲙⲟϥ ⲉⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲉ[ⲃⲟ] ⲗ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲟⲩ3. ϣⲧⲏⲛ ⲡⲁⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲧⲟ ϩⲓⲱⲱϥ ⲛⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲡⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲡⲡⲁⲥⲭⲁ ϩ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲙⲉⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲥⲟⲩⲱⲛ ⲡⲉ ϣⲁ(ⲛ)ϥⲉⲓ ⲉϩⲣⲁ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲙⲁ. ⲉϥϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲧⲉϩⲉ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲁⲣⲭⲉ ⲉⲧⲧⲗⲗⲟ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϥϭϭⲟⲙ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲁ ⲧⲛⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲧⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ ⲛⲙⲁϥ. ⲛⲁ ⲙⲉⲛ ⲁⲩⲥⲟⲩⲱⲛ ⲑⲉ ⲟⲩϣⲃⲏⲣ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲛ ⲛⲉⲩⲙⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲑⲉ ⲟⲩϣⲱⲥ. ⲉⲩϯⲙⲧⲟⲛ ⲛⲁϥ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ϩⲉⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲗⲟⲓⲕⲟⲥ ϩⲱⲥ ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲟϣⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧ ⲧⲉⲡⲣⲟⲛⲟⲓⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉ ⲁⲩⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲙⲁⲉⲓⲛ ⲡⲉⲩϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉϥⲧⲟ ϩⲓⲱⲱϥ. ϩ ⲧⲉⲡⲣⲱ ⲙⲉⲛ ⲛⲉϣⲁⲩⲕⲧⲟ ⲉϩⲟⲩ(ⲛ) ⲉⲣⲟϥ ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ 4. ⲛϩⲙⲟⲙ ϩ ⲧⲉⲩⲙⲏⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲡⲉⲧϣⲟⲟⲡ ϩ ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲏⲏ40 ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲁϣⲏ ⲛⲓϥⲉ ⲉⲧⲧⲁϩⲟ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡϣⲱⲙ ⲟ ϩⲟⲙⲟⲓⲱⲥ ⲉϣⲁⲩϩⲁⲃⲉⲥ ⲉⲣⲟϥ. ⲉϥϣⲁⲛϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲟⲩϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲧⲉϣϭϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ ⲥⲱⲟⲩ ⲉ[ⲩ]ⲛⲁⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲟⲩⲱⲙ ⲛⲉϣⲁⲣⲉ ϩⲟⲛⲉ ϣⲱϫ ϩⲁϩⲧⲏϥ ⲉⲙⲉⲩⲕⲁⲁϥ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁϥ. ⲧⲉ ⲡⲕⲉⲥⲉⲉⲡⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲃⲱⲕ ⲥⲉⲙⲟⲟⲛⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲥⲉⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲛⲁϥ ϩ ⲧⲉⲩⲧⲁⲡⲣⲟ ⲛⲉⲧⲛⲁⲟⲩⲟⲙⲟⲩ. ⲛⲁ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲁϥϩⲟⲙⲟⲗⲟⲉ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ϫⲓⲛⲧⲁϥ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉ ⲁⲩⲙⲏⲏϣⲉ ϩ ⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ ϩⲉⲧϩⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲉⲁⲛⲁⲥⲧⲣⲟⲫⲏ ϫⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲁϣ ⲁⲧⲓⲁ ⲁⲕⲡⲟⲗⲓⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲧⲉϩⲉ. ⲧⲟϥ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥ[ϫ]ⲱ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲙⲉⲛ ϯϣⲁⲁⲧ ⲉ[ⲙ]ⲁⲧⲉ. ⲡ[ⲗⲏ]ⲛ ⲁⲥⲱ- 5. ⲧ ⲉⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲁⲩⲉⲓⲇ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϩⲣ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲓⲧⲛⲏ ⲛⲛⲁϩⲣⲁⲕ. ⲁⲥⲱⲧ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲏⲥⲁⲓⲁⲥ ϫⲉ ⲁϥⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ ⲉϥⲕⲏⲕⲁϩⲏⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲕⲉϭⲟⲟⲩⲛⲉ ⲉⲧⲙⲏⲣ ⲙⲟϥ ⲉϫ ⲧⲉϥϯⲡⲉ ⲁϥⲧⲣⲉϥⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲡⲉⲛⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲧⲏⲣ ⲁⲟϣ ϩ ⲡⲕⲁⲧⲁⲙⲁⲣⲕⲟⲥ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲛⲉϥϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲡⲉ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲑⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ. ⲉϣϫⲉ ⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϭⲉ ⲙ ⲛⲉϥⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲃⲱⲕ ϩ ⲛⲓϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧ ⲡⲟⲥⲟ ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉⲉⲃⲓⲏⲛ. ⲁⲥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲧⲓ ⲉϥϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲑⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲡⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲡⲡⲁⲥⲭⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲁϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲩⲗⲉⲝⲓⲥ ⲛ- 6. ⲥⲩⲙⲫⲱⲛⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲙ ⲡⲥⲟⲟⲩ(ⲛ) ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲛϣⲧⲟⲣⲧ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲉϫ ⲡϣⲁϫⲉ. ⲕⲁ ⲁⲣ ⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲧⲁⲩⲥⲟⲧⲙⲉϥ ⲁⲩⲗⲩⲡⲏ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲩϣⲧⲟⲣⲧ ϩⲱⲟⲩ. ⲡⲗⲏⲛ ⲡⲁⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲁϥⲟⲩⲉϩⲥⲁϩⲛⲉ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ

Rossi reads: ⲁ. .ⲕⲙ . . . Ms. apparently reads ⲟⲩⲥⲕⲏⲏ, but this makes little sense and must instead be based on the Greek σκηνή. 39 40

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having a feeble man’s body he was like them. For since [the thoughts (?)] of his youth saved him. He began this sort of life, he always used to meet . . . first spoken to him . . . the year he learned it on the day of the holy preaching. And he used to come out 3. wearing a pagan tunic in order to listen to the paschal preaching in the church of Pemje. And nobody knew him prior to his ascending to his station (i.e., the bishopric). He was like this until he began to be old. And he had power over the beasts among whom he walked.41 These beasts recognized him as a companion and they also loved him as a shepherd. They even comforted him like rational men and were appointed to him by holy providence because they saw the sign of their Lord which he bore. In the winter they surrounded him so that 4. he was warm in their midst like one who was in a tent because of the amount of their breath that they breathed on him. And in the summer likewise they shaded him. Also, if he were sick one day, so that he could not walk behind them when they would go to eat, then some used to remain with him, not leaving him alone, and the rest would go to feed and in their mouths they would bring things for him to eat. When he was made bishop he acknowledged these things because many of the brothers asked him about his way of life saying, “Why did you live this way?” He said to them, “I am lacking in many things but I 5. hearkened to the blessed David who said before God, ‘I was like a beast before you’ (Ps 73:11). I also heard about Isaiah that he walked about naked and even cast off his sack cloth that was girt about his loins (Isa 20:2). Our Savior, the Lord of all, I read in Mark that ‘he was with the wild beasts’ (Mark 1:13). If God then and his holy ones went through all of these trials for me how much more should I who am a wretched person?” And it came to pass that while he was yet abiding with the wild beasts he came out for the preaching of holy Easter. And he heard an expression 6. that was not in accord with the knowledge of the Holy Spirit so that he was exceedingly troubled by that saying. Moreover, all those who heard it were

The “power” (ⲛⲉϥϭϭⲟⲙ) Aphou exercised over the beasts relates back to his nickname in section one “the powerful one” (ⲡⲉⲧϭϭⲟⲙ). 41

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ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲧⲣⲉϥⲁⲙⲉⲗⲉ ⲉⲡϣⲁϫⲉ. ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲁⲩⲧⲟϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲃⲱⲕ ϣⲁ ⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ. ⲅⲧⲁϩⲉ ⲡⲉϣⲁϫⲉ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ. ⲡϣⲁϫⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ⲛⲉ ⲟⲩⲧⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉ ⲡⲉ. ϩⲱⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉϥϫⲓⲥⲉ ⲡⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϩ ⲡϣⲁϫⲉ. ⲁϥⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲧⲧϭⲱⲃ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ϭⲓ ⲡⲉⲧϩⲩⲡⲟⲟⲣⲉⲩⲉ ϫⲉ  ⲧⲁ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲉ ⲑⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲁ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲫⲟⲣⲉ ⲙⲟⲥ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲛⲁ ϭⲓ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲁϥⲙⲟⲩϩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ 7. ϩ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲁⲡⲟⲇⲏⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ. ⲉϥⲫⲟⲣⲉ ⲟⲩϣⲧⲏⲛ []ⲡϭⲉ. ⲁϥⲁϩⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ ϭⲓ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ϩⲓⲣ ⲡⲣⲟ ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟ(ⲥ)42 ϣⲟⲙⲧ ϩⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϫⲓⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ. ⲉⲩⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉϣϫⲉ ⲟⲩϩⲓⲇⲓⲱⲧⲏⲥ ⲡⲉ. ⲙⲥⲁ ⲛⲁ ⲁϥϯ ϩⲧⲏϥ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ϭⲓ [ⲟⲩ]ⲁ ⲛⲉⲕⲗⲏⲣⲓⲕⲟⲥ. ⲁϥⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲧⲉϥϩⲩⲡⲟⲙⲟⲛⲏ ⲁϥⲁⲓⲥⲑⲁⲛⲉ ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲁϥⲧⲁⲙⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϩⲏⲕⲉ ϩⲓⲣ ⲡⲣⲟ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉϥⲟⲩⲱϣ43 ⲉⲁⲡⲁ(ⲛ)ⲧⲁ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲉ(ⲛ)ⲉϣⲧⲟⲗⲙⲁ ⲉⲧ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲇⲏ ⲙ ϩⲥⲱ ϩⲓⲱⲱϥ ⲉϥⲧⲁⲉⲓⲏⲩ. ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲉϣϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲩ8. ⲕⲓⲙ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ϩⲓⲧ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁϥⲟⲩⲉϩⲥⲁϩⲛⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩϫⲓⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ⲉϩⲟⲩ(ⲛ). ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲁϩⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲡⲉϥⲙⲧⲟ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲁϥϫⲛⲟⲩϥ ⲉⲧⲁⲧⲓⲁ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϫⲉ ⲙⲁⲣⲉ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲥ44 ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲡϣⲁϫⲉ ⲡⲉϥϩϩⲁⲗ ϩ ⲟⲩⲁⲁⲡⲏ ⲙ ⲟⲩⲁⲛⲟⲭⲏ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲁϫⲓϥ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ϯⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲧ ⲧⲉⲕⲯⲩⲭⲏ ϫⲉ ⲧ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲣⲉϥϫⲓϣⲟϫⲛⲉ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲁ ⲁϯ ⲡⲁⲟⲩⲟ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲉⲕⲙⲧⲛⲟϭ. ⲉⲑⲁⲣⲣⲉ ϫⲉ ⲛⲛⲁϣⲉⲥ ⲡϣⲁϫⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲧⲉⲩⲥⲉⲃⲏⲥ. ⲕⲁⲛ ⲉⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲉⲧⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ. ⲑⲉⲟⲫⲓⲗⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲁⲧⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲁⲑⲏⲧ ⲧⲉ9. ϩⲉ ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲧⲉ ⲟⲩϣⲁϫⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϩⲱⲃ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲙⲁⲣⲉ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ ⲥⲉⲱϣ ⲉⲣⲟ ⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ ⲡϩⲓⲥⲟⲛ ⲡⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲉⲡⲉⲇⲏ ⲁⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲩⲗⲉⲝⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲧ ⲛⲥⲩⲙⲟⲛⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲣⲁⲫⲏ ⲛⲓϥⲉ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲓⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲥⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲧⲁϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲙⲏⲡⲟⲧⲉ ⲧⲁ ⲥⲩⲛⲣⲁⲫⲉⲩⲥ ϣⲱϥ ⲉⲩⲥϩⲁ. ⲧⲁ ⲧⲁ ϩⲁϩ ϩ ⲉⲩⲥⲉⲃⲏⲥ ϫⲓϫⲣⲟⲡ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲥⲉⲕⲁϩ ϩⲏⲧ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ ⲁϥⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ϭⲓ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲑⲉⲟⲫⲓⲗⲟⲥ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲡϩⲓⲥⲟⲛ ⲡⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ. ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩⲁⲣⲭⲉⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲱϣ ⲁⲩ10. ⲡⲱϩ ⲉⲧⲗⲉⲝⲓⲥ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ. ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁϥⲛⲁϩⲧ ϭⲓ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ϯⲗⲉⲝⲓⲥ ⲧⲉⲙⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲙⲟⲛⲧ ⲁⲛ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ϯⲛⲁϩⲟⲙⲟⲗⲟⲉⲓ Ms. reads ⲡⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡ. Ms. reads ⲉⲟⲩⲱϣ. 44 Ms. reads ⲡⲁϫⲟⲥ. 42 43

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distressed and troubled. But, the angel of the Lord commanded the blessed Aphou not to disregard the saying, telling to him, “You are commanded by the Lord to go to Alexandria and to set this saying aright.” And that saying was as follows: the preacher, when he puffed up the glory of God, he esteemed men to be worthless. The one who dictated it said, “This image that we bear is not the image of God.” When the blessed Aphou heard these things he was filled 7. with the Holy Spirit and set out for the city of Alexandria wearing a worn-out tunic. Blessed Apa Aphou stood at the gate of the bishop for three days, and no one let him in for they regarded him as though he were crazy. Then one of the clergy took notice of him, observing his patience, and felt that he was a man of God. He went in and told the archbishop, saying, “A poor man is at the gate and says that he wants to meet you, but we have not dared to bring him to you since he is not wearing dignified attire.” But straightway, as though he had 8. been moved by God he ordered that he be brought to him. And when the latter was before him he asked him about the complaint. He answered, “May my lord the bishop hear the word of his servant in love and forbearance.” He said to him, “Speak.” Blessed Apa Aphou responded, “I know of the goodness of your soul and that you are a thoughtful man. Therefore, I seek your greatness. I am confident that you will not despise the word of piety, even though it comes from such a poor man as I.” And Theophilus, the archbishop, said to him, “What godless person would be so crazy to reject 9. God’s word for no reason?” Aphou responded, “Let my lord bishop command that the original copy of the sermon be read to me in this place, because I heard an expression that was not in harmony with the Scriptures inspired by God. I did not believe that it had come from you, but I wondered if the scribes made a mistake when they wrote this thing on account of which a number of pious people have taken offense so that they are very troubled.” Then Apa Theophilus, the archbishop, commanded that the original copy of the sermon be brought. When the reading had begun 10. that phrase was reached. Then Apa Aphou bowed down and said, “Such an expression is not sound; but, I will maintain that it is in the image

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ϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁⲙⲓⲉ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϩ ⲑⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲱⲥ ⲧⲟⲕ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲕ ⲁⲕϣⲁϫⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲉⲗⲉⲝⲓⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉⲕⲉⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϣⲁϫⲉ ⲉϥϯ ⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲙⲁⲕ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ϯⲑⲁⲣⲉ ϫⲉ ⲕⲛⲁϯ ⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲧⲕ ⲙⲙⲁ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲛⲁϯ ⲁⲛ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉϩⲣⲁ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲁϣ ϩⲉ ⲉⲕⲛⲁϣϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲟⲩⲉϭⲱϣ ϫⲉ ⲑⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ.  ⲟⲩⲁ ⲉϥⲥⲟⲃ.  ⲟⲩϭⲁⲗⲉ  ⲟⲩⲃⲗⲉ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲉⲕϣⲁⲛⲧⲁⲩⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲧⲉⲓⲙⲓⲛⲉ ⲉⲕⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲕ11. ϯⲧⲱⲛ ⲙ ⲡⲉ(ⲛ)ⲧⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲁⲙⲓⲟ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉⲛⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲙ ⲧⲉⲛϩⲓⲕⲱ(ⲛ) ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲙⲏ ⲉⲛⲟⲓⲧⲟ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲉⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲡⲁ ϫⲉ ⲁⲇⲁⲙ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁϥ ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁⲙⲓⲟϥ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉϥⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲙ ⲧⲉϥϩⲓⲕⲱⲛ. ϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲁϥϫⲡⲟⲟⲩ ⲙⲥⲟϥ ⲥⲉⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲁⲛ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲕⲁⲓ ⲙⲏⲛ ⲙⲥⲁ ⲧⲣⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲙ ⲇⲓⲁⲑⲏⲕⲏ ⲙ ⲛⲱϩⲉ ⲙⲥⲁ ⲡⲕⲁⲧⲁⲕⲗⲩⲥⲙⲟⲥ ϣⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲡⲱϩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲟⲩⲥⲛⲟϥ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲡⲉϩ ⲡⲱϥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲙⲁ. ϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁⲙⲓⲉ ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϩ ⲑⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ϯϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲉϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ45 ⲣⲉϥϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲣⲉϥ- 12. ϣ(ϩⲓⲥⲉ) ϫⲉ ⲉϥⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲑⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲡⲁⲑⲏⲥ ⲉⲩⲧⲏⲗⲉⲥ. ⲉϣⲁϥϩⲙⲟⲟⲥ ϩⲓⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲡⲁⲣⲁⲥⲕⲉⲩⲁⲍⲉ.46 ⲁϣ ϩⲉ ⲕⲛⲁ ⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲙ ⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ ⲙⲉ ⲉⲧⲉ ⲙⲉⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϫⲟⲟⲃⲉϥ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲕϣⲁⲛϫⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲛⲁϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲉⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧϫ ⲙⲟϥ ϫⲉ ⲧⲟϥ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲉ. ⲟⲩⲇⲁ ⲁⲣ ⲛⲁϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲁϣ ϩⲉ ⲕϫⲓ ⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲉⲁⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲧⲁⲩⲟϥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲩⲧⲱϭ ⲙⲙⲟϥ ϩ ⲟⲩϩⲁⲥⲉ ⲙⲥⲱⲥ ⲛⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲉⲕϫ ⲙⲟϥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲁ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲧⲉϩⲉ ⲁⲡ ⲧⲉ. ⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲁⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲁⲗⲏⲑⲱⲥ ⲡⲁⲧⲧⲁⲗⲟϥ ⲉϫ ⲡⲉⲑⲩⲥⲓⲁⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ. ϩ ⲡⲧⲣⲉⲛⲧⲁⲗⲟϥ ⲉϫ ⲡⲉⲑⲩⲥⲓⲁⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉ13. ⲡⲓⲕⲁⲗⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉϩⲣⲁ ⲉϫⲱⲟⲩ ⲡⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲙⲉⲛ ϣⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲡⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲁⲡⲟⲧ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲥⲛⲟϥ. ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲛⲉϥⲙⲁⲑⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϫⲉ ϫⲓ ⲧⲉⲧⲟⲩⲱⲙ ⲡⲁ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲁⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲙ ⲡⲁⲥⲛⲟϥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲡⲁ. ⲟⲩⲁⲛⲁⲕⲁⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲉ[ⲧⲉϥⲉⲝⲟⲩ]ⲥⲓⲁ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁ[ⲙⲓⲉ ⲡ]ⲣⲱⲙⲉ [ⲕⲁⲧⲁ] ⲡⲓⲛⲉ [ⲙ ⲑⲓ]ⲕⲱⲛ [ⲡⲛ]ⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲁⲣ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲧⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲧⲡⲉ. ⲧⲟϥ ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ(ⲛ) ⲧⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲡⲱϩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲟⲩⲥⲛⲟϥ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲡⲉϩ ⲡⲱϥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲙⲁ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁⲙⲓⲉ47 ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϩ ⲑⲓⲕⲱ(ⲛ) ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲙⲉⲉⲑⲟⲥ ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ Ms. reads ⲉⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ. For παρασκευάζει to refer to bowel movements, see LXX 1 Sam 24:4. 47 Ms. reads ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁⲩⲧⲁⲙⲓⲉ. 45 46

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of God that all men have been created.” The archbishop responded, “How is it that you alone have spoken against this phrase, and that there have not been any others in agreement with you?” Apa Aphou said, “I am sure that you will be in agreement with me and will not argue with me.” The archbishop said, “How could you say that an Ethiopian is in the image of God, or a leper, or a cripple, or a blind man?” The blessed Apa Aphou replied, “If you proclaim these things in this way, you will be disputing with 11. that which God said, ‘Let us make man in our likeness and in our image’ ” (Gen 1:26). The archbishop responded, “On the contrary, I believe that only Adam was created in his likeness and image, but that his children whom he begot later do not resemble him.” Apa Aphou responded and said, “Well, after God had established the covenant with Noah after the flood he said to him, ‘Whosoever will shed human blood, his own will be shed in return, for man had been created in the image of God’ ” (Gen 9:6). The archbishop said, “I hesitate to say of an ill man 12. or a suffering man that he bears the image of the impassible and self-existing God, while the former squats outside to relieve himself. How could you think of him alongside the true light which nothing can surpass?” Aphou said to him, “If you say these things too, it will be said of the body of Christ, which we receive, that it is not he. For the Jews will claim, ‘How do you take a bit of bread which the earth has so laboriously produced, and then believe and take this to be the body of the Lord?’ ” The archbishop said to him, “That is not so, for it is truly bread before we elevate it to the altar; only after we have elevated it above the altar 13. and have invoked God upon them, does the bread become the body of Christ and the cup become the blood, according as he said to his disciples: ‘Take and eat, this is my body and my blood’ (Matt 26:26, 28). And this we also believe.” Apa Aphou said to him, “Just as it is necessary to have faith in that, so too it is necessary to have faith that through his authority man has been created according to the likeness and image of God. For he who said, ‘I am the bread that is come from heaven’ (John 6:41), is also he who said, ‘Whosoever will shed human blood, his own will be shed in return, for man has been created in the image of God’ (Gen 9:6). Because of the glory of the greatness of God

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14. ⲡⲁ ⲉ[ⲧ. . .]ϣϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲧⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲛ[ⲁⲩ ⲉ]ⲣⲟϥ ⲉⲧ[ⲃⲉ] ⲡⲉϥⲟⲩ[ⲟⲉⲓⲛ] ⲁⲧⲧ[ⲁϩⲟϥ]48ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲧϭⲱⲃ ⲧⲧⲉⲩⲧⲉⲗⲏⲥ ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ϭⲱϫ ⲧⲉⲩⲥⲓⲥ ⲉⲧⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ [ⲙⲟ]ⲟⲩ. ⲉⲛⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲧⲉϩⲉ ϫⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟ ⲉϥⲛⲁⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ ⲥⲉⲍⲱⲣⲁⲫⲓ ⲟⲩϩⲓⲕⲱⲛ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲛ ϣⲁⲣⲉ ⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ ϩⲟⲙⲟⲗⲟⲉ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲑⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲡⲣⲟ ⲧⲉ. ϩⲁⲙⲁ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲥⲉⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲟⲩϣⲉ ⲧⲉ ⲙ ϩⲉⲛⲡⲁϩⲣⲉ. ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲁⲣ ϣⲁⲁⲛⲧ ϫⲟⲥⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲑⲉ ⲡⲁ ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲛⲉⲥⲙⲁⲁϫⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲡϩⲟ ⲡⲣⲟ. ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲥϣⲁϫⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲉϥϩⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϭⲱϫ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲙⲟⲥ ⲙⲉⲣⲉⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲡⲉⲩⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲩϩⲟⲧⲉ ϩⲏⲧ ⲧⲁⲡⲟⲫⲁⲥⲓⲥ ⲡⲣⲟ. ϫⲉ ⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁ ⲧⲉ ⲧⲁ15. ϩⲓⲕⲱⲛ. ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲉϥϣⲁ(ⲛ) ⲟⲩⲁ ⲧⲟⲗⲙⲁ ⲉⲁⲣⲛⲁ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲑⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲣⲟ ϣⲁⲩⲙⲟⲟⲩⲧ ϫⲉ ⲁϥϫⲓⲟⲩⲁ ⲉⲣⲟϥ. ⲙⲁⲗⲓⲥⲧⲁ ϫⲉ ϣⲁⲣⲉ ⲉⲝⲟⲩⲥⲓⲁ ⲥⲱⲟⲩϩ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲉⲩϯⲉⲟⲟⲩ ϩⲉⲛⲡⲁϭⲉ ϣⲉ ⲙ ϩⲉⲛⲡⲁϩⲣⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲑⲟⲧⲉ ⲡⲣⲟ. ⲉϣϫⲉ ϣⲁⲣⲉ ⲛⲁ ϭⲉ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲟⲩϩⲓⲕⲱⲛ ⲉⲙ  ⲙⲟⲥ ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲙⲉⲥⲕⲓⲙ ⲉⲥⲟ ⲁ . . . ⲑⲉⲧⲟⲥ. ⲡⲓⲕ[ⲓⲙ] ⲙⲁⲗⲗⲟⲛ ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ. [ⲉⲧ]ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲉ[ ⲡ]ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϩⲏⲧ. ⲉϥⲉⲛⲉⲣⲉⲓ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉϥⲧⲁⲏⲩ ⲡⲁⲣⲁ ⲍⲱⲟⲛ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲉⲧϩⲓϫ ⲡⲕⲁϩ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲇⲓⲁⲫⲟⲣⲁ ⲇⲉ ϣⲱⲛⲉ ⲙ ⲁⲩⲁ(ⲛ) ⲙ ϭⲱϫ ⲉⲧϩⲏⲧ ⲉⲩⲡⲉⲧⲉⲩⲥⲓⲥ49 ⲛⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲟⲩϫⲁ. ⲙ ϣϭⲟⲙ ⲁⲣ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲛⲁ ⲉⲥⲉϣ ⲡⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲁⲁϥ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲉ16. ⲧⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥ ϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲡϩⲟⲟⲩⲧ ⲁⲣ ⲛϣϣⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲉϩⲱⲃ ⲧⲉϥⲁⲡⲉ. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲉϣⲁϫⲉ ϭⲓ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲣⲭⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲁϥⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲁϥⲡⲁϩⲧ ⲉϩⲣⲁ ⲉϫ ⲡⲉϥⲙⲁⲕ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲟⲛⲧⲱⲥ ⲥⲡⲣⲉⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉ ⲧⲧⲣⲉϥϯⲥⲃⲱ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲧⲟⲟⲩⲟⲩ ⲛⲉⲧⲥⲩⲭⲁⲍⲉ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲩ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲁⲣ ⲗⲟⲓⲥⲙⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲛϩⲏⲧ. ⲧⲏϩ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲛϣⲱϥ ⲧⲉϩⲉ ⲧⲏⲣ ϩ ⲟⲩⲧⲁⲧⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁϥⲥϩⲁ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲉϥⲁⲡⲟⲕⲩⲣⲏⲥⲥⲉ ⲧⲗⲉⲝⲓⲥ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ϫⲉ ⲉⲥϣⲟϥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ϩ ⲟⲩⲧⲁⲛⲟⲏⲧⲟⲥ ⲧⲁ(ⲛ)ⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ. ⲙⲛⲥⲁ ⲛⲁ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥⲧⲁⲣⲕⲉ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲙⲁⲧⲁⲙⲟ ϫⲉ ⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲉⲕⲃⲓⲟⲥ 17. ⲁ ⲧ ⲟⲩⲣ ⲧⲱⲛ  ⲡⲉⲕⲉⲛⲟⲥ. ϯⲛⲁⲩ ⲁ   ϩⲩⲇ.50 ϯⲧ ⲇ ϩϥ ⲛϣⲁϫ ϫ ⲁ ⲁⲁ ⲛⲁ. ⲁϥϣ ϥϫ  ϫ ⲁϣ ⲛ ⲛ ϩ ⲛⲁ. ⲛ ϯ ⲃ ⲁⲟ ⲧⲙⲁ. ⲁ ⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲣϫ. ⲁⲁ ⲇ  ⲧⲁϫⲩ ϫ ⲁ ⲃ ⲁ ⲁϫⲁϫ ϩⲧ  ⲁ ϩⲧ. ϥⲛ ϫ  ϣ ⲛⲁϫϫ. ⲃ ⲁ ϯ ⲧⲧ ϣⲁϫ

Rossi reads: ⲡⲁ ⲉ . . . ϣϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲧⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲛ . . . ⲣⲟϥ ⲉⲧ . . . ⲡⲉϥⲟⲩ . . . ⲁⲧⲧ. . . . We are unsure of the intended reading for this term and have left it untranslated. 50 From Greek ἰδιώτης. 48 49

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [167]

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14.  . . . whom no one can see because of his incomprehensible light and because of the weakness of man’s lowliness according to the natural frailty, of which we are aware, [we will think of him] like a king who will give orders and a likeness will be painted, and all will agree that it is the image of the king, but at the same time all know that it is wood and paint, for neither does it raise its nose, like man, nor are its ears like those of the king’s countenance, nor does it speak like the king. And all these weaknesses which belong to it nobody thinks about out of respect for the king’s judgment, because he has proclaimed ‘It is my 15. image.’ Rather, if anyone dares to deny it, on the plea that it is not the image of the king, he will be executed for having despised it. Indeed, the authorities are mustered concerning it and give praise to bits of wood and to paint, out of respect to the king. Now, if such things happen to an image which has no spirit, neither does it move, being incapable, how much more, then, to man, in whom abides the Spirit of God, and who is active and honored above all the animals which are upon the earth; but because of the differences of sickness and appearance and weakness that are in us and which are . . . for us on account of our health, it is not possible for any one of these latter to slight the glory that God has given us, according 16. to the word of Paul, ‘As for man, it is not proper that he cover his head because he is the image of God’ (1 Cor 11:7).” When he heard these words the blessed archbishop stood and bent his head saying, “It is fitting that instruction come from those who search in solitude, for in us the reasoning of our hearts is clouded to the point that we err completely in ignorance.” And immediately he wrote throughout all the country, retracting the phrase, and saying: “It is erroneous and we reasoned about it thoughtlessly.” And after these things the blessed one (i.e., the archbishop) entreated and said to him, “Tell me, what is your life story? 17. Where is your family from? For I see your appearance is like a crazy person but I hear your words that are more exalted than those of the wise.” He answered saying, “I have wanted to live as a monk but that honor has been out of my reach. And I am a man from Pemje. But because you are the one upon whose wisdom we rely, therefore, by his hand the enemy did this by your hand, since he knew a multitude would stumble because of this, and they would take offence, and would not listen to the word of the holy teaching that comes from

Christian Oxyrhynchus

650

ⲃⲱ ⲁⲁⲃ ⲛ ⲃ ϩ ⲣ. ⲛ ⲃ ⲙ ϣ ϩⲧ ϩⲩ(ⲛ) ⲛ.  ϩ ⲁϫⲟ  ⲛ 18. ⲧ  ⲇⲁⲃ ϩ ⲧ ϣⲁϫ ⲁⲙⲁ. ⲡϭϭ ⲁ ϫⲁⲧ ⲛⲁ ϭ  ϩⲧ. ϩ ⲁⲁϩ ϫ ϣ ⲛ . ⲁⲁ ⲁⲛ ⲃ ⲙⲧ ϩ .  ϩϥ ⲛϭ  ⲁϥⲥⲧ51 ⲁ  ⲃ ⲁⲇϩⲁ. ⲁ ⲛⲁ ⲛⲁ ϫϥ ⲛⲛ ⲁ. ϫ ⲧ52 ⲧ ⲧⲉⲧ ⲛϣ ϣ.  ⲇ ⲁⲛ ⲃ ⲛⲁ ϫ ⲁ ⲣ ⲃ ϩ ϫ ϩ ϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲧⲃⲟ ⲙ ϩⲁ ⲛ . ⲙⲁ ⲛⲁ ⲁϥⲡ ϥϭⲱ ⲙⲁϥ ϩⲛϩ. ϥ ⲇ ⲁϥⲁ19. ⲁⲁ ϥϫⲱ  ϫ ⲁϭ ⲛⲁ  ⲁ. ⲁ ⲁ   ⲛⲁϥ ⲃ ϩⲧ ϩ ⲛ. ⲙ ⲏ. ⲛϥⲕ ⲇ ϩ ϥⲛⲏⲩ ⲃ ϩⲧ  ϣ  ϥ ϣ ⲃ ϩⲧ ⲙⲁ ϣ ⲇ  ϫⲛⲁ ⲛⲁ ϣ ⲁϥⲧ ϭ  ϫ. ⲁ ⲁⲁ ϩ ⲁ ⲣ ϩ ⲛ ϩ ⲛⲁ ⲛ. ⲁ ⲁϯ ⲯⲁ ϩⲁ ⲁ ⲛⲃ ⲉ[ⲁ]ⲃ ϩϥ . ⲁϫϥ ⲁ ⲙ ⲯⲁ ϫ ⲁⲁϥ . ϥϫ ⲇ ⲛϩⲁ ϭ ⲁ ⲁⲁ . ⲁϥϣ ϥϫ  ϫ ⲁ ⲁ  ⲁ   ⲁⲛϥ ⲛⲁ ⲁⲁⲁϥ ⲛⲧ 20. . ⲁϣ ⲇ ϭ ⲛⲃ ϫ  ϫ ⲁⲛⲛ ⲱ ⲧⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲛⲁ ϩ ⲛⲉⲛⲧⲟϣ ϫ ⲁ. ⲁ ⲩ ⲟ(ⲛ) ϫ  ⲛ ϩⲧ ⲩ(ⲛ) ϥ. ⲁϥϣ ⲇ ⲛ ϭ ⲁ ϥϫ  ⲛⲁ ϫ ϣ ⲧⲛⲁⲛⲧ ⲛⲁ ⲁⲛ ϯⲛⲁϣ  ⲛⲧ ⲁⲛ. ⲛ  ⲇ ⲁ ⲃ ϩⲧ ⲁⲃ ⲩ. ⲁϣⲛ ⲁ  ⲁ ⲛ ϩ ϣ ⲣ. ⲛϥϣ ⲁ ⲁⲛ    ⲁⲁ  ⲛⲛ. ⲃ ⲇ ⲁϩ ϩⲛ ⲛⲁ. ⲁ ⲁϫⲛ . ⲁϥϣ ⲇ ϭ ⲛ ϥ ϩ ϫ  ϯⲛ ϥ ϩⲁ  ⲛϣⲁϭⲧ ⲇ  ϩ  ϥϭ ⲙ 21. ϣϣ. ⲛ ⲇ ⲁ  ϭⲁϭ ϭⲣ ϥ ϭⲡ. ⲃ ϫ ⲁ ⲛ ⲁ ϫ ⲁϥϣⲁⲛ ⲁ ϫ ⲧϣ ϥ ⲁⲁϥ  ϥⲛⲁ. ϭⲁϭ ϭ ⲁϭⲣ ϥ ϩ ⲛϭϭ. ⲁ ⲁϥ ⲃ ϣ ϫ ϥⲛⲁⲱ   ϣϣ. ⲧⲛ ⲇ ⲁ ϭⲁϭ ϥϭ ϫϥ ⲁϭⲡ. ⲁⲁⲁϩ 51 52

Ms. reads ⲁϥⲧ. Ms. reads ⲧⲧ.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [167]

651

your mouth, rather than because of the truth that is in your mind from God. 53 Nevertheless, when you listened to my humble word you conquered every kind 18. of guile of the devil. For your great learning was not able to exalt you to understanding so that you could master your own desires. Nevertheless, you have revealed the humility that is in Christ. In like manner, the great Moses hearkened to Jethro the priest of Midian. Truly this is that which the Savior said to our fathers the apostles, ‘You must become as these little children’ (cf. Matt 18:3). You revealed your true self, you turned yourself entirely from pride to the holiness and simplicity of humility.” After these things he [Theophilus] besought him to remain with him for a few days. But he 19. entreated him saying, “That is not possible for me.” And thus he left him in peace and honor. He [Theophilus] was sad when he left him just as a child whose father abandons54 him. Three years after these things occurred the bishop of Pemje died. And according to the custom the entire city assembled with each other in one accord. And they voted for one of the pious elders and they sent him to Alexandria with the vote that he should be made bishop. When the archbishop Apa Theophilus received the missive he answered saying, “Aphou is a monk, he is near your city. Bring him so that I may make him 20. bishop for you.” And the presbyters answered saying, “We don’t know a monk called Aphou in our district. Come to think of it, not a single one of us knows him.” The archbishop answered saying to them, “If you do not bring him to me I will not ordain anyone for you.” Then they went from him and they came to their city. They inquired after the man and he was not known in the entire district, for he was not among men but among beasts. Since they were having trouble they gathered the monks and they asked them about the man. Then one among them, who knew him, answered, “Yes, I know him. Previously I would encounter him in the desert living with the 21. antelopes.” Immediately they ordered the hunters to find him and to seize him because the brethren informed them that if he knew that they were seeking him, to make him bishop, he would run away. And the hunters hunted him with their snares. And he went at night and would drink water with the antelopes. Immediately the hunters leaped upon him and seized him. They 53 54

The English translation is admittedly a little awkward here, but it closely reflects the Coptic. Lit. “walks away from.”

Christian Oxyrhynchus

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ϥ. ⲁϥϣⲁϫ ⲇ ⲁ ϫ ⲟ  ⲧϩⲃ ⲁ ⲧⲁⲁϩ  ⲁⲛ  ϩ ⲧϩ. ϣϫ ⲧϭⲉⲛ ⲧⲛⲏ  ϣϣ ⲁⲧϭⲡ. ϫⲁ ⲛⲁϥ ϫ ⲧⲛ ϫ ⲧ  ⲁ ⲛ . ⲃ ⲁ ⲁⲛϭⲡ. ϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁ ϫ ⲁⲛ ⲛ ϣⲛ 22. ⲥⲱϥ ⲁⲗⲱⲧ ϩⲁ ⲡⲁ ⲁⲣⲉϥⲃⲱⲕ. ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲕⲱ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡϣⲟϣ ⲁⲩⲧⲁⲗⲟϥ ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲧ ⲉⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲡⲁⲣⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲁϥⲣⲁϣⲉ ⲉⲁⲧⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩⲧⲁⲟϥ ⲉⲑⲉ ⲧⲁⲩϭⲟⲡ ⲟⲥ ⲁϥϣⲡⲏⲣⲉ ⲉⲁⲧⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲁⲕⲉⲓ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲁⲟⲩ ϩⲱⲱⲕ ⲛϣϩⲓⲥⲉ  ⲛⲉⲕϣⲃⲉⲗⲟⲥ. ϣⲁ ⲡⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲕⲓϣⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲁⲩⲁⲁⲕ ⲉⲕⲧⲟⲩϫⲟ ⲟⲕ. ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ϩⲱⲱϥ ⲕⲧⲟⲕ ⲛⲧⲁϫⲣⲉ ⲛⲉⲕⲥⲛⲏⲩ ⲛⲓϣⲉ ⲉϫⲱⲟⲩ ⲁⲕ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲛⲓ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲕⲉϫⲉ ⲛⲉϣⲁϫⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲧⲉϩⲉ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲁⲣ ⲁⲛ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲉ ⲁⲥⲑⲉⲛⲏⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲧⲁⲙⲧϭⲱⲃ ⲧⲁⲡⲱⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲥⲩⲛⲧⲉⲓⲁ55 ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϫⲉ ⲛⲉⲃⲱⲕ ϩ ⲡⲧⲱϩ ϩⲟⲉⲓ 23. ⲡⲓⲃⲓⲟⲥ. ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ϯⲧⲁⲣⲕⲟ ⲟⲕ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲧⲧⲣⲉⲕϫⲓⲧ ϭⲟⲛ. ⲡⲉϩⲱⲃ ⲁⲣ ⲟ(ⲛ) ⲛⲁ ⲁⲧϭⲟ. ⲡⲁⲣⲓⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥⲗⲩⲡⲉ ⲉⲁⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲁⲛⲁϣ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ϥⲟⲛ ϭⲓ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲕⲧⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲃ ⲡⲁⲛⲁϣ ⲧⲁⲕⲟⲣ ϩⲏⲧ ϯⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲟⲕ ϣⲙⲟ56 ⲉⲡⲧⲱϩ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲛⲉⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ϩ ⲡⲓⲁⲓⲱⲛ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲏⲩ. ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥⲡⲁϩⲧ ϭⲓ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲁϭⲱⲧ ⲡⲁ ⲁⲣ ⲟⲩϣⲗⲟϥ ⲛⲁ ⲡⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲩⲑⲗⲓⲯⲓⲥ ⲧⲉ ϣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ ϯϩⲁϩⲧⲏⲕ ⲉϣϫⲉ ϯⲛⲁϣ ⲡϩⲱⲃ ⲁⲣⲓⲣⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲛⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲁⲕ. ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥⲡⲁϩⲧ ϫⲉ ⲕⲱ ⲛⲁ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲓⲱⲧ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲛⲟϣⲛⲉϥ ⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲩϥ ⲉⲧⲉϥ24. ⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲁⲣ[]ⲉⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲧ[ⲛ]ⲧⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ. ⲁϥⲁ[ⲣⲉⲓ] ⲟⲛ ⲉⲕⲉⲡ[ⲣⲁ]ⲕⲧⲓⲕⲟⲛ ⲧⲓⲓⲛⲉ ⲧⲧⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲁⲣ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲧⲁϥⲁⲁⲥ ⲡ ⲟⲩⲟⲩϣⲏ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲕⲟⲧ ϩ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲉ ⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ϩⲏⲧ ⲉⲡⲧⲏⲣ ⲟⲩϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲛⲉϥϭⲉⲉⲧ ⲁⲩⲁⲁϥ ⲡⲉ ϩ ⲟⲩⲟⲡⲁⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲡⲃⲟⲗ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ. ⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲉⲧⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲥⲉⲩϩ ⲡⲗⲁⲟⲥ ⲛϣⲁϫⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ ϩ ⲡϣⲁϫⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϣⲁ [ⲡ]ⲣⲟⲩϩⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϣⲁⲩ ⲧⲉⲩϣⲏ ⲡⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧⲟⲛ ⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲛⲉⲩⲥⲩⲛⲁⲝⲓⲥ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲩϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲩⲯⲁⲗⲟⲥ. ⲉϥⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧ ϩⲓϫⲱⲟⲩ ϩ ⲗⲓⲧⲟⲩⲣⲓⲁ57 ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲛ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲕⲁⲑⲏⲕⲉ ⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ϣⲁ ϫⲥⲟ ⲧⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ ⲛⲁⲛⲁⲟⲣⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲡⲉ[ϥ]-

From Greek συντυχία. Ms. reads ϣϣⲟ. 57 From Greek λειτουργία. 55 56

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [167]

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grasped him and he said to them, “What is your business with me? Are you arresting me? I myself am a man like you. If you were looking for a beast, look at the antelope that you caught.” They said to him, “We know you are a man since we are looking for you; therefore we caught you.” He said to them, “I am the one you seek after, 22. get up and let it [i.e., the antelope] go.” Immediately they released the antelope and helped him up. Straightway they brought him to Alexandria to the feet of the archbishop. And when he [Theophilus] saw him he rejoiced exceedingly and when they informed him how he was caught he was very surprised and he said, “Aphou, you have arrived, come and labor with your fellow-members. Up until today you have striven for your own self, to save yourself, but now turn yourself and strengthen your brothers and strive with yourself on their behalf.” Apa Aphou answered, “Who am I, O Lord, my Lord, that you say these things to me in this way. For I myself am a weak man and because of my weaknesses I fled from the social contact of men, saying ‘I will not enter into the turbulence of the waves of 23. this life.’ So that you will not be offended I now swear to you by the Lord that for me this is impossible.” And the archbishop was very disappointed because he swore an oath by the Lord. And he said to him, “As the Lord lives, unless you annul the oath by which you bound me I will estrange you to all Christian communion58 in this world and the next.” Immediately Apa Aphou fell down saying, “I am defeated; for this is a shame to me and a tribulation forever. Behold then, I am before you, if I am able to do this work, do with me what pleases you.” Immediately he bowed down saying, “Forgive me my Lord father.” And then he ordained him and sent him to his 24. city. When he began his bishopric he also began another practical life in this manner for his whole bishopric. He did not spend a night alone sleeping in the city, neither did he eat bread alone in it at all a single day, but he resided alone in a monastery outside of the city. On the Sabbath59 he went to the church and he gathered the people speaking to them the word of God until the evening and they spent the Sabbath evening doing their services and their prayers and their psalms. He presided over them in the holy liturgy. And he used to lead them until the sixth hour of the Lord’s day and then retreated again to his

58 There seems to be a literary pun here with the word ⲧⲱϩ. At the end of 22, Aphou did not want to get involved in the “turbulence (ⲡⲧⲱϩ) of the waves of this life,” but unless he does so the archbishop threatens him that he will not have “Christian communion (ⲉⲡⲧⲱϩ)” or “mixing” in this life or the next. 59 I.e., Saturday.

Christian Oxyrhynchus

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25. ⲟⲛⲁⲥⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟ(ⲛ) ϣⲁ ⲡⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧⲟⲛ. ⲁϥⲕⲁⲑⲓⲥⲧⲁ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲩⲧⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲧⲁⲩϫⲓⲧ ⲉⲁⲁϥ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉϩⲣⲁ ⲉϫ ⲧⲉⲕⲗⲟⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥϯ ⲱⲡ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ ⲛⲟⲩⲥⲟⲡ ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲡⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉⲧϣⲁϥⲥⲉⲉⲡⲉ60 ⲧⲏⲣ ⲉⲡⲁⲛϩⲟⲗⲟⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥϫⲟⲟϥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲛϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲧϩⲏⲛ [ⲉ]ⲣⲟϥ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲥⲉⲡⲱⲃ ⲡ[ϩⲟⲟⲩ] ⲧⲉⲩⲙⲧϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧ. ⲕⲁⲓ ⲁⲣ ⲛⲉⲣⲉ ⲕⲉⲁⲣⲱⲛ ϯ ⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲃⲟⲗ ⲕⲁ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲩϯ ⲛⲁϥ ϩⲉⲛ[ⲉ]ⲣⲏⲧ ⲙ ϩⲉⲛⲇⲱⲣⲟⲡ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϥⲡⲱ[ϣ] ⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ [ⲉ]ϫ ⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓ[] ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡ[ⲟⲩⲁ] ⲣⲓⲁ ⲟ[ⲟⲩ] ⲡⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧ[ⲟⲛ] ⲇⲉ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥ[ⲁ]ⲁϥ ⲡⲉ ϩ 26. ⲛⲉⲧⲉϣⲁⲁⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲧϫⲏⲩ ϭⲟⲛ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲣⲱϣⲉ ⲉⲛⲉⲩⲭⲣⲓⲁ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϥⲏⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉ ⲉϥⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ϩⲁ [ⲧ]ⲉⲩⲙⲧϩⲣⲟⲩⲱ ϣⲁ ϫ ⲯⲓⲧⲉ. ϫⲓⲛ ϫ ⲯⲓⲧⲉ ⲉϩⲣⲁ ϣⲁϥⲥϥⲉ ⲉⲡⲉϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϣⲁ ⲡⲛⲁⲩ ⲣⲟⲩϩⲉ ⲛⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ [. . .] ⲟⲛ ⲛϩⲩⲡⲟⲓⲛⲉ ⲉⲡⲟⲩϣⲏ ⲣⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ϣⲁ ⲡⲛⲁⲩ ϣⲱⲣ. ⲛⲉⲙⲉⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲥϩⲓⲉ ⲧⲟⲗⲁ ⲉϩⲱⲛ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲉϫⲓ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲟⲥ. ⲧⲁ ⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥⲡⲁⲣⲁⲅⲅⲉⲓⲗⲉ ⲉⲧⲧⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲥϩⲓⲉ ϩⲱⲛ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲉϫⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲡⲥⲱⲁ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲥⲛⲟϥ ⲡⲉ. ⲉⲣⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲟⲥ ⲉϥⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲏ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲉϥⲟ ⲁⲩⲁⲛ. ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉ ⲛⲉⲣⲉⲇⲓⲁⲕⲱⲛ ⲡⲉ ϩⲟⲧⲉ ϩⲏⲧ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲩⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧⲟⲩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲟⲣⲇⲓⲛⲟⲛ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲣⲟ ⲉⲉⲩⲕⲁ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲉⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲩ(ⲛ). 27. ⲉⲓⲏⲧⲉⲓ ⲉⲛⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉ ⲧⲧⲥⲉⲟⲥ61 ⲧⲟ ϩⲓⲱⲟⲩ. ⲉⲧⲉ ⲡⲁ ⲡⲉ ϩⲱⲃ ⲡⲉⲩϩⲟ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲩϭⲓϫ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲕⲉϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲧⲟ ϩⲓⲱⲟⲩ. ⲛⲉ ϩⲉ(ⲛ) ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲁⲛ ⲛⲉ ϩ ⲟⲩϫⲱϭⲉ. ⲣⲉϥϫⲉϭⲥⲟⲣ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲉⲩⲭⲣⲱⲁ ⲡⲣⲉⲓⲱⲟⲩ. ⲉⲩⲟ ⲗⲁⲡⲣⲟ(ⲛ) ⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲟ(ⲛ) ϩⲟⲟⲓⲱⲥ ⲛⲉ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲁϩⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲥⲁ ⲧⲉϥⲟⲑⲉ. ⲉⲙ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ϩⲱⲃ ⲁⲇⲓⲕⲟⲛ. ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲩϫⲓⲏⲥⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲩⲁⲁⲩ ⲁⲛ ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲟⲩⲏⲏϣⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲁⲩⲕⲁ ⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲧⲧⲣⲉϥϫⲓⲏⲥⲉ ⲉⲩⲕⲱϩ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲩⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲧⲓⲁ ⲡⲱⲛ. ⲛⲉϩⲓⲟⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲛⲉⲧⲁⲩⲕⲱϩ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲧϩⲁⲕ. ⲉⲙⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ϯⲛⲟⲩϭ ⲡϣϣⲉ ⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲥⲉϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲧⲏⲣ ϩ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲁⲩ ϫⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲛⲁⲉ 28. ⲛⲉ [ⲡⲗ]ⲁⲟⲥ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥϫⲟⲟ[ⲥ] ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ [ϩ] ⲁϩ ⲥⲟⲡ ⲧⲕⲁⲧⲏⲭⲉⲥⲓⲥ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ ⲕⲁϩ ϩⲁ ⲉ(ⲛ)ⲧⲁⲩϫⲓⲧⲟⲩ ϭⲟⲛ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲉⲧϫⲓ ϭⲟⲛ ⲛⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩϫⲓⲧⲟⲩ. ⲅⲁⲣ ϭⲟⲛ ⲉⲩⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲧⲧⲉⲣⲟ ⲡⲏⲩⲉ. ⲣⲉϥϫⲓϭⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲩϥⲱϭⲉ ⲟⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲁⲁⲩ ⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲩⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲧⲁⲕⲟ. ϣⲁⲥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ϩⲁϩ ⲥⲟⲡ ⲛⲱⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϣⲁⲩϫⲱ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲡⲉ ⲛⲉⲧϣⲟⲟⲡ ϩ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲧⲁⲉ ⲡⲗⲁⲟⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲉⲧⲁⲛⲟⲉ.

60 61

Ms. reads ⲡⲉϣⲁϥⲥⲉⲉⲡⲉ. From Greek σεμνός.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [167]

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25. monastery until the next Sabbath. He appointed the existing presbyter to be an overseer over all the treasury of the church and he used to give an account of the church funds once a year. And all that remained after the church’s expenses he used to send to the poor of the city and those nearby so that they would thereby forget the day of their poverty. Even other administrators used to give him non-church property and they used to give him donations and gifts. And he divided them among everyone as each one had need. Sabbaths he used to spend among 26. those in need or ill-treated, and he used to meet their needs and he continued to bear their petitions until the ninth hour. From the ninth hour he was occupied with holy prayer until the evening and he gathered them and he came out . . . and he remained awake all night until the first hour. No woman used to dare to approach him to receive [alms] if she had any gold. Likewise, he commanded that no woman approach him to receive from the body and blood of Christ if she had any gold showing on her or had a colored garment. Since the deacons were afraid of him they would stand in a row at the door never letting anyone in 27. except for those whose piety clothed them. In other words, they covered their face and their hands and they were clothed with another garment that was not dyed by a wool dyer and also its color was bright.62 The deacons likewise followed his example, none of them doing any unjust thing. Neither did they charge interest, but not these alone, a great multitude also ceased from charging interest. Women then were covetous for sobriety. And there was none of them who incited the worshipers of the holy places to wrath so that they described the whole city in those days saying, “These are truly 28. the people of the Lord.” For he spoke to them on many occasions of the catechism saying, “My heart never rests because of those who did evil just as those who do evil. For those who do evil drive themselves from the kingdom of heaven. But if the evil doers deprive themselves and never do it, they separate themselves from destruction.” It happened that on many occasions he was amazed. And they used to talk about him to those who were in the city and he used to instruct the people that they needed to repent. And he was stopping

The Coptic uses the rare word ⲡⲣⲉⲓⲱⲟⲩ that is derived from the verb ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲉ, “to shine forth,” and then glosses the word with the Greek loan word λαμπρός, which has been dropped from the translation. 62

Christian Oxyrhynchus

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ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲕⲱⲗⲩⲉ ⲧⲟⲣⲅⲏ ⲉⲧⲧⲁϩⲟⲟⲩ. ⲕⲁⲛ ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲧⲯⲁⲗⲗⲉ ϣⲱϥ ⲛⲟⲩⲗⲉⲝⲓⲥ  ⲛⲡⲟⲟⲛⲉⲥ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲕⲱⲗⲩⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧϯ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϣⲁⲛⲧϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛ29. ⲇⲓⲟⲣⲑⲟⲩ ⲡⲉⲯⲁⲗⲟⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϣⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲉϥⲣⲓⲉ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲛⲉϣⲁϫⲉ ⲛⲁ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲉ ⲣⲟ ⲛⲉ ⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲩ ϩ ϩⲉⲛⲛⲏⲥⲧⲉⲓⲁ63 ⲙ ⲟⲩϭⲟⲟⲩⲛⲉ. ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ϩ ⲟⲩⲧⲁⲧⲃⲟⲧⲉ ⲧϯ ϩⲧⲏⲛ [ⲁ]ⲛ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉϥⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ ϯ ⲡⲉⲩⲟⲩⲟ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ⲉϥⲛⲁⲟⲩ. ϩⲱⲥ ⲉⲩⲑⲁⲣⲣⲉⲓ ⲧⲕⲁⲧⲟⲣⲑⲱⲉⲓ ⲡⲉϥⲗⲁⲟⲥ ⲙ ⲧⲧⲕⲁⲑⲁⲣⲟⲥ ⲧⲉϥⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡ[ⲏ] ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲣⲉ ⲟⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉϫⲁⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲧⲁⲩⲉ ⲟⲩϣⲁϫⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ⲡⲁⲧⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲧⲟϥ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥϣⲁϫⲉ ⲙⲁⲩ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲟⲩϩⲱⲃ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲡⲉϯϩⲱⲛ ⲟϥ ⲉⲧⲟⲧⲧⲏⲩⲧ ⲉⲧⲧⲣⲉⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲱⲧ ⲉⲡⲓⲑⲩⲉ ⲉⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲙⲧⲛⲟϭ. ⲕⲁ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ 30. ⲙⲥⲁ ⲑ[ⲉ] ⲧⲁⲡⲱⲧ ⲟⲥ ⲟ[ⲅ]ⲓⲥ ⲉⲁⲓⲉϣϭϭⲟ ⲉϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉ[ⲛ]ⲉⲛⲧⲁϫⲡⲟⲟⲩ ϩ ⲧⲧⲟⲛⲁⲭⲟⲥ. ⲧⲧⲉⲡⲓⲥⲕⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ϯⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲁ(ⲛ) ϫⲉ ⲁϯϩⲏⲩ ⲟⲥ ϩ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϩⲱⲃ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟ(ⲛ) ⲟⲅⲓⲥ ⲁϭϭⲟ ⲉϩⲁⲣⲉϩ ⲉⲣⲟ ⲉⲑⲉ ⲉϯⲟ ⲟⲥ ϣⲟⲣ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲟϥ ⲉϥϣⲁⲛⲛⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲡⲱϣ ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲟⲥ. ⲉϥⲭⲉⲓⲣⲟⲇⲟⲛⲉ ⲟϥ ϣⲟⲣ ⲉⲏⲧⲉⲓ ⲛⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲏⲑⲓⲍⲉ ϫⲟⲩⲧⲏ ⲯⲁⲗⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲥⲧⲉ ⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟ(ⲛ). ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲩⲧⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲉ. ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲥ ϩ ⲡⲧⲉⲩⲧⲉⲣⲟⲛⲟⲓⲟⲛ. ⲙ ⲟⲩⲉⲣⲟⲥ ϩ ⲡⲁⲣϩⲟⲓⲓⲁ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲕⲉⲉⲣⲟⲥ ϩ ⲏⲥⲁⲁⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲟⲥ ⲧⲁϥⲁⲁϩⲧⲉ ϩⲏⲧ ⲛⲉ ⲙ ϩⲁϩ ⲣⲱⲉ ⲡⲉϯ ⲡⲉϥⲟⲩⲟ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉϩⲱⲃ ⲧⲉⲓⲛⲉ. ⲉⲏⲧⲉⲓ ⲥⲉⲥⲧⲱⲧⲟⲩ ϣⲟⲣ ϩ ⲱϫ ⲛⲓ 31. ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ϩⲱⲃ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲧⲏⲣ ⲧⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϫⲓ ϩⲟⲙⲧ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ϩⲱⲃ ⲭⲓⲣⲟⲇⲟⲛⲓⲁ64 ϩ ⲡⲉϥϩⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ϩⲟⲧⲁⲛ ⲉⲩϣⲁⲛⲥⲉⲧ ⲟⲩⲁ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲡⲗⲁⲟⲥ ⲉⲡⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲭⲣⲓⲁ ⲟϥ ⲉⲁⲩ. ⲛⲉϣⲁϥⲧⲣⲉⲩϩⲟⲟⲥ ϣⲟⲣ ϩ ⲟⲩϩⲩⲡⲟⲙⲟⲛⲏ ⲥⲉⲟⲩⲱⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉ ⲥⲉⲉ ⲡϣⲁϫⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ϩⲱⲟⲩ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲩⲛⲁⲕⲱⲧ ⲡⲗⲁⲟⲥ ϩ ⲧⲉϩⲩⲡⲟⲟⲛⲏ ⲧⲉⲓⲛⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲁ ⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉϥⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲥ ⲉⲁϥⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϩ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ϩ ⲥⲟⲩϫⲟⲩⲧⲟⲩⲉ ⲑⲟⲟⲩⲧ ϩ ⲡⲉ  ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ⲡⲁ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲡⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ⲙ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉϩ ⲉⲛⲉϩ ϩⲁⲏⲛ.

63 64

Ms. reads ϩⲉⲛⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁ. From the Greek χειροτονία.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [167]

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the wrath so that it did not befall them. Even when the cantor stumbled on an expression, or he altered it, he used to stop everything and not allow anything [to continue] until he had given his 29. correction of the Psalm. And he used to weep saying, “These are the words of a kingly man [i.e., David]; he spoke them in fasting and sackcloth. We are slothfully ignoring them.” And it happened that when he finished his life the brethren came to him when he was about to die as they were encouraged by the rectitude of his people and the purity of his episcopacy to which they bore witness. And they said to him, “Our father, say something to us before you depart.” So he spoke with them saying, “I am only a messenger, the one who commands you not to allow anyone of you to lust after any power. For 30. after thus fleeing it was only with difficulty that even I was able to keep those things which I acquired in monasticism. I do not think that I benefited the bishopric in any way. And I was only able to guard myself by being the way I lived from the start.” And if someone was going to serve as a deacon he would not ordain him unless he had memorized twenty-five psalms and two apostolic letters, and a part of a gospel; and if an elder, a part of Deuteronomy, and a part of Proverbs, and also part of Isaiah, and that he had understood the Law. There were not many men who sought out such a task unless they were first prepared with every assurance. 31. Also, no one received money or labor for the work of ordination in his day. But whenever they choose one from the people for the requisite place, he used to have them wait patiently manifesting the truth of the word of God so that they in the same way would patiently edify the people. And thus he ended his life well and went to God in peace on the twenty-first day of Thoth in Jesus Christ our Lord. This through the glory of God the Father with him and the Holy Spirit forever and ever amen.

Christian Oxyrhynchus

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168 Meeting between Apa Aphou and Paul of Tamma Life of Paul of Tamma65 Paul of Tamma (written Tammah in inscriptions from Bāwīṭ) was a fourth-century hermit from the village of Tamma in the nome of Koeis (Kynopolis/al-Qays).66 According to his hagiography, when Paul was eighteen he withdrew from society to the mountain of Touho (Theodosiopolis/Ṭaḥā al-A‘mīdah) where he was trained as an ascetic by a monk named Hyperichus. Fifty-four years later, Paul was joined by a young man named Ezekiel, who had been sent by the archangel Michael, whereupon Paul shaved his head and trained Ezekiel in the ascetic way of life. After encounters with various other hermits and divine messengers (namely, Peter, Paul, and John), Paul and Ezekiel decided to leave Touho and traveled to other regions, encountering various

ⲁⲛⲁⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲛⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ ⲉⲣⲏⲥ ϩⲙ ⲡⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲏⲣⲏⲃ ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉⲛⲉⲓ ⲉⲡⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲧⲉⲣⲱⲧⲁϣⲁⲛⲥ ϩⲙ ⲡⲣⲏⲥ ⲛⲕⲱⲥ ⲁⲛϭⲓⲛⲉ ⲛϩⲛ ϣⲁϣ ⲙⲡⲉⲥⲏⲧ ⲉⲩⲉⲓⲁ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲟⲩⲙⲟⲛⲁⲭⲟⲥ68 ϩⲛ ⲧⲉⲩⲙⲏⲧⲉ. ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥϯ ⲙⲡⲉϥⲟⲩⲟⲓ ⲁϥⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ69 ⲙⲙⲟϥ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲕⲣⲁⲛ. ⲉϫⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲛ ⲁⲣⲓ ⲡⲁⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲡⲁⲩⲗⲉ ⲛⲧⲉⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϫⲁⲕⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲥ.70 ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲟⲩⲏⲣ ⲛⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ ⲕϩⲙ ⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲧⲁⲓⲟⲩ ⲙⲛ ϥⲧⲟ ⲛⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ⲟⲛ ϫⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲡⲉ ⲛⲧⲁϥϯ71 ⲥⲭⲏⲙⲁ ⲉϫⲱⲕ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲛⲧⲱⲛⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲁϣⲓⲏⲧ ⲡⲉ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲓⲉ ⲁⲕⲁⲛⲁϩ ⲉⲟⲩ ⲉⲕⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲉⲓϣⲁϣ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲧⲣⲟⲫⲏ72 ⲙⲛ ⲧⲁⲛⲉⲓϣⲁϣ ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲟⲫⲏ73 ⲛⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲛⲉ ⲛⲓⲉⲛⲧⲏϭ ⲛⲧⲉ ⲧⲥⲱϣⲉ ⲙⲛ ⲛⲉⲓⲟⲩⲟⲧⲟⲩⲉⲧ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲙⲉⲕⲱϭⲉⲃ ⲛⲧⲉⲡⲣⲱ ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲙⲉⲕⲥⲱϣⲉⲙ ⲙⲡϣⲱⲙ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲧⲉⲡⲣⲱ ϣⲁⲓⲉⲛⲕⲟⲧⲕ ϩⲛ ⲧⲙⲏⲧⲉ ⲛⲛⲉⲓϣⲁϣ ⲛⲥⲉϯ ϩⲙⲙⲉⲓ ⲛⲁⲓ ϩⲙ ⲡⲁⲗϩⲱⲃ ⲉⲧϩⲛ ⲧⲉⲩⲧⲁⲡⲣⲟ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲡϣⲱⲙ ⲡⲉ ϣⲁⲩⲥⲱⲟⲩϩ ⲉⲛⲉⲩⲉⲣⲏⲟⲩ Coptic text taken from E. Amélineau, Monuments pour servir à l’histoire de l’Egypte chrétienne (Tome IV): Aux IVe, Ve, VIe et VIIe siècles (Paris, 1895), 761–63. 66 For a more comprehensive introduction to the Life of Paul of Tamma, as well as the details about the mss. that contain this hagiography, see CE 6:1923–25. 67 Cf. Life of Aphou, 3–4. 68 Ms. reads ⲟⲩⲙⲟⲛⲟⲭⲟⲥ. 69 Ms. reads ⲁϥⲁⲥⲡⲟⲍⲉ. 70 Ms. reads ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲱⲥ. 71 Ms. reads ⲡⲛⲧⲁϥϯ. 72 Ms. reads ⲧⲁⲧⲣⲱⲫⲏ. 73 Ms. reads ⲟⲩⲧⲣⲱⲫⲏ. 65

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [168]

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ascetics and holy men in the course of their prolonged wanderings. During the course of their travels, Paul and Ezekiel journeyed as far as the region of Shmin (Panopolis/Akhmīm), and when they stopped at Terot Ashans, to the south of Qū ṣ (Koussai/al-Qū ṣiyyah), they stumbled across Aphou. During the chance encounter, which consists of a brief exchange between Paul and Aphou, Paul asks Aphou about his ascetic way of life and inquires about who had set him upon the path of asceticism. Aphou responded that it was the famous Antony who had set him upon this course and relates some aspects of his ascetic regimen that had lasted for fifty-four years. What is particularly noteworthy about Aphou’s description of his ascetic lifestyle for the present purposes is that it parallels in certain respects what was purported about Aphou in his hagiography—namely, that he dwelt among the antelopes and that they helped shelter him from the heat in the summer and the cold in the winter (cf. Life of Aphou 3–4).67

We traveled southward from Mount Terab until we came to Mount Terot Ashans, south of Kos.74 We found some antelopes down in the valley, and in their midst was a monk. My father went forward, greeted him, and said to him, “What is your name?” He said, “My name is Aphou. Remember me, my father, Apa Paul, and may the Lord bring my life to a good finish.” My father said to him, “How many years have you been in this place?” He said, “Fifty-four years.” My father then said, “Who placed the habit75 [i.e., monasticism] upon you?” He said, “Apa Antonios of Scete.” My father said to him, “How have you lived, traveling with these antelopes?” He said, “My nourishment and that of these antelopes is the same nourishment, namely the plants of the field and these vegetables.” My father said to him, “Do you not freeze in the winter or roast in the summer?” He said to him, “When it is winter, I sleep in the midst of these antelopes, and they warm me with the breath which is in their mouth.

74 75

Kos is located just north of Luxor. From the Greek σχῆμα.

Christian Oxyrhynchus

660

ⲛⲥⲉⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲥⲉⲉⲣ ϩⲟⲓⲃⲉⲥ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ϫⲉ ⲛⲛⲉ76 ⲡⲕⲁⲩⲥⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲱⲭⲗⲉⲓ ⲛⲁⲓ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩⲙⲉ ⲛⲧⲁⲕ ⲟⲩϣⲟⲩⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ϫⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲁⲫⲟⲩ ⲡϣⲁϣ. ϩⲛ ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲙⲙⲁⲩ ⲁⲟⲩⲥⲙⲏ77 ϣⲱⲡⲉ ϣⲁⲣⲁⲛ ϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲓ ⲡⲉ ⲡϥⲣⲁⲛ ϣⲁ ⲛⲅⲉⲛⲉⲁ78 ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲙⲡⲕⲁϩ. ⲁⲛⲁⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲛⲉⲣ ϣⲡⲏⲣⲉ79 ⲙⲡⲛⲧⲁϥϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩⲛ ⲟⲩϭⲉⲡⲏ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲛⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ80 ⲙⲙⲟϥ ⲁⲛⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧϥ.

Ms. reads ϫⲛⲛⲉ. Ms. reads ⲁⲩⲁⲩⲥⲙⲏ. 78 Ms. reads ⲛⲕⲉⲛⲉⲟ. 79 Ms. reads ϣⲡⲏⲣⲉ. 80 Ms. reads. ⲁⲛⲁⲥⲡⲟⲍⲉ. 76 77

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [168]

661

When it is summer, they gather together and stand and make shade for me, so that the heat should not bother me.” My father said to him, “Truly you are given the epithet: Apa Aphou the Antelope.” At that moment a voice came to us saying, “This is his name unto all the rest of the eternities of the earth.” We were amazed at what had happened so suddenly and we saluted him. Then we left.

Christian Oxyrhynchus

662

169 Saying concerning Abba Aphou of Oxyrhynchus Apophthegmata Patrum 15.14 81 The Greek collection of the Apophthegmata Patrum ascribes to Aphou only one short apophthegm. In this saying it briefly relates that when Aphou was bishop of Oxyrhynchus he desired to continue his austere ascetic practices but was in some turmoil juggling episcopal responsibilities; on the one hand, his duties as bishop required him to engage with the world, and, on the other hand, his ascetic ideals required solitude and withdrawal from the world so as to allow

Περὶ τοῦ ἀββᾶ Ἀπφύ διηγήσαντο περὶ ἐπισκόπου τινὸς τῆς Ὀξυρύγχου ὀνόματι Ἀπφὺ· ὅτι ὅτε ἦν μοναχὸς πολλὰς σκληραγωγίας ἐποίει· ὅτε δὲ γέγονεν ἐπίσκοπος ἠθέλησε χρήσασθαι τῇ αὐτῇ σκληραγωγίᾳ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυσε. καὶ ἔρριψε ἑαυτὸν ἐνώπιον τοῦ θεοῦ λέγων· μὴ ἄρα διὰ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἀπῆλθεν ἡ χάρις ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ; καὶ ἀπεκαλύφθη αὐτῷ· Οὐχί, ἀλλὰ τότε ἔρημος ἦν καὶ, μὴ ὄντος ἀνθρώπου, ὁ θεὸς σου ἀντελαμβάνετο· νῦν δὲ κόσμος ἐστιν καὶ οἱ ἄνθρωποι ἀντιλαμβάνονταί σου.

81

Greek text taken from SC 474.296.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [169]

663

greater communion with God. The saying concludes with God reassuring Aphou that even though he is serving as bishop, God’s presence still abides with him. In its overall tone, the saying agrees with various points made in the Life of Aphou were Aphou struggled with serving as bishop since it seemingly distracted him from his ascetic discipline and is in some ways reminiscent of his last words where he expressed regret that it is only in the solitude of the desert one can attain spiritual perfection (cf. Life of Aphou 23–24, 29–30). The apophthegm highlights the tension between “desert” (ἔρημος) and “world” (κόσμος) for the ascetic.

Concerning Abba Aphou It has been related concerning a certain bishop of Oxyrhynchus whose name is Aphou that when he was a monk he undertook a very austere discipline. But when he became bishop he wished to continue in the same austere discipline in the world [i.e., among society], but he did not have the strength. So, he threw himself down before God saying, “Has your grace gone forth from me because of the bishopric?” It was revealed to him, “No, but when you were in the desert, and there was no other man around, God was helping you. Now you are in the world, mankind is aiding you.”

Christian Oxyrhynchus

664

170 Saying of a Poor Man in Oxyrhynchus Apophthegmata Patrum 7.56 82 The present apophthegm is the first of three anonymous sayings preserved in the Apophthegmata Patrum that relate to Oxyrhynchus. In this saying an anonymous father recounts a brief episode that occurred while he was residing in Oxyrhynchus. One night when he went out to relieve himself, he noticed a destitute individual lying on the ground shivering because he had nothing but a small reed mat to cover himself. While passing by, he overheard the individual

διηγήσατό τις τῶν πατέρων λέγων ὅτι· ὄντος μου ἐν Ὀξυρύγχῳ, ἦλθον ἐκεῖ πτωχοὶ ἐν σαββάτῳ ὀψὲ ἵνα λάβωσιν ἀγάπην. καὶ κοιμωμένων αὐτῶν, ἦν ἐκεῖ εἷς ἔχων ψιάθιον μόνον, τὸ ἥμισυ ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ ἥμισυ ὑποκάτω. ἦν δὲ τότε ψυχρὰ πολλή. καὶ ἐξελθὼν πρὸς ὕδωρ ἤκουσα αὐτοῦ ὀδυνωμένου ἀπὸ τοῦ ψύχους καὶ παρεκάλει ἑαυτὸν λέγων· εὐχαριστῶ σοι, κύριε, πόσοι εἰσὶν ἄρτι ἐν τῇ φυλακῇ πλούσιοι σιδηροφοροῦντες, ἄλλοι δὲ τοὺς πόδας ἠσφαλισμένοι εἰς τὸ ξύλον μηδὲ τὸ ὕδωρ ἑαυτῶν δυνάμενοι ποιῆσαι. ἐγὼ δὲ ὡς βασιλεύς εἰμι ἐκτείνων τοὺς πόδας μου, καὶ ὅπου θέλω πορεύομαι. καὶ ταῦτα αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἔστην ἀκροώμενος. εἰσελθὼν δὲ διηγησάμην ταῦτα τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς καὶ ἀκούσαντες ὠφελήθησαν.

82

Greek text taken from SC 387.388.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [170]

665

praying and thanking God that he was not in jail and for his freedom to move around as he pleased. Observing the man’s gratitude in such indigent circumstances, the father was greatly moved and returned to where he was sleeping and informed his brethren of the incident. The significance of the story is that it seeks to highlight unflinching gratitude to God even in very tough circumstances. It is worthy of note that when the saying begins it mentions that on the evening of the Sabbath poor people had congregated to receive alms, and in the Life of Aphou 25 it specifically states that alms to the poor were given out on the evening of the Sabbath.

One of the fathers related, saying, “When I was in Oxyrhynchus, some poor people came there on the evening of the Sabbath [i.e., Saturday] so that they might receive charity. They were lying down, and there was one who had only a little reed mat; half of the mat on top of him and half the mat underneath. Now it was very cold and going out to relieve myself83 I heard him feeling pain from the cold and comforting himself, saying, ‘I give thanks to you, O Lord, how many rich persons are in prison right now wearing irons, and others having their feet fastened to wood are not able to relieve themselves.84 But I am as a king stretching out my feet, and go wherever I wish.’ As he was saying these things I stood listening. Going in I related these things to the brethren and when they heard they were edified.”

83 84

Lit. “to water.” Lit. “to make water.”

Christian Oxyrhynchus

666

171 Saying about the Giving of Some Grain in Charity Apophthegmata Patrum 13.16 85 This apophthegm is attributed to an anonymous old man (γέρων), doubtless one of the fathers, who was staying in Oxyrhynchus. In the saying the old man recounts an exchange he had with a local presbyter and how he chided the presbyter because he had shamed, perhaps unintentionally, a poor widow who

ἔλεγέ τις τῶν γερόντων ὅτι· ἔστι τις πολλάκις ποιῶν πολλὰ καλὰ καὶ ὁ πονηρὸς ἐμβάλλει αὐτῷ ἀκριβολογίαν εἰς ἐλάχιστα πράγματα ἵνα τὸν μισθὸν ἀπολέσῃ πάντων ὧν ἐργάζεται ἀγαθῶν. καθημένου γὰρ μοῦ ποτε ἐν Ὀξυρύγχῳ πρός τινα πρεσβύτερον ποιοῦντα πολλὰς ἐλεημοσύνας, ἦλθε χήρα ζητοῦσα αὐτὸν μικρὸν σῖτον. καὶ λέγει αὐτῇ· ὕπαγε, φέρε μοι ἱμάτιον καὶ μετρῶ σοι. ἡ δὲ ἤνεγκεν. καὶ ψηλαφήσας τὸ ἱμάτιον τῇ χειρὶ εἶπεν· μέγα ἐστίν. καὶ κατέσχυνε τὴν χήραν. ὅτε δὲ ἀνεχώρησεν ἡ χήρα, εἶπον αὐτῷ· ἀββᾶ, πέπρακας τὸν σῖτον τῇ χήρᾳ; ὁ δὲ εἶπεν· οὐχί, ἀλλὰ ἀγάπην δέδωκα αὐτῇ. εἶπον δὲ αὐτῷ· εἰ οὖν τὸ ὅλον δέδωκας αὐτῇ ἀγάπην, πῶς εἰς τὸ μικρὸν ἠκριβεύσω καὶ κατῄσχυνας αὐτήν;

85

Greek text taken from SC 474.244.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [171]

667

was asking for alms. When the widow entreated the presbyter for some grain and then brought a sack to receive the grain, which she had been instructed to do, the presbyter remarked at how large the sack was and thus disgraced the woman. The saying concludes with the old man reproaching the presbyter for the offensive remark, and the point of the whole episode is to illustrate that even when people are doing much good (i.e., giving alms) they can still commit minor offenses.

One of the old men said, “Τhere are some who often do much good and the wicked one hurls them scruples about quite small matters, so that they lose the reward of all the good that they have done. For when I was residing [lit. “sitting”] in Oxyrhynchus near a certain presbyter who was giving many alms, a widow came asking him for a little grain. He said to her, ‘Depart and bring me a sack86 and I shall measure some for you.’ She brought it and having measured the sack with his hand he said, ‘It is big’ and he disgraced the widow. When the widow withdrew I said to him, ‘Abba [or “Father”], have you sold the grain to the widow?’ He said, ‘No, but I gave it to her in charity.’ I said to him, ‘If you gave it all to her in charity, why did you quibble about the little amount and disgrace her?’ ”

86

Lit. “cloth.”

Christian Oxyrhynchus

668

172 Saying of an Anonymous Bishop of Oxyrhynchus Apophthegmata Patrum 20.16 87 This anonymous apophthegm is attributed to an old man who is also identified as a bishop of Oxyrhynchus. Though it is tempting to suppose that this unnamed bishop must be Aphou, given that Aphou is the only named bishop of Oxyrhynchus to appear in the Apophthegmata Patrum and given that the bishop who appears in this apophthegm also had ascetic inclinations, a straightforward identification is problematic. As noted previously, Aphou’s episcopate did not begin until the very end of the fourth century or potentially even the start of the fifth century; however, the present saying presupposes a situation that occurred sometime in the middle of the fourth century. Toward the end of the episode described in this saying, a meeting between the old man, identified as a bishop of Oxyrhynchus, and an ascetic recluse living in the region of the Mazices is narrated. The recluse reveals that he had once been a bishop but that when the persecution occurred he had lapsed

ἔλεγε πάλιν ἄλλος γέρων, ὃς ἠξιώθη τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς Ὀξυρύγχου. ὡς ἑτέρου τινὸς αὐτῷ διηγησαμένου. ἦν δὲ αὐτὸς ὁ τοῦτο πεποιηκώς. ἔδοξέ μοί φησιν εἰς τὴν ἔρημον τὴν ἐσωτέραν τὴν κατ’ ὤασαν ἐλθεῖν. ἔνθα τὸ τῶν Μαζικῶν γένος. ἰδεῖν εἴ που εὕρω τινὰ τῷ Χριστῷ δουλεύοντα. καὶ δὴ λαβὼν ὀλίγα παξαμάτια. καὶ ὡς ἡμερῶν τεσσάρων ὕδωρ τὴν πορείαν ἐποιούμην, ὡς δὲ διῆλθον αἱ τέσσαρες ἡμέραι. τῶν τροφῶν ἀναλωθεισῶν· διηπώρουν τι πράξω. καὶ θαρρήσας, ἐξέδωκα ἐμαυτόν. καὶ διοδεύσας ἄλλας τέσσαρας ἡμέρας μείνας ἄσιτος. τῆς δὲ ἀσιτίας καὶ τοῦ κόπου τῆς ὁδοῦ τὴν τάσιν τοῦ σώματος μηκέτι φέροντος. εἰς λειποθυμίαν ἦλθον καὶ δὴ ἐκείμην χαμαί. ἐλθὼν δέ τις. τῷ δακτύλῳ αὐτοῦ ἥψατο τῶν χειλέων μου. καθάπερ ἰατρὸς τῇ μήλῃ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν παρατρέχει. εὐθὺς δὲ ἐνεδυναμώθην. ὥστε με νομίσαι. μήτε ὁδευκέναι μήτε λιμῶξαι. ὡς οὖν εἶδον τὴν δύναμιν ταύτην ἐπεισελθοῦσάν μοι. ἀναστὰς διώδευον τὴν ἔρημον. ὡς δὲ διῆλθον ἄλλαι τέσσαρες ἡμέραι. πάλιν ἠτόνησα. καὶ ἐξέτεινα εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν τὰς χεῖράς μου. καὶ ἰδοὺ ἀνὴρ ὁ καὶ πρότερον ἐνδυναμώσας με. καὶ πάλιν τῷ δακτύλῳ χρίσας τὰ χείλη μου, ἐστερέωσέ με. διῆλθον δὲ ἡμέραι δεκαεπτά.

Greek text taken from F. Nau, “Le chapitre Περὶ ἀναχωρητῶν ἁγίων et les sources de la vie de Saint Paul de Thebes,” Revue de l’Orient Chrétien 10 (1905): 409–14. 87

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [172]

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and sacrificed. Upon regaining his senses, he confessed his sin and removed himself to the desert where he had sought forgiveness and only obtained it recently after a period of 48 years. Undoubtedly the persecution referred to by this individual was the “Great Persecution” that commenced in 303, and so a date of the mid-fourth century is presumed for the encounter. While it could be argued that the events described in the present saying could still refer to Aphou, since the apophthegm does not explicitly say that when this meeting occurred the individual was the bishop of Oxyrhynchus (he could have been ordained later), and so the incident could have occurred before Aphou was made bishop, it is still quite early. Leaving aside the issue of which bishop of Oxyrhynchus is being referred to in this saying, it is important to remember that in many of the Apophthegmata Patrum the historical details are not always consistent. Leaving the historical details aside, the overriding point of the story is that if one desires true forgiveness and grace in the eyes of God, prolonged patience and disciplined endurance are sometimes required.

Another old man, who was found worthy to be the bishop of Oxyrhynchus, related an incident that he attributed to someone else but he was actually the one involved. He said, “I decided to go into the inner desert near the oasis where the race of the Mazices88 are, to see if I could find someone serving Christ. And taking a few biscuits and four days’ worth of water I made the journey. After traveling for four days I consumed all the food; I exclaimed ‘What shall I do?’ But taking courage I resolved within myself to travel yet four more days without food. But my body could no longer bear the intensity of the hunger or the exertion of the journey; I lost heart and I laid down upon the ground. Someone came along and touched my lips with his finger, just as a doctor gently passes over the eye with a probe. Immediately I was endowed with vitality so that I thought I had neither traveled nor thirsted, and as I perceived this strength entering me I rose up and continued journeying in the desert. And I traveled another four days and again I was exhausted and stretched my hands to heaven and the man who formerly revitalized me appeared and again anointed my lips with his finger and strengthened me. And I traveled on for seventeen days.

88 The Mazices were barbarian tribesmen from northern Africa whose exact location is unknown. See Claudius Ptolemy, Geog. 4.25 and Ammianus Marcellinus 29.5.17–25.

670

Christian Oxyrhynchus

καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα εὑρίσκω καλύβην καὶ φοίνικα καὶ ὕδωρ· καὶ ἄνδρα στήκοντα. οὗ αἱ τρίχαι τῆς κεφαλῆς ἦσαν ἔνδυμα αὐτῷ. πεπολιωμέναι πᾶσαι ὑπῆρχον. ἦν δὲ καὶ φοβερὸς τῇ ὄψει. ὡς δὲ ἐθεάσατό με. ἔστη εἰς προσευχήν. καὶ τελέσας τὸ ἀμήν. ἔγνω εἶναί με ἄνθρωπον, καὶ κρατήσας με τῆς χειρός, ἠρώτα λέγων· πῶς ἐνταῦθα γέγονας, καὶ εἰ ἔτι συνέστηκε πάντα τὰ ἐν τῷ κόσμῳ, καὶ εἰ ἐπικρατοῦσιν ἔτι οἱ διωγμοί; ἐγὼ δὲ εἶπον· χάριν ὑμῶν τῶν μετὰ ἀληθείας δουλευόντων τῷ δεσπότῃ Χριστῷ, ταύτην τὴν ἔρημον διέρχομαι. τὸ δὲ τοῦ διωγμοῦ. πέπαυται διὰ τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ. φράσσον δέ μοι καὶ αὐτὸς πῶς ἐνταῦθα παραγέγονας; ὁ δὲ ἀποδυρόμενος καὶ κλαίων. ἤρξατο λέγειν· ἐγὼ ἐπίσκοπος ἐτύγχανον, καὶ διωγμοῦ γενομένου πολλῶν τιμωριῶν προσενεχθέντων μοι, καὶ μὴ δυνηθεὶς ὑπενέγκαι τοὺς αἰκισμοὺς, ὕστερον ἔθυσα, ὡς δὲ ἐμαυτοῦ ἐγενόμην, ἐπέγνων τὴν ἀνομίαν μου, καὶ ἔδωκα ἐμαυτὸν ἀποθανεῖν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ ταύτῃ. καὶ εἰμὶ ἐνταῦθα διάγων ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα ἐννέα ἐξομολογούμενος καὶ παρακαλῶν τὸν θεόν, εἴπως ἀφεθήσεταί μοι ἡ ἁμαρτία μου, καὶ τὴν μὲν ζωὴν παρέσχετό μοι ὁ κύριος ἐκ τοῦ φοίνικος τούτου. παράκλησιν δὲ τῆς συγχωρήσεως οὐκ ἔλαβον, ἕως ἐττῶν τεσσαρακονταοκτῶ. ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ τούτῳ παρεκλήθην. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἔλεγεν, ἄφνω ἀναστὰς δρομαίως ἔξω ἔστη εἰς προσευχὴν ἐπὶ πολλὰς ὥρας. ὡς δὲ ἐτέλεσε προσευχόμενος, ἦλθε πρός με. θεωρήσας δὲ τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ, εἰς ἔκπληξιν ἦλθον καὶ δειλίαν. ἦν γὰρ γενόμενος ὡς πῦρ. εἶπε δέ μοι· μὴ φοβοῦ. ὁ γὰρ κύριος ἀπέσταλκέ σε ἵνα κηδεύσῃς μου τὸ σῶμα καὶ θάψῃς. ὡς δὲ ἐτέλεσε λέγων, εὐθὺς ἐκτείνας τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας τέλος ἔσχε τοῦ βίου. παραλύσας δὲ ἐγὼ τὸν λεβήτονά μου. τὸ ἥμισυ ἐμαυτῷ ἐάσας. καὶ τὸ ἥμισυ περιπτύξας. τὸ σῶμα αὐτοῦ τὸ ἅγιον. ἀπέκρυψα τῇ γῇ. ὡς δὲ ἔθαψα αὐτόν. εὐθέως ὁ φοῖνιξ ἐξηράνθη. καὶ ἡ καλύβη ἔπεσεν. ἐγὼ δὲ πολλὰ ἔκλαυσα δεόμενος τοῦ θεοῦ εἴπως παράσχῃ μοι τὸν φοίνικα. καὶ διατελέσω ἐν τῷ τόπῳ ἐκείνῳ τὸν ἐπίλοιπόν μου χρόνον. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἐγένετο τοῦτο. εἶπον καθ’ ἐμαυτὸν μὴ εἶναι θέλημα τοῦ θεοῦ. καὶ εὐξάμενος. ὥρμων πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκουμένην, καὶ ἰδοὺ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὁ χρίσας τὰ χείλη μου ἦλθε. καὶ ἐνεδυνάμωσέ με ὀφθείς μοι. καὶ ἔφθασα πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς καὶ διηγησάμην αὐτοῖς. καὶ παρεκάλουν μὴ ἀφελπίζειν ἑαυτῶν. ἀλλὰ τῇ ὑπομονῇ εὑρίσκειν τὸν θεόν.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [172]

671

And after this I found a monk’s cell: a palm tree, water, and a man there. The hair on his head was completely grey and served as his clothing. He looked frightened, and as he beheld me he stood in prayer. Having finished the ‘Amen’ he realized I was a man and took a hold of me with his hand and asked saying, ‘How did you come here? Are all the things in the world still in existence? Are the persecutions still continuing?’ And I said, ‘Thanks to you (pl.) who are serving the Lord Christ with truth, I journeyed into the desert; the persecution has come to an end through his power. Tell me how you got here.’ Lamenting bitterly and crying he began to speak, ‘I was a bishop and when the persecution arose many punishments were inflicted on me, and not being able to bear the tortures I eventually offered sacrifice. When I returned to my senses I recognized my iniquity and I gave myself up to die in this desert. I have lived here forty-nine years, confessing and entreating God that he might forgive my sin, and the Lord has sustained my life with this palm tree. I did not receive the comfort of forgiveness until after forty-eight years, in this very year I was reassured.’ When he said these things he suddenly arose, ran out, and stood in prayer for many hours, and when he finished praying he returned to me. When I beheld his face I became disturbed and fearful for it became as fire. He said to me, ‘Do not fear. For the Lord has sent you so that you should prepare my body for burial.’ When he finished speaking he immediately stretched out his hands and feet and died. Having taken off my tunic I kept half for myself and wrapped him in the other half. I buried his holy body in the earth and after I buried him immediately the palm tree withered and his cell collapsed. I cried exceedingly beseeching God, ‘Leave me the palm tree and I will continue in this place the remainder of my days.’ But this did not happen: I told myself that this was not the will of God. Having prayed I started off again for the inhabited world. Behold, the man who anointed my lips came and having appeared strengthened me and I came before the brethren. I related these things to them and exhorted them not to despair but to find God through patient endurance.”

Christian Oxyrhynchus

672

173 Shenoute and the Wealthy Oxyrhynchite The Life of Shenoute by Besa 33–3589 Shenoute of Atripe (ca. 348–466) was the famous abbot of the White Monastery from ca. 385 until his death in ca. 466. His disciple and successor Besa took over and oversaw the White Monastery for at least a decade, and, though the exact date of Besa’s death is uncertain, he was still alive in 474 when the emperor Zeno came to the throne. As a dedicated disciple of Shenoute, Besa composed a glowing hagiography in his honor, The Life of Shenoute, that was written sometime after Shenoute’s death. Though the treatise was originally composed in Sahidic (the same dialect in which all of the other extant writings of Besa were written), The Life of Shenoute has survived in full only in a later Bohairic translation. The treatise is basically a long panegyric where lavish praise is heaped upon Shenoute at every turn and where hardly a page goes by where Shenoute does not perform some miraculous feat.

33. ⲁϣⲱⲡⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲛⲟⲩⲥⲏⲟⲩ ⲁϥⲓ ⲛϫⲉⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲓ ϣⲁⲡⲉⲛⲓⲱⲧ ⲙⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ. ⲫⲁⲓ ⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲉⲟⲩⲣⲉⲙⲡⲉⲙϫⲉⲡⲉ ⲉⲣⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲗⲟⲩⲕⲟϫⲓ ⲛⲧⲟⲧϥ ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲛⲁⲣⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲕⲉⲟⲩⲁⲓ ⲙⲟϣⲓ ⲛⲉⲙⲁϥ ⲉⲟⲩϣⲫⲏⲣ ⲛⲧⲁϥⲡⲉ ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲡⲉϫⲡⲓⲣⲱⲙⲓ ⲙⲡⲉϥϣⲫⲏⲣ ϫⲉⲉⲓⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲉϯⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩϫⲓ ⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉϧⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲙⲁ ϣⲉⲛⲟⲩϯ ⲛⲉⲧⲏⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ϧⲁⲡⲁⲛⲟϩⲉⲙ. ⲡⲁⲏⲛ ϯⲛⲁⲧⲏⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲁⲛ ϣⲁϯⲉⲙⲓ ⲛϣⲟⲣⲡ ϫⲉⲡⲓⲛⲓϣϯ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲓ ⲛⲁⲧⲏⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ ϣⲁⲛⲙⲙⲙⲟⲛ. 34. ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲁϥϯ ⲛⲛⲓⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲙⲡⲓⲕⲉⲥⲟⲛ ⲉⲑⲙⲟϣⲓ ⲛⲉⲙⲁϥ ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲁϥⲉⲣⲫⲟⲣⲓⲛ ⲛϩⲁⲛϩⲃⲱⲥ ⲡⲁⲣⲁⲡⲉϥⲁⲝⲓⲱⲙⲁ ⲁϥϯ ⲙⲡⲉϥⲟⲩⲟⲓ ⲉϧⲟⲩⲛ ⲉϯⲙⲟⲛⲏ ⲁϥⲓ ϣⲁⲛⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲙⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ϣⲉⲛⲟⲩϯ ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ⲙⲡⲁⲓⲣⲏϯ. ⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ ϯϯϩⲟ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲁⲣⲓⲡⲓⲛⲁⲓ ⲛⲉⲙⲏⲓ ⲧⲉⲕϯ ⲛⲏⲓ ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩϫⲓ ⲛⲉⲩⲗⲟⲅⲓⲁ ϣⲁ ⲛⲗⲟⲩⲕⲟϫⲓ ⲛⲧⲁⲧⲏⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲙⲡⲓⲇⲁⲛⲓⲥⲧⲏⲥ ⲙⲙⲟⲛ ⲁϥϩⲓⲧⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϧⲉⲛⲡⲁⲏⲓ ⲁϥⲟⲗϥ ⲛⲧⲟⲧⲡⲉ. ⲡⲉϫⲉⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉⲫⲁⲓ ⲁⲛⲡⲉ ⲫⲙⲁ ⲛⲥⲱⲃⲓ ⲧⲁϣⲏⲣⲓ ⲁⲣⲏⲟⲩ ⲉⲭⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲕⲉ ⲛⲗⲟⲩⲕⲟϫⲓ ⲧⲉⲕϩⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲉϫⲉⲛⲡⲓ ⲉⲧⲁⲕⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲉⲕⲛⲏⲟⲩ ⲉⲕⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲉⲑⲁⲙⲓⲉⲟⲩⲏⲡⲥ. ⲧⲟⲧⲉ ⲁϥⲙⲟⲩϯ ⲉⲟⲩⲥⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟⲛⲁⲭⲟⲥ ⲛϫⲉⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉⲙⲁϣⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲁϣ ⲙⲙⲱⲓⲧ ϧⲉⲛⲧⲕⲟⲓ ⲭⲛⲁϫⲓⲙⲓ ⲛⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲓ ⲉϥϩⲉⲙⲥⲓ ⲉϧⲣⲏⲓ ⲉϥⲥⲱⲕ ⲙⲡⲓϥⲱⲓ ⲛⲧⲉⲧⲉϥⲁⲫⲉ ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲉⲣⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲉⲗⲱⲗ ⲙⲙⲱⲟⲩ ⲛⲧⲟⲧϥ ⲁϫⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉⲡⲉϫⲉⲡⲉⲕϣⲫⲏⲣ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲧⲁⲡⲓⲣⲏϯ ⲉⲧⲁⲓϫⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲕ ϫⲉϩⲉⲙⲥⲓ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲙⲡⲁⲓⲙⲁ ϣⲁϯⲉⲣⲇⲟⲕⲓⲙⲁⲍⲓⲛ The Bohairic text is taken from J. Leipoldt and W. E. Crum (eds.), Scriptores Coptici: Sinuthii archimandritae vita et opera omnia (CSCO 41; Paris, 1906), 22–23. 89

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One of the incredible exploits narrated by Besa concerns the story of a rich man from Pemje (Oxyrhynchus) who traveled to the White Monastery (some two hundred kilometers south of Pemje) to visit and to test Shenoute. The wealthy individual wanted to give 120 pieces of gold to the monastery so that it could be used for alms but was not sure whether it would really be used for this purpose, and so he determined to test Shenoute before handing over the funds. Disguised as a beggar, the man approached Shenoute and asked for some alms, whereupon Shenoute immediately recognized the ruse and called the man out. But this is not all: to heighten Shenoute’s powers of omniscience, the story continues as Shenoute is able to divine that the man had come with a friend who remained outside of the monastery holding the money, so he called another monk to go and bring him in. Amazed at the omniscience of Shenoute, the rich man from Pemje praises him as a prophet, leaves the donation, and departs with his friend, glorying God.

33. It happened once that a man came to our father the prophet. 90 He was a man from Pemje [Oxyrhynchus] and he had a hundred and twenty pieces of gold. Someone else, a friend of his, came with him, and the man said to his friend, “I want to give a small gift to the sanctuary of Apa Shenoute to be given as alms for my salvation. However, I am not going to hand them over until I know whether the great man will give them as alms or not.” 34. So he gave the gold pieces to the other brother who had come with him, dressed himself in clothes beneath his station, and entered the monastery. He went to my father the prophet Apa Shenoute and spoke to him like this, “I beg you, my holy father, have mercy upon me and give me a small gift of just twenty pieces of gold so that I can give them to the money-lender. Otherwise, he will throw me out of my house and take it from me.” My father said to him, “This is no place to joke, my son! Perhaps you would like another twenty pieces of gold to add to the hundred and twenty pieces that you brought when you came because you would like to accumulate a great number?” Then my father called a brother monk and said to him, “Go along a certain road to the field. You will find a man sitting on the ground combing his hair and having a pitcher of water in his hand. Say to him, ‘Your friend says,’ just as I said to you, ‘Sit here until The present translation has been adapted from the translation given in D. N. Bell (trans. and ed.), The Life of Shenoute by Besa (Kalamazoo, Mich., 1983), 33–35. 90

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ⲙⲡⲓⲛⲓϣϯ ⲛⲣⲱⲙⲓ ϫⲉϥⲛⲁⲧⲏⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲙⲙⲉⲑⲛⲁⲏⲧ ϣⲁⲛⲙⲙⲟⲛ ϯⲛⲟⲩ ϫⲉⲧⲱⲛⲕ ⲁⲙⲟⲩ. 35. ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲉⲧⲁⲡⲓⲥⲟⲛ ⲙⲙⲟⲛⲁⲭⲟⲥ ϣⲉ ⲛⲁϥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲧⲕⲟⲓ ⲙⲫⲣⲏϯ ⲉⲧⲁⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲟⲩⲁϩⲥⲁϩⲛⲓ ⲛⲁϥ ⲁϥϫⲓⲙⲓ ⲙⲡⲓⲣⲱⲙⲓ ⲁϥⲥⲁϫⲓ ⲛⲉⲙⲁϥ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲛⲓⲥⲁϫⲓ ⲉⲧⲁⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ϫⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ. ⲡⲓⲣⲱⲙⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲧⲁϥⲓ ϣⲁⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲛⲁϥⲟϩⲓ ⲉⲣⲁⲧϥ ⲉϥⲉⲣϣⲫⲏⲣⲓ ⲙⲙⲁϣⲱ. ⲧⲟⲧⲉ ⲁϥⲱϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉϧⲉⲛⲟⲩⲙⲉⲑⲙⲏⲓ ⲁⲓⲉⲙⲓ ⲙⲫⲟⲟⲩ ϫⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϣⲟⲡ ϧⲉⲛⲧⲁⲓⲙⲟⲛⲏ ⲕⲁⲧⲁⲡⲓⲣⲏϯ ⲉⲧⲁⲓⲛⲁⲩ ϧⲉⲛⲛⲁⲃⲁⲗ. ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲙⲉⲛⲉⲛⲥⲱⲥ ⲁϥϯ ⲛⲛⲓⲛⲟⲩⲃ ⲙⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲙⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ϣⲉⲛⲟⲩϯ ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲁⲩϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲁⲩϣⲉ ⲛⲱⲟⲩ ⲙⲡ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲧϥ ϧⲉⲛⲟⲩϩⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲉⲩϯⲱⲟⲩ ⲙⲫϯ ⲛⲉⲙⲛⲏ ⲉⲑⲟⲩⲁⲃ ⲛⲧⲁϥ.

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I find out whether the great man will give them as charity or not,’ [I say] now, arise and come [to me].” 35. And when the brother monk had gone off to the field as my father had commanded him, he found the man and said to him the words that my father had spoken him. The man who had come to my father was standing before him in great astonishment. Then he exclaimed, “Truly, I know today that there is a prophet in this monastery, just as I have seen it with my own eyes.” After this, he gave the gold to my father the prophet Apa Shenoute, and after they had prayed, the two of them departed from him in peace, glorifying God and his saints.

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Christian Oxyrhynchus

174 Paphnutius and Four Ascetics from Oxyrhynchus The Life of Apa Onnophrius the Anchorite 34–4191 Despite being titled The Life of Apa Onnophrius the Anchorite, this text is primarily concerned with a certain wandering ascetic named Paphnutius who sets out into the desert to learn from notable ascetics. The narrative begins with Paphnutius’ journey into the wilderness that leads him to a remote cell in the desert only to find that the monk inside the cell had been dead for a long time. After piously burying the corpse, Paphnutius travels deeper into the desert and eventually comes across another monk named Timothy with whom he stayed for a short period of time. Departing from Timothy, Paphnutius travels on and eventually encounters another ascetic named Onnophrius with whom he spends considerably more time. The exchanges between Apa Onnophrius

34. ϩⲟⲥⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲓϣⲡⲏⲣⲉ· ϣⲏⲛ· ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲓⲑⲉⲱⲣⲉⲓ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲩⲕⲁⲣⲡⲟⲥ· ⲉⲓⲥ ϥⲧⲟⲟⲩ ϣⲏⲣⲉ ϣⲏⲙ ⲁⲩⲉ ⲡⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲛⲉⲥⲱⲟⲩ ϩ ⲧⲉⲩϩⲓⲕⲱⲙ· ⲉⲣⲉ ϩⲉⲛⲃⲁⲗⲟⲧ ⲉⲛⲉⲥⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲟ ϩⲓⲱⲟⲩ· ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲧ ϩⲉⲛⲡⲉⲣⲓⲥⲱⲙⲁ· ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩⲡⲱϩ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲡⲉϫⲁⲩ ⲛⲁ ϫⲉ ⲭⲁⲓⲣⲉ ⲡⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲙⲉⲣⲓⲧ ⲥⲟⲛ· ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲓⲡⲁϩ ⲁⲓⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲛⲁⲩ· ⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲩⲧⲟⲩⲟⲥ ⲁⲩⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ ⲙⲟⲓ· ⲛⲉⲩϣⲟⲟⲡ ϩ ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲥϭⲣⲁϩ· ⲉⲩⲟ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲉⲛⲧⲁⲩⲡⲱⲛⲉ ⲉⲡⲕⲉⲁⲓⲱⲛ ϩ ⲡⲉⲩⲣⲁϣⲉ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲩⲥⲟⲗⲥ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ· ⲁⲩϭⲱ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲩⲕⲟⲧ ⲕⲁⲣⲡⲟⲥ ϩ ϣⲏⲛ· ⲉⲩϯ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲁⲧⲁⲡⲣⲟ· ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲡⲁϩⲏⲧ ⲉⲩⲫⲣⲁⲛⲉ· ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩϩⲗⲟⲗⲉ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ· ⲁⲓ ⲥⲁϣ ⲅⲁⲣ ϩⲟⲟⲩ ϩⲁ ϩⲧⲏⲩ ⲟⲩⲱⲙ ϩ ⲕⲁⲣⲡⲟⲥ ϣⲏⲛ· ⲁⲓϫⲛⲟⲩ ⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ 35. ⲧⲱⲛ ⲁⲧⲉⲧⲉⲓ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ· ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲧ ϩⲉⲛⲣ ⲧⲱⲛ· ⲡⲉϫⲁⲩ ⲛⲁϥ· ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲥⲟⲛ· ⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲛⲟⲟⲩⲕ ϣⲁⲣⲟⲛ ⲧⲛⲁϫⲱ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ⲡⲉⲛⲃⲓⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣ· ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲣ ⲟⲩⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲕⲏⲙⲉ ϫⲉ ⲡϫⲉ· ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲓⲟⲟⲧⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲉϩⲉⲛⲃⲟⲩⲗⲉⲩⲧⲏⲥ ⲛⲉ ⲧⲉ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ· ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲩⲛⲟϫ ⲉⲧⲁⲛⲍⲏⲃⲉ· ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲡⲁⲓⲇⲉⲩⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ· ⲛⲉⲛϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲇⲉ ϩⲉⲛϯⲁⲛⲍⲏⲃⲉ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ· ⲉⲛⲟ ⲟⲩϩⲏⲧ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ· ⲧⲉⲣⲡⲁⲓⲇⲉⲩⲉ ⲇⲉ ϩⲉⲛⲧⲁⲛⲍⲏⲃⲉ· ⲁⲩⲛⲟϫ ⲉⲡⲍⲏⲙⲓⲟⲛ ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩⲡⲁⲓⲇⲉⲩⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ· ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲥ ϩ ⲟⲩⲱⲣ ⲛⲓⲙ ϩⲓ ⲥⲟⲫⲓⲁ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲓⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ· ⲟⲩⲉϣ ⲡⲁⲓⲇⲉⲩⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ϩ ⲧⲥⲟⲫⲓⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ· ⲟⲩϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ 91 The Sahidic text is taken from E. A. W. Budge, Coptic Martyrdoms in the Dialect of Upper Egypt (London, 1914), 219–23.

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and Paphnutius occupy the greater part of the treatise, and during their time together Paphnutius learned that Onnophrius had come from a monastery in Shmûn (Hermopolis Magna) and had been living alone in the desert for nearly sixty years being sustained by angels of the Lord. After the many exchanges, Onnophrius informs Paphnutius that he is going to shortly die and both instructs him to bury his body and upon his return to society charges him to relate his story to others. On Paphnutius’ journey back to civilization, after burying the body of the deceased Apa Onnophrius, he encounters four more ascetics. In the dialogue that ensues, wherein he learns that their names are John, Andrew, Heraklamon, and Theophilus, he is informed by them that they came from Pemje (Oxyrhynchus). Remaining together for seven days, they converse, teach one another, break bread, and are given the sacrament by an angel before Paphnutius returns home to relate to his brethren all the miraculous things that happened to him while he was wandering in the desert. 92

34. And while I [Paphnutius] was marveling at the trees, and was looking at them and at the fruit that was on them, behold, four young men came on the road in the distance, and their forms were goodly, and they were dressed in fine skin garments that covered their whole body.And when they had come up to me they said unto me, “Greetings, Paphnutius, O our beloved brother!” And I cast myself upon the ground and made obeisance unto them, but they raised me up and greeted me. And they remained in a state of great dignity, and they were like unto beings who had transferred themselves from another world in respect of the joy and comfort which they displayed toward me; and they gathered fruit from the trees and placed it in my mouth. And my heart rejoiced within me because of the affection that they showed to me, and I passed seven days with them eating of the fruit of the trees. 35. And I asked them, saying, “From where have you come to this place? And where do you live?” And they said unto me, “O our brother, God has sent you unto us so that we may declare unto you our whole manner of life. For we are citizens of a city of Egypt called Pemje [Oxyrhynchus]. Our fathers were councilors of the city and they sent us to the school there to have us educated; and we were all in the same school together, and were all of the same mind. And when we had finished our education in the school they sent us on to the college, and when we had been thoroughly well taught there and had learned therein all the learning and all the wisdom of this world we wished to 92 The present translation has been adapted from the translation given in Budge, Coptic Martyrdoms, 469–72. Cf. T. Vivian, trans., Histories of the Monks of Upper Egypt and the Life of Onnophrius (Kalamazoo, 1993), 162–66.

678

Christian Oxyrhynchus

ⲟⲩϩⲟⲟⲩ· ϣⲁϫⲉ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ ϩⲉⲛ ⲛⲉⲓϣⲁϫⲉ· ⲁⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲧⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ ϩⲱⲃ ϩ ⲡⲉⲛⲣⲱⲙⲉ· 36. ⲉⲧϩⲓ ϩⲟⲩⲛ· ⲁⲛⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲁⲛⲧⲁⲁⲛ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲧⲟⲟⲩ· ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲥⲩⲭⲁⲍⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ· ϣⲁⲛⲧⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲣⲉ ⲡϫ ⲛⲁⲧⲟϣ ⲙⲟⲥ· ⲁⲛϫⲓⲥⲉ ⲛⲙⲁⲛ ϩⲉⲛⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲟⲉⲓⲕ ⲁⲡϣⲁⲩ ⲥⲁϣ ϩⲟⲟⲩ· ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ϩ ⲡⲧⲟⲟⲩ· ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲉⲕⲥⲧⲁⲥⲓⲥ ϩⲉ ⲉϩⲣⲁ ⲉϫⲱⲛ· ⲁⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉϥⲟ ⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲁⲙⲁϩⲧⲉ ⲧϭⲓϫ· ⲁⲛⲧ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ· ⲧⲉⲛⲉⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ· ⲁⲛϭⲓⲛⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ· ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲡϫ ⲧⲁⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲁϥϭⲱ ⲉϥⲧⲥⲁⲃⲟ ⲙⲟⲛ ⲉϩϩⲁⲗ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ ϩⲟⲟⲩ· ϩ ⲡϫⲱⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ ⲁϥⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲟϥ ϭⲓ ⲡϩⲗⲟ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ· ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲧϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ  ⲡⲉⲛϫ ⲥⲟⲛ· ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ ⲧϩⲟⲙⲟⲗⲟⲅⲉⲓ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲡϫ· ϫⲉ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲉ ⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ· ⲧⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲁⲛ ϯⲡⲉ 37. ⲟⲉⲓⲕ· ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲧⲣⲟⲫⲏ· ⲥⲁ ⲛⲉⲓ· ϣⲏⲛ ⲙⲁⲧⲉ· ⲉⲛⲟⲛ ⲉⲛⲉⲩⲕⲁⲣⲡⲟⲥ· ⲉⲛϣⲁⲛⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ· ⲛⲏⲩ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ϩⲇⲱⲙⲁⲥ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ· ⲧ ⲧⲉⲩϣⲏ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲧⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ· ⲙⲥⲱⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲟⲩ ⲡⲟⲩ ⲃⲱⲕ ⲛⲡⲟⲗⲩⲧⲉⲩⲉ· ⲡⲉϫⲁⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ ϫⲉ ⲉⲧⲉⲧⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲧⲱⲛ· ⲡⲉϫⲁⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ ϫⲉ ⲥⲟⲟⲩϩ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲓϩⲱⲃ· ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲇⲏ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧⲟⲛ ϣⲁϥⲉⲓ ϭⲓ ⲟⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ ⲡⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧⲟⲛ· ⲙ ⲧⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ· ⲛⲉⲓϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲇⲉ ⲛⲙⲁⲩ ⲉⲓⲣⲁϣⲉ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ· ϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲇⲉ ϩ ⲡⲙⲉϩ ⲥⲁϣ ϩⲟⲟⲩ ϥⲛⲏⲩ ϭⲓ ⲟⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲡϫ· ⲛⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ ⲛⲙⲁⲕ ϩⲓ ⲟⲩⲥⲟⲡ· ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲧⲛⲁⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ϥⲛⲁⲧⲃⲟ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ 38. ϩ ⲛⲟⲃⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ· ⲁⲩⲱ ⲙ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲁⲛϯⲅⲏⲙⲉⲛⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲉϣϭϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲣⲟϥ· ϩⲟⲥⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲛϣⲁϫⲉ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ ⲁϣⲱⲗ ⲉⲩⲥϯⲛⲟⲩϥⲉ ⲛⲟϭ ⲡⲉⲓϣⲱⲗ ⲧⲉϥϩⲉ· ⲉⲛⲉϩ· ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲡⲉⲥϯⲛⲟⲩϥⲉ ⲧⲁϩⲟⲛ· ⲁⲛⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲁⲛⲁⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲁⲛⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ· ⲙⲥⲱⲥ ⲁϥⲉⲓ ϭⲓ ⲟⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ· ⲁϥⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ· ϩ ⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲥⲛⲟϥ ⲡϫ· ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲓⲑⲉ ⲛⲉⲧϩⲓⲛⲏⲃ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲑⲟⲧⲉ ⲧⲁⲓⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲥ· ⲁϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ⲁϥⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲡⲏⲩⲉ ⲉⲛϭⲱϣ ⲥⲱϥ ϩ ⲛⲉⲛⲃⲁⲗ· ⲧⲉⲣⲃⲱⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲩⲛⲏⲫⲉ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲡⲉϫⲁⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁϫⲣⲟ ⲛϭϭⲟⲙ ⲛϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϫⲱⲱⲣⲉ· ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁⲓⲛⲏⲫⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲉⲧϩⲁ ⲡⲏⲣ· ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲉⲩϣⲏ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲧⲕⲩⲣⲓ39. ⲁⲕⲏ· ⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧ ϣⲗⲏⲗ ϣⲁ ϩⲧⲟⲟⲩⲉ· ⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲓ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ϣⲱⲣ ⲧⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ· ⲉⲓⲥ Ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲥϯⲛⲟⲩϥⲉ ⲉⲧⲛⲟⲧ ⲁⲛϣⲱⲗ ⲙⲟϥ· ⲁⲛϩⲏⲇⲁⲛⲉ ⲥⲱϥ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁ ⲩⲫⲣⲁⲛⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲉⲧϩ ⲡⲕⲉⲁⲓⲱⲛ·

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [174]

679

be instructed in the wisdom of God. On a certain day we were talking together about these things and a thought worked in our inner man, 36. and we four rose up and we set ourselves on the way to the mountain so that we might live therein quietly until we should see what the Lord had ordained for us. And we took with us a few loaves of bread, sufficient for seven days. And when we had come into the mountain, straightway an ecstasy fell upon us, and a man, who was all light, took our hands and brought us to this place. And when we had come to this place we found a holy man of God, and the angel of the Lord put us in his hand, and he taught us to be servants of God for a year. And at the end of the year the holy and blessed old man died, and we alone remained in this place. O our lord brother, we confess unto thee by God that for sixty years we have not known the taste of 37. bread, or of any other kind of food except these trees on whose fruit we live. If we wish to see each other we come here every week to see each other and we pass the whole night of the Lord’s days together, and after that each one returns to perform his spiritual labors.” And I said unto them, “Where do you hold services?” And they said unto me, “We assemble here for that purpose, for an angel of God comes here every week, and he gives us the Eucharist on the Sabbath and on the Lord’s day.” And I stayed with them, and I rejoiced exceedingly. [They said to me,] “On the seventh day the angel of the Lord will come to give the Eucharist to us and you together. And the man who shall receive the Eucharist at the hand of that angel shall be cleansed 38. from all sin, and no opposing power shall have dominion over him.” And while we were talking together I smelled a strong sweet smell the likes of which I had never smelled before. And immediately as the sweet smell reached us we rose up, and we stood on our feet, and we blessed God. And afterward the angel came, and he administered unto us the body and blood of the Lord. And I became like unto those who sleep because of the awesome sight that I beheld. And he blessed us, and he went up into heaven, and we watched him with our eyes. And when he had gone up they comforted me, and said unto me, “Be of good cheer, for you shall prevail, and you shall become a man of might.” And straightway I became of good cheer, even as those who are under [the influence of] wine. And we spent the whole night of the Lord’s day 39. standing and praying until the morning. And when the light appeared at dawn on the first day of the week [i.e., Lord’s day], behold, we smelled that exceedingly sweet smell again, and we enjoyed it, and we rejoiced after the manner of those who are in the world. And afterward the angel came, and he gave unto us the Eucharist, and he blessed each one of us, saying, “Everlasting

680

Christian Oxyrhynchus

ⲡⲥⲱⲥ ⲁϥⲉⲓ ϭⲓ ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲁϥⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲙⲟⲛ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉϥⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲟⲩⲱⲛ ϣⲁⲉⲛⲉϩ· ⲙ ⲟⲩⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏϯⲁ ⲁⲧⲧⲁⲕⲟ· ⲁⲛⲟⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲏⲣ ϩⲓ ⲟⲩⲥⲟⲡ· ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲟⲩⲧⲁⲡⲣⲟ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ· ⲁⲛⲟⲩⲱϣ ϫⲉ ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ· ⲉϥⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ· ⲙⲥⲱⲥ ⲁϥⲕⲟⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ϭⲓ ⲡⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁⲓ ϫⲉ ⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ· ⲉⲕⲏⲙⲉ· ⲛϫⲱ ⲛⲉⲛⲧⲁⲕⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ· ⲙⲁⲓⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ· ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲩⲛⲁⲕⲱϩ ⲡⲟⲗⲩϯⲁ ⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ· ⲁⲓⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲙⲟϥ ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥⲕⲁⲁⲧ 40. ϩⲁϩⲧⲏⲩ· ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁⲓ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁ ⲡϫ ⲧⲉϣ ⲡϩⲱⲃ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲁⲛ· ⲉⲧⲣ ϩⲱⲃ ⲉⲩⲧⲱⲧ ϩⲏⲧ· ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϯ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲛⲁϣϥⲓ· ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ϭⲉ ⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲛⲃⲱⲕ ϫⲉ ⲧⲁⲓ ⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥⲧⲟϣ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲁϥⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲁϥⲃⲱⲕ ⲡⲏⲩⲉ ϩ ⲟⲩⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲟⲩⲙⲏⲏϣⲉ ϩⲩⲡⲟⲣⲁ ⲁⲛⲟⲩⲱⲙ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲩⲑⲡⲟ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲛⲁⲥⲟⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲗⲓⲟⲛ· ⲁⲡⲁⲣⲁⲕⲁⲗⲉⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ· ϫⲉ ϫⲱ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲛⲉⲧⲣⲁⲛ· ⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲩϫⲱ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲡⲉⲩⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲟⲩⲁ· ⲡϣⲱⲣ ⲡⲉ ⲓ· ⲡⲙⲉϩ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲁⲛⲇⲣⲉⲁⲥ· ⲡⲙⲉϩ ϣⲟⲙ ⲡⲉ ϩⲏⲣⲁⲕⲗⲁⲙⲱⲛ· ⲡⲙⲉϩϥⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲑⲉⲟⲫⲓⲗⲟⲥ· ⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲩϩⲱⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲟⲧ· ⲉϫⲱ ⲡⲉⲩⲣⲁⲛ· ⲉⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ ⲉⲩⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ⲛⲁⲩ· ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ϩⲱ ⲛⲉⲓⲥⲟⲡⲥ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ· ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲡⲁⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ· ⲁⲛϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲛⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ 41. ⲛⲛⲉⲛⲉⲣⲏⲩ· ⲁⲓⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲓⲗⲩⲡⲏ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ· ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲥⲙⲟⲩ ⲧⲁ ⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ⲧⲁⲁⲩ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲛⲉⲓⲣⲁϣⲉ ⲡⲉ· ⲁⲓⲉⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲕⲏⲙⲉ ⲟⲩϩⲓⲏ· ϣⲟⲙ ϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ· ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲧⲉⲣⲉⲓϩⲉ· ⲉⲛⲉⲥⲛⲏⲩ ⲙⲁⲓⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲁⲓⲧⲟⲛ ⲙⲟⲓ ϩⲁ ϩⲧⲏⲩ· ⲙⲏⲧ ϩⲟⲟⲩ· ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϫⲱ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁⲥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲙⲟⲓ· ⲧⲟⲟⲩ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲉϫⲁⲩ ϫⲉ ⲁⲗⲏⲑⲱⲥ ⲁⲕⲡϣⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ϩⲙⲟⲧ·

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life shall be unto you and imperishable prophecy.” And we all at once with one mouth answered, “Amen; so be it!” And afterward the angel turned to me, and said unto me, “Arise, and depart into Egypt, and tell the God-loving brethren the things that you have seen so that they may emulate the life and conversation of the saints.” And I entreated him to let me remain

40. with them, but he said unto me, “The Lord does not allow unto us the work that is imagined by the heart, but God gives unto each man according to what he is able to bear.93 Now, therefore, arise and depart, for that is what the Lord has ordained for thee.” And he blessed me, and went up into the heavens in great glory. And they brought a large number of plums, and we ate them together, and I went forth from them, and they accompanied me on my way for a distance of six miles. And I entreated them, saying, “Tell me your names.” And they declared me their names, each one of them. The name of the first was John, the second Andrew, the third Heraklamon, and the fourth Theophilus; and they commanded me to declare their names unto the brethren so that they might remember them. And I on my part entreated them to remember me. And we prayed and we bid farewell to 41. each other. And I went forth and I grieved exceedingly; nevertheless, because of the blessing that the holy men had bestowed upon me I rejoiced. And I came back into Egypt after a journey of three days, and having found the God-loving brethren I rested with them for ten days, and I related unto them what had happened unto me; and they said unto me, “Truly you are worthy of a great reward.”

93 The meaning of this sentence is something like, “The Lord does not assign to us the work that we want to do, but God gives to eah person what he can bear.” Cf. Vivian, Histories of the Monks, 165

Christian Oxyrhynchus

682

175 The Martyrdom of Apa Epima, fol.22V–fol.32R The Martyrdom of Apa Epima is a sixth-century work that details the circumstances surrounding the martyrdom of Epima, a notable Christian from the village of Pankylis in the Oxyrhynchite. It survives in both a Sahidic version94 and a later Bohairic version.95 The account is lengthy and later than the documents considered in this volume but supposedly takes place during the “Great Persecution” at the start of the fourth century. The historicity of the account is certainly open to question; while certain contextual details in the martyrdom are consistent with an early fourth-century date, other details surrounding the martyrdom are consistent with a much later date. It is interesting to note that the persecuting governor who figures prominently throughout the account is none other than Clodius Culcianus the prefect of Egypt at the start of the fourth century, although in the present account he is mistakenly supposed to be the governor of Pemje (Oxyrhynchus).96

1. ⲡⲃⲉⲗⲉⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲕⲏⲙⲉ. ⲙ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟ(fol.23R)ⲥⲧⲁⲅⲙⲁ. ϫⲓⲛ ⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ ϣⲁ ⲡⲣⲏⲥ ⲕⲏⲙⲉ ⲧⲏⲣ. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲉⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲁϥϯ ⲛⲉⲥϩⲁⲓ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲕⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲁϥⲟϣⲟⲩ. ⲁϥϭⲉⲛⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲩⲥⲏϩ ⲧⲉⲓϩⲉ. ϫⲉ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲧⲛⲁⲁⲧⲥⲱⲧ ⲥⲱⲕ. ⲧⲉⲝⲟⲩⲥⲓⲁ ⲧⲟ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲧⲃⲟⲩ. ⲏ ⲅⲧⲛⲟⲟⲩⲥⲟⲩ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ ⲧⲁⲡⲉⲇⲉⲩⲉ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ. 2. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲇⲉ ϭⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲁ ⲛⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ. ϥⲧⲟⲩⲛⲟⲩⲥ ⲡⲅⲉⲛⲟⲥ ⲛⲉⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ϩⲓϫ ⲡⲕⲁϩ. ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲩⲱⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉ ⲛⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϣϩⲓⲥⲉ. ⲉϫ ⲡⲉϥⲣⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲥⲉⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲉϥⲙⲧⲣⲟ. ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁ ⲡⲥⲁϩ ⲡⲁⲩⲗⲟⲥ ϫⲟⲟⲥ ϩ ⲧⲉϥⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϫⲉ ⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ϩⲱⲃ ϩⲟⲣ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉϫⲱⲛ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲛⲓⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲁⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ. ⲁϥϩⲛⲁϥ ⲉϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲁ ⲛⲉϥⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁ ⲏⲥⲁⲓⲁⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ ϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲣⲉϥϫⲓⲥⲃⲱ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ϣⲁⲩⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ (fol.23V) ⲧⲁⲧⲥⲁⲃⲟⲟⲩ. ⲧⲁⲓ ⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥⲁⲁⲥ ϭⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲁϥⲧⲟⲩⲛⲉⲥ ⲟⲩⲡⲁ ⲉϥϩⲟⲟⲩ ϩ ⲇⲓⲟⲕⲗⲏⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ. ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉϥⲇⲓⲱⲕⲉⲓ ⲥⲁ ⲛⲉϩϩⲁⲗ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥ. ⲡⲉ. ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥϯⲉⲛϣⲟⲧ ⲡϩⲏⲧ ⲫⲁⲣⲁⲱ. ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉϥⲇⲓⲱⲕⲉⲓ ⲡⲉϥⲗⲁⲟⲥ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ϥⲧⲁⲕⲟ ϩ ⲑⲁⲗⲁⲥⲥⲁ. ⲧⲉ ⲡⲗⲁⲟⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲟⲩϫⲁⲓ. ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲉⲧⲥⲏϩ ϩ ⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϫⲉ ⲙ ⲟⲩⲕⲁⲕⲓⲁ ⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩ ⲟⲩⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁϥⲥⲟⲛⲧ. T. Mina, Le Martyre d’Apa Epima (Cairo, 1937). I. Balestri and H. Hyvernat, Acta Martyrum (Paris, 1907), 120–56. 96 On Culcianus, see [114] n. 25–26. 94 95

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The name Epima seems to have been a shortened version of the Greek name Epimachus (Ἐπίμαχος), which is not an uncommon name in documents from Oxyrhynchus. P.Oxy. XI 1357, a calendar of church services from Oxyrhynchus for 535/36, mentions in l. 6 that at the church of Phoibammon on Hathyr 3 (October 31) a martyr named Epimachus was celebrated: Ἁθὺρ γ̅ εἰς τὴν Φοιβάμμωνος ἡμέρ(α) Ἐπιμάχ(ου) (“Hathyr 3 at Phoibammon’s church, day of Epimachus”);97 cf. P.Oxy. LXI, p. 140, n. 24–25. Due to the length of this martyrdom, only the portion of the Sahidic version dealing with the events in Pankylis and Pemje (Oxyrhynchus) are translated here. Section numbers have been added to each paragraph for easy cross-referencing between the Coptic and English although they are not in the ed. pr. The pagination, however, of the manuscript to which this text belongs has been retained in the Coptic text as it is found in the ed. pr.98

1. The post messenger 99 came up to Egypt with the decree from Alexandria to all the south of Egypt. When he came up to the city of Pemje [Oxyrhynchus] he gave the edict to Culcianus, the governor, and he read it. He found it written thus: “Every man who will disobey you, authority is given you to kill them, or you can send them to Alexandria so that I may flog them.” 2. When God wished to inquire after his elect, he sent the generation of the Christians upon the earth. The glory of the Church of God was revealed. God wanted his holy elect to suffer for his holy name so that they would enter into his kingdom according to the way that the master, Paul, said in his holy epistle: “There is a great work weighing upon us because of these testimonies” (Heb 12:1). Therefore, God, the Father of our Lord, Jesus Christ, was pleased to inquire after his saints according to the way that Isaiah, the prophet, said, “If all the disciples of God come forward then I will teach them” (cf. Isa 54:13). This is the way that God worked. Just as he had hardened the heart of Pharaoh to pursue his [God’s] people so that he [Pharaoh] would perish in the sea, but so that the people of God were saved, he set an evil spirit from Christ on Diocletian, the way it is written in the Holy Scripture: “There is no evil that will 97 It may be noted here that the date of the martyrdom given in the present account is Epeiph 8 ( July 2). 98 We would like to thank Dr. John Gee for providing the transcription and translation of the present text. 99 ⲡⲃⲉⲗⲉⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ. In Greek, it is βερεδάριος (= Lat. veredarius) and has the meaning “messenger of the imperial post.”

684

Christian Oxyrhynchus

ⲧⲁⲓ ⲟⲛ ⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥⲁⲁⲥ ϭⲓ ⲡⲣⲟ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ. ⲉϥϯϭⲱⲛ ⲉⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙ ⲛⲉϥⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ. ⲙ ⲛⲉϥⲡⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϣⲁⲛⲧⲟⲩⲃⲟⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲥⲉϫⲓⲧ ⲉⲛⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧϩⲓⲃⲟⲗ. ⲛⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϩⲱⲟⲩ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ. ⲙ ⲡⲉϥϣⲏⲣⲉ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ  ⲡⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲙⲧⲣⲟ ⲛⲡⲏⲩⲉ ⲥⲉⲕⲗⲏⲣⲟⲛⲟⲙⲉⲓ ⲙⲟⲥ ϣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ϭⲓ ⲡⲉⲩⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϫⲉ ⲁⲙⲏⲓⲧ ⲛⲉⲧⲥⲙⲁⲙⲁⲁⲩ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ. ⲧⲉⲧⲕⲗⲏⲣⲟⲛⲟⲙⲉⲓ ⲧⲙⲧⲣⲟ ⲧⲁⲩⲥⲧⲱⲧ ⲛⲏⲧ ϫⲓⲛ ⲧⲕⲁⲧⲁⲃⲟⲗⲏ ⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ. ⲧⲁⲓ ⲧⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ (fol.24R) ⲉⲁⲁⲥ ϩ ⲧⲟⲓⲕⲟⲩⲙⲉⲛⲏ ⲧⲏⲣ. 3. ⲥⲱⲧ ϭⲉ ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲛⲉⲧⲁⲩϯ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲡⲥⲱⲧ. ϫⲓⲥⲙⲏ ⲛⲉⲧⲁⲩϯ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲧⲉⲥⲃⲱ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲇⲏ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲧϩⲟⲗ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲛ ϫⲉ . ⲟⲩⲇⲉ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲧⲧⲁⲓⲏⲩ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲛ ϫⲉ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ. 4. ⲛⲉⲩ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲉ. ⲉⲡⲉϥⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲉϥϩ ϫⲟⲩⲧⲥⲁϣϥⲉ ⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ. ⲉϥϩ ⲟⲩϯⲙⲉ ⲉϣⲁⲩⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲛⲕⲟⲗⲉⲓⲥ ϩ ⲡⲧⲟϣ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲉϥⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲡⲉ ϩⲏⲗⲓⲁⲥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲧⲉϥⲙⲁⲁⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲥⲟⲫⲓⲁ. ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ⲛⲉ ⲟⲩⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲭⲣⲓⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ. ⲉϥⲥⲁϩⲏⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲓⲙ. ⲉⲩⲥⲁⲃⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲣⲉϥϯⲁⲅⲁⲡⲏ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲁⲡⲁⲣⲭⲏ ⲛⲉϥⲅⲉⲛⲏⲙⲁ ⲛⲉϥϯ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲏⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲣⲉ ϣⲁϫⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲉⲅⲣⲁⲫⲏ. ⲛⲉⲩⲟ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲟⲩϩⲏⲃ ⲉϥⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ ⲥⲁⲛϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲛⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲉϥⲏⲓ ⲥⲁⲣⲏⲥ ⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲛⲉϥⲓⲱϩⲉ ϩⲱⲟⲩ ⲡⲉⲙⲧ ⲡⲙⲁ. ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲕⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲟⲛ ⲛⲉⲩ ⲡⲓⲏⲃ. ⲡⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲛⲉϥϫⲏⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲉⲡⲓⲧⲁⲕⲏ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲡ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲉⲣⲉ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲉϩⲃⲏⲩⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ⲙⲉ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲛⲉϩⲃⲏⲩⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ (fol.24V) ⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲥⲩⲛⲏ ⲉⲛⲉϥⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉϥⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲱϩ ϣⲁ ⲛⲁⲣⲭⲱⲛ. ⲙ ⲛⲉϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ. ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ. ⲁⲩϭⲱ ⲉⲩϣⲓⲛⲉ ⲥⲱϥ ϩ ⲟⲩⲱⲣ. 5. ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲛⲉϥⲕⲟⲧ ⲛⲟⲩϩⲟⲟⲩ ϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲏⲓ. ⲉⲓⲥ ⲟⲩϣⲏⲣⲉ ϣⲏⲙ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ ⲁϥⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲉϫⲱϥ. ⲁϥϣⲧⲟⲣⲧ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲟⲩⲱⲛ ⲛⲉⲕⲃⲁⲗ ⲅⲥⲟⲩⲱⲛ ϫⲉ ⲁⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ  ⲡⲉ ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲡⲉϥⲥⲓⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓⲛ ϩ ⲡⲥⲁ ⲧⲁⲛⲁⲧⲟⲗⲏ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ  ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲙⲁⲅⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲥⲓⲟⲩ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ  ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲛⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲧⲁϣⲉⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲛⲉϣⲟⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ  ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁ ϫⲡⲟϥ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ  ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁϥ ⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥ ϩⲓ ⲡⲟⲛⲧⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲓⲗⲁⲧⲟⲥ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ  ⲡⲉⲕⲗⲟⲙ

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [175]

685

occur in a city unless the Lord has done it” (Amos 3:6). So also the wicked emperor did likewise being angry with God and his angels and his saints until they despised him.100 He (the martyr) was received into the holy places above belonging to the Father and his holy Son, Jesus Christ, to have them enter into the kingdom of heaven and inherit it forever. According to the way that the holy gospel said: “Come ye blessed of my Father so that you may inherit the kingdom which is prepared for you from the foundation of the world” (Matt 25:34). This is the way that God desired to work in all the world. 3. Listen now to those to whom hearing is given. Hearken to those to whom instruction is given because no one embraces this name “Jesus”; neither is there anyone who glorifies the name “Christian.” 4. But101 there was a man who was a farmer, whose name was Epima, who was in his twenty-seventh year and who was in the village called Pankylis102 in the district of Pemje (Oxyrhynchus). The name of his father was Elias and the name of his mother was Sophia. That man was a righteous Christian who avoided all evil, a wise and generous man and the best of his generation. He donated to the house of God and all the words of the Scripture were like a lamp which shone in him. His house was south of the village though his fields were to the west of that place and some of them were to the east. That man, Apa Epima, was perfect in every prompting of the Holy Spirit. All the men of that place loved him because of all the works of righteousness which he did so that his name reached the mayor and the governor, saying: “He is a Christian man.” The men of that place were always asking him for deeds of security.

5. One day the blessed Apa Epima was sleeping in his house when a little child of light stood over him, and he was astonished. He said to him, “Epima, Epima, open your eyes and realize who I am. I am Jesus Christ, he whose star gave light in the east. I am Jesus, he whose star the wise men saw. I am Jesus, about whom the angels announced to the shepherds. I am Jesus, he whom Mary bore. I am Jesus, he who testified to Pontius Pilate. I am Jesus, the crown of the martyrs, the sponsor of those who fight well. The peace that my Father gave to

100 The Sahidic text seems to be missing something in this section. The Bohairic text for this section reads: “So also the wicked emperor did likewise being angry with God and his angels until he despised the saints so much that he caused them to inherit the kingdom of heaven.” The Bohairic text then continues with sec. 3. 101 The Bohairic joins secs. 3 and 4 and inserts the adversive ⲇⲉ that is missing in the Sahidic. 102 The village of Pankylis (Gk. Παγκυλις or Πανκυλις) was located somewhere in the first pagus south of Oxyrhynchus. See A. Benaissa, Rural Settlements of the Oxyrhynchite Nome: A Papyrological Survey (version 2.0; Leuven, 2012), 236–37, 252.

686

Christian Oxyrhynchus

ⲛⲉⲙⲁⲣⲧⲩⲣⲟⲥ. ⲡⲁⲅⲱⲛⲟⲑⲉⲧⲏⲥ ⲛⲉⲧⲙⲓϣⲉ ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲥ. ϯⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲧⲁ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲧⲁⲁⲥ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲉⲓⲛⲏⲩ ⲉⲡⲕⲟⲥⲙⲟⲥ. ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ϩⲱ ϯϯ ⲙⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲕ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲟⲩ ϭⲉ ⲕϩⲙⲟⲟⲥ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲕⲟ ⲛⲁⲙⲉⲗⲏⲥ. ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲁⲅⲱⲛ ⲡⲟⲣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲩϯ ⲕⲗⲟⲙ ϫⲓⲛϫⲏ. ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ (fol.25R) ⲁⲓⲟⲩⲱ ⲉⲓⲥⲟⲃⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲛⲟⲩⲙⲁⲛϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩ ⲡⲏⲩⲉ. ⲙ ⲟⲩⲕⲗⲟⲙ ⲛⲁⲧⲱϫⲉⲛ ϣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ⲟⲩ ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛⲁⲅⲱⲛ ⲕⲏ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲣⲁⲥⲧⲉ ϩ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲡⲉⲕϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉϥⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲥⲟⲩ ϣⲙⲟⲩⲛ ⲡⲉⲃⲟⲧ ⲉⲡⲏⲡ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉⲕⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲉϥⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ϩ ⲡⲧⲟⲟⲩ ϭⲓⲛⲟⲩⲟⲧⲉ. ϩⲁⲧ ⲟⲩⲁ ϫⲉ ⲁⲙⲙⲱⲛⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲛⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓϣ. ⲙⲥⲁ ⲡⲉⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓϣ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲡⲉⲕⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲉⲕⲏⲓ ⲥⲟⲩ ⲙⲏⲧ ⲡⲁⲱⲛⲉ. ⲥⲉⲛⲁϫⲓⲧ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ. ⲥⲉⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ ϩ ⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ. ⲟⲩ ϩⲛⲟϭ ϭⲟⲙ ⲛⲁϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲓⲧⲟⲟⲧ ϩ ⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ. ⲙⲥⲱⲥ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲕⲧⲟⲕ ⲥⲉⲉⲛⲧ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲉⲭⲱⲣⲁ ⲕⲏⲙⲉ. ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲕϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ ϩ ⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ ϩ ⲟⲩⲧⲟϣ ⲡⲱⲕ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲉ. ⲁⲓⲧⲱϣ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲛⲓⲟⲩⲗⲓⲟⲥ. ⲡⲃⲟⲏⲑⲟⲥ. ⲡⲕⲱⲙⲧⲁⲣⲏⲥⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲣⲕⲃⲉϩ. ⲉⲧⲣⲉϥϥⲉⲓ ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲟⲟⲩϣ ϩ ⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ϥⲥϩⲁⲓ ⲛⲉⲕϩⲩⲡⲟⲙⲛⲏⲙⲁ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ. ϥϫⲓⲧⲟⲩ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲏⲓ ϥⲕⲁⲁⲩ ⲙⲁⲩ ϣⲁ ⲡⲉⲟⲩⲟⲉⲓϣ (fol.25V) ⲉⲧⲉϥⲛⲁϩⲛⲁϥ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ. ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲟⲩⲱⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲙⲥⲱⲥ ⲛⲁⲧⲱϣ ⲛⲉϥϩϩⲁⲗ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. ⲥⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲩⲡⲣⲟⲥⲕⲁⲣⲧⲏⲣⲉⲓ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉⲕϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉⲕⲁⲅⲱⲛ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲥⲉⲁⲥⲫⲁⲗⲓⲍⲉ ⲡⲉⲕⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲥⲉⲕⲟⲟⲥ ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲥ. ⲙⲁⲣⲉ ⲛⲉⲕⲉⲓⲟⲧⲉ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲩ. ⲅϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲧⲉⲝⲱⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁ. ϩⲁⲧ ⲡⲉⲕϣⲃⲏⲣ ⲁⲙⲙⲱⲛⲓⲟⲥ. ⲡⲁϭⲓⲛⲟⲩⲟⲟⲧⲉ ϩ ⲟⲩⲉⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲉϥⲛⲁⲉⲣϩⲛⲁϥ ⲡⲁⲉⲓⲱⲧ. ⲥⲉⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲡⲉⲕⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲡⲉⲕⲏⲓ ⲥⲉⲕⲁⲁϥ ⲙⲁⲩ. ϯⲛⲁⲧⲣⲉ ⲟⲩⲙⲁⲉⲓⲛ ϣⲱⲡⲉ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲥⲉⲡⲓⲥⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. ⲧⲁⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ ⲉⲥⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲙⲁⲕ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲁϫⲓⲥ ⲛⲓⲟⲩⲗⲓⲟⲥ. ⲙⲁⲣⲉϥϩⲱⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲉϥϩϩⲁⲗ ⲉⲧⲛⲁϯ ⲡⲉⲕⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲟⲟⲧⲟⲩ. ϫⲉ ϥⲉⲓ ⲡⲉϥⲣⲟⲟⲩϣ ⲕⲁⲗⲱⲥ ⲧⲉⲧϭⲁⲗⲱⲱϥ ⲉⲡⲧⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲛⲁⲕⲱ ⲡⲁⲥⲱⲙⲁ ϩⲏⲧ. ⲛⲁⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥϫⲟⲟⲩ ϭⲓ ⲡⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁϥⲥⲫⲣⲁⲅⲓⲍⲉ ⲡⲉϥⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲧⲏⲣ ϫⲉ ⲛⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲟⲥ ϭϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲣⲟϥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲁⲥⲡⲁⲍⲉ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲁϥⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲙⲡⲏⲩⲉ (fol.26R) ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ϭⲱϣ ⲥⲱϥ. 6. ϩⲧⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲁϥⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ϭⲓ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲡⲉϥⲏⲓ ⲡⲉϥⲧⲁⲙⲉ ⲗⲁⲁⲩ ϩ ⲛⲉϥⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲉⲛⲉⲓϣⲁϫⲉ. ϫⲉ ⲛⲉⲩⲕⲱⲗⲩ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲉⲛⲉ ⲑⲟⲥⲃⲉ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲉϥⲣⲱⲙⲉ. ϫⲉ ⲉⲓⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲉⲃⲱⲕ ⲉⲑⲟⲥⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ ⲡⲟⲟⲩ. ⲧⲁϣⲱⲡ ⲛⲟⲩⲉϩⲉ ϫⲉ ϯⲭⲣⲓⲁ ⲙⲟⲥ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲛⲉϥⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲃⲱⲕ ϩ ⲟⲩⲉⲓⲣⲏⲛⲏ. ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲉϥⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ϩⲁⲧⲉⲕϩⲉ. ϥⲥⲟⲟⲩⲧ ⲛⲉⲕϩⲓⲟⲟⲩⲉ. ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲉⲡⲥⲁ ⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉϥⲏⲓ.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [175]

687

me when I came into the world, I, myself, give it to you.103 Why are you indifferent? Is the distinguished fighter given an empty crown? Behold, I am about to prepare for you a dwelling in heaven and an imperishable crown forever. A great fight lies before you tomorrow in the city of Pemje [Oxyrhynchus]. Your death will occur on the eighth day of the month of Epeiph [July 2] and your body will remain on the mountain of Shenouade with a certain Ammonius, which is a great honor. Afterward, they will take your body into your house on the tenth day of Paouni [June 4], for they will have taken you to Alexandria and you will be heard there. A great miracle will occur at your hands in that place. Afterward, they will return you and they will bring you into the land of Egypt,104 since your death will occur in that place, in a district that is not your own. I appoint to you Julius of Kbehs, the assistant and the historiographer [of the martyrs], and he will take care of you in that place and he will write all your memorials and he will take them into your house and store them up until the time that the Father desires to reveal them.105 Afterward, he will appoint his servants to you, and they will be attending you until you finish your fight and they will keep your body safe and will bury it well. You must leave your own parents so that you might die in exile with your companion Ammonius of Shenouade in glory and on the day which pleases the Father. Your body will be brought to your house and laid there. I will cause a sign to occur so that they will believe you. My peace will be with you. Tell Julius he must command his servants, to whom he will give your body: ‘Take good care of him and dwell at the place where the body is laid.’ ” When the Savior said these things to holy Apa Epima, he made the sign of the cross over all of his body: “No torture will have power over it.” And he kissed him. He went up to heaven and the saint gazed after him.

6. When it was dawn, holy Apa Epima arose. He went outside his house without informing any of his men of these things. He said to his men, “I wish to go to the market of Pemje today to buy a cow106 because I have need of it.” His men said to him, “Go in peace. May God send his angel before you. May he make your paths straight.” Holy Apa Epima went outside his house. He turned east toward the rising sun and prayed with his hands spread out, saying, 103

section.

The Bohairic text skips from this point to the signing of the cross at the very end of the

According to Roman geography, Alexandria was located outside of Egypt. This is an acknowledgment in the text that this martyrdom narrative appeared significantly later than the events narrated in it. 106 The text is ambiguous. The Coptic could also mean “to suffer bitterly.” 104 105

Christian Oxyrhynchus

688

ⲁϥⲕⲱⲧⲉ ⲡⲉϥϩⲟ ⲉⲡⲓⲏⲃ. ⲉⲡⲥⲁ ⲧⲁⲛⲁⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲁϥϣⲗⲏⲗ. ⲉⲣⲉ ⲛⲉϥϭⲓϫ ⲡⲟⲣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ. ϫⲉ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ. ϫⲉ ⲧⲟⲕ ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲕϫⲟⲟⲥ. ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲛⲁⲕⲁ ⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲥⲱϥ ⲁⲛ. ⲏ ⲙⲁⲁⲩ. ⲏ ⲥⲟⲛ. ⲏ ⲥⲱⲛⲉ. ⲏ ⲥϩⲓⲙⲉ. ⲏ ϣⲏⲣⲉ. ⲏ ϭⲱⲙ. ⲏ ⲓⲱϩⲉ. ⲏ ⲭⲣⲏⲙⲁ. ϥϥⲉⲓ ⲡⲉϥ⳨. ϥⲟⲩⲁϩ ⲥⲱⲓ ϥⲡϣⲁ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲁⲛ. ⲕⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϫⲉ ⲁⲓⲕⲱ ⲥⲱⲓ ⲡⲉⲧⲧⲁⲓ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲉⲧⲃⲏⲏⲧ. (fol.26V) ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲧϩⲟⲩⲛ ϩⲟⲩⲛ. ⲁⲓⲕⲁ ⲡⲉⲧⲃⲁⲗ ⲃⲟⲗ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲁⲕⲉⲥϩⲓⲙⲉ. ⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲁϣϥⲉ ⲣⲟⲙⲡⲉ. ϫⲓⲛⲧⲁⲓⲕⲁⲁⲥ ⲥⲱⲓ. ⲉⲓⲉⲛⲅⲣⲁⲧⲉⲩⲉ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲧⲟⲕ ϩⲱⲱⲕ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡϣⲧⲁⲙ ⲉⲣⲱⲓ ⲡⲏⲗⲏ ⲧⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲥⲩⲛⲏ ⲉⲓⲛⲏⲩ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲕⲉϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲕⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲛⲙⲁⲓ ⲉⲕϯϭⲟⲙ ⲛⲁⲓ. ϣⲁⲛϯϭϭⲟⲙ ⲉϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉⲛⲧⲁⲕⲟⲩⲉϩⲥⲁϩⲛⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲛⲁⲓ. ϫⲉ ⲧⲱⲕ ⲧⲉ ⲧϭⲟⲙ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲟⲟⲩ ϣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ⲛⲉⲛⲉϩ ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ. 7. ⲛⲁⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥϫⲟⲟⲩ ϭⲓ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁϥⲥⲫⲣⲁⲅⲓⲍⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ϩ ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ. ⲙ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ. ⲙ ⲡⲉⲡ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲁϥⲙⲟⲟϣⲉ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲁϥⲥⲱⲧ ϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ϩⲙⲟⲟⲥ ⲡⲣⲟⲃⲏⲙⲁⲧⲟⲥ. ϩ ⲡⲁⲭⲓⲗⲗⲓⲟⲛ ϩⲁϩⲧ ⲡⲧⲉⲧⲣⲁⲡⲩⲗⲱⲛ. ⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲉϩⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ. ⲉⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲛⲉ ⲛⲉⲩⲣⲁⲛ. ϩⲁⲁⲡ ⲡⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲧⲁⲕⲁⲛⲁϣ. ⲙ ⲁⲡⲁ ϩⲱⲣ ⲡⲣⲉⲙⲧⲡⲟϭⲉ ⲡⲧⲟϣ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲙ ⲙⲁⲝⲓⲙⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲩⲧⲉⲣⲟⲥ ϣⲉⲛⲁⲣⲱ. ⲙ ⲡⲉϭⲱϣ ⲡⲇⲓⲁⲕⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲣⲉⲙⲧⲃⲉ. ⲙ (fol.27R) ⲕⲉⲙⲏⲏϣⲉ ⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲧⲉ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁϥϥⲉⲓ ⲛⲉϥⲃⲁⲗ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲡⲉ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ. ϫⲉ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ. ⲉⲕⲉϯ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲛⲟⲩⲙⲧϫⲁⲣϩⲏⲧ. ϣⲁⲛϯϭϭⲟⲙ ⲉϣⲁϫⲉ ⲙ ⲡⲓⲁⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ ϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ. ⲡⲁⲓ ⲉⲧϫⲓⲟⲩⲁ ⲉⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. 8. ϩⲟⲥⲟⲛ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲛⲁⲓ. ⲉⲓⲥ ⲁⲛⲟⲩⲃⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ. ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲛⲟⲏⲧⲟⲥ. ⲁϥϭⲱϣ ⲁϥⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁϥϯ ⲡⲉϥⲟⲩⲟⲓ ⲉⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲕⲩⲣⲓ ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ. ⲉⲓⲥ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲡⲉⲧⲟ ⲛⲁⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲁⲛⲕⲟⲗⲉⲉⲓⲥ. ⲁϥⲉⲓ ⲁϥⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲥⲁⲃⲟⲗ ⲉⲡⲃⲏⲙⲁ. ⲙⲁⲣⲉϥϩⲟⲙⲟⲗⲟⲅⲉⲓ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲛⲉⲕⲗⲏⲣⲓⲕⲟⲥ ⲡⲉϥϯⲙⲉ. ⲙ ⲛⲉⲥⲕⲏⲩⲉ ⲉⲧϩ ⲛⲉϥⲉⲕⲕⲗⲏⲥⲓⲁ. ⲛⲉⲩϫⲱⲱⲙⲉ. ⲙ ⲛⲉⲩⲧⲣⲁⲡⲉⲍⲁ. ⲙ ⲛⲉⲩⲡⲟⲧⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ. ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲑⲉ ⲧⲁϥⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ ϭⲓ ⲡⲉⲛϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲣⲟ. ⲧⲉⲩⲛⲟⲩ ⲁ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲑⲉⲱⲇⲟⲣⲟⲥ ⲡⲉⲕⲗⲁⲃⲉⲕⲟⲗⲗⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ.107 ⲁϥⲧ ⲛⲁϥ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉϫ ⲡⲃⲏⲙⲁ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲧⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ

107

From the Latin clavicularius.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [175]

689

“Hear me, my Lord, Jesus Christ, you who said, ‘He who will not leave father, or mother, or brother, or sister, or wife, or son, or power, or land, or property, and take up his cross and follow me is not worthy of me’ (Luke 14:26; Mark 8:34). You know, my Lord, I have left all that I have for your sake. I have left the one who comes in, and the one who goes out, and even my wife. It is now seven years since I left her; I have been celibate for your holy name. Nevertheless, my Lord, do not shut the gates of righteousness since I am coming to you and you will be standing with me strengthening me until I accomplish that which you commanded me, for yours is the power and the glory forever and ever, amen.”108 7. When Holy Apa Epima said these things, he crossed himself in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit. He walked into the city of Pemje. He heard that the governor was sitting at the judgment seat in the Achilleum109 before the archway, listening to some Christians whose names were: Haap the deacon of Takanash,110 and Apa Hor the citizen of Tpoche111 in the district of Pemje, and Maximus the priest of Shenaro,112 and Pekosh of Terbe,113 the deacon, and another large group of Christians of the city of Pemje. Saint Apa Epima lifted his eyes up and said, “Hear me, my Lord, Jesus Christ, give me courage so that I can speak with this iniquitous governor, this one who curses your holy name.” 8. As soon as he said these things, Anoubianus, the administrator, looked and saw holy Apa Epima. He turned to the governor and said to him, “Lord, our lord governor, here is Epima who is the head of Pankylis; he has come to stand at the judgment seat. Let him confess to you the clerics of his village along with their implements which are in his church, their books, and their tables and their cups, as our lord the emperor commanded.” At once the governor sent Theodorus, the jailer, and he brought him up upon the judgment seat.

Epima ends his prayer by quoting the liturgy. Temple dedicated to Achilles. Interestingly, in SB I 1955 (III)—an ostracon found by Grenfell and Hunt during their first season at Oxyrhynchus—it mentions a payment by a certain Athenodorus “to the Achilleum” (l. 1, εἰς τὸ Ἀχιλῆ(ο)ν). This is the only other attestation of this shrine at Oxyrhynchus. 110 On this toponym, see Mina, Le Martyre d’Apa Epima, xxviii. 111 On this toponym, see Mina, Le Martyre d’Apa Epima, xxx. 112 On this toponym, see Mina, Le Martyre d’Apa Epima, xxxi. There is a village in the Fayum, the meris of Heracleides, that is sometimes identified as Shenaro. See H. Verreth (ed.), A Survey of the Toponyms in Egypt in the Graeco-Roman Period (Cologne, 2008), 471, 478. 113 On this toponym, see Mina, Le Martyre d’Apa Epima, xxxi. 108 109

Christian Oxyrhynchus

690

ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲡⲉⲧⲟ ⲛⲁⲡⲉ (fol.27V) ⲉⲡⲁⲛⲕⲟⲗⲉⲉⲓⲥ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ114 ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲉϩⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲟ ⲛⲁⲡⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲛ ⲧⲏⲣ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲉⲕϫⲉ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲡⲁⲡⲟⲗⲗⲱⲛ. ϫⲉ ⲡⲍⲉⲩⲥ. ⲥⲱⲧ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲛⲟⲩⲁ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲙⲁⲣⲉϥⲛⲁϩⲙⲉⲕ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲛⲉⲓϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲁ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲁⲛ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲉⲓϫⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ϫⲟⲟⲩ ⲙⲁⲣⲟⲩⲉⲓⲛⲉ ⲛⲉⲕⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲩⲧⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁ. ⲙ ⲛⲉⲥⲕⲏⲩⲉ ⲉⲧⲉϣⲁⲩⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲙ ⲡⲣⲉⲥⲃⲩⲧⲉⲣⲟⲥ ⲧⲁⲛ ⲣⲱ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ϣⲁⲛⲕⲱⲧⲉ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲙⲁ. ϣⲁⲛⲧϭⲓⲛⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲁ ϥⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ⲙⲟⲛ. ⲙⲡⲥⲁⲃⲃⲁⲧⲟⲛ. ⲙ ⲧⲕⲩⲣⲓⲁⲕⲏ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉⲥⲕⲏⲩⲉ ⲉⲧⲉϣⲁⲛⲥⲩⲛⲁⲅⲉ ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ϩⲁⲃⲓϭⲏⲉⲓⲛ ⲛⲉ. ⲉⲡⲓⲇⲏ ϩϩⲏⲕⲉ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲉ. ⲉⲛϣⲟⲟⲡ ϩ ⲟⲩⲕⲟⲩⲓ ⲛⲉⲡⲏⲅⲓⲟⲛ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲛⲁⲉϣⲥⲱⲃⲉ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲁⲛ. ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲁⲩⲟⲩⲱ ⲉⲩⲧⲁⲙⲟ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲉⲑⲩⲗⲩⲙⲯⲓⲥ115 ⲉⲧϩⲏⲧ. ⲁⲛⲟⲩⲃⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲛⲟⲏⲧⲟⲥ. ⲁϥϯ ⲡⲉϥⲟⲩⲟⲓ ⲉⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ (fol.28R) ⲡⲙⲉϩⲥⲉⲡ ⲥⲛⲁⲩ ⲁϥϯ ⲗⲓⲃⲉⲗⲗⲟⲥ ϩⲁ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ. ϫⲉ ⲕⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲡⲓⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲁⲧⲏⲥ ⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩⲱⲱϥ ⲡⲉ ϩ ⲡⲅⲉⲛⲟⲥ ⲛⲉⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲁⲓ ϥⲥⲧⲟ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲥⲧⲁⲅⲙⲁ ⲡⲣⲟ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲛⲁⲉϣⲥⲱⲃⲉ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲁⲛ. ⲥⲱⲧ ⲥⲱⲓ ⲅϫⲱⲕ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲟⲩⲉϩⲥⲁϩⲛⲉ ⲛⲉⲛϫⲓⲥⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲛⲉⲣⲱⲟⲩ. ϫⲉ ⲛⲉⲕⲧⲁⲕⲟ ⲧⲉⲕⲥⲁⲓⲉ ⲥⲁⲣⲝ ϩ ϩⲉⲛⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲉⲩϩⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ. ϫⲉ ⲁⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲟⲩⲱ ⲉϥⲧⲁⲙⲟ ⲙⲟⲛ. ϫⲉ ⲡϩⲟⲧⲉ ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲉⲧⲛⲁⲙⲟⲩⲟⲩⲧ ⲛⲉⲧⲥⲱⲙⲁ. ⲧⲉⲧⲯⲩⲭⲏ ⲇⲉ ⲙ ϭⲟⲙ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲁⲕⲟⲥ. ⲁⲣⲓϩⲟⲧⲉ ⲇⲉ ⲧⲟϥ ϩⲏⲧ ⲡⲉⲧⲉⲟⲩ ϭⲟⲙ ⲙⲟϥ ⲉⲧⲁⲕⲟ ⲧⲉⲧⲯⲩⲭⲏ. ⲙ ⲡⲉⲧⲥⲱⲙⲁ ϩⲣⲁⲓ ϩ ⲧⲅⲉϩⲛⲁ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲕⲟⲩⲱϣ ⲧϫⲱϩ ⲉⲛⲉⲕⲥⲁⲣⲝ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ116 ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲧⲉϩⲛⲁⲕ ⲁⲣⲓϥ ⲛⲁⲓ. ϥϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲛⲙⲁⲓ ϭⲓ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ  ⲡⲉ ⲉϥϯϭⲟⲙ ⲛⲁⲓ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ϯⲛⲁⲧⲣⲉⲩⲧⲱⲕ ⲡⲉⲕⲗⲁⲥ. ⲙⲡⲁⲧⲉⲕⲧⲁⲩⲟ ⲡⲉⲓ(fol.28V)ⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲧⲟ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲅϣⲁ ⲁⲛ ⲣⲱ ⲉⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲕⲉⲑⲏⲣⲓⲟⲛ. ⲙ ⲕⲉϫⲁⲧⲃⲉ. ⲉⲩϣⲁⲛⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϣⲁⲩⲱⲗ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲉⲩⲙⲟⲧⲟⲩ. ⲧⲟⲕ ⲇⲉ ⲕⲥⲱϣ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲕⲁⲓ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲁⲡⲁⲡⲟⲥⲧⲟⲗⲟⲥ ϫⲟⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲧⲙⲉⲣⲓⲥ ⲡⲉ ⲙ ⲃⲉⲗⲓⲁⲣ. ⲉⲓⲉ ⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲧⲥⲩⲙⲫⲱⲛⲓⲁ ⲡⲏⲓ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲙ ⲡⲁⲛⲇⲉⲙⲟⲛⲓⲟⲛ. ⲛⲓⲇⲱⲗⲟⲛ. 9. ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲁϥϩⲱϣ ⲡⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ. ⲁϥⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲩⲉⲓϣⲉ ⲡⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲥ ⲉⲡϩⲉⲣⲙⲉⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ ⲥⲉϩⲱⲱⲕⲉ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲡⲉⲓⲅⲉⲛⲛⲉⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲉⲛⲉ ⲟⲩⲥⲁⲓⲏ ⲡⲉ ϩ ⲡⲉϥⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲧⲏⲣ. ⲉⲣⲉ ⲡⲉϥⲃⲱⲱⲓ ⲟⲗ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲓⲥⲙⲁϩ ⲕⲟⲩⲡ. ⲉⲩⲛⲁⲁϣⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲡϩⲉⲣⲙⲉⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ. ⲁϥⲥⲫⲣⲁⲅⲓⲍⲉ

The printed version has ⲡϩⲁⲅⲟⲓⲥ. Here ⲑⲩⲗⲩⲙⲯⲓⲥ is written for ⲑⲗⲓⲯⲓⲥ. 116 The published text has ⲡϩⲁⲓⲅⲟⲥ. 114 115

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [175]

691

The governor said to him, “You are Epima, the head of Pankylis.” The saint said to him, “Yes, I am,117 but God is the head of all of us.” The governor said to him, “Which god are you talking about? Apollo, or Zeus? Choose one of these, whichever you please.” The saint said to him, “I was not talking about one of these but I spoke of God, the Father of my Lord, Jesus Christ.” The governor said to him, “Send for your presbyters and let them be brought here to me, as well as the implements through which the Eucharist is administered.” Saint Apa Epima said to him, “We have no presbyter but we take turns according to place until we find one who may administer to us, on the Sabbath [i.e., Saturday] and the Lord’s day, and our implements with which the Eucharist is administered are glass because we are poor men who live in little huts.” The governor said to him, “Epima, you will not be able to mock me because they have already informed me of the depravity which is in you.”118 Anoubianus, the administrator, turned to the governor again and gave a libellus against Saint Apa Epima, saying, “You see this rebellious apostate is still of the race of the Christians; therefore he rejects the decree of the emperor.” The governor said to him, “Epima, you will no longer be able to mock me. Hearken to me and obey the edict of our rulers, the emperors, so that you will not destroy your fine-looking physique by horrific tortures.” Saint Apa Epima answered, saying, “My Lord, Jesus taught us: ‘Do not fear those who will kill your body, but have no power to destroy your soul. Fear rather him who has power to destroy your soul and your body down in hell’ ” (Matt 10:28). The governor said to him, “Do you really want us to ruin your flesh?” The saint said to him, “Do what you like to me. My God, Jesus Christ, is with me strengthening me.” The governor said to him, “I will have your tongue ripped out before you utter that name in my presence.” The saint said to him, “You are not worthy to hear the name of my God, for even other beasts, and other reptiles if they hear the name of my God lift their necks, but you despise it, for even the apostle said, ‘What part has Christ with Beliar? What agreement has the house of God with that of the demons, the idols?’ ” (2 Cor 6:15). 9. At that moment the iniquitous governor was upset and commanded that they hang the just man on the stake so that they could flay him. This faithful Apa Epima, whose whole body was fine-looking, for his hair was entwined like bunches of henna, was hung on the stake. He put the sign of the cross on his 117 The Coptic text has a play on words. ⲉϩⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ should mean “Yes, I am.” The Coptic word ⲉϩⲉ can mean both “yes” and “cow.” Epima had previously told his men that he was going into Pemje to buy an ⲉϩⲉ. 118 In the Bohairic it reads ⲡⲗⲁⲛⲏ, “deceit.”

692

Christian Oxyrhynchus

ⲙⲟϥ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉϫ ⲧⲉϥⲁⲡⲉ. ⲙ ⲧⲉϥⲧⲉϩⲛⲉ. ϩ ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ. ⲙ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ. ⲙ ⲡⲉⲡ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩϩⲱⲱⲕⲉ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲁⲡⲉϥⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲧⲏⲣ ϫⲱⲕ ⲥⲛⲟϥ. ⲁϥϥⲉⲓ ⲛⲉϥⲃⲁⲗ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲡⲉ ⲉϥⲁϣⲉ ⲉⲡϩⲙⲉⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ. (fol.29R) ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ.  ⲡⲁⲱ.  ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ.  ⲡⲁⲙⲁⲡⲱⲧ.  ⲡⲁⲃⲟⲏⲧⲟⲥ.  ⲡⲉϯⲕⲱ ϩⲧⲏⲓ ⲉⲣⲟϥ.  ⲡⲃⲁⲗ ⲣⲉϥⲛⲁⲩ.  ⲡⲙⲁⲁϫⲉ ⲣⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ. ⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲅⲛⲁⲛⲁⲓ. ⲅϭⲱϣ ⲉϫ ⲡⲁϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ. ⲁⲣⲓⲡⲙⲉⲉⲩⲉ ϫⲉ ⲡⲓ ⲡⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲉⲕⲉⲛⲧⲟⲗⲏ ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ⲧⲟⲕ ϩⲱⲱⲕ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲟⲩⲉ ⲥⲁⲃⲟⲗ ⲙⲟⲓ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲉ ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ. ⲙ ⲧⲉⲕϭⲟⲙ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲉⲩⲟ ⲥⲟⲉⲓⲧ ϩ ⲧⲉⲓⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ. ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲣⲉ ⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲛⲓⲙ ⲉⲓⲙⲉ ϫⲉ ⲧⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲙⲉ ⲙⲁⲩⲁⲁⲕ. ⲙ ⲕⲉⲟⲩⲁ ⲃⲗⲗⲁⲕ. ⲙ ⲡⲉⲕⲉⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϩ ⲧⲡⲉ ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲓϫ ⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲕⲡ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϣⲁ ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ⲛⲉⲛⲉϩ. ϩⲁⲙⲏⲛ. ⲛⲉⲓⲡⲏⲧ ⲁⲛ ⲧⲟⲟⲧ ⲧⲉⲕⲟⲓⲕⲟⲛⲟⲙⲓⲁ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ϯⲥⲧⲱⲧ ⲉⲙⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲡⲱϩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲡⲁⲥⲛⲟϥ ⲉϫ ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲡⲕⲁⲁⲧ ⲉⲙⲟⲩ ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ. ϣⲁⲛⲧⲁϯϣⲓⲡⲉ ⲡⲉⲓⲁⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ. ⲙ ⲛⲉϥⲙⲟⲩⲛ ϭⲓϫ. ⲉⲧⲉ ⲛⲉϥⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲃⲟⲧⲉ ⲛⲉ. ⲙⲏⲡⲟⲧⲉ ϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ϩ ⲡⲉϥϩⲏⲧ ϫⲉ ⲁⲓϭϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲡⲁⲓ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲉϥⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉϣϭϭⲟⲙ ⲉⲃⲟⲏⲑⲉⲓⲁ ⲉⲣⲟϥ. 10. ⲛⲁⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ϭⲓ ⲡϩⲁⲅⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ (fol.29V) ⲉϥⲁϣⲉ ⲉⲡϩⲉⲣⲙⲉⲧⲁⲣⲓⲟⲛ. ⲁⲡⲉϥⲥⲟⲡ ⲉⲛⲉⲣⲅⲉⲓ ϣⲁ ⲡⲉⲑⲣⲟⲛⲟⲥ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲡⲉϥϣⲗⲏⲗ ⲃⲱⲕ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲙⲙⲁⲁϫⲉ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ⲥⲁⲃⲁⲱⲑ. ⲁⲡⲥⲱⲧⲏⲣ  ⲙⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲉⲙⲓⲭⲁⲏⲗ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲉⲡⲓⲧⲣⲟⲡⲟⲥ ⲉⲧⲟⲛϩⲟⲧ. ⲁⲙⲟⲩ ⲃⲱⲕ ⲅϫⲱϩ ⲉⲡⲥⲱⲙⲁ ⲛⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲡⲁϩϩⲁⲗ ⲅⲧⲁⲗϭⲟ ⲡⲉϥⲥⲱⲙⲁ. ϩ ⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲡⲉⲓⲁⲧϣⲓⲡⲉ ϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ. ⲁϥⲉⲓ ϭⲓ ⲙⲓⲭⲁⲏⲗ ⲡⲁⲣⲭⲁⲅⲅⲉⲗⲟⲥ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϩ ⲧⲡⲉ. ⲁϥⲁϩⲉⲣⲁⲧ ⲥⲁ ⲟⲩⲛⲁⲙ ⲡⲇⲓⲕⲁⲓⲟⲥ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ϫⲣⲟ ⲙⲟⲕ ⲛⲅⲉⲛⲛⲉⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲕ. ⲁϥϥⲉⲓ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲙⲟⲕ ⲛⲉⲕϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ. ⲧⲁⲩⲧⲛⲟⲟⲩⲧ ⲅⲁⲣ ϣⲁⲣⲟⲕ ⲉϯϭⲟⲙ ⲛⲁⲕ. ⲛⲁⲓ ⲇⲉ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲩ ⲁϥϫⲱϩ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲥⲱⲙⲁ. ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁϥⲉⲩⲫⲣⲁⲛⲉ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲁ. ⲉϥⲥⲱ ϩ ⲟⲩⲏⲣ ⲉⲛⲁⲛⲟⲩϥ. ⲁϥⲱϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ. ϫⲉ ϫⲓϣⲓⲡⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲱ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ ϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ϫⲉ ⲡⲁⲣⲟⲟⲩϣ ⲁⲛ ⲡⲉ ϩⲁⲣⲟⲕ ⲙ ⲛⲉⲕⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲟⲥ. ϩⲟⲥⲟⲛ ⲉϥϣⲟⲟⲡ ⲛⲙⲁⲓ ϭⲓ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. ⲧⲉⲣⲟⲩⲥⲱⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲛⲁⲓ ϭⲓ ⲛⲁⲧ(fol.30R)ⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲁⲩⲱϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ. ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲁ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲛⲉⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲡⲉ . ⲁⲩⲱ ⲙ ⲕⲉⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲁ ⲃⲗⲁϥ ϩ ⲧⲡⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ϩⲓϫ ⲡⲕⲁϩ. 11. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲛⲁⲓ ϭⲓ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲁϥϭⲱⲛ ⲉⲙⲁⲧⲉ. ⲁϥⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲉ ϥⲧⲟⲟⲩ ϣⲱⲡ ⲙⲁⲧⲟⲓ. ⲁⲩⲉⲓⲛⲉ ϩⲛⲉⲩⲣⲟⲛ ϣⲁⲣ ⲟⲩⲱⲧ. ⲁⲩⲁⲙⲁϩⲧⲉ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁⲩⲧ ⲉϫⲉⲛ ϩⲏⲧ. ⲁⲩϯ ϩⲗⲟⲣⲟⲥ ⲉⲛⲉϥϭⲓϫ ⲙ ⲛⲉϥⲟⲩⲣⲏⲧⲉ. ⲁⲩϩⲓⲟⲩⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ ϥⲧⲟⲟⲩ. ϥⲧⲟⲟⲩ. ϩⲱⲥⲧⲉ ⲧⲉ ⲛⲉϥⲥⲛⲱⲱϥ ϩⲁⲧⲉ ϩⲓϫ ⲡⲕⲁϩ ⲑⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲙⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲉϥⲱϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϭⲓ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ϫⲉ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ ⲃⲟⲏⲑⲓⲁ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ. ⲧⲉⲣⲉⲡⲉϥϩⲏⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲗⲟ ⲙⲟⲥ ϩⲓⲧ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲩⲟ ⲥⲁϣ. ⲁⲛⲁⲧⲁⲅⲟⲣⲁ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ϯⲕⲣⲁⲩⲕⲏ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉϫⲱϥ. ⲙⲥⲱⲥ ⲁϥⲧⲣⲉⲩⲑⲉⲙⲥⲟ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ

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head and his forehead in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit, and when they flayed him his whole body was covered with blood. He lifted up his eyes to heaven as he was hanging on the stake. He said, “My Lord, Jesus Christ, Jesus, my life, Jesus, my God, Jesus, my place of refuge, Jesus, my help, Jesus, he to whom I give my heart, Jesus, the eye of the seer, Jesus, the ear of the hearer, heed me and have mercy on me, and look upon all my afflictions. Remember that I have never transgressed your commandments. You, yourself, Lord Jesus, never be far from me, but may your name and your power be famous in this city, so that everyone might know that you alone are the true God. There is none, in heaven or on earth, beside you, and your holy Father, and the Holy Spirit, forever and ever, Amen. I am not leaving your charge, my Lord; I am ready to die and shed my blood for your holy name, but do not let me die yet, until I shame this iniquitous one and his destructive hand, whose gods are abominations, lest he say in his heart, ‘I did this and his God could not help him.’ ” 10. When Saint Apa Epima said these things while he was hanging on the stake, his prayer worked its way to the throne of God and his prayer went into the ears of the Lord of Hosts. The savior, Jesus, called to Michael and said to him, “My faithful steward, come, go and touch the body of Epima, my servant, and heal his body from every torture of this shameless governor.” The archangel Michael came out from heaven and stood on the right side of the just man. He said to him, “Strengthen yourself, most excellent Apa Epima. God has heard you. He has taken from you all afflictions for I have been sent to you to give you power.” When he had said these things, he touched his body. The blessed Apa Epima rejoiced as one who was satiated with good wine. He cried out saying, “Shame on you, O iniquitous governor, for I care nothing for you or your torture as long as God is with me.” When the citizens of Pemje heard these things, they all cried out, “There is one God for the Christians, Christ Jesus, and there is no other god beside him in heaven or on earth.” 11. When the governor heard these things he became very angry and commanded four groups of four soldiers who brought cords from a single piece of leather. They seized blessed Apa Epima and they brought him [Epima] before him [the governor] and they put thongs on his hands and his feet. They beat him, four by four, until his blood flowed upon the earth like water. And blessed Apa Epima called out, “My Lord, Jesus Christ, help me.” When his heart stopped itself because of the excess of blows all those in the marketplace of the city cried out for him. Afterward he caused them to put blessed Apa

694

Christian Oxyrhynchus

ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲉϫⲉⲛ ⲟⲩⲕⲁⲑⲉⲇⲣⲁ ⲡⲉⲛⲓⲡⲉ. ⲁⲩϯ ⲛⲟⲩⲡⲉⲣⲓⲕⲉⲫⲁⲗⲉⲁ ⲕⲱϩ ϩⲓϫⲉⲛ ⲧⲉϥⲁⲡⲉ. ⲁⲩϯ ϩⲗⲁⲙⲡⲁⲥ ⲕⲱϩ ϩⲁ ⲛⲉϥⲥⲡⲓⲣⲟⲟⲩⲉ. ⲧⲟⲧⲉ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. (fol.30V) ⲁϥⲥⲫⲣⲁⲅⲓⲍⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ϩ ⲡⲉϥⲧⲏⲏⲃⲉ. ϩ ⲡⲣⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲓⲱⲧ. ⲙ ⲡϣⲏⲣⲉ. ⲙ ⲡⲉⲡ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ⲧⲟⲧⲉ ⲁⲧⲡⲉⲣⲓⲕⲉⲫⲁⲗⲉⲁ ϣⲱⲡⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲕⲗⲟⲙ ϩⲓϫⲉⲛ ⲧⲁⲡⲉ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲛⲉⲗⲁⲙⲡⲁⲥ ⲕⲟⲧⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲁϩⲟⲩ ⲁⲩⲣⲱⲕ ⲉⲧⲧⲱⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲡⲙⲏⲏϣⲉ ⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲱϣ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲛⲟϭ ⲡⲉ ⲡϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ. ⲉϥϯϭⲟⲙ ⲛⲉϥϩϩⲁⲗ ϩ ⲟⲩⲉⲟⲟⲩ. ⲧⲛⲁⲕⲁⲁⲩ ⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲁⲕⲟ ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲱⲙⲉ ϩ ⲧⲉⲓⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ. ⲁⲗⲗⲁ ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲛⲃⲓⲧ ⲇⲩⲙⲟⲥⲓⲁ ⲧϫⲟⲟⲩϥ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲏⲓ. ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛ ⲡⲓⲁⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ ⲡⲟⲗⲉⲙⲉⲓ ⲛⲙⲁⲛ ⲧⲛⲁϩⲓ ⲱⲛⲉ ⲉⲣⲟϥ. ⲙⲏ ⲉⲛⲛⲁϯⲥⲟ ⲉⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ. ⲧⲕⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲥⲱⲛ. 12. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲇⲉ ⲉⲛⲁⲓ ϭⲓ ⲡⲁⲛⲟⲙⲟⲥ ϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ. ⲁϥϩⲟⲧⲉ ϩⲏⲧⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ. ⲁϥⲕⲟⲧ ⲉⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ϯⲧⲁⲣⲕⲟ ⲙⲟⲕ ⲛ ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲉⲕⲙⲁⲅⲓⲁ ϩⲏⲧ. ⲁϫⲓⲥ ⲙⲁⲣⲉ ⲛⲉⲓⲗⲁⲙⲡⲁⲥ ⲕⲱϩ ⲡⲱⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛⲉⲓⲕⲉⲥⲧⲱⲛⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ. ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉ ⲥⲉⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲓⲍⲉ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ. ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲇⲉ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ (fol.31R) ⲁϥϥⲉⲓ ⲛⲉϥⲃⲁⲗ ⲉϩⲣⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲡⲉ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ. ϫⲉ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲉⲣⲟⲓ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ϫⲉ ⲡⲛⲁⲩ ϩⲱⲱⲕ ⲉⲕⲧⲁⲗⲏⲩ ⲉϫⲉⲙ ⲡⲉ. ⲛⲉⲣⲉ ⲛⲓⲟⲇⲁⲓ ϯϩⲓⲥⲉ ⲛⲁⲕ. ⲉⲩϯⲁⲁⲥ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ϩ ⲡⲉⲕϩⲟ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲙⲥⲁ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲕⲧⲱⲃ ⲡⲉⲕⲉⲓⲱⲧ ϫⲉ ⲕⲱ ⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲁϥϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲟⲛ ϭⲓ ⲏⲥⲁⲓⲁⲥ ⲡⲉⲡⲣⲟⲫⲏⲧⲏⲥ. ϫⲉ ⲡⲉⲣⲧⲱⲱⲃⲉ ⲛⲟⲩⲡⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲡⲙⲁ ⲛⲟⲩⲡⲉⲑⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲥⲟⲗⲟⲙⲱⲛ ϫⲟⲟⲥ ϩ ⲛⲉϥⲡⲁⲣⲣⲏⲙⲓⲁ. ϫⲉ ⲉⲣϣⲁⲛ ⲡⲉⲕϫⲁϫⲉ ϩⲕⲟ ⲙⲁⲧⲙⲟϥ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉϥϣⲁⲛⲉⲓⲃⲉ ⲙⲁⲧⲥⲟϥ. ⲉⲕⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲅⲁⲣ ⲡⲁⲓ ⲛⲁⲡ ϩ ϫⲃⲉⲥ ⲕⲱϩ ⲉϫⲉⲛ ⲧⲉϥⲁⲡⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁⲕϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲟⲛ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ ϩ ⲡⲉⲩⲅⲅⲉⲗⲓⲟⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ. ϫⲉ ⲕⲱ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲛⲉⲩⲛⲟⲃⲉ. ⲧⲁⲣⲉ ⲡⲁⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧϩ ⲡⲏⲩⲉ ⲕⲱ ⲛⲏⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ϭⲉ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲡⲉ. ⲧⲁⲓ ⲧⲉ ⲧⲉⲛⲟⲩ ⲧⲉ ⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲁⲁⲃ ϫⲓⲉⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲁϥⲕⲟⲧ ⲉⲛⲕⲉⲥⲧⲟⲛⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁⲩ. ϫⲉ ⲃⲱⲕ ⲛⲏⲧ ⲁ ⲕⲁⲧⲏⲩⲧ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ. ⲧⲉⲣⲉϥⲛⲁⲩ ⲇⲉ ϭⲓ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲁϥϣⲡⲏⲣⲉ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲛⲁⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ⲁⲩϯ ⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ. 13. (fol.31V) ⲡⲁⲧϣⲓⲡⲉ ⲇⲉ ϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲁϥⲕⲟⲧ ⲉⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲛⲁϫⲟⲟⲥ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲁⲛ. ϫⲉ ⲟⲩ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲉⲓⲙⲁⲉⲓⲛ ⲉⲧⲕⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ϩ ⲧⲉⲕⲧⲉϩⲛⲉ ⲙ ⲡⲉⲕϩⲟ. ⲁⲗⲏⲑⲱⲥ ⲧ ⲟⲩⲥⲁϩ ⲙⲁⲅⲟⲥ. ⲡⲉⲓ ⲙⲁⲉⲓⲛ ⲡⲁⲓ ⲉⲧⲉⲕⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲡⲉⲓⲛⲁⲩ ⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ ⲉϥⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲉⲛⲉϩ. ϯⲁⲣⲕⲟ ⲙⲟⲕ ⲛ ⲡⲉⲕⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ϫⲉⲕⲁⲥ ⲉⲕⲉϫⲱ ⲛⲁⲓ ⲧⲙⲉ ⲁⲕⲣⲓⲃⲟⲥ. ⲁϥⲟⲩⲱϣ ϭⲓ ⲡⲙⲁⲕⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ ⲁⲡⲁ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲧⲁⲧⲁⲙⲟⲕ. ⲧⲁⲓ ⲧⲉ ⲧⲉⲥⲫⲣⲁⲅⲓⲥ ⲧⲁ ⲡⲛⲟⲩⲧⲉ ⲧⲟⲟⲃⲉⲥ ϩ ⲡϩⲟ ⲛⲁⲇⲁⲙ ⲡⲉϩⲟⲟⲩ ⲧⲁⲩⲡⲗⲁⲥⲥⲉ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲡⲁⲓ ⲟⲛ ⲡⲉ ⲡⲧⲩⲡⲟⲥ ⲡⲉ. ⲧⲁ ⲡⲁϫⲟⲉⲓⲥ  ⲫⲟⲣⲉⲓ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲧⲟⲧⲉ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲁϥⲕⲟⲧ

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Epima on an iron chair. A circlet of fire was placed upon his head; lit lamps were placed under his ribs. Then blessed Apa Epima crossed himself with his fingers in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. Then the circlet became a crown on the head of blessed Apa Epima and the lamps turned over and burned those who set them up. The crowd of the city cried out, “Great is the Lord who gives power to his servants in glory! We will not allow this man to be destroyed in this city! Let us lead him publically and send him home. If the wicked fight with us, we will stone him [the governor], lest we satisfy men and abandon God.” 12. When the iniquitous governor heard these things, he feared those of the city. He turned to blessed Apa Epima and said to him, “I adjure you by Jesus, this name by which you work magic, say, ‘May these lamps of fire flee from these executioners,119 because they torture them.’ ” Blessed Apa Epima lifted his eyes to heaven. He said, “Hear me, my Lord, Jesus Christ, when you were lifted up on the cross, the Jews were giving you trouble, spitting in your face, and after all these things, you asked your Father, ‘Forgive them.’ Isaiah the prophet also said, ‘Do not repay evil in place of evil.’120 Solomon said in his Proverbs, ‘If your enemy hungers feed him and if he thirsts, give him water. For in this way you will heap coals of fire upon his head’ (Prov 25:21-22). You also said, O my Lord, in the holy gospel, ‘Forgive men their sins so that my Father who is in heaven, will forgive you’ (cf. Matt 6:14). And now, my Lord, Jesus Christ, this is the hour when your holy name receives glory.” And he turned to the executioners and said to them, “Go, Jesus forgives you.” When the governor saw this he was amazed and all those of the city gave glory to God.

13. Yet the shameless governor turned to the blessed Apa Epima and said to him, “You will not say these things! For what is this sign which you do on your forehead and your face? Truly you are a master of magic. This sign that you do now is one that is always done. I adjure you by Jesus, your God, that you tell me the whole truth.” Blessed Apa Epima answered saying to him, “Listen and I will tell you. This is the seal of God, sealed in the face of Adam on the day when he was created. This is also the type of the cross which bore my Lord, Jesus.” Then the governor turned to his councilor. He said to him, “What 119 120

12:17.

The Coptic ⲕⲉⲥⲧⲟⲛⲁⲣⲓⲟⲥ is from the Latin quaestionarius that is a military title. There is an error with the attribution to Isaiah; the citation actually comes from Rom

696

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ⲉⲡⲉϥⲥⲩⲛⲕⲁⲑⲉⲇⲣⲟⲥ. ⲡⲉϫⲁϥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲛⲛⲁⲉⲣ ⲟⲩ ⲡⲉⲓⲣⲱⲙⲉ. ⲙ ⲡⲉⲓⲛⲟϭ ⲛⲁϣⲁⲗ ⲉⲧⲟⲩⲏϩ ⲥⲱⲛ ϩ ⲧⲉⲓⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ. ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ ⲣⲱ ⲥⲉⲕⲱ ⲙⲟⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲉⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲓⲍⲉ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲡⲉϫⲉ ⲡⲉϥⲥⲩⲛⲕⲁⲑⲉⲇⲣⲟⲥ ⲛⲁϥ ϫⲉ ⲥⲱⲧ ⲥⲱⲓ ⲅϯ ⲁⲡⲟⲫⲁⲥⲓⲥ ⲉⲡⲉⲓⲣⲱⲙⲉ. ϫⲟⲟⲩϥ ⲉϩⲟⲩⲛ ⲉⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ. ⲥⲉⲡⲉⲇⲉⲩⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲡⲙⲁ ⲉⲧⲙⲁⲩ. ⲉⲙⲙⲟⲛ ⲛⲁⲧⲉⲓ(fol.32R)ⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲙⲟϥ. ⲉⲡⲓⲇⲏ ⲟⲩⲣⲱⲙⲉ ⲡⲉ ⲉϥⲧⲁⲓⲏⲩ. ⲉⲩϯⲉⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁϥ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ ϫⲉ ⲟⲩⲣ ⲥⲟⲟⲩⲛ ⲡⲉ. ⲉϥⲟⲩⲟⲟⲗⲉ ϩ ⲡⲉϥⲏⲓ. ⲉϥⲟ ⲛⲁⲡⲉ ϩ ⲡⲉϥϯⲙⲉ. ⲙ ⲛⲉⲧϩ ⲡⲉϥⲕⲱⲧⲉ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲁⲓ ⲥⲉⲛⲁⲕⲁⲁⲛ ⲁⲛ ⲉϩⲟⲧⲃⲉϥ ϩ ⲧⲉⲓⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ. ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲇⲉ ⲁϥⲥϩⲁⲓ ⲧⲉⲓϩⲉ ⲉϥϫⲱ ⲙⲟⲥ. ϫⲉ ⲁⲛⲟⲕ ⲡⲉ ⲕⲟⲩⲗⲕⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ⲡϩⲏⲅⲉⲙⲱⲛ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ. ⲉϥⲥϩⲁⲓ ⲉⲣⲁⲧ ϩⲁⲣⲙⲉⲛⲓⲟⲥ ⲡⲕⲟⲙⲓⲥ ⲣⲁⲕⲟⲧⲉ. ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲟⲩⲁ ⲛϩⲟⲥⲓⲟⲥ ⲭⲣⲏⲥⲧⲓⲁⲛⲟⲥ ϫⲉ ⲉⲡⲓⲙⲁ. ⲉⲩⲣⲡⲁⲛⲕⲟⲗⲉⲉⲓⲥ ⲡⲉ ϩ ⲡⲧⲟϣ ⲡⲉⲙϫⲏ ⲉϥⲟ ⲛⲁⲡⲉ ⲉⲡⲉϥⲧⲟϣ ⲧⲏⲣ. ⲉⲩⲥⲱⲧ ⲥⲱϥ ⲧⲏⲣⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲱ ⲉⲩⲉⲣϩⲟⲧⲉ ϩⲁ ⲧⲉϥϩⲏ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲛⲉϩⲃⲏⲩⲉ ⲙⲁⲅⲓⲁ ⲉⲧⲉϥⲉⲓⲣⲉ ⲙⲟⲟⲩ ⲉⲧⲃⲉ ⲡⲁⲓ ⲁⲛⲁⲧⲡⲟⲗⲓⲥ ⲡϫⲉ. ⲙ ⲡⲉϥⲧⲟϣ ⲧⲏⲣ ⲉϥⲟ ⲛⲁⲡⲉ ⲉⲣⲟⲟⲩ. ⲁⲩⲕⲱⲗⲩ ⲙⲟⲓ ⲡⲟⲩⲕⲁⲁⲧ ⲉⲃⲁⲥⲁⲛⲓⲍⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲉⲓⲥ ϩⲏⲏⲧⲉ ⲁⲓⲧⲛⲟⲟⲩ ⲛⲁⲕ ⲉⲧⲣⲉⲕⲡⲉⲇⲉⲩⲉ ⲙⲟϥ ⲕⲁⲧⲁ ⲡⲉⲧⲉϩⲛⲁⲕ. ϣⲁⲛⲧⲉϥⲥⲱⲧ ⲥⲁ ⲧⲕⲉⲗⲉⲩⲥⲓⲥ ⲛⲉⲛϫⲓⲥⲟⲟⲩⲉ ⲛⲉⲣⲱⲟⲩ. ⲭⲁⲓⲣⲉⲧⲉ ⲛⲁⲙⲉⲣⲓⲧ ⲥⲟⲛ.

Patristic, Coptic, and Other Sources [175]

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should we do with this man and the great uproar which follows us in this city? Behold, they will not allow us to torture him.” His councilor said to him, “Listen to me and give a verdict to this man. Send him to Alexandria and they will flog him there since those in this city recognize him because he is a revered man, whom everyone honors because he is a famous man who flourishes in his house, who is the head of his village and all those in his neighborhood; therefore they will not allow us to kill him in this city.” The governor wrote thus: “I, Culcianus, the governor of Pemje, write to Harmenius, the count121 of Alexandria concerning a pious Christian, Epima, who is a citizen of Pankylis in the district of Pemje and the head of the whole district; whom all obey and before whom all fear because of the magic deeds that he performs. On account of this, the inhabitants of the city of Pemje and the entire district of which he is the head will not allow me to torture him. Behold, I send him to you so that you will beat him as you wish until he will listen to the edict of our exalted emperors. Farewell, my beloved brother.”

121

The Coptic ⲕⲟⲙⲓⲥ comes from the Greek κόμης (= Latin comes).

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SCRIPTURE AND ANCIENT SOURCES INDEX

Old Testament Genesis 1:26 1:28 2:7-9 2:16-18 2:23–3:1 3:6-7 9:6 14, 15 16:8-12 19, 20 20:11 24, 27 31:42-54 46:10 48:15 48:16 Exodus 4:9 20:10-22 31:13-14 32:7-8 33:17 34:9 40:26-38 Leviticus 16:33-34 Numbers 5:27 24:17 35:21 Deuteronomy 6:2 7:12

13, 330 647 11 14 14 14 14 647 14 14 14 568 14 14 330 595 594 13, 91, 306 349 14 14 14 539 539 14 13 14 349 289 558 306 347–49 532

11:18 28:66 Joshua 4:23–5:1 Judges 1:10-19 1 Samuel 24:4 Ezra 2:50 Esther Job 1:19–2:1, 6 28:28 36:19 2 Chronicles 24:20 28:9 Psalms 1:4-6 2:1-2 3:8 7:9-12 7:12 8:1-4 9(10):13 11(12):7 14(15):3-5 17(18):1-11 17(18):44-46 21(22):16-23 34(35):19 40(41):3 51(52):3 68(69):30-37

731

349 364 13 14 13 14 646 505 13, 66 13 14 568 585, 588 371 350–51 13, 333 14 364 315–17, 320 14 351–52 14 588 298 97 370–71 315, 317–18, 320 315, 318 315, 317, 320 532 356 14

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index

732 70(71):3-8 73(74):11 75(76):2-3 82–84(83–85) 105(106):22 108(109):26 117(118):17 118(119):12 131(132):11 144(145):13 Proverbs 11:17 22:18 25:21-22 Ecclesiastes Isaiah 6:10 7:14 20:2 29:13 42:5 45:18 54:13 66:10 Jeremiah 11:19 18:3-6 31:34 38:24-26 Ezekiel 18:4 30:15-16 Daniel 9:15 Hosea 3:3 12:6 Joel 1:6, 8 Amos 3:13 4:13 5:8, 14-15 9:11-12 Zechariah 1:13

14 553, 643 288 14 348–49 326 576 349 288 349 499 349 695 13 336 294 561 643 315–16, 318, 320–21 326 326 683 561 364–65 291 553 369–70 66 367 403 540 13 366, 368 326 365–66, 368 13 326 326 326 369–70 588

New Testament Matthew 1:1-9, 12, 14-20 1:23

18, 32, 163 31 561, 562

2:2 2:13-16 2:14 2:22–3:1 2:23 3:4 3:10-12 3:11 3:12 3:16-17 3:16–4:3 4:5 4:7 4:11-12, 22-23 5:8 5:44 5:47 6:9-13 6:10 6:13 6:14 6:25 7:17-19 8:29, 32 9:9-13 9:27 9:37-38 10:13-14 10:16, 28 10: 25-27 10:32-42 10:32-33 10:37-38 11:1-5 11:9 11:26-27 12:4-5 12:24-26, 31-33 13:15 13:55-56 13:55 14:3-5 14:10 15:1-20 17:15 17:18 19:10-11, 17-18 19:21-23 20:26 21:34-37, 43, 45 23:22

290 92 31 92 93 499 35–36 49, 63, 176 292 288 35–36 297 619 95–96 298 271, 285 285 355–56 356 355 695 499 236–37 207 271 207 203 171–73 203 171–73 186–89 208 208 186–89 208 92 92 190 294–95 26–27 457 26–27 329 279 207 207 169 108 426 20–21 426

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index 23:30-39 24:3-6, 12-15 25:21 25:23 25:30 26:26, 28 27:52-53 28:8 28:9 Mark 1:1 1:7 1:11 1:13 1:25 1:42 2:13-17 5:4 6:3 6:27 7:1-23 8:34 9:3 9:20, 25 10:47-48 12:29 15:27 15:40, 47 16:8 Luke 1:46-47 1:47 2:25 2:29 2:34 3:20 3:29 4:12 4:35 5:14 5:27-32 6:27 6:39 6:43-44 7:26 8:27-29 9:5 9:23 9:39-42 9:50 10:2-3

28–29 92 539 539 539 647 297 460 208 335–36, 476 36–37 557 643 207 349 271 207 457 329 279 689 604 207 207 349 75 457 484 17 495, 496 556 583 467 583 583 457 619 207 207 271 271 621 236–37 208 207 172–73 360 207 271 203

10:28 10:40 11:21 11:51 12:4 12:5, 8-9 12:22-23 13:34 14:26 17:10 17:11-13, 22-23 19:11 19:17 22:41, 45-48, 58-61 22:43-44 23:19 John 1:9 1:14 1:21-28 1:23-40 1:25-28 1:29-35 1:29 1:33-38 1:34 1:38-44 1:40-46 1:40 1:42-44 2:5 2:11-22 3:29 5:18 6:8-12, 17-22 6:41 6:55 8:14-22 9:17 15:25–16:2 16:14-30 16:17 16:21-32 16:23-24 16:26 17:1-2, 11 17:23-24 18:1-5 18:33 18:36–19:7 19:17-18, 25-26

733 499 208 467 208 203 208 499 29, 31 208, 689 539 41–42 553 539 38–39 40 329 17, 23 307 298, 369 70 43 174–75 60 298 174–75 44 70 60 5 174–75 426 97–98 561 349 100 647 298 57–58 141 53–54 43 50 53–54 44 54 64–65 66–67 66–67 23 21 74

734 20:11-25 21:11-14 21:18-20 21:22-24 21:23-25 21:25 Acts 4:24 5:22, 25 7:26 11:26 13:1 15:14 16:36 18:20 21:3 23:11-17 23:11 23:25-29 26:7-8, 20 26:28 28:27 Romans 1:1-7 2:12-13, 39 6:22 8:12-27 8:32 8:33–9:9 8:35 9:21 11:33 13:4 15:8 16:8 16:11-13 16:14 16:22 1 Corinthians 1:3 3:13 5:11 7:13 7:18–8:4 11:3 11:17 12:31 13:9-10 14:31-34 15:3-6 15:58

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index 43 192–93 68–69 192–93 68–69 70 17, 337 326, 540 329 429, 539 397 583 583 467 553 553 103–6 429 103–6 76–77 397 294 17, 116 194 77 588 79 492 79 539 291 553 426 426 466 466 209 466 13 539 291, 293 460 480 107–8 352 649 302 302 177–78 177–78 466

16:7 16:11 16:19 2 Corinthians 1:2-3 1:3 3:6 5:14 5:21 6:15 10:5 11:3 11:15, 23 11:31 12:2 Galatians 1:2-10 1:3 13:16-20 Ephesians 1:2-3 2:10 3:19 4:9 5:16 6:6 6:12 6:21 6:23 Philippians 1:1 1:2 2:3 2:6 3:1 3:9-10 3:10-17 4:1 4:2-8 4:4 4:15 Colossians 1:15 3:9-10 4:5 4:7 4:9, 17 1 Thessalonians 1:1 2:5 3:2

542 467 466 539 355 426 539 338 691 553 350 426 539 542 197 539 197 539 303 539 329 534, 535, 538, 541 588 366 466 539 17 426 539 540 236, 299 466 114 107–8 466 107–8 466 476 303 292–93 541 426, 466 466 462, 466, 539 562 426, 466

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index 3:9 4–5 5:23 2 Thessalonians 1:1 1:1-2 2:1, 9-11 1 Timothy 1:2 1:14 3:8-13 4:6 6:2 2 Timothy 1:13 2:10 2:19 3:15 4:13 4:14 Titus 1:4 1:8 2:11 Philemon 1 3 8-9 16 Hebrews 1:7-12 2:14–5:5 4:6 8:12 9:12-19 10:8-22 10:29–11:13 11:28–12:17 11:37-38 12:1 James 1:10-12, 15-18 1:16 1:19 1:25-27 2:5 2:16 2:19–3:9 3:13–4:4 3:18 4:9–5:1

561 116 557 17 462, 539 116, 118 116, 118 539, 595 539 426 426 466 539 568 296, 300 484 603 352 539, 595 587 553 466 539 569 466 83–84 119–20 121 553 132–33 119 119 119 629 683 88 466 466 179 466 467 85 134 467 134

4:16 1 Peter 1:3 1:23–2:5 2:7-11 4:6 5:5-13 5:8 5:12 2 Peter 1:1 3:1 3:14 3:15 3:18 1 John 2:16 3:2-3 4:11-17 2 John 1:3 Jude 1 3 4-5, 7-8 Revelation 1:4-7 1:10 2–3 3:19–4:3 4:8 5–6 5:5-8 6:5-8 8–15 7:7 11:15-18 11:17-18 11:17 13:17-18 15:3 16:7 21:22

735 540 539 162 162 397 166 167, 366, 368 557 556, 583 540 467 466 553 540 302 184–85 539 462 485 138–39 90 429 142–43 181 326 142–43 140 140 142–43 583 160 161 326 505 326 326 326

Apocrypha/Pseudepigrapha 1 Clement 1:2 2:8 15:2 24:5 47:1

472 540 321 485 526

736 55:4 2 Clement 5:2-4 8:1-3 20:4 1 Enoch 10:14 1 Esdras 3:31 2 Esdras 19:24 2 Maccabees 1:24 6:30 7:37 14:38 15:30 3 Maccabees 5:30 4 Maccabees 2:14 3:19 7:6 7:22 17:15 17:22 6 Ezra Acts of John 6 44:2 106 Acts of Paul 24.4 Acts of Peter Acts of Thomas 30.8 31 Apocalypse of Baruch 1:3 Apocalypse of Moses 37:4 Barlaam and Josaphat Epistle of Barnabas 1:1 2:1 Baruch 5:4 Didache 10:3 11

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index 526 202–4 293 386–87 349 505 350–51 350, 352 499 499 499 499 485 540 485 568 568 568 485 13–14 19, 132, 254 429 554 429 326 19, 258–59 356 429 13 326 554 343, 346 286 467 541 568 19, 282 356 333

Gospel of Mary Gospel of Peter 2:3 Gospel of Thomas Logia 1–7 Logia 24, 36–39 Logia 26-33b, 77 Jubilees 10:26 Judith 9:12 Odes of Solomon 12.2 Protevangelium of James 20 Pseudo-Clementines 3.14.2 3.57.1 8.15.3 Shepherd of Hermas

19, 229, 230–35 19, 201–3, 217–18 218 19, 32, 208, 219, 238, 242, 238 239–40 243–44 220–21 386 13 540 13 326 308 532

286 349 595 8, 19, 208–10, 223, 224, 227, 245, 247, 248, 252, 264, 268, 274, 332–33, 426, 485 Sirach/Ecclesiasticus 13, 350–51 1:25 568 12:2 589, 590 25:16 352 33:8 553 36:1 540 Sophia of Jesus Christ 19, 261 Tobit 13 10:13 466 12:14-19 14 Testament of Abraham 8:7 356 20:12 554 Wisdom of Solomon 13 2:13 553 2:23-24 585, 591 4:17–5:1 14 7:22 587 7:23 595 8:3 540 11:17 595 11:19 350–51 12:22 553 13:3 540 18:15 595

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index Rabbinic Texts Mishnah Ḥagigah 2:1

481 Ancient Authors

737

Appian Bella civilia 2.20.145

342

Apostolic Constitutions

284

Acta Apollonii 25

591

Aristides Apologia

19 343

Acts of Phileas 6–8

616

Asterius Commentarium in Psalmos

316

Acta Sanctorum 40 Aug. Tom. VI

353 614

Aelius Herodianus De prosodia catholica 266 Partitiones 865

611 611

Aeschines In Timarchus

306

Agatharchides De mari Erythraeo 22

611

Ammianus Marcellinus 21.16.18 29.5.17–25

517 669

Ammonius In Aristotelis categorias commentarius 22.16.6 25.13

611 594

Amphilochius Oration on the Resurrection

317

Anubion Astrology

306

Apology of Phileas Apophthegmata Patrum 7.56 13.16 15.14 20.16

353 8, 16 664 666 662 668

Athanasius Apologia secunda (= Apologia contra Arianos) 8.5 485 36.1 558 41.1 561 47.6 485 58.5 485 66.1 561 69 520 71.6 514 78.7 514 87.7 485 De decretis 35.1 561 42.2 485, 521 42.3 540 De synodis 16.2 526 17.1–7 521 29.3–9 612 71.6 612 Epistula ad episcopos Aegypti et Libyae 22 514 Epistula ad Jovianum 1.1 538 Epistula encyclica 1.1 561 5 434 49 284 Epistulae festales 19.10 441, 514, 543 Epistula ad Rufinianum 1 561 Epistula ad Serapionem de morte Arii 1.1 561 Epistula virgines 25.10–11 326 Historia Arianorum 4.1 521

738 24.4 31 78 Vita Antonii Proem 2 1 7.13 27.1 38.2 46.7 72.4 Athenagorus Legatio pro Christianis 31.4 Augustine De catechizandis rudibus 4.8 7.11 8.12 De opere monachorum 37 Enarrationes in Psalmos 118 Epistulae 3.5 213 237 238, 239 Sermones 24.3–4 Basil of Caesarea Homilia in Psalmos Epistulae 22 92 203 225 243 244 258 264, 267

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index 485 514 514

Cicero De natura deorum 2.73

485

540 449 540 541 541 540 541

Claudius Aelianus De natura animalium 10.46 11.24 17.32

611 611 611

Claudius Ptolemy Geographia 4.5.59 4.25

611 669

572

480 480 480 448 448–49 480 449 255 587 449 316, 367 539 561 520 538 561, 633 558 520 633

Cassius Dio 15.57.22

485

Chronicle of Edessa 25

632

Clement Eclogae propheticae 26.2 Paedagogus 3.82.3 8.62–63 59 Protrepticus 2.39 8.80.4 Stromata 1.17.1 4.13 5.14.2 6.3, 15 7.12.14 Codex justinianus 3.12.2

595 541 316 324 612 349 558 327 429 485 429 428–29

Codex theodosianus 5.3 10.9.2

438 419

Constitutiones apostolicae 2.57 8.16.3 8.22 34.3

417 481 417 526

Cyprian De Lapsis 2 28 Epistulae 8.1.1

383 383 517

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index

739

Diodorus Sicilus 20.70.1 29.18.1

485 485

Diogenes Laertius 7.174

453

Diognetus Epistula 8:7

554

Dionysius of Halicarnassus 5.54.1

485

Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila

316

Egeria Itinerarium Egeriae 46.2

480

Ephorus Fragmenta 154

611

8.2.3 9.1.1 17, 18, 20 20.3.2 21.4.1 22.2 23 27 30.3.1 30.8.1 31.7.1 26.1.1 37.2.1 38.2 39.1 40.3 43.3 44.1.1 47.1.2 52.1 55 55.2.1 55.13.2 55.14.1 59.1.1 59.9.4 67.1.1 70 75.1.1 79.1.1

377 517 373 517 375 383 373 373, 420 375 375 383 517 377 417, 420 417 383, 388 389 517 517 426, 517 373 517 375, 387 375 517 517 517 395 517 517

Cyril of Alexandria Commentarium in Isaiam Glaphyra 69.660.1 Demosthenes

316 326 317 6, 161, 294, 306

Didascalia 12

283, 286, 337 426

Didymus Caecus Commentarium in Psalmos Commentariorum in Zacharium

316 317

Dio Chrysostom De tyrannide 25.2

329

Epiphanius Ancoratus 118.4 Panarion (Adversus haereses) 1.11.1 1.264.1 1.453.21 2.55.6 2.88.26 2.233.19 2.449.8 2.475.18 3.71.2 4.31.6–7 34.12.6 39.6.1 51.427 66.625 68.1.4 69.1.1 73 Euripides Phoenissae 640

442 558 343 316 326 326 326 326 326 561 329 505 510 255 259 420, 442 442 434, 612, 625

485

740 Eusebius Chronicon Commentarius in Psalmos Demonstratio evangelica 2.3.81 4.16.30 7.1.7, 15, 93 Eclogae propheticae 90.13 101.26 Epistula ad Flaccum 1 Historia ecclesiastica 3.25.6 4.3.1–3 5.24.5 6.2 6.11.5–6 6.12 6.19.18 6.23.2 6.34.1 6.39.1 6.39.2–4 6.39.5 6.40.1 6.41.1 6.41.10–13 6.41.11 6.42.2–3 6.46.1–5 7.3.1 7.10–12 7.11.6–10 7.11.24 7.11.26 7.25.14 7.29–30 7.30.2 7.32.2 7.32.23 8.2.4–5 9.10.10–11 9.11.4 9.11.14 10.5.18 10.5.24 Praeparatio evangelica 1.1.1 1.4.6 3.11.46

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index 308 316, 329, 349 294 326 294 329 329 561 255 344 362 359 526 202 442 494 374 374 374 374 407 383 374 375 375 407 407 395 399, 402 426 467 472 408 561 521 521 413–14, 423 449 420 615 485 326 521 486 311

11.13.1 Vita Constantini 1.28–31 2.68 3.5.2 3.6 3.59 4.23 4.27

572 485 595 517 521 445 448

Galen

341

Gelasius Historia ecclesiastica 3

521

Gennadius Fragmenta in epistulam ad Romanos

317

Gesta apud Zenophilum 4 186.20–24

423 419

Gregory of Nyssa Adversus Apollinarem ad Theophilum 1.1 Epistulae 2.12 Orationes de beatitudinibus 1–8 Vita Gregorii Thaumaturgi 83–84

349

561 517 594 375

Gregory of Nazianzus Orationes 20 25 43

633 633 633

Heliodorus

306

Herodian 2.9.7 2.15.6

485 485

Hesychius

317

Hippolytus Commentarium in Danielem 4.51.3

306

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index De antichristo 4 Refutatio omnium haeresium 7.26.6 Traditio apostolica 11 12 Historia monachorum in Aegypto 5 5.4 5–6 6 31

539 343 417 426 453, 634 513 443 587–88 625

Historia Augusta, Vita Alexander Severus 68 403 Homer Iamblichus De vita Pythagorica 28.145.12 32.217.7 Ignatius Epistutla ad Ephesios 1:1 2:1 18.2 21:2 Epistula ad Magnesios 1:1 Epistula ad Philadelphios 10 10:1 11:1–2 Epistula ad Polycarpum 1:1 8:3 Epistula ad Romanos 1:1 3:1 Epistula ad Smyrnaeos 10:1 12 12:1 12:2 Irenaeus Adversus haereses

306, 308

485 485

741

1.6 554 3.9 287 5.30 143, 159, 505 Itinerarium Burdigalense (Pilgrim of Bordeaux) 582 518 Jerome De viris illustribus 9 20 Epistulae 28 107.1 147.6

184 344 330 517 480 417

Joannes Zonaras Extracts of History

317

John Cassion Consolationes 10.2

639

462 517 336 462

John Chrysostom Homiliae in Genesim PG 54.420 PG 54.525 Homiliae in epistulam ad Ephesios 18.5.5–17 Non esse desperandum PG 51.366

553

462

John Damascene

307

426 517 517, 558 462 466, 595 462 397 517 426 517 558 19, 209

Josephus Antiquitates judaicae 1.72 1.99 4.46 5.157 6.207 7.451 9.145.2 10.102.3 11.289 Bellum judaicum 1.98 1.207 2.122 2.634 6.235

553 553 541

554 553 554 485 429 553 342 342 429 429 554 460 429 429

742 Vita 159, 275, 277, 331 392 400 Justin Martyr Apologia i 4.1 7.4 8.4 19.7 63 67 Apologia ii 2 10 10.4 12, 15 Dialogus cum Tryphone 28.6.2 78.11.3 87.3 Julius Africanus Kestoi 18 Lactantius De morte persecutorum 12 13.1 15.5 15.7 44 48.7–9

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index 429 558 429

397 397 499 499 336 417, 426, 429 480 397 499 397 315 315 486 19, 307 308–11

418 423, 502 502 418 572 418

Leo I Epistulae 111

520

Liber Graduum

283

Libellus Precum 91–101 92–101 94–101 100–101

543 624 547 434

Life of Apa Aphou 1–31 3–4

638 658, 659

23–24 24–26 25 29–30

663 450 665 663

Life of Apa Onnophrius the Anchorite 34–41

676

Life of Paul of Tamma

658

Life of Shenoute 33–35

16 672

Livy Historiae

120

Lucian Alexander (Pseudomantis) 38.6 De morte Peregrini 13 Toxaris 50.22

397 460 342

Lysias

306

Manichaean Psalter

255

Marcellus of Ancrya Fragmenta 129

561

Martyrdom of Apa Epima Fol. 22V–fol.32R

682

Martyrdom of Dioscorus

352

Martyrium Polycarpi 10.1

397

Melito Peri Pascha 57–62

19, 306, 333 361–64

Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopulus Historia ecclesiastica 4.34.7

257

Nicephorus Gregoras Former Answers

317

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index Nilus of Ancrya Epistulae 156 283.7 Origen

541 476 19, 295–96, 306, 308, 329, 365, 368

Contra Celsum 1.26 336 2.8.24 294 2.78.8 315 3.51 474, 476 4.1 485 7.1 485 8.22 429 Commentarii in evangelium Joannis 329 Commentarium in evangelium Matthaei 10.7 202 14.1.56 368 Fragmenta in Lucam, 306 Fragmenta in Psalmos 316 Selecta in Psalmos 316 Palladius Historia Lausiaca 2.1 22 30.1 Passio Pionii 3.1 3.2

538 625 538 383 388

De opificio mundi 1.189 De plantatione 91 De specialibus legibus 1.31 3.121 3.159–60 4.123 De vita Mosis 1.162 1.252 2.5, 36 In Flaccum 125 Interpretatio Hebraicorum Nominum 2.1

743 429 554 541 386 452 541 485 553 553 485 330

Plato Gorgias Menexenus 239a

460

Pliny the Younger Epistulae 10.96

397

Plotinus Enneades 2.9.18

460

Plutarch De Iside et Osiride 380B

1 612

466 526 526 481

286

Papa Synadinus Chronography of Serron 3.24.38

361

Passio Sancti Ananiae

361

Paulinus of Nola Epistulae 17.1

517

Polycarp Epistula ad Philippenses 1:1 3:2 9:1 13:2

553

Porphyry Peri agalmatōn 10.9

311

Possidius Sancti Augustani Vita 17 19.2–6

587 448

Pausanius Graeciae descriptio 9.38.3 Philo De Abrahamo 82

553

744

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index

Procopius of Caesarea Historia arcana 301–5

518

Ps.-Athanasius

210

Ps.-Augustine homilies

159

Ps.-Gregory of Nyssa Adversus Judaeos 46.225.9–10 Ps.-Libanius Epistolary Styles 58 Ptolemy Epistula ad Floram Rufinus Apologia adversus Hieronymum 2.10.6 Sexti philosophi Sententiae a Rufino translatae Sibylline Oracles 14.30 Socrates Historia ecclesiastica 1.6.4 1.9 1.13 2.3 2.22 2.40.8–17 2.46.1–12 4.12.10 4.12.22 5.22 6.7.1–5 Sophocles Ichneutae Sozomen Historia ecclesiastica 1.9.5 2.21 3.2.6 3.5.10

315, 320

602–3 306 316, 321

330 350–51 558

561 485 625 485 514 612 522 561 561 450 640 1

448 514 485 522

6.11.1 6.14 6.25 6.34 8.11.2–3

561 633 522 633 639

Strabo Geographica 13.4.14 17.1.40

485 611

Suetonius Divus Claudius 25.4

397

Symeon Stylites (the Younger) Sermones ascetici 4.53

456

Synesius Hymn 1.266–67

324

Tacitus Annales 15.44

397

Tatian Oratio ad Graecos 5.1 12.6

554 554

Tertullian Ad nationes 1.3.8–9 De oratione 23.2 De praescriptione haereticorum 41 De fuga in persecutione 9.2 Theodoret Historia ecclesiastica 1.21.4 1.21.9 1.5.1–5 1.9.14 2.8.1 4.16 5.6 5.7.1

397 429 417 541

522 522 521 514 561 632 633 522

Scripture and Ancient Sources Index Theodorus Studites Epistulae 66.35

595

Theophilus De corpore 4.9.6

745

Thucydides

306

Xenophon Anabasis 7.2.25

460

329

MANUSCRIPT INDEX

Inscriptions CGL II 127 CGL II 327 CGL II 342 CGL II 436 CGL III 411 CIL VIII 453 CIL XI 1709

518 518 518 518 518 420 420

IEgBaillet 141 IEgBaillet 784 IEgChr 222 IG II 2 1326 IG V2 266 I. Memnonion 3

562 562 562 587 587 531

SEG XXVIII 1497 SEG XXXIV 1593 SEG XXXVII 1628

460 541 562

TAM V.1 490

541

Manuscripts, Papyri, Parchments Akhmim Codex (P.Cairo 10759) 201–2, 218 BGU I 15 BGU I 33 BGU I 295 BGU II 395 BGU II 449 BGU II 674

609 558 539 539 572 516

BGU III 715, BGU III 802 BGU III 834 BGU III 925 BGU III 998 BGU IV 1093 BGU V 1210 BGU VI 1228 BGU VIII 1871 BGU XVI 2577 BGU XVI 2646 BKT IX 185 BM Cotton Nero, E. I BM Cotton Tiberius, D III Bodl. Fell 3 Brit.Mus.Or. 6201 c (1)

456 548 505 610 516 450 452 583 492 598 531 306 353 353 353 337

Codex Athous Codex Hierosolymitanus Codex Patmos 48 Codex Sinaiticus Codex Vaticanus Codex Vaticanus Gr. 1288 Codex Vatopedi 79 Codex Vercellensis C.Pap.Jud. II 416 CPR I 154 CPR V 10 CPR V 11 CPR VII 54 CPR X 23 CPR XXIV 1

210 283 258 166, 210, 268 78, 169 78 258 258 457 439 423 599 530 610 434

746

Manuscript Index

CPR XXV 3 CPR XXX 22 CPR XVIIA 37

522 595 423

Ephraemi Rescriptus

143

Geneva, Bibliothèque 187

306

KSB I 695

438

M.Chr. 372 MSS. Syr. d. 13 (P) MSS. Syr. d. 14 (P) O.Bodl. II 2135 O.Edfu. II 291 O.Heid. 111 O.Mich. I 140 O.Stras. I 801 O.Trim. I 454 O.Wilck. 1188

609 13, 19, 337 13, 19, 337 583 384 571 143 424 453 463

P.Abinn. 6 532 P.Abinn. 10, 11, 22, 23 489 P.Abinn. 25 489, 582 P.Abinn. 29 582 P.Abinn. 31 582, 595 P.Abinn. 32 452 P.Abinn. 34, 35, 36, 37 582 P.Abinn. 47 524 P.Abinn. 50 595 P.Alex. 29 8, 407, 463, 469, 470, 471, 473, 518, 563 P.Amh. I 1 190 P.Amh. I 3 243 P.Amh. II 24 161 P.Amh. II 152 610 P.Ammon I 12 486 P.Ammon II 52 423 PapCongr. XV 20 12, 486, 487 P.Apoll. 63 516 P.Babatha 11, 12, 14, 15, 19, 20, 23 562 P.Bad. II 31 547 P.Bad. IV 56 306 P.Bas. 16 462, 522 P.Berol. 8502 230, 261 P.Berol.inv. 13236 306 P.Berl.Sarisch. 16 499 P.Bodmer II 249, 291 P.Bodmer VII, X, XI 369 P.Bodmer XXXVIII 210

P.Brem. 15 P.Brem. 58 P.Cair.Isid. 4, 5 P.Cair.Isid. 6 P.Cair.Isid. 8 P.Cair.Masp. I 67002 P.Cair.Masp. III 67295 P.Cair.Masp. III 67312 P.Cair.Masp. III 67342 P.Cair.Masp. III 67353 P.Cair.Zen. IV 59620 P.Chester Beatty I P.Chester Beatty IV 961 P.Chester Beatty IX–X P.Chester Beatty XII P.Col. VII 147 P.Col. X 184 P.Col. X 265 P.Col X 270 P.Col. XI 297 P.Coll.Youtie I 17 P.Coll.Youtie II 94 P.Corn. 38 P.Ct.YBR inv. 4623 P.Dubl. 18 P.Dura 3 P.Dura 46 P.Egerton 3 P.Erl. 53 P.Fay. 19 P.Fay. 117 P.Fay. 123 P.Flor. I 32b P.Flor. I 33 P.Flor. I 36 P.Flor. I 95 P.Flor. II 108 P.Flor. II 259 P.Flor. II 278 P.Gen. II 116 P.Genova I 26 P.Giss. I 34 P.Giss. I 40 P.Giss. I 55 P.Giss. I 85 P.Giss. III 101 P.Giss.Univ. II 17 P.Grenf. I 33 P.Grenf. I 53 P.Grenf. II 51 P.Grenf. II 78

542 532 423 480 423 587 442, 449, 541 541 538 540 429 171 174, 192 66 352 524 420 407 496 440 499 576 407 440, 613 402 97 469 19, 22, 208, 295 569 496 577 558 423 424 368–69 440 143, 163, 171 143 206 565 561 408 42 561 609 426 11 505 558 505 424

Manuscript Index P.Grenf. II 93 P.Hamb. IV 245 P.Hamb. IV 267 P.Harr. I 69 P.Harr. I 94 P.Harr. I 107 P.Harr. II 208 P.Haun. II 21 P.Haun. II 25 P.Haun. III 67 P.Heid.inv. G 1013 P.Herm. 4 P.Herm. 5 P.Herm. 8 P.Herm. 9 P.Herm. 20 P.Herm. 40 P.Herm. 52 P.Herm.Landl. 1, 2 P.Hib. II 197 P.Hib. II 274 P.Iand. II 11 P.Iand. II 12 P.Iand. II 14 P.Iand. VI 95 P.Iand. VII 144 P.IFAO inv. 89 P.Kellis I 23 P.Kellis I 63, 71 P.Kellis V 11 P.Köln II 102 P.Köln IV 200 P.Köln IV 202 P.Köln VII 282 P.Köln VII 295, 304 P.Köln X 417 P.Laur. I 20 P.Laur. II 42 P.Laur. III 98a P.Leid.Inst. 13 P.Lips. I 17 P.Lips. I 28 P.Lips. I 33 P.Lips. I 43 P.Lips. I 99 P.Lips. I 111 P.Lips. II 152 P.Lond. I 77 P.Lond. III 1170 P.Lond. V 1647

442 604 430, 522 403 434 557 412, 615 449 463 444 19, 343 96, 143, 163, 177 96, 163, 499 484 438, 607 456 583 457 438 429 530 12 469 12 531 403 36 561 602 496 579 12, 511, 532, 569, 584, 588, 593 499 36 306 402, 403 522 397, 408, 596 530 511 440 438 384 449, 519 418 489 383 519 396 423

747

P.Lond. V 1677 541 P.Lond. V 1836 595 P.Lond. VI 1912 609 P.Lond. VI 1913, 1914 449 P.Lond. VI 1917 539 P.Lond. VI 1919 526 P.Lond. VI 1923 534, 538 P.Lond. VI 1924 534 P.Lond. VI 1925 534, 602 P.Lond. VI 1926 534, 535, 539, 571 P.Lond. VI 1927 12, 530, 532,534, 535 P.Lond. VI 1928 534, 535, 553 P.Lond. VI 1929, 534 P.Lond.Christ. 2 19, 295 P.Lond.Lit. 33 92 P.Lond.Lit. 223 344 P.Lond.Or. 9271 283 P.Lugd.Bat. XXV 64 492 P.Medinet Madi 69.43 306 P.Mert. I 28 487 P.Mert. II 80 553 P.Meyer 15 383, 387 P.Meyer 16 383, 384 P.Meyer 17 383 P.Mich. I 9r 531 P.Mich. I 82 526 P.Mich. II 129 210 P.Mich. III 138 174 P.Mich. III 157 383 P.Mich. III 158 383, 384 P.Mich. III 165 461 P.Mich. III 170 457 P.Mich. VI 426 505 P.Mich. VIII 466 558 P.Mich. VIII 490 520 P.Mich. VIII 520 571 P.Mich. X 582 505 P.Mich. XV 727 444, 445 P.Mich. XV 752 569 P.Mich. XVIII 764 290 P.Mich. XVIII 767 434 P.Michael. 41 449 P.Mich.inv. 3689 291 P.Mil.Vogl. IV 231 609 P.Münch. III 99 431 P.Münch. III 124 449 P.Naqlun I 9 457 P.Neph. 1, 2 499 P.Neph. 4 568 P.Neph. 5 499, 554 P.Neph. 6 553

748 P.Neph. 7 P.Neph. 13 P.Neph. 17 P.Oslo III 88 P.Oslo III 143 P.Oslo III 148 P.Oslo III 162 P.Oxy. 4 1B 74/K(a) P.Oxy. I 1 P.Oxy. I 2 P.Oxy. I 4 P.Oxy. I 5 P.Oxy. I 6 P.Oxy. I 7 P.Oxy. I 23 P.Oxy. I 25 P.Oxy. I 26 P.Oxy. I 32 P.Oxy. I 33 P.Oxy. I 43V P.Oxy. I 100 P.Oxy. II 208 P.Oxy. II 209 P.Oxy. II 210 P.Oxy. II 223 P.Oxy. II 224 P.Oxy. II 235 P.Oxy. II 281 P.Oxy. II 292 P.Oxy. II 294 P.Oxy. II 295 P.Oxy. II 335 P.Oxy. III 402 P.Oxy. III 404 P.Oxy. III 405 P.Oxy. III 406 P.Oxy. III 407 P.Oxy. III 412 P.Oxy. III 420, 447 P.Oxy. III 476 P.Oxy. III 500 P.Oxy. III 520 P.Oxy. IV 654 P.Oxy. IV 655 P.Oxy. IV 656 P.Oxy. IV 657 P.Oxy. IV 658 P.Oxy. IV 661 P.Oxy. IV 705, 707r P.Oxy. IV 724 P.Oxy. IV 732

Manuscript Index 499 607 557 578 499 486 578 357 19, 32, 199, 219 31, 163 327 332 511 407 71, 84, 243 294 243 586 541 15, 408, 483, 499 457 43 194 19, 235 243 294 466 408 538 463 576 457, 475 184 19, 120, 252 19, 287 19, 116, 261, 293 19, 325, 519 19, 228, 307 243 604 457 602 19, 220, 238 19, 220, 242 14, 22, 511 119, 132 14, 380, 389, 423 166 457 609 480, 604

P.Oxy. IV 738 526 P.Oxy. IV 741 499 P.Oxy. IV 743 572 P.Oxy. IV 744 580 P.Oxy. V 840 19, 278, 511 P.Oxy. V 842 206 P.Oxy. VI 845 14 P.Oxy. VI 847 92, 97, 261, 344470 P.Oxy. VI 848 181 P.Oxy. VI 849 19, 258, 511 P.Oxy. VI 850 19, 132, 254, 347, 511 P.Oxy. VI 899 610 P.Oxy. VI 903 446 P.Oxy. VI 924 19, 341 P.Oxy. VI 930 610 P.Oxy. VI 936 526 P.Oxy. VI 937 558 P.Oxy. VI 938 569 P.Oxy. VI 939 15, 549 P.Oxy. VI 941 445 P.Oxy. VII 1007 14, 511 P.Oxy. VII 1008 107, 163, 540 P.Oxy. VII 1009 107 P.Oxy. VII 1010 14, 511 P.Oxy. VII 1022 586 P.Oxy. VII 1044 604 P.Oxy. VII 1058 19, 359 P.Oxy. VIII 1073 511 P.Oxy. VIII 1074, 1075 14 P.Oxy. VIII 1078 132 P.Oxy. VIII 1079 90 P.Oxy. VIII 1080 161, 181, 470 P.Oxy. VIII 1081 19, 261 P.Oxy. VIII 1082 29 P.Oxy. VIII 1100 209 P.Oxy. VIII 1104 352, 420 P.Oxy. VIII 1106 586 P.Oxy. VIII 1116 508 P.Oxy. VIII 1121 407 P.Oxy. VIII 1161 554 P.Oxy. VIII 1162 465, 467, 481, 486, 505, 518, 558, 563 P.Oxy. IX 1166 14, 116, 511 P.Oxy. IX 1167 14, 511 P.Oxy. IX 1168 14 P.Oxy. IX 1169 186 P.Oxy. IX 1170 186 P.Oxy. IX 1171 79, 85 P.Oxy. IX 1172 19, 264, 268 P.Oxy. IX 1189 457 P.Oxy. IX 1202 402

Manuscript Index P.Oxy. IX 1204 P.Oxy. IX 1205 P.Oxy. IX 1208 P.Oxy. IX 1209 P.Oxy. IX 1221 P.Oxy. IX 1223 P.Oxy. X 1224 P.Oxy. X 1225, 1226 P.Oxy. X 1227 P.Oxy. X 1228 P.Oxy. X 1229 P.Oxy. X 1230 P.Oxy. X 1254 P.Oxy. X 1257 P.Oxy. X 1260 P.Oxy. X 1265 P.Oxy. X 1296 P.Oxy. X 1298 P.Oxy. X 1299 P.Oxy. X 1300 P.Oxy. X 1303 P.Oxy. X 1338 P.Oxy. X 1349 P.Oxy. XI 1352 P.Oxy. XI 1353 P.Oxy. XI 1355 P.Oxy. XI 1357 P.Oxy. XII 1413 P.Oxy. XII 1415 P.Oxy. XII 1428 P.Oxy. XII 1451 P.Oxy. XII 1453 P.Oxy. XII 1463 P.Oxy. XII 1464

484, 553 407, 457 490 531 484 578 19, 92, 271 14 190 53 88, 180 140 471 461 484 434 493 492, 522 408, 492 606, 607 434 440 565 14 166 79, 85 410, 411, 610, 683 461 610 461 554 382 576 14, 382, 384, 383, 392, 423, 579 P.Oxy. XII 1468 402, 403 P.Oxy. XII 1470 484 P.Oxy. XII 1473 386 P.Oxy. XII 1479 604 P.Oxy. XII 1482 572 P.Oxy. XII 1492 8, 407, 481 P.Oxy. XII 1493 490 P.Oxy. XII 1495 506 P.Oxy. XII 1496 577 P.Oxy. XII 1503, 1542 484 P.Oxy. XII 1547 475 P.Oxy. XII 1552, 1562, 1571 484 P.Oxy. XII 1572, 1590V 484 P.Oxy. XII 1592 447, 484, 492, 493, 533, 555, 566 P.Oxy. XII 1593 568

P.Oxy. XIII 1594 P.Oxy. XIII 1596 P.Oxy. XIII 1597 P.Oxy. XIII 1598 P.Oxy. XIII 1599 P.Oxy. XIII 1600 P.Oxy. XIII 1601 P.Oxy. XIII 1622 P.Oxy. XIV 1642 P.Oxy. XVI 1643 P.Oxy. XIV 1677 P.Oxy. XIV 1678 P.Oxy. XIV 1679 P.Oxy. XIV 1680 P.Oxy. XIV 1682 P.Oxy. XIV 1696 P.Oxy. XIV 1708 P.Oxy. XIV 1726 P.Oxy. XIV 1747 P.Oxy. XIV 1760 P.Oxy. XIV 1765 P.Oxy. XIV 1773 P.Oxy. XIV 1774 P.Oxy. XV 1778 P.Oxy. XV 1779 P.Oxy. XV 1780 P.Oxy. XV 1781 P.Oxy. XV 1782 P.Oxy. XV 1783 P.Oxy. XV 1786 P.Oxy. XV 1787 P.Oxy. XV 1828 P.Oxy. XVI 1837 P.Oxy. XVI 1860 P.Oxy. XVI 1865 P.Oxy. XVI 1876 P.Oxy. XVI 1890 P.Oxy. XVI 1900 P.Oxy. XVI 1910 P.Oxy. XVI 1911 P.Oxy. XVI 1929 P.Oxy. XVI 1931 P.Oxy. XVI 1934 P.Oxy. XVI 1967 P.Oxy. XVI 2000 P.Oxy. XVI 2019 P.Oxy. XVI 2032 P.Oxy. XVI 2036 P.Oxy. XVI 2037 P.Oxy. XVI 2058

749 14, 511 100 76 116 19, 274 19, 169, 361 365 27 484, 609 538 576 522 516 15, 467, 492 486 484 420 431 407 572 576 522 407, 523, 527, 528, 529, 555 19, 171, 343 14 57, 92 43 19, 282, 511 19, 247, 470, 511 19, 321 7 19, 245, 247, 470, 511 609 532 467 452, 553 406 434, 442 445 445 12 440, 443 489 442, 613 598 457 418 407 457 505

750 P.Oxy. XVII 2068 P.Oxy. XVII 2070 P.Oxy. XVII 2072 P.Oxy. XVII 2073 P.Oxy. XVII 2098 P.Oxy. XVII 2128 P.Oxy. XVII 2153 P.Oxy. XVII 2155 P.Oxy. XVII 2156 P.Oxy. XVIII 2157 P.Oxy. XVIII 2187 P.Oxy. XVIII 2190 P.Oxy. XVIII 2193 P.Oxy. XVIII 2194 P.Oxy. XIX 2240 P.Oxy. XIX 2243a P.Oxy. XX 2276 P.Oxy. XX 2284 P.Oxy. XXII 2338 P.Oxy. XXII 2342 P.Oxy. XXII 2344 P.Oxy. XXIV 2383 P.Oxy. XXIV 2384 P.Oxy. XXIV 2385 P.Oxy. XXIV 2386 P.Oxy. XXIV 2407 P.Oxy. XXIV 2412 P.Oxy. XXIV 2421 P.Oxy. XXV 2441 P.Oxy. XXVII 2476 P.Oxy. XXVII 2477 P.Oxy. XXVII 2480 P.Oxy. XXXI 2539 P.Oxy. XXXI 2551 P.Oxy. XXXI 2560 P.Oxy. XXXI 2576 P.Oxy. XXXI 2584 P.Oxy. XXXI 2601 P.Oxy. XXXI 2603 P.Oxy. XXXI 2609 P.Oxy. XXXI 2611 P.Oxy. XXXII 2619 P.Oxy. XXXIII 2659 P.Oxy. XXXIII 2664 P.Oxy. XXXIII 2665 P.Oxy. XXXIII 2673 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2683 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2684

Manuscript Index 347 19, 314 312 350 71 576 407 572 467, 470, 486, 492, 532, 599 197, 371 407 493 12, 584, 589, 590, 591, 593 12, 584, 587, 588, 593 475 411 463 461 471, 475, 604 540 432 38 92 169 14 607 407 407, 408, 411, 417, 530 291 423 486 453 61 306 576 395 484 481, 492, 497, 500, 546 467, 486, 492, 539, 566 570 209 78 64 485 402, 418, 421, 625 388, 411, 423, 440, 483, 615 17, 27, 28 138

P.Oxy. XXXIV 2700 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2710 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2719 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2724 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2728 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2729

84 403, 408 522 583 449 430, 431, 433, 441, 449, 542, 604 P.Oxy. XXXIV 2731 603, 604 P.Oxy. XXXVI 2745 329 P.Oxy. XXXVI 2784 487 P.Oxy. XXXVI 2785 8, 407, 465, 467, 476, 511, 518, 564, 606 P.Oxy. XXXVI 2796 484 P.Oxy. XXXVIII 2860 595 P.Oxy. XL 2906 554 P.Oxy. XL 2912 472, 489 P.Oxy. XL 2937 499 P.Oxy. XLI 2949 19, 217 P.Oxy. XLI 2969 417 P.Oxy. XLI 2988 609 P.Oxy. XLI 2990 14, 384, 388 P.Oxy. XLI 2993 417 P.Oxy. XLII 3008 84 P.Oxy. XLII 3010 223 P.Oxy. XLII 3014 452 P.Oxy. XLII 3023 407 P.Oxy. XLII 3035 7, 393 P.Oxy. XLII 3037 475 P.Oxy. XLII 3042 508 P.Oxy. XLII 3044 547 P.Oxy. XLII 3057 7 P.Oxy. XLII 3063 407 P.Oxy. XLII 3086 489 P.Oxy. XLIII 3102 604 P.Oxy. XLIII 3106 352 P.Oxy. XLIII 3112 402 P.Oxy. XLIII 3119 397 P.Oxy. XLIII 3129 586 P.Oxy. XLIII 3149 397 P.Oxy. XLIV 3168 604 P.Oxy. XLIV 3184 425 P.Oxy. XLIV 3185 490 P.Oxy. XLIV 3203 437, 438, 443, 454 P.Oxy. XLIV 3208 586 P.Oxy. XLV 3257 417 P.Oxy. XLVI 3276 472, 489 P.Oxy. XLVI 3290 403 P.Oxy. XLVI 3296 531 P.Oxy. XLVI 3304 352, 420 P.Oxy. XLVI 3311 435 P.Oxy. XLVI 3314 457, 486, 489

Manuscript Index P.Oxy. XLVIII 3384 578 P.Oxy. XLVIII 3387, 3390 577 P.Oxy. XLVIII 3396 486, 489 P.Oxy. XLVIII 3407 429 P.Oxy. XLVIII 3417 486 P.Oxy. XLVIII 3420 582 P.Oxy. XLVIII 3421 526 P.Oxy. XLVIII 3430 578 P.Oxy. XLIX 3450 306 P.Oxy. XLIX 3463 417, 427 P.Oxy. XLIX 3480 578 P.Oxy. XLIX 3514 490 P.Oxy. L 3523, 7, 17, 20, 21 P.Oxy. L 3525 19, 229, 233 P.Oxy. L 3526 19, 265, 268 P.Oxy. L 3527 19, 248 P.Oxy. L 3528 18, 223 P.Oxy. L 3529 352, 420, 615 P.Oxy. L 3532 209 P.Oxy. L 3536 206 P.Oxy. L 3577, 3579 586 P.Oxy. L 3580 499 P.Oxy. L 3581 12 P.Oxy. L 3590 499 P.Oxy. L 3599 579 P.Oxy. LI 3618 418 P.Oxy. LI 3644 408 P.Oxy. LI 3645 582 P.Oxy. LIV 3753 548 P.Oxy. LIV 3758 540, 610 P.Oxy. LIV 3759 427, 484 P.Oxy. LIV 3767 500 P.Oxy. LIV 3774 573 P.Oxy. LV 3786 431 P.Oxy. LV 3787 392, 396, 417, 425, 440 P.Oxy. LV 3793, 3794 586 P.Oxy. LV 3802 604 P.Oxy. LV 3804 445 P.Oxy. LV 3805 457, 610 P.Oxy. LV 3807 457 P.Oxy. LV 3810 604 P.Oxy. LV 3812 569 P.Oxy. LV 3814 595 P.Oxy. LV 3817 607 P.Oxy. LV 3821 486 P.Oxy. LVI 3857 465, 467, 481, 486, 505, 518, 561, 562 P.Oxy. LVI 3858 533, 566, 595 P.Oxy. LVI 3859 486, 489 P.Oxy. LVI 3862 12, 443, 481, 505, 539, 565

P.Oxy. LVI 3863 P.Oxy. LVI 3864 P.Oxy. LVI 3869 P.Oxy. LVII 3885 P.Oxy. LVIII 3929 P.Oxy. LVIII 3960 P.Oxy, LVIII 3961 P.Oxy. LIX 3981 P.Oxy. LIX 3984 P.Oxy. LIX 3993 P.Oxy. LIX 3998 P.Oxy. LIX 3999 P.Oxy. LIX 4000 P.Oxy. LIX 4001 P.Oxy. LIX 4002 P.Oxy. LIX 4003 P.Oxy. LIX 4005 P.Oxy. LX 4009 P.Oxy. LX 4010 P.Oxy. LX 4029 P.Oxy. LX 4041 P.Oxy. LX 4060 P.Oxy. LX 4068 P.Oxy. LX 4089 P.Oxy. LX 4091 P.Oxy. LXI 4118 P.Oxy. LXI 4125 P.Oxy. LXI 4127 P.Oxy. LXIII 4364 P.Oxy. LXIII 4365 P.Oxy. LXIII 4369 P.Oxy. LXIII 4388 P.Oxy. LXIII 4394, 4395 P.Oxy. LXIV 4401 P.Oxy. LXIV 4402 P.Oxy. LXIV 4403 P.Oxy. LXIV 4404 P.Oxy. LXIV 4405 P.Oxy. LXIV 4407 P.Oxy. LXIV 4441 P.Oxy. LXV 4442 P.Oxy. LXV 4444 P.Oxy. LXV 4445 P.Oxy. LXV 4446 P.Oxy. LXV 4447 P.Oxy. LXV 4448 P.Oxy. LXV 4449 P.Oxy. LXV 4485 P.Oxy. LXVI 4494 P.Oxy. LXVI 4495

751 606 12, 463, 606 499 306 14, 382, 383, 388, 389, 390, 423 445 434 500 531 408 463, 572, 595 576 486, 489 486 599 12, 17, 485, 595 610 7, 19, 201 19, 354 306 78 490 206 433, 434 434 497 407, 411 496, 526, 530 509 508, 555 586 547 445 35, 163 95 26, 457 7, 17, 20 27, 28 17 506, 507, 508 14, 174 14, 511 23, 60, 134 64 23, 66 68 134, 180 475 171 41

752 P.Oxy. LXVI 4497 P.Oxy. LXVI 4498 P.Oxy. LXVI 4499 P.Oxy. LXVI 4500 P.Oxy. LXVI 4502 P.Oxy. LXVI 4528 P.Oxy. LXVI 4529 P.Oxy. LXVI 4533 P.Oxy. LXVII 4611 P.Oxy. LXVII 4617 P.Oxy. LXVII 4618 P.Oxy. LXVII 4619 P.Oxy. LXVII 4620 P.Oxy. LXVII 4622 P.Oxy. LXVIII 4693 P.Oxy. LXVIII 4697 P.Oxy. LXIX 4705 P.Oxy. LXIX 4706 P.Oxy. LXIX 470 P.Oxy. LXXI 4803 P.Oxy. LXXI 4804 P.Oxy. LXXI 4805 P.Oxy. LXXI 4806 P.Oxy. LXXI 4819 P.Oxy. LXXII 4844 P.Oxy. LXXIII 4933 P.Oxy. LXXIII 4934 P.Oxy. LXXIII 4965 P.Oxy. LXXIII 4965 P.Oxy. LXXVI 5072 P.Oxy. LXXVI 5073 P.Oxy. LXXVII 5119 P.Oxy.Hels. 20 P.Oxy.Hels. 26 P.PalauRib. 37 P.PalauRib. Lit. 4 P.Panop.Beatty 2 P.Petaus 30 P.Petra III 56b P.Pintaudi 57 P.Princ. I 2 P.Princ. III 181 P.Rein. I 49 P.Ross.Georg. III 4 P.Ross.Georg. III 6 P.Ross.Georg. III 8 P.Ross.Georg. V 6 P.Ross.Georg. V 47 P.Ryl. I 12 P.Ryl. II 93 P.Ryl. II 110

Manuscript Index 77 71, 83 142 160, 470 306 524, 604 451 475 457 411 489, 610 411, 445 610 445 457 604 19, 28, 227 19, 208 19, 224 70 174 74 192 306 177 368 162 588 486 19, 205 17, 19, 335, 476 457 467 484 539, 566 369 423 603 429 610 457 500 401 430 466 12, 582 499, 602 457 389 538 402, 403

P.Ryl. II 112a 383, 384, 386 P.Ryl. II 112b, 112c 383, 384 P.Ryl. II 117 451 P.Ryl. II 288 443 P.Ryl. III 463, 19, 60, 230, 232, 511 P.Ryl. III 487, 529, 532 306 P.Ryl. IV 568 499 P.Ryl. IV 593 475 P.Ryl. IV 608 586 P.Ryl. IV 613 450 P.Ryl. IV 627 517 P.Ryl. IV 627V 518 P.Ryl. IV 630 517, 547 P.Ryl. IV 658 423 P.Sakaon 1, 2, 3 423 P.Sakaon 16 386 P.Sakaon 41 423 P.Sakaon 48 526 P.Sakaon 76 423 P.Strasb. I 35 496 P.Strasb.Gr.inv. 2677 11–12 PSI I 2 306 PSI I 5 179, 470 PSI I 60 579 PSI I 71 486 PSI I 82 407 PSI I 87 490 PSI II 124 306 PSI II 127 14 PSI II 129 78 PSI II 155 371 PSI III 162 480 PSI III 208 8, 97, 407, 465, 466, 467, 468, 470, 473, 474, 486, 518, 563, 595 PSI III 216 434, 442 PSI IV 287 440 PSI IV 295 531 PSI IV 311 405, 407, 497, 512, 550 PSI IV 313 361 PSI V 453 383, 386 PSI VI 577 466 PSI VI 696 553 PSI VI 698 442 PSI VI 719 335 PSI VII 783 522 PSI VII 829 449, 647 PSI VII 837 403 PSI VII 842 12 PSI VIII 972 12, 546, 604 PSI IX 1041 8, 97, 407, 465, 466, 567, 469, 470, 472, 480, 482, 486, 518, 563

Manuscript Index PSI IX 1081 PSI X 1128 PSI X 1165 PSI XI 1200 bis PSI XII 1228 PSI XII 1292 PSI XIII 1332 PSI XIII 1342 PSI XIV 1409 PSI XIV 1412 PSI XIV 1418 PSI XIV 1423 PSI XIV 1429 PSI XV 1539 PSI Congr. XX 9, 12 PSI inv. 2101, PSI inv. 3407 P.Strasb. V 393 P.Tebt. I 38 P.Tebt. II 421, 422 P.Tebt. II 424 P.Tebt. II 760 P.Thomas 22 PUG I 26 P.Vind.Sal. 7 P.Vind.Sijp. 1 P.Vind.Sijp. 26 P.Wash.Univ. I 20 P.Wash.Univ. I 31 P.Wash.Univ. 71 P.Wash.Univ. II 83 P.Wash.Univ. II 95 P.Wisc. I 3 P.Wisc. I 19 P.Wisc. II 62r P.Wisc. II 64 P.Wisc. II 81 P.Wisc. II 87 P.Würzb. 16 P.Yale I 83

582 408 103 19, 285 499 119 580 565 407, 604 406 565 492, 547 571 392 407 19, 295 92 402 452 572 530 516 423 495 484 461 8, 458 434, 450 489 609 451 505, 579 402 499 449, 547 530 449 383 438 403

SB I 25, SB I 442, 442 SB I 1955 SB I 2266 SB I 4414 SB I 4435 SB I 4436 SB I 4437, SB I 4439 SB I 4440, 376

383 453 689 534, 571 505 383, 384 383, 386 386 383 386

753

SB I 4444, 4445, 4448 383 SB I 4450, 4451, 4452 383 SB I 4455 383, 388 SB I 5317 539 SB I 5943 376 SB III 6827 383 SB III 7243 527 SB III 7269 465, 469, 472, 486, 518 SB IV 7336 427 SB IV 7408, 7409 548 SB IV 7449 442, 449 SB V 7515 505 SB V 7635 576 SB V 7656 595 SB V 7696 610 SB V 7756 578 SB V 8003 602 SB VI 8987 8, 579 SB VI 9016 609 SB VI 9214 508 SB VI 9401 499 SB VI 9502 484 SB VI 9564 540 SB VI 9605 489, 539 SB VI 962 306 SB VIII 9746 526, 527, 555 SB VIII 9683 440 SB VIII 9746 407, 492, 526 SB X 10239 407 SB X 10255 465, 472, 518 SB X 10471 450 SB X 10466 449 SB X 10728 480 SB XII 10772 397, 404 SB XII 10773 496 SB XII 10800 463, 492, 580 SB XII 10841 12, 504 SB XII 10939 434, 442 SB XII 11019 407 SB XII 11144 557 SB XII 12021 417, 434, 438 SB XIV 12139 610 SB XIV 11532 495, 539 SB XIV 11588 489 SB XIV 11646 595 SB XIV 12130 396 SB XIV 12139 540 SB XIV 12173 606 SB XIV 11541 450 SB XIV 11593 470 SB XVI 12304 465, 467, 486, 518, 561

754 SB XVI 12497 SB XVI 12588 SB XVI 12620 SB XVI 12718 SB XVI 12990 SB XVIII 13110 SB XVIII 13174 SB XVIII 13333 SB XVIII 13612 SB XVIII 13858 SB XVIII 13867 SB XVIII 13932 SB XVIII 13957 SB XVIII 14039 SB XX 14229 SB XX 14382 SB XX 14409 SB XX 14471, 14481 SB XX 14575 SB XX 14987, SB XX 15076 SB XX 15122 SB XX 15134 SB XX 15183 SB XX 15192 SB XX 15198 SB XX 15199 SB XX 15200, 15201 SB XXII 15264 SB XXII 15311 SB XXII 15359 SB XXII 15375

Manuscript Index 395 472, 489 580, 595 438 586 608, 609 610 499 438 480 519 484 453 596 402, 403 532 408, 602 505 442 486 463 572 429 530 519 453 452 453 531 438 463, 486, 526, 577 539

SB XXII 15475 SB XXII 15500 SB XXII 15711 SB XXII 15768 SB XXIV 16095 SB XXIV 16204 SB XXIV 16282 SB XXIV 16298 SB XXVI 16672 SB XXVI 16677 SB XXVI 16687 SB XXVI 16716, Schøyen MS 193 Stud.Pal. X 35 Stud.Pal. X 75 Stud.Pal. XX 20 Stud.Pal. XX 233

457 384 457 573, 580 407 522 582 384 401 519 539 489 306 610 442 439 538

T.Kell.Syriac/Coptic 1 and 2

337

Uncial 0169 Uncial 0173 Uncial 0206 Uncial 0308 Uncial 0171

181 179 166 160 161

Vat.Syr. 160

353

W.Chr. 124 W.Chr. 125 W.Chr. 131 W.Chr. 474

383 377, 383 558 361

SUBJECT INDEX

Acta Sanctorum, 614–15 Alexandrian, 18 amulet, 17, 19, 139, 335, 341, 359 Apa Aphou, 638–41 apocryphal gospels, 19, 205, 235, 271, 278 apology, 312, 343–44, 353 apostrophe, 32, 86, 107, 120, 132, 135, 141, 143, 172, 174, 230, 236, 274, 312 Apotactic (Monks), 437–38, 456

archive of Leonides, 195 aroura, 486 artaba, 445–46 autograph, 19, 288, 315 biblical excerpts: see testimonia biblical uncial, 166, 169, 174, 192, 371 bishops, 448–49 blessed (adj.), 526

Subject Index bone (as a medium of writing), 452–53 bookroll, 6, 13–14, 17, 54, 91, 120, 209, 218, 220, 228–29, 242, 288, 291, 347, 352, 371 Breccia, A. E., 6 brother/sister (as title of address), 460–61 Byzantine texts, 1, 7, 18, 163, 190, 193, 386 Caesarean, 18 catechesis, 284, 288, 291, 336 catechumens, 474, 476, 480 Catholic Church, 434 Catholic epistles, 134 Chi-Rho monogram, 571–72 Christian, 19, 325, 341 Churches (of Oxyrhynchus), 15, 410 Christian/Chrestian (epithet), 396–97 Clodius Culcianus, 352, 420 cursive, 54, 64, 85, 91, 108, 120, 133, 139, 141–42, 195–96, 202, 206, 220, 229, 232–33, 268, 327 D-text, 18 deacons, 426 Decius, 373–74 Decian Libelli, 14 dialogue, 19, 218, 279, 314–16 diaeresis, 22, 29, 32, 36, 44, 54, 58, 64, 66, 73, 75, 79, 86, 88, 120, 139, 143, 163, 172, 174, 187, 192, 197, 206, 220, 224, 230, 233, 236, 244, 249, 259, 265, 275, 294, 321, 327 diple, 291 Dionysus (bishop), 359 Divine Providence, 485–86 documentary hand, 29, 84, 100, 107, 134, 171, 230, 327, 385 ekthesis, 22, 182 Enoch, 13 Eusebian textual divisions, 29 formal mixed group, 143, 163 Gnosticism, 230, 259, 262, 272, 327, 341, 343 “Great Persecution,” 413–14, 419, 501, 613 Grenfell, B. P., 2–5 hagiographies, 8, 16, 357 Herakleopolis, 480 Herod, 218 Historia monachorum in Aegypto, 634–35 homily, 290, 350, 365

755

homoioteleuton, 191, 355–56 Hunt, A. S., 2–5 hymns, 19, 323–24, 338 illiteracy formulae, 388 indiction, 457 informal documentary hand, 54, 141, 228 iron ink, 66 isopsephy, 197, 371–72, 481, 505 Jews, 457 Joseph of Arimathea, 218 Kynopolis, 461–62 Laodicea (of Coelesyria), 517 lectors, 417, 427, 440 letters, of peace, 465, 467, 519–20 Leucius, 255 libelli, of Decius, 373–77 liturgical fragments, 347 liturgy (Public Service), 569–70 “Little Genesis,” 510–11 Lord’s Prayer, 335, 354 Lucius Mussius Aemilianus (Prefect of Egypt), 399–400 Mani, 329, 338 Manichaeans, 13, 19, 255, 337–38 martyria, 15, 445 martyrdom, 357, 352–53 monk, 15, 344, 443, 453 Montanists, 333 Muratorian Canon, 209 neutral, 18 onomasticon, 329 Osiris, 1 Oxyrhynchite Era, 446 Padró, J., 6 palimpsest, 247 parablepsis, 39, 91, 154, 166, 200, 274 paragraphos, 29, 79, 174, 293 parchment, 17–18, 78, 97–98, 160–1, 166, 179, 181–82, 245, 247, 258, 278, 282, 337, 469–70, 603 patristic sources, 19, 285, 293, 296 Peshitta, 129, 167, 338 Petrie, W. M., 2–4

756

Subject Index

Pilate, 218 Pistelli, E., 5–6 Phocas Pillar, 2 prayer (formulae), 463 presbyter, 480 Priscillianists, 255 Proskynesis, 576 Quartodeciman, 362 reformed documentary hand, 93, 120, 134, 171 rough breathing marks, 20, 29, 32, 44, 64, 78, 84, 107, 132, 172, 183, 190, 198, 268, 312 Sabbath, 449–50 sailors (of the church), 431 Satrius Arrianus, 424 Serapion, 202 Septimius Severus, 357, 359 Septuagint, 113, 330 serifs, 20, 22, 27, 42, 66, 88, 171, 249 severe style, 74, 78, 103, 163, 224, 355 Shem Tob Hebrew, 187 Shenoute, 672–73 sloping majuscule, 143 sloping oval, 97 Stichometry of Nicephorus, 255, 259 Sunday, 428–29

Syriac, 337, 343–44, 352–54 Talent, 408 testimonia, 368 text groups, 18, 144 theological treatise, 13, 327, 371 trichotomy (Body, Soul, Spirit), 557 Turner Groups: [1], 103; [3], 249; [4], 274; [5], 132, 141, 170, 186, 368; [6], 76, 224; [7], 78, 84, 101, 107, 116, 143, 190, 197, 265 (Aberrant); [8], 21, 36, 57, 60, 71, 75, 79, 88, 96, 134, 163, 172, 174, 177, 192, 249, 261; [9], 22, 27 (Aberrant), 29 (Aberrant), 66, 86 (Aberrant), 93, 166, 221, 223, 246 (Aberrant), 247, 297; [11], 138, 161, 179, 181, 184, 202, 258, 279, 283 uncial, 44, 54, 66, 69, 76, 116, 143, 160–61, 166, 169–70, 174, 177, 179, 181–82, 184, 187, 192, 195, 197, 232, 236, 246–47, 255, 258, 265, 274, 283, 294, 308, 333, 344, 360, 362, 371 Valentinians, 261, 327 Valerius Victorinus, 352 Valerian, 395 western text, 103, 178