Choctaw genesis, 1500-1700 9780803270701, 9780803221512

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BISON

BOOKS

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INDIANS OF THE SOUTHEAST Series Editors

Theda Perdue, University of Kentucky Michael D. Green, University of Kentucky Advisory Editors

Leland Ferguson, University of South Carolina Mary Young, University of Rochester

Choctaw Genesis 1500-1700 Patricia Galloway

waves of Noms Press

© 1995 by the University of Nebraska Press. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America. © The paper in this book meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences— Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, aNst 239.48-1984. First Bison Books printing: 1998 Most recent printing indicated by the last digit below:

Io 9 8 7 6 5 43 2 1

Library of Congress Catalogingin-Publication Data Galloway, Patricia Kay.

Choctaw genesis 1500-1700 / by Patricia Galloway. p. cm. — (Indians of the Southeast) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8032-2151-7 (cl : alk. paper) ISBN 0-8032-7070-4 (pa : alk. paper) 1. Choctaw Indians—History. I. Title. II. Series. Egg.c8G35 1995

973'-04973-dc20 95-1659 CIP

In Memory of Samuel Belton Galloway IQI8—1989

and

Charles Betts Galloway IQII—1983

for whom science and art were two songs for the same melody and with thanks to Mary Kay Miller Galloway who taught me what a typewriter was for

Contents

List of Illustrations ix

List of Tables x Series Editors’ Foreword xiii

Note to Readers xill

Acknowledgments XV 1 Source Materials and Methodologies I

2 Prehistory, 1100-1500 27 3 Evidence from the Early Sixteenth Century 75 4 Evidence from the Late Sixteenth Century 128 5 Seventeenth-Century Overtures to Contact 164

6 The Cartography of Early Contact 205 7 Ethnic Boundaries from Material Evidence 264 8 Ethnic Boundaries from Documentary Evidence 305

g Choctaw Tribe Formation 338

Appendix: Burial Data 361

Bibliography 369

Index 401

[Illustrations 1.1 Choctaw towns in the eighteenth century 3 2.1 Woodland-Mississippian culture sequence 35

2.2 Majorriversystems 36 2.3. Principal Indiantrails 41 2.4 Physiographicmap 43 2.5 Sites with burial urn evidence 65 2.6 Chiefdom intensification 70 2.7. Late Mississippian phases 72

3.1 The Pinedamap,ca.1519 81 3.2 General path of the Hernando de Soto expedition go 3-3 Known archaeological sites, ca.1540o 125 3-4. Geographical reconstruction of interior southeastern groups, 1540-41 126 4.1 Luna's entradas, new reconstruction 148 5.1 Spanish missions of north Florida in 1675 169 5-2. Delgado’s possible routes 179 5-3. Reconstruction of Delgado’s journey 180 5-4. (4) Galloway’s reconstruction of Tonti’s route 194 (b) Delisle’s portrayal of Tonti’s route 194 (c) Carleton’s map of Choctaw trails 195

6.1 Ribero map of the Gulf of Mexico, 1529 210 6.2. Theso-called De Soto map of 1544 211 6.3 Sebastian Cabot’s 1544 map 212 6.4 Soto itinerary from Chiaha to Quizquizasastripmap 214 6.5 1544 map with Soto route traced 215 6.6 Ortelius’s printed version of Chiaves’s map, 1584 217 6.7 (a) Joannes de Laet’s Florida et regiones vicinae, 1630 218 (b) Nicolas Sanson pére’s Amerique septentrionale,1650 218 (c) Nicolas Sanson pére’s Le Nouveau Mexique et la Floride, 1656 219 (d) Pierre DuVal’s La Floride, 1670 219 6.8 Nicolas Sanson fi/s’s map of North America, 1674 221 6.9 Father Jacques Marquette’s map of the Mississippi, 1673-74 223 6.10 Jolliet’s map of the Mississippi, 1674 224 6.11 Echegaray’s map of North America, 1686 227 6.12 Hugues Randin’s map of 1674-81(?) 228 6.13 Abbé Bernou’s map of 1680-81 229 6.14 Jean-Baptiste Franquelin’s Partie de ’Amerique septentrionale, 1681 230 6.15 (4) Jean-Baptiste Franquelin’s Carte de la Louisiane, 1684 231 (b) Minet’s Carte de la Louisiane, 1685 232 6.16 (a) Coronelli’s manuscript sketch of the Mississippi, 1684 234 (b) Coronelli’s globe gore, 1696 235

Tllustrations 6.17 (a) Delisle 1696 draft 236 (6) Delisle 1696 draft (blank cartouche) 237 (c) Delisle, Carte de la Nouvelle France et des pays voisins, 1696 237

6.18 (a) Sketch map of the Mississippi attributed to Henri de Tonti, 1700 238 (b) Delisle’s Partie du Mississipi et rivieres adjacent, ca.1700 239 6.19 Delisle’s sketch map Route du voyage de Fernand Soto en Floride... premiere carte 241 6.20 Delisle’s sketch map Route du voyage de Fernand Soto en Floride... seconde carte 242

6.21 (@) Delisle, LAmerique septentrionale, 1700, first state 244 (6) Delisle, L’Amerique septentrionale, 1700, second state 245 6.22 Delisle sketch of the lower Mississippi and Mobile Bay from Iberville’s data, ca.

1700 246 6.23 Delisle, Carte des Environs du Missisipi par G. de V’Isle Geographe, 1701 247 6.24 Delisle, Carte des Environs du Missisipi par G. de l’Isle Geogr., 1701 2.48

6.25 Delisle 1701 draft(mocartouche) 249 6.26 Nicolas de Fer, Les Costes aux environs de la riviere de Misisipi, 1701 252

6.27 Explicitly French-explored areas asof 1700 253 6.28 Delisle, Carte du Canada et du .vlississipi, 1702 254 6.29 (@) Delisle, Carte du Mexique et de la Floride,1703 256 (b) Delisle, Carte du Mexique et de la Floride, draft 257

6.30 Nairne’s map of South Carolina, 1711 259 7.1 Chickachae Combed pottery types defined from east-central Mississippi sites 269 7.2 Ceramics from the Tombecbé site 270 7.3 Ceramics from Kemper County survey 272 7.4 Ceramics from the Chickasawhay site 274 7.5 Ceramics from the Harrison no. 4 site, Kemper County 275 8.1 Location of southeastern tribes ca. 1700 307 8.2 Intertribal alliance relations ca. 1700 313 8.3 Location of southeastern Indian languages about the year 1700 317

8.4 (a) The Gulflanguage family 319 (b) Anew Muskogean family tree 319 (c) Areal and genetic language relations in the southeastern United States 319

9.1 Choctaw tribe formation, 1500-1700 354

Tables 2.1 Coles Creek and Mississippian culture traits 51 3-1. “Towns mentioned in the Soto narratives 96 3-2. Synoptic table of polity features, 1540-43 100 X

Tables 3.3. Summary of polity statistics, 1540-43 103 3.4 Groupwise authorial agreement on observations in table 3.2 106 3.5 Pairwise authorial agreement on observations in table 3.2. 107 3.6 Previous reconstruction of southeastern polities as observed by the Soto expedition 121 3.7. New reconstruction of southeastern polities as observed by the Soto expedition 123 4.1 Indian slaves taken in the Mississippi-Alabama region 129 4.2 Spanish and Indian deaths in battles 129 4.3 Swine diseases with zoonotic potential 135 4.4 Probable disease epidemics in Florida, 1512-1672 137 5-1 Iberville’s list of Choctaw town names, 1702 198 7.1 Blitz’s Choctaw ceramic complex 271 7.2 Predicted archaeological attributes of social categories 281 7.3. J. Brown’s analysis of the burial procedure of the Natchez 293 7.4 Summary of burial types in the study area 302 A.I Burial type sequence from Winterville and Lake George 361 A.2 Burial types from the Emerald site 361 4.3 Burial types from the Mangum site 362 A.4 Moundville III burials from the White site 364 A.5 Burial types by age from Black Warrior protohistoric sites 365 A.6 Burial type sequence at the Lubbub Creek Archaeological Locality 366 A.7 Burials from 1934-35 excavations at Lyon’s Bluff 366 A.8 Protohistoric burial types in the lower Tombigbee-Alabama area 367

x1

Series Editors’ Foreword Students of Southeastern Indian History have long been frustrated by the century between 1550 and 1650. Spanning the period between Soto and the return of European observers, this “black hole” of Southern Indian history obscures our understanding of the aftermath of the first extended contacts between Native Americans and Europeans. We know massive changes occurred during that period because the chiefdoms Soto saw and described were gone one hundred years later when Europeans returned to the South to stay. Recent scholarship on European epidemic disease and their effects on “virgin soil” populations suggests a cause for the collapse of southeastern native political systems and attendant social and economic upheavals, but few have dared to carry that insight into the “black hole” to recover the story. In

this book Patricia Galloway not only does that, she also describes how she did it. Using an extraordinary array of traditional and nontraditional sources, approaches, models, and theories, Galloway presents her conclusions on the ethnic origins of the Choctaws and explains how and where they lived before they experienced sustained contact with Europeans. Part ethnohistorical interpretation, part methodological guidebook, this volume takes a proud place in the Indians of the Southeast series. Theda Perdue and Michael D. Green

Note to Readers Because we cannot today be certain what early writers and mapmakers actually referred to when they wrote down Indian tribal names and names of places, when I use documents and maps as sources I use the spellings found in those sources. ‘There are many variants in these spellings, but to gloss over them by standardizing to one spelling would be to imply that we knew that the names were equivalent, and I argue throughout this book that we rarely know any such thing. Until long-term European settlements were established, the names we read today applied at best only to what the original observer saw.

Xill

Acknowledgments This book, which dwells on the margins of several disciplines, would clearly have been impossible without the assistance of numerous friends and colleagues, too

numerous to list them all here. Not least, I thank them for their respect, which scholars not based in academia often find hard to come by.

I list the archaeologists first, since so much of the evidence I had to depend on is recent, unpublished, and difficult to locate. James Atkinson, Jeffrey Brain, Sam Brookes, Sam McGahey, and Vincas Steponaitis have helpfully provided access to materials on the archaeology of Mississippi. Chris Peebles, Marvin Jeter, and Jay Johnson have sent me books, put up with a lot of strange ideas, and patiently explained anthropological complexities. John Blitz, Baxter Mann, Jerry Voss, Ken Carleton, John O’Hear, and Tim Mooney have shared their new data on the archaeology of the Choctaw homeland; sometimes the data were so new I had to wash the pottery myself. Ann Ramenofsky and Marvin Smith have willingly debated ideas about this difficult postexploration, precolonial period. David Morgan, then keeper of the Mississippi state site files, has been unfailingly helpful. Among historians, I have learned from working with and being edited by Robert

Weddle. David Henige and Paul Hoffman have both encouraged my unorthodox ideas about Spanish explorers, but neither is to blame for those ideas. Clara Sue Kidwell has shared her wide knowledge of Choctaw history and culture. LeAnne Howe has given me some truly remarkable insights from an artist’s view of growing up Choctaw in the modern world. Julie Smith did a fine job of preparing my synthetic maps.

I would also like to thank the National Endowment for the Humanities, which provided funding for research on Choctaw landholding in the eighteenth century, and the Hermon Dunlap Smith Center for the History of Cartography at the Newberry Library, without whose fellowship chapter 6 would not have been written. Appointment to the Choctaw Heritage Council of the Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians over a decade ago played a part in forming my determination to treat the subject. My own institution, the Mississippi Department of Archives and History, allowed me a year’s leave of absence to write chapter 2 and has been supportive of this project in many different ways. Last but not least I would like to thank my mechanic, Eddie Russell, who during

the twelve long years of its genesis never failed to ask how my book was coming along.

xv

Contemporary scholars have demonstrated again and

again that, in penetrating the culture of a neglected group, historians often find more than they bargained for. What looked like a group becomes an amalgam of groups; what looked like a culture becomes a series of cultures. - Lawrence Levine, “The Unpredictable Past”

CHAPTER ONE

Source Materials and Methodologies Ask simple questions, because the answers to complicated questions probably will be too complicated to test and, even worse, too fascinating to give up. — Alfred W. Crosby Jr., Ecological Imperialism

[H]istory is the privileged place where the gaze becomes unsettled, even if it is only that. — Michel de Certeau, Heterologies

The presence of the Choctaw Indians in the Euro-American history of the southeastern United States is comfortably familiar: they were some of the “Good Indians,” one of the Five Civilized Tribes, led by their near-mythic chief Pushmataha to the aid of Andrew Jackson in the Battle of New Orleans. After that not much more is said; the Cherokees got most of the press and the pity for the Trail of Tears to Oklahoma, although the Choctaws were the first victims of Removal. Modern Mississippians

point to their tolerance of these loyal Indians, using as their example Greenwood LeFlore, the French-Choctaw mixed-blood who was instrumental in arranging for Removal and ended as a rich planter in the Mississippi Delta, sitting in the state legislature and building a mansion called Malmaison. But Greenwood LeFlore was not the only Choctaw who remained. Hundreds of others, not so powerful or lucky, clung grimly to scraps of their homeland as the backwoods of east-central Mississippi were infiltrated by white settlers in the nineteenth century, to emerge in the twentieth as the reconstituted Mississippi Band of Choctaw Indians more than seven thousand strong, still speaking Choctaw, still not melted in the pot. All these Choctaws are as much image as reality, however, and what is familiar is only the end of the story, after the missionaries had done their work and American politicai hegemony had reduced the Choctaws to a marginal existence. During the colonial period they were a populous and powerful people, holding with the Creeks the balance of power in the interior Southeast. When the French could barely muster a few thousand colonists, the Choctaws numbered as many as twenty thousand I

Source Materials and Methodologies (Wood 1989). Powerful enough to fear no significant threat from any neighbor once the French had armed them with guns (which they also used in the colonial deerskin trade), they were courted throughout the eighteenth century first by the French and British, then by the Spanish and British, and finally by the Spanish and Americans. They were a major power east of the Mississippi during the eighteenth century, the period in which they flourished (Crane 1956; White 1983; Foret 1990; Usner 1992). Eighteenth-century Choctaws were a confederation of forty to fifty autonomous villages gathered in four groupings on the rivers that meet in what is now east-central Mississippi (figure 1.1; see also figure 2.2). The western Choctaws lived at the head of the Pearl River (Riviere aux Perles), in the vicinity of the “mother mound” of Choctaw legend, Nanih Waiya. The eastern Choctaws inhabited the Tombigbee River's western tributaries that interdigitated with the Pearl, chiefly the Sucarnoochee. ‘The Sixtown Choctaws lived south of the western Choctaws, east of the Pearl and on the streams that flowed into the Chickasawhay River. The Chickasawhays, finally, lived somewhat south of the main body of Choctaw villages, on the Chickasawhay River. Each of these groups consisted of a number of villages, each led by a chief and several assistants, aided by a council of elders. Each village also had or could appoint a “red” or war chief when the occasion demanded. ‘The groups, in turn, were usually led by

one of their prominent village chiefs. The Choctaws did not generally heed an overall leader, in spite of French attempts to favor one, but the colonial period saw the French name a “Great Chief,” and from the turmoil of the contest for empire a tribal war chief eventually also emerged. Genealogical relationships ordered the social lives of eighteenth-century Choctaws, in matrilineal and matrilocal family groups. The head of a household was the brother of the woman whose household it was; her husband was a guest rather than a

relative, and the children belonged to her lineage. The matrilines controlled the agricultural land that was important to a subsistence regime also dependent upon gathering by women and hunting by men. As the deerskin trade grew in significance during the eighteenth century, subsistence activities had to be altered to accommodate it, and it strengthened the importance of men to the support of their families. Like other southeastern Indians, the Choctaws were crosscut by a great organizing principle, the moiety (“half”), an anthropological term denoting an additional division of the tribe into halves reaching throughout all villages. Marriage had to cross moiety boundaries, and members of each moiety performed ceremonies (such as for annual renewal and mourning) for members of the opposite moiety. Moiety allegiances inevitably had political importance, too, since civil chiefs came from one moiety and war chiefs from the other. Because the Choctaws were so powerful during the eighteenth century and their good graces so crucial to the safety of European settlers, a good deal was written 2

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239

The Cartography of Early Contact conception of the Mississippi and its tributaries found on Coronelli’s map as possibly reflecting a schematized style of native depiction of hydrography. In view of Coronelli’s undoubted use of materials derived from Marquette and Jolliet (and probably from Franquelin’s 1681 Partie de l’Ameérique septentrionale) and the changes in these sources’ representation of tribal location, this possibility is quite likely. As the lower Mississippi was increasingly traveled by explorers more and more in touch with local Indians, this “fish-spine” model for the Mississippi returned to enter the lists against the exaggeratedly sinuous portrayals of Franquelin and Minet. Such drawings are attributed to Tonti (Croguis du Mississipi, 1700; see figure 6.18a), the most experi-

enced European Mississippi traveler before the coming of the Le Moynes, and to others he escorted (Archives of the Seminary of Quebec, sa, nos. 41 and 43; see also Jacques Bureau’s 1700 sketch of the Mississippi River, Chicago Historical Society), and they retain the schematization of the Mississippi mouth that brings it flat against a straight east-west shore — a practice cited by Lewis (1986:15) as characterizing Indian maps — when Tonti knew from personal experience that the river made a considerable bend to the southeast. The Delisles apparently also made such a map at one point (Partie du Mississipi et rivieres adjacentes, figure 6.18b); it shows the course of

the river and its main tributaries from the Missouri to the Red River confluence, and the profuse notes that accompany it include lists of tribal names that can be matched

point for point with testimony from the Taensa guide Iberville picked up at the Oumas; according to Iberville’s testimony (1981:70—76), the guide drew a map that covered the river and its tributaries and inhabitants from about the Red River to the Arkansas. If the Delisle map is not a draft of that Indian map, then it reflects Delisle’s reading of Iberville’s logs exactly. Because of the overwhelming importance of the Delisles’s work, we need to understand their procedures for evaluating and assimilating evidence and to trace in detail the development of information on their maps about Indian tribes. As has been seen, they first collected all available maps, journals, travel accounts, and astronomical observations. Their map sketches show that they had a precise method of converting narrative evidence to cartographic depiction: they drew a conventionalized outline of

the region covered by the narrative and then marked on that sketch the relative locations and dates of events together with any mentions of distance. In this way they constructed a primitive triangulation using distances (converted from inferred days of travel where no other evidence was available) that permitted them to place loca-

tions in the interior working from more precisely known locations on the coast (many of whose latitudes, at least, were known from explicit observations). ‘To assure the relative accuracy of the distances, they sought testimony from different observers

that covered the same region: the collection includes some thirty maps of the St. Lawrence and upper Great Lakes region, for example — many of them identical 240

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§3). Court pt ’par de Marin LP’ ee IS. G. 3-12 rks are the lount T.

the C and Ol la ( oh¢ ymé one hou ) a) o hou h se), the Minco ses), the Etouchoco ses) and east of th C (one house’: i co (one ho ; the Alabama Riv ; in the forks is I V the loca Orks “ a (YOU

on O 5 ' e ot eatest a g ‘ e OV 7 terest ; ation ersisoan . ama additional 1 agoula check om

1 usl h a iver h S18 a . atef of s1isa orof[2] . .Michi ich °” raphic octaws erthinhabi intere

s 1s also of in the of Pascago but the watersheds 1 inhabitants th rest ,here, b car al informati ck on the pers! 18 ee-Alab

, tence o the1 fa er information ain Further 1 1s data vova . certal nl Bien ervill d , and his rother orthcomin

man . a e€ cause th ,e ated changtogures 6 vil. ifesting

S r.younger A related enville b explored fo al ade th yet other anoth ueur. A ienvl em group of th|red alon 6.24 6.2 ree maps g wit the red » 9.25) an 4]re sulte oubta

ese three m hav estored in the +235 illages. Be a remark 1701 ps have beenCa. 1 nelocati of the archival seri h In separat ' Choct

;a BAG: eeHi; Nee oS ESE DES\,eeCHAQUA ge%CB OreShin fe ar a es Bhan. . rn CHyete 2. F CPMAGES dee CapuiasSees ee, ECD!

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Oe ee ee ee.) tS

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Oe eques ee. ee oe OE De erasaee Cc ee Ws Fe NA i a ae Dba oo” Rot eee AS Mpa OS Ss, SN ee ae ern

Mt F SOQ). Loi iy Oe eee ee ee OR EO . eee Se dedmabnt Bee Wea SN ee Bein 6.24. Delisle, Carte des Environs du Missisipi par G. de I'Isle Geogr., 1701, BSH C4040-4 (Service Historique de la Marine, receuil 69, carte no. 4). Courtesy of the Service Historique de la Marine, Vincennes.

have never before been brought together so that the repetition of this change could be obvious. These maps also contain many additional changes, most of them clear additions to knowledge, and they are not by any means exactly alike: I presume that figure 6.23, although it is engraved and not manuscript, represents the first draft of southeastern North America using the new information because it is relatively sparse for that region. Figure 6.24, also engraved, repeats this information and adds more. Figure 6.25, a manuscript map still retaining many of the features of the other two, is a new beginning for the next iteration in the mapping of the Southeast. Although other relationships suggest that the sequence was not simply linear, all three maps agree on moving most of the forty-four Choctaw villages, first shown in the sketch just discussed, across the Tombigbee, to be strung out along a newly added river where the Black Warrior ought to be. Two of the maps actually repeat the full fortyfour symbols. One might conclude that somehow the order of the Delisle maps cited so far has been reversed and they are wrongly dated — it is hard to imagine the Delisles adding

, 248

retrograde information. But the content of the maps belies this suspicion: the 1700

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6.27. Tracing of BsH c4040-4 indicating explicitly French-explored areas as of 1700.

that, yet without them we would not know the cartographers’ practice of trying and then discarding various possibilities. Two things become abundantly clear, however: except for explicitly explored areas (shown on a tracing of BsH C4040-4 in figure 6.27)

the data on tribal locations came from Indian informants; and although the Delisles felt free to move the (presumably inferred) rivers around, they did not move the tribal locations as referenced to those rivers without concrete information. This habit makes the mystery of the Choctaws’ placement on the Black Warrior even more tantalizing, since it implies that although the data may not have reflected a fact, the Delisles believed that it did.

They did not, however, continue to believe the accuracy of this location. By the time they made the 1702 Carte du Canada et du Mississipi (figure 6.28), they had reverted to the conception of the 1700 sketch, placing the “Chakta ou Indiens a téte 253

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: ; reproduce

ssissip1, 1702 (Ministére des Afta vi

isle, Carte Géographique; re du Canada et du Mississipt, 17 Li Sesive), Courtecy af the New .

d removing the eastern branc ent . mbigbee (Mobile) an Eee;eee ace forthe however, this map plate h lated maps 1s correct, oe oe ecdhae, ” laborate Apalachicoli/H seoecdl other es ddly “retrograde. e elabora nl 1 other featu | ced bys lone nachis hasSpirit disappeared, omFlv ,ion » vionalived b 1S hi/ Holy eeerepThe Apr ionalized hydrography atci version Apalachicoly with a derationalized hy s

The Cartography of Early Contact has Indians; the large general legend “Nations known under the general name of Conchaques and called Apalachicoly by the Spaniards” appears on its upper reaches with an artistic scattering of tower-dots below it. All of this takes up so much room that the Tallapoosa branch of the Alabama River (now “River of the Alibamons”) has been eliminated entirely with all its tribes — but the shift of the Conchaque appellation from the Alabama River implies that the cartographers believed they had got these Indians on the wrong river in 1701. Other tribal distributions remain generally

the same, except that the Anilco, a legacy of Soto, have disappeared entirely, the Tioux have made their retirement, the Tabousa have disappeared from the Yazoo and the Pascagoula from the Mobile delta, and the Colapissa are now shown on a named but attenuated Pear] River. ‘The configuration of the Ohio has been simplified considerably, and the peninsula of Florida is shown without a long peninsula that appeared on its east side in the three 1701 maps. Since in some aspects it relates more directly to the “sparse” engraving (6.23) than to the second engraved version (6.24), it is more accurate to think of this map as belonging to another family —- expressing an alternative conclusion. The most famous of the early Delisle maps was published in 1703, and it has been the subject of a number of analyses (Delanglez 1943b, 1945; Cumming 1958:172-

73; figure 6.29a). Unlike the 1702 map, for which no precise draft can be found, several previous maps are relevant to that of 1703. It clearly owes some of its information to the two versions of Carte des Environs du Missisipi of 1701 (figures 6.23 and 6.24), particularly to the latter version, with its detailed and many-named Apalachicola River. From these maps also come the three mountain ranges (rather than two in 1702) shown to the east of the Rio del Norte, and the hydrography of the Ohio River. The ‘Tallapoosa River is reintroduced as the eastern branch of the Alabama (called River of the Conchaques in 1703) although drawn in the style of the 1702 map. The 1702 change that restored the Choctaws to the west of the Tombigbee holds, but the Colapissa have again been placed on a river emptying into Pontchartrain. The Anil-

cou, Tioux, and Tabousa have disappeared entirely. The 1703 maps preserve the doubling of the Caouita location and introduction of the Alibamons found in the second engraved 1701 version (6.24), but the Conihaque and Assemomon have vanished. Overland trails are excluded from the 1703 maps, perhaps showing further influence of the 1702 map. At least one manuscript draft exists for 1703, entitled Carte du Mexique de la Floride et des terres des Anglois en Amerique avec les Isles Adjacentes (figure 6.29b). ‘This map

incorporates substantially everything the engraver used. In addition, there is an extant inventory headed “Livres memoires Cartes imprimees ou M. S. dont on s’est servi...” in Claude Delisle’s handwriting, which lists the sources used (Delanglez 1943b). Besides giving the sources for the 1703 map, the inventory reflects the 1703 255

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