Central Eurasian Reader 9783112400388, 9783879973477

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Central Eurasian VOLUME 1

Reader

CENTRAL EURASIAN READER A Biennial Journal of Critical Bibliography and Epistemology of Central Eurasian Studies

I2OO8 K

S

KLAUS SCHWARZ VERLAG • BERLIN

C e n t r a l Eurasian Reader A biennial journal of selective and critical bibliography published by the Oxiana Foundation / Fondation Transoxiane, with the Combined Research Team 8032, "Turkic & Ottoman Studies" CNRS - EHESS - Collège de France, Paris

The

C E N T R A L EURASIAN READER

publishes, every t w o years, a set of critical notices on books, col-

lective volumes, and isolated papers of scientific character published on the mediaeval, modern and contemporary Islamic-background societies and minority groups of Central Eurasia (Russia, the Caucasus, Central Asia, China). Disciplines covered by the journal are epistemology, bibliography, geography, history, history of sciences, history of techniques, history of art, philosophy, studies on religions, linguistics, history of literature, anthropology, sociology, economy, political science. All opinions expressed in this journal are those of the individual authors of reviews, and do not necessarily coincide w i t h those of t h e

C E N T R A L EURASIAN READER.

Editor: Stéphane A.

Subscription: DUDOIGNON

Secretary of Redaction: Xavier LE TORRIVELLEC

Address:

Klaus Schwarz Verlag G m b H Fidicinstr. 29 D-10965 Berlin Email: [email protected] URL: klaus-schwarz-verlag.com Layout: Tim M ü c k e Cover design: Alexandre Gueivandov

Central Eurasian Reader CNRS - EHESS U M R 8032 "Etudes t u r q u e s et ottomanes" 54, bd. Raspail F-75018 Paris Tel: ++33 (0)14954 2301 Fax:++33 (0)14954 2672 Email: [email protected]

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without permission in writingfrom the Publishers.

® Oxiana Foundation / Fondation Transoxiane, Paris

ISBN 978-3-87997-347-7

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek: http://dnb.ddb.de British Library Cataloguing in Publication data: http://www.bl.uk Library of Congress control number available: http://www.loc.gov

•

KLAUS SCHWARZ VERLAG • BERLIN

CENTRE NATIONAL D E LA RECHERCHE SCIENTIFIQUE

Redaction Committee:

Frédéric LEOTAR

Sergei ABASHIN

Scott C. LEVI

(Institute

of Ethnology

and Anthropology,

(University (University

Moscow)

(Martin Luther University, (Harvard

University,

(Georgetown

Tashkent)

Cambridge,

Naima NEFLIASHEVA

School f o r Social Sciences,

(Centrefor

Paris)

Azad Institute of Asian

Centre for Scientific

(Woodrow

Tokyo)

of Science,

Tokyo)

Research,

Paris)

Wilson Centre, Washington,

(Sergiu AI-George

DC)

Centre for Scientific

Institute of Oriental

Studies,

Gael RABALLAND

-

(Choiseul

Institute,

Paris)

Gilles RIAUX Research,

Allen J. FRANK

Paris)

(French Institute of Research

in Iran,

Tehran)

Gusel SABIROVA MD)

Society for the Promotion

of Science,

Tokyo)

GÔYÛSHOV

(Baku State University)

Simbirsk)

(Institute

of Ethnography,

Kazan)

(Aoyama

Gakuin

University,

Tokyo)

Willard SUNDERLAND

(Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology,

Halle)

(University of Cincinnati,

Raphaël JOZAN

OH)

Ismail TÜRKOÖLU

School of Civil Engineering,

Albert KAGANOVICH

Paris)

(Marmara

University,

Istanbul)

Paul W . W E R T H

Jerusalem)

(University

KAWAHARA Yayoi

of Nevada,

Las

Vegas)

Ariane ZEVACO

(Japanese

Society for the Promotion

(Arizona

State University,

Agnès KEFELI

of Science,

Tokyo)

(French Institute

Studies,

(EPHE,

Marlène LARUELLE

Paris)

(University of California, DC)

Languages

Berkeley)

Christopher ATWOOD

Xavier LE TORRIVELLEC Institute for Oriental

Tehran)

Hamid ALGAR

Paris)

Wilson Centre, Washington,

in Iran,

Denise AIGLE

Ufa)

Justine LANDAU University,

of Research

Scientific Committee:

Tempe)

Igor KUCHUMOV (Centre of Ethnological

Centre 'Region',

SUGAWARAjun

S vetlana JACQUESSON

University,

(Research

Lilia SAGITOVA

HAMAMOTO M a m i

(National

of Science,

Rodica POP

Paris)

(Woodrow

Society for the Promotion

(National

ofTsukuha)

(New Sorbonne

Moscow)

Sébastien PEYROUSE

Paris)

Marie-Dominique EVEN

(Hebrew

St.,

Dushanbe)

Alexandre PAPAS

Science, Paris)

(French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent

(National

and Regional

Society for the Promotion

(Japanese

for Political

Cloé DRIEU

(Japanese

Processes,

ONUMA Takahiro

Timur DADABAEV

Altay

Civilisational

(Japanese

Studies,

Thierry CoviLLE

Park,

Kazan)

NÖDA J i n

Leila CHERIF-CHEBBI

(Takoma

Institute of History,

(Public Committee/or Democratic

MA)

Kolhata)

(National

DC)

Parviz MULLOJANOV

Suchandana CHATTERJEE

(University

University,

(Shihab al-Din Marjani

Halle)

Juliette CADIOT

School,

Petersburg

I l n u r MINNULLIN

(Martin Luther University,

(National Foundation

St

James A. MILLWARD

DavidJ. BROPHY

Abul Kalam

Madison)

(Museum of Anthropology,

Berlin)

(French Institute of Central Asian Studies,

(Négocia

Sapporo)

Julietta MESKHIDZE

Ildikô BELLÉR-HANN

(Maulana

University,

(University of Wisconsin,

Bayram BALCI

(Graduate

Kentucky)

Virginia MARTIN

University)

(Harvard University,

of Louisville,

(Hokkaido

Halle)

François Ômer AKAKÇA (Humboldt

Edmonton)

MAEDA Hirotake

Volker ADAM

Laura L. ADAMS

of Alberta,

(Indiana

& Civilisations.,

University,

Bloomington)

Françoise AUBIN

Paris)

(National

V

Centre for Scientific

Research,

Paris)

Bucharest)

Bakhtyar BABAJANOV (Biruni institute of Oriental Studies,

BaberJOHANSEN Tashkent)

(Harvard Divinity School, Cambridge,

Ingeborg BALDAUF

(Free University, Berlin)

(Humboldt University, Berlin)

Michele BERNARDINI

Michael KEMPER

(Studies University 'The Oriental', Naples)

(University of Amsterdam)

Alain BLUM

Adeeb KHALID

(National Centre for Scientific Research,

Paris)

(Carleton College, Northfield, UN)

C. Edmund BOSWORTH

KOMATSU Hisao

(University of Exeter)

(The University of Tokyo)

M a r c o BUTTINO

Anke von KÜGELGEN (University of Bern)

(University of Turin)

Iiudmila A. CHVYR

E d w a r d J. LAZZERINI (Indiana University, Bloomington)

(Institute of Oriental Studies, M o s c o w )

Devin DEWEESE

J o n a t h a n L. LIPMAN

(Indiana University,

Bloomington)

( M o u n t Holyoke College, South Hadley, M A )

Nicola Di COSMO

Beatrice F. MANZ

(Institute of Advanced Studies, Princeton)

(Tufts University, Medford, MA)

M o h a m m a d - R e z a DJALILI (University Graduate Institute of International

Claire MOURADIAN Studies,

(National Centre for Scientific Research,

Geneva)

Paris)

Vitaly NAUMKIN

Gilles DORRONSORO (Pantheon-Sorbonne

MA)

Barbara KELLNER-HEINKELE

(Institute of Oriental Studies, M o s c o w )

University, P a r i s )

Sergei A. PANARIN

J e a n DURING

(Institute of Oriental Studies, M o s c o w )

(National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

J ü r g e n PAUL

Peter FINKE

( M a r t i n Lutlier University, Halle)

Richard POMFRET

(University of Zurich)

François GEORGEON

(University of Adelaide)

(National Centre for Scientific Research, P a r i s )

Felicitas SCHMIEDER

D r u C . GLADNEY

(University of Hägen)

(Pomona College, Claremont, CA)

Gilles VEINSTEIN

Peter B. GOLDEN

(Collège de France, P a r i s )

(Rutgers University, Nj)

Kulbhushan B. WARIKOO

J o - A n n GROSS

(Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi)

Thierry ZARCONE

(The College of New Jersey, Ewing)

Charles HALPERIN

(NationalCentreforScientificResearch,

(Indiana University, Bloomington)

HAMADA Masami (University of Kyoto)

R o b e r t e HAMAYON ( E P H E , Paris)

vi

Paris)

CENTRAL EURASIAN READER CRIMEA - VOLGA - URALS SIBERIA AND THE STEPPE THE CAUCASUS CENTRAL ASIA AFGHANISTAN The CENTRAL EURASIAN READER is a biennial selective and critical bibliographical journal of human and social sciences on the Islamic-background societies and minority groups in European Russia, Siberia, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and China during periods comprised between the conversion to Islam (between the eighth and the nineteenth century CE) and the present. The journal is edited in English in Paris by an international team of collaborators, and published by the Oxiana Foundation / Fondation Transoxiane with the support of the CNRS (Combined Research Team UMR 8032 "Turkic and Ottoman Studies," Paris) and of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Direction of Archaeology and Social Sciences). From the viewpoint of its postulates and content, the journal is the continuation of the extensive reviewing activity developed since 1977 on modern Central Asia and the Caucasus by the journal Abstracta lranica (Tehran Paris). This activity has been summarised and developed for a more limited period in Stéphane A. Dudoignon & Hisao Komatsu, eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18th-20th Centuries), A Selective and Critical Bibliog-

raphy of Works Published between 1985 and 2000, Tokyo: Toyo Bunko, in association with Abstracta lranica, 2 vols., 2003 & 2006.

vii

Essays are selected by the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER among publications of the two previous years and analysed by researchers of corresponding disciplines. Besides books, collective works and individual articles (from journals, collective monographs and encyclopaedias) can be reviewed in the journal, which will be trying to offer an overview as complete as possible of the innovations in the field. The issue Nr. 1 of the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER available in the beginning of 2008 reviews the essays published in 2006-2007. Exceptionally, this first issue of the journal also reviews a selection of particularly significant works published in the course of the previous seven years. Authors, editors, and publishers willing to have their books and articles reviewed are kindly requested to send a copy of them to the Editor. Young researchers are particularly invited to do so in order to have their work better known by the international scientific community.

viii

Tabic of Content Foreword Transcription

Systems

1.

Bibliography, Epistemology, Miscellanies

1.1.

Bibliographies, Catalogues of Manuscripts & Documents

l.l.A.

Bibliographies,

Bio-Bibliographical

Guides, Repertories

1.1.B.

Catalogues

of Manuscripts and Lithographs

13

J.i.C.

Catalogues

and Descriptions

20

1.2.

Epistemology, State of the Art

of Collections of Documents

I.2.A.

History of Various Disciplines and Institutions

I.2.B.

Bio-Bibliographical

1.2.C.

Epistemological

1.3.

Miscellanies: Journals, Colloquia, Collective Works

I.3.A.

New & Jubilee Issues of Periodical Publications

Data, Obituaries Questions

I.3.B.

Festschrifts

I.3.C.

Encyclopaedias,

& Proceedings ofNon-Thematic

Conferences

2.

Geography

2.1.

General Works

2.2.

The Crimea, the Volga-Ural Region, Siberia

2.3.

The Caucasus

2.4.

Western Central Asia

2.5.

Eastern Central Asia

3.

History

3.1.

General Works

II.A.

All Periods

3.1.B.

Before the Modern Russian & Chinese Conquest

Dictionaries

3.I.C.

The Modern Russian & Chinese Empires

3.J.D.

The Soviet & Present Periods

ix

3.2.

The Crimea, the Volga-Ural Region, Siberia

3.2.A.

General Works

168

3.2.B.

Before the Russian Conquest

169

3.2.C.

The Tsarist Period (1552-1917)

176

3.2.D.

The Soviet and Present Periods

193

3.3.

The Caucasus

3.3.A.

General Works

195

3.3.B.

Before the Russian Conquest

197

3.3.C.

The Tsarist Period

198

3.3.D.

The Soviet and Present Periods

204

3.4.

Western Central Asia

3.4.A.

General Works

3.4.B.

Before the Russian Conquest

227

3.4.C.

The Tsarist Period

236

3.4.D.

The Soviet and Present Periods

265

213

3.5.

Eastern Central Asia (mainly Xinjiang)

3.5.A.

General Works

278

3.5.B.

Before the Modem Chinese Conquest

281

3.5.C.

The Qing and Republican Periods

286

3.5.D.

The People's Republic

290

4.

Sciences, Techniques, & Arts

4.1.

General Works

293

4.2.

Sciences and Techniques

293

4.3.

City Planning & Architecture

294

4.4.

Arts & Crafts

299

4.5.

Music & Dance

304

4.6.

Performing Arts & Cinema

310

5.

Philosophy & Religion

5.1.

General Works

5.I.A.

All Religions

315

5.J.B.

Islam

326

5.I.C.

Other than Islam

331

x

5.2. Shiite Islam 5.2.A.

The Isma'iliyya

5.2.B.

Theja'fariyya

5.3.

Sunni Islam

5.3.A.

General Works

5.3.B.

European Russia and Siberia

5.3.C.

The Caucasus

5.3.D.

Western Central Asia

5.3.E.

Eastern Central Asia (mainly Xinjiang)

6.

Languages & Literatures

6.1.

General Works

6.2. Iranian Languages & Literatures 6.2.A.

General Works

6.2.B.

Persian Language & Literature

6.2.C.

Northern Iranian Languages & Literatures

6.3. Turkic Languages & Literatures 6.3.A.

General Works

6.3.B.

Qipchaq Group (Tatar, Bashkir, Kazak, Kyrgyz

6.3.C.

Chaghatay Group (Chaghatay, Uzbek, Uighur)

6.3.D.

OghuzGroup (Turkmen, Azerbaijani,

Karaqalpak)

Anatolian)...

6.4. Caucasian Languages & Literatures 6.5. Other Languages & Literatures

7.

Anthropology & Sociology

7.1.

General Works

7.2.

European Russia and Siberia

7.3.

The Caucasus

7.3.A.

The Northern Caucasus

7.3.B.

The Southern Caucasus

7.4. Western Central Asia 7.4.A.

General Works

7.4.B.

Afghanistan

7.4.C.

Kazakhstan

7.4.D.

Kyrgyzstan

xi

469

7.4. E.

Tajikistan

517

7.4. F.

Turkmenistan

529

7.4.G.

Uzbekistan

531

7.5.

Eastern Central Asia (mainly Xinjiang)

8.

Economy & Political Science

8.1.

General Works

547

8.2.

European Russia and Siberia

554

8.3.

The Caucasus

8.3.A.

General Works

543

564

8.3.B.

The Northern Caucasus

564

8.3.C.

The Southern Caucasus

567

8.4.

Western Central Asia

8.4.A.

General Workd

570

8.4.B.

Afghanistan

579

8.4.C.

Kazakhstan

581

8.4.D. Kyrgyzstan

583

8.4. E.

584

Tajikistan

8.4. F.

Turkmenistan

590

8.4.G.

Uzbekistan

592

8.5.

Eastern Central Asia (mainly Xinjiang)

594

Index of Authors & Editors

597

Index of Themes & Subjects

609

xii

Foreword The present journal is a product of digital technology, and the result of the personal involvement of a numerically small group of persons scattered all over the world by the chances of birth and of professional affiliation. Modern computing resources, notably in the form of online journals, have considerably facilitated the perusal of a large range of publications in most varied disciplines. They also have permitted the setting-up and the very activity of the international network that lies at the basis of the present undertaking. Conversely, the Redaction has endeavoured to counter-balance and to qualify the over-dominance of a limited number of mainly English-language titles on the Internet by offering the largest possible representation, in the pages of the journal, of publications maintained in the lacunae of the worldwide web since they come from less accessible geographical and cultural horizons. For this, the journal's French Redaction has benefited from the considerable, almost unique privilege enjoyed by Paris-based researchers in matter of specialised libraries: the availability of rapid and convenient trains to London and this city's incomparable resources. Besides, our selection have greatly benefited from travels and fieldworks by Collaborators, and from exchanges with authors. This combination of assets has permitted the Redaction to play its role as a provider of information and material to the informal network of scholars who have kindly accepted to participate in this initiative. The rest is a matter of personal involvement by a permanently changing and renewed association of researchers persuaded that the ultimate goal of education and research is less knowledge, as Max Stirner would have put it, than the will that comes out of it. This nonhierarchic gathering of researchers sharing common views of their work and of their place in the world has been responding to a fundamental postulate of the Oxiana Foundation / Fondation Transoxiane (Paris), a newly created immaterial structure that aims at stimulating research on Central Eurasian societies, notably through permanent collective epistemological reflection outside of established institutions—the rapid bureaucratisation of the quickly expanding field of Central Eurasian studies having produced before long the ossification of numerous concepts and practices. Among these concepts, the very notion of Central Eurasia has been so far poorly questioned, though it has given way to a whole set of ever-expanding institutions. The reason for this seems rather simple: Isn't it linked with the construction by default of this newly branded cultural area in the 1990s, in the rush of the much predicted but unexpected concomitant political change in the former Soviet space and in the People's Republic of China? Built for the most part as a consequence of a mechanical expansion of concurring Russian & Soviet, Chinese, Mongolian, Turkic, Indian, Iranian, Islamic and Buddhist studies, Central Eurasian studies still

xiii

lack elementary coherence—which makes them exceptionally attractive and plural, provided that a particular effort be made at maintaining alive a critical distance with the categories at stake. Though initially planned by us for encompassing the whole domain covered in the protracted twentieth century by experiences of state Communism, from the eastern shore of the Adriatic to the Chinese coast of the Pacific Ocean assembled under the common denomination of 'Northern Eurasia', the geographical field encompassed in the present volume of the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER has been provisionally reduced, for mainly organisational reasons, to Islamic-background societies and minority groups in European Russia, Siberia, the Caucasus, and Central Asia, from the eighth century CE to the present. As far as this volume is concerned, the reader cannot fail to observe that relatively much room has been given to Tajikistani and, more generally Persian matters, due to the presence of several Collaborators of the journal in Dushanbe and in Iran during the past two years. According to circumstances and possibilities, each issue of the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER will similarly try to shed new light on a particular area, field, discipline, or issue. One key feature at least of Tajikistani academic activity, however, has been poorly reflected in the following pages. Though this feature belongs to politics more than to research, it also casts a crude light on the level of mutual interweaving of both, shrewdly announced and deplored by Yuri Bregel a dozen of years ago in a memorable essay on the state of Central Asian studies in the former USSR and in Northern America. In a conference at the State Agronomic University of Dushanbe on 2006/09/01, Tajikistani President E. Rahmonov mentioned the common "Aryan" origins of Tajiks and Russians, quoting a publication of his own on the subject. Such a gesture opportunely recalls that national administrations that have come out of the Soviet system have been and are more than ever searching for ideological resources in their own roots, namely in the racial theories of nation developed through the USSR from the 1930s onward. In early-twenty-first-century Tajikistan, this ethnic policy has given way to a series of pressures upon Turkic-speaking communities (see the repression of Uzbek-speaking religious leaders on pretext of their undocumented relations with the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan). It is an expression of thoughtlessness to pretend that, historically, Aryanism in the Russian Empire and Soviet Union was, and is, deprived of a racist or anti-Semitic dimension. Though there will be no big room left in the journal for comments on the flow of pseudo-scientific pamphlets on Aryans, we consider our duty to condemn solemnly the ideological drifts that they reflect, and to which they presently contribute. This being remembered it remains to be said that such an undertaking like the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER would not have been possible without the permanent and decisive support of the leaders and officials of the different institutions that have been part in the preparation of the present volume. This is why it is a pleasure for us to associate in our deepest gratitude: His Excellency Mr. Bernard POLETTI,

xiv

Ambassador of France in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran; Mr. Arnaud DORNON, senior official at the Direction for Archaeology and H u m a n Sciences of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Paris; Prof. Christian BROMBERGER, Director of the French Institute of Research in Iran, Tehran; Dr. Bayram BALCI, Director, and Mr. Oloughbek MANSOUROV, Librarian of the French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent; Dr. Valérie POZNER, Director, and Mr. Marc ELIE, ViceDirector of the French-Russian Centre of Research in Human and Social Sciences of Moscow; Prof. Danièle HERVIEU-LÉGER, the Chair of the Public Graduate School of Social Sciences (EHESS) of Paris; Prof. Alain BLUM, Director of the Centre for the Study of Russian, Caucasian and East-European Worlds, Paris; and to Prof. Françoise MLCHEAU, Director of the "Mediaeval Islam" Laboratory in the Combined Research Team "Orients &r Mediterranean Islam," Paris. It is a particular honour and joy for us to express our deepest gratefulness to Prof. Gilles VEINSTEIN and Prof. François GEORGEON, the successive Directors of the Combined Research Team "Turkic & Ottoman Studies," Paris, for the confidence, the generous encouragements and the support that they have generously lavished on the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER since the latter's very conception and at every step of its preparation. It is also a pleasure for us to thank Mrs. Claude VouiLLEMET, the Administrator of "Turkic and Ottoman Studies," for her friendly attention and patience, that have shown extremely very beneficial to our project. Last b u t by far not least, our warmest gratitude goes to Gerd WlNKELHANE and Tim M Û C K E in Klaus Schwarz Verlag, Berlin, for the genuinely friendly welcome that they have most kindly offered to our project, and for the exceptional professional care that they have given to its realisation. Though the present journal can hardly been regarded w o r t h of its more prestigious model Abstracta Iranica, the yearly journal of selective and critical bibliography published since 1977 by the French Institute of Research in Iran, w i t h o u t this illustrious predecessor none of the ideas developed in the present journal would ever have come to light, to say nothing of the present journal itself. This is why, w i t h all our gratitude to the Redaction of Abstracta Iranica and to its Director Prof. Rémy BOUCHARLAT (CNRS, Lyons) for their friendly support, w e w o u l d like to dedicate this first issue of the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER to Prof. Charles-Henri DE FOUCHÉCOUR, the pioneering founder of Abstracta Iranica in 1977, on the occasion of the journal's thirtieth anniversary. Stéphane A. Dudoignon Permanent Research Fellow, CNRS Combined Research Team "Turkic & Ottoman Studies"

xv

Transcription Systems Arabic Script Diacritical signs have been avoided in all transcriptions proposed in the CENTRAL EURASIAN READER. For the Arabic script, for this first issue of the journal the distinct vocalisation systems of Iranian and Dari or Tajik Persian have been preserved in the transcription, as well as the varying value of certain consonants (for instance that of the Arabic character j being transcribed, as a consonant, respectively, by a V or by a V). Arabic character

Latin

Transcription

Arabic character

Latin

transcription

î

a

(>o

s

I

a / e or i / o or u

Lh*

z

I

o/u

1,

t

M

b

Ji

z

V

P

t

'

¿J

t

i

gh

i

th j

f J

q

ch

lS

k

c

h

^

g

t

kh

é

J

d

J

l

dh

?

m

r

Ù

n

z

J

zh

0

h

u*

s

ti

y/i

L>"

sh

p

e

j J

j

j »

xvi

n

g

w or v / u î

•

Modern Uighur Arabic character

Latin Transcription

u

A a

Qq

•O

Ä ä

K k

(-_1

B b

Arabic charactcr

Latin transcription

G g

1— *1

Pp

ill

T t

¿1 J

z

Jj

?

M m

Ch ch

ù

N n

t

Kh kh

A

H h

j

D d

y

O o

J

R r

y

U u

j

Z z

"y

Ö ö

Zh zh

i1

Ü ü

»

J

j>

ng

L1

W w

w

S s

u1

Sh sh

E e

i

Gh gh

I i

F f

Y y

Cyrillic Script Cyrillic charactcr

Latin Transcription

A a B 6 B B r r F F

A a B b VV G g Gh gh D d E e E e E e Zh zh

J\ R

E Ë e )K

e ë a JK

«

3 3 HH

Cyrillic charactcr P P C T

y y

Y Y o X * h

JJ Z z I i

p p c T y y ¥

y 4> X X h

U u

xvii

Latin transcription R R S T U U U U F Kh H H Ts

r r s t u u u u f kh h h ts

HH K K K K K K JIJI MM HH n h

O o nn 9 e

I i K k Qq Qq LL M m N n Ng ng O o Pp O o

V H

x* T>

3 3 IO K) ft H

Ch J Sh Shch

ch j sh shch

Yy E e Iu iu la ia

Ideographic Scripts As far as Japanese in concerned, a simplified version of the classical, English-centred Hepburn system has been given preference here for more easiness—especially for facilitating the journal's edition on the internet, without deforming the most current transcriptions—: eg., " 1 C h u o A j i a s h i ("History of Middle Asia"); fc^v5 •Y

¿f CO N iti: arujadiido no shozo ("portrait of a J a d i d " ) .

The transcription adopted for Chinese language is that of the pinyin system.

xvui

Ce qui vient au monde pour ne rien troubler ne mérite ni égards ni patience.

René Char

1. Bibliography, Epistcmology, Miscellanies 1.1. Bibliographies, Catalogues of Manuscripts &r Documents L1.A. Bibliographies, Bio-Bibliographical Guides, Repertories 1. ANONYMOUS, "Osnovnye trudy V. V. Naumkina [The Main W o r k s of V. V. Naumkin]," Vostok 2 0 0 5 / 3 : 2 0 2 - 7 Provides a list of V. V. Naumkin's publications by chronological order from 1970 to 2005—revealing a rich scientific itinerary, a testimony of the evolution of key issues of research in Soviet Oriental studies since the last decades of the Cold War period: from studies on the history of Yemen and the Sea of Oman, to more recent publications on Arabic nationalism and the USSR, on conflict resolution in the Middle East, then inside the Muslim—peopled regions of the former USSR, last on the religious factor in Eurasia's current political and geopolitical evolutions, and on Russian perspectives on West Asia's security. The Redaction 2. DAFTARY Farhad, Ismaili Literature: A Bibliography of Sources and Studies, London—New York: I. B. Tauris Publishers, in association with the Institute of Ismaili Studies, London, 2005, XVIII-469 p., appendixes, indexes This monumental work, by a most prominent figure of Isma'ili studies, provides students and researchers with an invaluable tool for documentary inquiry. Though Isma'ili communities of Central Eurasia (mainly Badakhshan) are dealt with by the author through contributions by Soviet and present-day Tajikistani scholars, these communities are well present in the introductory chapter on Isma'ili history and its literary sources, as well as in the wide bibliography of secondary sources—a clear progress if the present work is compared with the available literature on Isma'ilism. The historical peculiarities of Badakhshan have been very well perceived, notably through this region's distinctive literary tradition, drawing on the classical Persian Isma'ili literature, with particular reference to the writings of Nasir-i Khusraw (d. 1070) as well as to the Sufi traditions of Iran and Central Asia. If the Nizaris of the Pamir are not credited with the production of any noteworthy author in the post-Alamut period, they are nevertheless praised for having preserved the bulk of Isma'ili literature of different periods written in Persian language, in

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the form of manuscripts held in numerous private collections by khalifas (local congregation leaders) in Shughnan, Rushan and Ishkashim. However, the author's considerations on the lack of a production of histories of their communities by the Isma'ilis of Badakhshan show excessive, since they do not take into account significant documentary discoveries of the last fifteen years (see infra the section 5.2.A.). A key feature of Badakhshani (and Sindi) Isma'ilism, viz the influence of the Persian gnostic tradition, is well illustrated here, and properly explained by taqiyya (dissimulation) practices of the post-Alamut time. The latter used to bring the faithful to disguise themselves under the cover of Sufism, without necessarily establishing affiliations with any of the Sufi tariqas then spreading in Iran and Central Asia. The introductory historical chapter also stresses the role played by the da'is dispatched from Quhistan (Eastern Iran) during the late Alamut period in the acknowledgement of the Nizari Imamate by the Isma'ilis of Badakhshan and other places of Central Asia (mainly Khuttalan, present-day Khatlan). The author also mentions the role of dynasties of pirs and mirs founded by these da'is, who were to rule over Shughnan and other districts of Badakhshan until the arrival of Russians in Central Asia: They had to face the persecutions by local Timurids and then by Uzbek rulers. In the course of time, the Nizari imams of Badakhshan, where Isma'ilis were led for long periods by those independent dynasties of pirs, took advantage of the changing religious climate in Iran, including the spread of Shiite tendencies through Sunni Sufi orders. They began to reorganise and reinvigorate their da'wa activities and gradually replaced the powerful autonomous pirs with their own local appointees. Nothing is said, unfortunately, of the central social and political role played by the heirs of these dynasties of da'is in Ismalli Badakhshan during the Soviet period. The chapter on Isma'ili studies from the Middle Age to our days mentions in passing the collection of primary textual sources in Shughnan and Rushan by scholars of the late Tsarist and Soviet periods, from Aleksandr A. Semenov (1873-1958) onwards. Unfortunately, the author does not show interested neither in more recent contributions, especially in the discoveries and reassessments of the last fifteen years by young scholars from the University of Khorog and from the Institute of Humanities in the same city, nor by the social science approach experimented during the same period of time by European (mainly German) specialists in economic and social development (see for example in infra 740 & 741 my reviews of the works by Bliss and by Herbers). The bibliography itself is divided up into a first section on published primary sources, Arabic and Persian (each notice includes a bibliography of the text's editions and translations, followed by a short description of the work's content), and a second section on modern studies, in both Oriental and European languages. Specialists of Central Asia will find here interesting references in Russian and Tajik on the destinies of Isma'ilism in Badakhshan—notably descriptions of collections of documents, the result of successive expeditions organised by researchers from Dushanbe until the end of the Soviet period. Unfortunately, if more recent contributions by Western scholars (those by Gabrielle van den Berg, for instance) have found their place in the present reference work, numerous publications of the last fifteen years by scholars from Dushanbe and Khorog (see infra 5.2.A.) have 2

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been let aside. In all, the present book offers a most useful and attractive reference work, by the only scholar capable of covering such a wide historical field—to be completed, as far as Badakhshan is concerned, by reference to the most recent developments of research by Tajikistani scholars and by European specialists in development studies. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

3. DUDOIGNON Stéphane A., KOMATSU Hisao, eds., Research Trends in Modern Cen-

tral Eurasian Studies (18th-20th Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works

Published between 1985 and 2000,2 vols., Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko (Toyo Bunko Re-

search Library: 3 & 7), in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2003 & 2006, XIV-211 + XVIII-397 p.

This two-volume publication orchestrated by the Research Library of the Toyo Bunko (directed by Prof. Dr. Tsugitaka Sato) is a tentative assessment of the evolutions that have necessarily occurred in what we have got accustomed to call the 'Central Eurasian studies' since the political change of the mid-1980s in the USSR, and the economic reforms launched in the People's Republic of China slightly before. Observing at the same time the spectacular quantitative expansion of academic publications on modern and contemporary Central Eurasian societies, and the extreme institutional dissipation of research endeavours, the editors have ambitioned to propose an epistemological covering of the existing bibliography. If the reasons for this lasting gap were probably many, the growing sensation of this lack had been even more felt in the late 1990s by an ever increasing audience. If for the simple cataloguing of publications printed bibliographies are destined to be replaced by computerised databases accessible through the worldwide web, conversely the extreme diversity and varying interest of the ever growing amount of publications creates a new need for selective and critical bibliographies, for helping specialists and students to find their way in the now overabundant and heterogeneous corpus and printed works. The first volume consists of a series of epistemological papers on different aspects of this evolution, in different countries and areas, and in various disciplines (each is summarised infra in I.2.C.): FARKHSHATOV Marsil &r NOACK Christian, "Research Trends in Studies on the History of Islam and Muslim Peoples (Bashkirs, Volga and Siberian Tatars) Conducted in European Russia and Siberia, ca. 19852000," 1-47; UYAMA Tomohiko, "Research Trends in the former Soviet Central Asian Countries," 48-68; HAMADA Masami, "Research Trends in Xinjiang Studies," 69-86; ADAMS Laura L., "Research Trends in Sociology," 87-98; TÛRKOÔLU Ismail, "Central Eurasian Studies in Turkey (1985-2002)," 99-126; KOMATSU Hisao, "Modern Central Eurasian Studies in Japan: An Overview (1985-2000)," 127-155; DUDOIGNON Stéphane A., "Central Eurasian Studies in the European Union: A Short Insight," 156-211. The second volume has been prepared in close association with the French yearbook of Iranian studies Abstracta Iranica (created by Charles-Henri de Fouchécour in 1977, presently edited in Tehran & Paris by the French Institute of Research in Iran). It consists of a selective and critical bibliography of Central Eurasian studies from 1985 to 2000—that the Central Eurasian Reader will endeavCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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our to continue, this journal's main aims, inner structure and principles remaining those of the Toyo Bunko's bibliography. The Redaction

4. FRANK Allen J., Popular Islamic Literature in Kazakhstan: An Annotated Bibliography, Hyattsville, MD: Dunwoody Press, 2007, XIX-3-201 p., appendixes, index The essential purpose of this annotated bibliography is to document Islamic pamphlets that were available in Kazakhstan during a given point of time: The literature described here has been collected around sacred places in the cities of Almaty and Turkistan during three weeks in October 2005 (the date 1995 is erroneously provided on p. III). The bibliography thus provides a snapshot of what sorts on inexpensive Islamic literature was available to Muslims in these two places at that specific moment. Another aim of the bibliography is to explore how the content of this Literature reflects current Islamic debates in Kazakhstan—a country where one can observe, as elsewhere in Central Asia, tensions between, on the one hand, adherents of traditional Islamic practices, especially Sufism and rites associated with Sufism (such as the veneration of saints and shrines), and on the hand other rationalist proponents of reforming the way Islam is practiced. The book is opened with a well-informed and useful overview of the history of Islamic publishing in present-day Kazakhstan, from the early nineteenth century to our days. Relying notably on pioneering and now classical works by Abrar Karimullin (on the history of Arabic and Turkic-language printing in the Volga region) and by Subhanberdina & Seifullina (on the history of book printing among the Kazakhs), the author judiciously notices that the Kazakh oral epic tradition has remained central to the dissemination of Kazakh Islamic knowledge throughout the Russian Imperial period, then strongly influencing the form of massmarket publishing. A.J.F. also points out the key role played by Muslim printing houses in Orenburg, Ufa, and especially Kazan in the creation of a distinctly Kazakh market for inexpensive Islamic literature. A vast body of texts, particularly Islamic texts, was used especially in the Hanafi curriculum: Such works formed the basis of the earliest print publications in the early nineteenth century, and remained the stock-in-trade of Islamic publishers down to 1917. The proportion of Kazakh-language works published in Russia was substantial: It demonstrates the emergence of a unique Kazakh market in this period, and can be viewed as the foundation of modern-day Kazakh-language mass-market publishing, "if not of the Kazakh literary language itself (p. vil)". The Soviet period is rapidly evoked through the evocation of a necessarily limited underground production of Islamic samizdat. The current period, partly documented by Bruce Privratsky's informed and thoughtful ethnographic work, focuses on the evolution of Islamic publishing into a profit-oriented enterprise in the years following independence—which does not prevent many publishers to display clear ideological biases in their publications. In southern Kazakhstan, many Uzbek-language pamphlets are available, both locally produced and imported from Uzbekistan—among the latter, a number of publications of the higher official religious authorities of this country. A second introductory chapter is devoted to ideological and theological cur4

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rents in Kazakhstan mass-market Islamic publishing, which permits the author to put right a number of lasting stereotypes on "Islam in the steppe." The first key aspect is the existence of a strong current of Islamic reformism—A.J.F. introduces Islamic reformism and its early modern history in Russia and the Steppe in a synthetic sub-chapter. As to "folk Islam", in the line of B. Privratsky's work (and his own previous publications on the Tsarist period) the author assesses that, rather than a survival of shamanic views and practices it should be seen as "a surprisingly unified system of Islamic rituals deriving from Sufi practices and conceptions (p. Xl)". A.J.F. still adds that despite the clear Islamic, and especially Sufi antecedents, and the near-universality of this sort of 'popular Islam' in Muslim communities world-wide, Kazakh Muslims have partially assimilated rationalist Soviet and reformist assumptions depicting these practices as somehow 'sub-Islamic'. As a result, the practice of these traditions occurs in a context in which many Kazakh believers now differentiate between 'incorrect' popular practices and 'correct' reformist ones—the Soviet legacy determining in many respects the way Islam is evolving in Kazakhstan today. If before 1917 virtually the only type of education available to Kazakhs was Islamic education, after 1930 the only education legally available to them was secular Soviet education. For this reason during the Soviet period Kazakhs, most of whom have been learning Russian, if not forgetting Kazakh, have become culturally quite distinct from their ancestors, and have had very little exposure to Islam, or to religion in general. Besides, the Soviet period is also characterised as an era during which reformist trends have been almost continuously encouraged by the official authorities of Islam, especially by Ziya al-Din Khan Babakhan (1908-82, a scholar whose family was originating from Sayram, in southern Kazakhstan) during his long tenure (from 1957 to his death) as the Mufti of Middle Asia and Kazakhstan. By January 1990, Kazakhstan had its own muftiyyat, the Religious Board of Kazakhstani Muslims, which has continued the Soviet practice of appointing the imams of the country's Muslim congregations, further reinforcing the prominence of reformist ideas in the country—a theological orientation quite evident in Islamic publishing. Reformist Islam appears particularly appealing among many formerly secularised and urban Kazakhstanis, who were isolated from traditional Kazakh practices, and also adhere to the rationalist conceptions of religiosity characteristic of both Soviet secularism and Islamic reformism. From this viewpoint the publications coming from southern Kazakhstan, notably those collected by the author in the holy city of Turkistan, differ considerably from the works published in Almaty: there, many titles consist of works devoted to local Sufi figures and practices, and particularly to local shrines. His collection and catalogue allow the author to conclude that overall, in Kazakhstan today the same sorts of theological debates between Islamic reformism andCentral Asian traditionalism that have characterised the Islamic history of the Kazakh steppe throughout modern times are evident in "popular" Islamic literature circulating there—the relative openness of the debate in Kazakhstan reflecting the theological peculiarities of markets in, respectively, a reformist centre such as Almaty, and a centre of traditionalism like Turkistan. The catalogue obtained provides invaluable data on books in circulation in the autumn 2005, the photography of a particular moment in the history of Islamic Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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book-printing in Central Asia. The volume is concluded with the publication of some facsimiles and translations. Each notice, besides a detailed description of the book (author, editor, publisher, place and date of publication, print run, language^), ISBN, number of pages, and last but by far not least: the place of purchase), provides invaluable data on the history of the text and on its successive publications in Central Asia or Russia since the nineteenth century. Given the shortness of the author's journey, a remarkable effort has been made for identifying the authors. Three centres of Islamic publishing have been identified in Kazakhstan since independence: Almaty (the centre of Islamic publishing in general as far as Kazakhstan is concerned), and the cities of Shymkent and Turkistan in the southern part of the country. The bibliography is divided up into varied genres: (1) daily prayers and other rituals, including guides for the hajj, for burial rituals, for Qur'an recitation, and for circumcision: the most popular among Islamic booklets, guides for daily prayers and rituals show particularly important in a context characterised, during the past fifteen years, by growing concurrence between rites all over Central Asia; to be noticed in the publications sponsored by the board of Muslims of Kazakhstan: the neighbouring of the Hanafi and Shafi'i madhhabs, in connection with a lasting trend of Central Asian Islam during the whole Soviet period (the post-wwil Chechen influence detected by the author [p. 7] may have been very much overestimated, and remains undocumented); on Shafilsm in twentieth-century Central Asia, see in infra 484 my review of A. Muminov; (2) prayer (dugha) books: the origin of such pamphlets, often translated from Arabic or from Persian language, goes back to the Tsarist era, when numerous versions were printed in Kazan and Ufa, in the Volga-Urals region of Russia; besides public emergencies such as drought, the bulk of the pamphlets in this category are directly connected with healing, particularly healing rituals connected with Qur'an recitation, some dealing with a peculiar class of jinns known in Kazakh tradition as shilde; to be noticed in this category, often based on Sufi sources, some relying on the arch-classic Shams al-ma'arij by the Egyptian mathematician al-Buni (d. 1225), are pamphlets warning Muslims not to give credence to shamans and fortune-tellers (baqsi-balgcr), and critics against the assemblies where young women perform Qur'an recitations and blessings "composed by (male) scholars and ancestors (p. 24):" Such a conservative defence and illustration of traditional authorities of Islam can be met in various genres of contemporary Islamic literature, in Kazakhstan as elsewhere in Central Asia; (3) theology and doctrine: books offering definitions of Islamic terms in Kazakh, mainly according to the Hanafi tradition, though some treatises are translated from the modern Saudi Salafi scholar Ibn Baz (1910-99), others showing striking similarities with writings by the Uzbek reformer Abduvali Qori Mirzoev; (4) Islamic ethics and etiquette: answering specific and general questions of believers related to personal conduct, pamphlets in this category include both essays and collections of maxims; (5) Hadith: based primarily on the comparative analysis of the six canonical

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compilations of the sayings of the prophet Muhammad, the hadith genre does not appear to have been very widely popular before 1917, though today mass-market hadith collections are widely available in Kazakhstan. They fall into two categories: 'more' scholarly traditions in Arabic language, and other works simply containing Kazakh translations, listing hadiths haphazardly and uncritically; (6) Sufism: books dealing with Sufism are often written by historians and archaeologists; in them Soviet critiques often prove to be compatible with Islamic reformism. Conversely, texts written by local Qozhas or Kazakhs collecting oral traditions on specific saints place hagiolatry in the Islamic tradition, and encourage Muslims to make pilgrimages and pray at shrines entrusted to hereditary caretakers (shiraqsh'is). Some treatises making use of sacred genealogies connect prominent saints with the prophet Muhammad, thereby equating Kazakh tradition with Islamic tradition. Reprints of popular and semi-scholarly articles devoted to Ahmad Yasawi's mausoleum in Turkistan illustrate well how shifting ideologies in Kazakhstan have interpreted the shrine and its significance: They combine Soviet patriotism, local regard for the shrine, and a conscious attachment to the Islamic values characterised by Sufism in general, and to the writings of Ahmad Yasawi in particular. Generally speaking, Sufi pamphlets in Kazakhstan seem to be rather localised, and restricted mainly to the southern part of the country, where the major shrines are located; (7) Nur-Nama ("Book if Divine Light"): the main theme of this work is the Sufi conception of the nur-i muhammadiyya, the Divine Light of Muhammad. In the Central Asian versions of the work, in either Turkic or Arabic language, the narrative relates how God created the Divine Light of Muhammad before He created anything else. The Nur-Nama was very popular in Central Asia before 1917 and during the Soviet period, and clearly remains so today, in spite of critics by reformist theologians like the former Tashkent mufti Muhammad-Sodiq Muhammad-Yusuf, who considers it an apocryphal work that "has nothing to do with Islam." In the same spirit some of the recent university-background editors of the Nur-Nama denounce most previous prints as dull and "superstitious", criticising the popular rites linked with patron-saints (pirs). Interestingly enough, the text has also been edited by Turkistani Qozhas as a classic used by "our ancestors," with prolepses asserting that the book is not a work of witchcraft—"s'iqir, zhadil'iq kitap ernes [89]"—, and illustrations on the making of amulets; (8) aq bata (lit. "pure blessing": designates different kinds of blessings performed in varied occasions, the word bata deriving from Arabic fatiha, the first chapter of the Qur'an which among Muslims is often performed as a blessing). The aq bata genre is distinct from prayers known as dugha (from the Arabic word du'a) as the former are performed in Kazakh, while the latter are performed in Arabic, usually a Qur'an recitation. The prayers convey numerous invocations of patron saints, especially Qidir Ata (know in Islamic tradition as Khidr or Khizr), among the Kazakh a patron saint of agriculture and vegetation in general. One also finds invocations of legendary Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Islamising saints like Baba Tilkles, and general appeals to saints and spirits, as well as to Sufi-associated spirits such as the qirq shilten. The blessings are all in verse, usually consisting of rhyming couplets from seven to twentyeight verse long; ( 9 ) Islamic history: this category is divided up into (a) biographies of the prophet Muhammad and (b) literary works based on epic tradition recounting the deeds of the caliphs, who appear as Muslim epic heroes, sometimes with the action set in a Central Asian milieu—such work being often translated into Kazakh and versified from Persian originals. Among biographies of the Prophet Muhammad must be mentioned a book on the wives of the Prophet by Muhammad Mahmud al-Sawwaf, one of the founders of the Iraqi Islamic Party in 1944, who used this opportunity to advocate the practice of polygamy. Given the present overall state of the Islamic book market in Central Asia, sacred city histories are probably one of the most underrepresented categories in the whole collection, though they are present in the chapter on Sufism through a pre-modern history of Turkistan, and a history of Sayram based on well-known medieval Islamic histories, as well as a local Chaghatay history of the city; (10) Islamic politics: overall, Islamic debates, including political debates, do not reveal themselves in Central Asian mass-market Islamic literature as a whole. Though the political climate in Kazakhstan is less restrictive than in other countries of the region like Uzbekistan or Turkmenistan, yet the situation differs considerably from Russia's republic of Tatarstan, where discussions of Islamic politics, including institutional and ideological issues, are commonly encountered in printed literature. In this framework, rare works by Sayyid Qutb neighbour with much more official distillations of the official views of Islam in Kazakhstan (stressing notably the influence of Shamanism, and the lasting isolation of the Kazakhs from other peoples and religions as explanations of the specificity of Kazakhstani Islam); (11) dream and interpretation (ta'bir): this category is also nourished by classical references (notably to the dream interpretation manual by Ibn Sirin [654-728 CE]). Many modern Kazakhs have integrated the categories of Russian and Soviet ethnography as well as those of Islamic reformism, distinguishing between "Islamic" dream interpretation, based on Islamic sacred and literary sources, and "Kazakh" dream interpretation, collected from Kazakh oral sources, and often grouped with "superstitions"; (12) sorcery and divination: healers (tdwips, emshis) are often women, and their methods typically involve both Qur'an recitation, as well diagnosing illnesses by measuring pulse and other methods. Sorcery perse (siqir) is generally condemned in Islamic law, but according to B. Privratsky (see his already classical Muslim Turkistan: Kazctk Religion and Collective Memory, Richmond: Curzon, 2001: 217), at least occasionally practices in southern Kazakhstan, and closely linked with divination (bal, most probably from Persian fal). Semi-scholarly works address Kazakh traditions of divination and fortunetelling, particularly the popular practice of qumalaq, the casting of lots on a grid to determine the person's fortune—the authors of these works seeking Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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to link the practice to Kazakh shamanic tradition. Conversely, in this field of activity too Saudi influence is to be felt, notably through the Kazakh translation of a pamphlet authored by a Salafi-inspired scholar from Jeddah, known as a specialist in using the Qur'an for healing illness and those afflicted by jinns and sorcery: If this authority determines healers to be licit, however seers (koripkcls), fortune-tellers (balgcrs, balsh'is), and shamans (baqsis) are seen here as illicit and practitioners of sorcery... (13) Women: pamphlets addressing women's issues are fairly common in Kazakhstan, and usually strong sellers, both locally produced and translations from primarily Saudi originals. For the most part these pamphlets address issues such as the proper ethics and etiquette for Muslim women, through classical examples like that of the wives of the prophet Muhammad. Though their authors do not openly criticise the role of women in Kazakhstani secular society, they appeal to generalise conservative values, proclaiming the family unit, and traditional gender roles, as a bulwark against the social disruption that has followed the collapse of the Soviet Union. (14) calendars and calendars-almanacs: produced mainly by the official religious establishment, they illustrate well the evolution of Soviet concepts underlying Kazakhstani patriotism and national ideology, and the supremacy of the reformist conceptions underlying officially endorsed ideas concerning Islam. Indeed, the outburst of Islamic publishing in the former USSR since 1991 remains still relatively limited, if compared with the massive scale of Islamic publishing in Russia before 1917. In Kazakhstan, it to a large degree reveals a conscious continuity with the pre-Soviet traditions, and attests of a wide range of Islamic publications. At the same time, Soviet-era criticisms, evidently still circulating in Kazakhstani society, continue to exert a strong influence on the content of Islamic literature. This influence is reinforced with that of Islamic reformist trends, coming from authors from both inside Kazakhstan or from the former Russian-Soviet domain (see the place devoted in calendars-almanacs to early-twentieth century reformist authors like Isma'il Ghasprali [1851-1914], Mir Ya'qub Dawlat-ughli [18851935], or Khalil Dustmuhammad-ughli [1883-1939]), and from abroad (mainly Saudi Arabia or Iraq as far as the Near-East is concerned). Numerous texts, both reformist and traditionalist, defend the prerogatives of traditional authorities of Islam: for instance treatises on prayer often offer warnings to the readers that prayers designated for healing afflictions should only be performed by Islamic healers, "possessing a number of specifically Islamic qualities:" First the healer (cmshi, tdwip [from the Arabic tabib through a Persian intermediary]) must have a master who gave him or her a formal blessing (bata)\ second, the person who obtained the blessing must perform the five daily prayers, observe the Ramadan fast, perform ablutions, and be clean; third, he or she must have his own personal path that comes from the ancestors—this insistence on a combination of spiritual and genealogical affiliation being a key feature of healing in Central Asia. In short, this apparently modest but successfully ambitious book offers an exceptionally sharp insight on the state of the Islamic discourse and the Islamic debate in Central Asia, twenty years after Gorbachev's coming to power in the forCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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mer USSR. The innumerable misprints that have been brought about by a hastily preparation do not manage to hamper the reading nor the proper understanding of Allen J. Frank's captivating work. Some critics indeed may be expressed, for instance on the fact that the author, a deserving pupil of Devin DeWeese and of the particularly fertile School of Bloomington, has focused his attention on pilgrimage places, totally forgetting other spaces of Islamic religious practice and thought, notably the madrasas that are conspicuous by their weak representation from the present collection though they both produce and absorb a vast majority of the Islamic literature printed or sold in Central Asia, in the form of innumerable textbooks of varied size and content. One may also deplore—as the author himself does in a prolepsis worth of those used by Kazakhstani scholars of Islam themselves—the qualification of the studied literature as "popular" or "intended for a popular audience (p. III)." Given the wide typology of the genres here represented, and the openness of their respective authorships and readerships, it seems simplistic to use such a restrictive appellation, heavily connoted by the legacy of social sciences studies—both Western and Soviet—of Central Asian Islam. The same could be said of an apparently more felicitous expression, that of "mass-market" Islamic publishing: this too does not reflect the very functioning of the Islamic book market in modern-day Central Asia, a key feature of which is the printing of religious literature for limited readerships. (I think, in particular, to a number of recently printed collections of mystical poetry edited at their expense by wives, sons, daughters or disciples of relatively numerous underground authors of the Soviet period.) "Inexpensive Islamic literature" seems more appropriate, and represents a real progress towards more simplicity and lesser systématisation in dealing with the modern history of Islam in Central Eurasia. However, the most deplorably restrictive and inappropriate denomination proposed by Allen J. Frank remains probably that given of his book's very title, for the simple reason that his work is much more than a mere bibliography: Under this cover, it proposes to the international readership no less than a captivating and very detailed insight into the world of Islamic discourse in modern-day Central Asia. In the future, ethnographers and specialists of Russian and Soviet studies will be deprived of the possibility to argue of the inaccessibility of primary sources, which may contribute to a deep and long awaited renewal of collective perceptions of Islam in Central Asia. (For a review of another contribution in the same spirit by the same author, see our review of his "Islamic Debates" in infra 473.) Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 5. GAMMER Moshe, "Shamil and the Murid Movement, 1830-1859: An Attempt at a Comprehensive Bibliography - Supplement 1," Central Asian Survey 21/3

(2002): 333-40 This is the second part of an extremely useful bibliography published in Central Asian Survey 10/1-2 (1991): 189-247. It includes both publications and reprints and translations of publications already mentioned in the original bibliography. Rare sources in Arabic or vernacular languages are present, through translations mainly into Russian language. The Redaction 10

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6. HABIBI'AZAD Nahid, Ketabshenasi-ye towsifi-ye Tajikestan [A Descriptive Bibliography of Tajikistan], Dushanbe: Rayzani-ye farhangi-ye Sefarat-e Jomhuri-ye eslami-ye Iran dar Tajikestan, 1381/2002, 212-204 p., ill., index in Arabic and Cyrillic alphabets Thanks to the author's perusal of numerous periodic publications, this useful work provides a rather complete panorama of the Iranian publications of the last thirty years about Tajikistan and, more generally, about the history and present state of Persian culture in Central Asia. Notices are organised on a disciplinary basis, with a significant section on the cooperation of Central Asian states with the Islamic Republic; they sometimes include a short description of the reference's content. The Redaction 7. LESLIE Donald Daniel, YANG Dae, YOUSSEF Ahmed, Islam in Traditional China: A Bibliographical Guide, Sankt Augustin: Monumenta Serica Institute (Monumenta Serica Monograph Series: 54), 2006,398 p., maps, indexes This bibliographical guide is the work of three researchers from three different cultural backgrounds: Western, Arabic-Persian and Chinese. It aims at a mapping out of the most essential sources on Islam in China (books and surveys in Chinese, Arabic, Persian, English, Japanese, French and German). Assuming that a totally exhaustive work on bibliography is out of reach, the authors have chosen to present a close-up view of the most important primary and secondary sources in the languages mentioned above. A brief introduction precedes the five main parts, and the volume ends with fifty pages of indices (Chinese and Japanese titles, names, topics) and appendixes listing secondary works in Western languages and Chinese, that refer to the most recent publications. The first part (31-48) introduces a history of the main sources and locates them in libraries, archives and catalogues. The second part (49-108) describes the historic sources, Chinese (including Muslim) as well as Arabic, Persian and Western. It also includes invaluable lists of secondary sources quoting primary ones, mostly in Western languages and Chinese. Part three (109-32) is devoted to secondary sources (bibliographies, collections, journals, theses and dissertations), but references to the sources are very succinct, making it difficult to find out the original book. Part four (133-86) classifies the materials by topics, with brief introductions to them: mosques and Islamic communities; cities and provinces; the origins of Islam in China, etc. The survey devotes thirty pages to the most important biographical works on Muslims in China, divided up into (a) biographies written by Chinese Muslims and (b) biographies written by other authors. This section provides brief biographic and bibliographic indications on nearly 240 personalities. The last pages review general topics such as demography, scientific contributions by Chinese Muslims, dynasties, religion and sociology. The fifth and last part, the most significant, comprises a classification of references to secondary works, listed by author, in Western languages (189-254), Chinese (255-309), Japanese (307-326), Arabic and other languages (326). The present book is the most complete work existing on Chinese Islam bibliography. Donald D. Leslie had written acclaimed works on the history of Islam and Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, EPISTEMOLOGY, MISCELLANIES Judaism in China, particularly on bibliographical sources, but this Guide achieves a research work on sources that lasted for decades, and provides readers with a considerable amount of invaluable information. D.D. Leslie's collaboration with Ahmed Youssef and Yang Daye results in a uniquely diverse selection of sources, from the most ancient Chinese texts to Arabic tales, up to current Chinese publications. Though it pretends to avoid surveying the modern and present times, the book actually makes interesting references that reflect the important studies and publishing activities on Chinese Islam by Chinese researchers (often Muslims themselves) in the People's Republic. One must notice, at the same time, that this collection might have included the particular primary sources written in xiaoerjin [/M^tS]. (Xiaoerjin is an Arabic-Persian alphabetic transcription of the Chinese language, created and used by Chinese Muslims, who were often illiterate in Chinese—see on this matter the project led by Machida Kazuhiko, in Japan, on the collection and digitalisation of those texts .) This Guide might also have included references to Chinese Muslim private publications. Those publications usually reprint classical Arabic, Persian and Chinese religious books, as well as numerous translations of past and contemporary Muslim authors and significant, if non-academic, pieces of erudition. Though explicitly not meant as a comprehensive bibliography, this work remains nonetheless the most complete and useful reference book for those curious of Islam in China, and should remain for many years an indispensable tool for students and researchers. Leila Cherif-Chebbi (National Foundation for Political Science, Paris) 8. MANSUROV O., JACQUESSON Sv„ "Bibliographic karakalpake [A Karakalpak

Bibliography]," Cahiersd'AsieCcntrak 10 (2002): 249-67

This compendium of literature on the Karakalpaks supplements the Karakalpak sections of Yuri Bregel's Bibliography of Islamic Central Asia (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University, Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies, 1995, 3 vols.) and closes a volume of recent historical, ethnographic and archaeological studies on the Karakalpaks. The bibliography lists the publications, nearly all of them in Russian, Karakalpak or Uzbek languages that have come to light between 1995 and 2002, distributed into two part: (1) references given in the articles of this special thematic issue of the Cahiers d'Asie Centrale, and (2) a shorter list (pp. 261-7) of reference works published since the achievement, around 1989, of Yu. Bregel's Bibliography. It will thus show useful to those interested in the region, though at the same time it sort of reminds that after the glorious epoch of S. P. Tolstov and T. Zhdanko, the Karakalpaks, as well as their neighbours in the Aral Sea region, remain somehow ignored by present-day researchers in social sciences. The Redaction

9. RAKHMATOVA S., Bibliografiiai zabonshinosii tojik (solhoi 1861-1985) [A Bibliography of Tajik Linguistics (1861-1985)], Dushanbe: Original Maket (Akademiiai ilmhoi Jumhurii Tojikiston, Instituti Zabon va adabiiot ba nomi A. Rudaki), 2003,624 p. 12

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In a spirit that is not remote from that of the Central Eurasian Reader, the author introduces an impressive commented bibliography or books and papers published mainly in Russian and Tajik on the linguistics of Tajik language, from the beginnings of the Russian conquest of Central Asia till the eve of Perestroika. Each reference is followed by a short descriptive comment. As always in this type of work published in the former Soviet space, one can deplore the lack of a thematic index that would have guided the reader through the maze of references (there are some 5,500 of them) classified only by alphabetical order of the authors. However, and although it does not trace real historical perspectives, the work provides, as far as publications in Russian and Tajik languages are concerned, an interesting and complete basis for future epistemological studies. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 10. SARTEKIN Eziz Atawulla, Uyghurchà nâshr qilinghan âsârlâr katalogi (tarikh-mûdâniyât qismi) [Catalogue of the W o r k s Published in Uighur Language (History & Civilisation Section)], Urumchi: Shinjanguniversiteti nàshriyati, 2 0 0 4 , 7 3 4 p. Dense and voluminous, the present book records an enormous amount of notices, articles, monographs, collective volumes and translations published from 1980 to 2004. Indeed, during the 1980s (i.e., under Deng Xiaoping) the Uighur minority in Xinjiang experienced a time of relative toleration that favoured the emergence of scholarly publications in Uighur language. Although the contents arrangement is a bit confusing, this volume focuses on Xinjiang history and civilisation, that is basically: (1) general basic or reference works (surveys, introductions, etc.); (2) archaeology and history of cities and provinces; (3) ancient peoples (Soghdians, Huns, Turks, etc.); (4) dynasties and states; (5) cultural facts (muqam, mctshrap, etc.); (6) classical writings (Oghuz-name, Kashghari's lexicon, etc.); (7) popular literature; (8) customs and traditions (festivals, beliefs, etc.); (9) historical figures— the best-stocked section. For obvious reasons, certain important topics remain poorly documented, Islam in particular. Nevertheless, this bibliographical reader is a invaluable source of information for any specialist of Xinjiang. Alexandre Papas (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) See also: 100 (Vaner); 124 (Asatrian & Borjian)

l.l.B. Catalogues ofManuscripts and Lithographs 11. DMITRIEVA L. V., Katalog tiurkskikh rukopisei Instituta vostokovedeniia Rossiiskoi Akadcmii nauk [Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of Russia], Moscow: Izdatel'skaia firma "Vostochnaia literatura" RAN (Rossiiskaia Akademiia nauk, Sankt-Peterburgskii filial Instituta vostokovedeniia), 2 0 0 2 , 6 1 6 p., indexes The present catalogue is the first providing a description of the whole collection of Turkic-language manuscripts of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of Russia (2,432 notices for 1,674 manuscripts). Descriptions by prominent scholars from previous generations (V. D. Smirnov, A. N. Samoilovich, etc.) Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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have been systematically checked by the author. A short introduction offers a history of the collection since the creation of the Asian Museum in 1818. Manuscripts are classified by disciplines, w i t h a particularly rich representation of history (Nr. 1-159), geography (160-206), linguistic (835-909), literature (937-1859), "folklore" (1924-2168), didactical literature (2169-2200), and above all of "religious matters" (387-653) and hagiography (654-834). Rubrics like astrology, ethics, literary theory, oral tradition and magical literature (notably from the Volga region) have been experimented in this volume for the first time, as far as the present collection is concerned. Beside a great amount of often luxurious O t t o m a n manuscripts, specialists of Central Eurasia will be interested, in particular, in craftsmen's treatises (risalas) and in local chronicles from Transoxiana and Altishahr, as well as in local half-legendary history and abundant religious didactical literature from the VolgaUral region. Given the exceptionally wide range of geographical origins of the manuscripts introduced here, a geographical index would have s h o w n useful. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

12. GARAEVA N., "Rukopisnye kollektsii Kazani [The Manuscripts Collections of Kazan]," in R. M. Mukhametshin, et al, eds., Islam i musul'manskaia kul'tura v Sredncm Povolzh'e: istoriia i sovremennost', Kazan: Master Lain, 2002: 414-21 The article retraces the history and provides a description of the five main public collections of Arabic-script manuscripts in the city of Kazan: (1) the Oriental Section in the Department of Manuscripts and Rare Books of the Scientific Library in the State University of Kazan, (2) the Department of Manuscripts and Textology in the 'A. Ibrahimoff Institute of Language, Literature and Arts in the Academy of Sciences of Tatarstan, (3) the National Archive of the Republic of Tatarstan, (4) the State United Museum of the Republic of Tatarstan, (5) the National Library of the Republic of Tatarstan. The last paragraphs provide elements for the history of Arabic calligraphy in the Middle Volga region. As it is often the case in publications of this category, few interest is shown either in the respective composition of the private collections before their acquisition by such or such public institution, or in the utilisations that used to be made of them by their private collectors, especially during the Soviet period (things that would have been very interesting to know, for instance, as for the collection of the Maijani Friday Mosque of Kazan until the "transfer" of a part of it in the 1970s). Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

13. GHASEMLU Farid, Fehrcst-e noskheha-yi khatti-yefarsi-yi enstitu-ye sharqshenasi-ye Abu Rayhan Biruni-ye farhangestan-i 'olum-e Ozfrakestan [Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts of the Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of Uzbekistan], 2, Tehran: Markaz-e asnad va tarikh-e diplomasi, 1385/ 2006, 332-8 p. During the last decades, varied Iranian institutions and scholars have supported and w o r k e d to the cataloguing of main and minor collections of Persian manuscripts preserved outside of Iran. Such this the case of the catalogue of the notable collection of the al-Biruni Oriental Institute of Tashkent of which the second vol-

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BIBLIOGRAPHIES, CATALOGUES OF MANUSCRIPTS & DOCUMENTS ume compiled by Farid Ghassemlu is now published by the Centre of the Sources of Diplomatic History of the Iranian Foreign Ministry in Tehran. The publication of this volume comes several years after that of the one (Qom, Ketabkhane-ye Mar'ashi-Najafi, 1378/1999, in collaboration with the Markaz-e asnad va tarikh-e diplomasi), where manuscripts regarding history, medicine and poetries have been described. This second volume by Farid Ghassemlu is devoted to the works on 'irfan and Sufism, and includes as well a certain numbers of works dealing with history, philosophy and ethics. (Some of the manuscripts on mysticism of the collection had been already the object of a more concise hand-list edited under the supervision ofMajani, Urinbaev, Bahramiyan and Musayeff, Qom, 1381/2002.) The volume by Ghassemlu describes in all 679 works listed in alphabetic order (pp. 1241). For each work are specified the subject, the collection number, the incipit and the end, the physical description of the codex. A brief outline of the work is provided in the beginning of each notice, enriched in some cases by short supplementary information. The volume is opened by the introduction of the author (pp. 3-8) and it is accompanied at the end by five indexes (pp. 243-332) that list the names of authors and titles of works, names of copyists, year of transcription in chronological order (the oldest codex preserved is dated 526 h.q.), the centuries of undated works, the order of the works according to their collection number. Fabrizio Speziale (Papal Gregorian University of Rome) 14. MOTH AMIN Hoseyn, 'ALIMARDAN Amr-e Yazdan, KARIMI Mehdi, Fehrest-e noskhcha-ye khatti-ye Enstitow-e sharqshenasi va athar-e khatti-ye Tajikcstan [Catalogue

of the Manuscripts of the Institute of Oriental Studies and of the Manuscript Heritage of Tajikistan], 4, Tehran: Edare-ye koll-e asnad va khadamat-e pazhuheshi, 1383[/2004], [ll]-182 p., indexes

This volume is the fourth of the (relatively) new catalogue of the Institute of Oriental Studies and of the Manuscript Heritage of Tajikistan (on the previous volumes, see my review in S. A. Dudoignon & Hisao Komatsu, eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies, 2, Tokyo: Toyo Bunko, in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2006, 6 & 11). The authors propose a series of notices on a coherent ensemble of works in didactical literature intended for madrasa staff and students. As in the previous opuses of the same collection, manuscripts are introduced through the alphabetical order of their titles, and chronological order of the different copies of the same title. Each notice includes the author's name, the manuscript's class mark, the discipline to which its content can be attached (fiqh, falsafa-yi 'amali, tafsir, etc.), the copyist's name and more rarely the copy's date, the style of calligraphy, the type of paper and binding, the number of pages and the format. Given the inner coherence of the whole set, one can deplore the lack of an even short introduction on the works introduced here, as well as on the uses of this literature in the madrasas of Transoxiana up till the present. It is still more regrettable that the authors have not mentioned the origin of the manuscripts, neither the date of their acquisition by the Institute—which would have provided invaluable information on the history of private preservation and on the circulation of manuscripts in twentieth-century Central Asia, in particular during the Soviet

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period. When the sharp inner rivalries of the Institute of Oriental Studies will find an end, some words will have to be said also on the still understudied role played by this institution's Director 'Abd al-Ghani Mirzayeff (Mirzoev, 1908-76) in the collection of manuscripts, and in their communication to researchers and to leading religious figures of Dushanbe and its region—to say nothing of the debt of the authors of the present catalogue toward Mirzayeff's first description of the institute's collection, a bedside book of the present volume's compilers (e.g., Dudoignon & Komatsu, 10). The work ends with very useful indexes of authors and works. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris). 15. OMAROV Kh. A., "Spiski Korana, khraniashchiesia v Fonde vostochnykh rukopisei IIAE: obzor i opisanie [The Copies of the Qur'an Preserved in the Fund of Oriental Manuscripts of the IIAE: Panorama and Description]," in M. S. Gadzhiev, G. Sh. Kaimarazov, A. R. Shikhsaidov, eds., Islam i islamskaia kul'turav Dagestane, Moscow: Izdatel'skaia firma "Vostochnaia Literatura" RAN, 2001: 108-15 The present article is devoted to the copies of the Qur'an preserved in the collection of Oriental manuscripts of the Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the Dagestan Scientific Centre of the Academy of Sciences of Russia. The first part is a brief historical survey of the collection, which comprises three thousand and five hundred manuscripts, including forty eight copies of the Qur'an, and reflecting the evolution of Arabic-language culture in Dagestan from the eleventh to the twentieth century. The second part deals specifically with eight copies of the Qur'an selected for casting light on the specificities of each particular period of the history of Arabic writing in Dagestan, with particular interest in the Kufic style. The text is followed by a short catalogue with a description of these eight copies of the Qur'an. Though this study has no other aim than giving a brief survey of the collection, one can deplore that the analysis of written forms has not been further developed. Marie Efthymiou (EPHE, Paris) 16. RAHMONQULOVA Matluba, Uzbekiston millii univcrsiteti kutubkhonasidagi sharq quliozmalari katalogi [Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts in the Library of the National University of Uzbekistan], Tashkent: Uzbekiston Respublikasi Fanlar Akademiiasi 'Fan' nashriioti, 2007,98 p., indexes The present catalogue contains notices on 447 'Oriental' manuscripts—curiously enough, this terminology has been preserved in the current usage in Central Asia—from the collections of the former SAGU (previously catalogued by A. A. Semenov in 1935 and 1956) and of the Oriental Institute of Turkistan, gathered in the present collection of the National University of Uzbekistan. The manuscripts are classified by the respective disciplines of their titles: history (1-16), philosophy (17-9), law (20-35), religion (36-70), grammar (71-92), literature (verse: 93-148; prose: 149-55; "folklore": 156-79); biography (180-4); cosmography (185); astronomy (186-7). Each notice comprises data on the work's title, author, and history, on

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BIBLIOGRAPHIES, CATALOGUES OF MANUSCRIPTS & DOCUMENTS the manuscript's characterisation, and some clue on the existing bibliography about both (mostly reduced to references to the catalogue of the Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies in Tashkent). Among the most interesting work preserved in the library must be mentioned: - three manuscripts of the Ta'rikh-i Sayyid Raqim (a chronology of Transoxiana and Hindustan from the death of Abu Hanifa in 767 to the year 1644-5, by a writer from Andijan, Mulla Sharaf al-Din A'lam, edited in Tashkent in 1998); - a copy of the Ta'rikh-i Muqim-Khani written in 1703-4 by Muhammad-Yusuf Munshi Khwaja Baqa, a scribe from Balkh active at the court of the Janid rulers Subhan-Quli Khan (r. 1651-80 & 1681-1702) and Muhammad-Muqim Khan (1702-7); the work's second and third parts depict the social and political events in Balkh and around during the seventeenth century and under Muhammad-Muqim Khan; - numerous copies of Persian classical works like the Central Asian fourteenthcentury Chahar Kitab or the Diwans of Hafiz and Bidil, showing their wide distribution; - a set of semi-popular literature: summarily described qissas grouped in the "folklore" section—of which neither authors and contents have been even superficially described. Unfortunately, as it is often the case in studies published in the former Soviet space, no indication is given either on the content of the "documents (hujjatlar)" listed in the historical chapter—notably those dealing with judicial matters under the Emir of Bukhara Muzaffar al-Din Khan (r. 1860-85) [246 folios], and those from the archive of the qushbigi under the Emir of Bukhara 'Abd al-Ahad Khan (r. 18851910) [444 ff]. These shortcomings notwithstanding, one must underline the great care with which the editing work of this catalogue has been achieved. Stéphane A. Dudoignon ('National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 17. SZUPPE Maria, MUMINOV Ashirbek, Catalogue

des manuscrits orientaux du Musée

regional de Qarshi, Ouzbékistan [A Catalogue of the Oriental Manuscripts in the Regional Museum of Qarshi, Uzbekistan], Rome: Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino (Catalogorum: 1), 2004,141 p., map, ill., bibliography, index

The result of an international cooperation implemented during several years, the present catalogue has been achieved in the framework of the programme on "Manuscript Legacies of Muslim Central Asia: Text Research and Studies" of the Combined Research Unit "Iranian World" (Monde iranien) of the French National Centre for Scientific Research (Paris). It is preceded by an introduction in which the authors trace the history of the Regional Museum of Qarshi since its first creation in the mid-1920s and located in the building of the madrasa of Khwaja 'Abd al'Aziz Khan (built between 1900 and 1909, transformed in the 1920s into a jail and an execution plot for Muslim religious leaders). The historical overview of the collection dates the arrival of a majority of its pieces from the last reopening of the museum in the 1970s, in the form of gifts by the local population—though the inventories apparently don't bear any trace of acquisition years nor of the identity of the donors. Most of the manuscripts seem to have been offered by two ladies: Ay-

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Pasha and Rahat-Ay Radhiqova from the wintering village (qishlaq) of Sufikhona in the vicinity of Kitab, a city neighbouring with Shahr-i Sabz. Other volumes have been given by inhabitants of varied neighbourhoods of the city of Qarshi itself and of surrounding villages. The collection has been rediscovered in August 1998 by an expedition organised under M. Szuppe's direction by the French Institute of Central Asian Studies (IFEAC, Tashkent) in the Qashqa-Darya plain—a region associated in the nineteenth century with the active copy and binding of manuscripts. The second part of the introduction offers a precise depiction of the codicological characteristics of the collection, according notably to the languages represented (37 in Arabic and 10 in Persian on a total amount of 52), the dates of copy (the second half of the nineteenth century constituting the absolute majority of the 36 dated or datable manuscripts)—the overrepresentation of late manuscripts being, according to the authors (p. 16), a characteristic of small collections, whether public or private. About the manuscripts' respective contents, the authors remark, beside the unusually weak presence of Sufi texts (limited to one copy of alTahqiqat [alias Tuhfat al-salikin] by Parsa Khwaja), a strong representation of madrasa literature: Islamic law (fiqh, 12 copies for 6 different works), dogmatic theology (kalam, 8 copies for 7 different works), logic (mantiq, 11 copies for the same amount of works), Arabic philology (5 copies for the same amount of works), and of the belles-lettres (subdivided into poetry [5 copies for 4 works] and "popular literature" [2 copies for the same amount of works]). A special chapter is devoted to book craftsmen and the local production of manuscripts. A comparison of the nisbas of the copyist and binders with those of the Rawnaqi collection of Shahr-i Sabz and the Hazrat-Sultan Museum in Turkistan permits the authors to conclude to the dynamic role of Bukhara and of its satellites, but also of regional centres in the Central Asian manuscript production in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. A last chapter evokes the contribution of this specific collection: (1) to our knowledge of the late-eighteenth to early twentieth-century madrasa culture in Central Asia; (2) to the general assessment of the significant role played by Persian language in the learned milieus of the regional urban centres of the khanates of Bukhara and of Khiva until the beginning of the twentieth century; (3) to the identification of unknown authors (notably in the albums of verses), works (notably a previously unknown comment on the Kifaya fi'l-nahw by Ibn al-Hajib, as well as the notebook of a mullah of the Soviet period), or versions of already known works (here a new version of an Iskandar-nama in prose); and (4) to the discovery of archive documents (in this collection, the genealogy of a family of Sufi shaykhs originating from the Fergana Valley). The catalogue properly said provides precise notices of manuscripts distributed according to their respective genres: Qur'an (one copy only, a scarcity explained by the authors by the reluctance of the local population to abandon their copies of the sacred text); sciences of the Qur'an (Nr. 2); ritual and prayers (Nr. 3-4); fiqh (Nr. 516); Sufism (Nr. 17); kalam (Nr. 18-25); philosophy (Nr. 26-7); mantiq (Nr. 28-38); political ethics (Nr. 39); belles-lettres (Nr. 40-6); grammar (Nr. 47-51); documents (Nr. 52). Each notice comprises the title of the text or document, its inventory number, the mention of its language, an overall depiction of the state of the manuscript, its incipit and explicit (with a photographic illustrations of them), its colo18

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phon, with precisions of the style of calligraphy and state of the manuscript and type of its binding, mentioning the names of copyists and binders. The volume is ended with rich indexes of authors; titles; dates of copy; places of copy; copyists; binders; sponsors, owners and waqf donors; seals; works bearing the mention of a waqf. They are followed by a rich bibliography and general indexes. The Redaction 18. TAHIROVA Natalya, "Imam Shamil's Manuscripts in the Collections of Princeton University (from the History of Dagestan's Book Culture in the 19th Century)," Central Asian Survey 21/3 (2002): 325-32 The Arabic book culture of Dagestan has a long and rich tradition and for this reason each new description and characterisation of a single (private or mosque's) collections of manuscripts and lithographs or other printed matter bears significant scientific information. This being valid not only for Dagestan, but also for the whole Northern Caucasus. After all, thanks to the close spiritual contacts between its varied religious centres, and between its scholars of Islam and Arabic language. This is true of N. Tahirova's given publication, which continues the research begun by this author in 1989 on "Shamil's Library" and its fate. The present paper is devoted to the part of the book collection of the Imam now preserved in Princeton University. The list of the titles included in the present catalogue illustrates the wide range of interests of this prominent religious and political leader: it covers a large number of works famous by both Dagestani authors (Hasan al-Kudali, Abu Bakr al-Aymaki, Said al-Harakani, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Tsughuri, Muhammad Tahir al-Qarakhi and others) and by classical Arabic-language authors (e.g. Ibn Hisham, al-Zamakhshari, al-Nawawi, Taj al-Din al-Ghayti, al-Ghazali, al-Suhrawardi, Ibn 'Arabi, al-Busiri). The Princeton collection contains treatises on Arabic grammar, Islamic law, rhetoric, logic, tafsir, hadith, ethics, dogma, eschatology, Sufism, biographies and poetry. N. Tahirova briefly describes each category, concentrating her attention on those she considers the most remarkable ones. The fruits of her investigation allows the author to conclude that two collections—that of Princeton University and the list published by the pristav (Police Inspector) A. I. Runovskii (who was in charge of Shamil during his house arrest in Kaluga)—"are distinct, mutually complementary pars of a single collection (p. 331)." Julietta Meskhidze (Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology, St Petersburg) See also: 510 (Papas); 585 (Erkinov)

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l.l.C. Catalogues and Descriptions of Collections of Documents 19. GATAGOVA L. S„ KOSHELEVA L. P., ROGOVA L. A., eds., TsK RKP(b)

- VKP(b)

i

natsional'nyi vopros, 1.: 1918-1933 gg. [The Central Committee of the Russian / All Russia's Communist (Bolshevik) Party and the National Question, 1918-1933], Moscow: Rosspen, 2005,783 p. This important volume gathers transcriptions of archival documents concerning the national policy of the Bolshevik Party towards nationalities within the young USSR. This review focuses on documents linked with Central Asia and to a lesser extent with the Caucasus—besides which the book also contains numerous documents concerning the Ukrainian, Belorussian and Jewish peoples. For their selection, the authors have chosed to shed light on lesser-known documents involving the lower levels of power in the national Republics, regions or districts, as well as OGPU or Central Committee documents in order to provide at the same time a vision of the implementation of policy from above and from below. They have also tried to implement a transversal approach in order to analyse the relations not only between the centre and the periphery, but also between diverse government and different agencies within the periphery. The book is based on the resources of the RGASPI (Russian State Archive of Social and Political History), its documents coming for the most part from the collections 17 (Central Committee), 5 (Lenin's secretariat), 81 (Kaganovich), 558 (Stalin), 324 (Zinov'ev), etc. for a total of 262 archival documents published. One of the interests of this publication comes from the fact that its authors do not concentrate exclusively on strictly political material—even if the latter is devoted a large room in the volume (through borders' delimitation, inner security matters, rebellions and resistance movements, state-building, raionirovanie)—but show also interested in the most varied aspects, including the cultural ones, of national policy. This choice has permitted the presence of OGPU reports on the hasmachi movement in the Fergana Valley, on nationalist feelings identified as "Uzbekism" or "pan-Turkism"), and of CP materials on the 'enlightenment policy' among minorities, on anti-religious propaganda (with allusions to Islamic religious teaching and pilgrimage matters), and on the swift to the Latin alphabet for Turkic languages. All theses ground-level reports reveal a common lack of enthusiasm form national groups for participating in the political construction of the Soviet system. They generally stress the difficulty to apply the central policy in the periphery. Disorder such as the uprisings in Azerbaijan, the overall anti-Soviet movements or feelings are approached with a wealth of details. Conversely, some documents of the early 1920s reveal the symbolic power of attraction of the new regime (cj. letters from the Chechen Diaspora in Constantinople asking for permission to return to their fatherland), or a willingness to participate in the debates on the national question (cf. letters addressed by a student to Stalin himself with arguments on some theoretical aspects of the nationalities question, with an answer by Stalin to this first correspondence). These nuances reveal the subtlety of the selection and the strong (though undisputable) accent put by the authors on the dramatic consequences of the nationalities policy on national groups. This set of documents casts light on the complexity of the implementation of the nationalities policy on 20

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BIBLIOGRAPHIES, CATALOGUES OF MANUSCRIPTS & DOCUMENTS the ground, with considerable variations between varied regions and groups. Even if one can regret the lack of a thematic classification, the documents being displayed according to the date of their issue (with no index of personal or place names nor ethnic denominations), this rich volume offers an essential tool to every one interested in Soviet history of the 1920s and 1930s. Cloé Drieu (French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent-Paris) 2 0 . HAULE S é b a s t i e n , "Les fonds sur l'histoire du C a u c a s e au XIX e siècle dans

les archives du Service historique de l'Armée de Terre [The Funds on the History of the Caucasus in the Nineteenth Century in the Archive of the Historical Service of t h e A r m y ] , " Cahiers du monde russe 4 5 / 1 - 2 ( 2 0 0 4 ) : 321-58, t a b . In the wake of Michel Lesure's studies on the Russian collections in the Archives of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs (cf. his "Aperçu sur les fonds russes dans les archives du ministère des Affaires étrangères français," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 4/3 (1962): 312-30; ibid., "La France et le Caucase à l'époque de Chamil, à la lumière des dépêches des consuls français," ibid. 19/1-2 (1978): 5-65), the author of the present paper introduces an inventory of the documents housed at the Historical Services of the French Army in Vincennes (east of Paris), related to the history of the Caucasus in the nineteenth century. Not including the collections preserved in the Library of the HSFA, these documents are distributed into three different sections ( W a r Depot, Third Republic, Engineers). A huge majority of them (100 over 230) come from the decade 1850-9, and focus indeed on the Crimean W a r . There is also a good representation (19 items) of the decade 1780-9 and (139 items) of the years from 1870 to 1899—a period marked by the Russo-Turkish W a r and by its impacts on the 'Eastern Question'. The documents were either generated by soldiers on mission (mostly during the Caucasian operations of the Crimean W a r , including a report by the General Staff Headquarters of the Eastern Army on Shamil and the Caucasus), when they do not consist of copies of dispatches by diplomats posted in the area, of press releases, and of varied monographic publications. The paper ends with practical information on research work in the HSFA, and a precise inventory of the documents. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 21. HERRMANN G o t t f r i e d , Persische

Urkunden

der Mongolenzeit:

Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004, XII-206 p., 119 ill.

Text- und

Bildteil,

The palaeographer Gottfried Herrmann has become a world-famous personality for having edited and translated archive documents of an extremely difficult access. In this dense and invaluable volume he offers us the edition and commented translation of twenty-eight thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century documents. In his introduction he explains at length the origin of this project, viz. the discovery in 1975 of a set of documents and coins in the mausoleum of the early Safavid shaykhs in Ardabil. Parts of these documents had previously been published by G. Doerfer ("Mongolica aus Ardabil," Zentralasiatische Studien 9 (1975): 187-263), M. Gronke (Arabische und persische Privaturkunden des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts aus Ardabil, Berlin, 1982)

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and G. Herrmann himself (cf. bibliography: 190). The present work usefully complements these previous publications. The book is divided into two parts: 1) Zum Urkundenwesen der Mongolenzeit (5-45); 2) Texte, Übersetzung, Erläuterungen (43-186). In the first part the author depicts the documents' external aspect, before analysing their structure before putting them back in their cultural context. The "Protocol" is divided into three parts: invocation, intitulatio and promulgatio. G. Herrmann shows how these documents' intitulatio must be resituated in the continuity of practices dating back to the Saljuq period, though they have integrated many Mongol elements—e.g, the utilisation of the formula "yarli manu" or "üge manu (Our Saying)." It should be remarked here that this kind of formula in the letters asking for submission addressed by the great qans to the Latin West, of which some Latin translations have been preserved (besides the Persian translation from the Mongol original of a letter by Güyük to Pope Innocent iv). In these documents can also be found sentences admixing Persian, Turkic and Mongol terms. The book's part on the study of seals (33-42) is particularly interesting from the cultural viewpoint. The author in particular sheds light on the impact of Chinese influence in the utilisation for rulers (Herrscher-Urkunden) of large square seals in red ink called altamgha, whence the seals used in the administration (Diwan-Urkunden) were smaller, of a circular shape, and in golden colour (hence their denomination as altun tamgha-yi kuchak). The book's second part, by far the larger one, is devoted to the edition, translation and comment of the twenty-eight documents. The latter are grouped into three categories: royal documents (for the most part decrees and ordinances issued by Jalayrid and Chupanid rulers), financial documents, and documents issued by the administration. It would show interesting to compare the documents edited in the present work with those transmitted by narrative sources like Rashid al-Din's Jami' al-tawarikh. Such a comparison would permit us to better assess the reliability of those "archive documents" transmitted by chronicles. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 22. KARIMOV El'er, Regesty kaziiskikh dokumentov i khanskikh iarlykov khivinskogo khanstva XVII - nachala XX v. [Registers of Qazis' Documents and Yarliqs of the Khanate of Khiva from the Seventeenth to the Early Twentieth Century], with a preface by Catherine POUJOL, Tashkent: Izdatel'stvo Fan Akademii nauk Respubliki Uzbekistan (Natsional'noe obshchestvo molodykh uchenykh Uzbekistana - Gosudarstvennyi muzei-zapovednik "Ichan-Kara" - Frantsuzskii institut issledovanii Tsentral'noi Azii), 2 0 0 7 , 2 2 4 p., 101 ill. This luxuriously published album, the result of internationally financed expeditions to Khwarezm from 1998 to 2002, and of a richly sponsored editing work, introduces 73 unpublished qazis' documents from a private collection, 5 khan's yarliqs from another private collection, and 14 khan's yarliqs from the collection of the Ichan-Qal'a Reserve-Museum. The earliest of these pieces is a khan's yarliq from 1665, the latest a qazis document of November 16,1925, whence a majority is related to the nineteenth century, especially to the reigns of Sayyid Muhammad Khan (1856-64) and Muhammad-Rahim Khan II (1864-1910). Relying for his bibliogra-

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BIBLIOGRAPHIES, CATALOGUES OF MANUSCRIPTS &R DOCUMENTS phy and interpretation on the classical historical works by R. G. Mukminova about land and landownership in pre-modern Transoxiana, and loftily ignoring the sometimes pioneering contributions by Western and Japanese authors (like those by Isogai Ken'ichi, curiously absent from the present work's numerous footnotes), the author, in his extremely detailed and sometimes verbose introduction, proposes a reinterpretation of some technical terms (like those, mutually related, of tarkhan and suyurghal); he then underlines the prerogatives conferred to the mutawallis of mortmain foundations; sheds light on the significant sums devoted to the financing of Qur'an recitation in the provisions of mortmain deeds (waqf-namas) as far as Khwarezm is concerned—which is interpreted by the author as a means for the local religious personnel to promote its financial interests. In the catalogue properly said, each document is introduced from the viewpoints of its content and physical aspect, then transcribed in Arabic script and transliterated into Latin alphabet. The catalogue is then followed by 101 high-resolution black-and-white photographic reproductions of the documents. Though limited by the author's conservative approach (see his tentative rehabilitation of pre-Soviet qazis according to the criteria of Marxism-Leninism), by his very elliptic evocation of the private collections studied here, and by his omission of significant Western and Japanese contributions of the past decade to the study of Central Asian qazi's and khan's documents, however the description, transcription and photographic illustration of the catalogue provide interesting first-hand material to all those interested in vernacular primary sources of the history of pre-modern Transoxiana. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 23. MUHAMMADAMINOV S., "Novye postupleniia starinnykh pechatei v Bukharskii muzei-zapovednik [New Admissions of Ancient Seals in the Reserve Museum of Bukhara] "O'zbekistonda ijtimoiy fanlar / Obshchestvennye nauki v Uzbekistan 2007/1: 8 8 - 9 0 The article describes a prophylactical muhr-i du'a ("talisman seal" in the author's translation) bearing an invocation of 'Abd-Allah b. 'Abbas (the Prophet's cousin, and the founder of Islamic exegesis). In a mood still nourrished by the postulates of Soviet ethnography, the author identifies it as an expression of "popular beliefs (Rus. narodnye verovaniia)" conveyed by the Islamic "small clergy (melkoe dukhovenstvo)." He links its existence with the ritual activity of mystical orders in late eighteenth-century Bukhara—tracing parallels with the pir-i dastgir seals of the Qadiriyya path. Unfortunately, nothing is said of the origin of this very seal, nor of the use of the muhr-i du'a in Transoxiana from the nineteenth century till our days. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 24. NLKITENKO G. N., SHIGABDINOV R. N„ "Arkhivy Uzbekistana kak istochnik po istorii evreiskoi obshchiny [The Archives of Uzbekistan as a Source for the History of the Jewish Community]," in E. V. Rtveladze, éd., Evrei v Srednei Azii: voprosy istorii i kul'tury, Tashkent: Izdatel'stvo Fan U z R , 2 0 0 4 : 1 2 4 - 3 1 This short and well-written paper, by two connoisseurs of the Central State Archive of the Republic of Uzbekistan, evokes the resources of this fund for the juCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, EPISTEMOLOGY, MISCELLANIES

ridical, economic, social and cultural history of the Jews of Russian Turkistan. The Redaction

25. SHARAFUTDINOVA R. Sh., Araboiazychnye dokumcnty epokhi Shamilia [ArabicLanguage Documents of Shamil's Time], Moscow: Izdatel'skaia firma "Vostochnaia literatura" RAN (Rossiiskaia akademiia nauk, Dagestanskii nauchnyi tsenr, Instituí istorii, arkheologii i etnografii), 2001,262 p., ill. In the last ten years much has been achieved with regard to the publication of nineteenth and early-twentieth-century Arabic documents related to the Caucasian War and the three Imams of Dagestan and Chechnya. Above all, two major historical works on Shamil have been published in translation and facsimile (Kniga vospominanii saiiida Abdurakhmana [Tadhkirat Abd al-Rahman], transí, by M.-S. Saidov, ed. by Kh. Omarov and A.R. Shikhsaidov, Makhachkala, 1997; Kratkoc izlozheniepodrobnogo opisaniia del ¡mama Shamilia [Khulasat al-tafsil 1an ahwal al-lmam Shamwil], transí., comm. and facsimile by Natalia A. Tagirova, Moscow, 2002), as well as one important lexicon of Dagestani scholars (Die lslamgelehrten Daghestans und ihre arabischen Werke. Nadhir ad-Durgilis (st. 1935) Nuzhat al-adhhanfi tarajim 'ulama' Daghistan, ed., transí, and comm. by Michael Kemper and Amri R. Sixsaidov [Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia, 4], Berlin, 2004). In addition, Timur Aitberov published an anthology of Daghestani customary law (Khrestomatiia po istorii prava igosudarstva Dagestana vxvm-XDCw., 2 parts, Makhachkala, 1999), and Khalata Omarov contributed two important anthologies comprising letters of and to Shamil (100 pisem Shamilia, Makhachkala, 1997; Obraztsy araboiazychnykh pisem Dagestana XIX veka, Makhachkala, 2002). Research on the daily correspondences in Shamil's Imamate is now brought further by the Petersburg scholar Rukiia Sh. Sharafutdinova, who already since the early 1970s managed to edit and translate several important Arabic documents from the period of the Caucasian War. Sharafutdinova s anthology comprises 88 letters (most of them preserved as originals in St. Petersburg archives), which are given in Arabic script and Russian translation and provided with short commentaries (with 51 of them also reproduced in facsimile). Twenty-one letters were written by Shamil himself (among them nine to Russian officers), while 22 others were addressed to him (including one allegedly sent by the Ottoman Sultan). The bulk of the remaining letters pertains to the correspondence between Shamil's deputies (na'ibs), as well as all kinds of petitions to the na'ibs. Here we get fresh insight into the political structure of the Imamate; for instance, several letters reveal new information on the function of the amir al-jaysh ("Leader of the Military"), an official whose coordinating function has not come to our attention before (docs. 15, 16,19, 20, 25, 27). In one instance the sender of an Arabic letter took recourse to the Lak language, seemingly in order to convey a secret message (36). The networking within the Imamate is reflected in all kinds of quarrels and intrigues between the na'ibs, and in complaints about their behaviour. Many documents deal with military intelligence, the management of campaigns and supplies for the troops, as well as the treatment of refugees to the Imamate and of prisoners of war. Others reflect day-to-day domestic legal disputes between individual com-

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munity members over issues like land and heritage, or stolen horses and guns; in one case a student complained that his teacher did not admit him t o his course (54). These communal legal issues reveal not only the scope of authority enjoyed by Shamil's na'ibs b u t also that much was still regulated according to customary law (34, 52). In fact, references to the shari'a were mainly of symbolic and declarative nature. Topics of Sufism and shaykhs of the Naqshbandiyya brotherhood are hardly mentioned at all in the correspondences. Shamil is generally addressed w i t h the legal and political title of amir al-mu'minin ("Leader of the Believers," or Caliph), not as a shaykh (the only exception being the above-mentioned ferman of the Ottoman Sultan, which might constitute a forgery for propaganda purposes). The academic division of the book into sections containing all originals and others containing all commentaries makes the study of the documents not always easy, and the reader would have benefited from more historical and biographical explanations. At times the terminology is not completely clarified; to give an example the plural w o r d ma'adhin mentioned in doc. 31 does probably not refer to callers to prayer (sg. mu'adhdhin) b u t to ma'dhuns, that is, deputies of a na'ib in the Imamate. In the case of documents on Kabardinians, Sharafutdinova rightly expresses her hope that future research will shed more light on their identities. As for Dagestan and Chechnya, the most recent network studies on the Imamate have already benefited greatly from her anthology (cf. Michael Kemper, Hcrrschaft, Recht und Islam in Daghcstan: Von den Khanaten und Gemeindebtinden zumjihád-Staat, Wiesbaden, 2005; and Clemens P. Sidorko, Dschihad im Kaukasus: Antikolonialer Widerstand der Dagestaner und Tschetschenen gegen das Zarenreich (18. Jahrhundert bis 1859), Wiesbaden, 2007). Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam)

1.2. Epistemology, State of the Art I.2.A. History of Various Disciplines and

Institutions

26. ASHNIN F. D., ALPATOV V. M., NASILOV D. M., Repressirovannaia tiurkologiia [Repressed Turkology] Moscow: Izdatel'skaia firma "Vostochnaia literatura" R A N ( R o s s i i s k a i a A k a d e m i i a n a u k , I n s t i t u t v o s t o k o v e d e n i i a ) , 2 0 0 2 , 2 9 4 p., ill., bibliography Taking u p the materials of papers published since the early 1960s in various academic journals (in Narody Azii i Afriki and Vostok as far as Moscow is concerned, and in Kazakhstan's Iuridichaskaia gazeta—see my reviews of the most recent of these papers in Abstracta Iranica, reprint in S. A. Dudoignon & Hisao Komatsu, eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18,h'20'h Centuries), 2, A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2000, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko, 2006, 21-2—, the authors provide a series of materials on the repression of figures of Turkic studies in the USSR during the second half of the 1930s. The volume is opened by the publication of sets of documents related w i t h the proceedings undertaken by the Soviet power against, respectively, A. N. Samoilovich and E. D.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, EPISTEMOLOGY, MISCELLANIES

Polivanov. It continues with chapters on the repression of Turkic nationalist intellectuals, writers and researchers in the Azerbaijani, Kazakh, and Kyrgyz SSRs. Taking advantage of the access that they have been granted to the archive of the Ministry of the National Security of Azerbaijan, the authors draw an acute picture of the political situation in Baku in the 1920s-1930s, through the personal destiny, solidarities and—sometimes mutual—oppositions of leading polygraphs and academics (among others Akhundov, Choban-Zade, Gubaidullin, Khodzhaev— through unpublished family archive as far as the latter is concerned). The Kazakh SSR is dealt with through an evocation of the successive waves of repression against former members of the "Alash" party and nationalistic-oriented communists, on the basis of a limited set of documents studied by F. D. Ashnin in 1997 during a short research in the archive of the former KGB in Alma-Ata. However, the dozen of pages (234-45) devoted to the fate of historians, linguists, and critics underscore the wide typology of repressed figures, and their complex mutual relations (as demonstrated by the simultaneous execution, in February 1938, of the differently backgrounded and mutually hostile Asfendiarov, Togzhanov and Kabulov). About the Kirghiz SSR (created in 1935), the authors have concentrated on a group of prominent figures documented by the archive of the Ministry of National Security of Kyrgyzstan—especially on the "Social-Turanian Party," from its alleged creation in 1929 until the physical elimination of the "Sydykov's Thirty" from 1934 onwards: an interesting example, according to a majority of present-day Kyrgyz historians, and to the authors, of the fabrication of group proceedings by OGPU local officers. The authors have also isolated a group of "the lucky ones" who, although closely linked with repressed figures, found their place in the apparatus of the Kyrgyz SSR in the decades following the 'Red Terror'. As well as the previous publications of the same authors, the book demonstrates the fertility of microhistory and prosopography when they are implemented in the study of the Central Eurasian political elites of the early Soviet period—a significant aspect of which is made of the complex relations between leading figures of Russian human and social sciences and their vernacular counterparts (see for instance the case of E. D. Polivanov and Aaly Tokombaev in Frunze/Bishkek). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 27. BASKHANOV M. K., Ocherki istorii russkogo voennogo vostokovedeniia [Studies in H i s t o r y of R u s s i a n M i l i t a r y O r i e n t a l Studies], M o s c o w : Izdatel'skaia firma "Vostochnaia literatura" R A N , 2 0 0 5 The Russian military stands out for the tremendous amount of experts in Eastern affairs that it produced over the nineteenth century. This book is a bio-bibliographical lexicon of Russian military Orientalists in a very broad sense. On the one hand, it includes officers w h o enjoyed some kind of training in Oriental languages (at the Asian Department of the Foreign Ministry, the Tashkent Officer School for Oriental Languages, at the Officer Section of the Oriental Institute in Vladivostok, but also at the Lazarev Institute in Moscow and other institutions). On the other hand, it also comprises officers who had no formal training in Oriental studies but acquired respective skills while on duty in the East. These men served as adminis-

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trators in places like Orenburg, Tashkent, or Tiflis; as military agents in the Ottoman Empire, Iran, Afghanistan, Mongolia, Manchuria, China, Korea, or Japan; or as soldiers in the Caucasian and other wars. They carried out diplomatic missions, or secret military reconnaissance behind the enemy lines; or they took part in geographical, ethnographical, archaeological or other expeditions to explore Russia's East and the adjacent countries. Taken together, they produced an impressing amount of specialised as well as popular literature on the regions they got acquainted with. Of special delight are of course biographies of military undercover agents, like Borzhimskii, who spied in Mongolia in the disguise of a merchant, or Davletshin, who visited Arabia as a Mecca pilgrim. More fundamental literature was produced by military Orientalists with philological interests. Still quoted in our days are Dubrovin and Potto, two popular historians of the Russian conquest of the Caucasus (the latter headed the military historical section in Tiflis); major general Lykoshin, who, during his tenure in Tashkent, translated into Russian the Persianlanguage History of Bukhara by Narshakhi as well as a Sufi treatise and Turkic poems ascribed to Ahmad Yasawi; Nalivkin, another high-ranking officer in the military administration of Turkistan, whose 800 publications include various language manuals as well as a history of Kokand that was later translated into French; Grodekov, who, as governor general of Turkistan, translated an English edition of the Hanafi manual al-Hidaya into Russian; as well as general lieutenant Boguslavskii, who embarked upon a Russian translation of the Qur'an that found huge respect among the Russian academics. General Major Tumanskii, known as a specialist on the Babis, translated not only the Kitab-i aqdas but also Abu'l-Ghazi's History of the Turks and other Oriental works, and he discovered the manuscript of Hudud al-'alam (which was later translated by Minorskii). Similarly, major general Kallaur discovered Turkic Runic inscriptions in the Talas Valley, and made them known to the Russian academics. Another major general, Kastal'skii, is worth mentioning for his efforts in the reconstruction of Ulugh Beg's astronomical observatory in Samarqand (in 1932), and colonel Sitniakovskii for his genealogical tables of the Qungrad dynasty and his description of the mausoleum of Baha' al-Din Naqshband. Besides an enormous quantity of works on geography and natural sciences (two glaciers were named after the explorer Colonel N.L. Korzhenevskii, while Major General Przheval'skii is still famous for his horse), Russian militaries also produced valuable ethnographical surveys (like general lieutenant F. F. Tornau on the Circassians, and shtabs-rotmistr Chokan Valikhanov on the Kazakhs and Uighurs). Three officers, Boguslavskii, Runovskii, and Przheslavskii, worked as military attendants (pristavs) to Imam Shamil during his captivity in Russia, producing valuable accounts of their conversations with the famous prisoner; Colonel Przheslavskii also translated Muhammad-Tahir al-Qarakhi's Arabic chronicle of the North Caucasian Imamate into Russian. While serving in Central Asia and elsewhere, many officers built up significant collections of artwork (esp. carpets), coins, and manuscripts, most of which later went into Russian museums and libraries. In addition, several officers excelled in painting the Orient (c.g. Zatsepin and Karazin) or in photography (Barshchevskii). Some were themselves involved in the establishment of local museums and in Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, EPISTEMOLOGY, MISCELLANIES

"bringing Orientalism home" through exhibitions. While many officers taught Oriental languages at army and non-military schools, Lomakin even founded a private language school in Tashkent. The lexicon also includes some famous military administrators who acted as patrons of Orientalists, like the military governor of Turkistan, von Kaufman (whose cultural efforts in the field of "gathering" and "enlightening" the Orient were however discontinued by his successor, Cherniaev) and Perovskii, the military governor of Orenburg who fostered Russian colonisation in the Steppe. General Ermolov is just included for his diplomatic embassy to the Persian court as well as for his Caucasian diaries, whereas Kuropatkin, later minister of war, is of note because he produced military manuals on "Alzhiriia" (he once accompanied a French expedition into the Sahara), "Kashgariia" (where he fulfilled a diplomatic mission to Ya'qub Bek) and "Turkmeniia" (where he headed the Transcaspian region); later he was instrumental in the establishment of the Tashkent Officers' School for Oriental Languages. Another military administrator directly involved in the production of Orientalist knowledge was A. V. Komarov, head of the "Military-Popular Administration" in the Caucasus and later of the Transcaspian region: he wrote some interesting ethnographic work on Dagestani customary law, and chaired an archaeological congress in Tiflis. Also worth mentioning is General Lieutenant K.G.-E. Mannerheim, who, while gathering military information in China and Tibet, also conducted craniometrical studies for the Finno-Ugric Scientific Society. He later became regent and then (1944-1946) President of Finland, and his huge ethnographical, archaeological and numismatic collections are still preserved in Helsinki. While the work confines itself to Orientalists educated in Imperial Russia, it also gives some valuable information on the revolutionary period and the early Soviet era. Not surprisingly, a huge number of Orientalist officers opposed the Socialists and Bolsheviks, and joined the White forces during the Civil War in Russia. The foremost case to note is that of General L. G. Kornilov, the famous commander of the Russian Imperial army who failed in his attempt to dispose Kerenskii in 1917; in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries he repeatedly travelled on secret military missions to the East, and produced books and articles on Eastern Turkistan, Afghanistan, India, and China. After fleeing from Russia, many "White" Orientalists continued their military careers abroad: Major General Burov, who investigated Northern Afghanistan, became head of a Russian Military school in Gallipoli (Turkey) in 1920; Major General Grudzinskii served in a Russian Cadets' school in Yugoslavia; General Lieutenant Grombchevskii taught geography in the Polish army; and Gregori, author of military manuals, later became instructor of artillery in Manchuria. Some "Orientalists" became involved in émigré officers' societies in Prague and elsewhere, and the Don-Ataman Krasnov, author of a number of novels with Oriental motives, even tried to build up a Cossack regiment for the German Wehrmacht. Less warlike, former General Lieutenant Maslovskii found work as a technician in a French automobile factory and later headed an Orthodox library in Nice, while Polovtsov, who, in 1907, had gathered military intelligence in India, was eventually employed in a casino in Monte Carlo. On the other side of the Civil War frontline, some Imperial military Orientalists 28

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART w e n t over to the Bolsheviks, w h o were in need of military and Orientalist specialists. Here the first to note is A. E. Snesarev, w h o was given command of an entire Soviet army and also served as head of the General Staff's Academy before becoming director of the Institute for Oriental Studies in Moscow (1921-1930); he was briefly sent to the Gulag camps in 1934 and died soon after. Less conspicuously, former Major General Kozlov continued his archaeological w o r k under the Soviets, while colonel Iagello, still remembered today for his Persian-Arabic-Russian dictionary, taught Oriental studies to Soviet agents. More information on the tragic fates of Soviet Orientalists can be found in a recent bio-bibliographical dictionary of Soviet Orientalists w h o were victims of Stalinist repression (Liudi i sud'by: Biobibliograficheskii slovar' vostokovedov-zhertv

poiiticheskogo tcrrora v sovetskii period (1917-1991),

eds. Ia. V. Vasil'kov & M. Iu. Sorokina, St Petersburg: "Peterburgskoe vostokovedenie", 2003; not used by Baskhanov—see my review in infra 53). Like Liudi i sud'by, Baskhanov's lexicon does not clearly delineate the boundaries of "Oriental studies" (vostokovedenie)," and it may be asked w h e t h e r some personalities deserved to be included. Also, Baskhanov is certainly correct in drawing our attention to the fact that the importance of Russian military Orientalism has long been neglected, b u t he might have been a little less generous in attributing the epithet uvydaiushchiisia vostokoved (prominent Orientalist)" to persons w h o s e merits, on first glance, do not always seem to justify this qualification. Although still a work in progress (in many entries even the life times are not established yet), the lexicon offers an enormous wealth of detailed information on the lives and w o r k s of Orientalists in the Imperial army, and it provides useful references where to look for more. Basic questions like the connection between military Orientalists and intelligence gathering in the Empire, the relationship to civil and academic institutions, and the transition to Soviet military Oriental studies, can of course hardly be clarified in a lexicon; in addition, a comparison w i t h military Orientalism in other empires, including the British, might also be a most promising interesting endeavour. In this respect it is welcome that M. K. Baskhanov announces, in his introduction, that he will soon present a monograph on the development of Russian military Oriental studies (review in infra 55). Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam)

28. BASSIN Mark, "Classical Eurasianism and the Geopolitics of Russian Identity," Ab Imperio 2 0 0 3 / 2 : 257-68 In this article, Mark Bassin, to whom w e already owe Imperial Visions: Nationalist Imagination and Geographical Expansion in the Russian Far East, 1840-1865 ( C a m b r i d g e :

Cambridge University Press, 1999), contends that important aspects of 1920s1930s Eurasianist thinking were influenced by elements of west European thinking. Using the writings of ethnographer and philologist N. S. Troubetzskoy, he demonstrates that the Eurasianist project can be comprehended in terms of a discourse w h i c h w a s actually quite foreign to Russian national tradition: it came to be fully articulated only in the aftermath of w w i , since the very ideology Troubetzskoy referred to was rather one of decolonisation and national self-determination. Thus, the leading themes of the immediate post-war world were directed as much to the

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colonial realms of the defeated powers as to their European motherlands. Eurasianism sought to endorse these new nationalist aspirations breaking out across the territories of the former Tsarist Empire, but it tried to subordinate them to the legitimacy of a greater "Eurasian" entity. However, in order to be recognised, this greater entity had itself to be authenticated as a single, homogeneous, and voluntaristic community, i.e. a nation. Mark Bassin succeeds here in analysing with finesse one of the major paradoxes of Eurasianist theories, which, like all nationalisms, are at once imitative of and strive to compete against their western model/counter-model. Marlène Laruelle (Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 29. BECKER Seymour, "How Nineteenth-Century Russian Historians Interpreted the Period of Mongol Rule as a Largely Positive Experience in NationBuilding," Ab Impcrio 2006/1:155-76 The works considered here, which span more than a century and have contributed to shape the Russian national consciousness, are those of widely read historians of the first half of the nineteenth century (such as Nikolai Karamzin, Nikolai Polevoi, Mikhail Pogodin, Nikolai Ustriakov) and of the second half of the century (Sergei Solov'ev or Konstantin Bestuzhev-Riumin). The vexed question for them was to judge correctly the horror and shame of the submission of Russia to the "Tatar yoke" during almost one fourth of her history (about two and a half centuries)— the term "Tatar yoke" (Russian igo), first used in the 1660s, became widespread after its inclusion into M. M. Shcherbatov's "History" in the last decades of the eighteenth century. Each author adopts his own approach, but there is a general agreement on the point demonstrated by Karamzin: "Moscow is obliged to the khans for her greatness"—Moscow, i.e. the north-eastern part of Russia which split off from its south-western part due to the submission to the Ulus of Jôchi (Golden Horde). Finally the Mongol rule played the same role in the Russian march toward political unity and greatness as did the Crusades in the history of the West. For educated Russians, 'barbarian' Asia was the opposite of 'civilised' Europe, so that Russia saved Europe not merely from the Mongols but from Asia as well. Moreover, Moscow manipulated the Horde and was in control of it. W h a t has been the Mongols' impact on Russian culture? All the historians did agree on several points, that Russia's language and religion did survive undamaged, but that the moral attitudes and behaviour had been spoiled and that a cultural backwardness resulted from isolation from Europe (there was a discussion about the level of the Mongol influence on cruel corporal punishments and of seclusion of upperclass women.) The victory over the Ulus of Jôchi at Kulikovo in 1380 was a way to reintegrate the European community and the conquest of the two Khanates of Kazan and of Astrakhan by Ivan IV in the 1550s was the retrieval of honour lost when Batu had conquered Russia. Finally, Russia has a proud history, equivalent to that of any European state. (The targeted readership is obviously that of Slavists and practitioners of Russian language, as no title of historical works used there has been translated.) Françoise Aubin (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART 3 0 . CHESHKO S. V., "Sovetskie etnografy o 'natsional'noi politike' v SSSR: komentarii k d o k u m e n t a m [Soviet Ethnographers on t h e 'National Policy' in the U S S R : A C o m m e n t on Documents]," Etnograficheskoeobozrenie 2006/2:144-64 Observing the variety and partiality of many current judgements on the Soviet policy of nationalities, the author insists on the study of primary documents, and publishes a note and a letter addressed by S. P. Tolstov, the Director of the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, to two Secretaries of the Central Committee, respectively B. N. Ponomarev and N. A. Mukhitdinov in March and August 1961. These documents shed light on the specificities of the Soviet ideology and methodology of the study of ethnic processes in the USSR, and of the political development to be given to these processes (notably: a sharp critic of the Tsarist policy towards a series of peoples of Russia; the qualification as "socialist nations" of the titular nations of federated republics; the progressive character recognised to the fusion of small ethnic groups into bigger ones, though Tolstov refuses forced assimilation as a feature of "bourgeois nationalism"; the critic of the "survivals" of the past as an obstacle to socialist transformation). In spite of S. V. Cheshko's incautious assertions on the different levels of integration of the Soviet nations in the mid-twentieth century—allegedly high for the Tatars, who were nevertheless denied the quality of a "socialist nation," but "poor" for the Uzbeks, who had a federated republic of their own . . .—this publication contributes significantly to illustrate the role, if not the influence of academic ethnography in the shaping of the official discourse on nationalities Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 31. FLRSOV E. IU., "Rossiiskie armiane i ikh issledovateli [The Armenians of Russia and Their Researchers]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2 0 0 6 / 1 : 7 2 - 9 1 The author surveys the study of Russia's Armenians in four major disciplines of the human and social sciences: (1) history and ethnography; (2) Soviet ethno-sociology (3) the qualitative method (4) and the 'systemic' approach—the combination of which is presented here as both a common feature of present-day ethnic studies, and a result of the studied object's multifaceted realities. The Redaction 3 2 . GLEBOV Sergei, "Granitsy imperii kak granitsy moderna: antikolonial'naia ritorika i teoriia kult'urnykh tipov v evraziistve [Imperial Borders as the Boundaries of Modernity: Anticolonialist Rhetoric and t h e T h e o r y of Cultural Types in Eurasianism]," Ab Imperio 2 0 0 3 / 2 : 2 6 7 - 9 1 In this article, Sergei Glebov, who is the author of a very interesting doctorate entitled The Challenge of the Modern: The Eurasianist Ideology and Movement, 1920-29 (State University of New Jersey, 2004), provides a very original analysis of Eurasianism. His central idea is that, in Eurasianism, the borders of the empire are also the borders of the modern. Accordingly, he demonstrates how the "Orientalising" complex Russia had transformed after WWI as a result of the critiques directed against European colonialism. As the first thinker since 1920 to apply the colonialist

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framework to the Russian situation (in his Europe and Humanity [Evropa i Movechestvo]), Troubetzkoy argued further for the need for decolonisation. Indeed, for the Eurasiansists, decolonisation was not simply a political or economic matter; it was more importantly an identity issue: as S. Glebov stresses it, Eurasianism sees in western science, in particular in the evolution and the idea of stages of development, a mode of ideological control over non-western societies. The author thus endeavours to retrace what he calls "the genealogy of areal thinking" through nineteenth-century Germanic ethnology, the theories of N. Danilevskii and K. Leont'ev in Russia, not to mention the debates about "civilisations" that formed around O. Spengler's book. As a matter of fact, the Eurasianists were only rarely interested in the border separating Eurasia and Asia: The one that really counted was that separating Eurasia from Europe, since this border was, in their works, regarded not only as political but as epistemological. Marlene Laruelle (Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 33. GLEBOV Sergei, "Mezhdu imperiiami: iz perepiski uchastnikov evraziiskogo dvizheniia [Between Empires: From the Correspondence of Participants in the Eurasianist Movement]," Ab Imperio 2003/2: 293-304 Ab Imperio publishes here several pieces of correspondence between Eurasianists, notably those of N. S. Troubetzskoy to P. P. Suvchinskii. As S. Glebov explains in his presentation, the archive of art critic P. P. Suvchinskii (preserved in the Music Department of the National Library of France in Paris) comprises a unique source for understanding the dynamics at work in the Eurasianist movement in the 1920s: Gathered in it are not only letters by some of the most orthodox Eurasianists, but also by leftist dissidents of the movement who more or less supported the Soviet Union. It also contains correspondence between N. S. Troubetzskoy and P. P. Suvchinskii from 1921 to 1929. Despite their political differences, Troubetzskoy regarded Suvchinskii as the person closest to him. These archival documents also provide valuable information on the financing of the movement and its contacts with the Soviet secret services. This information is to be found in particular in the letters of P. S. Arapov who had managed to bring the Eurasiansist movement in contact with the Trest movement, which itself had been founded by the OGPU in a bid to infiltrate the Emigration. It can only be hoped that this correspondence will one day be published in full and studied in detail. Marlene Laruelle (Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 34. GORSHENINA S. M., "K istorii bukharskogo otdeleniia Imperatorskogo obshchestva vostokovedeniia [Contribution to the History of the Bukharan Section of the Imperial Society of Oriental Studies]," in E. V. Rtveladze, ed., Evrei v SredneiAzii: voprosy istorii i kul'tury, Tashkent: Izdatel'stvo Fan UzR, 2 0 0 4 : 7 9 - 8 5 The Imperial Society of Oriental Studies, founded in 1900 in St. Petersburg, had sections in Tashkent, Ashkhabad, and Bukhara. The Bukharan Section, headed by the Russian Imperial Political Agent in Bukhara, V. I. Ignat'ev, was opened in January of 1901. Its statutes state frankly that the primary goal of the Section was to foster the Russian economic penetration of Central Asia: "The investigation .. . 32

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART of the situation of trade and industry among the peoples of the East, especially with regard to the opportunities of the marketing of Russian goods." Other official goals were the organisation of expositions and museums, of Oriental language courses, and of translations from the Russian to Oriental languages "to introduce the peoples of the Orient to Russia, her customs, morals, and her ways of enlightenment". In addition, it was planned to organise expeditions to other countries in order to support Russian exports. The Bukharan Emir was won as honorary patron, and the Section was intended to attract Bukharan Muslim and Jewish merchants as well, and to support mutual cultural "reconciliation". However, the association was clearly dominated by Russians. It seems that the Section did not show any serious activities or achievements; it was "reopened" at least once, in 1907, and maybe another time around 1911 or 1912. Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam) 35. HALLEZ Xavier, "G. N. Potanin et ¡'intelligentsia kazakhe: entre politique et traditions orales [G. N. Potanin and the Kazkh Intelligentsia: Between Politics and Oral Traditions]," Cahiers d!études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turcoiranien 34 ( 2 0 0 2 ) : 15-43 Through the biography of Grigorii Nikolaevich Potanin (1835-1920) the author stresses the significance of cultural relations between the nascent Kazakh intelligentsia and exiled Russian intellectuals in Western Siberia during the postReform period. Potanin's place is restored in the development, through these exchanges, of scientific research and political thought on questions such as regional autonomy (oblastnichestvo), identity, education. The Redaction 36. JURAEV Ghaffor, "Nazare ba ta'rikhi lahjashinosii tojik [A Glance at the History of the Dialectology of Tajik Language]," Nomaipazhuhishgoh (Dushanbe) 6/11-12 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 133-44 A panoramic overview of the history of the dialectology of the Tajik dialects of Persian language (that are introduced as a language per se in conformity with the postulates of Soviet linguistics) is followed by a short history of the Department of Dialectology of the Rudaki Institute of Tajik Language and Literature (Dushanbe) from its creation in 1959 to its closure after the Tajikistan! civil war. After words on the impact of Rastorgueva's works on the compared dialectology of Tajik "language"—see in infra 67 my review of Molchanova in I.2.B.—, the author evokes the effort expanded in the 1970s-80s for the collection of materials on regional and local Tajik dialects, in and outside Tajikistan. The overall presentation suffers from the bias, now common in Dushanbe, that consists of putting the studies on southern, mainly Khatlani dialects of Tajik Persian language at the origin of every kind of innovation in the field. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 37. KOMATSU Hisao, "Central Asian Studies in Japan," RICAS Newsletter 13 ( 2 0 0 5 ) : 4-6, ill., bibliography Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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After a substantial paper on "Modern Central Eurasian Studies in Japan: An Overview (1985-2000)" (in S. A. Dudoignon & H. Komatsu, eds., Research Trends in Central Eurasian Studies, 1, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko, 2003: 69-86), the author sums up the evolutions and the bibliography of the first years of the twenty-first century. The Redaction 3 8 . KUBO Kazuyuki, "Central Asian History: Japanese Historiography of Islamic Central Asia," Orient (Tokyo) 3 8 ( 2 0 0 3 ) : 1 3 5 - 5 2 , bibliography

This is a short but useful history of Japanese historical studies on Islamic Central Asia. It is divided into two parts: "from the Arab conquests to the fall of the Timurid Empire" and "from the rise of the Central Asian khanates to the beginning of Soviet rule." The author points out the high level of research on the Mongol and Timurid period, and the growing interest in Russian and Soviet Central Asia, shedding light on shortcomings to be overcome. The attached bibliography presents 193 titles with their English translation. Komatsu Hisao (The University of Tokyo) 3 9 . MELVILLE Charles, "Great Britain: X. Iranian Studies in Britain, Islamic Period," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/3, N e w York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2 0 0 2 : 260-7, bibliography

This notice surveys an interest which began in the early seventeenth century with diplomatic and trading visitors to the Safavid court, with pioneer publications, including grammars and translations by scholars who were however not necessarily Persian specialists. Such specialists appear in the eighteenth century when the activities of the East India Company and of soldiers and diplomats serving in the subcontinent provided an impetus to Persian studies. This led to specific posts for teaching Persian language, literature, history and culture during the nineteenth century, and a popularisation of Persian literature through such works as Edward Fitzgerald's R ubaiyat of Omar Khayyam and a voluminous literature of travels in Persia, Afghanistan and, to a lesser extent, in Central Asia. Needs highlighted by the two World Wars of the twentieth century led to an expansion of University posts in Persian during the middle decades of the century, despite the end of empire and the Indian connection, although there was a certain constriction of funding towards the end of that century, which has only been partially offset in recent years. C. Edmund Bosworth (University of Exeter) 4 0 . PETROV I. G., "Muzei arkHeologii i etnografii Tsentra etnologicheskikh issledovanii Ufimskogo nauchnogo tsentra R A N (istoricheskii o c h e r k ) [The Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Centre of Ethnological Studies in the Ufa Centre of the Academy of Sciences of Russia]," Etnograficheskoe obozrcnie 2 0 0 3 / 2 : 1 3 6 - 5 3 This is the first history of the Ufa Museum of Archaeology and Ethnography since its creation in 1976. One of the museum's most active collaborators, the author offers a fascinating view of the Museum's institutional evolution and scientific life.

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART The first chronological stage concerns the effort provided in 1976-1980 for collecting exhibition materials, out of archaeological and ethnographic findings in the Southern Urals. In the second period of its history, from 1980 to 1993, the museum became an important centre for ethnological studies in the whole Volga-Urals region under Rail' Kuzeev (1929-2005)'s leadership. In 1991, the discovery of the Filippovskii kurgan supplied the museum with golden masterpieces of Sarmat tribes (fourth century BCE). In 1993, the creation of the Department of the Urals Peoples of the Ufa Centre of the Academy of Sciences of Russia marked a shift between national-oriented intelligentsias. Included in this new Department, the Museum of Archaeology was detached from the Institute of History, which became the centre of the new Bashkir historiography. On the contrary, the scholars attached to the Museum developed, under the scientific influence of Valerii Tishkov, a less 'primordialistic' analysis of ethnic history. On the basis of Rail' Kuzeev's work, a new research school was formed with dozens of young scholars involved, during the second half of the 1990s, in wide and high-quality ethnological studies. Before his death, Kuzeev managed to reinforce the independence of the Museum by transforming the Department of the Urals Peoples in a Centre of Ethnological Studies. Thanks to this article, it is now possible to trace in detail the history of a peculiar Museum which is at the same time one of the largest depositories of archaeological and ethnographical collections, and one of present-day Russia's most influential academic centres. Xavier Le Torrivellec (National Institute/or Oriental Languages and Civilisations, Paris). 41. RESHETOV A. M., "Zhurnalu rossiiskikh etnografov 7 5 let [The J o u r n a l of the E t h n o g r a p h e r s of Russia is 75 Years Old]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2 0 0 1 / 4 :

27-37

The paper reconstructs the history of the journal Etnograficheskoe obozrenie ("Ethnographic Review"), published in Moscow first from 1889 to 1918, then from 1926 onwards—under the titles Etnografiia ("Ethnography") from 1926 to 1931, and Sovetskaia etnografiia ["Soviet Ethnography"] from 1931 to 1992)—, Russia's most prominent ethnographical periodical publication in the Tsarist and Soviet periods. Though deploring the lack of collaboration by representatives of sciences like (physical) anthropology, archaeology, and folklore studies, the author evokes at length the permanent contribution of the journal's authors to the renewal of methodological issues along the 1920s—explicitly taken for a Golden Age of ethnography in the former Soviet Union—, under the growing influence of MarxismLeninism until the journal's final reorganisation in 1931 under a new denomination. See also: TUMARKIN D. D., "Chetyrnadtsat' let v 'Sovetskoi etnografii' (iz vospominanii zamestitelia gl. redaktora zhurnala v 1966-1980 gg.) [Fourteen Years in Sovetskaia Etnografiia (out of the Memories of the Vice-Head-Editor of the Journal in 1966-1980)]," ibid.: 20-6. The Vice-Editor of the journal Sovetskaia etnografiia recalls the change that occurred in the Institute of Ethnography of the U S S R in the aftermath of the nomination of Iu. V. Bromlei as its Director in 1966. In spite of censorship, a new climate appeared, that was largely reflected in the pages of the

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institute's journal, notably through numerous discussions (like the debate on Morgan-Engels' notion of primeval societies). The Redaction 42. RUFFIER Arnaud, "Les gap et ziyâfat: une étude surprenante de l'ethnographie soviétique [Gaps and Ziyafats: An Astonishing Study by Soviet Ethnography] Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien 34 (2002): 43-59 The author introduces the study made by the Soviet ethnographer G. P. Snesarev as the unique scientific analysis of gaps and ziyafats—two denominations of traditional partying in Transoxiana. Through a comparison between the 'traditional' model for the organisation of this sociability as studied by Snesarev, on the first hand, and their present-day forms, on the second, the author has tried to measure the impact on them of Soviet culture. In both cases, the freedom of affiliation choice enjoyed by participants is underlined by the commentators—becoming during the second half of the twentieth century an element of resistance of the individuals against totalitarianism. The Redaction 43. SHAKUROV Farit Nailovitch, Razvitie istoritcheskikhznanii u tatardofevralia 1917 goda [The Development of Historical Knowledge among Tatars until February 1917], Kazan: Izdatel'stvo Kazanskogo Gosudarstvennogo universiteta, 2002, 127 p. This book constitutes a complex study of the setting up and development of modern Tatar historiography in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The author's core idea is that a global orientation of research was elaborated during that specific period of time. This orientation's designer, and at the same time that of modern historiography among the Tatars, is to the author's eyes Shihab al-Din alMarjani. F. Shakurov puts forward two ideas for supporting this assessment: (1) Marjani's treatise Mustafadh al-akhbar was the first 'Tatar' historical study based upon the critical analysis of varied primary sources; (2) this work did determine the content of Tatar historical works during a long period of time, all united by common goals and approaches to the interpretation of the past. The author calls this tendency "Jadid historiography," and characterises it by an overall orientation towards a national revival of the Tatars, through a limited amount of common postulates (like the creation of a specific history for the Tatars; the study of the history of Islam from a reformist viewpoint; the elaboration of methods for modern historiography). The setting up and. development of modern Tatar historiography are dated by the author from the immediate aftermath of the first revolution of Russia in 1905. This does not prevent F. Shakurov to devote a short chapter to the appearance of this historiography much before this date: doesn't he evoke the historical representations of the "Tatars" in the ancient times (!) and in the Middle Age—considering, for instance, that the "History of Bulghar" (1058-9/1164) by Ya'qub b. Nu'man attests of the existence of a "scientific" historical school in the Bulghar Confedera36

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tion? At the same time, F. Shakurov does not show very much interested in the work of chroniclers in the Ulus of Jôchi (thirteenth-fifteenth centuries) or in the Khanate of Kazan (fourteenth-sixteenth century). In a short chapter on Tatar historical literature in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, he remembers a limited amount of specific historical works written in the aftermath of the collapse of the Khanate of Kazan: an unknown work by Qadir 'Ah Bek, a scribe from the Khanate of Qasimov, continuing Rasihd al-Din's Jami' al-tawarikh, the dastans collected in the Daftar-i Chingiz-nama (seventeenth century), the Ta'rikh-i Bulghariyya by Hisam al-Din Muslimi (late eighteenth—early nineteenth centuries), and the Tawarikh-i Bulghariyya by Taj al-Din Yalchigul (1805). However, F. Shakurov denounces the lack of systématisation in these pre-modern works constructed on the "popular" memory and the "feudal" historiography. So in F. Shakurov's eyes it is the appearance, in 1885, of Marjani's Mustafadh alakhbar that has opened a new era in the history of Tatar historiography, with its insistence on "objective" analysis based on the comparative analysis of different primary sources. The author provides a short characterisation of each historical work of Marjani's (unfortunately through the works of other researchers: U. Usmanov, D. Iskhakov, M. Iusupov, N. Garaeva, A. Khalidov, A. Iuzeev, Yu. Schamiloglu, etc.). He also assesses the contribution of nineteenth-century historians closer to the University of Kazan, like Qayyum Nasiri, M. Aitov, Kh. Amirkhanov, I. Khal'fin, Kh. Faizkhanov, etc. The bulk of his work is nevertheless devoted to the historians of the 'Jadid' trend of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, represented in the book by such different authors as Riza al-Din Fakhr al-Din, AbdAllah Battal, Hadi Atlasi, Zaki Walidi, etc. In the period comprised between the two revolutions of Russia, the study of national history became the main goal of Tatar historiographers. For F. Shakurov, this was related with the national consolidation of the Tatars, of which history writing would became a key element: the historical science was then invited to confirm the idea of an ethnic identity and unity of the Tatars', and to determine the latter's place among the other peoples of the Volga-Ural region of Russia. For this reason the author deals at length in this chapter on the debates about the choice of an ethnic denomination in the public debates of the early twentieth century—admixing his own (necessarily retrospective) personal views with the analysis of factual material. F. Shakurov shows how the ethnicity of the Turkic and Muslim populations of the Volga-Ural region was demonstrated by Tatar historians in the wake of Marjani's pioneering work, as the expression of prevailing views in the local society. The question of the choice of an ethnic denomination is tackled through the rejection of the term "Muslim" for his lack of ethnic content, and through the debates around the terms "Turk" and "Tatar" in the journal Shura in 1911-12. F. Shakurov sees Marjani's influence in the final choice of the 'Tatar' denomination, as well as that of Qayyum Nasiri's works on the national literary language. As to the reasons of the diffusion of Turkism in the early twentieth-century Middle Volga region, the author sees it in the need for resistance against the Russification policy of the Tsarist administration, and in the growing interest of the public in an idealised version of national history. As to the development of historical studies on the Russo-Tatar relations, the author properly stresses the weigh of censorship on their Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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weak development until a very late date, and the official character of apologies of Russo-Tatar friendships that were published at great many during the celebrations of the Tercentenary of the Romanov dynasty in 1913. The Tatar historiography of Islam and of Russia is analysed through a limited amount of samples, as well as the textbook literature elaborated in the very first decades of the twentieth century. The historiography of the revolutionary movement is represented by publications of the years 1905-7—notably through TangYulduzi, the journal of the Tatar SRs, and works by the young Tatar intelligentsia. Beside Maijani's legacy, the book also gives room to prominent authors of the early twentieth century, like Yusuf Aqchura, founded on the ideas of the nineteenth-century European positivism. In all, the volume offers a useful global study on the emergence of modern Tatar historiography, if based on a lot of well-known and well-studied facts, and on the works of other scholars. Ilnur Minnullin (Institute of History, Kazan) 4 4 . SHASTITKO P. M., CHARYEVA N. K., "Kak zakryvali Moskovskii institut vostokovedeniia [How the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies W a s Closed]," Vostok 2 0 0 2 / 6 : 88-98 Introducing the destiny of the Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies (infra MIOS), the authors of this article based on archives material have been proceeding like detectives in their investigation of this institution's closure on July 1st, 1954. After some explanations on the 1920 decree taken by Lenin for the creation (in 1927) of the MIOS on the basis of the old Lazarev Institute, the authors quote at length a letter written in 1950 by Bobojon Ghafurov, the Chairman of the CP in the Tajik SSR, stating the failure of the MIOS and the low level of its graduated students. Other criticisms stress the contradiction between the urgent need for specialists in Oriental studies, especially for diplomacy, and the inability to train them in the USSR. As a result of which, as some would say, at the eve of decolonisation the Soviet scholarship had no specialist of Vietnam culture, but dozen of trainees on Uighur language. Beside struggle for influence between mutually concurrent central administrations, financial criteria also contributed to press for reform (as suggested by the March 1953 report to Khrushchev asking to reduce the number of students). The Council of Minister's decision to close it (through its absorption inside the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, MGIMO) was taken in the first days of summer holidays, without consultation of the scientific community. The responsibility of such a step is fully attributed to the erratic strategy of the central administration during the Khrushchev period. Xavier Le Torrivellec (National Institute for Oriental Languages and Civilisations, Paris)

4 5 . SLEVERS Eric W . , "Academy Science in Central Asia, 1922-1998," Central Asian Survey 2 2 / 2 - 3 ( 2 0 0 3 ) : 253-79 This article intends to give an overview of the development of academic institutions in Soviet Central Asia. In the 1920s, the Soviet Academy of Sciences organised an impressive number of "expeditions" to Central Asia; this was followed by the opening of "bases" and "branches" of the Soviet Academy in the Central Asian 38

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART regions and, finally, by the establishment of full-fledged national "academies" (1943 in Uzbekistan, 1946 in Kazakhstan, 1951 in Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, and 1956 in Kyrgyzstan). The establishment of academic institutions w a s decided for practical purposes (like the study of the regions' specific natural resources) b u t also for highly symbolic ones. The author looks at w h o the leading figures and directors of the n e w institutions were, very briefly discussing their ethnic and professional backgrounds. In view of the Soviet nationality policy (which is not discussed in the article), leading positions were often attained by "local" scientists not for scientific merit b u t according to the person's ethnic background. It should be mentioned that several of the founders of academic institutions in Central Asia, such as the Turcologist A. N. Samoilovich (executed in 1938), were persecuted in the 1930s. Unfortunately, the whole aspect of Stalinist repression of scientists (and their subsequent slow rehabilitation and, partly, reintroduction into the academies) is not mentioned in the article; this may be due to the circumstance that the author had to rely, in the first place, on Soviet sources w h i c h use to omit or downplay these tragedies and their consequences for the orientation of academic research and teaching. Although the institutional chronology indicates similar patterns of development in all five republics, important differences can be discerned. The author's comparisons show that, for example, the Kyrgyz Academy obtained a strong biology mainly due to the evacuation of Soviet academics to Kyrgyzstan during WWII, while Turkmenistan did not benefit from the wartime evacuations at all; and that the Kazakh Academy maintained strong institutional ties to Russia, while in Uzbekistan "there was a strong emphasis on Uzbek singularity over Russian norms and a dearth of connections to Russia" (261). W i t h t h e help of statistical data and figures, the author discusses the (even if compared w i t h the US) huge percentage of PhDs and especially of female scientists among the populations, arguing that Soviet science in Central Asia was, at least in terms of human capital, not far removed from W e s t e r n standards. This makes the tremendous decline of sciences in these republics since the late 1980s even more visible; in the post-Soviet era, budget cuts and political neglect as well as "purges" and emigration virtually destroyed the once prestigious scientific bases in the area. By comparison w i t h the study of international relations, law, and economy, the maintenance of natural sciences institutions was not high on the new nationalists' agenda. In response, in 1992 the presidents of the academies of sciences of the five Central Asian republics and of Azerbaijan issued an urgent appeal to their respective governments, asking for more resources to prevent "the loss of talented youth to governmental [!] and commercial structures." This interesting document is provided in English translation in an appendix to the article; unfortunately, E. W . Sievers does not indicate whether this appeal had any effect. Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam)

46. SOKOLOVSKII S. V., "Rossiiskaia etnografiia v kontse XX v. (bibliometricheskoe issledovanie) [The Ethnography of Russia in the Late Twentieth Century (A Bibliometrical Study)]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2003/1: 3-56, tab., bibliography Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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This provisional though substantial and sounding study of the recent development of socio-cultural anthropology in Russia provides (1) an epistemological overview of the debates on the orientation of this discipline from 1975 to 2000; (2) a classified bibliography of articles published during the same period of time in the journal Sovetskaia etnografiia, renamed in 1992 Etnograficheskoc obozrcnic (pp. 23-53). The author notably attributes what he names the continuing "parochialism" of the discipline in Russia to the narrow definition of its subject as the study of ethnic entities (Rus. etnosy) and "ethnic processes". To the author's eyes another reason for the weak integration of Russian anthropology into the world anthropological community is the lack of interest of its practitioners in contemporary poststructural philosophy and epistemology. The rise of isolation is dated by some observers (V. Tishkov, among others, of the mid-1960s, when Russia's community of anthropologists "showed incapable of taking any benefit of Khrushchev's Thaw (p. 19)"). A bibliometrical analysis of anthropological publications has been implemented in order to document research trends and change in the research agenda— the most significant of which is the emergence of such sub-disciplines and fields as conflict studies and ethno-political studies, minority and indigenous peoples' rights research, and the revitalisation of legal and applied anthropology. The univocal taxonomy adopted in the bibliography sometimes raises questions not addressed in the introductory text (such as the classification of "good manners," "games and sports," and "popular knowledge" together in a rubric entitled "people's theatre"). The Redaction 47. STRONACH D„ "Great Britain: XIV. British Institute of Persian Studies," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/3, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2002: 287-90, bibliography The Institute was founded in 1961 by a group of scholars with Persian interests. It was particularly active in the years before 1979 in organising and financing archaeological work at sites such as Pasargadae, Siraf and Shahr-i Qumis, but from the outset it had the wider remit of the whole spectrum of Persian studies, through early Islamic to modern times, and an interest in areas outside Persia's present geographical and political boundaries into regions influenced by Iranian culture in the wider sense, including e.g. Central Asia and Muslim India. This is reflected in the coverage of the Institute's journal I ran (1963-). The Institute acquired permanent premises in Tehran in the 1960s, and this continues to flourish as a centre for research, although with some restrictions, e.g. in archaeological and ethnological fieldwork, since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and there having been no resident Director since 1987. C. Edmund Bosworth (University of Exeter) 48. SUZUKI Tadashi, "From Central Asian Studies to Anatolian Studies: A Century of Turkic Studies in Japan," Orient (Tokyo) 38 (2003): 117-34, bibliography This is a short historiography of Japanese Turkology from the 1930s to the present. As it is well known, it began with the studies of the ancient history of the Turks in 40

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Northern and Central Asia, based mainly on Chinese sources. Since the 1960s it has made gradual progresses in Saljuq and Ottoman studies. In the recent decades, especially in the field of Ottoman studies, specialisation in research has been re' markable, with results published not only in Japanese, but also in Turkish and English by younger researchers. The attached bibliography presents 148 titles with their English translation. Komatsu Hisao (The University of Tokyo) 49. TLSHKOV V. A., "Rossiiskaia etnologiia: status distsipliny, sostoianie teorii, napravleniia i rezul'taty issledovanii [The Ethnology of Russia: The Discipline's Status, the State of Theory, the Directions and Results of Researches]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2 0 0 3 / 5 : 3-23, ill. The Director of the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography of the Academy of Science of Russia, the author sketches a picture of the present state of these disciplines in Russia, pointing out the appearance of fields and subjects new in the former Soviet domain, and that of new subdisciplines like human ethology, studies on religions, conflict studies, studies on migrations, political and legal anthropology, and gender studies. The disappearance of censorship and the expansion of the book market have permitted since the late 1980s an unprecedented multiplication of publications, whilst the deep philosophical crisis endured by former Soviet 'ethnography' since the early 1990s has not yet given way to a full theoretical reappraisal of the Russian anthropological tradition. Another figure of present-day Russian anthropology continues his historical narrative on the development of ethnography in the early Soviet period (see in supra 41 my review of his paper on the theoreticdal experimentations in the journal Etnografiia in the late 1920s) recalls the events of the 1930s—focusing on the merging of the Institute for the Study of the Peoples of the USSR with the Musum of Anthropology and Ethnography into the newly created Institute of Ethnography, and on the difficulties of the WWII period (RESHETOV A. M., "Institut antropologii i etnografii—Institut etnografii AN SSSR, 1933-1943 gg. [The Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography—the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, 1933-1943]," ibid.: 24-42). A last, very descriptive contribution deals with the history of the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, through its creation in 1933 in Leningrad (where it formed a single body with the Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography), its evacuation then years later towards Moscow, where a branch was installed under S. P. Tolstov's direction, and its further evolution till out days (dramatic paragraph on the session against the nonconformist Sergei A. Tokarev's "Ethnography of the Peoples of the USSR" in 1958; colourful pages on the refurbishing of the director's office in the late 1960s, after Tolstov's departure), and the impact of interpersonal relations over the overall atmosphere and content of research (upon the interruption of exchanges with archaeologists, and the irruption of sociologists). Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

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50. TlSHKOV V. A., "Ob antropologii kak distsipline v rossiiskoi traditsii [On Anthropology as a Discipline in the Russian Tradition]," Etnograficheskoe obozrente 2005/2: 6-7 Noticing the absence of cultural anthropology in Russia and the fortune, in this country, of historical ethnography and of ethno-sociology (the study of ethnicity through sociological methods), the author, a leading figure of Soviet and Russian ethnographic studies, observes the tremendous influence of ethnology on the mass culture of the former Soviet and present-day Russian society, notably on the formation of national identities, and on the emergence of national movements since the years preceding the fall of the USSR—to the extent that ethnology now constitutes a potential obstacle to the perception of Russia as a national state, and of Russia's population as a united people or nation. These considerations are confirmed by the following paper (CHESHKO S. V., "Ot sovetskoi etnografii k rossiiskoi etnologii [From Soviet Ethnography to the Ethnology of Russia]," ibid.: 8-10), the author of which assesses the contribution of Soviet ethnographers to the public debates of the mid-1980s onwards about the national processes in the USSR—notably through orders from the state and the party central institutions. An aspect of the ever-growing fortune of ethnology in the postSoviet period has been marked by the multiplication of alternative high-quality independent research centres (notably in the regions), and by new interest in the impact of cultural globalisation. A third contribution (IAMSKOV A. N., "O spetsifike rossiiskoi etnografii v ee vospriiatii geografami [On the Specificity of Russia's Ethnography as Perceived by Geographers]," 11-3), not deprived of irony and self-derision, shortly analyses the biased perception of ethnology by Russian geographers, for whom its main figure is nobody else than Lev N. Gumilev, and its main issue the ethno-genesis of human groups and their mutual, predominantly conflicting relationship—largely diffused in the last two decades by the Soviet and Russian mass-media. The author also stresses the direct impact of the (mainly foreign-based) financing of research in present-day Russia upon the determination of research themes in which ethnography often plays a secondary, auxiliary if not ancillary role. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 51. TOMILOV N. A., "Rossiiskoe etnograficheskoe sibirevedenie [Ethnographic Studies on Siberia in Russia]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2001/3: 92-100 A historical leader of the Omsk School of ethnographic studies, the author proposes an overview of the Russian ethnography of Siberia, that he divides up into four stages: (1) a "pre-scientific' period, from the seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century; (2) a formative period from the mid-nineteenth century to the 1920s; (3) a period of permanent extension of the scope of research, from the 1920s to the 1950s; (4) a period of development of current research trends from the 1960s to the present— marked notably by the development of interdisciplinary studies, and by the appearance of new research centres in the Asian part of Russia (in Omsk itself, Vladivostok, Novosibirsk, Tomsk, Ulan-Ude, Khanty-Mansiisk, Yakutsk, etc.). The Redaction 42

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EPISTEMOLOGA STATE OF THE ART 5 2 . VASIL'EVA G. P., Istoriia ettiograficheskogo izucheniia turkmenskogo naroda v otechestvennoi nauke, konets XVIII - XX veka [A History of the Ethnographie Study of the Turkmen People in National Science, from the End of the Eighteenth to the Twentieth Century], Moscow: Nauka, 2 0 0 2 , 2 0 0 p., ill., bibl. In the last book published in her lifetime (see the necrology in Etnograflcheskie obozr renie 2005/6:167-9) the author, who has played from the 1950s onward a considerable role in shaping the field under inquiry, offers an overview of a century of ethnological studies in Russian language on the Turkmens, from the first encounters in the second half of the eighteenth century to the last fieldworks at the end of the 1990s. Her review explicitly aims at underlining the end of an era, clearly signified in the author's opinion by the dismantlement of the Turkmen Academy of Science in 1997, and by the defacto impossibility for Russian scholars to conduct field studies in Turkmenistan. A first chapter sums up the key turns in the ethnology of the Turkmens during the period under consideration. Apart from this brief historical outline, the book is mainly a collection of biographical notes—sixty-nine, all in all—grouped in four periods: 1. before the "incorporation" into the Russian Empire; 2. "up to the 1920s"; 3. up to WWII; 4. up to the end of the 1990s. This divide clearly maps the history of science onto political history, as it is customary in Soviet historiography. But it also reflects a position toward the knowledge produced during these periods: the first two are seen as providers of raw ethnographic data; the last two as, respectively, imperfect—particularly in the case of regional studies (kraevedenie)—and accomplished science. Each note is devoted to a scholarly figure and provides a critical outline of his/her contribution to the field. Throughout the text, the author expresses her agreement and disagreement toward the orientation of the work under review in a very straightforward manner. An appendix provides the reader with a substantial bibliography of 711 entries. One merely regrets that, despite the amount of information provided, no insight in the social and political history of the discipline has been given nor any hidden stories on scholars and scholarly activities during the Soviet period. These shortcomings notwithstanding, this study will undoubtedly remain a useful introduction to Turkmen ethnology. François Ômer Akakça (Humboldt University, Berlin) 53. VASIL'KOV la. V., SOROKINA M. lu., eds., Liudi i sud'by: biobibliograficheskii slovar' vostokovcdov-zhertv politichcskogo terrora v sovetskii period (1917-1991) [People and Destiny: A Bio-Bibliographical Dictionary of Oriental Scholars - Victims of Political Terror in the Soviet Period (1917-1991)], St Petersburg: Peterburgskoe vostokovedenie (Sotsial'naia istoriia otechestvennoi nauki o Vostoke), 2003, 4 9 6 p. This is a book that gets under the reader's skin: a martyrology of more than 750 Orientalists (in the broadest sense of the word) who became victims of Stalinist and Soviet repression. For the Soviet Union, Oriental studies were of outstanding political importance not only because the state bordered to "the Orient", but also because the Soviets had their own large share of it—in fact, from the perspective of the centre most of the peoples of the Soviet Union were "Oriental". It is therefore no wonder that esCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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pecially in the first decades after the Russian Revolution the border between scholarship and politics was quite fluent; while some Orientalists became active in politics, there were many politicians and party functionaries who, besides their party jobs, began to study, and later to teach, "Oriental" subjects. In many parts of the Soviet Union Oriental studies meant research into local history (kraevedenie). It is in this wide sense that Liudy i sud'by tells the tales not only of repressed Assyrologists and Egyptologists, Arabists and Semitists, Turcologists and Iranists, philologists on India, Tibet, Mongolia, China, Japan and Korea, but also the biographies of archaeologists, geographers, ethnographers, historians, as well as scholars of religious studies, literatures and languages who dealt with the "Soviet Orient"—the Crimea, the Volga and Ural regions with their various Turkic and Finno-Ugric peoples, the Caucasus, Central Asia and Siberia. Almost all persons dealt with in this well-researched biographical dictionary obtained a higher education with some kind of "Oriental" specialisation or at least inclination, and many of them found a research or teaching position in institutes of the Academy of Sciences and the Communist Academy, in state universities, pedagogical institutes, military schools, museums, libraries and publishing houses. Others worked in the state administration or in the diplomatic and secret services, in the Komintern, and of course in various sections and positions of the Communist party. While most of them were ethnic Russians, Liudy i sud'by also includes many representatives of the "Oriental" nations and ethnicities, including Georgians, Armenians, Azerbaijanis, Volga and Crimean Tatars, Uzbeks, and Kazakhs, to name but a few. W h a t all these people have in common is that they were persecuted by the Soviet state at least once in their life: they were arrested and tortured, sentenced to death and executed or sent to Gulag camps where many of them perished. The focus of the book is on the 1920s and 1930s, the peak of the 'Red Terror'. There is still no way to really understand this drama, which is rightfully called auto-genocide in the introduction. The destruction of a large part of Russia's academic elite was senseless, and the accusations of espionage, conjuration, counterrevolutionary activities or terrorism that were invented to justify the individual arrests were simply grotesque. The book cannot provide an answer to the question why Orientalists, like several other professional groups, became a special target of political terror. However, it does not only track the individual fates of Orientalists but also gives an impression of the general mechanisms of the Soviet apparatus that were at work. Of special interest are the entries on Russian Orientalists of the elder generation who obtained some reputation abroad. While all of them found themselves under pressure from the secret police (OGPU, NKVD), they reacted in different ways. The famous Arabist Ignatii Iu. Krachkovskii (1883-1951), who was shortly imprisoned in 1922-23 and repeatedly intimidated by the secret police, tried to keep distance to the Party and the system and is even well-known for his repeated intervention with the authorities for imprisoned colleagues. Nevertheless he made a formidable career and became the most famous representative of Soviet Oriental studies abroad. Others, like the Turkologist Aleksandr Samoilovich (1880-1938), chose to cooperate closely with the new government. Samoilovich was actively involved in the Sovietisation of Central Asia, which facilitated his career in acade44

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mia—until he was imprisoned and executed in 1938. The Iranist Evgenii E. Bertel's (1890-1957), a well-known Soviet scholar of Persian literature in Central Asia, had his prison experience in 1925; after this incident his writings became ostensibly Marxist, and he is even reported to have played a part in the persecution of other scholars. Still, Oriental studies had a central position within the Russian/Soviet Academy of Sciences, and it took the new regime more than ten years to gain control of the Academy and to replace "bourgeois" scholars by Marxist historians. A major blow was the so-called "Affaire of the Academy (Dclo AN)" in 1929-30, when more than 100 renowned scholars of the Academy were accused of belonging to a (nonexistent) monarchist party and to a network of the German secret service. Liudi i sud'by shows that among the alleged "leaders" of this group were scholars who studied the Christian Orient (V. N. Beneshevich, 1874-1938), the history of the Khazars (Iu. V. Got'e, 1873-1943), the Crimea (P. P. Babenchikov, 1882-1947), Bashkiria (S. I. Rudenko, 1885-1969), India (A. M. Mervart, 1884-1932, and his wife Liudmila, 1888-1965; T. A. Korvin-Krukovskaia, 1900-1938), South East Asia (the geologist A. N. Krishtofovich, 1885-1953), Siberia (S. V. Bakhrushin, 1882-1950), the Arabists M. M. Girs (1877-1932), G. G. Gul'bin (1892-1941) and V. A. Eberman (1899-1937), as well as several historians of Russian-Oriental relations. The Indologist Sergei F. Ol'denburg (1863-1934), at that time the secretary of the Academy of Sciences, is reported to have been taken from the list only in the last minute. As the book shows, for most of these people the affair ended in exile or years of labour camps. The repression of Orientalists also took place in Central Asia, where historian Mikhail M. Tsvibak pushed forward the politicisation of Oriental studies. In 1931 he organised the hunting down and arrest of eleven of his colleagues at the Central Asian State University who stood in the tradition of the "old" Orientalist school of V. V. Bartol'd (d. 1930). Among these scholars were A. E. Shmidt (18711939), a specialist on Islamic law, and the Iranist A. A. Semenov (1873-1958), whose multi-volume description of the Islamic manuscript collection are still the pride of the Oriental Institute in Tashkent. Tsvibak, the instigator of this affair, authored several publications on the class struggle in Central Asia; he was himself persecuted and executed in 1937. Orientalists also continued to be impacted by the huge political purges and mass processes of the 1930s ("Novatory" 1936; "Moskva-Tsentr" 1937). In connection to the 1937 case against an alleged "All-Union United Centre Party" many representatives of the Muslim peoples who were engaged both in Marxist scholarship and in politics were eliminated: the Central Asian historian T. R. Ryskulov (d. 1938), the Volga Tatar economic historian G. G. Gubaidullin (d. 1938), the first Marxist historian of Kazakhstan S. Dzh. Asfendiarov (d. 1938), the Dagestani historian A. A. Takho-Godi (d. 1937), the Crimean Tatar linguist B. V. Chobanzade (d. 1937), the Azerbeijani Turkologist V. M.-Kh. Khuluflu (d. 1937?), and others. A dense interplay of politics and scholarship is prominent in the career of Ahmed Zeki Velidi Togan (1890-1970), the famous historian of Turkistan and fighter for the sovereignty of Bashkiria. Even the Tatar national communist Mirsaid SultanGaliev (1892-1940) is presented with an entry. Very common in the persecution of Muslim scholars were allegations of Pan-Islam or Pan-Turkism, while huge parts Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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of the Mari, Mordvin, and Udmurt ethnographers, linguists and historians were accused of striving for the establishment of a Finnish protectorate over their respective regions ("Delo SOFIN", 1932-33, "Dela finskikh shpionov", 1936-38). Many records show that scholars made attempts to intervene on behalf of persecuted colleagues. Thus Kulthum (Klavdiia) Ode-Vasil'eva (1892-1965), who taught Arabic in Leningrad and was linked to Krachkovskii's circle of Arabists, tried to intervene in favour of Aleksandr M. Shami and his wife Sof'ia Roginskaia, both of them Arabists, too. Shami exemplifies another type of the connection between academia and politics: he played a role in the organisation of Communist parties in Palestine and other countries of the Near East, became active in the Komintern, taught at the Communist University for the Toiling Peoples of the East (KUTV, Moscow), at the Moscow Institute for Oriental Studies (MVI) and the Leningrad Oriental Institute (LVI, as rector in 1931-32). In 1936 he was accused of Zionism, and he and his wife were excluded from the Party. In 1937 he managed to obtain a job in Krachkovskii's "Cabinet of Arabic Studies" in the Leningrad Institute for Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences (IVAN) but was arrested again, this time accused of espionage for the British. Ode-Vasil'eva's courageous stand for Shami and his wife only led to her own arrest in 1938; yet even after her release she continued to lobby for Shami, who at that time had already been shot. Another Leningrad Arabist whose fate was kept secret from his colleagues was Anatolii N. Genko (1896-1941), to whom we owe, among other things, valuable studies on Caucasian languages and on the role of Arabic in the North Caucasus; Genko starved to death in a Soviet prison in 1941, and yet the marble plate of honour in the Institute of Oriental Studies in Leningrad mentions him among those Orientalists who died as soldiers at the front in WWII. Adding insult to injury, many of Genko's unpublished writings were made use of by other scholars without giving credit to the real author. A similar fate awaited Nikolai A. Nevskii (1892-1937), who was shot on the same day as his wife Isoko, a teacher of Japanese in Leningrad. After his death his important works on Japanese ethnography were plagiarised by other scholars. Amazingly enough, many repressed Orientalists continued their studies even while in exile or in a labour camp. The Udmurt Communist and linguist Trofim K. Borisov (1891-1943) collected spoken language samples while imprisoned in a camp in the Komi region. The ethnographer Nikolai M. Matorin (1898-1936), former director of the Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography in Moscow and a major functionary of the "Union of the Militant Godless", still collected material on the local religious beliefs while exiled in a Kolkhoz near Tashkent. In some cases the Soviets deliberately exploited the language skills of their inmates. The well-known Sinologist Nikolai Konrad (1891-1970) was taken from a woodcutting camp and placed in the relatively better conditions of a house for imprisoned specialists (called sharashka in the prisoners' slang), where he had to work on Japanese and Chinese texts. The biographical dictionary also contains some entries on rather obscure "Orientalists", like the Indologist and Anarcho-mystic P. A. Arenskii (1887-1941), member of several lodges and biographer of the Orientalist Miklukho-Maklai, or the freemason and occultist A. V. Barchenko (1881-1938), who taught that Bud46

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dhism was anticipating Marxism, and who entertained a secret "neuro-energetic" laboratory in a special OGPU unit. A major nonconformist of Soviet scholarship mentioned in the dictionary is Lev N. Gumilev, son of the poets Anna Akhmatova and Nikolai Gumilev. His studies were interrupted by various spells in prison, in the Gulag and in the Red Army. Eventually Gumilev was able to make his way into the Institute for Oriental Studies (IVAN) in 1945—as the institute's fireman. After finishing his dissertation he was again imprisoned in 1949; only after his return in 1956 was he able to work as professor and to publish his studies on the Caspian region, ethno-genesis, and world history. Once a person was imprisoned, he or she would be fired by their respective institutions and stripped of all academic titles and membership in the Academy of Sciences. If a repressed scholar was lucky enough to return from camp or prison they had to fight for reintegration. Many were forced to take low level jobs in remote villages or military schools. Still, some were able to resume their career quickly after release, as in the case of the Sinologist Konrad, but also of the Arabist Georgii V. Tsereteli (1904-1973). Tsereteli's imprisonment in 1937-38 did not prevent him from becoming director of the Georgian Institute of Oriental Studies and Vice-President of the Georgian Academy of Sciences in 1960. Many, but by far not all scholars obtained official rehabilitation beginning the mid-1950s, and often only posthumously. As the book covers the whole of the Soviet era it also includes persons who suffered from political persecution in the late Soviet era, like Levon Ter-Petrosian, a specialist on Syrian and Armenian manuscripts educated at the Institute for Oriental Studies in Leningrad. Ter-Petrosian was in prison in 1988-89 for his nationalist activities but eventually became President of Armenia in 1991. The collection of biographies of Soviet Orientalists that led to this volume was started in the 1970s by Feliks F. Perchenok (1931-1993). It is based on oral history among colleagues as well as on all sorts of publications and archives, including KGB material. The individual entries include not only a short biography of the respective scholars (in many cases with photos) but also a list of his or her major writings as well as the literature concerning them. The appendix of the book contains the relevant portions of the Soviet Criminal Code under which the scholars were sentenced, very helpful lists of abbreviations of Soviet institutions, as well as bibliographical information on the topic. The compilers are well aware that this is not a final word; anyway it is a very welcome basis for further historical inquiry. Inevitably there are still some gaps, which are the result of the lack of previous studies on the topic. For instance, while there seems to be a good coverage of Volga and Crimean Tatar scholars including people without "modern" higher education, there are only very few persons from the North Caucasus; one misses, for example, the Dagestani scholars and publishers Ali Kaiaev (d. 1943), Abu Sufyan Akaev (d. 1931) and Muhammad Mirza Mavraev (d. 1966). With its focus on the dark side of Soviet Oriental studies this book is absolutely indispensable as a correction to the "official" bio-bibliography of Soviet Oriental studies compiled by Sofiia D. Miliband (Biobibliograficheskii slovar' sovecskikh vostokovcdov, Moscow 1975, revised and enlarged 1995). It also throws a very different light on the historical sketches like Krachkovskii's Ocherki po istorii russkoi arabistiki

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(Moscow 1950, Die russische Arabistik, Leipzig 1957) which are glossing so many things over. Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam) See also: 55 (Baskhanov); 330 (Nazarov); 346 (Kolesnikov); 574 (Hallez); 578

(Qahhorova)

I.2.B. Bio-Bibliographical Data, Obituaries 54. ABASHIN Sergei, "Gellner, 'potomki sviatykh' i Sredniaia Aziia: mezhdu islamom i natsionalizmom [Gellner, the 'Descendants of Saints' and Central Asia: Between Islam and Nationalism]," Ab Imperio 2004/3: 535-63 The author discusses Gellner's sociological thesis on Islam and modernity: roughly, Muslim societies follow the path of modernisation by subsuming Islam into nationalism. Analysing the case of the saintly lineages in Central Asia (as is known, Gellner worked on Muslim holy families in Morocco in the 1960s), S. Abashin argues that, unlike this supposedly global scenario, descendants of saints experience a complex situation. Whereas "village saints' kept their historical identity within society, 'urban saints' reconstructed their status in the frame of nationalism, viz they fully integrated the values as well as the representations of the national state while preserving an elitist, more than national, consciousness. Of course, these two categories of saints' families can overlap. What should be added here—for showing more polemical than S. Abashin himself—is that Gellner's theories not only lack historical perspective (the eighteenth century is a key-period in the modern history of many Islamic-background societies due to colonisation), but exclusively consider modernity as starting in the nineteenth century with nationalist ideals. For historians, this alternative between Islam and nationalism remains highly disputable and slightly simplistic. (English version: "Gellner, the 'Saints' and Central Asia: Between Islam and Nationalism," translated by Caroline Humphrey, Inner Asia 7/1 (2005): 65-86.) Alexandre Papas (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 55. BASKHANOV M. K., Russkie voennye vostokovedy do 1917: bibliograficheskii slovar' [Russian Military Orientalists before 1917: A Bibliographic Dictionary], Moscow: Izdatel'skaia firma "Vostochnaia literatura" RAN, 2 0 0 5 , 2 9 6 p., ill., bibliography, index To our knowledge, the present book, and the recent treatise by the same author on the history of "military Oriental studies" in Russia (see the review supra 27) provide one of the first tentative overviews of Oriental—here, mainly Central Eurasian, Chinese and Manchurian—studies in the Russian Empire since the reference work by S. D. Miliband (curiously absent from the bibliography). Far from satisfying himself with the data available in the rich literature of the Soviet period (esp. Miliband herself, and V. B. Lunin on Central Asia) and of the past decade (A. A. Kolesnikov, N. A. Samoilov, G. P. Vasil'eva . . .) on the historiography of Oriental studies in the Russian Empire, the author has been exploiting the resources of a rich archive material on the careers of each figure introduced in the volume. A 48

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short introduction (5-7) is followed by a biographical dictionary, each notice of which is divided into two parts: one on the military career of each figure, documented notably by unpublished archive material; one on his written work, whether published or not. Each notice ends up with a personal bibliography, and with a list of written sources, both as exhaustive as possible given the present state of scholarship. The Redaction 5 6 . F E D I A N O V I C H T. P., "Issledovaniia V. N. Belitser finnoiazychnykh narodov Povolzh'ia i Priural'ia [The Researches by V. N. Belitser on t h e Finnish-Speaking Peoples of t h e V o l g a - U r a l Region]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2 0 0 4 / 5 : 1 1 2 - 3 5 , ill. The author sums up the contribution of Vera N. Belitser (1903-83) to the ethnography of the Finnic-speaking peoples of the Volga-Ural region—with special attention for her works on the 1930s-60s on the production systems of the Udmurts, Komis and Mordvins, all primary sources that, in spite of their ideological postulates, preserve their significance for the anthropological study of this region. The Redaction A., L U N I N B. V . , "Istorik i etnograf b u k h a r s k i k h (sredneaz i a t s k i k h ) evreev Z. L. Amitin-Shapiro [Z. L. Amitin-Shapiro, a Historian and E t h n o g r a p h e r of the Bukharan (Middle Asian) J e w s ] , " in E. V. Rtveladze, ed., Evrei v Srednci A^ii: voprosy istorii i kul'tury, Tashkent: Izdatel'stvo F a n U z R , 2 0 0 4 :

5 7 . GERMANOV V.

51-63

W r i t t e n by two historians who were in personal contact with him, this biographical study on the ethnographer and bibliographer Zal'man Lvovich Amitin-Shapiro astutely addresses the political pressures that drove him to abandon the social anthropology of Central Asian Jews after his arrest and emprisonment in 1938-9, and to find refuge in an 'ecological niche' very typical, if useful of Soviet Central Asian academic institutions: the redaction of thematic bibliographies (most notably on the history and archaeology of present-day Kyrgyzstan). Reconstructing with liveliness the poisonous climate of the late 1930s through reports from the NKVD, the authors also suggest the significance of Amitin-Shapiro's work as a primary source, enriched by an original anthropological reflection, on the upheavals imposed upon Central Asian J e w s during the two first decades of the Soviet period. They also evoke, unfortunately through its perception by the NKVD and its informers, Amitin-Shapiro's activity as a militant of the cultural rights of Central Asian J e w s (notably in linguistic matters). Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) Sergei, " A Life w i t h Imperial Dreams: Petr Nikolaevich Savitsky, Eurasianism, and the Invention of 'Structuralist' Geography," Ab Imperio 2 0 0 5 /

5 8 . GLEBOV 3:299-329

This article explores the life of Petr N. Savitsky (1895-1968) and investigates how

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his biography, his teachings, and his politics were linked together in a web of imperial dreams and projects. S. Glebov's analysis centres on a specific issue, namely, the emergence in interwar Europe of the Structuralist programme to renovate the humanities and social sciences. In the case of the Eurasianists, the openness of Russian science to Structuralism was linked to a specific national epistemological tradition. The author shows how the Eurasianist movement was in fact part of a systemic approach that exceeded the bounds of the nineteenth-century holistic geographical tradition. This approach formed a specific "Russian science" distinct from its West European counterpart, and which borrowed from the theories of chemist D. I. Mendeleev, and those of geoscientists V. V. Dokuchaev and V. I. Vernadsky. Similar to the German tradition of Naturphilosophie, the Eurasianist conception of territory is not that of a separate entity but of a complex that includes natural conditions and the anthropogenic landscape. Further, the Structuralist aspect of the Eurasian territory involves a political and cultural correlate, since its conception of geography and its corresponding historical schema undermine the historical paradigm of the Enlightenment. Savitsky thus propounded a theory describing regularities in the territorial structure of Eurasia such that the border between Europe and Eurasia became enshrined in the data of physical geography. The Eurasianist discourse not only separated Eurasia from the impact of standardising modernity of Europe; it also sought to efface differences within Eurasia itself in a bid to justify the a priori existence of Eurasia as embodied by the Russian Empire. The approach developed by S. Glebov allows him to reveal unexpected links between a doctrine of empire and the birth of Structuralist thought. Marlene Laruelle (Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 59. GRIGOR'EVA S. V., GRIGOR'EVAE. A.,MOLEV E. A., "Sergei Borisovoch Seni-

utkin (1952-2004)," Vostok 2004/6: 212-5, bibliography The authors pay homage to the orientalist Sergei Borisovich Seniutkin, a leading historian of the modern Muslims communities, urban and rural, of the city and region of Nizhni Novgorod. The apology focuses of Seniutkin's talents as an overall university teacher dealing at large with the history of Asia and Africa, as the author of several history textbooks; they also highlight the historian's pioneering erudition works on the Mishar Tatars of the Higher Volga region—which had brought him to work as an expert for the Spiritual Board of the Muslims of the Nizhni Novgorod region. A selective shortlist of S. B. Seniutkin's publications (containing his three monographs on the Mishars of Nizhni Novgorod) is provided at the end of the paper. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 6 0 . JOUTY Sylvain, Celui qui vivait commc un rhinoceros: Alexandre Csoma de Kords

(1784-1842), k vagabond de I'Himalaya [The Man W h o Lived like a Rhino: Alexander Csoma Kórósi (1784-1842), the Vagabond of the Himalaya], Paris: Fayard, 2007,340 p., maps, ill. Unfortunately deprived of a critical apparatus of any kind except the maps and the illustrations at the centre of the volume (there is no table of content either . . .),

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART this work is by a French writer specialising in the apology of mountain and of mountain cultures. Documented principally by English-language published primary sources, it consists of a novelised biography of the Hungarian philologist and traveller Alexander Csoma Kôrôsi, a pioneering lexicographer of Tibetan language. The work focuses on the philosophical basis of Csoma's itinerary (the quest for the origins of the Hungarian people in Higher Asia), on the innumerable difficulties he had to cope with on his way from Hungary to the Himalaya and during his stays in Zanskar, at the doorway of Tibet, and on his complex relationship with the Asiatic Society in British India. Key issues of European travel in Central Asia in the late eighteenth and nineteenth century like disguise, dissimulation, and illegality are overrepresented in Csoma's biography; they have probably played a decisive role in S. Jouty's interest in this sour-tempered character's biography. Besides, the narrative quality of the book in unquestionably enhanced by the insertion of chapters and paragraphs of more colourful figures of the European discovery of Central Asia (like William Moorcroft, Csoma's main patron in India, or Mir 'Izzat-Allah, the author of a famous travelogue that is not mentioned in the text) and of European presence in the British Raj (like Allard and Ventura, two former officers of Napoleon's Grande Armée, acting as military councelors at Ranjit Singh's court). The reviewer would like to bet that, if it is hardly usable as a reference work, and if Csoma can hardly be called a charismatic, if captivating figure, this biography, beautifully printed—tough poorly edited—by a leading publishing house will play some role among the French-speaking young generations in the starting of new vocations of specialists in Central Eurasian studies. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 61. KARMYSHEVA B. Kh., "Ot tropicheskikh lesov A m a z o n k i do tsentral'no-

aziatskikh stepei: zhiznennyi put' F. A. Fiel'strupa [From the Tropical Forests of Amazonia to the Central Asian Steppes: The Life Path of F. A. Fiel'strup]in D. D. Tumarkin, éd., Repressirovannye etnograjy, 1, 2 nd ed., Moscow: Vostochnaia Literatura, 2002:152-63, ill. The author, who faced strictures from the authorities in her own time, has dedicated a lot of efforts in the last period of her long-lasting scholarly activity to help Fiel'strup's work in the field of Kazakh and Kyrgyz ethnography, a pioneering one by many aspects, to be duly acknowledged (see my review of the edition of his field notes in this volume). The present paper develops the elements of biography outlined in a previous article of hers, which has been published in the first years of Perestroika (in Ocherki istorii russkoi etnografii, fol'kloristiki i antropologii, vol. 10,1988: 38-62). Relying chiefly on the ethnographer's personal archives, the author offers a pretty much detailed biography, particularly regarding his collaboration with Rudenko (one regrets merely that Karmysheva does not mention the Rudenko case and the accusations of 'Rudenkism' of the following years). The importance given to memory is a striking feature of a new trend in post Soviet historiography. Nostalgia apart, it reflects a very valuable effort in recovering and reappraising the history of the discipline, which, as far as ethnology is concerned, has been carried out with vigour and diligence during the last decade, particularly by Reshetov. This

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trend has led to the broad memorial project in social history of science funded by the Soros Foundation (http://www.ihst.ru/projects/sohist/), which makes avail' able online archival materials and published documents related to the repression of scientists during the Soviet period. François Ômer Akakça (Humboldt University, Berlin) 62. KHADZHIEVA T. M., "IZ istorii kul'tury Balkarii i Karachaia (Ismail Urusbiev i ego synov'ia) [Pages of the History of Balkaria & Karachay (Ismail Urusbiev and His Sons)]," in E. R. Tenishev et al, eds., Karachacvtsy i balkartsy: iasyk, etnografiia, arkheologiia, fol'klor, Moscow: Institut etnologii i antropologii Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk, 2001: 300-9 This short article is devoted to the role as cultural intermediaries played in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries by the landowner Ismail Uruzbiev and his two sons Safar-Ali and Nawruz for a number of Russian and foreign (mainly British) alpinists, artists, and specialists of the history and ethnography of the Karachays & Balkars. The author also sheds light on the activity Safar-Ali and Nawruz Urusbiev as editors of the Narts epics. The Redaction 63. KLSLIAKOV V. N., RESHETOV A. M., "Krupnyi etnograf i muzeeved Nikolai Andreevich Kisliakov (k 100-letiiu so dnia rozhdeniia) [An Important Ethnographer and Museographer, Nikolai Andreevich Kisliakov (on t h e Occasion of the Hundredth Anniversary of His Birth)]," Etnograficheskoeobozrcnie 2002/5:108-20 An illustrious representative of the Leningrad school of ethnography, Nikolai A. Kisliakov (1901-73) is evoked in this well-informed—though excessively apologetic—article, based partly on unpublished archive documents, from his early activity as an official in charge of elementary education in the Qarategin Valley, his wedding there in 1932 with the renowned linguist Anna Z. Rozenfel'd, to his fourdecade long engagement with the Institute of Ethnography and Anthropology of the Academy of Sciences of Russia in St. Petersburg, after the viva of his candidate dissertation on the "Traces of Primitive Communism among the Mountain Tajiks of Higher Wakhiya". The narrative sheds light on Kisliakov's stay in the Soviet Embassy in Tehran from 1943 to 1945, and on his creation of a strong team of specialists of Central Asia in the Leningrad Section of the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of Russia. The depiction of his personal research work focuses on his observations and reflections on survivals of 'clan structures' in Central Asia, leading to his monograph on "Family and Marriage among the Tajiks." This theme was further developed by him in researches on the survivals of matriarchate in the wedding rituals'of Central Asian peoples, leading to later works about family relations and heritage transmission according to Islamic and customary rights. Another key contribution of Kisliakov's to the anthropology of Central Asian society is made by the collective volume edited by him in 1954 on the "Culture and Everyday Life of the Tajik Kolkhoz Peasantry," a unique series of studies on the transformation of Central Asian rural communities in the roaring decades following collectivisation. Kisliakov's pioneering contribution to the historical anthropo52

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logy of Central Asia is dealt with through a rapid analysis of his monograph on feudal and patriarchal relations among the sedentary rural population of the Emirate of Bukhara (till today mistakenly labelled "khanate" by a number of ethnographers) in the late nineteenth—early twentieth century (1962). As to Kisliakov's work as a specialist of Persian language and literature, it is evoked through his commented Russian translation of Sadegh Hedayat's Neyrangestan (1958). The last pages of the article evoke Kisliakov's contribution to the popularisation of ethnographical research on Central Asia, to his privileged relations with Tajikistan's academic circles, and to his personal virtues as they are testified by a number of witnesses. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 64. KUL'PIN V. S., "Dve zhizni Aziza Gubaidullina [Aziz Gubaidullin's Two Lifes]," Vostok 2004/1:134-42 In his article the author provides a biographical overview of the Tatar historian and writer Gaziz Gubaidullin (1887-1937), emphasising his career as a "progressive" Tatar thinker and writer. For the most part Kul'pin's narrative follows a fairly well-trodden path: Gubaidullin's upbringing in a fairly conservative social and religious milieu, his discovery of "progressive ideas" in one of the Kazan madrasas, in this case the Khalidiyya Madrasa, his politicisation following the 1905 Revolution and his further discovery of Western education, and his strong connections to the 'Jadid' movement. The bulk of the article covers the pre-Revolutionary period, although the period between 1918 and 1925 was certainly Gubaidullin's most productive, when he wrote either alone in on collaboration with others a number of highly influential and interesting works. These include the multi-volume history of Tatar literature (Tatar adabiiati tarikhi) that appeared in 1923-24, written in collaboration with Gali Rahim, and a number of works devoted to Tatar social and political history, being the first application of Marxist historical principles to Tatar history per se, and as such melded quite smoothly into the Jadid historical narrative that emphasised above all social and political progress. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 65. LANDA R. G., "Akhmed-Zaki Validov (Zaki Validi Togan) kak vostokoved i obshchestvennyi deiatel' [Ahmad-Zaki Walidi (Zeki Velidi Togan) as an Orientalist and a Public Figure]," Vostok 2000/1:122-37 Dealing with the central figure of Bashkir post-Soviet historiography, this detailed article manages not to take sides in the quibbles that have arisen in the 1990s on the historical interpretation of Ahmad Zaki Walidi 'Togan' (1890-1970)'s political activities. Based on the latter's memoirs, this thematic biography provides interesting statements on the central role played by Togan's family background in his growing interest in the history of Turkic peoples—from his learning of Arabic and Persian language, respectively with his father and his mother, and his early contacts with scholars of Islam from Bukhara and with members of the Naqshbandiyya mystical path, to his acquaintance with thinkers of his time, Muslim or not, like Renan and 'Abduh. The author then exposes already known information on Togan's public life from in engagement at the Qasimiyya Madrasa of Kazan in 1909 Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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66. MASOV R. M., ed., Rol' akademika A. A. Semenova v izuchenii istorii tadzhikskogo naroda: Matcrialy nauchnoi konferentsii, posviashchennoi 130-letiiu so dnia rozhdcniia akademika A. A. Semenova (Dushanbe 28 noiabria 2003 g.) [The Role of the Academician A. A. Semenov in the Study of the History of the Tajik People: Materials of the Scientific Conference Devoted to the Academician A. A. Semenov's 130th Anniversary (Dushanbe, November 28, 2003)], Dushanbe: Institut istorii, arkheologii i etnografii im. A. Donisha, 2004,72 p. Its tautological title notwithstanding, the present collection of papers happily differs from purely apologetic ones usually published on the occasion of this kind of jubilee. Several authors have even provided studies of unpublished primary materials and of first-hand testimonies that give the volume an unexpected originality. For example, the historian of Transoxiana's pre-modern urban culture A. MUKHTOROV offers invaluable, though solemn memories on Semenov's activity as a tutor of young Tajikistani scholars (16-27). A younger, though recognised historian of Russian colonisation of Central Asia, V. DUBOVITSKII, gives an overview of Semenov's look at Russia's policy in this region, on the basis of the Semenov's personal papers now preserved in Dushanbe's Academic Institute of History (29-37). Through the still highly hypothetic idea of a personal meeting between Semenov and the Bukharan dignitary, poet and memoirs-writer Mirza Salim-Bek, a young researcher at the University of Uppsala, F. WENNBERG—who has had access to Semenov's papers on Salim-Bek—, usefully stresses the productivity of microhistorical approaches in the study of modernisation processes in colonial Central Asia (57-64). Each paper is followed by a list of available literature and/or of primary sources. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

67. MOLCHANOVA E. K„ "Vklad R. S. Rastorguevoi v tadzhikskuiu dialektologiiu i maloizuchennye iranskie iazyki [R. S. Rastorgueva's Contribution to the Dialectology of Tajik Language and to Understudied Iranian Languages]," Nomaipazhuhishgoh (Dushanbe) 5/8-10 (2004-5): 221-30 Instead of really developing since the closure of the Department of Dialectology of the Rudaki Institute of Tajik Language and Literature (Dushanbe), dialectological studies in Tajikistan have been looking into their past history (see also supra 36). In this paper, a former student of the prominent Russian dialectologist Vera Sergeevna Rastorgueva in the Moscow State University sketches an intellectual biography of her teacher, w i t h paragraphs on Rastorgueva's study of Tajik dialects of

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the Warzab area (north of Dushanbe) and of the Fergana Valley, and on her global methodological contribution to the study of modern Iranian languages. The authors also remembers her teacher's role in the management of leading projects of the 1970s, notably in the publication of the five-volume collective monograph on "The Southern Dialects of the Tajik Language" in 1979-84, and in the publication of a first "Gilaki-Russian Dictionary" in 1980. She finally recollects Rastorgueva's interest in poorly documented modern Iranian languages of the North-Western group and in others like Baloch and Masarmi. (A Persian translation of this paper is available pp. 211-20 of the Persian text, in the same issue of the journal.) Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 68. NAUMOVA O. B., "O. A. Sukhareva (k 100-letiiu so dnia rozhdeniia) [O. A. Sukhareva (on the Occasion of the Hundredth Anniversary of Her Birth]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2003/6: 94-114, ill. Illustrated by three beautiful photographs, this lively paper on the eminent scholar on the history and historical ethnography of Central Asia Ol'ga A. Sukhareva (1903-83) is based by the latter's notes on her parents, her letters of the 1950s, and on recollections by her relatives, colleagues and students. The author successively casts light on her childhood in Samarqand where she could witness the local life, her early vocation as an ethnographer and the beginning of her collection work at the age of fifteen, her graduation in the Central Asian State University (where she was a student of the outstanding orientalists A. A. Semenov and M. S. Andreev), and the earlier steps of her research career in the Samarqand Museum. After her initial works on Central Asian embroidery and on pre-Islamic beliefs among the Tajiks of the plains, the author follows her move to Tashkent in 1946, and the development of her larger works on the history of Central Asian costume and on preSoviet Bukhara (on the city's mahallas and gudhars in particular) through Russian and vernacular textual sources. The Redaction 69. RESHETOV A. M., "S. M. Abramzon - issledovatel' tsentral'noaziatskikh kirgizov [S. M. Abramzon, a Researcher on the Central Asian Kyrgyz]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2001/1:142-8 Saul Matveevich Abramzon has been a key figure of the Soviet school of ethnography in Central Asia. As different from Kazakhstan or Uzbekistan, where the scientific expertise has been more diverse, the 'small' republics of the former Soviet Union used to have each a renowned specialist: Sev'ian Vainshtein for the Tuvins, Tatiana Zhdanko for the Karakalpaks, Saul Abramzon for the Kyrgyz. In spite of the latter's fundamental contribution to the ethnography and history of the Kyrgyz, his arguments, and methods, have been contested as early as the mid 1970s and, for different reasons, remain under scrutiny. The explanation lies in the fact that Abramzon, as many of his contemporaries, was a "politicised scholar". Moreover, his major research topic—the ethnogenesis or the ethnic history of the Kyrgyz—was and remains politically sensitive. This article marks the 95c anniversary of the scholar and examines his materials on the Kyrgyz living in the XUAR of the Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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People's Republic of China (termed "Central Asian Kyrgyz" in the article, as opposed to or compared with the Kyrgyz of Kyrgyzstan, referred to as "Middle Asian Kyrgyz"). It thus supplements the already existing articles on Abramzon (referred to in note 19) that focus mainly on the latter's contributions to the ethnography and history of the Kyrgyz of Kyrgyzstan. The major topic, vij. the Chinese Kyrgyz as I will call them here, is developed against the background of several questions of major importance for social research, namely the complementary nature of fieldwork and of the compilation of published data, of individual and team research, but also the dependence of scientific endeavours on political agendas. A. M. Reshetov gives quite an exhaustive record of Abramzon's major expeditions in Kyrgyzstan. So doing, he not only contextualises Abramzon's activities, but also gives an insight into the organisation of ethnographic research in Kyrgyzstan up to the 1950s. The relation between random field encounters, such as those of Abramzon with otkochevshchiki ("migrants / exiles") in the Osh region, and the genesis of an ambitious research programme, such as the one on Chinese Kyrgyz, is cleverly introduced. The specificity of this particular research programmes is made clear: In fact, as opposed to his long-term fieldwork in Kyrgyzstan, Abramzon never had the occasion to perform fieldwork among the Chinese Kyrgyz; as a consequence, his data results (1) from interviewing migrant Kyrgyz or Kyrgyz exiles; (2) from epistemological exchanges with a Chinese scholar, Hu Zhenhua; and (3) from compiling published data on Chinese Kyrgyz. Having described the hazards of scientific publishing in the Soviet Union during the 19501960s, the author presents Abramzon's materials on Chinese Kyrgyz. As usually, Abramzon's detailed ethnography is presented briefly (by a marriage ritual, p. 144), while the bulk of the article (pp. 144-146) follows Abramzon in one of his favourite subjects: the genealogy of the Kyrgyz, the history of various Kyrgyz genealogical lines as well as their "ethnogenesis" in different social surroundings and political settings. The examples discussed by the author are fragmentary but they give an idea of the richness of Abramzon's materials. Yet, the interpretations and contextualisation of these materials have had shortcomings not only in Abramzon's life time. They still remain problematic as illustrated by certain statements in the present article (such as those on the "archaic features of marriage rituals" preserved by Chinese Kyrgyz, cf. p. 144, or on the meanings and functions of genealogical identification among the Kyrgyz, cf. pp. 144145). In Abramzon's time, it was not possible to measure arguments and theories in a broader context (let's not forget that Fredrik Barth and Saul Abramzon are contemporaries; Barth's Ethnic Groups and Boundaries was published in 1969 and Abramzon's Kirgizy i ikh etnogeneticheskie i ctnokul'turnye sviazi in 1972); this seems possible today. And I bet that Abramzon's legacy will gain in importance if it is not approached only through the narrow prism of ethnogenesis. These remarks notwithstanding, A. M. Reshetov and his article constitute a valuable contribution both to the history of Soviet ethnography and to the history of Kyrgyz studies. In a period when Kyrgyzstan is the favourite destination of the majority of American and Western social scientists, it is useful to remind that this is not a no man's land, and that the composite legacy of Soviet ethnography remains often unknown or underestimated. Svetlanajacquesson (Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology, Halle) 56

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART 70. RYBAKOV S. V., "Istorik-evrazets Georgii Vernadskii [The Eurasianist Historian Georgii Vernadskii]," Voprosy istorii 2006/11:157-64 This article is devoted to the biography of historian Georgii Vernadskii (1887-1973). After publishing several works just prior to WWI, Vernadskii was forced to flee during the civil war to Prague, where, in 1922, he encountered the main theoreticians of Eurasianism, N. S. Troubetzskoy and P. N. Savitskii. However, he soon emigrated to the United States where he became one of the great figures of American Slavic Studies at Yale. His Eurasianist works sought to demonstrate that the history of Eurasia is marked by dialectical rhythms between the Forest and the Steppe, and by the weighty role of geography in Russian history. His later works, less ideological and more historical, are devoted to the history of ancient Russia. They emphasise the interaction between the Slavs and the nomadic Turkic populations, and the major role played by Mongol domination in the formation of the identity of medieval Muscovy. Marlene Laruelle (Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 71. SAFAROV Okhunjon, "Toji Qoraev," Uzbek tili va adabiioti

2006/6:96-9

This jubilee article on the influential Bukharan philologist T. Qoraev (b. 1936) summarises the latter's research and teaching activity, from his early works on Turkic literature in Bukhara from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century, and on the collection of Turkic verses by the poet from Kitab Mulla Qurban 'Khirami' (1796-?)—to whom T. Qoraev has devoted an impressive series of monographs and papers—to later studies on the nineteenth-century milieu of Turkic poets in Bukhara (Mujrim-'Abid, Achildi-Murad 'Miri', 'Sawda', Talib Talibi, 'Naqis', 'Shawqi', 'Muztarr', 'Wala', 'Sahba', etc.); on Turkic gnostic poetry in Central Asia trough the works of Yasawi and the Naqshbandi poet from Bukhara Khwaja 'Ismat; on the identification of pennames (takhallus) of Central Asian Persian and Turkic poets (with R. Vohidov: Adabiitakhalluslarlughati, 1978; Takhalluslar, 1979), on the Uzbek Soviet poet Rahmatulla Otaquziev 'Uyghun' (1905-90) and his relation to Russian literature. The Redaction 72. SAFAROV O., URAEVA D., "Khalq nasri tadqiqotchisi [A Researcher on People's Prose]," Uzbek tili va adabiioti 2 0 0 7 / 2 : 2 9 - 3 6 This commemorative paper is devoted to Mamatkul Juraev, a leading figure of the Uzbek school of collection and edition of oral epic traditions, and of research on the genesis and typology of epic themes and genres, who was active successively at the Bukhara University and at the Navoi Pedagogical Institute in Nurota. The authors successively assess Juraev's contribution on subjects as varied as traditional calendars (Navruz, 1992; Uzbek khalq taqvimi va mifologik afsonalar, 1994), magical numbers in the traditional beliefs of the Uzbeks (e.g., Uzbek khalq ertaklarida 'sehrli' raqamlar, 1991), the Arabic roots of some beliefs and oral traditions of Islamic Transoxiana (Uzbek mifologiiasi va arab fol'klori, with Sh. Shomusarov, 2001—with paragraphs on the jinns and ghuls, and on figures like Khizr or the Ashab al-Kahf, or on

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, EPISTEMOLOGY, MISCELLANIES the Qaf Mountain). The authors also assess Juraev's activity as a collector of oral traditions (from his lpak iuli afsonalari, 1993, to the Bukhoro afsonalari published in 2002 together with his disciple R. Saidova—in this book Juraev proposes an original reflection on archetypal figures such as Khoja Ubbon, Gavomard, and the Qirq Qiz. The paper is ended with the evocation of the continuation of Juraev's work by his pupils in Uzbekistan: O. Qaiumov (Uzbek fol'klorida pari obrazi [The Image of the Fairy in Uzbek Folklore], 1991), U. Sattorov (Uzbek khalq toponimik rivoiaclari [Uzbek People's Toponymical Legends], 2001), M. Rahmonova (Uzbek khalq tarikhii afsonalarining uziga khos khususiiatlari, genezisi va tasnifl [The Specificity, Genesis and Composition of Uzbek People's Historical Legends], 2004), and Z. Jumaev (Uzbek khalq tarikhii rivoiatlari [Uzbek People's Historical Legends], 2005). The Redaction 73. SHNIRELMAN Viktor, PANARIN Sergei, "Lev Gumilev: His Pretensions as a Founder of Ethnology and His Eurasian Theories," Inner Asia 3/1 (2001): 1-18 The authors criticise the work of the now popular historian Lev Gumilev from the viewpoint of his contribution to Neo-Eurasianist movement. They examine Gumilev's numerous contradictions and and his methodological flaws, before discussing the political implications of his extraordinary popularity in post-Soviet Russian, notably in academic circles—underlying notably that his work contribute to legitimate contemporary nationalism and anti-Semitism. The Redaction 74. STEPANIAN A. A., "Serik Davtian - issledovatel' armianskogo narodnogo prikladnogo iskusstva (1893-1978) [Serik Davtian (1893-1978), a Researcher on the Armenian Popular Applied Art]," Etnograficheskocobozrenic 2006/1: 3 9 - 4 8 This biography of Serik Davtyan, a prominent mid-twentieth-century historian of Armenian arts and crafts, evokes her scientific work interrupted by her condemnation in 1937 and her long relegation till 1955. The author notably insists on the quality of her studies of medieval and early modern Armenian embroidery, and suggests the significance of her personal archive. The paper is enriched with the publication of a short manuscript text on the history of Armenian costume. The Redaction 75. TITOVA Z. D., "V. N. Tatishchev i izuchenie narodov Sibiri v XVIII v. [V. N. Tatishchev and the Study of the Peoples of Siberia in the Eighteenth Century]," Etnograficheskoc obozrenie 2 0 0 4 / 6 : 1 1 0 - 4 This short paper is devoted to a relatively ignored part of the scholarly work of Vasilii Nikitich Tatishchev (1686-1750), who was also a major figure in the political arena of Russia in the first half of the eighteenth century. While a large part of his scientific writings (which testify to his interest in history, linguistics, and geography) has been published and commented on, those concerning specifically Siberian peoples have rarely been taken into account. Now, Tatishchev scrutinised the relations written by foreign travellers, in particular that by Strahlenberg (publish-

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART ed in 1730 in Stockholm) and wrote comments on it from 1732 to 1737 (manuscript preserved in the National Library of Russia). He sent queries to local authorities in Irkutsk and Iakutsk to verify Strahlenberg's data on Tungus and Yakuts. According to the excerpts of these comments that have been published by N. A. Popov in Moscow in 1861, Tatishchev pointed out Strahlenberg's deficiencies due to his ignorance of the languages but did not deny the value of his work. The main contribution of this paper is the information on the survey questionnaires designed by Tatishchev for the exploration of the native cultures of Siberia, and published by Popov. These questionnaires (two versions, 1734 and 1737 with respectively 92 and 198 questions) portend the programmes for the systematic collection of field material that played an important role in the study of the peoples of Russia. Tatishchev sent them to all the provincial centres, and received replies for many years. He gave all of them to the Imperial Academy of Sciences in 1749. Replies continued to be sent long after his death, as shown by some of those preserved at the N. L. of Russia. Only a part of them has been described and published, in particular a part of those coming from the areas of Krasnoiarsk and Verkholensk found in G. F. Miller's folder at the State Archives in Moscow (A. I. Andreev, 1936). The replies made use of local censuses and taxes records and included also oral information from local people. According to Titova, their inner informative value is uneven, the most interesting from an ethnographical point of view being those on the Buriats and the Tungus recorded in the areas of Verkholensk and Ilimsk (N. L., Moscow). The reader is grateful to her for pointing out the contents of some paragraphs of these two files, as well as for providing the result of her long search for listing and locating all materials related to Tatishchev's queries. She received negative answers from 26 Central and Local Archives in Russia and could not find out the documents presumed to be preserved at the University of Göttingen, including lexicons of Siberian languages. This makes her survey very useful—though short and not enough systematic. Roberte Hamayon (EPHE, Paris) & Jean-Luc Lambert (EPHE, Paris) 7 6 . WAHLQUIST Häkan, "Hedin, Sven," in Ehsan Y a r s h a t e r , ed., Encyclopaedia

Iranica, 12/2, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003:136-9, ill., bibliography Constrasting usefully with the bulk of biographical literature devoted, for years, to the great Swedish explorer of and writer on Central Asia (1865-1952), this paper casts an important light on the latter's initial expedition in Persia, where the young man sharpened his ability to travel, and work with peoples of all walks of life, "a talent that was to serve him well in the years to come". The paper skims through his successive travels and his progressive training, elluding his discussable political commitments of the 1920s-50s. The notice is followed by significant bibliographies of publications by and on Sven Hedin. The Redaction See also: 35 (Halles)

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I.2.C. Epistemological

Questions

77. ADAMS Laura L., "Research Trends in Sociology," in S. A. Dudoignon & Komatsu H., eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18th-20th Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2000,1, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko (Toyo Bunko Research Library: 3), in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2003: 87-98, bibliography The author sheds a crude light on "the dearth of sociological research" on Central Eurasia in the 1990s. Deploring that sociology as it was then practiced in Central Eurasia continued to fall below international standards, Laura Adams also denounces, as far as North America is concerned, a flow of generalisation based on secondary sources. About research trends in the early 2000s, the author underlines the contribution of several recent volumes on how people are coping with the everyday aspects of transition from socialism, and investigations of the intersection between local networks and the international aid community. Finally, Laura Adams devotes some paragraphs to research on national identity that relate to broader sociological literatures: transnationalism and the institutionalisation of "imagined" communities. An exception to the overall lack of major trends is the application of theoretical literature on social movements and globalisation to issues such as environment and nationalism. The Redaction 78. DUDOIGNON Stephane A., "Central Eurasian Studies in the European Union: A Short Insight," in S. A. Dudoignon & Komatsu H., eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18th-20th Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2000, 1, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko (Toyo Bunko Research Library: 3), in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2003: 156211, bibliography After a synthetic reflections on the rapid internationalisation of research on modern Central Eurasian societies, and on their marginal institutional development in the 1990s in the framework of existing European research institutions, the author rapidly evokes the activity of the main research institutions and funds on the level of the European Unions, then country by country (Germany, Great Britain, France, Nordic countries, and others). This introduction tries to localise the main institutions and provide about them short electronic coordinates as well as reference to the recent works of leading researchers and research groups and projects. The article ends with a substantial bibliography (pp. 191-211). The Redaction 79. FARKHSHATOV Marsil, NOACK Christian, "Research Trends in Studies on the History of Islam and Muslim Peoples (Bashkirs, Volga and Siberian Tatars) Conducted in European Russia and Siberia, ca. 1985-2000," in S. A. Dudoignon &E Komatsu H., eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18th-20' Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2000,1,

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Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko (Toyo Bunko Research Library: 3), in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2003:1-47 This substantial essay sketches the changing institutional framework for historical studies on Islam and Muslim peoples in the Federation of Russia from 1985 to 2000, with special interest in those peoples known today as Bashkirs and the Volga-Ural and Siberian Tatars at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The first part on the institutional framework, with special reference to Moscow and St. Petersubrg institutions, and to Tatarstan and Bashkortostan, is followed by an overview of the publishing activity (monographs and anthologies of research papers, textbooks, central and regional periodicals). The chapter on research trends focus on ethnic history, the theories of ethno-genesis, the expansion of ethno-demography, and studies on nationalism and nation- and state-building (with specific paragraphs on studies on Jadidism and the 'new Tatar historiography', on pan-Turkism and pan-Islamism, on political movements and parties, on statehood traditions in the Volga-Ural region, on Tatar and Bashkir Soviet history), Islam, social and cultural history (enhancing the early-twentieth-century 'Golden Age' of Tatar merchants and entrepreneurs). The Redaction 80. GHULOMOV S. S., "Uzbekistonda ijtomoii-gumanitar fanlar taraqqioti va istiqboli [Social and Human Sciences in Uzbekistan: Development and Perspectives]," O'zbckistonda ijtimoiy fanlar / Obshchcstvcnnyc nauki v Uzbekistane 2006/4-5: 3-9 Evoking the main orientations of research in Uzbekistan's prominent academic institutions, the author recalls the (often apologetical) prominent themes that have been adopted for them in the course of the past decade. The Redaction 81. HAMADA Masami, "Research Trends in Xinjiang Studies," in S. A. Dudoignon & Komatsu H., eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18'h-20!h Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2000, 1, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko (Toyo Bunko Research Library: 3), in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2003: 69-86 This article deals with the change of historical research on Xinjiang after the turning point of the early 1980s. Research work in China proper are precisely evoked through the content of several major collective publications, through the discovery and utilisation of new historical materials, through the rehabilitation of some historical figures (such as native feudal lords of the first half of the twentieth century), and the early stage of the historical study of post-WWII history. The second half of the article deals with research trends in Japan, through its main themes: the general history of Xinjiang, the administration of the Qing dynasty, studies on Turki literature, the history of nationalism and national movements in Xinjiang, with a final paragraph on "molars and bazarsA short last chapter overviews Xinjiang historical studies throughout the world (works by Kim Ho-Dong, Thierry Zarcone, Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Isenbike Togan, Andrew D. W. Forbes, Linda Benson, Ingvar Svanberg). The absence of a final bibliography is largely compensated by extremely detailed footnotes. The Redaction 82. KOMATSU Hisao, "Modern Central Eurasian Studies in Japan: An Overview (1985-2000)," in S. A. Dudoignon & Komatsu H., eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18th-20th Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2000, 1, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko (Toyo Bunko Research Library: 3), in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2003:127-55, bibliography This contribution deals with the evolution of historical studies on Central Eurasia in Japan during fifteen decisive years. The author successively evokes the rapid development of general history and the multiplication of reference books, under strong pressure of a new readership. He then sheds light on the main areas and periods treated by research and publication activity in Japan: modern history of the Volga-Urals, Central Asia, the Caucasus; Soviet and post-Soviet Central Eurasia. The last, substantial part of the article consists of notices on major Japanese institutions and journals specialising in Central Eurasian history. The Redaction 83. MATSUZATO Kimitaka, "Rusistika poverkh granits: Slavianskie issledovaniia Iaponii i sotsial'nye nauki Rossii: sovmestnye poiski vykhoda iz izoliatsii [Russian Studies across Borders: Slavic Studies in Japan and Social Sciences in Russia: A Joint Search for Breaking Isolation]," Ab Imperio 2003/1:421-33 This article represents an assessment of the state of the field of Slavic studies in Russia and Japan. The author begins by noting the problem of (relative) isolation for Japan and former Soviet countries. Both are located on the periphery of European civilisation, and for this and other reasons Japanese and Russian scholars in many cases lack sufficient knowledge of foreign languages. This has impeded their participation in international scholarship, and Matsuzato contends that works by specialists from Japan and CIS countries often do not rise to international scholarly standards. Yet developments both in Central Eurasia (the break up of the USSR) and Japan (the appearance of a foreign policy less dependent on the US) have established improved conditions for the elimination of this isolation: new archival access, new opportunities for collaborative research, and the possibility to analyse the socialist countries comparatively with the rest of the world. Matsuzato concludes with thoughts about how to realise the potential provided at the present moment. At their core is the idea of resurrecting the single scholarly space of the USSR, in order to address historical issues and engage in comparative analysis; the promotion of two-sided research projects of a theoretical nature; and the advancement of new multi-polar networks "Praising the Initiatives" of the Kennan Institute for Advanced Russian Studies (Washington, USA) and his own Slavic Research Centre (University of Hokkaido, Japan), the author nonetheless perceives a disturbing weakening of contacts between American, Western European, and East 62

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Asian specialists on the CIS and the Baltic region. In short, this is a thoughtful reflection on the state of the field, and both Matsuzato and the Slavic Research Centre deserve much credit for practicing what they preach. Paul W . Werth (University of Nevada, Las Vegas) 8 4 . MATSUZATO Kimitaka, ed., Istoriograficheskii dialog vokrug nepriznannykh gosudarstv: Pridncstrov'e, Nagornyi Karabakh, Armeniia, Iuzhnaia Osetiia i Gruziia [The Historiographical Dialogue between Non-Recognised States: Transdnistria, Higher Qarabakh, Armenia, Southern Ossetia and Georgia], Sapporo: Slavic Research Center, Hokkaido University (21 st Century C O E Program "Making a Discipline of Slavic Eurasian Studies," 18), 2007,112 p. The present collection of papers is part of the research project "Non-Recognised States in Former Socialist Countries: A Comparative and Multilayer Approach" and of the 21st Century Centre of Excellence Programme. The main goal of the present publication is the comparison of the respective positions of scholars from Transdnestria, Georgia, Southern Ossetia, Higher Qarabagh, as well as those of the Japanese specialist of Armenia, Yoshimura Takayuki. Besides, according to its Editor Matsuzato Kimitaka, it aims at becoming "a step forward towards the peaceful coexistence of former conflicting parts (p. 6)." The idea itself of such a summarisation and analysis of the historiography of non-recognised states, of a "historiographical dialogue" between the representatives of different if not mutually contradictory trends of history-writing, shows constructive not only from a purely scientific viewpoint, but also from a range of more practical perspectives. The book begins with an article by Nikolai BABILUNGA, "Pridnestrovskaia Moldavskaia Respublika: priznannaia istoriografiia nepriznannogo gosudarstva [The Transdnestrian Moldovan Republic: The Accepted Historiography of a NonRecognised State]," 12-36. According to the author, when Kishinev adopted an overall orientation towards the "Rumanisation" of the history of Moldova and the identification of Moldovans as "Bessarabian Rumanians," the historians of the left bank of the Dnestr River did not recognised this conception and refused to adopt the teaching programmes and textbooks that were supposed to convey it toward masses. After the proclamation of the Transdnestrian Moldovan Republic on September 2,1990, a new signification was given to its historiography from the origins to the present. Beginning ex nihilo, the new historical school rapidly distinguished itself by its dynamism, expressed notably by the organisation of innumerable conferences and publication projects. This activism is properly linked by the author with the current revival of the Orthodox Church in the area, contrasted with the paucity of exchanges with the historians of Kishinev, and explained by the willingness of the new state to acquire an ideological instrument for legitimising the boundaries of an emerging state. The Qarabagh Armenian "monologue"—there is no participation by Azerbaijani scholars in the volume—is represented first by an article by Vagram BALAIAN on "The Historiography of Artsakh (the Republic of Higher Qarabakh) [Istoriografiia Artsakha (Nagorno-Karabakhskaia Respublika)]," 37-51, in which the author has tried to distinguish several historical layers. Beginning his study with the mention

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of ancient testimonies on the "proto-Armenian" political entities, he questionably asserts that "the historical homeland of Indo-Europeans was situated between the Iranian Plateau, Eastern Anatolia, Northern Mesopotamia, and the Kura River where are located the ancient Armenian provinces of Artsakh and Utik (p. 37)." As to the period between the sixteenth century onwards and the Russian conquest in 1813 after the Gulistan Treaty, a period during which present-day Armenia became the arena of the military rivalry between the Ottoman and Safavid empires, the authors dates the arrival of "the first Turk" to the region of the mid-eighteenth century, with the migration and conquest by Panakh, one of the founders of the Khanate of Qarabagh. The "Iranian yoke" being replaced by a Russian one, the next period on which the author casts light is that of the "liberation struggle" between 1917 and July 1921, the date of the reunion of Higher Qarabakh to the future Azerbaijani SSR. This romantic narrative is closed by a general assertion that the Qarabagh theme became a major taboo in Soviet Armenia—an affirmation contradicted by the rich bibliography of Soviet Armenian historical works provided as an annex to the present article. Contrasting with this tone, and with the position of a majority of the authors of the present volume as well, the laconic article by YOSHIMURA Takayuki ("Some Arguments about the History of Higher Qarabakh [Nekotorye argumenty k Nagorno-Karabakhskoi istorii]," 52-60) deals more precisely with the question of the way Qarabakh became a constituent part of Azerbaijan. The author focuses on the decision taken on July 4-5, 1921 by the Caucasian Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Russia. A range of issues linked with the current situation in Southern Ossetia is dealt with in the respective, very different from each other contributions by Kosta DZUGAEV and Temo DZHODZHUA. The former, in a paper entitled "Southern Ossetia: Past and Present [luzhnaia Ossetia: istoriia i sovremennost']," 61-83, aims at providing his readership a precise idea of the ethno-genesis of Southern Ossetians "as a component of a united Ossetian people (p. 61)." Basing his argument on a rather narrow documental basis made of modern anthologies and syntheses—interestingly, the properly said academic literature is rarely mentioned in the present article, whilst the present author would have benefited from the reading of G. F. Chursin, Osctiny, ctnograficheskii ochcrk [The Ossetians, an Ethnographical Study], Tbilisi, 1925, the results of the first Soviet expedition in Southern Ossetia—, the author devotes a paragraph on the period "from the Scythian tribes to the Mongols," before dealing with the modern relations between Ossetians and Georgians, and stressing the historical reasons of the overall orientations of Ossetians towards Moscow since the establishment of the Russian dominance in the Caucasus. Providing a new sharp contrast, the paper by Temo Dzhodzhua ("The historiography of the Tskhinvali Region (Southern Ossetia) [Istoriografiia Tskhinval'skogo regiona (luzhnaia Ossetiia)]," 84-112) represents a genuinely academic approach: Relying on a wide basis of archaeological, narrative, documental and scientific sources, the author depicts a global picture of the history of this region from the origins to 2005. His coherent and always well-documented narrative tackles the most significant issues of this history, including the Alan question, the struggle for the control of the region between the Abkhaz tsars and the archbishops of Kakheti, multiple ethnic processes, etc. Besides, contrary to other contributors to the same 64

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volume, the author refrains from calling his opponents "distorters of history," putting in discussion their professional abilities. About the volume as a whole, no doubt every author's approach to the subject of the emerging national historiographies of non-recognised states reflects indeed his position and the expectation of his milieu as well as the qualitative level of his personal involvement in research. However, in his introduction the editor suggests that the observation that history does not influence the regulation of conflicts "does not reach the ears" of the politicians and intelligentsias of the former USSR (9). On the contrary the articles collected by Matsuzato Kimitaka clearly demonstrate that research in the field of regional and local history cannot and must not be ignored by those involved in political decision making. Julietta Meskhidze (Peter the Great Institute of Anthropology, St Petersburg) 85. MEGORAN Nick, "On Researching 'Ethnic Conflict': Epistemology, Politics, and a Central Asian Boundary Dispute," Europe Asia Studies 59/2 (2007): 253-77 A staple theme of Anglophone academic, journalistic and international organisation discourse about post-Socialist Eurasia (most specifically about the Fergana Valley) has been the importance of 'ethnicity'—a convenient tool indeed in the hands of typologists and foreign-policy makers. The purpose of this article is to address the following question: Have 'border disputes' since 1999 made 'ethnic conflicts' in the Fergana Valley more likely, as many commentators have warned? To address this question, the author begins by discussing the meaning and recent historical role of 'ethnicity' in Central Asia, particularly in the often "weakly substantiated and poorly theorised (p. 257)" Anglophone literature, and the politics of its use as a category to explain conflict. Arguing that focus group methodology is peculiarly adapted for the task, he analyses the results of 15 focus groups conducted in southern Kyrgyzstan in 2000. For instance, the comparative study of materials from different focus groups permits him to shed light on the importance of geographies of residence and occupation for explaining varied attitudes toward the changed border control regime that might otherwise be mistaken as 'ethnic' (p. 269). Discussing prominent theoretical or empirical references, the article considers ethnicity not as a given attribute adhering to an individual, but as a fluid and contested process, "a historically contingent and malleable force" that only has meaning in concrete contexts. So doing, the author uncovers a significant gap between elite conceptions of ethnicity, and the popular significance attached to it. Uzbeks and Kyrgyz in southern Kyrgyzstan expressed similar views about the closures of international boundaries since early 1999, framed in terms of ethnicity. These overlaps and discrepancies provide resources for those wishing to articulate visions of future social formations wider than the range of options currently propagated by "ethnic entrepreneurs." The article concludes by suggesting that in the light of Kyrgyzstan's 'Tulip Revolution' of March 2005, this interstice may be a space for imagining alternative forms of national belonging and political formation in south Kyrgyzstan. Brilliantly written, theoretically and experimentally wellargued, this exemplary paper belongs to the very first generation of epistemological appraisals of twenty years of English-language publications on contemporary

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Central Asian societies. As such, its reading and discussion must be highly recommended to researchers of all disciplines of human and social sciences embarking on the study of this specific area. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 86. PLOSKIKH V. M . et al, eds., Istochnikovedcnie

Kyrgyzstana

(S drevnosti do

kontsa

xix v.) [The Sources for the Study of Kyrgyzstan (from Ancient Times to the Nineteenth Century], Bishkek: Ilim, 2004,372 p. This collection of papers by leading archaeologists and historians of the Ferghana and Semireche consists of detailed presentations of different kinds of primary written documents on various periods of the history of present-date Kyrgyzstan, according to lasting Marxist-Leninist categories: 1) prehistory, proto-history and ancient history; 2) early middle ages; 3) "the period of developed feudalism"; 4 ) later middle ages and modern times. Beside captivating contributions by first-rank scholars on ancient Turkic written material (by S. G. KLIASHTORNYI, 40-64), or on Soghdian texts, documents and epigraphy (by V. A. LIVSHITS, 117-48), the reader specialising in late medieval, and modern history finds in the volume a large range of studies on the most varied written source materials: sources in Latin (by K. I. PETROV, 180-96); in Persian (by I. K. PETROVA, 196-221); in Chinese (by G. P. SUPRUNENKO, 221-7); epigraphic sources in Arabic script (by V. N. NASTICH, 227-45); Nestorian monuments in Syriac and Turkic languages (by Ch. Dzh. DZHUMAGULOV, 245-50); written monuments on the Qarakhanids (by T. D. DZHUMANALIEV, 250-7). These general articles are followed by more punctual studies: on the attribution of the mausoleum in south Uzgen, through numismatic and epigraphic data (by V. N. NASTICH and B. D. KoCHNEV, 257-69); on the methods of dating medieval epigraphic monuments in Arabic script in the Fergana and Semireche area (by V. N. NASTICH, 269-79); on Yuan-Shi's testimony on the thirteenth-century migration of the Kyrgyz (by E. I. KYCHANOV, 279-84); on the Kyrgyz epic tradition as a historical and ethnographical source (by I. B. MOLDOBAEV, 284-90); on the narrative sources about the Chaghatayid state (by T. D. DZHUMANALIEV, 290-300); on the respective contributions of Shah Mahmud Churas' "Chronicle" and of the Ta'rikh-i Kashghar (by the same, 300-9). The section on the late middle ages and modern times follows the same patterns, with panoramic contributions on sources in Iranian (309-16) and Turkic languages (316-25, both by A. M. MOKEEV—who, too often, contents himself with a common-sense critic of the "irrational character" of hagiographie literature); on Chinese sources (by G. P. SUPRUNENKO, 325-30—through a rich Russian and Soviet historiography); on Russian scholars and travellers of the eighteenth century to the 1870s (330-43, by V. M. PLOSKIKH & V. A. GALITSKII—with special attention for the history of the texts, and their frequent vicissitudes in the hands of military sponsors), and on Russian documents of the same period (343-50, also by PLOSKIKH & GALITSKII—who deplore the fragmentary character of statistical information, a fetish of Soviet historiography, but trace interesting qualitative perspectives on the basis of documentary sources). Then come several papers on more

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particular topics, such as: the contribution of Russian sources to questions of the history of Semireche in the second quarter of the eighteenth century (by M. B. DZHAMGERCHINOV, 350-4—a study of the way Russian diplomatic sources assess the weigh of the early eighteenth century Junghar power on the territory of present-day Kyrgyzstan); on the history of the Khanate of Kokand through the biography of 'Alimqul (by T. K. BEISEMBIEV, 354-63—see notably the reviews of this author's later monograph on 'Alimqul's biography, by A. Papas in Abstracta Iranica 26 (2003): 117, and by self in Cahiers du monde russc 45/3-4 (2004): 741-4—; on a newly discovered source for the history of the Khanate of Kokand (by A. M. MOKEEV, 363-6: see my review of this article in infra 276). The volume is concluded with a short study on N. A. Aristov's contribution to the study of the sources of the history of present-day Kyrgyzstan (by V. A. GALITSKII & V. M. PLOSKIKH, 366-9). Notwithstanding a unexpected amount of misprints, and an overall tendency, common to Soviet and post-Soviet historiography, to project towards a remote past the current boundaries of modern politities, the readers can only be rejoiced by such a collection of studies on so different periods of history, by a multinational team of authors (although, apparently for linguistic reasons, key Western or Japanese contributors have been kept out of the undertaking). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

87. PROZOROV S. M., "Tselevaia kompleksnaia programma Islam v Rossii [The Purposive Complete Programme 'Islam in Russia']," Vostok 2004/2:107-14 Assessing the challenge of the Islamic revival, the author introduces Russia's Islamic studies (otechestvennoe islamovedenie) and a possible state-sponsored programme 'Islam in Russia' as major tools for facing current societal and geopolitical pressures—notably as an ideological resource against the proponents of 'pure' Islam. S. M. Prozorov proposes a series of coordinated measures: the large-scale organisation of teaching of disciplines related with Islam in Russia's secondary and higher education, and the setting up of a publishing and popularisation system. On the former aspect, the author's picture of the teaching supply in Arabic and Islamic studies in Russia is excessively pessimistic, and does not take into account a number of often high-quality resources scattered in multiple institutions in both the twin capitals and the regions. Besides, his approach remains predictably orientalistic, dominated by themes like Sufism in the North Caucasus, the Hanafi theological and juridical school, the translation of the Qur'an, the methodology of the historiography of the worlds of Islam—to be taught in the St Petersburg Section of the Institute of Oriental Studies, under the author's supervision—, etc. As such, it recalls more the ideal curriculum of an early twentieth-century reformed madrasa of the Volga-Ural region than that of modern faculties of human and social sciences. With at least one sensitive difference: The present programme seems to be aiming at struggling against "foreign" influences upon the good old Islam of Russia, embodied by the Hanafi tradition. The setting up of a publishing system itself is explicitly supposed to allow Russia's Muslim-background readership to get rid of publications imported at great number from the Near East. The project's introduction is followed by a more detailed description (1) of the planned training period

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on historiography at the St Petersburg Section of the Institute of Oriental Studies, all oriented towards the analysis of texts in Arabic language (hagiography and dogma— 'aqayid & usul al-din—); (2) of the examination for 'candidates' in the methodology of historical research and in the historiography of classical [sic] Islam, both being based on the study of the Qur'an, the Sunna, Islamic exegesis, dogma in the eighth-ninth centuries CE, scholastic theology, mysticism, law, Islamicate biographical literature). Curiously enough, in a text guided by the principle of an absence of any "narrowly confessional orientation" in the tradition of the Russian state, nothing is said of possible actions of the same kind towards other confessional minorities of the Federation of Russia. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 88. RASULY-PALECZEK Gabriele, "Comparative Perspectives on C e n t r a l Asia and the Middle East in Social Anthropology and the Social Sciences," Central Eurasian Studies Review 4/2 ( 2 0 0 5 ) : 3-17, bibliography; 5/2 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 7-13 This article points out that anthropological concepts such as "segmentary lineage organisation" and the contrast between tribe and state are increasingly being employed by social scientists studying Central Eurasia, with mixed results. The author provides an overview of the institutional history of social anthropology in the field of Central Asian studies, both in the Soviet Union and elsewhere, and examines the reasons for the marginality of Central Asian studies to anthropology and the underdevelopment of anthropology within Central Asian studies (language barriers for Russian academics, lack of access to field sites, absence of institutional support until the 1990s, etc.) Then the author explores the history of the anthropological concepts in question, highlighting the contributions of anthropological research on the Middle East that challenged theories of both "state" and "tribe." However, the author cautions us about the application of insights from the Middle East to Central Eurasia based on assumptions that Muslim societies have certain fundamental similarities. Drawing on the work of Thomas Barfield, the author argues that Middle Eastern tribal organisation tends to be egalitarian and inward-focused because of close kin marriages, with no strong perennial leadership, whereas in Central Asia, tribal organisation follows a more hierarchical, Turko-Mongolian type with strong dynastic leadership and cross-clan linkages. In the second part of the article, the author uses her own research on the Qataghan-Uzbeks of north-eastern Afghanistan to illuminate how tribe-state relationships in Central Asia exhibit a mixture of "egalitarian" and "hierarchical" segementary lineage organisation, and to point out the political importance of networks other than kin networks, such as patron-client relationships, regional and professional networks, ethnicity, political parties, and religious brotherhoods. The author highlights the importance of the term qawm, a term for a solidarity group that implies a variety of kinship and non-kinship ties and brings with it an obligation of mutual assistance. Another concept the author explores is the way that personhood is understood in relation to political agency, especially as exemplified by the batir, or hero of the oral epic. The article ends with recommendations for ways to

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART further improve both the social anthropology of Central Asia and the study of political life in the region. Both parts of the paper contain lists of references. Laura L. Adams (Harvard University, Cambridge, MA)

89. SABOL Steven, "Kazak Resistance to Russian Colonization: Interpreting the Kenesary Kasymov Revolt, 1837-1847," Central Asian Survey 2 2 / 2 - 3 ( 2 0 0 3 ) : 231-52 The author reviews Russian-Kazakh relations, the question of Khan Abu'l-Khayr's "voluntary submission" in 1734, Russian settlement policies in the Steppe, and Kazakh revolts in the late eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries. Russia officially abolished the Kazakhs' title of Khan in 1824. At the same time the Russian peasant colonization in the Steppe increased significantly, depriving Kazakh nomad clans of their pasture land and leading to plight and conflict among the Kazakhs as well as to Kazakh raids on Russian and Cossack settlements. Kenesary Kasymov's revolt was seemingly motivated by both the drive to secure the title of Khan for himself and to ward off Russia's, as well as Kokand's, attempts to absorb the Steppe. Apparently Kenesary never managed to obtain the support of all the three major Kazakh confederacies at the same time, and his revolt must also be regarded as part of the civil strife among Kazakh clans. Accordingly, Sabol questions not only Soviet historiography, which regarded Kenesary's movement as reactionary and opposed to the progressive union with Russia, but also Kazakh historians, from the repressed scholar Ermukhan Bekmakhanov in the 1940s to the new scholarship after 1991, who celebrate Kenesary's revolt as a struggle for national independence and unity. Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam)

90. SCHONIG Claus, "Zentralasien und Turkologie [Central Asia and Turkic Studies]," in U g o Steinbach & Marie-Carin von G u m p p e n b e r g , eds., ZentraV asien: Geschichte, Politik, Wirtschaft (Ein Lexicon), Munich: C. H. Beck, 2 0 0 4 : 3 2 6 - 8 The author traces the contribution of Turkic studies to the development of Central Asian studies, in particular since the end of the Soviet period (with allusions to the contribution of well-organised Ottoman studies in France and Germany, of Turkic philology in the USA, of Buddhist studies in Japan, and to the pressure of nationalist lobbies and ideology in Turkey). The Redaction

91. STADELBAUER Jftrg, "Zentralasien als Begriff [Central Asia as a Concept]," in U g o Steinbach & M a r i e - C a r i n von Gumppenberg, eds., Zentralasien: Geschichte, Politik, Wirtschaft (Ein Lexicon), Munich: C. H. Beck, 2 0 0 4 : 3 1 8 - 2 6 Discussing reference works of Western European and Russian literature on Central Asia from Ferdinand von Richthofen to nowadays, the author astutely observes the extremely varied contents given in the course of the past two centuries to the notions of, respectively, 'Inner Asia' by archaeologists (Aurel Stein) and geopolitical scientists (Mackinder); 'Mittelasien' (from the late-eighteenth-century economist Theophil Friedrich Ehrmanns); and 'Zentralasien' (since Humboldt's

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travelogue and its influential translations into English and French) in concurrence with concepts of 'Transoxiana', 'Turan', 'Tartary', and 'Turkistan'. A paragraph is devoted to the administrative units into which Russian-conquered and Soviet 'Middle Asia'—a denomination adopted by a part of French geographical literature—was subdivided till 1917 (Steppe Territory, General-Government of Turkistan, Trans-Caspian Region—with allusions to the reutilisation of the notion of Turkistan and 'Turkistani' people by nationalist émigré historians from Central Asia, from the 1920s to the 1980s). The last paragraphs rapidly deal with the different contents given to the alliance systems that have been flowering in and around the region since 1993. The Redaction

92. STONE Leonard, "Research Developments in Contemporary Central Eurasian Studies," Central Asian Survey 24/4 (2005): 441-51 In a formula that could be adopted as a general exergue by the Central Eurasian Reader, the author soundly postulates that "an article on current research developments is defined as much by what it emphasises, as by what it does not call attention to." His study on recent research on the international politics of Central Eurasia focuses on the main concepts ('Clash of Civilisations,' 'Dialogue of Nations ...') and orientations (transition economies, nation-building, security architecture features) at work. These points notwithstanding, the article successively examines the mapping of Central Eurasia (a 'subjective vision' ensnared in 'geographist' ideology), analyses a selection of research developments, and focuses on a selection on interdisciplinary pathways. Well-argued critical comments on the essentially fictitious mapping of Central Eurasia and its multiple consequences are followed by the author's conclusion on the increasing cohabitation, in an intellectual sense, of scholars from both outside of Central Eurasia and those based within the region— an encouraging result of which in Western academic institutions being that "a line is no longer drawn between the West (as articulate) and Asia (as distant and inarticulate) [450]." (See also, by the same author: "Research and Eurasia: Geopolitical Contours," Perceptions—Journal of International Affairs 6/1 (2001): 135-50.) The Redaction

93. TÛRKOÔLU ismail, "Central Eurasian Studies in Turkey (1985-2002)," in S. A. Dudoignon & Komatsu H., eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18th-20th Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between

1985 and 2000,1, Tokyo: The Toyo Bunko (Toyo Bunko Research Library: 3), in cooperation with Abstracta Iranica, Paris, 2003: 99-126, bibliography The author first surveys the history of relations between modern-day Turkey and Central Asia. He then offers an overview of the respective specificities of the first generations of researchers on Central Eurasia, before and after WWII, in the 1980s (the "Perestroika generation"), and in the 1990s (stressing the strong presence of Turkish scholars in academic institutions of the former USSR). The second part of the article depicts the main research institutions, public and private, and journals. The conclusion evokes several major works, the result of a collaboration of re70

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EPISTEMOLOGY, STATE OF THE ART searchers from the whole country and many others from all over the world—like the encyclopaedia Tilrkler [The Turks] edited by Hasan Celal Guzel, Kemal Qgek and Salim Koca, with a number of notices about Central Eurasian history, politics, economy, society, culture, and religion. The Redaction 9 4 . UBAIDULLAEVA R. A., "Tsentr izucheniia obshchestvennogo mneniia v Uzb e k i s t a n [The Centre for the Study of Public Opinion in Uzbekistan]," Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia 2 0 0 5 / 9 : 1 4 3 - 4 Not devoid of waffle, this introduction of the'Ijtomoii fikr (Public Thought)' Centre for the Study of the Public Opinion in Uzbekistan, by its present director, expounds this institution's main orientations—notably its interest in methodological reflection, and in spirituality and public values. The considerations on the "psychological specificities of the Uzbek mentality" have not been argued. The Redaction 95. USMANOVA Diliara, "Sozdavaia natsional'nuiu istoriiu tatar: istoriograficheskie i intellektual'nye debaty na rubezhe vekov [Creating a National History: The Historiographical and Intellectual Debates at the Turn of the Century]," Ab lmpcrio 2 0 0 3 / 3 : 337-60 See also: CwiKLlNSKY Sebastian, "Tatarizm vs. Bulgarizm: 'pervyi spor' v tatarskoi istoriografii [Tatarism vs. Bulgharism: The 'First Debate' in Tatar Historiography]," Ab Imperio 2003/3: 361-92; VAN MEURS Wim, "Tatar Textbooks: The Next Matrioshka," ibid.: 407-20; GILIIAZOV Iskander, u Iz opyta prepodavaniia natsional'noi istorii: istoriia tatarskogo naroda v Kazanskom universitete—vchera i segodnia [On the Experience of Teaching National History: Teaching the History of the Tatar People, Yesterday and Today]," Ab lmpcrio 2000/3-4: 359-66. These four articles examine various aspects of the development of the historiography of the Tatar people. The authors' focus comprises generally academic historiography during the entire course of the twentieth century. Similarly, they address primarily Tatar "national" historiography; that is, narratives examining the Tatars as an ethno-national phenomenon. Indeed the topic of Tatar national identity and its documentation in narrative histories is a topic of seemingly inexhaustible interest both within Tatarstan outside of it, and a vast literature on this topic has emerged since Perestroika, and continues to be produced. In this regard these four articles provide a good overview on these themes, and also constitute a good example of both the thematic breadth and analytic restrictiveness of the topic. The Kazan historian Diliara Usmanova's essay provides a critical evaluation of the evolution of Tatar ethno-national historiography beginning with the legacy of Shihab ad-Din Maijani, through the twentieth century to the present. The article is well-written and incisive. Usmanova quite convincingly argues that the roots of secular Tatar historiography as it emerged in the first decades of the twentieth century are to be found in the indigenous Islamic scholarly milieu, and not in Russian official, academic or ecclesiastical circles. She explains this fact by the paucity Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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of secular institutions among the Tatars, although we might point out that in fact a regional sacred Islamic historiography was already well developed among the Tatars by the end of the nineteenth century, and the emergence of this secular historiography was in part a rationalist response to this sacred historiography. Indeed, the "secular" historians were by no means unified in their critiques and defences of the older sacred traditions and the intensity of the debates are partially a result of the popularity and enduring quality within the Muslim community of these older forms of self-definition. However Usmanova's focus is above all the articulation of Tatar national identity through Tatar historiography. She reminds us that during the first decades of the twentieth century debates concerning identity were rather politicised, and therefore historical debates were more represented in Tatar newspapers, periodicals, and pamphlets than in narrative histories. For the period up to 1917 Usmanova examines the pamphlets Millat wa Milliyat (1914) by Zeki Validi Togan and Millatchilikning ba'zi csasalari (1917) by Gaziz Gubaidullin. The suppression of the Tatars' "pre-national" identity and its replacement by a national one characterise the views in these pamphlets, and the works are naturally deeply politicised. At the same time, she demonstrates that for all these historians' certainty regarding national identity, in 1917 here was still no agreement in nationalist circles on an appropriate ethnic name for the "Tatars." In that year the National Council in July 1917 settled on the compromise term "Turko-Tatars." Usmanova only briefly discusses debates during the Soviet period, suggesting quite reasonably that any discussion on historiographical debates during that era is contingent first of all on a detailed evaluation of the Soviet ideological system that was the motive ideological force in scholarly life at that time. The last part of her essay examines historiographic debates of the 1990s, particularly the BulgharTatar debate and its political ramifications both in Tatarstan and in Russia. However, Usmanova also defines a series of more difficult problems facing Tatar historiography, specifically the tension between a history of the Tatars that comprised the community as a whole, only one quarter of which inhabits the territory of Tatarstan. The other problem is how to define the history of Tatarstan, or rather, how to include the history of the non-Tatars who make up half of the republic's population. The result is that academic institutions in Tatarstan are writing two types of histories: on the one hand ethno-national histories of the Tatar people, and histories of Tatar statehood, in which the modern republic of Tatarstan can be included. Sebastian Cwiklinski's article examines the "Bulghar-Tatar controversy" that emerged in Tatarstan around 1998, and is useful broad synthesis of the issue. In fact, what Cwiklinski describes is the Neo-Bulghar-Tatar controversy, whose roots are to be found in the development of sacred Islamic historiography that emerged at the end of the eighteenth century. The author's heavily footnoted articled is in fact a synthesis of the extensive secondary and tertiary literature on the subject. The author concludes his article with an examination of the controversy's political dimensions, focusing particularly on the impact of the controversy on Tatarstan's academic institutions. W i m van Meurs' article is devoted to an examination of four official Tatar school textbooks published in Kazan between 1999 and 2001. He argues that as in 72

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much of the former Soviet Union, in Tatarstan the "new" historiography in the textbooks in fact display minor conceptual and theoretical differences compared with earlier, primarily Soviet, textbooks. Van Meurs demonstrates quite effectively how the textbooks present varying views on the history of the Tatars before 1917, particularly diverging on issues of Tatar state-formation. At the same time, the texts are surprisingly consistent in depicting the history of Tatarstan during the Soviet and post-Soviet eras. The author describes what he sees as a degree of dissonance in the Tatar textbooks. To varying degrees they depict the glorious past of "Tatar" states such as Volga Bulgharia, the Golden Horde and the Kazan Khanate. At the same time they emphasize the contribution of Tatars to the Soviet Union and Russia, particularly the Russian Federation. Van Meurs views this "dissonance" with a degree of surprise, but also characterises it as typical of post-Soviet historiography and in keeping with his matrioshka metaphor, according to which the "new" textbooks were in fact mainly a variation on an existing model. Here it is perhaps worthwhile consider that for most Tatars, whether citizens of the Soviet Union or the Russian Federation, it was essential that citizenship comprised both an ethnic component and a civic identity. During the Soviet period, despite historiographical debates in Kazan, this model was for the most part endorsed by the Soviet authorities, and worked well for most Tatars, three-fourths of whom resided outside of the Tatarstan. It should come to no surprise therefore that Tatarstani textbooks should seek to define both their republic and Russia as a whole as a multi-ethnic state, emphasizing Tatar patriotism toward Russia and the Soviet Union. This has perhaps become more relevant for Tatars since 1999, than, say, the historical legacy of the Golden Horde. In fact, the tension between Russian citizenship and Tatar ethnic affiliation is certainly a feature that makes Tatar history particularly compelling, and in one sense the negotiation of that tension is a major leitmotif in Tatar history, and also demonstrates the Tatars attempts to define "the Russian people," or "the people of Russia," multi-ethnic. In this regard Tatar Islamic sources are particularly instructive, since already in the nineteenth century Muslim scholars such as 'Ali Choqori succeeded in linking a regional "Bulghar" identity with local patriotism and loyalty to the Romanov dynasty. Currently Tatar religious scholars, such as the mufti Ravil' Ghainetdin, also emphasize the national patriotism of Russia's Muslim community. The last article consists of a somewhat polemical essay by the Kazan historian Iskander Giliazov in which he characterises the history of teaching Tatar history at Kazan University. He outlines in general terms the well-known problems facing Tatar historiography during the Soviet era, including the fact that the Soviet academic framework somewhat restricted the study of Tatar history in Kazan to the borders of the Tatar ASSR. Giliazov sees as a key even in the teaching of Tatar history the founding in 1989 of the Department of Tatar History at Kazan University, and allowed a broader approach to Tatar history, permitting the inclusion of all Tatar communities within the then-USSR. He particularly praises the work of the historians Iskander Izmailov and Damir Iskhakov, and levies sharp criticism against Neo-Bulgharist historians. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, EPISTEMOLOGY, MISCELLANIES 9 6 . UYAMA T o m o h i k o , " R e s e a r c h T r e n d s in t h e F o r m e r Soviet C e n t r a l A s i a n C o u n t r i e s , " i n S. A. D u d o i g n o n & K o m a t s u H., eds., Research Trends in Modern Central Eurasian Studies (18' -20th Centuries): A Selective and Critical Bibliography of Works Published between 1985 and 2000, 1, T o k y o : T h e T o y o B u n k o ( T o y o B u n k o R e s e a r c h Library: 3 ) , in c o o p e r a t i o n w i t h A b s t r a c t a Iranica, Paris, 2 0 0 3 : 4 8 - 6 8 , bibliography The author examines varied aspects of change in historical research in the former Soviet Central Asian countries since Perestroika: political change and the reexamination of history; the Soviet legacy and nationalist scholarship; new disciplines and popular genres. The article then focuses successively on the main features of research in each country, with special interest in Kazakhstan (historical research on nomadic societies; Turkism and Eurasianism; the development of social sciences). The Redaction 9 7 . ZABIROVA Aigul', " P o s t s o v e t s k i i K a z a k h s t a n : o b z o r s o v r e m e n n o i z a p a d n o i istoriografii [ P o s t - S o v i e t K a z a k h s t a n : A R e v i e w of C o n t e m p o r a r y W e s t e r n H i s t o r i o g r a p h y ] , " Ab Imperio 2 0 0 4 / 1 : 4 9 9 - 5 1 7 The author (at the time of publication of this article, a sociologist in Astana) has brought together a very broad range of Western works on the study of Kazakhstan, from Soviet-era monographs by Olcott, Bacon and Bennigsen, to early independence-era analyses by Fierman, Simon, Akiner and Khazanov, to very recent dissertations (some by now published) by Eitzen, Fink and Schatz. For each work, she describes the main thesis, alas uncritically. At the beginning and end of the article, some conclusions are drawn about the relationship between "pioneers" and a new post-Soviet-era generation of scholars, and the more popular research topics and methodologies. Perhaps most interesting is her assessment that "all works by Western scholars" use paradigms either of colonialism or modernisation theories. Virginia Martin (University of Wisconsin, Madison) See also: 101 (Fruchet); 124 (Asatrian & Borjian); 578 (Qahhorova); tier); 662 & 663 (Alimova); 664 (Alimova et al.)

590 (Kara);

635 (Rot-

1.3. Miscellanies: Journals, Colloquia, Collective Works I.3.A. New & Jubilee Issues of Periodical Publications 9 8 . KOSUGI Y a s u s h i , TONAGA Yasushi, ADACHI Akira, YAMANE SO, NLGO TOshiharu, eds., Kyoto Bulletin of Islamic Area Studies / lsuraamu sekai kenkyu, K y o t o : K y o t o Daigaku l s u r a a m u C h i i k i K e n k y u S e n t a a - A S A F A S , 1/1 ( 2 0 0 7 ) , XII-271 p. In an academic context marked in Japan by the reactivation of the five-year Islamic Area Studies Project in 2 0 0 6 (after a first implementation from 1997 to 2002), the Centre for Islamic Area Studies of the University of Kyoto launches a new Japanese74

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MISCELLANIES: JOURNALS, COLLOQUIA, COLLECTIVE W O R K S language journal focusing on a general valuation of the concept of 'area studies QftML W2E)'. The content is divided up into several sections: articles (see infra), research notes (in this issue notably on the theory of the wait in the Maturidi School of theology), field surveys (here data on zawiyyas in contemporary Zanzibar), translations from modern authors (mainly from 'reformist' trends: here Hasan Nasr-Allah, Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani), academic reports and book reviews. If the editors deplore that the role of Japan in the international academic arena remains that of a recipient instead of that of a donor, the choice of Japanese language, without English summaries, will probably not contribute to the still very confidential diffusion of the large scale-work that has been undertaking for a deep renewal of Islamic studies in Japan since the end of the Cold W a r period. Among the papers of this first volume relevant for Central Eurasian studies, see: ZARCONE Thierry, "The Invocation of Saints and/or Spirits by the Sufis and the Shamans: About the Munâjât Literary Genre in Central Asia," 52-61 (cf. the review in infra 567). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 99. PANARIN Sergei A., éd., Evraziia: Narody i mify [Eurasia: P e o p l e s a n d M y t h s ] , M o s c o w : Natalis Press, 2 0 0 3 , 6 0 7 p., [18] ill. The book proposes a reprint of articles published in the journal Acta Eurasica / Vestnik Evrazii since the latter's creation in 1996, until 2002. The journal deals with the overall post-Soviet Eurasia and, cutting off with 'Orientalist' approaches that have long been dominating in the former USSR, it gives a lot of room to social sciences—revisiting great founding myths through the problematic of the relations between state and society. Significant contributions can be found of the sociology of migrations (Russian refugees in the Russian Federation, Tajikistani refugees in Western Siberia, etc.), on the social movements and phenomena of the last thirty years (youth bands in the big cities of the U S S R ) , on the history of perceptions and representations of what is commonly called nowadays 'Central Eurasia' (by Russia's colonial authorities in the nineteenth century, by the Eurasian movement of the 1920s, and its current reinterpretations among 'neo-Eurasians', etc.). The journal's distrust toward established categories, its comparative spirit, its permanent effort at a diachronic approach, and its openness to international contributions enhance the value of this publication—that has become in few years one of the major forums of research on the contemporary societies of Central Eurasia. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 100. VANER S e m i h , éd., Nos vingt ans! Berlin - Kachgar [ O u r T w e n t i e t h Birthday! Berlin - K a s h g h a r ] , Paris: A f e m o t i (Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien, 3 9 - 4 0 ) , 2 0 0 6 , 5 5 8 p., ill., b i b l i o g r a p h y An original and prolific protagonist of the development of contemporary Central Eurasian studies in the French-speaking area since the mid-1990s, the biannual "Notebooks for the Studies on the Eastern Mediterranean and the Turkic-Iranian World" presents a jubilee issue on the occasion of its twentieth anniversary. Its editor political scientist Semih Vaner introduces a selection of synthetic papers on

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varied aspects of present-day Central Asian societies ("La trajectoire des CEMOTI et de l'AFEMOTI," 5-39, ill.), enriched with biographic notices and photographic portraits of collaborators, and followed by a long series of summaries of the papers published in the issues 1 to 38 of the journal—including several special issues or files on Central Eurasian matters, several of which are commented in the present volume. Though not always deprived of a mood of self-celebration, the introductory article provides interesting perspectives on the journal's evolution from the mid-1980s to the present. The summaries provided in the second half of the present issue bear a more precise testimony of the French and French-speaking contribution to the current development of contemporary Central Eurasian studies— the journal having played a pioneering role in the discovery of a full generation of young scholars and in the publication of their first articles. Among other papers, see: DJALILI Mohammad-Reza, "Integration régionale en Asie Centrale [Regional Integration in Central Asia]," 53-72, maps, tab. (see the review in infra 718); VAN BRUINESSEN Martin, "Les pratiques religieuses dans le monde turco-iranien: diversités et tentatives de renouvellement [Religious Practices in the Turkic-Iranian World: Diversities and Tentative Renewals]," 101-25, [2] maps (see the review in infra 401); DE TAPIA Stéphane, "Les migrations dans le monde turco-iranien [Migrations in the Turkic-Iranian World]," 137-57, [2] maps (reviewed in infra 121); RADVANYI Jean & DRIEU Cloé, "L'héritage paradoxal du cinema soviétique en Asie Centrale," 159-66 (review in infra 388). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

I.3.B. Festschrifts & Proceedings of Non-Thematic Conferences 101. E V E R E T T - H E A T H Thomas, ed., Central Asia: Aspects of Transition, Richmond, UK: Curzon Press, 2003,288 p., bibliography, index This collective volume is the result of a seminar of comparative studies held in the SO AS. It is divided into several sets of papers, each dealing with a specific period of the history of Central Asia since the end of WWI. The first section is made of studies on the revolutionary and early Soviet periods (1917-1924): After a paper on the role played by Mikhail Frunze in the organisation of the Turkistan Front, on the basis of Russian and Western primary narrative sources (Alexander MARSHALL, "Turkfront: Frunze and the Development of Soviet Counter-Insurgency in Central Asia," 5-29), one finds a study on the impact of the lack of coordination between the government of the Emirate of Bukhara and the leaders of the Autonomy of Turkistan upon the failure of vernacular resistance to the Bolshevik takeover in Central Asia (Paul BERGNE, "The Kokand Autonomy, 1917-18: Political Background, Aims and Reasons for Failure," 30-44), then a paper curiously deprived of a critical apparatus of any kind about the mutual opposition of, mainly, Uzbek and Kyrgyz Communist leaders on the national delimitation implemented from 1924 onwards (Arslan KoiCHIEV, "Ethno-Territorial Claims in the Fergana Valley during the Process of National Delimitation, 1924-7," 45-56), followed by a contribution on the agrarian reforms of the 1920s in Central Asia, consisting in an overview of memoirs by Turkistani emigres and of works by Western researchers

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MISCELLANIES: JOURNALS, COLLOQUIA, COLLECTIVE WORKS (Gerard O'NEILL, "Land and Water 'Reform' in the 1920s: Agrarian Revolution or Social Engineering?," 57-79). This first section is followed by another one on the process on nation building at various moments of the history of the short twentieth century: A first, comparative study reviews the scientific literature, mainly Western, about the creation of the Turkish Republic in 1923 and that of the Uzbek SSR in 1924; the author insists on the mutual opposition between, on the first hand, resolution and continuity in the action of the regime of Ankara, and on the other hand the overall aporia of the Soviet regime confronted in Tashkent, in the 1920s-30s, with the issues of nation building (Andrew SEGARS, "Nation Building in Turkey and Uzbekistan: The Use of Language and History in the Creation of National Identity," 80-105); then comes a paper on the questions of collective identity of exogenous national groups in Kyrgyzstan (Robert LOWE, "Nation Building and Identity in the Kyrgyz Republic", 106-131), followed by a very short study on the successive political uses of the historical reference to the uprising of the khan Kenesary (1837-47) in post-wwn Kazakhstan (Henri FRUCHET, "The Use of History: The Soviet Historiography of Khan Kenesary Kasimov," 132-145). A last set of papers deals with the economic and social transformations of postSoviet Central Asia. The first one sketches, according to a classical scheme, paths for comparison between the economic and social development of Soviet Central Asia in the 1950s-90s and that observable during the same period in the European regions of the USSR and in the Near East (Alex STRINGER, "Soviet Development in Central Asia," 146-166). It is followed by a paper that insists on the political use of the questions of ecology by present-day presidential administrations, and on the weak perspective of popular participation in the debates on these questions (Lars JALLING, "Environment Issues in Central Asia: A Source of Hope or Despair?," 167179). The next contribution is a comparative study, based mostly on press releases, on the progression of political Islam in Kazakhstan and in Uzbekistan (Tom EVERETT-HEATH, "Instability and Identity in a Post-Soviet World: Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan," 181-204). It is followed by a more substantial paper on the politicisation of neighbourhood units (mahallas) in Uzbekistan since the 1990s (Elise MASSICARD & Tommaso TREVISANI, "The Uzbek Mahalla: Between State and Society," 205-218). The volume is concluded with two panoramic studies: the first one on the progression of "fundamentalism" in Central Asia, that consists merely in a comment of the recent bibliography in English language (Petra STEINBERGER, "'Fundamentalism' in Central Asia: Reasons, Reality and Prospects," 219-243), the other one on hydraulic resources as a major economic and political stake of the decades to come in Central Asia (Kai WEGERICH, "Water: The Difficult Path to a Sustainable Future for Central Asia," 244-263). The overall volume gives a general impression of synthesis work based for the most part on the existing Anglo-Saxon bibliography. Good studies of undergraduate level neighbour with a more limited number of more complete papers based on a substantial fieldwork—both united by a common taste for theorisation. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 102. MAITDINOVA Guzel', RADZHABOV Askarali, eds., Ocherki istorii i teorii hul'tury tadzhikskogo naroda [Studies on t h e History a n d on t h e T h e o r y of t h e Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Culture of the Tajik People], Dushanbe: Glavnaia Redaktsiia Tadzhikskoi Natsional'noi Entsiklopedii, 2 0 0 1 , 3 5 2 p. The present collection of papers offers a testimony on current research in history and anthropology of the culture of the Tajiks after ten years of interruption of the publication activity, due to the civil war. The volume is divided into two parts: the first section, a very diverse one, contains a series of studies on the history of religions, and on the history of art and costume in the ancient, medieval, and premodern periods (see in particular, on this period: M. M. ASHRAFI, "Miniatiura Srednei Azii XVIII-XIX w . [Miniature in Middle Asia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries]," 175-188, ill. (This paper's author deals with the symptoms of the decay of this court art in Bukhara and the Fergana Valley, throughout the studied period.) The second part of the book is devoted to "the problems of the history and theory of contemporary culture of Tajikistan" and offers papers on modern ballet, contemporary theatre, graphic arts, traditional music as it has been reinterpreted by twentieth-century composers, and cinema (with an interesting paper by S. RAKHIMOV: "Tadzhikskoe kino (1986-1988 gg.) [Tajik Cinema (1986-1988)]," 265-76: review in infra 389). To be remarked also are contributions on the current philosophical and religious quests (Firuz UL'MASOV, "Dukhovnye iskaniia [Spiritual Quests]," 276-88), or on the gender distribution of roles in contemporary Tajik culture (Gul'bahor MAKHKAMOVA, "Gendemyi aspekt v istorii razvitiia kul'tury Tadzhikistana vo vtoroi polovine XX veka [The Genre Aspect in the History of the Development of Tajik Culture during the Second Half of the Twentieth Century]," 288-295). Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

I.3.C. Encyclopaedias,

Dictionaries

103. ABAZOV Rafis, Historical Dictionary of Turkmenistan, Lanham, MD - Toronto - Oxford: Scarecrow Press (Historical Dictionaries of Asia, Oceania, and the Middle East: 5 3 ) , 2 0 0 5 , C I V - 2 4 0 p., appendixes, bibliography The quantitative (if not necessarily qualitative) eruption of books and articles on modern Central Asia, both in Russia and in Western countries, has created a obvious need for historical reference works devoted to the region. In this regard the decision of the Scarecrow Press to include several of the Central Asian republics, including Turkmenistan, in its series of historical dictionaries—and Rafis Abazov's willingness to author the volume—can only be welcomed. For all the boosterism in Central Asian studies that is encountered nowadays, it remains a marginal area in Western scholarship overall. And Turkmenistan, for a variety of historical and political reasons, remains perhaps the most marginal area of Central Asian studies. Abazov's historical dictionary is divided into four main sections. The first is a historical chronology, (XXVII-XLVI) rather vague and impressionistic for the period before Russian rule, but progressively more detailed for the Soviet and post-Soviet eras. The second is a broad introduction (XLVII-CIV) of Turkmenistan's demography, economy, and history. The third section is the historical dictionary proper 78

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(pp. 1-174), with about 300 separate entries. The fourth section (pp. 175-240) contains an appendix with selected statistical data and a bibliography of works that is both wide-ranging and generally comprehensive. The publisher indicates that the work's focus is primarily the twentieth century and describes it as a "concise overview of the historical development of Turkmenistan." This description is accurate if "Turkmenistan" is understood as a twentieth-century phenomenon. The dictionary is intended primarily for non-specialists, including, we are told, "international consultants, NGO activists, and policymakers." Generally non-specialists interested in modern Turkmenistan will be well served by Abazov's book, particularly his attention to the influence of Soviet institutions and society on modern Turkmenistan, which with the passing of time may be less and less familiar to Western non-specialists. Those more familiar with Central Asian history and especially with the Islamic history of the Turkmens will surely be happy to see entries briefly covering ahuns, hojas, Oghuz Khan, the Oghuznama, Sufism, and Islam However, they are bound to be disappointed by several omissions, even appreciating that major omissions are inevitable in a work of such concision. Particularly unfortunate in a historical dictionary of Turkmenistan is the absence of an entry devoted to Islamic historiography that might have included Abu'l-Ghazi Bahadur Shah and his works, particularly the Shajara-yi tarakima, or Mu'nis' Firdaws al-Iqbal. Similarly the absence of an entry on Muslim hagiolatry, despite an extensive Russian-language literature on the subject, is regrettable, all the more as it remains an aspect of modern Turkmen religious life that any but the most casual visitor in Turkmenistan cannot fail to notice. Besides such arguably pardonable errors of omission, there are also some errors of commission, some of which in fact risk supplying the user with incorrect information. In this regard the work's main weakness is its treatment of the Turkmen language. The dictionary suffers throughout from an inconsistently applied transcription system of Turkmen words. Abazov at times transcribes some Turkmen letters on the basis of the new Turkmen Latin alphabet, and other times appears to be transcribing from the Cyrillic using Russian conventions, for example, sometimes the Turkmen letter "h" appears so, and other times in the Russianised form "kh." Perhaps more serious is his discussion of the Turkmen alphabet, where Abazov appears unaware of some of the most distinctive aspects of Turkmen phonology, such as in most dialects, and in the literary language, the letter "s" is pronounced "th" as in the worth "theatre" and the letter "z" is pronounced "th" as in the word "the." However, given the dearth of secondary materials on Turkmen history, and the complete absence of accessible reference materials, Abazov deserves recognition for having synthesised a solid general treatment of twentieth-century Turkmen history. Allen J. Frank (Iakoma Park, MD) 104. BUELL Paul B., Historical Dictionary of the Mongol World Empire, Lanham, MD Oxford: The Scarecrow Press (Historical Dictionaries of Ancient Civilizations and Historical Eras, 8), 2003, XLIV-335 p., glossary, bibliography

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BIBLIOGRAPHY, EPISTEMOLOGY, MISCELLANIES This historical dictionary, like all the other ones in the same collection, is divided into two parts: a historical survey composed of several chapters, and the dictionary properly said (of proper names, place names, technical terms and notions mentioned in the historical overview). The introduction is preceded by a list of the dictionary's notices (XXI-XXXIl) and three maps (Mongolia at the eve of the Empire, Iran and Turkistan in the Mongol era). The maps are very succinct and could have benefited from a more careful treatment. A four-page chronology also precedes the book's historical survey. The survey's first chapter entitled "Essay 1: Mongolia before Empire (to 1206)" [1-16] provides an overview of the situation of Mongol tribes before Temujin, the future Genghis Khan, emerged as the uncontested leader of the steppe. In the "Essay 2: Mongolian Empire (1206-1260)" [17-52] the author reconstructs the great lines of the empire's evolution since its creation by Genghis Khan, its division between his four sons after his death in 1227, and the creation on MOngke's initiative of a new ulus, that of Hiilegu after the latter's conquest of Muslim territories. The chapter "Essay 3: Qanate China (1260-1368)" [53-70] offers a glance of the situation in China after the Great Khan Qubilai decided to transfer the capital to Beijing (Khanbaligh or Qanbaliq). The chapter entitled "Essay 4: Golden Horde (12351502)" [71-8] describes the history of this occidental part of the empire, still poorly known notably because of the shortage of 'indigenous' sources. In "Essay 5: Ca'adai Ulus and Qaidu (1260-1338)" [79-88] the author traces the eventful history of the Chaghatayid khanate, of of its relarion with its rival Qaidu who, for some time, managed to create his own ulus (the reference work in this subject being that by Michal Biran, Qaidu and the Rise of the Independent Mongol State in Central Asia, Richmond: Curzon, 1997). P. Buell closes this introductory part with a chapter entitled "Essay 6: Ilqanate (1260-1356)" [89-99] devoted to the history of the Persian Khanate. The purpose of these short "essays," not intended for a specialised readership, is to sketch the history of the varied components of the Mongol Empire. This collection of dictionaries is to be accessible to a large audience, though the dictionary itself (101-292) will show useful to specialists, who can easily find there loads of information. The dictionary is still followed by useful appendixes. The first one (293-5) introduces different models of Mongol writing; the second one (297-307) is a very helpful glossary of Mongol terms employed in the text, translated into English; the last one (309-12) consists of receipts of meals consumed at the Khan's table. The book ends with a bibliographical part in which the author traces the development of Mongol studies since the eighteenth century. This overview is followed by a very selective bibliography organised thematically. One can only deplore the absence there of references in French language: the only French-writing authors who appear once or twice in this list are P. Pelliot, L. Hambis, C. Langlois, J. Aubin and J.-P. Roux. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 105. GOLDEN Peter B., ed., with Tibor HALASI-KUN, Louis LlGETI & Edmund SCHUTZ, trans., with introductory essays by Peter B. GOLDEN and Thomas T. ALLSEN, The King's Dictionary. The Rasulid Hexaglot: Fourteenth Century Vocabularies in 80

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Arabic, Persian, Turkic, Greek, Armenian and Mongol, Leiden: Brill (Handbuch der Orientalistik, 8), 2000, XIII-418 p., facsimiles The author of a set of multilingual vocabularies known under the name of 'Rasulid Hexaglot' is a Rasulid ruler of Yemen, al-Malik al-Afdal al-'Abbas (r. 764-778/136377) who was more a man of letters than a statesman. It is true that he authored not only this dictionary, but also several treatises on astronomy, astrology, calendar systems, geography, medicine, etc. All these works attest of his taste for sea trade, and for commerce in general. The 'Rasulid Hexaglot' must be considered inside the vast geographical and political context of Eurasia, Yemen having for long played the role of a centre for trade in the Indian Ocean and a point of contact with Western Asia and the Mediterranean. Many testimonies of this situation can be found in the writings of great travellers, for instance in Marco Polo's. The edition and translation of the text are preceded by a long, very erudite introduction by P. B. Golden ("The World of the Rasulid Hexaglot," 1-24), in which the author explains that the creation of the Mongol Empire has brought about deep ethno-linguistic change in Eurasia (1-13). Then P. B. Golden proposes a survey of all the bilingual or multilingual dictionaries written before the Rasulid Hexaglot, resituating them in the historical context of their composition. Beside oral sources on which al-Malik al-Afdal has relied, these dictionaries may have been used as sources for the latter's own vocabularies (13-8). The introduction continues with a development on the languages represented in the Rasulid Hexaglot: Qipchaq and Oghuz Turkic, Mongol, Persian, Greek, Armenian and, indeed, Arabic. Because Al-Malik al-Afdal's goal was to offer to an Arab readership, composed mainly of merchants, a dictionary of all the languages use during his time in international trade, with their transcription into Arabic alphabet. The introduction is followed by an excellent contribution by Thomas T. Allsen, resituating the composition of the dictionary in its large cultural context ("The Rasulid Hexaglot in Its Eurasian Cultural Context," 25-49). The author remarks that this dictionary, unique in its genre by the amount and diversity of the languages represented, is totally representative of its time. The thirteenth and fourteenth centuries have been marked in Central Eurasia by an overall interest in foreign languages and writing systems. This interest, if not this fascination was diffused to the whole Eurasia: Given its dimensions, the Mongol Empire was the sole pre-modern state confronted with the solution of such problems of control and communication over a vast territory. This new situation has linguistic consequences, one of which being the circulation of certain terms through the whole continent. One example will suffice, since it is very telling: the Persian word 'alafa which means, among others, "attribution of food" (by local populations to emissaries travelling through all the regions of the empire) became in the fourteenth century a technical term largely diffused in Mongol, Turkic and even Russian language. It is particularly interesting to note that this word appears for the first time in a Latin text in the form "alafa" in a letter written in 1326 by a Christian missionary stationed in a city of China's southern coast. What's more, it is really fascinating to see written on the same line in the same Arabic script words in Turkic, Mongol, Persian, Greek and Armenian. Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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From a linguistic and cultural viewpoint, the edition and translation of this multilingual dictionary, with all these erudite comments and its overall situation in its historical and cultural context is a significant contribution to the history of that period of time. The reader will find, beside the texts already mentioned, an edition and English translation of the text itself, a selected bibliography and abbreviations (329-34), an index of the words registered in the dictionary with reference to page, column and line numbers (335-48) and the facsimile reproduction of several pages of the manuscript. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 106. KOMATSU Hisao, UMEMURA Hiroshi, UYAMA Tomohiko, OBIYA Chika, HORIKAWAToru, eds., Chuo Yurashia wo shiru jitcn [A Cyclopaedia of Central Eurasia], Tokyo: Heibonsha,2005, 624 p., maps, ill., fig., genalogical tab., chronology, bibliography, indexes This exceptionally well-edited and epoch-making "Cyclopaedia" is part of a series of "Cyclopaedias" of areas studies. The present volume includes more than one thousand notices and forty special articles of larger dimensions. The Editors' definition of Central Eurasia comprises the Crimea, the Caucasus, the Volga-Ural region, Central Asia (including Xinjiang), Afghanistan, south-western Siberia, and a significant part of the Mongol world. The project, achieved after three years of thorough preparation, deals with a wide range of disciplines such as history, linguistic, religion, politics and economy. One of the more notable points of this Cyclopaedia is that, in view of recent dramatic changes and of the growing global significance of this region, it contributes to highlight recent events in the area, such as the late twentieth-century Afghan wars, the Aral Sea issue, Islamic revivals, gender issues, the local emergence of market economies, the growing significance of oil and gas extraction, démocratisation processes and many other important facts and events. Another quality of this impressive book is that it unifies the studies of 'Oriental' and 'Russian' histories, through focuses on the pre-modern history and culture of the regions. It also shed light on many aspects of the natural environment and everyday life in Central Eurasia, with notices on "music," "family," "environment," "education," "food culture," "rites and ceremonies in life cycle," "festivals," and "bazaar". In recent years, a growing number of young Japanese researchers have been specialising in Central Eurasian studies, and their themes of research have become diverse and highly specialised. An increasing amount of these scholars have experienced living extensively in these areas, acquiring language skills not limited to Russian or Chinese languages, but extended to Turkic languages, Persian, and Arabic. Access to post-Soviet countries has become easier and therefore has also improved the access to source materials both in quality and in quantity. It is no exaggeration to say that every part of this cyclopaedia includes the fruits of this rapidly expanding young research. The texts are illustrated by numerous illustrations and figures, and enriched by appendixes comprising maps, genealogical tables, an overall chronological table, guides to newly independent countries of the former USSR, a rich bibliography including a multilingual mass of recent publications, as well as information on useful websites. The innumerable

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photographs, old and new, dispatched all over the volume will no doubt powerfully contribute to stir the readers' imagination. K a w a h a r a Yayoi (Japanese Society for the Promotion of Science, Tokyo)

107. IA'QUBOV A., et al, ed., Kulob: ensiklopediia [Kulab: An Encyclopaedia], Dushanbe: Sarredaksiiai ilmii Ensiklopediiai millii tojik, 2006, 638 p., maps, tab., ill. Properly introduced by its numerous editors as the first encyclopaedia ever pub' lished on the city and region of Kulab, in southern Tajikistan, this luxuriously published volume has come to light on the occasion of the official city's jubilee celebrated amid a blaze of publicity during the year 2006. Not the first volume of this kind devoted to one of the major cities of Tajikistan, the present work appears as an attempt to rival the more substantial encyclopaedia of the city of Khujand, in the north of the country (S. A. Abdullaev et al., eds., Khujand, Dushanbe: Glavnaia redaktsiia tadzhikskikh entsiklopedii [Khukumat Leninabadskoi oblasti], 1999, 928 p.), the model of all the following undertakings in this field as far as Tajikistan is concerned. Contrary to the encyclopaedia of Khujand (and to an encyclopaedia of Dushanbe published in 2004), the present work devotes only a limited room to the history and social sciences of the city. In the same way as in the Soviet period, the bulk of the work in constituted by innumerable biographical notices of officials—including the usual bunch of heroes of socialist labour—downloaded from a limited set of professional repertories. Exceptions are made of sparse and rather short articles on varied aspects of the city's evolution through time and space: neighbourhoods ('Bazarbay', 'Bazar-i 'Ah Bay', 'Bazar-i Kabk', etc.; NB—if the Tebalay River is well mentioned, the ancient neighbourhood of the same name, still bearing testimony of the city's spectacular development through the twentieth century, has been purely and simply obliterated); human groups of various size and nature (like the qawwals originating from Afghanistan, identified here as Gypsies though their self-perception is much more complex); professional and other occupations (husbandry of the 'Kulab horse [asp-i kulabi]', goldsmith's trade [zargari], or traditional sports practiced in Khuttalan like the akkalbazi or chillakbazi); and of course an impressive number of holy places (mazars). If the domain of official culture has been enlarged since the end of the Soviet period to new spheres like the veneration and public maintenance of Islamic (or Islamised) shrines, one must notice that a number of taboos have still been scrupulously respected here— like those concerning the local Islamic underground of the Soviet period. At the same time, the extinction of the last fires of the civil war in a city that was, because of its inner divisions and specific culture of public violence, at the very origin of the conflict, has still added a layer of public silence on a collective memory deeply marked by strong and durable cleavages: The reader can hardly find in the volume any mention of the warlords Baba Sangak (assassinated in 1996, now mentioned only through the street that bears his name) nor Ghafur 'Siday' Mirza (arrested in 2006, and whose empty 'casde' still adorns a crossroads in a central neighbourhood of the city). Though still a prominent religious figure of Kulab, Mulla Haydar, one of the most eloquent supporters of the 'Red' faction during the civil war, has

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not yet found his way to immortality—nor his younger concurrent Hajji Mirza, a Pakistani-educated wa'iz (preacher) listened to throughout Tajikistan, and currently established in the mosque formerly built by Ghafur Mirza in the city's periphery. It is perhaps through its silence that such a work, in which the academic intelligentsia seems to have played a rather limited role, and that enjoys a very poor circulation in the local population, provides a telling testimony on the state of collective memory, and on the energy locally displayed for maintaining in oblivion the most problematic chapters of a difficult recent past. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 108. PROZOROV S. M., ed., Islam na territorii byvshei Rossiiskoi imperii: entsiklopedichcskii slovar' [Islam on the Territory of the Former Russian Empire: An Ency-

clopaedic Lexicon], 1, Moscow: Izdatel'skaia firma "Voctochnaia literatura" RAN, 2006, 655 p., appendixes Such a volume represents a brilliant symbol of the continuity as well as of the renewal of Islamic Studies in Russia, after several years of difficulties. Started in 1997 at the initiative of Stanislas M. Prozorov and the St Petersburg Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies, the project has fulfilled its promises: This hard-cover, nicely edited, thick reference book is the revised compilation of the four first volumes of the Slovar' (published in four fascicles). Written by scholars from almost all over the world, the 255 articles here gathered cover the former Russian Empire (including the Soviet and post-Soviet periods) and every aspect of Islam: from Muslim intellectuals to saints, from madrasas to shrines, from festivals to rituals, from ethnic to religious groups, etc. The appendixes contain useful indexes and bibliographical references. One can hope, first, that the project will continue as successfully as it has been handled until now and, second, that sooner or later an English translation will be available. Alexandre Papas (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 109. QURBAN-'ALI KHALIDI, An Islamic Biographical Dictionary of the Eastern Kazakh Steppe, 1770-1912, eds. Allen J. FRANK & Mirkasym USMANOV, Leyden: Brill

(Brill's Inner Asian Library), 2004, XXVI-179 p., bibliography, indexes

After the edition and translation of two Turkic primary sources on the Islamic history of Semipalatinsk, the centre of early modern Islamic scholarship and education in the eastern part of the Kazakh steppe (cf. their Materials for the Islamic History of Semipalatinsk: Two Manuscripts by Ahmad Wali al-Qazani and Qurban-'Ali Khalidi, Berlin: Das arabische Buch (ANOR: 11), 2001), the authors propose a first edition, with an English translation, of the biographical dictionary composed in Chawchak (Chinese: Tachen) from 1911 onwards by the madrasa-educated chronicler Qurban-'Ali Khalidi (1846-1913). An essential source for the history of Islam in modern-day Kazakhstan and northern Xinjiang, the dictionary followed the publication by Khalidi of his Tawarikh-i khamsa-yi sharqi in Kazan in 1910, built-up primarily on oral sources, treating the ethnic history of the Turkic peoples of imperial Russia, and of the Mongols.

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MISCELLANIES: JOURNALS, COLLOQUIA, COLLECTIVE WORKS The edition and English translation of the text are preceded by an overall historical introductions in which the editors resituate Khalidi's work in a period marked by, on the one hand, the gradual strengthening of Russian and Qing authority over the Kazakh nomads, and on the other, the revival of Islamic culture among the same nomads, and numerous Muslim migrants from Russia and Central Asia (including Kashgharia). In the wake of a tradition developed since the 1990s by the School of Bloomington on the history of Islam in the Central Eurasian steppe, A. J. Frank and M. Usmanov stress the role played by the Kazakh themselves in this revival. They also insist on the originality of Qurban-Ali Khalidi's work if compared with the early modem biographical tradition developed in the VolgaUral region of Russia (by Marjani, Fakhr al-Din, Ramzi), viz its openness to a heterogeneous typology of local and regional religious actors, and its writing in an original tone and versicolour language that bear testimony of Khalidi's familiarity with and veneration to the oral tradition of the steppe. Among the regrets that the reader can feel after the reading of this presentation are the editors' lack of interest in the significant anthropological literature developed during the last decade, for instance on the role of the khwajas in the twentieth-century Islamic revival processes (see notably the works by Bruce Privratsky), and the absence of openings to the whole world of Islam, characteristic of the bulk of publications on Central Eurasia (e.g., on the history of the biographical genre). These reserves notwithstanding, the present edition of the unique manuscript preserved in Prof. Usmanov's private collection in Kazan, and the choice of an unconventional literary English translation reflecting the stylistic complexity of the original make this well-edited volume (except some orthographic mistakes in the first pages of the introduction) a captivating contribution to our still very incomplete knowledge of the modern history of Islam in the Central Eurasian steppe. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 110. QURBONOV A. Q., et al, eds., Entsiklopediiai adabiiot va san'ati tojik [The Ency-

clopaedia of Tajik Literature and Art], 3, Dushanbe: Sarredaktsiiai ilmii Entsiklopediiai millii tojik, 2004,522 p., ill.

This third volume of the "Encyclopaedia of Tajik Literature and Art" succeeds at a distance two initial volumes published during the late Soviet period (respectively, in 1988 and 1989), i.e. before independence and the Tajikistani civil war. As such, this conclusive volume bears testimony of striking continuity and change in the official culture of Tajikistan in a period of unprecedented social and political upheavals. Whilst the main feature of the two first volumes have been preserved (concentration on a historical space delimited mainly by the present boundaries of Tajikistan; mediocre interest for cultural activity of any kind outside the official sphere of state-sponsored agencies and creators "unions'; silence on mystical and religious aspects in the work of many poets and prose writers; over-domination of biographical notices nourished by the exploitation of the rich pre-Soviet anthology literature; over-representation of 'immediate history' through notices on innumerable protagonists of contemporary Tajikistani arts and literature), the editors of this item have been able to considerably enlarge the scope of previous contribu-

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tions (towards pre-Soviet literature in particular, through the systematic rehabilitation of nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Tajik Persian poetry as it used to be practiced at the courts of the Central Asian khanates and in the nascent press and edition of the 1900s-1910s; towards also a larger cultural area, notably through the inclusion of biographical notices of pre-modern, modern and contemporary Persian-writing poets from Afghanistan). The short biographical notices edited in the addendum (pp. 501-18) allow present-time writers, artists and scholars of Tajikistan born since the late 1940s to find their way to a well-deserved posterity. If one may deplore the official character of the resulting encyclopaedia, the researchers can only rejoice themselves to have at their disposal such an invaluable tool for further work on the cultural history and sociology of culture in modern and contemporary Persian-speaking Central Asia. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 111. STEINBACH Ugo, VON GUMPPENBERG Marie-Carin, eds., Zentralasien: Geschichte, Politik, Wirtschaft (Ein Lexicon) [Central Asia: History, Politics, Society (A Dictionary)], Munich: C. H. Beck, 2 0 0 4 , 3 5 7 p., maps, index Contrary to a majority of dictionaries published during the past decade on Central Asia, the present item responds to a genuinely modern encyclopaedic ambition. In order to provide the largest possible vision in a modest volume, the editors have attributed a majority of notices to overall problems instead as to individual, more easily identified objects of knowledge. Though of uneven length and precision, the notices, all written by specialists of international reputation, allow the readership to bring into focus the state of knowledge and research on a wide set of key issues in modern and contemporary Central Asian studies. For instance: EISENER Reinhard, "Argarpolitik (sowjetische) [Agrarian Policy (Soviet)]," 19-21 (focuses on the respective destructuring impacts of Collectivisation in the 1930s, and of the New Lands Conquest of the 1950s in Northern Kazakhstan and Southwest Siberia); ALBRECHT Jutta, "Bildung [Education]," 37-9, tab., long bibliography (stresses the success of the Soviet struggle against illiteracy—through undiscussed statistics— before shedding light upon the newly independent states' lesser investments during the 1990s, and the impact of this phenomenon on the rapidly declining percentage of children in full-time education, especially among girls); GEISS Paul Georg, "Clans und Clanstrukturen [Clans and Clan Structures]," 49-53 (introduces a tentative typology of tribal confederations in eighteenth and inneteenthcentury Central Asia: 'polycephalous' supra-tribal as for the three major Kazakh Hordes and Khalkha Mongols; 'monocephalous' tribal as to the Kyrgyz and Karakalpaks; segmentary and 'acephalous' in the case of the Turkmens of the TransCaspian Region and the Pashtuns, before sketching the impact of nineteenthcentury Russian colonisation, twentieth-century migration policies, and presentday privatisation on successive reappraisals of tribal and family kinship); ESCHMENT Beate, "Grenzen [Boundaries]," 101-6 (provides a precise account of the 'practical' problems created since independence by the boundaries between former Soviet Central Asian republics, and of the solutions elaborated on bilateral bases since 1991); MUMINOV Ashirbek, "Islam in vor-sowjetischer Zeit [Islam in Pre-

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Soviet Time]," 119-24 (infra 482); HALBACH Uwe, "Islam nach 1917 [Islam after 1917]," 124-32 (infra 474); PAUL Jürgen, "Khanate und Emirate [Khanates and Emirates]," 147-52 (infra 279); RICHTER Elisabeth, "Kooperation, regionale [Cooperation, Regional]," 165-70 (introduces the Central Asian Cooperation, born in 2002 out of the failure of Central Asian states to integrate their respective international and military policies, and the Eurasian Economic Community created in 2000 on the basis of the customs union between Russia and Belarus and gradually enlarged to Central Asian states); GEISS Paul Georg, "Kultur, politische [Culture, Political]," 172-6 (infra 719); KIRCHNER M a r k , "Literatur [Literature]," 181-4 (infra 514); GEISS Paul

Georg, "Nationsbildung [Nation Building]," 201-5 (focuses on the reinforcement of the legal and political positions of titular national groups in former Soviet republics after independence, at the expense of other ethnic groups, especially the Europeans previously over-represented in the national state and party apparatus [Tajikistan being no exception from this viewpoint, contrary to what is assessed in the paper, whilst the essentialist notion of "regional clan"—applied to the 'Khujandi' faction in the Tajikistain apparatus—would have deserved clarification]; special paragraphs are devoted to Mongolia and Afghanistan); BAUER Birgit, "Ökologie [Ecology]," 214-8 (summarises the ecological problems created in Central Asia by the drying up of the Aral Sea, and by the nuclear and military biological heritage of the USSR; shortly describes the efforts made by the international community since the mid-1990s for coping with these difficulties); GEISS Paul Georg, "Rechtverständnis in vorsowjetischer Zeit [The Conception of Law in Pre-Soviet Time]," 229-33 (introduces the history of Islamic, Mongol, and varied kinds of customary law, and their mutual interaction in pre-modern times and under the Tsarist rule—with paragraphs on the impact of Russian and Cossack colonisation over the legal status of land in the northern part of the Steppe Territory); KREYRENBROEK Philip, WENDTLAND Antje, "Religionen, nicht-islamische [Religions, NonIslamic]," 233-7 (infra 408); SLDLKOV Bahodir, "Seidenstrasse [Silk Road]," 245-9 (this rare foray into the long historical duration evokes the 'invention' of the Silk Roads by modern geography and archaeology; it also evokes the history of their varied branches, and their impact on civilisations); RZEHAK Lutz, "Sprachen [Languages]," 252-7 (infra 516); STADELBAUER Jörg, "Städtebau und Städtentwicklung [City Planning and Evolution]," 359-61 (infra in 364); HALBACH Uwe, "Terrorismus [Terrorism]," 270-2 [departing from the February 16,1999 bombings in Tashkent, the author describes the succession of political and military measures taken by Central Asian administrations during the past eight years on the name of the struggle against terrorism; he also evokes the role played by countries like Russia and China in these measures, and rapidly sketches the role played by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan in the blossoming of political terror in Central Asia]; SEHRING Jenniver, "Wasser und Wassermanagement [Water and Water Management]," 308-13 (depicts the water management policy implemented or projected in Central Asia during the late Soviet period, before shortly presenting the international measures adopted and institutions created since the mid-1990s). More individualised items are attached to overall problems (e.g., FREITAG-WLRMINGHAUS Rainer, "Deutschland [Germany]," 57-9—casting light on this country's specific political and scientific relationship with Central Asia). Nonetheless, numerous

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geographical headwords have been retained: Besides Central Asian newly independent states, Xinjiang, one find useful notices as varied as those on Turkey, Iran, Russia, India, Pakistan, China, Japan, the USA—all dealt with from the viewpoint of their present relation to Central Asia. Curiously enough, if notices on Afghanistan, Tibet and Mongolia have been included into this catalogue, these entities are conspicuous by their absence in most of the dictionary's remaining part. Epistemological aspects have not been let aside, several notices providing intersting skimmings through key notions and issues (e.g., S T A D E L B A U E R Jörg, "Zentralasien als Begriff [Central Asia as a Concept]," 318-26, large bibliography [see supra 91]; S C H Ö N I G Claus, "Zentralasien und Turkologie [Central Asia and Turkic Studies]," 326-8 [see supra 90]). Each notice is followed by a short, but essential international bibliography. In all, this dictionary modest by its size but successful by its scale provides the reader with a really handy tool for broaching (or refreshing one's view on) Central Asia, as well as a rare global reference on the present state of Central Asian studies. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) See also: 522 (Anushe)

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2. Geography 2.1. General Works 112. Abrishami Mohammad-Hasan, Za'feran azdirbazta emruz daycratal-ma'aref-e towlid, tcjarat va masraf [Saffron from Yesterday till Today: An Encyclopaedia of Its Production, Commerce, and Utilisation], Tehran: Amir Kabir, 1383[/2004], XXXII-832-[24]-[2] p., fig., ill., indexes, bibliography A comprehensive survey on the history of saffron cultivation and consumption in Iran and throughout the world (with special interest in Andalusia), this impressive work offers complete information (1) on the natural history of saffron through its successive denominations; (2) on the historical geography of its cultivation; (3) on the history of its varying utilisations (in cooking, in medicine, in manuscript painting, in magic—with captivating paragraphs on the making of amulets [ta'wi^] and on the writing of orisons [tin'as] with saffron essence—, etc.); (4) on the utilisation of saffron's properties in medicine from ancient time till our days, and on these properties' invocation in traditional beliefs and prophylactic practice; (5) on the cultivation and commerce of saffron throughout history, with significant paragraphs on the current agriculture of saffron in and outside of Iran. Particularly relevant to the Central Eurasian Reader's audience are paragraphs on the medieval history of saffron cultivation in Transoxiana (pp. 149-52, on Chaghaniyan and Qubadiyan, based on data from medieval Arabic- and Persian-writing geographers) and on the medieval, modern and contemporary developments of this specific crop in historical Khurasan (pp. 152-75, with detailed information, enriched with numerous telling statistical data, on the recent and spectacular expansion of surface areas devoted to saffron cultivation in the Torbat-e Heydariye district, in Eastern Iran). The recent extension of these surfaces in semi-arid Sunni-peopled areas of Iranian Khurasan—most particularly in the Khwaf, Taybad, and Torbat-e Jam areas—is also well illustrated. Unfortunately, the author, basing his work for the most part on published materials, does not show interest in an essential, but still undocumented phenomenon, viz the recent appearance and rapid expansion of new rural towns in formerly arid areas of Iranian Khurasan (e.g. in Khayrabad, west of Taybad, that is absent from the very detailed geographical index) thanks to the ever-growing diffusion of the technology of Artesian wells. Neither does the author seem to feel very concerned by the direct association between this phenomenon and the concomitant development of privately financed important Sunni religious schools in the same formerly arid, now rural areas (the newly founded school at Khayrabad claims some three hundred students of various levels and geographic origins, including talaba from former Soviet Tajikistan—in particular from the entourage of the Naqshbandi shaykh and madrasa teacher Ishan Allama of Regar). These reserves notwithstanding, this considerable book, the result of a patient, complete and precise erudition work, provides geographers and historians of medieval, modern and contemporary Middle East and Central Asia with an invaluable

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GEOGRAPHY tool for further research on the most varied aspects of these regions' environments and human societies. The precise table of content, the detailed indexes and the large bibliography in Persian and European languages at the end of the work permit the reader a very convenient utilisation of this truly encyclopaedic work—in the best meaning of this denomination. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris).

113. AKTURK Sener, "Counter-Hegemonic Visions and Reconciliation through the Past: The Case of Turkish Eurasianism," Ab Imperio 2004/4: 207-38 This article is one of the first to probe the question of Eurasianist ideology in Turkey. The author contends that in Turkey Eurasianism constitutes the fourth largest current on the ideological spectrum alongside Pan-Turkism, Pan-Slavism and Westernism. He defines Eurasianism in its Turkish version as a culturalist vision founded on the idea of cooperation between Russia and Turkey, two countries of semi-colonial structure with identities born in confrontation with the W e s t . He accurately demonstrates the fact that Eurasianism posits itself as a response to Westernism, and, therefore, that it replicates the idealistic and universalistic features of the idea of Europe. The article, leaving aside other Turkish authors interested in the idea of Eurasia, is entirely devoted to the writings of Attila Ilhan (1925-2005). For many decades, Ilhan wrote consistently on the topic of TurkishRussian alliance, including during the Cold W a r period. His books popularised the idea that a Turkish-Russian alliance was preordained by geopolitics and promoted "Eurasianist" heroes such as Ismail Gasprinskii, Sultan Galiev and Mulla Nur Vahidov. For Ilhan, Turkey's modern history was divided into four periods: the late period of Ottomanism, criticised on account of being too westernising; the golden age of Kemalism; the counter-revolution which extends from 1938 to 1990; and finally, Eurasianism's "second coming" in the wake of the demise of the Soviet Union. As the author argues, if the Eurasianist message has found an enlarging audience within Turkish society (which is not demonstrated in the article), it is not on account of its postulate of rapprochement with Russia, but because of growing disappointment with the European Union. Although the article is limited to Ilhan and sets out from the principle that this Turkish Eurasianism is necessarily proRussian, one can only be glad finally to have an analysis of local texts and hope that more works on Turkish Eurasianism will follow to enable comparisons with the Russian version. Marlène Laruelle (V/oodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 114. ATABAKI Touraj, MEHENDALE Sanjyot, eds., Central Asia and the

Caucasus:

Transnationalism and Diaspora, London - New York: Routledge (Routledge Series in Transnationalism), 2005, XVIII-235 p., tab., index

Post-Soviet space and societies constitute exceptional laboratories for observation of the most varied diaspora phenomena, and of expressions of collective identities linked with these phenomena. All specialists of the Caucasus and of Central Asia, the contributors to the present volume propose analyses in various dimensions of duration. The collection of their papers recalls us that the exoduses engendered by

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the Russian conquest have been succeeded by forced migrations organised by the Soviet power first in the 1920s, then on a mass level from the 1930s to the 1950s. These populations nowadays make of the basis of diaspora-style communities, all corresponding, in spite of their variety, to the definition given by Walker Connor—i.e., "a segment of a people living outside the boundaries of its homeland". However, the analyses provided here distinguish themselves by a specific interest in the militant expressions of national identity in diaspora contexts. The volume deals at large with the creation of nationalities by the Bolsheviks, with the conduction of territorial partitions in order to reduce the weigh of communal solidarities, with the fixation of distinct languages for each titular nation, etc. What is suggested by most authors of the present volume is that things have turned out finer than their designers had imagined, since they would bring to a discussion the ideological identity of the homo sovieticus. None of the numerous diasporas registered in the soviet Union escaped this very process of mythicisation of a real or putative fatherland. Many are engaged since the end of the Soviet period in an international lobbying activity in favour of countries of origin, so contributing to the present development of trans-nationalisms. The book is made of a dozen of chapters of uneven length and content. A first, theoretical chapter (Joelle DEMMERS, "Nationalism from Without: Theorizing the role of Diasporas in Contemporary Conflicts," 10-20) is followed by a typological contribution through the case of Kazakhstan (Shirin AKINER, "Towards a Typology of Diasporas in Kazakhstan," 21-65). Then comes a series of case studies, on the Russians in Central Asia (Kulbhushan WARIKOO, "Russians in Post-Soviet Central Asia: Issues and Concerns," 66-79), the Azerbaijani and Armenian expatriates (Stephen H. ASTOURIAN, "State, Homeland and Diaspora: The Armenian and Azerbaijani Cases," 80-112; Armine ISHKANIAN, "Diaspora and Global civil Society: The Impact of Transnational Diasporic Activism on Armenia's Post-Soviet Transition," 113-39), the Afghan diasporas (Natalya KHAN, "Afghan Communities in Uzbekistan: A Preliminary Case Study," 1407; Eden NABY, "The Afghan Diaspora: Reflections on the Imagined Country," 16983), the Uighurs in Central Asia (Ablet KAMALOV, "Uighur Community in 1990s Central Asia: A Decade of Change," 148-68), the Assyrians in the Middle East and Central Eurasia (Eden NABY, "The Assyrian Diaspora: Cultural Survival in the Absence of State Structure"), and an interesting overall reflection on Islam in China (Dru GLADNEY, "Islam in China: Transnationalism or Transgression," 184-213 [reviewed in infra 752]). Bayram Balci (French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent) 115. BOSWORTH C. E., "Yaylaq," in P. J . Bearman et al, eds., The Encyclopaedia Islam, 2 nd ed„ 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002: 301-2

of

This very short notice on the "summer quarters" of the old Turkic kaghans traces the etymology of the term to the yay of the Orkhon inscriptions, which means "summer". As for Islamic times, examples are provided on the Ilkhans in Anatolia, and the Safavids in Persia. The Redaction

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GEOGRAPHY 116. BRUNET Roger, REY Violette, Europes orientales, Russie, Asie Centrale, Paris: Belin - Reclus (Géographie universelle), 2000, 480 p., maps, ill., tab., index, bibliography This companion book on the geography of the former USSR and the latter's European zone of influence is divided into t w o parts: on the first hand, "Eastern Europe," on the other one, "Russia and neighbouring countries." A rather marginal room is devoted to the Caucasus and Central Asia (the latter still including Mongolia, b u t not Xinjiang that has been integrated into another volume of the same collection). For reasons of editorial commodity, the Caucasus and Central Asia have been reunited in a common entity, and described in four short chapters of a dozen of pages each: "The Split of Asia (412-21);" "The Fires of Caucasia (42233);" "Oases Asia (434-48);" "In the Central Asian Steppes (449-61)". The first of these chapters is a historical overview of the nomadic and sedentary worlds, w i t h two particular paragraphs on natural resources (water and gas) and on the Aral— Caspian complex. The second chapter shortly describes the h u m a n geography of the Southern Caucasus ("The Green Setting of Colchidia," "Erevan and the Armenian Diaspora," "The Oil-Based W e a l t h of Baku," etc.); the Northern Caucasus has been isolated in a previous chapter on the south of the Federation of Russia (pp. 306-17, w i t h one page only on "The Unappeased Terek Caucasus"). The third chapter summarises the main economic resources of sedentary Central Asia: hydrocarbons in Turkmenistan; cotton in Uzbekistan; . . . the countryside (!) in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. The last chapter sketches a picture full of contrasts on Kazakhstan's regional diversity and on the difficult relations between cities and rural zones in Mongolia. Based for the most part on popularisation works, the book, although rich of acute notations, is also sprinkled w i t h cut-and-dried assertions that reveal the authors' lack of familiarity w i t h some of the regions that they have had to deal with. For sure, these assertions will poorly contribute to the correction of current stereotypes on the Muslim-background populations of the Caucasus and Central Asia (see: "un Azerbaïdjan inchangé et convoité, pays d'islam et de pétrole égaré par les chants discordants des sirènes turques, iraniennes, russes et occidentals [an unchanged and coveted Azerbaijan, a country of Islam and oil, led out of its way by the discordant Turkish, Iranian, Russian and W e s t e r n sirens]," 422; "En octobre 1995, un incendie dans le métro de Bakou fait plus de 300 morts. LAzerbaïdjan est dangereux. [In October 1995, a fire in the metro of Baku killed more t h a n 300 people. Azerbaijan is a dangerous country]," 430; etc.). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 117. CENTLIVRES Pierre, CENTLIVRES-DEMONT Micheline, éd., Les diasporas, le monde turco-iranien et la Méditerranée orientale [ D i a s p o r a s , t h e T u r k i c - I r a n i a n

World, and the Eastern Mediterranean], Paris: Afemoti (Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien, 30), 2 0 0 0 , 3 4 9 p., m a p s This thematic issue of the French "Notebook of Studies on the Eastern Mediterranean and the Turkic-Iranian World" proposes a renewed multi-disciplinary reflection on ancient and modern diasporas, mainly through the notions of identity and nationalism. It also provides elements for further research on the situation cur92

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rently created by the crisis of nation-states and by the ever-growing extension of planetary networks. The first, overall contribution by a geographer of the Middle East stresses the numerous discrepancies observable between varied migrant communities from this region of the world: They very variously correspond to the classical definition of what is a diaspora (a limited number of these groups have been forcibly driven to migration), whence they main common point is made of the common difficulties they have to cope with in their respective countries of welcome (BAZIN Marcel, "Méditerranée orientale et monde turco-iranien: une aire productrice de diasporas? [The Eastern Mediterranean and the Turkic-Iranian World: A Diaspora-Producing Area?]," 13-33). The second paper of the present volume regarding Central Eurasia is an overall study of the problems created by the return of the Meskhs to their Southern Caucasian homeland in the aftermath of the 1989-90 interethnic violence in Central Asia (ADAM Ségolène, "La diaspora meskhète face aux défis de la transition post-soviétique [The Meskh Diaspora Facing the Challenges of Post-Soviet Transition]," 113-35). The volume's last 'Central Eurasian' contribution is a sutble analysis of the integration strategies developed by Afghan exiles in Western Europe (with special interest in Switzerland), in association with the mental construction of a "myth of return". The authors have been observing the invention of a new 'Afghan culture and tradition' among the exiled Afghan communities, as well as new assessments of an Afghan national consciousness (CENTLIVRES Pierre & CENTLIVRES-DEMONT Micheline, "Exil et diaspora afghane en Suisse et en Europe [Afghan Exile and Diaspora in Switzerland and in Europe]," 151-75). The Redaction

118. VON HAGEN Marc, "Imperii, okrainy i diaspory: Evraziia kak antiparadigma dlia postsovetskogo perioda [Empires, Borderlands and Diasporas: Eurasia as an Anti-Paradigm for the Post-Soviet Era]," Ab lmperio 2004/1:127-70 This famous article by American historian Marc von Hagen comprises a novel reflection on the notion of Eurasia posited as a new (but non-exclusive) paradigm for specialists in the social sciences on Russia, the new post-Soviet states, and East Europe. Von Hagen demonstrates that, as a form, the idea of "Eurasia" goes beyond both the dominant paradigms of Slavic studies, that of "Russia/Orient" and that of "Soviet Union/modernisation": It reveals that these two paradigms are complementary rather than contradictory, and enables us to take into account the longue durée of history and demographic, economic and cultural phenomena that are continental in scale. Indeed, despite the ideological commitments of the Eurasianist theoreticians, the movement actually sought to deconstruct binaries like that opposing Europe's 'dynamism' to Asia's 'backwardness', and was led to stop thinking of the West as the norm of development. Following this, Von Hagen then relocates the re-emergence of the term "Eurasia" in the scientific current of the 1990s-2000s: Its re-appearance, he argues, essentially responds to the renewal of interest in the Ottoman, Habsburg and Chinese Empires. It enables to decentralise the chief historical narrative, which until then had been limited to Moscow and St Petersburg, and thereby to take into account the multiplicity of states to have emerged with

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the demise of the USSR, and make advances in the domain of regional historiography. In the last part of his article, he underscores the territorial factor, emphasises the continuity of certain social phenomena beyond the political ruptures of 1987 and 1991, and gives historical depth to contemporary globalisation, which as he points out only got underway with the birth of empires. Von Hagen then studies the contemporary currents of historiography that have revived notions of Russia/ the URSS as empire, evident in the works of authors like Andreas Kappeler, Geoffrey Hosking and Dominic Lieven, but also in discussion forums provided by newspapers such as Kritika, Ab lmperio and Nationalities Papers, as well as in regional historiography schools on the Ukraine and the other post-Soviet spaces. This stimulating reflection on a much-studied, but far from unanimously accepted concept enables a historical light to be shed on current evolutions in Slavic studies, revealing that the latter are in fact part of more global stakes. Marlene Laruelle (Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 119. P S I A N C H I N A. V., "Etnicheskie karty X V I I I - X I X w . v fondakh tsentral'nykh arkhivov (k istorii otechestvennoi etnicheskoi kartografii) [EighteenthNineteenth Century Ethnic Maps in the Collections of the Central Archive (Contribution to the History of Ethnic Map-Making)]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2004/3:115-25 This article is interesting for Central Eurasian studies as far as its main concern is the mapping of ethnic boundaries in last Imperial Russia and the concomitant delimitation of a new scientific discipline. After an overall statement on the way ethnic maps have to become major subjects of history, the author provides convincing explanations on the strong links existing in Russia between ethnic cartography and ethnography. In this country, cartography remained a state-sponsored activity and accompanied the constant enlargement of this continental empire. In the early seventeenth-century, a first "ethnic map" included notations on "ethnic lands" and indications (especially drawings) on indigenous populations living in the newly conquered territories. But here is only the first of the three stages distinguished by the author in his brief history of ethnic cartography in Russia: The period between the mid-nineteenth century and the 1940s marked the scientific development and modernisation of this traditional tool for knowledge. With the creation, in 1944, of a laboratory for ethnic statistics inside the Institute of Ethnography of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, ethnic cartography was promoted to the status of a discipline of its own. The end of the article introduces successively the main archival institutions where most of these maps are preserved. Some of them, the most precious ones, are described in detail at the very end—the author perfectly achieving one of his goals: to arouse our desire to look at some of them. Xavier Le Torrivellec (National Institutefor Oriental Languages and Civilisations, Paris) 120. SUBTELNY Maria Eva, MELVILLE Charles, "Hafez-e Abru," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica 11/5, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2 0 0 2 : 5 0 7 - 9 , bibliography This notice is devoted to the famous historian Hafiz-i Abru (d. shawwal 853/June 94

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1430), the author of a substantial historiographical work, who belonged to the entourage of the Timurid rulers: Tamerlan, whom he accompanied in his campaigns, Shahrukh and his son Baysunghur—all his works having been written under Shahrukh's reign. The interest of this article lies in its introduction of Hafiz-i Abru's writings, the complex chronology of which had been established by F. Tauer. Six prominent text compilations, of uneven interest, are brought to the historian's credit. The notice succinctly describes each work's content, providing the sources on which Hafiz-i Abru has relied (existing publications are mentioned) and assessing its historical value. The authors observe that a lot of questions remain unanswered, e.g. on the way this prolific historian used to collect and use his sources (on this, see the introduction by M. M. Zanjani to his partial edition of the M ajma' al-tawarikh al-sutlaniyya, 1985). At the end of the notice, the reader will find an excellent bibliography of modern studies. On the other hand, one can deplore that the authors have not better underlined the link between the Timurids and the Ilkhanids though the former, in the numerous historical works commissioned by them, showed a great interest in the latter's historiographical heritage. Hafiz-i Abru himself played an active role in the preservation of that heritage when he wrote his Dhayl-ijami' al-tawarikh: A significant part of the information provided by him about Ôljeitu's reign comes from Jamal al-Din Kashani, and those about Abu Sa'id's reign from Hamd-Allah Mustawfi Qazwini's poorly accessible Zafar-nama, though Hafiz-i Abru's text also contains original data. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 121. DE TAPIA Stéphane, "Les migrations dans le monde turco-iranien [Migrations in the Turkic-Iranian World]," Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien 39-40 (2005): 137-57, [2] maps

Focusing on Turkey with bibliographical enlargements over Iran, Central Eurasia and continental China (enlargements unfortunately limited to a selection of references in French language), this synthetic paper skims through the recent history and present state of international migrations in this part of the world. The author's insistence on the complex typology of migration phenomena in the area comprised between Turkey and Manchuria qualifies his considerations over the inner coherence of this very large space, of which the only common characteristic, as far as modern history is concerned, seems to be its trans-historical role as a provider of emigration waves. (The notion of 'diaspora' should be used with more carefulness.) Inner migrations that are a key feature of Central Eurasian countries and regions through the twentieth century are obliterated in the present study. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) See also: 32 & 33 (Glebov); 58 (Glebov); 343 (Bello)

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2.2. The Crimea, the Volga-Ural Region, Siberia 122. BOSWORTH C. E., "Yayik," in P. J. Bearman et al, eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002: 301, bibliography Based on the arch-classical Hudud al-'alam, on Mas'udi and on rare early twentiethcentury European material, this brief notice deals with the name and with the historical geography of the Ural River. It traces the etymology of its medieval Turkic denomination to the ancient Greek "Dhaik", and concludes with considerations on the absence of the Yayik from the writings of the main early-medieval Arabic and Persian geographers. The Redaction

123. KHISAMETDINOVA F. G., Nazvanija Bashkirskikh naselcnnykh punktov XVI - XIX vekov [The Names of Bashkir Settlements, Sixteenth to Nineteenth Centuries], 2nd ed., revised and enlarged, Ufa: Informreklama, 2005,279 p., appendixes Toponymy has emerged in the 1960s as a fashionable discipline of its own among the Soviet scholars of Central Eurasia. Since that time, from Azerbaijan to the Altai a number of dictionaries and monographs have been published on place-names, their origins, meanings and typology. In the 1990s the popularity of place-names study has reached local populations of rural areas, who then begun to swamp local newspapers with articles of their own on local lore. Within academic circles this discipline, first practiced by linguists, gradually reached historical sections of the academy of sciences. This phenomenon has been recently illustrated by this book by F. G. Khisametdinova, the Director of the Ufa Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of Russia: an in-deep historical exploration of Bashkir toponymy. After initial statements on the multiethnic character of the Western Urals region, the author expresses her wish to complete the current linguistic classifications by taking into account migrations, interactions between the respective languages of the Finno-Ugric natives and of the Turkic invaders, and the impact of a wide range of socio-political conditions on the evolution of Bashkir toponymy. The first chapter is a critical and useful presentation of substantial main existing works on the toponymy of the main Turkic groups established in Russia. For Bashkiria, the starting point was an article on "Bashkir toponymy" published in 1956 by the famous linguist Dzh. Kiekbaev. A lexical and semantic analysis of village names, this article was the first attempt to find out their etymology. According to Khisametdinova, none of the studies that came out later managed to establish a link with the complex history of the Bashkir tribes nor to insert this regional case into an overview of Turkic toponymy. Unfortunately, her wish to fill the gap leads the author to presuppose the permanency and the homogeneity of Bashkir language, especially when she affirms that "using retrospective method, we can go back to the origins of Bashkir toponymy (p. 51)." Another difficulty is the lack of written sources for the period before the sixteenth century. The only available documents for this period are those emanating from the Russian administration (information on clans and landscape was collected during mezhevanie and revizi controls), travelogues (especially those by Rychkov, Lepekhin, and Pallas) and ancient 96

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geographical maps. The author has also discovered unpublished materials in varied public archive collections in Moscow, Ufa, Orenburg and Cheliabinsk. Apart from this official documentation, she has also brought to light traces of ancient toponyms in Volga Bulghar epitaphs, in shezheres (clan genealogies transcribed during the nineteenth century), and in village stories written by mullahs or other wellread people. All these sources are described with interesting annotations on the validity of their descriptions. On this documental basis the second chapter provides no less than a new semantic classification of Bashkir toponyms used between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. Arguing that place names were given by the inhabitants according to a local community's main activity, the author recalls the nomadic way of life of Turkic tribes for explaining the predominance of ethnic denominations (viz, tribe names) over anthroponymic ones (based on individuals' proper names). Among the two or three phonemes that used to compose a place name, one of them is usually linked with a tribe name: Ay produces Aybash, Ayli Yurt, Aylina etc. The author provides other illustrations by showing for instance how the word yurt has produced place name like Yurtovo, how kura (summer pasture for cattle) gave Kuraly and how the term aul (permanent rural settlement) was rarely used in Bashkir toponymy before the nineteenth century. Through statistical comparisons with other Ural-Altaic languages, the specificities of Bashkir history are well demonstrated. Despite some simplifications, in particular when stating that the presence of Bashkir ethnic denominations in the western regions of nowadays Bashkiria testifies that local inhabitants were "Bashkirs (p. 74)," the historical demonstration is almost persuasive which will require a reassessment in the study of identification processes: It is only after the instauration of the cantonal system in 1798 that ethnic denominations have begun to be replaced by personal names (of local starshins) for designating newly founded villages. The last chapter is a linguistic study subtly displaying the semantic structures of Bashkir toponymy. The methodical deconstruction of hundreds of toponyms according to the number of their phonemes, their grammatical composition (verb, noun and complement together or separately) and the multiple combinations of river, person and ethnic denominations allows the author to defend her central hypothesis on a linguistic settling process (auloobrazovaniia—i.e., the formation of an aul). Stating that the Mongol invasion obliged Bashkir tribes to struggle against Volga Bulghar influence and to get back to nomadic life, she defends the idea that temporary living places received clan names which remained after the clan departure. As a result, the same place could be named with several toponyms and only the formation of aul and the progressive segmentation of tribal structures after the Russian conquest led personal place names to discard ethnic denominations in Bashkir toponymy. Finally, despite some non-argued assertions the author manages to keep away from endless and fruitless controversies on the ethno-genesis of the Bashkir, and to offer an illuminating history of Bashkir language. Besides its interest for both linguists and historians of the Turkic world, the book owes his pedagogical value to its inclusion in a new multidisciplinary current. The lack of maps and illustrations is partly compensated by the quality of the appendixes (a long list of Bashkir vilCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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GEOGRAPHY lages w i t h their name, localisation, date and circumstances of their foundation, and some etymological data). These appendixes, a dictionary in making, have been republished and completed in KHISAMETDINOVA F. G., Geograficheskie nazvaniia Bashkortanstana: materialy dlia istoriko-etimologicheskogo slovaria [Geographical Names of Bashkortostan: Materials for a Historical and Etymological Dictionary], 2 nd ed. r e ' vised and enlarged, Ufa: Gilem, 2006,132 p. Xavier Le Torrivellec (National Institute for Oriental Languages and Civilisations, Paris) See also: 50 (lamskov); 285 (Bezyikonnaia); 568 (Aliyeva)

2.3. The Caucasus 124. ASATRIAN Garnik, BORJIAN Habib, "Talish and the Talishis (The State of Research)," Iran and the Caucasus 9/1 (2005): 43-72, map, tab., bibliography This well-informed panoramic study on the Talish and Talishis stresses first the role of the mountainous terrain and of the language (a north-western Iranian dialect distinct from Gilaki) in the separation of the region from its neighbours Gilan and Mughan, on the south-western shore of the Caspian Sea. The article continues w i t h a historical survey, from the appearance of the name Talish in a sixteenthcentury Armenian version of the Alexander romance to the incomplete Shiite proselytism supported by the Safavids, to periods of independence in the second half of the eighteenth century before the Russian annexation of the northern part of the region in the early nineteenth century (with periods of autonomy of a Russian, then Azerbaijani Talish-Mughan Republic in 1918-20 and 1991-93), whence the southern part was becoming the Talish shahrestan, an administrative division of the Iranian province of Gilan. On the basis of a speculative etymology, the author supports, as a research hypothesis, the search for real or mythical ancestors by local Talishi pundits pointing at the Kadusians, one of the autochthonous tribes of the region, evoked in Ptolemy's Geography. Paragraphs on the writings of mainly European travellers and geographers (with special reference to the w o r k s by the contemporary French geographer Marcel Bazin) since the early nineteenth century, including developments in Russia and more recently in Iran, are followed by a detailed evocation of the state of research on Talishi language (differences w i t h Tat and Persian, Turkish and Gilaki influences, contacts w i t h Armenian, local dialects, written sources—notably mentioning the publication of folk literature in Iran since the 1970s). The conclusion insists on the incomplete character of studies on ethnic history, folklore, and spiritual culture. It is followed by a substantial multilingual bibliography. The Redaction

125. SAMMUT Dennis, "Population Displacement in the Caucasus: An Overview," Central Asian Survey 20/1 (2001): 55-62, tab. In 2000 the conflicts of the preceding decade in the Caucasus had generated a number of 1,970,000 refugees. Though showing in most cases supporting and hu-

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THE CAUCASUS man, local governments refused to think of the problem as a long term one, preferring to support the expedient view that repatriation can take place quickly. As to the international community, it continued to be caught unprepared and passive in face of ongoing crises. The author notably sheds light on the exacerbation of the situation by the international agencies, taking the attitude that the emergency phase is over, and creating tensions between the donors, their implementing agencies, and the recipient governments. The author's diagnostic on the good quality of the negotiations between the Georgian government and the authorities of South Ossetia, and his prognostic asserting "the likelihood of a resumption of hostilities is now negligible" suggests all the difficulty of prevision in this matter, and the weight of parameters alien to the refugee issue and to its management. The Redaction See also: 228 (Asatrian & Margarian)

2.4. Western Central Asia 126. BORJIAN Habib, "Gojdovan," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/1, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003: 4 4 - 5 , bibliography Notice on the history of the modern Ghijduwan, a city and district in the oasis of Bukhara, which according to Barthold corresponds to the Lower Karghana of early Arabic-writing geographers. The author discusses R. Frye's hypothesis (in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., 2:1077) of Ghijduwan being a satellite village of Ramitan, and locates the city well inside the series of the old walls that extended around the oasis of Bukhara, and had been rehabilitated before the Samanids. The notice continues with notations from tenth- to sixteenth-century geographers on the city's prosperity, on important events like the battle of 918/1512 when the Safavid forces were defeated by the Uzbeks, or on the city as home of several men of fame— including the Naqshbandi Sufi Khwaja 'Abd al-Khaliq Ghujduwani (d. 1220), whose tomb used to attract pilgrims. The last paragraphs deal with the town's history in modern times. The Redaction 127. BOSWORTH C. Edmund, "Gur," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/4, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2002: 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 , bibliography In his habitual fashion, C. E. Bosworth concentrates on the pre-Mongol period, with only a few lines to take the reader into modern times. The Ghurid dynasty to whom the mountainous region in what is today north-western Afghanistan has given its name is treated in a separate entry, but some information is also available here. The article focuses on the political history of the region, and this means that dynastic change takes up much of the article. In all, Bosworth stresses the signifi-

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GEOGRAPHY cance of the region as a refuge and retreat area, he also states that because of the rugged terrain, the region remains one of the least developed areas of the country. Jurgen Paul (Martin Luther University, Halle)

128. BOSWORTH C. E., "Wakhsh," in P.J. Bearman etal, eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2 nd ed„ 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002:100-1, bibliography Short evocation of the W a k h s h River, and of the description of the W a k h s h area in early medieval Arabic sources. The Redaction 129. BOSWORTH C. E., "Yeti Su," in P. J . Bearman et al, eds., The Encyclopaedia

Islam, 2 nd ed„ 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002:335-6, bibliography

of

This substantial notice provides a clear overall description of the wide Central region known as Yeti Su (Russian: Semirech'e), comprising the lands north of Transoxiana which stretched from the basin of the Issyk-Kul lake northwards to the Lake Balkhash. The author gives a historical overview of the region through a wide range of primary sources. W h e n c e Chinese annals and travel accounts (by Xuan Zang) document the period prior to the concomitant Arabs' and Turks' penetration of Transoxiana, the Islamic geographers of the tenth century onwards mention the Qarluqs and other Turkic tribes for their long resistance to Islam. Among the latter, the Qarakhanids, after they became Muslim, were to use the Yeti Su as a base for their take-over of Transoxiana. They were followed in the mid-eleventh century by the proto-Mongol Buddhist Qara-Khitai, succeeded themselves by Naymans, then Chingizid Mongols in the early thirteenth century. The latter's rule showed favourable to the adherents of non-Muslim faiths, among whom the Nestorians (see their important cemeteries at Toqmaq and Pishpek), the Chaghatayid khans resisting conversion to Islam until the mid-fourteenth century. Soon after the Timurid episode, the Buddhist Mongol Oirats (called by the Muslims Qalmuqs) were to become an enduring factor in the history of the region. As a result of endless unrest, Chinese sources of the fifteenth century no longer speak of flourishing towns and villages in Yeti Su, but exclusively of land inhabited by nomads who dwelt in tents. In the early sixteenth century pagan Kyrgyz first moved from the upper Yenissei to this region, this being the first attestation of this people in the neighbourhood of what has become their modern home, present-day Kyrgyzstan. In spite of attacks by the Turco-Mongol amirs of Transoxiana, the Qalmuqs dominated Yeti Su until the mid-eighteenth century, when Chinese armies came westward and overthrew them: The Kyrgyz and Kazakhs were now virtually independent, until the armies of Imperial Russia advanced through the Kazakh Steppe. The last paragraphs of the notice describe the establishment of the modern frontiers between the Russian and Chinese Empires, and the creation of new administrative entities in the Yeti Su by the Russian colonial and Soviet powers. The very short bibliography is compensated by reference to a number of other notices of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. The Redaction

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130. BOSWORTH C. E., "Zamakhshar," in P.J. Bearman etal, eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2 nd ed., 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002:432, bibliography A small town of medieval Khwarezm, Zamakhshar is evoked through its (often elusive) depictions by, respectively, al-Muqaddasi, al-Sam'ani and Ibn Battuta. Described by the second as "a large village like a small town," it fades from recorded history after the fourteenth century. The author recalls Barthold's opinion that the modern ruins of Zmukhshir mark the site of medieval Zamakhshar. The Redaction 131. BOSWORTH C. E., "Zarafshan," in P. J. Bearman et al, eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2 nd ed., 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002:458, bibliography This short notice on the famous landlocked river of Transoxiana, now coming within Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, called 'Zarafshan' since the eighteenth century, provides a short geographical description of the river, followed by considerations on its hypothetical successive denominations. The Redaction 132. BREGEL Yuri, "Hesar," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia lranica, 12/3, New York: The Encyclopaedia lranica Foundation, 2003: 303-5, bibliography This synthetic study on the Hisar Valley—anciently divided into Shuman and Akharun—, in the upper course of the Surkhan-Darya and the Kafirnihan rivers, reconstructs the valley's medieval history from the Samanids, through the penetration of Turkic groups under the Qarakhanids, until the emergence of the name of Hisar, in Timur's time, as that of a plain, of a a province, and of a city—under the denomination "Hisar-i Shadman" (Hisar the Joyous), a probable interpretation of the earlier "Shuman". These statements are followed by a chronicle of the rivalries for the prosperous Hisar until the Uzbek conquest, with data on the gradual Turkicisation of the valley's population (mainly through the settlement of the Uzbek tribes Yuz and Laqay). The study goes on with elements on the city's rulers under the Shaybanid and Astarkhanid periods, and the emergence of a regional power under Yuz leadership after the collapse of the central authority in Bukhara in the early eighteenth century. Except during the city's bloody but ephemeral occupation by Muhammad-Rahim Khan in 1171/1758, and its conquest by Muzaffar al-Din from 1866 to 1868, Hisar enjoyed independence from the Emirate of Bukhara, until its final incorporation into the latter in 1870 as a result of Russia's territorial division of its newly conquered Central Asian dominions. During the revolutionary decade 1917 to 1927 Hisar became a centre of Basmachi resistance against the Red Army under the leadership of Ibrahim Bek Laqay. With the creation of the Soviet Republics from 1924 onwards, it formed the core region of Tajikistan—a region the complex ethnic composition of which bears testimony of its violent modern history, the Laqay continuing to endure ostracism on behalf of present-day Tajikistani authorities. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

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GEOGRAPHY 133. BUSHKOV V. I., KALANDAROV T . S., " L e p a s s é e t le p r é s e n t d e s p o p u l a t i o n s

du Pamir occidental [The Past and Present of the Populations of the Western Pamir]," Cahiers d'Asie Centrale 11-12 ( 2 0 0 4 ) : 103-18,1 map, 3 tab. By two genuine connoisseurs of the anthropology of Tajikistan, this short panoramic article deals with the demographic and the economic and religious life of the peoples of the Higher Badakhshan Autonomous Region of Tajikistan. The complex ethno-linguistic of the Western Pamir is briefly evoked, notably through the numerous approximations in the censuses of the Soviet period (data summarised in three clear tables), and through the assimilation processes of the 1950s onwards. The degradation of the economic situation in the aftermath of the dissolution of the USSR is attributed for a large part to the massive return of migrants to Badakhshan. The authors stress than despite the massive humanitarian assistance provided since 1993 by the Agha Khan Foundation, and the successive implementation of development programmes, Badakhshan does not yet manage to provide for its population—partly for demographic reasons, partly because of the extreme division of arable land. The longer last chapter deals with the confessional peculiarities of the Isma'iliyya in the Pamir, insisting on the consequences of the closure by the Soviet power, in 1936, of the boundary with Afghanistan, which brought about the breaking off of relations with the remaining part of the Ismalli world. The authors shed light on the role of the khalifas in the preservation of ritual activity during the Soviet period, and on the practice of maddah-khwani as a unique means of transmission of spiritual and religious values through the twentieth century. The article ends with an evocation of the role played by the Agha Khan since 1995 in the reactivation of the links with the international Isma'ili community. As usually in ethnographical studies, little interest is shown in the intellectual content of religion. As to the current tensions between concurrent branches of the Isma'iliyya in Tajikistani Badakhshan—most particularly between the "Aghakhani" and "Khuja" trends—, they are carefully eluded. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 134. CARIOU Alain, "L'évolution géographique récente des zones rurales de piémont et de montagnes en Ouzbékistan [The Recent Geographical Evolution of the Piedmont and Mountain Rural Zones in Uzbekistan]," Cahiers d'Asie Centrale 10 (2002): 271-92,2 fig., appendix The article relies on fieldworks implemented in 2000 and 2001 in three regions of Uzbekistan: the Surkhan Darya, the Fergana, and Samarqand. It underlines the major role plaid by piedmont areas in Uzbek agrarian history till the 1960s. Agropastoral production systems had been developed on complementary territories: grazing areas (mountains and low steppes) and irrigation areas (piedmonts) around settlements. However piedmonts were abandoned by the Soviet state in favour of the development of the cotton-oriented agriculture in newly irrigated areas. As a result, they have been marginalised and deserted by the emigration of workers to cotton producing territories. During the 'transition period' piedmont areas have followed various development trajectories: Some have become even more marginalised, whereas some have been recently developed by farmers escap102

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA ing from state-controlled agriculture, or excluded by the de-collectivisation process—a phenomenon interpreted by some as a revival of the traditional system. Though the object tackled is interesting, and rarely raised by scholarship, the arguments used do not consolidate the statement. Short of quantitative data, the article does not estimate the expansion of the dynamics. It overlooks the militarisation of the international boundaries and the resulting inability of U z b e k cattle to graze Kyrgyz and Tajik mountainous areas, contrary to the Soviet period. Landlockedness dramatically restrains the development of Uzbek piedmonts. Raphael Jozan (National School of Civil Engineering, Paris)

135. GROTZBACH Ervin, "Hindu Kush," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 12/3, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003: 313-15, bibliography The Hindu Kush (the name is first attested in the Arab traveller Ibn Battuta, c. 1330) comprises the south-western range of the great middle and southern Asiatic mountain ganglion running in the east from the Karakoram in modern northern Pakistan to the mountains of central Afghanistan in the west, with peaks rising to 7,700 m in height. Numerous north-south passes cross it. The sparse population lives mainly in the valleys, where intensive, irrigated agriculture is possible, but inadequate resources mean that there is much seasonal emigration to lands outside the Hindu Kush. Ethnically and linguistically, the population includes Nuristanis, Dardic peoples like the Pasha'is, and Iranians like Persians and incoming Pashtun nomads. C. Edmund Bosworth (University of Exeter) 136. HADI-ZADE R a s u l , Samarqand-name

[ T h e B o o k of S a m a r q a n d ] , D u s h a n b e :

Rayzani-ye farhangi-ye sefarat-e Jomhuri-ye eslami-ye Iran dar Tajikestan, 2002, 392 p., glossary, [33] p. of plates A locally famous representative of the Tajik intelligentsia from Samarqand, and a renowned specialist of the history of Islamic reform in the Emirate of Bukhara, the author provides us with an interesting study in the historical geography of the Timurid capital, through a long stroll in the city's neighbourhoods. The book is open with a well-informed historical overview of the last developments of historical geography and urban history in Tajikistan (unfortunately with some pages, now inevitable, about the formation by the Samanids of the first Muslim state of the peoples "of Iranian race (irani nezhad)" enriched with notations on the political developments during Perestroika). The most captivating part of the work is constituted by the chapter on the city's neighbourhoods, their formation and organisation, as well as their varied components: basins, mosques, tea houses, private residences, etc. A special chapter is devoted to the city's gardens, another one to the most famous monuments of the past (with a particular interest of the author in holy graves, that is very characteristic of urban historical erudition as it is practiced nowadays in Central Asia), with sections on bazaars, caravanserais, madrasas and bathhouses. In spite of its lack of any critical apparatus, the book is worth of interest as a testimony of the present-day revival of traditional local history in for-

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mer Soviet Central Asia. It also brings numerous notations and elements on the holy places and their respective attendance, as well as on the city's contemporary history—all based on the collective memory of a lineage of literati originating from Samarqand, on the author's rich personal erudition, and by his regular dealings with the antique city and its neighbourhoods. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

137. ISOMATOV Ma'ruf, Asht (Ocherki ta'rikhi-etnografi) [Asht (A Study in Historical Ethnography)], Dushanbe: Sharqi ozod, 2001,128 p. What is 'historical ethnography'? The amphigoric denomination of a discipline largely practiced in the Soviet period. It was then called by the Russian word kraevedenie (in Tajik: kishvarshinosi that can be approximately translated as "local lore"), and consisted at the same time of the collection of oral traditions, historical geography, of local and regional history, and of ethnography as it used to be practiced in the USSR. (One of the ethnographers' main preoccupation then consisted of the identification of native populations for retracing their respective 'ethno-geneses'.) During the past fifteen years, 'local lore' has been submitted to deep transformations, in particular of its institutional framework and public command, that have exerted a direct impact on its very content. At the same time, one can observe striking continuities with some conceptual lines of the Soviet period. The present work on the rural district of Asht, in the region of Soghd in Northern Tajikistan, offers an interesting illustration of this double phenomenon. Written in one go, the text is deprived of any inner division, even more of a table of content. It begins with a narrative of the district's history from its origins to the early Soviet period, based on recent academic publications duly signalled in footnotes. In conformity with local history as it is practiced in Tajikistan since the end of the Soviet period, the study goes on with an evocation of the district's nineteenth-century learned milieus and madrasas, through literary repertories (tadhakir) and some diwans of local poets published during the past forty years. (See notably, by Mulla Ma'dan Punghazi, the leader of a local community who was particularly revered for his successful intermediations towards the Khan of Kokand 'Umar Khan: Ash'ori muntakhab, ed. D. Ahmadov, Dushanbe: Irfon, 1966; Faizi osor, Dushanbe: Donish, 1993.) This part is followed by paragraphs on the historical geography of Asht, of its neighbourhoods and numerous rural satellites, based on local legends and the data of modern history and archaeology; on the economy of these varied places in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; on the presence of literary circles, Islamic sanctuaries, traditional educational institutions that continued to function during he Soviet period. The book interestingly ends with short biographical notices on local notables of the Soviet period: a way of assessing the continuity of a local community consciousness through the upheavals of contemporary history. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

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138. JACQUESSON Svetlana, éd., Les montagnards d'Asie Centrale [Mountain Dwellers of Central Asia], Tashkent - Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 2005 (Cahiers d'Asie Centrale, 11-12), 265 p., ill., tab., maps Elaborated by a multidisciplinary team of predominantly young, though well-confirmed researchers in linguistics, history and social sciences of Central Asia, this attractively edited volume of the journal published since 1996 by the French Institute of Central Asian Studies (Tashkent) answers to a double ambition: (1) introducing the Tian Shan, the Pamir and the Hindu Kush in their historical, cultural unity—rarely assessed by modern research because of the historical confrontation between the Russian colonisation from the north and its British counterpart from the south; (2) questioning stereotypic representations on mountain zones as, for instance, sanctuaries of 'archaism' or 'authenticity'. Several contributions insist on particular on the diversity of the population of the Central Asian mountain zones, others reveal a world confronted, especially during the past decades, with deep and rapid transformations. Between the revival of the Isma'iliyya in Tajikistani Badakhshan—now exposed to a new-brand proselytism, in which economy underlies behind the spiritual dimension—and projects for the creation of an "ethnic and cultural reserve" in the Yaghnob Valley (A. GUNÂ [GUNYA], "Dynamique et stabilité de la communauté montagnarde du Yaghnob (Tadjikistan du nord) [Dynamics and Stability of the Mountain-Dweller Community of the Yaghnob (Northern Tajikistan)]," 161-78), "it becomes rather obvious the mountain-dweller communities are more than ever threatened by the schemes that the global society tries to impose upon them" (foreword by Svetlana Jacquesson, 11). The unifying theme of articles devoted to the agro-pastoral economies of Central Asia is the redefinition of the place and role of mountain and of its resources at the end of the Soviet period. One of the most interesting questions consists of assessing whether the current re-appropriation of mountain areas goes with a "return" to the pastoral practices of old. The reappearance of an agro-pastoral economy in the mountains of Uzbekistan (Alain CARIOU, "Résistance et adaptation de l'économie agropastorale des montagnes d'Ouzbékistan [Resistance and Adaptation of the Agro-Pastoral Economy of the Mountains of Uzbekistan]," 179-202), the restoration of pastoral breading in Kyrgyzstan (Svetlana JACQUESSON, "Au cœur du Tian Chan: histoire et devenir de la transhumance au Kirghizstan [In the Heartland of the Tian Shan: History and Evolution of Transhumance in Kyrgyzstan]," 203-44) are achieved nowadays at the family scale. This is event more easily observable in western Mongolia, where traditional schemes have been less drastically changed during the Soviet period (Peter FLNKE, "Le pastoralisme dans l'ouest de la Mongolie: contraintes, motivations et variations [Pastoral Life in Western Mongolia: Constraints, Motivations and Variations]," 245-65). The other contributions have been reviewed separately in varied chapters of the present volume: François JACQUESSON, "Les langues indo-iraniennes du Pamir et de l'Hindou Kouch," 15-60 (infra 558); S. N. ABASIN, "Le culte d'Iskandar Zu-1Qarnayn chez les montagnards d'Asie Centrale," 61-86 (infra 452); Alexandre PAPAS, "Soufis du Badakhchân: un renouveau confrérique entre l'Inde et l'Asie Centrale," 87-102 (infra 489); V. I. BUSKOV & T. S. KALANDAROV, "Le passé et le présent

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des populations du Pamir occidental," 103-18 (supra 133); Sarfaroz NlYOZOV, "The Realities of Being a Woman Teacher in the Mountains of Tajikistan," 119-60 (infra 649). Beyond a rare thematic and disciplinary diversity, all the articles gathered in the volume perfectly responds to the general problematic of the openness of mountain areas and of their permanent evolution, 'accelerated' by the transition from socialism. From this viewpoint, beyond its subject the present volume brings a significant contribution to the necessary reappraisal of collective representations on Central Asia's mountain areas and mountain-dweller communities, and more generally to the issue of the relations between mountain-dweller communities and the global society. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 139. KAMOLIDDIN Sh. S., "Novye dannnye k istoricheskoi geografii oblasti Nasafa [New Data on the Historical Geography of the Nasaf Region]," O'zbekistonda ijtomoiy fanlar / Obshchestvcnnye nauki v Uzbekistane 2006/6:14-8 Through the treatise al-Qandfi dhikr 'ulama Samarkand ["The Sweet in the Recollection of the Scholars of Samarqand"] by Abu Hafs 'Umar al-Nasafi al-Maturidi (d. 537/1142), its abridged version by the latter's pupil Abu'1-Fadl Muhammad alSamarqandi and its varied Persian translations, the author assesses the original information provided by Abu Hafs on Qarshi itself, and on fifteenth rural places around it. Though the very simplified transcription system does not always permit the reader to identify precisely the orthographies provided by the different authors quoted in this paper, the author's erudite etymological and historical explanations for each place name (notably on the Soghdian roots of many of them) provide interesting elements on these names' substratum and evolution through the ages. Another contribution of the same issue surveys the historical data on Qarshi in a variety of written documents from the ninth to the nineteenth century (BURIEV A., "Nakhshab—Nasaf—Karshi v pis'mennykh istochnikakh [Nakhshab—Nasaf—Qarshi in Written Sources]," ibid.: 18-26). As it is often the case in presentday Central Asian erudition, the author has been gathering information on distinct events or facts concerning the city out of arch-classical textual primary sources: on the resistance against the Arab invaders in the "History" of Tabari; on Mukanna's revolt in Narshakhi's "History of Bukhara;" on the successive orthographies of the city's pre-modern name in Yaqut's Mu'jam al-buldan; on the impact of the Mongol conquest in Rashid al-Din's Jami'ahawarikh; on Qarshi's political status as a capital city in the early fourteenth-century Ulus of Chaghatay in Ibn Battuta's travelogue; on the campaigns for the control of Qarshi from the early sixteenth to the mieighteenth century in the Sharaf-nama-yi shahi, the Bahr al-asrar, the Dastur al-muluk, and the 'Ubayd-Allah-nama; about 'Abd al-Malik Tura's failed coup in Qarshi in Sami's Ta'rikh-i salatin-i Manghitiyya, etc. According to another distinctive feature of current Central Asian historical scholarship, the authors of these two articles refer exclusively to manuscripts or editions of the primary sources on which they are basing their considerations, omitting the rich modern tradition of research on them—local, Russian/Soviet, Western. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 106

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tarikhi

va

kronolozhi [Usrushana: History, Historical Geography, and Chronology], Tehran - Dushanbe: Pazhuheshkade-ye mardomshenasi, 1981/2002,172-[4] p., ill., [3] maps, bibliography This small panoramic work, that is characteristic of the current revival of local urban history in Central Asia, comes after the works by the Tajik medievalist Ahror Mukhtorov on the ancient Usrushana (present-day Istrawshan, or Ura-Teppa, in northern Tajikistan). The author proposes a brief geographical and historical depiction of the city and of its region. Based on numerous Persian narrative sources from the tenth to the early twentieth centuries, the book gives a large room to the ancient and medieval periods, until the Mongol period; it ends, in a way that is also characteristic of current local history-writing in Central Asia, with a short chapter (pp. 155-166) on the life of a great mystic attached with the city's history: Abu Bakr Shibli Khurasani Baghdadi (247-334/861-945). The Redaction 141. KOMATSU Hisao, GOTO Yutaka, "The Fergana Project: Central Asian Area

Studies with GIS," in Okabe Atsuyuki, ed., Islamic Area Studies with Geographical Information Systems, London - New York: Routledge Curzon, 2004: 103-121, 4 maps, 4 tabs, bibliography By integrating historical sources, statistical data, imaging data, and results of field surveys onto digitalised maps using geographic information system (GIS), the Fergana Project (launched in 1999 in the framework in the broader 'Islamic area Studies Project 1') intends to gain a reliable database for the analysis of contemporary issues in the Fergana Valley. The present article introduces the research results for the years 2002-4 and their contribution to Central Asian studies: on the populations movements and ethnic composition from the late nineteenth century to the early Soviet period, with special attention to minority groups (Qashgharliks, Qipchaqs, 'Turks', Karakalpaks) that have been officially merged with the Uzbeks since the mid-1920s, and for refugee movements during and after the Basmachi resistance. The authors also evoke the perspectives of their programme as for the elucidation of relationships between natural environment and the distribution of ethnic groups; the history of the development of irrigation networks during the early Soviet period; the mapping of confessional institutions (mosques, shrines, madrasas, etc.); and the study of the urbanisation process in the Fergana Valley. The Redaction 142. KREUTZMANN Hermann, "Uberlebensstrategien der Kirgisen Afghanistans:

Nomaden auf dem Dach der Welt [Subsistence Strategies of the Kyrgyz of Afghanistan: Nomads on the Roof of the World]," Geographische Rundschau 53 (2001): 52-56, ill., map. Despite the high amount of publicity that enjoyed once the Kyrgyz of the Wakhan corridor, both in scholarly literature and among the general public, the present situation of the Kyrgyz who have chosen not to move to eastern Turkey from their Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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refugee camp in Pakistan, and went back to Afghanistan is almost unknown and unstudied. This makes a contrast with the great interest shown by researchers, particularly in the field of geography, towards the Kyrgyz living on the Pamir plateaus on the Tajikistan side of the border. The author—undoubtedly the leading specialist of Wakhi and Kyrgyz high mountain pastoralist communities split over Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Pakistan, and China—provides in the present article very valuable and rare data on the conditions which the Kyrgyz of the Little Pamir (Pamir-i khurd) are facing. The article focuses on trade and exchange networks as a key component of the subsistence strategies in a closed border context. The question of high opium consumption (which is not new, and has survived among the older generation of those who migrated to Turkey) is also addressed. François Omer Akakça (Humboldt University, Berlin) 143. KREUTZMANN Hermann, "Yak-Keeping in the Pamirs: Strategies under Changing Frame Conditions," Bielefelder Ökologische Beiträge 18 [Natur und Landnutzung im Pamir: Wie sind Erhalt der Biodiversität, Naturschutz und nachhaltige Landnutzung im Pamirgebirge in Einklang zu bringen?] ( 2 0 0 3 ) : 5 4 - 6 3 , tab.

This overview of yak husbandry on the Pamir plateaus and in the high mountain valleys of the Hindu Kush range sums up the data which the author has been gathering for almost two decades in Western High Asia, particularly in Hunza and Chitral in Pakistan, in the Tashqurghan county in Western China and in the Murghab district in Tajikistan. The article provides figures on yak populations, their distribution and on grassland availability and discusses the organisation of labour, the markets and exchange networks structures and the state policies in the different countries under consideration. François Omer Akakça (Humboldt University, Berlin) 144. MINORSKY V., BOSWORTH C. E., "Wakhan," in P. J. Bearman et al, eds. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002: 99-100, bibliography This short notice offers an elusive description of the relief of Wakhan, of its political boundaries and administrative division since the 1895 Russo-Afghan Agreement, and of the evocation of this region in early medieval Chinese, Arabic and Persian sources; the article ends with an overview of the role of Wakhan's as a stake of the 'Great Game' between the Russian and British Empires. The Redaction 145. MUHAMMADJONOV A., "Samarqandning tarikhii toponimlari [Samarqand's Historical Place Names]," Uzbek tili va adabiioti 2007/4: 37-42 On the basis of works by medieval Arabic- and Persian-language travellers, geographers and historians, the author rapidly surveys century-long glosses on the name of the city of Samarqand (with particular attention for the isolation of the word thamar by a wide range of authors), and those of some of the city's rural satellites (Ab-i Mashhad, Ab-i Rahmat, Siyahab, etc.). The article distinguishes itself

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146. RABALLAND Gaël, "Batailles pour l'eau en Asie Centrale [Water Disputes in Central Asia]," Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée

iranien 35 (2003): 520-36

Orientale et le monde turco-

See also by the same author: "L'eau en Asie Centrale: entre interdependence régionale et vulnérabilités nationales [The Water Issue in Central Asia: The Relationship between Regional Interdependence and National Vulnerabilities]," Géoéconomie 18 (2001): 119-44. These two articles shed light on the strong relations of interdependence of the Central Asian states. As the author demonstrates, although water is relatively abundant at regional level, its distribution is particularly unequal since Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan possess more than 80 percent of it. Soviet planning and the massive utilisation of water for irrigating agricultural lands have exacerbated this disparity and increased the level of water consumption per capita: In Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan the level of water consumption is one of the highest in the world (close to 6000m 3 per person per year), but more than 90 percent of it goes into agriculture. Attempting to resolve this difficult situation, the Soviet authorities organised a regional system for regulating and sharing resources between the republics. However, the accession to independence quickly put paid to this system. Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan have asserted that they are favourable to financial or material compensation in exchange for water, whereas the three downstream countries (with certain qualifications in the case of Kazakhstan) consider water a common good. In the 1990s, acts of blackmail (water for energy) and of retaliation (cuts in deliveries of water or energy) multiplied, despite the existence of several international programmes and initiatives. In addition, the Aral Sea catastrophe has rendered acute the necessity to manage water resources properly, although the systems of payment for consumption by local farmers are difficult to set up. G. Raballand here succeeds in analysing this issue with finesse and in presenting a subtle panorama of the complex stakes involved. Sébastien Peyrouse (Woodrow Wilson Centre, Washington, DC) 147. RABALLAND Gaël, L'Asie Centrale ou la fatalité de l'enclavement? [Central Asia:

An Inevitable Landlockedness?], Paris: IFEAC - L'Harmattan (Centre-Asie), 2005,335 p.

Although its title suggests the focus on Central Asia, G. Raballand's book Central Asia or the Casualty of Landlockedness goes well beyond a single region or issue-area. It is an outstanding contribution to the literature on economic development and regional economic policies. It is unique in its breadth, depth, conceptual approach and remarkable combination of theory, empirical analysis and implications for policies. It is also very comprehensive in terms of literature covered and clarity of presentation of complex issues. Contrary to the dominant themes in literature on globalisation and international trade, it points to a largely overlooked paradox that technological change may contribute to integration of some regions while elevatCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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ing barriers to integration of other remotely located regions, mainly landlocked and small island economies. As such, it also provides a much needed correction to contemporary theories of optimal size of state pointing to its dramatic 'downsiz' ing" thanks to world trade liberalisation (national borders are not borders to economic activity) and collective security (if under a security umbrella, size does not matter to assure the country's security). In the presence of high costs of moving goods to external markets, the effect of trade liberalisation may fail to materialise. Before providing ammunition to the praise of the book expressed above, an explanation of the book's title—which I did not catch on the first reading—is in order. A layman can figure it out only after reading the discussion on the difference between terms: 'centrality' and 'landlockedness.' The distinction is important as it highlights that the latter needs not to be the curse as 'land-locked' location can be advantageous when it is 'central.' The critical issue is not geographical location itself but what it implies in terms of access to external markets. Switzerland and some other European countries—as Raballand reminds—is landlocked but centrally located and exposed to international competition. Thus, the title heralds an important political economy dimension: whether Central Asia becomes 'central' or remains 'landlocked'—implying being trapped in low-level equilibrium—depends on gamut of factors including the quality of infrastructure, the quality of governance also in bordering countries and the extent of regional cooperation. These largely appear to be wanting in Central Asia: G. Raballand's analysis leads him to conclude that "Central Asia is more landlocked than central" ("I'Asic ccntralc est plus enclavce que centrale" p. 301).

The book has five chapters and two annexes. It begins with a theoretical discussion of unique traits of landlocked economies (Ch. 1); followed by the discussion of the impact of remoteness on foreign trade (Ch. 2); an examination of regional integration as a remedy to landlockedness (Ch. 3); drawing the parallels between landlocked and small island economies (Ch. 4); and assessment of trading cost of Central Asian economies (Ch. 5). Annex 1 lists landlocked countries in the world and Annex 2 provides dates and names of regional arrangements in the postSoviet space in 1991-2002. The common theme of the book boils down to providing answers to a question of what concepts and theories should inform students of economic development, analysts and policy makers from landlocked countries as exemplified by Central Asian states. The discussion throughout the book neatly outlines major findings of new economic geography and regional integration with an emphasis on their relevance to countries located remotely from large markets, that is, not necessarily landlocked. Chapter 1 contains a very thorough discussion of new economic geography. The description of the evolution of new economic geography is not only well structured but it also nicely combines a very clear presentation of sophisticated theoretical concepts with empirical applications. Chapter 2 builds upon concepts examined in Chapter 1 expanding the analysis to address a critical question why land-locked countries trade less than countries with access to sea. Since this observation does not apply to all of them (e.g., landlocked countries in Europe), exceptions offer clues why trade of other landlocked countries remain suppressed. The subsequent discussion seeks an explanation through outlying the methodology of gravity modelling together with its history, 110

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its various applications and results as they apply to landlocked countries. Quantitative estimates point to the huge impact of multiplication of borders on transaction cost of foreign trade activity. While the links between gravity-type analyses (Chapter 2) and new economic geography (Chapter 1) are multiple, the one that tops them all is the impaired capacity of landlocked firms to tap economies of scale due to high transaction costs. The latter determine—to allude to the author's distinction between 'centrality' and 'landlockedness'—whether an economy is a victim of the curse of geography. High transaction costs, mainly driven by transportation costs and the cost of border-crossing(s), erect a barrier to participation in modern division of labour based on 'just-in-time' production management within networks built around large multinational corporations and foreign direct investments. Since some components of the transaction cost are not 'geography-made' but 'policy-induced,' this begs the question of what can be done to reduce the latter. Chapter 3 explicitly addresses this question and points to potential benefits that can be derived from regional cooperation and integration. Potential benefits abound. Regional cooperation supported by international donors might address the infrastructure deficit. G. Raballand, pointing to a paradox of landlocked countries obtaining relatively less aid to develop transportation and communication networks than other developing countries, argues that the lack of infrastructure sets into motion a vicious cycle of economic backwardness, as it discourages investments, both local and foreign. Regional integration contributes to lowering transport costs through another modality—that of allowing transport firms to tap economies of scale thanks to access to larger regional markets. Last but not least, regional integration leads to lower costs of border crossing: these costs are responsible for higher cost of continental than maritime transport. The author addresses two further questions: What regional groupings that exist in the post-Soviet economic space offer largest rewards? What should be the geographical direction of unlocking? As for the first question, the answer based on a gravity model, points to Euro-Asian Economic Community as the best venue for Central Asia. The answer to a second question is not so straightforward: Instead the author gives an overview of controversies surrounding this issue. Having established the crucial importance of transport cost, the analysis of the last two chapters turns to a detailed examination of its role in shaping unique developmental traits of remotely located economies (Chapter 4) and estimation of trading costs faced by Central Asian firms (Chapter 5). G. Raballand shows that both landlocked economies and remotely located economies with access to sea face similar development challenges, which he links to transportation cost. His analysis of the impact of the containerisation revolution in transport provides a strong warning against quick generalisations that the fall in transport cost inevitably leads to the increased pace in global economic integration. In fact, G. Raballand shows that containerisation has not reduced but increased 'distance' from major markets for remotely located economies. While consumers and producers located close to large ports, hubs, witnessed huge decreases in transport cost, those located far from hubs did not experience similar reductions, as they had to rely on costly feeders. The cost of transport fell in many instances, but the differential vis-aCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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vis 'hub-only' users increased. In consequence, their competitiveness has declined forcing these countries to greater reliance on international assistance and exports of labour (remittances). The dissolution of the Soviet Union has exacerbated the negative consequences of geographical remoteness for Central Asian economies, as amply demonstrated in the last chapter. Detailed estimates of costs of moving goods to major world markets suggest that indeed that the region faces huge transport cost. This is so not only because of geography and the emergence of borders (border effect) but also due to the legacy of transport development in the former Soviet Union. It neglected road transport as roads whose construction was driven by military rather than economic considerations. Furthermore, it relied on railroads Unking former republics to Moscow in a hub-and-spoke pattern. Will Central Asia remain a casualty of landlockedness or will it enter the path of sustainable economic growth? While Gael Raballand's book does not provide an unambiguous answer to this question, it shows that many barriers keeping them far from markets are mainly political not physical. It shows huge costs of political inaction and, by the same token, huge rewards of regional cooperation and integration. Since human beings usually respond to opportunities for positive-sum interaction, one expects greater cooperation in the removal of policy-induced transport barriers. Recent developments in Central Asia point in this direction. Bartlomiej Kaminski (University of Maryland at College Park) 148. SHUKUROV E., "The Natural Environment of Central and South Asia," in Chahriyar Adle, ed., with Madhavan K. Palat & Anara Tabyshalieva, History of Civilisations of Central Asia, 6: Towards the Contemporary Period: From the MidNineteenth to the End of the Twentieth Century, Paris: UNESCO Publishing, 2005: 493-528, ill. Astutely underlying the vastness of "Central Asia as understood in the present volume," the author first stresses the variety of its climatic conditions (from continental temperate to subtropical), of its topography (a combination of vast plains and majestic mountain ranges), and of its hydrography (Central Asia consisting of a series of closed un-drained basins). He then sheds light on the modification of its complex soil layer by centuries of farming, and its erosion in pastoral regions. Chapters on vegetation and animal life precede developments on the human imprint on natural landscapes. Data on the population of this wide region are then scattered throughout paragraphs on South Asia and West Asia. If one can regret that the too wide and poorly defined notion of Central Asia adopted by the editors of the volume has brought the author to reel off extremely general, sometimes tautological considerations (e.g., "the landscape varies according to altitude [515]"), one can only be pleased about the complete, if synthetic overview offered by the author of the interaction of natural conditions and human activity in the very vast space comprised between the Persian Gulf and south-western Siberia (with a specific interest in mountain areas). The Redaction

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W E S T E R N CENTRAL ASIA 1 4 9 . SlTNIANSKII G . l u . , Sel'skoe khoziaistvo

kirgizov:

traditsii

i sovrcmennost'

[The

Rural Economy of the Kyrgyz: Tradition and Modernity], Moscow: Rossiiskaia Akademiia Nauk, 1998, 244 p. Carried as an inquiry in ethnology, this study, defended as a doctoral dissertation in 1995, would certainly be best described as historical human geography. After a basic overview of the ethnic history of the Kyrgyz in the Tian Shan and few remarks on the main features of their mode of subsistence, a first section presents the technical apparatus and the organisation of pastoral activities among northern Kyrgyz at the turn of the twentieth century and describes the changes that occurred with the sédentarisation and then, as a consequence of collectivisation. The author relies thoroughly on a wide range of late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century sources on Kyrgyz animal and crop husbandry, some of which are wellknown (like Kushner's Gornaia Kirgiziia [High Kyrgyzia], 1929, to name but one), but others either rarely used (like the two volumes on domestic animals in Kyrgyzia, Domashnye zhyvotnye Kirgizii, 1930) or barely out of reach. A second section, the most voluminous, analyses the organisation and evolution of agro-pastoral activities during the first years after the break-up of the Soviet Union and the dismissal of collective economy. Here the author makes an extensive use of unpublished statistical sources and of data provided by informants on the field. Most of the author's arguments deal with technical change and transformations in land use and management. He tends thus to push somehow power relations to the background. Though limited to northern Kyrgyzstan, this study offers a solid basis to whoever intends to further investigate change in Kyrghyz pastoral economy throughout the twentieth and at the turn of the twenty-first century. François Ômer Akakça (Humboldt University, Berlin)

150. TOIX Florence, "Marche néo-impériale et djihads: la Frontière afghane du Pakistan [Neo-Imperial Marches and Jihads: Pakistan's Afghan Boundary]," Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien 36 (2003): 221-51 This historical synthesis describes the policies implemented by Pakistan, since 1947, as to its Afghan boundary; the author stresses the respective impacts of the British colonial legacy and of the Cold War period. From a local viewpoint F. Toix then analyses the latter's consequences on this boundary's value in terms of strategy, politics and identity building. The Redaction

151. ZANJANI Habib-Allah, "Gorgan: I. Geography," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/2, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2002: 139-42, map, bibliography Since 1997, the eastern part of Mazandaran province, comprising the sub-province of Gurgan and Gunbad-i Kawus, have been joined together to form the Gulistan ("Rose Garden") province. This comprises coastal wetlands; the Gurgan to Gunbad-i Kawus plain, with arid steppe lands in the north and fertile plains in the south traversed by the Gurgan and Qarasu rivers; and an inland mountainous re-

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gion bordering on Khurasan and rising to an altitude of 3,750 m. The province's economy includes winter and summer pasture grounds, and cereal and vegetable' growing agriculture. The whole is within an earthquake zone. C. Edmund Bosworth (University of Exeter)

Max-Jean & R A B A L L A N D Gael, eds., La question de l'enclavement en Asie Centrale [The Landlockedness Issue in Central Asia], Paris: AFEMOTI (Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien : 3 5 ) , 2 0 0 3 , 1 5 5 p., maps 1 5 2 . ZLNS

This special file of the "Notebook of Studies on the Eastern Mediterranean and the Turkic-Iranian World" is devoted to a reappraisal of the question of landlockedness in Central Asia since the end of the Soviet period, through the respective positions of different local and foreign protagonists. The series of paper is opened w i t h a study on the recent bibliography on the political geography and economics of landlocked countries, applied to the case of Central Asia. The author sheds light on the deficit of growth and trade of landlocked countries w h e n compared w i t h coastal ones, because of extra-transportation expenditures. As to Central Asia, this region's hemmed-in position is even more felt nowadays since during the Soviet period the whole region had benefited from subventions to transportation. T w o kinds of answer have been proposed to this state of things, b o t h difficult to implement: (1) an economic solution through a general improving of transportation infrastructures and economic regional integration; and (2) a juridical solution through an overall willingness of recognising transit rights (see: RABALLAND Gael, "L'enclavement: coûts et parades (une application à l'Asie Centrale) [Landlockedness: Costs and Answers (A Central Asian Application)]," 15-29). This question of the transit rights has been complicated since the proclamations of independence in 1991 by the change of the status of boundaries, materialised in the Fergana Valley by the existence of some fifteen hardly surmountable enclaves. A specific study is devoted to the reinforcement of the hemmed-in position, and the mutual differentiation of several districts of this region of Central Asia, in particular in southern Kyrgyzstan and in northern Tajikistan: Shahimardan, Sokh and Vorukh districts ( T H O R E Z Julien, "Enclaves et enclavement dans le Ferghana post-soviétique [Enclaves and Landlockedness in the Post-Soviet Fergana]," 29-41). As an illustration of the impact of enclosing upon under-development, the following paper traces Nepal's efforts since 1950 to negotiate more favourable treaties governing the transit over India and her imports and exports to and from the sea. A participant in the negotiations of the late 1970s and late 1980s, the author suggests h o w a political geographer can help resolve difficult real-world problems. He also illustrates h o w landlockedness is inherently a political rather than a geographical problem (GLASSNER Martin Ira, "Negotiating Nepal's Access to the Sea," 41-61). A landlocked country par excellence, Uzbekistan has been developing a positive perception of its geographical position, through an over-valuation of its centrality in Central Asia: This aspect is studied in the present volume through the official discourse of the Tashkent administration since independence (POUJOL Catherine, "L'Ouzbékistan ou la stratégie du 'surenclavement' [Uzbekistan or the Strategy of 'OverLandlockedness']," 61-71). A further illustration of the essentially political charac-

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ter of landlockedness is provided by the case of Afghanistan, a former crossroads of caravan routes on the Eurasian continent, limited since the nineteenth century to the role of a buffer-state between the Russian/Soviet and British/US empires, and confined to a geographical and political "angle". This context and the further isolation brought about by the Soviet occupation and the ensuing civil wars are taken as explanations to the expansion of opium culture and heroine production (CHOUVY Pierre-Arnaud, "La production illicite d'opium en Afghanistan dans le contexte de l'enclavement, de l'isolement et de l'isolationnisme [The Illicit Opium Production in Afghanistan in the Context of Enclosing, Isolation and Isolationism]," 71-83). The notion of landlockedness is further relativised through a reflection on the current geopolitical perceptions of Central Asia in, respectively, India and Pakistan—each of these countries looking at oneself a s . . . an enclosed country, and promoting diametrically different visions of Central Asia and its future (ZlNS Max-Jean, "De la relativité de l'enclavement: les perceptions indienne et pakistanaise de l'Asie Centrale [Of the Relativity of Enclosing: The Indian and Pakistanese Perceptions of Central Asia]," 83-109). As to Iran, the hopes raised up after 1991 by the abolution of the USSR proved over-estimated, confirming the impact of political considerations on Central Asia's present-day landlockedness. In spite of initial diplomatic successes, like the setting-up of a Tehran-Yerevan-Athens axis', Iran's economic and political achievements in Central Asia have proved limited: The region's opening up through Iran is still to be awaited, whilst the gradual dividing up of the Caspian Sea's underground resources is implemented against Tehran's positions—an explanation to both failure being made of Iran's atrocious relations with the USA (DjALlLI Mohammad-Reza, "Une porte à peine entrouverte: l'Iran et l'Asie Centrale (1991-2002) [A Less than Half-Open Door: Iran and Central Asia (1991-2002)]," 109-23). The thematic file's last contribution is a hydrological and historical perspective on the geopolitics of water in Central Asia. In this region of the world, contrary to the Near-East, potential conflicts are not caused by the exhaustion of water resources, but by the new territorial division after 1991 (ALLOUCHE Jeremy, "Géopolitique de l'Iran en Asie Centrale: de la colonisation russe à la conference internationale d'aide à l'Afghanistan (1865-2002) [Geopolitics of Iran in Central Asia: From Russian Colonisation to the International Conference on Aid to Afghanistan (1865-2002)]," 123-55). The editors must be congratulated for the gathering of such an exceptionally coherent set of papers, and for the rich perspectives that have been traced by most authors, all preoccupied with the formulation of lucid solutions to the multiple geo-political problems met by Central Asia since the disappearance of the USSR. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) See also: 101 (Wegerich); 250 (Babakhanov); 285 (Bezvikonnaia); 480 (Mardonov & Qodirov); 740 (Bliss)

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2.5. Eastern Central Asia "Yarkand," in P.J. Bearman etal, eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2 nd ed„ 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002: 286-8, bibliography 1 5 3 . BOSWORTH C . E.,

This introductive notice about the famous oasis of Yarkand introduces successively its pre-Islamic history; the Qarakhanid period when the Islamicisation and the Turkisation of the area occurred; the Mongol conquest; the Chaghatayid domination supported by the powerful Dughlat clan; the Khwajas rule under the protection of the Junghar Mongols; the Qing annexation; the Emirate of Ya'qub Beg; the twentieth century marked by an alternation of Turkistani nationalist movements and Chinese recoveries. Two aspects are emphasised through the pre-modern as well as modern period: the status of capital cities in the Altishahr and the region's status as a trading centre between India, Tibet, Central Asia and China. Alexandre Papas (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris). 154. SAGUCHIT., "Yunnan," in P . J . Bearman etal., eds., The Encyclopaedia

2 nd ed„ 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002: 346-7, bibliography

of Islam,

This notice on a partly Muslim-peopled southwest highland province of China is divided up into two parts: the first on history, the second on the "community". The historical overview begins with the creation of the province (on the basis of an ancient county of the same denomination) by Qubilay in 1253, and with the evocation of its present-day Muslim minority (1,36 per cent of the province's population in 1990, mostly distributed in its eastern part). The author mentions the report by Tang sources of the early ninth-century CE immigration of "Taji" (i.e. Tajik, that is, Arab) soldiers as military reinforcements to the local dynasty, becoming the first Muslims in Yunnan, though the tale is uncorroborated elsewhere. The origins of the Yunnan Muslims are traced back by the author to the early Yuan dynasty: a number of W e s t Asian merchants and Uighur soldiers, many of them being Muslims, settled down in the province after its conquest by Qubilay. Like those of other provinces, Yunnan Muslims were gradually sinicised under the Ming; at the same time many Muslims immigrated from surrounding provinces into Yunnan. In the framework of the Qing colonisation policy, Chinese and Muslims gradually spread further into the province. In the nineteenth century, Chinese pressure for ethnic assimilation increased, leading to frictions between Muslims and Han Chinese: revolts began to occur, notably the Great Rebellion of 1854-62. W i t h the triumph of the People's Republic in 1950, the position of the Yunnan Hui worsened, especially during the Cultural Revolution (evocation of the "Shadian Indicent"— the destruction of a centre of Islamic learning, and the massacre of its population, by the People's Liberation Army in August 1975). The short paragraphs on the Muslim community of Yunnan summarises their economic specialisations, and evokes their weak confessional differentiation from other Hui communities of China. Actually, most Muslims of Yunnan follow the gedimu (Arabic: qadimi, "ancient") form of Chinese Islam, basically that of Hanafism. At the same time the Jahriyya order (also called sinxiao, i.e. "New Religion", and so opposed to the gedimu) and the Ikhwan movement (that spurns membership of the menhuans or mystical

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paths) are also present among them: in Yunnan the Ikhwans make up ca. 10 per cent of all Muslims. As it is often the case in Japanese scholarship, this panoramic notice has been based, besides the author's extensive fieldwork, on a rich, multilingual bibliography. The Redaction See also: 334 (Näjmiddin); 343 (Bello); 346 (Koksnikov)

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3. History 3.1. General Works 31A.AU Periods 155. BAZAROV B. V., NlAM-OSOR N., "Iz istorii simvoliki i atributiki mongol'skoi gosudarstvennosti [Of the History of the Symbols and Attributes of Mongol Statehood]," Etnograficheskoe obozrenie 2003/2:62-7 Statehood authority and power is generally represented through material (portrait, statue, emblem, seal and banner) or immaterial symbols (position in space, granting of a title, epic tale, chronicle, recital of genealogy, praise and curse). Its representation may be mobile (throne) or immobile (palace). It can be exterior to (costume, crown) or constituent of a ruler (unction). The two authors name the most important state symbols and attributes, and make a research on them and on their historical evolution according to Mongolian sources ("The Secret History of the Mongols," "The White History," "The Golden History," cf. Njambuu X., Olnoo orgogdson Bogd xaant Mongol ulsyn torijn joslol [State Ceremonies during the Reign of Bogd Xaan (King of Autonomous Mongolia)], Ulaanbaatar, 1993). They mention as well some of the particular state symbols present in Central Asia, including many Buddhist attributes. The present paper deals with the main symbols of Mongolian statehood, the so called "state treasures-relics" which, according to the authors, ascend to the times of Genghis Khan. Later on, during the reign of Qubilai (126094), the nine superior state symbols (yisunyeke beige) as attributes of the khan's authority and power were mentioned for the first time in written form in the Mongolian "White history". They are: 1. the large black banner, symbolising the fare inspired to the enemies; 2. the resounding red shell, symbol of general respectfulness; 3. the powerful golden quiver, symbol of self-defence; 4. the strong flame yellow sulfur, symbol of being enthroned/being given the power by many people; 5. the large threatening diamond sword, symbol of the state's authority; 6. the solid golden saddle, symbolising military campaigns; 7. the large sacred belt, symbol of the stability/durability of life; 8. the throne with the high canopy, symbol of the wide and immobile steppe; 9. the reliable troops and friends, symbols of unity. These symbols and attributes are the object of the authors' research. Their analysis and the comparative study of historical literature based on the "Secret History of the Mongols" underline two separate layers, vi£. the symbols of Mongolian origin and the Central Asian symbols, both reflecting the archaic and medieval representations of power and its attributes. Established in the thirteenth century, the nine khan's or state symbols existed up to the seventeenth, and continued with the same symbolic force to be adopted by the Manchu emperors. All represent a synthesis of the autochthonous Mongolian and ancient Indian symbols of authority reflecting the spiritual values within a nomad state. The oldest items of information on the sym-

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HISTORY bols of the imperial authority are mentioned as well in Indian Buddhist canonical manuscripts containing the description of chakravartins—governors of the Universe. Out of these symbols, according to the authors the horse, the saddle, the belt, the quiver, the sword, the banner, the imperial throne, the seal, the parasol, the horn, the circle, the mark of cindamani (wish-granting jewel) represent the most ancient traditions of the nomads in Central Asia. The present paper deals only with basic symbols of Mongolian statehood, reflecting archaic and medieval ideas of high authority, power and their attributes, and based on the "The Secret History of the Mongols" and the study of the historical literature, "the "White History" among other sources. Mongolian attributes of authority, power and statehood were considered state symbols up to the beginning of the twentieth century. Besides, separate elements built up with Buddhist general state symbols have been borrowed by the Manchus. Rodica Pop (SergiuAl-George Institute of Oriental Studies, Bucharest) 156. CHUVIN Pierre, POLONI-SLMARD J a c q u e s , " P r é s e n t a t i o n [ I n t r o d u c t i o n ] , " in ibid., eds., Asie Centrale, Paris: A r m a n d Colin, 2 0 0 4 (Annales H.S.S. 5 9 / 5 - 6 ) : 9 2 3 - 7 W h e n a prestigious journal such as the Annales, which gave its name to the Annales school of social history, has a special issue devoted to Central Asia, one is justified in expecting the highest possible standards and maybe a distinctive social-historical approach. This issue certainly delivers on the promise of some very distinguished research, albeit with a slight preponderance not of social history, but of religious studies and literature (in the broadest sense). The Central Asia of this volume is for the most part Islamic: Afghanistan, Xinjiang, and the Uzbekistan-Tajikistan area for which Scott Levi has recently revived the useful term Turan. Some articles range as far a field as Mamluk Egypt and Northwest China in light of their Central Asian affiliations. In time, the coverage runs from the prehistory to the most contemporary developments. Two articles cover the pre-Islamic period, that of Frantz GRENET summarising the archaeological history of Samarqand ("Maracanda/Samarkand, une métropole pré-mongole: Sources écrites et archéologie," 1043-67), and Étienne DE LA VAISSIERE & Éric TROMBERT on the Soghdians in China ("Des Chinois et des Hu: Migrations et intégration des Iraniens orientaux en milieu chinois durant le haut Moyen Âge," 931-69). Both are masterful syntheses that together give form an unusually accessible introduction to the latest scholarship on the Soghdians. The article of Jiirgen PAUL of Halle University ("Perspectives nomades: État et structures militaires," 1069-93) is a broad survey, very much in the style of Owen Lattimore, Denis Sinor, Joseph Fletcher, and John Masson Smith. He analyses state building among the nomads through the interaction of the army, whether tribal levy or professional guard, and the distribution of booty and/or taxation. Such general surveys, taking all Central Asian nomads as fundamentally alike, certainly have their use, particularly in the kind of comparative seminar "Statehood and the Military" where the earliest version was presented. Perhaps at this point, however, what we need more at this point is more detailed research into the differences between the many Central Asian nomadic polities. Denise AIGLE of the École Pratique des Hautes Etudes explores not such imper-

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sonal power dynamics but rather the cultural meanings ascribed to institutions in her "Loi mongole vs. loi islamique: Entre mythe et réalité," 971-96. She surveys the successive beliefs, first in the medieval Middle East, and then among European scholars, about the supposed law code of Genghis Khan, yasa. The core is an analysis, strikingly timely today, of the confrontation between Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328) and the Mongols under Ghazan Khan (r. 1295-1304), ruler of the now Islamised Mongol Il-Khanate. Although he had become a Muslim, for Ibn Taymiyya Ghazan Khan's continued adherence to the yasa was a legacy of the Mongols' idolatrous past and rendered his Islam null and void. Yet as Denise Aigle subtle analysis shows, the variety of meanings attributed to the yasa in the Middle East was hardly exhausted by Ibn Taymiyya's furious polemic. The yasa emerges from her analysis not as an institution, but primarily as a cultural signifier, standing for either the continuity or the discontinuity of Islam with the Mongol past. As the "Silk Road" becomes a tired cliché, Maria S Z U P P E of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique gives us a worthy replacement in the form of a "Poets' Road." In her article on "Circulation des lettrés et cercles littéraires: Entre Asie Centrale, Iran et Inde du Nord (XVE-XVLLLE siècles)," 997-1018, she takes up the genre of tadhkira or collection of literary biographies to paint an insightful picture of the modes of cultural production in the post-Mongol states of Turan (Central Asia), Iran, and Hindustan. Ruled by rival dynasties, all of Turco-Mongol origin, the three kingdoms were crisscrossed by writers who eagerly exchanged poetry either in writing or in person. The very dynasts themselves encouraged this interchange, for reasons of both prestige and genuine literary sympathy. Masami H A M A D A (Kyoto University) examines medieval Islamic religious practice in his "Le pouvoir des lieux saints dans le Turkestan oriental," 1019-40. He opens with a discussion of how Islamic saints' tombs are discovered through dreams or the insight of a holy man, and then discusses such tombs in Eastern Turkistan (today's Xinjiang). Perhaps the most interesting passages are his description of the on-going "discovery" today by ostensibly scientific means of the tombs of the "saints" of Uighur national pride. Despite taking place in the twentieth century, Stéphane A. D U D O I G N O N ' s story of "Les 'tribulations' du juge Ziya': Histoire et mémoire du clientélisme politique à Boukhara (1968-1929)," pp. 1095-35, is palpably of the same pious and literary milieu explored by Szuppe and Hamada. Dudoignon, of the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, has mined the rich body of biographical literature in early twentieth-century Turkistan to deepen our understanding of his place within the Bukharan world. Three articles on modern politics round out the issue. Dru C. G L A D N E Y of Pomona College summarises the Islamicisation of the Hui and the ethnicisation of the Uighurs. Bakhtiyar B A B A D J A NOV ("Islam et activisme politique: Le cas ouzbek," 1139-56) sets forth a fascinating taxonomy of the religious movements roiling the post-Communist Islamic revival in Uzbekistan. Lastly, Olivier ROY ("De la stabilité de l'Etat en Afghanistan," 11831202) expertly demolishes the stereotypical picture of Afghanistan's "instability" and "tribal" dissidence, and demonstrates on the contrary the rooting of all Afghanistan's warring ideologies in the bosom of the state. It is a bravura conclusion to a truly first-rate collection of articles on Central Asia. Christopher A t w o o d (Indiana University, Bloomington) Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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157. KONDO Nobuaki, ed., Persian Documents: Social History of Iran and Turan in the Fifteenth - Nineteenth Centuries, London - New York: RoutledgeCurzon (New Horizons in Islamic Studies: 3), 2003, XVIII-189 p., maps, fig., ill., index A pioneering collection of articles on Persian historical documents, whether Iranian or Central Asian, hardly accessible to Western scholars until a recent past, this volume was first intended to be the proceedings of a workshop of Persian archival sources held on December 4,1999 at the Institute of Oriental Cultures, University of Tokyo, by the Islamic Area Studies Project 1. The first article deals with the formal aspects of documents: ISOGAI Ken'ichi ("A Commentary on the Closing formula Found in Central Asian Waqf Documents," 3-12) points out that the discussions on Islamic jurisprudence are fully reflected in the closing formulas of Central Asian waqf deeds. The records of nominal lawsuits against the founders of waqfs, inserted into the closing formulas of the endorsements (sijill) of the deeds, are indispensable to protect waqfs from usurpation. Recalling that Abu Hanifa, contrary to his two disciples Abu Yusuf and Muhammad al-Shaybani, had denied the binding force of waqf, jurists assumed that the issue must be resolved by individual qadis. For this reason Central Asian waqf deeds drawn up before the sixteenth century were usually accompanied by a separate sijill, that is, a document recording the judgement of a qadi. The article describes these separate sijills and shows the process of transition from a separate sijill to a formula incorporated into the text of a waqf deed. This process of transition, which most likely took place sometime in the sixteenth century, appears to have run parallel with the contemporary teaching of the Hanafi school. From the discussion described in the Hidaya one understands that the origin of controversy over the binding force (luzum) of waqf is to be attributed to disagreement about the ownership of a waqif. The question of whether the ownership of a waqif leaves him or not is represented by the term khuruj (lit. 'to leave'). According to Ibn al-Humam, a fifteenth-century commentator on the Hidaya, Muslim jurists usually considered these two elements (luzum and khuruj) to be inseparably related, waqf acquiring no binding force until the ownership of a waqif leave him (kharaja). The author shows how Hanafi jurists managed to solve this theoretical difficulty regarding the issue of khuruj as one open to ijtihad and handing the decision over to individual qadis. Bakhtiyar BABAJANOV ("About a Scroll of Documents Justifying Yasavi Rituals," 53-72, ill.) introduces a scroll of judicial documents preserved in the Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies in Tashkent, that justify both types of dhikr, silent and loud, of the Mujaddidiyya and Qadiriyya mystical paths, with special attention to the dhikr-ijahr and the sama'— especially to the dhikr-i arra [dhikr of the saw]—according to Hanafi jurisprudence (but also to the Shafi'i rite, to legends on the prophet al-Khidr, and to references to the Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq), with a surprising consistence over a relatively long period of time from the eighteenth to the early twentieth century. The documents gathered by the author testify of the vivacity of the debates and of the strength of the Mujaddidi influence in the aftermath of the Emir of Bukhara Shah Murad's late eighteenth-century religious reforms. Other contributions: WERNER Christoph, "Formal Aspects of Qajar Deeds of Sale," 13-49, ill. (offers a comparative study of the long-term development of Ira-

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GENERAL W O R K S nian deeds and their deviation from Central Asian deeds; formal developments are associated to social and religious change, for instance in the case of the moving of the endorsement's position from the bottom to the top of documents after the reign of Shah 'Abbas I); SEFATGOL Mansur, "Majmu'ah'ha: Important and Unknown Sources of the historiography of Iran under the Last Safavids—The Case of the Majmu'ah-i Mirza Mu'ina," 73-83, tab. (introduces collections [majmu'as] including documents as well as literary works, that constitute important sources not only for the history of the later Safavid period, but also on the preservation of documents over centuries through partial copying); IWATAKE Akio "The Waqf of a Timurid Amir—The Example of Chaqmaq Shami in Yazd," 87-105, tab. (analyses the waqf deeds of a Timurid amir coming to Yazd from Mamluk Syria; the document reveals how the amir and his wife sought profit at the same level as vernacular urban notables, and became assimilated to the local urban society); KONDO Nobuaki, "The Waqf of Ustad 'Abbas—Rewriting Deeds in Qajar Tehran," 106-28, maps, fig. (examines the case of a deed rewritten twice after the founder's death; the author clarifies some aspects of social relations and judicial customs under the Qajar, and their differences with their Ottoman counterparts); RAJABZADEH Hashem, "Irrigation Examined through Documents of Qajar Iran," 131-46, map, fig., ill. (introduces unpublished documents on irrigation in nineteenth-century Iran); YAMAGUCHI Akihiko, "Urban-Rural Relations in Early Eighteenth-Century I r a n — A Case Study of Settlement Patterns in the Province of Hamadan," 147-85, tab., maps (discusses urban-rural relations in eighteenth-century Hamadan, based on the Ottoman tahrîr deftcrier i). Edited with an exceptional care (except a limited number of misprints [for instance istiscm instead of istihsan p. 67]), enriched with numerous high-quality photographic reproductions, maps, figures and tables, the volume proposes at the same time a set of important documental discoveries, and a genuinely innovative contribution to the methodology of the utilisation of archive documents for the social and cultural history of pre-modern Middle Eastern and Central Asian societies. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 158. PFEIFFER J u d i t h , QUINN Sholeh A., eds., i n c o l l a b o r a t i o n w i t h E r n e s t TUCKER, History and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honour ofJohn E. Woods, W i e s b a d e n : H a r r a s s o w i t z , 2 0 0 6 , X X - 6 0 4 p., ill., index This volume of tribute to J . Woods is composed of twenty-four articles grouped by the Editors into six parts: "The Mongol Empire," "The Age of Timur," "The Safavids and Their Legacy," "Memluk Studies," "Historical Geography" and "Inter-Regional Contacts and Cross-Cultural Transmissions." This review will assess the contribution of those dealing specifically with Central Eurasia and its relations with Iran and Anatolia in the Mongol and Timurid periods. The first part is constituted notably by papers by P. JACKSON ("World Conquest and Local Accommodation: Threat and Blandishment in Mongol Diplomacy," 3-22, see the review infra 175); D. DEWEESE ("'Struck in the Throat of Chingiz Khan:' Envisioning the Mongol Conquests in Some Sufi Accounts from the 14TH

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to 17th Centuries," 23-60), I. TOGAN ("The Qongrat in History," 61-83), Zeki Velidi TOGAN ("References to Economic and Cultural Life in Anatolia and the Letters of Rashid al-Din," 84-111), J. PFEIFFER (Ahmad Tegüder's Second Letter to Qala'un (682/1283)," 167-202) [see the reviews infra in 6.2.B.], Two other articles deal with Anatolia: in the first one H. INALCIK ("Autonomous Enclaves in Islamic States: Ternliks, SoyurghaIs, Yurdluks-Ocakliks, Mälikänc-Mukäta'as and Awqäf," 112-34) studies a number of terms designating donations of pieces of lands by sultans, from the Mongols to the Ottomans. The contribution by Ch. MELVILLE ("The Early Persian Historiography of Anatolia," 135-66) is devoted to three major Persian primary sources on Saljuq and Mongol Anatolia. The author notably analyses the structure of these works, by Ibn Bibi, Aqsarayi and the Ta'rikh-i al-i Saljuq achieved in October 1363. His conclusion is that these three texts are essential for the reconstruction of the political and administrative history of Anatolia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. One also must take into account the significance of Persian language, the language of culture in this region whence the bulk of the population was Turkic-speaking. The book's second part comprises notably an article by R. MCCHESNEY ("A Note on the Life and Work of Ibn 'Arabshah," 205-49) in which the author offers an interesting glance at the life and work of one of Timur's biographers. Of Syrian origin, Ibn 'Arabshah had been captured at the age of fifteen after Timur's capture of Damascus in 1400, then brought to Samarqand where he lived from 1401 to 1409. His Arabic-language biography of Timur was written well after the conqueror's death, and concerns for a significant part events posterior to this event. However, the text is an important source on Timur's reign since, whilst royal biographies are mere panegyrics, Ibn 'Arabshah casts a rare critical light on this period. The contribution by MANO Eiji ("On the Persian Original Validiyya of Khvaja Ahrar," 25066) is a tentative reconstruction of the original Persian version of this text by a leading Naqshbandi Sufi master of the Timurid period. This text, none copy of which seems to have survived, was translated into Chaghatay language under Babur in early Mughal India. In the section on "Historical Geography" we have selected the short article by D. BAZARGUR & D. ENKHBAYAR ("A Closer Definition of Geographical Names in the Sccrct History of the Mongols," 458-64), who try to localise some place names from the only indigenous medieval Mongol source beside diplomatic correspondences. The authors have been taking into account environment and socio-economic factors, and their study of tribe migrations integrates the data of physical geography. A part of the analysed material comes from the Laboratory for Toponymy and Cartography of the Institute of Geography of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences in Ulaanbaator. Some of the elements provided in this paper have been published in the monograph published ten years ago by the same authors (Chinggis Khan Atlas, Ulaabaator, 1997). Though of an uneven quality, the papers published in the present collection bring a significant contribution to our knowledge of the history of medieval Central Eurasia. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris)

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159. POP Rodica, "Kinship and Exogamy in the Mongolian Clannish Society," in Elena V. Boikova Rostislav B. Rybakov, eds., Kinship in the Altaic World: Proceedings of the 48th Permanent International Altaistic Conference, Moscow 10-15 July, 2005, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz (Asiatische Forschungen: Monographienreihe zur Geschichte, Kultur und Sprache der Völker Ost- und Zentralasiens: 150), 2006:243-153 The article deals with how the kinship system operated in practical and ideological terms before the Mongols abolished the traditional clan. The exogamic rule was common, but its application differed among various Mongolian ethnic groups. The exogamic unit was defined essentially, though not exclusively, as agnatic and the number of generations included in the exogamic unit was also an element of variability. The Buriat examples show two forms of separation: the innner separation of the clan, viz the lineage of a son making separate stock but continuing to belong to the same exogamic unit as the original clan, and the so called formal scission, yielding two different exogamic units, viz two distinct clans. Within the Khalkha Mongols, they are considered members of the same exogamous unit with which marriage is forbidden as long as a common male ancestor can be traced back. If in case of commoners the limit of the exogamous unit could be set at three or four generations (among them, exogamy was not strictly observed), but for the Borzigid imperial clan (the Mongolian aristocracy) whose genealogies are updated, the limits were endlessly postponed. Within the Ordos Mongols the clan lost its social reference value in the Manchu time, viz the individual was no longer named after his clan, but after the banner or the place name or even a nickname. The Dagurs have preserved strong clan traditions unlike the Khalkhas, where only Borzigid really preserved an exogamous, social and political function. Within the Dörvöd one should not find common ancestors in both paternal lineages over a specified number of generations. The Mongolian language itself testifies respect for the exogamic rule. Mongols do distinguish between paternal links, conceptualised as "bone", formed by the father's semen, and maternal links seen as "blood" or "flesh" contributed by the mother. The "bone" filiation is opposed to blood relative which designates the matrilineal kinship. The clans preserved their purity of bonds excluding all individuals whose origin was doubtful. The concept of "alien" was perceived as alien to the patrilineal clan. Within certain Mongolian groups, the clan's names have survived as well as their role of exogamous delimitation (Buriat and Oirat groups, Darhad as well). The problem is how to observe the exogamic rule when the clan is unknown. The author answers in her conclusion that in absence of clans, the exogamic unit where marriage is prohibited regroups patrilineal kinship over three, four generations. The principles of lineal exogamy are still observed in marriage within the Mongolian ethnic groups, but the evolution of the clan has changed the forms of kinship and its place in society. The Redaction

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160. SARLl Oraz-Mohammad, Tarikh-e Torkamanestan [A History of Turkmenistan], 2, Tehran: Daftar-e motale'at-e siyasi va beyn ol-melali, 2 n d ed., 1383 [/2005] (1st ed. 1369[/1990]), XII-396 p., ill., bibliography Contrary to the first volume of this work, based on varied primary sources, notably Persian documents from Qajar Iran (see my review in Abstracta lranica 17-19 (19946): 137-8), the present one, devoted to the Russian conquest of present-day Turkmenistan and to the early Soviet period of this country's history, consists for the most part of a second-hand work based on modern studies, notably on notices in Soviet and current Turkmenistan encyclopaedias, besides a little amount of edited and published primary sources (the memoirs by Zeki Velidi, in particular). The first chapter deals with the last twenty years of the nineteenth century, from the submission of the Turkmens to Russia to the delimitation of the boundaries between the Russian Empire, on the first hand, and Iran and Afghanistan on the other. This chapter is followed by a study on the economic development of TransCaspia during the Tsarist period (notably in terms of its urban expansion), and by another one on the resistance to the Russian domination in the same territory— with an innovative subchapter on the local influence of Russia's constitutional governments of the years 1905-11. The next part is devoted partly to the establishment of the Soviet power and to the Turkmens' involvement in the new political institutions, partly to the continuation of the resistance movements led successively by Junayd Khan Qilich and Dahli Baba during and after WWI. The last chapter focuses on the formation of the Turkmen SSR and on the emigration of the population of Ming Qishlaq. The overall two-volume work draws up a historical panorama of Turkmenistan before collectivisation and the 'Red Terror' of the mid19305, on the basis of a small number of polemic texts as far as the revolutionary and early Soviet periods are concerned. It is articulated on the Hegelian vision of a continuous and linear historical progress (see for instance the author's considerations of convergences between Islamic reform and Bolshevik revolution) notwithstanding the bloody ups and downs occasioned regionally by the rivalry between the Russian and British empires. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 161. TRIGANO Shmuel, ed., Le monde sépharade [The Sephardic W o r l d ] 1: Histoire [History]; 2 : Civilisation [Civilisation], Paris: Seuil, 2006, 1007+815 p., maps, bibliographies, glossary This monumental work, no doubt, provides the international readership with a pioneering overall picture of the history and civilisation of the Sephardic world, "a fundamentally multiform universe, extremely extensive from a geographical viewpoint, contrary to the Ashkenazi world (11)." In his foreword, the editor Shmuel Trigano stresses the geographical and cultural bipolarity of the Jewish people, and the historical significance of the world of Islam in the development of Eastern Sephardic communities throughout the ages. He astutely sheds light on the significance of a Rabbinic juridical tradition initially concocted in Babylon and in Spain in the pre-modern organisation of these communities, inside an Islamic political framework maintaining the autonomous jurisdiction of communities in matters of 126

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personal rights. This organisation made possible the preservation of the "Jewish nation" (brackets by Sh.T.) in the Sephardic world, whence its field was being gradually reduced in Western Europe—the Jews being there enjoined by Enlightenment to become ordinary citizens. This historical specificity, a key feature of the accession of the Sephardic world to modernity "coming out of the womb of tradition (244)," brings the author to revisit the dogma of modernity built up on the rupture of the late eighteenth century. For this, he remembers that if the 'Apologies of the Jews' of the time of the French Revolution proved that Jews can be citizens worth of this denomination, they were basing their argument on those exemplary Sephardim who had previously showed excellent in this exercise in Livorno, in Holland, or in the Dutch West Indies. Extremely far reaching and convincing are, for instance, the author's considerations on the presence, in early modern Western European literatures, of characters marked by the duplicity and the psychology of the conversos, opening the perspective of the modern human being, homo duplex split up into private and public lives—even if curiously enough, such a prominent figure as Sephardic-background Michel de Montaigne does not appear among the classics convoked in this argument. (See TRIGANO Shmuel, "Introduction: Faire l'histoire du monde sépharade [Introduction: Making the History of the Sephardic World]," U-25; see also ibid., "L'invention sépharade de la modernité juive [The Sephardic Invention of Jewish Modernity]," 243-78, bibliography; ibid., "Le tournant politique de la condition juive: l'ère coloniale [The Political Turn of the Jewish Condition: The Colonial Era]," 585-92, bibliography; ibid., "L'invention sépharade du sionisme moderne [The Sephardic Invention of Modem Zionism]," 861-78, bibliography; see also NAHON Gérard, "La transition de l'histoire sépharade vers la modernité [The Transition of Sephardic History towards Modernity]," 72344, bibliography; CHETRIT Joseph, "La Haskala hébraïque dans le monde sépharade [The Hebraic Haskala in the Sephardic World]," 745-809, bibliography.) Beside these overall contributions by the editor and some prominent authors, several articles of the same volume on the history of the Sephardic world are devoted to a historical overview of Sephardic communities in the world of Islam, focusing mainly on the southern and eastern Mediterranean (see in particular, among others: BEN SASSON Menahem, "Les centres juifs d'Orient et d'Occident à l'époque de l'Empire islamique [The Jewish Centres of the East and of the West in the Time of the Islamic Empire]," 31-84, bibliography; ATTIAS Elie, "Le rôle économique des juifs en terre d'islam [The Economic Role of the Jews in the Land of Islam]," 113122, bibliography; SAADOUN Haïm, "Le sionisme dans les pays musulmans [Zionism in Muslim Countries]," 879-904; SAADOUN Haïm, "L'exode des Juifs des pays d'Islam [The Exodus of the Jews from the Lands of Islam]," 964-1001, tab., bibliography). Central Eurasia is represented directly by a very limited, though substantial set of contributions, all closely associating the territory of present-day Iran with Transoxiana, with distinct paragraphs on varied communities of the Southern Caucasus. A first panoramic study is devoted to the Jews "in" Iran through the ages. Their modern history is traced essentially through the community's successive organs—notably through late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century periodicals—and through the biographies of a limited amount of representative figures. The author, a prominent scholar of Judeo-Iranian studies, first reconstructs the Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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history of medieval Jewish religious movements, shedding light on the implantation of the Karait trend in Iran and on the polemics between Karait thinkers from this country and the Rabbinate of Babylon. The article shortly evokes the contribution of great converted statesmen like Sa'd al-Dawla and Rashid al-Din under the Mongol domination. Overrepresented in the Iranian Jewish oral tradition and collective memory, the Safavid period (early sixteenth—early eighteenth centuries) and the Qajar period (late eighteenth—early twentieth centuries) are tackled through repressions, forced conversions and exiles—notably that of the Jews of Mashhad towards Bukhara from the first half of the eighteenth century onwards. The early modern period is seen through the educational activity of the Alliance israclitc universelk from 1898 onwards, the civil and juridical rights granted to the Jews of Iran by the Constitution of 1906, and the launching of an institutionalised Zionist activity in Hamadan during the years preceding WWI. The last chapters deal with the transformations brought about by Reza Shah (1925-41) with the abolition of discriminating laws and decrees, and the repression of Zionist or Communist activism. His successor Mohammad-Reza Shah's reign is characterised as a period of openness and renewal of contacts with the Jewish communities of the Western world, and unprecedented intensification of Jewish emigration from Iran in the early 1950s, the last important segment of the Jewish population of Iran, made of a majority of white collars, leaving the country in the years and decades following the Revolution of 1979 (NETZER Amnon, "En Iran [In Iran]," 492-516, bibliography). Closer to Central Eurasia is a panoramic article on the history of different Jewish communities from the Crimea to nowadays Uzbekistan (ZAND Michael, "En Asie Centrale [In Central Asia]," 517-73, bibliography). The first group is that of Tatar-speaking Krymchaks (originally Syraels), traced from the Hellenisedjews of the first century CE to present time, via the conversion of the Khazars, the Turkicisation of Crimean Jews after the Tatar conquest in 1239, and the homogenisation of rituals in the sixteenth century under the influence of an erudite from Kiev, Moshe Ben Yaakov. The article describes the legal status and economic life of Crimean Jews in Karasubazar, through the traditional role of the hakham (chief rabbi) in the framework of the Khanate, before addressing the transformations of the Tsarist period—in particular the exemption from taxes imposed upon Jews for the Karaits, who refuted their membership of any "Jewish ethnic group." The paragraphs on the Soviet period evoke successively, the flowering of laic Jewish schools in the 1920s; the integration of the Krymchaks into ethnically heterogeneous kolkhozes in the 1930s and their subsequent Russianisation; the large scale massacres by the Nazis in 1941; the promotion of the Krymchaks as an ethnic entity distinct from the Jews under pressure of prevailing anti-Semitism in the late 1940s and early 1950s. The next chapter is on the Georgian-speaking and writing Georgian Jews. The author deals at length with the conversion of Jews to Christianity, in order to escape serfdom between the fourteenth and the nineteenth centuries. The following step is the settlement of former Jewish serfs in towns after the abolition of serfdom by Tsar Alexander II in 1864, and their transformation into petty traders. As it could be observed in other (notably Muslim) communities of the Russian Empire during this period of time, Jewish serfs from the same domain used to set-

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tie down in the same town or neighbourhood, around their a newly founded synagogue—reinforcing in this manner their communal ties, whence establishing first relations with Ashkenazi migrants from Western Russia. The year 1902 is the date of the creation of the first laic Jewish school in Tbilisi—as it was for the Krymchaks. Begun in 1867 in Georgia as in the Crimea, the alya of Georgian Jews was interrupted by WWI, after which anti-Zionist militants were admitted to take part in the political institutions of the ephemeral First Georgian Republic. The Soviet period is characterised by the violence of the early 1920s; by forced secularisation from 1925 onwards, followed by the suppression of the Georgian Jewish laic culture; by the multiplication of craftsmen cooperatives—often covers for private activities of families or groups of families—, the Jews often playing the scapegoats in periods of administrative adjustment. The Tat-Speaking "Mountain Jews" of Dagestan and Azerbaijan are evoked through their settlement as a consequence of the Arab conquest in the mid-seventh century; through their adoption of Italian Sephardic prayer books in the sixteenth century; through the destructions of Jewish rural communities ensuing from the tribal struggles of the eighteenth century, followed by the Baku anti-Semitic violence in 1814, against Jewish migrants from Iran; through the forced conversions to Islam in Dagestan under Shamil in the 1830s; through the earlier steps of the alya in the 1840s; and through the first regular contacts with Ashkenazi migrants from Russia after 1860. The modern social history of Mountain Jews begins with their giving up of agriculture and tanning, and their concentration in cities as non-qualified workers and hawkers. It continues with the opening of Russian-language schools for the teaching of religious and laic matters in the first years of the twentieth century. In early Soviet Dagestan, Mountain Jews considered the struggle between Bolsheviks and local separatists as a continuation of the endless fight between Russians and Muslims, and their respected their own tradition joining the former. The period was marked by numerous attacks and a pogrom in 1926. The establishment of Jewish kolkhozes was accompanied by the creation of a large network of laic schools and clubs. Under the German occupation, the population of the Jewish kolkhozes of the Krasnodar Territory was exterminated. After the anti-Semitic campaigns of the early 1950s, the anti-Israeli propaganda reached a pick in Dagestan and Azerbaijan after the SixDay War (1967) and the Yom Kippur War (1973), numerous Jewish cemeteries being then desecrated. A particular point about the Mountain Jews during the postStalin period is their 'Tatisation', comparable to the de-Judaization of the Krymchaks—a temporary phenomenon, followed by a massive return to Jewish identity in the Brezhnev era, and the massive alya toward Israel. The history of the Persian-speaking 'Bukharian' Jews is reconstructed from their first appearance in literature in the fourth century BCE, their verisimilarly traditional role in the caravan trade with Eastern Turkistan in the early Islamic era, the application of the status of dhimmi after the extension of the Caliphate in Transoxiana, the participation of Central Asian Jewish traders in the transcontinental network of Jewish merchants called 'Radhaniyya' for the commerce of silk, the phenomenon of the conversion of the chalas, the religious revival brought about by the arrival of a rabbi from Tetouan in Morocco, Yusef Maman Maghribi (d. 1823), the establishment of an inner structure with a kalantar, the chide administrator, Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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and the mulla-yi kalan, the chief rabbi; their support of Russia's policy in Central Asia. The most destitute Central Asian Jews became poorer since they were depending on dyeing, a craftsmanship threatened by the influx of Russian industrially dyed textiles, so the less equipped ones gave up that activity and became hawkers, cobblers or hairdressers. The author also mentions the emigration of Jews from the protectorates towards Russian Turkistan, where they were not submitted to the jiziyya, and where the chalas were authorised to practice Judaism, the first alya wave from 1889 to wwi. The narrative continues with the creation of a Russian school in Russian-dominated Samarqand in 1876 by the rich businessman Hizkiyya Yissakharov, a semi-laic school being opened in Samarqand in 19023 under the aegis of the Russian administration; the translation from Hebrew to Judeo-Persian, in Jerusalem, of religious texts, and works from the East European Haskala (the 'Jewish Aufklärung'); the support provided to the Bolsheviks after that of the Tsarist administration (see the role of the Evsektsiia of the Communist Party, bringing to the replacement of Hebrew by Judeo-Persian as the language of education in the Bukharian Jewish schools); the creation of Jewish kolkhozes in Uzbekistan, most of which disappeared in the 1950s (a number of cooperatives were in fact family enterprises constituted by one enlarged family, or two or three allied families); the repressions and limitations of the Red Terror period; the third big alya wave between 1971 and 1980; anti-Semitism in the 1960s-1970s (attacks in Marghilan in 1961, in Tashkent in 1962). The next group is that of the Lakhlukhs, who until their massive emigration in the 1950s used to live in Iranian Azerbaijan. They had settled in the late 1820s in Tbilisi, and were followed in Armenia and Azerbaijan by new groups of migrants, fleeing from the Ottoman army and Kurdish militias during wwi. The Lakhlukhs made a living as qualified workers and itinerant merchants. In the late 1930s the Iranian subjects were expelled back to Iran, and in the late 1940s and early 1950s stateless persons were sent to Kazakhstan. As to the Iranis from Mashhad or Herat, they were first registered in Turkmen territory and in Herat in the early 1840s as a consequence of the forced conversion of the Mashhad Jews to Shiite Islam in 1839. A new wave of emigration towards nowadays Turkmenistan begun after the latter's annexation by Russia in early 1885. Whence Jews from Herat were registered as Jews, those from Mashhad were registered as Muslims, which allowed them to escape the restrictions imposed on the Jews from Iran and Afghanistan entering into Russian Central Asia. This situation permitted them to escape expulsion, to continue their comings and goings between the Russian Empire and Khurasan, and to play a role in the trade between Iran and Central Asia. Practicing secretly the Judaic religious rites, they used to a strict intra communal exogamy (with an engaged couple residing, one in Herat, one in Trans-Caspian). The agitation of WWI and of revolution drove many of them to return to Mashhad from 1917 and 1920. Those who remained in the Turkmen SSR dropped their Muslim camouflage and joined the Heratis in one and the same group: The ritual being followed jointly in synagogues, the Mashhadis' strict endogamy gave way to mixed marriages with Heratis. During the Red Terror a number of Iranis were accused of spying for Iran or Afghanistan and arrested, executed or condemned to long sentences. Several waves of emigration toward Israel occurred in the 1970s, then in the 1980s and 1990s, so that there remained no

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Jews in Turkmenistan in 1991. This exceptional article could have been entitled "In Central Eurasia" since the Crimea or Georgia can hardly been considered parts of Central Asia, even in the widest possible meaning of this denomination. The distinction between 'Bukharian' Jews and 'Iranis' seems artificial, and has not been argued enough: Converted Jews from Mashhad have played—and to some quantitatively limited extent continue to play—a key role in the modern history of Bukhara and of several important cities of Transoxiana. As far as many 'Iranis' in Bukhara call themselves 'Mashhadis', why this self-denomination could not be retained as a category? These details notwithstanding, Michael Zand's masterly synthesis should become a key reference for French-reading students and young scholars interested in Jewish as well as in Central Eurasian history at large. A last contribution of the first volume (BAR ASHER Shalom, "Les bouleversements au Moyen-Orient et en Asie Centrale: société, Etat et culture [Upheavals in the Middle East and Central Asia: Society, State, Culture]," 612-30, bibliography) deals with the global transformations of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The author successively analyses demographic phenomena (stressing the substantial differences in the birth rate change between Jewish minorities and Muslim majorities in Middle Eastern and Central Asian lands, as well as between Sephardic communities and Ashkenazi migrants in early modern Turkistan), the impact of juridical and cultural adaptations (from the Ottoman Tanzimat to the Iranian Constitutional Revolution—the author shedding light on the fact that in the land of Islam Jews became full-right citizens not by a result of their own action, but through the intervention of external agents, viz the British and French powers). A short mention is made of the conversion of Jews of Iran to Bahaism, out of the hope that in a new religious framework there would be room in the Iranian civil society for members of all confessional and ethnic groups. The article is followed by a very short bibliography of reference works in Hebrew language. Though the second volume, devoted to civilisation, offers less room to regional studies, it still provides an impressive series of panoramic studies in which the lands of Islam, in particular Central Eurasian lands, are well represented: TRIGANO Shmuel, "La Civilisation du monde sépharade [The Civilisation of the Sephardic World]," 9-21; SCHWARZFUCHS Simon, "Le statut des Juifs en terre d'Islam [The Status of the Jews in the Land of Islam]," 25-57, bibliography; SAADOUN Haïm, "Juifs et musulmans en terre d'islam [Jews and Muslims in the Land of Islam]," 5888, bibliography; TRIGANO Shmuel, "Le judaïsme sépharade [Sephardic Judaism]," 91-118, bibliography; ERDER Yoram, "Le schisme karaïte [The Karaite Schism]," 154-70, bibliography; BASHAN Eliézer, "Le statut juridique des femmes dans la société traditionnelle [The Juridical Status of Women in Traditional Society]," 191236, bibliography; AMAR Moshe, "La yechiva en Orient [The Yeshiva in the East]," 258-301, bibliography; NETZER Amnon, "La littérature des juifs d'Iran [The Literature of the Jews of Iran]," 444-58, bibliography (see the review in infra 543); SEROUSSI Edwin, "La musique dans la culture sépharade moderne et contemporaine [Music in Modern and Contemporary Sephardic Culture]," 597-624, bibliography [manages to completely ignore the major contribution of Jewish musicians, composers and theoreticians of music from Central Asia]; AYOUN Richard, "Les courants de communication des Sépharades avec les Ashkénazes [The Communica-

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HISTORY tion Currents of the Sephardim with the Ashkenazim]," 704-20, bibliography; BENSIMON Daniel, "Les partis politiques israéliens face aux Sépharades: l'assignation communautariste [Israelian Political Parties Facing the Sephardim: The Community Allocation]," 704-20, bibliography; BAHLOUL Joëlle, "La nouvelle diaspora sépharade [The New Sephardic Diaspora]," 723-45, bibliography; SMOOHA Sami, "Les Sépharades dans la société israélienne: histoire sociologique et politique [The Sephardim in the Israelian Society: A Sociological and Political History]," 761-802, bibliography. In all, besides its innumerable contributions to a better knowledge of classic and modern Sephardic civilisation, this work will no doubt bring correction to a number of lasting stereotypes on the Sephardic (more precisely, postMarranic) world, beginning with a general reassessment of the decisive, though still ignored role that it has played in the construction of early modernity. This is the case for instance on the determining contribution by Yahuda Hai Alkalai, an early nineteenth-century thinker originating from the western Mediterranean, in the birth of the Zionist thought. Given the exceptional dimension of this scientific and editorial undertaking, it is all the more to be deplored that, albeit the volumes have been beautifully, almost luxuriously published, nevertheless as usually in French popularisation editions the critical apparatus is reduced to the bare minimum. The total absence of an index, for instance, in such a rich and diverse work is a scandal, the revelation of the hopeless scorn of the generalist publishers of the Left Bank (of the Seine River) for the potentially learned audience of some of their productions. A global chronology would have allowed the reader to follow the evolution of the Sephardic communities all over the world, for instance on such central questions as the successive developments of the alya practice in the nineteenth and twentieth century, or on the parallel emergence and development of Zionist ideas in the Sephardic and Ashkenazi worlds. To be deplored also, innumerable misprints, translation and factual errors (especially in the articles concerning Iran and Central Asia: see "Karramiyya" instead of Khurramiyya, Firdawsi' Shah-Nama written in "Khurasanian language (en khorassanien: 551)" instead of Persian language, the 'Emirs' of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan as far as nineteenth-century Central Asia is concerned, etc. ad nauseam) still contribute to reveal the already notorious provincialism of the French editing system. If such an accumulation of shortcomings constitutes an unquestionable disadvantage for the credit of this publication, it does not manage to diminish its exceptional interest. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) See also: 104 (Buell); 105 (Golden); 112 (Abrishami); 396 (Thrower); 438 (Mukhametshin et

al.)

3.I.B. Before the Modern Russian/ Chinese Conquest 162. AIGLE Denise, "The Letters of Eljigidei, Hulegu and Abaqa: Mongol Ouvertures or Christian Ventriloquism?" Inner Asia 7/2 (2005): 143-62 The topic of diplomatic correspondence between the Mongols and the Latin West in the thirteenth century is an old one, as reminds us Denise Aigle in the first lines

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of her study, quoting eighteenth-century Laurent Mosheim or nineteenth-century Abel Remusat. She indeed also reminds us of the more recent studies produced by PaulPelliot, Antoine Mostaert, Francis Woodman Cleaves or Jean Richard. Yet, close scrutiny of documents always has something to teach, especially in this case, where many of the answers one has about the often second-hand Latin versions of Mongol letters (are they reliable translations?) can find answers if one compares them for instance to other letters of the same kind, kept in their original form, that is written in Mongolian. D. Aigle focuses on three letters, on one side the letter sent by Eljigidei to the King of France Louis IX in 1248, and, on the other, the letters sent by Khan Hiileghu to the West in 1262 and by Khan Abaqa to Pope Gregory X in 1274, both of which share a number of common elements. The close study of the text of these letters itself takes all its value through the constant reference to Mongolian or Persian diplomatic habits and formulas, which D. Aigle is familiar with. Actually, D. Aigle can distinguish an evolution in Mongol rhetoric, when the letters she has chosen to study are compared to the sheer orders of submission send the previous years by Great Khans. A first step is taken in 1248, and D. Aigle gives a brief account of the Mongol mission and the numerous rumours and hopes it aroused. Though Eljigidei's letter is somewhat odd compared to usual standards of redaction by Mongol chancelleries, mainly because it uses Persian pattern and rhetoric, a Mongol bias is nevertheless clear in its thought, and the King of France, though not called openly to submission, is referred to as a sovereign inferior to the Great Khan of the Mongols. D. Aigle insists on the role of the Nestorian entourage of Eljigidei, clearly demonstrated by the personality of the ambassadors, two Christian Arabs who did not fail to carry news about Prester John to the court of Louis IX. Another example lies in the emphasis on the liberty of all the oriental Christian churches under Mongol rule carried out by this letter. Nevertheless, that first overture by Eljigidei, later disapproved at the court of the Great-Khan, came to nothing. However, the major failure of khan Hiilegu against the Mamluks in 1260 changed the situation. Hiilegu called openly on an alliance in 1262, though, in a very classic Mongol style, he did not miss to refer to the mandate of universal power conferred to the Mongols by God. Following the same line, Abaqa's 1274 letter is even more conciliatory. Both the letters, written directly in Latin by the notary Richard enhance Mongol ideology, softened as it is by circumstances, with biblical quotations, and rephrase the Mongol political language with 'Christian' language. Add that to stimulate its European counterparts, Abaqa again refers to the legendary figure of the Prester John, his alleged ancestor, besides alluding once more to the liberties of oriental Christians in its kingdom: clearly there is also a Nestorian influence. Indeed, the point of the study consists of the close examination of this 'Christian' rephrasing of Mongol thought, which has its parallel in the later Muslim rhetoric of Khan Ghazan. It is thus possible to tie up these three letters to the general pattern of Mongol chancellery rules, and hint at its numerous varieties, even when remote from its basic standards. The study dispenses yet another teaching: it proves through the texts the influence taken from 1248 onwards by Oriental Christians at the court of the Il-khans of Persia, and their role as cultural traders Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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between Mongols and Westerners—biased traders, however, interested in the building of that failed alliance between the Franks and the Mongols, and sometimes spreading convenient misconceptions (such as that of Prester John). Thomas Tanase (Paris-Sorbonne University) 163. AIGLE Denise, "Le 'grand yasa' de Ghengis-khan: l'empire, la culture mongole et la sharî'a? [The Great Yasa of Chingis Khan: Empire, Mongol Culture and the Shari'al]" Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47/1 (2004): 31-79 The Mongols' irruption into the Muslim empire all the more fired the imaginations since for the first time a significant part of the land of Islam eastward of Egypt was submitted to a non-Muslim rule. This foreign dominance has been symbolised in the medieval Islamic sources by the imposition of a Mongol law, the yasa (in classical Mongol language jasaq), a law perceived by the Muslims as opposite to the shari'a. The Mongol law gave way to a long tradition of studies inaugurated by Pétis de la Croix (Histoire du grand Genghizcan, Paris, 1710). The latter launched the idea that Genghis Khan had promulgated in 1206 a written law code that he tried to reconstruct through the compilation of later Islamic sources; he relied in particular on the polemic testimony of al-Maqrizi (d. 1442), a prominent scholar of religious sciences of the Mamluk period. Silvestre de Sacy, by his translation and comment of this passage of al-Maqrizi, in 1826, also contributed to the overvaluation of this text as a source for the history of the Mongol law (Chrestomathie arabe ou Extrait de divers écrivains arabes, tant en prose qu'envers, 2, Paris, 1826). This reconstructed code of the Mongol law emerged as a reference for the whole scientific community until D. Ayalon questioned the value of al-Maqrizi's testimony in "The Great Yasa of Chingiz Khan: A Reexamination," Studia islamica 33 (1971): 97-140 (part A: The Basic Data in the Islamic Sources on the Yasa an Its Content). None of these studies, however, has attempted to resituate the jasaq /yasa in the Mongol cultural context. Nor did they analyse the reasons why the Muslims considered this new Mongol order as contrary to Islam. Last, these successive contributions did not show very interested in the perception of the jasaq by the Mongols themselves. In order to clarify this notion of jasaq /yasa the author of the present study the author has mobilised all the available sources (in Arabic, Latin, Mongol, Persian and Syriac languages). She has established the distinction between its strict meaning in Mongol language and its accepted sense among Muslim authors. In "The Secret History of the Mongols" the term jasaq is always employed with the meaning of the law of a ruler in the exercise of his power. The term yosun appears in the same text as a custom. According to Mongol sources the precepts of the jasaq did concern the affairs of the state, which is confirmed by Latin and Chinese sources. The jasaq was constituted by decrees and laws issued by the great qans in order to rule the Mongol Empire, and had no religious connotation of any sort. However the Muslims did perceive the jasaq / yasa as a code of laws like the shari'a, which drove them to consider as yasa Mongol simple customary rules (yosun). Examining the yasa in its political and religious contexts, and taking into account the Mongols' system of representations, the author explains the reasons of the misunder-

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standing by the Muslims of the Mongol customary laws, and shows that the latter were not imposed upon Muslim populations fallen under Mongol rule. Anne Troadec (French Institute of Near Eastern Archaeology, Beirut)

164. AIGLE Denise, "La légitimité islamique des invasions de la Syrie par Ghazan Khan [The Islamic Legitimacy of the Invasions of Syria by Ghazan Khan]," Eurasian Studies 5/1-2 (2006): 5-29, appendixes The conversion of Khan Ghazan to Islam prior to his accession to power in 1295, which can be seen as a turning point in the history of Mongol domination in Persia, raises some questions that Denise Aigle addresses in the present study: Does the personal conversion of the sovereign mean an effective Islamicisation of Mongol policies, especially in the field of relations with foreign powers? What is the precise meaning of the Islamic references in the rhetoric of Khan Ghazan, which otherwise remains a true Mongol, culturally speaking, and does not fail to attack repeatedly the Egyptian Mamluks in Syria between 1299 and 1303? The author responds by analysing with her usual erudition two pieces of selfjustification by Khan Ghazan, and the different lines of transmission of these documents down to us with their multiple variations, as far as the liability of theses texts (more or less rewritten) in the different Mamluk chronicles is always debatable. The first piece is the firman read to the population of Damascus in the Umayyad mosque on January 2,1300 when Ghazan's troops entered the city after their victory near Homs on the previous December 22, by which the Khan proclaimed lives of the Damascenes to be spared. If Ghazan was to retreat from Syria as soon as February 1300, this did not prevent him from trying again to impose its rule on the Mamluks the following years, which brought him to send an embassy to Cairo in the summer of 1301 with a letter to be transmitted to sultan al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad: it will be the second document to be examined. There are very few differences between the different versions of the firman of 1299. It is woven with Islamic quotations and references, and begins with announcing the significance of Ghazan's conversion, whose heart was open to light by God (in order to answer the scepticism of Mamluk sources about that conversion's sincerity). As a natural consequence, the Mongol khan becomes the new leader of the umma, as opposed to the Mamluks, impious, lecherous and rapacious, a source of disorder and rebellion. The Mongol army will bring order and protect all of the religions in Syria. Besides, one must take notice of the whole scenery that went with the entry of Mongol troops in Damascus and the public reading of that text. It then appears that if the outer layer is Islamic, the thought is Mongol indeed: Ghazan gave oral instructions (he did not know Arabic), and the Islamic phrasing would have been the work of one of the 'ulama who followed him in Syria. Things are more complicated with the letter of 1301, as we have mainly two separate versions through the different chronicles, and while analysing the two lines of transmissions and the historiography on the question, D. Aigle would conclude that both derive from the original document, one of them from the Arabic translation done in Cairo, the other possibly from a translation done at the court of Mongol Il-Khans in Persia. Where some would see a genuine order of submission from one side, a Mamluk forgery with a

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HISTORY more lenient offer of peace from the other, D. Aigle convincingly demonstrates that the two versions amount to very much the same, that is a demand of submission, send to Ghazan's expected subordinate, the Mamluk sultan, and based on the new Muslim legitimacy of Ghazan, backed by appropriate quotations from the Qur'an. As a conclusion, it is clear that the Islamic shape did not bring novelty in the political attitude of Mongol rulers of Persia towards their now religious fellows, the Mamluks of Egypt. Actually, Ghazan's rhetoric is very much like the one of his brief predecessor, Teguder Ahmad (1282-84), who was also a convert to Islam but was too briefly in power to have the same impact as Ghazan. Nonetheless the whole point and the pleasure in analysing closely those documents, he in the phrasing in "Islamic" language of the Mongol thought of universal dominion, which, due to the cultural ties and the situation in the thirteenth century Middle-East, has been phrased, as it was, in many languages (Mongolian, Arabic, Persian, Latin) and different religions (in the present case, Islam, but Denise Aigle reminds us of the Christian equivalent to these letters send to the courts of Latin Europe, previously studied by her). Thomas Tanase (Paris-Sorbonne University)

165. ATWOOD Christopher, "Validation by Holiness or Sovereignty: Religious Toleration as Political Theology in the Mongol World Empire of the Thirteenth Century," The International History Review 26/2 (2004): 237-72 Since the time of Edward Gibbon (Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 1776-78, repr. New York 1977, vol. Ill: 625-6), many authors have been stressing the Mongols' traditional religious toleration. In the present paper, the author discusses this theory, that is qualified as a "political theology" implemented in the Mongol Empire in the thirteenth century. His argument is based on official correspondences sent by the Mongols to the Latin West, as well as on a variety of decrees preserved in different languages, including Chinese. The study tends to relativise the idea of a religious toleration among the Mongols: Trying to avoid anachronism, the author finds more appropriate to speak of "religious pragmatism", or still of "religious indifference". He observes, in particular, that in the Mongol Empire the chiefs (or representatives) of four religions only were exempted from the payment of taxes: Christian priests, Muslim religious scholars, Buddhist monks and Taoist authorities. One finds practically no allusion to any kind of protection given to the shaman (bo'e), viz the representative of Shamanism, the Mongols' 'native' religion. No document gives the shamans — although the latter were quite numerous at the Great Khan's court as well as in that of Tabriz—a position equivalent to that provided to authoritative figures of other religious communities. The shamans were considered relatively to the "services" they used to give, i.e.: healing, prediction, etc. The shaman's position used otherwise to depend on the intervention obtained from the spirits. He was permitted no intervention in the affairs of the state, whilst the authorities of other confessions were officially considered intermediaries between the Mongol authorities and the different communities of the empire. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris).

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Empire," in Johann P. Arnason & Björn Wittrock, eds., Eurasian Transformations,

Tenth to Thirteenth Centuries: Crystallizations, Divergences, Renaissances, Leiden - Boston: Brill (Medieval Encounters: Jewish, Christian and Muslim Cultures in Confluence and Dialogue, 10/1-3), 2 0 0 4 : 339-61

The author introduces the emergence of the Mongol Empire in Eurasia as a phenomenon that brought about a rupture with previous imperial entities with Mongolian origins like, respectively, the empires of the Xiongnu (third century BCEfourth century CE), of the Turks (seventh-ninth centuries) and of the Uighurs (744-840). M. Biran examines the impact of the Mongol Empire on Eurasia according to three principal aspects. In the first part, entitled "The Mongols and the Inner Asian Tradition: Evolution versus Revolution (pp. 340-8)," she shows how the Mongols were in contact with sedentary countries, in particular through Muslim merchants, and the profit that they have received from these contacts in matters of administration. In the second part, "Integration on a Eurasian Scale (pp. 348-53)", the author casts light on the ways of the Mongols' integration in this geographic area, notably in the field of religion (p. 353). The paper's third part ("The Mongols and the Eurasian Geo-Political Balance," pp. 353-8) resituates the influence of the Mongol Empire at an "international" scale, through the empire's role in the transfer of technologies between East and West. The conclusion is devoted to the heritage of the Mongol Empire in Eurasia. This well-documented and well-argued paper benefits from Michal Biran's wide and deep erudition in the field of Central Eurasian studies. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris). 167. BLRAN Michal, The Empire of the Qara Khitai in Eurasian History,

Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilizations), 2 0 0 5 , XVl-279 p.

This book on the Qara-Khitai, or Western Liao, is a major work that fills a gap in our knowledge of this important Central Asian dynasty. By the way, it is the first monograph in a western language on this dynasty originating from Northern China. In her introduction, the author tackles the methodological problems that every researcher interested in the Qara-Khitai (and other nomadic dynasties) has to cope with. First and foremost, modern historians dispose of only one indigenous primary source in Chinese language tracing the dynasty's institutional and political history. All the other sources are external, often fragmentary, and mutually contradictory. M. Biran rapidly introduces (pp. 4-10) the sources (Chinese, Islamic, archaeological) that she has been using, before describing previous studies (11-3), and evoking the historical background of the creation of the empire of the Western Liao (13-6). It must be noticed that before the present book, modern nonChinese authors had been interested in the Qara-Khitai, though in the framework of publications not only devoted to this dynasty. Already in the nineteenth century, d'Ohsson in his Histoire des Mongols (1834, 1: 163-74) had dealt with the subject, though not directly with the history of the Qara-Khitai. V. V. Barthold, in Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion (1900 in Russian; 4 th English-language edition in London Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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in 1968, pp. 37-8), had only reconstructed the history of the Qara-Khitai and Khwarezmshahs through Islamic sources, and through a limited amount of translated Chinese sources, with no big interest in institutional history. A more significant work was introduced by Wittfogel and Feng Chia-seng in an appendix (pp. 619-74) to their History of Chinese Society: Liao (907-1125) published in 1949. M. Biran

herself has published several papers on the Qara-Khitai (see the bibliography p. 249, to which should be added: "True to Their Ways: Why the Qara Khitai Did not Convert to Islam," in R. Amitai & M. Biran, eds., Mongols, Turks and others. Eurasian Nomads and Sedentary World, Leiden—Boston: Brill, 2005:175-99). The book has been divided into two parts: 1. "Political History (19-90)" comprising three chapters on the complex political history of the Qara-Khitai; 2. "Aspects of Cultural and Institutional History (93-201)" which constitutes the most significant part of the work. This part is also divided up into three chapters: "China (93-131)," "Nomads (132-70)," "Islam (171-201)." It is followed by a very concise conclusion (202-11). The text is completed by several very useful appendixes: (1) on the varied forms given to proper names in different sources [215-7]; (2) four maps; (3) a genealogical tree of the Qara-Khitay rulers, followed by a table with these same rulers' Chinese names, their reign names, their titles and the year they were given to them, taken from the Liao shi [223]; (4) a table with the names of functionaries belonging to the central administration, with their function and its translation, also from the Liao shi [224-5]; (5) a third table for the functionaries belonging to other administrative centres, whose date come from varied Chinese and Islamic sources [226]; (6) genealogical tables of dynasties with which the QaraKhitai were in contact: Qara-Khitai of Kerman, Qarakhanids, Khwarezmshahs, Liao and Jin emperors; (7) a glossary of names and notions in Chinese characters [231-8]. Last come an important bibliography of primary sources and modern studies (239-69) and an index (270-9). In the first part, M. Biran introduces the history of the Kitans/Khitans, a Mongol people established in Northern China, known under the Chinese dynastic name of Liao. They finally fell under the blows of the Jurchen who in turn founded the Jin dynasty. A part of the Kitan entered the service of the Jin whence another one, the Western Liao (the future Qara-Khirays), under the rule of Yalii Dashi, decided to seek their fortune westwards, toward Altichahr and Transoxiana where around 1142 they created an empire extended from the Amu-Darya River to the Gobi Desert. The end of this empire resulted from the troubles between the QaraKhitai and the Khwarezmshahs, then from the Mongol pressure—when the leader of the Naymans was crushed down, and his son Guchlug took refuge beside the last ruler of the dynasty, married his daughter and took the power. In 1205, however, Genghis Khan had become the unquestioned ruler of the steppe. The book's second part is by far the most innovative and captivating. M. Biran has been resituating the relatively short history of the Qara-Khitai (c. 1131-1211, according to the Liao-shi) in the vast framework of the Central Asian nomadic empires, from the cultural as well as from the political viewpoint. Thanks to her command of numerous primary sources in different languages, she convincingly shows how that in the Qara-Khitay Empire the political institutions, administrative practices and cultural traditions were composed of both Chinese and Islamic 138

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elements. China inspired a great deal of these institutions, coin minting, calendars, etc. The chapter on the institutions is by far the most interesting since, till now, very few was known of this subject, except through Chinese sources, or modern studies on the Mongol Empire which inherited many of them (cf. P. Buell, "SinoKhitan Administration in Mongol Bukhara," Journal of Asian History 13 (1979): 12151). M. Biran notably shows that in pre-Mongol Central Asia, the political practices of steppe empires did not rely only on nomadic fundaments. Among the QaraKhitai, one finds the dual administrative system that was later adopted by the Mongols, in particular by Môngke who was to become its main promoter (cf. Th. Allsen, "Guard and Government in the Reign of The Grand Khan Môngke," Harvard Journal of Asian Studies 46/2 (1986): 495-521). This dual system has its origin in the Chinese system itself (cf. D. Ostrovski, "The Tamma and the Dual-Administrative Structure of the Mongol Empire," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61/2 (1998): 262-77; D. Aigle, Le Fars sous la domination mongole: Politique et fiscalité (xme'xives.), Paris, 2005: 81-95). In this second part M. Biran develops ideas that she had first formulated in her paper "'Like a Mighty Wall': The Armies of the Qara Khitai (1124-1218)," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 25 (2001): pp. 44-91, in particular on the functioning of the army and on jihad. As far as the former is concerned, an innovation can be found among the Qara-Khitai: The soldiers were paid and the military commandants did not receive land privileges, in other words, one cannot speak in this case of an army functioning on a tribal basis. The paragraphs on the jihad in the chapter on "Islam" were also in embryo in the above-mentioned paper. M. Biran notices that we know very few things on the religion of the Qara-Khitai themselves, and supposes that they have continued to adhere "to the Khitan tribal religion (172)" and to Buddhism. As to the subjects of the Qara-Khitai, religious diversity was very developed among them: a lot of Buddhists, Nestorian Christian communities, Jews, but above all Muslims who already made the majority of the population in Transoxiana. The question of the number of Jewish subjects is a delicate one, since the respective testimonies of the varied sources contradict each other at length: One can welcome with caution the assertions by Benjamin of Tudela, a Jewish pilgrim of the second half of the twelfth century, who numbered some 50,000 Jews in Samarqand, but probably never went to Central Asia [on the figures given in his travelogue, the Sefer ha-massa'ôt, see M. Tardieu, "Le Tibet de Samarqande et le pays de Kûsh: myths et réalités en Asie Centrale chez Benjamin de Tudèle," Cahiers d'Asie Centrale 1-2 (1996): 299-310). More critical distance to this source would have provided a better assessment to M. Biran, who exclusively relies on it for her figures on the Jews in the Qara-Khitay empire. Islamic sources are also quoted, which provide more modest estimations: A reflection on the nature of these sources, and their respective backgrounds, would have been very much appropriated. Moreover, speaking of "religious toleration" about the Qara-Khitai seems anachronous, this term being of a modern use. The same thing is often asserted about Genghis Khan and his successors. It would be more appropriated to speak of "religious indifference." Contrary to monotheists, the Qara-Khitai and Mongols up to the latter's conversion to Islam used to consider that everybody is free of practicing the religion of his/her choice, that it is a matter of personal decision, located Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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out of communal duties. It is probably the Qara-Khitai' indifference towards the other religions that encouraged their Muslim subjects not to embrace the cause of jihad against them. Answering to the question: "Why did the Qara-Khitais not convert to Islam (190-201)?," M. Biran suggests that cause of their reluctance must be sought in their fidelity to the Liao Chinese traditions. The Qara-Khitay army was powerful, for the reasons that we have evoked. The dynasty had adopted Islamic elements without abandoning Chinese administrative practices. Though of a nomadic origin, they never forgot their Chinese cultural past. To the extent that the Qara-Khitai were the only Central Asian dynasty recognised and considered by the Chinese historiography, in spite of these nomadic origins, as a Chinese legitimate dynasty. In her conclusion, M. Biran writes that she does not agree with the authors who consider that the Qara-Khitai were the precursors of the Mongols. If similarities can be observed between the two empires' respective administrative practices, it is true that the Qara-Khitay empire has its own specificity, and that it was of a sensitively lesser territorial dimension and longevity. Finally, in several of the khanates that appeared after Genghis Khan's death, the Mongols were incorporated by prevailing Turkic elements in the regions under Muslim control: Contrary to the Qara-Khitai who preserved their strong links with cultural traditions acquired in China, the Mongols were rapidly islamicised. The author of the present work can only be congratulated for having offered to the scientific community a study that should remain for long a reference work on a dynasty of which only the factual political history was so far more or less known. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris)

Devin, "'Stuck in the Throat of Chingiz Khan': Envisioning the Mongol Conquests in Some Sufi Accounts from 14c to 17th Centuries," in Judith Pfeiffer & Sholeh A. Quinn, eds., in collaboration with Ernest Tucker, His168. DEWEESE

tory and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honour of John E. Woods, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006: 23-60 The author of this article analyses the "Sufi mythology" through an exploration of the Sufi circles that were in contact with the Mongol political and military elites. In the thirteenth century the Sufis perceived the Mongols arriving into the Dar alIslam as infidels sent by God to a world where the true faith had fallen into escheat. For some of them (pp. 36-42) the Mongols were driven by Moses' famous companion (fata) evoked in the Qur'an (xvill: 59-81), and called 'al-Khadir' by most commentators of the sacred text of Islam. This role of a Sufi leading the Mongol conquest appears later, in the fifteenth century, in the Majalis al-'ushshuq by Gazugahi, who introduced Genghis Khan as a mystical ruler linked with the Yasawiyya (p. 36). According to the legend, Ahmad Yasawi would have suggested to Genghis Khan to chastise Najm al-Din Kubra and 'Attar for their disrespect of Sufi secrecy (p. 51). The author convincingly demonstrates Genghis Khan's interest in Muslim holy men and in their miracles. He also sheds light on the presence of a lot of Sufi shaykhs at the Mongol court as soon as in the second decade of the thirteenth century. In his conclusion, he stills properly stress the difficulty of the historical issue

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GENERAL WORKS of the relations between Mongol rulers and Sufi masters, blurred by the infiltration of myth into history. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 169. GOLDEN P. B, " W a r and Warfare in the Pre-Cinggisid W e s t e r n Steppes of Eurasia," in N. Di Cosmo, ed., Warfare in Inner Asian History (500-1800), Leiden -

Boston - Köln: Brill, 2002:105-72 In this substantial article, P. Golden discusses a cliché of classical historiography that consists of the systematically negative perception of encounters between nomadic and sedentary populations in early medieval Eurasia (c. 350—c. 1200), most particularly in military matters. The article's first part is an evocation of the nomads and of their political and military encounters with a wide range of sedentary states. The author successively evokes several tribes or tribal groups that almost never organised themselves in states, with a majority of Turkic entities: the Huns, Khazars, Qarluqs, Oghuz, Cumans, etc. Indeed these steppe-dwellers used to make raids into sedentary territories. They were also used as instruments of rivalries between sedentary groups or entities, when they did not make use of these same rivalries (in the cases of the confrontations between Romans and Parthians or the Byzantine Empire and Iran, in Russia's inner divisions . . .). The great sedentary states sometimes implemented policies of stabilisation of these boisterous nomadic entities at the doorways of their territories, allotting them some defensive functions. However, if the nomads were making raids against sedentary populations whose goods they were sometimes coveting (in the steppes of the Pontus, of the Caspian, of the trans-Volga region . . .), if they were often serving these same populations as mercenaries, yet they did not try to conquer their territories. Besides, P. Golden analyses the martial image of these nomads from Eurasia as they appear in contemporary, mainly Byzantine sources: They are perceived as essentially hawkish, barbarian and false, resorting to war as a means of enrichment, and to duplicity in all political matters. The second part of the study deals with multiple issues linked with the war craft in the steppe. In fact, primary sources are unanimous on the supremacy of steppe's peoples in terms of military skilfulness. After some innovating reflexions (on the lexical designation of warriors in narrative primary sources, on the organised and disciplined character of nomads in terms of war practice, marled by the mobilisation of the whole society, women included), P. Golden develops on some concrete aspects of this practice. He successively evokes the role of hunting as a military training, military tactics, the composition of armed forces, and the quantitative evaluation of the strength and of the military equipment. For facing the nomadic threat seen under an essentially negative angle, the sedentary states implemented a wide range of means: military defence at the borders, elaboration of (generally ephemeral and unreliable) alliance systems, tentative conversions, practice of the gift of tribute (considered less costly than military confrontation), the key idea being often to divide in order to better rule. As to the nomads, they used to exploit the inner divisions of the sedentary states, supplying numerous mercenaries in the Mediterranean, without showing interested in the conquest of large-

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scale sedentary territories. When this conquest occurs, it drives to the formation of a nomadic state obliged, if it wants to survive and avoid subjugation, to leave the world of the steppe. So doing, P. Golden contests an old theme of. Russian historiography, according to which the nomads' predating raids did often hold up the economic development of the sedentary regions affected by them, whilst the nomadic entities, benefiting from the wealth drawn from the boots, were not stimulated to develop proper productive forces. Camille Rhone (Pantheon Sorbonnc University, Paris)

170. GOLDEN Peter B., "Gozz: I. Origins," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/2, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2002: 184-5, bibliography; BOSWORTH C. Edmund, "Gozz: II. Tribe," in ibid.: 185-7, bibliography These two short articles deal with the Oghuz (Arabic/Persian: Ghuzz),the famous Turkish tribe which became the spearhead of the Saljuq conquest in the mideleventh century. In the Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed., vol. 3, Leiden: Brill, 1965), the subject had been dealt with by Claude Cahen. The Encyclopaedia Iranica has chosen to make two articles by two different authors. The first part by P. Golden deals with the Oghuz before their contact with Islam (a subject deliberately ignored by Cahen). As always, Golden's article is very clear and precise. However, it is also very short and therefore should be read along with the same author's much longer contribution Toghuzghuz" in the Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed., vol. 10, 2002). The second part of the article, by C. E. Bosworth, deals with the historical role played by the tribe in the world of Islam, from the first contacts in the eighth century to the end of the thirteenth century (the Ghuzz do not appear in the sources afterwards). This part does not add much to Cahen's article. Besides, it overlaps also the general history of the Saljuqs, a topic thoroughly investigated by the author forty years ago, but which had suffered since from a total lack of interest by both Western and Iranian scholars (though it has been much more in favour in Turkey). From this viewpoint this article reflects well the state (or rather: the inertia) of research in the field. The bibliography mentions Sumer's article "Oguzlar", but not his book (same title) published in Istanbul in 1994. A recently released Turkish monograph deals with the Ghuzz after their revolt against Sanjar: E. Ayan, Buyuk Selfuklu Imparatorlugu'nda Oguzisyam, Istanbul: Kitabevi Yayinlan, 2007. David Durand-Guedy (French Institute of Research in Iran, Tehran) 171.

ISKHAKOV

Damir,

Tiurko-tatarskie

gosudarstva

XV-XVI

w.:

Nauchno-

metodologicheskoe posobic [Turco-Tatar States in the Fifteenth - Sixteenth Centuries: A Scholarly and Methodological Reference], Kazan: Institut Istorii im. Mardzhani AN RT, 2004,132 p. This highly useful and interesting book is a distillation and summary of Iskhakov's very numerous works on the ethnic and political history of the Golden Horde's successor states in western Inner Eurasia. Specifically, he examines the khanates of Crimea, Qasimov, Kazan, Astrakhan, and Siberia, the Great Horde, the Noghai Horde, and the nomadic Uzbek state founded by Abu'l-Khayr Khan. In five chap142

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ters, he examines the formation of these successor states, their territory and the creation of an ethnic 'community (obshchnost')', the economy and political constitutions of the separate states, cultural life, with an emphasis on Islam, and the different political fates of the states. One aspect of Iskhakov's approach is to closely link the ethnic history of the Tatars with the process of state formation. In other works, he has argued that the Golden Horde should be considered an ethnic Tatar state, that is, an early Tatar nation-state. When the Golden Horde, or Ulus of Jûchi broke part early in the fifteenth century, the successor states then evolved into separate ethnic states, but retaining essentially the same ethnic and political features as the Golden Horde. One weakness in Iskhakov's argument is the issue of Islam. He depicts the Islamic religion as one of the bonds that melded the ethnic and political communities in the Golden Horde and its successor states. To a certain extent religion may have acted as a unifying factor. However, if Islam was a status, it could also be an argument. The argument of Islamic legitimacy was in fact used against Chingisid dynasts quite effectively by non-Chingisid dynasties, including the Noghai Horde, and the Taybughid Yurt in Siberia. Following the Russian conquest many Muslims couched critiques of the legitimacy of Russian-supported Chingisid elites in the same anti-Chingisid arguments. This is evident not only among Tatars and Bashkirs, but among Kazakhs as well. However, it would be unfair to expect the author to address all of these points within this small volume, which undoubtedly will serve for a long time as a highly useful and welcome reference. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 172. ISRAELI Raphael, "Medieval Muslim Travelers to China," Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 20/2 (2000): 313-21 The first Arab and Islamic knowledge of China relied on travellers' accounts pertaining to the rihla type of literature, which aimed at giving some useful information to traders, especially to seagoing ones. But generally speaking these accounts did not reflect first-hand experience and gave pride of place to the marvellous. The best known works pertaining to this category are the Akhbar al-Sin wa'l-Hind (ca. 851), the Silsilat al-Tawarikh (ca. 916 by Abu Zayd al-Sirafi) and the 'Ajayib al-Hind (ca. 953). The main medieval geographical works dealing with China are the Kitab alMasalik wa'l-Mamalik (1st version in 846,2 nd one in 885, by the Persian Ibn Khurdadhbih), the Mukhtasar Kitab al-Buldan (ca. 902, by Ibn al-Faqih). An anonymous account, dating from ca. 982-983 (no further identification), gives precious clues about Chinese Central Asia. It was not until Ibn Battuta in the fourteenth century that fresh data were brought about China. Françoise Aubin (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris). 173. JACKSON Peter, "Golden Horde," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/1, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003: 75-6, bibliography Professor Jackson of Keele University succinctly encapsulates the political and religious history of the Golden Horde, and then pays particular emphasis to its most Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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relevant aspect for Iranian history, namely, the wars the Jochids fought without success for over a century against the Il-khanate for control of the rich pastures south of the Caucasus, including Azerbaijan. These wars dominated the foreign affairs of the region, catalysing the alliance of the Golden Horde with the Egyptian Mamluks. After the dissolution of the Il-khanate, Golden Horde Khan Janibeg finally succeeded where his predecessors had failed, taking Azerbaijan and executing its Chobanid ruler. But the Golden Horde could not hold this territory, and withdrew under Janibeg's son and successor Berdibeg. Ordoid Khan Tuqtamysh of the White Horde ascended the throne of the Golden Horde upon the extinction of Batu's line. He invaded Azerbaijan for the last time after falling out with his patron Timur over Khwarezm. Timur's punitive response ended Golden Horde involvement in Persia. The Golden Horde later fragmented. By focusing on Jochid-Iranian relations, Jackson indirectly points out the geopolitical continuity of Horde aspirations toward Azerbaijan despite the dynastic shift from the Batuids to the Ordoids. Unfortunately, Jackson does not mention the anachronistic nature of the term "Golden Horde" (more properly, the JOchid liius) or scholarly disagreements about whether Tuqtamysh came from the White or the Blue Horde. The extensive bibliography of fourteen articles and books comprises nearly one-third of the entry. Charles Halperin (Indiana University, Bloomington) 174. JACKSON Peter, The Mongols and the West, 1221-1410, Harlow: Pearson Long-

man, 2005,448 p., maps, appendixes, bibliography This work by P. Jackson is admirable. Though exceptionally dense, it manages to remain easily accessible to non-specialists. At the same time thanks to its innumerable erudite notes, it will come in useful to the researchers in the field of Mongol studies. The latter will find here a number of references to primary sources and reference studies that he at the basis of the book—the first synthesis on the relations between the Mongol Empire and the Latin West. In twelve chapters the author recounts the history of the contacts between these two worlds, from the political and cultural viewpoints as well as in terms of mutual perceptions of the "Other". In the two first chapters ("Latin Christendom and Its Neighbour," 8-30, 70 notes; "A World Empire in the Making," 31-57,108 notes), P. Jackson sets up the early thirteenth-century geographical and historical framework in Europe and in Eurasia. At that time the Latin West was quite poorly informed on the Eastern lands of Islam, even less on the Mongols. The latter's advance towards Eastern Iran reactivated the legend on the famous 'Prester John', the origin of which lies in a 1146 narrative by Otto, Bishop of Freising in Bavaria (20-1). The author provides some information on nomadic life in Inner Asia and on the tribal organisation of the Mongols in the beginning of the Genghis-Khanid period. He then evokes the ideology of the Heavenly Mandate as it appears in diplomatic correspondences. In the third chapter ("The Mongol Invasions of 1241-4," 58-86,151 notes), P. Jackson convincingly shows that the Latin West had been warned of this attack by the Dominican monk Julian of Hungary who had transmitted a letter enjoining the King Bela IV to submit himself (translation of the letter: 60-1). The King of Hun-

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gary was then granting his protection to the Cumans/Qipchaqs whilst Batu, the Khan of the Ulus of J5chi (also called 'Golden Horde') considered the latter as his subjects. The author explains that the reason for the withdrawal of the Mongol troops in 1242 is the fact that the assault of the previous year against Hungary was a mere punitive raid, Europe being not a target. In the aftermath of these Mongol incursions at the doors of Europe, the Pope Innocent IV decided to send missionaries for gathering information on the aggressor, and with the hope that he would convert to Latin Christianity. The Pope had been reported that a lot of Mongols were Christians: This piece of news strongly contributed to the reactivation of the legend about the Prester John (see the fourth chapter: "A Remedy against the Tatars," 87-112,152 notes). The fifth chapter ("The Halting of the Mongol Advance," 113-34, 87 notes) explains that after the sack of Baghdad in 1258, followed by the advance of Hulegu and his troops in Syria, the Franks had been divided as to the attitude to be adopted towards them, especially as to the appropriateness of an alliance with them against the Mamluks. The Crusaders' inner divisions facilitated the Mamulks' victory over the Mongols at 'Ayn Jalut in 1260. P. Jackson stresses the instability of the Mamluk power in that period of time, and its further reinforcement thanks to this victory that marked the beginning of the reconquest of the Frankish states. In a captivating sixth chapter ("Images of the Enemy," 135-64,157 notes) the author examines the image of the Mongols in the Islamic and Christian sources. In both cases the chroniclers had to find an origin to this still unknown people. Resorting to the sacred texts showed necessary. The Bible as well as the Qur'an brought the awaited response: The Mongols were the new Gog and Magog / Yajuj wa Majuj, the peoples of the Biblical cum Qur'anic eschatology. A significant turn appeared after 1260, when at last some Frankish rulers accepted to collaborate with the Mongols of Iran, the Ilkhans, against the Mamluk Sultanate (chapter 9: "An Ally against Islam: The Mongols in the Near East," 165-95,157 notes). Hiilegu's diplomatic overture in 1262 marked the beginning of an intense diplomatic activity between the Latin West and the Ilkhans. After his father Abaqa's "debacle of 1281," Arghun was persuaded that the only means for defeat the Mamluks was an alliance with the West. He sent no less than four missions to Europe, headed by Nestorian Christians, the most famous of whom are the monk Rabban Sawma and the Catholicos Yabhallaha III. The Papacy, however, was standing to its ground: The Mongols' conversion to Catholicism was the precondition for a cooperation of any kind. The eighth chapter ("From Confrontation to Coexistence: The Golden Horde," 196-234,183 notes) deals with the complex relations between the Ul us of jOchi and the Eastern European kingdoms. It is followed by a chapter devoted to the events that shook these regions until the reign of Timur—whose assaults were first perceived as a return of the first Mongol invasions. The chapter 10 ("Mission to the Infidel," 156-89,178 notes) concerns the missions sent to Asia by the Papacy. The author observes that the Catholic clerks who participated in them were not enough numerous to exert an influence other than superficial. Besides, the Nestorian Church (also called the "Church of the East") was very present and active. The attempts for converting the Mongol elites, like for instance the Princess Sorqatani, Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Qubilai's mother, had no tangible result, the Christian Mongols remaining faithful to their 'Eastern' Church. By far the most significant chapter of the volume, the eleventh ("Traders and Adventurers," 290-388, 212 notes) depicts the opportunities offered by the Mongol Empire for intense commercial activities on a very large scale. The author notably stress the Crimea's and the Black Sea region's strategic role, and the local activity of Italian (mainly Venetian) merchants. The twelfth chapter ("A New W o r l d Discovered?," 329-57, 127 notes) studies the narratives written in the east and in the W e s t on the confrontation between the Latin Christendom and the Mongol Empire. It convincingly shows that despite mutual misunderstandings, the two worlds opened themselves to each other. This wonderful book is still completed by seven maps (pp. XXVIII-XXXIV) and three appendixes. The quantity of sources, manuscript and printed, that have been consulted for its redaction is truly impressive (pp. 372-84), as well as the bibliography of modern works (pp. 384-400). In the eleventh chapter the author could indeed have more insisted on the significance of long-distance commerce. The Mongols have developed caravan routes linking the Pacific Ocean with the Eastern Mediterranean (cf. Th. ALLSEN, "Ever Closer Encounters: The Appropriation of Culture and the Apportionment of Peoples in the Mongol Empire," Journal of Early Modern History 1 (1997): 2-23, esp. 20-3). Archaeological discoveries have showed that Russia benefited from the development of trade after the initial destructions 0 . MARTIN, "The Land of Darkness and the Golden Horde: The Fur Trade under the Mongols, XIII-XIV Centuries," Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique 19/4 (1978): 40121). In Saray-Berke, the capital of the Golden Horde, the great traders used to live in a neighbourhood of their own, encircled with a wall in order to protect their goods (ibid., 414). Some bibliographical complements can also be provided, for instance recent research works on the yasa/jasaq (note 4 5 p. 53: D. Aigle, "Le 'grand yasa' de Gengis-khan, l'Empire, la culture mongole et la sharTa," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47/1 (2004): 31-79; ibid., "Loi mongole vs loi islamique: Entre mythe et réalité," Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales 5/6 (2005): 97196), or about the functions of the darugha (p. 44: cf. G. Doerfer, Tiirkische und mongolische Elemente in Neupersischen, Wiesbaden, 4 vols., 1963-1975,1: 319-23; in Persian sources the term basqaq, of Turkic origin, is often employed as an equivalent to the word darugha; a good discussion of the terms basqaq, darugha and tamma can be found in D. Ostrowski, "The Tamma and the Dual-Administrative Structure of the Mongol Empire," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61/2 (1998): 262277. On Shamanism among the Mongols (p. 4 4 ) , the works by R. Hamayon are a reference (see in particular: La chasse à l'âme: Esquisse d'une théorie du chamanisme sibérien, Nanterre: Société d'ethnologie, 1990). The discussion (p. 149-50) on the myth of origin of the Mongols could have taken profit from the research by the reviewer on this subject (cf. D. AIGLE, "Figures mythiques et histoire: Réinterprétations et contrastes entre Orient et Occident," Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée 8990 (2000): 39-71; ibid., "Les transformations d'un mythe d'origine: l'exemple de Gengis Khan et de Tamerlan," ibid.: 151-68). The reference work on Bar Sawma's mission (p. 188, note 38) is the annotated and commented translation by P. Giorgio Bordone, Storia di Mar Yahballaha et di Rabban Sauma: Un orientale in Occidente ai tempi di Marco Polo, Turin, 2000. The small reserves notwithstanding, P. Jackson's book will

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remain for long the reference work on this captivating subject of medieval relations between so different worlds that could benefit from the openness that the Mongol Empire has been encouraging between the Far East, the world of Islam and the Latin West. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris)

175. JACKSON Peter, "World Conquest and Local Accommodation: Threat and Blandishment in Mongol Diplomacy," in Judith Pfeiffer & Sholeh A. Quinn, eds., in collaboration with Ernest Tucker, History and Historiography of PostMongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honour of John E. Woods, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006: 3-22 Helped by his immense erudition, the author has reopened the file of Mongol diplomacy. In the present paper he surveys documents attesting of the Mongols' faith in a mandate sent to them by the 'Eternal Heaven (Môngke Tctnggûri)' for the conquest of the world. D. Morgan ("The Mongols and the Eastern Mediterranean," in B. Arbel et a I., eds., Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204, London,

1989: 200) had questioned the self-perception by Genghis Khan as the master of the world. Through a linguistic analysis of the concept of tdnggdri ('heaven') in the Secret History of the Mongols, Marie-Lise Beffa ("Le concept de tânggâri, 'ciel' dans l'Histoire secrète des Mongols," Etudes mongoles et sibériennes 24 (1997): 215-36) has

strongly discussed this thesis. However, as P. Jackson stresses at the beginning of his study (3-4), the Chinese sources clearly indicate that in his lifetime the Great Khan considered himself that he enjoyed a Heavenly Mandate. The Sung messengers were bearing tablets of authority (paiza) established by the Mongol chancery, on which the Heavenly Mandate is mentioned well before 1221. At the same time, it is for the most part in the letters sent by Genghis Khan's successors toward the Latin West that the Heavenly Mandate given to the founder of the Mongol Empire and his successors is always invoked. The first letter attested is that addressed during the reign of Ôgûdei, in 1237, to the King of Hungary Bela IV. It was transmitted in Latin language by the Dominican monk Julian of Hungary (cf. Denis Sinor, "Un voyageur du treizième siècle: le Dominicain Julien de Hongrie," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 14/3 (1952): 589-602). The author then examines all the correspondences in which the Heavenly Mandate is mentioned, and he resituates them in the respective context of their elaboration. Besides P. Jackson's subtle analyses, other interests of the present paper are its gathering of a large part of these texts with translations of large excerpts, and the rich bibliography on the Heavenly Mandate and on these correspondences. One can add that this ideology endured under the Ilkhans towards the Mamluk Sultanate, whence it strongly softened toward the Latin West. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 176. MONTGOMERY James

A., The History ofYaballaha III and of His Vicar Bar Sauma, Piscataway, NJ: Gorgias Press (Gorgias Historical Texts, 13), 2006,111-82 p., ill. This text is a new publication of the English version first published in 1927 with footnote comments. Only a part of this famous Syriac text discovered in the nine-

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teenth century has been translated here. This part consists of the history of two Nestorian monks, Rabban Sawma and Rabban Marcos, who left China for making the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. At their arrival to Baghdad, the latter was named Metropolitan of the Nestorian Christians of the Persian Ilkhanate, under the name Yahballaha III, whence his companion Rabban Sawma received the function of General Visitor. The text is continues with a description of the mission sent by the IIkhan Arghun to the West, with the participation of Rabban Sawma. The translation ends with the narrative of the mission's return, and of the Nestorian monk's death. The text is preceded by a historical introduction and a presentation of the Nestorian Church. Given the relatively ancient date of this translation's first publication, the introduction and the footnote comments have become obsolete. The reader should refer to the excellent annotated translation of the Syriac text published in 2000 by P. Giorgio Borbone. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 177. PAUL Jürgen, "Terms for Nomads in Persian Medieval Historiography," Asiatische Studien/Etudes asiatiques 60/2 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 355-82 In this paper J. Paul demonstrates that the Persian historiography from 1350 to 1450 does not propose a unique term for the designation of "pastoral nomads," nor any systematic relation between social divisions and ways of life. An integral part of the Iranian identity, the nomads are evoked differently in different sources: the "Western" texts (Eastern Anatolia & Western Iran) are more explicit on their political and military role than the "Eastern" ones (the Timurid historiography of Khurasan and Transoxiana). Two terms are analysed, both admixing social components and military signification. The sporadic occurrences of the term sahranishinan are more frequent in administrative documents. Through a comparison between several successive sources the author shows that this word designates nomads, whether for their military potential or for their participation in the tax system. Close to the lashkariyan, according to this interpretation the sahra-nishinan must be regarded as "privates." It is not sure, however, that this term designates exclusively pastoral nomads. As to the word hasham or ahsham it contains a more clearly military component: It used to designate mainly a military escort consisting of warriors mobilised for campaigns, coming from pastoral horizons and returning to their more pacific occupations after the campaign." It could happen that the ahsham respond to this mobilisation without great enthusiasm—as shown for instance by the case of the Aq Qoyunlu. Two observations can be inferred from the analysis of these two terms: (1) pastoral nomadism appears as a true way of life; (2) pastoral nomads and horseback fighters were considered one and the same group. Camille Rhone (Pantheon Sorbonne University, Paris) 178. PFEIFFER Judith, "Ahmad Tegüder's Second Letter to Qala'un (682/1283)," in Judith Pfeiffer & Sholeh A. Quinn, eds., in collaboration with Ernest Tucker, History and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honour of John E. Woods, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2 0 0 6 : 1 6 7 - 2 0 2

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The author reopens the file of the correspondences exchanged between Ahmad Tegiider (r. 1282-4), the first Ilkhan converted to Islam, and the Mamluk Sultan Qala'un (r. 1279-90). These correspondences have already given way to several publications (cf. P. M. Holt, "The Ilkhan Ahmad's Embassies to QalawQn: Two Contemporary Accounts," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49/1 (1986): 128-32; A. Allouche, "Teguder's Ultimatum to Qalawun," International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Til A (1990): 437-46). After retracing the history of modern research on the Ilkhanid embassy to Cairo, the author of the present paper analyses the second letter (June 1283), still unstudied by specialists, addressed by the Ilkhan to the Mamluk Sultan. J. Pfeiffer soundly observes that the tone of this letter is much more conciliatory that that of the preceding one (August 1282)—in which the proposal for peace was disguised by an order for submission, in the good old Mongol tradition. This new overture must be resituated in the context of its formulation: Ahmad Tegiider then searched to break the alliance that had been established between the Egyptian Mamluks and the Qans of the Golden Horde under the reign of Sultan Baybars (1260-77), considered as the real creator of the Mamluk Sultanate. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 179. DE RACHEWILTZ Igor, The Secret History of the Mongols: a Mongolian Epic Chronicle of the Thirteenth Century, Leiden: Brill (Brill's Inner Asian Library, 7/1 & 7/2), 2 0 0 4 , 2 vols., CXXVI-1437 p., 12 pi. With these two impressive volumes, the sinologist and specialist of Mongolian medieval history and philology Igor de Rachewiltz offers the scientific community a remarkable tool for understanding, exploring and making the best use of the Mongol chronicle which came to be known as the Secret History of the Mongols. This unparalleled source for Mongolian history, the "only genuine (not to be confused with reliable) native account of the life and deeds of Chinggis Qan", as Igor de Rachewiltz describes it, nurtured on epic poetry, tribal history and scribe tradition, rich of some 900 proper and geographical names requiring, raise many questions and has been the subject of an extensive literature. Although the original manuscript has been lost it could be reconstructed thanks to a later (Mingdynasty) phonetic rendering into Chinese characters prepared for the training of interpreters. In 1926, an important part of the text in Uighuro-Mongolian script was discovered in a noble family in Eastern Mongolia: It was incorporated into a later Mongolian chronicle (Lubsangdanzin's Altan tobci). After thirty-five years spent in company of the Secret History, during which I.deR. provided students and specialists alike with regular instalments of his "translation in progress" (twelve articles published in Papers of far Eastern History at the Australian National University between 1971 and 1986), already the most up-to-date and erudite one widely used as the reference work on the subject, the author presents here, in the more durable and prestigious edition that it deserved, a revised edition of his masterwork. The translation (pp. 1-218) is preceded by a detailed summary of the contents of the 12 chapters (cvx-cxxvi) and followed by an extensive and continuous commentary of each of the 282 paragraphs (pp. 221-

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1044). The vast bibliography covers the pages 1081 to 1194. This new edition has been completed with 1) an introduction (pp. XXV-CXHl), telling the history of the singular transmission of the Mongol text, discussing its problematic authorship and date of composition, as well as its historical and literary value; 2 ) a series of seven appendices, in particular a chronological summary of Genghis Khan's campaigns from 1204 to 1219, lists of correspondences between the paragraphs of the Secret History and the folios of Lubsangdanzin's Altan tobci in the facsimile edition published in Ulan Bator in 1990 (app. 2), and the pages of A. Mosatert's Sur quelques passages de 1'Histoire secrete des Mongols (app. 4), additions and corrections to F . W . Cleaves' translation (app. 5), twelve pages of additions and corrections to the author's own Index to the Secret History (app. 6); 3) three separate indices concerned with proper and place names (pp. 1195-1245), subjects (pp. 1246-1314), Mongolian grammar and vocabulary (pp. 1315-1314). The user of this mare magnum of knowledge on the Secret History will also find two clear and legible maps (Mongolia, Eurasia) on which I. de R. has located, alongside modern geographical names, toponyms and ethnonyms found in the Secret History. In the translation, based on the author's 1972 transcription duly revised, I. de R. sticks to his initial choice of a readable English, yet faithful to the original. Anxious to render it precisely, he uses italic type to signal his own additions. Great attention is paid to render in an agreeable and rhythmic language the alliteration and parallelism of the Mongolian poetic passages. While the translation does not present major transformation, the updated commentary has doubled in size in order to accommodate, on top of the references to contributions made by earlier investigators, more recent documents and data. As an indication, the introduction by itself comprises no less than 374 footnotes! An impressive number of sources and publications relevant for the understanding of the text have been consulted here and used in a rigorous comparative approach. Numerous abbreviations have been used for limiting when possible the size of the book and this sometimes induces difficulties in identifying them in the bibliography, especially when they do not follow the expected alphabetical order. For example, one would not guess that the reference to C. R. Bawden's translation of the Altan Tobci is placed under the abbreviation M C A T (for The Mongol Chronicle Altan Tobci) and does not appear with this author's other references. Similarly, it is disturbing not to find references to Igor deRachewiltz' Index or to his previous translations of The Secret History put together, with his other references under 'de Rachewiltz': they have to be looked for under their respective abbreviations R and RA. On the debated question of the author of the Secret History, Igor de Rachewiltz favours as the most likely "compiler and author" Shigi Qutuqu, the Tatar boy adopted by Genghis Khan and his wife BOrte, who became one of their most trusted men (p. XXXVl), rather than Tatatonga, the Uighur seal-keeper of the Nayman khan who became Genghis' seal-keeper, or than the Nestorian Karait dignitary Chingqai (maybe a Uighur, writes Rachelwitz). As far as the date of composition of the text is concerned, the author—in agreement with Cleaves, Clauson, Murakami, Ozawa, Zhinggin, Gaadamba, Cerensodnomu and U. Onon—is still of the opinion that the original part of the Secret History, to which the colophon belongs, was written in 1228, the year following Genghis Khan's death, whereas the 150

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GENERAL WORKS section on Ôgôdei was written before 1251, maybe even before 1246 (pp. XXXIIIXXXlv). Igor de Rachewiltz, in the steps of PaulPelliot, qualifies the Secret History as an "epic chronicle." The real interest of the text does not lie, he writes (p. LXll), in its historical aspect, due to folk elements inserted in the text by the compiler and to the almost impossible task to separate facts from fictional accounts. It is for the Mongolian culture and society of the times that the Secret History is "a source of the first magnitude" (pp. LXII-LXIII). The grateful user of this new revised and completed edition could apply the same compliment to its author: Igor de Rachewiltz' translation and commentary is a source of the first magnitude on the Secret History of the Mongols. Marie-Dominique Even (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

180. RICHARD Jean, "La coopération militaire entre Francs et Mongols à l'épreuve: les campagnes de Ghazan en Syrie [The Military Cooperation between Franks and Mongols Put to the Test: Ghazan's Campaigns in Syria]," in Elena Boikova & Giovanni Stary, eds., Florilegia Altaistica: Studies in Honour of Denis Sinor on the Occasion of His 90th Birthday, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006: 119-28 In his contribution dedicated to Denis Sinor, Jean Richard once more examines the question of the unsuccessful alliance between the Latin West and the Mongols of Persia at the end of the thirteenth century and the beginning of the fourteenth. He chooses to address it by studying the failed (or half-failed) cooperation between the West and the Mongols around the year 1300, just after Khan Ghazan defeated the Egyptian Mamluks in the Homs region on December 22,1299, asking the West for help in exchange for a return of Jerusalem to its former Frankish masters. With his usual modesty, Jean Richard alludes to the numerous past contributions to the issue and, skipping his own major contributions, especially mentions Sylvia Schein's reference study on the question. While pretending that there is nothing new to add, Jean Richard still takes the facts of these years 1299-1303 under close scrutiny, examining how they were an attempt to implement that idea of military cooperation so central to crusade thinking in that time. Jean Richard begins by reminding us that there was already a basis for cooperation, with projects of alliance and diplomatic exchanges going as far back as 1260. Yet the Mongol attack on Syria in the winter 1299 was triggered by defections to Mongols in Mamluk Syria, and started without consultation with the Latins. Khan Ghazan nevertheless kept his partners in Cyprus informed, even if his first letter was somewhat vague in its appeal for aid. But some Frankish nobles landed in Syria, a few months later Cypriots raided the Syrian-Egyptian coast, and when, after retreating from Syria in February 1300, Khan Ghazan asked more seriously for help, Cypriot knights and Templar Knights tried to land, though Ghazan could not come and help them for real. Europe had received notice of the events since spring 1300, and Jean Richard gives the detail of the embassies sent every year to Western courts by Ghazan till 1303 in order to prepare campaigns against the Mamluks. Some wanted to take action, especially Aragon, the king of Naples, and Genoa. Nevertheless all these attempts did not concretise, and France (bogged

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down in the Flanders) or England (bogged down in Scotland) had other preoccupations. If one considers the amount of speaking about the Mongol alliance in the West, and the modesty of the results, one might dismiss the idea of a true collaboration and speak of a "non event" (to use Sylvia Schein's expression who, in her abovementioned article, focused on the spread of extravagant rumours in the West). By focusing on military responses of the West (or attempted military responses) to the sudden and unexpected Mongol victory at Homs, Jean Richard emphasises the real desire for cooperation that existed, hindered by the length of communications in that time. The contrast between projects and reality would then be the result of the inability of the West to mobilise for a real crusade in such a short delay, as Khan Ghazan expected its allies to do, and of a successful Mamluk policy consisting in eliminating all Frankish power in mainland Syria, whose aim was precisely to prevent any future landing and junction between Mongol and Frankish armies. However the temporarily success of Ghazan in 1299 and the attempted joint action kept alive the idea of military cooperation in crusade thinking for the years to come after 1303. Thomas Thanase (Paris-Sorbonne University) 181. SLNOR

Denis, "Reflections on the History and Historiography of the No-

m a d Empires of C e n t r a l Eurasia," Acta Oricntalia (Budapest) 58/1 (2005): 3-14 D. Sinor questions several cliches of the historiography of Central Asia. First he deplores the poor quality of the corpus of sources, almost inexistent, incomplete and biased since written by authors coming from alien and hostile identities. Moreover it remains almost impossible to identify ethnically or linguistically numerous Inner Asian peoples, whether through the study of ethnic denominations, of etymology, of the administrative terminology or still through archaeology, in spite of the unquestionable progresses of archaeology and sinology. In a second part the author depicts the characteristics of Central Eurasia as a historical entity. D. Sinor provides terminological precisions about the prevailing economic structure, viz pastoral nomadism. Giving a central place to horse breading, this society responds to a military tropism: The nomadic pastoral society is above all a military society which, if compared with the sedentary society, enjoys a greater mobility, but is in permanent need of important pastures. The precariousness of balance, the necessity of a choice between stagnation and conquest has been underlined as soon as 1954 by Khazanov: It is impossible for pastoral nomads to create a centralised and strong state because of the lack of sufficient pastures. Moreover, because of their specific way of conquest it is impossible for these same nomads to occupy a territory without relinquishing their initial identities. Last, D. Sinor contests the "dominos" theory as it has been applied to transcontinental migrations in Central Eurasia. According to it, the migrations of the Eastern peoples have systematically and massively provoked the migration of other populations over long distances. The illusion of the perpetual migratory movement lies down on a fallacious representation by Deguignes, an eighteenth-century author who introduced Central Eurasia to the Europeans. The concept of a chain reaction, from the East to the

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GENERAL WORKS West, of Eurasian migrations in the steppe belt has already been questioned in 1974 by Laszlo Vajda. Actually, the migratory movements do concern only a part of the populations of the considered area. D. Sinor underlines the problem of the identification of these populations that drove modern historians to confusions (for instance between the Huns and the Xiong-nu, or between the Joujan and the Avars), and to misinterpretations of migratory movements in Eurasia. Confusions also occurred between the rapid movements of armies and massive, lengthy and long movements of entire populations. Camille Rhone (Panthcon-Sorbonne University, Paris) 182. TOGAN Isenbike, "The Qongrat in History," in Judith Pfeiffer & Sholeh A. Quinn, eds., in collaboration with Ernest Tucker, History and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honour of John E. Woods, W i e s baden: Harrassowitz, 2006: 61-83 The ethnic group considered here was known in the thirteenth and fourteenth century under a double name: Onggira[d] (for example in the "Liao History", Liaoshi, in the year 1129, in the Jin History, Jinshi, in the 'Secret History of the Mongols') or Qonggirafd] (for example in the "Jin History", Jinshi [the references for both names given note 7 & 8 must be corrected respectively as JS, Bona ed., 10.11b, and 55.11a]) or Qongurat/Qongrat (in fourteenth-century Persian chronicles). This doubling could indicate an inner bilingualism of the group, which, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were obviously scattered in different sub-groups. This branch had the more lasting impact on Genghiskhanid history through intermarriage with Genghis Khan's family and nomadic life in the North. Another branch known as the "Tôrôlkin" or "Nirgin" to which belonged Terge Emel, one of the leaders opposed to the future Genghis Khan (his first appearance being in 1198) nomadised in the southern Mongolian steppe. By the eighteenth century the Qongrat leaders had succeeded in becoming a power to be reckoned with in the Khwarezm. Finally in 1804 they established their dynasty as Khans of Khiva. Policy had changed since the Middle Age and the central issue was now political unity. Mu'nis was commissioned to write a history which would take into account the new mental and political context: It was the Firdaws al-iqbal (edited by Yuri Bregel in 1988 and translated by him in 1999: History ofKhorezm, Leiden: Brill). The past is presented as unified and centralised on the model of the Khanate of Khiva. However the traditional key figures, such as Terge Emel, are retained: "In historical memory persons were more important than the context". Françoise Aubin (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 183. TOGAN Zeki Velidi, "References to Economic and Cultural Life in Anatolia in the Letters of Rashid al-Din," in Judith Pfeiffer & Sholeh A. Quinn, eds., in collaboration with Ernest Tucker, History and Historiography of Post-Mongol Central Asia and the Middle East: Studies in Honour of John E. Woods, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006: 84-111 Eight years ago, A. Morton ("The Letters of Rashid al-Din: Ilkhanid Fact or Timurid Fiction?," in R. Amitai-Press & D. Morgan, eds., The Mongol Empire & Its Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Legacy, Leiden: Brill, 1999:155-99) convincingly established that the famous letters attributed to Rashid al-Din are a forgery of post-Mongol times. The author shows these documents inner contradictions for deducing that they were probably forged under Shahrukh. According to Morton, these letters were written by the class of Tajik scribes in the Timurid period. They reflect the latter's frustrations in the conflicts that opposed them to the Turkic Emirs, and have no interest as far as the political and administrative history of the Ilkhanid period is concerned. This thesis has been contested by A. Soudavar ("In Defence of Rashid od-Din and His Letters," Studia Iranica 32/1 (2003): 77-120). Z. V. Togan is in the same line as A. Soudavar, considering these letters a significant source for the social, cultural and geographical data that they display. The author asserts that even if these letters have their origin in chancery textbooks, the factual elements that can be found in them can be used by historians. The case study selected by the author is that of Anatolia under Mongol dominance. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) 184. DE LA VAISSIERE Etienne, "Huns et Xiongnu [Huns and Xiongnus]," Central Asiatic Journal 49/1 ( 2 0 0 5 ) : 3-26 Etienne de la Vaissiere's present study deals with a subject that remains today hotly debated. Is there a connection between the Huns of the Western Eurasian zone and the Xiongnu of Inner Asia? De la Vaissiere, in my opinion, has presented an excellent summation of the evidence. I find his conclusions that there is a connection, demonstrated by archaeological evidence as well as written sources, to be compelling. Peter B. Golden (Rutgers University, Newark NJ) 185. VAsARY Istvan, Cumans and Tatars: Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman

Balkans,

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005,230 p., maps, chronology, bibliography, indexes

This book by I. Vasary is not totally focused on the study of the Cumans and Tatars' military organisation, as is suggested by its title. The author goes well beyond this theme, putting the stress on the prevailing military role played by the Cumans and the Tatars in the history of Eastern Europe between the formation of the second Bulgarian Empire in 1185 and the death of Berdibeg, the Khan of the Golden Horde, in 1359. (It is to be noticed that a misprint has crept into page 69 as to this date: 1359 must be read instead of 1259.) The author considers that the anarchy that followed this khan's death in the Qipchaq Khanate was a signal that marked in some sort the end of Tatar interference in the Balkans. In his preface (p. xm), I. Vasary provides a definition, geographical and cultural, of the territories constituting the "Balkans": Bosnia, Valachia, Moldavia, the territories situated on the Lower Danube, the Eastern Carpathians—all regions included into Byzantium's zone of cultural influence. In a short introductory chapter (p. 1-12), I. Vasary explains that the main difficulty for the study of these ethnic groups, as for many of nomadic populations, is the lack of indigenous sources (cf. his "Remarks on the Sources", pp. 1-4). His 154

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GENERAL WORKS study is based for the most part upon Greek and Latin, as well as Slavic, Hungarian, Turkic, and Arabic sources. This part on the sources is rather poor, however, the author satisfying himself with the introduction of biographic notices on the authors of the main Byzantine sources that he has been perusing through. A reflection on the best way to use these sources would have been much welcome. As far as the historian remains dependent on outer sources, for the most part mutually contradictory and rather tendentious, one must take into account the conditions of their elaboration: the authors' origins and their intellectual milieu, their relations or lack of relations with political power, the historical context of every source's writing, etc. In other terms, one has to decipher their hidden meanings through their inner critique and the confrontation of mutually differing testimonies. In this same introductory chapter, the author also proposes a clarification of the meaning of the very terms "Cuman" and "Tatar". The first is the name employed by Latin sources for the denomination of the populations of a region called in Islamic sources Dasht-i Qipchaq. As to the term "Tatar", it is interchangeable with that of "Mongol", and must be understood in a political meaning: It comprises all the steppe peoples who have invaded Western Asia and Eastern Europe in the thirteenth century. I. Vasary explains that the utilisation of these terms "Cumans", "Tatars" and "Qipchaq" for the designation of ethnic entities is not correct since they refer to polities formed by different tribal confederations ethnically and linguistically varied. The two following chapters ("The Cumans and the Second Bulgarian Empire," 13-56 and "The Cumans in the Balkans before the Tatar Conquest, 1241," 57-68) trace the progression of the Cumans westward. The author shows the crucial role played by these populations in this region's history, and how they have infiltrated local elites before the arrival of Mongols and the creation of the Qipchaq Khanate, i.e. the Ulus of JOchi (or Golden Horde). With the Mongol invasion the Tatars succeeded politically the Cumans in the Balkans. This is why the heart of the book (chapters 4 to 7) is made by a history of their relations with different major political entities in the region: Byzantium, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Hungary. The complex chronology of political events, the detailed depictions of a number of battles that spangle the course of history, as well as the ephemeral alliance games between the varied protagonists make sometimes difficult the reading of this part. However, far from limiting his work to a history of events, I. Vasary conducts a meticulous reconstruction of ethnic and social history during more than two eventful centuries. No understanding of the ethnic and social history of the Balkans during that period of time would be possible without such a detailed analysis of political turmoil based on a considerable amount of sources of different origins. Along his work, I. Vasary often refers to place names difficult to localise in spite of the presence of four maps (pp. 172-5). Explanatory notes after the appearance of each would have considerably helped the reader. Nevertheless, the index of place names (pp. 168-70) with their linguistic variations according to different sources shows extremely useful, as well as the chronological table of varied dynasties with which Cumans and Tatars have been in contact. A list of bibliographical abbreviations (pp. 176-96) precedes the bibliography (pp. 197-216), and the index (pp. 21730). One can regret that the author did not plan the publication of a glossary of the Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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HISTORY numerous technical terms mentioned in the text, which would have been extremely useful. However, despite its rare density and the efforts asked to the reader for following the course of the events, the present book will for sure remain for long a reference work for the historical study of this vast region before the Ottomans. Denise Aigle (EPHE, Paris) See also: 21 (Herrmann); 23 (Muhammadaminov); 29 (Becker); 405 (Bira); 406 (Biran); 438 (Mukhametshin et al.)

3.I.C. The Modern Russian and Chinese Empires 186. CREWS Robert D., "Islamic Law, Imperial Order: Muslims, Jews and the Russian State]," Ab Imperio 2004/3:467-90 Studies of the history of Islamic jurisprudence have challenged the view that Islamic law was immutable. They argue that colonial empires bear responsibility for its fixation as a code of law endowed with police means of enforcement while in pre-colonial times, the shari'a allowed greater fluidity of interpretation. Robert Crews holds that the Russian Empire did not differ much from other empires in its attempt to codify Islamic law, but according to him, the reshaping of the law was not so much the work of Orientalist administrators or co-opted 'ulama', but the outcome of disputes over its definition and application by different groups of litigants. Litigants of varied ethnic background and religion seized the opportunity to move between Russian secular and Islamic courts to win their cases, thus determining the extent of both legal systems in society. With the conquest of Central Asia, Russians claimed that the empire's legal system, based on universal rational principles, would liberate its new subjects from the vagaries of the pre-modern shari'a. But fear of popular discontent and the need for stability forced Russian bureaucrats to incorporate Islamic courts into their colonial justice system. The Statute of 1886 gave extensive jurisdiction to the qazi courts, which oversaw most civil cases among the "natives" of Turkistan—even when those natives were not Muslim. While the Jews of Samarqand tried to be freed from shari'a courts and be placed under Imperial state law, Muslim elites sought to expand Islamic law in areas traditionally governed by customary law. Crews skilfully traces the bitter debates within the Russian government over the appropriate jurisdictional boundaries of the shari'a courts in the early twentieth century, as the Ministry of Justice argued for the superiority of positive Russian law and the Ministry of War, for the stability of the shari'a courts. Despite its promising title and introductory lines, the focus of the article is more on the Jews' interaction with the shari'a and Imperial Russian court system than about Muslim litigants and their bargaining-negotiating power over the reshaping of the law in the context of Russian colonial rule. Agnes Kefeli (Arizona State University, Tempe)

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187. CREWS Robert D., For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia, Cambridge, MA - London: Harvard University Press, 2006, VIII-[2]-463 p., maps, ill., index Robert Crews explains "how Russia became a Muslim power—and how the government made Islam a pillar of imperial society, transforming Muslims into active participants in the daily operation of the autocracy and the local construction and maintenance of the empire" (p. 3). This book makes a powerful argument which runs counter to the still widespread assumption that Russia, embroiled in so many conflicts with the Ottoman Empire and Iran, regarded itself as the natural enemy of Islam, and that this was also reflected in Russia's policy towards her "own" Muslims. What Crews is telling us is that the Tsar, who of course regarded himself as the patron of Orthodoxy in the first place, also tried to make use of Islam to control and discipline the Muslim populations of the empire. This was mainly achieved by the creation of a Muslim Muftiate (Crews chooses to translate Dukhovnoe Sobranie as "Ecclesiastical Assembly") in 1788—a kind of Islamic "church" with a fixed hierarchy subordinate to the guberniia administration and the central government. Islamic scholars and mullahs needed a License from this institution, and thus had themselves transformed into an Islamic "clergy". Licensed mullahs, as well as all kinds of lay people, filed huge amounts of complaints and petitions not only to the Muftiate, but also to the Russian administration on all levels. The possibility for Muslim litigants to appeal to a Russian court, to the governor-general, and even to the Tsar himself blurred the boundaries between "customary"/Islamic law and state law (151). The first three chapters ("A Church for Islam", "The State in the Mosque", and "An Imperial Family", pp. 31-191) discuss the creation of that Ecclesiastical Assembly in Ufa and the relationship between the new "clergy" and the Russian administration in the Volga-Urals. Crews describes this relationship as an interdependency: "Religion came to depend on the institutions of the state, just as the empire rested upon confessional foundations" (10). The author provides ample information on the deliberations of Tsarist administrators and ministers on how to deal with Islam. The most precious parts of the book, however, deal with "everyday controversies" within the Muslim communities into which the administration was drawn. Using accounts, petitions, complaints, and other materials from archives in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Orenburg, Kazan, Ufa, and Tashkent, the author discusses issues where "sharVa" seemed to clash with imperial law (e.g. with regard to burial procedures, 67-71), or where Muslims disagreed over religious norms and practices among themselves. These case studies include individual lawsuits on marriage, divorce, and inheritance, but also struggles over the appointment of mullahs or conflicts occurring when part of a village population split from the community and founded a new mosque. Other cases deal with disputes over land use and the revenues from waqf endowments and Sufi shrines. There is ample evidence of mullahs denouncing each other and trying to draw the tsarist authorities on their side. Crews makes clear how fragile the position of the mullah was, not only with respect to the authorities and the Muftiate, who had the power to remove him from office or punish him, but also with regard to the Muslim "laypeople" who

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could send complaints and accusations to the authorities. The Islamic "clergymen" obtained no state salary and were therefore completely dependent on the charity of their communities, which were often dominated by powerful notables who pursued their own agendas. It is therefore no wonder that mullahs and muftis repeatedly petitioned the authorities for an official recognition of their status of Muslim clergy as a special "estate", with appropriate immunities and privileges. In addition to the cases mentioned above, Crews pays particular attention to moral issues, including accusations of impiety and adultery, complaints about illicit Sufi gatherings and folk feasts attended by both sexes, as well as complaints about the use of alcohol and hidden or open prostitution (cf. also 283 ££., 329 ff.). Crews comes to the conclusion that both the administration and the Islamic "clergy" found a common language on "sin", and depicted the state law as well as the shari'a as the guarantor of chastity and morality. The Tsarist police assumed "that Islamic law would guarantee domestic order and harmony among Muslims, much as canon law regulated the Christian family" (145). Crews' case studies on marriage and divorce are of special interest because they offer ample material on the situation of women in their respective Muslim communities. According to the author, "Russian authorities backed rights for women in Muslim marriages, but in so doing they claimed to be following the textual tradition of Islam itself, not 'liberating' women from it" (147). The resolution of these cases rested much on negotiation and personal discretion of the mullahs and the administrators involved, and often worked to the benefit of women. However, Crews detects a general turn towards "anticlericalism" among Russian officials around 1850, when tsarist officials began to rely less on mullahs and muftis as experts and intermediaries and more on the advice of non-Muslim specialists. A prominent example is the Orientalist Professor Alexander Kazem-Bek of St. Petersburg University, a convert to Christianity. Crews shows how this scholar tended to put the classical legal tradition of Hanafi law books (some of which he had edited himself) higher than deliberations of mullahs and Muslim litigants. This is, of course, a wonderful example of "Orientalism": Philologists regard themselves as the true specialists of Islamic tradition, and they have their interpretations enforced by the colonial state. In several cases discussed by the author, Kazem-Bek's "advice to the government" worked to the detriment of Muslim women involved in the respective law suits, but it remains unclear whether this was a general tendency. While these cases dealt with Muslim communities in the European part of Russia, Crews's book is also welcome for its comparative excursions into Central Asia. Chapter 4 ("Nomads into Muslims", 192-240) deals with the Russian religious policy in the Steppe region. While the Kazakhs were kept outside of the purview of the Orenburg Ecclesiastical Assembly, the administration initially supported activities of Tatar mullahs in the steppe, believing that an Islamic influence would lead the nomads towafds "civilisation". On Russian incentive and with Tatar support, the khans of the Inner Horde began to build mosques and Islamic schools. In the second half of the nineteenth century, however, the Russians decided to curb the Islamic influence among the Kazakhs by limiting the number of mullahs and by the "administrative" closing of mosques. Crews expounds the arguments of the Kazakh bureaucrat and ethnographer Chokan Valikhanov against the support of 158

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Islamic law among the nomads; Valikhanov believed that the Kazakhs had never been "real" Muslims, and he opted for a return to customary law as administered by the Kazakh elders. This reflected a growing conviction among officials that Catherine II's policy had been a mistake, and that instead of promoting Islam in the steppe one should have done more to convert the Kazakhs to Christianity, and to Russify them. The Islamicisation process continued, however, and Kazakh mullahs repeatedly—but in vain—petitioned the opening of their own Ecclesiastical Administration. According to Crews, it was in the Steppe regions where the Russian state remained weakest, because here the administration was least entangled with the affairs of Islam, and Muslims could not utilise its power on behalf of religion (20). Crews moves on to Turkistan in chapter 5 (241-292). After the conquest of that region in the 1860s and 70s, the Russian administration's official policy was "to ignore Islam" in Transoxiana. Consequently, the Tsarist engagement with Islamic institutions in Central Asia was less systematic than elsewhere. Again, the documentation shows that laypeople and clerics alike were embroiling the Russian authorities in the mediation of communal and familial conflicts. The Russian laissezfaire attitude towards Islamic legal disputes prevented the Muslim elite from seriously opposing the new rulers, and it served as a pretext for the Russians, as the author states, "to defer the many promises of the civilising mission" (292). In spite of all this, Crews sees also in this region a "deep interpénétration of Islamic controversies and Tsarist administration" which, in the end, accounts for the "relative strength and durability of the imperial order in Central Asia" (260). The last chapter ("Heretics, Citizens, Revolutionaries", 293-349) is devoted to developments of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It discusses, among other things, the struggle of baptised Tatars for permission to return to Islam, the missionary work of the Kazan Orthodox seminary, the Vaisov movement, and the Russian officials' growing weariness of the toleration of Islam (in face of the perceived danger of "Pan-Islam" and wars against the Ottomans). Nevertheless, the toleration of Islam "remained a source of strength for the state" (300). While Crews' argument for the interdependency of Islam and Russian state administration is very compelling, one might argue that his thesis is to a certain degree predetermined by his regional and generic choice of sources. There are other regions of the Russian empire, such as the Crimea or the Northwest Caucasus, where huge parts of the Muslim population found Tsarist rule intolerable, and chose to emigrate to the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, Crews makes only limited reference to Dagestan and Chechnya, where an anti-Russian jihad was going on during much of the nineteenth century (cf. 17; 72-76). The implications of war and hijra for the Muslims of Inner Russia have not been studied yet, but one may assume that the brutal Russian war in the North Caucasus, much like today, was not very conducive to creating mutual trust. Also, the sources used have certain limitations. There can be no doubt that Muslims, when filing petitions to the Russian administration in the Russian language (often with the help of interpreters), tried to manipulate the outcome of their individual cases by appealing to perceived religious and moral commonalities; and the same holds true for the imperial administration, which was interested in Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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discipline and order and therefore alluded to Islamic concepts when dealing with Muslims. The picture that emerges from Crews' work is therefore one of intensive contact and increasing integration. However, if we take into consideration other genres of historical literature, for example Tatar poetry or local Muslim chronicles, we find that the imperial state is very often conspicuously absent from their narratives, and that Muslims tried to avoid recourse to state authorities. This also holds true for the discourse (in Arabic language) on theology and Islamic law in which many Tatar mullahs were involved; the reader of these works gets the impression that the 'ulama often ignored the fact that they lived in a Christian state, and that they imagined themselves in a parallel, truly Islamic world, which had more in common with eighth-century Baghdad than with modern Russia. Also, Crews rightly points out that many mullahs did not strive for an official license but avoided surveillance by working "illegally" (cf. 88 ff.; 100 ff.; 105). For these reasons, I would advise some caution against the generality of the statement that "Muslim men and women came to imagine the imperial state as a potential instrument of God's will" (20; cf. 358, where the author states that Muslims continued to regard the regime as a "guardian of divine law"). Crews has made formidable use of the research literature in Russian, English, French, German, and has also used Turkish and Tatar books. These works, however, are mainly quoted for the individual factual information that they provide; the reader thus misses a general discussion of the state of the art which would have helped to situate Crews' achievements in the larger context. This omission, as well as the absence of a bibliography, is probably due to the exigencies of the book market. These remarks notwithstanding, Crews' book is a very valuable and wellwritten contribution to the field. Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam) 188. ESCHMENT Beate, HARDER Hans, eds., Looking at the Coloniser:

Cross-Cultural

Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas, Würzburg: Ergon (Mitteilungen zur Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der islamischen Welt, 14), 2004, 384 p. This rich and very carefully edited volume is the outcome of the homonymous conference held in 2002 at the Martin Luther University of Halle—Wittenberg. The conference's basic idea was to bring together researchers on colonialism in two different areas, Bengal and Central Asia, "in order to stimulate a comparison between these two regions and the ways in which they perceived their British and Russian colonisers (the Editors' preface, p. 7)." The volume aims at becoming an invitation for further discussion of this still non investigated subject. The idea itself of the project has evolved from a longer-term project called Zerrspiegel ('Distorting Mirror') carried out at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Martin Luther University under the direction of Jürgen Paul and Beate Eschment, and funded by the Volkswagen Foundation—the role of which must still once be underlined in the support of durable innovation in Central Eurasian studies. In a substantial introductory article ("Intercultural Perception in Colonial Circumstances: Introductory Remarks," 9-27), Hans HARDER brings the attention of the reader on

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the reason for the choice of Bengal as an element of comparison with Central Asia: This region has the longest documented tradition of conscious reflection on colonialism worldwide. In Central Asia and the Caucasus, by contrast, no such unbroken debate on colonialism exists—for obvious political reasons linked with the very nature of the Soviet system, at least from the mid-1930s to a short parenthesis during the Thaw, and till Perestroika. The author goes further stressing the main object of the present volume: to explore intercultural perception in colonial circumstances on the basis of written historical and literary documents. In terms of the tripartite structure of coloniser, colonised elite, and subaltern that is suggested by Subaltern Studies, it is mostly the second group that is dealt with by the varied articles—viz, "the group that was in possession of a distinct voice already prior to colonialism, or came into its possession as a result of it; and their position in that contact zone not only made their encounter with the coloniser more direct, but also invariably tempered their portrayal of the coloniser (19)". The volume is subdivided into three parts: Central Asian / Caucasian perceptions of the Russians, Bengali perceptions of Britain, and related cases of crosscultural perceptions. The present review will focus on the first and third parts. The first article of part one (MUSTAFAYEV Shahin, "The Diaries of Yusif Vezir Chemenzeminli: An Azerbaijani Intellectual in the Process of Acculturation," 31-46, ill.; reviewed in infra 239) analyses the diary (1907-9) of the Azerbaijani intellectual and writer Yusif Vezir Chemenzeminli, recording its author's admiration and appropriation of high Russian culture as well as bewilderment at instances of his exclusion from Russian society on account of his being a 'Tatar'. Another diary, or semi-public travelogue, by the Georgian writer and military officer Grigol Orbeliani (1831-2) is the subject of the following article (REISNER Oliver, "Grigol Orbeliani Discovering Russia: A Travel Account by a Member of the Georgian Upper Class from 1831-1832," 47-62, ill.; reviewed in infra 249). Very much like Chemenzeminli, Orbeliani is an example of an intellectual for whom Russia became coterminous with enlightenment and high culture. He represents a Georgian upper class that spontaneously tended towards rapid Russification, and saw the best remedy for lost glories in a close alliance with Russia. Olga YASTREBOVA ("The Bukharian Emir Abd al-Ahad's Voyage from Bukhara to St. Petersburg," 63-74, ill., reviewed in infra 315) investigates the journey of the Emir of Bukhara 'Abd al-Ahad (r. 1885-1910) to St. Petersburg in 1892-3. The Emir's visit is documented both in his personal diary, marked by a keen interest in varied aspects of Russian official culture and institutions, and in the Russian press, that bears testimony of the eagerness of the Russian side to spread knowledge on Central Asia. The conquest of Khiva (1873) is analysed through a complete edition of a poem in Chaghatay by Shayda'i on the fall of the Khanate (ERKINOV Aftandil, "The Conquest of Khiva (1873) from a Poet's Point of View (Shayda'i)," 91-115; reviewed in infra 292). The poet attributes this lapse to a general lack of true faith: His xenology is simple, the encounters between the people of Khiva and the Russians being seen in terms of a conflict between Muslims and infidels. Another important aspect of cultural encounters in Central Asia is dealt with by Bakhtiiar BABADZHANOV ("Russian Colonial Power in Central Asia as Seen by Local Muslim Intellectuals," 75-90; reviewed in infra 283) examines Islamic experts decrees (fatwas), statements of different inCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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tellectuals, as well as newspapers coverage regarding the conduct to be adopted towards the Christian Russian colonisers in the former Khanate of Kokand. Whilst the modernists stressed the prospect of profiting from the Russians, the 'ulama's stance remained fundamentally ambivalent, a majority of them rejecting the induced innovations as unlawful. Part three explores related issues of cross-cultural perception. Adeeb KHALID's article also provides a connecting link between Great Britain and Russia as well as Central Asia and India (KHALID Adeeb, "Visions of India in Central Asian Modernism: The Work of 'Abd ar-Ra'ûf Fitrat," 253-74; review in infra 299). The author analyses the impact of the nineteenth and early-twentieth-centuries developments in Indian Islam on Central Asia. During the 1910s and early 1920s, the writings by the Bukharan modernist writer Fitrat shifted from an economic criticism of colonialism to a civilisational one—the approach to European science becoming to assimilate it in order to turn it against Europe. Aleksandr MATVEEV, in an article that stands in close connection with those of Yastrebova and Erkinov ("Perceptions of Central Asia by Russian Society: the Conquest of Khiva as Presented by Russian Periodicals," 275-98; reviewed in infra 303), investigates the way the Russian Khiva campaign of 1873 was covered by contemporary Russian periodicals—the image of an unfriendly slave-trading power facilitating Russia's self-conception as a civiliser. Similar material forms the basis of the article by Volker ADAM on the "Ottoman Perception of Muslim Life in Russia and Central Asia" (299-310; review in infra 204). The author shows how this perception could be influenced by the writings of Muslim modernist émigré publicists from European Russia, who strongly criticised the efforts of Russification threatening the life-style of Muslims in various parts of Russia, whilst targeting certain aspects of Muslim society in Russia and Central Asia as 'reactionary elements'. Another study in cross-perception involving Central Asia is Laura NEWBY'S analysis of Qing Chinese representations ("Lines of Vision: Qing Representations of the Turkic Muslim Peoples of Xinjiang," 339-56; reviewed in infra 348). Character descriptions, with dominant traits such as wantonness, lethargy, cowardice, etc., mirror what L. Newby calls the coloniser's 'classic' model of labelling colonial subjects. On the basis of various sources, Rudi MATTHEE ("Between Sympathy and Enmity: Nineteenth-Century Iranian Views of the British and the Russians," 311-38) analyses both popular and official Qajar Iranian perceptions of Britain and Russia. If British individuals in Iran are portrayed in an ambivalent light, in Iranian perceptions of the Russians, on the contrary, negative images of Christian fanatics seem to have been dominant. In general, however, pragmatic resignation led to a form of unstable clientelisme shifting between the British and the Russians—as revealed by recent innovative studies in Iran itself: see for instance infra 304 the review of the book by Pirouz MojtahedZadeh. The Redaction 189. LEDONNE John, "Proconsular Ambitions on the Chinese Border: Governor General Iakobi's Proposal of W a r on China," Cahiers du monde russe 45/1-2 (2004): 31-59

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Russia's relations with China in the eighteenth century were often dominated by the latter's conflict with the Western Mongols, who had been seeking to restore the unity of their people and, as a result, were a potential threat to China's security. The article traces the evolution of these relations following the arrival in Selenginsk of Varfolomei Iakobi in 1740. Iakobi's son Ivan served as Governor General of Eastern Siberia from 1783 to 1788, and was recalled after beeing accused of plotting to make war on China. The document analysed in the present paper was probably an attempt to justify his position. Iakobi planned an expansion of Russia's position in the Far East, redrawing the existing border to include much of the Kazakh steppe, most of Mongolia, and even part of Manchuria. His unrealistic proposal was only one of a number of recommendations by members of Russia's ruling elite to get tough on a powerful China, which looked upon Russians as another kind of barbarians from the steppe, towards whom it was necessary to keep the high ground of moral superiority. The reorientation of Russia's military policy under Catherine II aimed at hegemony in the Black Sea basin and sought to establish a foothold in Transcaucasia, from which to strike at the Ottomans and the Persians. Russia did not have the resources to extend that costly policy to the Eastern theatre. The Redaction 190. NAGANAWA Norihiro, "Molding the Muslim Community through the Tsarist Administration: Mahalla under the Jurisdiction of the Orenburg Mohammedan Spiritual Assembly after 1905," Acta Slavica laponica 23 (2006): 10123 Norihiro Naganawa calls for a more thorough study of Muslims' organisation and reorganisation of daily life and resources within Tatar and Bashkir mahallas after 1905, a task already pioneered by Stéphane Dudoignon, Allen Frank, and Charles Steinwedel. The mahalla, sometimes translated unsatisfactorily by "parish" in English, was a basic religious unit comprising a community of Muslims supporting a mosque, which basically emerged as an administrative and civil unit after the foundation of the Spiritual Assembly of Orenburg in 1788. Naganawa examines state and mahalla interactions, using official Russian administrative archives and samples of the Muslim press (essentially Waqt). Mahallas, according to him, were not passive recipients of state reforms but centres of lively debates, which contributed directly to their transformation, despite state growing mistrust in its Muslim subjects' loyalty. Before 1905, mahalla personnel conducted prayers, resolved civil issues (marriage, divorce, inheritance), and registered births and deaths. After 1905, mahallas expanded their activities further; in particular they sought to reorganise pious endowments in a more effective way and obtain support for schools from the newly created ^emstvos. Tatars and Bashkirs cleverly made use of Russian institutions to advance their religious and economic goals. Naganawa's argument is more about the interpénétration of mahalla organisation and Russian administrative rule than about the inner workings of mahalla daily life. It expands on the works of Robert Crews, Daniel Brower, Robert Geraci, and Edward Lazzerini. To better understand mahalla life from the inside, it would be worth looking into the largely

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untapped local histories, merchants' correspondence, wills, and waqf documents in Kazan, Ufa, and Orenburg. Agnes Kefeli (Arizona State University, Tempe) 191. PRAVILOVA E. A., Den'gi i vlast' v politike Rossii na natsional'nykh okrainakh 18011917 [Money and Power in Russia's Policy in the National Marches, 1801-1917], Moscow: Novoe izdatel'stvo, 2 0 0 6 , 4 5 6 p. Ekaterina Pravilova's book is a highly original study of Russian imperial finance. In fact, it is so original that it invents the field. Historians have written extensively on the problems of Russian imperial organisation and policy in recent decades, but they have said almost nothing about how much the empire costs, where, when, and whether the tsarist imperial structure worked well—or at all—as a financial system. Pravilova's central contribution is to place "money and power" at the centre of the way historians analyse Russian imperial history. The book is divided into three parts: Part One examines the imperial budget. Part Two measures the financial burden of empire in the long nineteenth century. And Part Three takes up the question of monetary integration. In each section, Pravilova works through the particulars of four key borderlands—Finland, Poland, the Southern Caucasus (Zakavkaz'e), and Turkistan—while at the same time commenting and analysing overall fiscal policy from the centre as well as between her chosen regions. The book is very nicely written—far livelier than most studies of fiscal policy. And Pravilova builds her conclusions, large and small, on a broad base of research in Russian and Polish archives as well as extensive reading in published sources and current scholarly literature in a variety of languages. The overall argument of the book is that the Russian Empire, like all empires, was not cheap. Territorial expansion and imperial maintenance placed enormous pressure on the government's bottom line. It also produced clear costs for borderland economies that were—to different degrees—shaped to serve imperial needs. The overall fiscal burden of the empire was made all the more onerous by the fact that the tsarist state never established a "conscious and well-coordinated strategy" for connecting the financial operations of the centre and the borderlands. The Ministry of Finance was not the leader that it might have been on this question, and because there was no institutional platform for united government in the tsarist system, the political and fiscal dimensions of regional economic policy were rarely integrated in the policies of the different agencies in charge (369). The result, Pravilova argues, was the absence of a coherent field of imperial finance. The lords of St. Petersburg, not surprisingly, aspired to centralise and standardise, but they did not have the mechanisms in place to make these processes work effectively, and consequently different imperial regions maintained their own budgets—even their own customs barriers and currencies—for far longer than the centre's rhetoric of uniformity should have allowed. Poland and Finland were pulled kicking and screaming towards financial integration. Changes went more smoothly, relatively speaking, in the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia, though the costs in roubles and political capital were enormous. Pravilova's analysis is not "cliometric history." Though she addresses the costs

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and occasional profits of empire—for the centre and for the borderlands—she does not seek to come up with a numerical balance sheet of tsarist imperialism (see her discussion of this issue on pages 149-151), focusing instead on the government institutions and public discourses that shaped the empire's financial landscape. And what she shows is that Russians tended to understand this landscape primarily in political terms. That is, the project of empire in Russia was always much more of a political undertaking than an economic venture, and despite the good efforts of different financial planners to bring economic concerns to the centre, the political concerns of keeping the empire together forever trumped the bottom line. The deepest logic that Pravilova finds in tsarist finance is thus the principle of scarce resources tempered by political caution. As she shows, the tsars did not have the institutions, the personnel, or the capital to make the borderlands flourish, and they were reluctant to push economic growth too far anyway because borderlands with growing economies were more likely to demonstrate "centripetal tendencies" (371). The empire was caught in a kind of poverty trap—a dearth of resources and a lack of political imagination. Historians have long known the troubles of the Russian empire by the late imperial period, but Pravilova's pathbreaking book helps us to appreciate these troubles in a new and revealing light. Willard Sunderland (University of Cincinnati, OH)

192. W E R T H Paul, "Inorodtsy on Obruscnie: Religious Conversion, Indigenous Clergy, and the Politics of Assimilation in Late-Imperial Russia," Ab Imperio 2000/2: 87-104 Tatar historians and political activists have long argued that conversion to Orthodoxy led to outward and inward Russification (obrusenie), that is total assimilation and the rejection of indigenous culture. Paul Werth's study of the emergence of an Eastern Orthodox non-Russian indigenous intelligentsia before the 1917 revolution successfully proves otherwise. Nikolai Il'minskii (1822-91), the founder of a new system of catechisation in native languages, strongly believed that non-Russians could confess Eastern Orthodoxy without losing their ethnicity, cultural individuality, and languages. After 1905, a new indigenous elite among the Finno-Ugric and Turkic peoples of the Viatka diocese called for a defence of Il'minskii's legacy, which was under attack, and a redefinition of "obrusenieto promote their own ethnic identity. Native clerics distinguished between a positive spiritual"obruscnie"—the love of the universal Orthodox faith and the Russian people who held it—and narrow "obrusenie"—dressing and speaking like Russians. Both Orthodoxy and enlightenment could be disseminated among peoples of different ethnicities through their native languages and also through Russian agency (Russians could use native languages to "enlighten" the "natives"). Concretely this version of "spiritual" Russification meant that non-Russian indigenous peoples could train and choose their own clerics. Orthodoxy was to serve as a powerful unifying cement between Maris, Chuvash, Udmurts, and Kriashens, caught between the Russian people, who did not always live up to their moral standards, and the Muslim Tatars, their former rulers. Paul Werth's article helps to trace the emergence of non-Russian orthodoxies and raises more questions about the incorporation of Or-

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thodoxy into native cosmologies. What aspects of Russian Orthodoxy was retained or rejected? How did Kriashen, Chuvash, Mari, Udmurt, and Russian Orthodoxies differ from one another? What stories did they have of their own conversion? How did sainthood and the worship of icons develop in non-Russian milieu? Did Kriashen, Chuvash, Udmurt, Maris have their own narratives of miraculous icons (Mary, Saint Nicholas) as Russians did? What would they tell us about their understanding of Christianity and their place in it? Agnes Kefeli (Arizona State University, Tempe) See also: 86 (Ploskikh et al.); 400 (Arapov)

3.I.D. The Soviet and Present Periods 193. UYAMA Tomohiko, ed., Empire, Islam, and Politics in Central Eurasia, Sapporo: Slavic Research Centre, Hokkaido University (Slavic Eurasian Studies: 14), 2007, XIX-376 p., IX-[l]-24 ill., index The present collection of articles gathers the contributions to an international symposium held at Hokkaido University (Slavic Research Centre) in 2005. Japanese scholars have been very active in the field of Central Eurasian studies, though most of their monographs are not accessible to Western scholars who lack proficiency in Japanese language. Conference volumes like the one under review therefore provide a most welcome opportunity to get acquainted with their works, interests, and approaches. They also testify to the Japanese scholars' continuous efforts at cooperation with Russian, Central Asian, and Western colleagues in the field. Most convenient is also the fact that all articles of this book are also available online, and for free (http://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/coe21/pubhsh/nol4_ses/contents. html). The historical dimension of the volume reaches back to the late nineteenth century, when a new generation of Turkistani intellectuals engaged in defining the place of Central Asian Muslims in the Russian Empire. KOMATSU Hisao, in his contribution, shows that according to the historians Ta'ib (d. 1905) and Sami (d. 1907) the Russian Empire allowed the observance of Islamic law and practice, and should therefore be regarded as Dar al-Islam. They denounced the leader of the anti-Russian uprising of 1898 in Andijan (in the Fergana valley), Dukchi Ishan, as an ignorant Sufi, and claimed that from an Islamic viewpoint there was no need for a rebellion. Mahmud Behbudi (d. 1919) later developed this idea further into a proposal for a Turkistani shaykh abislam as a safeguard of Turkistani cultural autonomy within the Russian Empire. This study nicely matches Robert D. Crew's recent book, published after the Hokkaido conference (For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia, Cambridge, MA—London, 2006—reviewed in supra 187). The Muslim intellectuals' discourse on school reform in the Volga-Urals region of Russia is discussed by NAGANAWA Norihiro; fencing off the central attempts, by the Ministry of Education, to eliminate Muslim schools, secularised Muslims were at the same time trying to benefit from the opportunities for educational modernisation provided by the regional self-government boards (zemstvos),

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and searching for ways how to include Jadidi Muslim maktabs into the Russian zemstvo school system (especially in Ufa province). Here again, accommodation with the situation under Russian rule and the seizing of opportunities granted by Russia's modernisation, is the pervasive theme. At the same time, Russian Imperial attitudes towards Muslims and the Russian "civilising mission" differed little from Western 'Orientalism'. This becomes patent in Margaret DlKOVlTSKAYA's contribution on the representation of Central Asians by nineteenth century Russian photographers (with 24 coloured plates). In the splendid albums produced by photographer Prokudin-Gorskii in 1905-1915, attributes like "backward", "uneducated" and "superstitious" are assigned to the particular "typified" races of Central Asia. The topic of 'Orientalism' is also underlying UYAMA Tomohiko's contribution on the "particularist" structure of the Russian Empire in Asia: The author provides a detailed analysis of the failed Russian Christianisation policy in Central Asia as well as of the history of imperial military conscription in the region, which led to a major Muslim uprising in 1916. The Muslim intellectuals' search for opportunities within the changing state also continued after 1917, though under very different circumstances. Adeeb KHALID, in his contribution to the volume, depicts how Muslims of the reformist (Jadidi) trend, like Damulla Ikram and Sharif-Jan Makhdum Sadr-i Ziya in what is today Uzbekistan, later became supporters of the Bolsheviks in Central Asia; in the 1920s-30s, however, they were gradually pushed out of public and political life and repressed, to be replaced by Soviet-educated intellectuals who were not tainted by any Islamic credentials. In Kazakhstan, by contrast, the former Alash Orda movement's intellectuals were anti-Bolshevik from the beginning, and Mambet KoiGELDlEV's study shows the determination of the Communist Party in Kazakhstan to subdue and eliminate all "Kazakh nationalists," which was achieved by 1930. In the subsequent years, almost half of the population of the country perished from famines and direct persecution. Two articles deal with the fate of nations that were deported under Stalin. Elza-Bair GuCHlNOVA's contribution is based on memories about the Kalmyks' abhorrent treatment during the deportation and at their new place of dwelling in Siberia, while HANYA Shiro compares the efforts of Crimean Tatars, Meskh Turks, and Soviet Germans at obtaining rehabilitation during the Brezhnev era; Hanya Sh., among other things, describes the regime's policy of using carrots and sticks to undermine the quest of the national groups' activists for rehabilitation and return. A late plan for providing the Germans with an autonomous territory in Kazakhstan failed in 1979, due to resistance among Kazakhs. Ashirbek MUMINOV'S contribution discusses the "underground" system of Islamic education in Uzbekistan during the Soviet period; as his material shows, a clear line between "legal" and "illegal" scholars can hardly be drawn. Many of the "official" Muslim clergy in the two Soviet madrasas of Uzbekistan were students or adherents of "underground" scholars. Strikingly, the Soviets were especially lenient to a certain "fundamentalist" trend among the underground 'ufoma, which the atheist government hoped to use in its struggle against "superstition" and popular Islam—a marriage of convenience between Islamic modernisers and the Soviet empire that invites comparisons with the accommodation trend among late-nineteenth century Turkistani intellectuals studied by Komatsu in this volume. Five Central Eurasian

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more contributions deal with post-Soviet developments that also include the Caucasus. George SANIKIDZE studies the confrontation between "local" (traditionalist, Sufi-oriented) and "imported" (fundamentalist) Islam in the Pankisi Gorge of Georgia, which, for a while, became a retreat for Chechen rebels. Dosym SATPAEV offers an (unfortunately rather sketchy) analysis of the various political and economic factions and "clans" vying for influence on the current president of Kazakhstan, and Alexander MAKAROV describes constitutional debates on presidential power in Armenia after 1991. Sergey GOLUNOV studies the (failing) state policies to suppress drug trafficking from Afghanistan to the West, North, and East across the long Kazakh-Russian border; in particular, he draws our attention to the huge involvement not only of Central Asians but also of the local communities at the border, as well as to the Russian mafias in the booming drug markets in oil-producing Siberia. While these studies are based on particular case studies, the issues they deal with are relevant to other post-Soviet states as well. Finally, OKA Natsuko studies the situation of Uighurs and Uzbeks living in Kazakhstan. As the author shows, the presence of cross-border minorities and "trans-nationalism" has so far not led to conflicts over the precarious Soviet-made republican borders. Rather, it seems that both Uzbeks and Uighurs are aware of the opportunities they enjoy in their host country, and the Uighurs in Kazakhstan, while reinforcing their links to their compatriots in China, are not voicing open demands for a Uighur state. The editor has selected interesting contributions of very good quality, although some of them would have benefited from another proof reading. Altogether, the volume makes a strong argument for regarding post-Soviet Central Eurasia as a coherent entity—a region thoroughly shaped by Islamic, Tsarist, Soviet, and postSoviet experiences. Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam) See also: 409 (Leete)

3.2. The Crimea, the Volga-Ural Region, Siberia 3.2.A. General Works 194. K U L ' N I N E. S., "Demograficheskie i migratsionnye protsessy tiurkov i slavian v Vostochnoi Evrope v XIV-XVII w . [Demographic and Migratory Processes of the Turks and of the Slavs in Eastern Europe (Fourteenth-Seventeenth Centuries)]," Vostok 2005/4:14-24, tab. This ambitious article is a tentative assessment of the demographic evolution of Eastern Europe in the wake of the early-twelfth-century Mongol invasion. Using a large combination of economic data, the author reaches the conclusion that the number of nomads in fourteenth and fifteenth-centuries Eastern Europe was close to four million, plus four other million in the triangle between the Caucasus range, the northern shore of the Black Sea, and Muscovy. According to the author's thesis,

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it is the gradual extension of the nomads' territory to the expanse of forest populations chased out to the north that drove to the fifteenth and sixteenth-centuries eastward expansion of Rus'. The Redaction See also: 438 (Mukhametshin

et al.)

3.2.B. Before the Russian Conquest 195. DODE Z v e z d a n a Vladimirovna, "Simvoly legitimatsii prinadlezhnosti k Imperii v k o s t i u m e kochevnikov Zolotoi Ordy [The Symbols of Belonging t o the E m p i r e in t h e C o s t u m e of the N o m a d s of t h e Golden H o r d e ] , " Vostok 2005/4: 25-35 In this article Professor Dode of Stavropol University continues her sterling exploration of costume as a cultural marker as epitomised by her monograph Srednevekovyi kostium narodov Scvcrnogo Kavkaza (Moscow: Vostochnaia literatura, 2001). Using archaeological and artistic evidence, Dode differentiates between, on the one hand, elements of costume which signified adherence to the Mongol Empire, such as heraldic symbols (the sun, moon, phoenix, and dragon), and, on the other, elements of dress indicative of membership in ethnic groups other than the ruling Mongol stratum, in this case, Turkic. This analysis highlights the social heterogeneity of the JOchid Ulus, and the affinities of its population with both Mongol imperial and indigenous ethnic identities. Five illustrations very helpfully illuminate her descriptions of costume. Dode does not further identify the specific Turkic entities to whom these artefacts belong. It would have been helpful had Dode put her research into a wider perspective by citing Thomas Allsen's Commodity and Exchange in the Mongol Empire: A Cultural History of Islamic Textiles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) or by raising the issue of other Imperial Mongol cultural elements which might have intruded into the Jochid Ulus, such as diet (cf. Paul Buell and Eugene N. Anderson, eds., A Soup for the Khan: Chinese Dietary Medicine in the Mongol Era as Seen by Hu Szu-hui's Yin-Shan Cheng-yao, London: Kegan Paul International, 1998). Charles Halperin (Indiana University, Bloomington) 196. GARAEVA N., "Proniknovenie islama na territoriiu Rossii (vzgliad arabskikh istorikov [The Penetration of Islam on Russia's Territory ( T h e Vision of Arab Historians)]," in R. M. Mukhametshin, et al, eds., Islam i musul'manskaia kul'tura v Srcdnem Povolzh'e: istoriia i sowemennost', Kazan: M a s t e r Lain, 2 0 0 2 : 6 - 2 0 By an excellent connoisseur of the Arabic textual sources for the medieval and early modern history of the Middle Volga region, this paper proposes a short comparative study of narratives by ninth- and tenth-century CE Arabic-language historians (Tabari can hardly be labelled an 'Arab historian') on the struggle between the Umayyad Caliphate and the Khazar Empire for the control of Derbent. In a positivist spirit characteristic of the Soviet school of Oriental studies, the author notably stresses the 'legendary' character of a significant part of the information Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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conveyed, notably by Tabari on the conversion of the Khazars to Islam. Few interest is unfortunately showed in the overall conditions of the writing of the different texts that have been rapidly analysed here. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 197. ISKHAKOV D a m i r , Vvedenic v istoriiu Sibirskogo khanstva

[Introduction to the

History of the Siberian Khanate], Kazan: Institut Istorii im. Mardzhani AN RT, 2006), 196 p., appendix This study is a collection of essays devoted to the ethnic and political history of the Siberian Tatars, primarily in the period before the Russian conquest. Most of the volume consists of reprints of articles and conference papers published between 1999 and 2004 in Kazan and Tiumen, as well as a selection of fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Russian archival documents. The reprinted articles are divided into two main sections. The first section addresses the ethnic and ethno-political history of the Siberian Tatars. In this section (pp. 10-76), we find five essays discussing methodological issues surrounding the establishment of the Siberian Tatar "ethnic commonality (etnicheskaia obshchnost')," of the ethnic commonality of the Volga-Ural and Siberian Tatars during the Bulghar and Golden Horde eras, an introduction to the ethno-political history of the Siberian Tatars, and two essays on the ethnic history of the region, focusing on ethnic connections between Siberian Tatars and related groups on the eastern Ural Mountains. The last essay in this section looks at Turkic-Samoyed connections in the eastern Kama region. The second section (pp. 78-124) contains six essays addressing specific historical issues. These include essays on the process of Islamicisation in Siberia, the ethno-political history of the Siberian Tatars in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the clan affiliation of the Taybughid dynasty, ethnic ties between the Turkic peoples of the Volga-Ural region and Siberia in the fifteenth century, the relationship of the sixteenth-century Taybughid Yurt to Siberian Shibanid rulers, and Turkic sources of Russian-language Siberian chronicles. The last section (pp. 126-174) is an original essay containing Iskhakov's own narrative history of the Siberian khanate. Here he defines the Siberian khanate as an early Tatar ethnic state ruled by Shibanid dynasts, and argues that it possessed the same ethnic and political features as both the Golden Horde and its success states, which he has examined in detail and collectively in numerous other works. Iskhakov's goal in this essay is to establish ethnic and political commonality between the Siberian khanate and the other successor states of the Golden Horde, particularly the Kazan khanate. He does this, despite the fact as he himself acknowledges that historically there were three separate Islamic polities in Siberia from the early fifteenth to the late sixteenth centuries. These included the Shibanid "Tiumen Khanate" founded by Hajji Muhammad Khan in the 1420s, and centred in the town of Chimgi Tura, on the site of modern-day Tiumen; the "Taybughid Yurt," a non-Chingisid state established in the early sixteenth century in the town of Isker or Sibir, south of modem-day Tobolsk, after the overthrow of the Tiumen Shaybanids; and finally the Khanate of Sibir, established by the Shibanid Kuchum Khan in 1563 in Isker/Sibir.

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In this regard the author views political strife between these three polities as dynastic struggles that took place over a relatively stable ethnic and institutional structure that, he argues, were the defining features of the "Tatar" states in western Inner Asia. Iskhakov deserves recognition for his careful analysis of a very broad range of historical sources in this work and others, and for using these sources in very novel and stimulating way. This is particularly true in his interest in Islamic dimensions of the Golden Horde and its successor states. He has focused especially on the role of the sayyids in these states, and their function in each state's constitution. In this work, he examines the role of the sayyids in Siberia. Iskhakov proposed fresh approaches to examining Islamicisation in Siberia, questioning the dubious identifications of socalled "pre-Islamic" traditions among Siberian Tatars, and arguing instead that Siberian Tatars certainly considered themselves part of the Islamic world. However, he sometimes uses the Islamic sources from Siberia rather uncritically, particularly sacred narratives of Islamicisation. It has been common practice to view these sorts of Siberian genealogical charters as narrative sources, and to treat them accordingly. These charters include the various versions of the Shajara risalasi genre that still circulate among sayyid caretakers of shrines in Siberia, or the sacred narrative of the Islamicisation of Siberia by Naqshbandi shaykhs purportedly in 1300 CE, and published by N. Katanov in 1903. Similar sorts of sacred histories, from elsewhere in Inner Asia, have been analysed quite fruitfully. Ashirbek Muminov, Devin DeWeese, and others have examined the sacred characteristics and ramifications of very similar conversion narratives and charters in the Syr-Darya Valley in Kazakhstan. Similar literature, generally termed shrine catalogues, is also well known in the Volga-Ural region, in Eastern Turkistan, and elsewhere in Muslim Inner Asia. Indeed, if Iskhakov examined these sources as sacred narratives they might buttress some of his arguments regarding Islam in the Golden Horde successor states. Nevertheless, Iskhakov's generally well-documented and carefullyargued collection of essays can only be welcomed, and should be considered an important contribution to the study of this enigmatic topic. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 198. ISKHAKOV Damir, IZMAILOV Iskander, Vvedeniev istoriiu Kazanskogo khanstva: ocherki, [Introduction to the History of the Kazan Khanate: Essays], Kazan: Institut Istorii im. Mardzhani AN RT, 2005,116 pp., appendix The historiography of the Kazan khanate is afflicted by an unusually limited body of source material. Russian-language sources addressing Muscovy's political relations with Kazan are relatively abundant, if problematic, containing the bulk of the information about this Golden Horde successor state. Beyond epigraphy, there are only a handful of generally laconic Islamic sources. M. Khudiakov, who published his Ocherki po istorii Kazanskogo khanstva in 1923, had access to the main Russian sources, and in most respects his work remains the fundamental monograph on this topic. Rather than seeking to supplant Khudiakov's monograph, in their volume Iskhakov and Izmailov seek to mainly focus on certain relevant historiographical issues that have emerged since the publication of Khudiakov's work. Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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HISTORY They include seven essays in this slim volume addressing the establishment of an independent Kazan Khanate, the khanate's territory and population, its social structure, the religious and culture in the Kazan Khanate, the khanate's political development, and the Russian conquest of Kazan and its aftermath. For the most part Iskhakov and Izmailov synthesise much of the existing scholarship on the Kazan khanate, and to the degree the sources permit, fill out their essays competently. However, the lack of sources results in extrapolating conclusions from skimpy sources, or even from simply their own (or others') assumptions. A case in point is the issue of j'iyins. These were groups of Tatar villages belonging to a single j'iyin community. They and existed mainly north of the Kama River and on the west bank of the Volga, precisely the central territory occupied by the Kazan khanate. Member-villages of each j'iyin would assemble annually for a festival. J'iyins are doubtlessly ancient social institutions, but were only documented in any detail in the nineteenth century. Izmailov, conceding the absence of evidence for the pre-Russian era, argues that j'iyins are in fact the vestiges of administrative units established during the era of the Kazan khanate. Certainly, given the lack of evidence, such a proposition is impossible to prove or disprove. Nevertheless, as it evolved into the nineteenth century, the j'iyin was above all a religious phenomenon. Similar associations of villages also existed among the Tatars' non-Muslim neighbours, especially the Maris and Chuvash. These non-Muslims' associations of villages gathered for local or larger scale sacrifices and pilgrimage. Indeed, the Orenburg Muslim Spiritual Assembly and local 'ulama saw the activities of these jiy'ins precisely as religious events, and their denunciations of j'iyins as "harmful innovations" are well documented. Thus, it is equally arguable that jiy'ins are vestiges of religious organisations that even pre-date the Kazan Khanate. But such an objection is a minor one, and Iskhakov and Izmailov deserve credit for their willing to go out on a limb and extrapolate from the sources. Such an approach is nothing if not thought-provoking, and particularly needed for such a topic with its limited source base. Allen J . Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 199. ISKHAKOV D. M. & IZMAILOV I. L., "Etnopoliticheskaia istoriia t a t a r v VI -

pervoi chetverti XV veka [An Ethno-Political History of the Tatars from the Sixth to the First Quarter of the Fifteenth Century]," in R. K. Urazmanova & S. V. Cheshko, eds., Tatary [The Tatars], Moscow: Nauka (Rossiiskaia Akademiia nauk, Institut etnologii i antropologii im. N. N. Miklukho-Maklaia - Akademiia nauk Tatarstana, Institut istorii), 2001: 41-100 In this collective volume dedicated to Tatar ethnography and ethnic history the Kazan historians Damir Iskhakov and Iskander Izmailov trace the ethnic and political history of the Tatars beginning with the formation of the Turk Kaghanate in Mongolia in 552 down to the establishment of the Mongol W o r l d Empire and the Ulus of Jochi in the first half of the thirteenth century. They also document the "establishment" of the "Tatar ethnos during the era of the Golden Horde until its disintegration at the beginning of the fifteenth century. The authors consider that the "Tatar ethnos" came into being as a result of ethnic and political consolidation of

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various communities within the Golden Horde, which they considered to be above all dominated by Turkic Muslim nomads referred to in Islamic sources of the period as "Tatars." They also argue that the Golden Horde could be considered in political terms a "Tatar state" because these "Tatars" dominated the military and feudal elite of the state. The authors also examine the cultural influence of indigenous sedentary Muslim and Turkic communities, centred in the Volga-Ural region, specifically the Volga Bulgharians who found themselves integrated into the Golden Horde. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 2 0 0 . PEACOCK A. C. S., "The Saljuq Campaign against the Crimea and the Ex-

pansionist Policy of the Reign of 'Ala' al-Din Kayqubad," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 16/2 (2006): 133-49 This article aims at reassessing the beginning of the reign of 'Ala' al-Din KayQubad, by far the most famous ruler of the Saljuq Sultanate of Rum (c. 1081-1308), by analysing the ins and outs of the naval expedition that he launched against the Crimean port of Sudak (Arabic: Sughdaq ¿ I J C . / Sudaq J l - ^ ) . After noting that this event, though often referred to in sources, has not been investigated so far (except by Iakubovskii in 1927), the author sums up Ibn Bibi's account and makes an inventory of all the other available sources. The campaign is dated ca. 1220-2, before the Mongols took control of the port (Iakubovskii had proposed a similar date, without explanation). At the same time, the article's main objective is to resituate this specific event in a global perspective: an expansionist policy that was pursuing economic motives in the first place (the control of commercial roads; the supply of slaves). The author shows that simultaneously with the campaigns launched in the south against Armenian Cilicia for the control of the latter's trade, 'Ala' al-Din Kay-Qubad tried to compete in the north with the powerful kingdom of Trebizond on the latter's own ground. From this viewpoint, the short-lived occupation of Sudak is an important step for the understanding of the failed assault against Trebizond in 1223 (an event analysed here in full details). "The Saljuq expedition against Trebizond in 1223 may be seen as an extension of their Crimean policy: Having failed to defeat their rival in the Black Sea, they now took the war directly to the Empire of the Grand Comneni itself (p. 148)." At another level, the setbacks at Sudak and Trebizond dim the image of a victorious sultan given by the sources as well as by modern historiography. This article, written in a limpid style, is a model of historical analysis, for the vast scope of the sources (Greek, Arabic, Persian) taken into account, for the thoroughness of their interpretation (the author criticises some of Iakubovskii's analyses on Sudak and, more recently, by Sukhurov on Trebizond), and also for its effort at contextualising an event so far considered isolated, but giving interesting keys to a better understanding of its historical framework. David Durand-Guédy (French Institute of Research in Iran, Tehran) 201. ZAITSEV I. V., Astrakhanskoe

khanstvo [The Khanate of Astrakhan], Moscow:

Izdatel'skaia firma 'Vostochnaia Literatura' RAN, 2004,303 p., indices

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In this pioneering and well-researched monograph the Moscow-based historian Ilya Zaitsev examines what is certainly the most poorly-documented and enigmatic of the Golden Horde successor states. Before Zaitsev's work, there was no monographic treatment of the Astrakhan Khanate for a number of reasons. Besides the well known Soviet policy of 1944 denouncing the Golden Horde and by extension, its study, there was no clear scholarly consensus on certain critical aspects of the khanate, such as its borders, its rulers, and the dates of its existence. Indeed, some scholars early in the twentieth century suggested the Astrakhan Khanate was a historical myth. The elusiveness of the Astrakhan Khanate was compounded by problems of sources common to the other Golden Horde successor states, such as the khanates of Kazan and Sibir, but in this case even more severe. Not only were there no native narrative sources, but even typically problematic Russian sources were in short supply. Furthermore, unlike for Kazan and Siberia, where oral tradition about these khanates, and even the vestige of a Chingisid court historiography, survived, the memory of the Astrakhan Khanate is barely reflected in the traditions of the Astrakhan Noghais. The author divides the book into nine chapters, with three appendices. The first two chapters examine Astrakhan, or Hajji-Tarkhan, in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the emergence of the Astrakhan Khanate. The third through the fifth chapters each examine three of its most prominent rulers, 'Abd al-Karim, Janibek b. Mahmud, and Husayn b. Janibek. The sixth and the seventh chapters respectively examine the khanate's internal political disintegration in the 1530s and 1540s and the Russian conquest and annexation of the khanate in the 1550s. The last two chapters examine the khanate's culture, economy and social structure. In fact, one of the monograph's strong points is that it comprises both a political history of the Astrakhan Khanate and a history of the city of Astrakhan. Zaitsev argues convincingly that we should look at the Astrakhan Khanate not so much as a direct successor state of the Golden Horde, but rather as a successor state of the Great Horde. The Great Horde was established by Mahmud b. KichiMuhammad b. Timur, in the lower Volga region in the 1460s, and politically functioned as a rump Golden Horde. It was later ruled by Kichi-Muhammad's son Ahmad Khan, and by Sayyid-Ahmad b. Ahmad. Whereas previous historians, such as Maijani and Safargaliev have argued that the Astrakhan Khanate emerged in the 1460s, Zaitsev counters that until the collapse of the Great Horde in 1502 Astrakhan in fact served as its capital. He proposes that the first ruler of an "independent" Astrakhan Khanate, 'Abd al-Karim Khan b. Mahmud Khan (r. 1502-1514), was in fact a puppet ruler of the Noghai ruler Yamghurchi Biy. Throughout its fifty-odd years of political existence the Astrakhan Khanate was dependent on diminishing Noghai support, first in the face of Crimean pressure, and later against Muscovy. The two chapters on the cultural, social, and economic history of Astrakhan are a particularly welcome contribution to our broader understanding of Muslim society in the lower Volga region. The author examines the few surviving manuscripts linked to the Astrakhan Khanate. These include a copy of a chapter from Rashid aDin's Jami' al-Tawarikh, from the library of Qasim Khan d. Sayyid-Ahmad b. Ahmad, as well as a poem by Sharif Hajji-Tarkhani, the Zafar-nama-yi wilayat-i Qazan, written in 1550. However of particular interest is the author's discussion of shrines and 174

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pilgrimage in Astrakhan. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, traditions of Muslim hagiolatry were particularly strong in the Astrakhan region. They remained so during the Soviet era and down to the present day. There is little documentary evidence for pilgrimage before the Russian conquest, but Zaitsev in particular makes use of the travel accounts of the Ottoman traveller Evliya Celebi, who visited Astrakhan, to show that in the seventeenth century a strong tradition of hagiolatry already existed in Astrakhan. Indeed, among the saints buried in an around Astrakhan we find Baba Tiikles, a saint credited with converting Ozbek Khan to Islam in the first half of the fourteenth century. Zaitsev also cites a recent work derived from Jahan Shah b. 'Abd al-Jabbar al-Nizhgharuti's Ta'rikh-i Astrakhan that contains a list of saints buried in Astrakhan province. However, this is a twentieth-century source that in fact sheds Little light on the Astrakhan Khanate, although it is useful for establishing continuity in shrine veneration in the region. The three appendices contain separate essays on the names of Astrakhan as they appear in medieval sources, the borders of the khanate, and finally a dynastic table on the rulers of the khanate. The author has brought to bear a wide range of sources. These include not only the relevant secondary works, and the Russian documentary and narrative source, but also important Ottoman and Crimean Islamic sources. He also makes use of European documentary sources and maps. It bears note that in his introduction Zaitsev acknowledges the important contribution of his colleague V. Trepavlov, who himself has produced a pioneering monograph on the history of the Noghai Horde. The two works complement one another well, and will certainly serve as solid platforms for the further evaluation of the Golden Horde successor states in western Inner Asia. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 2 0 2 . ZELENEEV IU. A . , " M o r d v a v s o s t a v e U l u s a D z h u c h i [ T h e M o r d v i n s i n t h e Ulus o f J O c h i ] , " Vostok

2000/6:19-25

Professor Zeleneev of Mari State University traces the impact of the Mongol conquest on the Mordvins from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries. Initially the Mongol incursion had disastrous economic consequences, evidenced archeologically by the depopulation of Mordvins territories and the dispersion of their inhabitants. Later the Mordvins participated in Mongol campaigns. By the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries the Mordvins had recovered and even expanded their zone of occupation. In particular, the new multi-ethnic city of Mokhshi, comprised of Mordvins and Tatar, "pagan" and Muslim elements, even hosted a jOchid Ulus mint. Zeleneev led archaeological expeditions in Mokshi in the 1980s and 1990s. In the fifteenth century the Mordvins were divided, some coming under Muscovite rule, others falling within the purview of the new Kazan Khanate, and as a result fought on behalf of both polities. Zeleneev doubts that the Mordvins ever constituted a separate ulus. Zeleneev is very strong on delineating the geographic zone occupied by the Mordvins, but his greatest forte is, of course, his summary of the excavations of Mokshi. He makes very interesting comments on the absence of town-planning, and examines the cemetery. More space might

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HISTORY profitably have been devoted to presenting the results of this archaeological re' search instead of observations on the "feudalisation" of the Jöchid tilus. This article would have much benefited from a map and archaeological illustrations. Charles Halperin (Indiana University, Bloomington) See also: 438 (Mukhametshin et al.)

3.2.C. The Tsarist Period

(1552-1917)

203. ADAM Volker, Rußlandmuslime in Istanbul am Vorabend des Ersten Weltkrieges: die Berichterstattung osmanischer Periodika über Rußland und Zentralasien,

Frankfurt am

Main: Peter Lang (Heidelberger Studien zur Geschichte und Kultur des modernen Vorderen Orients), 2002, XII-512 p., bibliography, indexes

This monumental work surveys the periodicals published by Muslim émigrés from the Russian empire in Istanbul in the years preceding the First World War. The Russian Muslim émigré press was short-lived—it emerged only after the Constitutional Revolution of 1908 in the Ottoman Empire, and ended rather abruptly with the outbreak of war in 1914—but it lay at the crossroads of a number of crucial intellectual currents in a period of considerable turmoil. The imperial order was at its height and the notion that both the Russian and the Ottoman Empires would soon cease to exist inconceivable. Muslim émigrés from the Russian empire wrote with the assumptions of a world that was about to pass away. These assumptions tell us a lot about that world and about what changed with its passing. While scholars have often referred to these periodicals in a number of contexts, V. Adam provides the first detailed study of them. The book is based on a close reading of the periodicals themselves, and the text develops through detailed analysis of selected articles and themes that appear on their pages. In chapter 3, V. Adam provides the basic bibliographical information on the newspapers and magazines involved and their editors and contributors, both Russian and Ottoman. The majority of the authors were from the Volga basin, and it is the concerns of the older, European Muslim populations of the Russian Empire that predominated. The one exception was Bukhara, which featured to a considerable extent in the years 1909-1911, when debates over the fate of new-method schools, bloody sectarian riots between Sunnis and Shiites, and talk in Russia of annexation provided material for extensive commentary. The core of the book, however, is the 170-page long chapter 5, in which V. Adam describes the main themes and topoi that concerned these periodicals and their editors. The tone of these magazines was, of course, anti-Russian, and warnings of the "Russian threat" fill their pages. Authors warned of the missionaries, but were also wary of the "new missionaries" of liberal or leftist parties, whom they saw as materialists (dehrî) and hence as even more dangerous. Contributors discussed the "creeping Russification" of Muslim populations (especially through schools), called attention to various coercive measures of the Russian authorities, including censorship, and responded to what they saw as the Islamophobia of the Russianlanguage press. But they also criticised the state of affairs in Muslim societies

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THE CRIMEA, THE VOGA-URAL REGION, SIBERIA themselves. The authors involved were reformist and modernist, and the usual themes of Jadid reform show up here too: the inadequacy of traditional schools, criticisms of the uneducated mullah and the false "saints", and the credulous victims of both. The émigré press was, however, equally critical of reformers it deemed too radical, those whose modernism carried them too far and brought them too close to becoming dehri themselves. Its positioning vis-à-vis Ottoman society was also multifaceted: Writers envied the fact that the Ottomans had sovereignty, but also scolded them for not being more interested in (and solicitous of) other Turkic populations of the world. This important insight provides a useful corrective to the still widely accepted notion of pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism being the result of Ottoman machinations. Indeed, V. Adam points out that pan-Islamism and panTurkism were not considered to be mutually exclusive, and the lines between the two ideas cross and interweave constantly in this period. Adam also pays attention to the echo the émigré had in the Muslim press of the Russian Empire, which had come into its own after the revolution of 1905. The near monopoly enjoyed by Tercûman was a thing of the past, as a number of newspapers emerged and created a single public space "from St. Petersburg to Baku and from Bahçesaray to Tomsk." There was a lot of overlap between the émigré press and the press back in Russia, as articles were often reprinted or commented upon by newspapers in Russia, although these latter were, needless to say, not inimical to the Russian state. V. Adam has done a great deal of research with Russian Turkic newspapers as well, and is able to draw out patterns of borrowing and influence between Ottoman and Russian periodicals. W o r k in Russia's Historical State Archives (RIGA) in St. Petersburg, allows a wonderful account of the Russian reactions to this émigré press. Chapter 7 contains an outline of the workings of Russian censorship of the Ottoman press, and of Russian countermeasures, such as an attempt to influence the press in Istanbul and Cairo. The book concludes with 8 appendices containing documents from RIGA, including a list of all Ottoman publications proscribed in the Russian empire. This book is a major contribution to our understanding of the intellectual history of the Turkic and Muslim world at a very crucial period in its history. No discussion of pan-Islamism or pan-Turkism in the future will be complete without reference to it. Adeeb Khalid (Carkton College, Northfield, MN)

204. ADAM Volker, "Ottoman Perception of Muslim Life in Russia and Central Asia," in Beate E s c h m e n t & H a n s Harder, eds., Looking at the Coloniser: CrossCultural Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas, W u r z -

burg: Ergon (Mitteilungen zur Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der islamischen Welt, 14), 2004: 299-310 Through the writings of Muslim émigrés from Russia, the author casts light on the influence of Jadid ideas in the Ottoman Empire, and on local perception of Russia's policy towards Muslim minorities in the decade after the revolution of 1905. Drawing a particularly dark picture of the situation (through the evocation of Orthodox missionary activities), and stressing Russia's expansionist wills, Jadid writers con-

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tributed to the elaboration of stereotypes on Muslim resistance against the Tsarist regime that were used during WWI by the Ottomans and their German allies. In parallel their propaganda undermined the idea of a common Ottoman nation and "strengthened a newly-awoken Turkish-Muslim nationalism in the era of the Young Turks (309)." The Redaction 2 0 5 . BALIUK N . A., "Etnos i kul'tura (Stanovlenie russkogo zemledeliia v Zaural'e v kontse XVI-XVIII v.: krest'ianstvo i vlast') [Ethnicity and Culture (The Formation of the Russian Agriculture in the Trans-Urals from the Late Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century: Peasants and Power)]," Etnograficheskoe obozrcnic 2003/3: 35-49

Based on archival material from Russia's State Archives of Ancient Acts (Siberian Prikaz), the present article analyses w i t h full details the agricultural aspect of Russian colonisation in western Siberia during the seventeenth century. Considering the peculiar nature of this settlement process in a region characterised by a low density of population, it focuses on the way the Slav settlers organised their economic activities in relation w i t h local authorities. Linked w i t h defence requirements, the need for Muscovite administration to control peasant colonisation ran into land use regulations. After the transfer of the Siberian affairs to the Kazan Prikaz in 1599, Boris Godunov established the podmog system w h i c h obliged the voevods to provide n e w settlers w i t h all the tools they could need (from spades to telegas w i t h horses). Until the end of the seventeenth century there were several advantages for the arriving peasants to develop the state-required production. W i t h the increase of internal migrations and the coming u p of land rivalries, the local administration tried to tighten u p its control. For instance, just after their arrival in the appointed places, peasant families were required to build permanent houses and not to move away. One of the most important achievements of the present article is to s h o w w i t h concrete examples the paradoxical effects of this settlement policy. More than individual land exploitation, a collective way of life w a s privileged by new settlers whose everyday practices were dominated by customary law. The state regulatory attempts were assessed, modified and applied w i t h respect to the local situation and to the peasants' interests. In such context, it w a s difficult for local authorities to secure the non-Russian populations' rights. Unfortunately, the central question of the relations w i t h autochthonous peoples is almost missing in this fascinating view on the chaotic colonisation of the TransUrals. Xavier Le Torrivellec (National Institute for Oriental Languages and Civilisations, Paris)

Ghalimjan, Qiziliar sclfdre [Journey to Petropavlovsk], ed. Masghud GHAINETDIN, Kazan: Iman Nashriiat'i, 2004/1425,168 p. 2 0 6 . BARUDI

M. Ghaynetdin, a Kazan literary historian and critic, has edited and transcribed into Cyrillic-script Tatar a previously little-known manuscript by the well-known reformist theologian and mufti Alimjan Barudi (1857-1921), describing Barudi's travels as mufti in the White-controlled Kazakh steppe in 1919 during the Russian 178

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civil war. Ghaynetdin does not offer specifics, but his edition is evidently based on one of Barudi's works that has come down to us as a unique 70 folio manuscript housed at Kazan University Library. This manuscript is catalogued under the title Yulyazmalari [Travel Writings] (inventory number 1682T) in Al'bert Fatkhi's catalogue of manuscripts at Kazan University, published in 1962. The first 42 pages consist of Ghaynetdin's introduction and are divided into two sections. The first contains extensive biographical information on Barudi and on the Jadid current in which he was so prominent (pp. 3-24). The second section (pp. 24-42) addresses the work's political and religious background. Barudi's treatise is an important historical document for a number of reasons. First, as a political document it provides a first-hand account of the political predicament of the Orenburg Muftiate as the city of Ufa repeatedly changed hands between the Bolsheviks and their opponents in 1918 and 1919. Barudi undertook his journey to the Kazakh steppe in August 1919, leaving part of the staff in Ufa, under the Qazi Riza al-Din Fakhr al-Din, and taking part of the staff with him to the Kazakh steppe, ostensibly to study to condition of Islam among the Kazakhs, but also to enable the Muftiate's to keep its options open with whatever faction might prevail in the civil war. Another motivation was to assure the Muftiate's bureaucratic control over the Kazakh! steppe, a goal that it in fact achieved under Soviet rule until the Muftiate's closure in 1936. Secondly, as a religious document, or rather as a source for the Islamic history of the Kazakh steppe, Barudi's memoirs offer a last glimpse at the high-water mark of Islamic institutions among the Kazakhs during the Tsarist era. In part Barudi's memoirs follow the lines that defined local Islamic historiography in imperial Russia, tracing the institutional history of the mosques, madrasas, imams, and mudarrises of the major cities he visited. These include Cheliabinsk, Troitsk, Kustanai, Mavliutovo, and Petropavlovsk (or Qiizilyar in Turkic sources). He devotes particular attention to the history of each of Petropavlovsk's nine mosques and mahallas, revealing a city that in its institutional structures appeared to duplicate those of Semipalatinsk, with its separate 'Tatar' (Nughay) and 'Sart' mosques and its Kazakh mahallas. He also devotes considerable attention to the state of Islamic education and knowledge among the Kazakhs. In this regard, the fact that Barudi reveals himself to be generally impressed by the Kazakhs' religious zeal and commitment corresponds to the conclusions of other first-hand observations of Kazakhs by Tatar scholars before 1917. At the same time, Barudi reveals the widespread presence of hostility to Jadidism not so much among the Kazakhs, but among the Tatar scholars in the major commercial centres such as Cheliabinsk, Troitsk and Petropavlosk. Regrettably, Ghaynetdin provides very little textological information on the manuscript, and his edition does not meet the standards of a scholarly text edition. At the same time the edition is intended for a broad, non-scholarly audience. So while some aspects of Ghaynetdin's editing work are less than might be desired, he nevertheless has performed a great service by making this important work available to a larger audience. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD)

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207. BESSMERTNAIA Olga, "Le 'panislamisme' existait-il? La controverse entre l'Etat et les réformistes musulmans de Russie (autour de la 'Commission specials de 1910) [Did Pan-Islamism Exist? The Controversy between the State and Russia's Muslim Reformists (around the 1910 'Special Commission')]," in Pierre-Jean Luizard, ed., Le choc colonial et l'islam: les politiques religieuses des puissances coloniales en terre d'islam, Paris: La Découverte (Textes á l'appui, Série: Histoire contemporaine), 2006: 485-516, bibliography This substantial paper addresses the treatment of 'pan-Islamism' by Tsarist civil officials during the seven years between 'Stolypin's reaction' in 1907 and the beginning of wwi. The study focuses on the texts produced on the eve and by the 'Special Commission' gathered by Stolypin in January 1910 "for the elaboration of measures aiming at thwarting the Tatar-Muslims' influence in the Volga region," and on echoes to this work among Russia's Muslim opinion leaders. Reconstructing the vision of ordinary officials of the Tsar's Home Office, O.B. shows that this administration's conception of pan-Islamism was based on an association between outer and inner threats, built up on a fusion of religious and ethnic/national notions—Islam being perceived in this framework, at the same time, as a culture, a confession, and a national group (a national group potentially identified with the whole community of the faithful, and as such irrefragably opposed to the Christian world). The reaction of Muslim orators is traced first through one discourse pronounced in March 1912, in the Third State Duma of Russia, by the Kazan Tatar reform-minded jurist and politician Sadri Maqsudi (1879/80-1957). The author shows how his speech was centred on a notion very close to the Russian secularist vision of Islam—that of a necessary 'communion (priobshcheniey of the Empire's 'backward' Muslim populations with Russian 'culture' and 'progress'. However "sincere" in may have been, as the author of the present paper questions, Maqsudi's statements are confirmed by another, contemporary source: unpublished annotations added to the report of the 1910 Special Commission by the prominent Kazan Tatar reformist scholar, traveller and polygraph Muhammad Fatih Karimi (18701937). Like Maqsudi's speech, these notes are centred on the idea of a contribution of Islamic reform to the mutual "fusion (sliianie"—a term that would be very much in use in the early Soviet period—) of Muslim and Russian cultures inside the Russian Empire. As the author soundly argues, key features of these discourses developed by leading Tatar reformist authors, officially or not—Karimi's notes in Russian were clearly written in preparation of public polemics—, are made by their command of Russian language and public norms, and their research of an absolute conformity of the notions they were promoting with those advocated by a majority of Russian officials—beginning with the Aufklürung-based, evolutionist notions of 'culture' and 'civilisation.' (From this viewpoint, the 'Jadid' discourse unquestionably marks a deep turn from reformist discourses developed by scholars of Islam in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.) At the same time, the author opposes the contradictions between the 'bipolar' vision of Russian officials and the 'progressive' stance of Muslim reformists. So doing, O.B. illustrates the co-existence within these Muslim manners of world structuring of two mutually non-symme-

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trical and non-translatable "discursive spaces:" an 'Islamic' and a 'Russian' one— the first being implicitly present even in apparently the most 'secularist' Muslim pronouncements produced in the latter space. Paradoxically enough, this Muslim "cultural bilingualism," bringing about varied forms of intellectual duplicity, did not always facilitate discussions between Muslim orators and Russian officials. This contribution by an excellent connoisseur of archive resources in and outside of Russia brings a very useful contribution to the questioning of the lasting perceptions forged in the Cold War period about the relations between the Tsarist administration and varied Islamic-background populations of the Russian Empire. O.B. astutely takes into account unspoken resentments on both sides of the quibbles, and rightly stresses the mutual misunderstandings created by the utilisation of a common vocabulary. Though, it remains to be asked whether the very limited access that the author enjoys to the literature of the time, given her weak interest in vernacular languages, does not confine her to a narrow range of texts intended for the official sphere, in which 'sincerity' (the absence of which O.B. very much deplores) does not appear a key feature. This very specific, if not specious kind of 'Islamic discourse' can be indeed characterised only by the wiliness and endless apparent palinodes of its authors. It is also to be demanded whether the focusing of the spotlights upon a limited amount of work intended for an official audience, by essentially bilingual authors does not deprive us of essential aspects of their discourse—to say nothing of the extremely varied typology of Islamic discourses deployed throughout the Russian Empire during the last decade of the Tsarist period. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 208. DUDOIGNON Stephane A., "Echoes to al-Manar among the Muslims of the Russian Empire: Riza al-Din b. Fakhr al-Din and the Shura (1908-1918)," in S. A. Dudoignon, H. Komatsu, H. Kosugi, eds., Intellectuals in the World of Islam through the Twentieth Century: Transmission, Transformation, Communication, London - New York: Routledge (New Horizons in Islamic Studies: 4), 2006: 86-116 In this concise and important article the author documents the influence of Egyptian Islamic modernist and reformist thought, specifically as expressed in the Cairean journal al-Manar on like-minded Muslim intellectuals in Russia. While the influence of Egyptian modernist figures on Jadidism is generally well established, the author focuses on one specific and influential Tatar publication, Shura, and its chief editor, Riza ad-Din b. Fakhr ad-Din (d. 1936), emphasising specifically how al-Manar's editorial content was relevant to Russian Muslims, and how in popularising and disseminating its ideas, they energised Muslim political and social debates between 1905 and 1917, at which time the Muslim community became particularly receptive to al-Manar's reformist and modernist arguments. Before focusing his article on Riza ad-Din, the author provides a useful synopsis of the development of Jadidism, including a discussion of the lesser-known, but still influential, figures such as the St. Petersburg theologian and journalist 'Ata'-Allah Bayazitov, and the Kazani theologian 'Alimjan Barudi. He also provides insights into Cairo's broader influence on Muslim religious thought in Russia by drawing atten-

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tion to the role of Tatar graduates of the city's al-Azhar University in stimulating Islamic reformism. Indeed, al-Azhar's influence on Islamic reformism in Russia continued into the late Soviet period, as the mufti Talgat Tajetdin having studied there in the 1970s. The article's main focus is the discussion of Riza ad-Din's activity as chief editor of the bi-weekly journal Shura that appeared in Orenburg from 1908 until 1918 as a supplement to the newspaper Waqit. The author demonstrates that Shura served as a platform for popularising the Wahhabi- and Salafi-oriented positions of al-Manar, but at the same time it advocated political accommodation with the Russian authorities. In so doing, the author makes the important argument that among these intellectuals modernisation did not necessarily equate to secularisation, but did comprise Islamic reformism. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 209. ILISHEV Ildus G., e d , Salavat Iulacv: Entsiklopediia [Salavat Yulaev: An Encyclopaedia], Ufa: Nauchnoe izdatel'stvo "Bashkirskaia entsiklopediia", 2004, 480 p., ill., appendix The Bashkir national hero Salavat Yulaev (1754-1800) was a companion of Emilian Pugachev, one of the main leaders of the popular uprising of 1773-75. A group of Bashkir historians and specialists in literature, folklore, music and art studies have worked during several years on this biographical encyclopaedia. The articles of this massive volume describe with a multitude of details different episodes of Salavat's life and draw several portraits of his followers and famous contemporaries. Apart from these innovative studies, an important methodological point is the wish manifested by the authors to be included in a long tradition of biographers of Salavat's. Some other articles describe the sequence of events by which the 1773-75 uprising can be characterised on the territory of Bashkiria and in the UraL The book comprises useful appendixes composed of different documents, from a list of the Bashkir clans elders engaged in Pugachev's uprising to an enumeration of all winners of the 'Salavat Yulaev Prize' during the Soviet and current periods. The great value of the book comes from its introduction and summarisation of all new literature on the main Bashkir hero. This does unfortunately not concern the works published outside Russia, which remain mosdy ignored in Ufa. Nevertheless, this book assesses a two-century long historiography, tries to resolve some old controversies and suggests directions for further research on Salavat. Considerations on this warrior being also a poet, though, remains poorly argued One of the main weaknesses of this encyclopaedia is the absence among the authors of recognised specialists of Salavat, several of whom live in Ufa. As a result, several articles are conspicuous by their lacunae, or provide factual mistakes. Nevertheless, this encyclopaedia may be very useful as a data base for historians working on the southern Ural at the end of the eighteenth century, especially during the uprising of 1773-75. Igor Kuchumov (Centre of Ethnological Studies, Ufa) 210. ISKHAKOV D., "Perekhod t a t a r ot etnokonfessional'noi k e t n i c h e s k o i identichnosti [The Tatars' Transition f r o m Ethno-Confessional t o E t h n i c Identity]," in R. M. M u k h a m e t s h i n , ct al, eds., Islam i musul'manskaia kul'tura v Sredncm Povolzh'e: istoriia i sovrcmcnnost' (Ocherki), Kazan: M a s t e r Lain, 2002:196-202

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On the basis of Russian official texts of the 1900s-1910s, and contemporary essays by Turkic-writing intellectuals of the Volga-Ural region, the author of this short synthetic study tries to situate in the decade prior to the revolutions of 1917 date the adoption of the "Tatar" ethnic denomination in place of the older "Bulghar" and "Muslim" ones—stressing the role played in this process by a nascent secularised intelligentsia. Answering to the thesis advanced by the Turkish historian Ahmet Kanhdere (Reform within Islam: The Tajdid and Jadid Movement among the Kazan Tatars, 1809-1917, Istanbul, 1997), on the diffusion of the "Tatar" denomination only after 1917, D. Iskhakov retraces the debates on the adoption of a single denomination among nineteenth-century Kazan historians, notably through Marjani's Mustafadh al-akhbar fi ahwal Qazan wa Bulghar, and in the early-twentieth-century press of the Volga-Ural region, for assessing the pioneering position of intellectuals in the vernacular society. Unfortunately, as it is often the case in studies of the national issue through primary texts in vernacular languages, the categories used by Maijani and his epigones are not interpreted according to the legal framework of their time, which drives the author to deliver strongly teleological interpretations. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 211. IVANOV A. A., "Slozhnye zemel'nye obshchiny v natsional'noi derevne Po-

volzh'ia i Priural'ia (konets XIX - pervaia tret' XX veka) [Complex Land Communities in the National Villages of the Volga-Urals Region (Late Nineteenth First T h i r d of the T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y ) ] , " Voprosy istorii 2 0 0 4 / 1 : 1 4 9 - 5 4 This article attempts to look at land reform and the fate of complex communes— i.e., communes consisting of several villages—over the tongue durée and in the context of non-Russian villages in the Volga-Ural region. Until now scholars have considered complex communes in Russian-dominated areas but not in multiethnic regions. At the beginning of the twentieth century such communes were frequent among Maris, Chuvash, and Udmurts, but absent among Russians, Tatars, and Mordvins. The reason for this is not explained. Interestingly, complex communes could include populations of different ethnic backgrounds, but the author is not interested in providing any information about the manner in which these different ethnic groups related to each other in their management of communal resources. The Minister of the Interior Petr Stolypin sought to liquidate these communes as being productively inefficient but failed to break them up in the Middle Volga region. Maris, Chuvash, and Udmurts resisted change. Their voices, unfortunately, are not heard in this article, which can still be of value for scholars interested in the general history of land tenure before the revolution up to the 1930s. Complex land communes in the Volga region did not disappear even during the revolutionary period but were dismantled only during the collectivisation campaign of the 1930s. Agnes Kefeli (Arizona State University, Tempe) 212. KHABUTDINOV A., "Islamskii faktor v t a t a r s k o m o b s h c h e s t v e n n o m dviz-

henii nachala XX veka [The Islamic Factor in the Early Twentieth-Century T a t a r Public M o v e m e n t ] , " in R. M. Mukhametshin, et al, eds., Islam i musul'man-

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skaia kul'tura v Sredncm Povolzh'e: istoriia i sovremennost' (Ocherki), Kazan: Master

Lain, 2002: 203-10

Through the Volga-Tatar reformist and modernist publicist literature of the decade between 1905 and 1917 the author evokes the weight of the reference to Islam in the public debates of those decisive years. This essay, centred on the figureheads of the radical trends, from 'Abd al-Rashid Qazi Ibrahimoff to Mulla Nur Wahidoff, sheds light on the common Salafi components of their rhetoric (notably the calls for a return to a purified religion [safdinj). From such a particular viewpoint, the protagonists of the debates of that period of time appear as possible great ancestors to present-day supporters of Islamism in the Volga region of Russia. Resituating the terms of these debates in their context, notably in connection with other trends within the Muslim communities of European Russia, would have permitted the author to qualify an excessively univocal presentation of the weight of such ideas in the society of the time. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

213. KHAIRUTDINOV R., USMANOVA D., "Gosudarstvenno-islamskie otnosheniia v Rossii (konets XIX - nachalo XX v.) [The Relations between the State and Islam in Russia (Late Nineteenth - Early Twentieth Century)]," in R. M. Mukhametshin, et al., eds., Islam i musul'manskaia kul'tura v Sredncm Povolzh'e: istoriia i sovremennost' (Ocherki), Kazan: Master Lain, 2002: 211-32 Under a general title, this very well-informed essay in fact summarises the material of previous studies by the same authors on the history of the Muslim Fraction at the State Duma of Russia, between its initial organisation under the impetus of a deputy from the Southern Caucasus, 'Ali-Mardan Topchibashi, and the drastic reduction of its representation within the Fourth Duma elected in 1912. The authors notably underline: the political weakness of the Muslim Fraction after the participants in the Vyborg Appeal were declared ineligible; the difficulties it faced for finding alliances—especially with the Polish Kolo, mainly preoccupied with its own autonomy inside the empire, and for this reason loyal to the Tsarist power—; its heterogeneous ethnic and social composition (to be put in perspective with the absolute dominance of Tatar and Azerbaijani deputies, and of members of three estates: the nobility, peasantry, and religious personnel); the Muslim deputies' low education level in the two first Dumas (compensated in part only by Topchibashi's super activity in the margins of the parliament); their low level of direct or indirect participation in the elaboration of laws, or their complete lack of influence on the debates (e.g., on the choice of the day off for employees of commercial enterprises, or on the government's migration policy). The article's last paragraphs are devoted to the participation of the deputies of the Muslim Fraction in the discussions on the undone reform of the central religious institutions of the Muslims of the Russian Empire (the Muftiate and the Spiritual Assembly), and to the role played by the journal Mirlslama ["The World of Islam"], created in 1912 on an initiative taken two years earlier by the Stolypin government, for the diffusion of information on the current state of affairs among the Muslims of Russia and abroad (the authors shed light on the tensions between the redaction composed of specialists of Orien184

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tal studies under the leadership of V. V. Bartol'd, and the officials of the Ministry of the Interior). If one can deplore that, on such an important issue like the relations between the state and Islam in the eventful last decades of the Tsarist period, the authors have chosen to focus on such a limited amount of aspects, the reader can only be pleased by the detailed and precise data provided on the basis of a wide range of primary sources, both narrative and documentary. S t e p h a n e A. D u d o i g n o n (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

214. KLRIMLI Hakan, "Crimean Tatars, Nogays, and Scottish Missionaries: The Story of Katti Geray and Other Baptised Descendants of the Crimean Khans," Cahiers du monde russe 45/1-2 (2004): 61-108, ill. Based on a wide range of primary sources (notably correspondences addressed to The Religious Monitor of Edinburgh), this substantial paper describes the endeavours of early nineteenth-century Scottish missionaries in Russian-controlled parts of the Northern Caucasus. The Russian government which had wiped them from their native Crimea was wiling to coopt the once-glorious Girays who had taken refuge among the Noghai tribes. Tsar Alexander I considered positively an appeal of the Edinburgh Missionary Society and the Scottish missionaries established themselves in the village of Karas within the Noghai lands. A novel method brought up by the missionaries to introduce Christianity to the local Muslims was to ransom slave youths from the mountaineers and to educate them in the colony as Christians. Local Muslims deeply resented the Tsar's grant of land, which they considered theirs, to the Scottish mission. The missionaries were frequently under threat, especially on the part of the Kabardians, which induced them to seek refuge in Georgievsk, the nearby Russian fort, and to ask for Russian military guards. Among the very few converts they managed to make was Katti Khan Giray (or Aleksandr Ivanovich Sultan-Kyrym-Giray), a young alleged member of the Giray lineage, the former Chingisid ruling dynasty of the Crimean Khanate. His baptism in 1807 was the beginning of a unusual life for Giray who, after a short career in the Russian military service, would try to spread Christianity among his countrymen, the Crimean Tatars, as well as among the Turkic-speaking Karaim, Greeks and Armenians of the Crimea. For his purpose, Katti Giray travelled to Scotland and to Ireland and, with the personal support of Tsar Alexander I, attempted to launch grandiose projects for missionary work in the Crimea—notably the establishment in Akmescit of an "Experimental School" for Muslim youth from the Crimea and beyond, with the help of a "Hibernian Missionary Society for Tartary and Circassia" purposely created in 1819 in Dublin. The local Crimean Tatar society was appalled and outraged by rickety conversions and having realised the real purpose of the presence of the Scots there, its attitude towards them changed immediately. Katti Giray's dreamed-of Seminary could not be realised: Deprived of a financial support, Katti Giray privately employed a Crimean Tatar teacher in Akmescit to instruct Crimean Tatar children in the Christian faith, by using the Scriptures as textbooks, until the closure of his 'school' by mid-1823 on the request of the Russian Minister of Cults. Another notable, if individual exception to the gloomy picture for Christian

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HISTORY missionary work among the Russia's Muslims was the case of Muhammad-'Ah Qasim Beg, or Aleksandr Ivanovich Kazem-Bek, whose case bore interesting similarities to that of Katti Giray. Just like the latter, Kazem Beg could not remain socially and culturally a Persian and simultaneously a Christian: He would be detached from his former societal identity and, together with his descendants, become part of Russian society. The paper ends with chapters on Katti Giray's life as a pomeshchik (noble landowner) until his death in Demirci in 1847; on a short evocation of the life stories of his numerous children—notably Nikolai Aleksandrovich (d. 1921?), a democratically and progressively minded administrator who after military service was elected as mayor (gorodskii golova) of the city of Kefe (Feodosiia), then as chairman of the zemstvo administration and marshal of the nobility of the uezd of Kefe. Appreciated by Ismail Bey Gasprinskii, whose Tarjuman often carries information about his promotions, Nikolai Aleksandrovich appeared to be an outspoken defender of the rights of the Crimean Tatars in agrarian and land matters. The paper's very last chapter is devoted to the biography of two other baptised Girays: the probable grandfather of Akim Pavlovich Shan-Giray (1818-83), known to the public as a close friend and relative of the poet Mikhail Lermontov, and the descendants of a certain Selim Giray. The whole study brings a captivating contribution to the history of non-Orthodox Christian missionary activity, and its varied impacts, among the Muslims of the Russian Empire. Unfortunately, as in his previous works on the modern history of the Crimean Tatars, the author does not always keep away from an apologetic tone. Neither does H. Kirimli show very much interested in the potential impact that the work of the Scottish missionaries—especially their Turkic translations of the Christian scriptures, and their setting up of a printing press in Karas for the publication of catechisms and translations of the Gospels—may have had upon local Muslim Noghais, Adyghes and Crimean Tatars. Nevertheless, the author's eloquent evocation of Katti Giray's exaggerations in front of poorly informed Scottish audiences, his depiction of the imagination of Katti Giray, by the Scots, as a Moghul prince with incalculable wealth after his marriage with a Scottish lady (soon disinherited by her father), in Edinburgh in 1820, are quite witty remarks that shed light on the misunderstandings that lied at the core of British Protestant missionary activity among the Muslim populations of the Russian Empire under the reign of Alexander I. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 215. KOMATSU Hisao, "Bukhara and Kazan," ActaAsiatica

86 ( 2 0 0 4 ) : 7 5 - 9 0

The author traces the history of intellectual contacts between the Middle Volga region of Russia and Transoxiana through the Mustafadh al-akhbarfi ahwal Qazan wa Bulghar by the famous theologian and historian from Kazan Shihab al-Din al-Marjani (1818-89). The generally negative image conveyed on Bukhara and the Venerable City's madrasas by the Tatar literature of the late nineteenth—early twentieth centuries is qualified by the acknowledgement of the intellectual debt of the MiddleVolga region towards several generations of nineteenth-century Bukharan reformist thinkers. First publication in Japanese: "Buhara to Kazan," in Mori Masao, ed.,

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Nairiku Ajia, Nishi Ajia no shakai to bunka [society and Culture in Inner and Western Asia], Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppansha, 1983. The Redaction i 216. KOMATSU Hisao, "Muslim Intellectuals and Japan: A Pan-Islamist Mediator, Abdurreshid Ibrahim," in S. A. Dudoignon, H. Komatsu, H. Kosugi, eds., Intellectuals

in the World of Islam through the Twentieth

Century:

Transmission,

Trans-

formation, Communication, London - N e w York: Routledge, 2006:273-88 After the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-5, Muslim intellectuals began to show substantial interest in the emergence of modern Japan. Among them 'Abd al-Rashid Ibrahim (1857-1944) was among the most outstanding. He not only introduced Japan and Japanese people in detail to a broad Turkic Muslim audience through his extensive travels, by means of his journal, The World of Islam: The Spread of Islam in Japan, but also made efforts in his later life to establish a close relationship between the world of Islam and Japan on the basis of his Pan-Islamic ideology and strategy. The author, an exceptional connoisseur of the history of Islam both in the VolgaUral region of Russia and in Japan, provides a preliminary survey of his vision of modern Japan and presents basic information for further research on a comprehensive subject, Islam and Japan, the significance of which is clearly growing in the contemporary world. The Redaction 217. LANDAU J. M., "Yusuf Aqchura," in P.J. Bearman etal,

dia of Islam, 2

eds., The ed., 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002: 356-7, bibliography

Encyclopae-

This very short notice on the Volga Tatar nationalist intellectual Yusuf Aqchura (1876-1935) quickly sketches his biography, and rapidly analyses his key work, Uch tarz-i siyasat (1904) on the main lines of government policies in recent Turkic history. The author properly shows how, with due respect to social and economic factors—to say nothing of the political realities of Kemalist Turkey—, Aqchura shifted during his long Turkish exile from his initial Pan-Turkism to a cultural form of Turkism. The bibliography gives a large room to primary sources and to some prominent recent studies. The Redaction 218. NAGANAWA Norihiro, "Voruga-Uraru chiiki no atarashii tataaru chishikijin: Daiichiji Roshia kakumeigo no minzoku (millcit) ni kansuru gensetsu w o chushinni [New Tatar Intellectuals in the Volga-Urals Region: Discourses on 'Nation,' Millcit, after the 1905 Revolution]," Surabu kenkyu / Slavic Studies 50 (2003): 33-63, Russian summary pp. 60-3

This article aims to analyse the emergence of the Muslim political movement after the 1905 Revolution in Russia, and the debates between young Tatar intellectuals (ydshlctr or ziyalilar) on national identity expressed in terms of Tatar and Torek. The author extensively uses Muslim Tatar publications, among others the works by Riza al-Din Fakhr al-Din, Jamal al-Din Walidi (Validov) and Gaziz Gubaidullin.

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HISTORY Discussing on their own national identity in enthusiastic manner, these young intellectuals failed to evaluate the direction of a Muslim popular movement. This point allows the author to review the contemporary Tatar historiography of the Jadid movement from a comparative point of view. Komatsu Hisao (The University of Tokyo) 219. REMNEV Anatolii, "Vdvinut' Rossiiu v Sibir': imperiia i russkaia k o l o n i z a t siia vtoroi poloviny XIX veka [Pushing Russia into Siberia: T h e E m p i r e and t h e Russian C o l o n i s a t i o n of t h e S e c o n d Half of t h e N i n e t e e n t h C e n t u r y ] , " Ab Imperii) 2 0 0 3 / 3 : 1 3 5 - 5 8 Anatolii Remnev, the world's leading specialist on nineteenth-century Siberia, devotes this interesting article to analysing official and public thinking about Siberian colonisation in the late imperial period. A. Remnev sees the Great Siberian Migration that unfolded between the 1890s and the 1910s as an essential component of the "national construction of Russia," the decisive development that allowed the Russian state to keep a firm hold on its vast Siberian hinterland—the "jewel in its imperial crown"—and, in the process, to ensure that the country remained a great power. As he points out, this line of thinking was also precisely what predominated in the minds of Russia's colonisation planners in the late imperial era. Stolypin and his lieutenants wanted to "push Russia into Siberia" because they saw Siberia as the nation's promising land of the future. At the same time, they were concerned that if they didn't Russianise Siberia, there was always the danger of the region either falling to foreigners or going its own way. To A. Remnev, Russia's continental geography made its imperial path fundamentally different from that of the maritime empires of Europe. The seamlessness of the country meant that Siberia, though in some respects a colony, appeared more like an extension of Russia. Consequently, the goal of Tsarist empire-builders in the late imperial period was not only to build the empire but just as much to expand the parameters of the Russian nation and attach Siberia more firmly to Russia. Willard Sunderland (University of Cincinnati, OH) 2 2 0 . TOYOKAWA Koichi, Roshia teikoku minzoku togoshi no kenkyu: Shokumin seisaku to Bashukirujin [A H i s t o r y of t h e Integration of Nations into t h e R u s s i a n Empire: Russian C o l o n i s a t i o n and the Bashkirs], Sapporo: H o k k a i d o daigaku shuppankai, 2 0 0 6 , 5 8 4 p., Russian summary Essentially this book is a compilation of articles previously published by the author, who has been conducting research into the history of Bashkiria for more than twenty years. Although it contains some newly-written chapters, original articles have been rewritten in full scale in order to form a complete history of the Bashkirs from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. The basic concept is that of a history of Bashkiria "as a consistent protest by Bashkirs against Russian colonisation and against the Russian government's nationality policies (42)." The author writes that the aim of the book is to state chronologically the process of the annexation and assimilation of Bashkiria by Russia "on the basis of such problems as the rights of land inheritance, which is one of characteristics of the history of

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THE CRIMEA, THE YOGA-URAL REGION, SIBERIA Bashkirs, taxation systems, forced conversion to Orthodoxy, labour and military service (35)." The first three chapters consist of a brief description of the history of Bashkiria before the mid-sixteenth century, followed by a depiction of the annexation of the region by Muscovy, and of a string of rebellions by Bashkirs, on the basis of various primary sources including shajaras, genealogical records in Bashkir. It seems remarkable for the reviewer that the Muscovite state highly esteemed and propitiated the upper strata of Bashkir society after the annexation, while lower strata were heavily burdened—the upper classes tending to support the government in the repeated riots. Chapters 4 to 8, which form the core of the book, take a closer look at various issues in eighteenth-century Bashkiria through the construction of the city of Orenburg, colonisation and exploitation of the southern Ural region, and the so-called Pugachev rebellion. The most outstanding chapter is the eighth, which consists of a prosopography of some sort of Bashkir leader Salavat Yulaev and his father. In this chapter the author succeeds in drawing a lively picture of the 'Pugachev rebellion' and of Russian colonisation seen by Bashkirs. The ninth chapter offers an analysis of the 'canton' administration system from the end of the eighteenth to the middle of the nineteenth century, and in the tenth chapter the author discusses the nationality policy of the Russian Empire with reference to not only Bashkiria, but to the Volga-Ural region in general. He focuses on religion and education as fields of implementation of an assimilation policy for non-Russians, and points out three forms of resistance by non-Russian early modern nations against the authority: escape, petition and rebellion. As a conclusion, Toyokawa K. states that a large burden was foisted on peripheral regions by agricultural and industrial colonisation carried out by the Russian government, while the Bashkirs continued to object to all of these policies. Recently indeed, researchers have been paying more attention to the cooperative rather than to the conflicting sides of relations between the Russian government and non-Russian nations in the context of Russian imperialism. Thus in spite of the book's recent publication the approach of the author in considering a history of Bashkiria "as a consistent protest by Bashkirs (42)" appears slightly old fashioned. Moreover, few references can be found in the present work to recent research concerning Russian imperialism. As such, the book misses the status of a reference work in this field. However, it remains undoubtedly a solid and competent work as a complete history of Bashkiria, with a balanced point of view with respect to such arguments as "voluntary annexation" and "peasant war". In this quality, it is to be hoped that it will bring contribution to the development of historical research on the history of Russian imperialism seen from a regional perspective. Hamamoto Mami (Japanese Society for the Promotion of Science, Tokyo)

221. TUNA Mustafa Ozgur, "Gaspirali v. Il'minskii: Two Identity Projects for the Muslims of the Russian Empire," Nationalities Papers 30/2 (2002): 265-89 This article deals with two contemporary, yet highly different, models of Muslim identity in Russia. The first one is that of the Russian missionary Nikolai Il'minskii

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and his disciples, who influenced the educational programme of imperial Russia towards its Muslim subjects in the second half of the nineteenth century, and then again for a short period of time after 1905. This model is juxtaposed by the educational ideas of Ismail Gasprinskii. In spite of all their obvious differences both models show important similarities, beginning with the fact that both stress the importance of education and language. However, as both approaches had different aims, in the end they developed different strategies. The driving force behind Il'minskii's strong interest in the vernacular of various Turkic ethnic groups was his worry of a Ungual and cultural unification of all Muslims, which he endeavoured to prevent by all means. The fear of an uncontrolled cultural development of Russian Muslims also motivated Il'minskii's proposals on how the traditional Muslim educational institutions in Russia were to be treated. Il'minskii advocated their preservation in their contemporary—in Il'minskii's opinion backward—state, instead of attempting reforms. According to this reasoning, Muslims would soon recognise the advantages of the Russian educational system and thus open themselves for Russification. While Gasprinskii agreed with H'minskii as to the weaknesses of the classical Muslim educational system, he chose a diametrically opposed approach in his promotion of far-reaching reforms. In his opinion the "Turko-Tatars" of Russia did not only represent a nation with common language; he believed that support for Turkic/Tatar as a literary language would be the instrument to make the Tatars open for modern Russian civilisation. Gasprinskii's deliberations led to the evolution of two practical projects: First, he embarked upon the project to create a unified Turkic literary language. Second, he developed new educational methods, which were soon copied by other educators and played a decisive role in the strong increase of literacy amongst the Muslim youth of Russia in the years preceding WWI. Yet Gasprinskii did not regard his actions as opposed to Russia's "civilising mission," but rather as a contribution to that undertaking. Both approaches were ultimately disappointed. In spite of their proximity to the state apparatus Il'minskii's supporters eventually had to realise that their endeavours to keep the Muslims from developing a social and political consciousness had failed. As to Gasprinskii and his sympathisers, on the other hand, they experienced growing resistance by Muslims to their effort to create a unified literary language. The article suffers from paying overmuch attention to the activities of these two individuals and their respective schools when dealing with the cultural evolution of the Muslims of Russia between 1860 and 1917. Gasprinskii's tactical manoeuvres, which attempted to adapt to changing political conditions as the decades passed make it difficult to speak of a unified body of intellectual thought. Additionally, a number of regional variations, as well as the influence of reforms in the Ottoman Empire on debates among the Muslims of Russia remain both unconsidered. It appears also justified to put into doubt the author's judgement of Soviet nationality policies and their continuation of Il'minskii's efforts. Yet one has to agree that even a decade after 1991 the appreciation of the historical achievements of Gasprinskii or Il'minskii amongst the Turkic peoples of modern-day CIS is still dominated more by emotions than by pragmatism. Volker Adam (Martin Luther University, Halle-Wittenberg)

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222. TURAN Omer, EVERED Kyle T., "Jadidism in South-Eastern Europe: The Influence of Ismail Bey Gaspirali among Bulgarian Turks," Middle Eastern Studies 41/4 (2005): 481-502 The advent of print in the Turkic world in the nineteenth century created new connections and new audiences that stretched beyond older cultural and political boundaries. These new phenomena were encapsulated in the success of Tercilman, the newspaper published almost single-handedly by Ismail Bey Gasprinskii from Bahgesaray from 1883 onwards. The newspaper is credited with disseminating the ideas of Muslim reform across the Turkic-speaking world and with spreading the idea of their unity. Gasprinskii sought to write in a language that would be understood across the Turkic world. This article seeks to examine the impact of Gas-prinskii's ideas of the Turks of the Principality of Bulgaria around the turn of the twentieth century. The authors find that Gasprinskii (locally called Gaspirali) was interested in the fate of the Turks of Bulgaria and that his ideas were influential among Bulgarian Turks at a moment when national forms of identity began to replace religious ones among them. The authors provide long quotes from articles concerning Bulgaria that appeared in Tercilman as well as a close reading of Turkish-language newspapers from Bulgaria (mostly the Tuna of Ruse and Balkan of Plovdiv) to argue that Gasprinskii's "relations with minority Muslims—whether in Tsarist Russia, among Bulgaria's Turks, or elsewhere—and his messages can be viewed today as among some of the earliest expressions of ethno-religious solidarity, modernism, activism, and hope to have emerged within the region in ways that are still highly resonant today" (498-499). This article is extremely useful for its use of Turkish-language sources from Bulgaria, although its overall framing could have been stronger. Adeeb Khalid (Carleton College, MN) 223. W E R T H Paul W . , "Coercion and Conversion: Violence and the Mass Baptism of the Volga Peoples, 1740-55," Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 4/3 (2003): 543-70 Soviet and contemporary Tatar historiographies have presented the Russian conversion campaign of the eighteenth century among the native peoples of the Middle Volga as state-initiated violence. Paul Werth argues instead that this thesis should be qualified, for by the beginning of the twentieth century baptised Tatars, Chuvash, Mordvins, Maris, and Udmurts strongly and voluntarily identified themselves with Eastern Orthodoxy. The state viewed conversion as a way to integrate the peoples of the Middle Volga into the bureaucratic structure of the empire, and churchmen regarded conversion not as a private individual transformation but as the foundation for future spiritual growth under its authority. Both state and church refused to favour coercion as a means of conversion, encouraging instead the use of positive incentives (tax relief, gifts of clothes, draft exemption). Abuses however actually occurred but they followed baptism or came more from local overzealous hierarchs and functionaries than from Saint Petersburg, unable to control its periphery adequately. Because of the lack of indigenous evidence, historians, be they in Kazan or in the West, remain largely dependent on Russian legal and missionary interpretive accounts, which leaves room for much speculation. HowCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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ever Werth's article points to local variations in the history of Christianisation, worth investigating further. While church and state supported each other in their Christianisation campaign, sometimes local Russian state authorities supported non-Russians against missionary abuses. Also if soldiers used intimidation against the Mordvins in Teriushevskaia volost' (a petition indicates that they were "tied up during their immersion into the baptismal font,"), in other instances non-Russians voluntarily asked for baptism. More importantly tensions, probably of a socioeconomic nature, existed within and between agrarian communities of various ethnic backgrounds, which might explain their voluntary adoption of Christianity or their refusal to accept baptism. Agnès Kefeli (Arizona State University, Tempe) 224. WITZENRATH Christoph, Cossacks and the Russian Empire, 1598-1725: Manipulation, Rebellion and Expansion into Siberia, London - New York: Routledge (Routledge Studies in the History of Russia and Eastern Europe: 8), 2007, XII6-259 p., 4 ill., bibliography, index This study focuses on the role played by Cossacks in the conquest, settlement, and transformation of Siberia into a new zone of Russian imperial power in the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Chr. Witzenrath's main argument is that Cossacks were influential actors within the Russian imperial system, and that the system was itself a product of an evolving negotiation between the centre and its most distant and potentially unreliable representatives. The tsar needed the Cossacks to squeeze out "the soft gold" of the Siberian fur trade and to provide information and defence, while the Cossacks needed the tsar to consolidate and institutionalise their powers and bolster their influence on the frontier. The great contribution of the book is its focus on how the Cossacks were actually able to do this. Using a rich range of material (in particular, sources from the office of the voevoda of Irkutsk), Chr. Witzenrath takes us into the basic organisation ("the Cossack group") that shaped the life of Cossack communities. W e see how Cossacks within the group related to each other, how they made their "profit" and received their "salaries," the rituals of their obedience and defiance vis-à-vis state power, and their interactions with non-Cossacks, such as the Buriat nomads of the Selenga region. Through it all, Chr. Witzenrath demonstrates that the Cossacks of Siberia provided the fundamental basis for early Russian empire-building in North Asia. While Cossacks are typecast in literature and song (and their own mythmaking) as lovers of volia, Chr. Witzenrath shows that they should also be recognised for their astute politics—serving and resisting the tsar, openly or subtly, when it served their purposes. Yet perhaps the most important observation of the study is that even as Cossacks turned the relationship with the tsar to their advantage, their institutions and identities were themselves changed in the process. That is, the frontier led the centre, but the centre ultimately changed the frontier. In this respect, the story of the Cossacks of seventeenth-century Siberia has a great deal in common with the dynamic that touch frontiers across the world in the early modern period. Willard Sunderland (University of Cincinnati, OH)

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225. ZAGIDULLIN I. K., et al, eds., Istoriia Kazani v dokumentakh i materialakh, XIX vek [The History of Kazan in Documents and Materials: The Nineteenth Century], Kazan: Magarif, 2005,719 p. The first volume of an ongoing series on the history of the city of Kazan through primary sources focuses on its commercial and industrial activity in the nineteenth century. A large range of archive materials (from varied state and public institution of the city and region of Kazan), published textual sources (incuding for instance reports of banks activities and entrepreneurs unions), and excerpts from the periodical press (mainly Russian-language regional newspapers, plus the Terciiman from Bahfesaray) have been integrally reproduced. The ensemble provides an invaluable basis for future studies in economic and social history of the Middle-Volga region during the first industrial revolution. The Redaction See also: 362 (Salikhov & Khairutdinov); 437 (Mukhametshin); 438 (Mukhametshin et al.); 472 (Frank)

3.2.D. The Soviet and Present Periods 226. IBRAGIMOV R., "Gosudarstvenno-islamskie otnosheniia v 1940-1980-e gg. [The Relations between the State and Islam from the 1940s to the 1980s]," in R. M. Mukhametshin, et al., eds., Islam i musul'manskaia kul'tura v Srcdncm Povolzh'e: istoriia i sovremennost' (Ocherki), Kazan: Master Lain, 2002: 311-22,4 tab. Still a 'grey zone' of the history of Islam in Central Eurasia, the period from WWII to Perestroika in the Volga-Ural region of Russia is dealt with in the present study through a rich documentary material from the National Archive of the Republic of Tatarstan. The author notably casts light on the collusions between the Muftiate and local non-registered communities of faithful, and on the pressures (fiscal, among others) exerted, not always successfully, by the Soviet authorities for putting an end to this state of affairs. A chronological reconstruction of the measures implemented in the Tatar ASSR permits the author to divide the period into different phases: (1) the opening of sixteen registered mosques in the Tatar ASSR between May 1945 and December 1947, and the parallel functioning of at least twenty-five non-registered mosques in the years following the WWII; (2) the slowing down of measures favourable to local communities of faithful as soon as 1948, followed by the closure of two rural mosques in the mid-1950s, and by the brutal turn of 1958 resulting in the limitation of registered mosques in the autonomous republic to the number of eleven; (3) new measures taken in 1961 by the Council of Ministers of the USSR against religious practice, and their echo in the Tatar ASSR— local authorities identifying, that same year, the existence of 646 non-official mosques served by 366 illegal mullahs!—; (4) a gradual liberalisation in the late Brezhnev period, permitting the registration of five new mosques (and two Orthodox churches) in the Tatar ASSR between 1976 and 1981. In all, this short article brings a significant contribution to our knowledge of the implementation of the Soviet religious policy in a religiously active national republic of the RSFSR, the Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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author insisting at the same time on the silence of the official sources on which he has been relying as for the real dimensions, quantitative and qualitative, of underground religious practice. From this viewpoint, this article bears interesting testimony of the resources and limitation of classical historical approaches as far as Soviet Islam is concerned. Unfortunately, as it is almost always the case in publications emanating from the former USSR, the varied documents used by the author have not been described. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

227. IS'HAQOV Damir, "Through the Textbooks: The Academic Intelligentsia

and the Shaping of a Tatar National Consciousness (1940s to 1990s)," in Ste-

phane A. Dudoignon, ed., Devout Societies vs. Impious States? Transmitting Islamic Learning in Russia, Central Asia and China, through the Twentieth Century, Berlin: Klaus

Schwarz (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, 258): 147-60

In the 1940s and early 1950s, a large-scale project was undertaken for the redefinition of Tatar national consciousness, as it had been formed through the action of generations of Volga-Muslim scholars and intellectuals. This project, achieved through a full set of measures of diverse nature, was reflected in the positions adopted by the Party in 1944,1948, and 1952. It was only a piece in the Communist builders' overall plan for the formulation of a Great-Russian, national and Bolshevik, imperial ideology. As to the Tatars, the ideologists of the time had to fulfil a couple of specific missions. They blacklisted the historical period of the Golden Horde, and attempted to "forget" about the medieval opposition between Tatars and Russians. Moreover, they tried to transform the Volga Tatars into companions of the Russians in the latter's struggle against the "yoke of the Golden Horde." As to modern history, the negation of Muslim reformism and Jadidism was intended to transform the Volga Tatars into a "proletarian nation," internationalist-minded from its very beginning, and shared the social struggles of the Russian proletariat. A part of the Tatar intelligentsia, in particular historians opposed these ideas since the 1940s. In the 1980s and 1990s, they opened a new period in the course of national history and identity, claiming intellectual ascendance from Shihab al-Din al-Maijani, a nineteenth-century Bukhara-educated reform-minded 'alim from Kazan, and one of the leading historiographers of the early modern Muslim communities of the Middle Volga region. The Redaction See also: 193 (Uyama); 409 (Leete); 437 (Mukhametshin); 438 (Mukhametshin et al.); 573 (F rings)

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3.3. The Caucasus 3.3.A. General Works 2 2 8 . ASATRIAN Garnik, MARGARIAN Hayrapet, " T h e Muslim C o m m u n i t y of

Tiflis (8 th '19 th Centuries)," I ran and the Caucasus 8/1 (2004): 29-52,4 ill.

Based on the recent academic bibliography in Georgian and Armenian languages, this panoramic article skips through a millennium of Muslim presence in Tbilisi, from the late seventh-century Arab conquest of the city to the late Tsarist period. The historical narrative set up by the authors insists on three distinctive and uneven eras: (1) a "golden age" of Islam in Tbilisi under the Arab amirs from the eighth century C E to the successive Khwarezmian and Mongol conquests in the early thirteenth century; (2) an era of decay of the town from its destructions by Tamerlane in 1386, and by successive Turkmen conquerors in the fifteenth century, to the mid-seventeenth-century demographic revival—the population being during this period more and more dominated by Christian elements, among whom Armenian merchants; (3) a new era of relative prosperity from the mid-seventeenth century to the end of the Tsarist period, with significant variations of the Shiite and Sunni populations in the course of confrontations between Persia and the Ottoman Empire. The textual or statistical elements provided on the proportion of Muslims in the city's population often remain very incomplete. The authors stress the significance of their public role during the whole medieval period (see the concessions, notably fiscal, made by the Georgian king David IV 'the Restorer' to the local Muslim population and elites after his conquest of the town in 1122), and the essentially seasonal, male composition of Tbilisi's Muslim population in the nineteenth century (with variable proportions of Shiites coming from Iran and Sunnis from the Northern Caucasus, besides a more stable population of Kazan Tatars, expatriates of the Saratov and Penza governorates of Russia). The authors remaining unfamiliar with primary Turkic sources, nothing is said of Tbilisi's prominent, if not central role in the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Islamic cultural revival in the southern Caucasus. Besides, some interesting ideas on the social history of the city—for instance on the replacement of the military gentility by the merchants and craftsmen's guilds after the twelfth-century Saljuq conquest—still remember the good old MarxistLeninist categories, and are unfortunately not supported by a documentary basis of any kind. As to the paragraphs devoted to the historical explanation of some public charges of the Muslim community (amir, ra'is, muhtasib, with more important developments on the public role played by qadis after Muslims became a minority in the city's population) remain very generic, and are not based on any primary literature. Conversely, the imaginary role played by Tbilisi in the Arabic and Persian geographical literature has been well perceived, the authors stressing that by showing an essentially idyllic picture of a Muslim-peopled city under enlightened Christian rule, pre-modern Arab and Persian geographers "tended to prod Muslim rulers to follow the example of the Georgian kings (35-6)". Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

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229. BOSWORTH C. E., "Zahir al-Din Mar'ashi," in P. J. Bearman et aL, eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2 nd ed., 11, Leiden: Brill, 2002: 393-4, bibliography This very short notice on the Persian diplomat and historian of the Caspian region Zahir al-Din b. Nasir al-Din Mar'ashi (ca. 1412-after 1489) stresses his contribution to the historiography of the southern shore of the Caspian Sea, through his Ta'rikhi Tabaristan u Ruyan u Mazandaran, extending from the origins up to 1476, and his Ta'rikh-i Gilan u Daylamistan carried up to 1489, both valuable for the intricate history of the petty principalities of the Caspian region. The Redaction

230. SHAFFER Brenda, "The Formation of an Azerbaijani Collective Identity in Iran," Nationalities Papers 28/3 (2000): 449-77 Contrasting usefully with the literature devoted to ethnic relations in Iran, the paper casts a light on Azerbaijani identity under the Islamic Republic. The author argues a greater ethnic identification in Iranian Azerbaijan. This process is rooted in Azerbaijani long-term grievances towards the Pahlavi regime's assimilation policy that appeared during the Islamic Revolution, when Azerbaijanis, among other demands, asked for a better acknowledgement of their ethnic specificities. The paper provides interesting elements about the revolutionary process in Tabriz and Ayatollah Shari'at-Madari's opposition to Ayatollah Khomeini's velayat-e faqih in the first years of the Islamic Republic. Then the impact of the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan is analysed, through its contribution to the fostering of an endogenous cultural revival in Iranian Azerbaijan. Through literary journals, books or associations, ethnic entrepreneurs have instigated a growing interest in Azerbaijani culture among the population, and a lessening forbearance to recurring sneering stereotypes about Iranian Turks. These were the first steps before a more political activity asking for a better acknowledgement of Azerbaijan specificities by the central government. In 1993, it has taken the decision to split the Eastern Azerbaijan province in two parts: the Ardebil province and a reduced East Azerbaijani province, with its centre in Tabriz. The naming of the two provinces was the subject of intense debates, well described in the article. In the end, the author assumes that the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan and the ethnic revival in Iranian Azerbaijan have been leading to a regeneration of ties between Azerbaijanis from both countries. The paper is a useful contribution in the study of regional issues in Iran. It has the great advantage of casting light on recent ethnic mobilisations taking place in the regions. However, the main sources used in the book have been gathered in the Republic of Azerbaijan, not in Iran. Therefore Brenda Shaffer's argument is biased by relying too much on Soviet Azerbaijani academic circles, and. does not take into account the huge social and cultural transformations that have taken place in Iran for thirty years. Gilíes Riaux (French Institute of Research in Iran, Tehran)

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3.3.B. Before the Russian Conquest 231. DETTMERING Christian, "Reassessing Chechen and Ingush (Vainakh)

Structures in the 19th Century," Central Asian Survey 24/4 (2005): 469-89

Clan

The article proposes to re-think the model of the Chechen pre-state kinship system as it was put in the influential book by the late Chechen ethnologist Magomet Mamakaev in 1973. To date, Mamakaev's idea of 'clan resistance' against Russian colonial conquest is reproduced uncritically by most political scientists and some ethnologists in Russia and abroad. Actually, Mamakaev's model relies on the outof-date concept of "savage society" constructed by Lewis Morgan on the example of the Iroquois, and never existed anywhere. The hypothesis of Mamakaev's critics, who claimed disappearance of primitive clans during the feudalisation of the Vainakh tribes, completed by the mid-nineteenth century, is divorced from the reality too. Christian Dettmering argues that the Chechen and the Ingush lived in a society combining clans and territorial entities. Their basic social unit was the village community. Tribes were provisional military unions of villages and as such might enter broader political associations ruled by neighbouring Kumyk princes. The Russian experience of indirect rule among the Vainakh peoples, re-examined by Dettmering through a vast body of nineteenth-century narrative sources, allows concluding that the colonial empire successfully integrated most non-state clan societies in its North Caucasus frontier, as the French did in North-Western Africa and the British in India. As a whole, this article is an important contribution to Caucasian studies. His only weak points are excessive referring to an oldfashioned and misleading notion of "structure" and the scarcity of original sources from the North-East Caucasus (genealogies, chronicles, correspondences, heroic songs) some of which are available in Russian translations from the Arabic, Kumyk and Nakh-Dagestani sources published recently. Vladimir Bobrovnikov (Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow)

232. GUNE-YADCY Zubeyde, "A Chechen National Hero of the Caucasus in the 18th Century: Sheikh Mansur," Central Asian Survey 22/1 (2003): 103-15 The author reviews the Ottoman connections of Imam Mansur, a Chechen religious figure who, between 1785 and 1791, led a North Caucasian resistance movement against the Russian conquest. Her article contains precious excerpts from Mansur's unpublished appeals and letters to the Ottomans, as well as from correspondences between Ottoman officials on the topic of Mansur. According to Z.G.Y., Mansur was "probably the first Naqshbandi shaykh in the north Caucasus (105)". This opinion has been reiterated by historians ever since Alexandre Bennigsen's pioneering article of 1964, and one gets the impression that it gains more and more acceptance and credibility the more it is blindly repeated by others. In fact, his hypothesis is compelling because it draws a line connecting Mansur of late eighteenth century Chechnya and the three Imams of neighbouring Dagestan in the first half of the nineteenth century, who are also often regarded as Sufi shaykhs and "Naqshbandi Imams (cf. Ill, and fn. 23)". However, Bennigsen made it clear that he had no factual evidence for his assumption that Mansur was a Naqshbandi. GiineCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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HISTORY Yadcy's correspondences do not prove this hypothesis either. The "Naqshbandi theory" is even more deplorable because it prevents scholars from exploring alternative explanations of Mansur's religious appeal. As Gune-Yadcy mentions herself, "people began to speak of him as of a saviour sent by God (107)". However, the author refrains from drawing the obvious conclusion, namely that Mansur (a name with clear eschatological connotations) proclaimed himself the Mahdi, which, by the way, would fit to the fact that his appearance occurred around 1785, corresponding to the auspicious year 1200 of the Hijra. For a more recent debate on this question see Michael Kemper, Hcrrschaft, Recht und Islam in Daghcstan, Wiesbaden 2005,174-185 (where Gune-Yadcy's article has unfortunately escaped the author's attention). Michael Kemper (University of Amsterdam)

233. KEMPER Michael, "The Daghestani Legal Discourse on the Imamate," Central Asian Survey 21/3 ( 2 0 0 2 ) : 2 6 5 - 7 8 It is well established that, during the nineteenth-century Caucasus W a r , the appeals to the jihad, by the first Imam Ghazi Muhammad, and by his successors Hamzat Bek and Shamil, were not received by their followers unanimously: Their varying echoes can be found at the opposite poles of debates between Dagestani commentators. Though the theme of legal polemics—which is so important in the history of the Northern Caucasian Imamate (1829-59)—has been tackled more than once by recent historical research, it is far from being exhausted. In the present paper, M. Kemper examines the controversies on the Imamate (pro and contra), and on the appeal to jihad and exodus (hijra) that took place in Dagestan in the first half of the nineteenth century. The author argues that the pre-eminence then recognised to the Islamic law (shari'a) over customary law ('adat) was rooted in fatwas and other documents of the late sixteenth to early eighteenth centuries. He also underlines the fact that, as far as a real polemic was unthinkable on the territory of the Imamate, most supporters of the opposition (e.g. Sa'id al-Harakani, Yusuf al-Yakhsawi and Sultan Efendi) were acting outside the Imams' reach, in northern or southern Dagestan, or still in Kabardia. Almost all of them were at the service of military and political forces standing on Russia's side. In order to defend the fundaments and practice of jihad and the imamate against his opponents' critics, Shamil was obliged to resort to the famous qadi Murtada 'Ah al-'Uradi, who showed capable of helping him in this field. Julietta Meskhidze (Peter the Great Museum of Anthroplogy, St Petersburg)

3.3.C. The Tsarist Period 234. ACAR Keziban, "An Examination of Russian Imperialism: Russian Military and Intellectual Descriptions of the Caucasians during the Russo-Turkish W a r of 1877-1878," Nationalities Papers 32/1 ( 2 0 0 4 ) : 7-21 This article's purpose is simple: It tries to show how by negating the colonised, "describing them as savage and barbaric Asians [p. 8]," the Russian intellectuals and military personnel of the 1820s to 1870s have tried to justify the colonisation of 198

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HISTORY tury the most significant of them was made of Circassians. Originally relatives of Ivan the Terrible's second wife, the Circassian Princes of Kabarda married into the Romanov family and reached the pinnacle of power and wealth. Though Russian sources do not comment on their origins, their genealogies in the rodoslovnye knigi preserve evidence of their continued awareness of their roots. The declining importance of Kabarda and of the Russian fort at Terskii Gorodok in present-day Dagestan led to the end of emigration to Moscow and the assimilation of the families as Princes Cherkasskii in the eighteenth century. Contrary to the author's assertion, the role of non-Russians in Russia's elite is not a non-subject in the literature for the whole period of Russian and Soviet history: It has been particularly well-studied, for instance, in the Volga-Urals region, where research papers and monographs have been multiplying since at least the late 1980s on the integration of local murzas into Russia's state apparatus, from the khans of Qasimov in the early fifteenth century to the tribal leaders of the 'Bashkir Cavalry' in the course of the eighteenth century. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

237. DANIEL Elton L., "Golestan Treaty," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/1, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003: 86-90, map, bibliography This notice on the agreement ending the First Russo-Persian W a r (1803-13) pictures the military operations (shedding light on the impact of British support, after the Treaty of Tilsit between France and Russia, upon the Persian successes in 1810-2), the diplomatic interventions that led to the treaty (stressing the struggle between Napoleonic France and Great Britain, and the British pressures on the Qajars for concessions in order to avoid further Russian advance southward), and the settlement of Gulistan and its consequences (Persia's loss of sovereignty in the Caucasus, Russia's increasing role in the Persian affairs, while Russia's territorial ambitions—particularly those of its military officers in the Caucasus—remained unsatisfied: a factor of the Second Russo-Persian W a r of 1826-8). The long and substantial bibliography of sources and research works in Persian and English does not reveal a very big interest in Russian-language literature. The Redaction

238. MOSTASHARI Firouzeh, On the Religious Frontier: Tsarist Russia and Islam in the Caucasus, London: I. B. Tauris Publishers (International Library of Historical Studies, 32), 2005,256 p. Islam's relationship with Russian imperialism in the Caucasus is a topic of historical analysis that is most often focused on Shamil's jihad and the considerable influence that this event had on both the peoples of the Caucasus and the Russian Empire in total. Scholarship on the Empire's relationship with Islam in the area of the current Republic of Azerbaijan is rather sparse and in this sense, F. Mostashari's work has contributed significantly to the body of work published about Azerbaijan under Imperial rule. On the Religious Frontier covers quite broadly the meandering trail of policy that the Russian Empire implemented to establish and maintain 200

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control of this crossroads of competition between Russia, Persia, and the Ottoman Empire. However, the role that indigenous Islamic institutions played in forming Russian policy is quite absent from the book. Rather, the formation of the Azerbaijani intelligentsia and of national identity—despite Imperial obstruction—is the area the book deals with in regard to evolving resistance to Imperial rule. In tracing the history of local resistance and adaptation to Russian rule, F. Mostashari illustrates that early Imperial administrators were quite inept, in that they believed that local power structure would wither in the face of Imperial integration through a Russification programme of reforming society along Russian norms, c.g. language, property distribution, tax collection. She goes further on to tie together the Murid movement of the North Caucasus under Shamil and the peasant rebellions of the 1840s as anti-Russification cousins of sorts, which combined to throw Imperial rule into a tailspin. This analysis provides her explanation for the dramatic shift in policy in 1844; the chaos provoked the appointment of M. S. Vorontsov as Viceroy in the same year. However, the connections that are implied between the overtly Islamic Murid movement and the peasant rebellions in Transcaucasia are not fully fleshed out. In fact, the ways in which both resistance movements are portrayed by F. Mostashari to be defeated are quite different, with the Murids being slowly defeated by armed forces and the peasants defeated by implementing serfdom and returning the land previously confiscated by Imperial authorities to the beks. Furthermore, the landed elite were thrust into greater importance with the establishment of a locally staffed bureaucracy. In a way, this transitory period—after 1844 and before the oil boom in the 1870s—while portrayed as a time of de-Russification, actually brought the social division of the Empire to the area, including the establishment of a local Russian speaking intelligentsia that effectively Russified the area. F. Mostashari continues her book with documenting the establishment of the intelligentsia, as a product of importing the Imperial bureaucratic system that provided the required education and of the oil boom providing the necessary money. Herein lies the strength of the book: The documentation of the social unrest caused by Russian rule, of the cosmopolitanism of Baku and Tiflis, and of how Russian-trained Muslims created an identity for themselves and their people. However, the Islamic nature of this newly created social identity is not established. It is made clear in the book that Russian policies discriminated expressly against Muslims in favour of Christian groups, and that this assisted in the coalescence of an identity, but of what kind? The distinction between different identities— mainly Azerbaijani or Islamic—is not made clear. Only after political liberalisation in 1905 and the emergence of popular journals like Mulla Nasreddin, is it clear that the intelligentsia was highly critical of 'backwardness' within Islam. Unfortunately, the description of the emergence of the Azerbaijani intelligentsia undermines the thesis that Islam was the primary motivator of anti-Russian sentiment. This paradox could be due to the Russian prejudice against Muslims is this regard giving an Islamic designation to a group that was secularly inspired. F. Mostashari runs into this problem when she characterises the institutions of the local Muslim population as Islamic; similarly, the resistance to Russian rule in Azerbaijan is not portrayed as being led by religious figures, but is called Islamic. Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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It is certain that Azerbaijani national identity is based on Azerbaijanis being Muslim. However, the Islamic nature of the national identity is not clear. Russian accounts of the true role of Islam among Azerbaijanis are suspect in light of Russian dismissive look at all the Turkic speaking Muslims. In addition, the influence on Azerbaijani identity from their Linguistic cousins in Anatolia or their religious brethren in Persia is not addressed at all, despite their considerable influence on identity within Azerbaijan. The scope of this book seems too large for the sources used in constructing it. The use of Imperial sources is key to illustrating the Russian perception of the situation in Azerbaijan, however the perspective of the local population is glossed over. Little mention is made of the leaders of the Islamic community within Azerbaijan, and in an area of considerable immigration that was post-1870s Azerbaijan; Islam is a term with a varied meaning. F. Mostashari's premises based on the assumption that institutions created by Muslims are Islamic in nature undermine the work considerably. This viewpoint is seemingly a product of a reliance on Russian-authored sources that fail to provide encompassing accuracy. This critical flaw results in leaving a larger question unanswered: W h a t was Islam's role in Azerbaijani resistance? Ryan Gilman (St. Lawrence University, Canton, NY)

239. MUSTAFAYEV Shahin, "The Diaries of Yusif Vezir Chemenzeminli: An Azerbaijani Intellectual in the Process of Acculturation," in Beate Eschment & H a n s Harder, eds., Looking at the Coloniser: Cross-Cultural Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas, W u r z b u r g : Ergon ( M i t t e i l u n g e n z u r

Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der islamischen Welt, 14), 2004: 31-46, ill. The author analyses the personal diary kept in Russian language by the outstanding Azerbaijani writer Yusif Vezir Chemenzeminli (or Yusif Vezirov, 1887-1943) in 1907-9, when he was a pupil at the Baku gymnasium (high school). A representative figurehead of the "abrazavonnys" (from Russian obrazovannyi [lit. "instructed"], a large group of peoples who had swayed away from their national group and accepted a superficial Russification and Europeanisation), with literary references among Russian Populists (narodniki), Chemenzeminli openly proclaims his irreligiousness and stresses that one of the main obstacles towards progress is religious fanaticism and the backward clergy. However, his diary is marked by continuous movements forth and back towards the Russian milieu, and hesitation between adoption and rejection. The "other" milieu arrogantly pointed an insuperable border out to him, "letting him know that although he could come close to it, he would nonetheless always remain an 'outsider', a person who is not at home in this milieu (41)." Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

240. RFJSNF.R Oliver, "Grigol Orbeliani Discovering Russia: A Travel Account by a Member of the Georgian Upper Class from 1831-1832," in Beate Eschment & H a n s Harder, eds., Looking at the Coloniser: Cross-Cultural Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas, W u r z b u r g : Ergon ( M i t t e i l u n g e n

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zur Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der islamischen W e l t , 14), 2004: 47-62, tab., ill. Prince Grigol Orbeliani's (1804-83) travel diary My Travel from Tbilisi to St. Petersburg (written from June 1831 to August 1832) is analysed as a document of intercultural perception. Evoking the sentiments oscillating between ambivalence and discontent among the Georgian nobility in the two decades following the Russian conquest, the author stresses Orbeliani's ambivalent position as a Georgian prince serving as an officer of the Tsarist army. He then shows how his pioneering travelogue, under the influence of Russian Decembrists, developed new standards for the documentary prosaic genre of Georgian travel writing after a long period marked by pilgrimage and diplomatic accounts (tab. pp. 54-6). The chapter on the history of the text points out Orbeliani's discussion reflecting the main pros and contras of the Tsarist annexation of Georgia, and his attempts at convincing his prospective readers of the necessity and feasibility of gaining independence for Georgia. The author notices the interspersing of the travelogue with Russianisms, hinting at an existing bilingualism among the educated elite. The Redaction 241. SWIETOCHOWSKI Tadeusz, Russian Azerbaijan, 1905-1920: The Shaping of National Identity in a Muslim Community, 2 n d ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2 0 0 4 (1st ed. 1985), 256 p., bibliography, index Studies in modern and contemporary history of Azerbaijan are too sporadic, and most often limited to a couple of chapters in more general works on Transcaucasia; they had been lent credibility by the first publication of this key monograph, now a classic, reedited in pocket format some twenty years later. The historical narrative proposed by the author begins in 1905 with the first affirmations of a modern national identity, concomitant with the first revolution of Russia; it ends fifteen years later with the suppression of the ephemeral Republic of Azerbaijan in 1920. Although the work focuses on this very short period of time, it nevertheless provides a captivating decoding of the country's further evolution through the twentieth century. Having skimmed at large through a rich archive material, and the Soviet historical literature, the author shows how these fatal years showed decisive for the emergence and the articulation of modern national ideas, in the building up of the contemporary Azerbaijani identity, and in the invention of a political role and destiny by a young intelligentsia hungry for modernity and independence. Before 1905 collective identities used to be expressed through reference to lineage, local and regional solidarities ('asabiyya-s), to Twelver Shiite Islam, and more largely to the Muslims of the Russian Empire—remaining alien to the idea of a nationstate for Azerbaijanis. It is in the very first years of the twentieth century, after the return of a first generation of students from Western Europe, and in the immediate aftermath of the first revolution of Russia that a nascent secular intelligentsia elaborated a philosophy of the nation clearly inspired by European models (on Agaoglu's intellectual debt toward Renan and Le Bon, see a recent paper by A. H. SHISSLER, "A Student abroad in Late Ottoman Times: Ahmet Agaoglu and French Paradigms in Turkish Thought," in Rudi Mathee 6a Beth Baron, eds., I ran and Beyond: Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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R Keddic, C o s t a Mesa, CA: M a z d a

Publishers, 2000: 35-55). Very soon these young intellectuals embarked on an overall questioning of the relations of Transcaucasia w i t h Russia—the source of inspiration for numerous liberal thinkers and activists, a vector of economic modernisation, b u t also a foreign dominant power. Through the minute narrative, day after day, sometimes even hour after hour, of the local impact of the three revolutions of Russia, of the revolutions of 1906 in Iran and 1908 in Turkey, of the shortlived Transcaucasian Federation and of the first Republic of Azerbaijan, the reader follows the intellectual progression of varied trends bearing the definition of a n e w national identity. The author provides a first tentative identification of the protagonists, and of the influences that conditioned the development of each. The reader is invited to witness the debates between pro-Russian liberals, Jadid reformists, Islamists, and the first Islamist, then Turkist people of the M u s a w a t , without omitting the Bolsheviks, Georgian Mensheviks and the Armenian Dashnaksutiun (the index showing very useful, in this matter, for possible transversal •readings). Conversely, the author also shows h o w the development of ideas and the whole region's political transformation have been hampered by the durable discrepancy between Europeanised urban intellectual elites and t h e traditionalism of the remaining part of the social body. In all this work has indisputably marked a date in the progression of studies in modern history of the Southern Caucasus — even if one has every right to deplore the Hegelian vision of a continuous, gradual and parallel development of nations, quite common in studies on modernism in Central Eurasian lands, and to regret the essentialist vision of the Azerbaijani nation — a characteristic of the collection on the nationalities of the USSR in which this pioneering monograph has been initially published. Bayram Balci (French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent)

See also: 446 (Donogo); 193 (Uyama)

3.3.D. The Soviet and Present Periods 242. BABEROWSKI Jörg, Der Feind ist überall: Stalinismus im Kaukasus,

Munich Stuttgart: Deutsches Verlags-Anstalt, 2003, 882 p., black & white photos, bibliography, index The publication of this massive and magisterial book is an important event for historians of contemporary Central Eurasia. Stalinism is analysed from below in a way that renews our understanding of Soviet rule in non-Russian borderlands. As far as one of Baberowski's challenges is to "de-russify" Soviet history by focusing on indigenous populations, his study of the complex settlement of modernity in Muslim periphery is essential to understand the whole Soviet Union pre-war history. Moreover, taking part in the new historiographical trend on the "Imperial" nature of USSR, Baberowski, Professor of East European history at Humboldt University in Berlin, exposes an unknown dimension of Stalin's totalitarian project. His pertinent choice to favour a cultural approach allows us to perceive in situ the conflict between civilisations that occurred when the Bolsheviks intended to

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"overcome cultural heterogeneity and resistance and transform it into uniformity (p. 829)." Presenting in all details the struggle against traditional culture, this theoretically sophisticated book is not another generalist work on Bolsheviks' nation-making project. Because national categorisation and identity formation processes are not Baberowski's main concerns, the present monograph neglects the narrow links between scholarship and politics (see for instance in the present volume M. Kemper's comment on VASIL'KOV la. V., SOROKINA M. Iu., eds., Liudi i sud'by: biobibliograficheskii slovar' vostokovedov-zhertv politicheskogo tcrrora v sovctskii period (1917-

1991) [People and Destiny: A Bio-Bibliographical Dictionary of Oriental Scholars— Victims of Political Terror in the Soviet Period (1917-1991)]. However, stating with W. Connor that concerning national groups "what ultimately matters is not what is but what people believe is (p. 21)," Baberowski makes a decisive innovation by promoting a quasi essentialist approach of the national question in USSR. Critical to constructivist approaches, the author proposes nothing less than a new method to study national histories inside the multiethnic state with a large Muslim population that was the USSR. Using Gadamer's theory of culture (as model of behaviours) and Foucault's idea of circulating power, the book replaces Stalinism into a larger enlightenment project. One of the book's strength is that it links these efforts with earlier initiatives that go back via the colonial politics of the late nineteenth century to the indigenisation of the 1920s. Analysing how the conquerors turned into civilisers, it presents the continuity between Tsarist and Soviet attempts at integrating Muslim peoples into modernity. Built on solid archive work in Moscow, St Petersburg and Baku, the book focuses on multiethnic Azerbaijan which, representing "the lmpcrium in a miniature (p. 17)," stayed, according to Baberowski's argument open to criticism, as a first laboratory for Stalin's experiments. Finally, the book talks about the roots of Stalinist civilisation in the "Asiatic" part of the Soviet Union and from this perspective finds new answers to an old question: How the socialistic experiment could come out on mass terror? The first chapter describes some fundamental historical characteristics of the emergence, between 1828 and 1914, of nationalism as a counterpart of the Russian "civilising" policy in the Caucasus. Until the mid-nineteenth century, the Tsarist bureaucracy planned to civilise indigenous populations on a European model. In his examination of the colonial policy conducted in Caucasus, Baberowski focuses on interethnic relations, and seeks to explain the link between migrations, urbanisation, and the radicalisation of national claims. He states for instance that the discriminations against Muslims that followed the development of oil industries in multiethnic Baku played a crucial role in the 1905 pogroms. Despite the implication of Muslim socialists from the 'Ummet Party, class struggles remained insignificant compared to ethnic ones. The ideological diversity that emerged among Muslim intelligentsia is well described with a special mention on the various aspects of Turkist ideas promoted by the new national press. Baberowski provides illuminating illustrations of the conflict relationships between Russians and Muslims, but neglects to deepen the question of the traditional and non-assimilationist nature of the Tsarist Empire when he insists on the official aspiration to assimilate Muslim population (p. 70). If Russian settlers were actually major actors of the civilising mission toward backward natives (see SUNDERLAND Willard, Taming the Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Wild Field: Colonization and Empire on the Russian Steppe, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University

Press, 2004, 239 p.—and my comment on this book in the present volume), the very concept of assimilation was unthinkable by the administrators of a country which failed to enter within the framework of a nation-state (cf. the classical works by Andreas Kappeler). Running from 1914 to 1920, the second chapter exposes the consequences in the Caucasus of the Russian military engagement against the Ottoman Empire and of the civil war that followed the Bolshevik coup d'état. Obviously, considering the complex borders changes and the fascinating territorial analysis provided by Baberowski on the November 1917 Duma elections, some maps would have been more than useful. Talking about "Ethnic cleansing" but refraining from bloody descriptions, Baberowski uses new archival sources to detail interethnic conflicts that occurred in 1917 in Azerbaijan, especially the massacres of Muslims perpetrated by Armenians defending the Baku Commune. After the Ottoman troops' intervention and the establishment of the Musawat regime, the journal Azerbaijan presented the massacres of Armenians as a legitimate reaction. In such a context of "permanent pogrom," Baberowski explains with a lot of concrete examples how territories became important political issues (the enclave of Higher Qarabagh was claimed by Baku's authorities) and why did ethnic conflicts occurred: homecoming of deserters, forced migrations and land struggles (when in November 1918, Armenians from Nakhichevan came back to their villages, their houses were already occupied by Muslims). Finally, according to Baberowski, the fact that peasants were impervious to national identities (some of them did not even know what Azerbaijan was, p. 182) explains the Bolsheviks final conquest of the region in April 1920 by the lack of support for the Muslim nationalists of the Musawat. When the third chapter presents already known Bolsheviks positions on the national question with special considerations on the ambiguities of their colonial/ civilising mission in the Soviet East, the fourth chapter deals with the difficult application of these principles. The "«constitution of the Empire" by Bolsheviks was followed by several attempts to take control over the entire region. Among all the new material provided on the Sovietisation of Azerbaijan, the biographical information on the main local leaders is of great value. Baberowski shows the significance of personal networks for the functionality of the regime: Elected in 1922 chairman of the Union Council of the Transcaucasian Federation, Nariman Narimanov launched the indigenisation policy and could count, until 1925, on Lenin's support to counter the pro-Armenian positions of A. I. Mikoian, the chairman of the Party Committee for Baku. The history of Soviet Azerbaijan from 1923 to 1930 is described in the fifth chapter. From that point onward, Baberowski replaces "Muslim" by "Turkic" to qualify the Caucasus population, but he unfortunately does not explain his terminological shift. In fact, limited by their incapacity to imagine people without national ties and constrained by their fear of separatist tendencies, the Bolsheviks transformed the Soviet Union into a state of nations, in which newly recognised nations were assigned to national territories. By promoting native languages, cultures and administration, they paradoxically sought to overcome cultural diversity and to unify the enormous multiethnic semiliterate population. Despite his reduction of indi206

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genisation to a "strategy for escaping interethnic conflicts", Baberowski has written one of the most detailed histories of its local implications. He shows for instance that 'Turkic' workers were sometimes recruited as drivers or dustmen only to fulfil national quotas. He convincingly demonstrates the failure of the linguistic Turkisation and the promotion of others national minorities which obtained inside their national districts (created in May 1925), education in native language. A short historical presentation of these groups (Talishis, Kurds, Lezgs...) is missing. As well shown in the second part of the chapter, the promotion of nationalities led to a reinforcement of national boundaries. Referring to Terry Martin' works, Baberowski argues that the "Affirmative action" policy multiplied rival national claims and consequently reinforced ethnic animosity. Land struggles were intensified by the legitimacy officially given to the titular nationality: The slogan "Azerbaijan for the Turks" was notified in the Nakhichevan's villages to expel Armenian and Russian settlers. In the countryside, the process of ethnic homogenisation reinforced the attachment to "national traditions" and clan solidarities. In Baku, rapid industrialisation exacerbated concurrence between Russian and Turkic workers for places and housing. On everyday life level, cultural cohabitation was difficult: The choice between Friday and Sunday as vacation day provoked tense debates. Together with their former Musawat professors, Turkic students of Baku University claimedthat "Azerbaijan is a little Turkey" and refused to attend lectures in Russian language. The chapter ends with vivid examples of the strong influence obtained by the Kemalist model in Azerbaijan during the 1920s. It was to become one of the motivations for the repressions of the 1930s. Focusing on the same topics but for different periods, the sixth and seventh chapters show the absurd "rationality" of Bolshevik's violence against tradition. From 1923 to 1928, there were several attempts at controlling Muslim communities, to eliminate "barbarian" traditions and to replace old customs by the modern ways of life. Baberowski provides amazing descriptions of the gap existing between urban culture of the Bolsheviks and the Islamic culture of autarchic villagers, which for instance in the Karachan region had no roads, no schools and no secular calendar. His insistence on the differences in value systems is essential to perceive the mutual lack of understanding: As a rural communist said, "I am a Leninist but I have nothing to do with Marxism." Mullahs and beys maintained their domination on local communities. So, the only solution for local communists to gain some legitimacy was to insert themselves inside the traditional clan system. They got some power as far as they were called Aga, Khan or Sayyid. Finally, the indigenisation conducted to a 'traditionalisation' of the Communist Party apparatus. In the second part of the sixth chapter, the detailed description of anti-Islamic campaign crosses the gender problematic: the Bolsheviks considered the Islamic veil as a sign of "religious fanaticism" where Muslims saw a protection of woman dignity. Another cultural misunderstanding was about the illegal use of violence by armed bands that contested Soviet power and refused land reforms to maintain ancestral order. In such a context, Communists were feeling surrounded by enemies that were to be destroyed. From 1925 onward, the Autonomous Republic of Nakhichevan was the first region to experiment Stalinist violence. This experience was to be enlarged to all Soviet Union in 1929. Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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The seventh chapter presents the "Cultural Revolution" in Azerbaijan, which Baberowski considers as a systematic extension of the civilising policy of the 1920s. Going on Sheila Fitzpatrick's conception, he describes the great drive against religion and traditions in 1929. Confronted with misunderstood traditions, the Communists tried to impose cultural changes by coercion. Through a radicalisation of their modernist project, religious practices, national cultures and customs were thoroughly demonised. Archive documents on local level shows the sudden, brutal, Utopian effort to change the way people lived, to abolish their old "superstitious" culture and force them out of "backwardness". According to Baberowski, the use of "barbarian" methods was specific to Soviet Union and differs from other Europeanisation policies of that time (in Kemalist Turkey, in Persia under Reza Shah, and in Afghanistan under Aman-Allah) which are usefully compared in the third part of the chapter. Methods, actors and discourses of the campaign are well described with concrete examples: Musical instruments had to be replaced by the European guitar; the traditional hat (papach) was forbidden and the Komsomols were ready to punish offenders. Concerning the shift to Latin alphabet that occurred in 1928, Baberowski states that it came from local intelligentsia which intended to facilitate the literacy campaign. He shows the wide range of reactions against this aggressive "cultural imperialism", and provides interesting statements on the armed bands led by Sunni mullahs (for instance the famous Hafiz Effendi) in the Zakataly region. In many cases, Bolsheviks had to accept compromises solutions to escape general uprising. Islamic veils were tolerated and became signs of national distinction and resistance. The final failure of the Cultural Revolution paved the way to the Great Terror. Collectivisation is described in the eighth chapter as part of the cultural struggle against traditions. After some considerations on its intellectual origins as a collectivist interpretation of European modernity, Baberowski exposes its main purposes: Breaking the strong solidarity networks, definitively settling nomadic populations and getting labour forces to engage massive cotton production. But on a territory ruled by feudal clans on which Moscow had no control, violent and chaotic collectivisation led to violent resistance. From 1930 to 1933, Azerbaijan suffered from civil war: The OGPU troops failed to defeat armed bands which attacked kolkhozes, killed communists and even managed to conquer the Nakhichevan province. Only the intervention of the Red Army managed to restore some order. But here also the result was the triumph of tradition. Seized by clan society, the newly created kolkhozes were socialist in form, but stayed traditional in content. On that point, Baberowski proposes one of his more innovative demonstrations stating that the Great Terror was mostly determined by indigenisation and the final failure of the civilising mission. When the subjects did not submit to collectivisation and the Cultural Revolution, the Bolsheviks took it as a national resistance. Obsessed with traitors, Stalin came to believe that nations could be a threat to the Soviet order. Having taken advantage of indigenisation, the former Musawat intelligentsia had to be neutralised. Purges of the Party apparatus, arrests of new enemies and various techniques of terror and extermination are presented in the last chapter on Great Terror in Azerbaijan. Aside from factual presentation, Baberowski provides an in-deep analysis of 208

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Stalinism in the Soviet East: "Oriental despotism was not enough to destroy oriental despotism, Stalin's Terror was necessary (p. 773)." He explains for instance that Stalin and many of his fellow leaders were from non-Russian nationalities and may have wanted to destroy the culture from where they had managed to extract themselves. We can regret the lack of data on the international context that would have helped to explain why, as a frontier region, the Caucasus was first concerned by Stalin's wish to discover new enemies in saboteurs and spies. Among other relevant statements, a very stimulating analysis is made on the decisive impact of clan solidarities in the continuous escalation and intensification of the Terror. Also suggestive is the idea that both L. P. Beria and Mir Ja'far Bagirov, Chairmen of the Party in Georgia and Azerbaijan, could survive the Terror because they organised their own cult of personality. Together with a sociological and statistical analysis of the purges, the precise mechanisms of repression are described on the local level with full of details coming from archive documents. One of the conclusion points of the book is that Muslim peasants learned to write when writing denunciations. In this instance, this "cultural history" of Stalinism in the Caucasus makes a remarkable contribution to the field of Soviet history. Over the course of nine vivid chapters, Baberowski demonstrates the centrality of the civilisational aspect of Stalinism. Considering that "revisionist" historians of the Soviet Union have wrongly de-emphasised Stalin's role and the importance of ideology, he contradicts Moshe Lewin's conclusions on Stalinism by showing that bureaucracy in a Weberian sense did not exist and that power rested on the effectiveness of personal networks. Moreover, we can find echoes of the modern civilisational critique in his insistent association of Stalinism with Utopian Enlightenment ideas. Full of statements on the intentionality of Soviet leaders to overcome traditions, the book provides comparisons with 1793 revolutionary France but we would expect more comparisons with the contemporary Nazi Germany to enlighten the debate on totalitarianism. Despite the little use of this concept, Baberowski clearly demonstrates that through Terror and attacks against a culture considered as "barbarian", Stalinism was above all an imperial phenomenon. As far as Islam was more than a confession but a culture, a world conception linked to a peculiar values system, it stayed as mortal enemy for this anti-religious religion that was the totalitarian ideology. However, rightly explaining that "historiography must place religion at the centre of its analysis (p. 588)," Baberowski unfortunately fails to carry out his ambitious programme: Reduced to its more visible dimension as a Soviet policy target, Islam is not recognised as a complete and legitimate object of studies. Mostly built up on official documents, the work lets uncovered numerous aspects of the complex Islamic reality in the Caucasus. Nothing is said for instance on the role played by the Sufi mystical paths and their implication in resistance movements. Muslims appears only as victims of Stalinism and their culture as static and unchangeable. Muslim reformism is limited to an elite phenomenon. Neglecting the sources in Azeri language and the new historiography on Jadidism that clearly shows the great scale of controversies provoked by nineteenth-century modernisation, the book gives the wrong impression that the civilising trend was only a forced policy from the colonial power. The debate that arised between Jadids and Musawits about the Islamic veil should have deserved more than a few words (p.

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639). In the same way, more comparisons w i t h other Muslim regions of Russia, for instance the Volga-Ural region and its reformism applied to education, could have permitted Baberowski to avoid concluding that a "Muslim way towards the modern was from n o w impossible (p. 37)." These reserves notwithstanding, Baberowski's discoveries on the Soviet "civilising mission" will renew the historiography of Soviet studies. By the importance of his topic and the originality of his research, the book deserves a wide audience among historians of modern Central Eurasia. An English translation would enlarge the readership of this major w o r k that historians will be consulting for years to come. Xavier Le Torrivellec (National Institute for Oriental Languages and Civilisations, Paris)

243. G R A N T Bruce, "An Average Azeri Village (1930): Remembering Rebellion in the Caucasus Mountains," Slavic Review 63/4 (2004): 705-31 Through an examination of the Sheki uprising, a relatively understudied, b u t at the same time broadly recalled page of the history of Soviet Azerbaijan, the author attractively discusses differences between "history making" times and "average" seasons of history. Sheki rebelled successively against Timur, Nader Shah, the Soviet rule, and even the twenty-first century began for the people of Sheki w i t h rebellion. These historical facts definitely make Sheki quite a "none-average" place in Azerbaijan. At the same time, one may conclude that "history making" events like rebellion has become "average" or "common" fact for this specific area of Azerbaijan, attractive by b o t h its beautiful mountainous nature and its sweet local dialect, coloured by the local population's notorious sense of humour. In the history of Sheki, there are several examples w h e n these features "acted" together. For instance the castle in the mountain area that became a well-known symbol of rebellion against Nader Shah bears the funny name "Galasan-Gorasan" precisely translated by the author as "come and get w h a t is coming to you." Pages from the personal history of the article's main hero, Mulla Mustafa, can also be seen as "average" examples of the fate of those repressed under the 'Red Terror'—a history of protests against collectivisation and the ensuing repressions, as well as against the lasting rumours on those w h o survived and collaborated w i t h the NKVD in the 1930s. From this viewpoint the present article, based on intensive fieldwork in the Sheki area and on a scrupulous analysis of KGB archive materials, provides invaluable keys for an understanding of the impact of modern history upon collective memory in nowadays Azerbaijan. Altay Gfiyiishov (Baku State University)

244. I S M A I L O V El'dar, Vlast' i narod, 1945-1953 [The Power and the People, 19491953], Baku: Adiloglu, 2003,342 p. The disappearance of the Soviet Union has paved the way to the massive revision of the history of this continent-wide Communist state, in the W e s t as in the countries of former socialist block, especially in the newly independent former Soviet republics. Because of its crucial impact on twentieth-century world politics, Stalinism has become one of the most revisited chapters of this emerging n e w Soviet historiography. At the same time, harsh vocal criticism of Stalin's period by former 210

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Soviet historians, just after the crash of Soviet rule, was often guided by political and populist reaction to change. A decade later, we face a new wave of interest in Stalin's years, with less room for populist rhetoric and more interest for in-deep and well-informed analyses. The book under review can be regarded as one of these more cautious tentative re-examinations of Stalin's epoch in Soviet Azerbaijan. Through a reconstruction of the personal history of the Azerbaijani Communist leader of the 1930s-40-s, Mir Ja'far Bagirov, the author discusses all the wellknown core issues of these undoubtedly brutal times. Without challenging the evident negative realities and general negative assessments of Stalinism in the Southern Caucasus, the author nevertheless sheds a crude light on some understudied, though widely discussed and controversial issues, like the "to some extent nationalistic nature" of Bagirov's rule. Despite some very questionable and sometimes conflicting conclusions, this well-informed book, written with care by a professional historian, can be presented as a valuable contribution to the present development of the historiography of the Soviet period in the federated republics. Altay Góyüshov (Baku State University)

245. KHASANLI Dzhamil',SSSR - I ran: Azerbaidzhanskii krizis i nachalo kholodnoi voiny, 1941-1946 [USSR - Iran: The Azerbaijan Crisis and the Beginning of the Cold War, 1941-1946], Moscow: Geroi otechestva, 2006,556 p. This book examines political developments in Northern Iran during and in the immediate aftermath of WWII. Relying mainly on the archives of the Azerbaijani Communist Party, the author depicts the situation in the framework of the rivalry between Great Britain and the Soviet Union. He comes to the ultimate conclusion that the battle for Iran was the first strong sign of the future harsh confrontation between the Allies—going so far as naming the 'Southern Azerbaijani issue' in the 1940s as the first "battlefield" of the Cold War. As far as the author's main source has consisted of declassified documents of the Communist Party archive in Baku, his book conveys a rich amount of captivating material tracing the political behaviour of the Soviet leadership on this very question. The research's value is still enhanced by attempts as a non-conventional reconstruction of the personal profiles of some of the main protagonists of the time, like the head of so-called Southern Azerbaijani Republic Sayyid Ja'far Pishavari or the Iranian Prime Minister Qavam al-Saltane. One of the most interesting and also arguable points of the book is the cautious incentive to promote a "new", more nationalistic image of Mir Ja'far Bagirov, the leader of the Azerbaijani Communist Party, through his role in the negotiations with the Moscow leadership of the CPSU. Regardless of the lack of answer by the author to the question, raised by himself, as to when Stalin did decide to leave Northern Iran, his book appears as a significant contribution to the historiography of modern and contemporary Azerbaijan. Altay Góyüshov (Baku State University)

246. SHAFFER Brenda, Borders and Brethren: Iran and the Challenge of Azerbaijani Identity, Cambridge, MA - London: The MIT Press, 2002,248 p., 1 map The book deals with Azerbaijani identity over a long historical period from the Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Turkmanchay Treaty in 1828 till the present. Despite the partition, the author argues that the preservation of ties between Azerbaijanis from Iran and from Transcaucasia is a driving force in fostering common ethnic identity in both countries. So doing, she skilfully challenges national integration theories and assumes increasing interactions with the centre can foster national identity, but can also contribute to emphasise the differences between the two communities. About Soviet Azerbaijan, she has a conventional stance, explaining the institutionalisation of Azerbaijani identity via Soviet policies. About Iran her view is rather groundbreaking: Pro-Persian nationalist policies have traditionally roused growing grievances among the Azerbaijani population. These grievances culminated during WWII with Pishevari's autonomous government, and with the Islamic Revolution of 1979, during which Azerbaijanis, among other demands, asked for a better acknowledgement of their ethnic specificities. The book provides interesting elements about the Revolutionary process in Tabriz and about Ayatollah Shari'atMadari's opposition to Ayatollah Khomeini's velayat-efaqih in the first years of the Islamic Republic. The longest chapter deals with the situation in both Iran and Azerbaijan after the independence of the former Soviet Republic. It analyses its impact on Iranian Azerbaijan, and with the renewal of ethnic identity taking place there. A cultural revival through literary reviews, books or associations has instigated a growing interest in ethnic culture among the population, and a lessening forbearance to recurring sneering stereotypes about Iranian Turks. These were the first steps before a more political activity asking for a better acknowledgement of Azerbaijani specificities by the central government. In the end, the author assumes a renewal of Azerbaijani identity in Iran and in the Republic of Azerbaijan, despite secular centralising policies, and a regeneration of links between both countries. Her book is a useful contribution in the study of both the Republic of Azerbaijan and Iran. It has the great advantage of casting light on new ethnic mobilisations taking place in Iran. However, the main sources used in the book have been gathered in the Republic of Azerbaijan, not in Iran. Therefore, Br. Shaffer's argument is biased by relying too much on Soviet Azerbaijani academic circles, taking not into account the huge social and cultural transformations that have been taking place in Iran during the past thirty years. Besides, the book's chronological presentation has the disadvantage to over emphasise synchronic tendencies between Russian and Iranian Azerbaijan. Gilles Riaux (French Institute of Research in Iran, Tehran) See also: 19 (Gatagova et aL); 26 (Ashnin et al.); 193 (Uyama); 626 (Tokluoglu)

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3.4. Western Central Asia 3.4.A. General Works 247.

ABDUJALILKHOJA Hoji

Saiid, Az

nasabnomai

saiidzodagoni

Movaronnahr

[Elements for the Genealogy of the Sayyids of Transoxiana], introduction by Bozor TLLAVOV, Dushanbe: Korkhonai vohidi tab' u nashri "KishovarzM sh. Giprozem, 2001,205 p., appendix Due to the decline of the Academy of Sciences of Tajikistan since the end of the Soviet period, one can observe in Dushanbe the emergence of a historiography that is totally cut off from the national models imposed until recently by the Soviet culture of nationalities. Deprived of a real scientific character, the present work offers an interesting example of the sacred historiography that has been emanating for a decade and a half from religious and erudite circles related with Islamic institutions (like the central or regional qaziyyats) or Islamist organisations (in particular with the Party of the Islamic Revival of Tajikistan). W h e n c e academic publications remain very poorly printed and distributed, these books can be found nowadays on the markets around central mosques: The author of the present review has found his copy of this one in the book market of the Imam Tirmidhi Mosque of Dushanbe, arising envy among his young and pious interlocutors of the PIR. As in other regions of the former USSR—notably in the Volga-Urals region of Russia—, one of the major orientations of this 'new' historiography has been the reconstruction of lineages of sayyids: Such is the central theme of the present publication, with a focus on Transoxiana and a particular interest in the lineage of Makhdum-i A'zam and in the Khwajagan. Although the non-mention of the often manuscript sources that have nourished this work makes its utilisation by historian problematic, at the same time the numerous data provided by the author and the poetical texts edited in the appendix make it a particularly interesting document for the study of leading spiritual figures in Central Asia, and of the modes of history writing in this region of the world in the contemporary period. Another essay by the same author (Majmu' az olami tavorikh [A Collection from the W o r l d of Chronicles], 1st part, Dushanbe: same publisher, 2002, 80 p.) is a tentative universal history based on the great classical texts of epics and court historiography in Central Asia, but also by school textbooks of the Soviet time. It offers an interesting example of the current reutilisations of a traditional genre par excellence: that of historiography as it has been practiced in Transoxiana until the beginning of the Soviet period. Beside its value as a testimony on the neo-traditionalist currents in nowadays Central Asia, this book still outstands by the quality of its documentary basis—consisting of ancient manuscript works from the author's private library, some of which are still unstudied by modern historians. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

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248. ABDULLAEV U., "Farghona vodiisidagi etnoslararo munosabatlar tarikhidan [Of the History of Interethnic Relations in the Fergana Valley]," O'zbekistonda ijtimoiy fanlar/Obshchestvennye nauki v Uzbckistane 2006/3: 63-7 This unfortunately very synthetic and sometimes simplistic paper evokes the proceeses of acculturation between nomadic (Turk, Qipchaq, Qurama, Yuz, Ming, Nayman, etc.) and sedentary (Uzbek, Tajik) populations of the Fergana Valley in the second half of the nineteenth century—notably through the adoption by the former of elements of the costume and of the cuisine of the latter. The Redaction 249. ADLE Chahriyar, with Madhavan K. PALAT & Anara TABYSHALIEVA, eds., History of Civilisations of Central Asia, 6: Towards the Contemporary Period: From the Mid-Nineteenth to the End of the Twentieth Century, Paris: UNESCO Publishing, 2005, 1033 p., 8 maps, ill., bibliography, index Accepting as a vocation the "problematic and thorny [p. 25]" task of achieving the preparation of the present book (after the resignation of an initial Editor discouraged by the complexity of that endeavour), the actual Editors of this volume—the sixth and last of a series initiated by the UNESCO in 1980—have given birth to a model of international scientific cooperation and, at the same time, to a monument bearing testimony of a state of research that was prevailing among Western as well as Soviet scholars during Perestroika and in the early independence period (the footnotes and the bibliography at the end of the volume rarely refer to publications posterior to the 1980s, and many remain limited to classical Soviet references). Prepared in the course of twenty years, this beautifully printed and carefully edited volume remains unfortunately, for its most part, alien to the boom of publications and to the deepest methodological changes that have marked the period since the dissolution of the USSR and the relative opening of China to foreign research. Often conservative in its content, the volume is also conspicuous by the fuzzy contour given by the UNESCO to the very notion of Central Asia, limited by some authors of the present volume to the territory of former Soviet Middle Asia (in particular in historical chapters), but extended by others to a good half of Asia, including the whole Iranian plateau and a substantial part of the Indian subcontinent. These approximations notwithstanding, it goes without saying that the volume remains an interesting and recommendable reading, dotted with significant, sometimes innovative contributions that save the overall project from conceptual collapse. (The articles dealing with Iran, Pakistan and Northern India will be let aside of the present review.) The first part, under the neutral title "Continuity and change," consists of a series of overall essays on the political and social history of Central Asia (in the restrictive meaning of this denomination) from the Russian conquest and colonisation to the first years of the Soviet period. It is continued by a second part made of monographic articles on state-formation in the present nation-states of former Soviet Central Asia, Afghanistan and Mongolia, as well as in Xinjiang and in the Sayan-Altai Mountain region of south-eastern Siberia from the eighteenth century to the dissolution of the USSR. Indeed, most argue that early 214

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modem and contemporary developments contribute to shape the present statehood of Central Asian states—except for Xinjiang, it goes without saying. These historical chapters are followed by a substantial third part (pp. 491-936) with varied contributions on environment, society and culture. The rich appendixes comprise a series of eight maps, a bibliography (including a very limited amount of publications posterior to the 1980s), a glossary, and an index. Numerous illustrations, including postcards of the Russian colonial and early Soviet periods, contribute to enrich the texts—reinforcing also the idealized images given by some. The chapters of general history are oriented mainly towards the reconstruction of the main steps of the Russian conquest and colonisation of Central Asia, and the British attempts of penetration from the Raj. The article on the Russian expansion does not forget a paragraph on Xinjiang in the 1870s-80s (FOURNIAU V. & POUJOL C., "The States of Central Asia (Second Half of Nineteenth Century to Early Twentieth Century)," 29-50), and the contribution by the same authors on trade and the economy includes paragraphs on aspects to which they have devoted in the past substantial personal research, like the construction of the Trans-Caspian Railway and its impact upon vernacular societies, or the role of Central Asian Jews in the economy and intercultural contacts during the colonial period (POUJOL C. & FOURNIAU V., "Trade and the Economy (Second Half of Nineteenth Century to Early Twentieth Century)," 51-78). The chapter on social structures of early modern Central Asia (TABYSHAOEVA A., "Social Structures in Central Asia," 79-102), based on secondary sources, focuses on the wide typology of kinship structures among Central Asian peoples, stressing the differences between sedentary and nomadic populations, though discussing the real significance of ancient military units among Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Turkmens, Karakalpaks and Mongols after the transformations laid down by the Tsarist administration of the Steppe and Turkistan territories. The following essay, devoid of critical apparatus, deals with the British penetration attempts in Iran, Afghanistan, and Xinjiang from the late eighteenth to the mid-twentieth century (PALAT Madhavan K., "The British in Central Asia," 103-24). A very panoramic chapter on Russia in Central Asia devotes a special paragraph on Islam, curiously stressing the impact of coercion and repression, in a mood characteristic of Central Asian historiography of the early 1990s (ABDURAKHIMOVA N. A., "Tsarist Russia and Central Asia," 125-54). Characteristically also, the early Soviet period is tackled first through the autonomist movements in Russian Turkistan, then through the coups organised by the Bolsheviks against the Khanate of Khiva and the Emirate of Bukhara, and through the 'national-territorial demarcation' of Central Asia (RADJAPOVA R. Y., "Establishment of the Soviet Power in Central Asia (1917-24); basing her study on the Russian- and Turkic-language vernacular press of the revolutionary period, and of the official history of the Communist Party of Turkistan, the author focuses on the latter's evolution during these eventful years, often limiting her research to the comment of official declarations and resolutions, in a mood that was for long that of contemporary history practised in the USSR. The last contribution of this section is an article, also based for the most part on Soviet secondary sources, on the intellectual renewals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, through a series of short biographical notices of its Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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prominent figureheads among the nomads and in the oases of Central Asia— classically postulating, without arguing it, an essential difference between the two ( A S H U R O V G., "Intellectual and Political Ferment," 185-212). Such is the foundation stone on which the second part of the volume developed, with historical arguments on state-building in nowadays independent states of Central Asia. A first, panoramic essay provides a global overview of political constructions in countries and regions with a totally different political history: Iran, Afghanistan, the British Raj, and Central Asia from W W I to W W I I , with a general conclusion on the domination of the political landscape of that period by nation more than by religion or any other ideological system, though no unique model of nation-state could be imposed during those years upon this extremely vast region ( P A L A T Madhavan K., "The Evolution of Nation-States," 213-24). The bulk of this part of the book is made of monographic chapters on state-building in every modern-day Central Asian republic—including Mongolia—from colonisation or Sovietisation to independence ( A L I M O V A D. A. & G O L O V A N O V A. A., "Uzbekistan," 22546; N U R P E I S K., "Kazakhstan," 247-62; T A B Y S H A L I E V A A., "Kyrgyzstan," 263-88; DlN O R S H O E V M . , "Tajikistan," 289-304; A N N A N E P E S O V M. & M O S H E V M., "Turkmenistan," 305-28; N O E L L E - K A R I M I C , "Afghanistan from 1850 to 1919," 439-46; M A L E Y W . & S A I K A L A., "[Afghanistan] from Independence to the Rise of the Taliban," 447-60; N A K A M I T., "Mongolia from the Eighteenth Century to 1919," 347-62; B A T B A Y A R Ts., "The Mongolian People's Revolution of 1921 and the Mongolian People's Republic (1924-46)," 363-70; B O L D B A A T A R J., "The Mongolian People's Republic: Social Transformation and Its Challenges," 371-8). In the wake of the Soviet tradition of contemporary history writing as it has been eloquently analysed by Marc Ferro, most authors insist on the continuous and eventless political, social, and cultural progresses resulting from the creation of national republics from 1924 onwards, with light shades of meaning, Perestroika-style, as to the over-centralised character of the Soviet administration. A special article on the Altai region and south-eastern Siberia provides some elements of demographic, economic and political history of the region's main national groups and territorial entities in the Tsarist and Soviet periods, as well as on the main orientations of vernacular historiographies: Khakassia, Tuva, Altai, Buriatia—with particular interest in the ephemeral developments of the civil war period ( V A S I L E V D., "The Sayan-Altai Mountains and South-Eastern Siberia," 3 2 9 - 4 6 ) . As to the chapter on Xinjiang ( Q I N Huibin, "Western China (Xinjiang)," 3 7 9 - 4 0 4 ) , it has the merit to provide the international readership with a cut and dried piece of Chinese official historical discourse on this region since the first establishment of Qing authority—with definitive sentences on the "invader" Ya'qub Beg ("Agbor" for Chinese chroniclers), "a bandit from the Khanate of Kokand," on the struggle of the "peoples of Xinjiang" against Russian intruders, on the role of "opportunistic mullahs" and other "traitors" in the Muslim republics and kingdoms of Eastern Turkistan during the Republican period . . . : majestic and sinister like a proletarian opera. The most innovative part of the volume, the third one, is made by a collection of articles by specialists of different disciplines on environment, society and culture: S H U K U R O V E., "The Natural Environment of Central and South Asia," 493-528 (re216

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viewed in supra 148); ALIMOVA D. A., "The Status of Women in Northern Central Asia," 529-38—in this essay, contrary to the Soviet postulate of the liberation of women after the October Revolution, the author underlines the feminist preoccupations of many theoreticians of the early-twentieth-century 'Jadid' movement in Russian Turkistan, and their influence upon initial emancipation measures in the early 1920 (though the essentially paternalist nature of this trend among Jadid male authors is not assessed). D. Alimova also properly stresses the essentially totalitarian and brutal character of the "assault (Hujum)" against the wearing of the veil by women in Central Asia, in the years preceding collectivisation. The essay eloquently illustrates the essentially ambiguous nature of the response of local societies through the example of these party officials conducting their wives to public veil-burning sessions, and obliging them to put it back on the following morning; at the same time and in the same subtle mood, the article underlines the acquisitions of the Soviet period from the viewpoints of women's literacy and employment, as well as resistances to their professional and social promotion, Perestroika and transition from socialism finally contributing to an overall reinforcement of patriarchal attitudes, and to the spectacular degradation of the status of women that could be observable everywhere in Central Asia in the course of the last decades. In the same iconoclastic mood, the following contribution casts light on the modernist trends that have characterised the Afghan monarchy and state from the late nineteenth century to the Soviet occupation of 1979-89 (KIAN-THIEBAUT A., "Women's Movements and Changes in the Legal Status of Women in Iran and Afghanistan (1900-90)," 539-48—). Allusions to Afghan feminism, through the Anjuman-i rifah-i zanan ("Society f o r t h e P r o s p e r i t y of W o m e n " ) c r e a t e d i n 1946 f o r p r o -

moting women's access to education and employment, or through the Marxist-Leninist Democratic Organisation of Afghan Women instituted in 1965, insist on the weak impact of these movement emanating from a nascent urban middle class on the traditional patriarchal order of the global society. As to the change promoted under the Communist regime, the author properly notes the overall resistance to them in both urban and rural areas. The improvements of the employment rate among women and of their social integration that were brought about by the Soviet occupation were to be annihilated after the Mujahid occupation of Kabul in 1992—a situation still considerably aggravated during the Taliban period, and slowly reformed since the installation of the Karzai administration, two periods of time not treated in this otherwise convincing synthesis. The last article of this subsection is a very short panoramic study of the parallel development of educational institutions, medias, and health services in the Indian subcontinent and in Russian, then Soviet Central Asia, and in Iran from the late nineteenth century to the 1980s (PATNAIK A. K., "Education, the Press and Public Health," 563-86). If the author traces interesting comparative perspectives between countries with radically different experiences of European dominance, it shows poorly interested in the exchanges that took place in these matters, for instance between the British Raj and Russian Central Asia during the whole nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The other relevant articles are: FLOOR W . , "Science and Technology," 587-622 A., "The Art of the Northern Regions of Central Asia," 623-

(infra 354); KHAKIMOV

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94 (infra 366); Li Sheng & Xu Jianying, "The Art and Architecture of Xinjiang," 695-718 (infra 367); Rozi R. G., "Uighur Vernacular Architecture," 719-30 (infra 361); ADAMS L. L , "Cinema and Theatre," 809-18 (infra 383); AZZOUT M., "Architecture and Urban Planning in Northern Central Asia from the Russian Conquest to the Soviet Period (1865-1990)," 819-58 (infra 355); JAVADI H., "Literature in Persian," 859-75 (infra 536); JAVADI H., "Literature in Dari," 876-82 (infra 536); AUMARDONOV A., "Literature in Tajik," 883-6 (infra 536); HASNAIN I., "Literature in Other Indo-Iranian Languages," 887-912 (infra 536); DOR R., "Literature in Turkic," 913-20 (infra 564). In all, though it is not an easy task to draw overall conclusions from such a "contrasted" reading, as the Editors would have put it, it remains that tribute must be paid to such a monumental undertaking, even if its main peculiarities—first of all the spectacular and highly discussable extension of the geographical scope of Central Asia—have not brought about the comparative dimension that the readers were entitled to wait from its very project. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 2 5 0 . BABAKHANOV Mansur, Istoriia tadzhikov mira [A History of the Tajiks of the W o r l d ] , 2 n d ed„ Dushanbe: Ejod, 2 0 0 5 , 5 0 7 - [ 5 ] p., bibliography The eight references to works by President Rahmonov, at the beginning of a long bibliography of publications in Russian and Tajik languages, unfortunately give a tint of the volume's overall content. The short foreword on the historiography of the Tajiks, limited to works published in the former Russian and Soviet domain, provides a bibliographical material centred on the late colonial period and on the first years of Tajikistan's independence. An introductory chapter quickly and superficially deals with varied, sometimes overlapping categories of remote ancestors of the Tajiks'— historical Hephtalites neighbouring with more legendary Turanians—, all introduced as impeccable Persian-speaking Aryans. As to the historical fatherland of the Tajiks, it is extended from Eastern Europe to the middle course of the great Siberian rivers. The following chapters summarises the history of Persian-speaking states from ancient times to the present, with predictable considerations on the formation of modern Persian language in Khurasan and Transoxiana, and on the ethno-genesis of the Tajiks during the Samanid period. The interesting material must be found in the third part of the book, devoted to the modern and contemporary period, with a special attention to the settlement or emigration of Tajiks outside the former Tajik SSR—in the CIS, with interesting, although quite impressionistic paragraphs on refugee populations of the civil war period, from Turkmenistan to Siberia; in China, with some data on the Pamirian populations of the Tashqurghan area; in the Middle-East, with romantic evocations of the "Tajik" part of Iran (i.e., no less than the Eastern third part of this country's territory); last and least in Western Europe, through the history of Persian studies in different countries, through the presence in these countries of Persianspeaking communities and intellectual figures, and through the development of diplomatic relations between Tajikistan and Western Europe. In short, the book can be inscribed in a post-Soviet tradition of apologetic publication, the model of which has been provided by Volga Tatars already in the early

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA 1990s with yearly congresses of the "Tatars of the world." Beside overall unimaginative considerations deeply influenced by national historiography as it has developed (or regressed) in Dushanbe since the late Soviet period, the book provides occasionally interesting factual information, sometimes at the level of micro-history of present time (e.g., on the personal itinerary of families of Tajikistani refugees in Turkmenistan in the 1990s), that would have been easier to localise through an index—the lack of which is very much to be deplored. (First edition: Dushanbe: "Devashtich", 2004.) Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 251. BOSWORTH C. Edmund, "Gorgan: VI. From the Rise of Islam to the Beginning of the Safavid Period," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 11/2, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2 0 0 2 : 153-4, bibliography As in the article on "Gur" in the same volume of the Encyclopaedia Iranica, C. E. Bosworth mainly gives a political history of the city, including dynastic changes, with a focus on the pre-Mongol period, everything later than that being relegated to the last paragraph. The particular position of Gurgan as a region where nomadic-sedentary interactions are vital is rightly emphasised; the region was seen as a frontier against the Trans-Caspian steppes from antiquity until the Safavid period and even later; the region around Gurgan and Astarabad (called Mazandaran in the sources of the Mongol and Timurid periods) offered some of the best winter pastures available in Eastern Iran and Central Asia. Jtirgen Paul (Martin Luther University, Halle) 252. GHOIBOV Gholib, Ta'rikhi Hisori Shodmon, Chaghoniion va Dushanbe (Ta'rikhi siyosi vajughrofiioi ta'rikhii Vodii Hisorazasri VIII to soli 1921) [A History of Hissar-i Shadman, Chaghaniyan and Dushanbe (The Political History and Historical Geography of the Hisar Valley from the Eighth Century to 1921)], Dushanbe: Amri ilm, 1 9 9 9 , 2 2 5 p., ill., indexes The author of a previous monograph on the history of Kulab in the sixteenth century, and of studies on several Islamic sanctuaries of the Khatlan province, in the south of Tajikistan—see Abstracta Iranica 22 (1999), notices 259 and 297—, Gh.Gh. proposes a work of historical geography of this country's central region and of a part of Uzbekistani Surkhan-Darya, around the fortress of Hisar [ancient Shuman], the Tajikistani capital city Dushanbe, and the city of Dehnau in Uzbekistan. The book's most significant chapter is devoted to the Manghit period (ie., from the late eighteenth century to 1921 as far as the studied regions are concerned), that the author has been studying according to his usual method, each event being documented by a specific local narrative source in Persian language (the Tuhfa-yi khani by Muhammad-Wafa Karminagi, the Zafar-nama by Mulla Rajab "Pari" Hisari, or still poetry by Farigh), with a particular interest in the rivalries between the begs of Hisar, Kulab and Darwaz during the nineteenth century. A short final chapter brings about some elements to the history and historical geography of Dushanbe (with paragraphs on this city's promotion to the status of Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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HISTORY centre of the Hisar Valley, and on the situation of Dushanbe and of its rural satellites in the first years of the twentieth century, on the basis of Russian statistics, pp. 170-6). The large variety of documentary resources used by the author does not protect him against a teleological interpretation of history, characterised by the use of an anachronous vocabulary: The main theme of this interpretation is made of by the struggle of the "vernacular" populations of present-day central Tajikistan for their "independence" notably against the incursions by an "Uzbek" ruler, Muhammad-Rahim Khan of Kokand (see pp. 97-123). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 2 5 3 . KALANDAROVA M . S„ "Indiitsy v Bukhare [The Indians in Bukhara]," Vos-

tok 2002/5: 54-61

This brief essay discusses the presence of an Indian merchant community in Bukhara in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The author surveys a small number of sources, mostly travel literature and some published secondary works, to produce a handful of references that illustrate a number of ways that the Indians contributed to the active commercial relationship between these two regions. The essay endeavours to demonstrate that the Indian community in Bukhara numbered in the thousands and that their trade was varied and substantial. References to the primary sources identify a number of the specific commodities transported between India and Bukhara. The discussion concludes with the assertion, however incorrect, that Indo-Central Asian trade relations came to an abrupt end in the 1870s, in the wake of the English colonisation of India and the Russian conquest of Bukhara in 1868. The author has published a somewhat expanded English-language version of this essay under the title "Indian Merchants in Nineteenth-Century Bukhara: Trade Network and Socio-Cultural Role," in the eighth volume of the Toronto Studies in Central and Inner Asia series: Michael Gervers, Uradyn E. Bulag and Gillian Long, eds, Traders and Trade Routes of Central and Inner Asia: The 'Silk Road,' Then and Now (Toronto, 2007): 93-108. Readers interested in the subject of Indians in Central Asia, or India's relations with Central Asia in general, should consult the following works, which Kalandarova does note cite: Stephen Dale, Indian Merchants and Eurasian Trade, 1600-1750 (Cambridge, 1994); Claude Markovits, The Global World of Indian Merchants, 1750-1947: Traders ofSind from Bukhara to Panama (Cambridge, 2000); Scott C. Levi, The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia and its Trade, 1550-1900 (Leiden, 2002); Claude Markovits, "Indian Merchants in Central Asia, the Debate," in Scott C. Levi, ed., India and Central Asia: Commerce and Culture, 1500-1800 (New Delhi, 2007). Scott C. Levi (University of Louisville, KY)

254. LEVI Scott C., "Hindus Beyond the Hindu Kush: Indians in the Central Asian Slave Trade," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 12/3 (2002): 277-88 This article discusses the movement of large numbers of enslaved peoples from India to Central Asia in the period stretching from the eleventh to the eighteenth century. The article argues that Hindus were transported to Central Asia as a result of several processes, but that the majority of them were taken into captivity as 220

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a product of the military conquests and state-building efforts of the Delhi Sultans and Mughal emperors. Indian sources from throughout this period document large numbers of enslaved peoples transported to markets to the north and west. Estimates are perhaps unbelievably large, occasionally exceeding even 100,000. The author also draws references from Central Asian sources to document the presence of many thousands of slaves in that region. These individuals originated in numerous places, including Iran, Afghanistan, the pastoral-nomadic steppe, Russia, and, of course, India. In Central Asia, slaves were put to work in diverse activities. They served as agricultural labourers on the plantation-style farms of Central Asian dynastic families, physical labourers for all variety of construction projects, household workers across the region, and more. In an effort to discern the proportion of Indian slaves in Central Asia to slaves of other extractions, the author conducts a quantitative analysis of seventy-seven entries in a late sixteenthcentury judicial record from Samarqand (1588-92) having to do with the sale or manumission of slaves. According to this source, of those slaves whose region of origin is mentioned, 58 per cent were from India. While recognising that this conclusion cannot be applied to the region as a whole, the author extrapolates from this that Indian slaves were clearly abundant in Central Asia. He suggests that Indians appear to have represented a dominant part of the Central Asian slave population until the decentralisation of the Mughal Empire in the early eighteenth century, after which their numbers diminished and, in Central Asia, they were replaced by Shiite Iranians. The Redaction 255. LEVI Scott C., "India: XXX. Indian Merchants in Central Asia and Iran," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia lranica, 13/1, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2004: 83-5, bibliography Synthesising the argument of a remarkable dissertation (The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia and Its Trade, 1550-1900, Leiden: Brill, 2002), the author skims through the history of Indian merchants in Iran and Transoxiana—from late sixteenth-century 'Multanis' to mid-eighteenth century 'Shikarpuris'. The author shows how, as competition intensified in the subcontinent, Indian family firm directors began to seek out under-exploited opportunities in the neighbouring markets of Central Asia and Iran. Several primary centres of diaspora activity, with rotating populations, emerged in those centres of trans-regional commerce like Isfahan, Bandar 'Abbas, Astrakhan, Qandahar, Kabul, and Bukhara. The paper deals with the system utilised by Indian family firms for dispatching agents throughout the region: They were trained to reinvest the retrieved cash in other commercial activities, most commonly in interest-earning lending ventures. The Indians, therefore, served their host societies by providing investment capital to facilitate agricultural and industrial production. That situation changed as the Indian merchant communities suffered during the Afghan occupation of Persia in 1722, and during Nader Shah's reign (1736-47). In Central Asia, the strength and number of the Indian diaspora declined rapidly following the Russian conquest of Tashkent in 1865, and

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by the time of the 1917 Bolshevik takeover the Indian diaspora in Central Asia had almost stopped to exist. The Redaction 256. MAMADAZIMOV Abdugani, Politicheskaia istoriia tadzhikskogo naroda Political History of the Tajik People], Dushanbe: Donish, 2 0 0 0 , 3 6 0 p.

[A

A young political scientist from Dushanbe has embarked on an exercise now fashionable in Tajikistan: the writing of national history in the very long duration—still recently a monopoly of the orientalists of the Academy of Sciences, whence political scientists were confined to the paraphrase of the CPSU's decisions. As to history itself, it was, according to a famous wit by Marc Ferro, a too serious thing to be entrusted to historians. The present work's inner organisation bears trace of the influence of "cultural studies (kul'turologiia)" as they have been developing in Dushanbe during the last twenty years in the wake of the Soviet national historiography: Instead of the former Marxist hierarchy of the modes of production, a "Zoroastrian" period is now succeeded by an "Islamic" one, and then a Soviet parenthesis—some fifty page long out of the book's 350, that is much less than in the history textbooks of the Soviet era. A chapter on the "transition to the open period" optimizes the political upheavals that have been taking place since the independence in 1991, in a formalist and apologetic spirit that is in accordance with the patterns of the traditional historiography of the CPSU as it used to be practised until recently by Komsomol-educated political scientists. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 257. McCHESNEY R. D., " W a q f - V. In Central Asia," in P. J . Bearman et al, eds., The Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2 n d ed., 11, Leiden: Brill, 2 0 0 2 : 9 2 - 5 McChesney certainly is right in including Northern Afghanistan (the Balkh and Mazar-i Sharif area) into Central Asia for the purposes of this article. The article itself lists all the publicised (edited or described) waqf documents from Central Asia until ca. 1500 and some of the later ones. At the same time, it draws attention to central developments in the history of the pious foundation, its purposes and structures. For instance, in the comment on the 726/1326 Bakharzi endowment, McChesney estimates its size, and he also states that it was a long-lived institution like many other large establishments of the sort. The Juybari foundations in Bukhara and the awqaf supporting the shrine at Mazar-i Sharif can likewise be traced over centuries. The article also explains why the bulk of the existing documents come from the late eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Besides the hazards of transmission and survival of documents, this is linked to the large-scale re-copying (or re-drafting) of documents under the Manghits, in particular under Shah Murad (1785-1800). Besides religious motives for this campaign, economic reasons can also be surmised, since the reclaiming of vast tracts of fallow and abandoned lands (after the nadir of Central Asian agriculture in the middle of the eighteenth century) asked for a delimitation of waqf areas. The end of the waqf as an institution in Central Asia is rightly identified as a question needing further research. It is not known today how and when the waqf in Central Asia disap222

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peared after having banned by the Soviets. In all, the article gives an excellent outline of the extant documentation, the state of the art in research, and it also rises a couple of questions for further research. Jurgen Paul (Martin Luther University, Halle) 258. MLRZAEV Dzh., "Roi' termezskikh saiiidov v istorii Tsentral'noi Azii [The Role of the Sayyids of Termez in the History of Central Asia]," O'zfcekiston tarikhi 2004/3:13-23 In spite of their numerous appearances in a variety of pre-modern narrative sources, and in a more limited number of modern studies (notably by A. A. Semenov and by M. E. Masson, more recently by D. DeWeese and by B. Babadjanov—all duly mentioned in this well-documented and rigorous paper—, the sayyids [or sadat, descendants of the prophet Muhammad through his grandson Husayn, the son of 'AH b. Abu Talib and Fatima] of the city of Termez have remained so far an understudied aspect of the social history of Central Asia. Allegedly related with the Imam Zayn al-Abidin, and installed in Transoxiana under the reign of the antiAlid Caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. 847-62), the sayyids of Termez both influenced and benefited from al-Tirmidhi's theory of the emanation of God's benediction (baraka) on the prophets and saints of Islam. Their close relations with the Samanids since the very origins of this dynasty allowed them to emerge as key holders of the civil and religious power. Granted by the Abbasid Caliphs the official position of naqib in the first half of the tenth century, they continued to exert influence from the Ghaznawids to the Timurids. The conquest of Transoxiana by the Saybanids (achieved with the fall of the Timurid enclave of Badakhshan in 1584) and the desertion of Termez after the mid-eighteenth century endemic turmoil marked a significant decreasing of the political influence of the sayyids of Termez. The upheaval of the early Soviet period are unfortunately only evoked in passing, and as many academic historians of Central Asia the author does not show interested at all in the permanence of the authority of the sayyids in the region throughout the twentieth century, nor in the current rebirth of their authority and cult, enriched by a nascent culture of holy genealogies (see for instance the ongoing research by Sayyid Ahmad Qalandar on Tajikistani sayyids in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries—reviewed in infra 490). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 259. OTAKHONOV Sh., "Lulilarning Urta Osiio hududiga kuchib kelish tarikhidan [Of the History of the Migration of Gypsies towards Middle Asia]," O'zbckiston tarikhi 2005/1:47-64,3 tab. Built up on a selection of modern studies of the Tsarist (Grebenkin, Vil'kins, Kushelevskii) and Soviet (Barannikov, Troitskaia & Snesarev, Karmysheva, Kiseleva, Vladykin) periods, and on a panoramic reading of a limited amount of famous premodern chronicles (Babur-nama, Shajara-yi tarakima, 'Ubayd-Allah-nama), this synthetic paper sketches an overall history of Gypsy and "Gypsy-related" (luli and "lulisifat") migrations from North-Western India towards Central Asia since the tenth century CE. As this is most often the case in Central Asian Gypsy studies, Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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the bulk of the article is devoted to a philological analysis of ethnic and social denomination locally applied to varied pariah groups of alleged Gypsy origin (baluch, multani, jugi, mazang, mughat, ghurbat), seen through the contribution of Soviet philology (Minorsky, Oranskii) and ethnography (Kh. Kh. Nazarov in the 1970s)—the numerous historical and anthropological studies published in other languages than Russian, notably in/on India, Pakistan and Afghanistan (on the Jats in particular), being alas ignored by the author. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 260. PAUL Jürgen, "Herat: V. Local Histories," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 12/2, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003: 217-9, bibliography The author divides local histories of Herat into three distinct literary genres, corresponding with different eras of the city's history: pre-Mongol biographical dictionaries in Arabic language, Persian-language dynastic histories of the periods when Herat was the capital of a regional or imperial state (viz, under the Kartids and Timurids), and guides for pilgrims from the Timurid period to our days. So doing, he shows how local histories of Herat offer an illustration of the general evolution of the genre: from a focus on scholars, particularly on transmitters of Hadith, in the pre-Mongol period, to works of general dynastic outlook in the fourteen and fifteenth centuries, when Herat was a real political centre, to more recent "guides for pilgrims" focusing on venerated religious figures from a Sufi background. The Redaction 261. REMNEV Anatolii, SUKHIKH Olesiia, "Kazakhskie deputatsii v stsenariiakh vlasti: ot diplomaticheskikh missii k imperskim prezentatsiiam [Kazakh Deputations in the Scenarios of Power: From Diplomatic Missions to Imperial Introductions]," Ab Imperio 2006/1:119-54 An interesting contribution to Russian Empire studies, this article uses Richard Wortman's cultural history as a model and endeavours to analyse elite Kazakh deputations to St. Petersburg and related ceremonies as "scenarios of power" with specific purposes and symbolic values for the Russian state and the Kazakh participants. A. Remnev (Professor of History at Omsk State University) and O. Sukhikh (Remnev's student, who recently defended her candidate dissertation) characterise the changes to substance of communications between the Russian centre and steppe elites from the late sixteenth to the late nineteenth century. Methods evolved from early visits of diplomats and the practice of retaining "hostages" to ensure loyalty (amanatstvo) through the mid-eighteenth century, to invitations to Kazakhs (and requests by Kazakhs) to have audience with the Tsar (and later, to attend coronations) in St. Petersburg, which began in the mid-eighteenth century and continued through the Imperial period. The authors interpret evidence found in selected archival records to glean Kazakh motivations in different eras and regions, but there is not enough here to conclude anything convincingly about why Kazakhs made these trips and what they meant as "scenarios of power" within Kazakh society itself. On the other hand, the article does present a fine analysis of 224

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Russia's use of ceremonies as symbolic legitimiser of its power and imperial identity in the Kazakh steppe. Valuable quotations from archival and other primary sources supplement careful reading of recent Western and Russian literature. Clearly, Russian Empire studies benefits greatly from the work being done by Remnev and his proteges (including Elena Bezvikonnaia) in Omsk. Virginia Martin (University of Wisconsin, Madison) 262. RTVELADZE E. V., ed., Evrei v Srednei Azii: voprosy istorii i kul'tury [The J e w s in Middle Asia: Questions of History and Culture], Tashkent: Izdatel'stvo Fan U z R , 2 0 0 4 , 2 0 3 p., ill. Constituting the proceedings of a colloquium held in April 1999 in the Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Uzbekistan, the present volume offers a wide range of short contributions on the history and anthropology of Jews and Judaism in Central Asia, from the origins to our days. List of papers: E. V. RTVELADZE, "Evrei-iudaisty v doislamskoi Srednei Azii [Israelite Jews in Pre-Islamic Middle Asia]," 5-12; G. Ia. DRESVIANSKAIA, "K istorii iudaisma v Srednei Azii [Contribution to the History of Judaism in Middle Asia]," 20-5 (the author rapidly evokes the transformation of allegedly Jewish places of worship into mosques during the first centuries of the Islamic period in Samarqand [Afrasiyab]); R. V. AL'MEEV, "K etnologii bukharskikh evreev [Contribution to the Ethnology of Bukharan Jews]," 26-38; V. K. GENSHTKE & T. E. VAGANOVA, "Nekotorye svedeniia o sredneaziatskikh evreiakh (po putevym ocherkam G. Lansdella [Some Testimonies on Middle Asian Jews (through G. Lansdell's Travel Accounts]," 39-50, ill. (through Lansdell's travelogue Russian Central Asia (1885), the author rapidly evokes the everyday life of the Jewish communities in Tashkent and Samarqand, and provides statistics on the "autochthonous Jewish (evrei tuzemnye)" population of the region (oblast') of Samarqand in 1915); V. A. GERMANOV & B. V. LUNIN, "Istorik i etnograf bukharskikh (sredneaziatskikh) evreev Z. L. Amitin-Shapiro [Z. L. Amitin-Shapiro, a Historian and Ethnographer of Bukharan (Middle Asian) Jews]," 51-63 (supra 57); B. A. GoLENDER, "Iudaica na turkestanskikh pochtovykh otkrytkakh [The Judaica on Postcards from Turkistan]," 64-76, ill. (this richly illustrated paper traces the evolution of the pictorial representation of Central Asian Jews from late nineteenth-century Russian travelogues and albums to early twentieth-century pictorial and photographic postcards; as the author rightly suggests, a number of these illustrations are the product of varied kinds of montage; the turn of the Soviet period is interestingly marked with the association of the Bukharan Jewry with the representation of a remote, archaic past; if the rediscovery of this iconographic resource is only beginning, its systematic analysis remains also to be developed); S. M. GORSHENINA, "K istorii bukharskogo otdeleniia Imperatorskogo obshchestva vostokovedeniia [Contribution to the History of the Bukharan Section of the Imperial Society of Oriental Studies]," 77-83 (reviewed in supra 34); A. B. DZHUMAEV, "Bukharskie evrei i muzykal'naia kul'tura Srednei Azii [Bukharan Jews and the Musical Culture of Middle Asia]," 84-102 (infra 375); V. A. IVANOV, "Epokha Turkestanskogo general-gubernatorstva v istorii sredneaziatskikh (bukharskikh) evreev [The Period of the General-Governorate of Turkistan in the History of Middle

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Asian (Bukharan) Jews]," 103-23 (infra 297); G. N. NIKITENKO & R. N. SFFLGABDLNOV, "Arkhivy Uzbekistana kak istochnik po istorii evreiskoi obshchiny [The Archives of Uzbekistan as a source for the History of the Jewish Community]," 124-31 (supra 24); C. POUJOL, "Sviazi mezhdu Tsentral'noi Aziei i Palestinoi, ili puti affektivnogo sionizma, 1793-1917 gg. [The Links between Central Asia and Palestine, or the Paths of an Affective Zionism, 1793-1917]," 132-51 (the réédition of an important article initially published in French); B. SLDLKOV, "Sredneaziatskie evrei: roi' i funktsii etnoreligioznogo men'shinstva v zhizni vostochnogo obshchestva (obshchemetodologicheskie voprosy) [Middle Asian Jews: The Role and Function of an Ethno-Religious Minority in the Life of an Oriental Society (Overall Methodological Problems)]," 151-69 (this panoramic diachronic study compares the role played by the J e w s in Central Asia as intermediaries with that of other ethnic and confessional groups over history, and rapidly evokes their current roles as intermediaries between the developed economies of the W e s t and post-Soviet Central Asia); I. D. FOK, "'Turkestanskii sbornik' o grazhdanskom statuse bukharskikh evreev v Russkom turkestane [The Turkestanskii Sbornik on the Civic Status of Bukharan J e w s in Russian Turkistan]," 170-4 (on the basis of an early-twentiethcentury collection of articles of the Turkestanskii sbornik on the legal status of Central Asian Jews, the author provides a chronology of the most significant restrictions adopted during the Russian colonial period: the edict of 1889 allowing residence in Russian Turkistan only to the autochthonous Jews inhabiting there since before the Russian conquest; the successive report of this measure, with the support of the Muscovite bourgeoisie, until 1900, then 1905, then 1907; and the ukaz of February 1909 maintaining these restrictions over the J e w s converted to Islam); A. I. SHEVIAKOV, "Evrei Tashkentskoi oblasti v kontse XIX—nachale XX veka [The J e w s of the Region of Tashkent in the Late Nineteenth—Early Twentieth Centuries]," 175-84 (based on the classical writings by Dobrosmyslov and Amitin-Shapiro, this article, focusing on terminological aspects, shortly evokes the demographic evolution of the respective 'autochthonous' and 'European' Jewish populations of Tashkent during the Tsarist and early Soviet periods); M. A. IUSUPOVA, "Dva etiuda po istorii arkhitektury Uzbekistana, sviazannykh s evreiskoi diasporoi [Two Studies on the History of Architecture of Uzbekistan in Relation with the Jewish Diaspora]," 185-201, ill (infra 357). Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

263. T A I P O V Bekzhol, Sarï kol tarïkhïnïn kïskacha ocherkteri [Short Studies on the History of the Eastern Pamir], Murgab, 2002,140 p., ill. Written on the occasion of Murghab district's 70 t h anniversary by an amateur historian, indeed a former local official, this booklet recounts almost a century of the life of the local institutions, with many factual details (on members of key institutions, livestock figures, events and initiatives, etc). The account follows a rough chronological line and draws mostly on the author's personal knowledge and access to local archives. It offers, despite, or one should say owing to, its unmistakable Soviet orientation, a useful source for regional history. François Ômer Akakça (Humboldt University, Berlin)

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264. ZHUMAGANBETOV T. S., "Pravo na sobstvennosti na zemliu u srednevekovykh kochevnikov [The Right of Landownership among Medieval Nomads]," Vostok 2003/4:113-7 According to the author, private appropriation of land among nomadic groups had two variants in the medieval period. One was the direct use by a group of a determinate track of land, a corridor which could be several hundred and even a thousand kilometres long for each nomadic year, with a short seasonal stay on the pastures. In this line the right of property of a given group was seasonal in conformity with its productive cycle. (We may reply to the author that from a sociological and juridical point of view, this right of use is not identical to a right of property.) The other variant was an indirect right of possession through the seizure of a given territory vital for the feeding of the big herd of a clan community. During campaign conquests, pastures and towns with their populations were first subjected to the direct appropriation by a family group. Later on, the kagan could regulate an indirect and long-time possession of the subjugated territory by military leaders and their family or clan: For example, in the Qarakhanid State, there was the institution called iqta'. This kind of possession included tombs, sacred places and watered pastures. With the diffusion of Islam, Buddhism, and Christianity, there appeared pieces of lands owned in mortmain by their inhabitants for the construction of religious buildings. The kagan could also free from taxation a land with a settled agricultural community and give it for life (but without right of inheritance) to a so-called tarkhan. Finally, lands under ancient Turkic power were divided into three categories: 1) the domain of the tutuq and shad; 2) the pastures of other Turks; 3) the pastures of native nomads. In places where power was exercised, a fortress was constructed and a town developed. However, as their inhabitants did not have a tradition of a settled way of life, the town generally disappeared with the moving of the administrative centre or the end of the Khaganate. (The short bibliography consists only in old-fashioned Russian titles.) Françoise Aubin (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) See also: 86 (Ploskikh et al.); 133 (Bushkov & Kalandarov); 139 (Buriev); 136 140 (Karimiyan-Sardashti); 363 (Sotude); 519 (Nazarzoda)

(Hadi-Zade);

3.4.B. Before the Russian Conquest 265. ABDURASULOV U., "Vakfnaia gramota 1778 goda kak istochnik po izucheniiu agrarnykh otnoshenii v khivinskom khanstve [A Mortmain Deed of 1778 as a Source for the Study of Agrarian Relations in the Khanate of Khiva]," O'zbekiston tarikhi 2004/2:49-56, ill. Postulating the superiority of official documents, with special mention for mortmain deeds (Persian: waqf-namas), over narrative sources for the study of the norms of economic and social relations in pre-modern Central Asia—a testimony of the poorness of textological studies in the academic centres of the former Soviet space—, the author studies a 1778 Persian-language waqf-nama through which Kuchak Inaq (a protagonist of the late eighteenth-century struggles for power in the Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Khanate of Khiva) transferred the property of a piece of land to a mosque built by his father (Central State Archive of Uzbekistan, collection 1-323; list 1; file 1,352). A Russian translation of the original text is provided in the article's last paragraphs. The Redaction 266. [BEISEMBIEV Timur] BEYSIM-BAYEFF Teymur, "Didgah-e vaqaye'-nevisane bokharayi va Khujand [sic] dar mowred-e tamasha-ye miyan-e Mavara' olnahr va Iran az avasit-e qarn-e 18 ta qarn-e 19 [The Vision by Chronicle Writers from Bukhara and Khujand of the Contacts between Transoxiana and Iran from the Mid-Eighteenth to the Nineteenth Century]," in Marziye Saqiyan, ed,,]ahan-e irani va Turan: majmu'e-ye maqalat, Tehran: Markaz-e asnad va tarikh-e diplomasi, 1381[/2002]: 273-282 The present study is based on manuscript Persian chronicles, published or not, mostly preserved in unique copies in Tashkent, Dushanbe and St. Petersburg— with special interest in the Ta'rikh-i Kumuli by Mulla Jum'a-Qul Urghuti (Tashkent) and in the Zafar-nama-yi khusrawi (of which the author omits to mention the edition by Manuchehr Sotude: see notably Abstracta Iranica 22 (1999), 119), both sources emanating from Bukhara, as well as in the Muntakhab al-tawarikh by Muhammad-Hakim Khan Tura of Kokand. Comparing these texts with published and better known sources, the author deals with the key role played by the Iranian Shiites in the demographic and economic recovery of the Emirate of Bukhara after the heavy losses incurred by the country during Nadir Shah's campaigns—for instance during Shah Murad's reign with the deportation of near twenty thousand Shiites from the city of Marv to the emirate's capital, or under Nasr-Allah Bahadur Khan with the role played by 'Abd al-Samad "Nayib-i Irani" and his Iranian gunners in Bukhara's military administration, especially in the conquest and in the short occupation of Kokand in 1842. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 2 6 7 . FIRST HISTORICAL ARCHIVE OF CHINA & INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL STUDIES

OF THE REPUBLIC OF KAZAKHSTAN, eds., Qingdai zhongha guanxi dangan huibian [The Collection of Archival Documents Concerning Sino-Kazakh Relations under the Qing], 1, Beijing: China Dang'an Publishers, 2006, 8-3-23-649 p., illustrations, lists This impressive volume consists of the photographic reproductions of 287 archival documents on the relations between the Kazakhs and Qing China in the mid-eighteenth century (under the reign of Qianlong) preserved at the First Historical Archive of China, Beijing. Their main part is made of manwen lufu, copied palace memorials in Manchu language. Noda Jin Qapanese Society for the Promotion of Science, Tokyo) 268. ISIN Amantai, Kazakhskoe khanstvo i Nogaiskaia orda vo vtoroi polovine xv-xvI v. [The Kazakh Khanate and the Noghai Horde in the Second Half of the Fifteenth and in the Sixteenth Century], Almaty: Institut Istorii i Etnografii im. Valikhanova MON RK, 2004,160 p. 228

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This monograph covers the political and military relations between the Noghai Horde and the Kazakh Khanate primarily in the sixteenth century, taking into account the impact of Kazakh-Noghai relations on its neighbours, Muscovy, and the Khanates of Kazan, Astrakhan and the Crimea. Isin relies primarily on Russian archival documents and to a lesser extent on mainly published Islamic narrative histories. The author emphasises the close cultural ties between the Noghai and Kazakh nomads in the face of a rather violent rivalry between the ruling elites of both nomadic states resulting in the assimilation of a large part of the Noghai Horde into the Kazakh Khanate; indeed the descendants of these Noghais appear to have formed the greater part of the Kazakh Junior Horde. During most of the sixteenth century the Noghais controlled much of what is today western Kazakhstan, with their capital a religious centre in Saraychiq, near the mouth of the Ural (Yayiq) River. One of Isin's main arguments is that the balance or imbalance of forces between the Noghais and the Kazakhs in the sixteenth century had a singular influence on their neighbours. In the 1520s, when an energised Kazakh Khanate centred in the eastern Dasht-i Qipchaq, managed to push the Noghai west of the Volga, it resulted in very strong, and decisive Noghai pressure against the Crimean Khanate, and further affected the Crimean Khanate's relations with its own neighbours. Isin also sees the cooperation between the Kazakh Khanate and Muscovy as an essential factor in the disintegration of the Noghai Horde and the partial incorporation of the Noghai nomads into the Kazakh political system. Isin's monograph is a useful contribution to our understanding of steppe politics, emphasising the relationship of political and military forces in the Dasht-i Qipchaq in the sixteenth century. In this regard, Isin's contribution adds to a the growing literature on the Noghai Horde that has appeared in the last ten years, particularly the works of V. Trepavlov, and also refocuses to a certain extent the Kazakh Khanate's relations with Russia and its incorporation of the territory north and northeast of the Caspian Sea. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) 269. KAWAHARA Yayoi, "Kokando hankoku ni okeru Marugiran no toratachi: Nakushubandi kyodankei no seija ichizoku ni kansuru ichi kousatsu [The Turds of Marghilan in the Khanate of Kokand: A Study on a Lineage of Naqshbandi Sufi Saints]," Nihon Chutogakkaincnpo 20/2 (2005): 269-94, map With the aim of shedding light on the inner organisation of saintly lineages of the Fergana Valley under the Khanate of Kokand, the author of a family of descendants of Afaq Khwaja through the locally famous seventeenth-century Mujaddidi shaykh lAbd-Allah Khan, established in the city of Marghilan. Based on written materials discovered during an personal expedition in 2003 (including family trees and a yet unknown hagiography, the Rawzat al-ansab about a certain Wali Khan Tura b. Padishah Khan Tura), the article also evokes the numerous holy graves associated with ancestors or descendants of Wali Khan Tura in the southern part of the Fergana Valley—like that of Sultan Khan Tura, the pir of Dukchi Ishan, the leader of the 1898 revolt in Andijan. As a conclusion, the author stresses the prominent social Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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and political role played in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by descendants of Afaq Khwaja not only in Xinjiang, but also west of the Tian Shan. The Redaction 270. KoMATSU Hisao, "Khoqand and Istanbul: An Ottoman Document Relating to the Earliest Contacts between the Khan and Sultan," Asiatisch Studien / Etudes asiatiques 60/4 (2006):

963-86

This article deals with an Ottoman document established in 1820 on a correspondence sent by the 'Umar Khan of Kokand to Sultan Mahmud II for offering submission (ita'at). The analysis stresses the misunderstanding that prevailed in the relations between the Sublime Porte and Central Asian khanates from the very beginning of their history. At the same time the author insists on the significance of primary sources located in Istanbul for the political history of Central Asia at large in the nineteenth century. The study is followed by a transcription of the document with a summarised translation and notes. First publication in Japanese: "Koka ndo to Isutanburu: ichi osuman bunsho no shokai," Barukan Shoajia kenkyu 15 (1989): 35-52. The Redaction von KÜGELGEN Anke, "Zur Authentizität des 'Ich' in timuridischen Herrscher-autobiographien," Asiatische Studien/Etudes asiatiques 6 0 / 2 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 3 8 3 - 4 3 6 271.

A. von Kügelgen examines three major issues relating to the autobiographies of rulers: whether author, protagonist and narrator are seen as identical, the relationship between subjective and objective perspectives, and finally the perceived relationship between autobiography and biography. Underlying the discussion is the question of whether autobiography is to be seen as a modern and Western form. Three well-known works are considered: the famous autobiography of Babur, founder of the Mughal Empire, that of the Emperor Jahangir, and the supposed autobiography of Tamerlane. A. von Kügelgen shows that Babur stated his authorship through the use of the first person, and Jahangir showed a clear understanding of the importance of the subjective authority. The section of his autobiography which was written by his courtier from Jahangir's notes, though continuing in the first person, is clearly differentiated from the sections authored by the emperor. The next question posed is whether readers and copyists of these works recognised the value of the personal and subjective tone; here the answer is positive for the earlier period, in which additions are limited to clearly defined marginal notes, but appears to break down from the eighteenth century. Finally, A. von Kügelgen examines the history of the purported autobiography of Tamerlane, considered a fabrication by most scholars in Europe and the United States, but accepted in several regions attached to Timur's legacy. She presents several additional pieces of evidence suggesting the late provenance of the work. A. von Kügelgen reaches the conclusion that writing on one's own life was highly valued and the inviolability of self-authorship was only given up in much later reworking. Addressing the question of individualism she concludes that while personal material was included, it conformed to literary typologies seen in historical and Sufi literature, and thus is 230

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not an expression of individualism in the modern sense. At the end of the article A. von Kugelgen suggests that it would be useful compare such works to other rulers' autobiographies from another culture such as Renaissance Europe. This is an interesting and well-researched article on a genre that has received little attention. It might have been valuable to bring in the prefaces of histories written at the same period, in which the author often expressed current views about the writing of history and its relation to ruler ship. Beatrice F. Manz (Tufts University, Mcdford, MA) 272. LEVI Scott C., T h e Indian Merchant Diaspora in Early Modern Central Asia and Iran,' Iranian Studies 32/4 (1999): 483-512

This article introduces readers to the presence of thousands of Indian merchants— agents of heavily capitalised, caste-based family firms centred in north-western India—populating diaspora communities in cities and villages across virtually all of sedentary Central Asia and Iran. A social analysis of the Indian diaspora illustrates the Indians' modus operandi and the complex relationships that emerged between the primarily Hindu Indians and their host societies. The author notes that Indian merchants in Central Asia and Iran were commonly perceived as exploitative usurers but, with only a few notable exceptions, such as Iran under Nadir Shah (r. 1736-47), Indian merchants enjoyed the steadfast protection of their host states. He attributes this pardy to the fact that Indian merchants were widely respected as large-scale transregional traders whose fortitude, technical knowledge, and commercial connections were a commodity unto themselves. But he argues that even more important was the Indians' money lending activities in both urban and rural markets. The author concludes that, in Central Asia, Iran and wherever else they were found, the Indian family firms and their agents wielded the strength and resources of the Indian economy as an engine for early modern agricultural and industrial production. These topics are explored in greater detail in the author's book, The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia and its Trade, 1550-1900, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2002. The Redaction 273. LEVI Scott C., "India, Russia and the Eighteenth-Century Transformation of the Central Asian Caravan Trade," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 42/4 (1999): 519-48 This article endeavours to challenge the notion that eighteenth-century Central Asia was an isolated backwater, removed from the broader currents of the emerging global economy. The article begins with a brief survey of the historiography of early modern Central Asian decline, which generally assumes that the rising European commercial interests in the Indian Ocean usurped the 'latitudinal' Central Asian caravan trade, thereby relegating Central Asia to the 'margins of world history.' Focusing on the 'longitudinal' trade routes connecting India and Russia, the author endeavours to demonstrate that, throughout the eighteenth century. Central Asia continued to function as an important conduit for overland Eurasian commerce. He produces evidence to demonstrate a substantial exchange in comCentral Eurasian

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modities produced in both India and Central Asia, and argues that these two regions continued to enjoy a vibrant commercial relationship that lasted long after the decline of the Mughal Empire. The author recognises that Central Asia's role in Eurasian commerce during this period was, indeed, transformed by changing Eurasian commercial dynamics and that this had negative repercussions on some formerly great Central Asian urban centres. But rather than indicating a general socio-economic decline, he argues that these transformations can, to some extent, be attributed to Russia's emerging role as an important economic and military power in the region and a corresponding increase in Russian demand for Indian commodities. The author argues that this new trade dynamic brought new opportunities for economic growth and cultural development in other, formerly peripheral, parts of Central Asia. This article has been reprinted in the author's edited volume, India and Central Asia: Commerce and Culture, 1500-1800, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2007 (to be reviewed in Central Eurasian Reader 2).

The Redaction 274. LOSENSKY Paul E., "Hedayat, Rezaqoli Khan," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 12/2, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003:119-21, bibliography

This complete notice on the Persian literary historian, administrator and poet from the Qajar period (1800-71) includes interesting elements on his diplomatic mission to the court of Muhammad-Amin Khan of Khiva in 1268/1851, and on his subsequent narrative the famous Safarat-nama-yi Khwarazm. The Redaction 275. MITCHELL Colin Paul, "From Lahijan to Ghidjduvan: Changes in Shah

Isma'il's Perception of Diplomacy, 1501-1512," in Maria Szuppe, ed., I ran: questions et connaissances, 2: Périodes médiévale et moderne, Paris: Peeters - Association pour l'avancement des études iraniennes, 2002: 285-95, summaries in French and English C. P. Mitchell offers a short but well-documented look at early Safavid diplomacy. He corroborates Jean Aubin's thesis that the turning point in Isma'il I's reign was not his defeat at Chaldiran, but the year 1508, when he dismissed his early followers or rather tribal and political (if not even spiritual) masters, the "aM-i ikhtisas", replacing them in civilian and also partly in military affairs by Persian-speaking urbanites. Mitchell shows that in early Safavid international contacts, the divide also is in 1508, with the rise of Najm-i Thani to power: diplomatic missions became more numerous and henceforth were led by Persian professionals. Mitchell also shows that this policy was instrumental in the way Khurasan and in particular the city of Herat was treated when the Safavids conquered the region in 1510: Instead of "brutalising" the city, the Safavid command made sure that the now "unemployed" Timurid-trained bureaucrats entered the Safavid administration. Jürgen Paul (Martin Luther University, Halle)

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA 276. MOKEEV A. M., "Novyi istochnik po istorii Kokandskogo khanstva [A New Source on the History of the Khanate of Kokand]," in V. M. Ploskikh et al, eds., Istochnikovedenie Kyrgyzstana (s drevnosti do kontsaXIX v.), Bishkek: Ilim, 2 0 0 4 : 363-6 The author shortly describes a 833 page long Chaghatay manuscript studied by him in 1992, in the Library of the University of Istanbul (TU 2448). Dated of the mid-1880s, the work, by a certain Makhzuni, has been entitled by the librarians "History of the Khans of Fergana". The text deals in fact with the reigns of Khudayar Khan and, to a lesser extent, of his father Shir 'Ah Khan (1842-75). It ends up with a depiction of Khudayar's exile in Istanbul and of his death in Afghanistan, and with an evocation of 'Abd al-Rahman Efendi's Ottoman embassy to Tashkent in the aftermath of the khan's end. The text differs from other vernacular narrative chronicles of the same period by its deliberately epic character, and by its minute description of a large number of events, notably those following Khudayar's deposing. (See the review of the whole volume Istochnikovedenie Kyrgyzstana in supra 86.) The Redaction 277. NODA Jin, "Shincho ni yoru Kazafu eno syakui juyo [About Titles Bestowed on the Kazakh Sultans by China]," NairikuAjiashi kenkyu 21 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 33-56 This article examines the meaning of the titles bestowed on the Kazakh sultans by the Qing Empire. According to the Chinese and Russian sources, it turned out that the function of titles, connected with the ceremony of succession, consisted of giving Kazakh sultans authority over the Kazakh society. Next, the paper sheds light on the fact that 'Ubayd-Allah Sultan, the grandson of popular Ablai Khan of the Middle Horde, could not obtain the Qing title "han" in 1824. The circumstances of the incident and, especially, the ruler's excusing report to Qing officers show that since he had swore his subjection to the Russian Emperor and become the aghasultan (Rus. starshii sultan, lit. "elder ruler") under Russian jurisdiction, he could not act against the Russian law, and was obliged to refuse the succession of the title by Qing authorities. Realising that Qing titles were similar to the Kazakh traditional title of khan, Russian regional authorities did not approve 'Ubayd-Allah's claim to the title han, henceforth needless. The Redaction 278. ONUMA Takahiro, "Shincho to kazafu yuboku seiryoku tono seijiteki kankei ni kansuru ichikosatu [The Political Relationship between the Qing Dynasty and Kazakh Nomads: The Promotion of the "Ejen-Albatu" Relationship in Central A s i a ] J o u r n a l of Asian and African Studies 72 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 39-63 The author of this article has recently embarked on the analysis of manwcn Lufu (memorials in Manchu language) documents held at the First Historical Archives of China in Beijing, which are closely related with the history of Xinjiang and part of western Central Asia under the Qing Dynasty. Among other qualities, this category of documents frequently contains the text of letters sent by Central Asian community leaders to local Chinese officers, or even to the central Chinese ad-

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ministration. In the present article, the author assesses the contribution of these documents to the history of the capitulation by Ablay Sultan in 1757, and more generally to the history of Qing-Kazakh political negotiations. Through the petition submitted in Oirat (Todo) language by the influential ruler of the Middle Horde, the author sheds light on the essentially "master-slave (ejcn-albatu)" relationships promoted by the Qing administration as far as Central Asian polities were concerned. Available online at: http://www.aa.tufs.ac.jp/book/journal/journal72.pdf. Nöda J i n (Japanese Society for the Promotion of Science, Tokyo) 279.

PAUL J ü r g e n , "Khanate u n d E m i r a t e [Khanates and Emirates]," in U g o

Steinbach & Marie-Carin von Gumppenberg, eds., Zentralasien: Geschichte, Politik, Wirtschaft (Ein Lexicon), Munich: C. H. Beck, 2004:147-52 This short notice focuses on the development of the appanage system in seventeenth to nineteenth-century Central Asia, and on the adoption of the title of khan by Chingisid and (after 1800) non-Chingisid dynasts of the region. The author also evokes the principalities that could maintain independence from larger entities during this period of time—e.g., the Emirates of Shahr-i Sabz and Ura-Teppa, and eastwards in Kulab, Darwaz, and the Qarategin. The text provides a rich amount of historical dates that signal many main chronological turning points of this eventful period of time. The Redaction

280. SzUPPE Maria, "Herat: III. History, Medieval Period; IV. Topography," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 12/2, New York: The Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2003: 206-11; 211-7, ill., bibliography The two parts on medieval Herat in fact belong closely together, and together, they form a very substantial contribution to the medieval history of Herat from the Arab conquest to the foundation of the Durrani Afghan Empire around 1720. The first part details the political history of the city, with a focus on dynastic change (who were the rulers of the city at a given moment, and what was the position of Herat in the larger realm it formed a part of?) with some side remarks on religious affairs (Christians and Zoroastrians were still present in the region when the "Arab geographers" were writing). After a section on the Arab conquest (and Herat in the framework of the Umayyad, then Abbasid Caliphate), a section on the "local dynasties in Herat" follows. These are not dynasties centred on Herat which became capital to a larger state only with the Kartid rulers in the Mongol period, but the well-known regional states of Eastern Iran, beginning with the Tahirids, with the Ghaffarids and the Samanids following, and so on until the Ghurids who were defeated by the Mongols. Ample documentation is quoted for every siege and every conquest, and the events taking place around Herat are duly contextualized within the larger framework of dynastic politics of Eastern Iran and Central Asia. The article also devotes special attention to the construction, destruction and reconstruction of the city walls. For the Mongol conquest, the population numbers of Herat and its region (which must be taken together, particularly in times of

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siege) and the numbers of soldiers that the region could field are discussed at some length with a figure of ca. 2 million emerging as the general statement of the sources. Such figures were not reached in later periods, and the effects of the largescale killings of the Mongol period and the subsequent disorders must have been made themselves felt for centuries. The rise of the city to a metropolis of worldwide importance was prepared by the Kartid rulers in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This is quite apparent from the article, and therefore the statement (208b) "Herat recovered only in the fifteenth century under the Timurids" seems too strong. The following section on "Post-Mongol Herat, from the Karts to the Safavids" takes care of the period(s) of splendour. The Karts ("the period of their rule remains understudied," 209a) receive due attention and are not treated as a mere prelude to the Timurids. Among those, one ruler is missing: Abu'l-Qasim Babur (1449-1457); Abu Said took over in Herat only after Abu'l-Qasim's death and after a prolonged succession struggle (last days of 1458; cf. Jurgen Paul, "Wehrhafte Stadter: Belagerungen von Herat, 1448-1468," Asiatkche Studien / Etudes asiatiques 58/1 (2004): 163-193). The city notables are first mentioned in the context of the early sixteenth century, when they surrendered the town to the Shaybanid conquerors without fight. It is a pity that they are not mentioned earlier: The city of Herat was no mere object of power politics, of wars waged between empires and regional dynasties. Like in other cities in Khurasan (and elsewhere), city dwellers, and above all the notables, took a very active part in its destiny. The second part of the article, on topography, is a very welcome contribution. It gives an outline of the physical shape of the city, and it is accompanied by a very useful map (there is no scale to it, though). The author could make use of Terry Allen's research on Timurid Herat and has developed it further, including earlier and later periods. The text shows how intimately the city was living with its citadel, and how mutually distant yet both realms were. There also is a discussion on the question of the square town (Mediterranean influences are discussed). An impressive bibliography is added at the end. Jurgen Paul (Martin Luther University, Halle) 281. TULIBAEVA Zh. M., Kazakhstan

i Bukharskoe khanstvo v XVIII - pervoi

polovine

xix v. [Kazakhstan and the Khanate of Bukhara in the Eighteenth and the First Half of the Nineteenth Centuries], Almaty: Daik Press, 2001,156 p., appendices, index, Kazakh and English summaries. Zhuldyz Tulibaeva bases her concise study of Kazakh-Bukharan relations primarily on Bukharan manuscript narrative histories, covering not only political and military relations, but also economic relations between the Kazakhs and Bukhara. The author divides her monograph into three sections. The first provides an overview of the mainly Russian-language historiography of Kazakh-Bukharan relations. The bulk of this literature dates from the Soviet period. The second section discusses the Persian-language narrative sources produced in the Emirate of Bukhara that form source-base for her monograph. She argues that Persian-language sour-

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HISTORY ces provide a rich body of information that is largely unavailable in Russian sources. She identifies as one of the most important sources the Tuhfat al-khani by Muhammad'Wafa Karminagi, also known as the Tarikh-i Rahim Khan. She also underscores the importance of the Taj ac-Tawarikh by Muhammad-Sharif b. Muhammad, and 'Abd al-Karim al-Bukhari's "History of Central Asia". The third section covers in separate chapters the political and economic relations between the Kazakhs and Bukhara. These Persian sources provide the most detailed information on political ties, including military rivalry for territory, three-way relations between Bukhara, the Kazakhs, and Kokand, especially in the nineteenth century, and Kazakh participation in internecine struggles in Bukhara. The author indicates that the narrative sources provide limited information on trade between the Kazakhs and Bukhara, but nevertheless enough to establish that regular trade was a feature of these relationships as well. Two of the three appendices include Russian translations of excerpts of two manuscripts. The first is an extended excerpt from a copy of the Dhikr-i ta'dad-i padishahan-i uzbak, located in the collection of the Uzbekistan Academy of Sciences in Tashkent. The second translation is an excerpt from the Tuhfat al-khani from the same collection. The third appendix is a list with substantial annotations of manuscript and printed Islamic narrative histories containing information on relations between the Kazakhs and the Central Asian khanates. Tulibaeva's list is not restricted to Persian sources, but also includes Turkic works, such as the Khwarezmian narrative histories Firdaws al-Iqbal by Mu'nis, and the Khwarazm tarikhi of Bayani. She also devotes particular attention in this appendix to the early twentiethcentury work Tawarikh-i khamsa-yi sharqi by Qurban-'Ali Khalidi. Allen J. Frank (Takoma Park, MD) See also: 86 (Ploskikh et al.); 89 (Sabol); 456 (Alimov); 493 (Szuppe)

3.4.C. The Tsarist Period 2 8 2 . ALLWORTH Edward et al, eds., The Personal History of a Bukharan Intellectual: The Diary of Muhammad Sharif Sadr-i Ziya, Leiden: Brill (Brill's Inner Asian Library, 9), 2 0 0 4 , XXIX-407 p., ill., appendixes, index Already known to specialists through a recent edition of the original text (see in infra 316 my review of: [ZlYA], Ruznamc-ye Sadr-c Ziya..., ed. Mohammad-Jan Shakuri Bokharayi, Tehran, 1382[/2003]), the "Diary" of Mirza Muhammad-Sharif Sadr, takhallus Ziya, laqab Sadr-i Ziya, a central figurehead of Bukhara's learned milieus in the late Manghit period, has been translated into English from the unique autograph manuscript preserved in the Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies of Tashkent (for a discussion on the historical interest of this specific source, see my comment of the Persian edition). The translation is preceded by an introduction by Muhammad-Jan Shakuri, already edited for the most part in Persian in a previous monograph (Sadr-c Bokhara: takk-e negashti dar tahawolat-e siyasi-ejtema'i-ye Bokhara-ye Sharif teyy-e nimc-yc payani-ye cmarat-c khanat-e Manghetiyye bar asas-e Sharif-Jan Makhdum Sadr-i

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Ziya (The Eminence of Bukhara: a Particular Glance at the Political and social Upheavals in Bukhara at the End of the Emirate of the Manghit Khans, through the works by Sharif-Jan Makhdum Sadr-i Ziya, the Last Supreme Judge of the Venerable City), Tehran: Markaz-e asnad va tarikh-e diplomasi, 1380[/2001]). However, far from limiting their work to translation, the Editors of the 'Diary' have accompanied it with a number of footnotes usefully identifying and documenting the main characters, place names, official charges and ranks, and historical events mentioned in the text (unfortunately, only through modern studies in English language). Very surprisingly in a work of such a quality by an international team of scholars that seems to have benefited from a large support from the publisher (suggested by the illustrations and the detailed appendixes), other autobiographical texts by Ziya have not been solicited by the Editors for textological nor factual comparison—notably none of those preserved in the Institute of Manuscript Heritage and Oriental Studies in Dushanbe. (I think in particular to the Nabdh algudharishat, a summarised version of the 'Diary', of a primary significance for any further analysis of the structure of Ziya's narrative.) The substantial biographical and historical literature of the time, in Persian or Turkic languages, does not appear either in what appears as an exclusively philological undertaking, focusing on the valuation of a single and singular indeed, but by far not unique text. In all, in spite of the quality and elegance of R. Shukurov's English translation of the 'Diary', and in spite of the quality of the critical apparatus (the index and genealogical table prove extremely useful), the book and its introduction brings very few elements to our knowledge of Ziya's work, and of the functioning of the learned milieus of Bukhara under Russian Protectorate and in the first years of the Soviet period. It remains to be said that, although lacking historical ambition and dimension, this beautiful volume will nevertheless do a signal service to all those interested in Central Asian history, but deprived of an access to primary sources in Persian language. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

Bakhtiiar, "Russian Colonial Power in Central Asia as Seen by Local Muslim Intellectuals," in Beate Eschment & Hans Harder, eds., 2 8 3 . BABADZHANOV

Looking at the Coloniser: Cross-Cultural Bengal, and Related Areas, Wurzburg:

Perceptions in Central Asia and the

Caucasus,

Ergon (Mitteilungen zur Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der islamischen Welt, 14), 2004:75-90 The author shows how the position of the 'ulama of the Turkistan territory about the Russian conquest and the ensuing colonisation changed with times, often within the writings of one and the same individual. The first examined is a wellknown divine from Tashkent, Muhammad-Yunus Khwaja Ta'ib, whose position changed with time, this author departing from an apology of the Khanate of Kokand under 'Umar Khan (r. 1809-22) as the ideal state for coming to the conclusion that compromising with the Russians is inevitable. Another view, more tolerant and prompt to compromise, was that of the jurist of the shari'a Ishaq Khan Tura b. Junayd-Allah Khwaja, known by his penname 'Ibrat. In his book Mizan al-zaman, he argues that the most urgent and important problems for the Muslims was their

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scientific and technical backwardness. In polemics against the most conservative 'ulama, he characterises the use of technical innovations and of the corresponding products as permitted innovation (bid'a-yi hasana). A third figurehead, the modernist writer from Bukhara 'Abd al-Ra'uf Fitrat, was writing in the 1910s that Muslims could flourish only on the basis of technologies they had to take over from the West and from the Russians. A fourth author, Mirza 'Alim b. Mirza Rahim Tashkandi, is mentioned for his polemics against the intellectuals and local people of affluence who were all too willing to cooperate with the new powers. These example stress the necessity to resituate the texts in the personal dynamics of their respective authors, and in the chronology of successive debates on the Russian dominance and its everyday consequences—a work still to be done by historians of Russian colonisation of Central Asia and of the reactions of the local elite groups (on this aspect, regarding the literary production of Fitrat, see infra 299 the review of the article by Adeeb Khalid). The Redaction 2 8 4 . BEISEMBIEV Timur, The Life ofAlimqul: A Native Chronicle of Nineteenth-Century Central Asia, London: Routledge Curzon (Central Asia Research Forum), 2003, XIV-116- [2]-LXXXIII-196-LIX- p.

The present work consists of the edition and translation of a work entitled by catalogues Ta'rikh-i 'Alimqul-i amir-i lashkar, by the jurist and poet Mulla Muhammad-Yunus-Jan Tashkandi, takhallus Tayib (b. circa 1829-30; d. between 1902 and 1914), from a manuscript copied in the district of Andijan in 1902/3 and preserved nowadays in the Biruni Institute of Oriental Studies of Tashkent. The text consists of a biography of 'Alimqul (c. 1833-1865), a prominent figure of the military and administrative apparatus of the khanate of Kokand, who de facto governed the khanate between 1863 and 1865. The main purpose of the text, as well as that of another work by the same author, the Tuhfa-yi Tayibi, is a denunciation of the dissensions between the rulers Khudayar Khan and Malla Khan in the 1850s-60s, that would prove fatal to the khanate's unity. Analysing the causes of Russia's progression in Central Asia, the author calls the people of Fergana to accept Russia's domination and technical culture. From this viewpoint, the Ta'rikh-i 'Alimqul must be resituated in the biographical and autobiographical literature in Persian and Turkic languages that blossomed at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries for dealing with the causes of the submission of Transoxiana and Altishahr to non-Muslim states. Although its narrative is centred on the figure of a representative of the body of umara, the text of the Ta'rikh, by a jurist of the shari'a, shares numerous characteristics with those that saw the light among the 'ulama— see in this section my accounts of the edition and of the translation of Ziya's "Diary"; see also Franz'Wennberg, An Inquiry into Bukharan Qadimism: Mirza Salim-bik, Berlin: Schwarz, 2002 (Anor: 13), 73 p. The complex political context of the writing of this work, the rich inter-text of the Ta'rikh-i 'Alimqul are subtly analysed by the Editor in a very substantial introduction. T.B. casts light on Mulla Muhammad-Yunus' polemic intentions, the latter's text being an answer to the publication of the Ta'rikh-i shahrukhi in 1885, and to the Andijan uprising in 1898: a genuine

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA memorial to the nomadic Qipchaq government in Kokand, the work criticises the negative aspects of the reign of the sedentary aristocracy personalised by Khudayar Khan; it also proclaims the loyalty toward the Russian colonial administration of the faction that had gathered around 'Alimqul. From this viewpoint, the publication of this important source nuances the abundant primary literature more favourable to the faction of Khudayar Khan; it brings an essential contribution to our knowledge of the ruling milieus of Transoxiana before and under Russian domination, as well as of the functioning of biographical literature that enjoyed an unprecedented flowering in this region of the world of Islam, from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth century. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 2 8 5 . BEZVIKONNAIA Elena, " G e o p o l i t i c h e s k o e p r o s t r a n s t v o S t e p n o g o kraia: O m s k a i a o b l a s t ' i p r o b l e m a granitsy v g o s u d a r s t v e n n o m s t r o i t e l ' s t v e R o s s i i s k o i imperii ( 2 0 - 3 0 - e gody XIX v.) [ T h e G e o p o l i t i c a l S p a c e of t h e S t e p p e T e r r i tory: T h e O m s k R e g i o n and t h e F r o n t i e r Q u e s t i o n i n t h e R u s s i a n I m p e r i a l S t a t e Building ( 1 8 2 0 s - 1 8 3 0 s ) ] , " Ab Imperio 2003/1: 371-8 This brief article in the "archive" section of Ab Imperio is accompanied by documents from the State Archive of the Omsk Oblast' (GAOO) that the author encourages readers to interpret in light of her presentation of how the empire conceptualised and tried to erect borders (following A. Rieber's typology—also published in this issue of AI—of political, cultural and socio-economic borders) of Omsk oblast' in the steppe region from 1822 to 1838. The task of determining where borders should lie was enormous, and the goal of actually erecting them was not realised. Part of the process involved regional and central officials coming to agreement on what place the steppe occupied as a region of an expanding empire. Oblast' officials were directly faced with an array of challenges presented by the steppe's topography, financial constraints, and the reality of fixing boundaries around a nomadic population. E. Bezvikonnaia (a protégé of Remnev and a Candidate of history) makes excellent use of the archival record to convey this one important aspect of Russian empire-building in Western Siberia. Virginia Martin (University of Wisconsin, Madison) 2 8 6 . BROWER Daniel, Turkestan and the Fate of the Russian Empire, L o n d o n - N e w Y o r k : R o u t l e d g e C u r z o n , 2 0 0 3 , XV-[9]-213 p., 2 m a p s , 10 ill., b i b l i o g r a p h y , index A famous specialist of the history of Russia's colonial policies in Central Asia, the author has notably been an organiser of the 'Borderland Research Group' that has powerfully contributed to the current renewal of studies on Russian colonialism (cf. D. Brower & E. Lazzerini, eds., Russia's Orient. Imperial Borderlands and Peoples, Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997). In the present volume D.B. proposes a collection of personal synthetic articles on the evolution of the "colonial discourse" in Russia, through the ideological debates and strategic decisions that have successively oriented the definition of the relations between the populations of Turkistan and their conquerors between, roughly, 1860 and 1920. Although the

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work is not properly speaking a monograph, the lack of discussion of some existing references (see for instance the periodisation sketched by H. Carrère d'Encausse in her classical Réforme et révolution chez les musulmans de l'Empire russe, Paris: FNSP, 1966; see also a more recent tentative regional typology in S. G. Agadzhanov, éd., Natsional'nye okrainy Rossiiskoi imperii: stanovlenie i razvitie sistemy upravleniia, Mos-

cow: Slavianskij dialog, 1997) brings the author to a number of repetitions. The central idea of the volume is that of a permanent opposition between "conservatives" (in favour of authoritarian methods) and "reformists" (searching for a better political integration of the conquered populations into the Russian Empire). Based on numerous researches in the Central State Archives of Uzbekistan, in the Archives of Military History of the Russian Federation, and in the State Historical Archives of St. Petersburg, the author casts light on the logics of the agricultural colonisation of Central Asia, and on its specific weigh in the debates of the early twentieth century. He also insists on the big porosity between the conservative and reformist tendencies among the colonial administration, and does his best for elucidating the political mobiles of both. So doing, he sketches interesting perspectives on the continuities of the nationalities policy in Russian Central Asia from the eve of WWI till the beginning of the Soviet period. The result is an exceptionally well-informed and stimulating synthesis that escapes the over-simplifications that characterise a majority of works on this theme. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 287. BRUSINA O. I., "Obychnoe pravo kochevogo naseleniia Turkestana v sisteme rossiiskogo upravleniia [The Customary Law of the Population of Turkistan in the System of the Russian Administration]," in S. N. Abashin & V. I. Bushkov, eds., Sredneaziatskii etnograficheskii sbornik, 5, Moscow: Nauka, 2006: 217-34 O. I. Brusina has undertaken here a careful analysis of how nomadic Kazakh and Kyrgyz customary law (adat) changed in the period from 1867 to the early twentieth century. She argues that the "internal logic" of their judiciary, specifically the "court of biys (sud biev)," was transformed within 15-20 years of introduction of Russian reforms in the Turkistan region. The article begins by describing adat, from Russian sources (which she acknowledges can be problematic to use), in the period before the 1867 Turkistan statute, then explains the new legal-administrative system for the nomads in the region, and ends with a systematic analysis of features of the judiciary that were transformed. Particularly strong is her explanation for why "shadow judges" emerged to take the place of traditional biys, who for all intents and purposes ceased to be taken seriously as unbiased arbiters and mediators. It is a picture of a very dysfunctional judicial system, where nomads and semi-nomads sought multiple alternative solutions to their search for justice. Overall, the article is nicely argued and researched. Interestingly for this reviewer, Brusina engages several times with my book, Law and Custom in the Steppe (Curzon Press, 2001), which analyses similar transformations among Middle Horde Kazakhs administered from Omsk. She disputes the value of my source base—identified largely as the Kazakh appeals of biy court deci-

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sions submitted through Russian administrative channels (and available in large numbers in regional archives)—because, she argues, complainants surely had ulterior motives based in kinship rivalries and other issues, and the justness or honesty of their cases cannot be assumed (I agree, frankly). O. I. Brusina relies instead on the "dokladye zapiski" prepared by Russian bureaucratic observers of the nomads in one two-year period, 1880-82; these observations formed the basis of Girs' valuable review of Turkistan, although apparently only 10% of their field notes are represented in the published report. While clearly an extremely valuable resource, I am a bit uncomfortable with her assumption that these Russian observers' conclusions (whose occasional subjectivities she acknowledges) can be trusted as any more authentic than information gleaned from the appeals by Kazakhs themselves. If such a study had been done of the Middle Horde Kazakhs in Akmolinsk and Semipalatinsk oblast's in the same period, it would have been very interesting to compare their conclusions. Similarly, O. I. Brusina may, in fact, have found value in analysing Kazakh appeals of biy court decisions and the cases that evolved from them, but these are only available in local archives—for her study based on Turkistan, that would mean Almaty, Tashkent and probably Bishkek, but she did not venture outside of Moscow for her archival research. Virginia Martin (University of Wisconsin, Madison) 288. CHOKAEV Mustafa, Otryvki izvospominanii o 1917g. [Fragments of Memories on t h e Year 1917], ed. Salavat ISKHAKOV, i n t r o d u c t i o n T o m o h i k o UYAMA, Tokyo - M o s c o w : Islamic Area Studies Project ( C e n t r a l Asian Research Series: 1) - Rossiiskaia Akademiia nauk, Nauchnyj sovet p o istorii sotsial'nykh reform, dvizhenii i revoliutsii, 2001, VI-[2]-51 p. including 11 p. of n o t e s Until now the memories on the year 1917 by the political activist, memories writer and historian from Russian Turkistan Mustafa Chuqay (1890-1941) were known through a version published in Paris in 1937, and reedited in Ankara in 1988 under the title 1917yih hatira parçalari. An original Russian version has been recently rediscovered in Moscow archives by the historian Salavat Iskhakov who provides an integral and critical edition of it, completed by an index that was missing in the previous publications. Although incomplete if compared with the Turkish version (notably on the relations between the political parties "'Ulama Jam'iyyati" and "Shura-yi Islamiyya"), this Russian text paradoxically provides a variant more respectful of the numerous proper names and of the specific terminology of the revolutionary period in Central Asia. The Redaction 289. DUDOIGNON Stéphane A., "Les 'tribulations' d u juge Ziya: histoire et mémoire d u clientélisme politique à Boukhara (1868-1929) [The 'Tribulations' of J u d g e Ziya: H i s t o r y a n d Memory of Political Clientelism in Bukhara (18681929)]," Annales H.S.S. 59/5-6 (2004): 1095-138 Through a comparative study of three narratives of faction struggles among the body of Bukhara's 'ulama under the Russian protectorate, the author reconstructs the role of the personal protection system in the transmission of a memory of preCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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Soviet past in the early 1920s. The strength of the didactical genres of Persian literature, characterised after 1917 by an unprecedented expansion of normative biography and autobiography, instils into these narratives a peculiar logic, borrowed from the classical genres of maqamat and cadhkira. At the same time, these sources reveal the political content of the systems of personal protection (himaya) and male affinities ('asabiyya) which fulfil classical historiography in the territories of Islam. However, the texts analysed in the present article also show the decisive role played by the Manghit Emirs of Bukhara in the very shaping of the faction struggles inside the body of the 'ulama in the context of the Russian Protectorate—from 1873 onwards, the latter fixed the frontiers of the Emirate, and facilitated a centralisation of power in the hands of the ruler. Far from the requirements of a metatext penetrated with the reference to the quest of the Prophet Muhammad and his struggle against the pagans of Mecca, the urban factions that developed in the world of the madrasas of Bukhara between the 1860s and the 1920s appear as fluctuant entities, with close and complex mutual relations, deeply conditioned by the pressure exerted by successive Emirs. These characteristic bring us far from the stereotypes of colonial literature—and of a number of modern studies inspired by it—on trans-historical "clan struggles" with immutable outlines: They put the political fact back in the centre of learned sociability in Transoxiana, during the decisive period which preceded the seizure of power by the Soviets. The Redaction 290. DUKHIN la. K., "Russkoe okruzhenie Chokana Valikhanova [Chokan Valikhanov's Russian Circle]," Voprosy istorii 2002/1:138-43 This article is comprised essentially of lists of the "positive" influences of various Russians (writers, officials, scientists) on the Kazakh "enlightener" Chokan Valikhanov, from his days as a student at the Omsk Cadet Corps in the early 1850s to his brief time in St. Petersburg in the early 1860s. The analysis is based largely on published memoirs and collections of documents from the time, but the author (at the time of publication of his article, a Candidate of Historical Sciences at Kostanai State University, Kazakhstan) offers no new insights and no information that is not already presented in similar russo-centric pieces dating from the 1950s, if not earlier. (In fact, Veselovskii's 1904 remembrance of Valikhanov has a similar tone, which presents the Russian Empire and its civilising "missionaries" as the creators of this amazing individual: through these eyes, Valikhanov owed his talents to Russian influences.) The silence is deafening from sources that could have offered insights into his identity as a Muslim Kazakh nomad living in a Russian world. Chokan Valikhanov awaits a worthy biographer. Virginia Martin (University of Wisconsin, Madison) 291. ERKINOV Aftandil, Praying for and against the Tsar: Prayers and Sermons in Russian-Dominated Khiva and Tsarist Turkestan, Berlin: Schwarz (Anor, 16), 2004,112 p., bibliography By an eminent specialist on the vernacular discourse on the Russian conquest and colonisation of Transoxiana (see infra in the following notice a review of the au242

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thor's study of the text by the Chaghatay poet Shayda'i on the Russian conquest of Khiva in 1873), this essay focuses on religious texts apologising the new state of things. The author studies the text of two munajat (also called guyayish or iltija in Central Asian Persian, and properly defined by the author as a prayer full of selfabasement addressed to God that evolved over time into a particular literary genre) and a Friday sermon (khutba) elaborated on behalf of the colonial power and meant to enhance the authority that the Tsarist administration wanted to enjoy in Muslim circles. The first is an anonymous Turkic text copied (perhaps also written) five years after the conquest of Khiva in 1878 by an author "not in full possession of the rules and secrets of the literary arts," in a style "close to prayer texts used by healers for treatment (11-2)." An edition of the text in Arabic script (pp. 77-84) is preceded by its English translation (15-30). The second of the two munajat is a text written in Russian-administered Turkistan territory, in support of the Russian government, in the aftermath of the Russo-Japanese W a r of 1904-5 (translations pp. 36-8, original text p. 84-5). The third vernacular text edited in the present essay is a khutba written for the benefit of Tsar Alexander III (not Alexander II as written in the text, among other slight inaccuracies), and preserved in the personal papers of the colonial administrator and local historiographer Nikolai P. Ostroumov (1846-1930), in the Central State Archive of Uzbekistan (Ostroumov collection, 1-1009, section 1, file 34, fol. 19; English translation pp. 74-5, original text pp. 101-3). The text was written on a sheet of paper glued on a wooden plate that carries a round loop, obviously intended to hang up the plate on a wall. The study and edition of the two existing versions of this short text—one revised by the Tsarist administration—is followed by the analysis of an autograph essay written by Ostroumov in 1930, the "Essay on the Khutba for the Tsar of Russia" (English translation pp. 49-74, original text pp. 86-100). In this work, Ostroumov explains the history of the sermon and its translation into "Sart (Turki)" language, and edits the text and a Russian translation of it. This document suggests how the Tsarist administration made use of this religious and spiritual genre for its own purpose, and had it transposed into the most widespread vernacular language of Russian Turkistan. Ostroumov's doubts on the effective use of this sermon, and his overall critic of the khutba and of its instrumentation by the Tsarist administration is appropriately resituated by the author in the context of its writing—viz the early 1930s and the first mass campaigns against religious practice in Central Asia. The author's insistence on the "preIslamic," essentially "Shamanic" roots of munajat in Central Asia uncritically reproduces judgements of Soviet Oriental studies and ignores the long historical evolution of the genre in most different regions of the world of Islam deprived of a Shamanic past. The same could be said of the uncritical use of the category "popular literature" applied to the munajat probably written on command of Russian authorities, in support of Tsarist administration, by non-professional authors, and of the assumption that the latter, "as [...] popular poet[s], could not understand the political significance of the war between Russia and Japan (35)." These classical appraisals notwithstanding (should we consider them "survivals" of Soviet philosophy in the same way as the author evokes reminiscences of the pre-Islamic

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HISTORY past?), the author's scrupulous and original study of a specific category of texts largely ignored so far by modern historiography of Central Asia opens exhilarating perspectives for the study of crossed perceptions and interaction between modern colonisers and colonised population. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 292. ERKINOV Aftandil, "The Conquest of Khiva (1873) from a Poet's Point of View (Shayda'i)," in Beate Eschment & Hans Harder, eds., Looking at the Coloniser: Cross-Cultural Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas, Wurzburg: Ergon (Mitteilungen zur Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der

islamischen Welt, 14), 2004: 91-115

In connection w i t h key concepts of the Soviet history of Central Asian literatures, postulating a stable hierarchy between "popular" and "learned" culture, and a rapid progression towards "realism" in the late nineteenth century under diverse external influences, the author insists on the diffusion of specific genres of Turkic "popular" culture (such as hikmat in Central Asian tradition, as well as odes in the form of murabba' [quatrains] and mukhammas [five-line stanzas]) in the learned circles through the case of a poem on the Russian conquest of Khiva by a minor poet with the penname Shayda'i ( u J 1 ^ ) or Mulla Shayda'i. The author stresses the presence of three historical figures in Shayda'i's poem: the Muslim saint Pahlawan Mahmud (1247-1326), the Khan of Khiva Muhammad-Rahim Khan II (r. 1864-1910), described as a just ruler, and the minister Muhammad Diwan-Bigi, characterised as a traitor and a Shiite of Persian extraction (qizil-bash), and identified as the cause of the misfortunes of Khwarezm. A. Erkinov concludes on the overall religious interpretation of the fall of Khiva in the Chaghatay literature of the time. The embodiment of the causes of the vicissitudes of Central Asia in the nineteenth century in the figurehead of Shiite men of high position is at the same time one of the most striking leitmotivs of late-nineteenth and early-twentieth-century vernacular historiography, and a still unvisited taboo of modern historical studies. The article is followed by the publication of the text in its original Arabic script, w i t h an English translation. The Redaction

293. GEISS Paul Georg, "Mahalla and Kinship Relations: A Study on Residential Communal Commitment Structures in Central Asia of the 19th Century," Central Asian Survey 20/1 (2001): 97-106 Unfortunately based, exclusively, on Russian textual primary sources of the Tsarist period, this contribution discusses how Islamic law has shaped social relations within pre-modern mahallas in present-day Uzbekistan, and w h a t role kinship relations played in these neighbouring units. The introductory paragraphs on the denominations of mahallas in vernacular languages admix local terms w i t h Russian vocabulary (ex: tupik for "small lanes"), whilst translations between Uzbek and Tajik words often show approximate (ex: oqsoqol = arbob, the latter being poorly attested in modern use as far as Persian-speaking Central Asia is concerned). Beyond this terminological aspect, factual mistakes reveal the author's telling lack of fa-

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA miliarity with Central Asian societies (for instance when he asserts that teahouses did not exist in Bukhara . . .). Conversely, P. G. Geiss' discourse remains generic and extremely normative (c.g. when he affirms that the leader of both a urban or rural mahallas maintained his influence "through his personal integrity and wealth"). His perception of Central Asian societies during the colonial period remains dominated by an elementary, very classical (multiple non-discussed references to the works by the Soviet ethnographer S. Poliakov), but undocumented dialectic between, on the first hand, the tribal nomadic world allegedly submitted to the traditional religious authority of the ishans, and Islamised sedentary communities better committed to "school Islam". It postulates a unilateral, if not simultaneous, "transformation from tribal qishloqs to residential qishloqs'\ attaining a rare degree of simplification in the history of Central Asian societies. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 2 9 4 . GEISS Paul Georg, Pre-Tsarist and Tsarist Central Asia: Communal and Political Order in Change, London: Routledge, 2 0 0 3 , 2 4 0 p.

Commitment

Paul Georg Geiss introduces his book as a socio-historical analysis of the political structures of seventeenth- to nineteenth-century Central Asia, focused on the study of the construction and development of regional political systems. An ambitious project indeed, since the author aims at studying the whole territory of nowadays Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. All through the book, his analysis concentrates on notions of "communal commitment" and of "patrimonialism", the author showing that both are bases of the structural systems operating in pre-Tsarist times. How have these socio-political systems been treated when the Tsarist administration was working on their reform? To what extent do they attest of a specific political and social thought? And did they perpetuate in some way? These are the central questions P. G. Geiss has tried to tackle in the present work. Quite obviously, the author shows more interested in nomadic and tribal societies than in the sedentary ones (the urban and agricultural populations of the Emirate of Bukhara, of the Khanates of Kokand and Khiva), which are dealt with more briefly, and serve mainly as comparison points. Basing his argument on varied bibliographical data (with a strong preference for Russian primary sources) that are presented in the introduction, the author explains the working of tribal political entities through kinship, solidarity and egalitarianism. The main part of the work is made of his description of their different evolutions under Russian dominance, through the processes of Islamicisation and sedentarisation, and through the interactions between the tribal populations and pre-modern Central Asian states. The author thus aims at standing apart from other studies on tribalism, in analysing tribal societies structures linked to their state organisation. The introduction and the first chapter of the book are devoted to a review of terms and notions called for analysis. P. G. Geiss redefines different types of political entities and of the current acceptations of the word 'tribe', which he himself defines as a "community of law and peace." He comes back on socio-political concepts of solidarity and kinship, and stands on notion of state in tribal societies.

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The second chapter analyses the way a community define itself territorially, in connection with politico-legal policies. Here appears the significance given by P. G. Geiss to Islamic law, opposed through this work to the principles of socio-political equality and solidarity governing tribal entities. The third chapter sketches a differentiation of the respective political organisation of different tribal societies: acephalous power among the Turkmens; the despotic, but decentralised power of the manap or of the khan among the Kyrgyz, the Karakalpaks, and the Kazakhs. The fourth chapters is devoted to the organisation of power in patrimonial states (the oases of Bukhara, Khiva, and Kokand) functioning with an established administration. In the two following chapters, P. G. Geiss describes and analyses the Russia's conquest and colonisation of Central Asia, the institution of the protectorates, and the establishment of an administrative system in charge of the integration of the populations into the Empire. The author notably insists on the political and juridical transformations, and on the gradual settlement of the tribal populations (the "detribalisation") and their "Islamisation". The last chapter considers the contemporary political situation in Central Asia, through an analysis of change since Perestroika. The historical breakthrough which tries, quite clumsily, to connect the pre-Tsarist political managements to those observed today, appears however little convincing. Through a political historical sociology, Paul Georg Geiss has tried to draw the structural principles of power management in seventeenth- to nineteenth-century Central Asian societies. His effort at a historical summary is laudable, and the book is a good introduction to the political history of tribal societies and the issues of their administration by the Tsarist Empire. The consideration of territorial and ecological factors attests of a vision that takes into account the most diverse social dimensions. However, the argument seeking to link the global to the local stays most of the time at the level of historical description, and the reader can only remain unsatisfied by the author's more than elliptic perspectives on the contemporary implications of the traditional modes of social organisation. The vastness of the concerned geographical area and the relatively narrow typology of primary sources involved have brought the author to ignore some of the region's essential dimensions. Some are even been reduced to mere schemes—such as Islam, presented as the factor for the introduction of individual property and responsibility in opposition to the collective and egalitarian Eden of the tribal societies, whence the Tsarist policy is credited by the author with the introduction of modern-day Islamic fundamentalisms. Ariane Zevaco (French Institute of Research in Iran, Tehran) 295. GOLDENWEISER Rachel L., "The Bukharian J e w s through the Lenses of the

19th Century Russian Photographers," Iran and the Caucasus 9/2 (2005): 257-72, ill. This study unfortunately deprived of a critical apparatus of any kind is devoted to the representation given of Bukharan Jews in portraits by three prominent latenineteenth—early-twentieth-century Russian photographers, D. Ermakov, S. M. Dudin and S. M. Prokudin-Gorskii (the latter being active in Central Asia, in fact, in the late 1900s and early 1910s). The article is introduced by some paragraphs on

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the history of Jewish presence in Bukhara and Transoxiana, in which nothing is said of the specific group of the Jadid al-Islam (also called locally 'Challa') and of their origins in Mashhad and Iranian Khurasan (the pioneering works on them by Raphael Patai seem to have been ignored by the author). Some biographical information is given about leading figures of the Jewish community of Bukhara under Russian Protectorate, such as the merchant Moshe Mullokandov (1839-1902), the dignitary Aaron Kandin (d. 1909) and the writer Shimon Khakham (1843-1910). Most photographs, including some already published in varied unmentioned albums, are attributed to the archive of the Institute of Ethnography and Archaeology of the Armenian Academy of Sciences, Yerevan—even some the glass plates of which are actually preserved in the Library of Congress in Washington, DC (see for instance, p. 266 & 268, two famous colour photographs by Prokudin-Gorskii: one of a dignitary of the Emir's court—abusively identified by commentators as a member of the Jewish community—and the other of a Jewish school in Bukhara). Several photographs from anonymous private collections, including those of Moshe Mullokandov (p. 268) and Shimon Khakham (p. 272), contribute to increase the article's documentary value. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 2 9 6 . HOTAMOV Namoz, Ta'rikhi khalqi tojik (Azsolhoi 60-umi asri XDC to soli 1924) [A History of the Tajik People (from the 1860s to 1924)], Dushanbe: Amri ilm, 2001,360 p., chronology, bibliography

The present synthesis, by a renown specialist of the economic history of Central Asia during the Tsarist period—see my review of his major monograph on this question in Abstracta lranica 14 (1991), notice 573; see also infra the review in 300— is one of the most durable works in general history that have been published in Central Asia during last years, even if its poor presentation, and its even more restricted diffusion will probably prevent it to reach an audience larger than that of Tajikistan's main campuses, and subscribers of the Central Eurasian Reader. Well balanced and distributed in a pedagogical way into chapters of even dimensions, the book begins with an explanation of the causes, the modes and the immediate consequences of the establishment of Russian domination over Central Asia. (There is notably an interesting chapter on the problematic conquest by the Emirate of Bukhara, then already under Russia's protectorate, of the Hisar Valley, on its annexation of the eastern provinces of Kulab, Baljuan and the lower Wakhsh Valley, and on the establishment of its domination over the Qarategin and Darwaz.) Then the author goes on with the main economic upheavals brought about by Russia's colonialism: railway, cotton's intensive culture and first industrial transformation; a modern banking system (with captivating paragraphs, although partially edited in previous works by the same author, on the role of 'indigenous' societies, of small-size credit companies, or still on the Russian society Stakheev's specific initiatives in Bukhara). Logically enough, the following chapter deals at length with the impact of these transformations upon vernacular societies: the concomitant appearance of a 'Muslim' working class and of a 'Muslim' bourgeoisie in the modern acceptation of these words; the 'popular' uprisings of the

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1880s-90s like that led by 'Abd al-Wasi' in Baljuan or still the 'Cholera Revolt' in Russian Turkistan; the gradual overlapping of social and confessional cleavages, leading to the pogrom of the Shiite community of Iranian origin in Bukhara in January 1910; the armed revolt of the spring and summer 1916, that is seen here as a prelude to the civil war of the following years. This part is followed by a section of popularisation of works by Tajikistani researchers on the intellectual and political movements for reform and modernisation during the Tsarist period: the theological debates on modern medicine after the cholera epidemics of the late nineteenth century; the reformist work by Danish in and around the Mir-i 'Arab Madrasa of Bukhara, and the diffusion of his thought among the Emirate's student circles; the appearance and structuring of the 'Jadid' movement in Bukhara and Russian Turkistan at the turn of the twentieth century; the creation of a Persian and Turkic (often bilingual) press in Bukhara and in the remaining part of Central Asia (with a short study of the journal Bukhara-yi sharif); the appearance and diffusion, manuscript and printed, of new genres of vernacular didactical and satirical literatures as well as that of a new historiography, all breaking with the rules of the traditional court genres. Contrary to a majority of work on the modern period that stop their narrative at the Bolshevik takeover, the author continues his own until the ethno-territorial division of Central Asia, and the creation of the first federative national republics in 1924. The spring 1917 is evocated through the activity of the (Russian-dominated) Soviets of Turkistan and of the different 'indigenous' political parties (with a special attention to the mutually concurrent Shura-yi islamiyya and Shura-yi 'ulama); the rivalries between the Emir of Bukhara and Russia's Provisional Government for the control over Badakhshan; last political violence in Bukhara as a result of the hesitations of Russian diplomacy between the Emir and his opponents the Young-Bukharans. The following chapter recounts the establishment of the Soviets' power as soon as in the summer 1917 in Tashkent, then in several places on nowadays Northern Tajikistan; the proclamation then the bloody repression by the Red army of the Autonomy of Turkistan, in Kokand and in the Fergana Valley; the installation of the Soviet power in Badakhshan. This part is followed by sections usually well represented in the textbooks of the Soviet period about the creation of the Turkistan SSR and about the consolidation of the Bolshevik domination in the north of present-day Tajikistan. These conservative sections are compensated by more innovative paragraphs on the causes and modes of the formation of an armed resistance against the Soviet power in Higher Mastchah and in Badakhshan. The book's last chapters are devoted to Bolshevik assaults against Bukhara from February 1918 onwards, then to the history of the Popular Soviet Republic of Bukhara after its proclamation in September 1920: although this period is well represented in a now abundant historiographical literature, the author brings about useful pieces of information, in particular on the establishment of the Bolshevik control over the main cities of the Emirate's central regions and in its oriental provinces. The history of the PSR of Bukhara is narrated through the successive reforms of Islamic justice, of the status of agricultural land and of the tax system, then through the impact of war communism upon the defeat of resistance movements in the former oriental provinces of the former Emirate, and upon the

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA political marginalisation of Young-Bukharans. The final chapter is devoted, sym' bolically, to national problems and to the respective status of the Tajiks in the Soviet Republics of Bukhara and Turkistan: There the author endorses the victimist and anti-pan-Turkic vision that has been dominating in Dushanbe's academic circles since the 1930s, with no interest in more recent studies published outside Tajikistan about the influence of inner factors (notably the inner division of the Tajik Communist Party, on the basis of pre-existing mutually hostile urban factions) in the ethno-territorial division of Central Asia from 1924 onward. Of course in this work intended for the students of the Tajikistani faculties of history one must deplore the lack of a critical apparatus worth of this denomination: no primary source is quoted in the text, and the only mentioned references are very recent works, mostly polemic, by academy bosses pathetically hostile to everything Turkic. One also regrets the numerous anachronisms in the text, fed by the teleological representations of the Soviet period (for instance on the 'popular' revolts of the late nineteenth century) or by the recent history of Central Asian countries (see the now fashionable theme of the 'independence movements'). Another kind of anachronism is common to Soviet and post-Soviet history writing: W o r k s of national history like the present one cover geographical spaces that do not correspond with the administrative or political entities of the period under consideration. In spite of the pan-ethnic vision commonly developed in Dushanbe during the last twenty years, the narrative that is proposed here remain focused on the Emirate of Bukhara and ignores sometimes Tajik-peopled regions included after 1873 into Russian Turkistan (for instance the regions of Jizzakh and Samarqand). This projection toward the past of spaces inherited from a recent history constitutes a key characteristic of national historiography in the former USSR. It is a major obstacle to the appraisal of numerous factors linked with geography, as well as with the administrative and political logics of the time, for the history of entities the outlines of which have been often redefined during more than a century of colonial and Soviet history. These reservations notwithstanding, the present work has the immense advantage of trying to give back their place to autochthonous populations and elites in their recent economic, social and political history—a place that has been often neglected or underestimated in many historical studies on the colonial and revolutionary periods in Russian Central Asia. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 2 9 7 . IVANOV V. A., " E p o k h a turkestanskogo general-gubernatorstva v istorii

sredneaziatskikh (bukharskikh) evreev [The Period of the General-Governorship of Turkistan in the History of Middle Asian (Bukharan) Jews] "in E. V. Rtveladze ct al, eds., Evrei v Srednei Azii: voprosy istorii i kul'tury, Tashkent: Izdatel'stvo Fan Akademii nauk Respubliki Uzbekistan, 2004:103-23 Depicted as a Golden Age for the Central Asian Jews, the Russian colonial period in the Turkistan territory is evoked, on the basis of unfortunately non-depicted and non-criticised Russian archive documents, through the rights (of property, of trade, of confessional practice) granted to "autochthonous (tuzemnye)" J e w s by the Russian administration. The author notably shows how, after the gradual estab-

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lishment of the Russian protectorate over the Emirate of Bukhara in 1868 and 1873, the autochthonous J e w s of the Turkistan territory were privileged over the J e w s of the other regions of the Russian Empire, and over the Muslim population of Turkistan either. V. A. Ivanov shortly evokes the emigration of J e w s from the Emirate of Bukhara in the 1870s, their growing concurrence with Hindu usurers in Turkistan, their practice of dumping in the trade of textiles, and the successive measures recommended by Russian administrators for struggling against their alleged monopolisation of varied fields of economic activity. On this aspect, the author astutely points out the disagreements between the Russian military administration (advocating a more restrictive policy towards the Jews of Bukhara) and the manufacture firms in Moscow, backed by the Russian Ministry of Finances (defending the rights of their Jewish intermediaries in Central Asia). He also sheds light on the lengthy implementation of the law adopted in 1910, under pressure of the Ministry of W a r , for the deportation of J e w s from Bukhara enjoying the rights of autochthonous Jews. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

298. KHALID Adeeb, "Nation into History: The Origins of National Historiography in Central Asia," in Stéphane A. Dudoignon, ed., Devout Societies vs. Impious States? Transmitting Islamic Learning in Russia, Central Asia and China, through the Twentieth Century, Berlin: Klaus Schwarz (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, 258), 2004:127-46 The Russian conquest of Central Asia brought with it new forms of knowledge that raised basic questions for local historians. The modern map of the world, the notions of geological time and language families, of the ideas of nation and Progress all worked to undermine the epistemological bases of the old intellectual order. The logic of their reformist project led the Central Asian Jadids to a re-conceptualisation of history, which had to be located in "real" time, proven through documentary evidence from "authoritative" sources, and put to the service of the nation. If conversion to Islam were now located in historical time, then the nation could pre-exist Islam in time and its customs and traditions could begun to be separated from its Muslim identity. The de-coupling of Islamic and ethnic identity began for the Jadids well before the revolution of 1917. As to the historiography of the early Soviet period, it was driven by two interrelated concerns: the need to seek legitimacy for the new regime by discrediting the pre-Soviet order in Central Asia, and the need to (re)define Central Asian identity in the new age. Very quickly, however, the ability to define the parameters of the debate on historiography passed from the hands of pre-revolutionary intellectuals into those of the Soviet regime. In the 1920s, the study of local history and heritage (kraevedenie) was institutionalised by the state itself. The unifying vision developed by the late Jadids was then challenged by a more particularistic discourse of ethnic nationalism which challenged the unifying vision of the Jadids' Chaghatayism and the hegemonic role it automatically assigned to urban intellectuals. The fate of Chaghatayism is indicative of the professionalisation of history in the Soviet period. Ultimately, however, Soviet Marxism turned out not to be inimical to nationalist historiography. Nationalist

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discourse had to remain within carefully set limits and accord with the notion of the "friendship of the peoples," but national identities were never seen as antithetical to a common Soviet identity. The notions of "ethnos" and "ethno-genesis" became fundamental building blocks of Soviet thinking on identities in the post-Stalin period, which saw the articulation of what might be called "Soviet national identities": identities that were unabashedly nationalist but nevertheless sensitive to the political exigencies of the Soviet regime. The subjects of these histories were not dynasties or even classes, but nations possessed of the will to unite. Yet for all that, the expression of contemporary Uzbek nationalism owes a great deal to the discourse of Soviet nationalities policy, whence the Uzbek historical imagination today bears the seeds both of turn-of-the-century Muslim discourses and of the Soviet period. The Redaction

299. KHALID Adeeb, "Visions of India in Central Asian Modernism: The Work of 'Abd ar-Ra'uf Fitrat," in Beate Eschment & Hans Harder, eds., Looking at the Coloniser: Cross-Cultural Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas, Wurzburg: Ergon (Mitteilungen zur Sozial- u n d Kultur-Geschichte

der islamischen Welt, 14), 2004: 253-74 The author shows how the Bukharan modernist writer 'Abd al-Ra'uf Fitrat, between 1910 and 1923, published no less than five works in which India, Indians, and the British featured most prominently. A feature that complicates the matter is that Fitrat's views changed radically over this decade. In his early works, all written in Istanbul, he could see the coloniser as a source of emulation and even of advice. The author notably asserts, quite soundly, that the Russian protectorate established in 1873, fixing the boundaries of the Emirate of Bukhara, contributed to the appearance of a sense of patriotism articulated by Fitrat with the Ottoman notion of watan during his stay in Istanbul. By 1923 (the year of Fitrat and many Jadids' elimination of the government of the Popular Soviet Republic of Bukhara), the coloniser was cast in an entirely negative note, with an innate enmity to 'the East'. Self-preservation required continued action on behalf of the colonised. As in the contemporary, often more radical works by Turkic-speaking writers of the Turkistan ASSR (and probably under the latter's direct influence), "the responsibility for undertaking this action, ascribed to the Emir by Fitrat in his early works, had shifted to the 'people' over the course of the tumultuous decade (274)." Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 3 0 0 . KHOTAMOV Namoz, Bukharskie dzhadidy i osnovnye etapy ikh deiatel'nosti [The Jadids of Bukhara and the Main Steps of Their Action], Dushanbe: Tipografiia AN Respubliki Tadzhikistan (Akademiia nauk Respubliki Tadzhikistan, Institut istorii, arkheologii i etnografii im. A. Donisha), 2000,58 p.

The edition of the present booklet must be resituated in the context of the publication of numerous polemic brochures on the role of rival political factions in the history of Central Asia under Russian dominance—particularly in the Emirate of Bukhara that has been chosen by the political authorities of Tajikistan as this Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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newly independent country's direct political ancestor. Although the present work does not distinguish itself by the number of the author's documentary discoveries, it proposes an original narrative of the history of the 'Jadid' movement in Bukhara since its appearance there the late nineteenth century, with a special interest in the ruptures and continuities that characterised this movement's evolution during the first two decades of the Soviet period. The author notably cuts off with the habit that has been adopted locally since independence to attribute to the Russian colonists and to the Bolsheviks all Central Asia's recent misfortunes. He tries to take into account the weigh of the Young-Bukharan movement's inner divisions, and its contradictory ideological trends, in the failure of the Popular Republic of Bukhara between 1920 and 1924 and in the fatal ethno-territorial division of Central Asia from 1924 onward. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 301. KOSIMOV N., Istoriia russkoi chastigoroda Ura-Tiube (Istravshan) [A History of the Russian Part of the City of Ura-Teppa (Istrawshan)], Dushanbe: Izdatel'stvo "Er-Graf", 2 0 0 3 , 5 4 p., 7 tab., bibliography Based on unpublished statistical materials from the Central State Archive of Tajikistan, on a limited set of substantial accounts by late nineteenth' and early-twentieth century Russian observers (Geier, Iavorskii, Konopka, Lykoshin, Masal'skii, Nalivkin), as well as on the "Great Soviet Encyclopaedia" and on several monographs by Soviet historians (the arch-classic K. E. Bendrikov on the educational policy of the Tsarist administration, the leading local historian A. Mukhtorov on the principality of Ura-Teppa and its Russian colonisation, and N. Kosimov [Kasymov / Qosimov] himself on the new settlements of the Soviet era), this short synthetic work quickly evokes the Russian conquest of the city of Ura-Teppa in October 1866, and its inclusion into Russia's territory in 1868. The book continues with chapters on the formation of Russian settlements in the north-eastern part of the city, on the latter's administration and planning, on the composition of its population, on the evolution of its educational and medical amenities during the late Tsarist period, and on the local events of the revolutionary years 1916 to 1921. The archive materials used by the author unsurprisingly cast light on the prominent part of servicemen, and of their families, in the first Russian occupation of the city's former ruler's property, on and around the 'Magus Hill' (Mugh Teppa). Interesting and hitherto unpublished elements are introduced on the mediocre vernacular attendance of the Russian-Autochthonous School (russko-tuzemnaia shkola) of Ura-Teppa from the 1890s to the 1910s, and on the problems met by Tsarist administration for the recruitment of Russian-speaking local officers. The two pages on the revolutionary events of 1905 confirm the postulates of existing historiography on the lack of vernacular participation in them. The book's overall discourse is pretty conservative, the author praising Russian colonial city-planning and furniture, as intrinsically superior to the local ones, and lauding the presumed positive role played by Russian proletariat (in spite of the clearly weak part of workers and peasants in the population of the Russian settlement) in the city's modern history. Discussable orthographic choices and patent inaccuracies are also to be deplored,

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in particular in the transcription of the Russian and vernacular administrative vocabulary of the Tsarist period. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

302. MALIKOV Yuriy, "The Kenesary Kasymov Rebellion (1837-1847): A National-Liberation Movement or a 'Protest of Restoration'?," Nationalities Papers 33/4 (2005): 569-97 W h i l e the goal of this article—to offer a new interpretation of the causes and meaning of an event in Kazakh history subject to m u c h mythologizing in contemporary Kazakhstan—is greatly welcomed, the author does not really advance scholarship (as weak as that is on the subject) and instead opens himself to harsh criticism because of his poor use of sources, sloppy presentation, lack of a viable historical framework for making his claims, and largely unsubstantiated conclusions. The article does have its strengths. It clearly argues against the conclusion that the events of 1837-47 can in any way be construed as a "national-liberation movement," as present-day official Kazakhstan! historiography will have us believe. It argues that there was, in fact, no mass support behind Kenesary's leadership (while I agree w i t h this claim, the author should provide more evidence to substantiate it fully). The article is also useful as a platform for refuting many claims about Kazakh history made in Martha Brill Olcott's The Kazakhs (1986) and other overused and under-researched W e s t e r n sources that have gone unchallenged for far too long. W h i l e Malikov is quick to critique the conclusions of other historians, he is insufficiently rigorous in building his own alternative arguments. Curiously (in light of the binary offering in the title), Malikov insists that the rebellion was neither a piece of Kazakh nation-building nor an attempt to restore a glorified past. Instead, he asserts that Kenesary was a "moderniser" and through various reform efforts, his goal was "the creation of a new type of state w i t h o u t precedents in Kazakhstan! history" (p. 570). This is a bold claim, made extremely difficult to accept for many reasons, not least of which is the fact that nowhere in the article does he provide a definition of w h a t "modern" and "moderniser" might have meant in the mid-nineteenth century Kazakh steppe of the Russian Empire. T o w a r d the very end of the article it finally becomes clear that "modern" has to do w i t h forming a centralised state w i t h an "omnipotent" khan, central collection of "taxes," and the abandonment of various legal and other "traditions" in the name of central control under Kenesary's lead. These efforts caused opposition from increasing numbers of Kazakhs, especially clan leaders w h o resented attacks on their traditional powers and customs, and the rebellion failed. W h a t is most problematic about this article is the absence of adequate analysis of the various relationships out of which Kazakhs in the nineteenth century were struggling to assume power over each other and maintain that power (but also losing it); there is no explication of nomadic society and nomadic empire building and h o w these foundations shaped Kazakh political culture. The author misses numerous opportunities to p u t Kenesary in the context of many other disgruntled Kazakh Chinggisids w h o sought to take advantage of the realities of Russian rule

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and/or of China as patron, even while they resisted both. Kenesary had to navigate an extremely complex political landscape, which included other Sultan/Chinggisids (who also proclaimed themselves Khan!), clans whose clientele he sought and needed, an expanding Russian Empire, other neighbouring states and polities, the possibility of personal enrichment through control of trade routes, among other factors. Malikov discusses these issues only as they demonstrated opposition to Kenesary personally, and not as part of a larger backdrop for interpreting how the Kazakh steppe was changing and struggling to adapt to Russian rule. Without this backdrop, the assertion that Kenesary was a "moderniser" remains meaningless, his place in history incomprehensible. Virginia Martin (University of Wisconsin, Madison)

303. MATVEEV Aleksandr, "Perceptions of Central Asia by Russian Society: The Conquest of Khiva as Presented by Russian Periodicals," in Beate Eschment & Hans Harder, eds., Looking at the Coloniser: Cross-Cultural Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and Related Areas, Wurzburg: Ergon (Mitteilungen zur Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der islamischen Welt, 14), 2004: 275-98, ill. The author investigates how Russia's educated society perceived Central Asia through a selection of high-circulation periodicals reflecting, to some extent, the mentality of their readership (Niva, Rodina, Vokrug sveta, and Zhurnal dlia vsekh). No-

ticing that most publications appear in the 1870s-1880s, and that Central Asia disappears from the list of important magazine topics in the 1900s and 1910s, the author stresses the central place of the military conquest (of Khiva in 1873, in particular) and of the public debates linked with it in the curiosity showed for Central Asian matters. A. Matveev notably assesses the main terms of the negative image conveyed on the Khanate of Khiva (in connection with its practice of slave trade, in particular), opposed to the relative positive covering of the Emirate of Bukhara—the public's overall perception being that the Russian invasion into Central Asia resulted in prosperity and cultural development of these lands. The Redaction

304. MOJTAHED-ZADEH Pirouz, Small Players of the Great Game: The Settlement of Iran's Eastern Borderlands and the Creation of Afghanistan, London - New York: Routledge, 2004, XVI-263 p., maps, ill. & fig., bibliography, index Based on archive material from different private collections and public institutions (notably the India Office Library in London and the Institute of Political and International Studies of the Iranian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tehran), this erudite though sometimes confuse work sheds light on the impact that was exerted on the delimitation of the international frontiers between Iran and Afghanistan, in the 1880s-90s, by the endemic rivalries between local ruling dynasties, the Khuzayma and the 'Abdali appanages of, respectively, Iranian and Afghan Khurasan, for the control of Herat, Mashhad, and Baluchistan under and after Nadir Shah's reign (1736-47). The Khuzayma appanages of Qaenat and Sistan—where Tsarist Russia maintained for long a consulate—, situated at the gateway of nineteenth254

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century British India, were of extreme importance to the British, whose main preoccupation was then to obstruct the spread of Russia's or other European powers' eastward influence. During the Qajar period the Khuzayma appanage, though officially a part of Khurasan province, had in practice nothing to do with Mashhad: It conducted its affairs independently and reported to Tehran on general principles, its foot soldiers and artillerymen being recruited from among the Azerbaijanis who had always enjoyed the reputation of being loyal and fine warriors. Using his personal connections among the Khuzayma family, the author has tried to assess this lineage's history—managing only to cast light on the dynasty's present leaders' denegation of any Arab origin and on their insistence on their belonging to Shiism, on their Iranian patriotism, and their refusal of any kind of regionalism of a separatist nature. Given the lack of evidence and of written materials, the dynasty's history remains in the hands of its representatives, and so hardly separable from myth. (An interesting document emanating from the family's sponsorship, the early twentieth-century "History of Qaenat [Ta'rikh-i Qayinat: Mir'at almaknunat fi ta'rikh al'Qayinat]" by Shaykh 'Abd al-Husayn FANUDI, has recently be published by the historian Mahmud RAFI'I, Tehran: Hirmand, 1383/2004. It comprises substantial paragraphs and chapters on the unification of regional power of Khazim b. Khuzayma in the mid eighth century CE; on the history of the Isma'iliyya in Quhistan under the Saljuqids and Mongols; and on the history of the region during the Safavid period.) Associated in the family's memory and tradition with the coming to power of the Safavids on the Iranian plateau in the early sixteenth century, the Khuzayma's fortune was confirmed in the 1740s by Nadir Shah with the nomination of Amir Isma'il Khan Khuzayma as the Governor of Qaen, Farah, and Kuh-Giluya. It reached its peak under Isma'il Khan's successor Amir 'Alam Khan I, when the appanage extended its limits far beyond the traditional territory of Qaenat and Sistan, notably towards Baluchistan. The author's narrative continues in the book's first chapter with short biographies of the dynasty's leading figures from the mid-eighteenth to the early twentieth century, focusing on the Khuzayma's role in the limitation of Afghan influence and in the suppression of insurgencies in Khurasan, Sistan, and Baluchistan. Particular attention is devoted to Amir 'Alam Khan III (in charge from 1847 to 1891), and to the role that was to be played by this amir's alliance—notably matrimonial—with the Baluch in the latter's later attestation that their dominions belong to Iran, during the boundary arbitration between this country and Afghanistan. Interestingly also, the author evokes the foundation of the city of Nusratabad (renamed Zabol under Reza Shah) and its population by Qaeni settlers, whereas the old city was inhabited by Sistanis: a common practice in Iran's borderlands, that was to be reiterated by Reza Shah himself in Zahedan one century later. (Much later under Reza Khan's government, in 1921-2, Amir Shawkat al-Mulk was assigned to put down Dust-Muhammad's insurgency, after which the regions of Sarhadd and Qal'a-yi Khash— along the boundaries of the British Raj—were to remain for a short period of time under Khuzayma rule.) Reza Khan's accession to the throne in 1925 however deeply changed the logic of the relations with the Iranian central state: The resignation of Shawkat al-Mulk's nephew from his governorship of Qaen in 1937 officially brought the amirdom to its end, the Khuzayma being thereafter but a nomiCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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nal entity. This did not prevent, however, prominent figures of the dynasty to play a significant role in regional affairs. Such was the case of Amir Husayn Khan Khuzayma 'Alam, who was served during five years under Reza Shah as Governor of the newly founded region of Sistan and Baluchistan, helped by his double background as the descendant of a paternal family who had ruled the region for centuries, whereas on his father's mother side he was a grandson of Sardar Sharif Khan Naruyi and was related to other prominent sardars of Sistan and Baluchistan. The core of the book is made of a couple of chapters of the Khuzayma's role in Iran's foreign policy, in particular during the border dispute between Iran and Afghanistan about Sistan, arbitrated in 1871-2 by the British under General Frederick Godsmid. The author stresses the significance of the lasting personal rivalry between Amir 'Alam Khan III Khuzayma and Shir 'Ali Khan of Afghanistan, expressed notably by Khuzayma support to the Afghan ruler's rebellious son Ya'qub Khan. A key consequence of the Godsmid arbitration was to put an end to the direct relations, hostile as they were, between the Khuzayma appanage and the Afghan rulers, while it marked the beginning of a new and direct political relation between the appanage on the one hand and the British and Russians on the other. A new phase begun after Amir 'Alam Khan Ill's death in 1891, in which the two mutually rival Khuzayma amirs of Qaenat changed sides frequently in their relations with foreign powers. One of the direct consequences of the new situation was a spectacular increase of bribery rates for governorships. A major factor of this evolution was the fact that the Qajar court in Tehran realised that Great Britain and Russia, at the height of their rivalry in Central Eurasia, were competing seriously over the issue of the governorship of Sistan and Qaenat, each determined to secure the strategically sensitive position for its respective Khuzayma friend. In the first decades of the Pahlavi regime until the aftermath of WWII Anglo-soviet rivalries in eastern Iran gave a new dimension to the 'Great Game'. Whence the Soviet Consulate in Zabol (Sistan) was closed in 1930 on Reza Shah's order, the British Consulate remained operational because of the presence in the province of a sizeable amount of British Indian subjects. The Soviets, at this time, were still firmy established in the northern Iranian provinces, including Khurasan. The Soviet-backed Tudeh party's branch at Big and (southern Khurasan) entered local politics, strongly opposing the British and the Khuzayma family. Many nobles of the old order, including Qajar princes, deprived of their power and privileges were to be found among the early Tudeh members. In Sistan as well, it is no surprise that Tudeh sympathy came from government officials, from landlords, and from merchants and clerics. The evolution of Sistan's boundaries between Iran and Afghanistan is evoked through a narrative that encompasses, through a wide set of secondary sources, the successive divisions of the Hirmand basin in the nineteenth century, and the recurring water disputes of the twentieth. The book constantly oscillates between apology of Greater Khurasan and a more moderate stance, revealing the difficulties that the publisher probably had with its author. Innumerable inaccuracies and factual mistakes must be deplored (dates of Shah Tahmaps I's reign [p. 49], Agha Muhammad Khan Qajar's assassination being several times located in 1979 instead of 1799 [128], "Finken Stain" instead of "Finkenstein", "Gardan" instead of "Gardane" [129]), etc.), including an 256

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amount unusual at Routledge of orthographic and grammatical mistakes, sometimes the result of a distracted use of computers' automatic correction system (e.g., "Alarm Khan" instead of '"Alam Khan" [p. 93]; "The [Khuzayma] amirdoms [. . .] was of extreme importance [52];" "A major factor [. . .] have been the fact [106]," etc.). Otherwise, the author too often satisfies himself with suppositions and products of his imagination. The oral assertions of his Khuzayma informants and the data conveyed by the family-sponsored historiography are rarely, if ever, critically discussed and even less often confronted with materials of other kinds and origins, which drives this book closer to traditional historiography than to modern historical research—in connection with the predominantly apologetic practice of local and regional history in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Beside the good-quality maps and the well-chosen illustrations (most of the latter coming from the private archive of the Khuzayma family), a genealogical table with indication of the respective appanages of the Khuzayma's varied branches would have proved extremely useful, especially in the maze of endemic rivalries between the two separate but interdependent amirdoms of Qaenat and Sistan between 1891 and 1937 (most fiercely during the Constitutional Revolution of 1906-11). Such shortcomings are very regrettable, given the originality and significance of the subject dealt with in this captivating monograph. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 305. MUHAMMAD HAKIM KHAN, Muntakhab al-tawarikh / Selected History, ed. Yayoi KAWAHARA & Koichi HANEDA, Fuchu: Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa - Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA), 2, 2 0 0 6 (Studia Culturae Islamica, 81), XXXVII-716-26 p., 2 maps This work is an Arabic-script critical edition of the famous Persian chronicle by Muhammad Hakim Khan. This second volume corresponds with the "History of the Ming," the twelfth part of the fifth chapter of the Muntakhab al-tawarikh, a major source for the history of the ruling dynasty of the Khanate of Kokand. Besides, the present volume also includes the record of the author's pilgrimage to Mecca. Noda Jin (Japanese Society for the Promotion of Science, Tokyo) 306. NODA Jin, "The Kazakhs in the Muslim Rebellion of 1864-65," Central Eurasian Studies Review 5/1 ( 2 0 0 6 ) : 28-31, bibliography This very brief piece came out of the annual conference of the Central Eurasian Studies Society (CESS) in Fall of 2005; it was one of several conference papers presented there that were chosen to be published in CESS's bulletin, the Central Eurasian Studies Review. Noda J., a talented PhD candidate in history at the University of Tokyo, argues that in reconstructing the history of the Ili region and Russo-Chinese relations in the mid-nineteenth century, "we cannot ignore the activities of such nomads as Kazakhs and the role of the Russian Empire behind them" (p. 31). Here, he has uncovered the ways in which the movement between the two empires of Kazakh nomads in search of security and political affiliation complicated border negotiations between the Russian and Chinese sides in a key period of stateCentral Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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power consolidation. Noda Jin's empirical research from archival sources and document collections in multiple languages is rigorous, and we await further work from him on Kazakh history in the Russo-Chinese border region. Virginia Martin (University of Wisconsin, Madison)

307. NODA Jin, "18 seiki Chuo Ajia ni okeru roshinkankei: Jungaru seiken hokai kara kazafu, Arutai shozoku no kizokumondai he [Russo-Qing Relations on Central Asia in the Eighteenth Century: The Junghar Conquest and the Question of the Subjection of the Kazakhs and Altai Groups]," Shigaku zasshi 116/9 (2007): 1-37 This article focuses on the subjection of the Kazakh and Altai peoples after the Junghar subjugation by Qing China, while discussing Qing negotiations with Russia over Junghar issues. The author, drawing from various archives in Russian, Chinese, and Manchu languages, manages to provide an overview of relations between the Russian and Qing Empires across Central Asia in the mid-eighteenth century from the both the Russian and Qing points of view. One of the original features of the article is that the author pays close attention to the influence of the proposal made by Tosi (who commanded the Qing missions to Russia in 1731) upon negotiations held between Russia and Qing during the second half of the 1750s. During these negotiations both empires insisted on their own prominence in Central Asia, while trying to preserve the framework formed by the 1727 treaty of Kiakhta. Russia attempted to take extreme advantage of some concessions by the Qing government included in the proposal made by Tosi. What is remarkable in the conclusion is the author's suggestion of an ambiguous policy of double subjection to both the Russian and Qing empires by the Kazakhs and Altai peoples. Hamamoto Mami (Japanese Society for the Promotion of Science) 3 0 8 . SAHADEO Jeff, "Empire of Memories: Conquest and Civilization in Impe-

rial Russian Tashkent," Canadian Slavonic Papers 46/1-2 (2004): 395-417

The author focuses on the different efforts made in colonial Turkistan to reconstruct the past and to form a new historical memory as the cement of a new collective identity. For the Russian Empire, Turkistan was more than a simple colony because it had to be an "advanced colonial community [. . .] integrating the colonised population peacefully in the European civilisation." The construction of this past was based upon two main figures: on the one hand "the founder of Turkistan" and first governor-general Konstantin P. von Kaufman (1818-1882) and, on the other hand "the Lion of Tashkent", the conqueror of Turkistan Mikhail G. Cherniaev (1828-1898). They represented two aspects of Russian imperialism: a more liberal and progressive stance (Kaufman) and an essentially coercive one (Cherniaev). The article describes the legacy of Kaufman and the image of "civilisation" associated with him on the occasions of his posthumous jubilees, and in the framework of scholarly societies for the study of Turkistan. Gradually, however, Chernaiev's memory gained momentum with the growth of vernacular opposition to imperial rule. The exile of Grand Prince Nikolai Konstantinovich also contributed to his posthumous promotion as an embodiment of "authority and order" as well as a 258

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA symbol of pan-Slavic identity with a strong Christian component. The vernacular perceptions of the two figures of Russian conquest and colonisation are mentioned through the opinion officially expressed by two judges of the shari'a, Muhi al'Din Khwaja and Sattar Khan praising Kaufman for bringing peace to a chaotic region. The article usefully sheds light on a symbolic conflict among the Russian elites of Tashkent on the formation of a new collective identity. If the author considers that this opposition between "civilisation" and "order" failed to unite the official vision of Russia's presence in Central Asia, it also reveals a durable dualism that still prevailed in the first decades of the Soviet period. Cloe Drieu (French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent—Paris)

309. SAHADEO Jeff, Russian Colonial Socicty in Tashkent, 1865-1923, Bloomington Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2007,336 p., 17 ill. This book describes the Russian colonial society from the end of the conquest till the institution of the Soviet power (i.e., well before the territory delimitation of 1924), on the basis of numerous archive sources—in Moscow (RGASPI, GARF), in the Central State Archive of Uzbekistan, and local collections (Tashkent City's Archives)—and of the press published in Tashkent and Moscow. Giving a lot of details on "everyday life" in Russian and vernacular Tashkent, the book more largely aims at a wider understanding of the very nature of Russia's imperial power. Focusing on Tashkent, the author analyses how the new colonial power established "visible signs" of its sovereignty (construction of its past, monuments, ceremonies), and evokes the promotion of its "civilising mission" through the creation of scholarly societies. The "other side" of Russian imperial power is also evoked, through the interactions between the two parts, Russian and Asian', of Tashkent. Centred on the history of the town and of its population, the book permits us to understand a large range of political, economic, social, religious and ethnic interactions between centre and periphery, between the city and the countryside, as well as between the town itself and its varied populations. The author also deals with symbolic images: After the conquest, Tashkent became a "centrepiece for the imperial official civilising and modernising missions in Asia," its official representation oscillating between philanthropy and nationalism (evocation of the "pure" European city set up by Governor-General von Kaufman). These images contrast with representations of Tashkent as the seat of "Central Asian laziness" and of "danger", of the Russian lower classes' decadence (in alcoholism). However, even if the territory of Turkistan experienced a durable policy of "disinterest (ignorirovanie)" towards its native populations, even if Tashkent faced the mutual segregation of its vernacular and Russian populations, the social boundaries often remained porous. For instance, after anti-cholera measures when taken in 1892, and followed by riots, the imperial policy in the city and region was marked by significant change. As to the city's and region's economic growth from the early 1890s onwards, it generated an afflux of new residents, contributed to the formation of a new-brand lower-class, the nucleus of a future proletariat—peasants as a tool for colonisation plans, railway workers, exiled peoples. These reorganisations were followed by the Revolution of 1905, which reinforced in Tashkent progressive cur-

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rents and the claims for legal equality among Central Asian intellectuals as well as Russian liberal forces. The w w i period corresponds with a critical point in the relationship between Russia and Central Asia, with upheaval of 1916 and a number of uprisings immediately linked with growing food shortages. The author's interest in food supply provides many keys for understanding the nature of the relationship between Russia and the Central Asian peoples, its ambiguity and fluctuation. The hopes raised by the October Revolution were short-lived, after the Red Army repressed Autonomy of Kokand on an initiative of the Russian-dominated Soviet of Tashkent. The first years of the Turkistan Autonomous Soviet Republic, the work of the Turk Commission (Turkkommissia) are analysed through the prism of the struggle for power between the Soviet of Tashkent and the different political forces in action, whether Russian or vernacular. In all, this book provides a captivating political, social and economic depiction of Russian Turkistan from its conquest to the eve of the ethno-territorial demarcation of Central Asia and the formation of the Uzbek SSR. The ups and downs of the relationship between the centre and the periphery, as well as the political struggle within the territory, notably between the native and Russian populations, sheds light on the conditions and logics that led to the formation of the modem Uzbek nation-state. To the author's eyes, after the October Revolution the relation between the "coloniser" and the "colonised" remained the same as during the Tsarist period: "Ideas and practices of European, white, colonial superiority trumped socialist internationalism and liberation," as Russian continued to concentrate in their hands the bulk of the political, administrative and military strength. The Russian Imperial domination had been removed by a Russian Soviet one. Cloe Drieu (French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent—Paris) 310. SCHWARZ Florian, "Bargeldstiftungen im Chanat von Chiva, 1840-1922," Der Islam 80/1 ( 2 0 0 3 ) : 79-93 This paper studies the pious endowments of the Khanate of Khiva through a sample of 74 waqf acts for the benefice of the Baba Mushkil-Gushad Mosque in Urgench, now preserved in the Museum of Samarqand. Although developing on the overall economic data available in these documents, the analysis also focuses on the donors' social motives—notably their search for a personal integration into the community (qawm). The Redaction

311. SHARIFZODA Qironshoh, Avvalin ruznomai tojiki [The First Tajik Newspaper], Dushanbe: Irfon, 2 0 0 6 , 7 2 p., bibliography Collection of short papers published by the author in the Tajikistani press, about the reformist newspaper Bukhara-yi sharif published in the Emirate of Bukhara in 1912-13, followed by a choice of recent publications on it by Tajik journalists and scholars; information on the newspaper's history, and on its protagonists, is extracted from the published works of some of the main memoirs-writers of the time (notably 'Ayni and Ziya). To be noticed: the date of the publication of the Bukhara-

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yi sharif's first issue (March 11,1912) has become in Dushanbe the anniversary date of the "Tajik" press. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 312. SHIMADA Shizuo, ed., An Index of Ayina / "Oiina" zhurnalining mundarijasi, Tokyo: Islamic Area Studies Project, 2002 (Central Asian Research Series: 5), 101 p. A young scholar specialising in the history of 'Jadidism' in Central Asia, the author proposes a double index (by issue and by author) of the weekly journal published in Samarqand between August 1913 and June 1915 by the publicist Mahmud Khwaja Behbudi. The introduction in English language, based on documents from varied public archive collections in Tashkent, constitutes to date the most complete introduction to one of the most significant publications of the "Muslim" press of Russian Turkistan during the colonial period. Although one could deplore the choice of the Cyrillic alphabet for the transcription of indexes, the latter will prove extremely useful to the historians of Central Asia in the early twentieth century. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 313. SUNDERLAND Willard, Taming the Wild Field: Colonization and Empire on the Russian Steppe, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004, 239p., ill., maps, index The author of this pioneering survey of Russian expansion in the steppes north of the Black and Caspian Seas has succeeded in taming his complicated and major historical field. For writing in an elegant style such a compact work, the author, now Associate Professor of History at the University of Cincinnati, has taken up two challenges. First, he has chosen to explore the "long duration" of an extensive historical process running from the eleventh to the end of the nineteenth century, a period during which the link between Russia and the Steppe drastically changed. The second challenge was to perceive these modifications simultaneously in collective imagination and in the policies implemented in the area. The method of inquiry is well-adapted to such a purpose: Using central and provincial archives of Russia and Ukraine, chronicles, travellers' accounts and settlers' testimonies, the author shows with full details the ambiguities and complexities of this long process of continental colonisation. To the Eastern Slavs and to the princes of Muscovy, the steppe was a "wild field" peopled by non-Orthodox Turkic nomads regularly raiding the cities of Rus'. For Catherine II it was an empty space that Peter the Great had failed to incorporate into the Russian state, and that she had to promote both economically and culturally. After the mid-nineteenth-century reforms the steppe colonisation became an agricultural matter, its southern provinces being considered an indistinct part of Russia as a whole. Considering the problematic duality of expansion and colonisation in the Russian context, the book offers a convincing interpretation of the imperial history of Russia. Moreover, deconstructing the myth of Russian expansion to the south as an organic process, it focuses

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on the particularities of Russian colonisation and places Russia in the international pattern of state-building. The first chapter ("Frontier colonisation") is a historical overview of the primary stage of cohabitation between the Muscovites and the nomadic populations of the steppe. The description of the "familiar realpolitik" is particularly stimulating despite the unfortunate lack of consideration for the impact of the "Tatar yoke" on the Russian perception of nomadic peoples. Until the middle of eighteen century, the Russian Tsars favoured pragmatic approached, letting mostly untouched the autochthonous institutions of their new subjects. Together with the preservation of trade connections, marriages and military alliances were frequently concluded between the sedentary and nomadic powers and the construction of a defence line by Russians did not mean, as the author argues, that relations with nomads were systematically hostile. On that point, an interesting statement of the book concerns the difficulties for the Russian government to keep an army on the steppe and so the need to rely on nomadic and Cossack allies. Inspired by Marc Raeff's works on Peter's "revolution", the author describes the radical change that occurred under the reign of Peter the Great with the adoption of Western ways of ruling and knowing. Included in the new imperial cartography, the old "field" was renamed "steppe (step')" and transformed in an object of rational administration. A pertinent analysis is proposed of this cultural shift and its multidimensional consequences on Russia's colonial policy. Next to the Orenburg expedition in 1734, the foundation in 1738 of Stavropol by two thousand Kalmyks who adopted agriculture and Orthodoxy is a good example of the new official desire to control and transform people and territory. In continuity with this involvement in the steppe affairs, the second chapter describes the enlightened colonisation promoted during Catherine's reign. There are incisive pages on the symbolic appropriation of the militarily conquered western steppe (Turkic names being replaced with Hellenic ones, whence "Krym" became "Tauride") and clear explanations on efforts to promote sedentarisation as part of the civilising mission toward backward natives. However, considering that almost half a million people moved to the Steppe under Catherine, the effects of the 1762 decree on settlement could have been more detailed. For instance, the Pugachev uprising deserves only one page of the book and the participation of some Bashkir tribes in this movement is reduced to the minimum. More generally, the history of steppe colonisation proposed by the author remains mostly built from a Russian point of view and tends to swamp the particularities of local groups in a common history of "steppe peoples". When exploring the terms of bureaucratic and reformist colonisation, the third and fourth chapters convincingly presents the state requirement for a legal and rational colonisation and at the same time the concrete impossibilities to fulfil such an idealistic purpose. A growing central bureaucracy (especially the new Ministry of State Domains) took in charge the colonisation process and statistical information got during the revisions helped to determine which ethnic groups of settlers would be most useful in which places. Unfortunately nothing is said of the tensions emerging at the end of the nineteenth century among the various ethnic groups that populated the steppe. In the same way, the author pays not enough attention to the appropriation by Turkic and Muslim elites of these statistical and ethnogra262

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phical categories used by Russian officials for systematising their administration. More surprisingly, the submission of the three confederacies and the Kazakh revolts are not mentioned. The emergence of ethno-nationalist discourses on the base of land claims would have been a wonderful complement to the fifth chapter dealing with the impact of economic development on steppe societies. With the rapid urbanisation and mechanisation (steamships on the Volga River, a university in Odessa ...), resettlement was seen as a tool of agricultural policy and the steppe was becoming more and more like Russia, this traditional empire involved in a difficult modernisation. The conclusion of the book is a masterpiece of historical reflexion in which the author concisely resumes all the complexity of Russian colonisation and draws a sounding comparison with European overseas imperialism. The clear distinction established between imperialism and colonialism and the solid historical illustration provided on this point make this excellent book a major contribution to the history and understanding of empire in Russia. Xavier Le Torrivellec (National Institute for Oriental Languages and Civilisations, Paris)

314. UYAMA Tomohiko, '"Devotion to the People' and Paternalistic Authoritarianism among Qazaq Intellectuals, from the Mid-Nineteenth Century to 1917," in Stéphane A. Dudoignon, ed., Devout Societies vs. Impious States? Transmitting Islamic Learning in Russia, Central Asia and China, through the Twentieth Century, Berlin: Klaus Schwarz (Islamkundliche Untersuchungen, 258): 19-28 One of the strongest impacts of Western thought on Eastern peoples was the "discovery of the people." Elites suddenly "realized" that they were "brothers" of ordinary poor people of the same region with peculiar folk cultures, rather than of elite of distant regions who shared with them aristocratic high cultures. Modern intellectuals had to lead and help ordinary people, who together with them formed a "nation." Among Kazakh intellectuals who had close contacts with Russian intellectuals, the Narodnik (Populist) idea of "devotion to the people" was especially popular. However this idea was combined with the didactic tradition of Kazakh orators, and Kazakh intellectuals did not strive to learn the "true national spirit" from ordinary people, but admonished them to adapt themselves to the modern world. This combination, on one hand, served as a basis of their highly ethical and self-sacrificing attitude. On the other hand, it could lead to paternalistic attitudes. Especially during the revolt of 1916 and revolutions in 1917, they often scolded people who created disorders. In the political context, despite their sincere democratic ideal, intellectuals sometimes demanded people to obey the authority of their leaders and government. The paper will examine how Kazakh intellectuals perceived and treated the "people" from the mid-nineteenth century to the early Soviet period. The Redaction 315. YASTREBOVA Olga, "The Bukharian [sic] Emir Abd al-Ahad's Voyage from Bukhara to St. Petersburg," in Beate Eschment & Hans Harder, eds., Looking at the Coloniser: Cross-Cultural Perceptions in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Bengal, and

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Related Areas, Wurzburg: Ergon (Mitteilungen zur Sozial- und Kultur-Geschichte der islamischen Welt, 14), 2004: 63-74, ill. The author investigates how the official journey to St. Petersubrg of the Emir of Bukhara 'Abd al-Ahad in 1892-3 impacted on the ruler's own perception of Russia (through his travelogue published in Kazan in 1894-5, by Ismail Gasprinskii), and of the Russian reflection on Central Asia in the popular press of the time (especially the high-circulation journals Niva and Rodina). The author compares the Emir's formal account of his visit and the exhilarated accounts of the Russian press introducing the ruler of Bukhara as a reforming monarch who had notably abolished slavery. The Redaction 316. [ Z I Y A ] , Ruzname-ye Sadr-e Ziya: Vaqaye'-negari-ye tahawolat-e siyasi-ejtema'i-ye Bokhara-ye Sharif teyy-e nime-ye payani-ye emarat-e khanat-e Manghit bar' asas-e yaddashtha-ye ruzane-ye "Sharif-Jan Makhdum Sadr-e Ziya" [The Diary of Sadr-e Ziya: A Chronicle of the Political and Social Events of Bukhara the Venerable in the Second Half of the Emirate of the Manghit Khans, on the Basis of the Everyday Memories of "Sharif-Jan Makhdum Sadr-e Ziya"], ed., intro. and critical apparatus by Mohammad-Jan S H A K U R I B O K H A R A Y I , Tehran: Markaz-e asnad va khadamat-e pazhuheshi, 1382[/2003] (Majmu'e-ye Iran va Mavara al-nahr, 3), XI-500 p., lexicographic and onomastic glossaries, indexes of personal names, of sources, of place names

The first years of the twenty-first century have been marked, in the modern history of Central Asia, by the rediscovery of significant vernacular narrative sources for the history of the Emirate of Bukhara under the Russian protectorate (1868-1917) and the People's Republic (1920-1924). Among these sources, the autobiographical narratives by the jurist and polygraph Mirza Muhammad-Sharif Sadr b. Qazi 'Abd al-Shukur, takhallus Ziya (1867-1932), an ephemeral qazi al-quzat of Bukhara in the spring 1917, have enjoyed a particular solicitude from researchers, both local and foreign. After the long silence of the Soviet period, several studies have been published in a short period of time by Ziya's youngest son, the Tajikistani critic Muhammad-Jan Shukurov (alias Shakuri Bukharayi, b. 1926: see Abstracta Iranica 17-19 (1994-6), 42 and 138], notably the sketch of a biography: Sadr-e Bokhara: takk-e negashti dar tahavvolat-e siyasi-ejtema'i-ye Bokhara-ye Sharif teyy-e nime-ye payani-ye emarate khanat-e Manghetiyye bar asas-e Sharif-Jan Makhdum Sadr-i Ziya (The Eminence of Bukhara: a Particular Glance at the Political and social Upheavals in Bukhara at the End of the Emirate of the Manghit Khans, through the works by Sharif-Jan Makhdum Sadr-i Ziya, the Last Supreme Judge of the Venerable City), Tehran: Markaz-e asnad va tarikh-e diplomasi, 1380[/2001]). This study has been accompanied by the edition or translation of significant texts by Ziya: one can find a partial and mediocre edition, by Mirza Shokurzade, of satirical texts by Ziya gathered by the latter into one volume under the tide of Nawadir-i Ziya'iyya (Tehran: Sorush, 1377[/1998]), that is a transposition into Arabic script of a previous Cyrillic edition, by M. Shakuri, from the unique complete manuscript preserved in Du-

264

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA shanbe (Navodiri ziyoya, Dushanbe: Adib, 1991). The "Diary" itself, edited for the first time ever in the present book, has been carefully translated in English by Rustam Shukurov, Ziya's grandson (see Edward A. Allworth et alii, dir., The Personal History of a Bukharan Intellectual: The Diary of Muhammad Sharif-i Sadr-i Ziya, introduction by Muhammad-Jon Shakuri, Leyden: E.J. Brill, 2003: reviewed in supra 282). This major source is an autobiography of Ziya during the period of his life from his father's death in 1889 to the launching of collectivisation forty years later. It has authority to take place among the most significant vernacular narrative sources of the history of Central Asia under Russian dominance, in spite of its highly problematic character (due to the fact that, far from constituting a collection of "everyday memories," the "Diary" has been entirely rewritten by Ziya after the burning of his personal library and the destruction of a previous manuscript in 1918). The present volume begins with an introductory chapter on Ziya and his "Diary", followed by the latter's non-annotated edition, before a critical apparatus that includes an invaluable glossary of personal names. This edition must be put in perspective with the current study, by several scholars, of Ziya's numerous other texts on himself and on his ascendants, confronted with alternative narratives by other prominent memoirs-writers of the same period: see notably my paper: "Les 'tribulations' du juge Ziya: histoire et mémoire du clientélisme politique à Boukhara, du protectorat russe à la collectivisation (1868-1929)," Annales H.S.S. 59/5-6 ( 2 0 0 4 ) : 1095-1135. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) Sec also: 35 (Halte); 86 (Ploskikh et al.); 101 (Fruchet); 109 (Qurban-'Ali Khalidi); (Uyama); 262 (Rtveladze); 330 (Nazarov); 342 (Alimov); 353 (Davlatov); 456 (Alimov); (Frank); 591 &592 (Lyons); 631 (Sahadeo & lança)

193 472

3.4.D. The Soviet and Present Periods 317. AIUBZOD Salim, Tojikon dar qarni bistum [The Tajiks in the T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y ] , Prague: P o s t - S c r i p t u m Imprimatur, 2 0 0 2 , 3 5 0 p., bibliography; w i t h Gulbahor MURODÎ, "Solnomai 1991-2001 [A Chronicle of t h e Years 1991 t o 2 0 0 1 ] , " 2 7 3 - 7 9 ; Iraj BASHIRI, "Tajikistan in the 2 0 t h C e n t u r y : A Chronology of Events," 2 8 0 - 3 4 5 A writer exiled in Prague since the end of the Tajikistani civil war, the author proposes a narrative of the history of Tajikistan since the establishment of Russian dominance to the aftermath of the proclamation of independence. The narrative remains conform with a scansion and with a geographical space that have been roughly defined in the 1930s. At the same time the author has also been integrating in it a number of new elements that have successively made their appearance in Soviet historiography since the Thaw, Perestroika, and independence. Among these innovations: a new insistence on the signification of the 'Jadid' movement in the first thirty years of the twentieth century; the discussion of the boundaries of Central Asian republics as they have been defined from 1924 onwards; an evocation of the Soviet policy of Russification and repression of the political expressions

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of national identity; long chapters on the Tajikistan! civil war of 1992-97, the main episodes of which are retraced through retrospective oral testimonies by protagonists from the two opposite camps; last the evocation of a form of 'pan-Tajikism' as the basis of a new consensual culture now highly fashionable in Dushanbe's official circles as well as in the émigré communities since the peace agreement of June 1997. The work's general purpose consists of underlying the continuity of an autonomous effort of modernisation by the Central Asian Persian-speaking intelligentsia, in spite of varying forms of oppression, from the establishment of Russian dominance to the aftermath of the Soviet defeat in Afghanistan. From this viewpoint, this very well organised narrative can be resituated in the autonomous historiographical tradition that has developed in Tajikistani learned circles since the beginning of the Soviet period, and has been illustrated after WWII, in Stalin's lifetime, by the publication in Arabic script of the "Memoirs" by Sadr al-Din 'Ayni. Besides, the work must still be replaced among the abundant autobiographic or memoirs literature that has been developed in and outside of Tajikistan since the end of the civil war of the 1990s by numerous spectators or exiled protagonists. Very characteristic of the recent turn in Central Asian history writing, the book is also an appeal for a better assessment by historians of present time of the varied forms of local memory of the conflicts of the twentieth century that are being elaborated in the learned and literary circles of present-day Tajikistan. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 3 1 8 . BABAK V l a d i m i r , VAISMAN D e m i a n , W A S S E R M A N A r y e h , e d s . , Political

Or-

ganization in Central Asia and Azerbaijan: Sources and Documents, London: Frank Cass (Cummings Center Series, 9), 2 0 0 3 , 3 5 2 p., glossary, bibliography, index This rich volume presents an English translation of a selection of fundamental documents (statuses, programmes, charts, rules, congress resolutions, interviews of leaders) of a number of alternative political organisations of Perestroika and of the first years of independence in the "Muslim" republics of the former USSR (Azerbaijan and the five Central Asian NIS). Each section is devoted to a specific country: It is open with a panoramic introduction on the country's history, in particular that of the political movements and parties of the period 1985-2000. To be signalled, notably: a study on Turkmenistan's rare alternative organisations and, for Tajikistan, the translation of documents emanating from understudied movements (such as the local movements "Resurrection [Ihiya]" of Khujand, in the north, and "Transparency [Ashkara]" in Kulab, in the south of the country). In spite of the borrowing of these texts from second-hand publications (notably from more or less recent studies on these movements and parties), and of the limited political impact of most of them, the collection that has been constituted here provides historians of the 1990s in Central Eurasia with a very interesting basis for reflection. The Redaction 319. BERGNE Paul, The Birth of Tajikistan: National Identity and the Origins of the Republic, London: IB Tauris, 2007, X - [ 4 ] - 2 0 7 p., maps, tab., bibliography, index This monograph on the birth of national Tajik identity naturally generates inter266

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est, due to the few Western studies available on the history of modern Tajikistan. P. Bergne depicts the political process of Tajik nation-building from 1917 to 1929, the year of the creation of the Tajik SSR. The author's aim, clearly expressed in the introduction, is to analyse how the Tajik people showed capable to develop a national identity that was politically recognised in 1929. The study is chronologically organised, presenting in the first chapter a historical overview of the avatars of "Tajik" as a language and an ethnos (coming back particularly to the "Sart" identity as it had been developed by the Russian administration during the colonial and early Soviet periods), in order to define and situate Tajik communities in Turkistan. The second chapter presents the growth, at the end of nineteenth century, of a Central Asian Turkic national consciousness promoted by pan-Turkic trends and inside the Jadid movement. The author notably demonstrates that the Tajik ethnos was then considered a "feudal" and retarded one, and that before and after 1917 political pressures of varied origins encouraged the Tajiks to define themselves as Uzbeks, and to reject any Tajik identity. The chapters 3 to 7 deal with the administrative and territorial organisation of the region until 1924, when was created the Tajik Autonomous Region inside the Uzbek SSR. The eighth chapter, committed to the creation of the modern written Tajik language, casts light on the political issues at stake in a context dominated by Uzbek pressures for supremacy. The last chapters explain the difficult process of territorial delimitation which led to the establishment in 1929 of the federated Tajik RSS, and to the emergence of a national Tajik consciousness built in opposition to the Uzbek SSR. Basing his analysis on archives of the Soviet period, the author searches the hints of the birth of a Tajik identity consciousness on the background of the eventful history of Central Asia during this period of time. The concern of to neglecting any significant detail, without lingering on them, leads the author to a tangled historical narrative, sometimes too much factual—if not deprived of humour (see p. 121: "Nobody needed Tamerlane," about Tajik and Uzbek's claims on Samarqand). The reader familiar with Tajikistani history will appreciate that often neglected elements have been taken into account, like the resettlement of the population of Gharm's region to the Wakhsh River basin, as well as the role of the Badakhshan question in the negotiations that led to the creation of the Tajik SSR. However, the author's argumentation remains confuse, often approximate, unclear as to the definition of the "Tajik identity consciousness" itself: a collective national identity (as the author aims to demonstrate) or a Tajik Soviet identity (as is finally suggested)? The book is enriched with appendixes (demographic statistics, archives of several commissions on territorial delimitations), but the bibliography is limited and unpractically dispatched in endnotes divided between the different chapters. Ariane Zevaco (French Institute of Research in Iran, Tehran)

320. BUTTINO Marco, La rivoluzione capovolta: L'Asia centrak tra il crollo dell'imperio zarista e laformazione dell'URSS [Head-to-Foot Revolution: Central Asia through

the Collapse of the Tsarist Empire and the Forming of the USSR], Naples: L'Ancora del Mediterráneo, 2003,491 p., ill., bibliography

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HISTORY The result of a long and patient endeavour, this successfully ambitious book, based on an exceptionally rich assortment of unpublished (and often unvisited) documentary and narrative primary sources in Russian language from the most varied geographical origins, reconstructs the social and political dynamics in the Russian Territories of Turkistan and of the Steppe during the eventful first quarter of the twentieth century. Recklessly composing a perfectly coherent 'great narrative' of the facts and events from the last decades of the colonial period to the final assessment of Soviet power in Central Asia—an exercise very few modern historians have, so far, felt self-confident enough to embark on—, the author, Professor of Eastern European History at the University of Turin, has searched to provide the international readership with new keys for a global understanding of the revolutionary process in the Muslim-peopled periphery of the Empire—the theme of previous landmark studies of his, like the memorable "Turkestan 1917: la revolution des Russes [Turkistan 1917: The Russians' Revolution]," Cahicrs du monde russe ct soviétique 31/1 (1990). Focusing his attention on the impact of the political turmoil at the centre on local social fabric and power structure, M. Butrino sheds light on the local appropriation and distortion of revolutionary ideas and mottoes by Russian circles aiming at a restoration of the colonial order in the form of an ethnic dictatorship—using famine as a means to impose new power relations, and further fuelling the claims for independence of indigenous elites. A large part of the work is devoted to three regional cases: Tashkent (the centre of Russian might), the piedmonts of the Fergana Valley (durable sanctuaries of the Basmachi resistance), and Semireche (a nomads' region in which famine assumed lasting dimension). The "Russians' revolution" is illustrated by the reorganisation of the Soviet of Tashkent and of the administration of Turkistan, and the responses to these initiatives by some leaders of the indigenous autonomist movement, in particular Tynyshbaev and Chokaev (see notably the reactions of the indigenous elites to the famine imposed upon Kazakhs and Kyrgyz). At the same time, far from enclosing the political struggles of the time in a simplistic dialectic, the book highlights the plurality of protagonists, and illustrates the tensions within urban and rural Russians (see the illuminating subchapters on "the soviet and the bazaar", "the city and the country"), and the rivalries between various leaders of the indigenous elites (particularly evident during the weeks preceding and following the proclamation of the Autonomy of Turkistan). Already well-assessed by local research in Uzbekistan since Perestroika, the division of the Fergana Valley into a multiplicity of mutually concurrent local powers is studied by M. Butrino through the dissensions between the Autonomy in Kokand and the Basmachi leaders, and through the dictatorships established, respectively, in Andijan by the Armenian Dashnaksutiun party and in Jalalabad by Russian colonisers—and the ongoing negotiations between the Soviet power and the Basmachi leaders Irgash-'Ali and Madamin Bek (an aspect indeed more rarely highlighted in recent Uzbekistani historiography). In all, this monumental and subtle narrative offers the most complete picture to date of the revolutionary period in Central Asia. Qualifying a sounding assertion by Adeeb Khalid on the consequences of the division of modern historical studies on Central Asia between researchers with a background in Slavic or Oriental studies, M. Buttino's book, though exclusively based on Russian-language sources, 268

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manages to show a remarkable sensitivity to the moods and aspirations of the Muslim-background populations of Turkistan, and of the versicolour typology of its leaders—even if this approach bears the disadvantage to reduce 'indigenous' movements to mere answers to Russian evolutions; so doing, the author contributes to maintain under the veil of oblivion the history of vernacular political institutions and thought, and deplorably forgets about the pre-revolutionary roots and logics of durable, if dynamic, factions struggles, the wakes of which can be traced in nowadays Central Asia. Productive comparative insights are supplied with the rich existing bibliography on the history of the Tsarist expansion in Central Asia, as well as with the now abundant literature on modern-day ethnic conflicts elsewhere in the world—allowing the author for an in-depth analysis of the use of violence, the logics of ethnic cleansing and their consequences, for instance on the impact of organised famine on the regression of nomadic life in the Steppe territory, well before the launching of collectivisation. Stéphane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris)

321. DUDOIGNON Stéphane A., "Islam et nationalisme en Asie Centrale au début de la période soviétique (1924-1937): l'exemple de l'Ouzbékistan, à travers quelques sources littéraires [Islam and Nationalism in Central Asia in the Early Soviet Period (1924-1937): The Case of Uzbekistan through Some Literary Sources]," Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée 95-98 (2002): 127-65 The article studies the different types of literature from Central Asia from the interwar period as a source for the political history of the region, in particular, from the viewpoint of inter-community relations within the USSR as well as those concerning the Islamic world. The period under study here goes from 1924 with the carving up of Central Asia according to ethno-territorial divisions realized under the aegis of Stalin, up to 1936 with the purges and liquidation of all alternative modes of thought. Uzbek literature of those years brings to the fore the permanence of a political Turkish-Islamic identity, the redefinition of inter-community relations (between Muslims and non-Muslims) and, in a more general way, the revitalisation of Muslim liberalism. These questions are treated through the study of Chulpan's (1897-1938) prose. His work, from 1924 until his death, is dominated by two central ideas: the political solidarity of Turkish and Muslim people in the exRussian Empire as well as the continuation by the Soviet regime in Central Asia of the politics of territorial plundering and economic segregation carried out by the colonial administration under the last Romanovs. The Redaction

322. KARA Abdulvahap, Kazakistan'm Yeniden Doguçu 1986 Aralik Olaylari [The Rebirth of Kazakhstan: The December 1986 Events], Istanbul: Ufuk Otesi Yayînlan, 2006,175 p. In December 1986, a historical event took place in Almaty: The leader of the Kazakh SSR, Dinmuhammed Kunaev, was removed from office as part of Gorbachev's Central Asian policy. Kunaev's replacement was Gennadii Kolbin, an ethnic Russian who had no previous connection to Kazakhstan. The Kazakhs who took to Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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the streets in mass protests were dismissed as drunkards and hooligans by Communist authorities, who crushed this democratic protest. The present book is a pioneering historical study of the most varied realities and aspects of the event. ismail Turkoglu (Marmara University, Istanbul) 323. KARA Abdulvahap, Turkistan Atefi: Mustafa Qokay [The Fire of Turkistan: Mustafa Chokaev's Life and Struggle], Istanbul: D.A. Publications, 2002,400 p., photographs and documents In the first half of the twentieth century, one of historical figures struggling for independence of Turkistan from the Soviet Union was Mustafa Chuqay-ughli (Chokaev, 1890-1941)—one of those intellectuals of the Turkic peoples of Russia who attempted to form national governments in the aftermath of the February Revolution in 1917. Elected President of the Turkistan (Kokand) Autonomy, he became one of the outstanding political figures of the era. However, Chuqay-ughli remains less well-known than many of his counterparts, because of still insufficient research on him, in spite of his captivating life. Never giving-up struggle against the Bolsheviks, even after the collapse of the Turkistan Autonomy, he continued his combat against them and the supporters of the Tsarist regime inside Russia. In December 1918, he and Ahmad Zaki Walidi tried to overthrow Ataman Dutov in Orenburg. After the Bolsheviks established their domination on all Russia, Chuqay-ughli emigrated to Europe and went on his political activities in Paris, establishing partnership with two organisations: the National Union of Turkistan and the Prometheus League. The latter, supported by the Polish government, was actually an intellectual club of representatives in Europe of the nations of the newly created Soviet Union. It had a number of publications in various languages, and clearly sided in the western camp in the tensions between the latter and the Bolshevik regime before WWII. But the war upset everything: The Prometheus League was dissolved and Chuqay-ughli brought to Berlin by the Nazis who proposed him the leadership of the 'Turkistanian Legion', a unit made up by Central Asian prisoners from the Red Army. Chuqay-ughli decisively refused, and died in mysterious conditions in Berlin in 1941, a short time after his rejection. Information on Chuqay-ughli was banned for many years in the Soviet Union, where he used to be considered a people's enemy. His posthumous rehabilitation was marked by a difficult process during Perestroika, and his promotion from people's enemy to national hero proved a difficult test for the Kazakh intelligentsia at the eve of independence. The present book offers a complete panorama on Chuqay-ughli's work as both a statesman and a political analyst—with a complete bibliography of his some 700 articles in the most varied publications, and special attention for his journal Yash Turkistan published in Berlin from 1929 to 1938, an encyclopaedia of the culture and history of Turkistan. Ismail Turkoglu (Marmara University, Istanbul) 324. KARASAR Hasan Ali, "Chicherin on the Delimitation of Turkestan: Native Bolsheviks versus Soviet Foreign Policy (Seven Letters from the Russian Archives on Razmezhevanie)," Central Asian Survey 21/2 (2002) : 199-209 270

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This article introduces letters from the Central Comity Fond (f. 17) of the RGASPI (Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, the former Central Party Archives). These seven documents sent to Stalin and other important members of the Politburo were written between April 5 and October 30, 1924 by Georgii Vasl'evich Chicherin (1872-1936), the Peoples' Commissar for Foreign Affairs in 1923-1930. Chicherin warns his addressees against the national territorial delimitation of Soviet Middle Asia, invoking risks of hostile reactions in the world of Islam, especially regarding the abolition of the Emirate of Bukhara. According to him, in the context of the 'Great Game', the issue might have led Afghanistan to a rapprochement with the British Raj. Besides, it would have benefited to the Uzbek 'bourgeois' elites through the export of Central Asian cotton towards Afghanistan. Chicherin finally argues that the lack of preparation and the very short timing of the delimitation would have aggravated ongoing ethnic conflicts. This article is very important for the understanding of the delimitation as it qualifies the common vision of univocal decision process imposed from above. One can regret that the political context of the 1920s appears here only through considerations on the Basmachis' resistance, and indeed Chicherin's testimony on the general aporia of the Bolshevik power as to the positive or potentially fatal character of the delimitation. Cioè Drieu (French Institute

325. KARIMOV N . , Repressila Sharq, 2005,285 p.

1937-1938

of Central Asian Studies,

Tashkent—Paris)

[The Repression of 1937-1938], Tashkent:

This book is a very important contribution to a historical knowledge of the 'Red Terror' in the Uzbek SSR. It has been published by the governmental association Shahidlar khotirasi ["The Martyrs' Memory"], seemingly on an initiative by President Karimov. Whatever the political purposes of the publication, the book provides key information on the repression launched over a part of the Uzbek SSR's kulaks and their deportation to Ukraine for the development of cotton culture. Documents have been chosen from different archival funds: in Russia (Central Archive of the FSB, RGASPI, GARF, SNB), in Uzbekistan (Central State Archive, SNB, MVD, regional archives of Andijan) and in regional Ukrainian Party or MVD archives (in the Kherson and Nikolaev regions). Some have already been published in the late 1990s and early 2000s in Moscow, especially those emanating from the Politburo. The book is divided into five parts. The first enumerates the heads of the NKVD of the USSR (1934-1941) as well as those of the Uzbek SSR (N.A. Zagvozdin, D. Z. Apresian, A. N. Sadzhia) with biographical notices. The chiefs of regional branches of the NKVD are listed without biographical indication. The second part is set up out of a few documents representing the legal basis of the repression in the URSS against former kulaks and 'anti-soviet elements' (signed by Stalin, Ezhov), orders of deportation, or correspondence between the Politburo and A. Ikramov, the First Secretary of the CP UzSSR. There are also many tables with figures about the persons convicted: national repartition, type of condemnations (1st, 2d, 3rd categories) out of 1937-1938's documents. The third part deals with the preparation of the repression and compiles documents (from Ukrainian and Uzbekista-

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ni archives) that contain elements on anti-Soviet movements like the Millii Ittihod ["National Union"]. These documents are mainly rapports or questionings from NKVD members 'attesting' these anti-Soviet activities. Then, one can find conclusions from regional NKVD branches or the section of the Uzbek SSR, sentences and appealing letters. The fourth part gives a commentary on the documents and is very useful with its explanations on the sources, as that kind of published documents is difficult to use without a knowledge of the context of the their establishment. This part ends with short biographies (including arrest dates and sentences). The fifth part gathers maps of the Gulag camps with short presentation of each (place, creation, dislocation, type of activity, number of prisoners, direction). Cloé Drieu (French Institute of Central Asian Studies, Tashkent-Paris) 326. KELLER Soshana, To Moscow, not Mecca: The Soviet Campaign against Islam in Central Asia, 1917-1941, W e s t p o r t , C N - London: Praeger Publishers, 2001, 3 0 4 p., glossary, bibliography, index Centred on Uzbekistan, the present study is an convincing attempt at casting light on the upheavals that have been observable in the Soviet policy towards Islam, after the "great break [velikii perelom]" of 1928 (one year after the launching of Hujum, and the year of the launching of collectivisation, of the adoption of the Latin alphabet for a majority of national languages, etc.). Built up on a solid archive work, the book, very informed by the current tendencies in the historiography of the USSR, reveals the numerous lacunae, notably logistic, of the Soviet power in Central Asia, and the impact of these lacunae in the strategic hesitations of the 1920s-30s. The author introduces us with the inner logics of an authoritarian regime with limited means. These means were still lessened by the rivalry between varied institutions for the control of meagre resources, or still by the taste of these institutions for delivering amphigoric and mutually contradictory instructions, handing over the functionaries of intermediate rank to their chronic aporia. The book otherwise offers invaluable notations on the activity of "reformist" or "Jadid" groups (notably in the Fergana Valley), or on the functioning of waqfs until the late 1930s. These facts are analysed through the representations of the Soviet power, according to which the "Jadids" were vernacular equivalents to the "bourgeois nationalists" of the Marxist vulgate—hence the sometimes exaggerated significance allowed by official sources to "reformists" of all sorts during the period taken in consideration; hence also the numerous hesitations of the essentially formal political nomenclature of the time (sufficed for a contestation trend or movement to have an underground dimension for being qualified "Jadid", through more or less conscious analogy with the "Jadid" secret societies of the end of the Tsarist period). The case of the waqfs allows the author to illustrate multiple discrepancies between the letter of the law and its implementation in a region where pious foundations continued to thrive until the eve of WWII, in particular in rural areas, according to a wide range of modes. These discrepancies between, on the first hand, the representations commanding the political strategy of the Soviet power in Central Asia, on the second hand this strategy's erratic implementation and still, on a possible third hand, the wide diversity of the reactions of the concerned autochthonous popu-

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WESTERN CENTRAL ASIA lations would perhaps have deserved more developments. Exclusively built up on collections of official documents, the work lets uncovered numerous aspects of the complex interaction between power and society in Soviet Central Asia. Moreover, Central Asian Islam appears there as a ghost, and its leading figures as mere spectres, for the most part through a limited number of movements of open, sometimes armed resistance—as it was already the case in the studies devoted in the W e s t to Soviet Islam during the Cold W a r period. From this point of view, the present monograph appears characteristic of a significant portion of current Central Asian studies still considered, as far as the history of the Tsarist and Soviet periods is concerned, an extension of Soviet studies. In spite of the presence of captivating elements of periodisation on the religious policy of the Soviet power, on the sometimes rapid evolution of the representations that conditioned it, and still on the regionalised character of this strategy's implementation, the reading of this captivating work leads us to the observation that Islam in Central Asia has not yet been fully promoted to the status of a full-right object of contemporary history. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 3 2 7 . KHALID, Adeeb, "Bokhara: namune-ye h a m z i s t i miyan-e Iran va T u r a n dar qarn-e b i s t o m [Bukhara: An E x a m p l e of C o e x i s t e n c e b e t w e e n Iran a n d T u r a n in t h e T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y ] , " in Marziye Saqiyan, ed., Jahan-e irani va Turan: majmu'e-ye maqalat, Tehran: M a r k a z - e asnad va tarikh-e diplomasi, 1 3 8 1 [ / 2 0 0 2 ] : 289-300 The author shortly deals with the progresses of modern nationalism in the 1900s10s, and with the latter's impact upon the gradual escheat of Persian-Turkic bilingualism in the learned milieus of Transoxiana. His astute observations on the limits of the power of the Soviet state (see also, on this important aspect of current research in contemporary history of Central Asia: Abstracta Iranica 25 ( 2 0 0 2 ) , 96-7) drive him to interesting and encouraging findings on the preservation, in Uzbekistan in particular, of an autonomous tradition of bilingualism. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 3 2 8 . KHAZENI Arash, "Herat: VII. T h e H e r a t F r o n t i e r in t h e L a t t e r Half of the 19 t h a n d 2 0 t h Centuries," in Ehsan Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Iranica, 12/2-3, N e w York: T h e Encyclopaedia Iranica Foundation, 2 0 0 3 : 2 2 4 - 6 , bibliography The paper deals with the attempts by the rulers of Kabul to make Herat a part of the Afghan state, following the settlement of the Khurasan frontier with Persia in 1857, and to defend it against Russian military advances and British diplomatic encroachments. Based almost exclusively on British sources, the notice focuses on the threads represented to the British interests by the Russian advance. Naming "Turkmen oases" places like Bukhara, Tashkent or Kokand, and attributing them to Qajar dominions reveal the lack of an elementary familiarity with the geography and history of Central Asia. The Redaction

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329. MICHAELS Paula A., Curative Power: Medicine and Empire in Stalin's Central Asia, Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2003, XVII-239 p. During the last years, among Northern American historians specialising in Russian and Soviet studies a discussion has appeared and developed about the qualification of the USSR as an empire, more or less 'typical', or rather as a political entity and period of its own, a possible way for getting rid with imperial legacy and building up a contemporary, modernised society. The present book by P. A. Michaels, an Assistant Professor of the University of Iowa, belongs to this series of studies. In this case, however, Soviet history is looked at 'from Kazakhstan', and in the sphere of medical policy. It comes out of the introduction (1-13) and the conclusion (177-82) that the author espouses the latter thesis, and has written her work in the framework of a global conception identifying the Soviet Union as a Russian version of Western European imperialism, propagating on its territory new types of institutions, practices and discourses for the exclusive goal of submitting "others" and exploiting them. These conclusions are based on an analysis of the biomedical policy implemented by the soviet power in Kazakhstan. The author has been particularly interested in the following aspects: the reinforcement of the state's influence through the creation of a system of health care; the role played by the language of implementation of this policy in the Russians' and Moscow's domination; the Kazakhs' resistance against this domination. The book's three chapters are built on a scrupulous study by the author of an impressive mass of archive and literary data. In the chapters on "Kazakh Medicine and Russian Colonialism (1861-1928)" [2145] and on "Medical Propaganda and Cultural Revolution" [46-70, both in a first part entitled "Discourse"], P.A.M. offers a description of traditional "ethno-medical" practices among the Kazakhs. She characterises the way Russian Oriental studies have dealt with Kazakh medicine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, shortly evokes the implementation of the Soviet bio-policy till 1928 and the turn towards a new bio-policy, through the methods and rhetorical frames of medical propaganda, the formation of the archetype of the "hero-doctor (doctor-geroi)," etc. Here, P.A.M. writes the difficulties and limitations this policy had to cope with in Kazakhstan during the 1930s. She stresses in particular the interest showed by Russian and Oriental ethnography, then of the soviet medical propaganda in the living conditions, the customs and hygiene as the main threats for public health. PA.M. qualifies this interest as a discursive means through which the power enhanced its own representation on the "backwardness" and inferiority of Kazakh culture and of Kazakh society, requiring decisive reforms on a Russian and European (universal?) scheme. In the chapters on "Medical Education and the Formation of a New Elite" [73102] and "Constructing Socialism: Medical Cadres in the Field" [103-26, both chapters constituting the second part on "The Construction of Institutions"], P.A.M. reconstructs at length the history of the development of biomedical education in Kazakhstan, notably through the archive created in 1931 by the Kazakh Medical Institute. She pictures the formation, in the framework of this education, of Soviet-type loyalty, pride, and patriotism, and describes the study of Russian

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language by the Kazakhs—giving a specific attention to the efforts put by the Kazakhs into their training, the evolution of the proportion of Kazakh students in the Medical Institute, the changing relationship between different students from ethnic groups, the existence of forms of discontent and repression. Then P.A.M. reconstructs the diffusion of medical institutions throughout Stalin's Kazakhstan, the Soviet power's national and gender policy, remembering the difficulties and obstacles with which these processes had to cope—lack of equipment, low qualification, absence of life conditions for medical personal, etc. On this basis, she assesses the effects of the biomedical policy implemented in Stalin's time, underlying its successes as well as its failures. The chapters on "The Policy of Women's Health Care" [129-52] and on "Medical and Public Health Policy toward the Kazakh Nomads" [153-75, both chapters composing the third part on "Practices"] are devoted to the reception of this policy, and to the role of Kazakh women in the Soviet programme of transformation, in the successes and difficulties of the policy of "defence of maternity and early childhood." The author recalls in detail the Bolsheviks' vision of the nomadic way of life, and the "Red Yurts" policy through which the medical and other kinds of power managed to reach Kazakh nomads. The also remembers collectivisation and the nomads' settling process, in which medical executives played a part in their capacities as civil servants. The book is distinguished by numerous unquestionable qualities (like the cautious study of archive materials, the author's attempt at looking at the history of the Soviet society from a local and regional viewpoint, her effort for basing her work on a discussion of the postcolonial theory, etc.). At the same time, one must remark that the author did not give concluding answers to all the questions arising from the conceptual frameworks of her choice. Though it is uneasy to enter in a detailed discussion of this dimension in a necessarily short review, I would like to draw the Reader's attention to some particular problems. For instance, the question would have deserved to been asked as to why the discussion on the Soviet regime that lasted from 1917 to 1991 must focus on Stalin's period, more particularly on the 1930s-1940s. Why this particular period is to significant, instead of the 1920s, or the Khrushchev or Brezhnev periods? In these years too a Soviet society did exist, sensitively different from Stalin's. Dealing with more attention with those periods would have driven the author, with us, to observe that the Kazakhs (and generally speaking all the "colonised" peoples of the USSR) were actively involved in the project/process of the Soviet modernisation, and contributed to their implementation in their own interests. We would remark among these Kazakhs the same strong and efficient Soviet identity backed by habits, practices, habitus formed in the course of the Soviet period. Isn't Paula A. Michaels' concentration on the 1930s-40s explainable by the fact that these other periods of time do not easily conform to the notion of "empire", and provide on the contrary much more material for questioning the imperial nature of the USSR? At the same time on Stalin's time itself one should not satisfy him/herself with unequivocal assessments. Despite the cruel repression of dissidence, the policy implemented in the 1930s-40s may be described not only in terms of repression and conflict, but also in terms of compromise and agreement between different groups Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

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HISTORY of the elite and of the masses. This multifaceted, generally silent and not always equal agreement relied on the understanding and desire of reforms and change, a desire made out of the innumerable trajectories of group and individual biographies of policy makers and ordinary citizens. Getting back to medicine, w e can ask ourselves and the author: W a s n ' t there in the Kazakh society any desire of rationalisation of medical practices? W e r e n ' t there among the Kazakhs enthusiastic supporters of such a king of change? Even if modern medicine did reach the Kazakhs coming from Russia, there were there already rudiments of "modern" representations; there w a s an inner need for them. Demonstrating its efficiency, modern medicine became a component of Kazakh culture and an instrument of self-consciousness as well. W i t h o u t answering to such questions, h o w can w e assert that the sole fact of the Russian "trace" in the process of the formation of modern medicine (and modern knowledge in the widest meaning of this term) in Kazakhstan was an exclusive expression of Russia's imperial essence? Such responses the reader will not find, unfortunately, in Paula A. Michaels' remarkable book, despite its impressive statistics on the bio-political expansion. Notwithstanding all its qualities, this book lets opened a wide range of questions and drives us, its readers, to continue our reflection on the inner contradictions of the Soviet period, of the Soviet man, and of Soviet identity. Sergei Abashin (Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Moscow) 330. NAZAROV N . D., "IZ istorii o r g a n o v v n u t r e n n y k h d e l T a d z h i k i s t a n a v u s l o -

viiakh nezavisimosti (1991-2005 gg.) [Of the History of the Organs of Inner Affairs of Tajikistan in the Context of Independence (1991-2005)]," IzvestiiaAkademii nauk Respubliki Tadzhikistan, Otdclcnie obshchestvennykh nauk 2 0 0 5 / 1 : 2 3 - 3 1 A researcher at the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of Tajikistan, the author quickly describes the w o r k implemented, during the past decade, by a research group set u p in the Academy of the Home Office of Tajikistan—an institution authorised to issue postgraduate diplomas—on the history of the "Tajik" police and penitentiary system since the end of the nineteenth century. T h a n k s to a large command of primary sources on the period of the Emirate of Bukhara, and in spite of the apologetic stance of most works concerning the Soviet and postSoviet period, this epistemological panorama offers interesting material on the modern political history of present-day Tajikistan, and on the history of criminality in this part of Central Asia through the twentieth century. Numerous footnotes provide generous bibliographical data, in Russian and Tajik languages, on publications of the last fifteen years. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 331. USMONOV, I., Ta'rikhi siiosii Tojikistoni

sohibistiqlol

[A Political H i s t o r y of

Independent Tajikistan], Khujand: Nuri ma'rifat, 2003,178 p., bibliography A conservative academic and editorial writer, supportive of the Communist and current presidential regimes—see his Soli Nabiev ["Nabiev's Year"] (1995), very favourable to the neo-Communist president of the years 1992-3, reviewed by us in Abstracta Iranica 17-19 (1994-6), 279—, the author offers a personal narrative of the 276

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events of the 1990s in Tajikistan. Relatively short, this text does not bring a lot of fresh factual elements, and aims mainly at bringing contradiction to narratives proposed for several years by prominent figures of the former Tajikistani opposition to the Soviet regime (in particular the memoirs by the "renovator" Communist Buri Karimov, by the Democrat leader Sahibnazar, by the Islamist leaders Nuri and Turajanzada), or by alternative leaders of the conservatives—in particular Safarali Kenjaev: see Abstracta Iranica 17-19 (1994-6), 276. To the latter Usmonov attributes a large part of the misfortunes of the governmental camp in 1991-92. The book's main chapters are devoted to the political confrontations and to the armed conflict of the period from 1991 to 1994, to the peace talks of 1994-1997, and to the normalisation period that has followed the signature of the peace agreement of June 1997. The author sharply criticises the creative intelligentsia (Rus. tvorchcskaia intclligcntsiia) of Dushanbe through its prominent figures the laureate poets Bazar Sabir, Layiq Shirali, and Gulrukhsar, as responsible of the genesis of the conflict. As to the normalisation of the last ten years, it is put to the credit of the current President, Emomali Rahmonov. A diametrically opposed narrative can be found, among others, in the work by Sharofiddin IMOM, Ta'rikhi bcdorii milli va istiqloli Tojikiston [A History of the National Awakening and Independence of the Tajiks], Dushanbe: Nashriyoti Sunnatullo, 2003,368 p., bibliography. After an introduction in which the author resituates the political history of Tajikistan in different durations (from the ancient 'Aryans' to the political repressions of Stalin's era . ..), the author propose an intrigue of the civil war that is centred on the emergence of a national movement during Perestroika (pp. 139-173), then on the history of the two main organisations of the Tajikistani nationalist opposition during the years 1989-92: the association Rastokhez ("Aftermath") and the Democratic Party of Tajikistan (pp. 174-320). Almost deprived of a critical apparatus, the book is based for the most part on the author's personal memories and archive. It usefully introduces the history of the organisations of Tajikistani intelligentsia that remain understudied and poorly documented in the abundant literature that has flourished during last years on the period of the civil war. Stephane A. Dudoignon (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) See also: 19 (Gatagova et al.); 26 (Ashnin et al.); 101 (Everett-Heath); 137 (Isomatov); 193 (Uyama); 353 (Davlatov); 462 (Babadjanov et al.); 484 (Muminov); 592 (Lyons); 631 (Sahadeo&Zanca)

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3.5. Eastern Central Asia (mainly Xinjiang) 3.5.A. General Works 332. HAMADA Masami, "Jihâd, hijra et 'devoir du sel' dans l'histoire du Turkestan oriental [Jihad, Hijra, and 'Salt Duty' in the history of Eastern Turkistan]," Turcica 33 (2001): 35-61 This article, classical and innovative at the same time, assesses the issue of jihad in the oases of Eastern Turkistan after the establishment of Manchu domination. The author astutely confronts the 'jihadist' stance of a specific faction with the quietist position held by the majority of the population under the leadership of vernacular administrators originating from influent lineages. The latter's function consisted of maintaining the community's cohesion through the implementation of the shari'a, whence for the Qing it was more economic to have their Muslim intermediaries maintaining order by peaceful means. The ideological tool for justifying submission to the infidels was for Mulla Musa, an autochthonous historian, "the indulgence of the non-believer sovereign and, as a counterpart to it, the obedience of the debtor to his benefactor." This ethic norm, according to the historian's terminology, is the "salt duty (tuzhaqqi)" always recognised in the whole Turkic Islamic world. The Redaction

333. MLLLWARD James A., Eurasian Crossroads: A History of Xinjiang, London: Hurst, 2007,432 p. Apart from a very small number of synthetic articles like Françoise Aubin's "L1 arrière-plan historique du nationalisme ouïgour: le Turkestan oriental des origines au XXE siècle," Cahiers d'études sur la Méditerranée orientale et le monde turco-iranien 25 (one of the few references not mentioned in J . Millward's rich bibliography), this is the first general history of Xinjiang ever published in a Western language. As such, the book (using Chinese, Japanese, Russian, English, German, and French literature) will be useful not only to non-expert readers, but also to Xinjiang specialists, providing them with a long-term historical scenario of a key-region in Central Eurasia. All along the successive periods, the author follows three relevant topics: the crossroads of populations and civilisations, the geographical features (nomadic and sedentary populations, the water issue) and socio-cultural identities. Chapter 1 deals with the ancient period (until the eighth century): I will not review this part since it falls outside the scope of the CER. The chapter 2 covers the medieval times (ninth to sixteenth centuries), describing with great clarity the succeeding rule of nomad powers on oasis agriculturalist societies. Beyond the account of events, the medievalists might expect more details on institutions, e.g. on the law system (yasa and shari'a, madhhab) or on cultural life (in the madrasas, through court patronage, among the intellectual milieus). The specialists of Central Asian Islam would update one or two references (instead of Bellew 1875, see Hamada, Journal d'histoire du soufisme, 2003), and would no longer emphasise the role of the shaykhs and mystics in the early conversion to Islam. Nevertheless, such a historical survey does not allow this kind of developments and nuances. And J . Millward, being de278

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EASTERN CENTRAL ASIA finitely a modernist historian, understandably alludes to later epochs even while he studies the pre-modern times, rather than entering into the medievalists' debates. The chapter 3 examines the period from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries, stressing adequately the prominence of the Naqshbandi Khwajas throughout the period, and providing a balanced image of the Manchu conquest. Here, one might regret the only short mention of the Yarkand Khanate (1514-1680)—a neglected topic in most Western publications, but a well-developed subject matter in Sino-Uighur historiography. In fact, the author devotes his much longer chapters to late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The chapter 4 examines the foundation of the modern Xinjiang province from the Qing recapture to earlytwentieth-century Turkic nationalist projects, when the Muslim reformist (jadid) movement was highly influential. As research perspectives on this topic, suffice to mention prominent though very much unstudied figures like Abduqadir Damulla (1861-1924) or Mamitili Apandi (1901-37): Both make a transition to chapter 5, coming from 1910s up to 1940s. In this chapter, one finds a meticulous description, not deprived of humour, of the complicated situation in Xinjiang under the Guomindang and in the years preceding the Communist takeover, including the two East Turkistan Republics, and what is called in Uighur the itch wilaydc inqilabi. The chapter 6, on post-1949 Xinjiang, i.e. the People's Republic, submits a survey of the whole socialist implementations in the region, with a particular emphasis on the disastrous Cultural Revolution (between 1957 and 1978). The pages (pp. 246-51) depicting Islam (mainly the waqf institution) in the 1950s are of great interest as well. The last chapter (ch.7) reconsiders the contemporary condition of Xinjiang since 1990s. Interestingly, it deals not only with the political tensions in the province but also with the environment issue which proves to be exceedingly critical. In passing, let me add that the French geographer Augustin Berque has recently published several articles on this theme, based on fieldworks in the upper Tarim. Last but not least, to be noticed eventually is the original, and somewhat optimistic, conclusion introducing three high characters from present-day Xinjiang: Rabiya Qadir, Sun Guangxin and Adil Hoshur. Alexandre Papas (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 3 3 4 . NAjMIDDIN C h i m a n , " T u r p a n shahirdiki H u i z u l a r w a u n i n g U y g h u r l a r b i l a n b o l g h a n m o n a s i w i t i [ T h e H u i s of t h e C i t y of T u r f a n and T h e i r R e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e U i g h u r s ] , " Shinjangijtimayipclnlctr taqiqati 1 ( 2 0 0 5 ) : 8 6 - 9 0 The oasis of Turfan is an interesting case of the history of the relations between the Huis and the Uighurs. Officially, according to the 1994 census, the city then counted 232,117 inhabitants, of which 166,945 Uighurs (80 per cent) and 17,559 Huis (8 per cent). The article evokes successively the thirteenth century, when the Huihui populations were integrated to the Mongol contingents in Northwest China; the eighteenth century at the time of the Manchu conquest and the subsequent Hui migration through the army moves and settlements; the nineteenth century along which the Muslim revolts provoked interethnic solidarities as well as conflicts; and last but not least the twentieth century through which the population figures have been greatly changing. Such a scope is obviously too large for a short

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article, so one could not say that its reader receives a lot of new information. Alexandre Papas (National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris) 335. SULAYMAN Abdullah, ed„ Dunyada birla Khotan bar [There Is only One Kho-

tan in the World], Urumchi: Shinjang Khalq Nashriyati, 2003,6 vols. Written by a team of local researchers, these six volumes deal with many aspects of the history and of the cultural, social, economic and politic life of the city of Khotan. The vol. 1 (Yillar, addmldr, vdqdlar [Years, People, Events], 315 p.) has articles on the history of Khotan in the Buddhist era, on its population during the Chin dynasty, on Supurga Akhun and the 1912 uprising, and on the Dungan occupation of the region. There is also a very detailed chronological table of events from the years 1949 up to 2002. The vol. 2 (Mdddniydt, Yadigarlikliri, bostanliq v communes &r communities (urban) Mahdi: 232 Mahmud II (Ottoman Sultan): 270 Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Mahmud al-Kashghari —> Kashghari Mahmud b. Kichi Muhammad: 201 Mahmud Churas: 341 Mahmudiyya: 711 Maiakovski, V.: 553 Majalis al-'ushshuq: 168 Majmu'a-yi sha'iran: 599 majmu'as: 157 Makhdum-i A'zam: 247 Makhdum-zada lineage: 341 Makhsum Qori Pochcha Quqandyi: 469 Uaktab: 437 maktabs —> schools & schooling Malamatiyya: 596 male unions: 739 Malherbe, Michel: 572,602 al-Malik al-Afdal al-'Abbas: 105 al-Malik al-Nasir Muhammad: 164 Malik al-Shu'ara Bahar: 524 Malik Caravanserai: 363 Malia Khan (of Kokand): 284, 340 Mamajonov, Bahodyr: 464 Mamakaev, Magomet: 231 Mamitili Apandi: 333 Mamluks: 162-164,173-175,178,180 manaqib —> hagiography al-Manar. 208 Manas: 514,642 Manchester Business School: 704 Manchu language: 267,278 Manchuria: 189 Manghits: 16,252, 257, 289,535 Manichaeism: 405, 408 Manifesto of Religious Tolerance of 1905: 393 mantiq: 17 mamvcn lufu: 278 Mao Zedong: 351, 381 Maoism: 339, 373 mapping: 119,141 maqamat: 289 maqams: 10, 374,377, 382 al-Maqrizi: 163 Maqsudi, Sadri: 207,438 Marco Polo: 105 Mardonova, A.: 656

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Mardumgiyah: 549 mare's milk: 391 Marghilan: 269 Mari-El Republic: 412,700 Ma'rifatchilar: 464 Maris: 192,198,211, 223,393 Maijani Friday Mosque of Kazan: 12 Maijani, Sihab al-Din: 43, 95,210, 215,227, 392,438 Markazi Dini Shura: 438 Marr, Nikolai: 609 marriage: 611,629,641,646, 647,673 Martin Luther University of Halle— Wittenberg: 188 Martin, Terry: 242 Martinist Order: 395 Martorin, N. M.: 53 Marv: 266,363 Marxism-Leninism: 64,86, 228, 249,339, 438 Maryamiyya: 395 Masami language: 67 Mashhad: 161, 295 Mashrab: 335,595 mdshrdp: 10,503 maskhara-bazi: 387,583 mass-media: 249,422,432,473 Mastchah: 296,459,476 Mas'ud of Ghazna: 396 mathnawi: 556 Maturidi School: 98,428, 506 Mavliutovo: 206 Mawlana Jalal al-Din: 402, 419 Mawlana Mir Ghiath al-Din Badakhshi: 489 Mawlana Shahin: 543 Mawlawi Hindustani: 462,469,473,545 Mawlud-i sharif. 479 Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology: 692 May 2005 uprising in Andijan: 464 Mazandaran: 229, 251, 659 Mazar-i Sharif: 257 mazars —> shrines Mazdeism: 487 McDonald's: 704 627

INDEX Mecca: 369,429,610,666 medicine —> health Medina: 369, 666 Mediterranean: 169 memory (collective): 43, 61,107,136,161, 182, 200, 243, 289, 304, 308, 317, 381, 426, 467, 469,479, 480,544, 545,561,624, 628,631,641,643,670, 697, 746 mcnhucms —> mystical paths Mensheviks: 241 Meskhs, alias Meskhetians: 117,141,193,717 metrics: 524,526,550,605 MGIMO —> Moscow State Institute of International Relations micro-history: 66 Middle Asia: 91 Middle Asian Bureau (of the CC of the All Russia's Communist Party): 460 Middle Asian State University: 16, 53, 68 Middle East: 88,117, 466, 694 migrations: 99, 111, 114,117,121,125,133; 134, 141,142,156,158,161,188,194, 205, 219, 242, 250,254, 259, 304, 334,345, 350, 410, 422,452, 464, 531, 613, 615, 633, 637, 643,648,651,666,678,684, 686,697, 698,720,727,732 Mikoian, A. I.: 242 Milan: 395 Miliband, S. D.: 53,55 military equipment: 709 military personnel: 53, 234, 266, 284,297, 346, 709 Miller, G. F.: 75 Milli Idare: 438 Milli Ittihod: 325 Milli Majlis: 438 Milli Shura: 438 Min kao Han: 686 Ming dynasty (China): 154, 368,501,505 Ming dynasty (Kokand): 304 Ming Qishlaq: 160 miniature painting: 102, 366, 368 Ministry of Finances (of Russia): 297 Ministry of the Interior (of Russia): 211, 213, 438

Ministry of War (of Russia): 297 minorities (ethnic): 101,141,154,193, 367, 434,502,607, 640,668,686,734,735, 737,749,751, 752 minzn (KÎ30: 502,607,751,752 Mir Husayn Miri: 630 Mir-i 'Arab Madrasa of Bukhara: 296 Mir Islama: 213,437 Mir 'Izzat-Allah: 60 Mir Khwand: 469 Mir Musawwir: 368 Mir Sayyid 'Ali: 368 miracles: 168,485,505,561 Mirshakar, Mirsaid: 518 Mirza 'Alim b. Mirza Rahim Tashkandi: 283 Mirza Haydar Dughlat: 505 Mirza Latif Rahim-zada: 521,545 Mirza Sadiq Munshi Jandari: 535 Mirza Salim-Bek: 66, 284 Mirza Sami' Adina-zada: 479, 545 Mirzoev, Abdulghani: 14,608 Mirzoev, Abduvali Qori: 4,473 Mishar Tatars: 59,581 missionaries (Christian): 214,393,410,411, 473, 500 Mitaev, Ali: 446 Miyan Fazl Muhammad Sahib-zada: 490 Mizanal-zaman: 283 mobility: 630 modernisation &r modernity: 64, 66,97,161, 188,193, 203, 207,208,216, 222, 239, 242, 249, 283, 313, 329,426,438, 445,453, 469,502,527,589,632, 661,668,670, 677,748 Mohammad-Reza Shah: 161 Mokhshi: 202 Moldova: 84 Molé, Marijan: 468 Molière: 606 momos —> spirits Monde iranien: 17 money transfer networks: 633 Môngke: 104,167

Ministry of the Interior (of Tajikistan): 330

628

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Mongol Empire: 43,104,105,153,155,158, 161-168,173-176,179,182,193,199,202, 228,406,422,438,751 Mongol studies: 104 Mongol languages: 21,105,159,162-164,179, 516,562 Mongolia: 116,138,189, 249 Mongols: 21, 29,38,70,88,104, 111, 129,159, 167,173,179,182,189, 249,405,406,611 Moorcroft, William: 60 Mordvin language: 578 Mordvins: 56, 202, 211, 223 Morgan, Lewis: 231 Morocco: 395 Moscow: 236, 242, 288,445,524,618 Moscow Institute of Oriental Studies: 44 Moscow Spiritual Academy: 413 Moscow State Film Institute: 383 Moscow State Institute of International Relations: 44 Moshe Ben Yaakov: 161 Mosheim, Laurent: 162 mosques: 7,141,187, 206, 226,262,265,360, 362,367,369, 371, 434,438, 469,472, 475,480,508,618,728,739 mountain-dwellers: 138,452 Mountain Jews: 161 Mountain Republic: 4 4 6 , 4 5 0 Mubarak Wakhani: 419 Mufassal by al-Zamakhshari: 610 Mufti 'Abd al-Salim 'Abd al-Rahim: 438 Mufti Muhammad-Jan Husayn: 438 Mufti Muhammad-Safa Bayazitoff: 438 Mufti Muhammad-Yar Sultan: 438,578 Mufti Salim-Giray Tawakkuli: 438 muftiates (in the Russian Empire): 187, 206, 213,226,400, 435,438, 444,701 Mughal Empire: 254,273, 280, 334,368, 403,426,442,475,483 Mughan: 124 Mughats: 630 Mughulistan: 505 Muhakamat al-lughatayn: 596 Muhammad (the Prophet of Islam): 4,289, 338,369,469, 556 Muhammad 'Abd al-Qadir Affandi: 527 Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

Muhammad al-Shaybani: 428 Muhammad 'Alim Shaykh 'Aliyabadi: 474 Muhammad-Amin Khan (of Khiva): 274 Muhammad Diwan-Bigi (of Khiva): 292 Muhammad-Hakim Khan Tura: 266 Muhammad-Liqa: 521 Muhammad-Muqim Khan: 16 Muhammad-Rahim Khan (of Kokand): 132, 252, 340 Muhammad-Rahim Khan II (of Khiva): 22, 292 Muhammad-Riza Akhund-ughli Muhi: 594 Muhammad-Sadiq b. Shah-Ahmad Imanquli: 577 Muhammad-Salih Khwaja: 492 Muhammad-Sharif b. Muhammad: 281 Muhammad-Wafa Karminagi: 252, 281 Muhammad-Wali Sufi: 341 Muhammad-Yunus Khwaja Ta'ib: 193,283 Muhammad-YusufAndijonyi: 469 Muhammad-Yusuf, Muhammad-Sodiq: 4, 462,473 Muhammad-Yusuf Munshi Baqa Khwaja: 16 Muhammadiyya Madrasa of Kazan: 369 Muhi al-Din Khwaja: 308 muhr-i du'a —> talismans Muhtaram: 551 muhtasibat: 435 Mujaddidiyya: 157,438,454,457,473,478, 489 Mujahidin: 249,422,478, 632 M u'jam al-buldan: 139 mukhammas: 292,539,594, 599 Mukhitdinov, N. A.: 30 MukhtasarKitabal-buldan: 172 Mukhtorov, Ahror: 140, 301 Mukminova, R. G.: 22 Mulla 'Abd-Allah Khurdi: 479 Mulla Ghulam Qawwal: 545 Mulla Haydar (of Kulab): 107 Mulla Jum'a-Qul Urghuti: 266 Mulla Lachin 'Qalmaq': 556 Mulla Ma'dan Punghazi: 137 Mulla Muhammad-Yar Wanji: 518

629

INDEX Mulla Muhammad Yunus-Jan Tashkandi Tayib: 284 Mulla Murad: 438 Mulla Musa Sayrami: 332 Mulla Nasreddin: 238 Mulla Qurban Khirami: 71 Mulla Radhiq: 479 Mulla Rajab "Pari" Hisari: 252 Mulla Sharaf al-Din A'lam: 16 Mullokandov, Moshe: 295 Multanis (1): 255 Multanis (2) —> Gypsies multiculturalism: 616,617 multilingualism: 613 Mu'minabad: 485,521 Muminov, Ashirbek: 197,473 munajat: 291,486,567,577,581, 594 Mu'nis: 103,182, 281 Muntakhab al-tawarikh: 266, 305 al-Muqaddasi: 130 muqams —> maqams Muqimi: 594 murabba': 292 Murghab: 143, 263,642,740 Murid movement: 5, 238,711 Muiji'ism: 428 Murtada 'Ali al-'Uradi: 233 murzas: 236 Musawat Party: 241, 242 Muscovy: 29, 70, 268,313, 437,438 Mushkil-gusha: 549 music: 102,470,486,503,631, 677 musical instruments: 377 musicians: 377 Muslim Benevolence Society of Kazan: 438 Muslim Brothers —> Ikhwan al-Muslimin Muslim Culture College of Dali: 508 Muslim Fraction (in the State Duma of Russia): 213 Muslimi, Hisam al-Din: 43 Mustafadh al-akhbar fi ahwal Qazan wa Bulghar: 43,210,215 museums: 40 al-Mutawakkil billah: 258 mutawallis & mutawalliyar. 22,435 Mu'taziliyya: 610

630

muthammath: 545 Muzaffar al-Din Khan: 16,132,375 Muziqa wa islam: 1T1 mystical paths: 23, 243, 341, 369,381,395, 401,426,427,454,467,482, 499, 623, 711

N Nabdh al-gudharishat: 282,289 Nadir Shah: 243, 255,266,272, 304 Nahzat —> Party of the Islamic Revival of Tajikistan Najm al-Din Kubra: 168 Najm-i Thani: 275 Nakhichevan: 242,626 Nalivkin: 27 Namangan: 582,628 namaz —> prayer naming practices: 392,503,625,639 Namuna-yi adabiyat-i tajik. 540,555 Nangarhar province: 478 Naples: 180 Napoleon I: 237,581 naqib: 258 Naqshbandiyya: 25,65,71,112,126,197,232, 247, 269, 333,336, 339-341, 349, 369,395, 402,438,457,459,467,468,478,484, 486, 489,493,497,498,505,509,510, 549,567,579,582,596,711,736,752 Naqshbandiyya-Ishaqiyya: 341,510 Naqshbandiyya-Khalidiyya: 579,711 Naqshbandiyya-Turkmaniyya: 579 Narbuta Khan: 340 Narimanov, Nariman: 242 narodniki —> populists al-Narshakhi: 27,139,648 Narts epic cycle: 62,604,621 nasab-namas —> genealogy Nasaf —> Qarshi Nasir-i Khusraw: 2,414-416,418-420, 525, 643 Nasiri, Qayyum: 43 Nasr al-Din Damulla Taychiev: 462 Nasr-Allah Bahadur Khan: 266 Nasr, Seyyed Hossein: 395 Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS nation, nation-building, nationalism: 43, 50, 65,77,79, 81, 84, 90, 92, 95, 96,101, 111, 114,117,150,153,156,193, 204, 210,220, 227,230,238,241,242,244,249, 250, 296, 298,314, 317, 319,321,322,350,373, 380, 392,410,412,437,438,449,466, 514,589, 591, 603, 609,615, 624, 626,631, 634, 635,637,644,657, 664,674, 680, 698,699,702,703,707,716,717,736,737, 746,752 National Centre for Scientific Research (France): 17,469 National Library, Paris: 33, 584 national policies: 19, 28,30,45,191-193,207, 296, 322, 324, 327, 392,440,504,634, 702, 707 National University of Uzbekistan: 16 Nationalities Papers: 118 NATO: 709 Naturphilosophie: 58

Niyaz, Ibrahim: 512 Nizari Imamate: 2 Nizaris: 2 Nizhni Novgorod: 59 nobility: 2 3 6 , 2 4 0 , 4 4 9 , 4 6 9 Noghai Horde: 171, 201, 268,438 Noghai language: 576 Noghais: 214 nomadic societies & way of life, nomads: 89, 96,116,129,135,138,149,156,166,167, 169,171,177,181,199, 248,249,264, 284, 287, 294, 302,313, 320, 329,333, 371,373, 374,378, 396,405,562,564,635,745 Nordic countries: 78 North Africa: 231 Novouzensk: 472 nuclear energy: 111 Num-To Lake: 409 Nur-nama: 4,579 Nurali epic cycle: 597 Nurcu: 438,465,466 Nuri, Sayyid 'Abd-Allah: 331,632 Nuristanis: 135

Naumkin, V. V.: 1 Nawruz: 557,681 Naxi people: 508 Nawruz: 648 Naymans: 129,167,179 Nazarbaev, Nursultan: 725,737 Nazarov, Obidkhon Qori: 473 Nazis: 161, 323, 395, 410 Near East: 87 Nenets: 409

October Revolution: 309, 320,469 Ode-Vasil'eva, Kulthum (Klavdiia): 53 Oghuz: 169,170 Oghuz-name: 10

NEP: 438 Nepal: 152 Nestorianism, Nestorians: 86,129,162,167, 175,176,179, 438 networks: 117, 241,633, 641, 657 Nevskii, N. A.: 53 New Azerbaijan Party: 715 Neyrangestan: 63 NGOs: 642, 732,742 NKVD: 53,57,243, 325 Niiazov, Saparmurad: 746 Nikolai K. Romanov: 308 Nima Yushij: 526 Ni'matullahiyya: 395 Ningxia: 607 Niva: 303, 315

Oghuz-Qipchaq dialect: 438 OgOdei: 175,179 OGPU: 19, 33,53, 242, 4 4 6 , 4 6 0 , 5 9 2 Ogudin, Valentin: 404 d'Ohsson: 167 Oirat language: 278 Oirats: 129 Olcott, Martha Brill: 302 Oljeitu: 120 Omer, Dilmurat: 404 Omsk: 285, 290 Omsk Cadets Corps: 290 opera: 380, 383 opium culture & consumption: 142,152, 343 Opium Wars: 343

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

O

631

INDEX oqsoqol: 293

painting: 102, 366,368, 369

oral tradition & creation: 16,72, 88,109,

Pakistan: 142,150,152,420,633,725,726,

124,137,161,179,416,518,549,557,561,

739

569,581,593,607, 621, 642, 653,659,676,

Palestine: 235,262

681

Pallavicini, Felice: 395

Orbeliani, Grigol: 188, 240

Pamir —> Badakhshan

Orenburg: 4, 220, 313,438

Pamirian languages & literatures: 418,516,

Orenburg Muhammedan Spiritual Assem-

531,540,548, 551, 643

bly: 187,190,198, 206, 213,400,435,437,

'Pan-Islamism': 53,79,113,207,216

438

'Pan-Slavism': 113, 308

Organisation of Central Asian Cooperation:

'Pan-Turkism': 19,53,79,113,217 Panj district: 485

718 Oriental Institute of Turkistan: 16

Panjakat: 476

'Orient' &r Oriental studies: 2 7 , 3 4 , 4 4 , 5 5 ,

Pankisi Gorge: 193

59,65, 87,99,106,186,187,193, 213, 320,

Papacy: 21,162,174

329, 346, 363, 373, 378, 380,386, 395, 396,

Paris: 65,288, 398

427,437,441,473,595,609,661,740

Parsa Khwaja: 17

Orient Institute of Hamburg: 491

'Parsi' dialect: 531

orisons: 4,112,418,488,567, 653

Party of the Islamic Revival of the USSR:

Orkhon inscriptions: 115 Orthodoxy: 84,187,192, 221, 223,313, 369, 391, 392,393, 397, 399,410, 412, 426, 436, 438,442, 450

395,426,463 Party of the Islamic Revival of Tajikistan: 247,479,491,545,720,723 Pashtuns: 111, 135, 729, 731

OSCE: 491

pastoralism: 138,148,149,177,181, 264

Osh: 628,631,738

Patai, Raphael: 295

Ossetia: 84

Paul, Jiirgen: 188

Ostiaks: 438

Pauwels, Louis: 395

Ostroumov, N. I.: 291,477

peasantry: 63

otitis: 379,469,670,671,681

Pedagogical University of Dushanbe: 541

Otto, Bishop of Freising: 174

Penza: 228

Ottoman architecture: 360

People's Republic of China: 333, 345,367,

Ottoman Empire: 84,118,157,161,187-189,

373, 469,501,502,513, 643,684,751,752

203,204,221, 228,232,234, 238,242,

Perbosc, Antonin: 583

270,276, 299, 360, 369, 3 9 8 , 4 0 0 , 4 3 8 ,

Perchenok, F. F.: 53

449

Perennialists: 395

Ottoman manuscripts: 11

Perestroika: 320,410,426,514,581

Ottoman studies: 4 8 , 5 3

Perm: 441

Ottoman Sultan: 25, 90, 270

Persia —> Iran

Ôzbek Khan: 201,371,438

Persian culture: 6

P

Persian language: 4 , 7 , 9 , 2 1 , 3 6 , 3 9 , 6 3 , 6 5 , 67, 86,105,106,158,164,177,250, 260, 275, 281, 282, 284, 296, 311, 327, 392, 396,

Padarkush: 383

398,403, 413,418,419,438,462,469,

Paganism &t Neo-Paganism: 393,743

483,491,517,578,580, 582, 587,593, 596,

Pahlawan Mahmud: 292

603,608,643,681

Pahlavi dynasty: 230, 304

632

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Persian literature: 2,4,13,14,16,17,63,109, 289,368, 396,419,491,493, 514,515,594 Persian sources: 157,158,160 Persians: 135, 214, 292, 374,396 'Persophonie': 491 Peter the Great: 236, 313 Petherbridge, Guy: 370 Petis de la Croix: 163 Petropavlovsk: 206 pharmacology: 543 philanthropy: 438, 444, 465 philology: 71,72, 90, 259,470,491,610 philosophy: 402,419,433,543 photography: 193, 262, 295,346 piedmont areas: 134 pilgrimages: 4,19, 27,126, 201, 240,260, 365, 369, 429,472,487,493,497,511, 549,568, 578, 631,666 pipelines: 687 pir-i shah: 413 Pirim Shaykh: 475 pirs (Ismalli): 420,518, 561,632 Pishavari, Sayyid Ja'far: 245 Plovdiv: 222 plunder: 660 poetry: 4,17,18,71,110,156,179,187,252, 345, 375, 378, 379,402,438, 477, 489, 493,498,510,518, 524-526,529,536, 539,540, 542-545,549-553,555,556, 563,567, 570,575,576,581, 582,584, 590,594-599,605,609 Pogodin, M.: 29 pogroms: 161, 242, 296,712 Poland 6sr Poles: 191, 323,392 Polevoi, N.: 29 police: 330 Polish Kolo: 213 Politburo: 325 political parties & organisations: 318, 331, 438, 463, 689, 690, 715,738 political science: 88, 111 Polivanov, E. D.: 26 polygamy: 4 , 6 2 9 Ponomarev, B. N.: 30 Popov, N. A.: 75 Popovic, Alexandre: 478 Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

popular literature —> literature ('popular') popular religion —> religion Cpopular') populists: 234, 314 porcelain: 368 postcards: 249, 262 Potanin, G. N.: 35 pottery: 366, 370 de Pouvourville, Earl Albert-Eugène Puyou: 395 Powerhouse Museum of Arts and Sciences, Sydney: 370 Prague: 70 prayers: 413,472,567 press: 188,190,203, 204,208,210,225,249, 296, 303, 311,392, 437,438,530,546, 720 Prester John: 162,174 Princeton University: 18 printing: 4 privatisation: 111, 364,696,714,724,740, 741,750 Privratsky, Bruce G.: 4,109,491 production systems: 56 Prokudin-Gorskii, S. M.: 193,295 Prometheus League: 323 proselytism: 124,138,399,410,426,430, 431,438,449,465,473,491,500,614 Protestantism: 391,410, 411, 424,473,491, 500 Provisional Government (of Russia): 296 Przheval'skii: 27 Ptolemy's Geography: 124 Pugachev, Emelian: 209,220,313, 581 puppet theatre: 387 Purjavadi, Nasr-Allah: 395 Putin, V. V.: 395,442, 695,701,725

Q 'Qadimism': 430, 438,748 Qadir 'Ali Bek: 43 Qadir, Mohammad Imin: 351 Qadir, Rabiyà: 333 Qadiri, Dhakir: 438 Qadiriyya: 23,157,438,447,459, 488,489, 497,499,752 Qaenat: 304 633

INDEX Qaf Mountain: 72 Qaffal Shashi: 492 al-Qaida: 701,723 Qaidu: 104

Qipchaq language: 438 Qipchaqs: 141, 284 Qissd'yi Bibiseshanbiyya: 549 qiyas: 428

Qajars: 161,188, 237, 274, 304

Qizilyar —> Petropavlovsk Qojas —> Khwajas Qomul: 365 Qongrats: 182 Qoraev, T.: 71

qalandar-bazi'- 387 Qalandariyya: 489,596 Qala'un: 178 Qal'a-yi Khash: 304 Qalmuqs —> Oirats Qanbalïq —> Beijing al-Qandfi dhikr 'ulama Samarkand: 139 Qandahar: 255,594 qans —> khans Qara Khitai: 129,167,406,426 Qarabagh: 84, 242,626 Qarabagh War: 423,626,712 Qarajul: 351 al-Qarakchi, Muhammad-Tahir: 27 Qarakhanids: 86,129,132,153,167, 264,358,

600 Qaratagh: 338 Qarategin Valley: 63,279, 296, 319, 347,425, 452,627 Qarluqs: 129,169 Qarshi: 17,139 Qashgharliks: 141 Qashqa Darya region: 17,549, 569,597 qasida: 493, 556,577,608 Qasida darziyaratgah-i Ghazna: 493 Qasim Khan b. Sayyid Ahmad: 201 Qasim Shaykh of Karmina: 467 Qasimiyya Madrasa of Kazan: 65 Qasimov (Khanate): 43,171,438 Qataghan: 88 Qavam al-Saltane: 245 qawm: 88,249,310 qawwals: 107,630 qazis: 157,186,187, 228,283,338,445,582 qazis' documents —> chancery documents Qïdïr Ata —> Khizr Qildibaqi, Hadi: 377 Qing dynasty: 81,153-155,188,267,277,278, 307,332,334, 340,343,346, 348,367, 512,566,684 Qinghai: 607 634

Qosimov, Abdurashid: 464 Qozhas: 4,109 Qubadiyan: 112 Qubilai: 104,154,155,174 quietism: 459 Quhistan: 2, 304 Qul-Sharif Mosque of Kazan: 698 Qulbaba Kukaltash: 368 Qur'an: 4,14,17,22,27, 87,164,168,174,369, 394,433,438,452,464,468,477,488, 500,610, 618,671 Qurban-'Ali Khalidi: 109 Qurghan-Teppa: 470 Qursawi, Abu'l-Nasr 'Abd al-Nasir: 438 Qutadhghu bilig: 563,566 Qutb: 377

R Rabbinate of Babylon: 161 racism: 395,434,743 Radhiqova, Ay-Pasha & Rahat-Ay: 17 Ra/'-i tuman-iAhugirwa Khayrabad: 535 Raeff, Marc: 313 Raghib Samarqandi: 543 Rahim, Gali: 64 Rahmatullo Qori Alloma: 473 Rahmoni, Ravshan: 549 Rahmonov, Emomali: 331,469 railway 249,296,407 Ramitan: 126 Rashid al-Din: 21,43,139,161,183,201,600 Rasht: 546 Rastokhez: 331 Rastorgueva, R. S.: 67 Rasulid Hexaglot: 105 Rawnaqi Collection (Shahr-i Sabz): 17 Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Rawshan-Dilan: 545 Rawzat al-ansab: 269 Rawzat al-safa: 469 Red Army: 309,351,446 RedYurts: 329 refugees: 125,242 Regar: 112 Regional Museum of Qarshi: 17 regional studies: 52,102,137,298 regionalism: 304, 626, 668,728, 745 religion(s): 4,23,102, 111, 133,138,165-167, 186,187,192,220,239, 335, 392,579,618, 653,654,668,671,675,676,720,743 religion ("popular'): 23,68,196,454,488, 496,503,507 religious literature —> literature (religious) religious personnel: 23,109,137,164,168, 186,188,192,193,197, 213,223,226, 239, 242,247, 283, 284, 289, 316, 333,336, 341, 377,379,400,401,403,414,415,417,421, 426,433,435,437,438,441,443-446, 449,454,457,460,462, 464,466,467, 469,472, 473, 478,483,486,500,505, 545,551,577,579,670,671,681,701,711, 720,736,739,740,745 remittances: 727 remotedness: 147 Rémusat, Abel: 162 Renan, Ernest: 65, 241, 398 Republic of China: 367 Research Institute of Inner Asian Studies: 8 Reserve-Museum of Bukhara: 23 resettlements —> migrations Reshetov, A. M.: 61 Revolution of March 2005 in Kyrgyzstan: 464 Revolution of 1905 in Russia: 218, 301 Revolutions of 1917 in Russia: 242, 320 Reza Shah: 161, 304 rhyming prose: 608 von Richthofen, Ferdinand: 91 rihla: 172 risalas: 11,468,496,662 rituals: 379, 391, 393, 395, 404, 412-415,420, 421,422,436,438,448,464,470,472, 486,488, 503, 518, 525,549,604,605, Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

619,631, 638,641, 648,655,662,665,668, 671,673,677,679,681,685 Riza-Quli Khan Hidayat: 274 rococo: 360 Rodina: 303,315 rodoslovnye knigi —> genealogy Romanov dynasty: 95,236 Roquette, G.: 341 Rostov-na-Donu: 571 Rozenfel'd, A. Z.: 63 ruba'i: 515 of Rubrouck, William: 405 Rudaki: 515 Rudaki Institute for Language &r Literature: 553 Ruh-nama: 746 rulership: 271, 341,406,469, 661 Rumania: 395 rural exodus: 615, 698 RuS'Fransuzsughishlbayd: 581 Ruse: 222 Rushan: 2,415 Rushani language: 561 Russia: 32, 33,46,49,50,70, 87, 89, 95,99, 111, 113,123,138,188,194,198,207,219, 220, 236, 240, 254,261, 268,273, 283, 291, 303, 307, 313, 315,386,392,426,432, 442,444,464,469,491,616,617,651, 678,687,695, 698,699,701, 708-710,718, 725 Russia's civil war: 206 Russia's Historical State Archive: 203 Russia's State Archive of Social and Political History: 19 Russian culture: 188, 290,329,360 Russian Emigration: 33 Russian Empire: 84,119,129,144,160,186, 187-193, 213, 237, 238, 240,249,261, 283, 285, 286, 287, 289,296, 297,302,304, 308, 309,313, 320,328,342, 397,400, 438,442,449,450,472,574,592,635, 643,703 Russian historiography: 169, 281 Russian intelligentsia: 35,188, 290 Russian language: 27,161,238, 239,242, 392,437,449, 464,516,578,617,686

635

INDEX Russian-language literature: 385,564,572,

Salafiyya: 4, 87, 212, 344,395, 401,423,430, 464,469, 484,720,723,748,752

606,609 Russian literature: 71, 234,571

Salavat Yulaev: 209, 220

Russian travellers: 86

Saljuq studies: 48

Russians (outside of European Russia): 2,

Saljuqids: 158,170, 228, 304,515

114,188,192, 205, 219, 242,301,309,320,

Saljuqids of Rum: 200

322, 346, 392,410,438,466,609,612,

'salt duty': 332,426,473

613,640,735,737,749

al-Sam'ani: 130

Russification: 192, 203, 204, 219, 221, 238, 239, 242, 290,308,309,317,355, 380, 437,620

Samanids: 126,132,136,250, 258, 280,358, 396,438,608 Samara (Province): 472

Russo-Afghan Agreement of 1895:144

Samariyya: 363,475

Russo-indigenous schools: 407

Samarqand: 68,134,136,145,156,158,161,

Russo-Japanese W a r of 1904-5: 216,291, 395

167,186, 254, 262,319,358,359, 363, 396, 407,475, 483,514,544,571,669

Russo-Persian Wars: 237

Sami: 139,193

Russo-Turkish W a r of 1877-8: 20, 234, 235

samizdat: 4

Rustam's epic cycle: 368,681

Samoilovich, A. N.: 2 6 , 4 5 , 5 3

Rmama

(of Ziya): 282, 289,316

S

Samoyeds: 197

scmgdugc (4 v ; r-^l): 674 'Sang-i Kulula', Pir Muhammad: 479

Saban-Tuy Festival: 438

saqi-namas: 515,570 saqis: 593

sabk-i hindi: 550-552

Saratov: 228

Sa'd al-Dawla: 161

Saraychiq: 268

Sa'd al-Din Nurlati-Bulghari: 377

Sardar Sharif Khan Naruyi: 304

Safavids: 21,39, 84,115,124,126,157,161,

sardars: 304

275, 2 8 0 , 3 0 4 , 3 6 8 , 4 0 3 , 5 2 5

Sarez Lake: 643

Safar-nama-yiKhwarazm: 274

Sarhadd: 304

Safarov, O.: 676

Sarmats: 40

saffron: 112

'Sart' language: 291

SAGÙ —> Middle Asian State University

'Sarts': 206,319

Sa*id al-Harakani: 233

satire: 5 9 4 , 6 0 8

Saint Petersburg: 11,63, 87,187,188,240,

Sato, Tsugitaka: 3

242,261,290, 315 saintly lineages: 54,269,336,338,341,403,

Sattar Khan: 308 Sattarov, Fayz-Rahman: 438

4 3 8 , 4 4 1 , 4 5 2 , 4 5 3 , 4 5 5 , 467,468,469,

Satuq Bughra Khan: 505

480,490,499,510

Saudi Arabia: 4 , 4 4 4 , 6 6 6 , 7 3 9

saints & sainthood: 4,54,98,103,107,156,

Savitsly, P. N.: 58,70

168, 201, 203, 258, 269, 292, 336, 338, 341,

al-Sawwaf, Muhammad-Mahmud: 4

359,369,441,443, 451,453,467,469,

Sayan Altai: 249

476, 4 9 3 , 4 9 7 , 4 9 9 , 504,510,512, 513,561,

Sayf-Allah Beg Churas: 341

567

Sayram: 4

saj' —> rhyming prose

sayyahat-namas —> literature (travel)

Sakha Republic: 391

Sayyid Ahmad b. Ahmad: 201 Sayyid Mansur: 467

636

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES &R SUBJECTS Sayyid Muhammad Khan of Khiva: 22 Sayyid Qutb: 4,473 Sayyid Yusuf 'A]i Shah: 561 sayyids: 197, 247, 258,438,441,490 School of Oriental and African Studies: 101 schools & schooling: 193, 203,221, 301, 345, 396,407,437,445,449,465,477,614, 617,618,624,631 sciences and techniques: 166,188, 283,299, 344 Scotland: 180,214 seals: 21, 23 von Sebottendorf, Rudolf Freiherr: 395 Second All Russia's Muslim Congress: 438, 442 "Secret History of the Mongols": 155,158, 175,179 'secret' languages: 560,596,625 secularism 6sr secularisation: 423,438,451, 463,469,723,743 security & security architecture: 92, 708, 726 sedentarisation: 149,635 sedentary societies: 116,166,167,248, 249, 280,294, 313, 333, 373, 374, 378,480,564, 745 Sefcrha-massa'dt: 167 Seifert, Ame C.: 463 Selenga River: 224 Semenov, A. A.: 2, 66,68 Semipalatinsk: 109, 206, 287, 574 Semireche: 86,109,129,320 Seniutkin, S. B.: 59 Sephardim: 161 September 11, 2001: 442, 491,747 Serbia: 185 serfdom: 161 settling & settling policies: 89, 329 Seven Sleepers of Ephesus: 369 sexuality: 646 Shadhiliyya: 395 Shadian incident: 154 Shafi'i madhhab: 4,157, 445,484,701,745 Shah 'Abbas r. 157,525 Shah Isma'il I: 275,525 Shah Mahmud Churas: 86 Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

Shah Ma'sum Wali-Allah Thani: 489 Shah Murad: 157, 257, 266 Shahidlar Khotirasi: 325 Shahimardan: 152 Shah-nama: 368,517,543,681 Shahr-i Sabz: 17, 279,549 Shahr-i Tus: 485 shahrashub: 493 Shahrukh: 120,183 Shahzada Muhammad b. Sayyid Farrukh Shah: 420 Shaimiev, Mintimer: 704 shajara —> genealogy Shajara-yi Tarakima: 27,103, 259 Shajarat risalasi: 441 Shakirov, Bahrom: 464 Shakuri, 'Abd al-Qadir: 396 Shamanism, shamans: 4,165,291, 391, 404, 405,409, 438,443,470,488,503,567, 629,670, 685 shamayil: 369 Shami.A. M.: 153 Shami Damulla: 462, 484 Shamil: 5,18,20, 25, 27,161, 233,238,447, 450,711 Shams al-'Arifin Mawlana Qasim: 510 Shams al-ma'arif: 4 Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: 718, 725,726 Sharaf-nama-yi shahi: 139 shari'a —> law Shari'at-Madari: 230, 246 sharif: 341 Sharif Hajji-Tarkhani: 201 Sharq Research Centre (Dushanbe): 652 shash-maqam: 375, 378, 387 Shaybanids: 132,197,257,280, 368,438,475 Shayda'i: 188, 292 shaykh —> religious personnel Shaykh Fayz Khan al-Kabuli: 438 Shaykh Khudaydad: 475 Shaykh Mansur: 232,711 Shaykh Muslih al-Din Khujandi: 469 Shaykh Said Efendi: 711 Shcherbatov, M. M.: 29 Sheki uprising: 243 637

INDEX Sherali, Loiq: 331,525 Sherbeti Shaykh: 441 Shigi Qutuqu: 179 Shiism & Shiites: 2,124,161,203, 228,238, 241,266, 292, 296, 304,369,400,434, 438,439,449,460,496,528,740 Shikarpur & Shikarpuris: 255 Shinjang tarikh materialliri: 507 Shir 'Ali Khan (of Afghanistan): 304 shi'r-i naw: 524,526 shiraqshi —> shrines ShirinwaShakar: 588 Shirvan: 626 Shoah: 161 Shodiev, Ergashali: 542 shrines: 4, 81,107,126,136,137,141,156,187, 201,359, 363,365, 367,403,426,438, 441, 443,451,452, 467, 476, 485,487, 493,497,499,503-505,511,512,549,561, 571,631 Shughnan: 2, 415,420,452, 551,556,556, 632 Shughni language: 551,561 Shukurov, Muhammad-Jan: 316 Shuman: 132,252 Shura: 208,438 Shura-yi Islamiyya: 288, 296 Shura-yi 'Ulama: 288, 296 Shurabad: 521 Shutur Khalifa: 341 Shu'ubiyya: 396, 610 Shymkent: 4,736 Siberia: 35,51, 75,79, 99,171,189,193,197, 205,219, 224,249, 250,285,391,438, 441,443, 469,545,700 Siberian Tatars: 581 Sibir (City): 197 Sibir (Khanate): 171,197, 201,438 Sicherman, Harvey: 442 sijill: 157 Silk Roads: 111 silsila: 172, 341,403,467-469,490 Silsilat al'tawarikh: 172 Sind: 2 Sinicisation: 502,751 sinxiao: 154 638

Sipianyaodao: 506 Si rat al-nabi: 579 Sirr al-ahbab: 338 Sistan: 304 Six-Day War: 161 slaves & slave trade: 200, 254, 303, 315,660 Slavic Research Centre (Sapporo): 83 Slavic studies: 70,83,106,118, 320 Slavs: 70,194,205,219,313 slobody —> suburbs smuggling: 343 Snesarev, G. P.: 42,676 Sobir, Bozor: 331,526 sociability: 42, 387, 395, 403, 545,549,623, 627, 667, 739 social sciences: 83, 88, 96,99,106 Socialism: 329,333,410,592 socialist realism: 366 sociology: 7,77,94,99,395,432 Soghd: 648 Soghdian language: 86,139,145,558 Soghdians: 10,156 Sokh: 152 solidarity: 540 Solov'ev, S.: 29 Solovki camp: 369 songs: 486,509,569,605 Sorbonne University: 438 sorcery: 4 Soros Foundation: 61,664 Sorush, 'Abd al-Karim: 395 Sorqatani: 174 sovcts: 320 Soviet Army: 473 sovkhozes: 740 Special Commission of 1910: 207 Spengler, O.: 32 spirits: 4,72,443,470,488,567,629,656, 681

Spiritual Assembly —> Orenburg Muhammedan Spiritual Assembly Spiritual Board of the Muslims of Kazakhstan: 4,736 Spiritual Board of the Muslims of Middle Asia and Kazakhstan: 484,748

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Spiritual Board of the Muslims of the Caucasus: 4 2 4 , 4 4 9 Spiritual Board of the Muslims of the Republic of Tatarstan: 438 Sredazbiuro —> Middle Asian Bureau SS: 395 Stalin & Stalinism: 19,193, 242,244, 245, 324, 325,329, 369, 380,410 state & state-building: 50,79, 84, 85, 88, 99, 117,181,213, 224, 226,249,340,355,399, 400,423,424,435,449,450,469,626, 631, 641, 668,729, 731, 733,737 State Committee for Religious Affairs of Azerbaijan: 424 State Committee for Religious Affairs of Tajikistan: 691 State Committees for Religious Affairs: 745 State Duma of Russia: 207,213, 242 State Theatre of Khujand: 372, 606 State University of Tajikistan: 479,545, 654 statehood: 80,155,195, 249,626,636,729, 731,733,743 statistics: 492 Stavropol: 313 Stein, Aurel: 91 Steinwedel, Charles: 190 Steppe: 89, 91,109,166,169,187,189,249, 285, 313, 320,400,451,469,472,574,631 Stolypin, Petr: 207, 211 stonecutting: 371 Structuralism: 58 Subaltern Studies: 188 Subhan-Quli Khan: 16 Suburbs: 362 Suchani, Shah 'Abd-Allah: 415 Sudak: 200 Sufi Allah-Yar: 438,477 Sufikhona: 17 Sufism: 2, 4,13,17, 23, 25, 87,103,154,158, 168,187,193,260,269, 341, 349, 369,387, 395, 396, 398,401,402,415,419,426, 427, 430,433,438,441, 450,454,459, 467-470,478,483,489,493,494,498, 503,504, 509, 510, 512, 515,552, 563,567, 577,579,585,596,600,711,728,736,752

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

Sukhareva, O. A.: 68,427 Sulaymani, Gamzet: 423 Sulaymani, Payraw: 526,528, 553 Suleimanov, Olzhas: 609 Sultan Efendi: 233 Sultan Galiev: 113 Sultan Muhammad: 368 Sultan Sanjar: 515 Sultani, Zhala: 524 Sultaniyya-Jahriyya: 475 Sumgait: 712 Sun Guangxin: 333 Sung dynasty: 175 Sunna: 87 Sunnism & Sunnis: 2,112, 203, 228,242, 369, 400,403,425,439, 460,489,632, 643,647,752 Surkhan Darya: 132,134, 252, 569, 597,676 suu: 405 Suvchinskii, P. P.: 33 suyurghal: 22 Suzhou: 506 Svanberg, Ingvar: 81 Switzerland: 100,117,147, 395,491,722 Sydney: 370 symphonic music: 380 synagogues: 375 syncretisms: 443,685 Syr Darya River: 197, 363,441 Syria: 157,164,174,180, 235,484,739 Syriac language: 86,176 Szuppe, Maria: 17

T tabaq groups: 740 tabaqat: 402,445 Tabari: 139,196 Tabghatch language: 562 ta'bir: 4 Tabriz: 165,246,368,517,524 Tachen: 109, 345 tadhkira: 137,156,289,338,468,505,540, 542,544,551,555,595, 608 Tadhkira-yi'azizan: 338, 341 Tadhkira-yi Bughra Khani: 505

639

INDEX Tadhkira-yi Khwaja Hasan Sahib-Qiran: 338 Tadhkira-yi Khwaja Muhammad-Sharif: 505 Tadhkira-yi Mawlana Arshiddin: 505 Tadhkirat al-hidayat: 338 Tadhkirat al-irshad: 505 Tadhkirat al-natayij al-'arifin: 510 Tadzhetdin —> Taj al-Din tafsir: 87,500, 610 tafsir (in Judeo-Persian language): 543 Tahirids: 280 al-Tahqiqat: 17 taiga: 700 Taj al-Din, Ta'lat: 395 Taj al-tawarikh: 281 Tajetdin, Talgat: 208 Tajik language: 524 (otherwise —> Persian language) Tajik SSR: 319,380, 460, 491,521, 524, 545, 550,553,593 Tajikfilm: 389 Tajikistan: 6,14,45, 99,102,107,109, 111, 112, 116,132,137,138,142,143,146,152,247, 249, 250, 296, 317-319, 330, 331, 338, 372, 378,379, 389, 395, 416,418,425, 426, 442, 454,455,459,469,470,473,476, 479,491, 510,524, 531,536,545,549, 569,593,597, 606, 627, 632,646, 691, 693,732,739 Tajiks: 63, 68,102,135,136,154,183, 250, 256, 296, 317, 319,327, 372, 470, 631,649, 668,681,743 Takho-Godi, Alibek: 446 Takmila-yi Lamahat: 475 talfiq: 433 Talib al-matlub: 419 Taliban: 471,725,728,733 Talish & Talishis: 124, 242 Talish-Mughan Republic: 124 Talishi language: 124 Talmud: 543 taming melodies: 376 TangYulduzi: 43 Tctnggclri & Tanggarism: 175,405,437,743 tanning: 161 Taoism: 165 taqiyya: 2

640

taqlid —> ijtihad Tarbaghatay: 345 Ta'rikh-i 'Alimqul-iamirlashkar. 284 Ta'rikh-i Astrakhan: 201 Ta'rikh-i Bukhara: 27 Ta'rikh-i Bulghariyya: 43 Ta'rikh-i Gilan u Mazandaran: 229 Ta'rikh-i jadida-yi Tashkand: 492 Ta'rikh-i Kashghar: 86 Ta'rikh-i Kumuli: 266 Ta'rikh-i MuIIazada: 363 Ta'rikh-i Uuqim Khani: 16 Ta'rikh-i Qayinat: 304 Ta'rikh-i Rashidi: 505 Ta'rikh-i salatin-i Manghitiyya: 139 Ta'rikh-i Sayyid Raqim: 16 Ta'rikh-i Shahrukhi: 284 Ta'rikh-i Tabaristan u Ruyan u Mazandaran: 229 Tarim Basin: 367,505 tariqat: 2 tarkhan: 22, 264 Tashauz: 460 Tashkent: 13,16, 34,68, 262, 296,308, 309, 320, 342,383, 407,453,484, 492, 497, 608, 665,669,671,674,679,683 Tashqurghan: 143,250, 548 Taswir-i 'ibratya Bibi Khura-Jan: 526 Tat language: 161 Tatar ASSR: 226 Tatar language: 161, 206, 207, 221,222, 345, 392,433,437,568,578,580,620,698 Tatar literature: 43,64,206,207, 215, 369, 568,571,579,581 'Tatar yoke': 29,70, 227 Tatars: 30,43, 59,79, 95,171,185,187,190, 192,194,197-199,201-203, 207,210, 211, 213, 223, 226-228, 250, 345, 369, 377, 379, 383, 392, 393,431,433,434,436-439,441, 442,460,469,472,573,574,578,618620,707,720 Tatarstan: 4,12,79,95, 392,432,435-438, 442,578,580,615,698,701,704,705 Tatishchev, V. N.: 75 Tauer, F.: 120 Tawarikh-iAltiAta: 472 Tawarikh-i Bulghariyya: 43

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Tawarikh-i khamsa-yi sharqi: 109, 281

Tiumen (City): 197

taSviz—> amulets

Tiumen (Khanate): 197

Tcfwizat Sulayman: 394

Tobol River: 441

'Tawus-i Haramayn': 469

Tobolsk: 197

tax systems: 191, 223, 226, 238, 296, 449,

Togan, Ahmet Zeki Velidi —> Walidi,

464, 694

Ahmad Zaki

Taybad: 112

Togan, Isenbike: 81

Taybughids: 171,197

Tokarev, S. A.: 4 9

ta'ziye: 421

Tokombaev, Aaly: 26

Tbilisi: 161, 228, 2 3 8 , 4 4 9

toleration: 165,167,393,400,432,438,471

techniques —> sciences and techniques

Tolstov, S. P.: 3 0 , 4 9

Teguder Ahmad: 164,178 Tehran: 47,63,157, 546 trips: 623 Teke dialect: 602 Telabay River: 107 television: 432 Templar Knights: 180 Ter-Petrosian, L.: 53 Terdiman: 203,214, 222, 225 Terge Emel: 182 Teriushevskaia volost': 223 Termez: 258 Terror (of 1926-38): 26,53,57,161, 242, 321, 325, 326, 4 4 9 , 4 6 9 , 5 4 5 , 5 8 9 , 6 8 3 , 7 2 0 terrorism: 111, 422, 495,701,723,725,747 Terry, Allen: 280

tongue twisters: 583 Topchibashi, 'Ali-Mardan: 213 topography: 148 toponymy: 123,145 Toqmaq: 129 Torah: 375,543 Torbat-e Heydariye: 112 Torbat-e Jam: 112 Tornau, F. F.: 27 totalitarianism: 242, 326, 327 tourism: 740 toy: 627,677 Toyo Bunko: 3 tradition: 373,394,427,453,578,672, 674, 677 Traditionalism: 394

Terskii Gorodok: 236

trance: 341

textiles: 370

Trans-Caspian Railway: 249, 407

Tezekend: 714

Trans-Caspian Region: 91, 111, 160,161

That Scoundrel Scapin: 606

trans-nationalism: 77,114,193,720,752

theatre: 102

Transcaucasia: 191,400

theology: 462, 473, 543

Transdnestria: 84

Theosophical Society: 395

transition from socialism: 77, 92,101, 111, 117,

Tian Shan: 138,149 Tibet: 343,351 Tibetan language: 60, 520 tibb —> 675 Tiliwaldi, Isma'il: 600 Timur: 120,158,173,174,228, 243,271 Timur, 'Umar: 545 Timurids: 38,120,129,157,177,183,257,260, 368,403,422,438,467,570 al-Tirmidhi: 258 Tishkov, V.: 4 0 , 4 6 Titarenko, Mikhail: 695

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

134,692,696,700,704,706,714,722, 724,725,740,741 translation 6st translators: 27, 34, 39,63, 87, 162,164,176,179, 291,318, 338,398,433, 4 3 8 , 4 6 4 , 4 6 8 , 4 7 2 , 4 7 3 , 5 0 5 , 5 3 7 , 557, 565,579,601,606,608,686 Transoxiana: 11,14,16, 2 2 , 2 4 , 4 2 , 6 6 , 7 2 , 9 1 , 112,129,131,161,167,177,187,215,247, 250, 255,258, 266,284, 289, 291, 295, 327, 358,363,387,427,438, 4 8 5 , 4 9 0 , 510,515,536,555,567,571,608,681 transport: 147,152

641

INDEX travel literature —> literature (travel)

Turkism: 9 6 , 3 9 2 , 4 6 5

travels and travellers: 172

Turkistan (City): 17,469

Treaty of Kiakhta: 307

Turkistan (Territory): 4, 24, 91,161,186,187,

Treaty of Tilsit: 237

191,193, 249, 262,286, 287, 288, 296,297,

Trebizond: 200

308,309,320, 3 2 3 , 3 4 2 , 4 0 0 , 4 0 7 , 5 9 2 ,

Trepavlov, V.: 201, 268

634

Trest movement: 33

Turkistan Autonomy: 101

tribes & tribalism: 88, 89, 111, 123,159,231,

Turkistan Front: 101

249,293, 294, 3 0 2 , 4 5 0 , 6 3 4 , 6 3 9 , 6 4 1 ,

Türkler: 93

658

Turkmanchay Treaty: 246

Troitsk: 206

Turkmen language: 103,587,602

Troitskaia, A. L.: 656

Turkmen literature: 517,598

Troubetzskoy, N. S.: 28, 32,33,70

Turkmen SSR: 3 8 0 , 4 6 0

Tsereteli, G. V.: 53

Turkmen State University. 658

Tsvibak, M. M.: 53

Turkmenistan: 4,45,52,103,116,146,160,

Tudeh Party: 304

161,249,250, 318,359,597,631, 687,690,

tughra: 369

693,725

Tuhfa-yi khani: 252,281 Tuhfa-yi Tayibi: 284

Turkmens: 52,103, 111, 160,228, 249, 294, 460,631

Tulip Revolution of Kyrgyzstan: 85

Turkological Congress of Baku (1926): 573

tumar —> amulets &r talismans

Turks (ancient): 10,48,70, 86, 88,115,129,

Tuna: 222 tundra: 700

153,166,264, 309, 363,374, 396, 405, 562,609,631

Tungus: 75

Turks (of Turkey): 4 3 9 , 4 6 5

Tuntar: 438

Turku: 434

Tuoba language: 562

Turmush: 438

Turan: 91, 250, 363, 368

Turpan —> Turfan

Tuqay, 'Abd-Allah: 369

Tursunova, Sayyad-Khan: 372

Tuqtamish: 173,438

Tursunzoda, Mirzo: 545

Tura Khan Maqsum: 4 6 0

Tuva: 249, 376

turas: 269

Tynyshbaev: 320

Turfan: 334,685

u

Turk Kaghanate: 199 Turkestanskievedomosti: 492 Turkestanskii sbornik: 262 Turkey: 19, 65,90, 93,113,121,142,170, 217, 235, 350, 379,395, 401,423, 424, 430, 438,439,446,451, 465,496,572,614 Turkic languages: 4,19, 27, 86,105,106, 282, 284,291,296,402,438,462,516,562 Turkic literatures: 11,71, 81,188, 291, 292, 321,477,514,517,595

'Ubayd-Allah-nama: 139,259 'Ubayd-Allah Sultan: 277 lIch tarz-i siyasat: 217 Udmurts: 56,192, 211,223,393 Ufa (City): 4 , 4 0 , 2 0 6 , 4 3 8 Ufa (Province): 193 Ufa Centre of the Academy of Sciences of Russia: 40

Turkic Runnic inscriptions: 27,115

Uighur alphabet: 179

Turkic studies: 26, 48, 90,573

Uighur American Association: 507

Turkish language: 222, 3 5 0 , 3 9 8 , 4 3 8 , 5 6 5

Uighur language: 10, 335, 350,586

Turkish Revolution of 1908: 203

Uighur literature: 600

642

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Uighurs (ancient and modern): 10,114,154, 156,166,193, 333-335,339,350,361, 367, 381,394, 402,404,502-504,512,600, 631,684,685,739,751 Ukraine: 19,118,714, 738 'ulama —> religious personnel Ulugh-Beg: 27

USSR: 95,152,226,242,245, 320, 324, 325, 329,345, 380,383,395,409,410,417, 435,438, 442,592,631, 640,703 Ustriakov, N.: 29 'Uthmaniyya Madrasa of Ufa: 377 Utiz-Imani, 'Abd al-Rahim: 438 Uyghun: 71

Ulus of Chaghatay: 86,104,129,139,153 Ulus of jOchi: 29,43, 95,104,171,173,174, 185,195,198,199,201, 202,227, 360,371, 438,442,581 'Umar Khan (of Kokand): 137, 270, 283 'Umar Khayyam: 515 Umayyads: 196,280 'Ummat Party: 242 UN: 687 UNESCAP: 693 UNESCO: 249, 363 UNECE: 693

Uzbek language: 4,327,462,473,532,545, 583,593,597,601 Uzbek literature: 71, 321,512,545,564,583,

Union of Allied Mountaineers of the North Caucasus: 450 Union of Composers of the USSR: 380 Union of Writers of Tajikistan: 524,528 United Arab Emirates: 694 Universal Gnostic Church: 395 University of Adelaide: 724 University of Wales: 693 uprisings: 19, 89,101,154,193, 234,238, 243, 269,284, 296, 302, 306,349, 351,409, 446,464, 491,581,740,752 Ura-Teppa —> Istrawshan Ural Cossack Host: 472 Ural region: 11,40,56,79, 82,109,123,190, 193,197, 205, 209, 211, 216, 218,400,426, 441,472,706 Ural River: 122, 268

585, 588-591,592, 598 Uzbek oral tradition: 593 Uzbek SSR: 309,321,380,460,484,666 'Uzbekism': 19 Uzbekistan: 4,13,16,17,45, 80, 94,101,116, 134,146,152,156,193, 249,252, 318,320, 327, 359, 373,378,380,383,454,462, 464,469,470,473,491, 494,495,530, 549,569,597,628,629,631,691,693, 720,725,727,739 Uzbeks: 30,72, 85, 88,101,126,132,141,171, 193, 298,319, 370,376,441,470,668,738 Uzgen: 86

V Vahidov, Mulla Nur: 113, 212 Vainakhs: 231,623 Vaisov movement: 187 Vajda, Laszlo: 181 Valikhanov, Chokan: 27,187,290,574,736 Varzob —> Warzab River

urbanisation: 141,160,190, 242,301,309 Urgench: 310,441 Urmanche, Baqi: 369 Urumchi: 345, 351, 367,686 Urusbiev, I.: 62

veil & veiling of women: 249,433,591, 631 vclayat-efaqih: 230,246 Velidi, Ahmet Zeki —> Walidi, Ahmad Zaki verbs: 538 Verkholensk: 75 Vernadsky, G.: 70 Vertov, Dziga: 386 Vestmk Evrazii. 99

USA: 70, 90,152, 395, 473, 688,708,718,725, 726,730, 747 Usmanova, Dilara M.: 400 Usrushana: 140

VGIK —> Moscow State Film Institute Viatka Governorate & Hieparchy: 192, 393 Viatkin, V. L.: 595 Vienna: 65,491

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

643

INDEX villages —> communes & communities (rural)

wedding & wedding rituals: 63,481,619, 629,631,647,677,681

violence: 464,645,661,712,715

welfare: 631

Voice of America: 473

Westernism: 113

Vokrug sveta: 303

White Horde: 173

Volga region: 4,11,40, 56,59, 79, 82,109,

White Mountain faction: 336, 339

190,193,196,198, 203,207,210, 211, 216,

Wilson, Bryan: 395

218, 2 2 0 , 2 2 3 , 2 2 8 , 3 6 0 , 3 6 2 , 369, 371,

Wirth, Oswald: 395

400,426,430, 433,438,469,472,496,

women —> gender issues

579, 619,700

Woods, John E.: 158

Volkswagen Foundation: 188

wood carving & painting: 366

Vorob'eva, Elena: 4 0 0

working class: 296,301

Vorontsov, M. S.: 238

World Bank: 693

Vorukh: 152

World Islamic League: 666

vostokovedenie —> Oriental studies Vyborg Appeal: 213

w

written culture: 607 W u Ma: 344 Wuti Qingwenqian: 566 WWl: 160,161, 2 0 4 , 3 0 9 wwii: 4 5 , 4 9 , 81, 2 2 6 , 2 4 5 , 2 4 6 , 383,469

Wahdat district: 485

X

'Wahhabis' &r Wahhabiyya: 395,401,442, 445,455,473,492,711,723 Wahidoff —> Vahidov

xenophobia: 392

Wakhan & Wakhis: 142,144, 415,419,452,

xiaoerjin

531,572

7

Xinjiang: 10,69, 81,109,143,156, 249, 361,

Wakhi language: 551,561

367, 381, 396, 4 0 2 , 4 8 4 , 498, 504,505,

Wakhiya: 63

507, 510-513,548, 585,596,600, 684-686,

Wakhsh River: 128,593

723,751,752

wali —> saints

Xinjiang Academy of Social Science: 6 0 0

Wali Khan Tura b. Padishah Khan Tura:

Xiongnu: 166,181,184, 278

269

Y

Walidi, Ahmad-Zaki: 65,95,160, 323 Walidi, Jamal al-Din: 218 Wanj: 647

Yaghnob: 138,557

waqfs: 17,22,157,187,190, 257, 265, 310, 326,

Yaghnobi language: 516,560

438,460,476

Yahballaha in: 174,176

waqf-namas: 2 2 , 1 5 7 , 2 6 5 , 4 5 6 , 4 9 2

yak husbandry: 143

Waqt: 190,437

Yakutia —> Sakha Republic

Warakhsha: 648

Yakuts: 75

warfare: 169,177,180,181,185

Yakutsk: 391

Warzab River: 67,557,560

Yalchigul, Taj al-Din: 43,438

watan: 299

Yale University: 70

water resources & water disputes: 101, 111,

Yamal Nenets uprising of 1934: 409

112,116,146,152,304, 333 Wazih: 551

Yamghuchi Biy (of Astrakhan): 201 Ya'qub b. Nu'man: 43 Ya'qub Beg: 153, 249,342,347, 600

644

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

THEMES & SUBJECTS Ya'qub Khan b. Shir 'Ali Khan (of Afghanistan): 304 Yarkand (City): 153, 349 Yarkand (Khanate): 333, 338,339,356 yarliqs —> chancery documents yasa: 156,163,426 Yasawiyya: 157,168,441,467,474,496,579, 736 Yash Turkistan: 323 yäshlär—> youth Yawan: 485 Yayik —> Ural River yaylaq: 115 Yazd: 157 Yazghulam &E Yazghulamis: 452,531,643 Yehuda b. Eleazar: 543 Yeltsin, Boris: 395,695,701,725 Yemen: 105 Yengisar: 349 Yenissei: 129 Yeti Su —> Semireche Yhyakh Festival: 391 Yo'ldoshev, Akrom: 464,725 Yom Kippur War: 161 Yomud dialect: 602 Yomud Turkmens: 631 yosun: 163 Young Bukharans: 296 youth: 218, 241,491,532,652,691 Yüan dynasty: 154 Yuan Shi: 86 Yulbars Khan: 341 Yuldash Bay Madrasa of Namangan: 582 Yulduz- 438 Yumgan: 551 Yunnan: 154,501,508 Yusef Maman Maghribi: 161 Yusuf al-Yakhsawi: 233 Yusuf Khass Hajib: 402,563 Yusupov family (of Kazan): 438

z Zabol: 304 Zafar-nama (by Hamd-Allah Mustawfi): 120 Zafar-nama (by Mulla Rajab "Pari" Hisari): 252 Zafar-nama-yi khusrawi: 266 Zafar-nama-yi wilayat-i Qazan: 201 Zahedan: 304 Zahir al-Din Mar'ashi: 229 Zainabitdinov, Saidjahon: 473 zakat: 438 Zamakhshar. 130 al-Zamakhshari: 610 Zangi Ata: 443,492,497 Zanskar: 60 Zarafshan River: 131, 363 Zarafshan Valley: 459,627,656 Zarcone, Thierry: 81,478 Zarwiyyat-i diniyya: 479 Zayn al-'Abidin: 258 zemstvos: 193 Zhambyl: 736 Zhang Zhong: 506 Zheng He: 501 Zhirinovskii, Vladimir: 695 Zhou Enlai: 351 Zhurnal dlia vsckh: 303 Zinov'ev: 19 Zionism: 161 Ziuganov, Gennadii: 695 Ziya, Muhammad-Sharif Sadr: 156,193, 282, 289, 311, 316,529,551 Ziya al-qulub: 341 ziyafat —> sociability ziyarat —> pilgrimage Zoroastrianism: 256, 280, 408,412,743 Zvezdavostoka: 464 Zviagel'skaia, I. D.: 463

Yüz: 132

Central Eurasian Reader 1 (2008)

645

Islamkundliche Untersuchungen Muslim Culture in Russia and Central Asia Vol.4 Die Islamgelehrten Daghestans und ihre arabischen Werke Ed. by Michael Kemper / Amri R. Sixsaidov IU 259 / 2004.468 pp. Paperback. ISBN 3-87997-315-6 Vol. 3 Arabic, Persian and Turkic Manuscripts (15th-l 9th Centuries) Ed. by Anke von Kügelgen / Asirbek Muminov / Michael Kemper IU 233 / 2000.571 p. Paperback. ISBN 3-87997-286-9 Vol.2 Inter-Regional and Inter-Ethnic Relations Ed. by Anke von Kügelgen / Michael Kemper / Allen J. Frank IU 216/1998.672 p. Paperback. ISBN 3-87997-269-9 Vol.1 From the 18th to the Early 20th Centuries Ed. by Michael Kemper, Anke von Kügelgen, Dmitriy Yermakov IU 200 /1996.430 p. Paperback. ISBN 3-87997-253-2 IU 258 Stephane A. Dudoignon

Devout Societies vs. Impious States? Transmitting Islamic Learning in Russia, Central Asia and China, through the Twentieth Century 2004.296 p. Paperback. ISBN 3-87997-314-8

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