Cecil B. DeMille and American Culture: The Silent Era 9780520914810, 0520914813

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Cecil B. DeMille and American Culture

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Cecil B. DeMille and American Culture The Silent Era

Sumiko Higashi

, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley Los Angeles London

This book is a print-on-demand volume. It is manufac-

tured using toner in place of ink. Type and images may , be less sharp than the same material seen in traditionally printed University of California Press editions.

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press

_ London, England Copyright © 1994 by The Regents of the University of California

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Higashi, Sumiko. Cecil B. DeMille and American culture : the silent era / Sumiko Higashi.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-520-08556-6. —- ISBN 0-520-08557-4 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. DeMille, Cecil B. (Cecil Blount), 1881~-1959—Criticism and

PN1998.3.D39H54 1994 | 791.43’0232’092—dc20 94-6580 interpretation. [. Title.

CIP

Printed in the United States of America

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984

To my parents whose voices were silenced

in an American concentration camp

and to Bob

for sharing the burden of my historical legacy

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CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS / 2x

Introduction / I 1. The Lasky Company and Highbrow Culture:

Authorship versus Intertextuality / 7 The Consumption of Culture: Highbrow versus Lowbrow / 7 Texts and Intertexts: A Question of Authorship / 10

| Geraldine Farrar: A Diva Comes to Hollywood / 20 Critical Discourses / 25 Film: The New Democratic Art / 29 2. Self-Theatricalization in Victorian Pictorial Dramaturgy:

What’s His Name / 34 Melodrama as a Middle-Class Sermon / 34 A Genteel Audience: Rewriting Domestic Melodrama / 41

Character versus Personality: What’s His Name / 49 3. The Lower East Side as Spectacle: Class and Ethnicity

in the Urban Landscape / 59 Representations of the City: Artificial or Romantic Realism / 59 Social Ills and Comic Relief? The Chimmie Fadden Series / 63 A Tour of the Lower Kast Side: Kindling / 71 Cinderella of the Slums: The Dream Girl / 8&4

4. The Screen as Display Window: Constructing the “New Woman” / 87 The “New Woman” as a Consumer / 87 Cinderella on the Lower East Side: The Golden Chance / 92 The “New Woman” versus the New Immigrant: The Cheat / 100

The Sentimental Heroine versus the “New Woman”:

The Heart of Nora Flynn / J12 5. The Historical Epic and Progressive Era Civic Pageantry:

Joan the Woman / I17 A Usable Past: Civic Pageants as Historical Representation / 117 Representations and the Body Politic: Joan the Woman / 123 Discourse on Femininity: Joan of Arc as a Symbol of Gender Conflict / 125 Critical Discourses: Gender and the Moral Lesson of History / 132

6. Set and Costume Design as Spectacle in a Consumer Culture:

The Early Jazz Age Films / 142 DeMille’s “Second Epoch” / 142 The Commodification of Marriage: Old Wives for New,

Don’t Change Your Husband, Why Change Your Wife? / 146 Discourse on the Old versus the New Morality:

The Demographics of Film Audiences / 159 Ambivalence as a Sign of Modernity: The Affairs of Anatol / 166 Advertising for Affluent Consumers: DeMille’s Texts as Intertexts / 175 7. DeMille’s Exodus from Famous Players-Lasky:

The Ten Commandments (1923) / 179 Antimodernism as Historical Representation: The King James Version

of the Bible as Spectacle / 179 The Cost of Spectacle: Film Production as Commodity Fetishism / 194 DeMille’s Legacy in a Postmodern Age:

The Ten Commandments (1956) as a Televisual Supertext / 201

FILMOGRAPHY / 205

NOTES / 209 INDEX / 253

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Max Figman in What's His Name (1914) / 12

2. David Belasco / 16 3. Cecil B. DeMille and his brother, William C. deMille / J18 4. Cecil B. DeMille with Adolph Zukor and Jeanie Macpherson / 20 5. Cecil B. DeMille and Famous Players-Lasky executives / 21 6. Geraldine Farrar in Carmen (1915) / 24 7. Geraldine Farrar and Wallace Reid in Carmen / 24 8. Cecil B. DeMille’s father, William C. DeMille / 36 9. Cecil B. DeMille’s mother, Matilda Beatrice Samuel DeMille / 37 10. Beatrice DeMille’s correspondence to Cecil B. DeMille / 39 11. Advertisement for What’s His Name / 50 12. Victor Moore in Chimmie Fadden Out West (1915) / 69 13. Victor Moore and Mrs. Lewis McCord in Chimmie Fadden Out West / 69

14. Advertisement for Kindling (1915) / 72

15. Kinding / 77 16. Margaret Illington in the stage version of Kindling (1911) / 79 17. Charlotte Walker in Kindling / 8&2 18. Florence Dagmar, Thomas Meighan, and Charlotte Walker in Kindling / 8&3 19. Cleo Ridgley and Wallace Reid in The Golden Chance (1915) / 97

20. Cleo Ridgley in The Golden Chance / 97 | 21. Famous Players-Lasky advertisement of The Cheat (1915) / 101 22. Fannie Ward and Sessue Hayakawa in The Cheat / 106

23, Cecil B. DeMille and Geraldine Farrar / 118 24. Geraldine Farrar in Joan the Woman (1916) / 130 25. Geraldine Farrar and Wallace Reid in Joan the Woman / 130 26. Geraldine Farrar and Theodore Roberts in Joan the Woman / 138 27. A trade journal advertisement for DeMille’s Jazz Age films / 143 28. Elliott Dexter and Wanda Hawley in Old Wives for New (1918) / 148 ax

x ILLUSTRATIONS 29. Gloria Swanson in Don’t Change Your Husband (1919) / 151 30. Thomas Meighan and Gloria Swanson in Why Change

Your Wife (1920) / 158 31. Gloria Swanson and Wallace Reid in The Affairs of Anatol (1921) / 170 32. Wallace Reid and Wanda Hawley in The Affairs of Anatol / 170 33. Julia Faye and Bebe Daniels in The Affairs of Anatol / 173 34. Gustave Doré’s illustration of Moses / IJ81 35. Charles de Roche in The Ten Commandments (1923) / 183 36. Theodore Roberts in The Ten Commandments / 186

37. Leatrice Joy in The Ten Commandments / 189 38. Rod La Rocque and Nita Naldi in The Ten Commandmenis / 189 39. Jesse L. Lasky’s correspondence to Cecil B. DeMille / 198

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

As a graduate student years ago, I traveled to George Eastman House and met James Card, the distinguished former curator who established one of the world’s great film archives by depositing most of his private collection in the museum. A memorable first screening of DeMille’s Old Wives for New, accompanied by a witty commentary, has since been repeated with different films in different venues, as Card has generously arranged screenings for me over the years. I shall always be indebted to him and to his dedicated colleague, the late George Pratt, for encouraging my interest in silent cinema. Since this book has been in production for many years, I have incurred several other debts as well. James V. D’Arc, who spent over a decade establishing the massive DeMille Archives at Brigham Young University, has been knowledgeable, gracious, and supportive. Ned Comstock at the University of Southern California sent many thoughtful communications that extended beyond the usual service accorded library patrons on research trips. At George Eastman House, Paolo Cherchi Usai (now at Cinémathéque Royale de Belgique), Jan-Christopher Horak, and Edward E. Stratmann in the film department, and Becky Simmons in the library graciously provided access to research materials. Howard H. Prouty at the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences, David Parker at the Library of Congress, and Holly Hankinson, my former student, at the UCLA Film and Television Archive, also provided valuable assistance. Closer to home, I am thankful to Robert Gilliam at interlibrary loan, not only for his bibliographical expertise but also

for his intellectual range. And James Dusen in photo services rescued me from misadventures with several cameras and developed innumerable prints.

As important as individuals who assisted me with my research were readers who helped me with my writing. Francis G. Couvares not only Xt

x21 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS provided the book’s title but also thoughtful suggestions and forceful injunctions to minimize language borrowed from critical theorists. For invaluable comments on drafts of various chapters in varying stages of completion, I wish to thank David Desser, Clayton R. Koppes, Janaki Bakhle, Robert Rosenstone, Arthur Nolletti, Jr., Ronald Gottesman, Nick Browne, Robert Lang, and Eugene C. McCreary. Also helpful were intelligent critiques written by a University of California Press reader and an editorial board member. Edward Dimendberg, my editor, deserves credit for being venturesome and taking on an interdisciplinary project to which he lent his intellect and support. As for institutional assistance, I profited from a sabbatical leave granted by the State University of New York College at Brockport. Additionally, a summer stipend and two travel grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities funded some of my research. I should acknowledge debts of a personal nature as well. A daughter of Japanese-American immigrants whose dreams turned into an arid landscape with barbed wire and armed sentries, I was not a likely candidate to write

this book. I am grateful to my sister, Kimiko Higashi, a brilliant psychotherapist, for helping me clarify the relationship between family dynamics and a historical legacy that has dictated either invisibility or incarceration. Lastly, Iam thankful to my husband and colleague, Robert J. Smith, who spared the time while writing his own book to help me in countless ways, from repairing hard drive crashes to editing drafts. Apart from his generosity of spirit, I have been sustained by his empathy and wit.

: Parts of this book have been presented as papers, and earlier drafts of chapters have been published as essays. A condensed version of chapter | was read at the Society for Cinema Studies conference at the University of Iowa in 1989 and published as ‘‘Cecil B. DeMille and the Lasky Company: Legitimating Feature Film as Art,”’ Film History 4 (1990). Chapter 2 appeared

as ‘‘Melodrama as a Middle-Class Sermon: What’s His Name,” in Paolo Cherchi Usai and Lorenzo Codelli, eds., The DeMille Legacy (Pordenone: Edizioni Biblioteca dell’Immagine, 1991), the catalogue for the DeMille retrospective at Le Giornate del Cinema Muto. A section of chapter 3 was delivered as a slide presentation at the Organization of American Historians in Anaheim in 1993 and at The Movies Begin: History/Film/Culture at Yale University in 1993. An abbreviated version of chapter 4 appeared as “‘Class, Ethnicity, and Gender in Film: DeMille’s The Cheat,”’ in Lester Friedman, ed., Unspeakable Images: Ethnicity and the American Cinema (Urbana: University

of Illinois Press, 1991).

Introduction If we ave looking for the relations between literature and society, we cannot either separate out this one practice from a formed body of other practices, nor when we have identified a particular practice can we give it a uniform, static and ahistorical relation to some abstract social formation. —RAYMOND WILLIAMS

In December 1913 Cecil B. DeMille abandoned a stage career that was his family legacy and boarded a train for California to assume a post as directorgeneral of a recently organized film studio, the Jesse L. Lasky Feature Play Company. A year later, his indomitable mother, Beatrice, who continued to manage his debt-ridden finances and to make useful contacts in New York, wrote: ‘‘Who should walk into the office this morning but Mary Rinehart. She has a fine idea about a combination of Movie and play... if you want it pipe up quick. She is pretty valuable these days the only writer [szc] except

London and Tarkington who can and does get $6000 for the serial rights alone of a short story.””’ A business opportunity for a noted theatrical agent who was also a devoted mother, this episode illustrates the strategy developed by the Lasky Company, subsequently Famous Players-Lasky, to resituate cinema for “‘better’’ audiences with adaptations of literary works. At the time the studio was founded, the motion picture industry was just beginning to showcase feature-length films in lavish downtown movie palaces to ac-

quire cultural legitimacy. Indeed, an argument repeated in trade journals representative of industry discourse called for upgrading production and exhibition practices to attract “‘high-class’’ as opposed to “‘low-class’’ patrons to film theaters. DeMille, who represented cultural capital as a member of a distinguished Broadway family, quickly won acclaim by producing feature film adaptations

of stage melodramas, novels, and short stories as intertexts familiar to middle-class readers. The director, in other words, inserted the photoplay into genteel culture by exploiting parallel discourses deemed highbrow in an era characterized by conspicuous racial, ethnic, and class distinctions. An adaptation of Carmen (1915), starring Metropolitan Opera diva Geraldine Farrar, for example, attracted a blue blood audience to its Boston premiere. I

2 INTRODUCTION Although emphasis on the intertextuality of feature film, legitimate theater, and grand opera at first precluded recognition of DeMille’s own claim to authorship, by the time the Lasky Company merged with Famous Players in 1916, he had established credentials in his own right. Critical discourse on film authorship in fact constituted a sign of the increasing recognition of motion pictures, at first compared to theatrical productions and paintings by famous artists, as a separate art form. Why was DeMille—today mostly remembered, if not dismissed, as the director of overblown biblical epics—an exemplar of genteel culture in the early twentieth century? What confluence of economic, social, and cultural forces enabled him to construct feature film as spectacle articulating middleclass ideology? Why was the legacy of Victorian pictorialism that characterized his signature as a filmmaker so influential in classic Hollywood cinema, and how is it still evident in today’s postmodern electronic age? And why did the director, having legitimated film with reference to intertexts in highbrow culture during the Progressive Era, become a fashion trendsetter who influenced consumer behavior in the 1920s? Answers to such questions require an interdisciplinary perspective based on close readings of film as texts—a practice eschewed in traditional historical works—in relation to studies of the genteel middle class by American cultural and social historians. Acknowledging the failure of the historical profession to develop a vocabulary to analyze visual media, Neil Harris nevertheless asks a pertinent question: ‘‘What use is the demonstration of changes in visual coding unless

some larger implications can be developed?’ I focus therefore on the relationship between texts as cultural commodities and the social world in which they circulated as a sign of gentility. A scrutiny of middle-class culture,

moreover, provides evidence of how the dynamics of social change influenced the construction of feature film, addressed first to cultivated readers and then across class and ethnic lines to a mass audience consisting increasingly of women. Perhaps most significant in the evolution of the middle class, increasingly differentiated between “‘old’”’ property owners and ‘“‘new”’ salaried profes-

sionals, was the privileging of sight in a cultural formation dominated by spectacle. An enthusiastic clergyman reacting to a DeMille epic stated rather succinctly that sight constituted ‘‘the most royal of all the faculties.’’ Genteel

response to a pluralistic urban milieu populated by threatening strangers thus stressed visual codes such as self-theatricalization in social rituals as a sign of good breeding, as Karen Halttunen argues.” Yet social entertainment

as well as the staging of private theatricals were hardly confined to the well-appointed interiors of the domestic or private sphere. Indeed, the spectacle of elaborate parlor games became interchangeable with displays mounted by department stores, museums, world’s fairs, and civic pageantry, as well as sets designed for stage and film melodrama. Antithetical to such

INTRODUCTION 3 an emphasis upon appearances, the mechanism of production in genteel culture was tucked behind living room drapery in fashionable homes and hidden from view in spectacular venues in the public sphere. The moral legacy of sentimentalism and evangelical Protestantism, so essential to the formation of an “‘old’’ middle class characterized by probity and selfrestraint, was thus diluted as home and marketplace became indistinguishable. Although the cinema was associated with storefront nickelodeons for the lower orders, the moving image became a crucial text in a consumer culture that was at first an expression of the social ambition of the respectable middle class. A filmmaker who capitalized on the congruence of cultural forms in genteel society, DeMille not only replicated the familiar sights of both the private and public spheres in his pictorial mise-en-scéne but was sO innovative that he left his own stamp on “‘the society of the spectacle.”’

DeMille quickly achieved product differentiation for Lasky Company films through dramatic low-key lighting effects marketed as “‘Lasky lighting”’

or ‘“‘Rembrandt lighting.’ Although he borrowed the Victorian trope of darkness and light from a rich tradition of pictorial realism, the director achieved international renown with inventive lighting in combination with color tinting in The Cheat (1915), an early feature starring stage actors Fannie Ward and Sessue Hayakawa. Critics acclaimed his feature films as artistically

superior productions that equalled or surpassed legitimate stagecraft. Yet, to the extent that film language was articulated with respect to established forms of genteel culture, stylistic or technical advances became part of status quo discourse. The evolution of feature film in relation to existing cultural practice thus meant the articulation of middle-class ideology in an era that stressed Americanization as a response to cultural diversity. An essential aspect of representations that commodified the urban “‘Other’’ as spectacle for voyeuristic consumers, for example, were Orientalist fantasies. A Western discourse that projected a taste for sybaritic luxury and depraved sexuality onto new immigrants perceived as threats to the existing body politic, Orientalism pervaded DeMille’s texts.* Such was especially the case in the Jazz Age films that rationalized consumption in the sacrosanct terms of cultural refinement, on the one hand, and bizarre Orientalist behavior, on the other. Contrary to the earlier films of the Progressive Era, however, DeMille challenged middle-class mores by setting consumer trends in fashion and home furnishing during the 1920s. As a matter of fact, his spectacles provided the advertising industry with valuable intertexts to promote con-

sumption, albeit in mise-en-scéne increasingly noted for outré set and costume design rather than innovative lighting. At the center of the director’s famous sex comedies and melodramas was the transformation of the sentimental heroine into a sexual playmate in a childless marriage. A symbol of the consumer culture, the ‘““new woman”’ was no longer a thrift-conscious and resourceful housewife but a fashion

4 INTRODUCTION plate who embodied market forces invading the privatized domestic sphere. Abstraction or reification of social relations that earlier characterized performance rituals as a coded sign of gentility in well-appointed parlors now permeated the boudoir or back region of respectable homes. DeMille’s Jazz Age films thus represented matrimony as a game of musical chairs with spouses as interchangeable parts, a scenario that exemplified the dominance of exchange value in commodity production. According to Georg Lukacs, who articulated the notion of reification as a dominant force in bourgeois existence, “the essence of commodity-structure has often been pointed out. Its basis is that a relation between people takes on the character of a thing [my italics].’’ Furthermore, the production of oversized spectacle itself

constituted a form of consumption uniting filmmaker and spectator alike in commodity fetishism, that is, the displacement of desire from human relations onto material objects. Assessing ‘‘the society of the spectacle,’’ Guy Debord argues that “‘the tangible world is replaced by a selection of images which exist above it, and which simultaneously impose themselves as the tangible.’’? As DeMille demonstrated in the Biblical Prologue of The Ten Commandments (1923), even religious or spiritual uplift was subject to commodification. At the end of his tenure as director-general of Famous PlayersLasky in 1925, his texts had become a primer not only on the reification of social relations in a consumer culture but on the religious spirit itself as a consumable image inspiring awestruck audiences.

Any study of DeMille’s silent film career must take into account an embarrassment of riches with respect to source materials accruing from singular efforts to create an industry persona. Convinced, but scarcely assured, of his stature in motion picture history, the director built a vault on his hilltop estate to house the nitrate prints that constituted his filmog- _ raphy. With respect to the silent era, a total of twenty-four out of seventy films

were produced in the brief period of time before the Lasky Company merged with Famous Players in 1916. When DeMille left Famous PlayersLasky in 1925 after protracted disagreement over his escalating production budgets, he had made all but four of the fifty-two films that comprised his

silent productions. Aside from prints of most of his films, the director amassed a vast collection of documents, including correspondence, contracts, financial statements, interview transcripts, scrapbooks, scripts, production and still photos, preproduction artwork, memorabilia, movie trailers, and radio broadcast recordings. An invaluable resource, much of this

material has been bequeathed to research institutions, notably Brigham Young University, although correspondence dating back to the earliest years was lost for decades and has only recently been recovered.° Unfortunately, the director’s personal possessions and collections of objets d’art, which comprised valuable sources for material culture studies, were auctioned by Christie’s in 1988.’

| INTRODUCTION P) In sum, DeMille left enormous traces of his authorship long before Francois Truffaut and Andrew Sarris made the term auteur fashionable in cinema studies. Precisely because I am interested in the relationship between early feature film and genteel middle-class culture, | chose not to employ auteurist reformulations such as recent Foucauldian concepts of an author-function, in which the director is displaced by textual processes as these construct an implied narrator. The filmmaker has been disembodied, as David Bordwell argues, as components of a signature style, and thus reappears in many studies as the text’s mise-en-scéne or editing. As a cultural

historian who acknowledges the value of critical theory, I nevertheless subscribe to a belief in human agency, however restricted, and do not construe the relationship between a film director and a specific historical context as a theoretical abstraction; thus I write about DeMille not only as a figure who was shaped and influenced by the forces of his era but as a filmmaker who left his own signature on the culture industry.* Since DeMille was such a prolific filmmaker in the silent period, the selection of specific texts for close readings proved to be a challenging task.

I concentrate more on the lesser known but acclaimed features of the

Progressive Era because these are more informative about the ways in which cinema was legitimated as art, more varied in terms of genre formulations, more daring in the development of film technique such as lighting effects and color processes, and more revealing as representations of a middle-class

culture in transition. Discussion of the better-known sex comedies and melodramas of the Jazz Age has been restricted to a single, lengthy chapter. Absent are analyses of films like The Girl of the Golden West (1915), which circulated in the exemplary Before Hollywood archival film series, and Male and Female (1919), famous for its bathroom sequence, as well as lesser-known efforts such as Till I Come Back to You (1918) and Triumph (1924), justifiably

excluded at the DeMille retrospective at Le Giornate del Cinema Muto.” Although it would surely be useful to expand the intertextual approach of this study by comparing DeMille’s texts with those of other directors, notably D. W. Griffith, or analyzing Carmen in relation to movements such as Film d’Art, or scrutinizing Lasky Company and Famous Players-Lasky features with those of other producers, I have chosen instead to ask different questions. ““The concept of inter-textuality,’’ as Tony Bennett and Janet Woollacott argue, need not refer to “‘the system of references to other texts which can be discerned within the composition of a specific individual text [but may refer] to the social organisation of the relations between texts within specific conditions of reading.’’'® I concentrate therefore on the relationship between DeMille’s feature films and traditional forms of genteel culture during a significant moment of transition not only in the film industry but also in American history.'' Assessing a lack that characterizes the three volumes in the prizewinning History of the Amencan Cinema—and

6 INTRODUCTION in my view, film history in general—Dana Polan states in an otherwise laudable review that texts are unrelated to context as American society recedes into the background.'* Unlike film historians who analyze the - evolution of film langauge and/or production, distribution, and exhibition practices, I focus on DeMille’s texts as these relate to class, ethnic, and gender hierarchies signifying the exercise of power in the “‘real’’ world. A film history that takes into account the dynamics of social change outside the studio gate, this study explores the issue of intertextuality from a perspective that emphasizes the congruence of feature film with established

cultural forms as a sign of gentility. Such an approach best clarifies the director’s significance both as an auteur who legitimated cinema and as an architect of modern consumption. Straddling the late Victorian era and a consumer culture that shifted into high gear in the 1920s, DeMille personified a transformation in genteel middle-class culture whose trajectory he first mapped and then influenced as a major filmmaker.

ONE

The Lasky Company and Highbrow Culture: Authorship versus Intertextuality

THE CONSUMPTION OF CULTURE: HIGHBROW VERSUS LOWBROW When Cecil B. DeMille decided to abandon an unspectacular stage career for filmmaking in 1913, he was undeterred by the low repute of one-reelers associated with workers and immigrants in storefront nickelodeons. Such a rash move, however, prompted his older brother, William, a celebrated playwright, to react: ““You do come of a cultivated family... . I cannot understand how you are willing to identify yourself with a cheap form of amusement... which no one will ever allude to as art. Surely you know the

contempt with which the movie is regarded by every writer, actor and producer on Broadway.” William’s condescending attitude toward motion pictures was not unrehearsed. Previously, he had corresponded in a similar vein with Broadway producer David Belasco when Mary Pickford, who had appeared in one of his father’s well-known plays, abandoned the stage. The playwright was so contemptuous of films that not even curiosity could induce him to enter a nickelodeon to see one-reel adaptations of his own works.’ Cecil had the last word, however. A year after the formation of the Jesse L. Lasky Feature Play Company, William himself succumbed to the lure of motion pictures as a new democratic mode of expression. What led to this dramatic reversal of convictions regarding the nature of cinema? What role did Cecil play in persuading not only his playwright brother but respectable middle-class consumers that film was indeed an art form? To put it another way, what intertextual relationship existed during the Progressive Era between the legitimate stage and early feature film as a photoplay? Adolph Zukor, president of the Famous Players Film Company, commented on successful stage productions as a standard for filmmakers when

7

& THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE he affirmed in a trade journal: ““The moving picture man must try to do as artistic, as high-class, and as notable things in his line of entertainment as

such men as... Charles and Daniel Frohman were doing in high-class | Broadway theatres.’’* A chapter in film history that has yet to be thoroughly investigated, the legitimate theater rather than vaudeville served as a model

for the production of feature film exhibited in movie palaces. A mode of representation intended to legitimate cinema for “‘better’’ audiences, multireel film adaptations of stage plays constituted a significant industry development that requires a study of the intertextuality of cultural forms in the genteel tradition. Although motion pictures were most likely patronized by the lower- as opposed to the upper-half of an expanding middle class before World War I, filmmakers like DeMille developed representational strategies for sophisticated audiences conversant with highbrow culture.’ Pivotal to

the success of the Lasky Company was exploitation of the well-known DeMille family name, for it had been associated with the celebrated stage productions of impresario David Belasco. Indeed, DeMille’s contract stip-

ulated that he would obtain the motion picture rights to the “‘plays and scenarios ... controlled by the ... DeMille Agency [his mother’s company] and the .. . DeMille Estate.’’** Consequently, the director’s arrival on the West Coast was part of a wholesale importation of Broadway producers, actors, playwrights, art directors, and music composers to legitimate cinema as art. The production of feature film adaptations was thus based on the

name recognition of established writers and stage artists as signifiers of cultural legitimacy. Such an emphasis upon intertextual modes of address,

however, rendered the question of early film authorship problematic, a dilemma that was resolved once cinema achieved recognition as an art form in its own right. Understanding DeMille’s contribution to the legitimation of cinema and of film authorship first requires a consideration of American cultural prac-

tice in relation to class dynamics during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Concepts of cultural hierarchy that pervade our thinking today, as Lawrence W. Levine argues, did not always exist. For the first half of the nineteenth century, a fairly homogeneous American audience

enjoyed such art forms as Shakespearean theater and Italian opera as ‘simultaneously popular and elite.’’ Shakespeare was thus not infrequently

“presented as part of the same milieu inhabited by magicians, dancers, singers, acrobats, minstrels, and comics.’”” Similarly, museums displayed ‘Indian arrows, mammal bones, [and] two-headed pigs alongside casts of Greek sculpture and paintings by Gilbert Stuart and Thomas Sully.’’° Such cultural juxtapositions, seemingly incongruous today but for the interven-

tion of postmodernism, were emblematic of a social formation that had receded into the past before the Victorian era drew to a close. During the latter part of the nineteenth century, American culture was subject to a process of sacralization accelerated by an increasingly professionalized cul-

THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE 9 ture industry and by the impulse of the genteel classes to distance themselves

from urban workers and immigrants. Although the differentiation of cultural consumption according to class was an urban. phenomenon that also occurred in Europe, the legacy of evangelical Protestantism and a more secularized Unitarianism predisposed the American patrician elite to recast culture in moral and didactic terms. Furthermore, the influence of Matthew Arnold, who emphasized a perpetual striving for self-improvement in pursuit of human perfection, was not only considerable but had strong religious

overtones. Arnold’s concept of culture as a force that could transcend individual and group differences was severely tested, however, as the urban scene became increasingly pluralistic. American intellectuals, already con-

cerned about the debasement of cultural forms by the middle class, were undoubtedly alarmed by the practices of the lower orders. As the consumption of culture became an expression of class and ethnic hierarchies, the genteel classes not only attempted to reform the recreation of the lower classes but also mapped out a cordon sanitaire for their own forms of conspicuous leisure. Consequently, performances of Shakespeare, opera, and symphonic music for the edification of the elite were elevated above popular entertainment. A sign of the increasing fragmentation of cultural production, the term “‘legitimate’’ denoted stage plays enshrined in the pantheon of art as opposed to cheaper amusement such as vaudeville, burlesque, and the circus. Pursuit of recreation and leisure became part of social practices that reinforced class and ethnic lines as the mid-nineteenth-century model

of a harmonious civic culture receded into the past.’ The differentiation of American culture into highbrow and lowbrow— originally phrenological terms based on cranial shapes to equate racial types

with intelligence—occurred at a time of demographic change associated with rapid industrial and urban growth. Unprecedented immigration from southern and eastern Europe, which crested in 1907, resulted in a more heterogeneous population in bustling American cities. The arrival of large numbers of seemingly unassimilable immigrants, especially Italians and Jews, and labor unrest culminating in the Haymarket riot and the Homestead and Pullman strikes were interrelated developments that sparked a revival of nativism. Characteristically, the response of the Anglo-Saxon elite to the centrifugal forces of a market society resulting in fragmentation was

to impose cultural and moral order. As arbiters of good taste, they established the canon of legitimate theater, music, and art; validated modes of representation; and dictated audience reception that was respectful. Cultural refinement thus became part of a distinctive style of living in which ritualistic attendance at theaters, concert halls, and museums represented a sign of gentility vis-A-vis urban workers and immigrants.”

Since the genteel middle class defined its social identity in terms of its cultural practice, film entrepreneurs intent on escaping the lowerclass stigma of storefront nickelodeons were determined to upgrade both

10 THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE

production and exhibition. Significantly, their effort to uplift motion pictures coincided with that of the custodians of culture who were motivated by a sense of Progressive reform and moral rectitude. Although historians disagree about the nature of the relationship between these two factions, the attraction of cinema as entertainment for workers and immigrants influenced reformers to establish mechanisms of censorship and to regulate exhibition practices restricting the industry.” Ultimately, film magnates, pursuing respectability as well as profit, and Progressive reformers, intent

on mediating film spectatorship to educate the urban masses, were at cross-purposes. Whereas the self-appointed elite struggled against the erosion of their authority through a process of sacralization to reinforce the status quo, profit-driven film entrepreneurs developed economic practices, such as vertical integration of the industry, that resulted in an increasing homogenization of cultural production if not reception. As filmmakers like DeMille exploited the genteel tradition to legitimate cinema, cultural forms

became more interdependent and less amenable to concepts validating hierarchies of aesthetic modes. Within this context, the accelerating growth of the leisure industry meant that class and ethnic divisions reinforced by cultural consumption became less distinctive with each succeeding decade. What emerged, therefore, was a significantly different basis for a homogeneous population than had existed in mid-nineteenth-century civic culture. As opposed to a sense of community based upon shared commitment and moral values, twentieth-century popular culture represented the homogeneity of democratized access to commercialized amusement—especially as a form of visual appropriation—if not to actual consumer goods like tableware and furniture signifying upward social mobility.'®

TEXTS AND INTERTEXTS: A QUESTION OF AUTHORSHIP The Jesse L. Lasky Feature Play Company, cofounded by former vaudeville producer Lasky, his brother-in-law and glove salesman Samuel Goldfish

(later Goldwyn), attorney Arthur S. Friend, and DeMille, was quick to announce its strategy to upgrade cinema for respectable middle-class audiences. As Motion Picture News reported in December 1913, the production company would film adaptations of ‘‘familiar novels and plays for presen-

tation on the screen.”'! Although the company was named after Lasky because he was the best-known of the four cofounders, DeMille’s theatrical

legacy represented cultural capital that could immediately be exploited. Adolph Zukor, who merged his Famous Players Film Company with the Lasky Company in 1916, recalled that the DeMilles were ‘‘so closely associated with the stage that he was surprised Cecil... was becoming associated with the screen.’’'* A Photoplay writer anticipated Zukor’s reaction in 1915: ‘For more than a generation the name of DeMille has been closely linked

THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE 1] with that of Belasco, both synonymous with high altitudes of dramatic art. Consequently when the first DeMille turned to the screen there was marked the beginning of a new epoch in film annals.’’!” A beneficiary of the cultural legacy established by his father and brother as well-known playwrights, DeMille quickly attempted to validate his authorship in a related new medium. Problems that he encountered resulted from the questionable status

of motion pictures compared then to more traditional forms of genteel culture. Although the director was able to establish the validity of his signature within a relatively short period of time, narrative and marketing strategies that exploited stage and literary works proved at first to be a mixed blessing. '*

Consider, for example, DeMille’s first three releases, The Squaw Man (1914), The Virginian (1914), and The Call of the North (1914). All were adaptations of stage Westerns that, in the last two instances, were in turn adapted from novels written by Owen Wister and Stewart Edward White, respectively. A fourth feature, What’s His Name (1914), was a domestic melodrama based on a minor work by George Barr McCutcheon, a bestselling author whose earlier fiction had been successfully adapted as stage plays and feature films. Significantly, the credits of all four features attribute authorship to well-known writers, whereas DeMille is only acknowledged as having “‘picturized”’ the screen version. Not until his fifth feature, The Man from Home (1914), an adaptation of a Booth Tarkington and Harry L. Wilson play about American innocents abroad, did DeMille begin to identify himself in the credits as a producer equivalent to the Belascos of the stage. But

his claim to authorship remained tenuous until the industry ceased to foreground writers, signifying cultural legitimacy, and represented cinema as the artistic expression of the director. Credit sequences of early Lasky Company features illustrate the extent to which novelists and stage actors rather than directors were privileged as film authors. An intertitle in The Call of the North, for example, reads “‘Mr. DeMille Presents the Cast to Stewart Edward White,’’ author of The Conjuror’s House,

a novel previously adapted for the stage by George Broadhurst. DeMille is seated on the extreme left, at times practically out of the frame, whereas White, seated prominently in the center, meets the costumed actors who

represent the characters he invented in his novel. Robert Edeson, the Broadway actor starring in the dual role of Canadian frontiersmen, pere et fils, is introduced last, turns to his left, and shakes the hand of his creator. In What's His Name, trumpeted as an adaptation of *“The Celebrated Novel by George Barr McCutcheon,”’ Lolita Robertson and Max Figman emerge on screen as poster board characters who come to life. Figman, interestingly, bows to the audience as if he were acknowledging applause on stage. Dustin Farnum, hero of the stage version of The Virginian, claimed that he was criticized for prostituting himself in the film adaptation of The Squaw Man,

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1. Broadway actor Max Figman bows to the audience as if he were taking a curtain

call intthe of What’s His Name, an ad ion Oby Vv George t scredits His Nan aptation of the novel ?

*

Barr

McCutcheon (1914). (Photo courtesy George Eastman House)

b f theatrical including I

dios. e * °. . eI

ut a succession of theatrical stars, including Ina Claire, Marie Doro, Fannie

Ward, CharlottealKker, Walker, Theodore Roberts, Meigh an d Elli ara, Unariotte eodore Roberts, OomasTh Meignan, 10{C

D dappeare in DeMille’ f danbe f part theof the Lask exter In VeMille S ear ly y eatures ecame Las Y tudio’s equivalent of a stock Si h

idered , h de j ] larl blicized th f theatrical ho si

stualo $ equivaient OF a StOC company. ince tne appearance O roadway actors on screen was considered a notewort y event, tra e€ journals regulary publicized the recruitment of theatrical stars who signed contracts with film

.°6le«e#e

studios. In March 1914 Photoplay claimed that more actors were abandoning

the stage to appear in motion pictures on a permanent basis, a sign of the

. 15

Il lici ill O Apfel 1c Mirr

growing financial profitability as well as increasing cultural legitimacy of the cinema.

des of add li by th l ] hind

The authorship of early film adaptations constructed as intertextual

modes of address is an issue complicated by the role of talent behind the camera as well as publicity accorded writers and stage stars. When DeMille boarded a train to film The Squaw Man on the West Coast, he had never e

before directed tion pict d th ied by fil k

scar Apfel. Calling attention to this event, the New York Dramatic Mirror

headlined, C Leaving forfor Pacific eadgimead,“‘O scar Apfel “AspreltotoDirect Irec ompany Leaving FacincCoast OaS

THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE 13 Soon,’’ and described the director in a follow-up article as “‘well-known in film circles.’’ Previously, Apfel had enjoyed a successful theatrical career as

stage manager and director of several stock companies and worked with Belasco’s assistant director, Will Dean. After leaving the theater, Apfel had

also written and directed scores of motion pictures for the Edison Manufacturing Company, the Mutual Film Company, and Pathé Freres Film Company. According to Robert Grau’s characterization of the struggle of independent film producers against the Motion Picture Patents Company, which was declared in restraint of trade in 1917, Apfel’s Reliance productions for Mutual “contributed more to the ‘Independent’ cause than any single factor one may name.’’!® The Lasky Company had thus recruited a considerable talent for its first filmmaking venture, but DeMille fortunately proved to be a quick study. A consideration of The Sguaw Man illustrates some of the basic filmmak-

ing techniques that DeMille learned from Apfel, credited as codirector. Adapted from Edwin Milton Royle’s stage play (1905) and starring Dustin Farnum, the film was a melodrama in the tradition of dime novels about the Wild West and foregrounded issues regarding class, ethnicity, and gender. Apfel and DeMille adroitly used parallel editing’’ to narrate the adventures

of Captain James Wynnegate (Farnum), British aristocrat turned cow-

puncher, who settles on the frontier after assuming blame for a crime | committed by the husband of the woman he secretly loves. As evident in The Squaw Man, Apfel’s filmmaking style was technically advanced and distin-

guished by composition for depth, a high ratio of medium shots, camera movement for reframing, parallel editing, eye-level shots with occasional use

of high angle and even reverse angle shots, superimpositions and splitscreen effects to show a protagonist recalling past events, and intertitles as exposition and dialogue, all characteristic of DeMille’s early features. Significantly, the use of low-key lighting effects in night scenes with a fireplace or a match as naturalistic light sources are not as dramatic as in later DeMille films that would benefit from the expertise of Belasco’s former set designer, Wilfred Buckland. Yet such lighting is used in two scenes to convey intimacy in Jim’s tabooed relationship with an Indian chief's daughter, Nat-u-ritch (Red Wing), and thus prefigures the way in which DeMille typically constructed mise-en-scéne to express moral dilemmas. Indeed, the director’s striking use of “‘contrasty’’ lighting in a succession of feature films not only achieved product differentiation for the Lasky Company but also contributed to recognition of his own claim to authorship. The reaction of enthusiastic film critics, who recognized Apfel’s work when The Squaw Manwas premiered in New York, must have been instructive

for DeMille as he sought to establish himself as an author in his own right. Aside from this first acclaimed Lasky Company film, the director’s collaborations with Apfel were never listed as titles in his filmography. Apfel

14 THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE continued to direct features as one of the studio’s stable of filmmakers but was soon eclipsed in reputation by his apprentice. Probably, DeMille, who was extremely competitive with his brother William, was not predisposed to

advance the career of yet another rival. At the beginning of its history, however, the Lasky Company profited from Apfel’s mastery to establish a reputation for quality film with its very first release. A Moving Picture World critic who admired The Squaw Man claimed, ‘‘I have not seen Oscar Apfel’s name made prominent in connection with this winner, but I recognize his handiwork without difficulty.’’ The New York Dramatic Mirror tactfully stated,

‘As director-general, we presume the first credit for a skillfully directed drama belongs to Cecil B. DeMille, but this need not detract from the honor due Oscar C. Apfel, who, we understand, bore the brunt of the actual work.”

Indeed, a photograph taken on December 29, 1913, the day shooting commenced on the film, shows Apfel in command as director while DeMille is standing unobtrusively with cast and crew. One account of the production

attributes camera angles and editing to Apfel and acting direction to DeMille.'® Such a division of labor is feasible given noticeable contrasts between The Squaw Man, a collaborative work, and The Virginian, DeMille’s

third release, second feature, and first solo effort. An adaptation of Owen Wister’s acclaimed best-seller about a Westerner (Dustin Farnum) who delays his marriage to an Eastern school teacher (Winifred Kingston) for a shootout, The Virginian is the most technically flawed of the director’s early features. DeMille violates screen direction in editing several scenes, represents contiguous space in separate shots that are awkward with respect to scale and direction, makes erratic use of fades, and has a lower ratio of medium shots for intimate scenes such as one in which the Virginian bids farewell to a friend about to be hanged for cattle rustling. DeMille’s later features, especially Carmen (1915), were reedited as reissues, but such was apparently not the case for this Western. Yet The Virginian does feature dramatic low-key lighting effects, as in nighttime campfire scenes repeated in The Warrens of Virginia (1915)—a Civil War saga based on William deMille’s play—which are absent in The Squaw Man and most likely attributable to the genius of Belasco’s set designer, Wilfred Buckland.

Although DeMille boasted, “‘I brought the whole Belasco crew out here . . . the men who had made the Belasco productions great,’’ he attributed Buckland’s recruitment as art director to the persuasive powers of his mother, Beatrice DeMille.'? She was able to capitalize on professional

ties dating back several decades because Buckland had acted in her husband’s play, The Main Line (1886), and taught makeup at the American Academy of Dramatic Arts, where he counted Cecil and William among his pupils and had himself studied under Belasco.*? Acclaiming him as a ‘“‘decorative artist and an electrical expert in stage lighting,’ Moving Picture World announced his move to Los Angeles in May 1914 in a piece titled “Getting

THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE 15 Belasco Atmosphere.’’*' Because Buckland’s arrival at the West Coast studio

coincided with the use of low-key lighting in campfire scenes in The Virginian, DeMille’s attempt to establish his authorship was still problematic. But “‘Lasky lighting,’’ also labeled ‘‘Rembrandt lighting,’’ became the most | distinctive if not dramatic aspect of the director’s visual style before the First World War. Although Buckland served as art director until 1920 when set and costume design became decidedly more outré, DeMille in all likelihood proved himself to be once again a quick study. Scripts of the early feature films include details about the use of lighting effects, occasionally in the director’s own handwriting. As he later recalled, cameramen were rated at

_ the time according to ‘‘how clearly you could see under the table . . . how : clearly you could see the back corner of the room—both corners...” Undeniably, the filmmaker’s rapid progression from flat, uniform lighting that flooded the entire set, to modeled lighting with highlight and shadows that could be attributed to naturalistic sources, to dramatic low-key lighting that was combined with color tinting were technical advances reinforcing his claim to authorship.” DeMille never ceased to acknowledge Buckland’s contribution, however. Studio correspondence attests that he was personally involved in the art director’s salary negotiations in the midst of the Famous Players-Lasky merger.” At the end of his decades-long career, he still observed: ‘‘Buckland is a man who has not been given credit that he deserves. . . . Belasco’s productions were something nobody in the world could equal, and that was because of Buckland.’’** At the time that Buckland abandoned the legitimate theater, the Lasky Company was still exploiting audience perception of stage and screen as intertexts by negotiating for the rights to Belasco’s plays. Moving Picture World touted an industry coup by announcing “‘the greatest tour de force

of the season’: “Lasky Gets Belasco Plays.’’ According to Goldwyn, DeMille’s family connections with Belasco were useful in outbidding Adolph

Zukor’s Famous Players in negotiations with the Broadway producer.”° Given Belasco’s stature, the significance of the Lasky Company acquiring the

rights to his plays cannot be minimized. Belasco pontificated on the occasion: ‘“The main feature of my agreement with Mr. Lasky and his company is their promise to put my plays on film in a manner befitting their success and reputation.’’ Apparently reversing an earlier opinion regarding the cultural legitimacy of cinema, the producer shrewdly realized that motion picture rights would provide lucrative income after a stage play had completed its engagement and exhausted its stock company value. The transaction was worth one hundred thousand dollars.*° For its part, the Lasky Company proved adept in exploiting the coup to attract middle-class patrons of the legitimate theater to its films. Ads in trade journals emphasized

the intertextuality of stage and film productions in order to influence exhibiting practices and thereby audience reception. For example, an ad for

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THE LASKY COMPANY AND HIGHBROW CULTURE 19 respect to film authorship, however, William quickly surmised, as did Lasky,

that the role of the director was pivotal despite movie ads trumpeting Broadway names. Several months prior to the Lasky Company’s merger with

Famous Players, he stated, ‘‘really good directors in this game are worth almost any amount,” and renounced writing in favor of directing. Although Lasky wrote to Goldwyn, “I have been concentrating on. . . directors and scenario writers,’ he also concluded, “‘the fate of a picture is so much in the hands of the director, even though the scenario department turns out first-rate scenarios.’’”°°

A bold move to consolidate feature film production for middle-class audiences, the merger—contemplated in 1915 but negotiated a year later—

strained an understaffed scenario department but demonstrated the astuteness of focusing on screenplays to upgrade films. When DeMille wired that his scriptwriting methods were being undone in the midst of reorganization, Lasky, now headquartered in New York, countered that he was overwhelmed because Famous Players lacked not only a scenario department and a backlog of scripts but positive reviews of recent releases. By

contrast, the Lasky Company had been in a strong position to negotiate favorable terms for the merger. According to Lasky, “I always claimed we

made better, if fewer, pictures than Famous Players in the early days.”’ Indeed, DeMille had boastfully written to Goldwyn during his first year on the West Coast, ‘‘I can make Zukor productions for you in three weeks; in fact I will guarantee to turn you out a half a dozen ‘Eagle’s Mates’ [a Famous Players film] weekly.’’*’ Under pressure to consolidate and streamline the newly formed corporation, Lasky, who assumed the role of vice-president

under Zukor, named Hector Turnbull as head of a scenario department relocated in New York. Although the executive remained committed to producing high-quality films, he was impressed with Famous Players’ cost-

cutting practices, if not its organization, and quipped to DeMille, ‘‘my slogan is ‘Dividends first and art second.’ Or rather a blend of the two.’’”* As the Lasky Company and Famous Players demonstrated even before their well-publicized merger, the cultural legitimacy of feature films meant increased profit. And as the cinema became increasingly recognized as an art form in its own right, DeMille began to assert his claim to film authorship.

On this subject, Lasky sided with his director-general and explained to Goldwyn a year prior to the merger: Cecil showed me a copy of a letter he had written to you on publicity for himself. It seems that this has been in his mind for some months. . . . Cecil has proved his value to the firm in many ways and... there can be no question of his loyalty to us. That being the case, I think it a very good business move for us to build up his name as we are trying to build up Blanche Sweet’s name. You know the public go to see a Griffith production, not because it may have a star in the cast, but because Griffith’s name on it stands for so much. It seems to me that the time has come for us to do the same with Cecil’s name. If we

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See Bes Sa OLE ne ; nden ddressed to DeMille by , 10. Corres nediesean ral of the Lasky Company.

director-gene t nage his finances his after heoo became dir to, became manage

DeMille by his mother, Beatrice, w

rtesy Brigham Young University

40 SELF-THEATRICALIZATION society cannot be underestimated. Particularly relevant were theatrical modes of self-representation in polite forms of social intercourse and in elaborate parlor games that anticipated the reemergence of the elite in fashionable theaters. The publication of numerous etiquette manuals implied that an entrée into society was possible, but rituals such as the “ordeal

by fork’’ at dinner parties required elegant comportment and dress, thus winnowing the field. As families with disposable income began to spend increasingly on comfort and refinement, social practices like ceremonial callings in genteel parlors became preludes to concourse in ostentatious public settings such as theaters, department stores, and museums."' A sign of private and public spheres intersecting in the art of self-theatricalization,

middle-class women learned how to gesture and pose according to the Delsarte system of acting. A notable foreign import, this French schematic expression of human behavior was introduced in the 1870s by Broadway producer Steele MacKaye at the Lyceum Academy, subsequently renamed the American Academy of Dramatic Arts by Henry C. DeMille.'? Anticipating the revival of theater attendance among the upper middle class, dramaturgical modes of self-representation and social interaction flourished in the form of mid-nineteenth-century parlor games and theatricals. As Karen Halttunen has documented, upper-middle-class society engaged in performances of charades, proverbs, burlesques, farces, tableaux vivants, and shadow pantomimes that were quite elaborate in the use of costumes, sets, lighting, sound, and special effects. What accounts for this fascination with artifice in an industrial and urban setting? Why was playacting so integral to middle-class culture, especially in an era of increased consumption? According to Halttunen, the urban environment represented a “‘world of strangers’’ that endangered social relations and thus required adherence to a semiotics of performance rituals ensuring gentility. Social intercourse in this guise resembled a charade, however, in which actors engaging in self-theatricalization signified the decline of character based on moral virtue and the rise of personality associated with consumption. Consequently, the private theatrical represented a play-within-a-play because the

parlor had become a stage for observances in which proper attire and decorum were but aspects of a performance. Yet these communicative acts, as Erving Goffman argues, were nevertheless morally implicated because they raised questions about the nature of “‘claims’’ and “‘promises’’ being transmitted.'* The social transactions of a consumer culture thus resulted in ethical dilemmas such as those involved in performance rituals that the genteel classes by no means succeeded in resolving. Undeniably, upper-middle-class society was being transformed in drawing room pursuits that placed a premium on self-commodification, a problematic basis for a personal sense of identity as well as for social interaction. Genteel women thus presided over rituals that eroded a legacy of evangelical

SELF-THEATRICALIZATION 41 Protestantism expressed as moral empowerment in sentimental discourse.

But if cultivated women stepped off their pedestals, they succeeded in dictating the terms of access to respectable society and thereby extended their influence into the public sphere. All the world became a stage as the middle class began to engage in ritualistic theatergoing after having earlier abandoned the scene to the boisterous lower orders in the gallery. While congregating in lavish foyers or enjoying a performance on stage, formally attired audiences engaged in a form of playacting scripted according to social conventions. Across the country, a building craze responded to middle-class demand for grandiose theaters as a setting for self-display and social intercourse. The Providence Opera House, for example, was built in record time with a budget exceeding expenditure on all the city’s previous theaters

combined. Unveiled in 1871, the magnificent new structure showcased a melodrama titled Fashion, or Life in New York because “‘it gave the ladies an

opportunity to show some handsome dresses.’’ Similarly, Pittsburgh’s aspiring middle class demanded a ‘‘New York’’ theater without galleries that seated the lower classes to accommodate syndicated shows in the 1890s."4 The construction of ornate theaters of ‘Moorish and rococo designs’’ not only represented a shift in patterns of genteel middle-class consumption but signified a decline in the Victorian practice of separate spheres for the sexes.

As a social agency, the theater became the site of transition between the privatized home and the marketplace as these two institutions began to converge. An important aspect of this transformation in theatergoing, previously dismissed as the object of religious and social opprobrium, was the successful rewriting of melodrama for genteel audiences. Understandably, | the reformulating of a genre that was derived from popular forms of entertainment for the urban working class was essential in an age when culture was differentiated between lowbrow and highbrow forms of consumption.

Within this context, the success of the society drama associated with the names of Henry C. DeMille and David Belasco proved to be a significant development. A brief but successful collaboration on four domestic melodramas resulted in a legacy that Cecil B. DeMille would later transmit to the screen as an intertext designed for theatergoers accustomed to social ritual as performance.

A GENTEEL AUDIENCE: REWRITING DOMESTIC MELODRAMA

Although the relationship between the legitimate stage and early feature film is a subject that needs to be further explored, a brief investigation shows

that movie moguls were indebted to the theater not only for intertextual modes of address but also for entrepreneurial practices.’ Adolph Zukor’s vertical integration of the film industry, for example, was similar to organizational patterns established in the theatrical business. Subject to the same

42 SELF-THEATRICALIZATION standardized and cost-efficient practices essential to the success of latenineteenth-century industrial firms, American theater, in contrast to Eu' _- ropean tradition, depended on box-office revenues rather than state subsidies.\° When middle-class audiences began to patronize the stage in growing numbers, they represented an increased demand that, together with technological advances, enabled entrepreneurs to establish a monopoly. Upon completion of transcontinental railroad construction, the success of the single-play combination, or road company, featuring Broadway stars in established hits signified the end of local resident companies. Also stimulating the growth of theater as big business was the production of realistic and sensational plays associated with big-name directors and requiring large capital investment for complex machinery, set design, and lighting equipment.!”

In 1896 Charles Frohman capitalized on these developments by organizing the Syndicate: it monopolized booking agencies serving as middlemen between producers and local playhouses, acquired theater chains in

large cities on major railroad stops, and financed productions for the legitimate stage. Programs of theatrical performances show that Frohman anticipated film exhibition practices. Attempting to create a solemn atmosphere in lavish theaters built for cultivated audiences, he provided orchestral performances of works by Rossini, Verdi, and Johann Strauss rather than popular tunes and patriotic airs.'® So that only the fashionable crowd could

attend, ticket prices ranged from $1.50 in the orchestra to 50 cents in the dress circle for reserved seats that had to be secured in advance.'” At the height of its power in the first decade of the twentieth century, the Syndicate

invested in long runs of single plays with type casting and popular stars rather than repertories.*° When demand shifted from legitimate stage plays to feature film during the 1910s, Frohman joined Adolph Zukor’s Famous

Players in an attempt to repeat his pattern of marketing mass entertainment. Since middle-class preoccupation with performance rituals represented a demand that led to the building of fashionable playhouses, melodrama, a popular art staged in ‘“East Side rialtos’’ as well as in more felicitous venues,

was rewritten for genteel consumption.”’ Although the well-made play that came into vogue was still characterized by Dickensian incidents and reversals of fortune, ‘‘after 1895 the kidnapped orphans, the ghosts, the papers, the foreclosed mortgages, the providential accidents, the disguises, the rescuing comics, the missing heirs, and even the reconnaissance went into discard; the rhetoric was brought under control; and the sentimentality was tempered.” A theatrical form that had largely been abandoned by serious British writers, melodrama was now the province of American playwrights.** Consequently, the success of Henry C. DeMille and David Belasco in formulating society dramas that appealed to the genteel sensibility proved to be a noteworthy achievement. American melodrama arrived on the New York stage in the

SELF-THEATRICALIZATION 43 1889-1890 season, as Frank Rahill argues, with the success of five native plays, including a DeMille-Belasco collaboration titled The Charity Ball. Un-

like three of the productions that were rural in theme and played to less prosperous downtown audiences, The Charity Ballfocused on drawing room society.*” As such, it appealed to the fashionable middle class at the Lyceum, an uptown theater that was also the initial site of the American Academy of Dramatic Arts. Part of a series of four domestic melodramas that DeMille successfully devised with Belasco, the play was based on upper-class char-

acters, drawing room situations, and literate dialogue. In short, it exemplified a more sophisticated melodramatic form crafted for middle-class theatergoers accustomed to social rituals as performance. Apart from the enactment of social observances related to everyday life, what accounts for the immense appeal of the DeMille-Belasco society dramas? Why were these productions especially relevant to middle-class experience in the late nineteenth century? And what changes were formulated

to suit the genre to the sensibility of fashionable theatergoers? As entertainment for the lower orders, melodrama was a mode of expression that dramatized sensational issues such as class conflict in a capitalistic economy.

According to Robert Heilman, the ‘‘melodramatic form seizes upon the topics that spring up with the turns of history and consciousness—slavery, ‘big business,’ slums, totalitarianism, mechanization of life, war, the varieties

of segregationism. ... In a more general sense, melodrama is the realm of social action, public action, action within the world.’’** DeMille and Belasco successfully reversed this formula by foregrounding the domestic sphere of

courtship, marriage, and the family as a crucible for performance against a related public sphere of societal, financial, or political intrigue. A consequence of the more intimate scale, the consciousness and actions of individual characters acquired more weight in contrast to catastrophic events controlling their fate. Accordingly, the ideological concerns of gentee] middle-class audiences who were invested in the privatized family—an institution increasingly threatened by patterns of consumption that nevertheless signified genteel status—were translated into the moral quandaries of the society drama.

Unquestionably, the effectiveness of the society dramas was in large measure the result of Belasco’s careful staging and innovative lighting. A producer whose reputation would later enable him to challenge Frohman’s Syndicate, Belasco became known for directing ensembles in a naturalistic style that was the result of numerous rehearsals and mise-en-scéne integrating actors and sets. As a means of focusing attention on the action of individual characters, he used baby spots and orchestrated subtle changes in mood or atmosphere through “‘color, intensity, and diffusion of light.”’ Since the box setting, which came into use in the late nineteenth century, consisted of three walls and a ceiling to simulate an actual room, middle-

44 SELF-THEATRICALIZATION class audiences could identify with social rituals as performances taking place behind the ‘‘fourth wall.’’”° For his part, Henry C. DeMille, acknowl-

edged as a talented dialogue writer, employed the rhetoric of Victorian sentimentalism and religiosity to characterize upper-middle-class relationships.*° Consider, for example, the exchange of a married couple in The Wife during a moment when their future is in doubt, a scene rendered even more poignant by Belasco’s lighting effects: HELEN: [Low and tearfully] My husband! RUTHERFORD: Yes, for by that word, we have the sacred right to know each other’s hearts, as they are known by Him, that, knowing, we may help each other. Let us not mistake, as the world so often does, the bond that unites

man and wife. [Ring music]

HELEN: Ohl! Is it not broken? RUTHERFORD: “Wilt though love her, comfort her, honor and keep her, in sickness and in health, forsaking all others, keep thee only unto her, so long as ye both shall live?”’ [By this time the moonlight has faded into darkness and the fire has almost died away. He tenderly takes her face between his two hands, reverently kisses her on the forehead, and speaks in a low voice husky with emotion] God—bless—you and give—you—rest. [ ... She slowly

turns away from him with bowed head and... stops before the door. He goes to the fireplace. She pauses for a moment with the door open, the dim light from the hall falling upon her. ... Rutherford sinks abstractedly into armchair and gazes into fireplace, where the last flickering spark at that moment disappears]?’

Although theatergoing became part of respectable middle-class culture, the transition from family-centered leisure shaped by maternal guidance to entertainment outside the home, that is, the diminution of separate spheres based on gender, was not accomplished without qualms. A critic who praised The Charity Ball expressed concerns regarding the lower-class morality associated with commercialized amusement: To demonstrate gently but efficaciously that the human heart still beats responsive to the chivalrous, the gentle, and the wholesomely sentimental, is something that every man and woman who believes in the potency of faith and refinement, and has a spiritual anchorage in a mother and a home will hasten to rejoice discreetly over, for it must be admitted with something like reproach

that the theatre of our day oftener reflects the surface discontent and the cheap despair of the saloon and the cafe, than the abiding trust and creative confidence of the home.**

Abandoning the pulpit for the stage as a vocation, Henry C. DeMille successfully crafted plays for cultivated audiences by translating Protestant

belief in economics as an index of character into the personal terms of domestic melodrama. As a playwright, he facilitated the secularization of evangelical Protestantism, once so essential to middle-class formation, by

SELF-THEATRICALIZATION 45 employing religious rhetoric to characterize the quotidian. As Peter Brooks argues, ‘‘Melodrama represents both the urge toward resacralization and the impossibility of conceiving sacralization other than in personal terms”’ in a ‘‘frightening new world in which the traditional patterns of moral order no longer provide the necessary social glue.’’*” Although this generalization was made with respect to revolutionary France, it is also applicable to the urban scene in late-nineteenth-century America. Among the genteel classes, cultural refinement provided the social cement in coded transactions conducted in an increasingly industrialized and secularized milieu. Precisely

because social relations in a strange city were fraught with danger and entrapment, as dramatized by the DeMille-Belasco melodramas, the middle

class became preoccupied with the semiotics of performance.” A critic aware of societal trends noted at the time that DeMille ‘‘was the first to conventionalize to the needs of scenic representation certain phrases and characteristics of American society whose theatric effectiveness .. . had escaped previous writers.”””” Asasermon, domestic melodrama conveyed the message that middle-class

apprehension about the eclipse of the privatized home, itself subject to contradictions, was not unfounded in an age of commercialized leisure. Indeed, the very success of the DeMille-Belasco society dramas attested to

the interpenetration of home and marketplace. DeMille had begun his theatrical career, not coincidentally, as a playreader at the Madison Square Theatre. An establishment situated at the intersection of private and public theatricals, the Madison was associated with famed producer Steele MacKaye,

who introduced the Delsarte style of acting, and represented the investment of shrewd businessmen who marketed religious periodicals. Assessing a situation in which a vast middle class found their amusements restricted to ‘*Sabbath-school picnics, strawberry festivals, sociables, and possibly an organ

recital,’’ these Broadway investors exploited Victorian sentimentalism to attract a new theater audience. A successful venture meant that ‘not only did there spring into flourishing existence a new school of dramas, but a new body of theatre patrons.’’** The DeMille-Belasco society dramas thus demonstrated that the feminization of American culture in effect subjected the privatized home to the intrusions of the marketplace. A private theatrical staged in the opening act of the first DeMille-Belasco melodrama, The Wife,

provides an apt illustration. Clearly, the nature of commodity exchange or marketplace transactions was not unrelated to modes of self-theatricalization as dramatized in a parlor game wedding: MRS. A: ... These private theatricals will be the death of me. I don’t remember when I’ve been so excited. If Nelly had been obliged to act the bride without the wreath, the entire performance would have been ruined. [Enter Silas, L.E.]

SILAS: If ever I permit myself to be cajoled into quitting business again for a holiday, and wheat, choice red, going from 82% to 83% and back again!

46 SELF-THEATRICALIZATION [Crossing, L.C.] It’s bad enough to be roused out of sleep by the boat’s arrival at three in the morning, and thrust into the pleasures of Newport half awake—*”

Although the four DeMille-Belasco productions, The Wife (1887), Lord Chumley (1888), The Charity Ball (1889), and Men and Women (1890), enjoyed

lucrative runs on Broadway before going on nationwide tour, critical discourse attests that the success of society dramas, albeit crafted for the educated middle class, raised issues about cultural excellence. As part of the ‘“notable’’ gathering of the elite described in theater reviews, middle-class audiences participated in a process that simultaneously sacralized and desacralized culture in Arnoldian terms. Cultural refinement, in other words, involved questions of taste that encompassed the intellect as well as appearances maintained by attention to proper deportment, dress, and decor. Yet genteel sensibility became restrained and even tepid as a result of being subjected to rigorous forms of self-representation and social rituals dictated by women. A chorus of male critics thus bemoaned the DeMille-Belasco plays as reasonably entertaining stage fare but trite, vapid, and prosaic. As the New

York Sun observed about Daniel Frohman, Charles’s brother and manager of the Lyceum Theatre, where three of the four society dramas were staged: He has induced the more fashionably intelligent people of New York to form fine audiences for his house, and he is aware that they require considerable substance and no offence in their theatrical entertainment. ... Therefore his pieces must be polite without inanity, humorous without crudity, and strong

without coarseness. ... This is... done... by having the plays manufactured in his establishment. They are written by Henry C. deMille, and constructed by David Belasco under Mr. Frohman’s own direction. In that way ‘““The Wife”

was produced, and last night another result... met with a deservedly heartier

acceptance. .. . its scenes were laid in the midst of American riches and elegance, and its personages were such men and women as may be found in Fifth avenue homes of opulent refinement.”

Similarly, The Illustrated American summed up in an acerbic tone: For several seasons [DeMille and Belasco] spread upon the boards of theatres of the first fashion and patronage, the mush and milk of mawkish sentiment, sickly humor, and colorless emotion. Silliness, insipidity, and bathos were never before put to such prosperous account. And yet these men addressed themselves to audiences of presumable taste and intelligence. They did not write ‘‘for the gallery.” ... Perhaps it is to be regretted. .. . It would have been interesting to note how the quick and pitiless wits of the topmost tier regarded

parquet.””

the puerilities and vacuities that delighted the discriminations of box and

William Winter, the respected New York Daily Tribune critic who later wrote a two-volume biography of Belasco, labeled The Wife “‘sentimental confec-

SELF-THEATRICALIZATION 47 tionary and antic farce’? and compared it unfavorably with the canonical works of the legitimate stage. Significantly, he referred to photography, construed and dismissed as a mechanistic representation of reality, to criticize the play: Its scene is laid at Newport, New York and Washington, in the present day; and its dialogue is written mostly in a strain of the commonplace colloquy which is assumed to be characteristic of fashionable society in its superficial mood and general habit. The artistic standard of the authors of ‘“The Wife’’—which

is the artistic standard of many dramatists—may be inferred from this latter peculiarity. To reflect persons of everyday life and to make them converse in an everyday manner seems generally to be thought sufficient to fill the ambition of the playwright and to satisfy the taste of the public. This was not the limitation of Congreve and Sheridan. ... That old method of writing comedy ... appears to have given place to the far inferior and much easier method of literary and theatrical photography.*°

A year later, the Spirit of the Times expressed a similar viewpoint while invoking Shakespeare in a review of Lord Chumley: “The critics say what ought to be left out. The public say what they like kept in. The manager works at it, alters, cuts, amends, adds, and at last we have such a success as The Wife. .. . This is not playwriting; but, like Mercutio’s wound, ‘twill serve.’’°’ Also attuned to the commercial appeal of The Wife was a Tid Bits reviewer who observed: It will be liked and enjoyed, if not greatly admired, by the run of theatergoers. For say what we will—and no one is more conscious of it than Mr. [William

Dean] Howells, for instance, who protests . . . against sentiment and romance—the people, the great big, dear masses, who pay for seats at the theater,

and buy the novels, are in their secret hearts hopelessly enamored of sentiment.”®

Yet the New York Times and the Herald asserted that The Wifewas an important

American play and a significant contribution to dramatic literature.” Although critics cited Shakespeare, Congreve, and Sheridan as models of excellence to whom DeMille and Belasco could not be compared, realist discourse demonstrates that middle-class sensibility, even as it palled within sentimental confines, required artifice. As theater historians point out with

respect to forms of realism dominant in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, two variations existed on stage: “‘romantic realism, in which dramas with idealized subjects are mounted in extremely detailed and historically accurate settings and costume; and true realism, in which plays

based on nonidealized contemporary subjects are presented in settings designed to show significant interaction of environment with character and action.’” The DeMille-Belasco society dramas exemplified the first as opposed to the second category (which also included naturalism) like most

48 SELF-THEATRICALIZATION stage fare at the time. Assessing the development of such conventions in theatrical productions, A. Nicholas Vardac points out, ‘“The more romantic the subject matter, the more realistic must be its presentation upon the boards.’’*° The legitimate theater, in other words, constituted a forum in which romantic and realist modes coexisted in melodrama that was authentically staged yet appealed to the Victorian sensibility. After concluding that Lord Chumley did not measure up to Shakespeare, for example, the Spirit

of the Times added insult to injury by observing, ““The play is located in

England; but the furniture and fittings and stove in the second act are American.”’ Belasco’s sets did elicit rave reviews, however, when an impressive scene in The Charity Ball was staged in a reproduction of a corridor of

the Metropolitan Opera House.*? Despite the fact that some critics found the DeMille-Belasco society dramas lacking, either in intellectual stimulus or in authentic set design, they would by no means have embraced Ibsen’s form of realism. ‘The Graphic stated quite summarily, “‘If we want unconventional realism, the Lord knows

we can go to the novels these days and be satisfied.’’ Charles Frohman’s Syndicate, to be sure, displayed little interest in experimentation and exploited works with broad audience appeal. Dissenting actors like Minnie Maddern Fiske, who was married to Broadway producer and New York Dramatic Mirror publisher, Harrison Grey Fiske, championed Ibsen but did not attract large audiences.** A New York World reviewer of The Charity Ball

voiced critical as well as popular opinion by asserting: Messrs. Belasco and DeMille have in a measure accomplished in a sentimental way what it is claimed Ibsen is trying to do in a didactic way. .. . ““The Charity

Ball’? retains enough of the essentials of the better part of our serene and wholesome life of the present to preserve it against all the protests of the morbid, the outworn, the pharisaical.*”

In sum, the DeMille-Belasco society dramas, patronized by the “‘best people,’ posed a dilemma in that these works did not exemplify Arnoldian standards as the ‘“‘best that has been thought and known in the world.”’ As such, middle-class theatergoing, an extension of social rituals performed in

elegant parlors, signified the commodification of culture in an age of commercialized amusement. With respect to considerations of gender (as well as class and ethnicity), however, Arnoldian concepts prove inadequate

for conceptualizing about culture. At issue, as Jane Tompkins argues, is sentimentalism as the distinguishing characteristic of Victorian female sensibility. An expression of gender conflict, male discourse on society dramas was part of a larger reaction to culture reorganized to suit the social agenda of women committed to the moral legacy of evangelical Protestantism. As works that were ‘‘halfway between sermon and social theory,’’ the DeMilleBelasco domestic melodramas expressed a woman’s point of view.** Ac-

SELF-THEATRICALIZATION 49 cording to a reviewer of The Charity Ballin the New York Mirror, theatergoing

was in effect a social ritual that appealed to female rather than male audiences: ‘“There is... just enough pathos to evoke feminine tears, and just enough humor to keep the masculine portion of the audience from falling asleep.’’* Since critics often devalued sentimental discourse as an exercise in female emotions, more to the point was an astute observation in Once a Week:

“The Charity Ball’’ is... the most daring attempt that has ever been made to introduce religion on the stage. The greater portion of the play occurs in a rectory immediately adjoining a church and the text is full of scriptural quotations, while the dialogue is occasionally interrupted by the pealing of the

organ and the chanting of hymns.*° |

Several decades would elapse before film exhibitors courted the patronage of respectable middle-class women as a sign of cultural legitimacy. Cecil B. DeMille’s legacy of Victorian pictorial dramaturgy as an intertext related to pious and sentimental literature would then stand him in good stead. As demonstrated in What's His Name, the director successfully rewrote domestic melodrama so that it continued to address the ethical concerns of both the ‘‘old’’ and “‘new’’ middle class in an era of transition. CHARACTER VERSUS PERSONALITY: WHAT’S HIS NAME

As a means of exploring the ethical dilemma of the “‘old’’ middle class in an increasingly secularized and consumer-oriented society, Cecil B. DeMille purposely focuses on small-town or village life rather than drawing room society in What’s His Name. Since his credentials as an author had yet to be established, the credits announce that the film is an adaptation based on the novel by George Barr McCutcheon, a lesser light among Indiana Hoosiers such as Booth Tarkington and Theodore Dreiser. An author who sold over five million copies of such novels as Graustark (1901) and Brewster’s Millions (1903), adapted on Broadway and in feature film, McCutcheon represented

the Victorian sentimental tradition pervasive in genteel culture. What’s His Name, published by both Dodd, Mead and Grosset and Dunlap in 1911, was a minor effort with strong autobiographical elements because it was written

during an identity crisis in part attributed to failed theatrical ambitions. DeMille successfully translated the novel about a small-town soda jerk and a Broadway comedienne, inspired by Minnie Maddern Fiske, into a Progressive Era discourse on gender, marriage, and the family.*’ A rewriting of domestic melodrama, What’s His Name foregrounds intertextual references to moral dilemmas in society dramas and in social rituals

as performance. Pervading the film adaptation is the quality of a playwithin-a-play that characterized parlor games such as the private theatrical

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ide from engaging ing1in vi Aside =Mille also cthe strategies thss.that, DeMill in visual .) ner series, he sucn astrman distinctio , he muted soci as i ions, re diffe oo. ary of melo adaden rences in the c .:of rama. Parti screen. A ization Maggi y signifto on aracterl ; ticularly si ' in . in the the , stage as OPpo Ohi . As portrayed i gic on gton, reviewe f. atrical versi se hands, s air ndand Maggie ‘‘a actress Mar ill-fi ment a house ments’’—* g clothes,”’ acreature *‘ with tene Hi-ntting Cc woman wi re slow-footed ’ dull, sodden , coarse-featured the ’ awkward, d . of[but] , dull-witted,

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80 THE LOWER EAST SIDE AS SPECTACLE good-natured’’—a woman “bowed down with toil, crushed with the hopelessness of poverty and the dreary agony of living.’’ Characterized as “‘ignorant and stupid,’ Maggie was redeemed by her longing for motherhood, a universal sentiment that, according to critics, transcended class barriers. Although Illington was not a conventionally beautiful woman, reviewers noted that as a slum dweller she ‘‘dimmed her beauty with ugly make-up and

clothes’? and submitted to a ‘‘courageous subordination of frocks and beauty.” The stage version of Maggie, in other words, was scarcely a character with whom middle-class audiences would identify on an excursion into the Lower East Side. In contrast, Charlotte Walker, who plays Maggie in DeMille’s adaptation,

was an attractive actress noted for her portrayal of Southern belles on the legitimate stage. She had played the heroine of the Belasco production of William deMille’s Civil War melodrama, The Warrens of Virginia (a role reprised by Blanche Sweet in DeMille’s adaptation). As Maggie, she bore no

resemblance to Ilington’s oppressed but spirited working-class character. She is, quite the contrary, an ingénue type. During the credits of the film, Walker is introduced in medium shot while scrubbing clothes. The lighting from an unidentified source to the right, presumably a window, defines her rounded form as soft and feminine. Pausing for a moment, she discovers a hole in Heine’s sock, becomes quite amused, and expresses loving thoughts about her spouse. As opposed to the uneducated speech of the heroine in the play or the dialect spoken by the slum characters in the film, Maggie’s dialogue titles are grammatically correct. Walker, in her screen debut, thus ‘plays’ at being a slum woman in a performance that undermines realist representation but enhances spectator identification on the part of middleclass audiences. Critics, interestingly, agreed about the superior qualities of the narrative but differed about her effectiveness in the lead.© As a physical type, moreover, Walker is interchangeable with actress Florence Dagmar as Miss Alice, the socialite who does charitable work in her aunt’s tenement buildings. When the two women encounter each other at the dispensary, they shake hands as if they were social equals. Maggie’s neighbor Bates is rebuffed, however, when she extends her hand to Miss Alice’s haughty aunt _ in the stage version. Clearly, the film adaptation of Kindlang demonstrates that to the extent ethnic or working-class characteristics were being effaced on the screen, the star system promoted a process of Americanization based on Anglo-Saxon standards.®’ A comparison of the portrayal of slum dwellers in the play with those on screen shows that in addition to casting glamorous stars in the lead, DeMille

diluted social commentary by denying the characters their acerbic views. Among others, Bates, Heine, and Dr. Taylor are critical, if not caustic, about tenement conditions in the stage version. Further, Heine, dismissed by the rich as a tool of ‘‘demagogues’”’ for going on strike, reads muckraking and

THE LOWER EAST SIDE AS SPECTACLE &1 socialist literature and resents the voyeurism of the well-to-do. When Maggie claims that “‘they’re just people what likes comin’ around doin’ good,”’ he

sneers, ‘“Same’s their children likes feedin’ monkeys in the park—The poverty and trouble o’ me and my family ain’t made for the pleasure of no

man. They can go and do their . . . playin’ somewheres else.” Such dialogue is excised in the film adaptation. DeMille himself changed Heine’s

sarcastic dialogue title, ““The baby died from havin’ too much food and sunshine!”’ to ‘‘The Jones baby downstairs is dead!’’®” The film adaptation thus mutes a chorus of voices raised against class privilege, on the one hand, and heightens a sense of voyeurism, on the other, to appeal to middle-class spectators.

Attention to the details of set design gives further evidence that class oppression articulated in the stage version of Kindling was vitiated in the film. DeMille’s talented art director Wilfred Buckland did not replicate the stage sets representing utter squalor. According to a theater critic, The three acts pass within the four walls of a doleful, mouldy-green room. The paper is dropping from the walls, the plaster chipped. . .. a small window gives _ on a well. Another is let into the back wall to light the stairs and hallway. Out there stands the common sink, used by all the tenants on the floors above. For

though the law requires it there is no plumbing higher up. Indeed the whole building is a mass of bad sanitation, disease-breeding dirt, and violations...

of city ordinances.” , DeMille shows the stairway of the tenement building littered with trash and in need of repair, but the Schultzes’ apartment, as emphasized in the script, has a ‘cheerful, peaceful home atmosphere.”’”! Indeed, the ‘‘picturesque”’

opening shot of the slums, though somber in mood, remains highly aestheticized on account of its atmospheric lighting effects. Significantly, the Lasky Company did not add Raoul Walsh to its roster of directors because his representation of slum life in Regeneration (1915), filmed on location in the Bowery rather than on a set, was an unsentimental indictment of class

exploitation.” Despite the fact that DeMille moderated the social commentary of the stage version of Kindling, film critics protested the realism of the Schultzes’ ~ tour of the slums. Variety claimed that the two children fighting over garbage

‘like groveling scavengers... in front of one of the Hell’s Kitchen hovels .. . is so strong that it is enough to cause one to become ill.’’’’ Genteel audiences apparently enjoyed tours of urban scenes in order to appropriate realistic detail, but not so realistic as to disturb their insulation from the poor. As a matter of fact, both the stage and film versions of Kindling avoid

coming to grips with compelling social problems in a conclusion that is evasive and unsatisfying. Class conflict, represented according to the conventions of realism on stage and romantic realism on screen, remains

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98 THE SCREEN AS DISPLAY WINDOW licates fashion cycles. Fashion, according to Walter Benjamin, “‘is the eternal

| return of the new.’’*”

Critic Peter Milne, who later praised DeMille in Motion Picture Directing, noted that the lighting in The Golden Chance resulted in “‘subdued’’ back-

grounds against which “‘the characters in the foreground stand out in stereoscopic relation.’’ Comparing the film’s mise-en-scéne to the stereograph, a device that heightened the spectator’s sense of voyeurism and illusion of reality, Milne described the director’s practice of using black drops to illuminate characters in the foreground.** W. Stephen Bush also called attention to “‘wonderful lighting effects [that] lend an indescribable charm and lustre to numerous scenes in the play. Never before have the lighting effects, i.e. the skillful play with light and shade, been used to such marvelous advantage. The highly critical spectators who saw the first display of the film were betrayed into loud approval by the many and novel effects.”’ Acknowledging that he was at a loss for hyperbole, Bush compared DeMille’s mise-en-scéne with the paintings of Titian and Tintoretto.** Since most of

the scenes in The Golden Chance take place indoors or at night, a high percentage of the shots were in low-key lighting that enhanced the dreamlike experience of the heroine and, given the Victorian trope of darkness and light, rendered performance rituals morally ambiguous. Further, as critics acknowledged, the lighting casts a luminous glow on sets such as “The House of Enchantment”’ and “‘picturesque”’ slum dwellings as images for middle-class consumption. DeMille’s lighting effects, in other words, con-

veyed moral ambiguity, as opposed to a schematic representation of good and evil, by enhancing desire for commodities that included cinematic images for visual appropriation. The Golden Chance serves as a primer on the construction of the “new woman’’ and thus comments on the compromised role of women who are seduced by goods and are themselves commodified in an unending cycle of exchange. According to F. Scott Fitzgerald, the ““new woman”’ in the guise of a flapper was “‘lovely and expensive and about nineteen.’’*’ As a con-

sumer, she constituted a threat to male breadwinner status due to an insatiable appetite for material goods. Charles Dana Gibson, whose shirtwaisted Gibson girl was superceded by the flapper, shows such a woman gloating as a man drowns in a Life drawing titled “‘In the Swim Dedicated to Extravagant Women.”’”*° As historians point out, the word consumption originally meant “‘to destroy, to use up, to waste, to exhaust’’ and thus signified tuberculosis in the medical lexicon.®’ Despite respectable middleclass status, the ‘‘new woman’”’ as consumer was linked to a sinful world of

luxury associated with the demimondaine. Although she symbolized modernity with her carefree manner and streamlined dress, the flapper could trace her silent-screen lineage to the vampire who devoured men without

THE SCREEN AS DISPLAY WINDOW 99 conscience to satisfy extravagant whims in films such as The Vampire (1913) and A Fool There Was (1915).”° A discourse on the “‘new woman,”’ The Golden Chance displaces anxiety

about female behavior in a consumer culture onto degenerate lower-class males like Steve and Jimmy the ‘‘Rat.’’ According to the script, Mary must be shown asa wife ‘‘who does not neglect Steve—no matter how bad he is.’’”*”

Steve, however, typifies the irresponsible drunkard censured by temperance crusaders concerned about the welfare of families. Audience reaction to his characterization should be gauged with reference to the fact that by 1911, the Women’s Christian Temperance Union had become the largest women’s organization in an era characterized by social activism.*° Steve’s decadence not only exculpates Mary for being deceitful but also justifies the existence of social hierarchies. But the heroine is not completely without guilt. A pawn used to attract a millionaire in both the Hillarys’ business deals and her husband’s blackmail scheme, Mary attempts to retain her integrity but is nevertheless compromised. When Mrs. Hillary offers her a bonus— ‘‘You have played your part admirably. Will you accept this as a token of my appreciation?’’—she rejects this commodification of a romantic experience. Still, her refusal to accept an additional payment implies that to the extent she was not playing the role of a socialite, she was being false to her marriage vows. Despite the scapegoating of drunken, lower-class men, DeMille’s resolution of the moral ambiguities of a consumer culture as confronted by women is equivocal. Significantly, the final shot of the film shows Mary

looking away from Roger when he tells her that Steve is dead and thus renders the ending inconclusive. A brief consideration of DeMille’s remake of The Golden Chance, titled Forbidden Fruit (1921), is chronologically out of order in assessing his career but instructive with respect to filming upper-class consumption as spectacle. The Mallory (previously Hillary) mansion now has an arched vestibule with glass doors, gigantic potted plants, and a sunken garden, an elegant space that must be traversed before gaining entry to a high-ceilinged living room that dwarfs its occupants. Mary Maddock (formerly Denby) is still married to a shiftless bum named Steve, but she is no longer the daughter of a judge. Persuading her to play the role of a dinner guest, Mrs. Mallory (Kathlyn Williams) orders her maid to ‘“‘phone Celeste—tell her to open her shop and send me her best selection of gowns, lingerie, slippers, stockings, gloves, and

fans.’’ A parade of uniformed bell boys subsequently arrives with huge packages as Mary (Agnes Ayres) receives the attention of several maids. She

is seated at a semicircular dresser in an elegant boudoir with slender columns encircling a bed on a circular carpet. Unrestrained by scruples, the seamstress is delighted by the finery, removes her wedding ring, and admires a large solitaire. She also manages to pass the “‘ordeal by fork”’ with minimal

100 THE SCREEN AS DISPLAY WINDOW assistance and plays the role of a socialite with aplomb. During one sequence, she and Nelson Rogers (formerly Roger) even attend a play-withina-play titled Forbidden Fruit. DeMille interrupts this Cinderella fantasy with an even more sumptuous fairy tale in the form of flashbacks to a magnificent

eighteenth-century court that is a feast for the eyes. Indeed, Mary wins forgiveness for her deception by confessing that she could not resist playing Cinderella because she was ‘‘unhappy and lonely and heart-hungry,”’ an admission that serves as a pretext for one of the film’s glittering flashback sequences. After Steve’s death, an epilogue titled “‘Life’s Springtime”’ provides a resolution when Nelson (Forrest Stanley) arrives with a slipper to claim his Cinderella and kisses her while holding her foot. What conclusions may be drawn about the nature of a consumer culture from this brief account of the remake in comparison to The Golden Chance? First, DeMille escalates the level of conspicuous consumption in Forbidden Fruit so that historical flashbacks are required for more ostentatious spec-

tacle than those afforded by contemporary life. Consumption, in other words, represents an endless cycle in which time is but another dimension of waste as history itself becomes commodified. Second, the characters evince little or no compunction about the enjoyment of luxury, although Victorian sentimentalism dictates moralizing attitudes as well as didactic

intertitles. Third, Mary Maddock appears to move in the smart set with relative ease, signifying that social mobility is a result of cash rather than cultivation. And last, the commodification of film spectacle, especially in extravagant and outré flashback sequences, leaves very little to the imagination of spectators for whom visual appropriation serves as a substitute for material gratification. DeMille’s film language in effect is translated into a readable hieroglyph for a mass audience that is increasingly female and that has limited access to luxury goods as displayed on the screen. Whereas The Golden Chance demanded some input from the spectator in response to its moral ambiguity and inconclusive ending, Forbidden Fruit simply requires an awestruck audience.

THE ‘“‘NEW WOMAN” VERSUS : THE NEW IMMIGRANT: THE CHEAT Since the heroine of The Golden Chance is familiar to readers of sentimental literature, DeMille’s articulation of the moral contradictions of a consumer culture goes further in The Cheat, an original screenplay by Hector Turnbull and Jeanie Macpherson.*' Far more than class distinctions, the significance of racial difference in early-twentieth-century America clarifies the ethical

dilemma of remapping gender roles at the site of emporiums laden with Orientalist fantasies. A narrative of an interracial relationship in which a wealthy Japanese merchant (Sessue Hayakawa) brands a socialite (Fannie

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THE HISTORICAL EPIC 131 named Bishop Cauchon. Following the coronation of Charles VII, another impressive historical tableau, Joan of Arc refuses both filial obligation and romantic love in separate interviews with her uncle and her English prisoner. DeMille ends this sequence with a lyrical set piece in which Eric slowly walks toward the Gothic arches in the rear of the dimly lit cathedral, still strewn with flowers from the coronation. A cut to a reverse shot shows the saint ascending the stairs to the altar where she kneels to dedicate herself to God. Joan of Arc’s demise quickly follows as Eric Trent is enlisted in a plot orchestrated by Bishop Cauchon (Theodore Roberts) and a court advisor nicknamed ““The Spider’’ (George Clary), both agents in the English cause. A forward tracking shot shows the Maid of Orléans, dressed without her usual armor, riding at night with a handful of men to Compiégne. Accompanying her is the superimposed image of the angel of death on horseback. At daybreak she is captured by Eric’s men and sexually harassed as a sign of foul play to come. Gaspard, who has become a devoted follower, is stabbed

to death as he attempts to defend her honor. Anticipating events with unbecoming glee for a cleric, Bishop Cauchon threatens Joan in a darkened

chamber with a boiling cauldron in the foreground. Photographed in extreme low-key lighting, this sequence proves riveting because the Bishop terrifies the saint in the presence of three hooded figures costumed like Ku Klux Klansmen. DeMille thus conflates a Catholic clergyman, symbolizing new immigrants in a Protestant culture, with hooded persecutors in scenes that aroused protest. After she “‘promises to return to the garb of awoman,”’ Joan is led back to her cell, but the Bishop initiates a scheme to pronounce

her ‘‘a relapsed heretic’ to be burned at the stake. At this point, even L’Oiseleur protests, ‘“Thou art a priest and should seek the salvation of the girl rather than her death!’’ Cauchon orders a soldier to ‘‘place the worst ruffian of thy guard in the cell of Joan the Maid”’ and, in another highly voyeuristic moment, proceeds to spy on her through a large opening in the floor above the prison chamber. An overhead shot photographed through the aperture shows the brute trying to assault Joan as Eric Trent finally comes to her rescue, but his attempt to save her is foiled. Condemned to death because she has ‘“‘resumed the garb of a man,’’ a

sure sign of heresy, Joan of Arc spends her final nightmarish hours in a

sequence tinted blue and intercut with amber shots of the court of Charles VII in utter debauchery. At dawn, she is carted to the public square where black smoke turns day into night in a stunning two-color process that shows orange flames consuming piles of faggots. Joan triumphantly cries

out, “‘My voices were of God—they have not deceived me!”’ As clouds of | billowing smoke fade out, the epilogue continues the events of the prologue to relate the Hundred Years’ War to World War I. The British officer has been fatally wounded during a successful effort to destroy an enemy trench.

132 THE HISTORICAL EPIC As he lays dying in the foreground, a large apparition of Joan, lit against the

surrounding darkness of the trenches, appears to dominate the skyline. Aside from linking past and present through the fate of the characters in the romantic melodrama, the prologue and epilogue convey the universal significance of the life of Joan of Arc as an allegory. CRITICAL DISCOURSES: GENDER AND THE MORAL LESSON OF HISTORY Although it was unsuccessful at the box office, Joan the Woman was one of the most critically acclaimed productions of its time and provoked further discourse on motion pictures as an art form. The film industry and its critics,

in other words, were still addressing a genteel audience regarding the cultural legitimacy of cinema. A special production such as Joan the Woman thus represented a noteworthy event. According to the New York Dramatic Mirror, the film was ‘“‘perhaps the most dramatic and wholly commendable screen offering of a decade. It is difficult to see how an advance is to be made on this production and it should have the effect of absolutely silencing those

critics of the motion picture who affect to regard them as unworthy of serious consideration.’’ Wid’s agreed that ‘‘there is an air of distinction and

class about the entire offering which places it in the front rank of big productions, and certainly no one can see this offering without being impressed with the tremendous strides made in the last two or three years by our producers of big films.’’ Peter Milne, critic of Motion Picture News, described the film as ‘‘a true classic of the screen’”’ that was “‘so intelligently welded as to give complete satisfaction and to be fully worthy of its classification as a high grade piece of theatrical entertainment at corresponding

| prices.”’ For filmgoers in Boston, the price of evening tickets ranged from twenty-five cents to one dollar. Sounding a similar note to that in trade journals, the New York Times observed “‘lapses into pure fiction for romantic

or melodramatic purposes’’ but declared “‘the photodrama takes its place among the half-dozen finest films yet produced.’’?’ The New York Evening Sun trumpeted in a headline that Joan the Woman was *“‘One of the Most Artistic and Satisfying Pictures That Ever Has Been Shown.” Calling attention to the sheer magnitude of the production, the review linked the film to publicity about historical pageantry as a mode of conspicuous consumption that commodified history: It required months of preparation on the part of a score or more assistants to assemble copies of practically everything obtainable in Joan of Arc literature, heraldry and design. Even before the first photographs were made a hundred seamstresses were working daily on the several thousand costumes which were required. ... It was necessary to provide suits of mail in sufficient number to purchase the entire output of a Pacific coast manufacturer of chain pan and

THE HISTORICAL EPIC 133 pot cleaners. Thousands of yards of chain mesh were demanded, and the machinery of the factory worked overtime on the supply. [According to] DeMille, ‘“‘we had in all some 13,000 separate items of costume, equipage,

heraldry, and the like. .. . [W]e built three separate villages, all careful duplicates of the original where the embattlements and the like are accurate to an inch. The interior of the Rheims Cathedral is perfectly executed.’”’””

Not surprisingly, DeMille’s first historical epic dictated comparisons with those of D. W. Griffith and Thomas H. Ince. Critical discourse on cinema, it should be noted, had advanced by 1917 to the point where film authorship

was readily being discussed in reviews of special productions. Although Moving Picture World expressed doubts regarding the authenticity of the romantic relationship in Joan the Woman, it claimed, ‘‘Cecil B. DeMille belongs in the front ranks of the great producers of the day.’’ Photoplay’s Julian Johnson compared DeMille’s camera work to Michelangelo's use of the chisel in a review that recalled earlier discourse on cinema in relation to traditional art forms. But Johnson also discussed the film in relation to other filmic texts and concluded that Joan the Woman had been excelled only by The Birth of a Nation. The New York Review volunteered in a similar vein,

“This production easily ranks with ‘Intolerance,’ ‘Civilization,’ and ‘A Daughter of the Gods’ in size, scope, imagination, drama, photography, and ethical purpose.’’ According to the Boston Evening Transcript, DeMille’s epic

‘is not the equal of that unparalleled ‘Birth.’ Yet it achieves an effect far finer than anything but the Babylonian episodes in ‘Intolerance’ ... at what seems...asmaller cost of production.” Joan the Woman, not coincidentally, succeeded Intolerance at the Colonial Theatre in Chicago after the Griffith film completed a long engagement. Griffith enjoyed such preeminence in the prewar years of the industry that a congratulatory telegram he sent to Farrar was reproduced in a two-page ad in Motion Picture News. The Western Union message read, “‘I hope you will not consider it a boldness to offer you

my most sincere congratulations on this beautiful contribution to our little new and budding art.’’ The director was probably then involved in negotiations to direct films for Artcraft, which Adolph Zukor acquired a few months later to consolidate vertical integration of the industry. DeMille himself acknowledged a communication from Griffith in a letter addressed to Lasky shortly after the film’s premiere: “I received a very delightful telegram from Griffith on the subject of ‘Joan.’ He was most enthusiastic.’’””

Despite the fact that it was not a commercial success, Joan the Woman consolidated DeMille’s status as an author and contributed to the increasing

cultural legitimacy of motion pictures. | After winning unanimous acclaim for her debut in Carmen, Geraldine

Farrar, however, received mixed notices as the star of Joan the Woman. Critics

who applied standards of realism to historical representation not only fulminated about the fact that she neither looked nor acted like a peasant

134 THE HISTORICAL EPIC girl, but disapproved of the romantic melodrama. DeMille in fact suppressed an episode in the script in which Joan’s father attempts to marry her to Gaspard, a fiction that would have elicited even more objection.*” Discourse on historical authenticity signifying a cultural practice that validated realism proved disadvantageous to the actress. Julian Johnson was particularly unkind: ‘“Those who object to Miss Farrar’s Joan because she is rising to battle-cruiser weight had best turn to their histories. Joan is described as broad, short, heavy. But Joan had a peasant’s face. ... One of Miss Farrar’s eyes reflects Riverside Drive, the other, Fifth Avenue, and her mouth seems

to be singing Broadway.’ George Blaisdell was more insightful when he observed in Moving Picture World, ‘‘Geraldine Farrar in her interpretation ...

has crossed all the centuries of time, and . . . portrays a woman of regal, dominating presence rather than a simple child of God and of France. ... We may even feel that had the story adhered to history it would have been of greater strength.’’*’ As a matter of fact, Farrar projects throughout the film a majestic and commanding dignity befitting a historical tableau or pageant. She easily resembles the sculptured female forms that had been familiar to the public and functioned on an allegorical level in wartime posters. What, then, does the critical response to Farrar as Joan of Arc signify besides a preoccupation with realism as a cultural practice valorized by male critics? A consideration of discourse on gender within a broad social context reveals why the narrative strategy of the film disrupts realist historical rep-

resentation and privileges sentimental romance.

Aside from introducing a human interest story to the macrocosm of historical pageantry, the romantic melodrama of Joan the Woman alleviates spectator anxiety regarding a heroine who achieves sainthood by assuming

a masculine role. At a time when controversy regarding the doctrine of separate spheres was being aired in diverse forums, sex-role reversal proved to be a disconcerting issue. Were men indeed being unmanned by the “‘new woman’’? Charles Dana Gibson drew a dinner table scene titled “‘A Suffragette’s Husband”’ (1911) in which an emasculated male shrinks from the glance of his domineering wife, a weighty figure with a double chin and a stern glance.*? During the first two decades of the twentieth century, many fashionable women were asserting class and ethnic solidarity against the new

immigrants by campaigning for the right to vote and even mounted theatrical spectacles in support of their cause. At the same time, a radical restructuring of female employment or the feminization of clerical work resulted in young middle-class women becoming salaried employees in unprecedented numbers. Furthermore, 40 percent of the college population in 1910 was female. Departing from tradition, a number of collegeeducated women chose careers and social activism rather than marriage and

motherhood. As for married women, they routinely participated in club work and community projects in an era of reform.** The multifaceted

| THE HISTORICAL EPIC 135 activities of middle-class women, not to mention their shopping in downtown business districts, had redrawn if not erased the line between public and private spheres. Anxiety regarding the dynamics of social change as it affected gender roles in middle-class families accounts for critical preoccupation with Joan of Arc as a woman.** Critics who responded to sentimental values, interestingly, were not concerned about the historical veracity of DeMille’s epic. According to the New York Evening Sun, ‘‘the remarkably well chosen love interest that shows what this woman (who was too great to lose her identity as a woman) was like are touches that have made... one of the mightiest pictures of screendom, a close, thrilling personal narrative.’’*” The Reverend Thomas B. Gregory, surely a representative of sentimental culture, argued at length in the New York American: Perhaps the greatest thing that the picture will accomplish . . . will be the revelation of the greatness of the womanly character when it is really and truly womanly. We of today are just beginning to see the entrance of woman into the great, wide life of the world from which she has heretofore been debarred; and many are wondering what the result will be. Will woman be able to act her part nobly and well in the great arena toward which she is drifting? And can she go into the battle, into the... rough-and-tumble competition and not be ruined? Will she not cease to be woman, becoming . . . God knows what.

The play answers these fears and answers them in a way to encourage us all. Joan, thrown headlong into the whirl and stress of the world, did not lose her womanliness, her modesty, her beautiful reserve, nor was she in any way corrupted by contact with the world’s brutalities and coarseness, its plots and conspiracies.*°

DeMille solved the narratological problem of civic pageantry as a macrocosm by casting Joan in sentimental terms as a woman who sacrifices romantic love for a spiritual cause. Although he did not meet expectations for a more realistic historical drama, as some critics complained, his discourse

on gender deftly exploited sentimentalism to alleviate anxiety about a sex-role reversal. Yet the director’s work remains ambiguous because the male characters in the film are far from admirable, and even despicable. Wallace Reid, who became a dashing matinee idol before succumbing to drug addiction, played a particularly passive, uninspiring, and unheroic role as Eric Trent. Since critics invested in realism did not perceive Farrar as a symbolic icon and criticized her weight gain, age, and sophistication, the intertextuality of film and publicity material proved to be disadvantageous to the actress. A beautiful and internationally renowned diva with an enthusiastic following, dubbed ‘‘Gerryflappers,’’ Farrar led a well-publicized life. She had even

136 THE HISTORICAL EPIC been romantically linked with the Hohenzollern crown prince so that she had to deny pro-German sentiment on the eve of war. After she made her Metropolitan Opera debut in Roméo et Juliette in 1906, stylish magazines such as Theatre, Vanity Fair, and Harper's Bazaar featured color photographs of her

on the cover and printed articles about her fashionable wardrobe and elegantly furnished home. For example, the caption of a full-page photo in Theatre read, ‘‘Miss Geraldine Farrar. In A Wonderful Chinchilla and Sable Creation. By Paquin.”’ Farrar had been associated, in other words, with the world of high art, aristocracy, and luxury since her operatic debut at the Berlin Royal Opera in 1901. Furthermore, the soprano was hardly reticent about airing her ambivalent views about marriage. She was widely quoted as having remarked, “I shall never marry, I never intended to marry... . I am old fashioned enough to think that a woman should be subordinate to her husband, and I must have my freedom or I can’t work.”’ Signifying ambivalence about women’s issues, the Boston Daily Advertiser ran a headline that labeled Farrar a *‘Self-Supporting, Independent Working Woman” but attributed to her the following statement: ‘“This feminism, race suicide, etc.,

what is it but this, that all repressed women are getting discontented and muttering.’’*”

Although the validity of these quotations cannot be ascertained, they nevertheless reveal confusion about and hostility toward the ‘““new woman.’”’ When Farrar married actor Lou Tellegen in a volte-face, Photoplay reported the eventas the result of a primordial contest, ‘“Farrar’s Real Romance. Cave

Man Tellegen’s Conquest In A Stone-Age Episode With A Movie Background.” “‘Never did a lovely woman more completely change her mind,” began the article, which described Tellegen as ‘‘the physical embodiment

of the rugged and resourceful man . .. a man’s man.’’** Farrar soon regretted her decision even though she did not divorce Tellegen for seven years. In a revealing letter, DeMille wrote to Lasky during the filming of Joan the Woman: “‘Incidentally, a word on Farrar—She seems to have lost a little something of the great spark of genius that animated her last year . . . also, she has gotten pretty plump.”’ Later, he recalled, ‘‘I never had any difficulty with Geraldine at all on the pictures that I made with her. Now, on the last

one we weren’t speaking, but we still didn’t have any temperament. We weren’t speaking because she married Lou Tellegen. . . . [H]e wanted to direct, so [let him... and boy! I put my foot down and said, “No, he cannot direct any more.’’’ The director had enjoyed a friendlier relationship with the soprano before her wedding: ‘‘the warmth after shooting wasn’t there. I didn’t go over and hold her hand the way I had before.’’*” Despite her marriage, Farrar projected the image of a glamorous and independent diva that, for some critics, interfered with her representation as a spiritual heroine in the sentimental tradition. Yet her engaging persona as a “‘new

THE HISTORICAL EPIC 137 woman” resonates in both Carmen and Joan the Woman as heroines who refuse to submit to traditional prescriptions of womanhood. Despite evident differences in class, ethnicity, and gender, workers and immigrants represented entities interchangeable with ‘‘new’’ women who were remapping separate spheres as threats to the body politic. Contrary to The Cheat, in which racial groups are conflated and scapegoated in Orientalist consumer fantasies, paranoia as a response to social change is displaced in Joan the Woman onto the body of the saint burned in the public sphere. Unlike Edith Hardy, the erring socialite whose body is exhibited as a court-

room spectacle so that she may be recuperated as a sentimental heroine, Joan of Arc is sacrificed for future redemption. Sadistic Catholic clergy execute her as a deviant woman for assuming masculine prerogatives. Subject to threats of sexual assault and torture, she is finally burned at the stake

because church leaders interpret her refusal to confine herself to the domestic sphere as an unnatural ambition to rule. After the liberation of Orléans, for example, L’Oiseleur reproaches her, ‘‘Wouldst thou become Queen—that thou lettest the people kneel to thee!’’ During the trial, the monk testifies that Joan, who wears female apparel for the first time since grasping the sword, is a ‘weaver of spells’ and that “‘people fall down and worship her.’’ ““The Spider’’ deters Charles VII, a pitiful weakling, from ransoming his military leader because she “‘would make herself queen and reign in thy stead.’’ A great deal of attention is focused on clothing as a sign

of subordinate behavior appropriate for the female gender. Under threat of torture, Joan is forced to sign a statement in which she “‘promises to return to the garb of a woman.” Although the Duke of Burgundy and the English are French foes in the Hundred Years’ War—an unhappy alignment given the events of modern trench warfare—a Catholic bishop and hooded inquisitors resembling Klansmen are the ultimate villains. A sign of the rising tide of nativism in small towns eclipsed by cities in the

South, Midwest, and Far West, the Ku Klux Klan reorganized in 1915. Catholics as well as blacks were among its chief targets. DeMille repressed fault lines in the social formation by conflating the Catholic hierarchy with the Klan as conspirators against Victorian womanhood. Although prewar civic pageantry excluded specific racial and working-class groups, movement leaders attempted to project a vision, however antimodernist and nostalgic, of a stable community. Absent in DeMille’s spectacle, essentially addressed

to the genteel middle class, is not only an articulation of history that transcends cultural differences but a harmonious vision of public life. Catholics, who were themselves divided according to class and ethnicity but faced increasing nativism, censured the film.”’ Anticipating criticism, the Cardinal Film Corporation, formed to produce and distribute Joan the Woman during the consolidation of Famous Players-Lasky, printed souvenir programs that

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characterized Cauchon as a man who “‘did not hesitate to misuse the mighty power of the Church to defeat his personal enemies.’’ The program cited the eleventh edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica to describe the ugly fate awaiting the cardinal as his due.”~ Critic Peter Milne referred to the quotation in his review:

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ultimately causes Joan’s downfall. There should be none whatsoever. The Catholic Encyclopedia itself refers to Cauchon as an ‘‘unscrupulous and ambitious man”’ and states in dealing with the various acts of Pope Callixtus III that the sentence passed on Joan . . . was ““quashed and the innocence of the Maid of Orleans proclaimed.’’ The Encyclopedia Britannica .. . tells more harshly of Cauchon’s fate, in that he was excommunicated posthumously by the Pope, his body exhumed and thrown in the common sewer.

Similarly, another critic commented, “‘it should be perfectly understandable that this is a representation of an historical character, and not intended as a reflection on any creed or people.’’”” The citation of historical data reveals

more about the condescension of the privileged classes, however, than it does about Catholic reception of the film. Correspondence involving a Midwest exhibitor, Famous Players-Lasky in New York, and DeMille at his

THE HISTORICAL EPIC 139 California studio reveals that the high concentration of Catholics in urban areas meant negative reception of the film. Barnett, the exhibitor, claimed

that in the “principal cities of Ohio . . . criticisms expressed in various newspapers was not favorable to the success of the picture, but only on account of the religious atmosphere in the picture. I would suggest that this picture be cut down to at least eight reels, eliminating the religious part in the picture, that is made objectionable to particularly the Catholics.’’ Corresponding with DeMille from the New York office, H. Whitman Bennett suggested some “‘radical cuts in the latter half of the work”’ and cited ‘‘those episodes and scenes which have caused us so much trouble with the Catholic public.’’ Bennett advocated ‘‘entirely eliminating the prison scene and the

torture scene, and possibly the earlier part of the burning at the stake”’ because ‘‘we have to face much adverse criticism from unenlightened Catholics.”°? DeMille’s confusing reply gives evidence not only of ethnic and

religious differences in the country but of his own inability to think in positive terms regarding civic culture: It might be better for the States Rights buyer, himself, to make these eliminations as the different parts of the country would probably prefer to see different scenes cut out. That is, in the strong Catholic communities, those scenes relating to the Catholic Church might best be spared; while in the

Protestant portions of the country, it might be desirable to retain such scenes.°°

The director had yet to craft a spectacle that would eclipse cultural diversity

in appealing to a shared sense of historical consciousness and national identity.

Although Joan the Woman did not appeal to urban working-class and ethnic groups, its enthusiastic reception by educated filmgoers attested to the cultural values of the genteel middle class. A construction of a usable past to educate the public on the eve of war, the film was much admired. The Reverend Thomas B. Gregory noted, “‘What a mighty aid to the teaching of history the motion picture is destined to be... and that, too, through the most royal of all the faculties, that of the sight.’’ Critic Frederick James Smith claimed, ‘‘As a work of art this picture should be seen by everyone,

but its worth as an instrument of uplift and patriotism is incalculable.’ A great deal of publicity resulted when Lasky sent the Forty-fourth Street Theatre orchestra to play at a special Washington, D.C., premiere for an audience including Vice-President Thomas R. Marshall, Secretary of State Robert Lansing, the Russian ambassador, and their wives. Ads for the film exploited middle-class belief that public reenactments of history would educate a responsible citizenry. Copy for a two-page ad in Motion Picture . News, for example, made extravagant claims dwarfing those of pageant officials and anticipated the tone of wartime propaganda: “‘This picture ...

140 THE HISTORICAL EPIC may become a great shaping force in this remarkable era. . . . Patriotism and religious fervor . . . will sweep all Europe after the war. ... the motion picture will outdo the mightiest work ever accomplished by a free press.’’” DeMille’s epic was in fact part of public discourse enlisting support for an embattled France symbolized by Joan of Arc rather than the modernist aesthetic so alienating to Protestant middle-class sensibility. Patriotic appeals associated with the Maid of Orléans were useful in overcoming American prejudice against Parisian avant-garde movements that contravened the sacrosanct notions of genteel culture.”® An ad, for example, addressed the reader as follows: ‘“Would Joan of Arc Be Burned Today? . . . Is the world freed of the arch-enemies of Truth—Ignorance and Superstition?”’ Articles even exploited accusations that Farrar was pro-German in sentiment. Attacking persistent rumors, the diva claimed, ‘‘I knew when I played Joan of Arc for Mr. DeMille’s picture that it would be . .. the greatest of all pro-ally

propaganda.’ Such marketing strategies attest to the commodification of history not only because the past became useful for propagandistic purposes, but, as pageant leaders feared, profitable as commercialized amusement. Joan the Woman was exploited, not coincidentally, in a lobbying effort on behalf of Sunday film exhibition in the state of New York. After a special screening for the governor, legislators, staff members, and wives, a straw vote

resulted in 425 out of 502 votes in favor of Sunday theater openings. Similarly, Kansas legislators, ‘“many of whom admitted never having seen a motion picture in their lives,’’ adjourned for a special screening of the epic, to which their wives and children were invited, before considering legislation on state film censorship.”” Publicity about these events in trade journals

indicates that although great strides had been made since the advent of feature film, the cultural legitimacy of cinema had yet to be firmly established among the genteel classes in the years before the war. A spectacle produced after the height of the pageantry movement and before the recruitment of the film industry by the Committee on Public Information (which set up a War Cooperating Committee, including DeMille and Griffith), Joan the Woman demonstrated the pitfalls of marketing historical representation.”° An increasingly pluralistic urban audience, fragmented by class and ethnic differences, was unwilling even under threat of war to accept public history validated by the genteel middle class. Unlike DeMille’s earlier features—such as the Chimmie Fadden series, Kindling, The Golden Chance, The Heart of Nora Flynn, and The Dream Girl—Joan the Woman

offered neither criticism of the idle rich nor sympathetic figures with whom workers and immigrants could identify. Addressed to educated filmgoers who valued history as a sign of ideological consensus and as a vehicle to Americanize foreigners, the spectacle did not exert broad audience appeal.

Lasky discouraged the production of any further epics when he wrote to DeMille, “I had some long conferences with Griffith [who was to direct films

THE HISTORICAL EPIC 141 for Artcraft] and he frankly admitted that after his experience with ‘Intol-

erance, ... the ideal pictures for money making... and every other purpose—are subjects of about 6500 feet in length, carefully and elaborately produced.’’®! In 1917 DeMille directed two films starring Mary Pickford— Romance of the Redwoods, a Western, and The Little American, an anti-German

propaganda piece—and two films with Geraldine Farrar—The Woman God Forgot, an abbreviated epic about the Aztec empire, and The Devil Stone, a romantic melodrama with the first of his trademark flashbacks. After The Whispering Chorus (1918), an impressive if dated reaffirmation of Victorian

sentimentalism, DeMille charted a new course and began to address a national audience in terms of shared consumer values rather than foregrounding intertexts in genteel culture. With the consolidation of his stature as a film author, the director began the “‘second epoch”’ of his silent career, an epoch that coincided with the burgeoning of a consumer culture that would bear the inscription of his signature.

SIX

Set and Costume Design as Spectacle in a Consumer Culture: The Early Jazz Age Films

DeMILLE’S ‘“‘SECOND EPOCH”’ In January 1922 Paramount Pictures ran a full-page ad in Motion Picture News

that displayed a cornucopia titled ‘‘Cecil B. DeMille’s Horn of Plenty for Exhibitors.’’ Stacks of bundled dollar bills and quantities of loose coins poured from the cone’s opening. At the tip of the horn, labeled with the titles of all but two of the director’s postwar films, was Old Wives for New

(1918).' Clearly, this first Jazz Age feature marked the beginning of a “second epoch”’ in the periodization of DeMille’s extraordinary film career, an event recognized and even touted by the studio at the time. Apart from the frontier sagas and biblical spectacles of the sound era, the director is mostly remembered today for the stylish sex comedies and melodramas of the late 1910s and early 1920s. Yet he reluctantly changed course, to one that

would distinguish his career as a commercial filmmaker, against his own predilections and in response to the repeated urging of his longtime business associate, Jesse L. Lasky. Although DeMille continued to address the genteel middle-class during the Jazz Age, he also constructed a showcase for ostentatious consumption that appealed to lower-middle-class and working-class female spectators. At the center of his society dramas was the sentimental heroine converted into a sexual playmate, a transformation accomplished by visual strategies em-

phasizing not only set and costume design but didactic intertitles. The director’s mise-en-scene, which had won critical acclaim during the Progressive Era, influenced as well as registered the social change of the postwar

decade. As consumption became a pleasurable aspect of modernity, his compositions were less distinguished by dramatic low-key lighting to articulate ethical dilemmas and more renowned for spectacular sets. Scripts give 142

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144 SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE A barometer of socioeconomic as well as aesthetic changes, DeMille’s filmmaking style now exemplified a reversal of the intertextual relationship between cinema and established forms of genteel middle-class culture. During the Progressive Era, the director had legitimated feature film by demonstrating its correspondence to spectacles such as stage melodrama, social photography, world’s fair and museum exhibits, and department store displays. As the First World War was drawing to a conclusion, however,

he himself became a trendsetter. A sign of rebellion against cluttered Victorian taste, contemporary women’s clothing as well as the interior decoration of houses, themselves ascribed with expressive personalities, had

been changing even before the war.” After the armistice, Theatreannounced in the flippant tone that characterized discourse on women as consumers: Los Angeles now fills the proud position Paris once occupied as the arbiter

of fashion. ...

More women see deMille’s pictures than read fashion magazines. . . . five whole reels just crammed and jammed with beautiful creations. .. .

And then there are the tips on interior decoration and house-furnishing wherewith the Art Director and his staff... adorn each scene. It is within bounds to say that the taste of the masses has been developed more by Cecil B. deMille through the educational influence— Good Lord! The beans are spilled. Nobody will read any further than the word ‘‘Educational.’”*

Indeed, the consumer revolution of the early twentieth century required massive education to influence and mold public taste, an enterprise undertaken by the advertising industry in its role as a social agency. Significantly, DeMille’s early Jazz Age films constituted a useful intertext for middle-class advertisers who, as Roland Marchand argues, considered themselves ‘‘apostles of modernity’’ with a mission to legitimate consumption. The sanctioning of consumer behavior through appeals to Victorian moralism was in fact an essential message in DeMille’s pictorial mise-en-scéne of the late 1910s and early 1920s. Furthermore, the director’s representation of consumer goods such as fashion ensembles and bathroom fixtures, as well as his use of color processes and of Art Deco to signify modernity, were several years ahead of developments in advertising.” A discussion of specific texts will clarify the relationship between DeMille’s mise-en-scéne and magazine ads as etiquette manuals for a consumer culture. Speaking in patriarchal tones in an autobiography compiled by Donald Hayne and Art Arthur, DeMille is apologetic about relinquishing his ambition to film historical epics in favor of “‘the art of the theater [which] must

be popular.’’ Indeed, he characterizes this transition in his career as an “original sin’”’ and as ‘‘a last good-by to integrity and art.’’° Since the director

was uncomfortable even in retrospect about momentous changes that enabled him to become an architect of modern consumption, Jesse L. Lasky’s influential role as the corporation’s vice-president deserves scrutiny. After

SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE 145 the financial disappointment of Joan the Woman, Lasky suggested that DeMille consider ‘‘a subject modern in theme”’ and attached to his correspondence, dated January 1917, a memo from Carl H. Pierce on the subject of ‘“‘Costume Stuff.’’ Pierce wrote that ‘‘Joan will get over big—a modern story would have gotten over bigger. ... What the public demands to-day is modern stuff with plenty of clothes, rich sets, and action.’’ Two months later, Lasky recommended that DeMille and Macpherson ‘‘write something typically American .. . that would portray a girl in the sort of role that the

feminists in the country are now interested in ... the kind of girl that dominates... who jumps in and does a man’s work.” In August, Lasky urged DeMille to make an adaptation of David Graham Phillips’s novel, Old Wives for New (1908), because it ‘‘is full of modern problems and conditions, and while there are a number of big acting parts, it does not require any one big star.... It would be a wonderful money maker and make a very interesting picture.”’ As an alternative to Adolph Zukor’s costly and escalating contract negotiations with Mary Pickford, a shrewd businesswoman, Lasky was pro-

posing all-star features that capitalized on the studio’s stock company. Toward the end of the year, he purchased the rights to the Phillips novel for $6,500, a decision that resulted in further communication with his director-general on the West Coast: “‘Personally I would like to see you become commercial to the extent of agreeing to produce this novel. It will do twice as much businesss as “The Woman God Forgot’ or “The Devil Stone’

[two Geraldine Farrar features about the historical past or with a flashback to a former era] on account of the subject matter and the fame of the novel.” Unrelenting, Lasky wrote a few weeks later: ‘You should get away from the spectacle stuff for one or two pictures and try to do modern stories of great human interest. ‘Old Wives for New’ is a wonderful title. . . . I strongly recommend your undertaking to do it.’’’ Accordingly, DeMille began production on the film in March 1918 in time for a midyear release and set an important trend both in the industry

and in a burgeoning consumer culture. Although Lasky described ‘‘an

entire change in the taste of the public’ that manifested itself in the popularity of war pictures as well as ‘‘a decided tendency toward lighter subjects,’”’ later that year DeMille made another version of his first film, The Squaw Man (1918). Its title is missing from the cornucopia of riches accruing from studio productions advertised in Motion Picture News. Lasky’s reaction was lukewarm: “‘I doubt if it will do as much business for the exhibitors as

your other pictures, as the subject seems rather old-fashioned.” Sull unenthusiastic about costume dramas, he encouraged the director to make a variation of Old Wives for New that was titled Don’t Change Your Husband (1919). Somewhat defensive, DeMille replied, ‘“The success of “The Squaw Man’ has convinced me that I can do other revivals of this sort.’’ Most likely, he was also prodded to direct Why Change Your Wife? (1920), the last film in the trilogy, because Lasky wrote, “‘It is really better that you produce this

se 146 SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE picture than William [credited with the story] on account of your being so strongly identified with ‘Don’t Change Your Husband.’ ’’® DeMille was able

to indulge his penchant for historical epics in his trademark flashback sequences, but the vice-president had accurately taken the pulse of postwar filmgoers. Less than five years after the Lasky Company was founded to

upgrade cinema for the respectable middle class, Lasky himself was encouraging his director-general to think in terms of production for a broad audience. DeMille thus set an industry trend with the production of Old Wives for New. After its success, countless titles hinting at marital problems such as Rich Men’s Wives, Too Much Wife, Trust Your Wife, How to Educate a Wife,

and His Forgotten Wife appeared on marquee signs. THE COMMODIFICATION OF MARRIAGE: OLD WIVES FOR NEW, DON’T CHANGE YOUR HUSBAND, WHY CHANGE YOUR WIFE?

Although Old Wives for New is an adaptation based on a well-known novel, the credits unequivocally announce that cinema is now on an equal footing

with literature. Macpherson is thus acknowledged as the author of the photoplay in the same title that attributes the film to the novelist. DeMille, of course, is credited as the author of the production. (By the time he made Why Change Your Wife? the director designed a trademark for his credit, a round medallion with his name etched around the upper half and his profile stamped in the center.) Since Macpherson embroidered the essential plot of Old Wives for New in numerous scenarios about the commodification of

marriage throughout the silent era, Lasky was astute in recognizing the importance of the novel. Phillips, a best-selling novelist whose stories appeared in widely circulated periodicals like the Saturday Evening Post, was

ahead of his time in contemplating the impact of modernity upon the | upper-middle-class family, specifically, ‘“‘the bearing of the scientific revolution upon woman and the home.’’” An increasing incompatibility on the part of antagonists Charles and Sophy Murdock, a couple drifting apart in

middle age, is shown in the husband’s fastidiousness and receptivity to fashion as opposed to the wife’s neglect of her appearance and household. Because a woman’s home was considered an expression of her personality, Sophy’s slovenliness not only affected members of her family, including two grown children, but revealed a serious character flaw. Phillips was sympa-

thetic about her failings, attributed in part to rural family origins, but DeMille proved merciless in deconstructing the sentimental image of the American wife and mother in favor of the ‘‘new woman.” Macpherson begins Old Wives for New with a symbolic sequence cleverly titled in the script as follows: “‘ ‘Life’s’ Bargain Counter / Across which our destinies are bartered like / so many Sacks of Meal—to ‘Fate.’ / Some are sold for Dollars / Some for Ambition / Some for Love—but all—are ‘Sold.’ ”’

As described in the script, ‘‘Life,’’ costumed as Harlequin, is ‘‘constantly

SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE 147 laughing’ behind a counter with “‘tiny figurines of ive people, grouped in four sections, marked . . . staples, remnants, novelties, and mark-downs.... Among these are the main characters of the story. ... Sophy Murdock—in ‘Marked Downs,’ Murdock and Juliet in ‘Staples’—Berkeley and Jessie in ‘Remnants,’ Viola in ‘Novelties.’ ’’ Shopping at the bargain counter, ‘‘Fate,”’

costumed as Columbine, purchases some of the figurines and pays ‘‘Life”’ by “‘lifting a purse full of gold coins’’ that ‘‘shower over the counter.’’’° Possibly, this sequence about the commodification and reification of marital relations in a consumer culture was too literal a representation of marketplace transactions invading the domestic sphere. Instead, DeMille begins Old Wives for Newwith a didactic intertitle that could be construed as a quote from

the novel but was not even a paraphrase and, moreover, could not be attributed to any character in the film: It is my belief, Sophy, that we Wives are apt to take our Husbands too much for granted. We’ve an inclination to settle down to neglectful dowdiness—just because we’ve ‘‘landed our Fish!”’ It is not enough for Wives to be merely virtuous anymore, scorning all frills: We must remember to trim our “‘Votes

for Women’’ with a little lace and ribbon—if we would keep our Man a ‘‘Lover’’ as well as a ‘‘Husband”’!

Such was the sermon of the film, a legacy of Victorian pictorialism, addressed to female spectators enjoined to embrace the delights of the consumer culture if only to retain their marital status. After DeMille introduces the main characters in terms of their social status, signified by close-ups of their hands performing various functions, he opens the film with the first of his celebrated bathroom sequences. Although

the set design is modest compared to the spacious tiled bathroom with a sunken tub and a shower decorated with a silk curtain in Male and Female (1919), the scene was surely impressive for audiences who may have been able to afford an automobile but still lived in homes without bathtubs."* DeMille’s mise-en-scéne includes a tub on the left opposite a door flanked by two wash basins, each with hot and cold water faucets, a mirror, a shelf, and a pair of sconces for illumination; the basin on the left is at a right angle to a stained glass window above a towel bar on the rear wall. Ornate molding

decorates the cornice, doorway, window, and mirrors of the room. The flooring consists of alternate black and white tiles in a diamond-shaped pattern. Charles Murdock (Elliott Dexter), dressed in a bathrobe and assisted by a valet, opens the window so that a view of the trees contrasts nature with artifice. A fastidious person, he is disgusted to find Sophy’s hair clogging his basin, not to mention a messy comb and toothbrush that have been carelessly left in his corner of the bathroom. Worse, a close-up from his point of view shows untidy toilet articles strewn haphazardly about his wife’s basin and vanity. Sophy (Sylvia Ashton), introduced in the credits as she is eating chocolates and reading the funnies, enters the bathroom in a grumpy mood

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174 SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE outing has been innocent, albeit quite merry. Seizing upon an unexpected visit from Nazzer Singh, Anatol is determined to hypnotize his wife to elicit the truth but decides, when Max intervenes, to trust her after all. Appearances have in fact deceived him throughout the film. A sequel to DeMille’s trilogy about marriage and divorce, The Affairs of Anatol represents the collapse of sign systems based on coded distinctions

between private and public spheres, and even between front and back regions of respectable homes.”’ As the moral certainties of the Victorian synthesis began to dissolve in an era of increased self-commodification,

appearances no longer functioned as a reliable index of character and breeding. Discourse in fan magazines implied that stars like Gloria Swanson assumed new personalities whenever they changed their wardrobes. Given the remapping of spheres based on traditional definitions of gender, at issue was the nature of female sexuality in relation to marriage and the family. As Walter Lippmann argued at the time, birth control and female employment outside the home meant that the sexual experience of women was no

longer related to their role as wives and mothers. Further, contraception, which in effect was practiced mostly by educated middle-class women, dic-

tated that sexual intercourse be construed as a pleasurable experience rather than as an obligation for procreative purposes. A companionate marriage was equivalent to childlessness—as DeMille demonstrated in Don’t Change Your Husband and Why Change Your Wife?—and thus required a sexual

playmate in view of trends toward a higher marital rate among the younger generation. But a serious ethical dilemma resulted from this transformation of the Victorian woman. As Lippman acknowledged, ‘“The whole revolution in the field of sexual morals turns upon the fact that external control of the chastity of women is becoming impossible.’’®® Anxiety about women’s extravagant spending on fashionable apparel, represented in DeMille’s texts as a prerequisite for the pursuit of pleasure, was more than a concern about household budgets; it also registered suspicion about women’s sexual fidelity. When the farmer’s wife in The Affairs of Anatol uses church funds to indulge her desires, the rage that she inspires in her self-righteous husband, who wields a whip and stomps on her new dress, is telling. A symbol of the consumer culture, the “‘new woman’”’ raised questions regarding the nature of female sexuality apart from such traditional issues as monogamy and fidelity. As evident in DeMille’s representation of upper-class marriage as spectacle that constituted a form of commodity fetishism for female audiences, the consumption of images as well as goods functioned as a substitute for sexual pleasure. Perhaps this was the ultimate irony resulting from the reification of human consciousness and social relations in postwar consumer capitalism. Display windows including the movie screen constituted a ‘‘ladies’ paradise’’ or an ‘‘Adamless Eden’’ as the locus of female desire,

SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE 175 characterized as infantile and irrational by advertisers and thus subject to manipulation, in a decade touted for a revolution in manners and morals.”” ADVERTISING FOR AFFLUENT CONSUMERS: DeMILLE’S TEXTS AS INTERTEXTS

In their study of Middletown, Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd claimed, “‘It is perhaps impossible to overestimate the role of motion pictures, advertising, and other forms of publicity’ in the rising level of expectations sought in living standards.” Indeed, film distribution and exhibition practices capitalized on the interrelatedness of these promotional forms to interest female spectators in the latest style in fashion and home furnishings. A closer scrutiny of intertextual issues shows, moreover, that contrary to the prewar years when DeMille sought to legitimate feature films

in terms of genteel culture, he himself set trends for advertisers targeting middle- and upper-class readers in the 1920s. The director’s visual style, in other words, became associated with escalating levels of conspicuous consumption rather than with technical advances in film as an art form. DeMille remained ambivalent about this transition in his career and objected to ad campaigns that marketed his films as spectacle. Assuming a defensive and contradictory tone, he protested to Lasky in 1922: The handling of my pictures, from an advertising standpoint, is not in proper proportion to the importance of the productions nor the amount of money expended thereon. ... The attitude of the publicity and sales department... seems to be that the only thing that there is to talk about in a DeMille picture is the size of the sets and the spectacle generally. . .. ] make far more stills than any other company and there is greater attention given to gowns, detail, story and direction than in any pictures made today.°'

Yet the mise-en-scéne of such productions as Forbidden Fruit and The Affairs of Anatol demonstrates that the director was in effect orchestrating spectacle

that displaced the realist aesthetic of his Progressive Era films. The decline of realist representation in DeMille’s Jazz Age films characterized significant trends in the advertising industry as well. An accelerating pace in consumption as well as diminished middle-class sympathy for workers and immigrants were developments related to the waning of realism as a reponse to shocking inequities in urban life. Contrary to the fantasies that pervaded his Jazz Age spectacles, DeMille had earlier stated in a fan magazine that “realism .. . is the most insistent demand of the public.” As he had once vitiated realist aesthetic in favor of sentimentalism in films such as the Chimmie Fadden series and Kindling, DeMille now showcased the

life-style of the wealthy. An unusual film like Saturday Night (1922) that

176 SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE reiterated prewar discourse regarding class and ethnic divisions, interestingly, upgraded the set decoration of the homes of the poor as well as the rich. Yet the legacy of Victorian genteel culture remained evident in the director's representational strategy throughout the 1920s, albeit pictorialism now served to authenticate the commodified self. DeMille’s early Jazz Age films thus provided advertisers with a primer on how to sell consumption as an American way of life. A closer focus on the intertextuality of the director’s mise-en-scéne and magazine ads first requires a brief overview of the consumer revolution and related developments in the advertising industry. As Martha L. Olney demonstrates, a consumer durables revolution stim-

ulated by credit financing and massive advertising, which became a fully deductible corporate expense after enactment of a 1917 excess profits tax, occurred during 1922-1929. She argues that a decrease in savings correlated with an increase in expeditures for major durables such as automobiles, household appliances, and radios despite a relative increment in their cost, whereas the purchase of minor durables such as home furnishings, china, artwork, and books declined in the same period. Although Olney does not explore the social significance of this shift in family expenditures, the status symbols of the middle class most likely changed from goods such as furniture and tableware, signifying gentility in social rituals, to an invention that led to a further collapse of separate spheres, the automobile. A big-ticket item, even lower-priced cars like Chevrolets cost 20 percent of a family’s annual

income and had to be financed on an installment plan. But automobile ownership, as the Lynds point out, was the most important sign of a family’s

social standing among the younger generation. Within the context of a consumer durables revolution, the cufearal warbeen of the Jazz Agewithin was a continuation of a basic conflictthen, in values that had occurring a broad middle class differentiated between ‘‘old”’ and ‘‘new.”’ Since social

historians emphasize that working-class and immigrant groups subject to periodic layoffs had neither the disposable income nor the predilection to purchase consumer goods on credit, the democratization of luxury was for them restricted to visual appropriation.® By contrast, the respectable middle class not only enjoyed increasingly seductive forms of spectacle, as exemplified by DeMille’s feature films, but also had access to levels of consumption that signified a superior social status. Although filmmakers courted a mass audience in the 1920s, in contrast to advertisers who addressed an upper-middle- and upper-class readership, Famous Players-Lasky developed an exploitation strategy that emphasized premieres at first-run theaters patronized by more affluent filmgoers. Why were DeMille’s spectacles major attractions at downtown movie palaces during the Jazz Age? Why, indeed, did the director’s mise-en-scéne provide a useful intertext for advertisers? As Roland Marchand argues in a study in

SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE 177 which he singles out the director, magazine editors and copywriters borrowed from the film industry its image ofa public bored with humdrum lives. DeMille articulated a viewpoint regarding the function of spectacle for the

lower class that advertisers found relevant in addressing the well-to-do: ‘Your poor person wants to see wealth, colorful, interesting, exotic—he has an idea of it many times more brightly colored than the reality.’’ An earlier

statement reveals that the director also understood the function he performed for audiences as a showman: ‘The desire [for beauty] is greater than

the means of gratification. . . . Give beauty to the world, and you’ll be successful.’’°* Apart from glamorous representations of upper-class life in widely circulated magazines like Saturday Evening Post and Ladies’ Home Journal, the influence of filmmakers like DeMille on advertising is observable in a number of industry developments during the 1920s. Particularly significant in the evolution of advertising during the decade was the seductive and streamlined image of the ‘““new woman.”’ As opposed to World War I posters that emphasized maternal and nurturing qualities, the image of a young woman seated before a dresser, a standard shot in Old Wives for New, Don’t Change Your Husband, Why Change Your Wife?, Forbidden

Fruit, and The Affairs of Anatol, became formulaic in ads that defined the modern woman. Ladies’ Home Journal—a Curtis Publishing Company prod-

uct that pioneered ad stripping in 1896 so that ads were placed in a format with fiction and feature articles—increased its fashion content from 16 percent in 1918-1920 to 30 percent in 1922-1923. A major breakthrough in the use of color in magazine ads for such domestic products as bathroom towels occurred between 1924 and 1928. An emphasis on ensembles in women’s apparel and accessories became popular in 1926~—1927 and also served as an important theme in home furnishing, especially the decoration of bathrooms as a conspicuous showcase. DeMille’s feature films served as significant intertexts for several of these developments. A trendsetter, the

director featured elegant table settings, novel bathroom scenes, and ensemble, woven cane bedroom furniture in Old Wives for New in-1918. A medium close-up of Swanson sleeping on an embroidered pillowcase trimmed with lace in Don’t Change Your Husband stressed the importance of

fine linens in 1919. For advertisers, the streamlined Art Deco design that DeMille used so inventively with the Handschieg] color process in The Affairs

of Anatol in 1921 became a signifier of modernity. An increasing use of elements of fantasy in representational strategies was countered, however, by a tradition of realism that was still persuasive in ads as opposed to film spectacle. Without question, the intertextuality of feature film and advertising was most evident in the use of narrative to sell products. Copywriters

created social tableaux in the pictorial tradition and employed the conventions of melodrama to dramatize consumer desire for commodities. As Motion Picture News observed, DeMille engaged in a reverse practice by

178 SET AND COSTUME DESIGN AS SPECTACLE inserting product labels in Why Change Your Wife?, surely a blatant mode of incorporating advertising in filmic narration. Undoubtedly most important in these narratives was the rationalization of a consumer ethos in terms of the Victorian rhetoric of uplift. Ad men, as Marchand argues, thought of themselves as “‘apostles of modernity”’ with a mission to assuage anxiety provoked by modernization and to educate the public, especially women, about the advantages of using products to achieve a distinctive life-style. Ads created by these men were ‘“‘secular sermons’’ that bestowed upon goods spiritual qualities transcending the mere satisfaction of material needs. The sacrosanct tone associated with the refinement of highbrow culture, ironically, was transferable to mass cultural forms that stimulated the growth of

consumption and commercialized leisure. A filmmaker who shared the elite socioeconomic background of men in the advertising business, DeMille, too, spoke in terms of a mission that was

part of his family’s theatrical legacy to use the stage as a pulpit. At the beginning of the 1920s, he articulated a faith in cultural stewardship that belonged to the Progressive Era: ‘‘I believe that the people who make up the middle and sometimes the lower elements of human society have a keen grasp on the essentials of drama and life; that their appreciation is worthy of our cultivation.” Similarly, he summed up his achievement toward the end of the decade: “I believe I have had an obvious effect upon American

life. I have brought a certain sense of beauty and luxury into everyday existence, all jokes about ornate bathrooms and de luxe boudoirs aside.’”’°° Such sentiment was undoubtedly shared by advertisers who reproduced the director's representational strategy to mediate the experience of modernity

for affluent consumers. DeMille himself set an example, as he not only preached uplift through consumption but led a baronial life-style that included a hillside mansion, chauffeured limousine, yacht, and Western style ranch.°’ Yet in response to critics who began to dismiss his productions as ostentatious exercises in set and costume design, he returned to the Bible as an inspiration for The Ten Commandments (1923) and articulated a nos-

talgic vision of America that still resonated in a consumer culture.

SEVEN

DeMille’s Exodus from Famous Players-Lasky: The Ten Commandments (1923)

ANTIMODERNISM AS HISTORICAL REPRESENTATION: THE KING JAMES VERSION OF THE BIBLE AS SPECTACLE When Motion Picture Classic published stills from ‘“The Drama of the Decalogue’’ during the filming of The Ten Commandmenis, it repeated the anecdote that DeMille drew his inspiration for the film from the results of a Los Angeles Times contest for an original story. An avalanche of mail poured.

in from fans eager to see a production with a religious theme. According to a souvenir program, ‘““The contest revealed ... that... the clean, sober minds of the vast majority of people are not interested in froth but in the virile, vital things of life, the epic ideas of all times.’’ Descended from a distinguished playwright who had written in his diary that he learned Greek by studying the New Testament, DeMille did not need much prodding to mount a lavish production about the biblical past.’ A close analysis of the acclaimed spectacle shows that it represents not only a summation of the director’s career at Famous Players-Lasky but a preview of his achievement in the sound era. The Ten Commandments thus remains a Janus-faced pro-

duction that simultaneously looks backward and forward in time. On the one hand, the biblical epic signifies a return to the antimodernist tradition of civic pageantry in its representation of a macrocosm and its nostalgia for the moral certitude and sense of community associated with small-town life.”

On the other, the director’s technical achievement with respect to use of color processes, special effects, and colossal set design attests to the reification of religious uplift as spectacle in a modern consumer culture. A narrative divided into two parts, with separate casts enacting plots in different historical periods, The Ten Commandments appeared innovative but

continued in the tradition of Victorian pictorialism. As industry discourse 179

180 DeMILLE’S EXODUS FROM FAMOUS PLAYERS-LASKY

on the film’s production attests, the Biblical Prologue dramatizing the exodus from Egypt attracted considerably more attention than the Modern Story of the Jazz Age. After setting trends in both fashion and filmmaking in the early postwar years, DeMille reverted to a narrative strategy based on intertexts as established forms of middle-class culture. Apart from invoking the tradition of historical pageantry, which reached its apogee in the years immediately before the First World War, he relied upon audience familiarity with the King James Version of the Bible and cited chapter and verse in the art titles. The Biblical Prologue of The Ten Commandments thus served as an illustration of the Book of Exodus or the Second Book of Moses in the Old Testament. As such, it appealed to the cultural taste of the genteel classes who were acquainted with the definitive illustrations of the Bible by Gustave Doré, a celebrated artist whose work was published in France in 1865 and subsequently appeared in expensive, gilt-edged editions in Great Britain and the United States. Although this religious iconography was undoubtedly familiar to adherents of liberal Protestantism, which became increasingly secularized in the twentieth century, the rise of fundamentalism meant that the Bible was widely read among the lower-middle and native-born working classes as well.” As Motion Picture News acknowledged, the casting of the Biblical Prologue required “‘players of unusual ability as their performance will be carefully watched by millions to whom they are familiar through Biblical reading.’’ The trade journal was obviously not referring to Catholics,

who, unlike Protestants, did not emphasize biblical study as a religious practice and, moreover, had adopted the Douay-Rheims translation from St. Jerome’s Vulgate as opposed to the King James Version.* Apart from the Bible and Doré’s illustrations, DeMille’s representation of the exodus has to be considered with reference to yet another intertext, sensational news reports about the discovery of the tomb of King Tutankhamun in November 1922. American newspapers, especially the Chicago Daily News, participated in coverage of the excavation that involved the Metropolitan Museum of Art in a significant role. According to Thomas Hoving,

the event was “‘one of the longest-lasting news stories in the history of journalism [and] would continue unabated almost daily and weekly for eight years.’’ A significant component in the construction of an Orientalized Middle East as a site of the mysterious ‘‘Other,”’ the discovery of the tomb influenced the exploitation strategy of The Ten Commandments. A section in the souvenir program titled “Lost Arts of Egypt,’ for example, referred to

Tutankhamun on the assumption that educated filmgoers were informed about an event touted as ‘‘the most sensational in Egyptology.’’” Yet unlike Joan the Woman, which offended Catholics and failed to appeal to a broad audience, The Ten Commandments drew crowds of moviegoers who were

unfamiliar with genteel middle-class culture. The fundamentalist lowermiddle and native-born working classes, especially in small towns and rural

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e

182 DeMILLE’S EXODUS FROM FAMOUS PLAYERS-LASKY

areas, most likely brought to the filmic text a belief in biblical literalism. As

for uneducated spectators, the visual appropriation of unsurpassed spectacle in color was achieved without the mediation of such intertexts as The Doré Bible but within the context of both immigrant subcultures and a larger

consumer culture. Addressing any possible objections regarding the religious content of the film that might offend a broad moviegoing public, Vanety assured exhibitors, “‘It’s a great picture for the Jews. It shows the Bible

made them the Chosen People, and also (on the statement of a Catholic) it will be as well liked by the Catholics for its Catholicity.’’”®

An aspect of consumption anticipated by historical pageants that were ironically organized to offset the lure of commercialized amusement, publicity about the building of Egyptian sets on sand dunes near the coastal city

of Guadalupe, California, attests to film production itself as a form of spectacle and commodity fetishism.’ A report in Motion Picture News echoed

pre-World War I publicity in print media and newsreels about the expenditure of enormous resources to stage civic pageantry. Exhibitors read about the installation of a twenty-four-square-mile tent city to house 2,500 inhabitants and 3,000 animals, including horses, camels, burros, poultry, and dogs, assembled for scenes of the exodus. A complete utilities system pro-

viding water, electricity, and telephones had been built in addition to transportation facilities. Construction of the most impressive structure of the set, a massive entrance to the City of Rameses that measured 750 feet wide and 109 feet high, required 300 tons of plaster, 55,000 board feet of lumber, 25,000 pounds of nails, and 75 miles of cable and wiring. A fact sheet

in the souvenir program repeated this preproduction publicity by stressing the extraordinary logistics involved in building the edifice and cited several statistics. After enormous cost overruns that nearly crippled Famous PlayersLasky, DeMille then buried the site in yet another spectacular act of consumption as waste and thereby recycled film history for future archaeological teams that recently excavated the sets.® Although not as sensational as the discovery of Tutankhamun’s tomb, the excavation of the filmmaker’s version of the City of Rameses provided a strange reenactment of the study of antiquities. Aside from the spectacle created by massive film production that paralleled the representation itself as a commodity form, DeMille’s epic evinced

other contradictions inherent in antimodernist civic pageantry. Perhaps most obvious was the construction of the Biblical Prologue as a succession of extreme long and long shots with cuts to occasional medium shots of the actors. As such, the epic represented a didactic series of tableaux for the edification of spectators that appeared stylistically regressive rather than producing the “‘eclipse of distance’’ characteristic of a more modernist aesthetic.” Yet the spectacular use of sets, crowd scenes, special effects, and color that dictated the scale of shots also elicited audience response tinged

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