Catholic Church and Modern Science. Documents from the Archives of the Roman Congregations of the Holy Office and the Index [Volume I. Sixteenth-century documents. Tome 3] 8820982889, 9788820982881

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FONTES ARCHIVI SANCTI OFFICII ROMANI SERIES DOCUMENTORUM ARCHIVI

CONGREGATIONIS PRO DOCTRINA FIDEI

5 CATHOLIC CHURCH AND MODERN SCIENCE Ugo Baldini, General Editor

ROMZE EX OFFICINA LIBRARIA VATICANA A. MMIX

FONTES ARCHIVI SANCTI OFFICII ROMANI

------------------------------- 5--------------------------------

CATHOLIC CHURCH AND MODERN SCIENCE Documents from the Archives of the Doman Congregations of the Holy Office and the Index

Volume I SIXTEENTH - CENTURY DOCUMENTS

Edited by Ugo Baldini and Leen Spruit

TOME 3

LIBRERIA EDITRICE VATICANA ROMA 2009

35 2042 A

Universitaetsbibliothek LMB Kassel

2 645 499 9

© Copyright 2009 - Libreria Editrice Vaticana - 00120 Città del Vaticano Tel. 06.698.85003 - Fax 06.698.84716

ISBN 978-88-209-8288-1 www.libreriaeditricevaticana.com

INDEX OF CONTENTS TOME 3

Part two: Trials, Censurae, Prohibitions

Second 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 4L 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60.

section: Individual cases

Levinus Hulsius........................................................................ 1905 Hadrianus Junius........................................................................ 1908 Johann Kentmann..................................................................... 1913 Levinus Lemnius........................................................................ 1915 Cyprian Leowitz........................................................................ 1970 Johann Lonitzer........................................................................ 1979 Ramon Lull.................................................................................. 1983 Gerard Mercator..................................................................... 2051 Jakob Milich........................................................................... 2068 Antoine Mizauld..................................................................... 2077 Sebastian Munster.................................................................. 2089 Michael Neander........................................................................ 2137 David Origanus........................................................................ 2140 Abraham Ortelius.....................................................................2151 Theophrast Paracelsus.............................................................. 2166 Francesco Patrizi........................................................................ 2197 Benito Pereira........................................................................ 2265 Kaspar Peucer........................................................................ 2272 Pietro Pomponazzi................................................................. 2277 Gioviano Pontano................................................................. 2281 Petrus Ramus........................................................................... 2285 Erasmus Reinhold................................................................. 2297 Friedrich Risner..................................................................... 2300 Francesco Sansovini.............................................................. 2302 Julius Caesar Scaliger........................................................... 2304 ~ V ~

INDEX OF CONTENTS

61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86.

Josephus Justus Scaliger........................................................... 2311 Jakob Schegk........................................................................... 2326

Johann Schoner..................................................................... 2331 André Schott........................................................................... 2340 Erasmus Oswald Schreckenfuchs....................................... 2342 Clemens Schubert.................................................................. 2362 Simone Simoni........................................................................ 2377 Jean Stade............................................................................... 2385 Agostino Steuco..................................................................... 2388 Nicola Antonio Stigliola........................................................ 2402 Matteo Tafuri.............................................................................. 2411 Bernardino Telesio..................................................................... 2415 Johann Conrad Ulmer........................................................... 2426 Joachim Vadianus.................................................................. 2428 Francisco Valles..................................................................... 2435 Henricus de Veno.................................................................. 2447 Battista Vertemati.................................................................. 2459 Polidoro Virgilio..................................................................... 2462 Johann Jakob Wecker........................................................... 2480 Aelius Franciscus van der Wiel.............................................. 2513 Johann Wild (Ferus)................................ 2516 Hieronymus Wildenberg........................................................ 2530 Hermann Witekind.............................................................. 2542 Hieronymus Wolf.................................................................. 2545 Wilhelm Xylander.................................................................. 2554 Jakob Ziegler........................................................................... 2558

Part Three: Licences Introduction

..................................................................................... 2567

Documents......................................................................................... 2596

~ VI ~

36 LEVINUS HULSIUS (LIEVIN VAN HULSE)

Hulsius (ca. 1546-1606) was active as an author, editor and printer. No work published by him was ever placed in any sixteenth-century Index, whether issued in Rome or elsewhere. Little is known about his religious views, and his participation in the Dutch and Flemish re­ volt against Spain does not automatically mean that he was a Calvini­ st. Even if the works he wrote or published reveal a remarkable free­ dom of thought, citing both Catholic and Protestant authors, his many-sided activities did not prompt any legal proceedings by the Roman Congregations. In ACDF documents Hulsius’ name is only mentioned in the brief document reproduced below, which concerns his Chronologia}

1 The work appeared between 1596 and 1597 in two Latin editions (Hulsius 1596 and 1597) and in two German editions at Nuremberg; cf. VD 16, IX, p. 506. It was a geochrono­ logy of Europe, including Russia and the Western region of the Turkish Empire.

1905

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

1 Decree of the Congregation for the Index

(Rome, 20 December 1597) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, fols. 106v-107r

106v

Die xx. Decembris

Congregatio habita fuit apud Ill.mum et R.mum Cardinalem Veronen­ sem ad Urbem nuper con salute3 à sua Ecclesia reversum,2 et interfue­ runt Card.es Terranova3 Asculanus4 Boromeus5 Baronius6 Avila.7 à Sanctiss(im)o D. N. Congreg(ationi) nunc primum adiunctus

“con salute”: sic.

2 3 4 5 6 7

After he became Cardinal, Agostino Valier remained Bishop of Verona; BlOGR. Simone Tagliavia de Aragon; BlOGR. Girolamo Bernieri; BlOGR. Federico Borromeo; BlOGR. Cesare Baronio; BlOGR. Francisco Guzman de Avila; BlOGR.

- 1906 ~

36. LEVINUS HULSIUS

Ascanius Columna8 non interfuit, sed affuit Magister Sacri Palati].9 (...) Savonensis Episcopus10 denunciat Chronolog(iam) Levini Hulsi, er­ 107r rores continere, cui rescriptum, ut exactam censuram transmittat.11

8 Ascanio Colonna; BlOGR. 9 Giovanni Battista Lanci; BlOGR. 10 From 1587 till at least 1600 the Bishop of Savona was Pier Francesco Costa (15441625). His letter to the Congregation has not been found. Costa had a broad experience in book censorhip. About 1580, he had collaborated with Guglielmo Sirleto, Dean of the Con­ gregation for the Index, and from 1583 to 1585 he was Inquisitor of Malta. From 1606 to 1624 he was Nuncio in Savoy; see DBI, 30, pp. 246-48. 11 The Bishop surely referred to one of the Latin editions. The censura asked for is not in ACDF, and it is not sure whether it was ever sent in. Hulsius’ (mainly descriptive) work only incidentally touched upon religious issues; thus, it is hard to reconstruct the errors the Bishop had identified. Possibly, he was critical about the presentation of the Ecclesiastical State. Moreover, among the authors cited in the text and mentioned on the title-page were several suspect or condemned Protestant authors, like Ortelius, Chytraeus, Mercator, Lowenklau.

1907

37

HADRIANUS JUNIUS (ADRIAEN DE JONGHE)

The Dutch physician and humanist Hadrianus Junius (1512-1575)1 was the author of various literary, historical and botanical works, in­ cluding a polyglot dictionary Nomenclator (Antwerp 1567), an impor­ tant historical work about the province of Holland, Batavia, (Leiden 1588), a treatise about a stinkhorn (which was later given the name Phallus hadriani) common in the sand dunes of the coast of the Netherlands, entitled Phalli. Ex fungorum genere in Hollandiae sab­ uletis passim crescentis descriptio, & ad vivum expressa pictura (Delft 1564). He was prohibited as a heretic in the Indexes of Rome (1559, 1564, 1590, 1593, 1596), and Spain (1583),2 not as the result of any examination of his works but simply because of his Protestant creed. ACDF holds one, short censura of his De anno et mensibus (first edi­ tion 1553). The first part of this work contains a theory of the calendar as well as a comparison between the Julian and pre-Roman calendars. Junius was among the sixteenth-century authors who thought that Julius Caesar derived the notions for his own calendar from conversa­ tions with Egyptian priests.3 The second part merely consists of a list of memorable events that have happened on every day of the year. The first part, a quite concise exposition without any really original views, most probably played a fairly modest role in chronological debates during the pre-Mercator era. Also, given that it was composed before the Gregorian Calendar Reform, this work also lacks any possible polemical remarks about the latter from a Protestant point of view. It is not clear why this work was examined by the (unknown) Francis­ co Pinta, as Junius was prohibited as a heretic as early as 1559. The Cen­ sor noted that Junius mentioned English monarchs who in the past had challenged the authority of the pope, and criticized the mentioning of Erasmus as well as the author’s interpretation of some biblical passages. 1 See ch. Eunapius, for censurae of Junius’ translation of Eunapius, De vitis philosopho­ rum and sophistarum. 2 ILI, Vili, p. 488; VI, pp. 158, 343; IX, pp. 818, 879, 948. 3 See Grafton 1983-1993: II, pp. 51-52.

~ 1908

37. HADRIANUS JUNIUS

1 Francisco Pinta,4 Censura of Hadrianus Junius, De anno et mensibus

(Rome, ante 1590) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, H (II.a.7), fols. 230r-v, 233v

In Hadriani Iunii primae classis haeretici Commentarium Basii, im­ 23 Or pressus henri. Petri 1553a de Anno et mensibus. Fran(cis)ci Pinta Censura.5 In epist. dedicatoria pag. ult. linea 3. invocat numen Eduardi regis Angliae.6 Forsitan cum sui similibus sentiens, qui spreta et abiecta summi Pontificis potestate, tam divinarum quam humanarum rerum moderamen penes secularem potestatem constituunt0. In Catalogo autorum qui mox succedit coi. 2 linea ult. et in ipsius operis pag. 6 lin. 2 et in indice qui praeponitur operi citatur Era­ smus0. pag. 48 lin. 23 ubi legitur Divo Carolo V. deleatur verbum, Divod.7 a “Basii. (...).. 1553”: added in the margin. b In the margin, in another hand: “Dele, cuius presens numen etc. usque Londini Kalen”. The same hand wrote the marginal annotations reported in the following notes. * In the margin: “Deleatur”. d In the margin: “Del”. 4 Francisco Pinta; no biographical information found. He also composed a censura of Antonio Grataroli, De immortalitate animae ad mentem Aristotelis (Venice 1554) ; cf. ACDF, Index, Protocolli, H (II.a.7), f. 504r. 5 Junius 1553. The work was reprinted in J.G. Graevius (ed.), Thesaurus antiquitatum ro­ manarum, VIII, Utrecht-Leiden 1698. Cf. Grafton 1983-1993: II, p. 26, note 2. 6 The work was dedicated to “Serenissimo Invictissimoque Principi Edwardo VI Angliae, Franciae, et Hiberniae Regi, Fidei Difensori”. At the end of the dedicatory epistle, Junius wrote: “Hunc laborem e literariae opulentiae et variae lectionis penu depromptum T(uae) Maiest(ati) consacro, cuius praesens numen, ut hostibus formidabile et infestum, ita adversus dentatos ma­ levolorum morsus, meae tenuitati propritium in hac dedicatione delibere visum fuit”. 7 In order to show that the belief in inauspicious (“infausti”) days was groundless, Junius called attention to the fact that, although 29 February was a ‘leap’ day, and thus inauspi­ cious, it was nonetheless the birthday of “Divus Carolus V”.

1909

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

pag. 57 lin. 10 dicit aquam à Christo commutatam in vinum die 5. Ianuarii cuius sententiae autorem citat epiphanium8 quem mihi con­ sulere non licuit, utcumque tamen sit emendari debet hic locus cum ecclesia quae errare non potest diei sexto miraculum istud attribuat3. pag. 59 lin. 9 et in indice et pag. 103 lin. 21 citatur Henricus VIII. Angliae rex haereticus primae classis, nomen illius non memoretur amplius.9 pag. 63 in principio. Hadriani verba, significare videntur, loca quae citantur ex libro Esdrae sibi esse opposita, cum nihil minus verum sit.10 qua de re cum nihil apud alios invenire potuerim, meam senten­ tiam exponam, itaque quod Esdrae lib. 1 cap 611 dicitur: domum dei completam esse die 3 etc. intelligendum videtur de solius aedificii structura, quod verob lib. 3 cap. 712 dicitur: consumatam esse die 23 significatur intelligi de dedicatione templi et caeteris quae ad perfec­ tam et absolutam dispositionem pertinerent. Quod meum commen­ tum videtur elici ac fulciri posse ex eodem lib. 1 cap. 613 ubi dicitur quod post praedictum 3 diem filii israel celebraverunt Pascha Phase, die videlicet 14 ut iam habeamus numerum dierum 17. Quod si rur­ sus addideris septem dies Azimorum de quibus etiam ibi fit mentio (incipiendo tamen numerum ab ipso die 17 inclusive) fiunt dies 23 et uterque locus sibi constat.

11 In the margin: “ponatur in marg. 6”. b After “vero”: “dicitur”, erased.

8 “Aquam in vinum commutavit Canae Christus. Epiphan”. Epiphanius (ca. 310/20 403), Church Father and bishop of Salamis on Cyprus, heresiologist and a strong defender of orthodoxy, known for tracking down deviant teachings wherever they could be traced, during the troubled era in the Christian Church following the Council of Nicaea; his works are in PG, 41-43. 9 On p. 59, line 14 (not 9), among the events of 26 January Junius recalled one of Henry VIII’s deeds. On p. 103, among the events of 15 October, his conquest of a city was recalled. 10 Among the events of 23 February: “Templum Hierosolymitanum absolutum. Estrae lib. 3 cap. 7, at lib. 1 cap. 6, ait perfectum fuisse tertia die mensis Adar”. 11 I Esr 6: 15: “et conpleverunt domum Dei istam usque ad tertium mensis adar qui est annus sextus regni Darii regis”. 12 III Esr 7: 5: “Et consummata est domus sancta usque ad tertiam et vicesimam diem mensis adar, sexto anno Darii regis”. 13 I Esr 6: 19: “fecerunt autem filii transmigrationis pascha quartadecima die mensis primi”.

1910

37. HADRIANUS JUNIUS

pag. 74 liti. 13 asserit Mahumetum fuisse verum Antichristum3.14 utique intelligit non effectu tantum modo, aut operum imitatione sed etiam persona ita ut nullus alius Antichristus venturus sit, refert enim Clitoneus in commentar. loan. Damasceni, fuisse etiam viros non ine­ ruditos qui dicerent Mahumetum fuisse verum Antichristum, que­ madmodum et alii Neronem etc. emendetur hic locus. Quodsi ad haec ex superiore libri parte deleatur nomen autoris po­ 23 Ov terit huius libri lectio permitti.15 pag.. linea16 20. 15. èneppàAAog. lege EKEpPaAAocn 37. 18. untiatorem. lege initiatorem 21. 12. qumque lege quique 46. 8. Tymposiacis. lege. Symposiacis 98. 18. malitiae, lege militiae. 102. penult. Exacta, lege exsecta. 116. 14. Georgium. Lege Gregorium. 116. 20.17 Philippe, omnino legendum Phlippe detracto per synco-

a In the margin: “Dele veri (sic) Antichristum”. 14 Among the events of 23 April: “Hic dies natalis fuit Mahumethi Agareni veri Antichristi”. The following quote is probably from an edition of Ioannes Damascenus’ Opera with a commentary by Jodocus Clichthove; cf. Ioannes Damascenus 1546. 15 The first part of the work (pp. 1-55) exposed the structure of the pre-Roman calendars and that of the Julian Calendar, with additions and modifications introduced by the Church. The second part (pp. 56-113) contained the Fasti, that is, a list of remarkable events that happened on every day of the year. The final part (pp. 113-123) listed the major Christians feasts of every month and discussed the origin of the names of the months. 16 In addition to the list of passages to correct from a doctrinal point of view, the Censor included, another, quite unusual, list of misprints to be corrected in a possibible future edi­ tion. All his remarks till “Gregorium” are correct, exception made for the one on p. 21, whe­ re Junius’ text “(...) additque neminem mirari debere eam dierum diversitatem, quum dili­ gentissimi quinque astrologi sua tempestate (...) statuerint,” is correct. 17 On pp. 116-17, Junius reproduced a “Calendarium” of Georgius Macropedius (proba­ bly, Macropedius 1541; cf. ch. The Organization of the Index, doc. VI.3, f. 21 lr), which re­ ported for every month in Latin verses one or two relative events of Christian history. The Censor proposed to correct the first of the two verses regarding May: “Philippe Crucem das Ioanni quem dolia servant // maius amoena parat, rapidum Urbanusque dat aestum”. The observation of the Censor on the metric employed in the verse (hexameter) was correct.

1911

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

pen primo .i. ut duae tantummodo syllabae sint, ac tertia demum sil­ laba incidat in particulam Cru. ut scilicet significetur festum inventio­ nis S. Crucis celebrari die 3 Maii. praeterquam quod ratio metri hoc idem postulat. 233v In Hadriani Iunii Commentarium de Anno et mensibus Censura. Basileae Henri. Petri. 1553 .a

“In Hadriani (...) 1553”.: annotation.

~ 1912

38

JOHANN KENTMANN

Kentmann (1518-1574), a physician and chemist, was a convinced Lutheran, as clearly shown from the document reproduced below. Yet, neither his name nor any of his works was ever placed in any sixteenth­ century or later Index. In effect, his case confirms that the general rules of the Index did not lead to a systematic prohibition of the scien­ tific works by Protestant authors.1 Kentmann’s publications were en­ tirely devoted to medical and naturalist issues, and thus there was no reason to prohibit them. However, this also held true for authors, such as, Freige or Xylander, who by contrast were prohibited as heretics. Calculorum (...) genera XII, object of the anonymous note or accusa­ tion below, was his major scientific work, furnishing the first specific study on gallstones. It was published only once, in the De omni rerum fossilium genere collection edited by Gessner, and, most likely, this was the circumstance triggering the Roman examination. The collection was probably viewed as suspect because it contained an essay by Georg Fabricius which was corrected in the expurgatory Indexes of Antwerp (1571) and Spain (1584). It was certainly no coincidence that the note on Kentmann was written on the same page as the one regard­ ing Fabricius.2 However, it is remarkable that the Censors, although highlighting the profession of Lutheran faith, openly appreciated the quality of the essays in Gessner’s collection.3

1 See ch. The Organization of the Index, section II. 2 See ch. Georg Fabricius. 3 See ch. Medicine and Philosophy, doc. 1, f. 230v.

~ 1913 ~

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

1 Anonymous, Note on Calculorum qui in corpore (...) innascuntur genera XII

(Rome, ca. 1588-1591)4 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, H (II.a.7), f. 436r

436r

Ioannes Kentmanus Dresdensis Medicus, in lib(ro) qui inscribitur de Calculis qui in Corpore, ac membris hominum innascuntur in cap. de calculis in vesica hominis duratis car. xi. et xij.5

Hoc salutari praeside vera religionis doctrina à sordibus monacho­ rum repurgata atque illustrata per virum excellentem ac vere divi­ num, Martinum Lutherum innotescere ac propagari caepit, anno à Christo nato 1517, pro quo summo beneficio Deo sempiternas gratias agere omnes debemus, quia nos ex Papisticis tenebris clementer eri­ puit, atque ex fascino superstitionum et falsarum opinionum laqueis explicatos reduxit ad lucem doctrinae purioris et agnitionem veram mediatoris Iesu Christi, cuius nomen iam penè deleverat oblivio.6(...)

4 For place and date of this note, see ch. Fabricius, doc. 1. The datation is also confirmed by the doc. cited in the previous note, probably written in the same period. } Calculorum, qui in corpore ac membris hominum innascuntur, genera XII, published by Konrad Gessner in De omni rerum fossilium genere (...) libri aliquot (...) (Gessner 1565). That essay, the second of the collection, was followed by another one by the same Kentmann, Nomenclaturae rerum fossilium, quae in Misnia praecipue, et in aliis quoque regionibus inveniuntur, with a separate page numeration (fols. lr-22r). 6 The context of the passage (fols. llv-12r) is the praise of Friedrich III of Saxony, cited by Kentmann because he died of bladder-stones.

1914 ~

39 LEVINUS LEMNIUS (LIEVEN LEMSE) Among the works of Levinus Lemnius (1505-1568), Dutch physi­ cian born in Zierikzee (in the province of Zeeland), four books with a more or less scientific character1 under various guises drew the atten­ tion of the Congregation, namely De astrologia,2 De miraculis occultis naturae? De habitu et constitutione corporis? and Herbarum atque ar­ borum similitudines? De astrologia was mentioned in a kind of inven­ tory drawn up in the late 1580s,6 and the author of a contemporary document suggested that De habitu be placed in the Index.7 In the following decade, the attention of the Index concentrated on Lemnius’ most famous work, De miraculis occultis naturae, as it is mentioned in documents dealing with the organization and prepara­ tion of the new Index(es).8 The work, which had been prohibited in 1 Ambrogio da Asola (BlOGR.) also wrote a censura of Liber Paraenesis sive Exhortatio ad vitam optime instituendam, in ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (II.a.23), fols. 290v-295v, which is not examined here. 2 See Lemnius 1554. 3 During the sixteenth century, De miraculis occultis naturae appeared in the following editions: Antwerp (1559, 1561; reprints: Venice 1564, 1567, 1570), Antwerp (1564; reprints: Antwerp 1567; Gand 1570, 1571, 1572; Cologne 1573), Antwerp (1574; reprints: Antwerp 1581; Cologne 1581; Jena 1588; Frankfurt 1590, 1593, 1598). It also appeared in a French translation (1566, 1567), an Italian translation (Venice 1563), and a German translation (1569, 1572, 1575, 1580, 1588, 1592, 1593); see Hoorn 1978, pp. 306-310. 4 The work appeared in the following editions: Frankfurt (1581, 1591, 1596), Erfurt (1582), Jena (1587). An Italian translation appeared as well; see Lemnius 1564. 5 Herbarum atque arborum quae in Bibliis passim obviae sunt, et ex quibus Sacri Vates simi­ litudines desumunt appeared in the following Latin editions and reprints: Antwerp (1566, 1568; reprints: Antwerp 1569; Erfurt 1581, 1584; Frankfurt 1591, 1593, 1596). The work was also published by Francisco Valles (Valesius) in his De sacra philosophia, in the editions which appeared in Lyon (1588, 1592, 1595); see also ch. Valesius. In 1587, it appeared also in an English translation; see Hoorn 1978, pp. 311-12. 6 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 3 (post 1570), f. 209v. 7 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 12 (1587-90), f. 567r. 8 Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 3 (post 1575) mentions the work in a 1554 edition. It is also mentioned on a list of books (ca. 1587-1590) published in France and

1915 ~

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

the Spanish Index of 1583 and expurgated in that of 1584 (copy in doc. I),9 was placed in the Roman Indexes of 1590 and 1593 with the clause “quamdiu repurgata non fuerint”,10 and analogously on the Clementine Index with the proviso “donec expurgetur”.11 However, Herbarum atque arborum similitudines, of which an Expurgatory Cen­ sura is reproduced herebelow, was not prohibited. The Index’s Consultors did not agree on the modalities for the prohibition of Lemnius’ works, especially with regard to De miraculis occultis and Similitudines. For example, in 1592 Olibona proposed that Lemnius be included in the Index’s second class,12 while Alfonso Chacon saw no reason for this and proposed that the works be permit­ ted in an emendated version.13 This advice, subsequently adhered to by Olibona,14 was eventually adopted by the Congregation in 1596.15 The ensuing expurgatory censura was initially commissioned to the first class of Consultors,16 and then on 26 July 1597 - probably after having sought Christoph Clavius’ advice (doc. 2) - to the Universities of Padua and Pisa.11 Another document attests to the presence of an Germany, and known in Rome; see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 9 (1587-90), f. 156dv; cf. same sect., doc. 17 (post 1595), f. 113r. 9 ILI, VI, pp. 433, 854-55; for the text of the expurgatory censura, see pp. 1022-23; cf. in­ dex (...) collectus, pp. 432-33. See also ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 13 (1593), f. 9r, which mentions the work among the books Censored by the Spanish Index. 10 ILI, IX, pp. 829, 889. 11 ILI, IX, pp. 632-33; see also several lists datable in the 1590s: ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 18 (post 1594), f. 519v, and sect. V, doc. 19 (1592-97), f. 537v; cf. sect. VII, doc. 11 (1596-99), f. 477r. 12 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. IV, doc. 11, on f. 124v. 13 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 14, on f. 150v: “Levinus Lemnius nescio qua ratione ponitur in prima classe, est enim vir catholicus et pius in ijs quae ego legi de historia plantarum, de arboribus et plantis quae continentur in Sacra Scriptura, de occul­ tis naturae miraculis sed tamquam catholicus, et postea inter catholicos eius naturae miracula expurganda proponuntur”. See also f. 15lr. 14 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. IV, doc. 3 (1592), f. 170v: “Levinum Lem­ nium ab hac classe adimerem in 2. collocandum eiusque librum de occultis naturae miraculis expurgatum permitterem. Ut in 2. classe dicitur unde a prima adimendus videtur”. 15 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 20 (post 1596), which lists De mi­ raculis occultis among “Libri expurgabiles in ultimo Indice descripti”. 16 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VII, doc. 9 (1594-97), f. 98r. 17 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VII, docs. 13 (1596), 419r, and 14 (159798),f.516v.

1916

59. LEVINUS LEMNIUS

expurgatory censura in Treviso,18 but the censurae held in ACDF were written by Ambrogio da Asola (see docs. 3-4), who collaborated with the Paduan seats of the Holy Office and the Index. Notably, Felice Pranzini, the then Paduan Inquisitor, mentioned De miraculis occultis in his Index selectus which was forwarded to Rome the day after Am­ brogio had handed in his censurae (14 March 1598).19 In 1607, Guanzelli’s Expurgatory Index resumed the corrections proposed in the Spanish Expurgatory Index (1584).20 Thus, Lemnius’ De miraculis oc­ cultis was placed in later Roman Indexes with the stipulation “donee expurgetur”.21 Lemnius’ work was an extraordinary compendium of traditional occult phenomena, natural prodigies, herbal lore, and folk beliefs, all of which displayed to prove that “in the smallest works of Nature the Deity shines forth”. Against the tendency of contemporary philo­ sophy to naturalize miracles, he wanted to preserve the presence of God in nature. Natural wonders showed that God’s goodness is dif­ fused through all things, hence demonstrating moral and political truths. Through Lemnius’ deeply pious work, the traditional encyclo­ pedia of secrets and wonders almost imperceptibly transgressed into the encyclopedia of prodigies and monsters.22 In Spain the work was considered suspect for its favouring of magic.23 In contrast, the censu­ rae of Ambrogio da Asola mainly dwell on typically theological issues, such as Lemnius’ opinions on the clergy and the sacraments (espe­ cially the Eucharist and penance), on the value of good works, his in­ terpretation of the Bible, the transliteration of Hebrew names and his preference for translations other than the Vulgate.

18 19 20 21 22 23

See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 14, f. 33 lr. Cf. ch. Medicine and Natural Philosophy, doc. 29 (ante 14 March 1598), £. 266r. See Guanzelli 1607, p. 652. See Index 1819, p. 171. For discussion, see also Eamon 1994, pp. 274-75. See Pardo Tomas 1991, pp. 261-63.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

1 Copy of the Correction of De miraculis occultis naturae in the Expurgatory Index of Spain (1584)

(Rome, 1593-1596)24 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, CC (II.a.25), f. 594r

594r

Levinus Lemnius3

Donec etc. Expurg. In Rom. Pag. 652.25 In Hyspano in fol. Pag. 600, et in 4.° pag. 174. lib. O.26 pag. 291.b Haec expurg(ati)o desump­ ta est ex mixto pag. 432c.27 Ex Levini Lemnij Libris, quatuor de miraculis occultis naturae.28

Lib. 1. cap. 12 deleantur illa verb(a) Nec tantum homines sed men­ tes quoque angelicae^, etc. usque ad illud, cum impossibile ad frugem conferunt?3 a “Levinus Lemnius”: annotation in a third hand. b “lib. O. pag. 291”: in the right margin. c “Donec Expurg. (...) pag. 432”: annotation in a second hand. d The underlining is in the ms. 24 This Spanish censura was copied from the so-called Index collectus or mixtus (compo­ sed in 1593; see ch. The Organization of the Index, doc. VIII.13), and probably during the preparation of the Clementine Index (1596), or else immediately afterwards when the Con­ gregation for the Index started a large-scale campaign for the expurgation of books that we­ re prohibited with the clause “donec corrigatur”. Then, it was annotated and bound when Francesco Maddaleni was Secretary of the Index (1614 to 1626); see Prot. CC, fol. 4r. 25 The work was prohibited with the proviso “donec corrigatur”; Guanzelli 1607, p. 652. It should be kept in mind that this annotation was in a second hand and written after 1607. 26 The annotation refers to the censura of the same work by Ambrogio da Asola in ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (Il.a. 13), fols. 286v-296r (reproduced below). 27 Index (...) collectus, pp. 432-33. For the origin of this Index, see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 13. 28 The edition used by the Censor is Lemnius 1574 or one of its reprints (see Introduc­ tion, suprai, such as Lemnius 1593. 29 The passage regards the possibility that both human and angelic minds can be affected.

1918 ~

39. LEVINUS LEMNIUS

Eodem lib. caput 14. Versus finem ab illis verbis. Cum itaque tota spes, ac fiducia consequendae salutis, omneque in extremis solatium, in resurrectionis fide consistat etc. usque ad finem capitis, totum de­ leatur.3031 33 32 Lib. 2. cap. 1. Versus finem deleantur illa verba. Adeo ut voluntas, alioque alacris, et prompta impetus consiliorum, ipsasque actiones, mo­ derari nequeat A Eodem lib. cap. [5] 1 ad medium deleantur illa verba. Sacrifici vero, et moniales, quoniam otio, somnoque dediti sunt etc. usque ad illud aegre adversus hos morbos subsistunt.52 Lib. 3 cap. 1 ante med. deleant(ur) illa verba. Condonans simul om­ nia nobis delicta etc. usque ad illa verba tam munifico Domino inni­ tantur?5 Eiusdem Lib. caput octavum totum deleat.3435 Lib. 4. cap. 15. Post medium deleant(ur) illa verba. Non desunt pri­ mary, ac praecipui nominis viri etc. usque ad illud ante mundum con­ ditum, ac Caelum Syderibus illustratum.55 Eod. Lib. cap. 21 expungatur totum.36

30 A long passage (almost 4 pages in Lemnius 1593) concerning the doctrine that human salvation consists merely in the resurrection of Christ. 31 Probably, the Censor suspected a limitation of free will. 32 See Lemnius 1593, p. 259: “Sacrifici vero, et moniales, quoniam otio, somnoque dediti sunt, nec ulla exercitia laboresque subeant, aegre adversus hos morbos subsistunt (...)”. 33 Lemnius 1593, pp. 273-74: “Condonans simul omnia nobis delicta, sic periculi, ne in posterum ulli imputentur prioris vitae commissa; modo fide stabiles conceptaque illius fidu­ cia toti tam munico Domino innitantur”. 34 Lemnius 1593, pp. 316-19; the chapter concerns “Cur Belgae, ubi non moleste, ac tu­ multuose parumque, ex animi sententia transacta sit, quaererentur Ioannis Baptistae nocte sibi obtigisse”. 35 Lemnius 1593, p. 422; a rather extensive quote (almost half a page) about the doctrine of the astrological determination of religious events. 36 Lemnius 1593, pp. 436-443; the chapter is entitled: “Unde exoriantur atque emergant in homine conscientiae stimuli: et an, ut affectus et animi perturbationes humoribus ascri­ bendi: an in animo menteque, ac voluntate consistant”.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

2 Decree of the Congregation for the Index

(Rome, 26 July 1597) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, fols. 103v-104v

t03v

Die xxvi. Iulij

i04r

Congregatilo habita apud Ill.um Card. Terranovam,37 ubi interfue­ runt // Card.les Asculanus38 et Baronius39 absentibus Card.bus Boromeo40 et Ascanio;41 interfuit etiama Mag(iste)r S. Palati) R.s admodum P. E Io. bap(tist)a Lancius.42 (...) Lectae litterae ad Card.em Sanctam Severinam43 transmissae pro Censura Orlandi Phuriosi, et reponendos in p.a Classeb Iosephum Scaligerum44 et Levinum Lemnium, et conclusum quod alicui com­ mittatur Censura Orlandi, ut deinceps correctus imprimatur, et con­ sulendus P. Christophorus Clavius Societatis Iesu de scaligero et Lemnio.45

104v

a After “etiam”: “nov”, crossed out. b After “classe”: “Cristophoro”, crossed out.

37 Simone Tagliavia de Aragon; BlOGR. 38 Girolamo Bernieri; BlOGR. 39 Cesare Baronio; BlOGR. 40 Federico Borromeo; BlOGR. 41 Ascanio Colonna; BlOGR. 42 Giovanni Battista Lanci; BlOGR. 43 Giovanni Antonio Santori; BlOGR. 44 Clavius’ advice has not been found, and it is uncertain whether it was ever delivered. Surprisingly, ACDF apparently does not hold any assessments of scientific works by Clavius. See also ch. Josephus Justus Scaliger. 45 Clavius (BlOGR.), professor of mathematics in the Jesuit Collegio Romano, was the major expert on theoretical chronology in Rome. Unfortunately, it is not known if he wrote the requested advice, which has not been not found in ACDF. The censura was commissio­ ned to the Universities of Padua and Pisa (see Introduction), and eventually, Ambrogio da Asola composed the expurgatory censurae in docs. 2-3.

~ 1920 ~

39. LEVINUS LEMNIUS

3 Ambrogio da Asola,46 Expurgatio libri Levini Lemnij de similitudinis ac parabolis quae in Biblijs ex herbis atque arboribus desumuntur

(Padua, presented on 13 March 1598) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O ( Il.a. 13), fols. 279r -286v (copy)

Copia3

279r

Expurgatio libri Levini Lemnij de similitudinis ac Parabolis quae in Biblijs ex herbis atque Arboribus desumuntur, Per D. Ambrosium ab Asula Decanum in Mon(aste)rio S. Iustinae de Padua ex Cong. Casinensi

Liber in 8.° Lugduni Sumptibus Sigis, a porta 1588b 47 Initio f. 2. Carmina in Auctoris ex operis commendationem non placent maximè quia cum totus liber scateat Calvinismo habetur hic versus cum 4. sequentibus quo te cunque feres hoc duce tutus eris ni­ si fortè facta totius operis correctione nullum necesse sit delere.48 In. praefatione f. 5. Sacros professores minus exercitatos dicit in herbarum cog(nitio)ne, gratis hoc dicit, passim enim uberius et in sensu cath(oli)co de his egerunt, propterea delerem ea verba a cum autem usque ad earum natura inclusivè. Ibi. fol. 6. Inter numerandum pastoris officium aliquid de sacro­ rum usu insererem legendus sic, omnique praesidio destitutis per sacra(men)tum poenitentiae subveniant, et parum infra, atque illis alia “Copia”: in the margin. b “Liber (...) 1588”: in a second hand. 46 Ambrogio da Asola; BlOGR. 47 Lemnius 1588. 48 A poem by Paschasius Oenius Heicrucinus.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

quid solati], non nihil subsidy per reliquorum sacra(men)torum Ec­ clesiae devotum usum adferant. Ibi. fol. 7. Ea verba qui caeteris virtute ita legenda qui Epyscopi, praesules, et Antistites ex Ecclesiae usu, atque Apostolorum prae­ scripto vocabantur, quorum erat Virtute, morumque integritate prae­ lucere, ac subditorum usibus commodisque prospicere, propter quod49 etiam à paterno ac pio affectu ac propensione in gregem etc. delendo omnia media Ibi.a parum infra ea verba his ac plaerisque ita legenda, his ac plaerisque alijs praeclaris virtutibus existere debent Epyscopi, et reliqui Ecclesiae clerici50, atque ijs potissimum se exercere, in quibus potissi­ mum etc. parum infra refertur Iacobus Apost(olus) adderem sanctus vel potius delerem, quia in marg(in)e habetur cap. 1. in quo ea verba non habentur. fol. 8. In conclusione praefationis ita legendum Deus opt. max. cui per christi merita,51 vota precesque nostras etc. delendo verba Christi fiducia. Ex cap. 1

f. 11. Refert ea verba psalmi 15,52 funes ceciderunt etc. non ad rem, sed contra verba [et] sensum psalmi, ideo ab illis verbis sic cum sibi gratularetur usque ad decempeda perficit inclus(iv)e delerem legendo hoc modo, cum sibi gratularetur ac plauderet, qui electione divina ad Aeternam faelicitatem esset vocatus53 funes inquit etc. f. 13. Ita legerem atque ad virtutem bonorum operum,54 quibus so­ lida foelicitas comparatur, exercitium ad Dei Amorem et vivam fidem per bona opera divinitatis notitiam ac Amorem vivum infigunt. a In Lemnius 1588, p. 7.

49 The Censor proposed to change the order of the phrase in Lemnius 1588. 50 “Epyscopi, et reliqui Ecclesiae clerici”: substitutes “veteris Ecclesiae ministri”. 51 “christi merita”: substitutes “Christi fiducia”. 52 In Lemnius 1588: Psalm 16. However, Ps 15 is meant. 55 “qui electione divina ad Aeternam faelicitatem esset vocatus”: substitutes “quòd Dei munere in dividenda haeredidate, uberrima pecora, solumque ac fundum maximè foecundum sortitus esset”. 54 “bonorum operum”: added by the Censor.

1922 ~

39. LEVINUS LEMNIUS

Ibi. parum infra ita legerem obcaecatis visum ita ut post sanata vul­ nera medicato poenitentiae divinae lucis efficiantur capaces etc.55 Ibi. parum infra delenda vox ac libertatem.56 Ibi. Infra ita legendum Apostolicae legationis munere sacerdotes et Epyscopi in eodem doctrinae genere.57 Ibi. Infra ita legendum quantus Ardor propagandae Religionis) Cath(oli)cae Ro(manae)58 atque expulsa omni supest(ition)e etc.

Ex cap. 2 In. hoc cap. narrat hystoriam Rachelis de Mandrag(or)a59 sed levi­ ter nimis ac petulanter. f. 19. In parenthesi ita legendum caetumque illi per bona opera60 fi­ dentium. f. 20. Ibi sic sponsa ita legerem sic sponsa anima cum in terrena ha­ bitation^ languescit, ac iam pro nimio Amore sponsi ardens defectu­ ra videtur viatorum Iustorum ac beatorum auxilium implorat dicens fulcite me etc.61 In. fine ita legerem quibus passim scriptura utitur, ac bonorum auxilium, et salutarem62 doctrinam designat, quae mentes languidas refocillant ac reficiunt. Ex cap. 3

f. 20. Circa Initium capitis delenda vox prorsus.63 Ibi.a parum infra delenda ea verba si Ecclesiasticae hystoriae ha11 In Lemnius 1588, p. 21.

33 Lemnius 1588, p. 13: “occaecatis visum: ita ut divinae lucis efficiantur capaces, calami­ tosis solatium, vinctis ac diaboli turannide oppressis relaxionem ac libertatem (...)”. 56 Lemnius 1588, p. 13: “vinctis ac diaboli tyrannide oppressis relaxationem ac libertatem”. 37 “sacerdotes et Epyscopi in eodem doctrinae genere”: added by the Censor. 38 “Cath(oli)cae Ro(manae)”: added by the Censor. 39 SeeGn30: 14-21. 60 “per bona opera”: added by the Censor. 61 In this exegesis of the Canticle, the Censor adds: “anima”, “in terrena habitatione”, “pro nimio Amore sponsi ardens”, and “viatorum Iustorum ac beatorum auxilium implorat dicens”. 62 “bonorum auxilium, et salutarem”: added. 63 “prorsus” qualifies “naturali causae adscribi”; the chapter deals with the manna phe­ nomenon in the desert (see, for example, Ex 16: 1-36).

1923

279v

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

benda est fides, ita infra ea verba eodem usus est medendi modo Chr(ist)us usque ad muto restituit, inclusivè delenda,64 tantum enim abest quod lutum vel immissio digiti in aures habeant nat(ura)lem vir­ tutem ad sanandum caeci oculos, vel surdi auditum, quam contraria penitus pollent virtute. Infra ita legendum ab ijs stipulatus impetrandi fidem delendo vo­ cem tantum et fiduciam. fol. 22. Ea verba plaerisque (ut quidam opinantur) contemptum et irrisionem adfert, delenda inclusive quia contra patrum exposit(ione)m sunt, et parum infra similis est usque, ad censeas inclusivè delenda. Ex cap. 4

In. f. 24. hoc cap. Auctor se Calvinistam in sacra(me)ntis insinuat, et circa cap. initium ita legendum ac gratuitis muneribus exigit quam ut eum toto Corde, tota anima, tota mente et viribus diligamus, nostrumque hunc Amorem vivis operibus iuxta legis Evangelicae prae­ scriptum ostendamus commonefacit Deus etc. delendo deinde omnia quae mediant.65 Ibi. parum infra ita legendum, atque huius rei causa certos ritus ac statas solemnesque Ceraemonias ac sacramenta instituit.66 Infra. Sic legendum quae sub sensum cadunt, ac sunt visib. 36

~ 2095 ~

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

forma con loro aspettj, con loro mesure, et proprietà, et In lj librj de la Grammatica et dictionario Caldeo, non vj è cosa veruna fuorj de sensj material] del’opera.40 Et In tuttj vj è il nome del Munstero, vide­ licet, in la sphera, in 1’annotation], et in la Grammatica et Dictionario, corno autore in la traductione, et per che questo è, la mera verità, hò fatto la presente fede questo dj 9 di Aprile 1573. Idem Iulius Marcellus Confirmo ut supra.

2 Juan Bautista Cardona,41 Expurgatory Censura of Cosmographia ([Rome], ante 1577)42 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, C (II.a.3), fols. 18r, 19r-26v, 27V43

18r

Illustrissimis, ac integerrimis, Sanctae Rom. Ecclesiae Cardinalib(us) à Sanctissimo D.N. Delectis ad librorum indicem Dicatum

40

Marcello was also acquainted with Chaldean (Aramaic), because in 1576 he asked permission to teach it in the university. His request was not granted; see Conte 1991: I, p. 102. 41 Cardona’s (BiOGR.) name is only in BAV, Vat. lat. 6207 (see infra}, f. 41r: “Ioan. Bap. Cardona Doctor theologus patria Valenti[nus] ”. At the end of the ACDF text: “Del P. Mont.(...)no il compagno” (f. 27v). It was written in the same hand as the one in Vat. Lat. 6207 (probably an autograph), however. Thus, it can be excluded that the fellow was a scribe and also that this fellow was Cardona, who was a secular priest. This raises a problem which regards the attribution of another document too; see ch. J. Milich, doc. 1. 42 This censura is most likely the one mentioned in a 1577 document; see ch. The Organi­ zation of the Index, doc. V ili.1, f. 204r. It was certainly written after 1571, because it refers to the execution of Sigismondo Arquer (see note 72). In July 1584 Cardona became Bishop of Vich, and probably interrupted his collaboration with the Roman Congregations; he died in December 1589. 45 As noted before, a copy is in BAV, Vat. lat. 6207, fols. 34r-41r, partially published in Godman 2000, pp. 423-25 (cf. pp. 106-108). For this codex, see the introductory note to ch. The Organization of the Index, doc. 1.1. The attribution to Cardona in the BAV text does not entail that this is the original; the subscription is in the same hand that wrote the text.

2096 ~

46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

Expurgationes Cosmographiae Sebast. Munsteri Basileae. Anno. M.D.L.44

19r

Regulae quaedam in hac expurgatione servatae45 Reg- P Omnia haereticorum nomina, quorum à Sebast. Munstero celebris fit mentio à me deleta sunt; atque hac in re Conciliorum, sanctorum patrum ac Veterum imperatorum sum exempla sequutus. Reg. II Omnium Virorum nomina qui maxima amicitia ac familiaritate sunt cum haereticis coniuncti, et quorum in haereticorum libris prae­ clara fit mentio quique ab haereticis maximè commendantur: quorum tamen nullum extat publicum fidei sincerae et religionis argumentum contra haereticos à me deleta sunt; omnis enim cum haereticis amici­ tia Teste Augustino suspecta est. Reg. III Omnes Haereticorum epistolae ad Sebast. Munsterum, vel Munste­ ri ad alios, quae praeter Munsteri et aliorum Haereticorum laudes nihil aliud continent, quod ad Historiae faciat cognitionem à me dele­ tae sunt, talium enima nomen computrescat. Reg. IIII Nuda Haereticorum dogmatum annumeratio, sine ulla eorum b Censura aut refutatione, ab Haeretico homine proposita, et in libris qui a laicis legendi sunt collocata, tam suspecta mihi visa est, ut 1 After b

“enim”: a character erased. “eorum”: in the interlinear space for “[...Jscriptoris”, crossed out.

44

Munster 1550. These rules for correction, and in particular the expunction of the names of heretics, correspond to Cardona’s views exposed in De expungendis haereticorum propriis nominibus (Cardona 1576); for discussion, see Godman 2000, pp. 106-108. 45

~ 2097 ~

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

semper huiusmodi deleverim, quia Utilitatis parum aut nihil, pericu­ li vero plurimum ex talium lectione lectoribus manare et potest et solet. Reg. V Haereticorum est sub pietatis sanctitatisque praetextu, quasdam Historias confingere, quibus tacito quodam modo, sanctorum Viro­ rum Et patrum praedicationem reddant infirmam, atque ordinum nostrorum primis institutoribus detrahant, ut huiusmodi exemplis propositis nobis persuadeant, né aliquos tamquam sanctos amplecta­ mur, quod multos suis concionibus ad suum traxerint institutum, cum ignorantissimi pessimique homines idem prorsus praestiterint, quo nomine suspecta est mihi ea Historia quae habetur pag. 626. de Niclauhausen Germani populi, et alia de quadam Anna pag. 606 etc. 20r Etiam si haec utilitatem / / aliquando afferre possint, uta siliscetb di­ scat lector, quanta sit quorundam hominum in credendo levitas, et non facile cuivis fidendum. Reg. VI Cum haeretici ferè omnes, maximo vehementissimoque odio prose­ quantur magistratus et principes, quia (ut inquiunt) libertatem om­ nem extingunt, cumque docuerit etiam nostra aetate thomas Moneta­ rius apud Duringios omnem civilem potestatem reijciendam, proinde ego nullam prorsus haeretici hominis querellam etiam justissimam ad­ versus christianos principes admissi, nam ad publicae personae de­ tractionem, et reprehensionem etiam si iustam, statim potestatis et of­ fici] consequitur contemptus et Odium, quare delevi illud quod habe­ tur pag. 71. pag. 173. pag. 943. Reg. VII Observandum est in hoc Sebast. Munsteri opere, fere numquam quae sunt contra pietatem religionemque nostram ex propria senten-

“ After “u t”: “sci”, crossed out. b “siliscet”: sic.

2098 ~

46. SEBASTIAN MÙNSTER

tia referre, sed semper alieno nomine sua diseminare, ita ut vix colli­ gere possit lector, an idem etiam Et Munsterus senserit quae Haereti­ corum est Antiquissima fraudulentia, theodoreto teste.46 Reg. VIII In posteriori Cosmographiae editione Basileae excussa, quae tam­ quam repurgata nobis tradita est, permulta inveniuntur loca, et dili­ genter et piè expurgata, et doctè continuata cum orationis filo et H i­ storiae serie, multaque etiam addita.47 Caetera vero quae sine repurgatione in hac editione omissa sunt, Ego et expurgavi, Et cum histo­ ria continuavi, addidi vero ferè nihil. Reg. VIIII Nomen Seb. Munsteri Generatim quantum fieri postest expunc­ tum est. In fronte libri deleatur. Auctore Sebast. Munstero. pag. 2. deleatur Seb. Munsteri effigies. pag. Eadem. Deleantur Carmina in Munst. et historiae commenda­ tionem.48 pag.a Deleatur epistola Munsteri ad Carolum.V.49 In Catalogo doctorum Virorum quorum opere et scriptis adiutus est. M. Deleatur Achilles Gassarus, medicinae Doctor. Albertus Kranzius Hamburgensis. Gaspar Bruschius. / Ioachimus Vadianus. / Ioannes Aventinus Pe­ trus Artopaeus / omnes sunt p(rim)ae classis.50 a After

“pag.”: a blank space.

46 Theodoretus

of Cyrus (ca. 493 - post 450). The Censor qualifies the third Basel edition (Munster 1572) as “posterior”, while he re­ fers in his Censura to the second edition of 1550, reprinted in 1552 and 1554 (Munster 1550); the first edition appeared in 1531. 48 A Latin poem by H. Glareanus (Loriti) in praise of historical studies, and one by “E V.” praising Munster. 49 Dedicatory letter, dated March 1550, Basel. 50 The Censor referred to the 1564 Index (which permits a date post quern), because al­ most none of the mentioned authors was condemned as heretic in the Parma Index (1580), only a few in the Spanish Index of 1583, and again almost none in the Clementine Index; ILI, IX, sub nominibus. 47

2099

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

pag. 35. lin. 40. deleatur, cum autem totus mundus usque ad. com­ plexus.51 pag. 39. lin.a 12. deleatur, opera Sebast. Munsteri.52 pag. 51. lin. 11. deleatur. Alexander Alesius scotus. p(rim)ae clas­ sis.53 pag. 54. lin. 42. deleatur. Pontificum et Monachorum etc. us­ que.54 pag. 59. lin. 42. deleatur. Villanovanus Hispanus.55 pag. 60. lin. 46. deleatur, fidei quos vocant Inquisitores, usque ad. est aliud iustitiae genus.56 2ir pag. 61. lin. 15. deleatur, habentur etiam Hispani etc. usque ad No­ men magnum?7 pag. 71. linea 24. deleatur, Praetexunt propagationem relig. usque ad quia sumptus.58 pag. 79. linea 29. deleatur tota epistola. Ioannes Dei gratia etc.59 pag. 80. linea 9. deleatur tota epistola Simon Richuvinius etc.60

After “lin.”: “12”, crossed out. 51

Actually p. 36: according to Munster, the terrestrial Paradise disappeared because of the Flood. 52 In the title of lib. II. 53 Alesius (1500-1565), Professor of Theology in Leipzig, prohibited as a heretic in the In­ dexes of Rome (1564), Antwerp (1569, 1570), and Spain (1583); ILI, X, p. 56; then in later Roman Indexes (1590, 1593, 1596); ILI, IX, pp. 801, 862, 931. Munster cited him as author of a map of Edinburgh, that he reproduced. 54 These words are not on p. 54, nor in the context. 55 Munster cited a comparison by Arnaldus of Villanova of the geographical features of Spain and Flanders. 56 Violence of the Spanish Inquisitors towards Jewish converts, heretics, and Muslims. 57 On superstitious features of Spanish religion. 58 Quotation from Paolo Giovio concerning the fact that the religious justifications of the Portuguese for their explorations cover economical aims. 59 Letter of praise by Johann IV von Jemburg-Grensau, Bishop-Prince of Trier, to Mun­ ster, dated 17 November 1548. 60 The letter of Simon Riquin (Richwin) to Munster was dated Trier, 4 March 1548. Riquin, physician to Johann IV, was the author of a letter on a clinical case, published in a joint edition with Hermann von Neuenar, De novo hactenusque Germaniae inaudito morbo, Colo­ niae, apud Io. Soterum, 1529. See also infra.

2100 ~

46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

pag. 94. linea 42. deleatur, sed quia scientiam suam usque ad de Arelatensi.61 pag. 98. lin. 1. deleatur [clari]ssimae.62 pag. Eadem, linea 2. deleatur tota epistola franciscus Bonivardus.63 pag. 129. linea. 4. deleatur, vel saltem hoc nomine, etc. usque ad [fuerunt] Batavi Continuatio. Roterodamum alia Holandiae civitas de qua quidam in hunc modum de ea scribit.64 pag. 130. lin. Eadem deleatur. Erasmi facies ad vivum expressa. pag. Eadem, linea .11. deleatur, haec Erasmus substituatur haec ille. pag. 143. linea .73. deleatur Italiae metropolis Et olim.65 pag. 173. linea .18. deleatur nimijs indulgens compotationibus.66 pag. 189. linea. 7. deleatur quod autem iam scripsi, etc. usque ad Aeneas sylvius.67 pag. 203. linea .35. deleatur Multi scribunt papatum etc. usque ad finem.68 pag. 223. linea .8. deleatur habuit autem Carolus usque ad mansit autem imperator.69 pag. 230. linea .47. deleatur. Tunc maluisset pontif. Rom. usque ad scripsit quidem, in margine deleatur Pontificis Romani fraus.70 pag. 235. in margine deleatur Papa ius regni Neapolitani usurpat.71

61

Pope Silvester III was choosen by Otto III and had practiced magic. The adjective was attributed to Geneva in the title of a map of the city. 63 The letter informed that Munster asked information about Geneva to Francois Bonivard (1493-1570), after advice by J. Calvin. 64 A praise of Rotterdam, city of Erasmus; then followed by his portrait in Cosmographia', finally a judgement of Erasmus on Holland. 65 Title of the description of Rome. Munster wrote “Italiae metropolis et olim Orbis ca­ put”, thus minimizing the importance of the Papal court. 66 Munster wrote that Pope Leo X died in 1521 as a consequence of drinKing too much wine after the French conquest of Milan. 67 On the illegitimacy of the Papal government of territories outside the so-called “Patri­ mony of St. Peter”. Cf. notes 210, 258. 68 Munster wrote that many authors held that the Papacy had exercised a negative in­ fluence on public morals in Italy. 69 Rejection of the historical value of the “donatio Costantini”. 70 The Turkish sack of Otranto (1480) showed that the Pope should have spent his money on defending Christianity, rather than giving it to his relatives. 71 Munster on Pope Clement III. 62

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2iv

pag. 243. deleatur, per Sigismu(ndu)m Arquer etc. usque ad finem tituli, magn[us] [Nebulo]8.72 Pag. 250. linea .25. Constituit ipse quoque etc. usque ad ha­ bent p[rop]terea. hic locus rectè emendatus est in posteriori edi­ tione.73 pag. Eadem, linea .49. sacerdotes indoctissimi etc. usque ad finem paginae.74 pag. 256. lin. 8. deleatur. Erasmo Roteradamo bonae memoriae/5 pag. 261. lin. 2. deleatur opera Sebastiani Munsteri.76 pag. 268. linea. 8. deleatur ego Munsterus. pag. 289. lin. 11. deleatur. Nam bonam eius partem etc. usque ad rediens ad Carolum.77 pag. Eadem, lin. 43. deleatur qui procurante Zacharia ad finem usque restituatur locus ita qui à Zacharia Romano pontefice, honore Regio, multis iustis causis concurrentibus, privatus fuit, et in eius lo­ cum Pipinus Caroli Magni pater substitutus.78 pag. 296. linea 41. deleatur Expugnata Urbe Romana, usque ad su­ sceptoque imper(io).79

“ In Vai. lat. 6207: “magnus Nebulo Toleti combustus.” 72 Sigismondo Arquer (ca. 1523-1571), author of a map and of a description of Sardinia printed on pp. 242-250: “Sardiniae brevis historia et descriptio, per Sigismundum Arquer Calaritanum, sacrae theologiae et iuris utriusque doctorem”. This text in Cosmographia marked the fate of the author as early as the 1550 edition. His criticism towards local clergy and Inquisitors (the latter depended on Spain) pushed his enemies to a formal denounce­ ment to the Spanish Inquisition; he was burnt at the stake in Toledo. Cardona obviously knew about Arquer’s end and and pitilessly commented in Vat. Lat. 6207: “Magnus nebulo, Toleti combustus”. It has been suggested that Munster obtained Arquer’s collaboration through Lelio Sozzini; see DBI, 4, pp. 302-304. 73 Criticism of the almighty Inquisition in Sardinia. Afterwards, however, the Censor qua­ lifies as insufficient the correction in the 1572 edition. See f. 25v. 74 Negative judgement on the ignorance of the Sardinian clergy. 75 Munster recalled that Erasmus offered him wine, sent from Catania. 76 In the title of lib. III. 77 On the territories illegally conquered by the Pope. 78 Zacharias (Pope from 741 to 752) would have favoured Childeric Ill’s abdication (752) and his substitution for Pepin. 79 Otto I, entering violently in Rome, had limited the Pope’s tiranny.

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

pag. 307. lin. 27. deleatur 11 deinde volens in Italiam, usque ad Paulo post. 80 pag. 308. in margine, deleatur Pontificis Romani Pervicacia.81 pag. 309 lin. 12. deleatur cum inunctiones, usque ad in signum de­ fensionis.82 pag. Eadem, in margine, deleatur im perator creat papam .83 pag. Eadem, in margine, deleatur Insolentia Papae. pag. Eadem, in margine, deleatur papa seditiones movet. pag. 321. linea ultima, deleatur id enim non est ex jure divino etc. usque ad fecit quoque Carolus. pag. 324. linea 32. deleatur sciens illam etc. usque ad finem.84 pag. 330. linea 15. deleatur Ego Munsterus. pag. 337. linea 3. deleatur praeclari Viri Ioannis Kalbermatteri opera.85 pag. 371. lin .6. deleatur Praeclarus Vir G eorgius etc. ad finem usque.86 pag. 377. lin. 3. deleatur Per Ioannem Rudolfum etc. usque ad fi­ nem.87 pag. 384. linea 17. deleatur Doctissimus Ioachimus Vadianus. pag. 385. lin. 18. deleatur christum quaerentes in penetralibus.88 pag. 386. lin. 20. deleatur insignis ille etc. Usque ad [Parjuit ab ini­ tio.89 “ After “deleatur”: two words erased; “deinde volens [...]”: in the interlinear space. 80

Miinster referred to the tradition that Emperor Henry VII was poisoned by Dominican Friars. 81 On the Pope’s opposition to Emperor Ludwig of Bavaria. 82 According to Munster, the confirmation of an Emperor by the Pope was not necessary. 83 This passage and the two following ones confirmed that the Emperor Ludwig IV did favour the nomination of the anti-Pope Nicholas V (1328) against the Pope of Avignon, John XXII, and recalled the hostility of the Papal court towards him. On p. 321, Munster repea­ ted that confirmation of the Emperor by the Pope was superfluous. 84 Munster qualified the traditional biography of St. Maternus, who spread the Christian faith in Alsatia during the third century, as legendary. 85 In the title of the map of Sitten (Swiss), sent to Munster by Johann Kalbermatter. 86 A certain Georg Herting (virtually unknown) sent Munster a map of Solothurn. 87 Johann Rudolph Emanuel (apparently unknown) was the author of a map of Bern. 88 On the superstition of pilgrims visiting sanctuaries in the woods. 89 Praise of Vadianus (cf. p. 384).

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

22r

pag. 395. linea 22. deleatur stetere in proposito, usque ad intellectis his etc. hic locus in posteriori editione rectè correctus est.*90 pag. 400. linea 42. deleatur Felix Malleolus. P(rim)ae class(is).91 pag. 405. linea 18. Tota epistola ad Munsterum deleatur.92 pag. 407. deleatur Erasmi Roterodami effigies. pag. eadem, deleatur epistola Sebast(iani) M(unsteri) ad lectorem.93 pag. 411. deleatur adduxerunt quoque Boemi, etc. usque ad Dispu­ tatum est.94 pag. 424. lin. 38. deleatur totum caput cuius titulus Praedicatores Monachi etc.95 pag. 425. lin. 21. deleatur in sua ipsius persona in castris Versans.96 pag. Eadem, in margine. Deleatur Papa Bellator. pag. 430. line(a) 28. deleatur pecuniam adferentibus.97 pag. 439. lin. 18. deleatur per doctissimos Viros Dominos etc. ad fi­ nem tituli3 usque.98 pag. 449. lin. 4. deleatur qua prudentissimus. usque ad finem pagi-

a

“tituli”: in the interlinear space.

90 On the coherent position assumed by the Hussites at the Council of Konstanz. Af­ terwards, however, the Censor qualified the correction in the 1572 edition as insufficient. See note 219. 91 For the foundation of Basel Munster cited Viridarium Imperatorum, erroneously attri­ buted to Malleolus (Felix Hemmerlin, 1388/9-1458/9), prohibited as a heretic in the Ro­ man Indexes of 1557, 1559 and 1564 for his criticism of monastic life during the Middle Ages (cf. ILI, V ili, pp. 462-63, 726), but not included in later Indexes. The work was writ­ ten by Dietrich von Niem (Nieheim, ca. 1340-1418); see BBK, I, 1299-1300 and Nieheim 1956. 92 The letter, dated 1 August 1549, was by Bonifacius Amerbach (1495-1562), Professor of Roman Law at the University of Basel; NDB 1, pp. 247-48. 95 In the letter Munster said that he had received Erasmus’ portrait from Amerbach. 94 The Bohemian delegates at the Council of Basel criticized the mendicant orders. 95 Pp. 424-5: on monks sentenced to death in Bern. 96 This passage and the following one criticized Pope Julius Il’s direct participation in mi­ litary actions. 97 On the custom to show the relics of saints to pilgrims only after payment. 98 In the title of the description of Roubaix, sent to Munster by Konrad Pellikan and Kon­ rad Wolfhart (Lycosthenes). 99 Praise of the Colmar Senate, which sent Munster a map of the city.

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pag. 452. lin. 13. deleatur haec ex Beato Rhenano, usque ad haud procul. 100 pag. 453. linea 4. deleatur misit autem huius civitatis picturam, ad finem usque. pag. 457. lin. 40. deleatur ut prohiberet sacerdotibus etc. usque ad Et interea.101 pag. 463. lin. 34. deleatur sectam.102 pag. 465. lin. 4. deleatur à prudenti senatu, usque ad paginae finem.103 pag. 469. lin. 3. deleatur cuius Typum nobis, usque ad paginae finem. pag. 474. lin. 4. deleatur Picturam eius obtinui etc. ad finem usque paginae pag. 475. lin. 14. deleatur sicut rursus anno, usque ad Anno millesi­ m o. 104 pag. 477. lin. 20. deleatur de Inquisitoribus Haereticorum, usque ad sub Friderico imp. hic locus rectè correctus in posteriori editione.105 pag. 482. lin. 3. deleatur 3 cuius sculpturam, usque ad finem pagi­ nae.106 pag. 482. linea 12. deleatur Simon Richuvinus medicinae etc. usque ad N atura loci.107 pag. 489. linea 33. deleatur Achilles Gassarus medi(cus} etc. usque ad bo m b ard asi 08 atque ita scribatur quidam scribit bombardas.

After “deleatur”: “hic sibi lecta”, crossed out. 100 Quotation of a passage from Beatus Rhenanus on Selestadt. The following one was a praise of the Senate of the city which sent a map to Munster. 101 According to Munster, in 1261 the Bishop of Strasbourg kept the citizens from bapti­ sing their children. 102 Munster used the word to qualify the Benedictine Order. 103 Praise of the Senate of Weissenburg providing Munster with a map of the city; the two following quotes contained similar expressions for Landau and Speier. 104 Munster recalled that at the Synod of Worms in 1076 Henry IV deposed Pope Gre­ gory VII. 105 The ch. “De Inquisitoribus haereticorum” (pp. 477-78) criticized the Inquisitors of Worms. See infra, note 209. 106 These words are not on this page, nor in the context. 107 Letter by Simon Riquin to Munster concerning Trier. 108 Achilles Pirmin Gasser’s (1505-1577) opinion of the first use of mortars in 1354.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

pag. 490. linea 12. deleatur crescente enim Romanorum, usque ad Alij vero de hoc. hic locus rectè correctus in posteriori editione.109 pag. 491. lin. 12. deleatur, Ubi ego Munsterus etc. usque ad iacet inter Mag.110 pag. 496. lin. 3. deleatur Simon Richuvinus? usque ad natura loci est sylvestris. poterit esseb titulus de Eifalia.111 pag. 500. lin. 1. Deleatur. Ioannes Dei gratia etc. tota epistola.112 pag. Eadem, lin. 22. deleatur Simon Richuvinus.113 pag. 501. lin. 4. deleatur cuius picturam etc. ad finem usque.114 22v pag. 508. lin. 47. deleatur celebravit is etc. dicatur celebrata est sy­ nodus.115 pag. 509. lin. 3. deleatur hae autem obventiones etc. usque ad inter­ fecto itaque.116 pag. 514. linea 13. deleatur postquam vero Episcopi, usque ad Do­ tato itaque Episcopatu.117 pag. 521. linea 5. deleatur cuius picturam etc. ad finem usque.118 pag. 523. linea Ult(im)a deleatur Lucius Yterus ex Antiq. usque ad de [trjibus Rhetorum.119

“After “Richuvinus”: “et tota epistola”, crossed out. b After “esse”: a word crossed out.

109

On the huge amount of money collected by the Popes in Germany. See note 217. The passage regarded Munster’s hometown, Ingelheim. 111 “Eifalia” is the Latin form of Eifel, the German area near Belgium and Luxembourg. 112 Letter by the Bishop of Trier, Johann V von Isemburg, dated 12 June 1549, which informed Munster that a map of the Moselle-Rhine area had been commissioned, to be inser­ ted into his Cosmographia. Apparently, the Censor did not approve of the friendship between the Bishop and a Protestant. 113 For Simon Riquin, see note 60; here he is cited for a description of Koblenz. 114 Another praise of Riquin, who sent Munster a map of Cologne. 115 Munster recalled the Synod of Aachen (817) summoned by Ludwig the Pious, and stated that among his intentions was the reform of the Church and of the morals of the clergy. 116 On the division of the money given by pilgrims visiting Aachen Cathedral. 117 On the worldliness and avidity of the Bishops of Utrecht. 118 Praise of Lucius Yterus (Ither, Bishop of Chur/Coira since April 1542, t 4 December 1548; HC, III, p. 199), who furnished a map of that city. 119 Appraisal of the Bishopric of Ither. 110

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pag. 524. linea 32. deleatur Achilles P. Gassarus etc. tota epistola etiam.120 pag. 527. linea 7. deleatur Haec suppeditavit doctiss. Achilles Gas­ sarus. pag. 528. lin. 4. deleatur Ioachimus Vadia(nus) de laco [Acromo] etc. usque ad lacum ipsum.121 pag. 529. linea 8. deleatur Hactenus Vadianus. pag. Eadem, linea 43. deleatur Anno 1546, cum ego etc. usque ad finem capitis122 pag. 531. lin. 4. Deleatur cuius picturam etc. ad finem usque.127 pag. 534. lin. 1. Achilles Gassarus. tota etiam epistola. pag. Eadem, lin. 10. deleatur Sebastianus M(unsterus) et eius epi­ stola brevis qua [...] L..].a pag. Eadem, lin. 44. deleatur fortè fortuna accidit [...] Deo duceb factum etc.124125 pag. 535. linea 3. deleatur superstitione ponatur [lar]gitione.123 pag. eadem, linea 9. deleatur Vestales dicti Monast. etc. usque ad ob enarrata.126 pag. 537. linea 9. deleatur habet et monachos, etc. usque ad finem capitis.127 a b

In Vat. lat. 6207: “(...) epistola brevis qua respondet.” In Vat. lat. 6207: “accidit legatus Deo duce.”

120

The letter accompanied a map and a description by Gasser, from Feldkirch (in Grisons), as confirms the passage quoted immediately afterwards. 121 On pp. 528-29 Munster reported a description by Vadianus of “lacus Acromus” (Lake Konstanz). 122 Here Munster recalled that during a visit to the lake, in 1546, he had been Sigmund von Hornstein’s host. 123 Praise of Gasser, who sent M unster a map of Lindau. Then the Censor quotes the let­ ter by Gasser that accompanied the map and a note where Munster explained that Gasser had also sent him a description of Augsburg. 124 The passage, in the description of Lindau by Gasser, regarded the foundation of a church where Lindau would have risen, and attributed the choice for this place to a natural factor, namely the wind. See note 226. 125 O n the devotion of the faithful granting huge sums to the ancient Church of Lindau. 126 O n the non-religious behaviour of nuns in a Lindau convent. 127 On the excesses in eating and drinking of the Cistercians in a monastery near Uberlingen.

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23r

pag. Eadem, linea 34. deleatur Aiunt etiam divum Evang. etc. us­ que ad finem capitis.128 pag. 546. lin. 33. deleatur numerant, dicatur oferunt.129 pag. 547. lin. 4. deleatur cuius Genuinam picturam etc. ad finem usque paginae.130 pag. 548. lin. 1. deleatur Sebastia(nus) M(unsterus) ad lectorem tota epistola.131 pag. 573. lin. 26. deleatur per Eximium Virum etc. usque ad finem tituli.132 pag. 575. lin. 4. deleatur cuius descriptionem et effigiem etc. usque ad finem. pag. 580. line(a) 3. deleatur numeratas.133 pag. 591. lin. 16. deleatur Dominus Georgius etc. usque ad putat, addatur quidam putat.134 pag. 592. lin. 44. deleatur fuit autem anno ch(rist)i etc. usque ad Docent etiam.135 pag. 596. lin. 19. deleatur olim praeceptor meus, usque ad editis in astrono(m)ia.136 pag. 600. lin. 47. deleatur per Doctissimum Virum etc. usque ad fi­ nem tituli.137

128

On the pretensions of a monastery near Konstanz to preserve the authentic remains of St. Mark. 129 Munster used the verbal form “numerant”, ironizing on the use to count the prayers with the rosary. 130 Praise of Ambrosius von Gumpenberg, Apostolic Protonotary (ca. 1501-1574; NDB, 7, pp. 310-11), who obtained from the Senate of Freiburg im Breisgau a map of the city that he sent to Munster. 131 Here Munster praised the Freiburg Senate for a summary of the history of the city. 132 Here, as in the following passage cited, Munster declared that he had received the de­ scription of Nordlingen from Wolfgang Vogelmann. 133 Again on the numbering of prayers with the rosary; cf. supra. 134 Here Munster mentions an opinion by Georg Pictorius (c. 1500-1569) on the origin of the name of Villingen. Two of Pictorius’ works were prohibited in the 1596 Index; ILI, X, p. 321. 135 On the death of Henry VII, perhaps poisoned by Dominicans; see note 80. 136 Praise of Johann Stoffler, Munster’s Mathematics Master. 137 Gasser, author of the description of Augsburg.

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46. S E B A S T IA N M U N S T E R

pag 604. lin. 42. deleatur tanto zelo ut Rom. etc. usque ad At Otto­ ni Magno.138 pag. 606. lin. 38. deleatur Dominicastris.139 pag. 607. lin. 19. deleatur sub quo etiam Romanorum etc. usque ad sub hoc item.140 pag. Eadem, lin. 30. deleatur sub quo mulier quaedam etc. usque ad Matthaeus item.141 pag. Eadem, line(a) 39. deleatur princeps hic Ioannem etc. usque ad sed et Rusticorum.142 pag. 609. lin. 9. deleatur atque diligentissima etc. usque ad paginae finem.143 pag. 612. lin. 1. deleatur Achilles Gassarus etc. usque ad de Civita­ te August. pag. 614. lin. 32. deleatur Potissimum autem meo etc. usque ad fi­ nem capitis.144 pag. 615. lin. 5. deleatur quam transmisit, usque ad habuit autem.145 pag. 625. lin. 44. deleatur Vidi ego Munsterus Eas Maguntiae.146 pag. 627. lin. 16. deleatur et Episcopi Herbip. ad finem usque capi­ tis.14' 138 A Bishop of Augburg opposing in the tenth century the orders by Rome to block the ‘legitimate’ weddings of Ecclesiastics. 139 Satirical denomination of the Dominicans arrived in Augsburg during the fourteenth century. 140 On a Bishop of Augsburg who had extorted large amounts of money from the local population to be sent to Rome. 141 On an Augsburg woman who during the fifteenth century had put a magical spell on the lords of the city. 142 On an Augsburg Bishop who invited Johannes Oecolampadius and Urbanus Rhegius to preach in the city. 143 An unnumbered page between 610 and 611, with the title of the Augsburg map, where A.P. Gasser is mentioned; the following passage, on p. 612, mentions Gasser again as author of a description of Augsburg. 144 Munster mentioned the following persons among the living citizens of Heidelberg in his days: Johann von Dalberg, Rudolph Agricola, and Johann Virdung. 145 Praise of the Palatine Count and Duke of Bavaria Otto Heinrich, who sent Munster a map of Heidelberg. 146 Munster recalled that in 1501 during a stay in Mainz he saw two Siamese twins con­ nected by the skull. 147 On the Bishops of Wurzburg and Mainz who during the fifteenth century took posses­ sion of large amounts of money given by the local population to a false prophet.

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pag. 638. lin. 41. deleatur Ioannes Albertus etc. cum epistola brevi.148 pag. 641. lin. 12. deleatur à Ioanne Aventino, usque ad Iasonem .149 pag. 641. lin. 33. deleatur cuius rei m entionem , usque ad Divus Corbinianus.150 pag. 642. lin. 19. deleatur quam legem, usque ad [Utto]a successor.151 pag. 644. lin. 12. deleatur scribit Beatus Rhenanus, usque ad finem capitis.152 pag. 646. lin. 22. deleatur loan. Aventinus, usque ad Henricus duo­ decimus. addatur quidam scribit.153 pag. 653. lin. 28. deleatur Laurentius frisaeus. cum tota epistola.154 pag. 658. lin. 31. deleatur inclem entem .155 pag. Eadem, in margine, deleatur inclemens Clemens papa. 23v pag. 661. lin. 4. deleatur missaque a Reverendissimo Domino D. / / locus oblitus.156 pag. 607. lin. 4. deleatur sacrificulos legatur sacrificos.157 pag. 667. lin. 8. d e le a tu r P rin cip es G erm an i, u sq u e ad anno 1180.158

“ In Val. lat. 6207: “ad Otto successor.” 148

Title of the list of Salzburg Bishops sent to Munster by Johann Albert Widmanstetter (Augsburg, June 1548). 149 Widmanstetter mentioned Aventinus among the Masters of Ernst von Bayern, then Bi­ shop-Prince of Salzburg. 150 Praise of Aventinus and Gasser. 151 In the list of Freising Bishops Munster referred to a local custom obliging Pope and Emperor to choose the Bishop of the city from the local Canons. 152 Historical information that Beatus Rhenanus took from an ancient German translation of the Gospel. 153 Praise of Aventinus as historian of Bavaria. 154 The letter, dated Wurzburg, 1 Sept. 1548, accompanied the list of Bishops of the city, sent by Lorenz Fries to Miinster. 155 Ironical quibble on Pope Clement VI. 156 In the introduction to the map of Wurzburg Munster thanked the Bishop-Prince Mel­ chior Zobel (Bishop from 1544 till his death in 1558; HC, III, p. 225), for having it sent in. The expression “locus oblitus” is obscure; possibly it means that the correction of this passa­ ge had been omitted in the following edition. 157 Munster’s scorn regarded Ecclesiastics executed in Augsburg about 1400. 158 Munster recalled the 1164 Diet of German Princes in Wurzburg, which decreed that nobody could be elected Pope without being nominated by the Emperor.

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pag. 667. lin. 31. deleatur huic Exactioni, usque ad circa annum christi.159 pag. Eadem, in margine, deleatur Episcopi Tullensis integritas. pag. 668. lin. 49. deleatur Ioannes Sinapius. cum tota epistola.160 pag. 672. lin. 9. deleatur Carolus Magnus, legatur congregatum est.161 pag. 673. lin. 4. d eleatu r C uius picturam , ad finem usque p a ­ ginae.162 pag. 679. lin. 24. deleatur in qua admirabilis, usque ad crescit etc. deleatur figura sacerdotis.163 pag. 680. lin. 1. deleatur Volfgangus Lazius. cum tota epistola.164 pag. 681. lin. 5. deleatur Cuius picturam, usque ad finem paginae.165 pag. 688. lin. 22. deleatur Atque haec raptim, usque ad finem capi­ tis.166 pag. 693. lin. 16. deleatur Ludovicus Verg. usque ad Ea excurrit, addatur istria excurrit.167 pag. 694. lin. 32. deleatur hic natus Petrus Paulus, usque ad finem capitis. pag. 705. lin. 1. deleatur Chorographia cum tota epistola.168 pag. 709. lin. 3. deleatur posteriorem exhibuit, ad finem usque p a­ ginae.169 159

On an extraordinary tax of 25% over four years, required by the Pope from the Ger­ man towns in 1287, in order to finance the war against the Turks. The phrase in the margin, noted by the Censor, referred to the opposition by a Bishop. 160 Letter of 21 June 1549 by Johannes Sinapius, sending in a description of Schweinfurt. 161 Munster referred to the 792 Synod of Frankfurt, which condemned the “Felician” he­ resy; according to Munster the Synod was summoned by Charlemagne. 162 Munster thanked the Senate of the town and Johannes Fichard for having sent a map of Frankfurt am Main. 163 Munster recalled gossip concerning a parish priest in an Austrian village. 164 Munster published the letter of 20 August 1547 by Wolfgang Lazius sending a geo­ graphical and historical description of Vienna. 165 This text is not on the page, nor in the context. 166 Final passage of Lazius’s description, which mentions Munster 167 Letter by Lodovico Vergerlo to Munster, with a description of Istria. The following passage referred to Pietro Paolo Vergerio as born in Istria. 168 “Chorographia Buchoniae, per Georgium Wicelium \scil. Witzel] conscripta”. Mun­ ster also published a letter by Witzel (1501-1573), from Fulda, dated 18 March 1548. 169 Praise of the Abbott of Fulda, Philipp Schenk von Sweinberg, who provided Munster with a map of Fulda.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

pag. 712. lin. 19. deleatur quorum Erat [...Jarius.3 usque ad C on­ crematae.170 pag. 721. lin. 6. deleatur imo Pontificis, usque ad sunt qui aiunt. 171 pag. 728. lin. 30. deleatur D. Sebastiano cum tota epistola.172 pag. 729. lin. 35. deleatur qui tum cum [,..]b . usque ad sed redea­ mus. pag. 733. lin. 2. deleatur suo patruo. Cum tota epistola.173 pag. 737. linea 11. deleatur Anno christi 1530, usque ad M ortuo re­ ge.174 pag. 744. lin. 16. deleatur quod paulo post, usque ad finem capitis.175 pag. 753. lin. 10. deleatur Sacerdotes, usque ad in pecoribus.176 pag. 755. lin. 3. deleatur Celebris Gymnasio, usque ad finem pagi­ nae. 177 24r pag. 766. lin. 33. Deleatur, suo D. Sebastiano cum tota epistola.178 pag. 775. lin. 39. deleatur Nomina quorundam etc. cum toto capite integro. 179 pag. 792. lin. 3. deleatur G aspar Bruschius poèta etc. cum tota epi­ stola.180

a b

In Vat. lat. 6207: “Erat primarius.” In Vat. lat. 6207: “hac”.

170

On a fire in 1472 in Erfurt, which Munster attributed to a Dominican. On mineral findings in Saxony, containing images, one of which represented the Pope with beard and triple crown. 172 Letter to Munster by his nephew Joseph, sending a description of Luneburg. The fol­ lowing passage is a quotation from Enea Silvio Piccolomini (later Pope Pius II) on the disre­ pute of the clergy in Luneburg. 173 Another letter to Munster by his nephew, with a description of Lubeck. 174 Munster recalled that in 1530 the citizens of Lubeck were granted by the Senate the free preaching of the Gospel and a new (Lutheran) use of the Sacraments. 175 Praise of the University of Wittenberg. 176 Frisia often expels unmarried priests tempting other men’s wives. 177 Praise of the University of Frankfurt am Oder. 178 Letter by Peter Artopoeus to Munster (Stettin, 21 August 1547), sending a description of Pomeren. 179 List of illustrious Pomerans (twenty-seven persons). 180 In August 1549, Kaspar Brusch (1518-1559) sent Munster a description of Eger (Cheb). 171

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pag. Eadem, lin. 39. deleatur G. Bruschi].3 pag. 794. lin. 16. deleatur Bilibaldus Pirckheimerus. [etc.] ponatur quidam. pag. 795. lin. 4. deleatur ab Egranensi prudentiss(imo). usque ad paginae finem.181 pag. 799. lin. 43. deleatur de his provinces, usque ad finem pagi­ nae.182 pag. 800. lin. 25. deleatur Religio Christiana etc. cum toto integro capite.183 pag. 802. lin. 33. deleatur Boemi vocantur etc. cum toto integro ca­ pite.184 pag. 810. lin. 50. deleatur. Unde vocati à Rom. etc. usque ad sunt Moravi.185 pag. 812. lin. 25. deleatur per Sebastianum Munsterum.186 pag. 831. lin. 1. deleatur humaniss(imo) ac clarissimo etc. cum tota epistola.187 pag. 836 lin. nota, deleatur Serenissimo ac potentiss(imo) cum tota epistola.188 pag. 845. lin. 36. deleatur inter quos sunt Eximiae etc. usque ad ca­ pitis finem.189 pag. 855. lin. 1. Deleatur Serenissimo atque invictiss(imo) cum tota epistola.190

a After

“Bruschi)”: a word crossed out.

181

Praise of the Eger Senate, providing Munster with a map of the town. In Brusch’s letter to Munster 183 History of Hus’ schism, and his praise. 184 Pp. 801-2: “Bohemi vocantur ad Concilium Constantiense” (chapter on the trial and execution of Jan and Hieronymus Hus). 185 Munster recalled that in the past the Moravians had been granted permission to use their language in religious rites. 186 In the title of lib. IV, on Denmark. 187 Letter by Georg Normannus to Munster, accompanying his description of Gotland. Normannus is apparently unknown. 188 Munster dedicated the description of Sweden to King Gustav I. 189 Praise of Georg Normannus and of a certain Olaf Holmensis (virtually unknown). 190 Dedication of the description of Hungary to Ferdinand of Habsburg. 182

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24v

pag. 875. lin. 7. Deleatur qui licet designatus etc. usque ad Caeterum Ludovicus.191 pag. Eadem, in margine, deleatur Corona emitur à Rom. Pontifice. pag. Eadem, lin. 33. deleatur Pontificiae non immemor avaritiae. pag. Eadem, lin. 36. deleatur Hunc igitur Honesti etc. usque ad mittit itfaque] Po. pag. 883. lin. 14. deleatur grandique pecunia ab Alexandro papa id impetravit.192 pag. 885. lin. 1. Deleatur Serenissimo Potentiss(imo) cum tota epi­ stola.193 pag. 914. lin. ultima, deleatur idem confirmavit, usque ad finem.194 pag. 915. lin. 1. Deleatur Ludovicus Vergerius. usque ad illud Ab istria usque ad Butnam etc. ponatur Titulus de Istria. pag. 915. linea 40. deleatur Haec habui in promptu etc. ad finem usque Capi(tis). pag. 917. linea 22. deleatur At illa solum, usque ad Acquiescit rex.195 pag. 926. lin. 6. deleatur id si hodie apud, usque ad Henricus ter­ tius.196 pag. 946. lin. 27. deleatur hic statuit quod etc. usque ad Desidia etc.197 pag. Eadem, in margine, deleatur caput Ecclesiarum, hic locus doc­ te correctus in posteriori editione.198 191

On Andreas of Hungary (or Anjou), who, according to Munster, was obliged by Pope Clement VI to buy his assent, in order to become King of Sicily (1344). The three following quotes regard the same episode. 192 Munster stated that Ladislav of Hungary paid Pope Alexander VI for the annulment of his marriage. 193 Dedication of the description of Poland to the King of Poland, Sigismundus Augustus. 194 Presentation of the description of Dalmatia (“Illyris”, “Sclavonia”) sent to Munster by Lodovico Vergerio. The two following passages referred to by the Censor regard beginning and end of the description. 195 The conversion of a King of the Bulgarians to Christianity as a remedy for blocking an epidemic among his people. 196 On the spread of parasitical idleness in Christian Europe. 197 The Emperor Phocas permitted Rome to become the center of Christianity, which ini­ tially was located in Constantinopolis. 198 See note 218.

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

pag. 947. in margine. Deleatur Uxores sacerdotibus permittuntur.'99 pag. 948. linea 47. Deleatur. Cumque sub hoc Const(antino). usque ada Leo quartus, locus hic, rectè repurgatus in posteriori editione.19200 pag. 979. lin. 1. Deleatur per Sebastianum Munsterum.201 pag. Eadem, in margine. Deleatur Uxores sacerdotum. pag. 1087. linea 17. Deleatur modo Romanorum pontificum.202 pag. 1113. lin. nota, deleatur per Sebastianum Munsterum.203 pag. 1160. lin. penul(tima). Deleatur Et ad me Munsterum. usque ad finem paginae.204 pag. 1162. lin.b Deleatur Multas alias id genus, usque ad finem pa­ ginae.20’ pag. ultima, lin. 1. Deleatur Totius operis huius Conclusio.206 pag. ultima, lin. 35. Deleatur quae attinet ad Ducatus etc. usque ad finem. Fit mentio Gerardi Noviomagi, haeretici p(rim)a classis.207

■'After “usque ad”: “finem”, crossed out. b After “lin.” the number is missing.

199 Munster

wrote that Constantine IV (Emperor of Byzantium from 668 to 685) as well as the Third Synod of Costantinopolis (680-81) had authorized weddings of the priests of the Eastern Orthodox Church. 200 Munster stated that the Pontifical State originated from gifts granted to the Pope by Pepin, father of Charlemagne, and that the tradition of a “donatio Constantini” was due to Constantine V (741-775) being the Byzantine Emperor at the same time as Pepin. Af­ terwards the Censor qualified the correction in the 1572 edition as insufficient; see note 220. 201 In the title of lib. V, on Asia. The following passage referred to the fact that Munster held that the Council of Nicea had merely taken into consideration the issue of the marriage of priests, without forbidding it. 202 The veneration of an idol in Calicut bearing a crown similar to that of the Pope. 203 In the title of lib. VI, on Africa. 204 Heading of a Hebrew text on Priest John (the Negus of Ethiopia), sent in to Munster from Cairo. 205 Munster’s statement on Hebrew texts of cosmography. 206 Here Munster claimed the merits of his work, although admitting certain limits and la­ cunae. 207 Gerard Geldenhouwer (Geldenhauer, 1482-1542), from Nijmegen (“Noviomagus”) was included among the authors of the first class as from the 1557 Roman Index; see ILI, X, p. 197.

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Expurgatio indicis, Cosmographiae pag. 4. Expungatur Sebastiani Munsteri. Lit(era) E. Expungatur Erasmus Roterodamus. 25r

Loca diligenter repurgata in posteriori Editione Cosmographiae.208 pag. 586. in descriptione Wormatiae sublatum est omninò caput cui titulus erat, de Inquisitoribus Haereticorum. In nostro exemp. 477.209 pag. 265. Locus de Ravenna rectè correctus. In n(ostro) exempl. 189.2W pag. 895. locus Witembergo Saxonij oppido, optime repurgatus. In nostro exempl. 744.2 n pag. 664. locus de quodam Monasterio Uberlingae, rectè emenda­ tus in n(ostr}o exemp. 537.212 pag. 739. locus de quodam episcopo Augustano rectissime emen­ datus est. in nostro exemp. pag. 667.215 Eadem pag. locus de Concionatoribus Christophori à stadio, recte Emendatus. De Lubeco pag. 887. locus de lubecensibus rectissime expurgatus, in nostro exempl. 737.214 pag. 709. locus de crystallinis lapidibus rectè correctus, in nost(ro) 5S0.215 pag. 879. locus de Aenea Sylvio recte expurgatus, in nostro 729.216 pag. 603. locus de Dietero episcopo Maguntino recte correctus in nostro exempl. 490.217

208

The Basel edition of 1572: see Munster 1572. See note 105. 210 See note 67. The passage on the “Patrimony of St. Peter” had been eliminated. 211 See note 175. A phrase on Luther had been eliminated. 212 See note 127. A phrase on monks had been eliminated. 213 See note 157. 214 See note 174. The phrase on the introduction of Protestantism in Lubeck had been eli­ minated. 215 See note 133. The phrase on rosaries had been eliminated. 216 See note 172. The phrase of Piccolomini had been eliminated. 217 See note 109. The phrase had been eliminated. 209

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pag- 1100. de phoca imperatore. Locus bene correctus, in nostro exetnp. 946. Etc. H Loca parum accuratè in posteriori Munsteri Editione emendata I Imprimis in editione posteriori omnia, atque Eaedem Haeretico­ rum nomina, Eorumque laudes et encomia continentur, atque in prio­ ri ita ut hac in parte nihil ferè sit repurgatum. Secundo. Omnes Eaedemque Epistolae Haereticorum, aliorumque scriptorum ad Munsterum repperiuntur, quibus totum Volumen scatet quaeque nihil aliud prorsus continent, quam Munsteri aliorumque3 huius furfuris hominum laudes et praeconia. Locus de Concilio Constantiensi pag. 499. male repurgatus in no­ stro pag. 395.218219 Locus de Constantino Quinto pag. 1103. non perfectè expurgatus, in nostro pag. 948.220 Locus sine ulla repurgatione pag. 755.221 pag. 837. Locus de Civitatibus6 istriae non integrè repurgatus in nostro pag. 693.222 pag. 333. in Sardinia insula duo loca repurgata sed non perfecte, in nostro pag. 250. Et Sigismundus Arquer Haereticus.223 pag. 35. de Paradyso Terrestri locus sine ulla repurgatione.224

•After “aliorumque”: “furfuris”, crossed out. b After “Civitatibus”: “istro”, crossed out.

218 See note

197. A phrase had been eliminated. IKThe Censor contradicts himself: see note 90. In fact, the 1572 edition did not eliminate the praise of the Hussites. 20 The Censor contradicted himself again; see note 200. Here also, however, the phrase B the confusion of Constantine I and Constantine V was not eliminated. 221 See note 177. 222 See note 167. The 1572 edition still mentions Vergerio. 223 C ® oee notes 72-74. Only a part of the harsh judgement concerning Arquer was eliminated. 224 See note 51.

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26r

pag. 168. Locus de Roterodamo. parum correctus in nostro pag. 129, [quia] Erasmi effigies ibidem relicta est.225 pag. 662. in descriptione Lindoiae. locus parum correctus in nostro pag. 534.226 Erasmi effigies ad vivum expraessa iterum apponitur pag. 513. etc.

26v

Cosmogr. Munsteri

27v

Cosmographia Sebastian. Munsteri copiata Del P. Mont(.. ,)no il compagno*

3 Anonymous, Note on Cosmographia (Rome, 1585-1590)227 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, C (II.a.3), £. 98r

98r

Nella cosmographia del1’ munstero stampato in Basilea. 75.c scrive il P. Inquisitore di T[uri(n)]oc esser errori.228 (...) 229

a

“Cosmographia (...) il compagno”: annotation “cosmographia del”: in the interlinear space. c “75”: correction of “73”. d “T[uri(n)]o”: uncertain. b

225

See note 64. See note 124. The text attributed the choice of the place to “fortuna”, not to divine in­ spiration. 227 The series of the Protocolli has a chronological order, but not strictly so. In general, Protocolli C contains materials from the period of the first three Secretaries, that is datable till ca. 1590. Thus, this censura most probably dates back to the period of the preparation of the Sixtine Index. 228 There is no 1575 Basel edition. The author of this note, or else the Inquisitor which was his source, wrote 1575 for 1572, or else “Basilea” for “Colonia”. In that year the Italian translation appeared in Cologne: Munster 1575. 229 The note continues with considerations on Mercator’s Chronologia-, see ch. Mercator, doc. 3. 226

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

4 Anonymous, Expurgatory Censura of Compositio horologiorum (Rome, 1591-ca. 1600)230 BAV, Vat. lat. 6207, £. 33r-v 231

Censura in librum de Horologijs [.. .]232 Auctor est primae classis cuius memoria damnanda est atque ita nomen delendum quod prestiti. Epistola Sebastiani M. ad Henricum Billingum etc. in inclyta Basiliensi orbe magistratum gerentem, deleri potest, cum sit hominis hae­ retici ad Haereticum et quod praeter Henrici commendationem nihil contineat quod ad rei de qua agitur cognitionem conferat.233 Praefatio Sebastiani Munsteri in librum Horologiorum.234 haec praefatio expuncto Auctoris nomine permitti potest quia eru­ dita est et utilis ad susceptum argumentum.

230 BAV, Vat. Lat. 6207 (see also the following note) holds materials of the Congregation for the Index when Paolo Pico was its Secretary (from 1591). Pico was Secretary until 1613, but this document most probably dates back to 1590s when the Congregation concentrated on the expurgation of works by forbidden authors. 231 It is unknown why and when BAV, Vat. Lat. (S201 was transferred to the Vatican Li­ brary. It has been identified with the fifth volume of the Protocolli of the Index (Protocolli E), which is lacking in in ACDF; see, for example, Simoncelli 1983-1984. This identification is incorrect; see ch. The Organization of the Index, introductory note to doc. 1.1. However, it cannot be doubted that the codex contains Index materials, and this justifies the reproduc­ tion of some of its documents in this edition. 232 Munster 1531. In 1533 the same editor published the work again, adding some chap­ ters; the Censor used the former edition, however. 233 The dedication to Heinrich Billing (“vir ingeniosus atque integerrimus, amicus suus sincerus”) precedes the preface; the reference to Billing’s activity in Basel is in the text of the letter, dated 6 March, without the indication of the year. Billing is mentioned in documents on Johann Oporinus, to whom he was a friend; cf. the autobiography of Thomas Platter, mentioning him as friend; see Monroe 1904, pp. 164-68, 182, 190. 234 The preface, referring to the history of time measurements and gnomonics, amounts to three folios, from A 2r to A 4v.

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33r

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33v

cum Regula nona indicis librorum caveatur nè Astrologiae iudiciariae libri, tractatus indices legantur vel habeantur, quid de futuris contingentibus, fortuitisve casibus, aut ijs actionibus, quae ab hu­ mana voluntate pendent aliquid certo eventurum affirmare au­ dent235 videtur huius libri totum ferè caput trigessimum ab his ex­ purgandum.236 hora prima saturni conducit si insidieris Hostibus, sed obest in hac hora nubere tractare negotia cum magnis dominis, induere novas ve­ stes, bombardis aut iaculis insequi Hostes. obest in prima hora Martis nubere, ambulare per vias, nec ullum opus inchoari debet. praestat in prima hora Lunae omnia domestica animalia emere prae­ ter oves fraudes exercere, sed obest incipere quae diu manere debent. in prima hora Veneris pax servanda est cum familia domus, pecu­ nia non recipienda alioquin male consumetur, et alia [huius] [...] eiu­ sdem levitati annotari in libris. cap. 43. pag. 195. celebrem facit mentionem Symonis Grynaei hae­ retici primae classis quem vocat virum acutissimum ingenij multae lectionis.237 praeter haec vero pauca nihil est quod offendat.

235

Literal quote from the Rule; cf. ILI, IX, p. 818. Cap. XXX (pp. 120-126), is entitled: “Quales effectus et operationes secundum quo­ sdam philosophos contingant sub horis planetarum”. The passages indicated by the Censor, who did not quote but summarized, are on pp. 121-24. 237 Munster wrote that Grynaeus informed him of a different way for drawing a line, as explained by Charles de Bovelles. 236

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

5 Anonymous, Censura of Cosmographia (Perugia, 1596-1600)238 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (ILa. 13), f. 651v

Censura In Cosmographia Munsterj239 Lib. 2. de Anglia car. 53. ubi de Rege Henrico agit, nec redarguit eius sacrilegium.240 Lib. 2. car. 109 de Avinione ubi ait quod Io(annes) 22.s transtulit illhuca sedem, cum fuerit Clemens 5. est ergo [...] [...]. 241 Eodem lib. c. 164. De vestali aquam in cribro ferente, quod ait fuisse miraculum.242 Lib. 3. c. 455. ubi loquitur de concilio Costantiensi, aitque caeptum fuisse imperante Sigism(undo) Imper(atore).243 Eod. lib. car. 642. in calce cap(iti)s ubi ait, La crudeltà de’ Fati.244 Eod. lib. c. 680. ubi ait, quod Imperator fecit novam formam pieta­ tis lutheranis nominat [am] Interim etc.245 Eod. lib. c. 772. ubi ait de secta Evangelicorum, quasi commen­ dans Haereticorum sectam, evangelicam eam vocans etc.246 ‘ “illhuc”: sic, for “illuc”. 238 On the date of this censura and its provenance from Perugia, see ch. Fuchs, doc. 12; cf. the note to ch. Giorgio, doc. 7. 239 The quotation from p. 642, shows that the Italian translation of Cosmographia is refer­ red to, published in Basel by Henricpetri; cf. Munster 1558. A second edition appeared in Cologne (Munster 1575); see docs. 9 (f. 112v) and 10. 240 “Catalogo delli Re dell’Inghilterra, dal secondo Henrigo cominciato, il quale fu quello, che ammazzò Thomasio arcivescovo.” 241 The Censor was right: on p. 109 it is said that the Curia was moved to Avignon by Po­ pe John XXII. 242 Legendary event of Roman history, that Munster attributed to the Devil. 243 The Council lasted from 1414 to 1418, when Sigmund was already King, but not yet Emperor (1433). 244 Munster attributed the destructions in Nordlingen during the wars of religion to “fate”. 245 Here Munster presented the Peace of Augsburg as an act of justice by Charles V towards the Lutherans. 246 Munster spoke about the alliance between the Landgraf of Hessen, Philip, with the Lutherans against the Anabaptists.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

6 Giovanni Vincenzo Arrigoni, Inquisitor of Venice, to Agostino Valier, Card, of Verona, in Rome 247 (Venice, 29 M arch 1597) ACDF, Index III.3, fols. 318r (autograph)

328r

(...) In risposta di che dico, che quando io entrai nel carico di que­ sta Inq. ne non trovai correttione alcuna de libri fuori che quella della Cosmografia del M ustero et del’opere del fuchsio 248 (...) Da Venetia li XXIX Marzo 1597 Di V.S. 111.™ et R.™ Humiliss(im)mo servid(or)e Fra Vinc(enz)o Inq. re di Venetia

7 Bonaventura da Gabiano, Inquisitor of Ceneda,249 to Agostino Valier, Card, of Verona, in Rome (Cividale, 11 April 1597) ACDF, Index, III.3, f. 73r

73r

(...) Alli 9 di questo ricevei la lettera di V. S. 111.™ et R.™ delli 8 di Marzo: Et perché ella non mi accusi di negligenza, le conferro la rice­ vuta, et le prom etto ogni prontezza in ubidirla a quanto mi commette intorno a darle notitia de libri dannati et sospesi, et delle espurgationi, che altre volte fosseron fatte (...) Q uanto all’espurgationi altre volte fatte, si sono purgati et la Cosmografia del Mustero. (...)

247

Vincenzo Arrigoni and Agostino Valier; BlOGR. These censurae of Munster and Fuchs had been sent by the Roman Holy Office on 19 July 1589; cf. ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1589, fols. 121r, 122v. 249 Bonaventura da Gabiano; BlOGR. 248

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

8 Bonaventura da Gabiano, Inquisitor of Ceneda, to Agostino Valier, Card, of Verona, in Rome (Serravalle, 6 May 1597) ACDF, Index, III.3, f. 75r

(...) L’espurgatione de libri ch’io fecci già X. Anni, come della Prattica Papiense, del Corteggiano, della Cosmografia del Mustero, se à V.S. Ill.ma, e R.ma parerà espediente, le manderò: (...)

75r

9 Neapolitan Censors of the Congregation for the Index,250 Expurgatory Censura of C osm ographia (Naples, 4 December 1598) ACDF, Index, XXIII.l, fols. 109v-lllv, 112v-113r

Quae delenda sunt in cosmographia Sebastiani musteri linguam latinam Basileae excussa in officina Henrici petrina anno Domini 1572.251 In p(rimi)is deleatur nomen Sebastiani Musteri ubique reperitur in hoc volumine etc. lib. 2 cap. 18. fol. 55 in descriptione Edimburgi lin. 19 ubi dicit presertim franciscani dominicastri, hoc verbum dominicastri corrigi­ tur, ut dicat dominicani. Eodem cap. fol. 58. lin. 16 del. post verbum ipse perijt, usque ad verbum 16 Iacobus quintus.252 cap. 54. Incipit Roterodami alia Halloniae.253 fol. 168 del. officium Erasmi et lin. 29 34. del. duo verba posita post verbum frequentior numerus, usque ad verbum Anno Christo nato. 250

See ch. Cardano, introductory note to doc. 65. Munster 1572. 232 Paolo Giovio on the number of Scots (8000) who died in the battle under James V. 233 The description of Rotterdam often cited Erasmus. The two following passages regar­ ded a quotation from Erasmus and his portrait; see note 64. 251

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Ibidem lin. 40 del. post verbum letitia exceptis usque ad verbum, de co[nve]ntu lovaniensi etc. Cap. 54. fol. 171 ubi agit de penis templanorum lin. 33. del. post verbum ut sic puniretur usque ad vers, illud enim254 Libro secundo de Italia

110r

cap. 26. incipit anno christi 1505 fol.° 242 lin. 51 del. post verbum [pedum] cum ceteris, usque ad verbum Inijt est unicum verbum.255 Cap. 47. Incipit Florentia fol. 271 lin. 33 del. post verbum prose­ queretur propositum, usque ad vers.a at illa tam constans.256 cap. 50. Incipit produnt Historiae fol. 273 lin. 13 del. post verbum est evectus usque ad versum dexteritas primum.257 cap. 64. Incipit Longobardi vero fol. 301 lin. 48 del. post verbum, et imperatorem usque ad vers. sed papa legatum. Eodem cap. 301 fol. lin. 15 dei. verbum positum post verbum pos­ sessionis titulum.258 Et lin. 33. del. post verbum confirmavit usque ad verbum ne Sara­ cenis. et lin. 48 del. post verbum Brittaniam et italiani usque ad verbum mansit autem. Cap. 74. Incipit anno Christi 1527 fol. 312 lin. 29 del. post verbum, et cum Parnomie vita sine liberis excederet usque ad verbum: sed utriusque dei. etiam post illam.259 Incipit papa.

a

After “vers.”: “dexteritas primum”, crossed out.

254

A negative judgement on the motives underlying the prosecution of the Templars by King Philip IV of France. 255 This passage is not on p. 242. 256 Recalling Girolamo Savonarola. 257 Munster wrote that Enea Silvio Piccolomini (later Pope Pius II) went to Basel to raise his modest social status. 258 The passages on p. 301 regarded the conflicts between the Pope and Byzantium on iconoclasm and the relations between the reign of the Franks and Papacy in Italy, in particu­ lar as to the origins of the so-called Patrimony of St. Peter; see notes 67 and 210. 259 This passage is not on p. 312.

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

cap. 86. Incipit multi sunt in Sardinia fol. 333 lin. 31 del. post ver­ bum: ipse est usque ad vers, caeterum quantum.260 et lin. 44. del. post verbum Dei precones usque ad cap. 87. cap. 93. Incipit Ptolomeus, et Diodorus fol. 334 lin. 29: del. post verbum Basileae bibimus usque ad verbum mercatoribus etc.261 lib. 3. cap. 19 fol. 389 n.° 14. Incipit Otho tertius In vers, gregorius, ut Cesari, del. post verbum novam fecit usque ad verbum de eligendo.262 eadem cap. fol. 400 n.° 36 Incipit Fredericus eius nominis tertius fol. 401 lin. 42. del. post verbum Fridericum Annam et Elisabetham usque advers(us) Carolus Rex. bohemie.263 Cap. 22. Incipit 4aa enim de imperio fol. 412 lin. 13 del. post ver­ bum germanis gratificaret usque verbum novam.264 Cap. 58. Incipit anno Christi 1212 fol. 453 lin. 6. del. post verbum privaretur Romano imperio usque ad verbum Vuilhelmo Roma regi­ bus usque ad verbum erant quoque.265 cap. 94. Incipit Rogas fol. 511 del. verbum Sebastiano Musteri. fol. 512 lin. 21 del. post verbum et plecaros6 viros usque ad verbum nec vero.266 cap. 126. Incipit Marchacense fol. 544 lin. 31 del. post verbum in­ spirante usque ad verbum peregrinatione.267 Eodem fol. lin. 40 del. post verbum Atticum, usque ad verbum qui duxit.

*Then follows a word crossed out. b “plecaros”: sic for “praeclaros”.

260

On the pecularity of the religious situation in Sardinia; the following passage referred to a festivity of pagan origins, still existing on the island. 261 The passage on p. 343, not on 334, contains a quote from Erasmus. 262 On the relations between Otto III and Pope Gregory V. 263 A section on Emperor Ludwig of Bavaria, patron of Marsilius of Padua and William Ockham. 264 On Otto III and Pope Gregory V. 265 Excommunication and deposition of Frederick II by Pope Gregory IX. 266 A reference to Erasmus. 267 This passage and the following one contain a reference to the Reform.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

fol. 545. In t(itul)o Rubeaci oppido, prefixo cap. 129 del. post ver­ bum descriptio usque ad verbum rubeaquum Antiquissimum.268 fol. 546. lin. 9. del. verbum primus lin. 10. del. post dictionem ac usque ad verbum populum.269 fol. 547. lin. 29. del post verbum perseverans usque ad verbum effecit et loco eorum que deleantur repone vice verba in suo pro­ posito.270 fol. 548. lin. 16. del. post verbum peccanti, unum verbum sequen­ tem, et loco eorum que deleantur repone pecuniarias.271 Eadem linea del. post verbum multas usque ad verbum ex eadem pecunia. fol. eodem lin. 28. del. post verbum exercitu irrumpit usque ad ver­ bum vel ut alij. fol. 549. ubi dicit civitas Rubeaquensis lin. 5 del. post verbum pic­ turam usque ad verbum Antoni.272 Eodem lib.a cap(itul}o. 210 Incipit sunt qui putant: fol. 632 lin. 44. dei verbum positum post verbum obsistere usque ad verbum incur­ sionibus.273 Eodem fol. lin. 55. del. post verbum Holonniae usque ad verbum episcopus positum6 fol. 633. cap. 246. Incipit lindavius fol. 661 lin. 10 del. post verbum dota­ runt usque ad vers. sed. Eodem fol. lin. 12 del. post verbum locuples fieri usque ad verbum donisque. a b

“lib. ”: in the interlinear space. “positum”: sic.

268 The Censor deletes the names of Konrad Pellikan and Konrad Wolfhart (Lycosthenes), both staying in “Rubeacum” (Rufach). 269 M unster praised a Bishop of Strasbourg, stating that he had been the first one in that town; it is unclear why the Censor eliminated the adjective “primus” and the praise. 270 Munster spoke of a Pope “perseverans (...) in odio semel concepto”; the Censor sub­ stituted “in suo proposito” for “in odio”. 271 This passage and the two following ones regard the tax collection ordered by a Pope, and Frederick I ll’s military intervention in support of Eugenius IV against the Council of Basel. 272 Praise of a citizen of Rufach, Anton Kuntze. 273 In this passage and in the following one Munster criticized Charles V for having depri­ ved the Bishop of Utrecht of his political power (1527).

46. SEBASTIAN M U N STER

fol. eodem lin. 19. del. post verbum dominae usque as verbum ca­ nonicae. Eodem libro3 del. post verbum gaudent*3 usque ad verbum tantum­ modo. Et lin. 25. del. post verbum quin etiam usque ad verbum accidit.274 Eodem cap. fol. 663 lin. 6 del. post verbum si quid ardui usque ad verbum statutorum et lin. 52 del. post verbum contendant usque ad verba ego potius.274275 cap. 247. Incipit tenet civitas fol. 664 lin. 15 del. post verbum susti­ nebant usque ad verbum Abbates in salmansul...].276 Cap. 290. incipit supra Civitatem fol. 694 lin. 24 del. post verbum coquitur salis usque ad vers, in monte.277 cap. 327. incipit habuit regio ista fol. 7 [23] lin. 41 del. post verbum fuit usque ad vers. docentc enim &.278279 Cap. 445. Incipit quando in ecc(lesi)a fol. 737 lin. 27 del. post ver­ bum Papa confestim usque ad verbum Vuingoldum41 et loco eorum que deleantur pone haec verba episcopum creavit à quò.2/9 Et post verbum Vuingoldum6 del. usque ad verbum scisma et lin. 38 del. post verbum cum capitolo usque ad verbum sub eo. Et fol. 738 lin. 25 del. verbum dominicastri et reponi dominicani. Et lin. 32 del. post verbum 19 annis usque ad vers, cui marckuuardus.280 a

“libro”: sic, for “lin(ea)”. “gaudent” in the interlinear space, for “quin et”, crossed out. c After “docent”: a word crossed out. d “Vuingoldum”: sic, per “Vuingholdum” (in M unster’s text). e “Vuingoldum”: for “Vuingholdum”. b

274

In reality p. 662; see note 226. Negative pronouncements on the behaviour of Ecclesiastics. 276 In Munster: “Salmansuviler” (Salmansweiler). Munster wrote that the cellar of the lo­ cal monastery possessed the largest wine barrels in Germany. 277 In the description of Halle: “Hall civitas et castrum ubi plurimum coquitur sali set multi cuduntur crociferi”. 278 On the alleged poisoning of Henry VII by Dominicans in Florence; see notes 80 and 135. 279 This passage and the following one exposed the hostile action by Pope Innocent III against a Bishop, for political reasons only. 280 Some events in Germany regarding the battle between Ludwig IV and John XXII. 275

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Et lin. 55. verbum conciliabulo, corrige ut dicat concilio interfuit. Et fol. 739 lin. 15. del. post verbum portentum ora usque ad ver­ bum, ut neque. et lin. 16. del. post verbum aut dormire usque ad vers. etiam impe­ ratore etc.281 Ante cap. 347. fol. 741 lin. 3. dele nomen Achillis Gassaris. Eodem cap.° fol. 747 lin. 7. del. post verbum ut ab usque ad vers. proposito. Et lin. 39. del. post verbum Caietano Cardinali usque ad vers. doc­ trinam, et loco eorum quae deleantur repone Dubiam ut legat oba du­ biam doctrinam. Et lin. 40. del. post verbum hic, usque ad vers. celebravit.282 cap. 356. Incipit est brareintab fol. 760 lin. 27 del. post verbum, an­ te mortem suam usque ad vers. legitimam fecit.283 cap. 386. Incipit in no(min)e civitatis fol. 800 lin. 47 del. post ver­ bum et socijs eius usque ad vers. meditatus dei. etiam verba inclusa hoc signo (.).284 Cap. 342. Incipit anno 751 institutus est episcopus fol. 807 li. 51 del. post verbum se in huiusmodi usque ad vers, consentire.285 cap. 39.3 fol. 809 in supra scriptione cap. del. verbum Sebastiano Mustero. fol. 836. de Istria del. verba, quae sunt post figuram Istrie et ante verbum de mea Istria.286 Cap. 415. Incipit Urbes et oppida fol. 837 lin. 24 del. post verbum in primis apta usque ad vers. de Sclavonia quoque.287 a

Then follows a word crossed out. sic, per “Brureinia” (the area around Brussels) in Munster’s text.

b “brareinta”:

281

See notes 157 and 213. Criticism of a Bishop regarding events in 1541; an episode of Luther’s life (1518). 283 Heterodox behaviour of the Dukes of Bade. 284 Ironical remarks on the tradition of St. Chilianus (Chillien, Killian, eight century). 285 Opposition of the Bishop of Toul against the Pope raising funds for the war against the Turks. 286 Heading of a letter by Ludovico Vergerio to Munster. 287 Vergerio denied that his uncle Pietro Paolo was unpopular in Istria for having left the town and resigned from the Bishopric (1549). 282

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fol. 848 del. totum cap. 420 quod est a verbo: suis restitutius usque ad rubricam bochomie, et fuldae.288 Cap. 444. Incipit Magdeburgum fol. 889 lin. 4 del. verbum post cene et lin. 7 del. post verbum Iubet acciri usque ad verbum ubi astitit.289 cap. 469. Incipit sunt qui magnopolim fol. 911 lin. 33 del. post verb(um) saxonibus usque ad vers.a tanta enimb .290 Cap. 497. incipit initium dissentionis fol. 951 lin. ij del. post ver­ bum benedictiones irrident usque ad vers, bohemi vocantur.291 fol. 961 In moravia lin. 24 del. post verbum Visie ligradensi usque ad vers, sunt Moravi etc. lib 4 fol. 962 del. nomen authoris.292 Fol. 1031 in ep(isto)la dele nomen authoris.293 Cap. 27. Incipit bornensis fol. 1069 lin. 81 del. post verbum turcico ingenio usque ad vers, contingit autem.294 Cap. 44. Incipit in phocide fol. 1081 lin. 31 del. verbum dei et re­ pone templi ut legatur maiestas templi.295 Et linea 46 del. post verbum audebat invadere usque ad vers, cum Xerses. Cap. 59. Incipit Costantinus magnus fol. 1103 lin. 7 del. post ver­ bum, in Italia usque ad vers. et postea carolus.296 “After “vers.”: “Bohemi vocantur” crossed out. b After “enim”: “fol. 961 In Moravia”, erased.

288 The Censor eliminated the name of the author of “Chorographia Buchoniae” furni­ shed by Munster, Georg Wicelius (Witzel); the latter was included in the 1590 Index, but not in the later Roman Indexes (1593, 1596); ILI, IX, p. 817. 289 Episodes of the conflict in Magdeburg between the Burggraf and the Archbishop. 290 On taxes required by the christianized Saxons from neighbour populations that were still pagan. 291 The Censor eliminated an ample digression on the Hussites. 292 Elimination of the proud answer of the Moravians to the Pope puzzled why they cele­ brated the sacred rites in their native tongue. 293 The reference is not correct, because f. 1031 does not contain a letter. 294 Munster praised Lazar III Brankovitch ( t 1458), King of Serbia and Bosnia, partly Chris­ tian, partly Muslim. 293 Criticism of the mingling of money and religion. 296 Munster stated that the Ecclesiastical State originated with the donation of territories by Pepin King of the Franks.

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Cap. 71. incipit reliquit fol. 1125 lin. 8 del. post verbum hunc regni principes usque ad vers, adeò ut nihil.297 lib. 5. fol. 1137 dele nomen Authoris.298 lib. 6. cap. 57. incipit in memoriam battismi fol. 1330 lin. 4. del. post verbum erraverit usque ad vers, confessionem.299 Eodem fol. del. omnia quae secuntur post verbum quibus pugnant, usque ad vers, totius operis Cosmographici conclusio quae est fol. 1333 [...]. fol. 1331 fol. 1332 continent quedam hebraica lingua conscripta et deleantur. Finis laus Deo Virgini deipare 112v

Volgares300 In cosmographia Munsteri quae delenda sunt Colonia 1575 Apresso gli eredi di Arnoldo Birchmanno301 fol. p.° del. per Sebastiano munstero. fol. p.° in indice litera è del. sue lodj302 fol. 6. del. Sebastiano munstero. fol. 147 del. à ver. cossi dice erasmo inc(lusiv)e usque in finem, fol. 213 del. verbum diede et poi restitui del. etiam donatione.303 fol. 218 del. à verbo predicando usque alcuni altri.304 fol. 797 del. monstero alias Sebastiano munstero. fol. 915 del. Sebastiano munstero. 297

Critique of the infidelity of Hungarian nobles to Lajos II; maybe the Censor thought that the critique involved ecclesiastics. 298 That is, Munster. 299 This passage and the two following ones regarded religious uses among the Kopts in Ethiopia and a summary by Munster of a letter by Priest John (the Negus), written in He­ brew and translated by him; see also note 204. 300 Now the Censor starts to consider the Italian translations of Cosmographia', one of the­ se (Basel 1558) had been examined already in Perugia (doc. 5); see also doc. 10. 301 Munster 1575. On this edition of the Italian translation, see the note to doc. 10. 302 For Erasmus, “sue lodi e patria”, the Index referred to p. 147. 303 On the donation by Pepin, and then by Charlemagne, of Ravenna, Bologna and other cities in Emilia and Romagna to the Popes. 304 On Savonarola’s predication in Florence.

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

finis Cosmographia volgare de Sebastiano Munstero Basileae 1558 Coloniae 1575305 La p.a facie deleatur nomen Sebastiani munsteri. In 2.a facie deleatur illius imago. In 3.a deleatur tota epistola Sebastiani munsteri.306 In indice litera è del. erasmus et lode. In pag. 147 del. imaginem erasmi et le lode sue. In principio cuius libet libri, in t(itul)o ep(isto)lae dele Sebastiano Munstero etc. deo gratias Neapolis Die 4. Decem. 1598 M.r Cherubinus Veron. August, theologus Curiae Archiep. Neap.307 M.r Vinc(entii0s Bonincontro dominicanus deputatus Indicis. M. Hieronimus de Aversa dep(utatu)s Indicis3.

a

“Neapolis (...) Indicis”: the subscriptions.

305

Miinster 1558 and 1575. Apparently, the Censor referred to the dedicatory epistle to Charles V which was re­ produced in the Latin editions of the Cosmographia, because the Italian edition of 1575 — at least the copies checked — appeared without a similar epistle. The Censor’s statement is puzzling, however, because the dedicatory letter was not a heterodox text, exception made for its mentioning with approval two Protestant authors who were placed in the Index, na­ mely Beatus Rhenanus and Bilibald (Willibald) Pirckheimer. 307 Cherubino da Verona, Vincenzo Bonincontro, Girolamo da Aversa; BlOGR. 306

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

10 Anonymous, Expurgatory Censura of Cosmografia (Siena, 1600) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, N (II.a.12), fols. 93r-94v

93 r

Super Sebastiani Munsteri Cosmografia Italica lingua reddita coloniae excussa308 Lib. p. fo. 37. linea 33. citat(u)r lib. Genesis, cap. 40. 50. et 60. nul­ la fit mentio illorum quae proponunt(u)r sed somniorum ibi habet(u)r interpretatio, et pincernarum principi...] et Pistoris faraonis, cap. ve­ ro 50. leg(itu)r mors atque sepultura patris Ios[..] cap. vero 60. non habet(u)r quia finit lib. c. 50. cetera de illa aetate [...] habent(u)r au­ tem non cap. videlicet quinto, et sexto.309 Lib. 2.° pag. 57. linea 15. fit mentio Alex(andr)i Alexij scoti cuius nomen delendum puto, et [...]. 310 Lib. 2.° f. 147. habet(u)r effigies Erasmi quam abolendam puto, iuxta regulam traditam in indice Rom(an)o. Lib. 2.° f. 264. linea 30. legit(u)r diedili per moglie Costanza mona­ cha promessa da lui sconsagrata, illa dictio sconsagrata videtur scan­ dalosa, ideo delendam puto, dispensata dal sommo Pontefice d’uscir del Monast(er)o et congiongessi seco in matrim(oni)o respetto alla ra­ gion del stato.311 Lib. 2.° fo. 282. linea xi. habet(u)r sic in Sardegna Sacerdoti igno-

308

Miinster 1575. See docs. 5 and 9 (f. 112v). As Benito Arias Montano explained in an advice, dated “Anversa, il primo di marzo 1575”, printed after the preface (“Testimonio so­ pra la Censura et repurgatione de la Cosmografia di Sebastiano Munsero, fatta in Anversa”), the text of this edition reports the corrections introduced in the Venetian edition and those proposed by the Expurgatory Index of Antwerp (1571); see Introduction. Thus, this censura is a second-level correction. 309 The text (lib. I, cap. 29) cited chs. 40, 50 and 60 of Genesis on man’s condition and lenght of life after the Flood. The Censor’s observations were correct, because 40, 50 and 60 {Genesis has 50 chapters) are a mistake for chs. 4, 5, and 6. 310 See note 53. 311 On the wedding between Henry II of Schwabia and Costanza d’Altavilla (1186), sup­ ported by Pope Urban III, and not by Celestinus III, as Munster wrote.

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46. SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

rantissi(m)i quam quidem par(o)lam delendam puto quia cedit in de­ decus sacerdotum.312 Lib. 2.° f. 280. leg(itu)r omnino dom(ini)ca Pater noster in lingua Sardiniae. Lib. 3.° fo. 323. in calce citat(u)r Cornelius tacitus.313 Lib. 3.° f. 334. ultra mediam paginam in recitat(ion)e historiae ludovici 4. leg(itu)r Alberto ribello al Re subdito per opera d’uno Hottone Arcivescovo di Maganza lo cavò a favole fuor del Castello di Bamberga, la q(ual) cosa recò poi all’Arcivescovo infamia grande, hanc parolam la q(ual)cosa etc. delendam puto, cedit enim in dedecus episcopi, et ostendit eundem perditum extitisse.314 Lib. 3.° f. 469. linea 15. citat(u)r erasmus. Lib. 2.° f. 455. recitat(u)r historia Concili] generalis Constantiensis, quam quidem historiam conferendam puto cum alijs.315 Lib. 3.° f. 522. linea 27. leg(itu)r fiorendo Vesc(ov)o fece vedere et parlar con l’orat(ion)e la figlia del Re che era cieca, et muta, delendam puto, pedendam illam, sit pro intercess(ion)e et oratione, quale figlia dal Re si ricevette al vedere; et la favella.316 Lib. 3.° f. 526. linea 24. leg(itu)r sic Brinzardo3 conte essendo eletto Vcsc(ov)o de Argentina renuntia ala profess(ion)e della Religione pre­ sa moglie, hanc parolam declarat(ion)e indigere censeo, nullus enim episcopus absque summi Pontificis dispensat(ion)e uxorem ducere potest, unde ablaturam puto, quia scandalum parit.317 Lib. 3.° f. 527. linea 18. leg(atu)r Dagoberto Re de Francia fu da

In Miinster 1575'. “Burchardo”. 312

Miinster was highly critical about the clergy and the religious life in Sardinia; on p. 280 (see the following citation), he presented a Sardinian translation of the Lord’s prayer as an example of the local tongue. 313 The description of Germany in Tacitus; on the prohibition of this work, see note 326. 314 On an episode concerning Ludwig IV of Carinthia (King from 893 to 911) and Bishop Hatto I von Mainz. 315 The description of Konstanz included a short history of the town, and thus of the 1414 Council. 316 On a miracle achieved through prayer by a Bishop of Strasbourg (ca. 670). 317 On a certain Burchard von Lutzelstein, Bishop of Strasbourg in a period not well defi­ ned (ante 1200).

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Dei accusato, et cum verghe battuto puto vertendum fù dagli Idoli accusato.318 Eodem lib(r)o 3. f. 537. linea 12. leg(itu)r Giudei qui persequitati [conspirandi] ricorsero alla corte del Vesc(ov)o che gli defendesse perche l’havevano3 corrotto con denari quem parolam, perche l’havevano corrotto con denari delendam censeo.319 Lib. 3.° f. 538. linea 22. Rodolfo Abspurgio Vesc(ov)o de spira, ac­ cettando in spira la moglie di Cesare, preso dalla sua bellezza gli die­ de un’ bacio, il q(uale) tanto dispiacque all’imperatrice che si lamentò col marito della lascivia del Vesc(ov)o Quam parolam ablectandam censeo, usque ibi il Vescovo si partì di corte.320 Lib. 3.° f. 137. linea 39. Otto magno creò Vesc(ov)o di Spira Reginobaldo. per quae verba videtur quod auctoritas creandi episcopos spectet ad imperatores, ideo legendum puto Reginaldo fù creato Ve­ scovo di Spira.321 Lib. 3.° fol. 538. lin. 31. per la scelerata vita de Monaci; haec paro­ la deleat(u)r usque ibi Sigismundo imp(erato)re.322 Lib. 3.° f. 544. in margine Tirannia dun’ Vesc(ov)o.323 Lib. 3.° f. 549. linea [1]6. leg(itu)r gli giuraron la morte Gerardo Arcives(cov)o di Maganza, Co[nra]do Vesc(ov)o d’Argentina, haec duo nomina episcopum expurgi debere censeo iuxta regulam correc­ tionis, quae hab(itu)r § II part. 13.324 [Lib] 3.° f. 554. linea xi. leg(itu)r Henrico knodorer franciscano Theologo negromante eletto et creato Arcives(cov)o di Magonza “ “havevano”: in the interlinear space for “[...]lares no”, underlined, probably because it was to be replaced. 318

On an episode in 664, prior to the conversion of the Merovingians to Christian faith. On an episode in 1092 in Speyer. 320 The episode referred to the period of the reign of Rudolphus I (1273-91), when there was no Bishop of Speyer called Rudolphus, however; cf. HC, I. 321 Munster dated the episode around 940, when Reginbald I was Bishop of Speyer. 322 The triumphal entry of Bishop Rupert von Helmstadt (1396) into Speyer, after the town’s revolt against licentious and violent Ecclesiastics. 323 Episode of the history of Worms (1253). 324 Gerhard von Eppenstein, Archbishop of Mainz from 1289 to 1305; Conrad von Lich­ tenberg, Bishop of Strasbourg from 1273 to 1299. 319

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SEBASTIAN MUNSTER

etc.325 delendam illam totam partem puto ab illo nomine Henrico in­ clusive usque ad nomen Gerardo barone exclusive. Unde Paulo inferius, et est linea 34. leg(itu)r danni irremediabili nacquero alla chiesa Magontina puto legendum sic, danni occorsi alle posess(ion)i et beni ecclesiastici et scommodosi alla cathe(dra)le di Maganza. Lib. 3.° £. 555. linea 6. leg(itu)r insolenza d’uno Abate Fuldense quem titulum oblactandum censeo eodem vero in capite deleat(u)r totum id quod cedit in ignominiam Abatis illius, et dicatur sic, [...] imperator sedendo in chiesa haveva alia dextra 1’Arcivescovo Maguntino, et à sinistra il Coloniense. dum autem [...] fertur 1’Abate fulden­ se turbò, enim totum abliteretur et poterit addi in calce capitis et titu­ lo passo cum solenniss(im)a pompa.326 Lib. 3.° f. 572. linea 20. et 26. citat(u)r Cornelius Tacitus et eius 94r commentaria Germanica, prohibentur in Indice litera C. cap. incerto­ rum fol. 53. iuxta impressionem Venetijs factam apud Nicolaum [flo] rectum 15 96.327 Lib. 3.° f. 573. linea 8. leg(itu)r la Città liberata da la Tirannia del Vesc(ov)o delendam puto, la città liberata da si fatti tumulti, vel pror­ sus tota illa parola ablecteretur.328 Lib. 3.° f. 612. linea 2. essendo eletto à suggestione del papa Ri­ dolfo, [etc.] a suggestione puto delendum, secondo la mente del Pa­ pa, vel penitus delendum et dicatur essendo eletto Rodolfo.329

325 Heinrich von Isny, OFM, called Knoderer, from 1275 to 1286 Bishop of Basel and from 1286 till his death (1288) Archbishop of Mainz; HC, I, pp. 132, 336. The passage refer­ red that the Bishop, hated by the people and by the clergy, had been nominated by Pope Honorius IV, and cited treatises against him.’326 On a dispute between the Archbishop of Mainz and the Abbot of Fulda in 1184, in the presence of Emperor Frederick I. 327 Munster cited Tacitus’ Germania on Cologne during the Roman dominion. The Censor held that he used the annotated edition by Andreas Althamer (Brentzius); the Nuremberg edition of this work (Althamer 1536) had been prohibited in the Indexes of Paris (1544), Ve­ nice (1549), and Rome (1557, 1559); ILI, I, p. 122; III, p. 247; VIII, p. 415. The later Roman Indexes (1590, 1593, 1596) prohibited the work without mentioning its author; ILI, IX, pp. 809, 870, 938. 328 On a conflict between the Bishop and the citizens of Cologne in 1074. 329 On the conflict between Rudolph of Sweden, supported by Pope Gregory VII, and Henry IV (1076-1080).

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Lib. 3.° f. 670. linea 40. Eutico creato Vesc(ov)o da Cesare; ibidem [in] postrema parte leg(itu)r idem Henrico 2.° creato Vesc(ov)o dal im­ peratore del q(uale) era stato cappellano, quas ambas parolas delendas puto, siquidem video ob id quod potestas creandi episcopos ad cesaream attineat maiestatem non autem ad Pontificiam, seu Papalem.330 94v

1600 ex Senis Censura in Scolam Salernitatem 331 Cardanum de subtilitate 332 Georgium fabricium de re Poetica 333 Castelvetri Petrarcham Lactantium firmianum M unsteri Cosmographiam 3

1600 (...) cosmographiam”: annotation.

330

On two Bishops of Augsburg (ca. 980 e 1033) nominated by Emperors. See ch. Arnaldus of Villanova, doc. 11. 332 See ch. Cardano, doc. 70. 333 See ch. Georg Fabricius. 331

2136

47

MICHAEL NEANDER

Neander (1529-1581) was an orthodox Lutheran, former student in Wittenberg, Professor in Jena, and a friend to central figures of German Protestantism. His works regarded philosophical-scientific topics, rather than theological issues, however, and therefore they did not capture the attention of ecclesiastical censors, as did, for exam­ ple, those written by his homonymous contemporary.1 Indeed, Nean­ der’s works were not placed in the Index and ACDF does not hold any accusation regarding him. Therefore, the short expurgatory cen­ sura presented below belongs to a rather peculiar group of docu­ ments, namely that of the corrections of works which were not pre­ viously prohibited. The long interval between the date of publication of Neander’s Elementa sphaericae doctrinae (Basel 1561, being the only edition) and 1598, when the censura was written, excludes the possibility in this case that the attention of the Congregation was drawn by a catalogue of the Frankfurt Book Fair. Although Neander was an exponent of the Wittenberg Mathematical School, which put forth a cautious approval of Copernican theory,2 his Elementa expres­ sed a total rejection of the latter. Thus, the work was not examined because its author endorsed heliocentrism, which indeed is not even mentioned. This confirms the fact that most sixteenth-century Cen­ sors, and in particular the Neapolitan group, did not grasp or simply underestimated the theological and cosmological problems that Co-

1 Our

Neander is indeed not to be confused with the homonymous Lutheran M. Neander (Neumann) (Sorau, 1525 - Ilfield, 1595), author of theological, historical, philological and poetical works, prohibited as a heretic in the Indexes of Portugal (1561), and Rome (1590, 1593, 1596); see ILI, IV, p. 402; VI, p. 469; IX, pp. 663, 833, 893. For biographical informa­ tion, cf. ADB, 23, p. 341 and BBK, VI, pp. 526-7. 2 The so-called Wittenberg interpretation of Copernicanism viewed the latter merely as a set of predictive planetary models, rather than as a cosmological system. See Machamer 1975; Westman 1975a and 1975b.

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pernicanism brought about.3 Most probably, the work was examined because it was published in a Protestant country, or else because it was suspected of favouring judiciary astrology.4

3

See ch. Copernicus, Introduction. The Elementa were mentioned in a list of books to be examined, composed by a functio­ nary of the Index before 1590; see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 5, fols. 241r-242r, on f. 241v; another work by Neander, on metrology (Neander 1555), was mentio­ ned in a similar list composed after 1595; see ch. The Organization of the Index, doc. VI.17, f. 113r-v. 4

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47. MICHAEL NEANDER

1 Neapolitan Censors of the Congregation for the Index,5 Expurgatory Censura of Elementa sphaericae doctrinae (Neaples, 4 December 1598) ACDF, Index, XXIII. 1, £. 79v

(...) Michaelis Naeandri ex valli Ioachimica67 Elemontri Sphericae doctrinae apud Io. Opotinum 3 15617 Quandoque non satis constat, num de hoc auctore loquatur index nam ibi vocatur Soraviensis8 parum tamen refert si deleatur nomen, item et nomen impressoris Opotini fol. 77. versu 16. nomen quod est à verbo .a. et studiosis.9 fol. 135. versu 24. dele Episcopus10 (...)

“Elemontri” and “Opotinum”: sic, for “Elementa” and “Oporinum”. 5

See ch. Cardano, introductory note to doc. 65. “Vallis Ioachimica” is the Latin translation of Joachimstal, the city where Neander was born. 7 Neander 1561. This introductory handbook on spherical astronomy is significant from a historical point of view, because it critizised heliocentrism on the basis of arguments already developed by Melanchthon. 8 One “Michael Neander, Soraviensis” was mentioned in the first class of authors in the Clementine Index (in the appendix under M; ILI, IX, p. 963), and in previous Indexes too (X, p. 295). It is the homonymous author referred to in note 1 (supra). 9 Discussing methods for measuring the distance between places, Neander referred to “perfecta tractatio Rheinholdina, à Peucero studiosis communicata”; see De dimensione ter­ rae lib. II, Wittebergae 1550. 10 In the second part of Elementa, devoted to chronology and the calendar, Neander wro­ te: [every calendar] “ecclesiasticum et politicum inventum est. Episcopus enim vel praeco primum diem mensis, et nonarum numerum populo convocato pro concione significabat.” It is not clear why this phrase was to be censored, except for the fact that a Protestant spoke about the function of an authority of the Catholic Church. 6

79v

48 DAVID ORIGANUS (TOST, TROST)

Origanus’ (1558-1628) astronomical works, in particular E phem eri­ des, although anything but original, had an important role in astrono­ mical research during the years between the publication of Brahe’s and Kepler’s works, that is, before the latter’s Tabulae R udolphinae introduced in the computing of astronomical positions, standards of exactitude fairly superior to those that were possible before. This si­ tuation of transition is clear in Ephemerides-, for the calculation of the positions of the Sun and Moon Origanus used both Alphonsine and Prutenic tables, but for the position of the planets only the latter. Mo­ reover, he rejected Copernicus’ heliocentrism but accepted Brahe’s system. At the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, among those of its kind Origanus’ work was, together with Jean Stade’s and Giovanni Antonio Magini’s (who challenged Origanus’ scientific pri­ macy), one of the most used and widely distributed manuals, not only in Protestant Europe, but also in Catholic countries and even in the Jesuit missions in Asia.1 Certainly, it could have appeared as suspect to the Catholic bodies of doctrinal control because the author was a Protestant and criticized the Gregorian calendar reform, his works dealt with judiciary astrology, and some of his non-astronomical works had a clear Lutheran flavour.2 Thus, merely a superficial know1 In 1612, Jan Wremann, SJ, computed the longitudes of some of the main Asiatic cities using the laps between the beginnings of some eclipses calculated by Origanus for Frankfurt an der Oder, on the one hand, and those observed by himself and other Jesuits in those ci­ ties, on the other; see Baldini 2000c, pp. 94-95. 2 His works appeared in publications printed in honour of Luther and in other volumes published by the Lutheran Church in Frankfurt an der Oder. Origanus wrote works against the Gregorian Calendar; he also edited the critique by Sethus Calvisius (Seth Kalwitz), which raised a polemics with the mathematical school of the Collegio Romano: Elenchus Calendarii Gregoriani; in quo errores, qui passim in (...) anni quantitate et epactis (...) determinant, (...) manifeste demonstrantur, et duplex Calendarii (...) formula proponitur, Francofurti Marchionum, typis (...) Iohannis Eichorn, 1612.

~ 2140 ~

48. DAVID ORIGANUS

ledge of Origanus’ production should have induced the Congregation for the Index to its overall condemnation. By contrast, only the first edition of his Ephemerides was prohibited,3 which confirms once again that actions taken by the Congregation were not always the re­ sult of systematic investigation, but often depended upon occasional information. The sequence of the documents on the prohibition shows that the latter happened more or less by chance. ACDF holds only one expurgatory censura of the work,4 written after the decree of prohibition “donec corrigatur” (24 August 1599),5 which was trigge­ red by a previous examination by the Inquisitor of Venice (probably lost).67Furthermore, the expurgation was independent of the decree, because the latter was issued by the Roman Holy Office, while the former was written by the Neapolitan Censors of the Index without any order from Rome, and most likely the censura was never handed over to the Holy Office. The decree of August 1599 was published by Giovanni Maria Guanzelli, Master of the Sacred Palace, in his edict of 7 August 16037 Here, Guanzelli referred to a future correction, which testifies that the Neapolitan correction was considered as insufficient, not only by him but also by the Congregation. The only extant Roman Expurgatory Index, issued by Guanzelli himself in 1607,8 did not in­ clude a new correction of Ephemerides, nor was it published af­ terwards, and thus the work was placed in future Indexes as well.

3

Origanus 1599. The 1609 edition introduced relevant additions and modifications. Doc. 5. 5 Doc. 1. 6 See doc. 6. 7 See ILP, p. 670. This edict and a successive one by Guanzelli (1605) made up a list di­ stributed in Naples by Card. Ottavio Acquaviva, Archbishop of the town since 1607; cfr. Lo­ pez 1974, pp. 345-50 (Origanus’ Ephemerides are on p. 345). Subsequently, both edicts were printed in Index 1624, pp. IX-XXIV (.Ephemerides are on p. XI). 8 Guanzelli 1607. 4

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

1 Decree o£ the Congregation of the Holy Office (Rome, 24 August 1599) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1597-1598-1599, fols. 768v, 770va

768v

Feria 3 a , 24 a Augusti 1599 coram Ill.mis Dominis (...)

770v

Ephemerides novae authore M. Davide Origano Glacen(si) Mathe­ matico professore in inclita septemvirali Marchionum Brandeburgcn(si) Accademia impressae Francofurti ad [Via] drum 1599, fuerunt suspensae, donec corrigantur, expurgatis erroribus concedantur.9

2 Summary of the Decree of Prohibition of E phem erides (24 August 1599) (Rome, post 1600) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, Z (II.a.22) , f. 172r-v

172r

Decreta facta in Cong(regatio)nibus S. R. et Univ(ersa)lis Inqui(sitio)nis occasione diversorum librorum. (...) 1599

172v

XXIIII Augusti Ephemerides novae authore M. Davide Origano Glacen Mathemati­ co suspensae, donec corrigantur, expurgatis erroribus concedantur. (...) Contemporary copy. 9

As noted before and as results from doc. 6, a censura of the work had been sent to the Holy Office by the Venetian Inquisitor. As usual in similar cases, the decree was forwarded to the peripheral Inquisitors, as is shown by its presence in the collection of documents of the Inquisition in Asti; cf. Scriniolum, p. 305.

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48. DAVID ORIGANUS

3 Registration of the Decree of Prohibiton of Ephemerides (24 August 1599) (Rome, post 1603) ACDF, Index, XVII.2, f. 28ra

24 Augusti 1599 M. Davidis Origani Ephemerides. Suspense, donee corrigantur, expurgatae concedantur ex S.t0 off.0 , est in p(rim)o edicto.10

28r

4 Cherubino da Verona to Paolo Pico, Secretary of the Congregation for the Index, in Rome 11 (Naples, 22 November 1599) ACDF, Index, III.4, f. 129r (autographical subscription )

(,..) 12 In Nap(oli) è comparso un libro intitulato Ephemerides annorum triginta sex, ab anno 1595 M. Davide Origano auctore, francofurti typis, Andreae Cichornij .1595.13 dove trovo citati molti auctori heretici, e molte sententie da cassarsi, n ’ho fatta l’espurgat(io)ne, La commu­ nicaro con li Compagni, e q(ua)ndo q(ue)sta con molte altre sarranno state rivedute e confirmate da alcuni deputati, e da Mons.r Vic(ari)o ge­ nerale,14 Le mandaró, ó le portaró io in Roma l’anno santo. (...)

“ Copies are on fols. 32v, 71v and 79r. 10 The

“primum edictum” was Guanzelli’s 1603 decree; see note 7. Cherubino Rato (da Verona) and Paolo Pico; BlOGR. 12 The first part of the letter regards Guillaume de Saiuste du Bartas, La sepmaine (see ch. Du Bartas). 13 Actually, 1599; see note 17. The censura (doc. 5) was sent to Rome by Cherubino in a volume containing the Expurgatory censurae written by himself and his assistants in the Nea­ politan Congregation for the Index (see note 16). 14 Ercole Vaccari, Vicar General of the Archbishop of Naples, Alfonso Gesualdo, had been commissioned by the Archbishop to participate in press censorship; see BlOGR. 11

2143 ~

129r

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

5 Neapolitan Censors of the Congregation for the Index,15 Expurgatory Censura of Ephemerides (Naples, October-November 1599)16 ACDF, Index, XXIII. 1, fols. 6r-7r

6r

Ephemerides Annorum 36 ab Anno 1595. M. Davide Origano auc­ tore Francofurti. Typis Andreae Eichormij 1595.17 Hic author procul dubio deprehend(itu)r esse hereticus tum quia sine ullo delectu utitur authoritate aliorum auctorum repro­ batorum, Sconeri, Cypriani vitija, Iohannis Gar[z]ei imo Michaelem mestlinum 18 laudibus prosequitur, tum quoque quia fol 24 versu 13

a

“vitij”: sic, for “Leovitij”.

15

See the introductory note to ch. Cardano, doc. 65. Most of the Neapolitan censurae in ACDF, Index XXIII.l are dated 4 December 1598. However, the codex was sent in to Rome in January 1600 (see doc. 7) and some censurae we­ re written after December 1598; this censura was written shortly before 22 November 1599 (see doc. 4). 17 Origanus 1599; “1595” is an error by the author or the scribe, probably due to the fact that the work, although published later, contained ephemerides of celestial events sin­ ce 1595. 18 For Johann Schoner and Cyprianus Leowitz, see respective chapters. Of Johannes Garcaeus (Gartz, 1530-1574), Protestant author and practitioner of judiciary astrology, the In­ dex of Parma (1580) prohibited Methodus astrologiae-, he was condemned for heresy in the Indexes of Miinchen (1582), and Rome (1590, 1593, 1596); ILI, IX, pp. 822, 883, 955; X, p. 194. For similar reasons, but also because of his violent opposition to the Gregorian Calen­ dar, the Roman Indexes (1590, 1593, 1596) condemned Michael Maestlin (1550-1631) in the first class; see ILI, IX, pp. 833, 893, 963; X, pp. 194, 270. However, their condemnation was due to their faith, rather than to an examination of their works, given that there are no ex­ tant censurae or accusations in ACDF, but only general entries to their works, regarded as su­ spect or liable to correction. For Gartz, see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, docs. 9 (f. 156v), 10 (f. 231r), 14 (f. 147r); for Maestlin, see ch. Medicine and Natural Philo­ sophy, doc. 29 (f. 269r), and ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. IV, docs. 3 (f. 17 lr) and 11 (f. 126r); sect. VI, doc. 9, f. 156bv. 16

2144 ~

48. DAVID ORIGANUS

invehitur in Epactas novi chalendarij Romani sequutus errores Mest­ imi, et fol. 25 versu 8 a fine idem prosequitur.19 Sed manifestius se talem prodit fol. 32 versu p.° ubi quatuor Anni tempora non refert Instituta ad Ieiunia Triduana ex precepto ecclesiae, sed accomoda­ ta dt ad Conventus Tribuum et iura municipalia.20 Manifestius autem in Epistola ad Io: Hense que proponitur Ephe­ meridi anni 95 versu 15 pag. 5 fac. 2. ubi fatetur apud eum adhuc es­ se in usu vetus chalendarium quemadmodum in singulis locis p(raefa)tis adnotatum est.21 Nihilominus quousque a Romana Ecclesia declaretur. Reprobus interim poterit tolerari eius nomen in opere, cum quibusdam Epigrammatibus in eius laudem. In Epist(ola) ad lectorem dele versu 5 M. Michaelem mestlinum usque animadverti inclusivè.22 Fol. 24. versu xi dele a verbo tamen usque offert inclusive, et scri­ be in marg(in)e e[...J sed Epacte praedicte comodissime sunt ad in­ terlunia invenienda pro pasche ratione iuxta usum Romanae Eccle-

19 The Censor referred to the long introduction to the work, which contained elements of Calendar theory (criticizing the Gregorian reform of the Calendar) as well as a systematic treatise on natural and judiciary astrology. In the 1609 edition of Ephemerides, this second part was extended into one of the major treatises of this kind in contemporary Europe. The method of epacts, on which the Gregorian Calendar reform was based, had been developed by Luigi Lilio (or Giglio) and technically implemented by Christoph Clavius. It was among the aspects of the reform criticized by Maestlin in two treatises (Maestlin 1583 and 1586), to which Clavius replied in Clavius 1588. 20 The Censor viewed as suspect or else heretical Origanus’ tendence to furnish a natural or a political explanation for social customs that in the Catholic tradition had purely reli­ gious motivations. 21 In the dedicatory letter (dated “Francofurti Marchionum, idibus decembris MDIC”) to Johann Henze, “Crucigerorum cum rubea stella per Poloniam et Silesiam supremo Magi­ stro” (great Master of the Knights of the Cross with a Red Star), Origanus wrote that “ad (...) Calendarium vetus, (...) quod apud nos adhuc in usu [est], motus omnes subduxi.” On the use of the Julian Calendar in Germany after the Gregorian reform, see Gregorian Reform 1983, pp. 245, 247-51, 259-60, 266-68. “Epigrammata” consisted of seven short poems by Origanus’ colleagues at Frankfurt University, in honour of the author and his work, placed between the dedicatory letter and the introduction. 22 In the dedicatory letter, Maestlin was praised as a “mathematicus praestantissimus et professor Academiae Tubingensis solertissimus”.

~ 2145

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

6v

siae, ut demonstrat Clav(ius)a adversus mestlinum quem hic author sequitur.23 Fol. 25. versu 21 dele a verbo, iurum in Epactae usque ad accomodant inclusivè. Fol. 32. versu 2 dele a verbo quibus conventus etc. usque ad solent inclusive et scribe in marg(in)e quibus ex precepto Ecclesie ieiunare tenemur.24 Fol. 253, versu 12 a fine dele Sconerus.25 Fol. 283. 2.° dele ac in signo super religionem. Fol. 303. versu 29 dele religionem versu 3 a fine dele sacrorum et Relig(ionjis cultum. Fol. 309. versu 14 dele Peucerus usque divinatione[m] inclusive. Fol. 321 versu 6 dele a verbo caeterum usque secte inclusive. Fol. 323. versu 13 dele a verbo exemplo usque cardanus, et dele fi­ guram sequentem integram. Fol. 324. dele primum 2.m et 3.m versum. 325. dele impossibile et repone difficile. 329. versu 17 ex textu et margine dele Cyprianus Leovitius et idem nomen ex ult(im)o versu. 333. dele ex versu 2.° bis idem nomen. 336. versu pen. dele Pauli Eberi. 337. versu 6 a fine dele a verbo veluti usque ad finem paginae cum tota figura sequenti.26 338. versu 3.° a fine dele Ciprianum.27 “Clav(ius)”: correction of “Claud.”. 23 Clavius’ work against Maestlin’s criticisms of the Gregorian reform was Nova Calendarii apologia (Clavius 1588). 24 Origanus referred, quite accidentally so, to the Lent. The Censor probably suspected scepticism. 25 The corrections from f. 253 to f. 412 refer to the third part “De effectibus” — that is, on celestial bodies — of the introduction, which presented a theory of judiciary astrology with nativities of historical figures used as examples. The Censor proposed the elimination of the names of well-known Lutherans as well as of passages arguing for a deterministic view of astral influx and thus for certain astrological forecasting. 26 Nativity of Joachim Camerarius. 27 That is, Leovitius; see infra.

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4 8 . DAVID ORIGANUS

342. scribe in margine intellige sane quatenus scilicet mores se­ quuntur temperamentum corporis.28 345. versu 28 dele Deum vel Religionem colentem. 349. versu 9 dele Philippi et versu 29 dele Camerari], et 17 dele Ci­ priano et versu 25 Peucerus. 353. versu 23 dele a verbo exemplum, usque ad pag. 115 inclusive 355. versu 81 a fine dele Cyprianus. Fol. 369. versu 8 dele verba et filios crudeles. 371. versu 8 dele Cyprianus. 379. versu 6 dele Sconero, idem versu 14 et 18 et 24 Cyprianus. 384. versu 26 dele Sconerus. 385. deleatur totum caput de religione nati, quum ea non a stellis dependeat sed sit donum Dei29 395. versu p.° dele divino dono loquitur enim de causis secundis. 405. versu 7 dele Sconerus. 406. versu p.° dele inclusive a verbo Agrippae usque laboravit, nam heresis est malum voluntarium. 409. versu 16 dele vide Garzeum de genituris, pag. 369 a versu 26 dele idem nomen et versu penult(im)o dele atque Sanctissimus. 410. versu 8 dele omnino et versu 24 dele necesse est et versu 29 dele causae. 412. versu 7 dele familiarum facta. In Epistola ad D. Ioh. [hense] que precedit Ephemeride Anni 1595 fol. 5 fac. 2 versu 29 ibi quod apud nos adhuc in usu non sit et scribe e reg[io]ne scilicet ab Ecclesia Romana separatos.30 Ex Ephemeride Anni 1595 p.a facie ubi scribuntur Aureus nu(meru)s Ciclus solaris, litera Domin(icalis) indictio Romana Epacta interval­ lum Quadrag(isim)a Dominica Pascalis Ascensio Christi Penthecoste Advent(u)s Domini Dominice post Trinitatem quorum Anni

28

The passage discussed the influence of Saturn, and the one on p. 345 that of Venus. The third part of the introduction was divided in sections; the chapters of the third section regarded human inclinations as determ ined by astral influx; ch. XVI: “De religione nati” discussed the case of persons born with a tendence to a religious vocation. 30 The Censors referred again to the dedicatory letter (see note 21). 29

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

tempora per Intervalla Hebdomadum.31 Advertas quod hinc inde adiecti sunt [numeri] eorum et p(rim)i referuntur ad vetus Chalendarium ult(im)i ad novum. In Ephemeridibus singulorum Annorum delendi sunt numeri qui spectant ad vetus chalendarium. exempli gratia in Anno 1595 e reg(io)ne aurei3 p.° ponitur versus 29 et in Ciclo 8 in litera Domin(ical)i. E. in diction. 8 etc hi p(rim)i delendi sunt, relictis alijs qui spectant ad novum chalendarium 7r quemadmodum ibidem factum videri est in singulis / / Annis Ephe­ meridum.32 Quod vero spectat ad Astrologiam iudiciorum. Liber in hunc modum expurgatus iuxta formam 9.3e regulae 33 posset concedi, paucis aliquibus probatis viris pijs et bonae conscientiae, quemad­ modum etiam aliquibus medicis ad usum medendi, admonendo eos de ijs quae in appendice 9.e regule continentur contra transgresso­ res eius Regulae.34 Comuniter autem Bibliopolis ac personis minus cognitis, aut de quibus dubitatur de scandalo aliquo, detrahendae sunt paginae a numero fol. 337 usque 424 inclusive idest folia sub literis YZ abcd.

After “aurei”: “quia spectant ad vetus chalendarium”, crossed out. 31 The section of the volume that contains the ephemerides of the individual years has no page numeration but a numeration for fascicles, indicated with a letter and a number (A 1-6, B 1-6 etc.). Here the Censors referred to the first page of the ephemeris for 1595 (A lr), whi­ ch identified this year with 5565 “a condito mundo”, with 3908 since the Flood and with 2346 “ab urbe condita”. Origanus indicated the dates of the religious feasts according to the Julian Calendar, still used in Protestant Germany, as well as to the Gregorian Calendar. The Censors suggested that the correction of the text entailed the systematical elimination of the Julian date. 32 Origanus’ work reflects the persisting tension between Catholics and Protestants over the Gregorian Calendar reform (see note 21). This conflict regarded the different datings and thus affected astronomical and astrological predictions in ephemerides. 33 According to the limits of astrological forecasting as fixed by Rule IX of the 1564 In­ dex, also adopted by the Clementine Index (1596); see ch. Astrology, Introduction. 34 The Censors referred to “Observationes” that were added to the text of the Rules in the Clementine Index; cf. ILI, IX, pp. 929-31. The observation regarding Rule IX specified that persons who kept and read astrological books without prescribed permission were liable to prosecution by bishops and Inquisitors; see ch. Astrology, Introduction.

2148

48. DAVID ORIGANUS

6 Father Prisciano OP, Commissioner of the Inquisition of Venice, to Simone Tagliavia de Aragon, Card, of Terranova, in Rome35 (Venice, 19 December 1599) ACDF, Index, III.4, f. 223r-v (autograph)

(...) Scrissi anco à V. S. Ill.ma et R.ma che non havevo nota de libri Prohibiti che sieno in questa Inq.ne ne copia alc(un)a di Censure, per­ che non vi è alc(un)o qual gratis voglia attender à queste fattiche.36 quelli che alle mani mie sono venuti gli ho Censurati et mandatone Censura costi allTll.m o S.r Card.le S.ta Sev(eri)na / / che furno l’atlante et l’efemeridi dell’Origano, che poi quello fù Prohibito, et questo sospe­ so da sua S.ria Ill.ma et R.ma (.. ,)37 (...)

35

In July of this year, Vincenzo Arrigoni, Inquisitor of Venice, was nominated Bishop of Sibenik; his successor, Giovanni Domenico da Ravenna, was not nominated until February 1600; for both, see BlOGR. Therefore, in the meantime the office was managed by the Com­ missioner. Prisciano is virtually unknown to Dominican biographers and memorialists. For Card. Tagliavia de Aragon, see BlOGR. 36 The commissioner referred to a letter of 16 January by Arrigoni; see ch. Mercator, doc. 6. For the inertia of this Venetian group of Censors in their correction of astrological works, see ch. Astrology, doc. 76. 37 None of the two censurae is in ACDF. The “Atlante” was not a work by Origanus, but by Mercator, which the Inquisitor mentioned in an earlier letter to Rome (see previous note). The latter triggered the Inquisition decree of prohibition on 24 August 1599, when also Ephemerides was prohibited; see ch. Mercator, doc. 7. Prisciano came into possession of the copy of Ephemerides (which he examined) with a distraint of books on 20 August of that year, as shows a letter by him; see ACDF, Index III.4, f. 227r-v.

~ 2149

L

223r

223v

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

7 Cherubino da Verona to Paolo Pico, Secretary of the Congregation for the Index, in Rome (Naples, 15 January 1600) ACDF, Index, III.4, f. 224r (autograph)

224r

(...) Conforme al commandam(en)to di V. S. Ill.1™ e R.1™se m anda­ no l’espurgat(io)ni de molti libri in divers’arti, e scientie, fatte da me, e dalli Compagni, con l’approbat(io)ne e sottoscrittione delli deputati, e dall’indice delli Libri espurgati che si manda, vengono citati li fogli, dov’è l ’espurgatione di quell’A utore, 38 A vertendo che non m ando espurgat(io)ne contenuta nell’indice espurgatorio, ò di Spagna, ò di Belgica Gallia, per che si trovano in stam pa e credo che sarranno conservate dal P(adr)e secretario dell’indice. Torno di novo ad avisare V. S. Ill.ma et R.ma, che vengano da Venetia in Nap(oli) libri stampati in francufurti, et in Basilea. d ’Auctori dan­ nati, come li dì passati trovai l’Ephem eride di David Origano, il quale si ben nell’indice non è tra gli Auctori dannati, nondim eno hò notato in q(ue)llo, luoghi assai con(tra) fidem Catholicam, e m ando l’espurgat(io)ne d ’esso, però è bene avertire in Venetia, non si m andino detti libri, se p(rim)a non son bene esaminati.39

38

These censurae were gathered in a codex, which is now ACDF, Index, XXIII. 1. Thus, the seizure by the Venetian Inquisitor (doc. 6) did not eliminate all the copies, nor did it impede the spread of the work. 39

2150 ~

49 ABRAHAM ORTELIUS (ORTELS)

Ortelius’ (1527-1598) Theatrum orbis terrarum is usually viewed as the first modern atlas, that is, the first collection of maps covering the whole terrestrial globe and structured according to a conceptual or­ der. The other major work of sixteenth-century cartography was Mer­ cator’s Atlas, published after twenty-five years, although many of its maps were composed long before. In fact Mercator started making maps before Ortelius, and encouraged and initially supervised him. Though sharing the same passion, the lives and careers of the two cartographers show notable differences. During the 1540s Mercator had had a hard time with the local Inquisition in Flanders, while Or­ telius’ works, including the many editions of Theatrum were never placed in any Index.1 However, Ortelius’ case shows that during the years of extremely serious religious and political tensions in the Low Countries, culminating in the eighty-years war between the Calvinist rebels and Philip II, also scholars not involved in theological issues could be suspected and accused. Although he lived under the protec­ tion of Arias Montano,2 his orthodoxy was questioned. Moreover, for his cartographic activity he exchanged information with several Pro­ testant authors in Germany. Thus, even if Ortelius’ work had no di­ rect or indirect religious connotations, it drew the attention of the Congregation for the Index in the short period of the preparation of the Sixtine and Sixtine-Clementine Indexes (ca. 1587-1592). Thea-

1 After the first edition in Antwerp (Ortelius 1570) and till 1612 the work was printed thirty times, in seven different languages. 2 The well-known Benedictine and Orientalist (1527-1598). After studies at the Universi­ ties of Seville and Alcala, in 1562 he was appointed Consultant Theologian to the Council of Trent; then he was sent to Antwerp by Philip II and commissioned to edit the polyglot Bible planned by Christopher Plantin; the work appeared in 8 folio volumes between 1568 and 1573; in 1575-1576 he was charged with heresy but acquitted after a visit to Rome; he was appointed Royal Chaplain and resigned in 1584.

~ 2151 ~

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

tru m was mentioned in a list o£ books to be exam ined, datable between 1587 and 1590.3 Shortly afterwards, a Consultor and Vin­ cenzo Bonardi, Secretary of the Congregation, included it in a list of works requiring urgent correction.4 In 1591-1592 also another Consuitor, probably the Master of the Sacred Palace Bartolomé de Miran­ da, held that the work should be permitted. His pronouncement rai­ ses a problem, however, because it seems to imply that Ortelius’ work was prohibited, which it was not.5 During the very same period, Alfonso Chacon proposed that the reading of the work be permitted after its correction.67In fact, an expurgatory censura was composed in Rome (doc. 1) by an anonymous author and on an unknown date. On the basis of the requests by Bonardi and Chacon, it can be inferred that it was composed after 1591-92, and probably before 1596, when a document reports the cen su ra. 1 So, considering that Ortelius’ Thea­ trum was not included in pre-1591 Indexes nor in the Clementine In­ dex, it was corrected without being previously prohibited. Possibly, the Congregation had initially planned to place it in the Index with the stipulation “donec corrigatur”, and then decided not to prohibit the work at all. Although this is not the only example of a non-prohibited book being corrected, the historical relevance of the work makes it particularly salient.

5

Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 9, f. 156gr. Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 9, f. 251v, and doc. 11, f. 503r. 5 See ch. The Organization of the Index, doc. IV. 11, f. 126v. The author of this document asked to remove Ortelius from the first class, which included the authors prohibited for he­ resy. However, Ortelius was never condemned for heresy. Maybe, he had been included among the authors of the first class in a first version of the 1593 Index, but there is no extant evidence. Or else, equally improbable, de Miranda made a mistake. 6 Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 14, f. 152r. 7 Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 13, f. lOr. 4

2152 ~

49. ABRAHAM ORTELIUS

1 Anonymous, Expurgatory Censura of Theatrum orbis terrarum (Rome, ante January 1583 )8 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, A (Il.a.l), fols. 205r-207v

Censura in Theatrum orbis terrarum Abbati.3 ortelij postrem(o) impress [um],9 in epigram10 Nomina haereticorum ubicunque inveniantur, expugnantur8 [...] [...] Dele Hadriani Iunij Ho[...]c immod([...])ti autem catal. a carte s.11 Quint. A. in catalogo autorum tabularum. Deleas Caspar Bruschius egran. Gulielmus Postellus. a

“Abbati.”: sic, for “Abrahami”. “expugnantur”: sic, for “expungantur”. c In Ortelius: “Hornani”. b

8

The document cited in the previous note shows that this censura was written in Rome. On 26 January 1583, Sisto Fabri, Master of the Sacred Palace, read out in the Congregation for the Index an answer to doubts about forbidden books probably raised by the Inquisitor of Bologna. He stated that “11 Theatrum orbis terrarum contiene molti nomi d’heretici quali bisogna cancellare et qui habbiamo la Censura, così anco vi è la Censura del Teatro della vita humana” (Rotondò 1963, p. 170, reproducing BEM, ms. Sorbelli, f. 248). Moreover, the author of the Censura declared that the edition used (the one published in 1579; see the fol­ lowing note) was the most recent one that had appeared (“postremo impressa”). 9 In every new edition Ortelius added new tables, often changing their order. Their nume­ ration in every edition is reconstructed in van den Broecke 1996. The Censor assigned two numbers to every table, the first referring to the edition used, the second to another edition he possessed. The series of the first numbers shows that he used the 1579 edition (Ortelius 1579), the second series can refer to the 1573 as well as the 1574 edition. 10 The editions of Theatrum contain several poetical compositions in praise of the work and its author. 11 Among the many names cited in the list below only those which require some elucida­ tion have been considered in the following notes. An extensive investigation of Ortelius’ sources is in Meurer 1991.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Iacobus Zeiglerus.3 Ioannes aventin(us) Ioannes stum ptius? Sebastianus M unsterus .B. Tab. 1: pag. 1: In enumerat(ione) authorum recentiorum. Dele. Sebast. munster, Ioan, aven/tinus) Ioachim. Vadianus. Guilielmus Postellus. Novus orbis 12 in fine .Dele. Postellus. 2 C Europa, pag. 1. fine. Dele. Sebast. m unsterus, Postellus s. 8d Britann. p. 1 med(io) .Dele. Conradum clauserum .13 14e Portugal, pag. 1. fine .Dele, sebast. munster. 16f Gallia pag. 1. medio fine Dele Postellus.® G ilbertum cogna(tum) nozeren(um).14 Postellus. Sebast. munst. 20. 25. cade[...] pag. 1. prin. Dele Belibaldusb 15 tab. 19 Andegavensis. Dele munst. in fine'. 23. 16. Burgun. pag. 1. med. Dele cognatum nozerenum. 610. 24. 17. Germa, pag. 1. fine .Dele. M unsterus. Franciscus irenicus. Ioan, avent. Bilibal. Pircheym. Henricus Pantaleon G erardus Noviomagus Ioannes herold. G aspar bruschius. Andreas Altamer. Iodocus willichius;16 14 plures. a

“Zeiglerus”: sic, for “Zieglerus”. “Stumptius”: sic, for “Stumpfius”. c After “2”: “0” or “8”, erased. d First “86”, then “6” was erased. ' “14”: correction of “17”. f Correction of “17”. g After “Postellus”: “Cognatum”, erased. h The words from “25” to “Belibaldus” are crossed out, but in the interlinear space was written “manent”. 1 “tab. 19 (...) in fine”: in the margin. b

12 Here, and below, the Censor indicated not only the number of the table, but also the geographical area represented. 13 Konrad Clauser (ca. 1520-1611), prohibited in the Indexes of Portugal (1551) and Ro­ me (1559); ILI, X, p. 126. 14 Gilbert Cousin of Nozeroy (1506-1572), prohibited for heresy in the Indexes of Venice (1554), and Rome (1559, 1564); ILI, Vili, p. 480; X, p. 140. 15 Bilibald (Willibald) Pirckheimer (1470-1530), prohibited for heresy in the Index of Ro­ me of 1559, and in all successive sixteenth-century Indexes; ILI, X, p. 322. 16 Exception made for Franciscus Irenicus (Friedlieb), whose Germaniae exegesis was prohibited, all these authors were prohibited for heresy; ILI, X, sub nominibus.

49. ABRAHAM ORTELIUS

27. 19. Geldria pag. 1. fine .Dele. Franciscus irenicus. 34. 23. Holland, pag. 1. Dele à Primi. Erasmus Roterada, [etc.] in principio et circa finema [Hadrianj] Junij et in fine Deleb Gerardi Geldenhaurij.17 38. 25. Dania, pag. 1. fine, dele sebast. munst. et Iacobus Zieglerus. Petri Artopei.18 39. 26. Prussia, pag. 1. fine dele Haec munsterus Io. Schonerus Georg.s loach.s Ret.s c dele [init.] Ioachi curaeus.19 41. 27. Saxonia. pag. 1. med deled munsterus. Item Gaspar Bruschius hoc modoe, apud munsterum descr. et [circa] finem. 42. 28. Mansfeld[i] pag. 2 med. et fine Dele Ciriachus Spangebergius. Munsterus 44. 29. Misnia pag. 1. fine, dele in duabus lineis: Munsterus [Ae]rcinus Reinecchius steinchemiusf20 46. 30. Franconia pag. 1. lin. penult, dele Munsterum, et Ioannem [avent.] Monasterien(sem) lin. 1. Dele Munsterus Seb., et fine Dele Munsterus.

a “in principio (...) finem”: in the interlinear space for: “usque ad [et c.] Regio haec Hollandia”, erased. b After “Dele”: “[VJide historiam batavicam”, erased. c An annotation: “franco[nia] de. Minsterum, Ioannem Aventinum. Monasterine(sis) epis[co(pus)l dele Munsterus”, erased. d After “dele”: “Witichindus”, erased. e “Georg(ius) (...) Rhet(icu)s”: in the margin. f “steinchemius”: sic, for “steinhemius” (Reineck was born in Steinheim).

17 Gerard Geldenhauer (1482-1542), cited above as “Noviomagus”, prohibited as early as 1554 by the Index of Venice, then by later Indexes; see ILI, X, p. 197. 18 Artopoeus (Becker (1491-1563), prohibited for heresy in the Index of Venice 1549 and later Indexes; ILI, X, p. 65. 19 For Rheticus, see ch. Copernicus. Curaeus (Scheer, 1532-1573) had been prohibited as a heretic in the Index of Munchen (1582); ILI, X, p. 143. 20 Spangenberg (1528-1604), prohibted for heresy in the Index of Antwerp (1569); ILI, X, p. 371. “Aercinus” (unknown name) refers perhaps to J. Aepinus (Hoeck), prohibited al­ ready by the Indexes of Venice (1554) and Rome (1557). By contrast, Reiner Reineck (15411595) was not placed in the Index until 1590, when he appeared among the authors of the first class in the Sixtine Index; ILI, IX, p. 840. Furthermore, he published nothing before 1570; cf. VD 16, vol. 17, pp. 34-42.

~ 2155

205v

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

47. 31. [B]ohemia a pag. 1. fine, dele M unsterum; pag. 2. num. 50 dele Gasparis bruschi] patria. 48. 32. Silesia pag. 1. fine dele Ioachimus curaeus. 50. 34. Austfria] pag. 1. fine dele Munsterum. Georg(iu)s Ioach(imu)s reticus [et c.]. 51. 35. Salisbur pag. 1. dele Franciscus irenicus, M unsterus, et Aventinus. tab. 52. 36. Bavaria pag. 1. linea ult. dele Aventino. Munstero. 53. 37. Nortgoia pag. 1. fine dele hactenus Sebast M unsterus. Item franciscum irenicum Gasp. W irtenberg b . dele H aec prefatus M unste­ rus et plura. Item Franciscus irenicus et in tab. ipsa a parte occidenta­ li Lx] [...] dele P. melanchthonis patria. 55. 38. Sveviae Basil[eae] dele in duobus locis M unsterum, et Ireni­ cum. et in tab. dele autore Sebastiano M unstero. 56. 39. Helvetia pag. 1. fine dele Vadianum; Franciscum nigrum bassan[ensem].21 M unst. Ioannem stumpfium, Iosia simlerus Io[annis] bodini.22 57. 40. Tirolis pag. fine dele in duobus locis nom en M unsteri, et M unstero etc. tab. 65. 46. Urbis Romae pag. 1. dele Georgius Fabricius.23 66. 47. Thuscia pag. 1. fine dele Guilielmus postellus. Ioannes cam­ panus. 24

a

Correction of “Bochemia”. Ortelius’ text on table 53 has Caspar Wittenberg. However, at the end of the list of the authors cited by the Censor, a description of Wiirttemberg is announced: “Wirtenbergum in proxima pagina (...) enarrabitur.” Probably the Censor wrote “usq(ue) Wirtemberg”, intending that the text should be erased till that word, while a scribe read “Casp.” for “usq.” b

21

F. Negri (1500-1569) prohibited for heresy as early as the Roman Index of 1559; ILI, X, p. 295. 22 In Ortelius: “Republicae huius (...) statum et administrationem vide in Methodo histo­ rica Ioannis Bodini.” 23 For Roma by Fabricius, see respective chapter. 24 Campanus (Jan van Campen, ca. 1490-1538), prohibited for heresy ever since the Ro­ man Index of 1559; ILI, Vili, p. 521.

49. ABRAHAM ORTELIUS

67. 48. Marca anc(onetana) circa med. Delea vulgus enim in hoc an­ tro usque in finem. 69. 50. Sardinia, dele apud Munsterum Elba, dele coelium secundum 25 Tabula 70. 51. Candia pag. 1 fine dele [VJadianus. Zieglerus. 71. 52. Cyprus pag. 1 fine dele [VJadianus [...] Zieglerus. 72. 53. Graecia pag. 1. fine dele Nicolaus Gerbellius.26 73. 54. Illyricum pag. 1. fine dele Munsteri. 75. 55. Carinthia med. [et] fine dele bis Paracelsus,27 sebastianum munsterum. Histria med. dele Munsteri. 76. 56. Hungaria fine dele et Munsterum. 78. 57. Transilva[m.] fine dele Ioan, aventi. Item auctore Sebastia­ no Munstero. 79. 58. Pollonia fine dele, vide sebast. Munste. Item à Ioachimo cureo, Munsterum et Item Rein. Reinnechi[us].28 80. 59. Livonia, dele: Munsterus autor est [circa] finem Willichius, 206r et curaeus, Munsterum. Pomerania, dele apud Munsterum. Petrus artopaeus pomera(nus). Item Haec Artopeus 13 ex Munsteri etc. 81. 60. Scandia, dele, ex Iacobo Zieglero. Item Haec Zieglerus, Item in fine Iacobus Zieglerus. 83. 62. Tartaria, fine dele coelium curionem. 64. Persiae regnum. Dele in med. celius curio.

a

After “dele”: “vulgus enim in hoc antro, usque in finem, inde [versus] quidam usque in finem”, erased.

25

Celio Secondo Curione (1503-1569) prohibited for heresy as early as the Index of Veni­ ce (1554) and the Index of Rome (1559); ILI, X, p. 144. 26 Nikolaus Gerbel (ca. 1485-1560) prohibited for heresy in the Index of Venice (1554); ILI, X ,p. 198). 27 Ortelius cited the “chronica” of Carinthia by Paracelsus (Paracelsus 1574), arguing however that he was not sure about the attribution. 28 Ortelius quoted the Syntagma de familiis, quae in monarchiis tribus prioribus rerum poti­ tae sunt (Reineck 1574).

~ 2157 ~

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

86. 65. Turcitum3 imperium fine dele Gilber. Nozorenum.29 Palestina, dele Vidianus, Iacob Zieglerus. Wolfgangus wissemburg.30 Postellus. Ex indice quoque Alphabetico, tam suprascriptorum, quam alio­ rum Hereticorum nomina deleantur. Barbaria in fine de(le) Celius Aug(ustu)s Curiob In synonima locorum Geographicorum haec deleantur.31

A Abnoni. in fine dele [VJvilichio Bilib. Pircheh. Abu[r]iacum dele Pirchcheimerc Antinoe, in fine dele Zieglere. Adranus. dele Pir[ckehJ. Anxur. in fine, dele Giorgio Fab rido

A[ra]bia. in fi(ne) dele Zieglero Arafrotes. in fi(ne) dele Zieglero Atella, in fi(ne) dele et Geor. Fabritio Avernus in fi(ne) dele Geor. Fabritio Augusta in fine, dele Aventino. Augusta vindelicorum in fine dele Aventino.

a

“Turcitum”: sic, for “Turcicum”. This annotation refers to the next list, where it was not written. c “Pirchcheimer”: sic.

b

29

Gilbert Cousin (see supra). Prohibited for heresy on the Index of Venice (1554); ILI, X, p. 411. 31 In previous editions of Theatrum Ortelius included a table of synonyms, that is, the na­ mes used in different times and by different authors for the same geographical area. Because of its increasing extension, however, in 1578 he published it apart (Ortelius 1578). Conside­ ring that the Censor did not refer to a distinct volume, it seems likely that he read the table in the 1573 or 1574 edition of Theatrum, which he used for the second series of numbers re­ lated to the geographic tables. 30

~ 2158

49. ABRAHAM ORTELIUS

B

F

Bancona. Del Geor. Fabritio Berenice.

Felsina, dele. G. Fabritio Fidentia, dele. Geor. Fabritio Fortunae fanum, dele. Geor.

Delea

BianorulmJ. dele. Gergio b Fabritio

Fabritio Fortunate insule, dele. Postello Frons Africe, dele. Munstero Fusinum. dele. Bilibaldus Pirchehimerus

Baliterra. dele, et cognato Breuni, dele, aventino Bubastus. dele. Zieglero Bubienum. dele. Aventino C

G

Canobus, dele. Zieglero

Glessaria. dele. Irenicus

Caprahia. dele. Gerog.c fabritio Cesena, dele. Georg, fabritio

H

Chalusus. dele. Bil. Pirch.

Hercinia silva.d dele. Irenicus Hermunduri, dele. Munstero Hispellum dele. G. Fabritio

Clugie. dele. Giorg. Fabritio Curta, dele. Irenico Custodia, dele. Zieglero Cyminus. dele, et fabritio

I

Cyprus, dele. Zieglerus

Inutrium. dele. Aventino Isapis, dele. G. Fabritio lura. dele. Irenicus. Sebast. Munster, Irenici

D Delio [li] dele. Fabritio

“After “dele”: “Zieglero”, erased. b “Gergio”: sic. c “Gerog”: sic. d “silva”: in the interlinear space.

2159

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

N

Iustinopolis. dele, apud Munsterum Iuva[n]ia. Dele. Aventino Iuva[nius]. dele. Aventino

Narisci. dele. Aventino G. fabritio Nervia dele. G. Fabritio

L Lamum, dele. Georg. Fabritio Latopolites. dele. Zieglero Laureacum. dele. Brutelio L[o]vogeni. Dele. Georg. Fabritio Licates. dele Aventino Lieus, dele fabritio Liverinus. dele fabritio Lupia, dele Vadiano Irenico M

O Ofassis] dele. Iacobo Zieglero Ophir dele. Postello P 207r

[Panticapes]. dele. Peucero Patavia. dele. Bruschius Philistina. dele. G. fabritio Pisonium. dele. Aventino Posidium dele. Zieglero

Marmarica, dele. Zieglero 206v

Maticorum. dele. Pirckheymerus

Q Quad[i] dele. Aventinus

Mediolanum, dele. Munst. Pirckheymerus

R

Meduacus. dele. G. Fabritio Meliboeus, dele. Bil. Pirckheymerus Minturne. dele. Georg. Fabritio

[Rigodolium]. dele. Aventinus Rubicon, dele. G. Fabritio Rufiana. dele Io. Heroldo

Misa. dele. G. fabritio Morenia. dele. Aventino Mmoenus. dele. G. Fabritio 2160 ~

49. ABRAHAM ORTELIUS

S Sabaria. dele. Gaspar Bruschius S[a]bona. dele. G. Bruschius Segethusa. dele. Aventino Segodunum. dele. Bilib Perckheimerus Semana, dele. Pirckheymero Sidon [il. dele. Willichio Sitones. dele. Iod. Willichius Spineticum. dele. G. fabritio S[u]inus. dele. Willichio Syene, dele. Zieglero

Tiberiacum. dele. Perckheymero. T[innaJ. dele. G. Fabritio Tritolimus. dele. G. Fabritio Turigni. dele. G. Fabritio Turas. dele. Willichius V Vadimonis. dele. G. Fabritio Vangiones, dele. Bel. Pirckheymerus, Fran. Irenicus Vaniani. dele. Iodoco Willichio Velinus, dele. G. fabritio Verocasses. dele, cognatus

T Taxagetum. dele. F. Irenicus Teutoburgium. dele. Aventinus Thusculanum. dele. G. Fabritio

Vatera castra, dele. Aventino Vindelici, dele. Aventinus Vosavia. dele. Bilibald Pirckheym

In 2.° indice qui incipit Indice p.° ad finem ducto hunc alterum et c A

Artzberg. dele. Aventino Asna. dele. Iacob. Zieglero

Abach. dele. Aventino Abatia. dele. G. fabritio Aiken, dele. Pireckheymero Algar. dele. Munsterus. Anthios. dele. Iacob. Zieglero ~ 2161

Aversa, dele. G. Fabritio Ausden. dele. Willichius Azalburg. dele. Ioa. Aventino Azioth. dele. Zieglero

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

B

Coblentz, dele. Aventino Cocona. dele. Aventino

Baienlani. dele. Aventinus Barcha. dele. Iacob. Zieglerus

D

Baraab. dele. Zieglero Damiata. dele. Zieglero

Benisunef. dele. Iac. Zieglero

Desote. dele. Zieglero

Bercheim. dele. Bilib. Pireckheymer

Dieterhofen. dele. Bilib. Pirckh

Bobarten. dele. Bilib. Pireckheymerus

Dravenna. dele. Bilib. Pirckh

Bozzen. dele. G. Fabritio

Duringeruvaldt.dele. Pirckheymero

Duringer. dele. G. fabritio

Bregniez. dele. Pirckheymerus Brenta, dele. G. Fabritio

E

Brixen. dele. Bruschio Bueria. dele. Zieglero

Etschnder. dele. G. fabritio Etzel. dele. Willichio

C Cabo di bona speranza, dele Seb. Munstero

Eyder. dele. Pirckheymero Eyfel. dele. Heroldo32

Cabo d’Istria. dele. Vergerius apud Munsterum

F

Cesnadigo. dele. G. fabritio

fano. dele. G. fabritio

Clugie. dele. G. fabritio

Filandia.® dele. Willichius

a

“Filandia”: sic.

52

Johannes Basilius Herold (1514-1567), prohibited for heresy since the 1554 Index of Venice; ILI, X, p. 221.

~ 2162 ~

49. ABRAHAM ORTELIUS

fossona. dele. G. fabritio

Lago d’IInipergola]. dele. G. Fabritio Lago di Vico. dele. G. Fabritio

Freysing. dele. Pirckheymero fussen. dele. Pirckhey funfkirchen. dele. Aventino

Lech. dele. G. Fabritio Lech[r]ainer. dele. Aventino Lithuani. dele. Willichio

G

Lon dele. Irenico

Gademes. dele. Iac. Zieglero

Lunera dele. G. fabritio Lutticherwaldt. dele. Fran.s Irenicus Liflandt. dele. Iod. Willichio

Gr[oe]nungerlat. dele. Willichius H

207v

M

Harts [w] aid. dele. Irenicus

Magnavaccha. dele. G. fabritio

I

Marefeld. dele. Aventino

Ischia, dele. G. fabritio

Mar morto, dele. G. Fabritio

Issas, dele. Postello

Marina, dele. G. fabritio Marotto, dele. G. fabritio

K

MeyfaJ. dele. G. fabritio Meinen germaniae Regio, dele. Munstero Meissen Misn[iaeJ. dele. Pirckheymerus

Kempten, dele. Irenico Keysersverd. dele. Bil. Pierckhey Kyntzen. dele. Io. Aventino

Memel. dele. Bilib Pirckheymerus

L

Memingen. dele. Bilib. Pirckheymerus

Ladice. dele. G. fabritio

Mittenwaldt. dele. Io. Aventino.

Lago di bassanello. dele. G. Fabritio

Mola. dele. G. fabritio 2163

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Mons S. Claude, dele. Fran.s Irenicus Montzing. dele. Io. Aventino

Q Ques. dele. Iac. Zieglero.

Munia, dele. Zieglero Munster, dele. Willichius. Pirckhey N

R Recanati, dele. G. fabritio Recgnsburg? dele. Io. Aventino Roer. dele. Bilib. Pireckhey.

Nester, dele. Willichius

Rostoch. dele. Iod. Willichius

Neuwe. dele. Willichio

Runcone. dele. Georg, fabritio

Nu[z]emberg. dele. Pirckheym S O Openheim dele. Io. Heroldo P 208r

passaw. dele. Aventino et Gasp. Bruschio pfeter. dele. Io. Aventino pozzo reale, dele. G. fabritio primero. dele. G. fabritio

a

Saltz, dele. Aventino Saltzburg. dele. Aventino Salviati. dele. G. fabritio Safvjio. dele. G. fabritio Schlesier. dele. Willichio Schwaber. dele. Georg, fabritio Spello, dele. G. fabritio Spre. dele. Willichius Stetiner. dele. Io. Willichio Straubing, dele. Aventino

“Recgnsburg”: sic.

2164 ~

17. NICOLAUS COPERNICUS

T

Vfojithlandt. dele. G. fabritio

Terracina. dele. Fabritio

Weissbanden. dele. Io. Heroldo

Topino, dele. G. fabritio

Weissemburg. dele. G. fabritio

Traietto. dele, fabritio

Weit m[ol]. dele. G. fabritio Weser, dele. Pirckheymer

V Villach, dele. Aventinob

b

Wimpen. dele. Bruschius Wischelburg. dele. Io. Aventino

On the previous line: “Vallenchines. dele. Io. Meyerus” , erased.

50 PARACELSUS (THEOPHRAST VON HOHENHEIM)

Paracelsus’ (1493/4-1541) case clearly shows that often the level of heterodoxy of an author’s views or works did not entirely determine the interventions by the Ecclesiastical bodies of doctrinal control. Al­ though according to the existing inquisitorial rules and principles his heterodoxy - not only as to religious and philosophical views but also as to the magical and astrological strand of his production - was most apparent, Paracelsus was not included in any sixteenth-century Index until the so-called Index of Parma (1580), which prohibited all his works and, individually, his Chirurgia m agna4 Before 1580 he was on­ ly mentioned in some unofficial lists composed between 1574 and 1577, which implicitly referred to a Roman prohibition which is not preserved.*2 The attention of Ecclesiastical Censorship was probably drawn by the posthumous publication of many of his works after 1560, featuring the Strasbourg edition of Chirurgia m agna and Chi­ rurgia b revis (1573),3 as well as by the publication of works by other authors who openly endorsed his views, generating as early as 1570 the so-called ‘Paracelsian revival’.4 However, the assessment of the Ecclesiastical Censors remained uncertain. The Indexes of Spain (1583) and Rome (1590) merely prohibited the two C hirurgiae, with the stipulation “donec corrigantur”, while the Expurgatory Index of ‘ ILI, IX, pp. 163,177. ILI, IX, pp. 747, 749, 751, 756, 757, 769. In a letter of 12 June 1574, Paolo Costabile, Master of the Sacred Palace, informed the Inquisitor of Bologna that Paracelsus’ Chirurgia and all his other works were suspended; see Rotondò 1963, p. 154, reproducing BAB, ms. B 1860, n° 187. 3 In ACDF documents Paracelsus’ work is referred to for the first time in 1574, when an investigation of Chirurgia magna was commissioned to the Procurator General of the Carme­ lite Order; see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI. doc. 1, f. 65r. Then, in Giovanni Dei’s list of suspect and heretical works (1576), the same work is referred to; ibid., sect. VI, doc. 2, fols. 42r, 48v. 4 Thorndike, V, p. 619; Debus 1977 and 1991. 2

2166 ~

50. PARACELSUS

Spain (1584) permitted the Chirurgia b revis with seven (minor) cor­ rections.5 A complete prohibition was proposed only by the 1593 Ro­ man Index and it became definitive in the Clementine Index (1596).6 The Spanish Index of 1612 adopted this decision, but with a certain liberalism.7 Similar delays occurred also in the cases of other important and equally heterodox authors, but often for different reasons. Cardano being a case in point, a brief comparison may be of some help. Legal proceedings against the Milanese physician and mathematician start­ ed in the early 1570s when Cardano lived in Bologna; subsequently, the Roman Index prohibited all his non-medical works published be­ fore 1574. However, as early as 1550 Cardano appeared in French and Spanish Indexes.8 By contrast, Paracelsus was not placed in any Index issued outside Italy before 1583 and he was never placed in In­ dexes in France, the Low Countries and Germany, where his works were widely distributed. It should be kept in mind that until 1600 the only complete Latin edition of his works was the Opera latine reddita, published by Pietro Perna in 1575,9 while the works that draw the at­ tention of the Censors, such as Chirurgia m agna and Paramirum, were currently published in German.10 However, the censorial reaction was tardy, also where his works could be read without difficulty. Thus, the ‘delay’ in the prohibition of Paracelsus’ works and the difference with Cardano are apparently due to other factors. First, the two authors had different audiences. While some of Cardano’s works regarded specific issues for specialists, in medicine, mathematics as well as in astronomy and astrology, his encyclopedical works were widely read and caused the impressive spread of his ideas. Paracelsus did not write these kinds of works, and his more general views were princi5

ILI, VI, p. 546-47; IX, p. 844; VI, p. 1035. ILI, IX, pp. 902,973. 7 This Index included Paracelsus in the first class, adding however: “permittitur vero eiu­ sdem Chirurgia minor si expurgetur.” Moreover, in the section of the expurgations the 1584 cor­ rection was reproduced; cf. Index 1612, pp. 94, 721. See also Pardo Tomas 1991, pp. 220-27. 8 See ch. Girolamo Cardano, Introduction. 9 See the list of editions in VD 16, vol. 15, pp. 407-11. 10 Ibid., p. 41 If. The most remarkable exception is De vita tonga, which ran through five Latin editions (1560-1583). 6

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

pally put forth in medical treatises and in works on natural philoso­ phy, read by a relatively more limited audience. Second, there is a clear difference in the kinds of heterodoxy of the two authors and its respective role in their works. Cardano’s works display a structural link between magic, astrology and religion, entailing a naturalist ‘re­ duction’ of religion, that is, a psychological-astrological explanation of the origin of religious beliefs in individuals, and of many ‘voluntary’ decisions, as well as an ‘astral’ explanation of the origin of world reli­ gions. Now, although Paracelsus’ views in magic and astrology were possibly even more radical than Cardano’s, the naturalist reduction of thought and beliefs, especially in religion, was was not among the main issues he treated. Indeed, the documents reproduced below show that the attention of the Censors was principally drawn by his magic and demonology, by his views that were consonant with Protes­ tantism and by his fierce criticism of the lifestyle of ecclesiastics. After the entries on P aracelsus’ works in the 1574 and 1576 lists, 11 the first Roman censorial intervention dates back to 1580, when a meeting of Consultors chaired by the M aster of Sacred Palace found many “errors” in P'aramirum.12 Towards 1584 the Mas­ ter of the Sacred Palace commissioned the investigation of five of his works.13 Between 1585 and 1590, the Congregation for the In­ dex, although tending in general to a negative attitude,14 considered the correction of Paracelsus’ more strictly scientific works.15 This correction, confirmed by several contemporary documents,1617 was accomplished probably before 1588, and regarded C hirurgia m agna, C hirurgia brevis, and D e vita longaC 1 Most likely, a preliminary as11

See note 3. See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 2, f. 188v. Probably, before this meeting a censura was composed. However, it cannot be identified with the only one on this work held in ACDF; see doc. 2. 13 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 4, f. 72r. 14 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 9, fols. 156br, 156gr; 10, f. 235v; 13, f. 172r. 15 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. II, doc. 12, f. 509r. 16 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 2, f. 227r; 9, f. 25lv; 12, f. 92r; VIII.9, fols. 216r, 217r. 17 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 6, f. 13 lv; 7, f. 197r; 9, f. 217r. It is uncertain which, among the first and the second of these censurae, may be iden12

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50. PARACELSUS

sessment of Philosophia magna, Epistola de spiritibus planetarum, and Paramirum dates back to the same period.*18 Yet, between 1590 and 1593 a negative judgment on Paracelsus prevailed. Once again, Alfonso Chacon developed a moderate position, and proposed to li­ cence the reading of the works that had been corrected in the Index of Spain (1584).19 However, his proposal did not convince the ma­ jority of the Congregation, the position of which is documentated in the pronouncement of another Consultor who held that the two Chirurgiae should be prohibited.20 Eventually, the Congregation adopted the proposal put forward by Olibona, who openly criti­ cized colleagues such as Chacon and argued that Paracelsus was to be included among the authors of the first class.21 As in other cases, this decision, though formally definitive, did not prevent the pro­ posals for correction. An annotation by a functionary or Consultor of the Index — dating back to ca. 1594 and probably due to the fact that the 1593 Index had not been officially promulgated — considered, like the 1590 Index, Paracelsus among the authors who were prohibited with the proviso “donec expurgentur”.22 In 1596 the Congregation for the Index included Paracelsus among the medical authors to be corrected by two groups of Consultors in Pisa and Padua. A subsequent list (1597-98) shows that the correction was commissioned to Padua.23 The Paduan correction was probably not accomplished, or else it was not transmitted to Rome. ACDF holds two other partial corrections, sent in by the Inquisitor of Faenza and by a group of Neapolitan Censors, respectively, in addi-

tified with doc. 1, as the functionaries of the Index did not refer to the original text, but to a copy in the second volume of a collection of expurgations. The first volume of this collection is Protocolli F, while the second volume (remarkably) was Protocolli E, now lo­ st. A reconstruction of the latter’s contents is in the introductory note to ch. Organization of the Index, docs. 1.1; see also the introductory note to doc. VIII.8 (the second part). 18 Considering that this censura is not identified with the 1580 one; see note 76. 19 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 14, f. 152v. 20 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 14, f. 148v. 21 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. IV, doc. 3, f. 172r. 22 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 18, f. 520r. 23 See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VII, doc. 13, f. 419r; ch. Medicine and Na­ tural Philosophy, doc. 29, f. 267r.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

tion to one written after 1596.24 However, these cen surae, as well as those written before 1590, were viewed as insufficient because the Expurgatory Index of Rome (1607) did not include any correction of Paracelsus’ works. Thus, the total prohibition by the 1596 Index was not subdued, as is confirmed by its adoption in the following Index of Spain (1612), with the only exception of the Chirurgia m inor.

24

See docs. 4, 5, and 6. The first two were probably not commissioned by and sent in to Rome; the third censura was possibly commissioned by the Congregation.

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1 Anonymous, Expurgatory Censura of Chirurgia maior and Chirurgia minor (Rome, ante 1588)25 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, H (II.a.7), fols. 416r-417v

Loci aliquot expurgandi in [operibus] Theophrasti Paracelsi videli­ cet Chirurgie utriusque Iuxta impress. Argentorati 1573 in folio.26 Tract. p.° In per[ora]tione eiusdem tract, fin. pag. 2[6] Dele. Si enim Charitatem etc. [usque frui]. vel [...] Tollenda esset tota pero­ ratio.27 Tract. 2.° in Prohem. pag. 28. Dele Sed demone praeceptore, usque sequitur ergo secundus.28 Tract. 2.° cap. viij pag. 48. Dele Ars magica quod secretior, etc. usque finem capituli.29 Tract. 2.° Cap. x. pag. 52. fin. Dele Neque interim contemnanda erit etc. usque observandum et illud Cum Marg. Caracteres sangui­ nem [...]. 30

25 This text is possibly the one mentioned in a list of censurae held in the archive of the In­ dex, written between 1588 and 1590; see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 7, f. 197r (see supra, note 17). Protocolli H is a collection of censurae, several of which were copied in Protocolli F, that was probably meant as a basis for official corrections. This codex was composed before 1590; see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 8. Thus, the originals were prior; sometimes they date back to the period before 1580; see, for exam­ ple, ch. Polidoro Virgilio, doc. 1. However, this censura can probably be identified also with the one written in Rome, that is mentioned in ch. The Organization of the Index, doc. VIII.13, f. lOr. 26 Paracelsus 1573a, 1573c. 27 Criticism of the support to official medicine by the clergy. 28 Pp. 28-9: the simple conciseness of the Gospels contrasts the rhetorical extension of medical texts. 29 Pp. 48-9: defence of the use of magic and hermetic symbols. 30 Pp. 52-3; Paracelsus espoused the use of hermetic symbols as extreme measure to block haemorrhages.

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Tract. 2.° Cap. xvj pag. 60. num. 20. Dele verum omnia ista Cha­ racteres etc. usque Decubitus vero.31 Tract. 2.° Cap. xvij. pag. 61. num 3[3]. Dele [Verumtajmen ut tan­ dem, etc. usque ad fin. Capituli, cum Marg.32 Tract. 3.° in praefatione pag. 65. num. 5. Dele verum pharisaici etc. usque ad num. 20. Veruntamen Si quandoque cum marg.33 Tract. 3. cap. 2. pag. 72. num. 40. Dele, quae à spiritibus fiunt vul­ nera etc. usque fin.34 Parte 2.a Tract. p.° cap. xii. pag. 102a num. 15. Dele totum Capitu­ lum cum marginalibus.35 Tract. p.° Cap. xiij pag. 104. num. 5. Dele Quamobrem cum Deus optima — usque ad fin. cap.36 Tract. p.° cap. xv. pag. 105. num. 15. Dele totum Caput, cum toto sequenti Cap. xvj.37 Tract. p.° Cap. xix. pag. 109. num. 4. Dele Nam altera pars homi­ nis etc. usque fin. Cap. cum marg.38 Tract. 2.° cap. p.° pag. 113. num. 41. Dele sic in Religionis quoque usque similiter in Celestium.39 Tract. 2.° cap. p.° pag. [...] [...] [...] [...] scripsit Aristoteles etc. usque At [certe].40

“ “pag. 102”: added in the interlinear space.

31

The use of hermetic symbols to cure wounds caused by weapons. The use of hermetic symbols to extract weapons from wounds. 33 Paracelsus compared his relationship with academic physicians with the relation between Christ and the Levites. 34 Criticism of the belief that spirits may cause wounds. 35 Pp. 102-3: physiognomy and chiromancy are disciplines that are valuable to medicine. 36 Astrology and geomancy presented as useful techniques. 37 Pp. 105-7: the two chapters argued that real medicine does not derive from abstract ra­ tionalism. 38 Pp. 109-110. Physics explains the body, astronomy the mind; the former includes hydromancy, pyromancy, geomancy, aeromancy. 39 Pp. 113-4. The mysteries of faith derive from revelation; reason (i.e. theology) has no role in their knowledge. 40 The passage, on p. 114, confirmed that Aristotle’s views in Meteorology as well as those by his commentators, including ecclesiastics such as Petrus Tartaretus, are false. 32

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Tract. 2.° cap. viij pag. 137. num. 5. Dele Porrò nunc incredulitas etc. usque fin.41 Tract. 3.° part. p. a prine. Tollatur totum Prohemium pag. 144. num. 15. lib. & De Ulceribus pag. 201 num. 6. Dele est et super cae­ lestis usque Hactenus tradita, etc.42 Tomo 2.° Libro p.° cap. 3. pag. 7. num. 35. Dele Mira Ieiunia, quad(ragesi)mas Adventus etc.43 Cap. eod. pag. 8. num. 20. Dele Itaque alij ecclesiasticas dignitates Ambiverant.44 Infra num. 30. Dele o [,..]a o miserum etc. usque Tantum scilicet in etc. cum marginibus.45 Cap. x. pagi. n. 16. num. 10. Dele Pontificio diplomate muniti. Cap. x. pag. 16. num. 15. Dele Conniventibus approbantibus etc usque [...] b post [haec]c.46 Cap. xi. pag. 16. num. 40. Dele, Partem partem Cardinalitio Galero l...ld.47 Cap. xi. pag. 17. num. 5. Dele Nam cur Romam quis etc. usque Nova audite.48 “ In Paracelsus, on p. 8: “ieiunium”. b In Paracelsus: “Remedia”. c On the line below: “Cap. [...] pag. 16 num.”, erased. d In Paracelsus: “ornati”. 41

The passage is not here, nor in the context. The first passage stated that medicine is divine. The second is not on p. 201, nor in the context. 43 Fastings, prescribed by religion, have a healing aim. 44 Ecclesiastical life is also choosen in order to attract divine benevolence and thus to avoid maladies. 45 Again on the healing nature of fastings. 46 This sentence, as well as the previous one, ironized on official medicine, limited to for­ mulae by Avicenna, Galenus and Al-Razi, as well as on the Church, the philosophers and ju­ rists, who acknowledged this medicine. 47 The three passages on p. 16 criticized the Church’s support and that by the corpora­ tions of philosophers and jurists to Galenic medicine, as well as the luxury of physicians. 48 Polemics against the sale of indulgences. 42

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Lib. 3.° Cap. x. pag. 40. num. 30. Dele Ne in Ar(istote)lis Platonis etc. usque Convenire: omnes sanè . etc. pag. 41. num. 5. Dele Thomistarum.49 lib. 4. Cap. 9. pag. 49. num. 10. Dele, quae cum inter homines, etc. usque quis dubitet.50 lib. 7. Cap. p.° pag. 70. num. 40. Dele Adeo ut etiam usque etc. usque Qui dein uti. pag. 71. num. 15. Dele Monachi apostatae.51 Cap. 2.° pag. 71. num. 35. Dele ut preceptores Cardinales agnosca­ tis.52 lib. x. Cap. p.° pag. 98. num. 10. Ubi dicitur Monachi et Iudei Dele Monachi, et repone Barbari.53 part. 5. lib. 2. cap. xviij pag. 130. num. 20. Dele totum caput [...]m quod scribitur de superstisiosis sanctorum medelis.54 lib. 3. cap. p.° pag. 136. Ubi dicitur Ut Anniculae, Monachi, dele Mo[nachi].55 lib. p.° de origine luis Gallicae, cap. xiiij, pag. 176, num. 20. Dele Accidit enim in Medicina non secus etc. usque Itaque sciendum.56 lib. 4.° cap. 9. pag. 210. num. 15. Dele Magiae et cabalae: et infra Dele Non enim ut IureConsultorum etc. usque Quod si tantum etc. / et Infra Dele vel peripateticorum.57 lib. 7. cap. 4. pag. 229. num. 30. Dele cum etiam ipsimet Christo etc. usque Homo immagina(tio)ni.58 49

The two passages criticized the physicians whose knowledge exclusively derived from the reading of Aristotle, Plato, Duns Scotus and Albert the Great. 50 Natural factors cause variations in maladies touching different individuals, like they ma­ de Adam, Abraham, David, and (‘partially’ also) Christ different. 51 The two passages stated that the falsehood of physicians extends to monks who practise medicine, in particular when they are Franciscans or Carmelites. 52 The false physicians derive their methods from merchants and ecclesiastics. 53 The passage included monks among the illegal practitioners of medicine. 54 Pp. 130-1. Criticism of the belief that some maladies derive from saints. 55 On kinds of persons who are not acquainted with true medicine. 53 Recent physicians had adumbrated true medicine, like scholastic theologians did with true Christian faith. 57 Differently from law and natural philosophy, medicine is not founded on arbitrary spe­ culations. 58 Many persons do not accept the cures of true physicians, like many did not accept the teachings of Christ.

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Lib. 7. cap. 5. pag. 231. num. 5. Dele si quis in Christo etc. usque ad finem Cap. Dele etiam totum cap.'11 6.m sequens immediate.*59 lib. 7. cap. 5. pag. 230. num. 36. Dele Qui dein sanitatis etc. usque Mirifice.60 lib. 7. Cap. 8 pag. 233. num. 20. Dele Monachi quoque et Moniales cum margine.61 In lib(ru)m Chirurgiae Minoris62 praefatione pag. 3. num. 20. Dele prout is qui monachus etc. usque Isti medias, et Infra num. 25. Dele Vel monasterum etc. usque sic reddetur.63 Num. 40. Dele Nonulli reliquerunt etc. usque Apparentia latius, pag. 4. num. 25. Dele apud ruralos presbiteros Theologi.64 lib. 2. Cap. 7. pag. 74. num. 15. Dele Haec non admiror etc. usque experimenta quaedam ad haec.65 Cap. eod. pag. 75. num. 25. Dele Vidi quondam Diabolorum etc. usque Aliud experimentum.66 libro 2.° de Cura Vulnerum pag. 145. num. 20. Dele Sancti pijque viri etc. usque Cum igitur. Et eadem lin. Dele atque sanctorum.67 libro, de Vermibus serpent, cap. p.° pag. 154. num. 25. Dele Qui­ nam tamen homo p(rimu)s usque ad caput tertium.68 Cap. 3. pag. 156. num. 15. Dele Quamobrem plurimi etc. usque Nonnulli [partem].69

59

Paracelsus criticized those who in order to heal trust in G od only. Then in chapter 6, he stated that faith has the power to heal physical maladies, not because G od acts immediately, but because faith itself has a healing efficacy. 60 The reference is incorrect. 61 Polemics against ecclesiastics who practice medicine. The section is entitled: “Monachi remediis abutuntur.” 62 Paracelsus 1573c: see note 192. 63 The two passages were critical about ecclesiastics who practice medicine. 64 The two passages indicated several categories of persons who practice medicine illegally. 63 Polemical passage about ecclesiastics who attribute maladies and cures to saints. 66 The passage was about a healer who used exorcisms as well as drugs. 67 Here Paracelsus stated again that religious life is chosen for its benificial effects. 68 On the science of Adam and Eve (see note 198). 69 The passage was on the use of carrying the tongue of a snake as an amulet.

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Cap. 4. pag. 157. num. 10. Dele operationes in istis etc. usque ut etiam pro parte.70 Cap. 5. pag. 158. num. 5. Dele verum et gestarunt, etc. usque Inde Puerpere.71 Cap. 6. pag. 159. num. 5. Dele, si tamen haec Medicina etc. usque Ut harum finem rerum.72 Cap. 7. pag. 159. num. 30. Dele similiter Aranea etc. usque Item Salamandra.73 Cap. x. pag. 162. num. 25. Dele quamque admitto Immaginationem etc. usque fin.74 Cap. xi. pag. 163. num. 35. Dele Itidem de [,..]a etc. usque Curare volui [stis],75

a

In Paracelsus: “maestis”.

70

Paracelsus regarded the divination of ancient peoples efficacious against maladies and wounds. 71 The passage was about the magical power of snake skin. 72 Magical remedies against the bite of snakes. 73 On the use of carrying spiders as a cure against fever. 74 On the physical effects of imagination, including the healing effect of religious faith. 75 Paracelsus stated that sin has psychological effects, to be cured with forgiveness.

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2 Anonymous, Censura of Philosophia magna, Epistola de spiritibus planetarum, Paramirum (Rome, ante 1590 /6 ) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, H (II.a.7), fols. 418r-425r77

Censura in lib(rum) philosophise magne Theofrasti paracelsi78

418r

Non me latet Pater admodum Reverende79 durissimam me suscepisse provinciam, cùm theophrastum Paracelsum videndum mihi sumpserim viribus quidem meis minimè fretus, sed potius, ut tuis mandatis parerem novi enim hominem ea methodo usum esse, ut non cuivis se satis intelligendum, nedum corrigendum praebuerit, non solum dogmatum novita­ te, sed etiam dicendi genere, indiget enim revera (ut aiunt) Delio natato­ re.80 In quo inveni quidem multa; quae vero inprimis notanda ab ortho­ doxo, vel docto, vel urbano viro indigna duxi, haec sunt, quae si tibi non ingrata fore cognovero, maiore posthac diligentia, et studio tibi satisface­ re conabor, licet eo sim ingenio, ut mihi ipse nusquam satisfaciam etc.

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In philosophia magna

419r

facies Versus prima. p.° Nimium Erasmo tribuit dum illum theologorum patro­ num appellat81 76

A censura of Paramirum possibly existed as early as 1580, but given that the document mentioning this censura did not explicitly associate it to two others, namely those of Philo­ sophia magna and De spiritibus planetarum (see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 2, f. 188v), it is quite hard to identify the latter with the final part of this Censura. For the dates of the censurae in Protocolli H, see note 25. 77 Partially published in Godman 2000, pp. 371-72. Godman attributes this censura to Federi­ co Mezio, but does not provide circumstantial evidence. Elements for a certain identification have not been found in the meantime. Furthermore, the hand of this document is different from the autograph censurae by Mezio; cf., for example, ACDF, Index, Protocolli, K (II.a.9), fols. 163-166. 78 Paracelsus 1569b. 79 Probably, Vincenzo Bonardo (BlOGR.), Secretary of the Congregation for the Index from 1583 to 1591. 80 The history of this Greek-Latin expression is reconstructed in Erasmus, Adagiorum chilias prima, 6, 29: “Delius natator”. 81 In the address of Paracelsus’ letter to Erasmus (pp. 1-2).

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20. 18. [terrenorum] non coelestium etc. si caelestia non cupiunt damnati, quia habere ea nequeunt; ergo nec terrena, vel utraque igi­ tur, vel neutra.82 21. 25. pharisaei etc. suspectum dictum de pharisaeis. per saepè enim in ecclesiasticos viros iniquè invehitur, et religiosos, ut fac. 23.83 ver. 20. ubi nihil boni agit Deum dedisse in religione, ubi et nomine pharisaeorum religiosos intelligit. 24. 30. Deum ubique esse etc. falsum est Deum ubique non opera­ ri, ubique enim est, et operatur, diversa tamen ratione.84 28. 10. monachis et sacrificulis & nota quae garrit adversus religio­ sos, quos pseudapostolos, et pseudoprofetas, et sacrificulos appellat.85 34. 6. Nescio quid de evangelio dicat.86 15. penes Adamum etc. ubi, si quis plures ducat uxores etiam per illicitos gradus, non propterea mandatum Dei effringere dicit, quod nititur probare usque ad finem capitis, ut fac(i)e 36. ver. 7. dicit quod Deus observari matrimonium iussit, nullo numero magno vel parvo tamen praescripto ac propterea mulieres plures viris existere. et infe­ rius solum Caesarem leges posse condere dicit,87 ubi potestati, et autoritati pontificis videtur derogare. Pontifex enim post Deum non Caesar, ubi illud etiam non parvam dubitandi ansam praebet dum ne­ scio quem iuristarum lupum appellat, ac iuristas veros parum curare iura dum voluntas Dej non infringatur. Videtur enim hoc pacto iura circa matrimonium, tum pontificium, tum Caesareum contemnere, ac potius Alcorano quam catholicae Ecclesiae fidem adhibere.88 82

On the fate of the damned after the Last Judgement. The two passages (pp. 21 and 23) drew a parallel between the deceits by the Devil and those by the “Pharisei”, that is, the ecclesiastics who proceed with unofficial motivations. 84 Paracelsus’ Latin text: “Dicitur Deum ubique esse, verum est, sed non operatur ubique.” 85 Paracelsus used these names in a list of different kinds of persons who are an instru­ ment of the devil. 86 The passage is quite obscure. After having stated that God’s creatures transmit certain features, but not all and not in the same degree, Paracelsus presented an example, which ap­ parently does not make any sense, probably due to a wrong Latin translation: “Nullum Evangelium penes Deum, quo melius et apud ipsum non existat: nam aliud non est quam scriptura, quae nullo modo potest opprimi, novum et vetus Testamentum.” 87 Pag. 34, lines 34-5. 88 The passages cited by the Censor stated that monogamous marriage is not a divine pre­ scription, that the life of men is shorter than that of women, that the latter are more nume83

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37. 12. contra christiani etc. maledicit non esse christiano viro ex­ petendam paganorum eloquentiam, hoc enim Iuliani apostate sapit haeresim qui humaniores literas reijciendas fore sanxit.89 42. 17. Sapientia brutali etc. templum Salomonis brutali sapientia constructum falsò asserit eo argumento ductus, quia dirutum fuit, cùm caelum et terra peritura sit ubi etiam in fine Divum Paulum brutalem doctorem appellat.90 52. p.° Lapidea non struenda etc. Hoc sapit iconomachorum et naomachonum pravam haeresim.91 26. quid prodest etc. confessioni videtur detrahere, ut etiam fac. sequenti 53. vers. 4. ubi insanos appellat, qui dicunt, confessione deleri peccata, similiter fac. 92. ver. 5. per totum, et 93, et 94. ubi tantum duodecim apostolis potestatem solvendi et legandi traditam tantum, postea nullis amplius, ubi de babylonica meretrice nescio quid oblatrat.92 66. 12. servatoris etc. saepissime utitur hoc nomine pro salvatore,

rous (which suggests polygamy), and finally that the laws which prescribe monogamy are merely human inventions without any divine foundation, developed by jurists whose nature is similar to that of the wolf. 89 The passage had a different meaning: Paracelsus drew a distinction between knowledge based on things and knowledge based on words and he stated that the former did not need the classical instrument of rhetoric and style. 90 Every human construction linked to religion, including Solomon’s temple, is a work “by bea­ sts”, because it externally expresses the symbolic content of religion, which essentially is not cultu­ re. Christ did choose his apostles among fishermen, not among the learned; Paul was a “brutalis doctor”, and stopped being that when God called him when he was on his way to Damascus. 91 Specifying his view, Paracelsus stated that the temple of G od is the soul of the faithful, that God did not order the building of temples and that Solomon’s temple had been an at­ tempt to represent the spiritual temple. The “iconomachia” is the movement (better known as iconoclastic) that developed in the Byzantine Empire as early as the second half of the ei­ ght century. By contrast a “naoclastia” (the destruction of churches) did not exist as a precise theological movement in the Byzantine Empire or in other periods. 92 The first passage stated that the senses are exterior instruments, extending also to hea­ ring and touch. The Censor interpreted the analysis of the sense of hearing as an implicit cri­ ticism of the confession. This was probably suggested by the passages on pp. 92-94, which are not linked to the critical discussion of the senses, however. Here, Paracelsus argued that the forgiving of sins was permitted to the Apostles only, and that they did so in an exclusively spiritual sense. In order to establish that no human act can restore innocence or virginity, he cited Ape 17: 15 about the Babylonian whore.

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421r

ubi etiam concionibus videtur detrahere, ac per se homines absque praecepto, sed sua sponte aliquid melius facere posse dicit.93 67. 9. Iterum servatoris nomen usurpat, quod licet sit latine dic­ tum, tamen quia ab haereticis usurpatur, ideo fugiendam. 70. 6. Habemus eius Verbum & et verbum christi et christum ha­ bemus, cum ipse dixerit non relinquam vos orfanos, cum praesertim per sacramenta habeamus.94 83.8. Vitam religiosorum ut lautam incusat.95 107.10. fati necessitatem ponit.96 108. 11. de potestate expellendi daemones per totum caput, ubi multa ineptè, et impiè adversus religiosos, hoc enim tantum suae tri­ buit arti.97 117. 27. nota quae de theologis, ubi nihil eos intelligere dicit, et quae sequuntur per totum / / caput, ubi in fine quaedam vana dicit de emun[.. .]a Episcoporum in derisum.98 143. 8. Nativitatem nec impediri nec alterari posse dicit, et fati, ac influentiarum necessitatem ponit.99

“ In Paracelsus: “emunctoria”.

93

Paracelsus usually indicated Jesus with the Protestant “servator”. The passage is less ra­ dical than the Censor suggested. Paracelsus did not hold that the sermons have no value, but that they do only when they are assimilated interiorily. 94 Christ will be visible only after the Last Judgement; till then we have his word, “ubi ver­ bum est ejus, ibidem et ipse.” Nothwithstanding this addition, the Censor challenged the di­ stinction between the real presence of Christ and that of his message. 95 Actually on lines 9-11. 96 God knows from eternity the destiny of every man. 97 Pp. 107-112: “Tractatus tertius, et obsessionum conclusio.” Against the diabolical ob­ sessions only God’s help, the prayers and fastings are effective. The Apostles received from Jesus the power to destroy them, but not the exorcists who only imitate the words of the Go­ spel without any effect. Paracelsus argued that medicine - including his own - was of no help against these obsessions. Thus, the Censor changed his view, maybe interpreting the re­ ference to fasting as the indication of an effective cure. 98 Pp. 117-122: “Fragmentum ex libro de Animalibus hominum post mortem apparenti­ bus”. Many theologians deny the apparition of spirits, but only rarely they arrive at actual knowledge. Then, Paracelsus denied that the prayers of bishops were of any help to the dead. 99 Actually, lines 16-18. Paracelsus stated that there was no cure for hereditary mental ma­ ladies. The Censor interpreted this in a theological sense, namely in terms of predestination.

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159. 19. Hominem actu canem esse dicit, dum ut canis vivit, pythacorica de metempsychosi positio.100 169. 28. turpia, et parum honestè de seminis effusione adversus primarios, doctos, et potentes viros, uti in sequenti capite nemini inhibendum matrimonium dicit usque in fine capituli quae videntur congruere ijs quae fac. 34. vers. 15 dicta sunt.101 187. p.° tria tempora etc. falsum est quod gnomi noscant futura et occulta quaevis, cum soli Deo futura nota sint et aperta, daemones vero tantum aliquid conijcere possint.102 189. p.° suis in omnibus etc. falsum est quod gnomi sint veracissimi omnes enim daemones mendaces, ibidem in fine superstitiosum, et vanum illud commentum de nymphis quod nequis scilicet uxorem ducat, cuj nymfa fuerit irritata / / quod si fecerit morietur, ubi dicit contrahi coniugum nympharum cum viris quod nullo modo stare pa­ tet, et nefas est dictu, fac. 190 . ver. p.° 193. 3. veros theologos appellat prestigiatores, et vanitates demonum sectantes.103 196. 13. invehitur in eos qui [gnomos], et alias huius modi vanita­ tes contemnunt. 199. 2. possunt mulieres etc. nescio quo modo hoc sibi somnia rep[...Ierit, reciprocam scilicet mulierum impregnationem ut eius utar verbis.104

100 Paracelsus stated that if one lives as a dog or as a wolf, one possibly starts looking like these animals; he did not refer to a possible transmigration of souls. 101 Pp. 169-171 argued that, considering that sexuality is a general tendence, those who do not marry - exception made for God’s chosen - easily fall into onanism and sodomy. 102 On pp. 184-89, among the divine creations that are usually invisible but appear oc­ casionally, Paracelsus listed, in addition to angels, also ondines, sylvans, goblins, and sala­ manders. The goblins know past, present and future. The following passage cited by the Censor stated that goblins love to live near men, that they may join them, and furnish them predictions and gifts. As to the nymphs, a man marrying one should not irritate her, because then she will disappear, and when he eventually marries a woman, she might kill the latter. 103 This passage, and the following one, criticized theologians who deny the existence of non-human, natural beings capable of thinking. 104 Paracelsus argued for the possibility of fecundation between women, but he limited the offspring of these unions to the third or fourth generation.

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209. 30. fabulosum commentum de mortalitate in provincia orta propter mulieris menstruatae fantasiam.105 220. per totum 6.m capitulum superstitiosam et detestabilem saga­ rum praxim docet, idem facit, et in septimo idem in nono .fac. 223.106 224. 4. caeli virtutes etc., licentiosa verborum evangeli]' permuta­ tio, ad superstitiones, et vanitates confirmandas.107 229. per totum caput .14. 16. et 17. vanam, et superstitiosam saga­ rum praxim docet.108 235. 11. notandum etc. falsò imponit vitia ascendentibus quod etiam fecit, facie 141 ver. 28 nativitatem, neque impediri, neque alte­ rari posse dicens cum vitia propria potius nos sequamur electione.109 In Epistola de spiritibus planetarum 110 fac. ver. 2. 13. filosofiae dextra etc. falso dicit theologiam esse dextram ma­ giae quid enim commune Deo, et Belial.111 4 .21. quis ergo magia etc. nefas dictu Diabolum, et suos solum improbare magiam, et item fac. 9. ver. 7. ubi dicit nihil non posse

105 Discussing physiology and pathology of the menstruation, Paracelsus analyzed the rela­ tion between female imagination (which he viewed as superior to that of men) and the pe­ riod of menstruation. During the latter, the irritability grows, and the link of menstruation with the imagination may cause (physical) effects on the surroundings, including a “generalis totius provinciae mortalitas”. 106 Chs. 6, 7 and 9 stated the capacity of witches to influence the weather. 107 H ere Paracelsus cited Mt 24: 29 (“et virtutes coelorum commovebuntur”) to prove the capacities of non-human (though not divine) powers to influence natural phenomena. 108 Pp. 228-232: erotical activity of witches and their capacity to meet periodically on a mountain. 109 Man’s inclination to specific vice is astrologically determined. For the astral determini­ sm on p. 14If, see note 99. 110 De spiritibus planetarum was first published in the Latin translation by Gerard Dorn, in a joint edition with De occulta philosophia and Medicina coelestis, and subsequently in the original German version (Paracelsus 1570c, 1571). The volume with the Lation version was re-issued by Pietro Perna (Paracelsus 1584). The Censor examined the Latin version in the 1570 edition, considering also the second and third part of the volume. 111 The Censor indicated the numbers of pages and lines. In the first quote, from the dedi­ catory letter to Friedrich von Bayern, Dorn stated that magic, linked to philosophy, is seated at the right of theology (f. 2v in Paracelsus 1584).

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tractari in magia non salva conscientia, unde satis patet qualia sint quae sequuntur de occulta philosophia, et de medicina caelesti.112 nec obstat quae dicit Caietanus in 2.a 2.ae q. 95”. art. 5.° et in summula in verbo de imaginibus, ubi videtur dicere posse exerceri absque pecca­ to medicinam caelestem / / per imagines, et alia [....] [...] et 422v py[...,] dum modo terminos naturales non transcendunt Caietanus enim loquitur limitate p.° ne transcendat ordines naturales, et ut ef­ fectus mere naturales, deinde ne aliqua adsit superstitio, omitto quod Caietanus scripsit ante consilium tridentinum in quo penitus istius modi aliena a christiano viro declarantur.113 33. 4. negromantiam etc. an videntur tenenda quae hic tractanda proponuntur: cum praesertim falso inferius in scriptura sacra magicas artes habere fundamentum ultimo versu dicat(u)r: et quae sequuntur fac(i)e 34 ubi primum necessariam orationem asserit huic arti, se­ cundo fidem, tertio imaginationem, quibus mediantibus, et simplicis­ simis, et brevissimis verbis maiora se facturum pollicetur fac(i)e 35 ver. 3. quam petrus ille apponensis Agrippa, Abbas tritemius, quo­ rum nomina tantum catholicas aures offendere solent, nedum opera // [quapropter] satis patet quam sit paracelsi de imaginibus praxis et 423 r doctrina superstitiosa, et contraria ijs, quae à Caietano in prae alliga­ tis locis de imaginibus dicta sunt.114 36. De consecrationibus per totum caput ubi praxis huiusmodi de112

The first passage, in Dorn’s dedicatory letter, argued that the identification of magic and necromancy was pure slander propagated by the Devil and his followers. The second passage, also in the dedicatory letter, stated that Paracelsus’ books did not contain anything infringing the conscience of the faithful (fols. 3v and 6r in the 1584 edition). 113 In his commentary to Summa theologiae, Ila Ilae, q. 95 art. 5 “Utrum divinatio quae fit per astra sit illecita” — a classical text in the debate on astrology — Caietanus argued that the belief in determining influx and in the possibility of exact forecasting was false and sin­ ful. However, the belief in tendential influx and in the possibility of general prediction was not; see Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IX, pp. 321-22. In a section of Summula de peccatis, or Summula Caietani, on the use of astronomical images (entitled, in some editions, “supersti­ tiosa imaginum observatio damnabilis est”), Caietanus drew a distinction between a legitima­ te use, based on “imagines pure astronomicae” to predict astral influences, and a magical-su­ perstitious use, aiming to calling up “secretos intellectus” (spirits and demons). See Caieta­ nus 1571, p. 262; see also ch. Astrology, Introduction. 114 The three passages are from the prologue of De occulta philosophia, pp. 29 and 30 in the 1584 edition.

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testabilis declaratur, in quibus satis aperta conspicitur idolatria, vel implicita vel explicita.115 43. 13. Dicant ad haec etiam etc. nota apost[...J ad theologos, ubi aperta fronte se necromanta incantatorem, et contemptorem praecep­ ti Dei dici non curat.116 54. ultimo, nota quae de Ev[...]a, vel mortuo qui in somnis appa­ ruerit, à quo veritatem sciri posse de quavis re asserit.117 64. 16. nota quae adversus eos qui magiae fidem non adhibent, gar­ rit, quos nescio quo pacto petro dubioso homini (ut ipse dicit) assimi­ lai nescio tamen quo animo, vereor tamen parum pio, et orthodoxo.118 72. 12. nota quae de virgis auguralibus ad thesauros inveniendos superstitiose fabricatis.119 74. 9. Deus mundum etc. falsa scripturae interpretatio dum dicit; in ignem conijciendos thesauros, ut dignoscamus, an delusiones sint daemonum an veri thesauri.120 80. 11. non enim per vigilias etc. nota quod de vigilijs, et alijs, quae adversus religiosos oblatrat, ubi operibus non multum tribuit; sed omnia tantum fidej, quam sine operibus mortua esse ut Beatus Iacobus asserit, quis dubitat?121

“ In Paracelsus: “Evestra”. 115 Ch. I of De occulta philosophia, entitled “De consecrationibus”, regards the ways of using objects as magical instruments (ed. cit., pp. 31-33). 116 In this passage — in ch. Ill: “De caracteribus” — Paracelsus said that he did not mind that theologians called him “Incantatorem necromanticum, et praecepti Dei contemptorem” (ed. cit., pp. 36-42). 117 In several of his works Paracelsus spoke about the Evestra (called also “black stars” or “nocturnal spirits”), identifying them usually with the spirits of the dead. See ch. IV of De oc­ culta philosophia, entitled “De spiritualibus visionibus in somniis apparentibus” (ed. cit., p. 47). 118 In ch. V, “De personis et spiritibus sub terra degentibus” (ed. cit., pp. 55-56). The pas­ sage compared those who rejected the existence of Saint Peter’s magical and divinatory arts, when his faith in Christ wavered. 119 In ch. VII, “De thesaurus et occultis sub terra divitijs” (ed. cit., p. 62). 120 In the same ch.: “Ad Sacram Scripturam confugiendum erit, quae sic habet: Deus per ignem iudicabit. Item in Psalterio sic: Aurum et Argentum probantur igne” (ed. cit., p. 64). 121 In eh. Vili, “De obsessis à malignis Spiritibus et Daemonio”, Paracelsus commented I Pt 5: 8, on the necessity to abstain from pleasures, instrument of the devil (ed. cit., p. 69). The Censor cited Jc 2: 14-26.

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91. per totum capitulum nota quae adversus theologos invehitur, quos nihil operari posse dicit nisi magiae fuerint experti; ubi magnum panegyricum magiae adiciit, ac parvum honestè adversus magiae de­ tractores invehitur.122 99. p.° nota imaginum fabricam, quam execrabilem et catholico viro indignam quis ignorat? 123 cuius modi sequuntur omnia quae usque ad / / faciem 124 habentur in fine huius tractatus, ubi de structura, et caerimonijs, et observationibus et virtute caelestium imaginum docet, ac declarat quorum notitiam, et usum indignum christiano viro tridentina synodus merito declaravit quamobrem li­ cet liceta ipse titulus, quae tractantur detestabilia redderet, libuit ta­ men haec pauca notare, et in medium afferre, quo eorum vanitas, et superstitio clarior fieret. In libris paramirum 124 29. 29. omne temporaneum etc. licentiose nimis prout occasio praebetur, sacra abutitur Scriptura.125 41. p.° nimium tribuit stellis, dum omnes nostras actiones à stellis informari dicit.126 50. 25. ubi fabulas appellat parabolam Dominj in Evangelio de vulnerato in Hiericho.127

a

“licet licet”: sic.

122 In ch. X, “De tempestatibus”, Paracelsus insisted on the uselessness of the rites with which the priests attempted to avoid natural calamities proceeding against spirits and de­ mons that caused them (ed. cit., p. 76). 123 The passage is in ch. XI, “De maximo magicarum artium abusu”, on the harmful use of symbols and images by “fascinatores” (ed. cit., p. 82). The following pages, referred to by the Censor, till p. 124, regard De medicina coelesti, treating the influences of the constella­ tions on health and on the therapeutical use of their symbols. 124 The Censor used the one and only sixteenth-century edition, published by Pietro Per­ na (Paracelsus 1570b). 125 All kingdoms are temporal, except Christ’s; similarly, all bodies, being heterogeneous congregations, are unsteady. 126 Mental maladies have no cure, because they are caused by the stars. 127 The natural substances used by Christ had no therapeutical qualities. The healings we­ re due to his extraordinary powers.

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425r

70. 8. nota orationis Dominicae expositionem vel potius perversio­ nem super illud panem nostrum etc.128 79. 15. nimium tribuit medicis, quibus una cùm apostolis à Domi­ no praeceptum fuisse dicit, ut leprosos sanent, et claudos etc.129 76. 12. adversus theologos, quos sophistas appellat, oblatrat.130 81. 13. nimis immodestè adversus suos medicos invehitur, quos cu­ linariam pecuniam tantum curare licet, artem veram negligere.131 112. 9. quantumvis pius etc. falsum dicit nullum hominem praete­ risse posse metum vitae quod sacrae scripturae repugnat de Ezechi.132 115. 19. ad scientias confugere etc. quasi inde sola salus non à Deo, omitto quod sibi contradicit fac. 37. 12. magnae philosophiae ubi paganorum scientias fugiendas dicebat.133 138. 19 falso dicit nullum3 caecum non posse sanari à medico hoc enim paradoxum in philosophia, et in via naturae, à privatione scilicet regredi / / ad habitum, supra tamen naturam non obstat et mira­ culose ut in Evangelio de caeco etc.134 144. 15. nomine servatoris saepissime abutitur.135 145. 17. verbis Divi pauli abutitur dum mulierum voluntatem adimplendam dicit.136 a

After “nullum”: “medicum”, crossed out.

128 Paracelsus cited from the Pater noster (“panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie”) as a symbolical expression of his own theory of the formation of the body in the womb. 129 The mission of the physician continues that of the Apostles, to whom Jesus prescribed to cure all maladies, without exceptions. 130 True medicine can be practiced only by persons who are not influenced by false beliefs and “fucata sophismata”. The text does not explicitly identify sophists and theologians, however. 131 Lies and cynicism by physicians. 132 Actually, Paracelsus did not refer to the impossibility to overcome the fear of death, but to avoid the latter. 133 After death maladies disappear, but during life they should be fought using medical knowledge. For the passage of Philosophia magna, see note 89. 134 Like any other sickness or defect, also congenital blindness can be cured, since every organism has the principles for normal functioning. The miraculous healings of blindness, referred to by the Censor, are in Mt 9: 29 and 20: 34; Me 8: 23; Io 9: 6-7. 135 The Censors systematically criticized the use to call Jesus “servator”, typical for the Protestants, as alternative to “salvator” (used among Catholics). 136 On the need of taking into account the will of women in sexual intercourse. Paul’s text is in I Cor 7: 1-5.

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255. 17. Suam medicinam cabalam appellat, quare qualis sit, satis hinc patebit.137 256. p.° plinium, et Dioscoridem pictas sordes appellat, quid mirum si adversus theologos invehitur, cùm ne suis medicis quidem parcat.138 268. 10. nimium obscaenis utitur verbis, ut urbano viro, nedum christiano indignis.139

3 Anonymous, Censura of De vita longa ([Rome?], ante 1590140) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, H (II.a.7), f. 426r (autograph)

Cens(ur)a Theophrasti paracelsi In Theoprasti paracelsi libello de vita longa141 à pagina .179. usque ad pag. 226. sunt omnia meo iudicio, superstitiosa, ibi enim agitur de sigillis et imaginibus Artephij, et de Cabala, et sunt scholia Leonis Suavij.142

137

“(...) medici officium est, ut sciat medicinam, quam non percipit suo ex capite, sed ex Cabala (...).” 138 “Vos vero, ò Plini et Dioscorides, depictae estis sordes.” 139 Quotation of a popular proverb indicating physicians as immersed “in parvis et vilibus”. 140 See the introductory notes to docs. 1 and 2. A possible confirmation of 1590 as date ante quem is in ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 9, f. 217r (composed before this year), because it mentions a censura of De vita longa, which might be this one. 141 The censura regards Leo Suavius’ (Jacques Gohory, 1520-1576) scholia to De vita longa in his Compendium of Paracelsus’ thought, published in 1568. See Suavius 1568 (first edition Paris 1560); cf. doc. 4. 142 See notes 15 Of.

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4 Gregorio Zuccoli, In Theophrastum Taracelsum (Faenza, ante 15 March 1598)143 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (II.a.13), f. 632r-v (autographical subscription)

In Theophrastum Paracelsum144

632r

Pagina 11 Quamvis in epistola Erasmi, quae habetur hoc in loco, nihil contra religionem contineatur, nec omnia eius scripta ab indice damnentur, tamen, quia nomen ipsius in prima classe positum fuit, deleri potest et ipsa, et nomen eius.145 In his verbis. Multum praetera scripsit de republica, de Arrogantia potentum, de erroribus vulgi, de Theologia, ductus odio Idolatriae, sacrorum numulariorum, magnaeque Hyppocritarum avaritiae. Con­ sideretur, an mordeat viros religiosos.146 Appellat artem veram, qua fiunt sigilla, et caracteres constellationi­ bus debitis ad vultus coelorum. Animadvertamus si rerum natura­ lium, quae sub coelo, et sub constellationibus fiunt, virtutes a forma, non a figuris proficiscuntur, quae figurae sunt accidentia conseguentia formam,3 quae potius sunt signum virtutis, quam aliquam habeant virtutem, sigilla, et caracteres rerum artificialium, qui sunt figurae, et accidentia esterna, licet fiant sub constellationibus modo dicto, nul­ lam poterunt habere virtutem, vel si aliquam habebunt, id erit ex supertitione, et ars, quae hoc facit, dici poterit superstitiosa.147 a

After “formam”: a word crossed out.

143

This censura, together with another one by Zuccoli on Cardano, was sent to the Con­ gregation by the Inquisitor of Faenza with a letter dated 15 March 1598. See ch. Cardano, docs. 63 and 64. 144 The censura regards the Compendium of Paracelsus’ works by Jacques Gohory (Suavius 1568). The Censor concentrated on Suavius’ commentary, rather than on Paracelsus’ texts. 145 In this undated letter, addressed “Rei medicae peritissimo doctori Theophrasto Eremi­ tae”, Erasmus stated that he approved Paracelsus’ “aenigmata” and that he asked him advice for his problems of health. 146 Quotation from the preface to Varamirum by “Valentinus Antrapassus Sileranus” (p. 17). 147 The passage, from “Appellat artem veram”, is a summary of parts from the preface by Suavius (pp. 19-31), in particular from p. 20.

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Joannem W ierum nominat, et librum eius de prestigijs daemonum ab indice dam natum . 148 In aliquibus locis illius praefationis meminit Cornelij Agrippae in indice dam nati.149 usque ad 212 habetur tractatus cuiusdam Artephij, qui plenus est cerimoniarum, caracterum et verborum, quae mihi videntur non tam superstitiosa, quam ridicula.150 usque ad 250 mihi consideranda videntur remedia: quae docet ad curanda vulnera, et ad epilepsiam, et ad furtum inveniendum, et ad alia, ne sint superstitiones.151 Et alijs sequentibus vult iterum influentias coelestes accomodari pos­ se figuris artificialibus, quae aquirant easdem proprietates, quas aquirunt naturales: quid sentiam de his huiusmodi, dictum est superius.152 Epistula Erasmi, quae antecedit librum de gradibus, et nomen eius in epistola eadem, et anteriori, deleri possunt.153

148

Wier 1563, prohibited in the Indexes of Antwerp (1569), Parma (1580), Portugal (1581), Spain (1583), and Rome (1596); ILI X, p. 409. Wier was discussed several times in the preface by Suavius and in comments to De vita longa\ cf. notes 150 f. 149 For the prohibition of Agrippa, see ch. Agrippa. 150 Suavius 1568, pp. 179-225, on chs. 5-8 of book I of De vita longa, the text of which is on the previous pages; cap. 5: “De duplici semine et duplici matrimonio, divino et humano”, pp. 87-89; cap. 6: “Ex influentia corporum supernaturalium presidium petendum longae vi­ tae, tractatum à Marsilio Ficino de vita coelitus comparanda”, pp. 89-92; cap. 7: “Vitam lon­ gam quibusdam à Magia, quibusdam à vi minerali”, pp. 92-95; cap. 8: “Vitam longam parari ex influentia praeter naturam, et ex quidam metamorphosi phantastica”, pp. 95-99. The comments contain: a partially heterodox biblical exegesis; an analysis of the ideas of Hermes, Arnaldus of Villanova, and Arabic authors on the symbolic meaning and magical value of si­ gns and images; a brief survey of the Cabala; and a defence of Artephius’ Clavis sapientiae from Cardano’s criticisms in De rerum varietate (pp. 201-212: “Arthephii de secretis naturae summa aenigmatica”). 151 The Censor refers to ch. 10 (“De vulneribus) of Suavius’ notes, on pp. 248-50. 152 Suavius’ comments, ch. “De vera magia carminibus et characteribus adversus Wieri aliorumque calumnias” (pp. 250-62). 153 In 1568, in addition to the Compendium, Perna published also an edition of Paracel­ sus’ De gradibus (Paracelsus 1568), edited by Adam von Bodenstein (1528-1577). This edi­ tion was available for the most in the joint edition with Compendium, which was used by the Censor. In De gradibus Erasmus’ letter to Paracelsus (published before in Compendium-, see note 145) was reproduced.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Alijs autem locis libri, ut in pagina 22, et 77 usque ad finem quattor librorum de vita longa utitur sermone sibi ficto a chimistis, qui enigmaticus est, et illis solum intelligibilis, qui arti chimisticae student; ideo iudicari a non chimista non potest, an in ipso sit aliquid reiciendum.154 Idem Gregorius supradictus 632v

Ego Io(annes) [...] Episcopus faven(tinus) vidi.155 Ego Frater Alb(ertus) Chelius de Lugo Inquisitor Faventiae vidi, et aprobavi. Ego frater Petrus de f [ ...] lector Theologus ord(ini)s praed(icatoru)m supradictam Censuram et aucthorem cath(olicu)m Censurae laudo. Ego f(rate)r Aurelius m agister Sacrae Theologiae ord(in)is servo­ rum laudo ut supra. 156

5 Neapolitan Censors of the Congregation for the Index,157 Expurgatory Censura of Chirurgia magna (Naples, 4 Decem ber 1598) ACDF, Index, XXIII.l, fols. 54r-v, 59r

54r

N o ta di quello si cassa dalla Cyrugia M agna P h ilip p i A ureoli T heophrasti paracelsi A rgentorati 1573 à Iosquino da elmo ost.o

154 Pag. 22 (in Suavius’ preface): “Terra nititur columnis archaltis: aer est arca invisibi­ lium, aqua Nympharum. Terra praebet Thronum, aqua Turas, Aer facies: et sunt magnalia Dei. In elemento Terrae sunt gnomi (...); in elemento aquae est etiam conversio in carnem.” On p. 77 starts De vita longa. 155 Giovanni Antonio Grassi (or de’ Grassi), Bishop of Faenza from March 1585, where he remained till his death (30 July 1602); HC, III, p. 194. For Alberto Chelli, see BlOGR. 156 The Dominican friar cannot be identified with any certainty. Among the Dominicans called Pietro and present in Faenza in these years are: a certain Pietro da Ferrara and a cer­ tain Pietro Martire da Casola, active before 1597-98 and 1613-15, respectively; a certain Pie­ tro da Lugo and a certain Pietro da Faenza, Novice Masters in 1595-97 and 1617-21, respec­ tively; see D ’Amato 1997, pp. 142-42, 318. For Aurelius see BlOGR. 157 See ch. Cardano, introductory note to doc. 65.

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Franco" m ed(ico) lat(initate) d o n ata 158 et dele nom en authoris in ogni loco In primo thomo Dal Epistola tipographi cassa da dove finisce legato, usque ibi m a­ gnam, et quelle parole che dicono Theophrasto. 159 Dalla praefact. da dove finisce Clementissime, usque ibi cum cle­ ment. et in fine dictae prefactionis dele Theophrastus ab Honnheim .160 Finita la prefactione al epistola sequente da dove fenisce, phisico usque ibi tres sunt [...]. 161 Finita la prefact, in p(rimu)m 1. cirugie magnae si cassa petrus ra­ mus.162 fol. 27 in p.° prohemij da dove finisce tractat(u)s usque ibi prime partis.163 fol. 46 Cirugiae magnae 1. secundus cassa tutto il capitolo ottavo.164 fol. 53 Cirugiae magnae 1. secundus cap. X da dove fenisce desinat usque ibi D eus. 165 fol. 60 eodem 1. cap. decimosexto memineris usque ibi multo [...] Ia postilla dell’i(n) marg(in)e.166 fol. 61 eod(em) 1. cap. 17 da iri usque ibi D eus.167 ‘ “à Iosquino da elmo ost.o Franco”: sic, for “à Iosquino Dalhemio Ostofranco”, as on the title page of the edition. 158 Paracelsus

1573a. The passage to be eliminated is in the introductory letter by Pietro Perna addressed to the French Ambassador in Switzerland, Pierre de Grantrye; it only contains the names of Perna (Protestant exile) and of Paracelsus. 160 The passage, in the dedicatory letter to Ferdinand of Hapsburg, invoked the support of the prince against the false physicians (the Galenics). 161 In Paracelsus’ letter to Wolfgang Talhauser, physician in Augsburg; the name of the author should be erased. 162 After the preface to the work follows Ramus’ praise of Paracelsus. 165 Paracelsus’ name. 164 The ch. treats “De vulnerum curatione per coelestes operationes” (pp. 46-9). 165 Pp. 53-4: ways to block haemorrhages with a “coelestis operatio quae characteribus [magical symbols] perficitur”. 166 The cure of wounds by weapons with “characteres iuxta coelestes influentias confecti”. 167 The use of magical expressions to extract weapons from wounds. 159

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fol. 64 prime partis cirugiae magnae 1. tertius da magnae usque ibi 1. tertius.168 fol. 71 eodem 1. cap. ij da alienum usque ibi itaque.169 fol. 85 in cap. cirugiae magnae partis secundae de ulceribus cogno­ scendis epistola dedicatoria, da magnae usque ibi medici, et in fine epistole p(raedic)te cassa Theophrastus ab Hoeneheim.170 fol. 87 dala epistola ad lectorem cassa il nome dei authore. fol. 92 secunde partis cirugiae magnae 1. p.s da magne usque ibi Tract(atu)s. fol. 99 cap. X 2e partis Cirugiae magnae 1. primus facit de antiquis med(icis) ad ulcera experimentis cassa dal principio dal capi. X usque ibi cum ergo.171 fol. 104 eod. 1. cap. 13. da experiamur usque ibi medico.172 fol. 105 eod. 1. cap. 15 da videtur usque ibi antiq(ui)s med(icis): principio del capitolo 16.173 fol. 107 eod. 1. cap. 16 da evadet fin al cap. 17.174 fol. 109 eod. 1. cap. 19 da cognoscenda est fin al cap. 20.175 fol. 114 eod. 1. Incipiens de origine, et causis ulcerum cap. p.° da redamus usque at certè.176 fol. 135 eodem 1. cap. 18 dal principio del cap. usque ibi defunctis autem.177 fol. 141 eod. cap. 21 in p(er)oratt(io)ne da sed mali usque ad haec astronomiae.178 fol. 149 in 1. tertio cap. iiij in praxi da subiectum est usque ibi de tinctura. fol. 157 eod. 1. cap. X in p(er)oratt(ion)e da accidant usque ibi finis. 168

Paracelsus’ name. to cure bites by poisonous animals. 170 Both regard Paracelsus’ name, as do the two following passages. 171 Whether maladies derive from God. 172 Defence of astrology and geomancy. 173 Body derives from the earth, mind from heaven. 174 Criticism of the hostility of the Church and of official medicine towards astrology. 175 Hydromancy, pyromancy, geomancy and aeromancy are true parts of physics. 176 Possibility to derive medical prognostics and cures from meteorological events. 177 Phantasms producing sores. 178 Polemics against the Aristotelian basis of academic medicine. Similar are the polemics on pp. 149 and 157. 169 Exorcisms

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fol. 168 tertij 1. p.s ultima in p.° cassa philippi paracelsi.179 fol. 181 in prefact(ion)e tertiae partis cassa theoprastus paracelsus.180 fol. 185 dicte tertie p.s lib. p.° da subtilitatem usque ibi itaque ve­ rum.181 In 2° thomo lib. p.° Cassa per tutto il nome aureoli philippi theophrasti paracelsi. fol. 17 cap. 11 da medicos [levavit] usque ibi nova audite.182 Liber tertius183 fol. 33 cap. 2.° da evarient usque ibi nil dicam.184 fol. 34 cap. tertio da causatur usque ibi quin.185 fol. 40 in principio quarti libri da potest usque ibi moribus.186 fol. 130 in 1. de correct(ion)e inposturarum in curatione luis gallicae cap. 18 da Iuvenies, usque ad cap. decimum nonum cum postilla.187 quinta p(art)e lib. quarto fol. 176 cap. decimoquarto de causis, et origine luis gallici lib. p.° da suffuratus usque ibi quorum quoque.188 fol. 213 in libro quinto de causis et origine luis gallici in fine prohemij da taceam alterum, sino al fine dei prohemio.189

179

Elimination of Paracelsus’ name from the title of the “peroratio”. Paracelsus’ dedication of the third part to Conrad Wickram. 181 Polemics against Aristotle, Albert the Great and others. 182 When the faithful could obtain indulgences in their fatherland, there would be no need for pilgrimages to Rome. 183 The first books of vol. II contain “De tumoribus, pustulis ac ulceribus morbis Gallici”; book III discusses “De transplantatione”. 184 Paracelsus stated that many species of plants and animals originated after the Creation. 185 Occasional origin of living beings in the aerial region, or outside the bounds of natural order. 186 Astronomical correlations of some maladies. 187 Polemics against the attribution of maladies and healings to Saints. 188 Analogy between the shortcomings of academic medicine and theology; see note 56. 189 On the shortcomings of official medicine. 180 In

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fol. 216 eod. 1. lib. septimo cap. IIII da conabimur usque ibi sic sa­ nitatem.190 fol. 23 eodem 1. lib. septimo cap. quinto da edere coguntur, usque ibi sciendum et da nequit fino al fine di detto cap.191 In Cirugia minori192 in prefact(ion}e fol. 3 da si pecunias, usque ibi ovos meretricum nati.193 In 2.° lib. cirugiae minoris cap. 7 fol. 74 da fundamentum artis usque ibi Galenus et da usitata usque ibi cur mihi.194 fol. 86 in cap. de curis In cura paenarilis, da tripartita est usque ibi et pro medicam(en)to.195 fol. 101 in 1. de apostemat. cap. 17 de panaritio pandalitio in cura da triplex est cura usque ibi secunda per naturam.196 In [...] de cura ulcerum lib. 2 ° cap. p.° fol. 145 da omnia usque ibi hujus vita.197 fol. 154 in 1. de vermibus cap p.° da utilitatem usque ad cap. septi­ mum.198 In prefact(ion)e libri Cirugiae minoris fol. 20 da aditamentis usque ibi pre ceteris.199 59r

Neapolis Die 4. Decem. 1598 M.° Cherubinus Veron. August, theologus Curiae Archiep. Neap. 190 The

Sun and the Moon are two parts of one original celestial body. The reference is not correct. 192 The Censor used the edition in folio by Pietro Perna, containing also minor treatises (Paracelsus 1573c), published in Basel the same year as the magna, usually printed in joint edition. However, the title pages indicate two different places: Strasbourg for the magna and Basel for the minor. 193 Polemics against those who practise medicine in order to make profit. 194 Polemics against the Church’s support to Galenic medicine and against Ecclesiastics practising medicine. 195 The cure of maladies with a combination of magical symbols, religious rites and drugs. 196 The cure of maladies with magical symbols. 197 Saint John the Baptist remained healthy in virtue of his diet. 198 These chs. expound the view that Adam and Eve after original sin knew all mysteries of nature through God’s will, who allowed the snake to tempt them, and who forersaw their behaviour. 199 The reference is not correct. 191

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5 0 . PARACELSUS

M.r Vine. Bonincontro dominicanus deputatus Indicis. M. Hieronimus de Aversa dep(utatu)s Indicis Mag. D. Martin(us) Alfonsus Vivaldus deputatus Ill.mi Card. Gesualdi. deputatus Mgr. Baldassar dep(uta)tus Indicis200

6 Anonymous, Expurgatory Censura of Chirurgia m in or and of other Medical Works (Rome, 1591-1613)201 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, BB (II.a.24), f. 550r

Ex Theophrasti Paracelsi chirurgia minore3 Lib. 2. c. 7. tribus autem quatuor folijs ante fin. c. deleant(ur) ilia verba. Haec non admiror; cum in medicina maior impostura sit à sanctorum vicarijs visitatata etc. usque ad ilia verba. Item Fritellam Infernalem erga suos superiores.202 Lib. de cutis apertionibus, cap. 3. versus fin. deleant(ur) illa verba, Ad hunc modum etiam Christus locutus est non omnibus sapientibus, usque ad illud, post monachos nulla gens medicis contemptior existat.203 a In the margin, the following annotation: “p(rim)ae classis. Expurg. in Rom(an)o pag. 723, et in Hyspano in folio pag. 721. et in mixto pag. 486”; below “folio”: “486”, erased.

200

Cherubino da Verona, Vincenzo Bonincontro, Girolamo Zancaglione, Martino Alfonso Vivaldi, and Baldassare Crispo; BlOGR. 201 Protocolli BB was composed in the early seventeenth century, namely under Secretary Paolo Pico (1591-1613), but it contains also sixteenth-century materials. Another copy of the Censura is in ProtocolliN (II.a.19), f. 481r, which contains documents composed between the 1590s and mid-seventeenth century. A marginal annotation (see note 13) suggests that this is the original. The Censor used the edition in folio by Pietro Perna (see note 192), containing also minor treatises discussed after Chirurgia minor. 202 The passage, on p. 74, polemized against ecclesiastics who attributed the healing of so­ me maladies to Saints. 203 The treatises reproduced after Chirurgia minor have a consecutive numeration. The passage, on p. 134, polemizes against official medicine and argues that true knowledge is for the few only.

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Lib. de cura ulcerum cap. 1. ad med. del(e) ilia verba. Sancti, pijque viri strictam in eremis vivendi rationem servarunt; non ut non­ nulli dicunt etc. usque ad illud, non ob sanctimoniam, aut meritum erga Deum; sed propter sobrietatem quae decuit eius officium.204 Lib. de vermibus, et serpentibus cap. 1. statim post initium del(e) illa verb(a). Q uinam tamen homo primus Adam haec omnia noverit, et naturam ipsam etc. usque ad fin. totius capitis.205 Eodem lib. cap. 2. cuius initium est, Q uo progressu tamen id fiat, deleatur totum .206 Eodem lib. cap. 4. cuius initium est, Multò maiora, deleatur totum.207 Eodem lib. cap. 10. ad med. deleantur illa verb(a). Q uam quam ad­ mitto imaginationem, et fidem esse tam potentes ut per eas nos ipsos etc. usque ad fin. Capitis.208

204

Pag. 145: the choice for a monastic life is inspired to sanitary reasons. See note 198. 206 Pp. 155-56: ch. 2 develops the same view as the previous passage. 207 Pag. 157: the ch. argues for the medical efficacy of magic and hermetic symbols. 208 Pag. 162: the passage argues that Christ attributed to faith a vis salvifica, not only in a spiritual, but also in a physical sense, as show the healings in the Gospels. One should know how to use this force. 205

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51 FRANCESCO PATRIZI

On 8 October 1592, the Congregation for the Index set out to dis­ cuss whether to place Francesco Patrizi (1529-1597) in the Index.1 In his introduction to the (partial) edition of Patrizi’s Apologia and Decla­ rationes (1955), Tullio Gregory presented a chronological reconstruc­ tion of the initial proceedings of the Congregation for the Index,2 pointing out that the wordings used in summoning Patrizi on 7 No­ vember 1592 (“ut sui operis rationem redderet, paratus retractare erra­ ta”) suggest that the summons was prompted by a previous censura of his work. The Apologia and some letters written subsequently by Pa­ trizi show that the censura at issue was the one signed by Bartolomé de Miranda, Master of the Sacred Palace, and written by his fellow Pedro Juan Saragoza (doc. I).34 Patrizi first responded to Saragoza’s assess­ ment with Apologia'1' and Emendatio in libros suae novae philosophiae,56 and subsequently with Declarationes. The composition of these writ­ ings dates back to the period between the end of 1592 and 22 April 1594. It seems likely, as Gregory suggested, that the Apologia was the first reaction to the aforementioned censurah Remarkably, Patrizi had permission to read this censura, as follows, among other things, from the classification of charges he presented in his defence.7 However, in November 1592, the Congregation judged Patrizi’s proposals for emendation to be insufficient (docs. 2-3), and decided, in spite of his protests, to place Nova philosophia in the Index (docs. 4-6).8 The work 1

See ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. I, docs. 4-5, and ch. Lull, doc. 25. Gregory 1955; cf. Rotondò 1973, pp. 1457-63, and Beretta 2005, pp. 85-87. 3 Gregory 1955, pp. 391, 409, 412; cf. Gregory 1953, pp. 89-90. For Saragoza, see BiOGR. 4 In BAV, Barb. Lat. 318; for a partial edition, see Gregory 1953. 3 Published in Kristeller 1973. 6 Gregory 1955, pp. 392-93. 7 Gregory 1955, pp. 412-13. See also Declarationes (doc. 13). 8 The work was prohibited in the Roman Index of 1593; see ILI, IX, p. 876, and ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 18, f. 519v. 2

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was prohibited with the stipulation “nisi fuerit ab auctore correcta”,9 and subsequently Patrizi was listed among a number of living authors who would, if need be, correct their own works.10 The E m endatio (doc. 7), probably written before Christmas 1592 - as follows from Patrizi’s letters of 4 December 1592 and 23 March 1593 (docs. 4 and 8) - did not have the desired effect either, and on 23 March Patrizi asked again for expurgation and permission to print an emendated edition (doc. 8). Shortly afterwards the Congregation commissioned a new censura to the Jesuit Benedetto Giustiniani, which was handed over by the Gener­ al of the Society of Jesus to Paolo Pico, Secretary of the Congregation (docs. 9-10). Patrizi also asked to read this assessment, and on 3 July the Congregation granted this permission (docs. 11-12). Subsequently, Patrizi discussed this censura with Pope Clement VIII, who ordered the philosopher to clarify “detti luoghi opposti et altri piu oscuri” (doc. 15). Thus, Patrizi composed the D eclarationes after the censurae, and not just with the object, as suggested by the author at the outset, of dis­ sipating doubts among his friends and readers.11 The D ecla ra tion es exist in three different redactions.12 A fourth redaction is incomplete and its writing seems to have been interrupted as Patrizi planned to start yet another one.13 The shortest redaction, entitled Francisci Patricii locoru m quorundam in nova sua philosophia obscuriorum decla ra tion es, 14 corresponds with the manuscript in vol­ ume O of the P rotocolli, and is a detailed response to Saragoza’s cen ­ sura. This text was read by the Jesuit Juan Azor (Card. Bernieri’s the­ ologian), receiving his approval on 22 April 1594, and was subse­ quently presented by Patrizi to the Cardinals of the Congregation for

9

See also doc. 21. Cf. ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VII, doc. 9 (post February 1594), f. 99v. See also the note by Bartolomé de Miranda in sect. V, doc. 17, on f. 24r; and sect. V, doc. 19 (1592-97), f. 536r, where the work is mentioned among “Libri expurgabiles in ultimo Indice descripti”; cf. sect. VII, doc. 11 (between 1596-1599), f. 477r. 11 This is confirmed by frequent protestations of submissiveness to the Ecclesiastical authori­ ties and moreover by a letter from Patrizi to the Pope, reported by Gregory 1955, pp. 394-95. 12 In BPP, Palatina 665, respectively on fols. 121r-130r, fols. 97r-119v, and fols. 131r-169r (numeration by Gregory 1955, p. 395). 13 Palat. 665, fols. 70r-90r; cf. Gregory 1955, p. 397. 14 Palat. 665, fols. 121r-130r. 10

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51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

the Index (docs. 13-14). However, the Jesuit’s favourably disposed censura did not satisfy the Congregation. Furthermore, Azor’s ap­ proval was quite irrelevant, because he openly declared that he had read the Declarationes, and not Patrizi’s work that was under discus­ sion. Thus, on 11 June 1594 Card. Francisco Toledo was asked for ad­ vice. On 2 July of the same year, apparently on the basis of Toledo’s advice, the Congregation decided upon a downright (“omnino”) pro­ hibition of Nova philosophia (docs. 16-20).15 But possibly due to con­ fusion among some of the Consultors,16 the work was placed in the Clementine Index (1596), as well as in the successive Indexes,17 with a specific expurgatory proviso, which reveals Patrizi’s ample (but insuf­ ficient) protection: “nisi fuerit ab Auctore correcta, et Romae cum ap­ probatione R. Magistri Sacri Palatii impressa”.18 The aforementioned writings, composed by Patrizi with the aim of having his Nova philosophia removed from the Index, have been wellknown for quite some time now.19 Therefore, only a brief overview of the most salient points of the censurae is presented here, in particular those concerning scientific-philosophical issues. Saragoza first ana­ lysed and condemned the attack on scholastic philosophy, which had been charged by Patrizi for its assuming “Aristotelis impietates pro fidei fundamentis”, and subsequently he worked out a serial, thematic 15

After the condemnation, the copies left were handed over to the Venetian editor Roberto Meietti, who put them on the market under his own imprint antedating them to 1593. See Zambelli 1967, p. 310, and Patrizi 1993, p. VII. 16 See the note by Paolo Pico, then Secretary of the Index, in ch. The Organization of the Index, section I. doc. 8 (ante March 1596), f. 181v: “francisci Patritij liber de Philosophia tollatur ex indice: sublata praefatione, et additis in fine animadversionibus”. 17 See Index 1819, p. 234. 18 ILI, IX, p. 945. 19 Patrizi defended himself in various ways. He argued that some statements by preChristian authors should not be understood literally and that some philosophical issues were unresolvable. He stated that various of his statements, and some taken from ancient authors, found theologically objectionable by his accuser, referred to the physical world and not to theological matters. Patrizi also argued that his accuser had misquoted him and had taken statements out of context. Throughout Patrizi affirmed the importance of his philosophical synthesis of Plato, the early Neoplatonists, Presocratics, Hermetic authors, and Church Fa­ thers and that it was compatible with Catholic Christianity. At the same time Patrizi reiterat­ ed that Aristotle was the suborner of Christianity, because he denied divine creation, held the world to be eternal, and denied the immortality of the human soul.

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censura, concentrating mainly on the concept o£ God and Patrizi’s in­ terpretation of the Trinity. He regarded Patrizi’s use of a negative the­ ology in the definition of God (“non est corpus, non natura, non ani­ ma, non Intellectus, non vita, non ens”) as contrary to faith and the Holy Writ. Moreover, seeing God as “unum principium: neque est, neque fuit, neque erit” was qualified as “prava doctrina”. Saragoza al­ so condemned Patrizi’s interpretation of the procession of the Holy Ghost in that it contradicts the Apostolic Creed, while he qualified the similarly interpreted procession of the Son as “falsa et impropriè dicta”. As to the chapter on “De rerum productione”, Saragoza chal­ lenged the idea of the simultaneous creation of all things as well as the view of a “productio Dei ex necessitate”. Other accusations con­ cerned the existence of an inane space before Creation, the negation of the world having been created in time, and the uniqueness of heav­ en, that is, the negation of a hierarchical world of spheres. In relation to this, the censor paid particular attention to Patrizi’s ‘copernicanism’:20 the motion of the earth contradicts the Holy Scripture and, ac­ cording to Saragoza, it is a fact that the “suprema astra” are moving as well. Other charges dealt with the animation of celestial bodies as this contradicted “sententiam communem receptam apud patres”, and the accidental nature of form, which was qualified as an error. Fi­ nally, the definition of the agent intellect as “verbum creatum, proxi­ mum Deo”, proposed in the Mystica philosophia, was considered completely absurd. Of an altogether different tenor is the censura by Giustiniani, who at the beginning of his text recalled that Platonism was praised by the Fathers of the Church as, by virtue of its central views, “religionis ac fidei nostrae dogmata illustrari, et confirmari possent”.21 It is surpris­ ing that Giustiniani, reviewing the charges formulated by Saragoza, did not immediately aim at those concerned with the core of Chris­ tian dogmatics, but preferred to discuss first the challenges to Aris­ totelian philosophy. His overall evaluation contrasts with Saragoza’s

20

See also infra and ch. Copernicus. For a similar open-mindedness towards Plato in a contemporary Jesuit, see the long chapter on Plato in Possevino’s Bibliotheca selecta. 21

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5 1 . FRANCESCO PATRIZI

censura on essential points. In Giustiniani’s opinion, the uniqueness of heaven and the motion of the earth are purely philosophical issues, which do not affect Christian faith. According to several other views, Patrizi merely exposed Plato’s thinking and that of his followers. Cas­ es in point include the animation of celestial bodies, the existence of an inane space, and the alleged necessity in the production of the world. The doctrine “De Deo”, by contrast, refers to the negative theology of Dionysius the Areopagite. Moreover, one should not mis­ understand the author in that he apparently deprived God of ideas and intellect. Although Giustiniani confirmed the author’s obscurity, not only in his distinction between the three persons of the Trinity but also in his treatment of “De rerum productione”, nevertheless he added - “non tamen aberrat à vero”. Giustiniani acknowledged that Patrizi’s theory of substance impeded an adequate interpretation of the Eucharist, but he stated that nonetheless one should keep in mind that the author was versed in philosophy, rather than theology. In brief, it seemed sufficient to him to keep to these few observations in order not to fall prey to error. Remarkably, Patrizi’s partial Copernicanism (he endorsed the diur­ nal motion of the Earth) was not regarded as particularly significant. Pedro Juan Saragoza noted that the movement of the Earth was “contra sacras literas”, but he did not qualify it as heretical.22 Bene­ detto Giustiniani held that heliocentrism was a physical view without theological implications, and he even suggested that the contrast with biblical passages was merely apparent.23 Now, on 24 February 1616 Giustiniani was among the eleven theologians who were summoned by the Holy Office and who eventually judged heliocentrism as “false and absurd” in philosophy and partially formally heretical as well as at least partially dangerous in theology.24 This pronouncement laid the groundwork for the prohibition of heliocentrism by the Congre­ gation for the Index promulgated on 5 March 1616.25

22 23 24 25

Doc. 1, f. 139r. See doc. 10, fols. 148v-149r. See Galilei 1890-1909: XIX, pp. 320-21. For discussion of Giustiniani’s change of view in 1616, see ch. Copernicus, Introduction.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

1 Bartolomé de Miranda and Pedro Juan Saragoza,2627 Censura of Nova de universis philosophia21 (Rome, ante 8 October 1592) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, M (II.a.11), fols. 129r-145r (autographical signature by Bartolomé de Miranda; marginal annotations by Patrizi)

129r

Censura Quam ingens damnum fuerit subsequutum olim ex /Ethnicorum Philosophorum doctrina, Censura nostrae fidei non limata, nec cor­ recta ostendit latè Tertulianus lib. de praescript. haeretic. cap. 7°.28 et adversus Hermogenem29 scribens ubi Philosophos vocat Patriarchas haereticorum. Id ipsum repetit Hieronymus in initio libri contra Pelagianos ad Hesiphontem.3031 De quo etiam inter Iuniores potest videri Castro p.° adversus haereses cap. 12.031 Id nostra tempestate valde ti­ mendum esse suspicor: Insurgunt enim quidam sic Philosophorum placitis mordicus adhaerentes, ut vias antiquas à viris Clarissimis, hu­ militate, et doctrina praecellentibus iam tritas, et consequenter in scholis communi consensu ut tutas receptas velint, non tantùm fugere et abijcere sed conentur illas obscurare, irridentes, coeca, et lerci su­ perbia inflati viros per illas incedentes, et (quod peius est) qui intra li­ mites philosophiae caecutientes passim prolabuntur ducti, vel Zoroa26 The bulk of the censura was written by Saragoza (BlOGR.), but at least the first part was written by de Miranda; see the expression on fol. 13 lr: “Quantum veritatis titulus contineat, subsequenda ostendent, quae sunt extracta ex multis, quae vir doctus, ac religiosus (cum li­ brum ex commisione mea attente perlegisset) adnotavit, dimissis multis alijs, quae illi disciplicuerunt, contra bonam, et receptam philosophiam”. Eventually, the censura was signed by de Miranda; see also Introduction, note 3. 27 The edition used by the Censor is Patrizi 1591. 28 Tertullianus 1954:1, pp. 192-93. 29 Tertullianus 1954:1, p. 404. 30 Hieronymus 1990, pp. 17-18. 31 Castro 1555, fols. 55v-60v.

2202

51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

stre, vel nescio quibus alijs ad mysterium ineffabile Trinitatis ad gene­ rationem verbi aeternam ad processionem spiritus sancti declaran­ dam temerariè accedunt sine sacrarum literarum cognitione, ac for­ tassis sine ulla sanctorum Patrum humili, ac reverenti lectione. Unde multa falsa fidei, atque catholico stylo Patrum dissona impropria, pe­ riculosa, suspecta affirmant, et (quod deterius est) praelo mandant. Huius farinae est liber quidam, noviter aeditus à Francisco Patritio, cuius viri personam, libentius excusarem (quantumvis libri doctrina mihi in multis displaceat) si me non offendissent duo vel tria, quae grandem audaciam praeseferunt et superbiam redolent. Quae si men­ tes excaecet in turpes errores frequenter deducit. Prima est in Epistula ad Greg(oriu)m XIIIIm Pont. max. fol. 2.° sic habet Author/ Quadringentis vero abhinc circiter annis scholastici Theologi in contrarium sunt annixi Aristotelis impietatibus pro fidei fundamentis sunt usi. Excusatos eos habemus quòd cum graecas literas nescirent illos cognoscere non potuerunt. Non vero eos excusa­ mus quòd impietate pietatem adstruere conati sunt etc. Nescio qua fronte ausus fuerit vir iste contra claustrum Doctorum scholasticorum, qui per quadringentos annos floruerunt talem profer­ re Censuram, illos omnes ignorantes impios vocans. Inter quos fuit Angelicus Doctor S(anc)tus Thomas, cuius doctrina non solum à summis Ponteficibus est magna veneratione habita, sed à Christo Do­ mino fuit miraculosè approbata, d(ice)nte: Bene scripsisti de me Thoma. Floruit inter istos Theologos seraphicus Bonaventura, fuit Alexander de Ales, fuit Albertus, fuit Scotus, ac denique intra spa­ tium temporis, quod ille praescripsit, claruerunt Ec(clesi)ae lumina in Theologia scholastica, quae licet ex parte excuset, quia ignorantes processerunt ex alia parte accusat, quia impiè. Et quae ista est Impie­ tas? Aristotelis impietatibus pro fidei fundamentis usi sunt. Si Philo­ sophus iste consuluisset Doctores praefatos ad hoc, ut cognosceret quid fides, quid Theologia, quid sacrae Theologiae fundamenta, non ita turpiter loquutus fuisset. Fundamenta enim sive principia sacrae

“ In the right margin: “P(rimu)m”. As said in the Introduction, Patrizi was allowed to see this Censura and to comment upon it. As a matter of fact, these (and following) marginal an­ notations are in his hand.

129v

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

i30r

130v

Theologiae non sunt Aristotelis neque Platonis vel cuiusvis alterius Philosophi placita naturaliter cognita, sunt articuli fidei, sunt veritates supernaturales revelatae. Istis usi sunt Theologi scholastici / / pro fundamentis, quot quot fuerunt hoc nomine digni. Rationes Philo­ sophorum interdum adducuntur, non tamquam fundamenta, sed ut deserviant ministerialiter, nam Regina Theologia, quae nobiliss(im)a et architectonica scientia est, vocat alias scientias veluti ancillas ad ar­ cem, ut famulentur, et ministrent, legat S(anc)tum Thomam p(rim)a par(te) q. i. ar. 5. ad 2m.32 Theologia (inquit) non accipit sua principia ab alijs scientijs, sed immediatè à Deo per revelationem. Rursus, si ac­ cipit aliquid ab alijs scientijs non est tamquam à superioribus, sed uti­ tur eis tamquam inferioribus Ancillis. Et hoc ipsum (inquit) quod illis utitur, non est propter insufficientiam eius, sed propter defectum in­ tellectus nostri; videat sanctum Thomam 2.2. q. 2. ar. x.,33 et intelliget qua via, sit licitum adducere rationes naturales quando de supernaturalibus disseretur, si enim id sobriè, et modestè fiat, tantum abest, quod sit vitiosum, quod potius est laudabile iuxta illud Eccl. 24.34 qui elucidant me, vitam aeternam habebunt. Dicit Author iste nostros Doctores scholasticos non vidisse Graecos, quia ignorantes; videat ipse Doctores latinos, sed pios ac doctos, et agnoscat qualiter utantur in sacrae doctrinae progressu Aristotelis vel alterius Philosophi authoritate. Videatque doctissimum Magistrum Cano. lib. 9. cap. 3. 4. et 5.35 2.m quod viri huius nimiam audaciam satis arguit, est modus,3 quo in lib. 19.° Pancosmias fol. 108. loquitur de B. Alberto magno, quem boni Theologi venerantur, sic habet, stultior veteribus Peripateticis factus est recentior Albertus magnus, cui cognomen magni haud scio, quo merito sui tribuerint. Is summa, an fatuitate an sagacitate excogi­ tavit lumen, per se, non posse calere. Quid dicam de temeritate ista? Peripateticos stultos vocat, virum * In the right margin: “2.m ”, 32 33 34 35

Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IV, p. 16. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: Vili, pp. 38-39. Sir 24. Cano 1563, IX, 3-5, pp. 288B-295A.

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pium doctrina excellentem, cuius nec discipulus ipse m erito potest cognom inari stultiorem antiquis vocat. C ognom entum m agni ab schola traditum ipse irridet. Irridenda profecto tanta vanitas, vel miseranda potius, qua contra leo­ nem formica, contra Gigantes Pigmeos, tanta cum temeritate extollit. 3. ° Loco offendunt, quae in libri titulo apponuntur,3 si procul à mo­ destia, et sobrietate christiana iudicent alij^ sic habet. Propria Patritj Methodo, tota in contem plationem venit divinitas. Non legerat illud lob. cap. XI. 36 Forsitan vestigia Dei compraehendes, et usque ad perfectum om nipotentem reperies? Excelsior coelo est, et quid facies? profundior inferno, et unde co­ gnosces? N eque fortassis illud quod cap. 36 37 habetur. Ecce Deus magnus vincens scientiam nostram. Placuisset certè si in ipso exordio, vera, ac syncera humilitate appo-//suisset illud, Deus meus illumina tenebras meas. Rursus addit quod opus maximè adm irandum vetustiss(im)a novitate, Dogmatum varietate, et veritate, sententiarum gravitate etc. Q uantum veritatis titulus contineat, subsequenda ostendent, quae sunt extracta ex multis, quae vir doctus, ac religiosus (cum librum ex commisione mea attente perlegisset) adnotavit, dimissis multis alijs, quae illi disciplicuerunt, contra bonam, et receptam philosophiam. Ut igitur sub aliquali ordine perspiciantur, quae animadversione sunt digna, omisso ordine illo, quem Author in suo opere observat p.° loco adnotabo propositiones, quas de Deo scribens in lucem profert. 1. De Deo P(rim)a Propositio c lib. 3° Panarchiae fol. 2. pag. 2. d Hoc autem unum {scilicet quod est rerum omnium, et totius universitatis princi“ In the right margin: “3.m ”. b “siprocul (...) alij”: underlinedinthem s. c In the margin: “p(rim)a”. d In the left margin: “Non [...] ibi ficta tamen vel mutila ex fine p(rim)i. libri Panacrhis”; in the right margin: “4 ”. 36 37

lob 11:7. lob 36: 26.

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piurn) non est corpus, non natura, non anima, non Intellectus, non vita, non ens. Ista sententia, ut iacet, pugnat cum fide, et sacris literis, nam Deus opt. max., qui entis creati est principium, millies in sacra scrip­ tura appellatur vita. Ioannis 5.038 Sicut enim Pater habet vitam in semetipso, sic dedit, et filio vitam habere in semetipso. Cap. XI°.39 Ego sum resurrectio et vita. Cap. 14.° Ego sum via, veritas, et vita & cap. I.° Quod factum est in ipso vita erat, et vita erat lux hominum.40 Augustinus tract. p.° in Ioannem 41 dicit Ipsamet verbi substantia vita est et tandem ipse Deus est vita per essentiam unde in psalmo 35.42 Apud te est fons vitae, et ideo ab illo vitam sumimus. In ipso enim vivimus, movemur, et sumus.43 Dicere rursus quod Deus non est ens, stultus est error, nam sivè ens dicatur ab essentia, sive ab existentia, quis in tota entium universitate, ita verè potest dici ens, sicut Deus? Exodi 3.044 Dixit Dominus ad Moysem ego sum, qui sum. Rursùm qui est missit ad vos. Idest ego sum illud ens, cuius essentia est esse, et a cuius essentia esse est insepa­ rabile-. Cantat Ecclesia verbum ens Altissimi corporari etc. Rursus si Deus non est ens, ergo neque bonus nam videtur implica­ tio vocare non ens bonum. Item si non est ens, ergo nihil, nàm quod medium inter ens et nihil? Tandem perirent distinctiones celebres in omni schola sapientium admissae, ens aliud finitum, aliud infinitum, aliud creatum, aliud increatum. est etiam Deus Intellectus, nam illa quae in nobis sunt accidentia, in Deo minimè. Unde sicut ista propo­ sitio concedenda est, Deus est bonitas infinita, et est bonum infini­ tum, et sapientia infinita, et est infinitè sapiens; Ita Deus est Intelligens infinitè, et intellectus quidam infinitus. Tandem advertendum est fuisse errorem antiquum cuiusdam Alchindi et Rabbi Moysis, qui dixerunt attributa / / divina competere Deo abusivè, non verè, et realiter. Refertur in Directorio Inquisitorum 2.a p. q. 4.a .45 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

Io 5: 26. Io 11:25. Io 14: 6; 1,3. Augustinus 1954, pp. 9-11. Ps35: 10. Act 17: 28; cf. Rm 14: 8. Ex 3: 14. Eymeric 1585, pp. 256-57.

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2.a Propositio3 in lib. 5.° Panarchiae ,£ol. 9.° pag. 2. si hoc unum principium, neque est, neque fuit, neque erit, essentiae omnis expers est, et ens, et esse ei non convenit, neque potest dici de eo est, si de eo est nequit dici, neque poterit de eo dici unum est. O pravam doctrinam o discursum errore, et ignoratia plenum, sat fuerit contra illum textus ille sacer Deuth(eronomio) 6.046 Audi Israel Dominus Deus noster Deus unus est; et ille citatus Exodi 3047 qui est missit me ad vos. hoc enim respondit Dominus Moysi interoganti si dixerint mihi, quod est nomen eius, quid dicam eis? Damascenus lib. p.° orthod. fidei cap. 12.46748 dicit quod principalius omnibus, quae de Deo dicuntur, nominibus est. qui est, quod pulchrè probat S(anc)tus Thom. p.p. q. 13. art. xi.49 2. De Processione Spiritus Sancti In lib. 9.b Panarchias fol. 18. loquens de processione spiritus sancti dicit Monas, idest Pater duo generat. Et inferius duo gignit videlicet fi­ lium et spiritum sanctum etc. Hoc apertè pugnat cum symbolo fidei, spiritus sanctus à Patre, et filio non factus nec creatus, nec genitus, sed procedens. Lib. x. fol. 22.c pag. 2. inquit. Hac geniti in genitorem conversione et mentali reflexione, alius ex patre generatur intellectus. In his verbis tria displicent. P(rimu)m quia illis non benè sed prae­ ter communem sanctorum Patrum loquendi modum explicatur pro­ ductio spiritus sancti videlicet spiratio ipsius passiva, et enim amor notionalis, quo spiritus sanctus à Patre, et filio procedit est mutuus amor. Et iste insinuat ex amore filij in patrem procedere spiritum sanctum/ 2.m est, quod ex mentali reflexione procedit tertia haec pera b c d

46 47 48 49

In the left margin: In the left margin: In the left margin: In the left margin:

“2” and “mutilata”; in the right margin: “5”. “p(rim)a mutilata”; in the right margin: “6”. “2a declarata”; in the right margin: “7”. “ficta”; in the right margin: “8”.

Dt 6: 4. Ex 3: 11-12. PG 94, cols. 844-845; Ioannes Damascenus 1955, pp. 55-56. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IV, p. 162.

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sona in quo errat si per mentalem reflexionem, actionem intellectus intelligat. Nam spiritus sanctus, non actu intellectus, sed voluntatis pro­ cedit. 3.m est quia ait, Alius ex patre generatur intellectus, nam Intellec­ tus, qui est nomen absolutum non generat, neque generatur, cum sit abstractum. Item Intellectus nec est nomen proprium s(piritu)s s(anc)ti nec appropriatum. Denique non deberet dicere generatur, sed spiratur ut dictum est supra. Lib. xi.° Panarchias fol. 22 pag. 2.a ait Quae quidem Idea boni, ut amore essentiali in Patrem vertitur, 3" de se et patre persona procedit si­ bi et patri consustantialis alteritate tantùm ab ipsis distincta, videtur hic existimare author quod spiritus sanctus procedit ex amore essen­ tiali, quod est erroneum, nam amor essentialis est unicus communis 133r tribus personis, quo ut / / essentialis est et in personis tribus non pro­ ducitur persona alia nàm essent quatuor. Lib. 15. Panarchias fol. 31. pag. i. coi. 2.b Sed ea conversione, et praeterea amore in patrem. 2.s processit intellectus, quem spiritum ap­ pellamus, nàm eodem emanationis actu a patre in filium à patre&proce­ dit, et per filium eodem conversionis, et amoris in patrem actu procedit spiritus ab eodem Patre procedens, et per filium , in eundem patrem redien sf Et,e et idem cum eis facta alteritate quadam ineffabili alter ab eis evasit. Neque ideò ex ea cum patre et filio idemptitate exijt quod probat ex Zoroastre etc. In hoc discursu sunt quàmplurima falsa. P(rimu)m est, quod spiri­ tus s(anc)tus appelletur intellectus secundus cum hoc nomine non do­ netur, neque à sacra scriptura, neque à sanctis Patribus, neque à Doctoribus scholasticis. 2.m quòd eodem emanationis actù à patre in fi­ lium, et per filium in patrem redeat etc videtur in hoc insinuari, quod spiritus s(anc)tus non procedat à patre, et filio ut uno principio. 3.m cum eis factus alteritate quadam etc contra quia spiritus sanctus, non factus nec creatus ex Athanasio ,4.m Alter ab eis evasit etc. D ebet di­ cere alius, quia illo nomine, non est utendum in divinis, tum quia al-

a

In the left margin: “3a declarata”; in the right margin: “9”. In the left margin: “4 aliena declarata”; in the right margin: “10”. c “à patre”: repeated in the text. d In the margin: “unum”. ' After “E t”: “videntur”, crossed out. b

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ter ex Porpyrio dicit differentiam accidentalem, tum etiam quia, no­ men diversitatis, et differentiae / / docet sanctus Thom. p.p. q. 31. ar. ° vitandum esse in divinis, ne tollatur unitas essentiae;50 Tandem 2. processio spiritus sancti ineffabilis probatur per Zoroastrem. Scriptu­ rae, Concilia, Patres quare dimictuntur? Certè si illos consuluisset, vi­ disset modestiam, ac humilitatem quam in re ineffabili procedebant. August, lib. 3. ad Maximinum cap. 14. tom ,6.51 distinguere inter ge­ nerationem verbi, et processionem spiritus sancti nescio, non valeo, non sufficio; sicut dixit Isayas de filio,52 loquens Generationem eius, quis enarrabit, ità de spiritu sancto dicitur, Processionem eius quis enarrabit. In eodem lib. fol. 33. coi. 2.a Hic enim (silicet8 Intellectus. 2.s quem vocat spiritum sanctum) à p. ° et a patre simul processit, et eis consubstantialis et nihilo ab eis distinctus praeterquam hoc uno quod non sit ille, hoc est nec genitor, nec genitus. Contra hoc est quia om­ nium Theologorum consensu spiritus sanctus differt à patre, et filio per relationem oppositam silicei processionem, quae est opposita spirationi, activae, et est quid positivum constituens personam spiri­ tus sancti.

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3. De Filio Dei falsa, et impropriè dicta In lib. x. Panarchias fol. 23. pag. i. coi. i. Moyses autem d / / ait Deum dixisse fiat Lux verbum silicei Dei lucens.f Haec expiatio8 per­ vertit sacrum textum, et sanam fidem, p.° nam ibi Moysis tractat de productione rerum in tempore, at Verbum Dei ex utero ante Lucife-

a b c d e f s

50 51 52

In the left margin: “5? declarata”; in the right margin: “X I”. “silicet”: sic, for “scilicet”. “silicet”: sic, for “scilicet”. In the right margin: “XII”. “silicet”: sic. In the left margin: “est D. Thomae et Tertuliani p(rim)a”. “expiatio”: sic, for “explanatio”. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IV, pp. 344-45. PL 42, cols. 770-77. Is 49-53.

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rum fuit genitum, et est patri coaeternum: Item nam verbum secun­ dum fidem genitum dicitur non factum. Certè ecclesia in hymno, quem in diebus dominicis cantat, satis explicat, quod Lux illa pro­ ducta de qua Moyses fuerit Creatura, dicens. Lucis creator optimè, Lucem dierum proferens, primordijs lucis novae, mundi parans origi­ nem. Lib. x. Panarchias fol. 20. pag. 2. col. 2* Productio autem ea (loqui­ tur de productione, qua Pater aeternus producit filium) vel intra, vel ad extra fuit? Respondet. Utrumque. Haec propositio est damnanda, quia contra communem sensum Theologorum, et contra veritatem, nàmque producitur filius per actionem ineffabilem immanentem, et est verbum productum per illam consubstantiale suo Productori Unige­ nitus, qui est in sinu Patris etc. Unde est productio ad intra, non ad extrà. Lib. 16. Panarchias fol. 33. pag. 2. coi. l. b Duitas, scilicet / / ab uno producta, quae cum eo triadem facit etc. si velit dicere, quod pater producendo filium, produxit Dualitatem, est haeresis, nam filius est simplicissimus in essentia, et in persona unus. Dicere 2.°, quod filius faciat cum patre triadem, est haeresis, nam Trinitas postulat tres per­ sonas. 4. De Patre aeterno affirmat subsequenda Lib. 12. Panarchias fol. 26. pag. 2. coi. 2.c Ideae non sunt in patre, sed sunt ubi p. ° Idearum nomen, acquirunt unitates illae. Et infra fol. sequenti pag. 1. col. 1. ponit quatuor genera Idearum iuxta sententiam Platonisf Si author iste hac sua doctrina, velit sentire, quod id quod in re ipsa est Idea, non est in mente divina loquitur contra fidem. Unde Augustinus, adductus à S(anc)to Thoma q. 3. de verit(at)e art. p.° in p.° arg.,53 sed contra asserit. Infedelis est qui negat Ideas esse in mena b c d

53

In the left margin: “2 a declarata”; in the right margin: “XIII”. In the left margin,: “3.a declarata”; in the right margin: “XIV”. In the left margin: “p(rim)a”, crossed out, and “Zoroa”; in the right margin: “XV”. In the margin: “Plat, mutila”. Thomas Aquinas 1973-1975:1, p. 100.

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te divina, si autem velit dicere, quod ista vox Idea non proprie / / con­ venit rationibus illis aeternis existentibis in mente divina Patris, est te­ merarius, nam loquitur contra Patres et contra Doctores scholasticos, qui conformiter id admittunt. Lib. 16. Panarchias fol. 33. pag. 2. Pater aeternus non est Intellec­ tualis sed IntelligibilisP Haec propositio vel est haeresis, vel commentum aliquod temera­ rium, ac ineptum contra communem modum sentiendi et dicendi. August, tot. lib. 14. de Trinitate545 probat, quòd homo specialiter sit dictus, factus ad imaginem Dei, eo quòd assimilatur illi in gradu In­ tellectualitatis. Et ex illo p(rim)ae Ioannis 3.055 Cum apparuerit, simile ei erimus quia videbimus eum, sicuti est, colligit quod operatio, per quam magis assimilatur Deo, est, quòd sit Intellectualis, ergo, gradus Intellectualitatis, cui respondet haec operatio est Deo maximè pro­ prius. Ibidem sunt autem haec non de Patre Deo intelligenda etc.b Videli­ cet, quod sit productor aliorum Intellectuum et quòd sit p.° sibi dein­ de alijs intelligibilis. Certè negare de patre, quod sit productor Intel­ lectuum, est contra illud Credo in Deum patrem omnipotentem Creatorem Coeli, et Terrae / / e t contra illud Pater meus usque modo operatur, et ego operor. Pag(in)a 2.a ibi multis conatur probare, quod pater non est Intellec­ tus^ Peto ab isto. Intellectus est in Patre? si concedat (nam alias hae­ reticus) peto rursus, est accidens in patre Intellectus vel essentialis perfectio? p(rimu)m non potest concedi, esset enim absurda haere­ sis, ergo si essentialis perfectio, praedicabitur verè de Patre, si enim pater est sua, bonitas, sua potentia sua sapientia, cur non est suus In­ tellectus?

* In the left margin: “2.11 Zoroastr”; in the right margin: “XVI”. b In the left margin: “3.“ Zoroa. mutilata”; in the right margin: “XVII”. c In the left margin: “4“ Zoroa. declarata”; in the right margin: “XVIII”. 54 55

Augustinus 1968, pp. 421-459. I Io 3: 2.

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5. De Trinitate falsò et impropriè dicta Lib. xi. Panarchias fol. 23 in fin. lib. et quoniam bi tres unum sunt in sua unione, et suo profundo quaternarium comprehendunt etc? Ista sententia quaternitatem colligens ex Trinitate personarum ut essentiae unitate videtur haeretica, nam fides Trinitatem docet, non quaternitatem, et unitas essentiae in personis tribus non multiplicat numerum ternarij cum sit idem prorsus cum ipsis tribus personis. Lib. X. Panarchiasb in fine probat dari 2.m et 3.m principium et con­ cludit dari tria principia Et lib. 18. Panarchias fol. 40. pag. 1. Nam si tres sunt productores, et omnis productor producit sibi simile, necessa­ rium fuit, has Patri illas Filio, istas vero spiritui sancto, esse similes,c Haec omnia pugnant cum fide. In Concilio Lateranensi p.° in prin­ cipio5657diffinitur sanctam Trinitatem esse Creatricem rerum omnium. Cap. firmiter de summa Trinit. diffinitur indivisam habere virtutem, et esse unum universorum principium, ergo qui dicit tres personas, esse tria principia et quòd inter Creaturas istae uni personae corre­ spondent illae illi non rectè loquitur. In Concilio Tolet(an)o .5.057 et xi.58 difinitur quòd opera Trinitatis ad extra sunt indivisa, et insepara­ bilia. Rursus est celebre Axioma inter Catholicos Theologos in divinis omnia sunt unum ubi, non obviat relationis oppositio, sed in virtute, qua creant, et operantur divinae personae ad extra non est relationis oppositio, ergo. Ultimo Athanasius in Symbolo,59 et cum eo ecclesia fatetur, Non tres Dij non tres Domini, ergo non tres Creatores, neque tres Productores.

a b c

56

In the left margin: “i. mutilata”; in the right margin: “XIX”. In the left margin: “2 declarata”; in the right margin: “XX”. In the left margin: “declarata”.

Mansi, 22, cols. 981-984. Mansi, 10, cols. 653-58. 58 Mansi, 11, cols. 130-153. 59 See Athanasius, Expositio fidei, in PG 25, cols. 199-208, the so-called Athanasian Creed, the date and authorship of which is still debated. 57

51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

6. De Rerum productione multa non tolleranda P(rim)a insinuat saepe non omnia creata fuisse creata a tribus perso­ nis/ veluti ab uno indivisibili principio. Hoc est contra fidem ut colligi­ tur ex abductis supra, propositione 2.a praecedenti.1’ Dicit enim lib. xi. Panarchias fol. 23. coi. 2. loquens de filio, ut proximus esset Conditor eorum quae extra profundum debebant producis lib. 16. fol. 33. Sunt autem haec, non de patre Deo intelligenda etc. nimirum quod sit pro­ ductor aliorum Intellectuum lib. 18. fol. 39. mentis respondere, alias Patri, alias Filio, alias spiritui sancto, ut supra dictum est. 2.° fuit error Platonicorum, quod Deus a principio creavitd Crearitase quasdam, et per ipsas naturas corporeas ita quòd immediatè ipse Deus non omnia creavit a principio. Ita refert S(anc)tus Thomas in epist(ol)a ad Colo. lett. 4.60 Hunc errorem tenuit Plato in Thymeo. Angelos, quos ipse vocat Deos secundos ex praecepto Dei condidisse alia praeter ani­ mum hominis, et Arriani postea dixerunt ab una praestantiss(im)a Creatura reliquas esse conditas. Conformiter ad errorem istum si non in re, in modo loquendi alia dicit, vel ego / / ipsum non percipio, lib. 12 Panarchias fol. 26. pag. 2. col. 1. loquens de quibusdam Ideis, et natu­ ris, quas ipse fingit, quod superiores sunt causae succedentium. Infra unitas haec opifex harum unitatum. Deinde istae unitates idest Ideae alia de se producunt. Lib. 3.° Panarchias fol. 53. pag. i.f A mente unum Animum esse pro­ ductum, a quo cum reliqui veniant in eos omnes animos habitare necesse est etc. quod expraesse in libris de mystica philosophia de quibus erit peculiaris Censura. Lib. 6. Pancosmias fol. 81. pag. l. g à Deo proculdubio et ex Deo ijs ‘ In the left margin: “ficta”; in the right margin: “XXI”. b In the left margin: “(Prim)o 2a ”. c In the margin: “declarata”. d In the left margin: “Plat, declarata”; in the right margin: “XXII”. ‘ “Crearitas”: sic, possibly for “Creaturas”. 1 In the left margin: “Zoroa. 3.a declarata”; in the right margin: “XXIII”. 8 In the left margin: “declarata”; in the right margin: “XXIV”. 60 In the edition of Aquinas’ works by Roberto Busa, this commentary on Paul’s Letter to the Colossians is considered among the “reportationes” and “opuscula dubiae authenticitatis”. For the passage under consideration, see Thomas Aquinas 1974-1980: VI, pp. 472-80.

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modis quos antea aperuimus omnia entia, prodijsse per medias suas uni­ tates, atque Ideas per essentias per vitas, per mentes, et per mentes? Quod si in omnibus istis velit Platonicorum, vel Arrianorum senten­ tiam sequi, est haeresis contra multa testimonia sacrae scripturae. Ita 3. Haec dicit, Deus faciens omnia etc. est difinita veritas fidei in Lateran(s)i. sub Innoc(enti)o 3.° et habetur in cap. firmiter.61 3.° Insinuat quod Deus ex necessitate produxerit res ad extra!0 Quod si de necessitate absoluta accipiat, est haeresis contra illud, qui operatur omnia secundum consilium / / voluntatis suae. Quod autem insi­ nuet de necessitate Deum produxisse colligitur ex istis lib. 8. Panarchias fol. 16. pag. 2. coi. l. c Dnum tamen eas (videlicet res) de se pro­ fert bonitatis suae necessitate ad id actum etc. Et lib. 10. Panarchias fol. 20. pag. 2.d Et quia erat bonum, ex de se proferre erat necesse lib. II. Panarchias fol. 22. pag. 2.e Et omnia producere habuit necesse lib. 4. Pancosmias fol. 73.f Neque enim lux Infinita lumen infinitum potuit non emictere etc. Immo potuit et de facto produxit lumen solis fini­ tum, quia libere producit. 4°. lib. i. Pancosmias fol. 65. pag. I. 8 Antequam hic Incolumusf mundus à Deo esset fabrefactus; inanè erat, in quo vel athomi volita­ bant vel materia informis motibus inordinatis volvebatur. Ista sententia duo Insinuat, quorum alterum, est apertè contra fi­ dem scilicet, materiam non esse à Deo productam quod impugnat Athanasius (inquit Athanasius) author non est imbeccillis reperitur. S(anc)tus Ambrosius dicit fuisse errorem Platonicorum, quod Materia à Deo non fuerit producta Videndus in exameron / / cap. i.6,2 Tertulianus lib. 5. adversus Marcionem,a vocat errorem hunc sectantes haere“ “Per mentes”: repeated in the ms. b In the left margin: “ficta”; in the right margin: “XXV”. c In the left margin: “declarata”; in the right margin: “XXVI”. d In the left margin: “mutila”; in the right margin: XXVII”. e In the left margin: “mutila”. f In the left margin: “mutila”; in the right margin: XXVIII”. 8 In the left margin: “declarata”; in the right margin: “29” h “Incolumus”: sic, for “incolumis”. 61 62 63

Mansi, 22, cols. 981-84. PL 14, col. 123. Tertullianus 1954:1, pp. 663-665.

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ticos materiarios. Involvit doctrina authoris aliud contra patres, silicet3 quod de facto fuerit in principio materia sine forma. Dicit Basii, hom. 2. in exameron64 pugnare cum scripturis, eos, qui existimant praeces­ sisse tempore materiam formas omnes. Item in Lateranensi Concilio65 dicitur Deus ab initio temporis, utramque de nihilo condidit Creatu­ ram spiritualem, et corporalem visibilem, et invisibilem, ergo non praecesserat ista materia informis neque illud Athomorum commen­ tum. In lib. 21./oZ. 46f dicit Mundus creatus est, non in initio temporis non in tempore. Et subdit. Quo loco mirari licet magnos Theologos, in hanc sententiam pedibus ivisse mundum in principio temporis fuisse creatum. Certè in hac doctrina Author iste prodit imperitiam suam ac prae­ sumptiosam quamdam arrogantiam. Nam si Theologi magni, ita lo­ quuntur, cur ipse non illorum sententiae acquievit si modum quo tempus incipit ignorabat videlicet quod incipit tempus per instans / / extrinsecum, quod Philosophi dicunt ultimum non esse in quo est ve­ rum dicere. Nunc tempus non est, et immediatè post hoc erit. In illo nunc incepit mundus. Cur non timuit à sententia Theologorum rece­ dere, cum Theologi habeant pro se decretum Concili] lateranen(sis). Deus ab initio temporis utramque de nihilo condidit Creaturam. Ha­ bent etiam pro se sacrum textum Gen. p.° in principio Creavit Deus Coelum, et terram. In principio temporis explicat Ambrosius p.° Exameron. cap. 6.66 Aug. 12. confessionum cap. 20.67 Basil, hom. p(rim)a Exameron.68 S(anc)tus Thom. p.p. q. 46. ar. 3.69 In lib. 13 Pancosmias tenet unum tantum esse caelum! certè nescio, qua ratione discedit vir iste a trita, et communi sententia Philosopho“ “silicet”: sic. In the left margin: “declarata”; in the right margin: “30”. c In the left margin: “declarata physica”; in the right margin: “31”. b

64 65 66 67 68 69

Basilius 1950,11.2, pp. 142-148. Mansi, 22, cols. 981-984. PL 14, cols. 143-47. Augustinus 1981, pp. 230-231. Basilius 1950,13, pp. 96-100. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IV, pp. 483-84.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSVRAE PROHIBITIONS

rum, et Theologorum, praesertim, cum habeant pro se scripturas sa­ cras. In ps. 148.70 Laudate eum Coeli Coelorum, et aquae, quae super Coelos sunt. Paul 2.ae Corint. cap. 12.71 dicit se raptum usque ad 3.um Coelum. De Christo canit Ecclesia, qui ascendens super omnes Coe­ los. Theodoretus q. II. in genesim 72 qui non credit 2 m esse Coelum, 139r semitam rectam transgreditur. Basilius / / hom. 3. in gen.73 Affirmat secundum scripturam , non duos tantum esse coelos, cum Paulus dixerit se raptum ad 3.um Philastrius in Cathalogo haeresum 74 comme­ m orat haeresim quorundam ambigentium de coelorum multitudine, et diversitate. Q uod si forte deceptus fuit author iste, legens Chrisostomum, qui hom. 4. in gen.75 videtur unum tantum Coelum statuere, legat s(anc)tum Thomam p.p. q. 68.76 Illum interpraetantem . Lib. 17. Pancosmias fol. 103. pag. 1. coi. 2.a ait quod Terram revolvi longe videtur esse rationi consonantius, quam Coelum, vel suprema astra moveri. E t refert sententiam Nicolai Copernici dicentis Coelum syderum stare simul cum stellis, Terram vero moveri.77 In hac doctrina duo sunt falsa, et contra sacras literas videlicet ter­ ram revolvi. 2.m Coelos praesertim suprema astra non moveri, omitto quae adducit Arist. 2.° de Coelo tex. 90.78 ad probandam stabilitatem terrae sed in ps. 92.79 Eirmavit Deus orbem terrae, qui non commove­ bitur; et id ipsum metaphorice insinuavit David ps. 74.80 Ego confir­ m avi columnas eius. ps. 103.81 fundasti terram super stabilitatem suam, non inclinabitur in saeculum saeculi .1. Paralipo. cap. 16.82 a

70 71 72 75 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

In the left margin: “declarata physica”; in the right margin: “32”. Ps 148: 4. II Cor 12:2. PG 80, cois. 91-92. Basilius 1950, III.3, pp. 196-202. Philastrius 1721, pp. 179-81. PG 53, cois. 39-48. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: V, pp. 172-73. Copernicus 1543 and 1566. Aristoteles 1562-1574: V, fols. 58v-59v. Ps 92: 1. Ps74:4. Ps 103:5. I Par 16: 30.

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Deus fundavit orbem immobilem. In initio Ecclesiaste 83 Terra autem in aeternum stat. Q uod autem Coeli m oveantur/ probari potest p.° nam est sententia Theologorum, quod coelorum motus cessabit / / i n die Iudicij, et col­ ligunt, ex illo Apoc. IO84 quo loco iurat Angelus, quod tempus non erit amplius ac quod tempus non potest cessare, nisi cessante motu coeli: et ex illo Isayae cap. 60.85 neque occidit ultra sol tuus, et luna tua non minuetur. De sole apertè habetur in initio Ecclesiastae86 quod movetur, oritur sol, et occidet, et ad locum suum revertitur, ibique renascens gyrat per meridiem, et flectitur ad Aquilonem. 8.a A it quod Astra vivunt, immò quod habent Intellectum,b ita in lib. 12. Pancosmias fol. 91. pag. 1. et 2. lib. 17. fol. 104. pag. 2. dicit sydera et stellas esse praeditas animo, mente et intellectu et fol. 102. Dicere quod Astra et sydera vivant, et intellectu polleant est contra sententiam communem receptam apud patres.c Basil, hom. 3. in gen.8/ Ambr. lib. p.° Exameron cap. 4.88 Cirillus lib. 2. contra Iulianum,89 dicit opinionem Platonis quod astra vivant christianis, et Philosophis adversa­ ri. Damascenus, tenet etiam partem negativam veluti certum dogma christinae disciplinae lib. 2. cap. 6.90 Hiero. Epist. 19. ad Avitum91 inter errores Origenis numerat quod strad sol, et luna et alia sint animata et 13. comment, in Isayam92 eplicans6 illud Iayae1 45.93 Manus meae teten­ derunt Coelos, et omni militiae eorum ego praecepi etc. dicit.

a

In the left margin: “physica declarata”; in the right margin: “33”. b In the left margin: “declarata physica”; in the right margin: “34”. c In the left margin: “controversa”. d “stra”: sic, for “astra”. e “eplicans”: sic. 1 “Iayae”, sic, for “Isayae”. 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93

Ecl 1: 4. Ape 10: 5. Is 60: 20. Ecl 1:5. Basilius 1950, III.9, pp. 234-38. PL 14, cols. 139-42. Cyrillus Alexandrinus 1985,11.53-56, pp. 310-18. PG 74, col. 885; Iohannes Damascenus 1955, p. 83. PL 22, col. 1062. Hieronymus 1963, pp. 507-10. Is 45: 12. See also Hieronymus 1963, pp. 753-55.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

i40r

140v

Ex verbis istis aliqui acceperunt occasionem errandi putantes quod astra rationalia sint, sanctus Bonaventura in 2. dis. 14.94 dicit opinio­ nem dicentium astra esse animata esse falsam, et erroneam, Tandem si astra intellectu, et ratione vigent cur non possunt coli, et venerari? At Deus praecepit Deut. 4.95 Nè forte elevatis oculis ad Coelum vi­ deas solem, et lunam, et omnia astra, et errore deceptus adores ea, et colas, quae creavit Dominus Deus tuus in ministerium cunctis genti­ bus, quae sub coelo sunt. 9.a Impugnat divisionem celebrem substantiae in materiam, formam,3 et compositum, et ait inter alia formam esse accidens. Ita lib. 13. Panarch. fol. 28. pag. 2. Non impugnasset illam celebrem divisionem author iste, si fortassis mysterium incarnationis considerasset, in quo secundum fidem verbum assumpsit naturam, materiam, et formam hominis, non tamen assumpsit hominem idest suppositum. Item quando homo generat hominem generat, et non materiam neque ani­ mam rationalem sed compositum. 2.m dictum quod forma quae est pars substantiae sit accidens est error et erroris grandis seminarium. Hinc enim sequeretur posse concedi, quòd dictis verbis consecrationis a / / sacerdote maneret forma panis, quod tamen est contra fidem nam affirmat Concilium Trid. sess. 13. cap. 4. et can. 2.96 fieri conver­ sionem totius substantiae panis in Corpus christi. quod tamen sequa­ tur iste error, ex doctrina prava istius probatur, nam iste docet, quòd forma est accidens sed accidentia panis remanent post consecratio­ nem, Id enim, quod convertitur, est substantia, ergo remaneret forma si accidens est. Dicit extra M undunf esse spatium quoddam infinitum quod imple­ tur Lumine stellarum, et planetarum, et tale lumen extendi in infini­ tum. Ita lib. 8. Panaugiae fol. 18 et lib. 9. fol. 2O.C Ait hoc lumen, quod in infinitum protenditur esse corpus, et hoc vocat Coelum empyreum.

“ In the left margin: “physica”; in the right margin: “35”. In the left margin: “physica”; in the right margin: “36”. c In the left margin: “physica”; in the right margin: “37”.

b

94 95 96

Bonaventura 1882-1889: II, pp. 347-50. Dt 4: 19. Mansi, 39, cols. 82 and 84.

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51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

Idem, quòd sit infinitum lib. 4. Pancosmias lib. 7. fol. 81.a dicit hoc lum en in fin itu m esse anim atum lib. 9. fol. 85.b inquit quòd Coelum empyreum sit ad extra infinitum ad intra finitum. Hoc est somniare per altissimas tenebras, et à via communi declinan­ do in praecipitia ruere, nam cum Deus opt. Max. omnia in pondere, numero, et mensura produxerit, nullum infinitum corpus actù dari // nullamque rerum subsistentium multitudinem actù infinitam omnes vi­ ri fatentur. De Coelo empyreo consulat Patres, et sanctum Thomam. l l a . Lib. 4. Panarchias/o/. 7. pag. 2. d icit c essentia u niuscuiusque rei est ex istentia in actu. Peto tunc, est ne de essentia rei creatae existere actù, sicut, et ultima differentia? Si admictat, quomodo igitur Patres, et sacri Doctores explicantes illud exodi 3.97 Ego sum qui sum, dicunt hoc Deo esse proprium, quod illius esse, est sua essentia ita quod im­ plicat, non esse, non fuisse, non fore, et quòd inter esse illius, et es­ sentiam, nulla prorsus est compositio? Insinuat quod Bruta habeant Intellectum lib. p.° Pamphsychias3 fol. 50. At si ita sentiat audiat sacrum vatem, Nolite fieri sicut Equus, et Mulus, in quibus non est Intellectus. Lib. 12. Panarchias fo l. 41. d icit p er fid e m nam que iustificabim ur. e His temporibus addere oportuisset. Per fidem vivam. Lib. 5.° Panarchiae fol. 13. T enebrae su n t entia vera p ositiva e t si pertinacius p riva tion es con ten d an tu r. { Augustinus lib. contra Epistolam fundamenti cap. 32. et haeresi 46.98 refert quod Manichei insipienter putarunt // tenebras esse, quoddam elementum in Regno Principis mali. Ego vellem diceret vir iste, quo m od o v o cetu r om n im oda carentia lucis, si ten eb ra e tu n c sic, sed omnimoda carentia est privatio ergo. a

In the left margin: “physica”; in the right margin: “38”. In the left margin: “physica”; in the right margin: “39”. c In the left margin: “controversa”; in the right margin: “40”. d In the left margin: “ficta”; in the right margin: “41”. ' In the left margin: “correcta”; in the right margin: “42”. f In the left margin: “physica”; in the right margin: “43”.

b

97 98

Ex 3: 14. Augustinus, Contra Epistolam Manichaei quam vocant Fundamenti, in PL 42, cois. 197-

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Lib. 26. Pancosmias fol. 132. aita quòd Terra non est rotunda, quo modo ergo salvabitur quod toties scriptura dicit orbis terrae, et Iayaeb 4 6 ." Q ui sedet super gyrum Terrae. Censura in lib. de mystica Philosophia In ultimo ferè loco libros 14. apponit, quos de mystica philosophia nuncupat. Hos author iste tanti aestimat, ut in titulo librorum dicat, Ingens divinae sapientiae Thesaurus. In epistola dedicatoria ad Ill.mum Cardinalem Federicum Borrom eum 100 postquam illi congratulatus est quod ad Platonicos transierit sub his verbis (Divina quadam te du­ cente Minerva Platonicus effectus es hoc est Philosophus divinus, et in divinitate pronus) tractans de commendatione, ac laudibus huius misticae philosophiae dicit. Sed quo te vel magis ad divinò ph ilo­ sophandum invitarem vel in eo studio magis confirmarem, ordini no142r stro, et // capitibus illis praeposui librum ingentem, et qualem vix ul­ la tulit aetas, sed ignotum, et paucis visum, Mysticam aegyptiacam si­ mul, et babiloniam hoc est Chaldaycam philosophiam , quam olim Plato clarioribus et auctioribus discipulis in archanis praelegere est solitus, et quam Aristoteles ab ore eius exceptam literis mandavit. H aec igitur partim tuo iussu aedita partim à mea, quam ab initio dixi tui admiratione et veneratione profecta et in publicum aedita tua be­ nignitate amplectere, et me ab obtrectatoribus protege.101 Q ui ista legerit, et statim hanc misticam philosophiam immd pessi­ mam, et haeresibus scatentem consideravent doctrinam, non video, qua via, poterit plene excusare virum istum; nam si quis doctrinam Lutheri haeresibus plenam, quam ipse Lutherus suis domesticis secta­ toribus secretò tradere solitus fuisset in lucem vellet modo aedere, et sine ulla prorsus confutatione veluti obsequium grande, illam laudi­ bus summis extollens viro alicui catholico offeret, ac dicaret quid a b

In the left margin: “physica”; in the right margin: “44”. “Iayae”: sic, for “Isayae”. 99

Is 40: 20. The dedicatory letter sketched Federico Borromeo s biography and, as the Censor highlighted, praised his Platonism. See also BlOGR. 101 “Sed quo (...) literis mandavit” and “Haec igitur (...) obtrectatoribus protege” are lit­ eral quotes. 100

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possemus coniectari de homine talia faciente? At / / Author iste inquit hanc misticam philosophiam esse Thesaurum ingentem divinae sa­ pientiae, esse doctrinam traditam à Platone suo (quem ipse divinum vocat) occultò clarioribus suis discipulis. Fatetur Rursus se illam ad Card. Ill.mum fide ac pietate pollentem transmittere, ut illum excitet vel confirmet in amore philosophiae. Et quae sunt ista quae habentur in Thesauro isto? Impia profecto dogmata contra fidem. P(rimu)m quod Animae quae sunt in Brutis peccando recesserunt à mundo superiori, et in illis corporibus sunt reclusa. 2. m quòd quando brutum moritur non corrumpitur animus illius quoad substantiam lib. p.° cap. 2. et 3.° 3. ” Intellectus agens productus à Deo dicitur verbum creatum, Istus verbum creatum est causa causarum influit animae rationali Universisque substantijs positis post principem mentem, producit In­ tellectum et animam rationalem. De hoc videatur cap. ult(imu)m lib. ult(im)i ubi sic dicit Creavit autem Deus p.° substantiam unicam vide­ licet intellectum / / agentem cui infudit lumen fulgens omnium Crea­ turarum prae excellentissimum, qui Intellectus agens proximus est il­ li. Perque istud medium creatus est orbis supernus constans ex Intelligentijs et animabus. videatur etiam cap. 12.102 eiusdam libri. 4. m in lib. 13. cap. 6. Intellectum agentem vocat principium alio­ rum Creatorem, et conservatorem.3 5. m in lib. 7. cap. l. b dicit animam rationalem praefuisse antequam corpori infunderetur, liquisse mundum superiorem ut posteriorem gubernaret ac regeret. 6. m in eodem lib. cap. 10. dicit animam deseruisse statum aeterno­ rum, ut assequeretur Mundum sensibilem, et quod propter peccatum commissum discenderit in Mundum inferiorem. De absurditate horum errorum non arbitror opus esse multa affer­ re, ipsa enim se prodit. Potest videri Castro lib. de haeresibus verbo anima.103 a b

In the margin: “4.m In the margin: “5. ”

102 103

See Patrizi 1591, liber XIII, cap. 7, f. 36ra. Castro 1555, fols. 99r-112v.

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Q uod si A uthor vel alius illius nomine respondeat quod ipse non assentitur his haeresibus, si ita est, cur igitur opus ità mire commenI43v dat in quo tot Impietates contra / / fidem saepe inculcantur? Ad quid librum (ut ipse dicit) nondum visum in lucem aedidit, in quo contra fidem tot statuuntur? C ur ipse si aliorum sententias enarrabat tam­ quam Catholicus non ex professo impugnavit, et confutavit sed prae­ missa laude totius operis, nec ullum verbum contra illas protulit? Cum tamen in Lateranensi Concilio sub Leone X. sess. 8.104 iussum sit, ut cum Philosophus aliquis explanaverit philosophorum principia aut conclusiones in quibus à recta fide deviare noscuntur teneatur om ni conatu veritatem religionis christianae m anifestam facere ac omni studio huiusmodi Philosophorum argumenta, (cum omnia solu­ bilia sint) pro viribus excludere atque resolvere, si dicat Apposita est in fine librorum quaedam brevis Censura circa errores supradictos. Vidi illam, sed placeret vidisse in libris illis verbum Authoris, quo ipse tamquam ex propri] s errores illos reijceret atque dam naret iuxta praeceptum Concili], sed in omni Censura habentur verba ista scho­ lium iussù eiusdem idest fratris Iacobi de Lugo Magistri appositum. I44r Si tandem author respondeat se in multis quae hic / / tam quam falsa damnantur, bonum sensum, ac sanam mentem retinuisse at fortassis in m odo dicendi fuisse lapsum m em inerit, illius sententiae, quam schola Theologorum veluti à Hieronymo prolatam accipit, ex verbis inordinatè prolatis incurritur haeresis. Item audiat S. Thomam qui .3. p. q. 16. art. 8.105 dicit Cum haereticis nec nomina debemus habere communia. Si in nominibus non debemus communicare, quanto mi­ nus in sententijs integris. S(anc)tus Paulus ad Rom. 15.106 dicebat una­ nimes uno ore honorificemus Deum, id est una fidei confessione ita explicat S. Thom as 107 et p(rim)ae ad Corinth. p.° dicit Apostolus. Id ipsum dicamus omnes et non sint in vobis schismata.108 Si igitur scho­ la Theologorum loquitur uno m odo et ab illa petenda est phrasis legi-

104

Mansi, 32, cois. 842-843. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: XI, p. 211. 106 Rm 15: 6. 107 Cf. Thomas on Paul’s Letter to the Romans, in Thomas Aquinas 1974-1980: V, pp. 492-95. 108 I C o rl: 10. 105

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tima in rebus Theologicis, ac supernaturalibus, quo titulo privatus homo, (qui Theologiam non est professus) audebit, non solum in consultis Theologicis res altissimas Theologiae aggredi, sed contra il­ los insurgere irridere illos, et locutiones introducere falsas fidei con­ trarias dissonas im proprias inusitatas?// Audiat quid dixerit Augusti­ nus olim Platoni deditus in ps. 103.109 circa verba illa De medio petra­ rum dabunt vocis etc. M odo si dicam vobis Credite, hoc enim dixit Cicero, hoc dixit Plato, hoc dixit Pithagoras, quis vestrum non irride­ bit me, ero enim Avis quae non de petra emicto vocem meam. Quid mihi unusquisque vestrum debet dicere? H oc debet dicere qui sic in­ structus est. Si quis vobis evangelizaverit praeterquam quod accepi­ stis, anathema sit. Q uid mihi dicis de Platone, et de Cicerone habes ante te petras M ontium, De medio petrarum da mihi vocem tuam. Intelligit autem D octor egregius sub illa voce petrarum scriptores sa­ cros, et sacrae scripturae textus. Et in ps. 14 [0], in illa verba.110 A b­ sorb sunt iuncti petrae Iudices eorum etc. sic habet. Dixit hoc Pitha­ goras. dixit hoc Plato. Adiunge illos petrae, compara authoritatem il­ lorum authoritati evangeli], compara inflatos Crucifixo. Dicamus eis vos literas vestras conscripsistis in cordibus superborum , ille crucem suam fixit in cordibus / / Regum postrem o m ortuus est, et resurrexit. Mortui estis, et m odo quaerere quom odo resurgatis. Haec sunt, quae animadvertenda ludico circa propositiones aliquas à libro Patricij extractas, et mihi traditas et quae pro illorum consumatione excogitavi. Q uapropter iudico vel librum omnino prohiben­ dum, vel à Theologis Catholicis accuratissimè expurgandum ut in lu­ cem possit prodire; Nam fortassis sunt, et multa alia quae correctione aegeant, subm ictendo me, ac omnia ecclesiae sanctae correctioni, et Maiorum Censurae. fr. Barthol(omeu)s de M iranda 111

109

Ps 103: 12. See Augustinus’ commentary in PL, 36, In Psalmum 138, Ennaratio, sermo

1 ,18. 110

Ps 140: 6. See Augustinus’ commentary in PL, 36, In Psalmum 140, Ennaratio, sermo ad populum, 19. 111 Bartolomé de Miranda; BlOGR.

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2 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 7 November 1592) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 58r112

58r

(...) Die 7 .a Novembris Cong(regati)o habita apud Card.lem Veronensem ubi interfuerunt omnes cum Magistro Sacri Palatij et Petro Morino. Admissus fuit in Cong(regatio)ne Franciscus Patritius, ut sui operis rationem redderet paratus retractare errata.

3 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 14 November 1592) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, fols. 58v-59r

58v

59r

(...) Die 14.a Novembris Cong(regati)o habita apud Card. Marcum Ant(oniu)m Colum­ nam 113 ubi interfuerunt omnes cum Magistro Sacri Palati]'. (...) Decretum quod in Indice reponatur Augustini Eugubini Cosmopaeia cum clausula nisi fuerit ex emendatis et impressis Venetiis 1591. Et admissus inter Consultores R. P. Frater Vincentius Magis114 Theologus Card. Terrae Novae115 et auditus Patritius pro sui operis expurg(atio)ne et Censura.

112

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 167. Marcantonio Colonna; BlOGR. 114 This Consultor is not mentioned on other lists of Consultors composed in the 1590s. He is not to be confused with Vincenzo Sirti, Consultor as early as 19 September 1592; see ch. The Organization of the Index, doc. VII.4, fol. 52r. 115 Simone Tagliavia de Aragon; Biogr . 113

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51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

4 Francesco Patrizi to Girolamo Bernieri, Card, of Ascoli, in Rome (Rome, 4 December 1592) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (II.a.8), fols. 486r, 489v116 (autograph)

Ill.mo e R.mo mio S.re Colendissimo

486r

M’è stato detto, che non ostante, la mia correttione data117 a V. S. ill.ma e R.ma e offertomi di emendare tutto il libro mio, si persiste di volerlo mettere nell’indice donec expurgetur. Non mi pare ciò credi­ bile, poi che io tuttavia lo vo espurgando. E la settimana che viene lo darò espurgato tutto. Pero la supplico, a non volere darmi questa per­ petua infamia di metterlo in su l’indice, sendo io prontiss(im)o ad obedire a quel Santiss(im)o Tribunale. Sarei venuto io stesso a suppli­ carla, ma questo mal tempo me ne spaventa. Le bacio humilm(en)te le manj e me le raccom(an)do in Gratia. Dì casa, alli 4 decembre 1592 Di V. S. Ill m a e R ma Divotiss0 Store Frane0 Patricio Congregatio censuit nullam esse iniuria Oratori quando Viri illo in­ signiores reponuntur in Indice cum nota Repurgationis. Die V De­ cembris 1592,a Die V Decembris Lectum fuit et conclusum quod nulla sit iniuria cum Nota Repurgationis adnumerari inter Viros Insignioresb

" “Congregatio (...) 1592”: annotation. “Die V (...) Insigniores”: annotation.

b

116 117

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 167. Probably, the Apologia', see Gregory 1955.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

5 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 5 Decem ber 1592) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, £. 61r-v118

6 ir

(...) Die 5.a Decembris

C ongregatilo habita apud Card. Veronensem ubi excepto Card. M arco Ant(oni)o interfuerunt omnes cum Magistro Sacri Palati). 61v (...) Decretum quod Patritius reponatur in Indice cum tot viri illo insigniores reponantur quamvis supplicaret non adscribi in novo In ­ dice.

6 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 12 Decem ber 1592) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 62r119

62r

(...) Die 12 ,a Decembris Cong(regati)o habita apud Card. Columnam ubi interfuerunt reli­ qui excepto C ard. 11 A scanio 120 et C ard. 11 M ontis Regalis 121 qui post praecedentem Cong(regatio)nem infirmatus obijt, Abfuit etiam Magi­ ster Sacri Palatij. A uditus Patritius pro Censura suorum operum quae a M agistro Sac. Pai. erit approbanda et decretum quod in Indice reponatur cum clausula prout habes.

118 119 120 121

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 168. Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 168. Ascanio Colonna; BlOGR. Vincenzo Lauro; BlOGR.

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51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

7 Francesco Patrizi, Emendatio in libros suae novae philosophiae (Rome, [before Christmas 1592]) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (II.a.13), fols. 371r-374r122 (autograph)

Emendatio Francisci Patricij in libros suae novae philosophiae123 In titulo delevi illud Tota divinitas124 Epistolam totam ad Gregorium XIIII125 Summum Pontificem de­ traxi, et reliquas omnes quae displicebant, aut displicere poterant et praesertim illam ad Card.lem Ill.m Borromeum126 Locum Alberti Magni delevi totum, et reposui. Recentior quidam excogitavit. Cap. I de Deo. Priorem locum ita emendavi. Unum scilicet. Non est intellectus qui mult[itudin]em patiatur, quia et intellectus, et intel­ lectio est simul et intelligibile. Non vita quae motione interna constet, et sit in alia essentia. Non ens, tale, qualia entia alia sunt. Sed [super] haec omnia est et eorum omnium est principium. Secundum locum, ita correxi. Si temporis non est particeps, neque fuit, neque est, neque erit temporarium. Haec enim temporis sunt praeteriti, presentis, et futuri. Quod si ita neque fuit neque est, neque erit, temporalis essentiae omnis expers est; Et ens et esse tale ei non convenit. Neque potest de eo dici Est, temporale. Si de eo, Est, tale [nequit] dici, neque poterit de eo dici, unum temporale est. Esset enim iam Ens et duo Unum scilicetens. Si ens tale non est etc. 122

Published in Kristeller 1973. Notice that Patrizi’s corrections are a response to Saragoza’s censura. 124 Patrizi 1591: “Deinde nova quadam ac peculiari methodo tota in contemplationem venit divinitas”. 125 Niccolò Sfondrati, Pope from 5 December 1590 to 16 October 1591; BlOGR. 126 Sections of Patrizi 1591 contained dedicatory letters to the Cardinals Federico Bor­ romeo, Vincenzo Laureo (Card. Mons Regalis, that is, Mondovi), Gabriele Paleotti, Scipione Gonzaga, Paolo Emilio Sfondrati, Agostino Valier, Ippolito Aldobrandini (the future Pope Clement VIII), Scipione Lancilotto, Enrico Caetani, and Girolamo della Rovere. To Federico Borromeo, Patrizi dedicated the section Mystica Aegyptorum et Chaldaeorum. In the 1593 edition, only the letters to Paleotti and Aldobrandini survived. 123

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Monas duo generat et duo gignit, delevi totum locum. Imo exemi totos duos libros 9.m ac 10.m quia impossibile sit philosopho, probare trinitatem esse, de qua his libris ex philosophorum sententia agebatur. 371v Itaque et prim a Monas duo generat, exempta est. Et 2 a Hac geniti in genitorum conversione. Et 3 a in f(oli)o XI delevi. Q uae quidem idea bonj Et 4 m f(oli)o 15. Sed ea conversione et preterea amore [etc.], totum delevi. E t 5 m quoque delevi, ne quid de trinitate tetigisse videar. Cap. 3 de Filio Dei p. am Moses autem ait, Deum dixisse fiat lux ver­ bum scilicet Dei lucens. Tertullianus ita exponit contra Praxean,127 et ni fallor D. Thomas. Si iubetis eam deleri, delebo. 2 a Productio autem ea. Vel ad intra vel ad extra. H aec cum libro X.° est exempta. 3 m N on delevi quia duitas dicit duo, et non unum et ita loquuntur Damascenus 128 et Nazianzenus.129 Attamen si iubetis, eam delebo. Cap. 4 de Patre. Ideae non sunt in patre. Delevi illud. N eque in pa­ tre. 2 a Pater non est intellectualis, sed intelligibilis. H aec ut iacet nullibi reperitur. A ttam en librum ubi erat 16m , to tu m exem i. Cum quo exemptae sunt etiam illae. Sunt autem haec non de patre Deo intelligenda. E t illa quod pater non est intellectus. Cap. 5 de Trinitate. p am Et quoniam hi tres unum sunt et in sua unione, et suo profundo quaternarium com prehendunt, Unum, es­ sentiam, vitam intellectum. N on delevi quia ill.mi C ard. les ore tenus eam permiserunt. Attamen si iubeant delebo. Illa quoque est cum libro [l]0. exempta, probat dari secundum et tertium principium. 127 Tertullianus 1954, pp. 1165-66 (interpretation o£Ps 2: 7 and Prov 8: 24-25 in a christological key), and 1173. 128 Iohannes Damascenus, De fide orthodoxa, in PG 94, cois. 800-802. 129 Gregorius Nazianzenus, Oratio XXXI. Theologica V, in PG 36, coi. 155A.

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Cap. 6 de rerum Productione. Ut proximus esset conditor rerum quae extra profundum debebant produci. Haec forte, bonum potest habe-//re sensum, iuxta illud, Per quem facta sunt omnia, qui et proximus est cuique nostrum, quia in eo sumus, vivimus et movemur. Et etiam quia Deus est Ubique. Attamen et hanc delebo si iubetis. 2a Sunt autem haec non de patre Deo intelligenda. Hanc cum toto libro exemi. 3a Mentes respondere alias patri etc. Hanc delevi. Fuit error Platonicorum. Nihil in re, nihil in modo loquendi simile est a me dictum. Et illa Loquens de quibusdam ideis et naturis, quas ipse fingit, quod superiores sunt causae succedentium. Forte bonum potest habere sensum. Nam Ideae, quae in mente divina sunt ex D. Aug(usti)no130 et D. Thoma,131 sunt formarum creatarum formatrices causae. Sic essentia divina essentiarum succedentium. Et vita vitarum succedentium, et intellectus divinus intellectuum succedentium. Attamen si iubetis eam delebo. 4a Item: Unitas opifex harum unitatum. Est ipse filius per quem facta sunt omnia et omnes aliae unitates creatae. Si tamen est delen­ da, eam delebo. 5 a Istae unitates idest ideae, alia de se producunt. Est sensu supe­ riore D. Thomae et Aug(usti)ni; nihilominus eam delebo si iubetis. 6a A mente unum animum esse productum. A quo cum reliqui ve­ niant, in eo omnes animos habitare est necesse.3 A mente [idest] divi­ na. Unum animum [idest] mundanum. A quo per vires, quas naturae indit in brutorum et stirpium generatione, potest dici ab uno animo mundano, omnes hos / / venire preter humanum. Et in eo habitare. Non enim extra mundum habitant. Attamen delebo si ita iubetis. 7a A Deo proculdubio et ex Deo, ijs modis, quos ante aperuimus omnia entia prodijsse, per medias suas unitates atque ideas per essen­ tias, per vitas, per mentes, per animos etc. After “necesse”: “A” crossed out. 130

Augustinus, Liber de diversis quaestionibus octoginta tribus, q. 46, in Augustinus 1975, pp. 70-73. 131 Summa theologiae, I, q. 15, a. 3, in Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IV, pp. 204-5.

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Non video quid hie sit mali. Omnia enim haec in Deo et fuere et sunt; Et ex Di. Thoma, Deus agit per ideas et per intellectum.132 Cur non etiam per essentiam, et per vitam? Et fortasse per mentes Angeli­ cas aliquid, et per animas rationales et irrationales, et vegetales, et corporea. Ita enim haec sunt ordinata, ut docet D. Dionysius l.° de Div. Noni. cap. 4.133 Attamen hoc quoque Ecclesiae correctioni sub­ mitto. Unum tamen eas de se profert bonitatis suae necessitate ad id ac­ tum. Non de necessitate absoluta, sed de bonitatis necessitate locus hic clare loquitur. Quae eadem videtur esse, cum bona voluntate Dei. Tamen et hanc submitto. Et quia erat bonum, ea de se proferre erat necesse. Sensu eodem cum superiore. Attamen et hanc submitto. Et omnia producere habuit necesse. Reticuit. Bonitas enim volun­ tatem fecit producendi. Voluntas necessitatem. Vere enim ut iama dic­ tum est, scripsit Hermes, voluntatem Dei sequitur necessitas.134 Hanc quoque submitto. Neque enim lux infinita lumen infinitum potuit non emittere. Reti­ cuit, quod sequitur. Non coacte, sed sponte sua. Attamen hanc quo­ que delebo si iubetis. Antequam hic quem incolimus mundus, a Deo esset fabrefactus, ina­ ne erat, in quo vel atomi volitabant, vel chaos volvebatur vel materia informis motibus inordinatis volutabatur. Tria haec, vel, vel, vel nihil affirmant. Deinde Chaos Hesiodi est. Atomi Democriti, materia informis Arist(otel)is et Platonis. Attamen delebo si iubetis. Mundus creatus est non initio temporis, non in tempore. D. Tho­ mas exponit, in Principio, vel temporis, vel in Filio, vel ante omnia nec primum prefert reliquis. Delebo tamen si iubetis. Sicuti delevi, quod inferebam de Theologis. Tenet unum tantum esse coelum. Cum Mose, et in acti(bus) Apoa

After “iam”: “Scriptum est” crossed out.

132 133 134

See supra. PG 3, cols. 589-93. Asclepius, 8, in Corpus Hermeticum 1946-1954: II, p. 306.

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stolorum saepe et cu m C h ry so sto m o . 135 E t h aec in te r T h eologos est controversa, nam alij d u o s, alij tres, alij cum astrologis o cto , et cum alijs astrologis novem , et decem , et cum E m p y reo . X E Q u id faciam iubete, d e le b o si vultis. Q u o d terra revolvatur, m ultis rationibus et authoritatibus phi(losophi)cis id tenuj. N on tam en dixj, eam de m edio suo et naturali loco exire. Et D. Basilius,136 eam stare dicit, si e suo loco non exit.137 E t ita salvantur om ­ nes loci ex sacris scripturis contra m e adducti. D elebo tam en si iubetis. Q u o d astra vivant et h a b e a n t in tellectu m . E x m o tu ordinatiss(im jo id dixi, et ex A rist(ote)le et P lato n e. E t ita se n se ru n t m u lti T heologi, et C a ie ta n u s, 138 et aliq u a n d o D . T h o m as u t re fe ru n t Sixtus S enensis 139 et P e re riu s. 140 Si iu b etis d e le b o et hanc. Im p u g n a t divisionem celebrem substantiae, in m ateriam form am et com positum . C um Iustino M artyre 141 id feci et A lex(and)ro A phrodiseo, et G aleno, et A chillino,142 et Sim one P o rc io 143 et alij. D elebo si iubetis. D ic it e x tra m u n d u m esse sp aciu m q u o d d a m in fin itu m , q u o d im ­ p le a tu r lu m in e stellarum . E t tale lu m e n e x te n d i in in finitum . N escio an in sacris literis sit aliquis locus h u ic co n tra riu s, a u t / / a Sacris C on- 373v cilijs au t T heologis id sen tire sit p ro h ib itu m . N a m sp aciu m illud s u ­ p ra c o e lu m , a n u llo alio c o rp o r e fin itu r. L u m e n a u te m , si o m n ia d ia p h a n a , q u a e re s is te n tia m h a b e n t c o e lu m , a e re m , a q u a m , v itra , chrystalla p e rtra n sit, v id e tu r facilius p e r ea q u a e resisten tiam nullam h a b e n t, u t in an e p e rtra n s ire posse. D e le b o h a n c etiam si iubetis. D icit essentia cuiusque rei est existentia in actu. D e hac scholastici, in u tra m q u e p a rte m d isp u ta n t, nec d e te rm in a n t. Iu b e te q u o d vultis, et o bediam . In sin u a t quod, bruta h a b ea n t in te lle c tu m . H a e c n u s q u a m in lib ro est, nec p o ssu m delere. 135

G n 1: 1; Act 4: 24; PG 53, cois. 42-43. PG 29, cois. 24-25. 137 As a matter of fact, Patrizi endorsed only the view of the daily revolution of the Earth; see Declarationes, f. 122r (doc. 13). 138 See Caietanus 1484. 139 See Sisto da Siena 1574. 140 Pereira 1591-1599. 141 See Eversio falsorum Aristotelis dogmatum, in P G 6, cols. 1491-1564. 142 See Expositio in primum Physicorum et initium secundi, in Achillini 1545. 143 See Porzio 1533. 136

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374r

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P er fid em nam que iu stificabim ur. Addidi. Vivam et veram. T enebrae su n t entia vera positiva. Hoc dixi quia Deus eas fecit su­ per faciem abyssi, et eas appellavit noctem. Et nox bona est, ut facta a Deo. nulla autem simplex privatio bona est, nec nomen a Deo sorti­ tur. Attamen quid faciam iubete. Ait q u od terra non est rotunda. Quia est montibus gibbosa vallibus concava, fundis lacuum ac marium demissa. Non tamen negavi eam esse orbem, ut in Sacris literis dicitur orbis. Nam orbis est et octaedrum et dodecaedrum et icosaedrum, tametsi non sint exacte rotun­ da. Quid faciam iubete. Has ex meo libro novae philosophiae, omnes et singulas correctio­ ni vestrae ill. mi et R.mi patres, et Sanctae Catholicae Rom(anae) Eccle­ siae submitto, Cui obedientiam humillimam p[rae] stabo semper. Quas vero in mystica philosophia pro malis adnotavit n(umer)o sex, quarum quatuor bonum, possunt habere sensum, et alias quaea in eo libro inveniam, nova prefatione lectores ex decreto SACRI CONCILIJ Lateranensis, admonebo. Similiter quidquid in Hermete Trismegisto, et in Zoroastro perpe­ ram esse dicta inveniam, patefaciam. Fran(cis}cus Patricius. Francisci Patricij/Emendatio

8 Francesco Patrizi to the Cardinals of the Congregation for the Index, in Rome (Rome, read on 23 March 1593 ) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (II.a.8), fols. 485r, 490v144 (copy)

485r

Ill.ml e Rever.ml SS.rl, Supplica Francesco Patritio che havendo egli molti giorni sono avanti Natale presentato à questo Sacratissim o Tribunale il suo libro emendato da lui e supplicato che comandassero che fosse dato a vea

“quae”: sic.

144

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 168.

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dere a persona loro confidente e intendente affinché bisognando po­ tesse anche più emendarlo, e intendendo non essere ancora stato dato a vedere a niuno. Di nuovo torna a supplicare che sia dato e riveduto quanto piu tosto sia possibile affinché si possa publicare, e racconcia­ re quelli che sono in mano del libraro. E l’haverà per grazia singolare. Pro Patritio.

490v

Die 23 martii 1593 Ad Magistrum ut committat P. Societatis [...] [...] Commisum Secretario ut nomine Congreg(ation)is R.mo Generali Societatis Iesu 145 Librum Patritij tradat ab alioq(u)o Societatis revi­ dendum, quod effectum est, et Patri Iustiniano traditus3.146

9 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 27 March 1593) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, fols. 66v-67r147

(...) Die 27. Marti)

66v

Cong(gregati)o habita apud Card. Columnam ubi interfuerunt om­ nes cum Magistro Sacri Pal(atij). (...) Decretum quod Censura in Patritij opera generali Soc(ieta)ti Iesu revidenda tradatur, qui et illam Patri Iustiniano commisit. a

“Pro Patritio (...) traditus”: annotation.

145

Claudio Acquaviva (Atri, 1543 - Rome, 1615); son of the Duke of Atri, Giovanni An­ tonio; entered the Order in 1567; taught philosophy at the Collegio Romano; cameriere segre­ to to Popes Pius IV and Pius V; Provincial of the Order in Naples and Rome; in 1585 elected General, a charge which he held till his death. 146 Benedetto Giustiniani; BlOGR. 147 Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 169.

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10 Benedetto Giustiniani, Censura of Nova de universis philosophia^9, (Rome, post 27 March, ante 3 July 1593 ) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, M (Il.a .ll), fols. 148r-151v149 (copy)

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Platonis philosophiam olim quidem magno in pretio semper habi­ tam fuisse, cum multis ac praeclaris argumentis constat, tum illo in primis, quod quam plurimi Christianae Catholicae doctrinae magistri, ac nostrae fidei praecipua ornamenta ex illius disciplina prodierunt. Nam ut omittam Dionysium Areopagitam, Iustinum, Quadratum, Athenagoram, Irenaeum, Clementem Alexandrinum, Origenem, et ut aliquem ex latinis nominem Tertullianum, Arnobium, Lactantium, Cyprianum, qui Platonis philosophiam, in Christianam Theologiam transtulisse videntur. Si quis Epiphanij, Athanasij, Basilij, Gregorij Nazianzeni, Gregorij Nisseni, Cyrilli Alexandrini, Theodoreti, Am­ brosi], Hieronymi, Hilarij, Augustini, Leonis, eorumque similium scripta, vel leviter tantum attigerit, is profecto intelliget eos omnes in Platonicae Philosophiae campis non sine fructu spatiatos quam pluri­ ma hausisse, quibus religionis ac fidei nostrae dogmata illustrari, et confirmari possent. Verum quod epist. 167. observavit S. Basilius,150 cum Plato dicendi copia et facultate valeret, dialogos ita instituit, ut habita ratione eorum quos loquentes inducit, sententiam interdum obscuram, atque ambiguam relinquat. Nonnunquam vero dum ora­ tionis lumine, ac verborum maiestatem, atque metaphoras, studiosius persequitur, veritati, quasdam veluti tenebras offundere videatur. Por­ ro qui deinceps huius philosophi placita complexi sunt, antiquam il­ lam veterum philosophorum dicendi rationem ita coluerunt, ut peri­ pateticorum animos, qui ut eodem loco admonet Basilius, pressius ac ieiunius philosophiam tradiderunt, non raro offenderent. Sive quod in multis longius à veritate aberrarent, sive quod minus proprie expli­ carent quod non pessime fortasse perciperent, ferendum id fuisset, 148 149 150

The edition used by Giustiniani is Patrizi 1591. Published in Patrizi 1993, pp. XXX-XXXVIII, from BPP, Palat. 665, fols. 44-49. Epistula 167, i.e. 135; cf. PG 32, cols. 571-74.

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aequo utcumque animo, si se deinde recentiores quidam intra philo­ sophicos terminos constituissent, ac non ea quae nobis divinitus fidei lumine illustratis tradita essent, tanquam philosophorum inventa, ac veterum Platonicorum dogmata philosophiae studiosis persuadere voluissent. Quod dum à scholastica Theologorum disciplina penitus imparati curiosius faciunt, ne illi in plurimos et gravissimos errores inciderent, sic prorsus ut vix quenquam Platonicorum legas, qui non subito de rerum effectione, de Trinitatis mysterio, ac divinarum per­ sonarum origine, constitutione, proprietate, neque absque aliquo aut errore, aut erroris maxima suspitione disputet. In horum scriptis, ac libris pervoluendis annos plurimos versatus est Franciscus Patricius, vir cum insigni eruditione atque doctrina clarus, tum Christiana pietate, ac morum, vitaeque integritate ita insi­ gnis, ut eum Clemens VIII. summus ac sapientissimus Pontifex, in Urbem accitum, in suorùmque familiarium numerum adscriptum, scholae philosophicae praefecerit. Is monitus à nonnullis, in ipsius volumine philosophico nuper edito, quaedam // reperiri, quae Plato­ 148v nicum, quem diximus philosophandi modum redolerent, et doctis ac pijs viris, minus placerent, sive quod à scholasticorum placitis abhor­ rerent, sive quod falsum et alienum à fide, aut sanctis Patribus repu­ gnantem sententiam atque interpretationem admitterent. Sive deni­ que quod in legentium animos errorem aliquem ambiguitate sua pos­ sent instillare qua est animi moderatione, non modo non aegre tulit, sed animo etiam grato, ne dum libenti, aliorum iudicio atque senten­ tiae aequievit. Pro ea vero, quam semper coluit fidei integritate, om­ nia sua scripta Ecclesiae Censurae, atque iudicio subiecit. Adeoque volumen illud suum non modo recognitum, denuo in lucem dedit sed pios etiam lectores hac admonitione praemunire optavit, ut absque periculo, aut offensione tuto possent ipsius scripta percurrere. Quae, si non multa dempseris, quae bonam in partem explicanda sunt, è re literaria futura visa sunt; tantum abest, cum praesertim autoris pietas, perspecta sit et cognita ut reijcienda aut improbanda putarentur. Principio igitur animadvertent, facile Peripatetici, hominem Plato­ nicum, saepe Aristoteli, et scholasticis Theologis, qui ab Aristotele dedicerunt, minus aequum videri. Quippe qui sua dogmata tueatur, sua sequatur principia, et plerumque Aristotelem, aperte ac nomina­ timi impugnet.

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I49r

Itaque cum libro 13. Pancosmias asserit unum esse coelum, noluit excludere coelum empyreum, de quo multa Theologi. Neque existi­ mavit suae sententiae, Patres aut sacras literas officere, in quibus plures leguntur coeli, sive quod in hac voce libentius utantur numero multitudinis, quamvis res una significetur, ut psal. 148.151 Aquae, quae super coelos sunt. Ubi coelorum nomine intelligetur aer. sive quod praeter aerem, quem ut dixi coeli nomine vocant scripturae, ne­ cessario ponendum sit coelum sydereum, quod unum tantum esse, asserit auctor. Minus fortasse probabiliter, propter ea, quae demon­ strant Astrologi. Sed res est plane philosophica, de qua, liceat citra er­ rorem fidei, hoc vel illo modo opinari. Cum praesertim Chrysostomus homil. 4. in Gen. sententiam auctoris aperte asserat, et hom. 6.152 non obscure indicet, existimetque stellas in eo moveri, ut pisces in mari. Iam lib. 17 Pancosm. fol. 103. mavult terram moveri et coelum sta­ re. Repugnant Peripatetici. At olim docuerunt id Pythagorici, et ut auctor est Plutarchus de Placitis Philosophorum idem senserunt, Phi­ lolaus, et Heraclides Ponticus.153 Idem Numa Pompilius et Plato, ut scribit idem Plutarchus in Numa.154 Et Hippocrates lib. de flatibus155 ait aerem esse terrae vehiculum. Nostra etiam tempestate Nicolaus Copernicus hac posita sententia omnes Planetarum cursus declarat.156 Nec desunt qui hac maxime ratione interpretentur verba lob cap. 9.157 Qui commovet terram de loco suo, et columnae eius concutiun­ tur. Quod vero Eccles. I. 158 dicitur, Terra autem in aeternum stat, significat tantum mu-//tari quidem hominum generationes, et alijs morientibus alios nosci/ terram vero eandem numero absque sui muta­ tione permanere. Res ergo Philosophis disputanda relinquatur.

“ “nosci”: sic, for “nasci”. 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158

Ps 148: 4. PG 53, cois. 39-48 and 54-61. Diels 1879, p. 378. Plutarchus 1914-1926:1, pp. 345-46. Hippocrates 1959, pp. 345-46. See ch. Copernicus, Introduction. lob 9: 6. Giustiniani probably referred to Zuniga’s commentary to Job; see Zuniga 1584. Ecl 1:4.

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Nam quamvis scriptura dicat solem oriri, atque occidere, tamen ea loquendi ratio, potest etiam accommodari huic sententiae certe eam non aperte refellit. Lib. 12. Pancosm. fol. 91, et lib. 17. fol. 104. Astra existimat esse animata anima intellectuali. Idque non primus nec solus docuit. Quod tamen non perinde accipiendum est, quasi id certum sit. Cum sit longe probabilius contrarium. Sed quod illa sententia neque aucto­ ritate neque ratione careat, neque possit evidenti vel testimonio, vel ratione impugnari, quam auctor potius ex philosophorum Platonico­ rum placitis, quam ex propria opinione atque iudicio docuit. Cum alio quin ipse ab errore Origenis longissime se abesse profiteatur.159 Lib. 13. Pancosm. Impugnat divisionem substantiae in materiam, formam, et compositum. Et asserit formam esse accidens. Ubi sine dubio agit de forma quae educatur ex potentia materiae. Atque ita excludit animam rationalem, quae substantia est cum inducatur in materiam, non ex illa educatur. Materiales autem formas idcirco ma­ vult appellari accidentia quia illis accedentibus, aut recedentibus, non mutatur subiectum seu materia, cui quod omnibus subsit, et omnia quodammodo substent, putavit auctor convenire maxime nomen substantiae quamvis intelligeret, Peripateticos quos nominatim impu­ gnat aliter sentire. Ipse autem secutus est auctores non ignobiles tum veteres tum recentiores. Sed ea sententia propter Eucharestiae myste­ rium censenda est minus tuta, quoniam post consecrationem manent accidentia panis, forma panis nullo modo. Dabitur igitur haec auctori venia, ut in philosophia magis, quam in Theologia versato. Idem plane existimandum est de ijs, quae de spacio inani extra mundum, infinito, repleto lumine, eòque animato, et quod idem sit cum coelo empyreo pluribus locis disputat. Nama cum sint haec om­ nia dogmata Platonica, quae scholasticorum Theologorum sententiae repugnant, neque facile his temporibus doctis ac pijs viris probari po­ terunt. Quare monitus lector intelliget non esse à Theologorum placi­ tis recedendum.

After “N am ”: “con”, crossed out; the correction “cum sint” is in the interlinear space. 139

PG 11, cols. 225-33.

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Essentiam cuiusque rei, esse existentiam in actu, nec probant, nec probare possunt Theologi, qui negant existentiam pertinere ad ullius creaturae essentiam. Auctor tamen id dixit lib. 4. Panarchiae in prin­ cipio. significans ut opinor non alia ratione essentiam poni in actu ni­ si per existentiam. Id enim satis esse videtur ad id probandum, quod ipse eo loco contendit. Alioquin non negaret soli Deo convenire, ut sit suum esse, quippe cuius essentia ab existentia non distinguitur. I49v Quae de productione animae bes-//tiarum disputat auctor lib. 1. Pampsychias, Platonicam continent eandemque obscurissimam sen­ tentiam. Certum enim est, ac fidei lumine plane constat ab initio a Deo fuisse una cum reliquis omnibus conditam. Iam vero in genera­ tione educi de potentia materiae à generante. Tenebras esse entia positiva et Peripateticae philosophiae, et Theo­ logiae repugnat. Itaque lector hac quidem in re Theologis credat, necesse est. Quod vero de rotunditate terrae disputat auctor lib. 26 Pancosmias Philosophorum iudicio relinquitur. Certe scripturae non evidenter ostendunt, terram esse perfecte rotundam aut globsam.2 Haec Philo­ sophica sunt. De rerum prima productione, quae non aliunde, quam ex sacris li­ teris habetur, multa disputat auctor ex Platonicorum sententia. Quo­ rum etiam verba ita penitus imitatur, ut videri posset, etiam errores probare. Nam plerumque divinarum personarum operationem ad ex­ tra, quae unica est et simplex tribus personis communis, videtur di­ stinguere. Quod fidei repugnat, nisi intelligat secundum quandam ap­ propriationem, alia Patri, alia Filio, alia spiritui sancto tribui. Ut Patri quidem propter appropriatum omnipotentiae, tribuitur creatio. Filio propter appropriatum sapientiae, providentia, seu gubernatio. Spiri­ tui sancto, propter appropriatum bonitatis, iustificatio. Intelligat ergo lector, omnes creaturas fuisse à tota Trinitate productas. Quamvis non repugnet in aliquibus magis relucere appropriatum unius perso­ nae, quam alterius. Alias videri posset admittere aliquod instrumen­ tum ad rerum creationem adhibitum fuisse a Deo. Quod nullo modo credendum est, ut affirmant scholastici, qui divinam quidem artem atque ideas tanquam quasdam conditiones agentis docent ad creatioa

“globsam ”: sic, for “globosam ”.

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nem concurrere, non autem tanquam distinctam causam interme­ diam, et multo minus tanquam instrumentum. Itaque si hoc modo intelligat auctor, quae frequenter inculcat. A mente, unum animum esse productum, a quo caeteri. A Deo omnia prodijsse, per medias suas unitates, atque Ideas per essentias, per vitas, per mentes, atque id ge­ nus alia, obscurius quidem minusque proprie loquitur, non tamen aberrat à vero. Alioquin spectasset Platonicorum error ad haeresim Arianorum, qui verbum divinum faciebant ministrum, seu instrumen­ tum creationis. Interdum ita loquitur ut videatur concedere necessitatem in pro­ ductione rerum. Alia inquit profert, bonitatis suae necessitate ad id actum (loquitur autem de uno, quod vocat primum principium). Item quia erat bonum ea de se proferre erat necesse. Et omnia producere habuit necesse. Lux infinita, lumen infinitum, non potuit non emitte­ re. Quae omnia si de ne-//cessitate simpliciter intelligerentur, falsa es­ sent, et fidei adversarentur. Sed ipsemet sese declarat lib. XI. Panarchias fol. 22. his verbis, Omnia producere habuit necesse. bonitas enim voluntatem fecit producendi, voluntas necessitatem. Et quando ait, lux infinita, lumen infinitum non potuit non emittere, statim ad­ dit. Idque non coacte, sed sponte sua. Sin autem de necessitate boni­ tatis, de qua nonnulla Platonici, quia non videntur ita propriè dicta, fuerunt necessario adnotanda, ne lectorem catholicum offenderent. Nam Dionysius qui sine dubio Platonem in multis secutus est cap. 4. de Divi(nis) Nom(inibus)160 dixit quidem, bonum esse sui diffusivum, non tamen addidit necessario diffundere. Inest ergo in divina bonita­ te necessario vis quaedam diffundendi in actu primo, quae tamen om­ nino libere exit in actum secundum, eundemque finitum, tum simpli­ citer tum in aliquo certo genere. Porrò verba illa quae leguntur lib. i. Pancosm. fol. 65. Antequam hic quem incolimus mundus a Deo esset fabrefactus inane erat, in quo vel atomi volitabant, etc. non perinde accipienda sunt quasi velit auctor affirmare fuisse ante mundum atomos, aut chaos, aut mate­ riam. Quia Concil. Lateran.161 cap. firmiter, etc. definit eorum quae sunt extra Deum, sive spiritualia, sive corporea fuisse condita à Deo 160 161

PG 3.1, cois. 693-95. Concilium Lateranense IV: Mansi, 12, coi. 982.

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150v

in principio temporis. N eque auctor contradiceret, sed vel veterum Philosophorum placita insinuat, Vel ea tantum dixit quae puro philo­ sopho, ac fidei lumine destituto potuissent in mentem venire. Denique spinosius de m undi initio disputat lib. 21. Panar, in fine. Ubi prioritatem naturae à prioritate temporis non distinguens, vide­ tu r concludere m undum fuisse ante tem pus, quia m otus est prius tempore, mobile prius motu. Verum satis est mobile intelligi prius na­ tura motu, hunc prius natura tempore. Cum tamen omnia eodem in­ stanti temporis incipere possint, et desinere. Atque ita vere dixerunt Theologi, initio tem poris m undum coepisse. N eque hoc ignoravit auctor, qui dixit mobile natura prius motu. Sed Theologos reprehen­ dere non debuit. Denique excidisse videtur auctori, alia spectanti, iustificari nos per fidem. Certum est enim eum intelligere fidem vivam, et informatam charitate; sed quia non agebat cum Haereticis, non magnifecit p ro­ prietatem sermonis. De Mysterio Trinitatis Platonici non pauca scribunt minus proprie, et ad veritatem fidei catholicae accomodate. Quos dum auctor studiose sectatur nonnihil videri possit a Theologica disserendi ratione abhorrere. Ac de Deo quidem absolute ait, Illum non esse corpus, non natu­ ram, non animam, non intellectum, non vitam, non ens. Q uae propositio spectat ad / / Theologiam , quam Dionysius vocat negativam. Quia de Deo multa negantur, quam quam ei verissime etiam tribuan­ tur. Quia alia ei ratione conveniunt, quam aut à nobis concipiantur; aut nostris vocibus exprimantur. H ic autem quae rem oventur à Deo quia nullo m odo ei convenire possunt. N eque enim Deus est corpus aut anima. Caetera, quamvis Deo vere conveniant, quod etiam alibi auctor fatetur, tamen etiam vere ab illo removentur, quia longe nobi­ liori m odo insunt in Deo, quam ijs vocibus declaretur. Q uod si alibi ait auctor, si hoc unum principium neque est, neque fuit, neque erit, essentiae omnis expers est, et ens et esse ei non con­ venit. Certe intelligitur non posse de Deo affirmari ullam essentiam, alicui differentiae temporis astrictam. Quia revera ipsi nihil preterit aut advenit, sed in sua aeternitate plane indivisibili atque immutabili ambit omnia tempora. Igitur non est, neque erit, neque fuit in tem po­ re. sed aeternus cum sit, semper, atque in omni differentia temporis habet esse, et essentiam. ~ 2240 ~

51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

Iam de Trinitate illud sane non minus obscure quam periculose dictum est. Quoniam hi tres unum sunt, et in sua unione, et suo p ro ­ fundo quaternarium com prehendunt, Unum, essentiam, vitam, intel­ lectum. Nam neque essentia cum tribus personis num eranda est ut definitur Concil. Lateran. contra A bbatem Ioachim um .162 N eque Unum, Vita, Intellectus aliud sunt quam divina attributa. Quae stul­ tum esset, ne dicam impium, quaternario num ero concludere. Sed Pythagoricum fortasse dogma est, neque necessarium, neque verum si ad Trinitatis mysterium transferatur. Tria principia et tres productores, schola Theologica non admittit, propter ea quae super allata sunt, cum ageremus de reum productio­ ne. Sed auctor Platonicorum libris assuetus ipsorum plerunque verba usurpat, quae cum minus propria sunt tum à Catholico, pioque lecto­ re caute legenda, et ad symbolum fidei, et Conciliorum decreta exi­ genda, ne quis error m enti adhaereat. Iam auctor secutus Zoroastrum, negat ideas esse in patre quod fidei repugnat, si ut verba significant, accipiatur. Sed fortasse auctor, id non ex propria sententia scripsit, vel negavit ideas in patre, ut pater est hac precisa ratione. Quia revera non ei conveniunt Ideae per relationem paternitatis, sed ut ex vi intelligendi quae continet artem omnium creaturarum . Q ua ratione etiam, intelligendum est quod ait Patrem non esse productorem aliorum intellectuum. Cum alioqui una cum alijs personis sit rerum omnium effector quamvis non ratione relatio­ nis, sed ratione essentiae cui convenit per se omnipotentia. Rur-//sum hoc eodem m odo dicit auctor Patrem non esse intellectum id est qua Pater. Caeterum qua Deus, est intellectus primus. Neque vero existi­ m andum est, auctorem negare Deum esse intellectualem, quia careat gradu intellectualitatis, cum sit ut dictum est, primus ac summus intel­ lectus; sed quia non est praeditus intellectu tanquam facultate qua­ piam ab eius essentia distincta, ut accidit in Angelis, et hominibus. Porrò cum ait dixisse Deum, Fiat lux, Verbum scilicet Dei lucens; no­ luit dicere Verbum esse factum, aut illam lucem, quae omnino corporea creatura fuit, esse Verbum divinum. Sed quod dixit D. Thomas I. p. q. 32. ar. p.° 163 illis verbis manifestari Verbum cuius proprium est dici. 162 163

Concilium Lateranense IV: Mansi, 12, coi. 983f. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IV, pp. 263-264.

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Filij vero productionem vocat ad intra, vere ac proprie. Ad extra autem, sane quam improprie, nisi quod voluit significare Filium esse extra personam Patris, quod nemo Catholicus negat. Caeterum Theo­ logi vere ac sapienter docent produci Filium per actionem ineffabi­ lem, atque immanentem. Dogma sanè illud Zoroastri, de Duitate ab uno producta quae cum ipso triadem facit ad personam filij nihil pertinet. Qui neque duitas dici potest, neque cum Patre, Trinitatem constituit, si spiritum sanc­ tum dempseris. Quamobrem Catholicos non offendat, sed tanquam error Gentilis philosophi à Catholico scriptore non plenius explicatus excusetur. Postremo in spiritus sancti productione observandum est, non ita proprie auctorem de illa emanatione loqui, quam saepe vocat genera­ tionem, abusus videlicet significatione vocis. Quae interdum genera­ tio quamcunque productionem significat, Gen. 2.164 Istae sunt gene­ rationes coeli, cum praesertim ita fere semper loquantur Platonici. Deinde parum convenire cum Theologica doctrina, quae scribit lib. 10. fere extremo Panarch. Hac geniti in genitorem conversione, et mentali reflexione, alius ex Patre generatur intellectus. Nam primum spiritus ex mutuo Patris ac Filij amore procedit. (Quod etiam ipse non ita ante multa confessus est) tanquam amor notionalis. Deinde spiratio activa, dici non potest mentalis reflexio, quae si sit actio men­ tis aut intellectus cum sit voluntatis. Postremo spiritus sanctus non dicitur proprie, neque appropriate intellectus, neque mens secunda, nisi à Platonicis, cum intellectus sit nomen absolutum. Neque vero à solo Patre producitur, neque proprie generatur ut dictum est. Quod et ipse loco citato est confessus cum ait, Nec factus, nec genitus, nec creatus, sed ab eis procedens. Iam quod lib. 22. Panarch. significat spiritum sanctum procedere ex amore essentiali id modo improprie, sed etiam falso diceretur, si essentialem amorem, opponeret notionali. Ipse vero opposuit acci­ dentali. Qui amor in deo, nec est, nec esse potest. Atque hoc modo I51v omnis amor divinus essentialis est, tum quia non // est accidens, sed substantia, tum quia est idem plane cum essentia.

164

Gn2:4.

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51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

Lib. 15. non bene videtur expressisse productionem spiritus à Pa­ tre, ac Filio, tanquam uno principio spirativo. Quod à Philosopho non erat expectandum. Neque admodum proprie, aut caute dixit, factum spiritum sanctum, alteritate quadam ineffabili, alterum evasis­ se. Nam revera non est factus, ut docet Athanasius in symbolo165 (et ipse iam est confessus) cum sita Deus aequalis Patri. Et alius, verius, at magis proprie dici debuit, si verborum vis, ac significatio spectanda sit. quod in hoc mysterio religiosissime servant Theologi. Denique de distinctione spiritus sancti, à Patre, ac Filio obscurius loquitur. Nam quamvis nulla re absoluta distinguatur, reddi tamen potest ratio cur non sit Filius aut Pater, quia ab illis propria relatio­ ne distinguitur, et ipse iam dixit, spiritum nec Patrem esse, nec Fi­ lium. Haec paucis visa sunt observanda ne per imprudentiam à Catholi­ co, alioqui scriptore lector errorem imbibat. Quae si quis diligenter animadvertat, non modo ea quae à nobis notata sunt loca probe inter­ pretabitur ac bonam in partem accipiet, sed hanc omnem auctoris di­ ligentiam ... b et industriam aequi bonique consulens haud reijciendam iudicabit. Libri de mystica philosophia, continent Platonis et Platonicorum Placita, multis erroribus referta. Quae Christiano lectori tantum indi­ canda videntur. Neque enim verum est animas bestiarum, peccando recessisse a mundo superiori, et illis corporibus tanquam carcere in­ clusas. neque ullo modo probandum eiusmodi animas bestijs morientibus, non interire quo ad substantiam. Quis vero non intelligat falsis­ simum esse quod semel iteratur, intellectum agente productum à Deo esse verbum. Et producere intellectum, seu mentem et animam ratio­ nalem. et quaecunque de huius Verbi efficentia dicuntur? Quis non agnoscit errorem Origenis, praefuisse animas rationales ante corpo­ ra.166 et propter peccata in corpora detrusas. Haec et his similia voluit a b

“sit”: in the interlinear space. Three suspensive points in the ms.

165

PG 25, col. 465. The reference is to Origen’s doctrine of the pre-existence of the rational souls; see De principiis, 1. II, cap. 9. 166

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auctor in prima editione, à Theologis tanquam falsa ac fidei contraria adnotari. Nos breviter pium lectorem ijsdem de rebus monitum vo­ luimus, ne forte vel auctori probro det vel errandi occasione accepta falsas opiniones hauriat. Benedictus Iustinianus

11 Francesco Patrizi to the Cardinals of the Congregation for the Index, in Rome (Rome, ante 3 July 1593) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (II.a.8), fols. 487r, 488v167 (copy)

487r

Illmi e Rmi SS.ri Piu giorni sono che il R.mo Padre Generale del Giesù restitui al pa­ dre frate Pavolo,168 seg(reta)rio di cotesta sacra congregatione la correttione da me fatta della mia filosofia in sieme con un’altra fatta di commissione di S(ua) S(ignoria) R.ma dal Padre Benedetto Giustinia­ no. Ora supplico io Francesco Patricio che V. S. Ill.m e e R.me sieno ser­ vite d’ordinare che mi sia data la correttione di d(ett)o Padre Giusti­ niano accio possa dar fine all’intera correttione di d(ett)a mia filoso­ fia, et il libro possa uscire a luce corretto et espurgato secondo il de­ creto di cotesto santo Tribunale. Il che riceverò per gratia singolare.

488v

Al sacro tribunale sopra l ’indice Per francesco Patricio

167 168

Published in Firpo 1950b, pp. 169-70. Paolo Pico; BlOGR.

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51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

12 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 3 July 1593) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 68v169

Die 3.a Iulij

68v

Cong(regati)o habita apud Minervam in aedibus Ill.™ Card. Asculani ubi interfuerunt Card.les Alanus et Borromaeus170 reliquis ab Urbe absentibus. (...) Decretum quod Censurae per Patrem Iustinianum factae tradantur Patritio qui cum eodem Patre Iustiniano concordet pro ultima sui operis expurgatione ut a Cong(regatio)ne approbari possit.

13 Francesco Patrizi, D eclarationes (Rome, ante 22 April 1594) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, M (ILa.ll), fols. 115r-124r (autograph)

Francisci Patricij Locorum quorundam, in nova sua philosophia obscuriorum D eclarationes

Postquam anno salutis MDXCI a Clemente V ili Pont. Opt. Max. Ferraria, ubi per annos XIV publice Platonis philosophiam professus fueram, evocatus, Romam veni; veteres multi amici ac novi, undequaque Viri doctiss(im)i quorum Urbs Roma orbis fere alter est, saluta­ tum me per aliquot dies ventitarunt. Eorum humanum hoc officium 169 170

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 170. Federico Borromeo; BlOGR.

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I15v

libenter totidem rependi. Mox Platonis Timaeum in Romano hoc, to­ tius orbis celeberrimo gymnasio frequentissimis auditoribus explicare coepi. Ante vero adventum meum, libri meae novae philosophiae, quos paulo ante Ferrariae, superiorum permissu, ac bona venia edide­ ram,171 vulgati erant, et a non paucis legebantur. In eorum lectione, pro ut varia sunt hominum capita, variae de illis sententiae ferri sunt coeptae. Alij novitatem rerum mirari atque laudare. Aliis novitas di­ splicere. Alijs non placere, quod Zoroastri cuiusdam seu Trismegisti authoritatibus essent referti, quos nec de nomine quidem noverant. Et quod eorum dogmatibus essent conspersi: quae vel non audita pror­ sus, vel parum audita, non satis intelligerentur. Maxima vero pars, in admiratione, ac forte indignatione aliqua, erat posita, quod Platonem Aristoteli saepe praeferrem. Illum in nullis pene Europae gymnasijs notum; et penitus neglectum, hunc philosophum omnium celeberrimum, cuius dogmatibus gymnasia omnia / / personarent.8 Haec omnia, et similia, amici plerique ad me deferrebant, rationemque exposce­ bant, cur hanc meam philosophiam, Novam vel putassem, vel inscri­ psissem? Cur itidem Veram dixerim et integram, cum multa philo­ sophica in ea desint? In qua, non pauca loca, viris etiam doctissimis, intellectu difficiliora videri, et quae possent, non satis percepta, in pra­ vum sensum trahi, praesertim quod quaedam Theologica, alijs vocibus sunt expressa quam hodie apud Theologos sit in usu. Cum haec audissem, eos rogavi, ut ea loca omnia colligerent et mihi afferrent. Nolle enim me quemquam hominum ijs offendi. Laudatum meum hoc propositum. Loca que omnia, quae auditu collegerant, scriptis etiam collecta ad me attulerunt. Et singilatim. p(rim)a Interrogabant. Cur hanc philosophiam, novam esse credi­ derim, et inscripserim? Respondi. Quia nulla alia vetus Ocelli Lucani, Timaei Locri, Platonis, Aristotelisve talis esset, qualis haec mea est. Neque ulla alia talis fuisse me­ moriae est proditum. Neque etiam Trismegisti quae extat vel ordine a

“personarent”: sic.

171

The work printed by Benedetto Mammarelli appeared in 1591; the “epistola dedicato­ ria” is dated 5 August.

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vel methodis, vel probationibus talis esse reperitur. Nova, alio etiam nomine merito dici potest, quia qua parte physica est, evidentibus principijs nititur, luce scilicet et lumine. Qua vero Theologiam attin­ git ex Dionysiae3 Areopagitae Theologia, ratione et causis adiunctis, philosophia facta est. 2° Interrogarunt, cur veram dixerim, et integram? Respondi. Quia eae qua[s] commemoravi, Ocelli, Timei, Platonis, Trismegisti multos errores continent. Aristotelis vero etiam multas impietates in­ tegrare vero promisi, et promissis stabo, si vita suppetet et Deus adiuverit. Nulla vero dictarum integra est. 3a Interrogatilo. Cur viam motus, qua Aristoteles ad [...] inquiren­ dum usus est, ammiserim, lucem et lumen ei pretulerim Respondi. Quia vel dubium, vel etiam falsum visum [est] illius axioma, hoc omne quod movetur, ab alio movetur. Cui sensus refragatur, et Plato­ nici negant. Itaque ut controversum reliqui. 4a Interrogatio. Cur in secundo tituli loco, dixerim, tota in contem­ plationem venit divinitas? Respondi, Nolui significare me posse totum Deum cognoscere vel docere sed posse nos venire in cognitionem re­ rum multorum;b quae Dei attributa dicuntur, unitas, bonitas, sapientia, reliqua. Neque etiam haec, ex toto a nobis comprehendi sed ne quis nomine hoc, tota, offendatur secunda hanc editione delebitur. 5 a Interrog(ati)o. Cur l(ibr)o V. Panaugiae scripsi, tenebrae sunt ve­ ra entia positiva etiamsi pertinacius privationes contendantur? Respondi. Haec physica est ut talis, longe differt privatio ut caeci­ tas et mors, quae nullo sensu cognoscuntur, nec magis recipiunt nec minus, Tenebrae vero et visu cognoscuntur, et intenduntur, et remit­ tuntur. Tum etiam si quid ad fidem pertinet, quia Moses de eis tam­ quam de entibus positivis videtur locutus, Et tenebrae erant super fa­ ciem abyssi.1/2 6a Interrogatio. Cur l(ibr)o x. Panaug. fol. 23 scripserim. Moses au­ tem ait, Deum dixisse fiat lux. verbum scilicet Dei lucens? Respondi. Quia Tertull(ianu)s l(ibr)o contra Praxean172173 ita declarasse se mihi “Dionysiae”: sic for “Dionysij”. 172 173

b

“multorum”: sic, for “multa”.

G n 1: 2. Tertullianus 1954, p. 1173.

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116r

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

videbatur. Verum ut audio, S(anc)ta Romana Ecclesia id non recipit, ideo cum ea sentio nec unquam ab eaa recedam. 7 a Interrogatio Cur l(ibr)o I Panarc(hiae) postquam dixi Deum, non esse corpus, non naturam non animam, quod novum quidem est, dixerim etiam, Nec intellectum esse, nec vitam, nec essentiam? Respondi Satis aperte putabam colligi posse, quod dicere vellem, ex his quae tunc dixeram, et paulo post subiunxeram nimirum, Deum nec intellec­ tum esse, nec vitam, nec essentiam creatam. Sed super omnem intellec­ tum, super omnem vitam, et super omnem essentiam creatam. Et esse in­ tellectum, et vitam, et essentiam increatam, principio, et fine carentem. 8 a Interrogatilo. C ur l(ibr)o 5 Panarch(iae) fol. 9.° scripsi Si hoc unum principium, neque fuit, neque est, neque erit, essentiae omnis expers est? Respondi. Haec, non ut vos refertis, sunt a me scripta. Sed totum locum relegite et facile cognoscetis, me de tempore, et his suis partibus fuit, est et erit, praeterita, presenti et futura, loqui. Et essentiam temporalem in Deo negare. 9 a Interi rogatilo. C ur l(ibr)o. 4 fol. 7. dixi. Essentia cuiusque est existentia in actu? Respondi. Si antecedentia, et sequentia relegatis, plane constabit, me contra quorundam Perip(ateti)corum materialem puram potentiam, nihil prorsus actus habentem loqui, non autem de Deo. Etiamsi audissem, a scholasticis Theologis, hanc quaestionem, in utram que partem fuisse, et solere disputari. 10a Interrogatio. Cur l(ibr)o 8 fol. 16 scripsi Unum tamen eas de se profert, bonitatis suae necessitate ad id actum? Respondi. In Deo, bonitas et bona voluntas ex Ricardo de S(anc)to Victore, 117r idem est. 174 Igitur putavi, posse dici, bonitatis necessitate / / pro eo, bonitatis voluntate, seu voluntaria necessitate. Ita intelligatur alius lo­ cus, ubi aio. Protulit ob bonitatem. Et l(ibr)o x. alius locus. Et quia erat bonum , ea de se proferre habuit necesse. Q u o d eodem libro apertius dixi, Omnia producere habuit necesse. bonitas enim volun­ tatem fecit p ro d u cen d i, Voluntas necessitatem . Magis etiam hoc ipsum declaravi l(ibr)o 4. Pancosmiae. cum aio. a

After ea”: “discedam”, crossed out.

174

Ricardus de Sancto Victore 1958, pp. 87-88.

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N on quidam coacte, sed sponte sua. Si vero nom en necessitatem offendit, pro non dicto, id volo. l l a Interrogatio. C ur l(ibr)o 4. Panarch(iae) H aec scripsi. Zoroa­ ster. Ubi paterna 3 monas est, duo generat, et duo gignit. Cum de spi­ ritu s(anc)to non dicatur gigni? Respondi. Statim subdidi his verbis. Secundum vero veram Theologiam pater et filius, ut unum principium, spirant spiritum Sanctum. Q uod si quis mea non ex [toto] legit, sciat me nihil aliud eo loco docere, nisi quod Monàs, ante omnia duo producit. Et ita in locum verbi, generare, quod Zoroastri erat, et mihi quoque exciderat, substituar verbum producit. N eque enim spiritus sanctus est genitus, sed per voluntatem spiratione procedit, atque producitur. 12a Interrogatio. l(ibr)o X cur scripserim, Productio vero ea, vel ad intra, vel ad extra fuit? U trum que? Respondi. D ocere volui in divinis esse originem realem, unius personae ab alia procedentis. Et nomine (exitu) credidi, posse me exprimere illud Ioan. cap. 16.175 Exivi a patre, et illud exivi a patre. H unc sensum p u ­ to esse catholicum. 13a Interrogatio. Cur eodem l(ibr)o scripsi. Hac geniti in genitorem conversione / / et mentali reflexione alius ex primo generatur intellectus? 117v Respondi. Verbum generatur, non mihi excidit, metaphorice sum­ psi. Sed proprie dicere debui [filius] ex prim o procedit sive produci­ tur. E t significare volui, tertiam personam in Deo, ex patre et filio procedentem, esse quidem spiritum qui re ipsa est intellectus. At fi­ lius procedit a patre per intellectum, ac proinde procedit ut intellec­ tus et verbum. At spiritus Sanctus procedit per voluntatem, et propterea procedit, ut spiritus ac donum. 14a Inter(rogati)o. Cur paulo post, totum librum in haec verba con­ clusi. Atque ita tria sunt, rerum omnium principia. Et l(ibr)o 18. Nam si tres sunt productores? Respondi. In divinis, principium aliquando sum itur personaliter, aliquando essentialiter. H oc est, aliquando designat personam, aliquando essen-

a

After “paterna”: one word crossed out.

175

Io 16: 27-28.

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H 8r

tiam. Sed ne quis offendatur, et proprie loquar, volo ut sic dicatur. At­ que ita tres personae divinae sunt, ex quibus tamquam ab uno Deo, uno principio, uno creatore, omnia suum esse acceperunt. 15a Interrogatilo. Cur crediderim toto X. l(ibr)o per rationes natu­ rales, Sanctissimam Trinitatem me posse ostendere, cum D. Thomas docuerit, impossibile id esse? Respondi. Ricardum de S(anc)to Victore, in hoc, sum secutus.176 Non equi­ dem quod crediderim me posse per rationes, Trinitatis mysterium evi­ denter concludere. Sed solum significare volui, per rationes naturales modo quo possumus venire in Sanctissimae Trinitatis qualemcumque notitiam. Eo modo quo magister Sent(ententiarum) ex Hilario, Am­ brosio, Aug(usti)no declaravit.177 16a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr)o XI. scripserim, quae quidem Idea boni, ut amore essen-//tiali in patrem vertitur, tertia de se in patre per­ sona procedit sibi et patri consubstantialis, alteritate tantum ab eis di­ stincta, quae tertium sit rerum principium. Respondi. Platonico vocabulo, usus sum cum dixi. Idea boni, quam alibi ipse Plato vocat, Dei filium. Quem Dionysius, ex Hierothei Theologicis elementis,178 vocat Idear[chonJ idearum vel principium vel princi­ pem. Quia scilicet per eum (qui est imago patris) facta sunt omnia iuxta D. Pauli doctrinam, nemo ob id offensionem patiatur, si vete­ rum patrum vocibus sum usus. Item si quis offenditur, quod dixerim Amore essentiali, intelligat me essentialem amorem opposuisse accidentali cum in Deo nullum sit accidens. Quod Theologi omnes et veteres et recentes, non solum admittunt, sed etiam docent, et asseverant. Fateor tamen me ignoras­ se terminum hunc Theologorum Scholasticorum. Amorem notionalem. Quoniam vero audio, Ecclesiam catholicam Romanam, hunc lo­ quendi modum probare, ego quoque probo numquam enim ab ea, vel [latum] unguem discessi, neque discedere volo. Ubi vero dico, 176

Ricardus de Sancto Victore 1958, pp. 247-48. See Petrus Lombardus 1971:1, dist. II-XXIII. 178 This (probably fictitious) author is known only from the works of Dionysius the Areopagite, who cites, among other works, Elements o f Theology (Theologikai stoicheioseis) and Love Hymns (erotikoi hymnoi). An extract of the former is in PG, 3, col. 648, and shows a striking similitude with the doctrines of Clemens Alexandrinus and Origen about the Divine Verb. 177

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Quae tertium sit rerum principium. Nihil aliud a me est significatum, nisi tertia persona, quae simul cum patre, et filio est rerum omnium principium. Q uod sepe in meo libro asserui Et omnia huiusmodi lo­ ca, non alio, quam hoc sensu intelligi atque accipi volo. Et ubi dixi. Alteritate tantum [...] distincta. Significare volui, esse distinctam personae distinctione. 17a Interrogatilo. Eodem l(ibr)o cur dixi. Ut proximus esset condi­ tor eorum, quae extra profundum debebant produci. Respondi. In eum sensum id scripsi, quo D. Paulus ad Rom. X I. 179 / / Quoniam ex ipso, et per ipsum, ac in ipso sunt omnia. Et Act(is) 17.180 Quamvis non longe sit, ab unoquoque nostrum. In ipso enim vivimus, movemur et sumus. Et ita nihil aliud significavi, nisi quod ex ipso essent et existerent quae extra profundum debebant ex nihilo producj. 18a In te rro g a tilo . C ur eodem libro scripsi. E t quoniam hi tres unum sunt, in sua unione et suo profundo, quaternarium comprendunt. Respondi. Q uia Ioan(ne)s Apostolus epistula I. cap. 5. 181 ait. Quoniam tres sunt qui testimonium dant in coelo, Pater verbum et spiritus s(anctu)s. Et hi tres unum sunt. Q ui com prehendunt in hac sua unione profunda hunc quaternarium, unitatem suam, essentiam suam, vitam suam, intellectum suum. Et preter haec attributa, alia omnia, bonitatem , sapientiam , potentiam , et reliquas omnes quas Theologi veteres et recentes eis attribuunt. Q uae sunt omnia in Deo, re non differunt. Sed cognitione nostra, et mentis nostrae notitia di­ stinguuntur. 19a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr)o 12 scripsi Ideas, non esse in patre, sed esse ubi primo nomen idearum acquirunt unitates illae? Respondi. Nom en idearum esse introductum in philosophorum scholas, a Zoroastro, Trismegisto, O rpheo, Pythagora, Pythagoreis et Platone. In Ecclesiam vero a Dionysio, Clem ente Alex(andri)no, A ugustino et Theologis Scholasticis. Cum autem dixi, ideas non esse in Patre, dice­ re volui, quatenus pater est. Sunt enim in illo quatenus mens et intel­ lectus est, non autem ut pater est.

179 180 181

Rm 11:36. Act 17: 27. I l o 5: 7.

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20a Interrogatilo. Cur eodem lib(r)o dixi genera idearum esse qua­ la r tuor? Respondi. Quatuor idearum genera maxima, et univer-//salissima esse. Postea sub his [alia] subieci, non ita universalia, secundum scilicet specialissimas rerum species. 21a Interrogatilo. Cur l(ibr)o 15. Panarch(iae) scripsi Sed ea con­ versione, et prae[terea] amore in patrem secundus processit intellec­ tus quem spiritum appellamus, cum spiritus S(anctus) non videatur appellari intellectus. Respondi. Hanc rem totam ad finem libri X.1 Panarch(iae) his verbis confessus eram. Spiritum, nec patrem esse, nec filium, sed spirationem hanc, et inspirationem, et amorem illum, quem pater habet in filium, et filius in patrem, a quibus spiritus s(anctu)s procedit, nec factus, nec geni­ tus, nec creatus sed ab eis tantum procedens. Ideoque Apostolorum chorus caecinit Qui a patre filioque procedit. Ad quam meam confes­ sionem catholicam, Volo omnia alia loca, de spiritu sancto a me scrip­ ta redigi et superiora, ita a me dicta intelligantur, ac si dixissem se­ cundus processit intellectus non quatenus intellectus est, sed qua spi­ ritus amor est. quia per voluntatem processit et ita processit, non ut genitus, sed ut spiritus non ut natus, teste Aug(usti)no sed ut datus, non ut verbum, sed ut amor et donum. 22a Inter(rogati)o. Cur subiuxerim. Nunc eodem emanationis actu, a patre in filium a patre procedit et per filium eodem conversione ex amoris in patrem actu procedit spiritus ab eodem patre procedens, et per filium in patrem rediens. Cum videatur spiritus a patre et filio ut ab uno principio procedere. Respondi. Numquam negavi spiritum sanctum a patre et filio pro­ cedere. Sed loquutus sum aliquando more S. Scripturae. Quae de spii20r ritu dicit. Qui a patre procedit. At vero, credo / / e t fateor, ac ita intelligi volo, spiritus a patre et filio procedit. Nam pater amans filium, et filius amans patrem sunt duae personae quae una spirandi virtute et una spiratione sunt unum principium in productione spiritus. Qui ab utroque patre et filio, ut tertia persona distincta procedit. 23a Interrogatilo. Cur subdidi. Et unus et idem cum eis factus? cum spiritus non dicatur factus? Respondi. Id iam negatum l(ibr}o X ubi dixi his verbis. A quibus spiritus sanctus procedit, nec factus nec genitus, nec creatus. Sed ab eis tan2252 ~

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tum procedens. Hic vero cum dixi factus. Nihil aliud dicere volui, ni­ si idem cum eis existens, in unitate essentiae, non unitate personae. 24a Interrogatilo. Cur adiunxi. Alteritate quadam ineffabili, alter ab eis evasit, cum debuissem dicere, non alter, sed alius? Respondi. Quem potiorem, et veriorem duxi dicendi modum, Dionys. l(ibr)i (De div. nom.) cap. 9.182 et S(anc)ti Thomae p(rima) p(arte) quaest. 42. art. 3 183 quam Porphyrij, Christi, et christianorum hostis acerri­ mi. Illi enim S(anc)ti viri fidei culmina et columina, nomine alterita­ tis, et alterius sunt usi, de Divinis personis loquentes. A Porphyrio vero, scio hanc significationem in scholas invectam, ut nomen alteri­ tatis designet differentiam [rei] secundum accidens. Quae differen­ tia in divinis, nec est, nec esse potest. Sed quia Patrum et D. Tho­ mae authoritates non putat sufficere intelligat, me dicere voluisse distinctione quadam personali ineffabili spiritus sanctus alius ab eis processit. 25a Inter(rogati)o. Cur dixi Duitas, ab uno producta, quae cum eo triadem facit. Respondi. Quia hunc loquendi modum apud Io. Dama­ scenum et Greg(oriu)m Nazianz. de hac eadem personarum triade in­ venissem. Ne quid aliud significare voluj, nisi quod duae personae ab eo productae, quae cum eo triadem constituunt, hoc est in trinitate personarum [existunt]. 26a Interrogatio. Cur l(ibr)o 16. disputatum, An Deus pater sit intel­ lectus? Respondi. Non id disputo, quod in dubium revocari queat, Num pater sit intellectus. Sed disputo, An ex se ipso, et per se ipsum, et quo pater est, sit intellectus. Nam filius quidem est intellectus, sed ex patri originem habens. Pater autem ab alio originem non habet. Sed vi­ denda est mea conclusio, in quam tota desinit quaestio. Quae si ab ec­ clesia cath(oli)ca Rom(an)a reijcitur, Ego quoque eam, a me reijcio. 27a Interrogatio. Cur l(ibr)o 19, satis prolixe disseruj [essentias] creatarum, alias patri, alias filio, alias spiritui sancto esse assimiles? Respondi. In meo libro sepissime, dixi, omnes creaturas fuisse a tota trinitate, ex nihilo productas. Sed in aliquibus, relucere magis, quae uni personae divinae, non aliae attribuntur. Ac propterea cum dixi Alias similes patri, alias similes filio, alias similes spiritui sancto, dice182 183

PG 3, cois. 909-18. Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: IV, pp. 439-40.

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re volui, similes appropriatione quadam, et accomodatione nostra. Sic enim potentia patri tribuitur sapientia filio, caritas spiritui sancto. 120v 28a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr)o in calce scripsi. Per fidem namque iustificamur, et non addidi. Vivam? Respondi. Quia eo loco, uti dogma Chaldaicum attuli. Scio tamen nos iustificari per eam fidem quae teste Paulo Apostolo, Per dilectionem opera­ tur. Et ita dictum a me esse volo, quidquid Chaldaeus ille dicat. 29a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr)o 21. dixi Mundus creatus est, non in principio temporis, non in tempore etc. Respondi. Nihil aliud dicere volui, nisi quod mundus creatus non est initio temporis, quod tempus ante mundum extitisset. Neque enim ante mundum ullum tempus fuit. Item, non est creatus in tempore, quod scilicet fuisset ante. No­ lui tamen negare, mundum a Deo fuisse procreatum, una cum ipso initio temporis, et una cum ipso tempore, quod cum mundo coepit. 30a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr}o 3 Panpsych(iae) scripsi. A quo animo, cum reliqui animi veniunt, in eo omnes animos habitare est necesse. Respondi, si legantur, quae supra dixeram, manifeste constabit, me de animo humano ibi non loqui, sed de his qui materiales sunt, qui­ que ex materia oriuntur et existunt. Cuiusmodi sunt animi brutorum atque plantarum. 31a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr)o i. Pancosm(iae) scripsi. Ante quam hic quem incolimus mundus a Deo esset fabrefactus, inane erat, in quo, vel atomi volitabant, vel chaos volvebatur, vel materia informis motibus inordinatis agitabatur? Respondi. Totum id sic intellexi, ut sepe sum attestatus, omnia entia fuisse a Deo creata. Unde sequitur, I2ir ut Aug(usti)nus docet, / / mundo huic formato, materia et chaos, preextitisse ordine naturae. Et si ante hanc formationem erant atomi, ut philosophi quidam asse [verant] et aliqua erant entia, eas et chaos et materiam fuisse, a Deo creata. 32a Interrogatio Cur l(ibr)o 6 Pancosm(iae} scripsi. A Deo procul dubio, et ex Deo, ijs modis quos ante aperuimus omnia entia produs­ se per medias suas Unitates et ideas, per vitas per mentes, per animas etc. Respondi. Nomine per medias, me non intellexisse aliter, quam Dionysius, Aug(usti)nus ac D. Thomas docent Deum agere per ideas, rationesque, quae in mente Dei sunt, quas aiunt esse rerum effectri­ ces. Sunt autem istae ideae, in mente divina ordine dispositae, ijs gra­ dibus, quos Dionysius l(ibr)o De Div. Nom. alias post alias disponit, 2254

51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

ordine naturae, sive rationis, primo mentium creatarum, deinde ratio­ nalium animarum deinde irrationalium, secundum quem ordinem a Deo, et creatae fuerunt in principio, et nunc etiam vel conservantur vel producuntur. Nulla enim est in Deo confusio. Atque hae omnes quas hactenus declaravimus, amici ad me detule­ runt et uti de Theologicis interrogarunt. P hysica

Sed et addiderunt alias, quae partim Theologiam attingere viden­ tur, partim sunt physicae et philosophicae. Has quoque pergamus declarare. 33a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr)o 13 Pancosm(iae) docui per totum unum tantum esse coelum / / cum sacrae literae, non de uno, sed de pluribus coelis sepissime loquantur. Respondi. Moses dixit Deum creavit coelum et terram. Et illud coelum coeli tibi Dominem, Et Paulus in Actis cap. 14 Qui fecit coelum et terram, et mare etc. et cap. 17. Hic coeli et terrae cum sit Dominus. Et Lucas, totis actis, non nisi unum coelum nominat, multis vicibus. Quod et loan, facit in toto Evangelio, et epistula I. Tres sunt, qui testimonium dant in coelo. Et Apostolorum chorus canit Credo in Deum Patrem omnipotentem creatorem coeli et terrae. Sed quando in sacris literis dicitur saepe, coeli coelorum. Et Qui es in coelis, et similia, teste Hier(ony)mo in Esai. cap. I. 184 vocari coelos in plurali, phrasi Hebraica, quae caret in hoc nomine numero singulari. Ut Thebae et Athenae. Namque in tex­ tu Hebraeo, differentiam habere ait, ubi interpretes coelos transfe­ runt. Haec ex Sacris literis. Quarum sententia secutus est Chrysostomus Horn. 4. in Gen(esim).185 Clemens vero Rom(anu)s 2 et 3 Recog.186 duos caelos ponit, visibile et invisibile. Sic et Iustinus, et Hila­ rius Basil(iu)s tres facit. Card(ina)lis Sarnanus Tertium Pauli coelum mystice exponit pro empyreo vel pro spirituali.187 Ut primo sit aer, 184

Hieronymus 1963, p. 7. PG 53, cois. 39-48. 186 PG 1, cois. 1279-80, 1314-15. 187 It is not clear which work by Card. Torri (author of theological works and a comment to John Duns Scotus) is referred to. 185

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iuxta illud. Volatilia coeli. Secundum coelum sit, sidereum, visibile, quem ego unum esse doceo. Tertium empyreum invisibile. Atque ita concordia sunt omnia cum sacris literis. Si quis vero secundum Astro­ logos ponat esse octo, vel secundum Arist(otele)m, qui sibi non conI22r stat, nam et octo ponit / / e t plusquam quinquaginta [...] [...] [po­ tius] ipse vim ullam sacris literis, ac patribus [...]. 34a Interrogatilo. Cur l(ibr)o 17 Pancosm(iae) scripsi terram revolui longe videri rationi consonantius, quam coelum vel suprema side­ ra. Respondi. Haec duas partes habere utrasque physicas, quae ad fi­ dem et Theologiam non videntur pertinere. Attamen si quid perti­ neant cum aio terram revolvi non dico eam locum suum, qui in medio est, mutare aut ab eo recedere. Sed in eo revolvi, hoc est circulo in eo moveri secutus multas philosophorum gravium rationes. Quae si con­ tra Arist(otele)m sunt, nihil ad Theologiam. Illa vero secunda pars. Quam coelum et suprema sidera partim physica est, partim Theologi­ ca. Ioel enim pro miraculo affert. Terra contremuit, moti sunt coeli c. 2.188 Et cap. 3.189 et movebuntur coeli et terra. Et Agg(ia)s c. 2.190 Ego commoveam coelum et terram. Ergo coelum non movetur. Alia loca expresse aiunt verbo Domini coeli firmati sunt. Et stabilivit coe­ los prudentia. Quod sentit etiam Chrysost(omu)s. Ergo qui coelum ait moveri, videat an sacris eloquijs convenienter loquatur. Et An Astro­ logos, et philosophos sacris literis preferat? 35a Cur scripserim l(ibr)o 12. et 17 Pancosm(iae) Astra esse ani­ mata anima intellectuali? Respondi. At non ideo scripsi Astra debere coli, neque astra peccasse, neque Christum pro astris passum et redi­ turum in gratiam. Qui errores in Origene sunt damnati. Verum Iob 38 ait.191 I22v Cum me laudarent simul astra matutina, Et Baruc 3.192 Stellae lae­ tarentur, et loquuntur. Quod est rationalium animalium. Et inter Theologos D. Hier(onymu)s Aug(usti)nus Eusebius Emissenus Dio­ dorus Tharsensis, Chrysostomus, Theodoretus, Aureolus D. Thomas, 188 189 190 191 192

Ioel 2: 10. Ioel 3: 16. A gg2:7. Iob 38: 7. Bar 3: 34.

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Scotus, Caietanus, sentiunt stellas esse animatas quia tamquam viato­ res per coelum, quod omnino immobile stat, iter peragant. Q uod si alii Theologi aliter sentiunt, in re physica, nihil refert. Q(uo)m(odo) D. Thomas ait. Q uod doctores dissentientes in aliquibus circa fidem non dum per ecclesiam determinatis, non sunt inter haereticos collo­ candi. Q uod si in his dissentire licet, multo licet magis, in rebus phy­ sicis, qualis est haec; quia hoc dogma non est adhuc ab Ecclesia ter­ minatum. Et philosophicae rationes id persuadent. Nam et Plato et Aristoteles docent, astra esse animata, anima intellectuali. 36a Interrogano Cur l(ibr)o 13. Panarch(iae) Impugnavi divisionem il­ lam coelebrem substantiae, in materiam et formam et compositum. Re­ spondi. Haec Aristo(teli)ca [...] est. Eam Iustinus Martyr impugnavit, quem sum secutus. Et simul Alex(andru)m Aphrodiseum, et Galenum, Achillinum, et Simonum Portium 193 qui omnes probant, formam mate­ rialem, eam quae e materia, vi agentis naturalis educitur, esse accidens. 37 a In terro g atilo . C ur l(ibr)o i. Pancosm(iae) docui, extra m un­ dum, esse spacium quoddam infinitum . Respondi. H aec ad fidem non videtur pertinere, quia physica est, Et si aliquid / / a d fidem perti­ neat, et non est contrarium , imo ad m aiorem D ei gloriam facit, [quam] [...] sacris eloquijs, in omnibus, quaerere. Patres autem G re­ ci, Deo tribuunt, quod sit, et omni[s] [...] infiniti potens [...] [...]. Unde m aior Dei gloria est, si quid infinitum etiam creasse dicatur. Aliter infiniti potentia eius negaretur. Et D. Thomas consentit aliquid infinitum esse secundum quid, etiamsi secundum Aristotelem infini­ tum simpliciter esse neget. Sed Aristoteles non omnia vidit. Et eius philosophia in multis m anca est. Sicuti in m ultis est impia. E t D. Aug(usti)nus in [Enchir.] [...] in philosophicis, de num ero, ac vi [Asteris]morum de motu, et ordine, et de effectibus siderum, et de fi­ gura coeli non esse me [tuen] dum sicut physici Greci, m odo sciamus et fateamur, omnia a Deo esse facta. 38 a Inter(rogati)o. C ur ibidem dixerim, lum en quod hoc spacium implet esse corpus. Respondi. Q uia om ne lum en est trine dim en­ sum. Et om ne trium dim ensum est corpus. N eque ab Ecclesia est in contrarium determ inatum . Et Arist(otele)s id fatetur, sed non vidit lumen. 193

See notes 142-143.

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39 a Inter(rogati)o C ur hoc lumen dixerim esse coelum empyreum. Respondi. Ex Basilio, et D. Thom a id sumpsi p(rima) p(arte) q. 66. ar. 3. 194 Q ui ambo lucem extra m undum ponunt et a splendore, vocant, coelum empyreum. 123v 40 a Inter(rogati)o. C ur hoc coelum, coelum em pyreum dixi esse animatum. Respondi. Quia Baruc 3.° ait.195 Q ui emittit lum en et va­ dit, vocavit illud. Et obedijt illi cum tremore. Et in Act. cap. 17.196 D. Paulus ait. Cum ipse det omnibus vitam, et inspirationem, et omnia. Et ad Rom. cap. 8.19/ Scimus quod omnis creatura ingemiscit, et par­ turit usque adhuc. H aec omnia sunt viventium. Et clarius epistula I ad Timot. cap. 6. 198 Coram Deo, qui vivificat omnia. Et Ecclesia in of­ ficio defunctorum , canit. Regem cui omnia vivunt, venite adoremus Nihili ergo in universo est inanim atum , dum toti suo cohaeret. Q ui contra sentit, videat, quam tuto. 41 a Inter(rogati)o. Cur l(ibr)o 26 Pancosm(iae} dixi terram non esse rotundam . Respondi. Q uia Sacrae literae de terrae figura varie lo­ quuntur. Iob 38. cap. 199 N um quid considerasti latitudinem terrae? Alibi ait, longior terrae. Et Apocalyps(is) cap. 7.200 Vidi quatuor An­ gelos stantes, super quatuor angulos terrae. Ergo terra non longa, lata et angularis. Et etiam orbis et gyrum habet, etiamsi ob montes et val­ les et planities non ita exactum. 42 a Interrogatilo. Postrem o retulerunt amici, quosdam se audisse, qui aegerrime tulerint, quod A lbertum m agnum , virum beatum et Theologum, et philosophum insignem, l(ibr)o 19 Pancosm(iae) veteri­ bus Peripateticis stultiorem dixerim. Respondi. 124r Verè fateor, me ignorasse, et adhuc ignorare, eum esse ab Ecclesia Beatum, declaratum. Q uod si sit errorem meum revoco, et non dic­ tum volo. Sed occasionem dedit errori meo, quod audieram, ipsum

194 195 196 197 198 199 200

Thomas Aquinas 1888-1906: V, pp. 160-161. Bar 3: 33. Act 17: 25. Rm 8: 22. I Tim 6: 13. lob 38: 18. Ape 7:1.

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necromanticis quibusdam operam dedisse, et superstitiosis alijs et impijs. Et D. Thomas eum in multis arguere, et alia quaedam similia. Ego vero in re physica eum ita vocavi. In universum, amicis dixi, et nunc repeto, si quae alia sunt in libris meis, novae Philosophiae, supra declaratis similia, eas esse ad hasce meas declarationes revocanda, et cum his simul omnia alia sacrosanc­ tae Ecclesiae catholicae Romanae judicio submitto. Ego Franciscus Patricius

14 Juan Azor,201 Epilogue to Francesco Patrizi, D eclarationes (Rome, 22 April 1594) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, M (Il.a.ll), f. 124r (autographical signature)

Has Declarationes quibus D(ominus) Franciscus Patritius aliquot in sua nova Philosophia locos obscuriores declarat, perlegi: libros de nova Philosophia ab Auctore editos non legi; et propterea de praedic­ tis libris nullam sententiam ferre possum. Quod vero attinet ad has declarationes, in eis quaedam sunt, quae ad rem Theologicam perti­ nent, in quibus nihil invenio quod Fidei Catholicae, ac S(anc)tae Ro­ manae Ecclesiae decretis repugnet, aut à rectis moribus dissentiat, aut quod piorum hominum aures merito offendat. Alia sunt quae ad con­ troversias physicas spectant, in quibus Auctor ingenue ac libere profi­ tetur multa se docere contra Aristotelem, et eius philosophiam tot saeculis ante publico et Theologorum et Philosophorum consensu re­ ceptam: Sed in ijs quoque nihil invenio, quod Catholicae fidei decre­ tis aut bonis moribus adversetur; quamvis nova placita aut antiqua et vetera renovata ab Auctore multis forsitan non placebunt. Ex Colle­ gio Rom(an)o Societatis Iesu, Die 22. Aprilis an(n)o Domini 1594. Ioannes Azor Studiorum Praefectus in eodem collegio 201

Juan Azor; BlOGR. See also ch. Licences, Introduction.

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15 Francesco Patrizi to the Cardinals of the Congregation for the Index, in Rome (Rome, post 22 April 1594) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, M (Il.a.ll), fols. 113r, 114v (autograph)

H3r

Ill.™ et R.mI Si(gno)ri, L’anno passato, dopo havere questa Sacra congreg(atio)ne piu volte udite le mie giuste querele, sopra le ingiuste note fatte contra la mia nuova philosophia essa commise al R.mo Generale del Giesu che le fa­ cesse vedere, da alcuno de suoi padri Theologi, cosi le diede al padre benedetto G iustiniano, il quale in scrittura, le in terp retò tu tte in buon senso. Et ancorché a me paresse che in alquante non havesse compresa a pieno la mia intentione: non di m eno per obedienza le p o rta i alla S.ta di N. S. Il q u ale c o m an d o che il d (ett)o p ad re Giust(inian)o andasse a lei, e gli ordino che vedesse tutto il mio libro, e riferisse se vi trovava cosa repugnante alla s(an)ta fede, obedi il pa­ dre, e veduto il libro riferi a bocca, che non havea trovato cose in contrario. Allora S. B.ne mi comando che io spiegassi in scritto tutta la mia intentione, sopra i detti luoghi opposti, et altri piu oscuri. Cosi sopra tu tti ho fatto le mie dichiarazionj le quali p o rta i allTll.™0 S(igno)r C ard. le d ’Ascoli, supplicando che le facesse vedere al suo Theologo. Rispose non haver Theologo in casa. E mi rimise al padre Maestro S. Palazzo. Feci l’obedienza. E S. R. P.ta mi ordino che le des­ si a vedere al padre Azor nel collegio del Giesu. Egli l’ha veduti, et ha fatto l’attestatione che ne le Teologiche, ne le phisiche contengono cosa repugnante alla fede cat(oli)ca ne ai decreti della S(an)ta Rom. chiesa, ne contra bonos m ores. Stanti le quali cose, supplico io Fran(ces)co Patricio che sia servita questa Sacra Cong(regati)one di far decreto che si stampino le dette mie dechiarazioni, e annessi alli li­ bri della d(et)ta mia philosophia sospesi in Doana, io possa publicarli. E che il mio nom e sia cancellato dall’indice accioche la innocenza mia ne in vita, ne in m orte resti machiata dall’orrenda machia di Ere­ sia, sendo io sem pre stato, e volendo essere obediente fig(lio)lo di ~ 2260

51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

S(an)ta chiesa Apostolica, Cat(oli)ca Romana. E in loro buona gratia humil(men)te mi racc(oman)do. Fran(cis)cus Patricius Alla Sacra Congreg(azi)one sopra l’indice Per Fran(ces)co Patricio3

114v

16 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 3 June 1594) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 73V202

Die 3.a Iunij

73v

Cong(regati)o habita apud Ill.mum Card. Columnam ubi interfuerunt reliqui quibus est superadditus Ill.mus D. Car.lls Toletus203 olim huius Cong(regatio)nis Consultor absente Car.11 Ascanio et Magistro Sacri Palatij. (...) Auditus Patritius cum suis defensionibus et attestatione Patris Azor Societatis Iesu pro sui operis publicatione, et decretum quod in se­ quenti Cong(regatio)ne audiatur R. Pater Benedictus Iustinianus qui totum opus perlegit ut ex eius sententia et approbatione quod ae­ quum fuerit per Cong(regatio)nem statuatur.

“Alia Sacra (...) Fran(ces)co Patricio”: annotation. 202 203

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 170. Francisco Toledo; BlOGR.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

17 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 11 June 1594) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 74r204

74r

(...) Die xi. Iunij Cong(regati)o habita apud Ill.mum Card. Columnam ubi interfuere omnes excepto Card. Alano. Admissus R. Pater Benedictus Iustinianus qui retulit quae sibi vide­ bantur pro Censura et publicatione operum Francisci Patritij et decretum quod Ill.mo Card. Toleto liber cum censuris et Apologia de­ feratur qui omnibus consideratis referat quid sentiendum sit et deter­ minandum à Cong(regatio)ne pro eiusdem operis permissione vel suspensione.

18 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 18 June 1594) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 75r-v

75 r

(...) Die xviij. iunij

75v

Congregatilo habita apud Ill.mum Dominum Card.™ Columnam ubi interfuerunt omnes. (...) IU.mus D. Cardinalis Toletus retulit quomodo Santissimus an­ nuit quod litterae compulsioriales pro Raymundo Lullo expedian­ tur,205 et de Patritio in sequenti Cong(regatio)ne quid sentiat referet.

204 205

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 170. See ch. Lull, doc. 30.

~ 2262 ~

51. FRANCESCO PATRIZI

19 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 2 July 1594) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, fols. 75v-76v206

(...) Die 2. Iulij

75v

Cong(regati)o habita fuit apud Ill.mum D . num Card.1™1 Columnam ubi interfuerunt omnes excepto Card.11 Alano. Ill.mus Dominus Card.lls Toletus retulit quae sibi animadversione di­ 76r gna videbantur in operibus Patritij, quae diu discussa, et m ature exa­ minata fuere et tandem omnium consensu decretum quod liber om ni­ no prohiberetur, et A uctor in Cong(regatio)ne advocatus adm onere­ tur, et corrigeretur, ostendendo quot erronea in suo opere continen­ tur, quae nec sentire nec docere praesertim in U rbe catholicum virum decet. Patritius coram Ill.mis Cardinalibus tunc se praesentavit, et se ac sua omnia correctioni Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae, ac Arbitrio Sacrae Cong(regatio)nis humiliter submissit de erratis ignoranter veniam petens et se catholicum, et S.M.E. obsequentissimum filium semper fuisse, nec se ita ut scripsit sentire nec talia docere testatus est, quare acriter primum et deinde benigne admonitus, et correctus dimissus fuit, mandando eidem, ut omnia sui operis exem plaria quam diligentissime perquireret et Cong(regatio)ni traderet supprimenda, sicuti postea per Secretarium fac­ tum est et quae in Urbe reperta sunt in unum colecta11 apud Magistrum Sacri Palati] servantur, et apud Secretarium est originale impressum cum Censuris et expurgationibus, quae vero extra Urbem / / dispensa minime haberi potuerunt propter defectionem Impressoris, qui profugus ex Fer­ 76v raria aufugit.207

“ “coletta”: sic. 206 207

Published in Firpo 1950b, p. 171. See Zambelli 1967.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

20 Registrations of Decrees of the Congregation for the Index (9 and 12 December 1592, 2 July 1594) (Rome, seventeenth century) ACDF, Index, XVII.2, £. 83 r

83r

9.a et 12.a Decembris 1592. Patritius fol(io) 61 - et 62. Reponatur in Indice. 2. Iulij 1594 Opera Patritij fol(io) 76. Omnino prohibeatur.

21 Registration of the Prohibition of Nova p hilosoph ia (Rome, ante 1596) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, K (II.a.9), f. 214r

2 i4 r

Francisci Patritij nova de Universis Phylosophia,3 nisi fuerit ab auc­ tore correcta, et Romae cum approbatione mag(ist)ri sacri palatij im­ pressa.208

a

“Phylosophia”: sic, correction of “Phylosophya”.

208

See also ILI, IX, p. 945.

2264 ~

52 BENITO (BENET) PEREIRA (PEREYRA, PERERIUS)

Pereira’s (1535-1610) C om m entaria et disputationes in G enesim , one of the major works of early modern Catholic exegesis, appeared in many editions and reprints during the sixteenth and seventeenth cen­ turies. These commentaries bear on cosmogonic, historical-chronologi­ cal, and hermeneutical issues.1 Although certain philosophical ideas of Pereira were criticized by other Jesuits, his orthodoxy was never chal­ lenged and none of his works were examined by the Holy Office or the Congregation for the Index after publication.2 Yet, the censurae repro­ duced below show that the very issues under scrutiny, Pereira’s fame (he was professor of biblical exegesis at the Collegio Romano), and the work being printed by the Vatican printing press - by virtue of which it became an ‘official’ text - triggered a detailed examination in order to grant the imprimatur. Unfortunately, the cen surae held in ACDF only regard vol. IV (concerning Genesis 25-50), and not the earlier volumes, which most probably were exam ined too, and which contained Pereira’s views of Creation. Other works by Pereira, most notably De co m m u n ib u s o m n iu m reru m n a tu ra liu m p rin cip iis e t a ffec tio n ib u s (Rome 1576) and C om m entarla in D anielem prophetam (Rome 1587), dealt with issues relevant for the history of science. The former dis­ cussed cosmology, physical ontology, and dynamics, the latter theoreti­ cal chronology based on the Bible. However, there is no censura of these works in ACDF.

1 Sommervogel, VI, cols. 501-504, lists six editions till 1685. However, this list is incom­ plete; the first volume appeared in 1589, not in 1591 (see Pereira 1589-1599). Pereira’s inter­ pretation of biblical cosmogony was not particularly original. The work’s major influence on the debate concerning the relation between science and the Bible was due to the four criteria it developed for exegetical method, i.e. concerning the significance and range of the literal sense of the Holy Scripture. These criteria can be traced in Galilei’s treatment of this issue in his letters to Benedetto Castelli and Christina of Lorraine; cf. Baldini 1992, pp. 296-97, 303, notes 52-54.

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1 Anastasio da Brescia, Pronouncement on the Concession of the imprimatur to vol. IV of Commentaria in Genesim (Rome, 26 August 1597) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (II.a.13), fols. 495r-496v (autograph)

Notulae in 4.m tomum Commentariorum in Genesim R. p. Bene­ dicti pererij.23 Quae in Commentarijs 4.1 tomi in Genesim Rev(erend)i p. Benedic­ ti pererij repperi à Rev.mo patre Magistro sacri palatij4 iudicanda, vel ab Authore perpendenda sunt haec infrascripta. Numero 6.° marginali capitis .25. pag. [8], p.' quinterni fac. p.a du­ bitat Author quamdiu Isaac precatus fuerit Deum pro sterilitate uxo­ ris, et responso dato .D. Chrisost(om)i id fuisse per viginti annos post coniugium; Author fac. 2 reijcit hanc D. Chrysost(om)i respon­ sionem ea ductus ratione, quod non statim post Coniugium, si uxor non pariat, non sit iudicanda sterilis, sed ad id iudicandum (quia quaedam maturius, quaedam serius pariunt) aliquot annos in Coniungio praeterfluxisse expectandum sit.5 2

It should be kept in mind that the Society submitted doctrinal works written by its members to a commission of theologians before they were presented to the Inquisitor or the Master of the Sacred Palace for the imprimatur. As a rule the works were thoroughly exam­ ined, and thus it is most unlikely that approved works could appear unorthodox to Censors of the Holy Office or the Index. The assessments of Pereira’s Commentaria, dated 1594-95, are in ARSI, FG. 652, pp. 32-39. 3 The date shows that the censura was written before the book was printed. Thus, like docs. 2-3, it is among the very few examples in ACDF of a preventative censura, that is, one concerning the concession of the imprimatur. Docs. 2-3, written by the same author, consider ch. 38 and following chs., while this document examines volume IV, starting with cap. 25, on Gn 25: 19. Now, as the Censor stops at ch. 27, there may have been an intermediate censura, which is not preserved. 4 Bartolomé de Miranda or his successor Giovanni Battista Lanci; see BlOGR. and Tau­ risano 1916, p. 52. 5 This passage did not change in the printed edition; cf. IV, p. 5.

52. BENITO PEREIRA

Sed nimis facile mihi videtur Authorem D. Chrisost(omu)m refel­ lere. Cum enim uxores tunc temporis essent maturioris aetatis, vali­ dioris naturae, et talis faecunditatis à Deo donatae, ut steriles maleditionis nota inurerentur, atque propterea statim ac in lib. Genesis et in libris Regum de aliquo dicitur, cognovit uxorem suam, subito infer­ tur, quae concepit et peperit; potuit iure merito Isaac elapso p.° coni­ ugi) anno dubitare de sterilitate uxoris, et pro ea Dominum precari, sic igitur fac. 2. delenda haec iudicarem “verum mihi eius opinio non probatur” usque ibi “probabilius igitur” et pro his ultimis legerem “probabiliter etiam” delendo etiam haec in margine “non probatur opi(ni)o Chrysost(om)i”.6 Numero .76. marginali Capitis. 25. pag. 43. fac. 1. 2.1 quinterni, proponit Author hanc dubitationem. An cum primogenitura esset coniunctum sacerdotium. Et licet partem affirmativam optimè probet, insolutam tamen relinquit pro parte negativa hanc rationem, scilicet quod Abel, qui non erat primogenitus, sacrificavit tamen etiam prae­ sente Cain primogenito. Quòd si ex verbis .D. Hyeron(im}i pag. 44. fac. 1. inductis putat Author hanc remansisse solutam, quibus ait. omnes primogenitos ex stirpe Noe fuisse sacerdotes, ac si ante Noe temporibus scilicet Abel ante diluvium id non esset in usu, ac per / / hoc ea dub(itati)o nihil momenti habeat contra positam respolutionem, si inquam, haec esset illius dubitationis solutio. Ego post ver­ ba .D. Hyeron(im)i pag. 44 cit. haec adderem “adeo quod ex his ver­ bis facile colligi potest primogeniturae fuisse coniunctum sacer­ dotium, non quidem tempore Abelis, et ante diluvium, sed tantum à primogenitis ex stirpe Noe usque ad Aroon”. Si autem haec non est vera solutio, eam puto esse requirendam, et huic loco inserendam.7 Numero. 85. marginali capitis. 25. pag. 53. 2.1 quinterni in fine fac. ae p. de reprobis loquens Author ait seram, et infructuosam esse poen­ itentiam, quam in novissimis agunt impij. Ne huiusmodi sententia ita simpliciter prolata videatur adversari ijs, quae tradit Ezech. cap. 18. 6

The phrase “verum (...) probatur” was eliminated; the marginal note “non probatur (...) Chrysostomi” was replaced by “Chrysostomi opinio discutitur”. 7 IV, pp. 41-42. See letter CXXVI in Hieronymus 1575-1576, pp. 28-31, especially p. 30. Pereira did not include the phrase by the Censor, but added other quotations: Hieronymus’ commentary to Gn 27, Ex 19 and 24 (with Caietanus’ commentary), and Hbr 12.

~ 2267 ~

495v

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

496r

cum averterit se impius et c. in margine rationem sententiae Ridicavi addendam, his verbis “Non enim est ex dolore culpae, et amore Dei, sed ex damno perditionis aeternae suscepta”.8 Numero .27. marginali Capitis .27. pag. 36 quinti quinterni fac. 2. ponens Author differentiam inter mendacium per verba, et simula­ tionem per facta ait “mendacium in verbis numquam potest esse lici­ tum, simulatio autem per facta, et signa quaedam externa (in margine additur) quae alij accepturi sunt in alium et diversum finem, quam in­ tendatur à nobis, et ad quem significandum nec per se, nec secundum intentionem nostram illa ordinatur, talis inquam simulatio potest fieri licita, si nec malo animo fiat, nec alijs damnum adferat, nec scan­ dalum pariat. Est enim simulatio per facta, sicut usus vocis, vel ora­ tionis ambiguae, quae non eodem sensu accipitur ab audiente, atque à loquente, talis autem loquutio per se non est mala, imo et à Domino nostro, et à sanctis viris non raro usurpata?9 Quae omnia vera quidem sunt, sed simulationi Iacob, pro qua, ut à peccato vindicatur, haec in medium afferuntur, non video hoc in loco ab Authore accomodari, et particularius explicari, unde posset quis ex his verbis ita universaliter tantum prolatis / / concludere to­ tum oppostum eius, quod quaeritur, nam diceret quis, signum illud exterius pellicularum [aedinarum] aliquo modo per se ratione scili­ cet pilositatis, et etiam ex Intentione Iacob assumptum fuisse ad representandum Iacob esse Esau in propria persona, et Iacob inten­ debat etiam, ut haec ad hunc eundem finem ab Isaac intelligerentur, et acciperentur, propterea non potest dici, quod haec simulatio fuerit sicut usus orationis ambiguae, quae non eodem sensu acci­ pitur ab audiente, atque à loquente. nam ut dixi Iacob intendebat, ut in eodem sensu acciperentur ab Isaac tangente, in quo à se propo-

This quote has no ending. 8 Ez. 18, 24. In the printed edition the passage is in vol. IV, p. 46; the addition proposed by the Censor was not adopted. 9 The quotation, which is without ending, seems to end with “non raro usurpata”. In the printed edition this passage was replaced by other arguments, bearing on the same meaning (IV, pp. 97-99). Pereira’s “disputatio” regarded the legitimacy of Jacob’s behaviour, as he dressed like Esau in order to cheat Isaac.

~ 2268 ~

52. BENITO PEREIRA

nente usurpabantur. Hinc cum immediatè post praecitata verba di­ cat “si quis porro simulans facto aliquid, quod non ita est, intenderet illud significare, et ab alijs intelligi, haud dubiè peccaret” posset quis addendo hanc minorem, at Iacob per illas aedinas pelliculas collo et manibus obvolutas simulabat se esse Esau in persona, qui tamen non erat, et Intendebat illud significare, et ita à patre intelligi volebat, concludere, ergo haud dubiè peccavit. Quae Conc(lusi)o opponitur determinationi factae. Quamobrem, ut haec peracuta resolutio tollat omnem difficul­ tatem, puto in fine .2.ae notulae in margine positae scilicet post haec verba “haud dubiè peccaret” haec esse addenda. (At Iacob per illud factum externum, et per illas aedinas pelliculas non Intendebat si­ gnificare aliquid quod non esset, scilicet se esse Esau, licet fortasse scire posset in tali sensu à patre hoc esse accipiendum, sed intendebat occultare se esse Iacob, ad quod etiam significandum illud factum poterat accomodari. Unde cùm max(im)è diversum sit factis coelare veritatem, quod iustis de causis aliquando licet, ut in praesenti mate­ ria; et factis significare aliud, quam sit in reipsa, et in animo eius, qui representat, quod sine peccato fieri non posse existimo, manifestum est simulationem illam Iacob fuisse inculpabilem. His potest, et illud addi, quod hoc factum externum non significabat per se Iacob // esse 496v Esau, neque ad hunc finem à Matre propositum fuit, sed significabat magna illa mysteria, quae à patribus superius dixi fuisse Commemo­ rata. Ad haec enim significanda eo spiritus sancti instinctu et monitu Iacob hoc signo usum fuisse credendum est, quo totum hoc opus mirabile, et divinitus praemonstratum fuit, et foeliciter absolutum. Ergo simulationem illam Iacob. et c.10 Haec sunt Rev.me pater quae pro tenuitate Ingenij mei in hoc opere iudicavi animadvertenda; non ut opus hoc, aut Authorem alicuius in­ curiae, vel incogitantiae insimulare voluerim, sed ut virium miarum imbecillitatem, qua fortasse germanum Authoris sensum non potui exactè percipere, ingenuè patefacere possem. Quamobrem haec om-

10

Neither Pereira’s marginal note nor the addition suggested by the Censor are in the printed text. However, part of the addition was presented at the end of the chapter; see IV, p. 101.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

nia s a p ie n tis s im i iudicio Rev.mae D om inationis tuae libentiss(im)e subijcio. Datum in Aedibus S.“ Saturnini in Monte Quirinali Die XXVJ Augusti MDXCVIJ Anastasius à Brixia monacus Cassinensis 11 m anu propria

2 Anastasio da Brescia, Pronouncem ent on the concession of the imprimatur to vol. IV of Commentaria in Genesim (chs. 38-41) (Rome, 7 April 1598) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (II.a.13), f. 693r (autograph)

693r

In his Commentarijs .R.P. Benedicti pererij super Genesim à Cap. 38 usque ad 41.m inclusivè iussu Rev.mi patris Magistri Sacri palati]12 à me visis, et lectis, nihil repperi, quod iuxtà praescriptum ,S.tae Rom(an)ae Ecclesiae non minus Catholicè, et piè, quàm accuratè et diserto ser­ mone non sit explicatum. Ideo, ut imprimantur, digna esse Censeo, in quorum Fidem etc.13 Datum in Coenobio S.u pauli extrà Urbem Die .7.° mensis Aprilis MDXCVIIJ. Anastasius à Brixia Monacus Cassinensis m anu propria

11

Anastasio da Brescia; BlOGR. Giovanni Battista Lanci or his successor, Giovanni Maria Guanzelli; see BlOGR. and Taurisano 1916, p. 52. 13 Chs. XXXVIII-XLI regard Gn 38 to 41. 12

2270

52. BENITO PEREIRA

3 Anastasio da Brescia, Pronouncement on the Concession of the imprimatur to vol. IV of Commentaria in Genesim (chs. 42-45) (Rome, [1598])14 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, O (II.a.13) f. 591r (autograph)

Observata in Comm(entaria) R. p. Benedicti pererij in Cap. 42. Genes, usque ad 45.m inclusive15 Pag. 15. 2.‘ quinterni fac. 1. lin. 7. Vir[um] cordatum et prudentem appellat eum, qui bonorum fortunae stabilitatem anxie peroptat. qui modus loquendi an Ecc(lesiasti)co scriptori eta in rebus sacris versanti conveniat ambigo.16 Pag. 16. eiusdem quinterni fac. 1. lin. 9. inquit rationem humanam habere lumen naturale Intellectus, et supernaturale fidei, valde obscu­ ratum; et hanc causam esse imperitiae ac negligentiae naucleri idest nostrae rationis corpus humanum gubernantis.17 quod et si ratione lu­ minis naturalis verum esse cognoscatur, an tamen idem sit respectu lu­ minis supernaturalis fidei dubito quammaxime. Firmitas enim et Certi­ tudo huius luminis supernaturalis supplet eius obscuritatem, unde ab eo lumine, nec impertitiam, nec negligentiam oriri puto. Pag. 13. 5. Quinterni, in Cap. 45. fac. 1. lin. 1 ait “arcano Dei Con­ silio imputat” legerem “arcano dei Consilio permittente et dispo­ nente imputat”. Anastasius monacus Cassin(ensis) Manu propria “ “et”: in the interlinear space. 14 This censura was probably written shortly after the two previous ones by the same au­ thor, and certainly before the end of 1598, when vol. IV appeared. 15 Chs. 42-45 regard Gn 42 to 45. It is likely that Anastasio examined also the commen­ tary of the following chapters (till Joseph’s death), but ACDF does not hold this censura. 16 The phrase is not in the printed text. 17 The passage was not modified; cf. IV, p. 552.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Ex hisp(an)o pag. 14 absorbetur a Censura [fjoregiani Hae de­ sumpt [a]a Ex Augustini Eugubini Cosmopoeia impress, per Sebast. Cryphi anno 153528 Pag. 29. in primum caput Genes, in ilia verba. In principio creavit Deus coelum, et terram, expungatur ab illis verbis. Quare, et ab He­ braeis, et latinis usque ad illa eiusdem pag. Errorem non deffendo.29

3 Lelio Pellegrini, Censura of Cosmopoeia (Rome, presented on 11 August and Z1 October 1588) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, AA (II.a.23), fols. 266r-267v, 272r (autograph)

Censura in Cosmopeiam Aug(ustin)i Eugubini Impress(io)nis Parisiis per Michaelem Somnium anno domini 157830

266r

Pag. 4. ver. 5° Altera est in Deo prop(rie)tas spectans ad res nostras earumque administrationem in qua non solum deus non est im­ mutabilis sed fieri etiam non potest ne non sit mutabilis necesse est enim Deum mutari dispositiones suas ad rerum nostrarum muta­ tionem iniustissimusque esset nisi mutaretur implacabilis inexorabilis, quae cum sit crudelitas vix etiam in tyrannis ne dum in Deo locum habet etc. Et infra ver. 27. Ut igitur apparet Deum in rebus nostris fuisse mutatum, sic mutatus est ad mundi constit(utio)nem manus admoliens. His verbis Eugubinus concedit tandem mutationem in deo qua respicit res nostras, quod non est admittendum. Ego enim domi­ nus, et non mutor Malachiae cap.0 3.031 et sermo ibi est de Deo ut a

“ex hispano (...) desumptla]”: annotation in a third hand.

28

Steuco 1535. A rather extensive quote regarding the “coelum empyreum” as uncreated; see also the Censura by Pellegrini below. 30 Steuco 1578, fols. 1-88. 31 Mai 3: 6. 29

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69. AGOSTINO STEUCCO

respicit res nostras, quin etiam S. Ambros(ius) S(erm)o de Noe et arca323 ait, Deo nullam succedere de novo sententiam nec irasci quasi mutabilem, sed hec [ideo] ita dantur ut peccatorum nostrorum acer­ bitas intelligatur, quib(us) Deus qui nulla movetur passione provoca­ tus videatur ad iracundiam, locus iste commode expungi non potest quare addenda esset in margine hec annotatio, vere tamen, et real(ite)r nunquam deus mutatur. Pag.3 l l a in ea verba. In principio creavit etc. Hec utilitas necessi­ tasque cum creare compulerat etc. Ut infra pag.3 12 in ea verba. Ina­ nis et vacua,37 Dixi hoc fuisse nec aliud esse potuisse rerum sensibili­ um corporaliumque primordium etc. videntur ista favere heresi Petri Abailardi asserentis Deum non posse res aliter facere quam facit.34 Censerem igitur in margine apponendum, supposito Dei decreto. Pag.3 eadem à tergo. De Caelo empyreo loquens ait. Hoc igitur non potest esse creatum35 et infra, Deinde, cum illud sit regnum Dei non videtur fas regnum Dei non semper fuisse. Est enim Celum empyreum claritas divina quam semper fuisse cum Deo / / necesse est. et infra. Nec potest esse aliud Caelum empyreum quam claritas illa manans circumquaque à Deo extra mundum, extra rerum creatarum corruptibilium que regnum. Idem repetit pag. 9336 et infra usque ad finem in tractatu de creatione angelorum et Celo empyreo, ubi ait Caelum Empyreum non esse creatum. Index Hispaniensis expungit hunc locum ab illis verbis Quare et ab Hebreis, usque ad illa Errorem non defendo.3' Et certe opinio Eugubini erronea est, nam et commu­ nis est sententia Celum Empyreum esse creatum à Deo, et si ponatur claritas illa circumquaque manans à Deo increata necessario con­ stituetur quartum suppositum in divinis.

32

PL 14, cap. IV, col. 366. Gn 1: 2. 34 Peter Abelard (1079-1142) was condemned at the Councils of Soissons (1121) and of Sens (1140); cf. Mansi, 21, cols. 266-270, and 559-570. As is well known, in treating creation, Abelard was accused of having replaced the freedom and omnipotence of God by a form of optimism. 35 Steuco viewed the “coelum empyreum” as “regnum D ei”. 36 De rebus incorporalibus et invisibilibus, in Steuco 1578, fols. 89-94. 37 ILI, VI, pp. 788-89. 33

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267r

Pag. 18. in fine Delenda essent illa verba, qui non sine afflatu loqu­ untur.38 neque enim Ovidius39 et Claudianus quorum hic affert testi­ monia divino spiritu dictante carmina illa profuderunt Principio ter­ ram ne non equalis ab omni etc. et Tellurem medio libraverat axe.40 Pag. 29. in ea verba, dixit quoque Deus fiat firmamentum etc.41 de hymno trium puerorum 4243 loquens ait dicendum auctorem eius carminis in ea sen(ten)tia fuisse sicut et hebrei postea vetustiores autem secus sensisse etc. ubi Eugubinus reijcit autoritatem illius hym­ ni quasi non fuerit à spiritu sancto dictatus et male cum T(ridenti)num Concilium sess. 4.a cap.° 2.043 vulgatam istam scripture edi­ tionem cum omnibus suis partibus recipiendam esse praecipiat, quare delenda essent ea verba, Quod autem in hymno, usque ad illa vetus­ tiores autem secus credidisse. Pag. 43. In ea verba faciamus hominem etc.44 Quod si ratio est vera divinitas factus est autem à Deo rationis particeps homo particeps etiam divinitatis est factus ergo et immortalitatis. Delendum esset verbum, Vera, alias sequitur hominem esse verum Deum. Pag.a 45. In ea verba faciamus hominem etc. Duoque narrat prae­ clara Creatorem hominis fuisse filium Dei quem p[ate]r tanquam auctoritatem suam miserit ad creandum sicut et postea ad redimen­ dum etc. Duo hic offendunt. p(rimu)m quia creationem soli filio tribuit; alterum est quia filius missus ad creandum à patre arguitur minor patre, missus enim ad hominem redimendum humiliavit se ip­ sum formam servi accipiens at in creatione non est factus minor pa­ tre. quare delenda essent ea verba Duoque narrat etc. usque ad illa quantum divinit(at)is insit verbis Mosaicis in isto loco. 38 Steuco 1978, f. 18r: “Poetae quoque, qui non sine afflatu loquuntur, hoc sunt admiran­ da et confessi”. 39 Steuco quoted Ovidius, Metamorphoses, I: “Principio terram, ne non aequalis ab omni / Parte foret, magni speciem glomeravit in orbis”; see Ovidius 1982, p. 1. 40 “Tellurem medio libravit axe” is quoted from a certain De laudibus Stilichonis. The wordings had not been found in De consulatu Stilichonis or A d Stilichonem, however; see Claudianus 1985. 41 Gn 1: 6. 42 Dn 3: 51-90, missing in the Hebrew text and accepted as canonical only in Catholic editions of the Bible; see Biblia Sacra, pp. 1349-51. 43 Mansi, 33, cols. 22-23. 44 Gn 1:26.

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69. AGOSTINO STEUCCO

Pag.a eadem refert et probat haec verba Philonis, Nichil quod esset mortale poterat ad eum qui supremus est paterque universi figurari, sed ad secundum Deum qui est verbum eius etc. et infra nam Deus qui est supra verbum potior est ac melior omni rationali creatura, quocirca nefas esset quicque assimile illi fingi, qui in opt(im)a excellentissimaque Idea subsisteret etc.45 Delendus est locus46 iste uti favens Arrianis. ab his verbis, sed quoniam, usque ad illa, nam alias praedicat patrem cum filio unum Deum. Pag. 46. in principio. Hunc 6 pater à quo creatio mundi est michi credita quique omnium meorum consiliorum, et inventionum parti­ ceps fuisti etc. Delendus est locus ab illis verbis Ut quasi diceret mun­ danus ille opifex47 etc. usque ad illa, sic opifex mens cum genitore. Pag. eadem in ea verba. Ad immaginem et similitudinem nostram,48 Quem ibi Ieovah, idest Iovem vel ex listen] tem nuncupat/ Delendum est illud Iovem neque enim recte Arca domini in templo Dagon49 col­ locatur nichilque idola cum Deo immortali commune habent. Pag. eadem. Quam videntem et intuentem generis nostri principem censendum est amore insanisse, creatoremque tibi foeminis specio­ siorem penè deperisse. Delenda sunt omnia ista. Pag. eadem à tergo de Pallade love ceterisque dijs qui varias fin­ guntur suscepisse figuras ait, redolent enim poetica illa sanctissimam antiquit(at)em e vera ut par est Teologia accersita. Et ista possent deleri, quamvis etiam si non expungantur non magnam pareant le­ genti offensionem. Haec omnia in p(rimu)m Caput.

“ In the margin: “Vide pag. 66.e et pag. 83.e”. 45

See Philo, Quaestiones et solutiones in Genesim, which is known only in an Armenian translation. The provenance of the Greek passage quoted by Steuco is not clear. In the mod­ ern edition by Ch. Mercier (Paris 1979), the passage is lacking. 46 Pellegrini eliminated almost half a page regarding the interpretation of Philo. 47 Probably the clause “Ut quasi diceret mundanus ille opifex”, which is not in Steuco’s text, is meant as a substitution for “sic opifex mens cum genitore”. 48 Gn 1: 25. 49 IS m 5 :2 .

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Laelius peregrinus In alterum Caput Cosmopeiae Aug(ustin)i Steuchi Eugubini Pag. 69. à Duobus igitur propositis huius hebraicae vocis Tela sen­ sibus, ut vel de costa mulier sit aedificata et sumpta,50 vel ab uno la­ tere separata cohaerens prius, et quasi fuerit hominis pars altera, ierem ego magis in hunc posteriorem sensum etc. et infra b. non diceretur mulier ad immaginem Dei creata, nisi simul intelligeremus utrumque creatum etc. et infra. Haec autem dominus non dico An­ drogynum Platonis quod reprobat Aug(ustinu)s, sed dico duas per­ sonas simul creatas duosque distinctos homines et inter se cohaer­ entes etc. Haec omnia sunt contra scripturam sacram Sap. p.°5152Haec illum qui p.° formatus est a Deo patre orbis terrarum cum solus esset creatus custodivit et p.a ad Timot. cap. 2.052 Adam p(rimu)s formatus est deinde Èva et hunc fuisse sensum omnium sanctorum Patrum et scolasticorum docet Alfonsus de Castro 1. 2 contra hereses v(er)o Adam.5354 Addo si verum esset istud commentum Eugubini, cur non magis Adam diceretur formatus de latere Eve, Quare etc. In Caput ultimum

272r

Pag. 74. e. Arbor vitae astabat ipsa quidem veluti praemium de cuius fructu vesci non quidem prohibebantur, sed vetabantur attingere, inaccessusque erat locus et arbor. Hoc certe est contra divinam promis­ sionem Gen. 2.054 Ex omni ligno paradisi commedis, de ligno autem scientiae boni et mali ne comedas ergo potuit homo vesci arbore vitae. Quod si non precepto divino prohibebatur sed loci tantum praecipitio cur ergo Deus iussit ut commederent de ligno, quod ille preruptis in locis constitutum reddiderat inaccessum? hoc siquidem fuisset hominis egestatem et debilitatem irridere non eius indigentiae subveni etc. Pag. 85. e. Ecce noster Adam quasi nostri similis esse voluit, ten­ dant fata in contrarium et pag. 87 c. Est fatalis prohibitio non homi50 51 52 53 54

Gn 2: 21-22. Sap 1: 7. IT im 2 : 15. Castro 1555, fols. 83r-98r. G n2: 17.

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69. AGOSTINO STEUCCO

nis regressum irrevocabile dictum etc. Delenda videntur ista omnia ad fatum pertinentia.55 Pag. 87. d. Omnibus clamantibus eum evadere potuisse immortalem, si modo officium coluisset fortunamque suam meminisse voluisset etc. Delerem totum illud fortunamque suam meminisse voluisset etc. In comentarium de creatione Angelorum et Celo empyreo Pag. 93. et infra usque ad finem facit Celum empyreum quod increatum que omnia sunt delenda, ut supra annotavimus cap. p.° Cosmopoeiae. Pag. 29. In p(rimu)m Caput Gen. 5657in illa verba In principio creavit Deus caelum et terram expungantur ab illis verbis quare, et ab Hebreis et latinis usque ad illa eiusdem pag. Errorem non defendo, ut 5.357 Laelius peregrinus

4 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 27 O ctober 1588) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 35r“

Die 27. O ctobris b

35r

Cong(regati)o habita apud Card, de Ruvere ubi interfuerunt Alanus et Borromaeus. Censuras retulerunt Sacrista 58 in Conc(ili)um Coloniensem et Lelius Peregrinus in Eugubini Cosmopaeiam. “ Draft in ACDF, Index, Protocolli, B (II.a.2), f. 109r: “Die 27“ Octobris 1588 / / Habita fuit Congregano in domo Ill.ml et R.ml D. de Ruver et adfuerunt Ill.rnl et R.ml DD Alanus / / et Borrhomeus. / / ............/ / Secundo R.s Dominus Laelius Peregrinus retulit reliqua quae no­ tatu digna videantur in Cosmopeia Aug(usti)ni Steuchi Eugubini”. b In the margin: “Prot. B. p. 110”. See the previous note. 55

The context is Adam’s expulsion from Paradise. Gn 1: 1. 57 “Pag. 29 In (...) ut 5.“”: this passage adopts the first proposal contained in the 1584 Spanish Expurgatory Index; cf. supra and ILI, VI, p. 986. 58 Agostino Molari; BiOGR. 56

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5 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 20 August 1590) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, f. 42va

42v Die 20. Augusti13 Congregatilo habita apud Ill.mum Card, de Ruvere ubi interfuerunt Card.les Ascanius et Borromaeus. Decretum ut Cosmopaeia Augustini Steuchi Censuranda tradere­ tur Mario Aliterio.59

6 Ambrogio Morandi60 to Card. Girolamo della Rovere, in Rome (Rome, ca. 1590-1591) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I (II.a.8), fols. 491r, 494v (copy)

491r

(...) Si trovano nella Cosmopeia d’Agostino Steuco alcuni errori, la Censura e correttione de quali si compiacque à giorno passati il R.mo P. Mastro di Sacro Palazzo61 darla al Generale di San Pietro in Vin­ coli,62 come à quello che in Venetia fa stampare tutte l’opere del sodetto Agostino, hora perche quelli Stampadori sono dubiosi d’inserirli la detta Correttione, se da Roma non vengono prima certificati di poterlo fare, perciò il detto Generale humilmente suppl(ic)a V. S. a b

Draft in ACDF, Index, Protocolli, B (II.a.2), f. 173r. In the margin: “Prot. B. p. 178”. See the previous note.

59

Mario Altieri; BlOGR. Ambrogio Morandi, then General of the Clerics Regular of S. Salvatore, that is, the Order Steuco belonged to; cf. BlOGR. 61 Vincenzo Bonardi; BlOGR. 62 That is, Ambrogio Morandi. As a rule the correction of works by monks, friars and regular clerks was commissioned to their Order; cf. ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 19. Remarkably, in this case editor and corrector were the same person. 60

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Ill.ma e R.ma che hauta informatione dal R.mo P. Mastro, e poi parendo bene alla Prudenza sua, che si stampi, si degni anco per mezo di chi più le piacerà far’intendere al molto R. P. Inquisitore di Venetia che tutto si fa con buona gratia di V. S. Ill.ma e R.ma che di questo se li terà obligo perpetuo (...) R escribatur Inquisitori, ut accipiat C ensuram , et [...] in his in 494v quibus videt esse necess(ari)um. Postrem o decreverunt ut firm etur Censura ex auct(orita)te Cong(regatio)nis et sic transm ittatur Inq(uisito)ri Venetiarum.a

7 Ambrogio M orandi to the Cardinals of the Congregation for the Index, in Rome (Rome, ante 14 Novem ber 1592) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, I(II.a.8), f. 492r (copy)

(...) Si espone a VV. SS. Ill.me et R.me come per ordine di questa 492r Sacra Congreg(atio)ne dell’indice il R.mo Bonardo M astro di sacro Palazzo,63 et S(igno)r Mario delli Altieri], havendo havuto carico di rivedere la Cosmopeia d ’Agostino Steuco, levorno quelle cose, che potevano essere dubbiose, o suspette, et posero in imargine,b quelle che doveano servire per dichiaratione; et di questo havendone prima fatto fede 1’111.™° et R.mo S(igno)r Card.le Colonna, con sue lettere, al molto R. padre Inquisitore di Vin(eti)a, D on Ambrogio M orandi si prese carico di fare ristampare tutte l’O pere di quell’Auttore, come h u o m o della sua R eligione di san P ie tro in V in co li, et p e rc iò humilm(ent)e hora supp(lic)a VV. SS. Ill.me et RR. Che si degnino con­ firmare, quella Correttione med(esim)a in occasione, che si ristampa l’indice nuovo, (...) a b

63

“Rescribatur (...) Venetiarum”: annotation. “imargine”: sic. In the meantime Bonardi became Bishop of Gerace; see BlOGR.

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Censuit Congreg(ati)o Oratori concedendum ut Aug(ustin)i Stheuci Cosmopeia reponatur in Indice cum Clausula nisi fuerit ex emendatis et impressis Venetijs 159164 sic Decretum fuit die 14 Novembris 1592.a

8 Decree of the Congregation for the Index (Rome, 14 Novem ber 1592) ACDF, Index, Diari, 1, fols. 58v-59ra 58v

59r

Die 14a . Novembris Cong(regati)o habita apud Card. M arcum Ant(oniu)m Columnam ubi interfuerunt omnes cum Magistro Sacri Palati]. (...) Decretum quod in Indice reponatur Augustini Eugubini Cosmopaeia cum clausula nisi fuerit ex emendatis et impressis Venetijs 1591.

9 Paolo Pagliari,65 Inquisitor of Brescia, to Simone Tagliavia de Aragon, Card, of Terranova,66 in Rome (Brescia, 31 August 1599) ACDF, Index, III.4, f. 26r (autograph) 26r

(...) in tanto che sin’hora non ci è di corretto altro che quella con­ tinuazione de tem pi aggiunta alla Cronica d ’Eusebio:67 Thesaurus lina b

“Censuit Congreg(ati)o (...) Novembris 1592”: annotation. Summary of the original Decree in ACDF, Index, XVII.2, f. 7v (copies on fols. 21v and 32v).

64

Steuco 1591. Paolo Pagliari; BlOGR. 66 Simone Tagliavia de Aragon; BlOGR. 67 The work by Matteo Palmieri; see ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 19, f. 537r. 65

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guae hebraicae sanctis [Pagnini] auctus op(er)a Iohannis mercerij68 le Centurie di Amato Lusitano 69 le scoglie 3 di [Rehinardo Lorichio] hadanario [in] Astonio:70 la Cosmopoeia di Agostino Eugubino (...)

“ “scoglie”: sic, for “scolii”. 68 69 70

Pagnini 7577. Amatus 1560 and 1566-, see eh. Amatus Lusitanus, doc. 6. Aphtonius 1597.

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70 NICOLA ANTONIO STIGLIOLA

Documents regarding the Inquisitorial proceedings against Nicola Antonio Stigliola (1546-1627), published at the end o£ the nineteenth century by Luigi Amabile, allow a reconstruction of the various phas­ es of his trial and the respective charges.1 He was first arrested in Naples in 1591 at the request of the Nuncio Germanico Malaspina, whose motivations, however, are unknown.2 Stigliola was probably released soon afterwards. On 25 May 1595, the Jesuit Claudio Mi­ gliatesi offered a deposition to the Roman Inquisition, maintaining that during a visit to the house of the Prince of Conca3 he had heard from several gentlemen that Stigliola: Haveva decto, parlandose de cose appertinenteno [rz'c] ala Santa fede, et dimandato quel che esso ne teneva, rispose dicendo, che quando fusse stato un Concilio aperto, haveria decto quel che teneva, et occoreva, et altre volte, haveva decto, ragionandose de cose spettanteno [«?] ala santa fede, che questi de la chiesa Romana dicono a questo modo, et li ultramontani seu quelli de la nova religione dicono altra­ mente, parlando in persona terza, del uno et del altra.4

Hence, the deposition was based on indirect testimony, delivered by the aforementioned Prince as well as by Scipione Spinelli,5 Duke of Seminara, and by Cesare Miroballo, Marquis of Bricigliano, Gov­ ernor of the Monte di Pietà.6 Subsequently, the Holy Office in Rome started legal proceedings against Stigliola, and Card. Giulio Antonio 1

Amabile 1892: II, pp. 50-65; cf. pp. 338-39, note 2. Cf. Manzi 1973, p. 298. 3 Matteo di Capua (Naples, ca. 1568 - Naples, 1607), Prince of Conca after the death of his father in 1591. See DBI, 39, pp. 718-20. 4 Amabile 1892, p. 50. 5 Scipione Spinelli; BlOGR. 6 Cesare Miraballo (fl. ca. 1540-1598) was a Patron of artists, and active in several philan­ thropic organizations. 2

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70. NICOLA ANTONIO STIGLIOLA

Santori commissioned Carlo Baldino, Archbishop of Sorrento,7 to conduct the investigations in loco. When Stigliola had been arrested and taken to Rome (before 23 July 1595),8 the three witnesses and his wife Giulia Jovene were interrogated in Naples. The investigation documents present a compound of more or less suspect attitudes: ambiguous positions with regard to the Protestants, sympathy for Henry of Navarra, intolerance towards the Inquisition and Spanish domination, and a ‘lay’ interpretation of the Holy Scripture.9 On 8 December 1595, Santori dispatched a copy of the depositions made by Stigliola in prison to Carlo Baldino, as well as the articles of the prosecution, in order to repeat the interrogation of the witnesses.10 From the depositions, probably delivered between 13 January and 4 April 1596, new charges emerged, including the one delivered by the Prince of Conca, concerning Stigliola’s assent to heliocentrism.11 As for the extant documents in ACDF, it should be noted that there is a lacuna in the series of the Decreta with regard to the period between 2 May and 28 December 1595. Thus, there is no documenta­ tion on the first stage of the Inquisitorial trial, that is, from the first deposition on 26 July 1595 to the last deposition, probably delivered before April 1596 (doc. 1). The extant documents suggest that on 17 April 1596 the Cardinals brooded over the possibility of releasing 7

From 18 February 1591 till his death in 1598 Carlo Baldino was Archbishop of Sorren­ to; cf. HC, III, p. 325; IV, p. 324. In 1585 Baldino was appointed Commissioner of the Ro­ man Holy Office in Naples; for discussion, see Romeo 1988, p. 45f. 8 See the annotation to letter of the Viceroy of Naples to Card. Giulio Antonio Santori of 23 July 1595, in ACDF, SO, St. st., HH.l.e, fols. 136r-137v, on fol. 137v: “Ha fatto dar l’aiuto che bisognava per la cattura di quei due (Restisco, e Stigliola) come si sarà visto l’ef­ fetto, che già intende che siano stati mandati a questa Santa Inquisitione (...)”. See also Am­ abile 1892: II, p. 338, note 2. 9 See the recordings of the interrogations of the Prince of Conca, the Duke of Seminara, Cesare Miraballo and Giulia Jovene between 26 July and 27 August 1595, in Amabile 1892: II, pp. 51-56. 10 BNN, ms. XI.AA.23, f. 85r, published in Amabile 1892: II, pp. 56-58; cf. Scaramella 2002, p. 185. BNN, ms. XI.AA.23, on fols. 66r-105v contains a fragment of the trial against Stigliola. 11 Amabile 1892: II, p. 59: “poi che lui tiene et cossi n’habbia stampato una opera et fat­ tone un trattato, ancor che non sia posto in luce, che la terra si mova et il cielo stia fermo, anzi queste sue opinione me l’ha voluto più volte leggere et io non l’ho voluto sentire”. See also ch. Copernicus.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Stigliola on bail, and requiring him to take forced residence in Rome and to present himself on request (doc. 2). When in May of the same year Stigliola demanded a refund of his bail (doc. 3), the Cardinals restated the sentence and acquitted the philosopher, binding him to absolute secrecy as to his trial (doc. 5). However, Stigliola did not leave prison until 10 October of that same year, as on this date his name was still on the list of prisoners (doc. 6). The last document in­ dicates that his suit dragged on until 23 January 1598 at the very earli­ est (doc. 7). Shortly afterwards, on 13 May, Stigliola’s son Felice, who managed the printing press during his father’s absence, was investi­ gated by the Roman Inquisition as he was involved in a case concern­ ing the print or emission of false indulgences.12

12

See ACDF, SO, Decreti, 1597-1598, fols. 130v-132r; contemporary copy in Decreta,

70. NICOLA ANTONIO STIGLIOLA

1 Decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office (Rome, 1 April 1596) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1596, fols. 376r, 377r-v

Congregatio Officii S. Romanae et Un(iversa)lis Inquisitionis habita in Palatio dicti S. Officij apud S. Petrum coram Ill.mis et R.mis Dominis Card.bus generalibus Inquisitoribus. In qua interfuerunt omnes infrascripti videlicet

376r

Die prima mensis Aprilis, feria secunda, MDXCVI Ill. mus et R.mus D. Ludovicus tituli S. Laurentij in Lucina Car.lls Madru(tiu)s.13 Ulmus et R.mus D. Iul(ius) Ant(onius) Sanctor(iu)s tituli S. Mariae Transtyberinae Car.lls S. Sev(eri)nae.14 IU mus e t R.mus D. Petrus tituli S. H ieronym i Illyricorum Car.Ils Deza.15 Ill.mus e t R mus R) Do m i n i c u s tituli S. Chrysogoni Car.lls Pinellus 16 et Ill.mus a c R.mus £) p a u l u s tituli S. Ceciliae Card.lls Sfondratus.17 (...) In qua quidem congregatione fuerunt visitati omnes et singuli infrascripti carcerati, videlicet (...) Col’Antonius filius q(uondam) Foedericj Stigliolae de Nola habitantis Neapolis artium, et medicinae Doctor carceratus in carceribus dictae S. Inq(uisitio)nis ac inquisitus ex causis de quibus in actis, eductus e dic­ tis carceribus, et in locum sup(radic)tae Cong(regatio)nis coram sup(radic)tis Ill.mls et R.mls dominis Card.bus generalibus Inquisitoribus praesentatus, et ab illis Visitatus, et auditus fuit super // Universis eius

13 14 15 16 17

Ludovico Madruzzo; BlOGR. Giulio Antonio Santori; BlOGR. Pedro Deza; BlOGR. Domenico Pinelli; BlOGR. Paolo Emilio Sfondrati; BlOGR.

2405

377r

377v

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

necessitatibus, deinde illo amoto à loco dictae cong(regatio)nis, dictum et ordinatum fuit, quod visis rep etitio n ib u s, d ictus ColA nt(oniu)s habilitetur à d(ic)tis carceribus si sic videbitur Rev.dis dominis officialibus S. officij.

2 D ecree of the Congregation of the H oly Office (Rome, 17 A pril 1596) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1596, fols. 165v-166r

165v

Congregatio officij S. Rom anae et Un(iversa)lis Inq(uisitio)nis habi­ ta in Palatio Ill.”11 et R. mi dom ini Car.lls Deze in Cam po M artio coram Ill. mls et R.mIS Dominis Car.bus gen(erali)bus Inquisitoribus. In qua in­ terfuerunt omnes infrascripti videlicet Die XVII. m ensis A prilis ferie IIII. M D XCVI Hl.mus e t p mus p> L u dovicu s titu li S. L au ren tij in lu c in a C ard . lis M adrutius Hl mus e t R.mus j p e tr U S titu li S. H ier(ony)m i Illyric(orum ) Car.lis Deza Ill. mus e t R mus £). D om inicus tituli S. Chrysogoni Car.Iis Pinellus Hl mus a c R.mus p) p a u ] u s C ard. lls Sfondratus tituli S. Caec(ilia)e. (...)

I66r

Pro Cola Antonio Sfigliola car(cera)to in car(ceri)bus S. Officij lecto mem(oria)li pro eius parte exhibito Ill.™ et R.™ domini Card. les generales Inq(uisito)res prae(dic)ti decreverunt quod prestita fideiussforia] cau­ tione de tenendo Urbem pro carcere et se representando et habilitetur.3

a

After’’habilitetur”: “sub fi. sub poena 50[0] scut”., crossed out. See also doc. 5.

2406

70. NICOLA ANTONIO STIGLIOLA

3 D ecree of the Congregation of the H oly Office (Rome, 21 M ay 1596) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1596, f. 190r

Congregatio Offici] S. Romanae et Un(iversa)lis Inq(uisito)nis h abi­ 190r ta in Palatio solitae hab(itatio)nis Ill. 1"1 et R.mi D om ini C ard . lls M adrutij coram Ill. mls et R . mls dom inis C ard . bus generalibus Inquisitoribus In qua interfuerunt omnes infracsripti Die XXL m ensis M aij feria III. M D XCVI Hl.miis e t j^ mus £) C ard. 115 M adr(utiu)s Ill. mus et R.mus D. C ard. 115 S. Severinae Ill. mus et R.mus D. C ard. 115 Deza Ill. mus ac R.mus d. C ard. lls P inellus (...) pro Colantonio Stigliola petente sibi fieri gratiam de debito expensarum lecto m em (oria)li. Nihil.

4 D ecree of the Congregation of the H oly Office (Rome, 4 Ju n e 1596) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1596, f. 195v

C ongreg(ati)o offici] S. R om anae et U n(iversa)lis Inq (u isitio )nis 195v habita in palatio solitae habitationis Ill."11 et R.™ D om ini Car.115 M ad ru ­ tij in P latea Agonis coram Ill. mis et R.mls DD C ard . bus gen(erali)bus In­ quisitoribus. In qua interfuerunt omnes infrascripti Die 4 m ensis Iunij feria 3. M D XCVI I ll. mus et R . mus D. C a rd . 115 M adrutius I ll. mus et R . mus D. C a rd . lls S. Sev(eri)nae I ll. mus et R . mus D. C ardinalis Deza 2407

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Ill. mus et R . mus d. Card.Ils Pinellus Ill. mus et R . mus D. Card.lis Sfondratus (...) Pro ColAntonio Stigliola lecto memoriali proponatur ad p(ri)mam a

5 Decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office (Rome, 19 June 1596) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1596, fols. 201v, 202v

20iv

Cong(regati)o officij S. Rom anae et Un(iversa)lis Inq(uisitio)nis habita in Palatio solitae residentiae Ill.™ et R.mi D. Car.lis M adrutij apud ecc(lesi)am S. Agnetisb in agone coram Ill.mis et R.mis dd. Card.bus generalibus Inquisitoribus. In qua interfuerunt om nes infrascripti videlicet Die 19 mensis Iunij feria 4. 1596 HPmus e t R.mus d Card.115 M adrutius et Ill.mus Car.lls S. Sev(eri)nae Ill.mus et R.mus d. Card.lis Deza Ill.mus et ■p.mus £). Car.lls Pinellus et Ill.mus a c jp.mus £) C a r d. lls Sfondratus (...)

202v

ColAntonij Stigliola habilitetur c prestita fid(eiussi)one caut. de se representandum toties quoties. Etiam [...] non supervenientibus Iudicijs sub poena quin­ gentorum scudorum et iniungatur eidem sub eisdem et alijs gra­ vioribus poenis arbitrio etc. ne audeat quovis m odo loqui de huiusmodi eius causa nec de meritis illius.

a b c

In the margin: “decretum [...] S. [S(anctitat)em]”. After “apud”: “Plateam”, crossed out; “ecc(lesi)am S. Agnetis”, in the interlinear space. “habilitetur”: correction of “dimittatur”.

2408

70. NICOLA ANTONIO STIGLIOLA

6 Decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office (Rome, 10 October 1596) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1596, f. 279v

Congregatio Officii S. Romanae et Univ(ersa)lis Inq(uisitio)nis habita in Palatio solitae residentiae3 Ill.™ et R.™ D C ard? s Madrutij coram Ill.mis et R.™s Dominis Card.bus generalibus Inquisitoribus. In qua interfuerunt omnes infrascripti

279v

Die X. mensis Octobris feria V. MDXCVI JU mus e t mus £) lU.mus e t mus £) lU.mus e t R mus £) litmus e t JCmus D.

Ludovicus Car.lls Madrutius Petrus Card.118 Deza Dominicus Card.lls Pinellus et Camillus Card.lls Burghesius*18 (...)

In qua quidem Cong(regatio)ne facta fuit relatio omnium carceratorum s." officii et status causae unius cuiusque (...) Colantonio Stigliola.

Decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office (Rome, 23 January 1598) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1597-1598, fols. 102r, 103 r 1

Cong(regat)io S. Ro(manae) et Un(iversa)lis Inq(uisitio)nis habita in pal(ati)o solitae residentiae Ill.™ et R.™ D. Card.lis Madrutij.

b

18

“residentiae”: correction of “habitationis”. Contemporary copy in ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1597-1598-1599, p. 233. Camillo Borghese; BlOGR.

2409 ~

102r

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Die 23. Ianuarij feria VI. 1598 Ill.'™5 e t R mus £) Card.Us Madr(utiu)s. IU mus e t R mus r>Card.115 S. Severinae I ll.m u s R mus R) Card.lis Deza Ill.mus et R.mus D. Card.115 Pinellus Hl mus r mus R) Card.lls Asculanus Hl mus r mus £) Card.Ils Burghesius19 Ill.mus e t R mus r>Card.115 Arigonius20 (...) e t

e t e t

103r

Nicolai Antoni) Stigliolae Nolani inquisiti in hoc S. Officio, et ha­ bilitati sub fideiussione.

19 20

Girolamo Bernieri; BlOGR. Pompeo Arrigoni; BlOGR.

2410

71 MATTEO TAFURI

During the sixteenth century Tafuri (1492-1582/5) was one of the better known practitioners of magic and astrology in Southern Italy. However, his intellectual interests also included philosophical and scientific issues. Furthermore, he was acquainted with classical Greek and made a Latin translation of Ptolemy’s Quadripartitum. Thus, al­ though there is no extant documentation on his thought,1 he deserves to be discussed in a separate chapter. At the outset of his Coelestis physiognomia, Giovan Battista della Porta, discussing the capability of certain persons to divine the character and destiny of men, re­ ferred to Tafuri: “Ex his unum nostro aevo cognovimus Matthaeum Tafurium de Soleto, virum in omni doctrinarum genere extra aleam positum, qui (...) adeo in hac arte celebriter eminebat, ut solo aspec­ tu mortes, vitae discrimina, et eventuum tempora (...) tam veraciter pronunciaret, ut in stuporem potius, quam in suae portentosae artis aemulationem mortales converserit”.2 Yet, although as early as 1530 it was well-known that Tafuri was not an orthodox Roman Catholic and that many of his pupils were accused of divination, it was not until 1569 that the Roman Inquisition started legal proceedings, which were probably concluded in 1571.3 On 7 March 1569, Tafuri was

1 The extant sources merely mention the titles of his works, which were never published and which are now for the most lost; see BlOGR. 2 Della Porta 1603, pp. 1-2. Della Porta referred to his acquaintance with Tafuri in Naples between 1550 and 1560. However, also before Tafuri was renowned for his skill. Shortly after 1525 he developed polemics with Luca Gaurico, then one of the most famous Italian astrologers, and about 1540 he was openly praised for his competence in astrology and physiognomy; see Santo 1543, in the introduction to De calvariae curatione. 3 For a summary of testimonies and interpretations, see Di Mitri 2001. At the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, at least two persons called Tafuri, possibly relatives, were investigated in the Kingdom of Naples for magic and religious non-belief; see Romeo 2003, pp. 129, 328.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

mentioned - as “Matteo di Solito” (the place where he was born) - in the deposition made before the Roman Holy Office by Niccolò Fran­ co who incidentally had heard from a certain Girolamo Santacroce that Tafuri systematically practised magic and astrology, and that he doubted major articles of the Roman Catholic faith, including many of the Sacraments. It is not known whether Franco’s deposition trig­ gered the legal proceedings, although the proximity in time suggests that it did.4 However, the Decreta of these years never mention Tafuri and his trial, consequently nothing is known about his presence in the Holy Office prison and the outcome of his trial. Tafuri stated that he was acquitted and as early as 1571 he was (again) in Puglia.5 An Inquisition Decree dating back to 1581 (when Tafuri was still alive but very old) reported that he was tried for judiciary astrology in Otranto (doc. 1). However, there are no subsequent documents, probably due to Tafuri’s death (ca. 1585). Thus, two questions remain unanswered. First, why was he tried in his own region only in the 1580s, while his religious heterodoxy as well as his magical and astro­ logical career had been known for a very long time? Second, why did the Roman Congregation merely warn him not to practice anymore, without taking into account his previous trial (canonically he could be viewed as relapsus)? The 1581 trial has been virtually ignored by the studies on Tafuri, even though (indirect) references were not lack­ ing in contemporary sources.6

4

See the declarations of Franco and an analysis in Mercati 1955, pp. 50-51, 102-103. Rizzo 2000, p. 119; Di Mitri 2001. 6 One biographer refers that he was investigated “several times” in Rome; see Chioccarello 1780, p. 27. Given that the only known investigation dates back to the period 1569-70, the 1581 event is possibly referred to. 5

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71. MATTEO TAFURI

1 Decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office (Rome, 7 March 1581) ACDF, SO, Decreta, 1580-1581, fols. 284r-285r

Congregatio offici] sanctae Romanae et Universalis Inquisitionis 284r habita in palatio Ill.mi et R.mi D(omi)ni Io. Francisci de Gambara ep(iscop)i Albanen(sis) coram Ill.mls et R.mis D(omi)nis D. Cardinalibus ge­ neralibus Inquisitoribus in qua interfuerunt o(mn)es infra(scrip)ti videlicet Die martis 7. men(sis) martij 1581 Ul.miis e t R mus £) f o Franc(iscu)s Car.lls de Gambara ep(iscopu)s Albanen(sis) Ill.mus et R.mus d. Car.lls Madrutius et Ul.mus et R.mus D. Car.Ils Severinae7 R. p. Magister Sacri Palatii Apostolici8 R. p. d. Pirrus Tarus Viceregens Ill.ml Urbis Vicarii9 R. p. d. Petrus Dusina assessor S. Offici] R. p. d. Petrus Sanctis Humanus prothonot(ariu)s ap(ostoli)cus R. p. Vicarius g(enera)lis ordinis praedicatorum 10 R. p. m(agiste)r Thomas Zobbius Comm(issariu)s generalis S. Offici] R. p. Anselmus Canutus proc(urat)or fiscalis s. Offici]

7

For Gambara, Madruzzo and Santori, see BlOGR. Sisto Fabri; BlOGR. 9 Pirro Taro, officer of the Apostolic Secretariat as early as 1565; Referendary of both Signatures; fellow student and Counsellor to Pope Gregory XIII; “Vicegerente” (substitute) of the Cardinal Vicar of Rome, Giacomo Savelli, from 1573 till his death (31 July 1583). See Del Re 1976, pp. 44-45. For Dusina and Umani, see BlOGR. 10 Antonio de Souza, OP (+ May 1597). Provincial of Portugal; Vicar of General Paolo Costabile from September 1580 to 1583, when he resigned; 22 August 1594, nominated Bishop of Viseu. See Quétif-Echard, II, p. 296; Taurisano 1916, p. 101; HC, III, p. 337. 8

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Ego Flaminius Adrianus offici) S.tae Ro(manae) et Universalis Inqui­ sitionis Not(ari)us n (...) In qua quidem Congreg(atio)ne fuerunt propositae causae infrascriptorum videlicet (...) 284v H ydruntina 12 Mathei Tafurri1' im putati q(uo)d operam dederit astrologiae Iudiciariae et audito eius processu ordinatu(m) fuit quod ei prohibeatur ne 285r his amplius in futurum utatur sed pro praeterito / / non puniatur.

After “Tafurri”: “inquisiti”, crossed out. 11

For Tommaso Zobbio, Anseimo Canuto and Flaminio Adriani, see BlOGR. Hydruntum (Otranto) was in the Kingdom of Naples, and thus under the jurisdiction of the Spanish Inquisition. However, in virtue of a treaty between Rome and Madrid, the In­ quisitorial trials fell under the responsibility of the Roman Holy Office, which was not repre­ sented by a local Inquisitor, but by a Commissioner who worked under the authority of the Bishop. From 1579 till his death in 1585, Pedro de Coderos was Bishop of Otranto, nomi­ nated by Philip II; from 1570 he was also Suffragan Bishop of Valencia. See HC, III, p. 212. 12

~ 2414

72 BERNARDINO TELESIO

Telesio’s (1509-1588) writings probably drew the attention of the Congregation for the Index from the late 1580s.1 However, systematic examination did not begin until the early 1590s, when the Congrega­ tion, on the basis of the pronouncements of the Consultors (doc. I),2 decided to place three works in the 1593 Index,3 namely De rerum natura iuxta propria principia,4 De somno,5 and Quod animal universum ab unica animae substantia gubernatur,6 with the clause “donec expur­ gentur”/ An earlier document lists De rerum natura among the correct­ ed books,8 but these corrections are not in ACDE The decision was not unanimous as subsequently a consultor proposed to have Telesio’s works removed from the Index.9 Another consultor expressed doubts about the opportuneness of their expurgation,10 while other colleagues 1 The “Nova Philosophia Bernardini Tilesij” was listed among “Libri, qui utiliores et magis necessarij videntur, quo notantur ordine, essent corrigendi”; cf. ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 9 (ca. 1587), f. 251v. For the prohibition of Telesio, see Firpo 1951. For earlier examinations by ecclesiastical censors, see Bondi 1996. 2 See the document De addendis et demendis in Indice, in ch. The Organization of the In ­ dex, sect. IV, doc. 11 (1592), on f. 124v. 3 ILI, IX, p. 866. 4 The work appeared in three editions: see Telesio 1565, 1570, and 1586. A revision of the second edition was commissioned to Baldassarre Crispo and Gaspar Hernandez, Rector of the Jesuit College in Naples, by the archbishop of Naples, then Mario Carafa; see De Mi­ randa 1993 and Bondi 1996, p. 884. 5 In Telesio 1590. 6 In Telesio 1590. 7 ILI, IX, p. 866. See also ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VI, doc. 18 (post 1594), where his works are mentioned in a list of books prohibited “donec corrigantur”; cf. sect. V, doc. 19 (1592-97); cf. sect. VII, doc. 11 (1593-97), f. 533v. 8 Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VIII, doc. 13 (March 1593), f. 7v. 9 Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. IV, doc. 15 (ca. 1596), f. 321r. 10 In ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VII, doc. 9 (1594-97), f. 99v, Telesio’s works are mentioned among “Libri de quibus oritur dubitatio An sint necessario expurgandi quamvis in Indicem cum Nota repurgationis reponantur”. Cf. also sect. VII, doc. 10 (1593-97), on f. 533v.

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^1 PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

insisted on the expurgation of his opuscules.11 In 1596, the works were placed in the Clementine Index (1596) with the clause “donec expur­ gentur”.12 After the promulgation of this Index, the Congregation commissioned the correction of Telesio’s works to the Universities of Padua and Pisa.13 Subsequently, they were mentioned in Felice Pranzini’s Index selectu s (14 March 1598),14 and in December 1600 this Padu­ an Inquisitor forwarded the censura by Girolamo Pallantieri and the lo­ cal consultors of the Index to Rome (doc. 2).15 The authors of the Paduan cen su ra , analyzing only the first 12 chapters of Book I, particularly dwelled on Telesio’s anti-Aristotelianism and emphasized that Peripatetic philosophy contradicts neither the senses nor reason, nor the Holy Writ, referring to Paul, Clemens Alexandrinus and the decrees of the Councils. More specific criticism concerns Telesio’s conceptions of the nature of heaven16 and the uni­ versality of the principles of heat and cold. In 1567, several decades before the prohibition of Bernardino Tele­ sio’s works by the Index, his brother Tommaso, then Archbishop of Cosenza, had written to the Roman Holy Office in order to defend not only their brother Valerio who was charged of heresy by some of his vassals but also the good name of their native town.17 In 1601, Orazio Telesio, nephew of Bernardino, and representatives of the town of Cosenza asked Card. Valier to commission the correction of Telesio’s works, in order to make them available.18 A few years later, they were burned in front of the cathedral of Cosenza, together with books by Agrippa, Erasmus and Pontano.19 11 As, for example, in ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. V, doc. 22 (post 1593). See also sect. VII, doc. 12 (1596-99) where Telesio’s works are mentioned among “Libri expurgabiles”. 12 ILI, IX, pp. 477-78; cf. ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VII, doc. 14 (1597-98), f. 516v. 15 Ch. The Organization of the Index, sect. VII, doc. 13 (ante November 1596), f. 419r. ACDF does not hold Pisan censurae', for the Paduan censura, see infra. 14 Ch. Medicine and Natural Philosophy, doc. 29, f. 267v. 15 See also ch. Medicine and Natural Philosophy, doc. 46. A brief analysis of this expurga­ tion is in Bondi 1996, pp. 890-92. 16 For Telesio’s doctrine of the heavens, cf. Bondi 1996, pp. 885-90. 17 The letter, in ACDF, SO, St. st., LL.3.a, f. 37r-v, is published in Valente 2002, p. 129. 18 ACDF, Index, Protocolli, V (II.a.19), fols. 520r-521v, reproduced in Firpo 1951, pp. 45-46. 19 Lopez 1974, pp. 215-18.

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12. BERNARDINO TELESIO

1 Roberto Bellarmino,20 Addendi ad indicem Pij IV (Rome, post 1590, ante 1593) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, K (II.a.9), f. 78r!l (autograph)

Addendi ad indicem Pij IV. (...)

78r

In 2. a classe (...) In litera B. addendi similiter qui adduntur in indice Sixti .V. et praeterea addi possent Bernardini Tilesij libri de natura, item Liber de somno, item liber, quod animal universum ab una anima gubernetur.22 (...)

2 Girolamo Pallantieri23 and the College of Consultors of the Congregation for the Index in Padua,24 Censura of De rerum natura iuxta propria principia (Padua, 25 Novem ber 1600) ACDF, Index, Protocolli, N (II.a.12), fols. 86r-88v25 (copy; autographical subscriptions)

Censura in opus Bernardini Telesii Consentini, quod inscribitur de 86r rerum natura iuxta propria princ(ipi)a, impressum Ven(etiis), 158726 20

Roberto Bellarmino; BlOGR. Published in Godman 2000, p. 274. 22 Telesio 1190. 23 Girolamo Pallantieri; BlOGR. 24 On 8 March 1597, the Congregation for the Index commissioned this Paduan College with the Expurgation of books on Medicine and Natural Philosophy; see ch. Medicine and Natural Philosophy, docs. 6, 7, and 8. This censura was sent in to Rome by Pranzini on 1 De­ cember, with corrections of Arnaldus of Villanova and Fuchs; ch. Medicine and Natural Phi­ losophy, doc. 46, f. 374r. 25 Published in Firpo 1951, pp. 40-45. 26 No Venetian edition is known; probably the 1586 Neapolitan edition, of which some copies are dated 1587, is meant; see De Franco 1995, pp. 433-34. An extant 1587 copy is in BAV, Barb. L. IX.21: “Neapoli, Apud Horatium Salvianum, 1587, cum privilegio regio”. 21

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Quantam utilitatem ex doctrina Ar(istotel)is omnis schla/ omnis Academia et universa Repub(lica) litteraria semper acceperit, accipiat, et acceptura sit et quam libenter graviss(im)i viri, nedum gentiles, sed etiam fideles, docti, pij^ et sancti circa illam comparandam, interpre­ tandam, et defendendam insudaverint lippis et tunsoribus (ut prover­ bium dicitur) est manifestum. Quapropter si ij superstites essent inter nos et pravam Bernardini Telesij eius abolendae intentionem persen­ tirent nemini dubium quin ad(versu)s tantam temeritatem omnes uno ore essent exclamaturi. Si enim de natura de moribus de virtutibus et vitijs occurrat disputatio quo confugient Principes scholae et hu­ manae, et divinae Philosophiae, si ipsis unus Aristoteles adimatur? Certe, cum tot et tanti viri in huius Philosophi doctrinam quamtumvis loco, et tempore et moribus disiuncti, tanquam veram con­ senserint, divinitus videtur velut Magister orbis pro rebus lumine na­ turali cognoscendis constitutus. Nam omnis sapientia a Domino Deo est, et veritas a quocu[m]que dicatur, a Spiritu Sancto est. Has rationes et plures alias deducit eruditissimus et graviss(imu)s vir Melchior Cano libro X. de locis communibus cap. 42/ ad(versu)s arogantiam, et temeritatem Bernard(in)i Telesij, et cuiuscumque alt(eriu)s cum ipso ad(versu)s Principem Peripateticorum audacter in­ surgentis. Sed nos proprius ad detegendam ipsius Telesij iniquitatem accedamus. His igitur, in praefatione sui operis quod de rerum natura iuxta propria princ(ipi)a inscripsit ad Ferdinandum Carapham2728 Nuceriae Ducem in haec adulatoria, et temeraria verba prorumpit Si Alex(ande)r Magnus tantum polluisset iuditio quantum pollebat imperio doctrinam Ar(istotel)is praeceptoris sui, et sensui et rationi et

a b

“schla”: sic, for “schola”. The underlinings are in the ms.

27 Cano 1563, X.4, pp. 308B-311A: “De philosophorum naturam ducem sequentium auc­ toritate”; in the following chapter Cano established “Quibus finibus auctoritas Aristotelis circumscribenda”. 28 Ferdinando Carafa (+ 28 August 1570), son of Giovanbattista; he resisted an assault by the Turkish army in Roccella; in 1557 he became leader of the family; to him Telesio dedicat­ ed De rerum natura. See Litta 1819-1923: XV, table IV.

72. BERNARDINO TELESIO

sacris divinisque litteris repugnantem non fovisset. Iudicium itaque tuum, Ferdinande iuditio Alex(andr)i anteponendum est eo quod doctrinam meam sensui, rationi et sacris divinisque litteris minime contrariam sed omnino veram doctrinae Ar(istotel)is praeposuisti.29 Censura Quod doctrina Ar(istotel)is repugnet sensui mentitur Telesius qui eundem Philosophum dicentem audivit quod omnis nostra cog(niti)o ortum habet a sensu et quod ideo caecus non iudicat de colore, quia qui caret aliquo sensu caret, etiam scientia illius sensus ideo quod sensum visus prae caeteris diligamus, et auditus quod alter inventioni deserviat alter disciplinae. Quod repugnet rationi fallitur: quia omnes schollae in hoc consen­ tiunt quod Magnus Magister Aristoteles / / nihil sine facti ratione pro­ tulerit. Quod repugnet sacris litteris pariter hallucinatur ex testimonio D. Pauli ad Romanos dicentis: Invisibilia Dei per ea, quae facta sunt etc. quod notum est Dei manifestum est in illis etc.30 Per hanc scalam ascendit Ar(istotele)s ad cognitionem Dei cum caeteris Graecis, et ad propria (ex communibus) eiusdem Dei attribuita detegenda. Alioqui non esset inescusabilis cum alijs Philosophis, ut ait Apostolus sed propterea inexcusabiles sunt quia cum Deum cognovissent non sicut Deum glorificaverunt sed etc. non iudicat ergo Apostolus doct(rina)m Ar(istotel)is et aliorum Graecorum contrariam sacris litteris sed cultum. Ideo Clemens Alex(andri)nus Stumatum3 libro 6° Philosophiam ait à Deo Graecis veluti proprium testamentum datam quemad(modu)m autem nec testam(entu)m Iudaeorum aut testam(entu)m Christiano­ rum ita testam(entu)m Graecorum sine interprete minime dereliquit, et is fuit Ar(istotele)s.31

“Stumatum”: sic, for “Stromatum”. 29

In the (anomalous?) copy in BAV (Barb. L.XI.21), dated 1587, the preface is reduced to one page and a half, and the reference to Alexander and Aristotle is completely skipped. 30 Rm 1: 19-20. 31 PG 9, cols. 261-64.

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PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Sacra Concilia et Summi Pontifices tanti fecerunt doctrinam A ris­ totelis, ut eam ad bonum sensum si quando à recto tramite aberrare videatur, doceant revocandam, ut de unitate intell(ectu)s et eiusdem informatione et mortalitate.32 In Proemio totius operis iuxta finem protestatur Telesius se in toto opere secuturum sensum et naturam quo ad tamen aut sacris litteris, aut catholicae Ecc(lesi)ae non repugnabit. In illo enim casu, et sen­ sum, et naturam se protestatur negaturum.33 Censura Sed an haec protestatio sit contraria facto ex 3. cap(ite) p(rim)i libri deprehendemus in cuius princ(ipi)o habetur quod mare, et quod­ cunque ens est inter terram et solem sacrorum scriptorum more uno nomine coelum nuncupatur.34 In fine eiusdem capitis habetur quod non solum sensus, et ratio sed physicae et sacrae litterae coelum formaliter calidum esse testantur tum quia coelum appellant empireum ab igne Angelos igneos, et columnam igneam, et quaa locutus est Deus ad Moysen tanquam e coelo.35 Censura In hoc Capite Telesius nec Philosophus est nec Theol(ogu)s. Nam coelum omne non est empireum et quod est empireum dicitur à splena

“qua”: sic, for “quia”.

32 See the Bull Apostolici Regiminis promulgated by the Fifth Lateran Council in 1513 (see General Introduction, section 2.1), in Mansi, 32, cols. 842-43. See also the decree pro­ mulgated during the same Concilium concerning the teaching of philosophy, in Alberigo 1973, pp. 605-606: “Insuper omnibus et singulis philosophis in universitatibus studiorum genera­ lium et alibi publice legentibus districte praecipiendo mandamus, ut quum philosophorum principia aut conclusiones in quibus a recta fide deviare noscuntur, auditoribus suis legerint seu explicaverint quale hoc est de anima mortalitate aut unitate et mundi aeternitate, ac alia huiusmodi, teneantur eisdem veritatem religionis christianae omni conatu manifestam facere et persuadendo pro posse docere, ac omni studio huiusmodi philosophorum argumenta, quum omnia solubilia existant, pro viribus excludere atque resolvere”. 33 Telesio 1386, p. 2. 34 Telesio 1586, p. 5. 35 Telesio 1586, p. 6.

12. BE R N A R D IN O T E L E S IO

dore non à calore, et Angeli proprietates signis redolent non naturam nec illa columna erat coelum vel in coelo, vel de substantia coeli. In 4. Capite eiusdem libri, pag. 7. non longe à princ(ipi)o, habetur quod à Deo optimo max(im)o moles / / terrae et coeli creata est, ut agentes operantes naturae, in calidum et frigidum haberent ubi sub­ sisterent, quod clarius repetit cap(ite) 5. sequenti in princ(ipi)o ubi habetur quod omnium conditor illas naturas agentes non creavit se ipsis subsistentes veluti divinas substantias, sed ut subsisterent molem indidit. Censura Hic pariter Telesius nec Philosophus nec Theologus esse deprehen­ ditur. Pag. X in ipso fine et XI in ipso princ(ipi)o inquit satis licet ob­ scure, et enigmatice, quod nisi calor, et frigus, sive terra et coelum es­ sent praedita sensu animalium quae ab utraque omnia fiunt non sen­ tirent quia nemo dat quod non habet. Pag. 12. proppe finem36 Petit licentiam appellandi infimam partem coeli aerem in quo innuit se confundere quadrata rotundis infima summis, aeterna temporalibus. Censura in caput IX primi libri In princ(ipi)o cap(itis) 9. habetur, quod omnes coeli sunt ab eodem calore et ex eadem materia differunt tamen quia qui magis de ipso calore participant in stellas [...lieti, minorem etiam retinent tenui­ tatem, quae pulcra coelorum varietas non temere contigit sed volun­ tate Potentissimi et sapientissimi opificis Dei calorem illum dirigentis, ut sacrae divinae litterae manifestant, et humana evocet ratio.37 Censura Hic suo se gladio Telesius iugulat dum opus divinum eidem calori, et eidem materiae attribuit, et sacras eludit litteras.

36 37

Telesio 1586, lib. I, cap. VII. Telesio 1586, pp. 14-15.

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87r

PART TWO: TRIALS AND CENSURAE PROHIBITIONS

Censura in Caput X

87v

In princ(ipi)o huius capitis satis prolixo sermone detegit suam igno­ rantiam. Dum ait quod SfummusJ conditor Deus contrarias indiderit vires coelo, et terrae quibus perpetuo sese invicem corrum pant nonquam a tamen secundum totum corrum pentur quia ex decreto eiusdem Dei utriusque moles ex parte semper servabitur, quod probat ex(emp)- lo. Nam (inquit) si quosque*3 Artifex quantumvis pravus, et malignus opus suum perdurare desiderat, quanto magis Deus opt(imus) ma­ xim us), ne (subiungit) huic nostrae sententiae obviant sacrae divinae litterae quae Coelum, et terram tradunt transitura, sive peritura aut penes substantiam / / aut penes q u a litie s : non enim hic impotentem Deum asserimus, sed tantum modo quid factum sit edocemus. Ita enim decuit bonitatem divinam operibus suis sese perpetuandi (cum perfectiss(im)a sint) virtutem condonare.38 Hic pariter Telesius nec Philosophiam sapit, nec Theol(ogi)am. Censura in caput X II p(rim)i libri In princ(ipi)o et fine 12. cap(itis) eandem repetit fatuitatem utrobique sacrarum litterarum testimonio subrogato.39 Sententia Telesij in toto hoc opere in hoc constitit. Q uod à princ(ipi)o Conditor omnium produxerit solum calorem et frigus tanquam duo princ(ipi)a agentia ex quorum continua et mutua pugna actione et reactione omnia deinde sive simplicia sive mixta sive animata, sive inanim ata producta sint et perpetuo producantur, et producentur. Siquidem ex provid(enti)a et decreto eiusdem summi Conditoris cautum est, ne ex toto sed tantum ex parte sese invicem alterent, et corrumpant. Q uoniam vero non poterant se ipsis (ut divinae substantiae) subsis­ tere, utrique indita fuit moles corporea, qua cum calor coelum voca­ tum est, et frigus terra. U nde fit, quod coelum , et terra sunt duo

a b

38 39

“nonquam”: sic. “quosque”: sic. Telesio 1586, pp. 15-16. Telesio 1586, pp. 18-19.

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12. BERNARDINO TELESIO

p(rim)a corpora, ex quibus deinde omnia alia, quae inter ipsa cernun­ tur sunt constituta. Et hanc suam ipsius sententiam magis conform en 3 asserit sensui ra­ tioni et sacris divinis litteris quam Ar(istotel)is vel cuiuscunque alt(eriu)s Philosophi doctrina, immo ad illam com probandam singulis quibusque verbis divinum iactat sed extorquet testimonium. U trum que autem vult esse calidum et frigidum, et animatum for­ maliter alioqui nec calida nec frigida, nec animata formaliter possent ex ipsis oriri, cum nulla caussa suo effectui id quo ipsa careat possit condonare. Nomine autem coeli intell