Caste, Marginalisation, and Resistance: The Politics of Identity of the Naths Yogis of Bengal and Assam 9789004689374, 9789004689381

Citation preview

Caste, Marginalisation, and Resistance

Studies in Critical Social Sciences Series Editor David Fasenfest (York University, Canada)

volume 274

New Scholarship in Political Economy Series Editors David Fasenfest (York University, Canada) Alfredo Saad-​Filho (King’s College London) Editorial Board Kevin B. Anderson (University of California, Santa Barbara) Tom Brass (formerly of sps, University of Cambridge) Raju Das (York University) Ben Fine ((emeritus) soas University of London) Jayati Ghosh (Jawaharlal Nehru University) Elizabeth Hill (University of Sydney) Dan Krier (Iowa State University) Lauren Langman (Loyola University Chicago) Valentine Moghadam (Northeastern University) David N. Smith (University of Kansas) Susanne Soederberg (Queen’s University) Aylin Topal (Middle East Technical University) Fiona Tregenna (University of Johannesburg) Matt Vidal (Loughborough University London) Michelle Williams (University of the Witwatersrand)

volume 26 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/​nspe

Caste, Marginalisation, and Resistance The Politics of Identity of the Naths (Yogis) of Bengal and Assam

By

Kunal Debnath

LEIDEN | BOSTON

Cover illustration: Bust of Karl Marx, 1939, by S.D. Merkurov, at the Fallen Monument Park (Muzeon Park of Arts) in Moscow, Russia. Photo courtesy of Alfredo Saad-​Filho. The Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data is available online at https://​cata​log​.loc​.gov lc record available at https://​lccn​.loc​.gov/2023044893​

Typeface for the Latin, Greek, and Cyrillic scripts: “Brill”. See and download: brill.com/​brill-​typeface. issn 2666-​2 205 isbn 978-​9 0-​0 4-​6 8937-​4 (hardback) isbn 978-​9 0-​0 4-​6 8938-​1 (e-​book) DOI 10.1163/​9 789004689381 Copyright 2024 by Kunal Debnath. Published by Koninklijke Brill nv, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill nv incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Brill Wageningen Academic, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau and V&R unipress. Koninklijke Brill nv reserves the right to protect this publication against unauthorized use. Requests for re-​use and/​or translations must be addressed to Koninklijke Brill nv via brill.com or copyright.com. This book is printed on acid-​free paper and produced in a sustainable manner.

To the departed souls of my paternal grandparents Smt. Manorama Debnath and Sri Anil Kumar Debnath, and my only sister Smt. Gopa Debnath

∵

Contents  Foreword xi  Preface xiii  Acknowledgements xv  List of Tables xvii  Abbreviations xviii 1  Introduction Why the Study of the Naths of Bengal and Assam Is Pertinent 1 1  Locating the Problem 2 2  Rationale of This Study 4 2.1  Why This Study Is Necessary 4 2.2  Why the Naths Are So Far Neglected in Academic or Non-​ academic Discussions 6 2.3  Why the Naths of Bengal and Assam Are Studied Here Together 8 3  Thematic Outline: Lived Experience and Theorisation from Inside 9 3.1  Whether Lived Experience or Theory 9 3.2  Representing the Naths through Lived Experience and Theorisation from Inside 12 4  A Brief Overview of the Chapters 13 2  The Naths (Yogis) Identity, Formation of Caste in Bengal and Assam, and Their Marginalisation 16 1  Introduction 16 2  Antiquity of the Naths 16 3  The Naths in Bengal and Assam: Early Phases 26 4  The Identity of the Naths: a Religious Sect or a Caste? 28 5  Marginalisation and the Naths of Bengal and Assam 36 6  Conclusion 45 3  Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal Pre-​colonial to Post-​colonial Times 47 1  Introduction 47 2  The Naths of Bengal: Are They Native or Came from Outside? 48 3  Status after Marginalisation: during the Pre-​colonial and Early-​ Colonial Period 55

viii Contents 4  Status in the Colonial Period and Role of the Caste Associations 58 4.1  A Brief Caste Profile during the Colonial Period 58 4.2  Bargaining and Negotiations within and Outside 64 4.3  Status after the Formation of Associations and Their Negotiations during Different Census Operations 69 5  Status in the Post-​colonial Period and Role of the Caste Associations 76 6  Observation from the Fields 83 4  Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam Pre-​colonial to Post-​colonial Times 86 1  Introduction 86 2  The Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley 87 3  The Naths of the Barak Valley 89 4  Status of the Naths of Assam in the Colonial Period and Their Identity Assertion 92 4.1  A Brief Caste Profile 92 4.2  Caste Name and Appellation 100 4.3  Controversy on Scheduled Caste or Depressed Caste Status 103 5  Status of the Naths of Assam in the Post-​colonial Period 107 5.1  Controversy on the obc Status 109 6  The Role of the Caste Associations 110 7  The Nath-​Yogi Development Council and Recent Controversy 113 8  Observation from the Fields 114 5  Socio-​economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam A Present-​Day Comparative Study 117 1  Introduction 117 2  Caste Specificity of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam 118 3  Possession of the obc Certificate and Attitude towards It 123 4  Economic Profile of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam 131 5  Educational Profile of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam 133 6  Observation 135 6  Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam Assessing the Nature of Politicisation 138 1  Introduction 138 2  The Nath-​Yogis and the States: Chronicles from Antiquity 138 2.1  The Nath-​Yogis and Hindu Nationalism 142

Contents

3  Attitude of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam towards the Politicisation: Assessing the Present 147 4  The Nature of Politicisation of the Naths 149 4.1  The Naths of West Bengal in Mainstream Politics 151 4.2  The Naths of Assam in Mainstream Politics 155 5  Observations 168 6  Conclusion 173 7  Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity of the Naths of Bengal and Assam Search for a Pattern 175 1  Introduction 175 2  The Politics of Identity, Caste, and Marginality 175 2.1  The Politics of Identity and the Nath Question 175 2.2  Caste, Census, and the Nath Question 178 2.3  Perspectives of Caste and the Naths 188 2.4  Why Ambedkarite Caste Politics Is Not Applicable to the Naths 191 3  The Politics of Exclusion and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam 193 3.1  Exclusion during the Early-​Medieval Period 198 3.2  Exclusion during the Colonial Period 200 3.3  Exclusion in Contemporary Times 202 4  The Past Constituting the Present 203 8  Some Tentative Concluding Observations 205 1  Summing Up 205 2  Justifying the Research Objectives 206 3  Perspectives to Study the Nath Identity 207 3.1  Historical Perspective 207 3.2  Ideological Perspective 207 3.3  Institutionalist Perspective 208 3.4  Constructivist Perspective 208 3.5  Instrumentalist Perspective 208 3.6  Power Discourse Perspective 209 4  Some Critical Theoretical Analysis 209 5  Final Words 212  Bibliography 215  Index 233

ix

Foreword Kunal Debnath’s research on Caste, Marginalisation, and Resistance: the Politics of the Naths (Yogis) of Bengal and Assam comes at an appropriate time when the efforts of those hidden under centuries of societal trappings no longer are taboo subjects for publishers but are increasingly being manifested though various platforms It is indeed appreciable that the long-​suffered silences over the subordinated existences of the multifarious micro communities in the country are at last being shattered and the researched efforts of scholars reflecting hitherto unheard voices are now being made possible. Some follow the route of oral history to record personal aggrandizement, or even depreciation, whereas others like Kunal’s research present the efforts for collective visibility. There is not much research to show how far communities such as the Naths received impetus for visibility from the environment external to their own community, some patronage might have occurred periodically, but largely the efforts were their own, demonstrated through various means, much later these efforts ramified into sabhas, samities, sporadic writings and even enactments. The efforts at visibility of the Naths has not been turbulent, and it is in this that their history differs remarkably from other communities in other parts of the country who have struggled against odds at visibility. Comparison would be rather far-​fetched; yet, one feels compelled to talk about the Lingayats for instance in Southern and Western parts of India, and this raises a complementary question, does a turbulent past make for greater visibility? The internal divide over asceticism and householder identities, or even the fractured representation of their case for and against reservation has not allowed either a greater voice or a greater visibility to the Naths in general in either Bengal or in Assam. My association with Kunal’s project has been almost for the greater part of his research duration. The changed ugc rules for PhD guidance entailed the regular meetings of the PhD scholar in the presence of the board that compulsorily included the external resource person. These meetings were rather strenuous, almost like depositions on the part of the scholar as to the volume of progress made or the absence of the same. I was also witness to the almost excruciating period of “writer’s dilemma” he went through, for a considerable period of time. Fortunately, all that is behind him now and he has well entrenched himself into investigative research, already planning the

xii Foreword furtherance of his initial areas of research. The book will definitely enhance our knowledge of the innumerable cultural complexes of India. Bonita Aleaz Professor of Political Science (Retired), University of Calcutta, India

Preface To date, for various reasons, the identity assertion of the householder Naths (Yogis) of Bengal and Assam has not been able to attract academic attentions. Though a few studies on the Naths are available, these are limited to either their contributions in Bengali and Assamese literature or their heterodox religious path, which is known as Natha-​pantha developed and propagated by Guru Matsyendranatha and Guru Gorakshanatha, the two great Indian ascetic yogis. However, the caste formation of the householder Naths and their identity assertion in these two states have a prolonged history and thus academically worth studying. It is noteworthy that the history of identity politics of the Naths are one of the oldest and most enduring identity assertions in Bengal and Assam. Despite this long history, it is still not a topic of academic as well as non-​academic deliberations. Though the Naths are one of the largest communities which is the victim of the partition of Bengal as well as India, still the partition and refugee studies in Bengal and Assam or in India remain silent about the Nath-​Yogis. The marginality of the Naths in these two states is long-​standing and can be traced back to the early medieval period. Yet the struggle for resistance has not come to surface until the colonial period, which provided the space and opportunity to caste mobility through identity assertion and negotiations. A section of the Naths, mostly educated and elite, has been asserting their identity as Brahman based on their “origin myth” since the late nineteenth century. They made efforts to bargain with the British colonial government through placing their demands during various census enumerations. On the other hand, they laid emphasis on internal reformations, such as wearing sacred thread, maintaining Brahman samaskara (rituals), making priests from their own community, etc., for escalating their social status and earning social esteems. However, the situation became complicated when the Naths were awarded the other backward class (obc) status in the early 1990s in both states that led to split the Naths into two groups –​“radical”, those who want to give up the obc status prioritising their pro-​Brahman standing, and “pragmatic”, those who are in favour of bearing two identities simultaneously, Brahman by caste for earning social esteems and obc as class for securing and enjoying privileges of reservation. However, for the pragmatics, the obc status is a tool for alleviating poverty rather than an instrument to ensure “social justice”. Today, the Nath-​Yogi is one of the most neglected communities in Bengal and Assam, both academically, socially, economically, and in the political realm.

xiv Preface One of the principal reasons is the Naths never politicised their identity and their demands, they did not consolidate themselves in the democratic political arena. Their resistance is not loud, not like high-​pitch demonstrations, not are the news-​making events, rather their resistance is a form of “infrapolitics” that is subtle, peaceful, and hidden. This event might be an interesting addition to the study of identity politics in Bengal and Assam. Therefore, this book is explicitly tailored to cogently highlight the salient issues concerning the marginalised Naths within the sociopolitical context of Bengal and Assam. Expounding their complex marginalisation dynamics, resistance paradigms, and their unique identity assertion are the main areas of focus.

Acknowledgements It has been quite challenging for me to write this book. The road has not just been bittersweet, as one might assume, but I have also dived headfirst into a history of the Naths since when I embarked on this project, I did not have an exhaustive idea of this entire new topic beyond my personal “lived experience” being a Nath. This book is largely (not entirely) based on my PhD thesis submitted to the Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata, India, in 2022. I wish to record my sincere thanks and deep sense of gratitude to my supervisor Professor Bankim Chandra Mandal, Rabindra Bharati University, Kolkata, for his academic as well as extra-​academic guidance. During the research, Professor Mandal contributed his erudite expertise to make my argument easy. I would like to acknowledge the scholarly contributions of Professor Bonita Aleaz, former professor of Political Science, University of Calcutta, Kolkata, for her inputs and comments on the draft. From the very beginning of this research, Professor Aleaz always inspired me to learn more and articulate my arguments. I would like to thank Professor Debi Chatterjee, former professor of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, for her suggestions. I record my special thanks to Professor Ishani Naskar and Professor Partha Pratim Basu, both are the professors of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, for their constructive suggestions and pieces of advice. Also, I wish to thank Professor Arjundeb Sensarma, professor of Indian Comparative Literature, Assam University, Silchar, for his pieces of advice. Thanks are due to Debojit-​da (Dr. Debojit Dey) and Boudi (Mrs. Susmita Deb) of Silchar, Assam, for their support during my field work in the Barak Valley, Assam. I would like to acknowledge the contribution of late Barun Bhattachayya (dadu) of Berhampore, Murshidabad, my “life-​saver” and late Dr. Arindam Sinha, my teacher at Rampurhat College, Birbhum. I would like to thank Mohanta Sivanath, an ascetic Nath-​guru of Keyarbank Math, Kendrapara, Odisha, for his blessings. I must thank Sujit Dutta, Berhampore, and Ananda Roy, Asansol, for their support during my crisis periods. During the field surveys, I received help from so many people. Among them, I would like to mention a few names with special thanks: Barun Kumar Nath, Upendra Kumar Debnath, Tapas Kumar Nath, Saurav Nath, Loknath Debnath, Iswar Debnath, and Partha Sarathi Nath of West Bengal, and late Bijoy Kumar Nath, Gitesh Chandra Nath, Santosh Nath, Sudip Nath Shastri, Bablu Nath, Jyotirmoy Nath, Soumitra Nath, Jitendra Nath, and Dibakar Debnath of Assam. I also thank some of my students, such as Tanmoy Saha, and Md. Nurujjaman for arranging some valuable books related to this research. In this connection,

xvi Acknowledgements I also thank Dr. Rajib Chatterjee of Cultural Research Institute, Kolkata, Supriti Debnath, assistant professor at Syamsundar College, Purba Bardhaman, Kallol Debnath, assistant professor, wbes, and Jitendra Nath of Lala, Assam, for arranging some rare books and journals related to this research. Also, I thank Daniela Bevilacqua of soas, and Dr. Denzil Fernandes, the Editor of Social Action, for providing me with their book and one old journal issue respectively. I must acknowledge that I have collected various books, journals, and other reading materials from various libraries and some personal book collections, some of them are worth mentioning: library of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani, Paschim Banga Nath Kalyan Samity; personal book collections of Bijoy Kumar Nath, Upendra Kumar Debnath, Barun Kumar Nath, Tapas Kumar Nath, Mrinalkanti Nath Majumdar, Jitendra Nath, Gitesh Nath, and P. K. Bandyopadhyay. I owe plenty of gratitude to Professor David Fasenfest, Editor of Studies in Critical Social Sciences and New Scholarship in Political Economy, and his team for taking this book under consideration for Brill. I would also like to thank all the Brill team members involved. Finally, none of this would have been possible without the support of my family: my parents Smt. Gouri Debnath and Sri Timir Debnath, my wife Sudeshna Adhikary, and my parents-​in-​law, Smt. Banani Adhikary and Sri Sankar Adhikary. I want to thank them for their continuous support and solidarity.

Tables 3.1  Literacy rate among major castes in Bengal according to the 1901 and 1911 Census 59 3.2  Education profile of the Naths in Bengal according to the 1921 Census 60 3.3  Population of the Naths in Bengal according to the 1931 Census 62 3.4  Education profile of the Naths in Bengal according to the 1931 Census 63 3.5  Higher professions occupied by some castes in Bengal according to the 1931 Census 63 4.1  Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1872 Census 92 4.2  Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1881 Census 93 4.3  Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1891 Census 94 4.4  Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1901 Census 95 4.5  Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1911 Census 96 4.6  Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1921 Census 97 4.7  Education profile of the Naths in Assam according to the 1921 Census 98 5.1  Age-​wise caste profile of the Naths of West Bengal 118 5.2  Age-​wise caste profile of the Naths of Assam 120 5.3  Occupational category of the Naths of West Bengal 122 5.4  Occupational category of the Naths of Assam 123 5.5  o bc certificate at the family level of the Naths of West Bengal 124 5.6  o bc certificate at the family level of the Naths of Assam 125 5.7  Attitudes of the Naths of West Bengal towards the obc status 127 5.8  Attitudes of the Naths of Assam towards the obc status 129 5.9  Family level monthly income group of the Naths of West Bengal 131 5.10  Family level monthly income group of the Naths of Assam 132 5.11  Level of education of the Naths of West Bengal 133 5.12  Level of education of the Naths of Assam 134 6.1  Attitude towards the politicisation of the Naths of West Bengal 147 6.2  Attitude towards the politicisation of the Naths of Assam 148

Abbreviations aanysu aasu abycs abys agp anyjp apys asb bce bjp bs btad btc bunyrbs caa cab ce cpi(m) cpi(ml) cys inc kaac lf mla mp nbrbs nchac obc pbnks rbps rbs rss sc sjss st svya tmc

All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students’ Union All Assam Students’ Union Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Chatra-​Sammilani Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani Asom Gana Parishad Assam Nath-​Yogi Jatiya Parishad Assam Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani Adinath Siksha Bhandar Before Common Era Bhartiya Janata Party Bengali Sambat (Bengali Year) Bodoland Territorial Area District Bodoland Territorial Council Barak Upotyaka Nath-​Yogi Rudraja Brahman Sammilani Citizenship (Amendment) Act Citizenship (Amendment) Bill Common Era Communist Party of India (Marxist) Communist Party of India (Marxist–​Leninist) Liberation Cachar Yogi Sammilani Indian National Congress Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council Left Front Member of Legislative Assembly Member of Parliament Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council Other Backward Classes Paschim Banga Nath Kalyan Samiti Rudraja Brahman Purohit Sangha Rudraja Brahman Sammilani Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Scheduled Castes Sanmilita Janagosthiya Sangram Samiti Scheduled Tribes Surma Valley Yogi Association All India Trinamool Congress

newgenprepdf

Abbreviations ucrc United Central Refugee Council UK United Kingdom vhp Vishva Hindu Parishad

xix

­c hapter 1

Introduction

Why the Study of the Naths of Bengal and Assam Is Pertinent

It is now widely acknowledged that politics is no longer limited to the arena of state structures or institutions, but also encompasses a wide range of social phenomena. Political acts and social issues are inextricably intertwined. Political acts are often influenced by social actions and vice versa. As a result, the study of power and politics must be placed within a larger context of complementary relationships between “the political” and “the social”. For example, while identity is mostly a social issue, various positions of different identities within a society may result in power inequalities and, hence, power struggles. As a result, it becomes a political issue, because politics is essentially related to the power struggle. Similarly, the role of the state is critical in restoring a specific identity’s social position. Thus, following Frans de Waal, we may define politics as “social manipulation to secure and maintain influential positions.”1 In particular, power, regarded as central to the discipline of Politics, is not quantifiable or measurable, rather it is an “essentially contested concept”.2 Undeniably, power may not be observable.3 Likewise, conflicts need not necessarily be overt in nature. Causes and consequences of conflict and power at the level of identity groups and people of the past and present-​day are crucial in the study of politics. Kidd, Legge, and Harari argue that politics is not just a sphere of the politicians, and power is not occupied only by those who are elected through the ballot box, or those who are economic or military elites. Rather power is not just a macro-​level phenomenon, it also exists at the

1 Quoted in Adrian Leftwich, ed., What is Politics? The Activity and Its Study (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004), 1–​2. 2 The concept “essentially contested concept” is originally developed by Walter Bryce Gallie in his work. See Walter Bryce Gallie, “Essentially Contested Concepts,” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, New Series 56 (1955–​56): 167–​198. Steven Lukes further developed this concept. See Steven Lukes, Power: A Radical View, 2nd (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 30. 3 This concept is given by Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz. Later Steven Lukes incorporated this concept in his celebrated work Power: A Radical View (2005). For details, see Peter Bachrach and Morton S. Baratz, “Two Faces of Power,” The American Political Science Review 56, no. 4 (1962): 947–​952; Lukes, Power: A Radical View, 20–​25.

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_002

2

Chapter 1

micro-​level everyday life.4 For example, the politics of identity may occur at the micro-​level of society. The politics of identity often involves social marginalisation. Social marginalisation is a critical issue because it is one of the defining characteristics of most societies. Social marginalisation occurs in the form of exclusion when some groups of people are denied access to opportunities and resources due to their colour, caste, ethnic identity, religious beliefs, gender, and so on which are essential for their existence and persistence. In this book, the social marginalisation of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam, and their politics of identity are studied comparatively. The marginalisation of the Naths of Bengal and Assam, and their resistance as a form of identity assertion are the principal emphases of this book. 1

Locating the Problem

The colonial state in India started working on a number of projects in the second half of the nineteenth century to survey the subject population. Perhaps, the state’s most thorough effort in this area was the decennial census activities, which began in India in 1871–​1872. The census operations conducted during the colonial period included characteristics of culture, religion, and ethnography in addition to demographic and numerical statistics. The case of the Naths and their identity assertion has been an obvious offshoot of the colonial census operations which provided the space for the Indian castes to escalate their social position in the Hindu caste hierarchy through bargaining and negotiations. The Naths of Bengal and Assam, like several other castes, fought back against their inferior Sudra status in the 1872, 1881, and 1891 Census reports by establishing a distinct community run by educated elites in accordance with the new laws and standards put in place during that colonial era. The nineteenth century was marked by the arousal of many caste movements in Bengal, and those who were considered lower and untouchable castes mobilised to protest inequality and injustice in numerous fields, including religion, politics, and education. The focus of their struggle was the “social injustice” in the Hindu caste hierarchy, in contrast to the dominant narrative of the Indian anti-​imperialist struggle, which strongly emphasised a unified Hindu identity. Though these protest movements resisted the communalism of the Indian freedom struggle, the Indian National Congress (inc), founded in 1885 served

4 Warren Kidd, Karen Legge and Philippe Harari, Politics and Power (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010), 74–​75.

Introduction

3

as a powerful ideological influence that raised hopes not only of freedom from political subjugation but also from social deprivation along caste lines. One such protest movement that arose against the backdrop of the Indian freedom struggle was that of the householder Naths of Bengal and Assam. This study is an attempt to show how the householder Naths of Bengal and Assam attempted to create a new identity for themselves in the late nineteenth century through internal reforms. By gradually constructing a new identity and politicising itself, the community peacefully protested against the dominant power elites of Bengali and Assamese Hindu society. In the process, the caste redrafted its identity. This redrafting of identity generally took place in two stages: first, through the adoption of rituals and symbols that had so long been the exclusive privileges of the higher castes, and second, by acquiring the more material sources of high status, such as education, employment, and political power.5 However, for the Naths, acquiring political power was not a necessary trait. Though caste has been a topic of interest for social scientists since the 1950s,6 and though some social scientists have traced the evolution and dynamics of caste in Bengal and Assam,7 there have been no serious studies on the Naths in particular. By studying the origin and development of the Naths, a distinct social category of people in Bengali and Assamese Hindu society, about whom no comprehensive study has been made, this study fills in the gaps in our historical knowledge about society and politics in Bengal and Assam.

5 Mysore Narasimhachar Srinivas, “Mobility in the Caste System,” in Structure and Change in Indian Society, eds. Milton B. Singer and Bernard S. Cohn (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968), 193–​195. 6 For example, E.R. Leach, ed., Aspects of Caste in South India Ceylon and North-​West Pakistan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960); F.G. Bailey, “Closed Social Stratification in India,” European Journal of Sociology 4, no. 1 (1963): 107–​124; A.R. Desai, Rural Sociology in India, 5th (New Delhi: sage Publications, 2019, originally published 1959); André Béteille, Caste, Class, and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965); Dipankar Gupta, ed., Social Stratification, 2nd enlarged (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992). 7 For example, Nirmal Kumar Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society, trans. André Béteille (New Delhi: Orient Longman Limited, 1975, originally published 1949); Jyotirmoyee Sarma, Caste Dynamics Among the Bengali Hindus (Calcutta: Firma klm Private Limited, 1980); Hitesranjan Sanyal, Social Mobility in Bengal (Calcutta: Papyrus, 1981); Marvin Davis, Rank and Rivalry: The Politics of Inequality in Rural West Bengal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Bimal J. Dev and Dilip K. Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste and Social Mobility in Assam (Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1984); Audrey Cantlie, The Assamese: Religion, Caste and Sect in an Indian Village (Oxon: Routledge, 2022, originally published 1984); Sipra Sen, Tribes and Castes of Assam: Anthropology and Sociology (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 1999).

4 2

Chapter 1

Rationale of This Study

2.1 Why This Study Is Necessary The sociologists and social historians who study caste have two different schools of thought. First, according to some, the idea of caste is becoming less important for socialisation and sanskritisation among the general public at every stage of their lives and should only be a noteworthy event during election time. According to the second, the caste system is still relevant in our culture now and can be felt constantly.8 This book attempts to prove false the two myths. The most pervasive myth, known as “Bengali exceptionalism,” holds that caste no longer has any significance in Bengali society. It is also said about caste in Assam. Since Bengal and Assam could not be compared to other Indian states in terms of the prevalence of physical violence motivated by caste. Though we can see violence in Assam on the ground of ethnic or linguistic identity, but not on the basis of caste identity. Another myth is that there is no such elaborate caste literature in Bengal and Assam. This study, on the other hand, refutes the two myths that caste distinction can be felt in Bengal and Assam, though there are no such caste related physical violences but it remains a hardcore reality in everyday life in these two states if we consider the case of the Naths. Furthermore, in Bengal and Assam, the literature on caste is more or less available from the late nineteenth century, and more specifically since the 1960s, which cannot be ignored. The book’s title, Caste, Marginalisation, and Resistance: the Politics of Identity of the Naths (Yogis) of Bengal and Assam, is somewhat self-​explanatory. The “Nath community” or “Nath Sampradaya”, also known as Yogi, Jogi or Jugi community, is an age-​old community spread over different parts of India, including West Bengal and Assam, even in Bangladesh and Nepal. The “Nath community” comprises both ascetic and householder groups. This book deals with the exclusionary dimensions of the householder Naths of Bengal and Assam in particular. The “Nath” has long been a religious community both literally and conceptually. However, in Bengal and Assam, it is an endogamous caste. The politics behind the marginalisation of the Nath Community can be traced back to the period of king Vallalasena of Bengal (reigned 1158–​1179) who allegedly put effort into restoring the orthodox Brahmanical caste order by initiating the caste rule kulinism or kaulinya-​pratha in the twelfth century. Now, the Naths 8 Kunal Debnath, “Book review: Sekhar Bandyopadhyay and Tanika Sarkar (Eds), Caste in Bengal: Histories of Hierarchy, Exclusion, and Resistance,” Contemporary Voice of Dalit (2022): 1–​4.

Introduction

5

have been facing a crisis of an ambivalent identity –​ritually high caste and a socially backward caste. But the caste formation of the Naths is still unaddressed to date, as how a religious community was transformed into an “endogamous caste”. This would be interesting to explore in this research. However, they were degraded in the Brahmanical society of Bengal and Assam during the early-​medieval period due to their heterodox religious traits, culture, and rituals. In this circumstance, they started resistance since the late nineteenth century. Here resistance denotes breaking the monopoly of the Brahmans over priestcraft, sacred thread, and the apex position of the caste hierarchy. All of these monopolies were challenged by the Naths and they contested their position in the system of hierarchy through the popular “origin myth” of their caste. Resistance against Brahmanical caste hierarchy does not only mean the “annihilation of caste”; presenting a hierarchy alternative to Brahmanical caste order can also be considered a form of resistance. The Naths provide a new type of hierarchy that challenges the Brahmanical caste hierarchy. They resist in a reserved, nonviolent, and covert manner, using a sort of “infrapolitics” that is not overtly political, loud, or characterised by high-​pitched news-​ making protests. The role of the educated and elites is significantly important to organise a movement, social or political, in order to offer an ideological basis to the movement and also find out the answer(s) of what type of change(s) are sought through this movement. This theoretical proposition is true in the case of the Naths because the historiography of the Nath community provides very prominent actions of the educated and elite section since the early twentieth century when the Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani (abys), an association of elite and intellectual Naths, came into being in 1910. In Assam, Assam Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani (apys) was founded in 1919 and Cachar Yogi Sammilani (cys) was founded in 1922. Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani (nbrbs) was formed in 1979 in West Bengal splitting the abys. These associations were founded to counter the existing caste hierarchy of Hinduism by inculcating self-​consciousness and promoting solidarity among the Nath-​Yogis. Any attempts were never being taken in analysing whether the Nath associations have been politically mobilised or apathetic. If they are mobilised, then what are their issues and interests? If they are unable to politically push the interests of the Naths, then what are the reasons behind it? Thus, this book is also to analyse the interplay between social degradation and resistance of the Naths with a comparative study between Bengal and Assam in the present situation. In recent times, the socio-​economic conditions of the Naths are mostly not well-​off in West Bengal and Assam. The Naths of these two states identify the current state as a legacy of the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogis occurred allegedly

6

Chapter 1

in the tenth to the twelfth centuries. Though, to date, no attempt has been made to identify the reasons behind their current marginalisation. The situation of the Naths of these two states gets complex when it comes to the obc reservation. This question, however, has never been analysed before. Therefore, the thirst areas of this book are: first, identifying the Nath community as a separate or specific caste identity rather than the identity merely as a religious group in Bengal and Assam, and locating their marginalisation in these two states. Second, to look at how they have been asserting their identity from colonial to post-​colonial periods on the basis of the “origin myth” of their community. Third, assessing the nature of their politicisation and why they are lagging both is socio-​economic and political domains in West Bengal and Assam, despite there were several instances of royal connections of the Nath-​Yogis in India, even currently, especially in north India, we can see a triadic relationship between the Nath-​Yogis, state power, and Hindu nationalism. Finally, to place the Nath question within the broader contexts of caste, marginalisation, and the politics of identity. The Naths of Bengal and Assam are never studied through the “political discourse analysis”, an approach to analysing power discourse.9 Political discourse analysis helps me to highlight various dimensions of politics related to the Naths of Bengal and Assam, like conversations and dialogues with others; actions taken by the actors associated, which decisions are taken by whom as a tool of getting benefits; struggle for power between those who intend to affirm and sustain their power and those who intend to resist it. Why the Naths Are So Far Neglected in Academic or Non-​academic Discussions This book is, as far as my knowledge goes, the first initiative to address the politics of identity of the Naths of Bengal and Assam. However, in Bengal, the question of Nath identity has hitherto been ignored by academics, partly as result of a myth that Bengal is an “exception” when it comes to caste10 because Bengal does not have a caste problem, and also to a lesser extent in Assam. Dev and Lahiri attempted to study the Naths, however, it was limited to one chapter that discussed their social mobility in colonial Assam.11 Dambarudhar Nath 2.2

9 10 11

For details, see Isabela Fairclough and Norman Fairclough, Political Discourse Analysis (New York: Routledge, 2012); Paul Chilton, Analysing Political Discourse: Theory and Practice (New York: Routledge, 2004). Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, “Does caste matter in Bengal? Examining the myth of Bengali exceptionalism,” in Being Bengali: At home and in the world, ed. Mridula Nath Chakraborty (Oxon: Routledge, 2014), 32–​47. Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 73–​90.

Introduction

7

has written about the Naths of Assam in one chapter but he did not address the “politics” that are present in the identity assertion of the Naths.12 Some academics, such as Nirmal Kumar Bose, Jyotirmoyee Sarma, Melita Waligora, Chandrima Chowdhury, and Arjundeb Sensarma, have discussed the Naths (or Jugi/​Jogi) in some detail, but they did not address the Nath question or their identity politics in Bengal explicitly.13 This research identifies four probable reasons behind the academic aridity towards the Naths. First, the Naths have never consolidated themselves communally and politically, so they could not make their existence known to others. Second, since a dominant section of the Naths consider themselves as Brahmans, they could not assert a separate identity against Brahmanical exclusivism. Third, though the Naths of these two states have some caste associations, the lack of centralised authoritative association and leadership prevents steering the Naths towards politics. Finally, an overwhelming presence of the bhadralok (gentlemen) in Bengal politics never paid attention to the caste issues, politically or academically. From colonial Bengal to contemporary West Bengal, bhadralok hegemony has been heavily entrenched. According to Partha Chatterjee, the initial dominance of upper-​ caste Hindus during the colonial period in Bengal was severely challenged in the last two decades before independence due to the rise of a new educated middle class from among the entrenched peasantry and popular political mobilisation, which led to an attack on the structures of upper-​caste privilege. However, as a result of the independence and partition of Bengal, the previously dominant upper-​castes were returned to West Bengal. This is clear from the upper-​castes’ enormous superior control over the machinery of electoral democracy through their control over the party system, be it left or right.14

12

Dambarudhar Nath, “Religion and Social Formation: The Nath-​Yogis of Assam –​From Community to Caste,” in Religion and Society in North East India, ed. Dambarudhar Nath (Guwahati: dvs Publishers, 2011), 307–​343. 13 Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society; Nirmal Kumar Bose, “Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal,” The Journal of American Folklore 71, no. 281 (1958): 397–​412; Sarma, Caste Dynamics Among the Bengali Hindus; Melita Waligora, “What is Your ‘Caste’? The Classification of Indian Society as Part of the British Civilizing Mission,” in Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India, eds. Harald Fischer-​Tiné and Michael Mann (London: Anthem Press, 2004), 141–​162; Chandrima Chowdhury, “Jugi,” in People of India: West Bengal, Vol. xxxxiii, ed. K. S. Singh (Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India & Seagull Books, 2008), 550–​554; Arjundeb Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj: Adi-​ Madhyajug (Kolkata: Bharabi, 2015). 14 Partha Chatterjee, “Partition and the mysterious disappearance of caste in Bengal,” in The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, ed. Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad, and Kenneth Bo Nielsen (Oxon: Routledge, 2016), 83–​102.

8

Chapter 1

Similarly, the presence of ethno-​linguistic politics in Assamese society pushed the caste issues to the periphery of the political discussions in Assam. 2.3 Why the Naths of Bengal and Assam Are Studied Here Together In several Indian states, including Assam, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Odisha, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, West Bengal, etc., the Naths can be found. However, West Bengal and Assam are the only two states specifically addressed in this book. One could wonder why only these two states are taken into account when looking into the Naths. I was motivated to combine these two states for a number of reasons. First, there is a historical continuity between the Naths of these two states. The Nath Sampradaya is thought to have been founded by Matsyendranatha, who had ties to both Bengal and Assam. Additionally, both Bengali and Assamese languages claim that the Caryagiti, supposedly composed by the Nath siddhas, is their earliest piece of vernacular literature. The genesis of the Nath sampradaya, their acceptance, marginalisation, and ultimately their assertion of their own identity took place concurrently and simultaneously. Second, investigating these two states together is motivated by the same type of caste formation in Bengal and Assam in comparison to other states. In compared to other Indian states, with the exception of Tripura, the way that caste is formed by the householder Naths of Bengal and Assam is distinctive. In both states, the Naths are more of an endogamous caste known as Yogi or Jogi (formerly Jugi) than a religious group. The Nath religious sect gave rise to the Yogi caste. If we look at the northern and western regions of India, the householders are willing to identify themselves close to the ascetic Yogis whom they acknowledge as founding ancestors.15 They do not identify themselves as Brahmans. However, the Nath is not an ascetic group that is found in the eastern portion of India, particularly in West Bengal and Assam, and even in Bangladesh. Instead, they are householders and maintain an endogamous caste known as Yogi or Jogi, and there are no such links with the ascetic branch of this community. Third, the Naths of these two states make very similar claims regarding their identities. They assert that they are Brahmans, which is unique compared to the rest of India, with the exception of Tripura. Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya notes, Nathism can be found in different parts of northern and north-​eastern India and once it was used to be popular in various areas of Maharashtra as well. The major existing religions in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Nepal, and Bihar have been blended into modern Nathism, but 15

Ann Grodzins Gold, A Carnival of Parting: The Tales of King Bharthari and King Gopi Chand as Sung and Told by Madhu Natisar Nath of Ghatiyali, Rajasthan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 51.

Introduction

9

in Bengal and Assam, the Natha-​Yogis want to maintain their distinct identity. They frequently identify themselves as Rudraja-​Brahmanas and attribute the core of their philosophy to the Vedas.16 Finally, since the late nineteenth century, the Naths of both states have been mutually asserting their identity as Brahmans, and it gained acceleration when Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani (abys), a caste association mutually formed by the Naths of Bengal and Assam, came into being in 1910. abys represented the Naths of both the states for protecting their interests during various census operations in colonial India, even after the independence of India. 3

Thematic Outline: Lived Experience and Theorisation from Inside

Social theory itself has had a long-​standing and contentious relationship with the idea of experience. The theoretical framework of social science was influenced by that of natural science, and experience was left out as a relevant theoretical concept. Because experience is essentially private and explicitly involves humans, it presents a challenge for natural science. Any assertion of universality appears to be lost in the realm of experience. In contrast, an essential category in the study of social sciences is the manifestation of experience. The critical role of experience in theorising phenomena is somewhat controversial because natural science theories may not always need to explicitly take human experience into account. However, in social sciences, particularly in the study of the politics of identity, the experiences of the individuals remain a useful element in the act of theorising. 3.1 Whether Lived Experience or Theory The study of social sciences cannot be conducted using the technique used in the natural sciences. In contrast to the scientific sciences, where researchers frequently emphasise objectivity and generalisation, the social sciences lack any kind of globally applicable universal laws or principles. Social sciences study self-​evaluative human beings who take lessons from their lived experiences and act accordingly in changing circumstances. But in the natural sciences, if specific procedures are faithfully followed, the outcomes are consistently the same.17 It is widely acknowledged that, while the natural world 16 17

Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, History of the Śākta Religion (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1974), 129. Souvik Chatterjee and Kunal Debnath, “The Empirical Illusion and Reconsidering the Essence of ‘the Political’,” The Indian Journal of Political Science 80, no. 3 (2019): 376.

10 

Chapter 1

can continue without humans, the human world is largely based on unpredictable human action. While the physical world can exist without any conceptual framework, the human world is profoundly conceptual because people constantly attempt to conceptualise their experiences rather than simply living in the moment and sensing it. Humans exist in what philosopher Edmund Husserl refers to as the “life-​world,”18 and using the terminology of Wilhelm Dilthey, we may refer to this experience as a “lived experience,” in German, erlebnis.19 Wilhelm Dilthey, a German philosopher, vehemently opposed the using of a model created just for the natural sciences and instead suggested creating a separate model for the human sciences. His argument centered around the idea that, in the natural sciences, we look for cause-​and-​effect relationships to explain occurrences. In contrast, in the human sciences, we attempt to interpret phenomena and understand in terms of the relationships between the part and the whole.20 In other words, while nature offers a field of explanation, humanity offers a field of understanding, in German what is called “verstehen” and which is based on the “lived experience”. Dilthey wrote, “understanding of other people and their expression is developed on the basis of experience and self-​understanding and the constant interactions between them.”21 The study of the politics of identity appears to be prominent in the discipline of social sciences. Identity claims are frequently based on individual experiences. The uniqueness of experiences appears to distinguish distinct concepts of self and community. There is a debate whether experiences along with theorisation from inside or theorisation from outside is better convincing in studying the politics of identity. Many people consider experience to be inferior to theory, and in modern times, this inferiority can also be understood because, for them, to the extent that theory mandates experience, experience is downward to theory. On the other hand, Gopal Guru and Sundar Sarukkai argue, “there is the argument for the primacy of experience, from which theory not only follows but also cannot exist without this foundation.”22 18

Edmund Husserl, The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology: An Introduction to Phenomenological Philosophy, trans. David Carr (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1970), 27. 19 Rudolf A. Makkreel, Dilthey: Philosopher of the Human Studies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), 147–​148. 20 Makkreel, Dilthey, 133–​134. 21 Quoted in Leslie Paul Thiele, Thinking Politics: Perspectives in Ancient, Modern, and Postmodern Political Theory, 2nd (New York: Chatham House Publishers, 2002), 16. 22 Gopal Guru and Sundar Sarukkai, The Cracked Mirror: An Indian Debate on Experience and Theory, Paperback (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2017), 2.

Introduction

11

According to Sarukkai, experience always appears having three crucial features: first, the freedom of becoming a part of the experience; second, the freedom to leave at any time if the experience is not favourable; and third, the flexibility to modify the experience according to what one requires. In general, lived experience demonstrates neither of these three features. The term “lived experience” refers to more than simply participating in an experience. Lived experience should only be used for situations where it is deemed necessary when the person has no control over whether or not to experience it. Even though the experience is awful, the individual is unable to leave or even alter it. The experiencer perceives the experience as someone who has to live with it rather than as a subject who possesses some control over it. To quote Sarukkai, “lived experience is not about freedom of experience but about the lack of freedom in an experience.”23 All this makes lived experience qualitatively different from mere experience. According to Gopal Guru, a person’s lived experience is a sufficient precondition for organising her cognition and promoting her everyday experience into resistance. A theoretical representation is not necessary because lived experience is sufficient and can be accepted on its own genuine grounds. However, Guru claims for theorisation from inside of the researchers from disadvantaged sections to confront the reverse orientalism that treats them as the inferior empirical self, and the socially advantaged section as the superior theoretical self.24 Similarly, we need theory for better understanding, because though experience has its primacy, experience cannot be manifested without theory. Experience does not approve authorship. Sarukkai argues that the thematisation of the public sphere with its concomitant ideas of rational communicative praxis of Habermas was not a theoretical move that arises from lived experience as, “for Habermas, then, theory is legitimated by its distance from experience.”25 Even Auguste Comte, the founding figure of sociology and the pioneer of positivism, himself insisted that “no real observation of any kind of phenomenon is possible, except in as far as it is first directed, and finally interpreted, by some theory.”26 Max Weber also argues that all the sciences of psychological and social phenomena are the science of human conduct including thoughts and attitudes of human beings, and “these sciences seek to “understand” this

23 24 25 26

Guru and Sarukkai, The Cracked Mirror, 35–​36. Guru and Sarukkai, The Cracked Mirror, 23–​24. Guru and Sarukkai, The Cracked Mirror, 45. Quoted in Thiele, Thinking Politics, 2.

12 

Chapter 1

conduct and by means of this understanding to “explain” it “interpretatively”” with theory.27 Representing the Naths through Lived Experience and Theorisation from Inside Being a Nath myself, here I have attempted to establish a link between historical and contemporary experiences of social reality that was transmitted from one generation to another through the complex mediation of caste identity of the Naths. As of yet, no Naths have studied the politics of identity of their own community, particularly in Bengal and Assam. Being a Nath myself, I have attempted to understand the underlying issues of the identity politics of the Naths, which is a little difficult for outsiders. That does not mean I am skeptical about the ability of outsiders to study the Naths well. But there may be a gap in understanding which we might refer to as the gap between “who studies and who is studied”. Participant observation cannot bridge that gap accurately. Being a Nath, I have utilised this advantage to reduce the gap between “the researcher” and “the researched”. This does not imply that I have been able to understand and theorise all experiences gathered by every Nath. I am not an owner of the experiences of every Nath in the larger context. Therefore, I rest upon some theories to interpret the experiences of other Naths. Because, though, all the Naths possess ownership of their individual experiences, all are not the authors of their experiences or able to express or theorise their experiences. Experience does not approve authorship without the action of reason. For better understanding, I have taken the help of ethnography to interpret the experiences of the other Naths. This research is simultaneously archival and field based. Various historical records, such as census reports, government archives, manuscripts, books, caste journals, meeting resolutions of the caste associations, and letters are surveyed and used in this research to understand the experiences of the previous generations. I have relied on ethnographic methods to comprehend and interpret the experiences of the Naths in contemporary times, which I have conducted in several locations across West Bengal and Assam. Because it can be employed for observing underlying politics by assessing a “lived culture” or “lived experience”.28 3.2

27

28

Max Weber, Max Weber on the Methodology of the Social Sciences, ed. Edward A. Shils and Henry A. Finch, trans. Edward A. Shils and Henry A. Finch (Illinois: The Free Press, 1949), 40; For details see, Kunal Debnath and Souvik Chatterjee, “Reconsidering the Research Ethics in Social Sciences,” Academia Letters 1718 (2021): 1–​4. Ann Gray, Research Practice for Cultural Studies (London: sage Publications, 2003), 11–​12.

Introduction

4

13

A Brief Overview of the Chapters

This book is divided into eight chapters including this introductory and a concluding chapter for focusing on particular separate research objectives. Chapter 2 deals with the Identity of the Naths, whether a religious sect or a caste. It focuses on the ambivalence in the Nath identity –​caste or religion. The Nath has been primarily a religious sect and a section of Naths formed an endogamous caste in Bengal and Assam called Jugi or Jogi or Yogi after accepting the smarta Brahmanical way of life that gives primacy to the worldly life stream, unlike the philosophical notion of an other-​worldly way of life of the renouncer Nath-​Yogis. Chapter 2 also deals with why and how the Nath-​Yogis were marginalised in the early medieval Bengal and Assam even after returning to domestic life and formation of caste. In Chapter 3, the status of the Naths of West Bengal from pre-​colonial to post-​colonial times is discussed. Based on the primary and secondary sources, this chapter examines the position of the Naths of Bengal under the Hindu caste hierarchy. The negotiations and bargaining of the Naths of Bengal with different colonial censuses for resisting their low caste status and asserting their identity are also taken into account. The Naths, in colonial period, gave up their Scheduled Caste (sc) status, and a section of the Naths is now ready to disown the Other Backward Class (obc) status. In this chapter, the roles of the caste associations of the Naths, such as abys, nbrbs, etc., and how they have been asserting their identity since the colonial period are demonstrated. Chapter 4 is the Assam counterpart of Chapter 3, which examines the status of the Naths of Assam from pre-​colonial to post-​colonial era based on primary and secondary data sources. this chapter focuses on how the Naths of Assam, consist of two different ethnic groups called Katani of the Brahmaputra Valley and Yogi of the Barak Valley (erstwhile the Surma Valley), resist their low caste status attributed by different colonial censuses. The functions of the Nath associations, such as abys, apys, cys, and others, and their response towards sc status in colonial period and obc status in post-​colonial period are also considered in this chapter. Chapter 5 presents a contemporary portrayal of the socio-​economic status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam together. This chapter is entirely based on field studies that were conducted at different places in these two states. The Naths of both states are trying to recover “Nathism” against “Brahmanism” but the degree of this effort is different. While the Naths of West Bengal are attempting to assimilate Nathism into Brahmanism, the Naths of Assam are determined to preserve the distinctive traits of Nathism, such as receiving diksha (initiation) from the Nath-​gurus, and burying their dead, among other things. Also, the obc reservation is a subject of contention in both states, however,

14 

Chapter 1

the nature is different. While the Naths of West Bengal, on obc controversy, are more “radical” than that of Assam, the latter appears to be more “pragmatic”. Here, regarding the obc status of a Brahman oriented caste, I have found some resemblances between the Naths of Bengal and Assam, Daivadnya Brahman of Kerala and Karnataka, and the Vishwa Brahmans of Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. Chapter 6 deals with the Naths and their degree of politicisation considering their participation in mainstream politics. Though the Nath-​ Yogis maintained very cordial relations with various royal courts in northern India, even, in Bengal, during the ancient and medieval periods, even though, we can find the highly politicising nature of the Gorakhpur Math since the colonial period that maintains a triadic relationship between the Nath-​Yogis, state power, and Hindu nationalism, in Bengal and Assam they are, unlike the Namasudras and Rajbanshis of West Bengal and the Lingayats of Karnataka, not able to bargain their demands politically due to low nature of politicisation, lack of consolidation, lack of enthusiastic leadership, and absence of dominant associations. Though, currently the Naths of Assam are trying to be a political force, unlike the Bengal Naths. Chapter 7 presents the conceptual understanding that can be employed to find a pattern of the identity politics of the Naths. This chapter attempts to conceptualise the position of the Naths as subaltern. The struggle of the Naths is undoubtedly a politics of recognition, and it is to some extent a “post-​materialist” politics as the Naths’ principal priority has been achieving or preserving a high social status within the Hindu caste framework rather than economic power or resource redistribution. I believe that the Naths question can be addressed through the concept of the politics of exclusion in the larger Hindu caste framework of Bengal and Assam, and the exclusion occurred in the early medieval period, in the colonial period, and even we can see some exclusionary dimensions in contemporary times. The last chapter, i.e., Chapter 8, offers some tentative concluding observations. Here, I have tried to justify the research objectives which are mentioned in this introductory section. In the concluding chapter, I have offered six perspectives to grasp the identity politics of the Naths of Bengal and Assam. These perspectives are historical, ideological, institutionalist, constructivist, instrumentalist, and power discourse. These perspectives may help the readers as well as scholars to make a precise sense of the Nath identity in a nutshell. I have also undertaken some critical theoretical analysis to examine the case of the Naths. By undertaking this research, I have attempted to provide some political interpretations for some social phenomena. I hope this research, in future, will

Introduction

15

be a part of the academic and theoretical debates in social sciences in general and political science in particular, and it will pave the way for more research like this. I extend my anticipatory contrition for any residual inadvertencies that may have persisted within.

­c hapter 2

The Naths (Yogis)

Identity, Formation of Caste in Bengal and Assam, and Their Marginalisation

1

Introduction

When the word “Nath” appears, it initially gives the impression that it is a religious sect of Hinduism in South Asia, particularly in India, Nepal, and Bangladesh. This is especially so when the words “Nath” and “Yogi” are combined. It is sometimes assumed that Nath-​Yogi is less a caste and more a religious group. Yogis are thought to be ascetics who have given up family life and become renouncers (sannyasis), hence they cannot form a caste. Yet, this study is about the householder (grihastha) Naths who formed a caste called Yogi, their position in society, and their endeavored politics of recognition. Therefore, discussion on the ascetic branch of Nathism will be limited and primary concentration will be given upon the caste identity but without sidestepping their religious distinctiveness. Therefore, this chapter aims to investigate the ambivalence in the Nath identity –​a religious sect or a caste; and how the Naths were marginalised in Bengal and Assam. 2

Antiquity of the Naths

The Nath Community (also known as Yogi, Jogi and Jugi),1 extensively known as the “Nath Sampradaya”,2 has been one of the age-​old communities of the 1 Most scholars have treated the terms Nath, Yogi, Jogi, and Jugi interchangeably. Though some ethnographers and scholars used specific term for the sake of clarity, like, Herbert Hope Risley used “Jugi”, John Campbell Oman used “Yogi”, G. S. Ghurye used “Jogi”, Shashibhusan Das Gupta preferred “Nath”. See Herbert Hope Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary, vol. i (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1892), 355–​358; John Campbell Oman, The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India: A Study of Sadhuism, with an Account of the Yogis, Sanyasis, Bairagis, and other Strange Hindu Sectarians (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1905), 168; Govind Sadashiv Ghurye, Indian Sadhus (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1964), 114–​140; Shashibhusan Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 3rd (Calcutta: Firma K. L. M., 1969), 191–​210. 2 Scholars divided the Nath Sampradaya into two groups –​Yogi and Kapalika-​tantrik. Both are anti-​domestic life streams. But a vast number of the Naths had returned to domestic life since the fourteenth to fifteenth centuries. Now, three types of Nath can be found in India

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_003

The Naths (Yogis)

17

Indian sub-​continent. Origin of the Nath community has been an “indecipherable mystery”. The Nath-​Yogi community has primarily been a religious community, belonging to a distinct religious cult known as the Natha cult or Natha-​pantha.3 But now we see the householder Naths in West Bengal and Assam, who mostly use the surname Nath or Debnath, claim to be a part of the Brahmanical Hinduism which deviated from the original Natha cult and was originally against the caste institution.4 Even, some of the Naths assert to be included in the Brahman varna and claim themselves to be Rudraja Brahmans (Brahmans deriving their origin from Rudra or Lord Siva). Due to the above confusion, it is necessary to identify the Nath community –​whether it is a religious cult transcending the caste system or a separate caste that upholds their caste identity –​since the identity has “irresolvable ambiguities”. The term “Nath” may be defined as the “master” of yogic powers. Linguistically, the word “Natha” is derived from the sanskrit word “Nāth”, means “to have dominion or power” over. Nātha is also described in traditional sources as per to a homiletic etymology. The syllable “nā” means the “anādi” (without origin), the primordial form, while the syllable “tha” means “sthāpita”, the established. Thus, another meaning of Nātha is the primeval form or dharma established in the three worlds.5 The word “Yogi” refers to an adept, a practitioner of yoga. Natha-​pantha had probably been originated in north and north-​east Bengal and spread across different parts of India including present-​ day Bangladesh.6 Muhammad Shahidullah stated that Nathism was initiated first in Bengal and Matsyendranatha was a Bengali.7 The presence of Natha-​ pantha can be found through oral literature of various places of Bengal.8

3 4 5 6 7 8

and Bangladesh, viz. Yogi, Kapalika-​tantrik and the householders. See Arjundeb Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj: Adi-​Madhyajug (Kolkata: Bharabi, 2015), 30–​31. For details on Natha-​pantha, see Kalyani Mallik, Nathapantha (Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1357 bs). Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, paperback, trans. John W. Hood (Kolkata: Orient Blackswan, 2013), 435. David N. Lorenzen and Adrián Muñoz, “Introduction,” in Yogi Heroes and Poets: Histories and Legends of the Naths, eds. David N. Lorenzen and Adrián Muñoz (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2011), x. Satish K Kapoor, “Natha Pantha: Order of the Primordial Shiva,” Prabuddha Bharat or Awakened India 116, no. 7 (2011): 489–​493. Muhammad Shahidullah, “Natha Pantha,” Ananda Bazar Patrika, January 1, 1949. For details, see Achintya Biswas, “Moukhik Sanskritite Nath Dharma Sadhana,” in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, vol. i, ed. Balaram Chakraborty (Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001), 118–​129; Achintya Biswas, “Uttorbanger Onokkhor Krishakder Moukhik Sahitya –​“Gopichandrer Sonnyas”,” Bangla Bibhagiyo Patrika ( Jadavpur University) 11 (March 2001): 43–​102.

18 

Chapter 2

The symbols of Natha-​ pantha can also be found in many places of Nepal.9 Though this community exists since antiquity in the Indian subcontinent and its influence over the Indian culture is not ignorable also, but the history of origin of the Nath sampradaya is still a mystery and not unveiled properly.10 According to the Parasar Paddhati (Parasar Principles), the Nath sampradaya originated as a result of sexual union between a Brahman female and an abadhut (saint) male.11 Scholars opined that the origins of Nathism can be traced back to the tenth or eleventh century as a merged form of Buddhist and Hindu tantra, Saivite asceticism and yoga philosophy.12 Another opinion says that the Nath-​Yogi tradition emerged in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as a confederation of devotees of Saivite and Siddha practices.13 A large section of the Naths in West Bengal and Assam claim themselves to be Rudraja Brahmans and primarily from “Siva gotra” (Siva-​lineage). They also claim that the Nath tradition has been a section of Saivism.14 Though some scholars argued that the Nath Sampradaya has not only been a branch of Saivism. It has an outstretched philosophy too. If Nathism and Saivism are regarded to be the same, then the scope of Nathism will be limited.15 It has been recognised by some scholars as an ancient religious tradition that evolved in India alongside Saivism and Vaishnavism. But, after identifying Gorakshnatha with Lord Siva, Nathism was 9

Bhabanath Sarkar, “Nepale –​Nath Dhormer Utso Sandhane,” in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, vol. ii, ed. Balaram Chakraborty (Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001), 108–​111. 10 Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 191–​192. 11 Narahari Das, Jati-​tattwa O Upadhimala (Kolkata: Nabapatra Prakashan, 2010), 40. 12 George Weston Briggs, Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis (Calcutta: y.m.c.a Publishing House, 1938), 150–​151; Ghurye, Indian Sadhus, 114–​140; Ann Grodzins Gold, A Carnival of Parting: The Tales of King Bharthari and King Gopi Chand as Sung and Told by Madhu Natisar Nath of Ghatiyali, Rajasthan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 38. 13 Constance A. Jones and James D. Ryan, Encyclopedia of Hinduism (New York: Facts On File, 2007), 308. 14 Kalyani Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, Darshan o Sadhan Pronali (Calcutta: Calcutta University, 1946), 3; Kalyani Mallik, “Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder O Rajguru Yogibangsha,” in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, vol. iv, ed. Balaram Chakraborty (Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2004), 2–​3; Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 198; Shashibhusan Das Gupta, “Bangla Sahityer Patobhumite koyekti Dharmosadhona,” 2nd, trans. Gopi Mohan Singha Roy (Kolkata: Bharobi, 2011), 81. Saivism is one of the oldest, influential, and popular Hindu religious traditions that worship Lord Siva as the supreme divinity. A person who worships Lord Siva is called a Saiva or a Saivite. See Constance A. Jones and James D. Ryan, Encyclopedia of Hinduism (New York: Facts On File, 2007), 396–​397. 15 Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 416.

The Naths (Yogis)

19

equated with Saivism.16 However, the Nath philosophy is primarily an anti-​ domestic life stream that aims at renunciatory way of life. The Nath Sampradaya comprises two groups –​the renouncer ascetics and the householders.17 Nath ascetic order had its first historical initiation made by Guru Matsyendranatha (probably lived in the eighth or ninth century)18 and Guru Gorakshanatha (probably lived in the eleventh or twelfth century),19 both of them are regarded as the great Yogis of Indian ascetic order. Adiguru in the Nath-​yogi tradition has been Adinatha, Lord Siva.20 Other Nath gurus were Cauranginatha, Jalandhari-​pa or Hadi-​pa, Bhartriharinatha or Bhartrharinatha, Kanu-​pa or Kani-​pa or Kanhu-​pa, et al. The renouncer ascetics of the Nath tradition are known as Yogi Guru, Nathacharya, Siddhapada or Siddhacharya. The legends of the Nath Yogis are associated with the references of the Navanatha or “Nine 16 17 18

19

20

See Daniel Gold and Ann Grodzins Gold, “The Fate of the Householder Nath,” History of Religions 24, no. 2 (1984): 115. Dumont provides a clear picture of the sociological understanding of tension between the renouncer ascetics and the householders. Louis Dumont, “World Renunciation in Indian Religions,” Contributions to Indian Sociology 4 (1960): 33–​62. There has been disagree among the historians and scholars regarding the actual period. Kalyani Mallik placed Matsyendranatha in the tenth century. Suresh Ch. Nath Majumder held that Matsyendranatha was in being sometime from the late-​fifth to the mid-​ninth centuries approximately. Ramesh Chandra Majumdar placed Matsyendranatha in the end of the tenth or beginning of the eleventh century probably. See Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 52; Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 5th. (Kolkata: Assam-​ Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 2018), 149; Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal (Kolkata: Tulsi Prakashani, 2005), 336. It is held that Matsyendranatha, Minanatha and Lui-​pa were the same person as Tibetan sources place Lui-​pa in Bengal. For details, see Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 62; Ray, History of the Bengali People, 492; Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya, ed., Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India, trans. Lama Chimpa and Alaka Chattopadhyaya (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, 1970), 153. Ramesh Chandra Majumdar held that if they were not the same, it was obvious a syncretic assimilation of the teachers of various cults. See Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, Volume i, Hindu Period (Dacca: University of Dacca, 1943), 343. Kulisits and historians like Prabadh Ch Bagchi or Dr Mohan Singh placed Gorakshanatha sometime in the ninth to tenth centuries, though there has been disagree on the actual century. Kalyani Mallik placed him in the eleventh century. See Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 52; Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 181–​183. Briggs estimated Gorakshanatha sometime in the twelfth to fifteenth centuries and Grierson placed him in the fourteenth century. See G. A. Grierson, “Song of Manik Chandra,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 1, no. 3 (1878): 1–​110. For detail research on Gorakshanatha, see Briggs, Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis; Akshaya Kumar Banerjea, Philosophy of Gorakhnath (Gorakhpur: Mahant Dig Vijai Nath Trust, 1961). Debendranath Chattopadhyaya, “Nath-​ Yogi Sampradaya,” Udbodhan 52, no. 3 (1356 bs): 127–​132.

20 

Chapter 2

Naths” and Chaurasi-​siddha or “Eighty-​ four Siddhas”. The Nine Naths referred to Adinatha is no other than Lord Siva himself. Then his six disciples: Gajbali Gajkanthaṛnatha, Udaynatha, Satyanatha, Acambhenatha, and Matsyendranatha, Matsyendranatha’s disciple Gorakṣhanatha, and Gorakṣhanatha’s disciple Cauraṅginatha. This list, however, includes some names rarely mentioned elsewhere and excludes more famous key figures like Jalandharinatha and Kani-​pa.21 Matsyendranatha, or literally “Lord of the Fishes”, according to a very popular legend, heard the secret teaching of the supreme knowledge (mahajnana) of Lord Siva imparted to Gouri when he was in the belly of a fish.22 That supreme knowledge what would make a man unageing and undying was known to Lord Siva only. Siva realised he had been cheated by Matsyendranatha and cursed him that a day would come when he would forget the supreme knowledge. His name in the Nath-​Yogi tradition is associated with the medieval Tantric school known as the Yogini Kaula, and he is said to be the founder.23 In Bengal and Assam, Nathism and Tantrism were closely linked and this combined cult did not explicitly forbid contact with women.24 Matsyendranatha, unlike the Gorakshanatha tradition of outside Bengal and Assam that emphasises on the asexual yogic practices, allied with the sexual-​yogic practices including effective sexual union. He was the author of the Kaula-​jñāna-​nirṇaya and the Matsyendra-​saṃhitā.25 Gorakshanatha, Matsyendranatha’s disciple, is claimed by the Nath-​Yogis to be their highest Guru and the founder of the Nath Sampradaya (religious tradition) from whom they found their parampara or tradition. However, as per some of the legends, though Gorakshanatha is Matsyendranatha’s disciple, but he was created by Lord Siva himself. He is none other than the pure form of Lord Siva. Therefore, the Nath Yogis worship Gorakshanatha as Sivrup, the prototypical form of Lord Siva.26 Besides the legends of the Nine-​Naths and Eighty-​four Siddhas, another theory exists regarding the origin of the Yogi tradition, and this is the theory of the eleven Rudras. According to Vallala-​charita, the Yogis emerged from the

21

Véronique Bouillier, Monastic Wanderers: Nāth Yogī Ascetics in Modern South Asia (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2016), 11–​13. 22 For details, see Nipendra Nath Chowdhury, ed., Harmala: Brahmajnan Yogashastra (Lala: Nipendra Nath Chowdhury, 1971). 23 Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, 334. 24 Kshitimohan Sen, Banglar Sadhana (Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1352 bs), 31. 25 Bouillier, Monastic Wanderers, 12–​13. 26 Bouillier, Monastic Wanderers, 13–​18.

The Naths (Yogis)

21

ekadash (eleven) Rudra and engaged with yog-​sadhana.27 Though, Vallala-​ charita was a text of the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries but it portrayed the Bengal society of the twelfth century and hence its historical evidence is dubious.28 Since the Yogis are supposed to be originated from Rudra, another name of Lord Siva, so they overtly claim to be Rudraja.29 The ascetic Naths can be identified with a begging bowl or khappar, a deer-​ horn instrument or singi nad, a sacred thread made of black wool or seli, iron tongs or chimta, wooden sandals or pavari, a body smeared with sacred ash or bhabhut, and thick crystal earrings or darsani.30 The earrings are significant. The full initiation of a disciple is marked by cutting off his ears. For this reason, the ascetic Naths are often called Kanphata (splitted ears) Yogis.31 The path of attaining siddhi (success) in the Nath tradition is kaya-​sadhana (culture of the

27 Harishchandra Kaviratna, ed., Vallala-​charita, trans. Shashibhusan Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: Girish Vidyaratna Press, 1889), 30–​35. 28 Whether Vallala-​charita is an authentic source or not, it is debatable. Two versions of Vallala-​charita are available, one has been edited by Harishchandra Kaviratna and translated by Shashibhusan Bhattacharyya in 1889 but originally written jointly by Gopalbhatta in around 1300 and Anandabhatta in around 1500. Another version has been edited and translated by mm Haraprasad Shastri in 1901 but originally written by Anandabhatta in 1509–​10. It is still unsettled that which one is the authentic version. The incident of the Yogis has been depicted in Kaviratna’s edition, but not in Shastri’s edition. Shastri pronounced the Kaviratna’s edition to be “spurious and unreliable”, on the other hand, Shastri’s edition has been described by historian Rakhaldas Bandyopadhyay as a fake. Niharranjan Ray, however, argues, “but it seems that there is not much cause to regard either work as a fake”. Ramesh Chandra Majumdar accepted the persecution towards the Suvarna-​vanik community led by Vallalasena, as described in Vallala-​charita edited by Shastri, but denied the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogi community described in Kaviratna’s edition. However, when asked by Narendra Chandra Nath that why did he deny the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogis, Majumdar could not explain anything. For details, see Kaviratna, ed., Vallala-​charita, 22–​28; Haraprasad Shastri, ed., Vallala-​charita, trans. Haraprasad Shastri (Calcutta: Hare Press, 1901), v-​xi, 90–​91; Ray, History of the Bengali People, 163; Niharranjan Ray, Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed (Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1352 bs), 10–​14; Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 239–​241; Narendra Chandra Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas (Agartala: Tripura Rajya Nath-​Kalyan Samiti, 1995), 21–​22; Hiranmoy Nath, Uttar Purba Bharater Saiba Nath Sampradaya, 2nd (Krishnanagar: Dhrubapada Prakashani, 2014), 148–​149. 29 Barid Baran Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas (Kolkata: Shree Publishing House, 2011), 11; Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 1–​3. 30 Gold, A Carnival of Parting, 41. 31 For details on Kanphata Yogis, see Briggs, Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis; Véronique Bouillier, “Kānphaṭās,” in Brill’s Encyclopaedia of Hinduism, vol. iii, ed. Knut A. Jacobsen (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 347–​354.

22 

Chapter 2

body) through the process of hatha yoga.32 Hatha yoga incorporates or even emphasises kundalini practice. To pierce the psychic centres or chakras that run parallel to the spine, “Goddess energy” at the base of the spine must be aroused and driven upward. There should the emphasis of breath control in this instance. The kundalini is raised through the centres by using the nadis, or subtle bodily channels, to direct breath into the main spinal channel. At the sahasrara chakra, which is located above the head, the kundalini finally connects with Siva. This encounter results in complete enlightenment. Hatha yoga has historically included a wide range of techniques, including those of groups like the Nath-​Yogis who pursued physical immortality by ingesting and transforming poisons like mercury oxides and engaging in physical alchemy. Hatha yoga is largely limited to postures and a simple focus on the breath in the West today. More experienced practitioners may start to concentrate on the kundalini and the channelling of the breath in the nadis.33 In Nathism, attaining siddhi (success) has been given more importance than realising moksha or nirvana (salvation). Precisely, hatha yoga refers to ulta sadhana or the “process of reversal” of bindu or semen that needs to return to its place of origin in the head.34 The Nath Yogis unswervingly deify the powers of bindu and Gorakshanatha claimed that bindu is verily yoga.35 Hatha yoga is the means of immortality that consists six parts –​ asana or postures, pranayama or breathing exercises, bandhas or muscular contractions, the chanting of mantras or divine name, dhyana or the practice of meditation, and samadhi or total self-​collectedness or a state of meditative consciousness.36 The Natha school is supposed to have been intimately associated with the Indian school of alchemy or rasayana.37 Yoga and alchemy both are complementary on the quest for immunisation of the body through rasa or fluid.38 Das Gupta stated 32

Shashibhusan Das Gupta, “Some Later Yogic Schools,” in The Cultural Heritage of India, vol. iv, ed. Haridas Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1956), 297; Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 192; Ann Grodzins Gold, A Carnival of Parting, 39. 33 Constance A. Jones and James D. Ryan, Encyclopedia of Hinduism (New York: Facts On File, 2007), 181. 34 Gordan Djurdjevic, India and the Occult: The Influence of South Asian Spirituality on Modern Western Occultism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 35 Djurdjevic, India and the Occult. 36 Djurdjevic, India and the Occult. 37 Das Gupta, “Some Later Yogic Schools,” 297; Djurdjevic, India and the Occult; David Gordon White, The Alchemical Body: Siddha Traditions in Medieval India (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). 38 Akshay Kumar Dutta, Bharatbarshiya Upashak Sampraday, vol. ii (Calcutta: Sanskrit Press, 1882), 114–​141; Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 192–​193; White, The Alchemical Body.

The Naths (Yogis)

23

that “he, who has been able to give an upward flow to the fluid (semen) is a god, and not a man.”39 Some scholars opined that the Nath Sampradaya had been close to Buddhism due to many similarities.40 Narendra Nath Bhattacharya described that though hatha yoga is somewhat equated with the Sahajayana Buddhist, but the followers of Nathism did not accept the term Sahaja.41 It is regarded that many of the Nath Siddhas were Buddhists.42 Some scholars take the Natha cult as essentially an esoteric Buddhis cult that transmuted itself into a Saivaite cult. On the other side, many scholars argue that the Natha cult is fundamentally a Saivite cult and later seems to have been assimilated within esoteric Buddhist cult.43 Ramesh Chandra Majumdar opined that the Siddhacharyas and the Nath-​gurus had strong connections with Vajra-​yana and Mantra-​yana, a Buddhist tradition.44 Brian Houghton Hodgson accepted “Nathism or Saintism as the bridge uniting the orthodox and heterodox, the Brahmanical and Saugata sects.”45 Analogously, Ramesh Chandra Majumdar asserted Nathism as a medley of Buddhism and Hinduism.46 Notwithstanding many similarities like Adinatha is Siva for the Hindus and Buddha in the form of Vajra-​sattva for the Buddhists, Das Gupta argues that the first possibility is “based purely on a misconception of the fundamental nature of the [Natha] cult.”47 Philosophically, the Natha cult had no concern with God; each of the Nath-​Yogis was God in the world of his own body. The supreme being in Natha cult is known as Niranjana or speakless, Sunya or void, Anadi or beginningless, and Adinatha or primal lord.48 Despite a strong Buddhist connection, this Nath ascetic Yogis are the followers of Saivism49 and there are many sects like Kanphat, Aoughar, Matsyendri, 39 Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 246. 40 Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, 329–​340; Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 352–​353; Sadhankamal Chowdhury, Banglay Bouddhodharma o Bangali Bouddhoder Kromobibarton (Kolkata: Karuna Prashani, 2002), 32–​33. 41 Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, Ancient Indian Rituals and Their Social Contents (Delhi: Manohar Book Service, 1975), 137. 42 Haraprasad Shastri, ed., Hajar Bachorer Purano Bangla Bhashay Bouddhogan O Doha (Calcutta: Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, 1323 bs), 10–​16. 43 Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 192–​194; Bhattacharyya, Ancient Indian Rituals, 138. 44 Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 338–​339. 45 Brian Houghton Hodgson, “Notice on Buddhist Symbols,” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 18 (1861): 394. 46 Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 340. 47 Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 194. 48 Sukumar Sen, “The Natha Cult,” in The Cultural Heritage of India, vol. iv, ed. Haridas Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1956), 280. 49 Briggs, Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis, 150.

24 

Chapter 2

Bhartrihari or Bharthari, Kani-​pa, and so on.50 Matsyendranatha has still been regarded as a deity and worshipped in Nepal.51 He has been worshipped as Avalokiteswara by the Nepali-​Buddhists though it is unclear that whether he was Buddhist or not.52 Matsyendranatha has also been equated with Lui-​pa, one of the most acclaimed Buddhist writers of Caryagiti.53 Haraprasad Shastri argued that Nathism came from outside Buddhism, though Matsyendranatha, one of the principal Naths, has been worshipped by the Buddhists in Nepal as Avalokiteswara, yet a fisherman54 cannot be a Buddhist because he was a habitual animal killer. However, though, Nathism, Haraprasad Shastri notes, “arose outside Buddhism, but was at last absorbed into it.”55 Notwithstanding, Matsyendranatha received a wide admiration in Nepal, north India, Bengal, and Assam, Gorakshanatha has not been worshipped in Nepal since he has been regarded as an apostate or renegade due to his changed faith from Buddhism to Saivism.56 Scholars opined that Gorakshanatha was Ananga-​ varja or Raman-​vajra when he was a Buddhist and later converted to Saivism.57 His conversion, as some scholars held, was due to “please their heretic rulers and gain political favours.”58 On the other hand, Bisvesvar Bhattacharya writes, the Yogis are a class of indigenous bards, mostly illiterate, who supplement their earnings by singing the epic (of Gopichandra) and dancing to the accompaniment of vocal and instrumental music. They are believed to be the degraded descendants of a class of Buddhist ascetics –​followers of Gorakhnath; and many of their local customs, –​their divergence from

50 Dutta, Bharatbarshiya Upashak Sampraday, 114–​141. 51 Kapoor, “Natha Pantha,” 489–​493. 52 Briggs, Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis, 151; Shastri, Hajar Bachorer Purano, 16; Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 343. 53 Shastri, Hajar Bachorer Purano, 16; Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 339–​343. 54 It is regarded that Lui-​pa, Minanath, and Matsyendranatha were the same person. According to the Tibetan tradition Lui-​pa belonged to the fisherman class of Bengal. Similarly, according to the Indian tradition Minanath or Matsyendranatha also came from the fisherman class. See Ray, History of the Bengali People, 492. 55 Haraprasad Shastri, “Introduction to Modern Buddhism in Bengal,” in The Modern Buddhism and Its Followers in Orissa, Nagendra Nath Vasu (Calcutta: Hare Press, 1911), 9. 56 Shastri, Hajar Bachorer Purano, 16; Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 344; Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 199. 57 Briggs, Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis, 150–​151; Shastri, Hajar Bachorer Purano, 16. 58 Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 344.

The Naths (Yogis)

25

Brahmanical rites, their adoption of priests from their own caste, their worship of the Buddhist deity Dharma –​confirm this view.59 Kalyani Mallik, citing Mohan Singh, held that it is wrong that Gorakshanatha was a Buddhist.60 In India, Gorakshnanatha is the most influential and popular Yogi among the Indian Nath ascetic orders than Matsyendranatha. Matsyendranatha and Gorakshanatha both appeared in the legends of Eighty-​ four Siddhas of Buddhist tantrism. Ghosh identifies Nathism as a syncretic form of Saiva Tantrism, Buddhism, and the Dharma cult.61 Mallik, however, opined: Owing to the connections of the Naths with siddha and also with the literature of Buddhist era, many (scholars) mistakenly considered them Buddhist Yogis, but the Naths were not Buddhists, they were the followers of Saivism. Firstly, they chant the hymns of Siva-​Goraksha and they wear earrings like Lord Siva. Their pilgrimages are Saiva-​tirtha too. Thus, it is not appropriate to consider the Naths as Buddhists.62 Krishna Debnath held to some extent the similar opinion that the Naths were not Buddhists, they have been Rudraja and the followers of the Vedas.63 Competing with the Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist and Jain communities, these Yogis spoke of belief in an unseen God, a belief that allowed them to cross the theological boundaries between theologically diverse religious traditions. In another context, Haraprasad Shastri asserted that the religion professed by the Naths was neither Hinduism nor Buddhism.64 The Gorakshabani, or gospel of Gorakshanatha, highlights the early modern community’s conception of selfhood. According to Gorakshabani, the most influential text of the Naths since the sixteenth century, the community has clearly defined itself as Yogi, neither a Hindu nor a Muslim. Although the theological principles of the text are built

59

Bisvesvar Bhattacharya, “King Gopichandra of Rangpur,” Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 6 (1910): 131. 60 Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, (18). 61 Binoy Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti (Calcutta: Pustak Prakashak, 1950), 522. 62 Cited in Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 353. 63 Krishna Debnath, “Rudraja Brahmanyo Dharay Jeevan-​ Ved,” in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, vol. iv, ed. Balaram Chakraborty (Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2004), 201–​206. 64 Haraprasad Shastri, Prachin Banglar Gaurab (Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1353 bs), 36.

26 

Chapter 2

on the concepts of both Hinduism and Islam, they also conflictingly accept and reject the teachings of both communities.65 3

The Naths in Bengal and Assam: Early Phases

There has been no such unanimous opinion on the origin of the Nath tradition in Bengal and Assam. Kshitimohan Sen argues that the Yogic tradition was supposed to be existed in Bengal prior to the Aryan colonisation.66 Ghosh has shown that Nathism, probably, was initiated and developed first in Bengal during the ninth to thirteenth centuries.67 It is also held that Nathism was developed in Bengal approximately in the third century68 or in the tenth century.69 Chakraborty argues that the Nath tradition, along with the Buddhist tradition, had a glorious history in Bengal during the Pala dynasty (mid-​eighth to mid-​ twelfth centuries).70 But Binoy Ghosh argues that the Nath tradition in Bengal can be traced back prior to the Pala dynasty and probably during the Gupta dynasty (mid-​to-​late third to mid-​fifth centuries).71 Most scholars opine that the Nath Sampradaya can be traced back to the medieval Bengal, more prominently during the tenth or eleventh century. This type of claim is based on the text Maynamatir-​Gopichandrer Gaan. However, Narendra Chandra Nath opines that the Nath tradition can be found in the fifth century as mentioned in Paharpur copperplate charter. Loknath copperplate charter contains a record of the Nath dynasty in Samatata, Bengal, in the seventh century. Though, Dinesh Chandra Sircar opined that Loknath was a Karan or Kayastha by caste, Rajmohan Nath and Narendra Chandra Nath asserted that Loknath belonged to the Nath-​Yogi sect.72 Even the Nath tradition, argues 65

Christine Marrewa-​Karwoski, “Far from Hindutva, Yogi Adityanath‘s sect comes from a tradition that was neither Hindu nor Muslim,” Scroll, April 9, 2017, accessed April 9, 2021, https://​scr​oll​.in​/arti​cle​/833​710​/far​-from​-hindu​tva​-yogi​-adi​tyan​ath​-comes​-from​-a​-tradit​ ion​-that​-was​-neit​her​-hindu​-nor​-mus​lim​. 66 Sen, Banglar Sadhana, 19. 67 Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti, 522. 68 Nath, Uttar Purba Bharater Saiba Nath Sampradaya, 104. 69 Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 192–​195; Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 11. 70 Koushik Chakraborty, “Bharatbyapi Yogsadhanai Nath Sampraday Tatha Nath Yogider Bhumika,” Purva Bharat 1, no. 2 (2014): 90–​102. 71 Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti, 514–​524. 72 See Rajmohan Nath, “Prachin Samatata Rajyer Nath-​Bangsha,” in Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi, ed. Rajmohan Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1964), xiv-​ xv; Dinesh Chandra Sircar, Pal-​Purba Yuger Vamsanucharit (Calcutta: Sahityalok, 1985), 142–​143; Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 127.

The Naths (Yogis)

27

Narendra Chandra Nath, can be traced back to the Jain era in the sixth century bce as there were many Jain Tirthankaras before Mahavira with “Nath” suffix in their names, some of them were Ajitanath, Suparshvanath, Sheetalnath, Dharmanath, Parshwanath, et al. The trace of the Nath-​Yogis can also be found in the Rigveda (Keshi Sukta, 10/​136).73 The Nath tradition in Assam can be traced back since the early centuries and its philosophical basis was heterodox religious beliefs founded by Matsyendranatha. The Nath Siddha-​Yogi tradition was conglomerated with Buddhism and Tantrism and secured the royal patronage as the state religion during the tenth to eleventh centuries before the Brahmanical aggression prevailed in the ancient kingdom of Kamarupa.74 Minanath or Matsyendranatha, Gorakshanatha or Gorkhnath, Jalandhari-​pa or Hari-​pa, Kanu-​pa or Kan-​pa, and Lui-​pa are the key figures in the Nath-​Yogi tradition in Bengal and Assam. It is held that Matsyendranatha was a Bengali, and Gorakshanatha’s activities were found more in Bengal.75 Bengali literature and also the Assamese literature has been enriched by the Natha-​sahitya. Caryagiti, essentially a Natha-​sahitya, has been claimed by both the Assamese and Bengali languages as their early vernacular literature. Numerous literature exists related to the Nath-​Yogi tradition like, Brahmavaivarta Purana,76 Agam Samhita, Briddhashatatap Samhita, Maha Virat Tantra, Parashar Kaulagnana-​ nirnaya, and Vallala-​charita. According to these texts the Nath-​Yogis originated from Lord Siva or Rudra. Some books were published in Bengali about the Nath-​Yogis, like Minchetan (1915) of Shyamdas Sen, Goraksha-​vijaya (1917) of Sheikh Faizullah and Gorakhvijay (1941) of Bhimsen.77 Haraprasad Shastri wrote a novel Bener Meye (1326 bs) relating to the Nath-​Yogis.78 However, the main sources of the Nath-​Yogi community in Bengali are Goraksha-​vijaya, originally written by Sheikh Faizullah around 1700, and Maynamatir Gaan, originally written by Durlabh Mallik, Bhabanidas, and Sukur Muhammad in the eighteenth century. In Goraksha-​vijaya, a story about Minanatha or Matsyendranatha and Gorakshanatha was composed as songs. The main 73 Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 127–​129. 74 Dambarudhar Nath, “Religion and Social Formation: The Nath-​Yogis of Assam –​From Community to Caste,” in Religion and Society in North East India, ed. Dambarudhar Nath (Guwahati: dvs Publishers, 2011), 307–​343. 75 Shastri, Prachin Banglar Gaurab, 36–​37; Mallik, Nathapantha, 1. 76 As it is mythological, thus fictitious, and many of the historians consider it as upapurana, not purana as it is supposed to be written later on. See Kunal Chakrabarti, Religious Process: The Puranas and the Making of a Regional Tradition, paperback (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018), 7. 77 Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 54. 78 Haraprasad Shastri, Bener Meye (Calcutta: Gurudas Chateerjee and Sons, 1326 bs).

28 

Chapter 2

narrative of Goraksha-​vijaya is, how Matsyendranatha was deviated from his philosophy of ulta sadhana or process of reversal after forgetting the supreme knowledge that he heard hiding himself into the belly of a fish when Lord Siva imparted to Gouri, and finally recovered by his disciple Gorakshanatha in the province of Kadali or women.79 Maynamatir Gaan is a story about Maynamati, a devotee of Guru Gorakshanatha, Manikyachandra, husband of Maynamati, and the King of Bengal, and their son Gopi Chandra or Gopichand or King Govindachandra.80 Maynamati had shown her mystical power and managed her son to take diksha81 from Hari-​pa, who was another Nath-​Yogi. Rajmohan Nath compiled various original manuscripts on the Natha-​pantha in his edited book that explored the rich heritage of the Natha-​pantha in Bengal.82 4

The Identity of the Naths: a Religious Sect or a Caste?

Ghurye considered Yogi as a sectarian caste evolved from a religious movement that emphasises certain aspects of Hindu tenets.83 Householder Naths, comprise a wide range of social groups, from low status to “relatively high-​ status Sanskritized jogis”.84 Theologically the Naths are the followers of the Natha cult or Natha-​pantha which is philosophically against the caste institution,85 but “in Bengal, [and in Assam also] the Natha cult is practically dead.”86 The householder Naths are not aware of the sectarian practices observed by

79 For details, see Sheikh Faizullah, Goraksha-​vijaya, ed. Munsi Abdul Karim (Calcutta: Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, 1324 bs). 80 For the legend of king Manik Chandra, Maynamati, Gopi Chandra, see Grierson, “Song of Manik Chandra,” 1–​110; Dinesh Chandra Sen and Basanta Ranjan Roy, eds., Gopi Chandrer Gaan (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1922). This legend is popular in Rajasthan also, see Gold, A Carnival of Parting. 81 Diksha, a religious ceremony, means both indoctrination and initiation. First meaning denotes giving of a mantra to the disciple by his or her spiritual Guru, while the second stands for the spiritual life of the Shishya or disciple has been initiated by the Guru. Diksha is a tradition of Indian religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism where Guru–​shishya tradition is maintained. 82 Rajmohan Nath, “Nath Dharme Srishtitattwa,” Sahitya-​Parishat Patrika, Bangiya Sahitya Parishat 31, no. 2 (1924): 1–​24; Rajmohan Nath, ed., Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1964). 83 Govind Sadashiv Ghurye, Caste and Race in India, 5th (New Delhi: Sage, 2016), 18. 84 James Mallinson, “Nāth sampradaya,” in Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol. iii, ed. Knut A. Jacobsen (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 410. 85 Ray, History of the Bengali People, 435. 86 Sen, “The Natha Cult,” 280.

The Naths (Yogis)

29

the ascetics.87 Today, however, the householder Naths are quite distinct from that of the ascetic branch. The former branch maintains an endogamous caste framework called Yogi or Jogi; the latter is beyond the varna system since the religious practices they observe are not conforming to the Puranic version of Hinduism. The “householder Naths”, Mallinson argues, “greatly outnumber ascetics and consist of a broad variety of mainly endogamous castes” [but] “they see themselves as descendants of Nath ascetics who broke their vows of celibacy and settled down as householders”.88 The householders can be seen as the “fallen yogis” since being householders they waste their semen unlike the ascetics and they are supposed to be violators of the original Nath philosophic perception of ulta sadhana, the “process of reversal”, of bindu or semen.89 The householders formed a caste Yogi or Jogi or Jugi,90 however, “the origin of the caste is extremely obscure”91 and it has still been a mystery and not unveiled properly.92 One common explanation of the formation of caste among the Naths is “abandonment of celibacy”.93 Later they integrated into Hindu society as caste.94 Risley held the same opinion about the Jugi caste of Bengal.95 The same thing happened with the Naths of Rajasthan.96 The Yogis are often called “Jugi”, but Jugi is either a “vernacular derivative”,97 or “a term of contempt”.98 Census reports of Bengal in 1901 mentioned The Jugis of Bengal Proper do the same and their occupation, their use of the Padabi “Nath” [etc.], all point to a connection between them and the 87 Marvin Davis, Rank and Rivalry: The Politics of Inequality in Rural West Bengal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 60. 88 Mallinson, “Nāth sampradaya,” 409–​410. 89 For details, see Djurdjevic, India and the Occult; Gold, A Carnival of Parting, 47. 90 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. i, 355; Melita Waligora, “What is Your ‘Caste’? The Classification of Indian Society as Part of the British Civilizing Mission,” in Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India, eds. Harald Fischer-​ Tiné and Michael Mann (London: Anthem Press, 2004), 158. 91 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. i, 355. 92 Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 191. 93 Gold, A Carnival of Parting, 47. 94 Gold and Gold, “The Fate of the Householder Nath,” 116; Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, 461. 95 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. i, 355–​358. 96 For detail study on the Naths of Rajasthan see, Gold and Gold, “The Fate of the Householder Nath,” 113–​132; Gold, A Carnival of Parting; Daniel Gold, “Nath Yogis as Established Alternatives: Householders and Ascetics Today,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 34, no. 1 (1999): 68–​88. 97 Gold, A Carnival of Parting, 35. 98 Waligora, “What is Your ‘Caste’?” 158; Sen, “The Natha Cult,” 280.

30 

Chapter 2

Jogis of other parts of the province. The change from ‘O’ to ‘U’ is seen in many Bengali words besides Jugi, e.g., Muchi, Mudi, Dhuti, and Puthi.99 Daniel Gold and Ann Grodzins Gold argue that most Yogi castes probably have their origins in communities of low ranked occupation, and they adopted the tradition of yoga during medieval India that was the heyday of the Naths. These castes remain as low for most Hindus as they have always been, even though they call themselves Yogi.100 Muslim Yogis can also be found in India at several places.101 Risley described “Nath” as “a lord; master; a title, perhaps ironical of, and a synonym for, the Jugi caste in Bengal.”102 He further stated that: Jugi, Jogi, a weaving caste of Eastern Bengal, many of whose members have of recent years been driven by the competition of English piece-​ goods to betake themselves to agriculture, lime-​burning, goldsmith’s work, and the subordinate grades of Government service. The origin of the caste is extremely obscure. Buchanan thought it probable that they were either the priesthood of the country during the reign of the dynasty to which Gopi Chandra belonged, or Sudras dedicated to a religious life.103 James Wise, citing Buchanan (Hamilton), wrote that: Buchanan thought it probable that they were either the priesthood of the country during the reign of the dynasty to which Gopī-​Chandra belonged, or Südras dedicated to a religious life, but degraded by the great Saiva reformer Sankara Áchārya, and that they came with the Pál Rājas from western India.104

99

Edward Albert Gait, Census of India, 1901 (Bengal), vols. iv, part –​1 Report (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1902), 433. 100 Charlotte Vaudeville, Kabir (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1974), 81–​89; Gold and Gold, “The Fate of the Householder Nath,” 117. 101 Véronique Bouillier, “Nāth Yogīs’ Encounters with Islam,” South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal, Free-​Standing Articles (2015): 1–​19. 102 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary, vol. ii (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1892), 131. 103 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. i, 355. 104 James Wise, Notes on the Races, Castes, and Trades of East Bengal (London: Harrison and Sons, 1883), 294–​295.

The Naths (Yogis)

31

Therefore, form above-​ mentioned statement of Wise, we can assume that the Naths were previously priests during the reign of Gopi Chandra or Govindachandra, who was the son of Manikyachandra and his wife Maynamati, was the last king of the Chandra dynasty in the eleventh century. Later, they were degraded to a low status by Sankaracharya, an orthodox Hindu reformer and supposedly founder of the Dashnami Sampradaya, a non-​ Nath ascetic order, due to the Naths’ association with the Buddhist tradition of Pala dynasty of Bengal. Once the occupation of the Naths was primarily Yog-​sadhana. They wore the sacred thread.105 Besides Yog-​sadhana, the Yogis were engaged in giving diksha and ancient medical practice, etc.106 In the time of king Gopichandra, according to Francis Buchanan (Hamilton), the Yogis of Bengal and Assam were engaged in priestcraft.107 Buchanan (Hamilton) wrote “[I]‌n Dinajpur … they [Yogis or Jogis] were exceedingly respected; and a neighbouring Kayostho, in other respects a sensible man, declared to me, that he considered them as far superior to any Brahmin, and perfectly equal to Vishnu, Sib, and Bruhma.”108 The Chunoti Yogis of Rangpur claimed themselves the descendants of the priest of king Gopichandra.109 Haraprasad Shastri wrote that:

105 The sacred thread, known as “upavita” or “yajnopavita”, is to be worn through “upanayana”. “Upanayana” is a “samskara”, a Hindu ritual to accomplish imparting the sruti, viz. Gayatri mantra, to the child, who seeks learning, by his Guru during Brahmacharya. Manu (11.44) says that “the upavita of a Brahman should be made of cotton, its strands should be twined with the right hand moved over them (or the twist of the strands must be upwards) and it should have three threads”. The upavita is to have three threads of nine strands well twisted. The three threads signify the three Goddesses, Parvati, Lakshmi and Saraswati. A Brahman can consolidate his complete self only with the help of these three goddesses of strength, wealth, and knowledge respectively. But, in medieval and modern times the wearing of a sacred thread was regarded as a mere marker of a Brahman. However, in ancient Brahmanic records, there is no such rule or practice that Brahmans need to wear a sacred thread all the time. Though Ksatriyas and Vaisyas also were entitled to have the upanayana performed, but it appears that they often ignored the constant wearing of upavita. Gradually, the upavita came to be regarded as a unique indicator of the Brahman caste. See, Pandurang Vaman Kane, History of Dharmasastra, vol. ii, part i (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1941), 268–​415; Patrick Olivelle, trans., The Samnyasa Upanisads: Hindu Scriptures on Asceticism and Renunciation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 9–​10. 106 Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 116. 107 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. i, 355. 108 Francis Buchanan (Hamilton), A Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Description of the District, or Zila, of Danajpur, In the Province, or Soubah, of Bengal (Calcutta: The Baptist Mission Press, 1833), 112. 109 Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 94.

32 

Chapter 2

The Yogis are now trying to take holy thread and become Brahmins. They do not know what they were. They were real Yogis being descendants of the Naths, that influential class to which belonged Matsyendra Nath, Goraksha Nath, Chowrangi Nath and others. Their ancestors had numerous followers: princes bowed before them. Many Naths are still worshipped in temples and holy places in Nepal and Tibbet. Goraksha Nath is still worshipped as the principal deity by the Gorkha as a race.110 Literally and philosophically, the “Nath” has been a religious community under which we can see ascetics Nath-​Yogis as well as householders Naths, the latter maintain a caste identity. The relationship between the ascetic Naths and the householder Naths in northern India, more particularly in Rajasthan, is seemingly distant but mutually supportive. The householders are not concerned in distancing themselves from the ascetic Yogis whom they acknowledge as founding forefathers; in fact, some householders wear earrings similar to the ascetics.111 The Naths of northern India do not identify themselves as Brahmans. In the eastern and north-​eastern parts of India, especially in West Bengal, Assam, and Tripura, even in Bangladesh also, the Naths claim to be Rudraja Brahman or Yogi Brahman, while the householders are usually distant from the ascetic branch, even most of them do not know much about the ascetics. Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya writes, [O]‌f the esoteric cults of Medieval India Nāthism is important. It is heterodox in character and its followers are still found in different parts of Northern and North Eastern India. Once it was also popular in some parts of Maharashtra. Modern Nāthism of Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Nepal and Bihar has been mixed up with the principal existing religions of the said regions, while in Bengal and Assam, the Nātha-​Yogīs want to preserve their separate identity. They often proclaim themselves as Rudraja-​ Brāhmanas and trace the essentials of their creed to the Vedas.112 It is, however, interesting though unclear due to lack of concrete evidence, that how and why the Naths were transmuted into an endogamous caste from an ascetic community. It is found in historical records that the principal occupation of the Naths as caste was weaving while religious mendicancy was the 1 10 Shastri, “Introduction to Modern Buddhism in Bengal,” 16–​17. 111 Gold, A Carnival of Parting, 51; Gold, “Nath Yogis as Established Alternatives,” 68–​88. 112 Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, History of the Śākta Religion (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1974), 129.

The Naths (Yogis)

33

livelihood of the ascetic Naths. When and how the householder Naths did take weaving as their occupation is very much uncertain. The Naths claim that the post-​Vallalasena period compelled them to take weaving as their occupation. The report of Francis Buchanan (Hamilton), which will be discussed later, also supports this probability. But some questions provoke to probe into the matter from another angle: why did the Naths take only weaving among the other occupational options? Why were the Naths of the then east Bengal marked as a weaving community by the scholars –​Indian and foreigner? Are all the scholars ill-​affected by the Naths that is why they called the Naths as weavers? Thus, it is also quite probable that a large section of the weaving community of the then east Bengal joined the Nath community by taking diksha or mantra from the Nath gurus. Though the Naths are against this proposition because historically it is also proved by various documents that the Naths supposedly had to take the occupation of weaving by compulsion being degraded Sankaracharya.113 The Naths assert that weaver is an occupational identity only, but the caste is Brahman; Rudraja Brahman per se. Being a caste group, the Naths, specifically the educated elites, have been trying to promote a “caste consciousness” among the Naths by propagating against the supremacy of the Brahmanical ideology which is the essence of the caste hierarchy in Hinduism. The Naths of both states are trying to recuperate the “Nathism” against the “Brahmanism” but the degree of this effort is different. Several of the nineteenth century sources attributed the householder Naths as “fallen ascetics or low-​status weavers”.114 As per the recorded documents, the Nath has primarily been a religious sect and later on the Naths formed an endogamous caste called Jugi or Jogi or Yogi. Scholars have shown how the Naths were turned into a caste from a religious sect.115 It is also held a large number of the renouncer ascetic Nath-​Yogis returned back to the domestic and worldly life in Bengal during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and they formed a caste called Yogi. This event has been reflected in Manasamangal Kāvya as a metaphor while Behula and Lakhindar returned to their home simulating as Yogini and Yogi. The works of Bipradas Pipilai and Ketakadas Kshemananda are to be considered here.116 There is, however, no reason to accept that all the Naths of Bengal and Assam came directly from the ascetics who had broken their celibacy. Rather, a large number of people from different 1 13 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. i, 355–​358, Wise, Notes on the Races, 294–​295. 114 Gold, A Carnival of Parting, 51. 115 See Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 307–​343; Gold and Gold, “The Fate of the Householder Nath,” 113–​132. 116 For details, see Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 30–​31.

34 

Chapter 2

castes and creeds became Nath through accepting the mantra given by the Nath gurus. So, the Naths who are supposed to be a homogeneous and endogamous caste group, originally, they have had different caste lineage in the past, it is quite probable. Debi Chatterjee opines that “most of the recruits to the Nath Pantha came from the low castes” and though casteism within this community has remained in check, but the Natha-​panthis have so far shown neither the desire nor the capability of taking the challenge of the caste-​based hierarchical structure of the rest of Hindu society.117 Dambarudhar Nath says that it is not unreasonable to believe that the caste now called Yogi was formed during the early medieval period with the diverse ethnic elements who embraced the reformed religion of Gorakshanatha based on the early form of the monastic Siddha-​Yogi-​Tantrika-​Buddhist School.118 However, Mohanta Sivanath, an Odisha-​based renouncer Nath ascetic and a very popular Nath guru in Bengal, Assam, and Tripura, does not regard the “Nath” as a caste, but a religious sect that follows the path of Yoga.119 Bijoy Kumar Nath, on the contrary, points out some reasons that can establish Nath as a caste: unlike the ascetics, the householders obey the Vedas; they believe in this-​worldly life; they follow all the religious rituals as a caste.120 The binduja Naths are “Naths” as a caste and the nadaja Naths are “Naths” as the renouncer ascetics. The distinction between binduja and nadaja demands a brief analytic discussion here. Succession from a guru to choose his disciple is referred to as nad parampara (succession). Nad means sound. Thus, nad parampara refers to succession through sound –​a mantra (divine name) given by the guru to his disciples. On the other hand, hereditary succession is commonly known as bindu parampara or bij parampara. Both bindu and bij refer to semen. Thus, bindu parampara refers to hereditary succession.121 Rajmohan Nath once wrote, We are writing our caste name Yogi since the 1901 census period. The name of our caste would have been Nath if had it originated from a religious sect; there is no religious sect called Yogi. The ascetics of the Nath

117 Debi Chatterjee, Ideas and Movements Against Caste in India: Ancient to Modern Times, 2nd revised (Delhi: Abhijeet Publications, 2010), 33–​34. 118 Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 316–​317. 119 The interview with Mohanta Sivanath was held on March 22, 2021, at Deed Dayal Upadhyaya Gorakhpur University, Gorakhpur, up. 120 The interview with Bijoy Kumar Nath was held on December 24, 2019, at Hailakandi, Assam. 121 Gold, “Nath Yogis as Established Alternatives,” 75.

The Naths (Yogis)

35

sect identified them as the Naths, not the Yogis. He who practiced Yoga is Yogi; the Naths, avadhutas, Sankaracharya, all are Yogis. Yogi is not a distinct sect; but Nath is a distinct religious sect.122 Though the foundation of the Yogi caste was Nathism, but now Yogi is merely a caste and Nathism, as a religious philosophy, is not necessarily associated with this caste. Upendra Kumar Debnath, the author of many books related to Nathism and also associated with a Nath association, says: Today the Nath community is a wider social community that comprises a variety of people who came from different communities. Nath is basically a religious community. To identify the Nath identity, we have to trace out the Yogi identity at first. In Nath tradition there was no casteism in any form. Many people from different communities, including the lower communities had taken diksha (initiation) from Nath gurus and got eligibility to be known as Nath. The title Nath became the surname Nath.123 Upendra Kumar Debnath identifies a problem that the Nath gurus had made a mistake that they did not pay attention to the division between religion and social rituals, and customs. The Naths came directly from the Yogis who broke their vows of celibacy or the descendants, and the Naths who came later through initiation by the Nath gurus are same in their religion but not similar in respect of their social rituals and customs, and thus identity. The former are binduja Naths or descendants Naths, the latter are nadaja Naths or Naths through initiation. He also highlights another issue, that all Naths are definitely Yogis in terms of their religious faith, but the binduja Naths are Brahmans in term of their social rituals and customs. Being a householder, a Nath could not ignore the Vedic rituals, argues Upendra Kumar Debnath. It may be an instance of Aryanisation.

1 22 Rajmohan Nath, Katapara Bangsha (Guwahati: Jayanti Art Press, 1348 bs), 10. 123 Interview with Upendra Kumar Debnath held on August 18, 2019, at the head office of Nikhil Banga Rudraja Brahman Sammilani, a prominent Nath association, at 19A Fardyce Lane, Kolkata, West Bengal.

36  5

Chapter 2

Marginalisation and the Naths of Bengal and Assam

The Naths are, as claimed by one of their sections, originated from Rudra (Lord Siva)124 thus they are Rudraja Brahmans125 and a Sadhak Sampradaya (ascetic community).126 The popular opinion has been that the Nath-​yogic tradition was marginalised after the migration of the Vedic Brahmans in Bengal from northern India.127 Kunal Chakrabarti stated that the Brahmans of Bengal are not original inhabitants of Bengal and they supposedly came to Bengal around or after the fourth to fifth centuries.128 Brahman culture had started spreading in Bengal since the Gupta dynasty (mid-​to-​late third to mid-​fifth centuries) to a minimal degree. Brahmanical caste system and culture were not recognised before the establishment of the Aryan-​Brahman state during the Gupta dynasty.129 But since the Pala dynasty (mid-​eighth to mid-​twelfth centuries), Chandra dynasty (fourth to eleventh centuries) and Kamboja dynasty (tenth to eleventh centuries) the influence of Brahmanism got momentum in Bengal.130 It assumed the ultimate form under the patronage of the Sena dynasty (eleventh to thirteenth centuries) and Varman dynasty (eleventh to

1 24 Kaviratna, ed. Vallala-​charita, 32–​35. 125 Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 198. 126 Dutta, Bharatbarshiya Upashak Sampraday, 114–​141. 127 Parallel instances have existed in India among other communities. A concrete instance may be given of around 2000 years ago in Kerala of how low castes were displaced in favour of migrant Namboodiri Brahmins who were converted by St Thomas of Syria. Subsequently favored lavishly by the Travancore Raja with land and money. They became the powerful Syrian Christians of Kerala, an extremely wealthy and powerful community which caused the downfall of the first communist government there. My point is such examples prevail in the country, where incoming Brahmans were privileged over the natives by the reigning kings. For details, see Anthony Mathias Mundadan, Sixteenth Century Traditions of St. Thomas Christians (Bangalore: Dharmaram College, 1970). A similar instance can be given from the research of Bonita Aleaz. During the field survey, she finds the traces of Buddhism in Debagram, Nadia, West Bengal, such as a temple and the characteristics of its deity, later it was completely erased by the Brahmanical religious and social order. Today, the deity bears resemblance to Goddess Kali, but if carefully observed the traces of the earlier image of Lord Buddha are visible. For details, see Bonita Aleaz, “Pragmatic Components of Indian Democracy: Notes from the Field,” in Democracy and Democratization in the 21st Century: The South Asian Experience, eds Partha Pratim Basu, Purusottam Bhattacharya, Debi Chatterjee and Shibashis Chatterjee (New Delhi: Har-​ Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd., 2012), 63–​88. 128 Kunal Chakrabarti, “Bohiragata,” Ananda Bazar Patrika, May 27, 2018. 129 Ray, Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed, 22–​23. 130 Ray, Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed, 116.

The Naths (Yogis)

37

twelfth centuries).131 During the Sena dynasty and Varman dynasty, the pre-​ Aryan communities and cultures were marginalised due to the conquest of the Brahman culture.132 Many scholars argued that the Nath-​Yogis were engaged in conflicts with “kanyakubja Brahman” (Brahman of Kanouj) who migrated from northern India with the patronage of king Adisura.133 Later they secured the patronage of king Vallalasena, who reigned from 1158 to 1179. Though the then rajgurus of Vallalasena were the Naths,134 but the Nath-​Yogis were declined by the kaulinya-​pratha (Kulinism)135 or the caste rules introduced by king Vallalasena. Description of castaway of the Nath-​Yogi along with the Suvarna-​vanik (gold trader) community have been described in Vallala-​charita (Uttarkhandam). The description of the castaway of the Yogis as follows: once the Jateswar Siva Temple was filled on the day of Sivaratri, and the royal priest Baladeva Bhatta was preparing to do an expensive puja on behalf of Vallalasena when the Yogiraj (Chief Yogi or abbot) says that all donations offered by the 131 Chakrabarti, “Bohiragata”; Kunal Chakrabarti and Shubhra Chakrabarti, Historical Dictionary of the Bengalis (Lanham: Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2013), 10; Ray, Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed, 116. 132 Ray, Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed, 23. 133 Adisura was a king of Bengal, whose name is associated with the genealogical texts or kulajis of the Brahmans in Bengal. He brought five Vedic Brahmans from Kanauj to place Bengal under the Brahmanical hegemony. However, the legends of Adisura are doubtful as there are no such concrete historical evidences. For details see Chakrabarti, Religious Process, 118–​122. 134 Nath, Uttar Purba Bharater Saiba Nath Sampradaya, 143; Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 384. 135 Kulinism or Kaulinya-​prathā is a caste rule in Hinduism seems to be introduced by king Vallalasena. Kulinism derives from the Sanskrit word “kulina” means “of a noble or good family” and having nine gunas or virtues: achara (ceremonial purity), vidya (learning), vinaya (discipline), pratistha (reputation for purity), tirtha-​darshana (pilgrimage), nistha (piety), tapasya (ascetic meditation), avrtti (marriage among equal ranks) and dana (liberality). Some Brahman groups were regarded as kulinas seem to be possessed these qualities while some groups are not kulinas. Though, however, the Kayasthas and Vaidyas were also considered to be kulinas those who acquired such qualities. Kulinism adheres social and religious superiority of kulinas over the other castes. Some scholars opined that king Vallalasena did not initiate kaulinya-​pratha, rather it exists prior to the Sena dynasty. See Rakhaldas Bandyopadhyay, Bangalar Itihas, 2nd, vol. i (Kolkata: Dey’s Publishing, 2010), 198. However, Vallala-​charita is a witness that kaulinya-​pratha was initiated by king Vallalasena. It is also argued that kulinism has been inherently linked with Vallalasena since centuries. So, it cannot be said that this popular history has been totally misleading. See Satish Chandra Mitra, Jessore-​Khulnar Itihas, 2nd (Agartala & Kolkata: Parul Prakashani, 2000), 377; Ambika Chanran Ghosh, Jogendra Nath Gupta and Himangshu Mohan Chattopadhyaya, Bikrampur-​Rampaler Itihas, ed Kamal Choudhuri (Kolkata: Dey’s Publishing, 2004), 217–​219; Dinesh Chandra Sen, Brihat Banga, vol. i (Kolkata: Dey’s Publishing, 2006), 479.

38 

Chapter 2

king and others remain of the Yogis’ entitlement. When Baladeva shouts that the monk should not be greedy, the enraged Yogiraj expelled Baladeva from the premises. Unluckily the Yogis’ association with the king was already fragile since they had refused to consume food from his father’s śrāddha (obsequial rites) at a certain point in earlier times.136 Where we find a statement of Vallalasena that, “if I do not destroy the haughty and pretentious Yogis, I shall be guilty of all the sins that are produced by killing cows, Brahmans, women, etc.”137 Following this incident some of the Yogis fled to neighbouring states, some began to live their life as lower-​castes by simultaneously giving up all their sectarian traits including the sacred threads and assuming various low-​grade occupations.138 Vallala-​charita is a source in which we found how the state power had been exercised for declining a community. This incident might be substantiated by the statement of Francis Buchanan (Hamilton). Buchanan (Hamilton) sent a report titled Ethnological Report on Yogi Caste of Chittagong in the early nineteenth century to the then Census Superintendent mentioning: Sankaracharjya probably found certain rites and customs amongst the ordinary Yogis who were Saivas, which did not commend themselves to the reformed religion of the great mind, and hence it is not impossible that he expressed disapproval thereof. But this cannot be held to be the sole cause of a general degradation of the caste itself.139 Buchanan (Hamilton) further wrote that: They [the Yogis] are apparently first descendants of Saiva ascetics who turned a worldly life, and probably, they came from the vicinity of Benaras where Shivism prevailed. With their settlement in lower Bengal which led to their taking to the occupation of weaving. They became lowered in the estimation of higher class of society who did not recognise the dignity of labour. Degradation may also have been due to the anathema of the ruling prince. Whose displeasure the leaders of the caste incurred; that is quite probable.140

1 36 137 138 139 140

Kaviratna, ed., Vallala-​charita, 23–​25. Kaviratna, ed., Vallala-​charita, 26. Kaviratna, ed., Vallala-​charita, 28. Quoted in Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 26–​27. Quoted in Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 30.

The Naths (Yogis)

39

The most important part of the above-​mentioned statement is “anathema of the ruling prince” towards the Nath community and these words have proved that the marginalisation of the Nath community occurred with the patronage of the ruling prince. Kalyani Mallik also opined that once the Yogis of Bengal were not treated lower by varna as they wore the sacred thread, but due to the oppression of Vallalasena, they gave up the sacred threads and became lowered in the then society.141 Another opinion is that the Naths were disdained by the smarta-​ruled142 Brahmanical society prior to the Sena dynasty (eleventh to thirteenth centuries). The smarta Brahman tradition of Bengal has been facing some difficulties since the Pala dynasty. After declining of the Pala dynasty, Vallalasena tried to recover the smarta Brahman tradition again through kaulinya-​pratha in the twelfth century. At that time, Tantrik rituals were rejected rigidly by Vallalasena for reestablishing the smarta tradition. He also rejected various Puranas, like Garura, Brahma, Agneya, Vaishnava and Linga, because he alleged that the aforesaid Puranas were affected by the Tantrik rituals of Minketan or Minchetan.143 That Minketan or Minchetan was none but Minanath, a Nath guru. The Puranas, Upapuranas and Smritis were the instruments for establishment of the caste-​based Brahmanical social order in Bengal. Niharranjan Ray opined that Brahmanism was established in Bengal during the Sena-​ Varman era and, as a consequence, Buddhism was marginalised. The authoritarianism of the Brahmanical religion was established by the will of the state. The Brahmanical varna system was reflected in Vrhaddharma Purana, Brahmavaivarta Purana, and contemporary smriti literature.144 Dinesh Chandra Sen stated that in Bengal, the Brahmans persecuted the Buddhists and the Buddhists were terrified of the Brahmans.145 Satish Chandra Mitra argued that the Naths were excluded and fled by Vallalasena due to their 1 41 Mallik, “Suresh Chandra Nath Majumdar,” 2. 142 The smarta tradition is an orthodox Hindu tradition comprises of members of the “twice-​ born”. The term smarta, came from the Sanskrit word smriti (to remember), means “according to smriti”. Smriti refers to some textual sources that were composed by humans, as opposed to Shruti that are eternal and appeared through revelation. The smriti literatures are “considered authoritative but less so than the shruti”. See Jones and Ryan, Encyclopedia of Hinduism, 419. The smriti literature comprises Vedanta, Dharmasutras, Dharmashastras or Smritishastas, the Puranas etc. Adi Sankara was its founder. Adi Sankara instructed that the rituals of the Saiva-​Yogis are not acceptable. See Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 30. 143 Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 249–​250. 144 Ray, Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed, 80. 145 Sen, Brihat Banga, 9–​10.

40 

Chapter 2

heterodox religious belief and having connections with Buddhism. They did not favour any casteism and untouchability, for that reason Vallalasena thought the society would be disordered and degenerated by the Naths.146 Though the story of Adisura seems to be imagined, but it is the reflection of the social reality of the then Bengal. Because, as per the Brahmanical texts of Bengal, written during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, there are two varnas only –​the Brahmans and the Sudras –​and the Sudras are divided into three groups –​sat-​Sudras, asat-​Sudras, and low-​born Sudras. The Brahmanical texts of Bengal did not speak about the Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas.147 Dinesh Chandra Sen said that there are no other varnas except Brahman and Sudra in Bengal.148 Hitesranjan Sanyal also stated that in a region like Bengal where indigenous people were classified only as Sudras by the Brahmans and there were no Kshatriyas or Vaisyas. The Nath-​Yogis were also placed in Sudra varna.149 The rise of Brahmanism under the Sena dynasty of Bengal, and that in Assam under the successor kings of the Pala dynasty –​the Ahom-​Koch-​Kamata rulers, and finally the neo-​Vaishnavite movement by Sankaradeva eliminated the last vestiges of Nathism in Assam.150 The Brahmanical aggression over the heterodox systems, such as Nathism, started in Assam following the downfall of the ancient kingdom of Kamarupa after the end of Pala dynasty at the close of the eleventh century.151 Sensarma examines how different traditions are based on diversified religious practices came under an umbrella ideology “Hindu” to counter the Muslim invaders in medieval India. Thus, the author finds out an inclusive nature of the Hindu social and religious tradition, but the inclusion was not extensive. The Nath-​Yogi tradition, according to the author, has been an outer-​ Aryan and non-​smarta tradition as well, thus not included properly due to their observed rituals.152 The Nath-​Yogi community was regarded as bratya-​ arya (outer-​Aryan) since they were not the adherents of the Vedic culture and rituals. Moreover, the Nath-​Yogis were against the worldly life. Since, perhaps, the tradition of the Nath-​Yogis was distinct to the Aryan tradition, the conflict

1 46 Mitra, Jessore-​Khulnar Itihas, 385. 147 Ray, Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed, 43; Ray, History of the Bengali People, 194; Chakrabarti, “Bohiragata”; Waligora, “What is Your ‘Caste’?” 146. 148 Sen, Brihat Banga, 483–​484. 149 Hitesranjan Sanyal, Social Mobility in Bengal (Calcutta: Papyrus, 1981), 17–​20. 150 Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 308–​309. 151 Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 314–​315. 152 Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 40–​43.

The Naths (Yogis)

41

between outer-​Aryan and inner-​Aryan was appeared in the then Bengal. According to Sekasubhodaya, foods of the Yogis were not in accordance with the smarta tradition.153 As surveyed and also according to the documents, the Naths believe that the Brahmanical caste order, established in Bengal during the tenth to twelfth centuries, was liable for the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogis in Bengal.154 The Nathism was not the follower of the Vedas.155 There were no caste hierarchy within the Nathism. These were the probable reasons behind the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogis in Bengal. Before the Aryan invasion, the Nathism, their kaya sadhana, their anti-​caste rites were dominant in Bengal.156 Niharranjan Ray also said that the Yoga was pre-​Vedic and wrote: Non-​Brahman heterodox religions spread in the east. … There was a close relation between heterodox and yogic religion, and that the practice and observance of such contemplative religion was not unknown in Bengal either.157 Sensarma writes: Conflict between the Brahmans and the Yogis exists from centuries. Yogi religion had been formed by patanjala yog sadhana, Buddhist yog-​ sadhana and Buddhist or Hindu tantra-​sadhana. They (Nath-​Yogis) were neglected by the Brahman dominated society prior to the Sena dynasty.158 Sukumar Sen also stated that the conflict between the Nath-​ Yogis and Brahmans exists since inception.159 Sensarma argues again: The Nath-​Yogi religion is primarily in favour of pro-​salvation, followers of stoicism, moreover, Yogis and Kapalikas were against the worldly life

1 53 Sukumar Sen, ed., Sekasubhodaya (Calcutta: Siddheswar Press, 1334 bs), 27–​30. 154 Radha Gobinda Nath, Bangiya Yogijati, 3rd (Kolkata: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 2001), 22–​30; Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 378–379; Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Samp­ radayer Itihas, 33-35; Ankush Debnath, “Genyo Yogi,” Anada Bazar Patrika, June 12, 2018. 155 Sen, Banglar Sadhana, 26. 156 Sen, Banglar Sadhana, 29. 157 Ray, History of the Bengali People, 402. 158 Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 110. 159 Bhabatosh Chowdhury, “Nath Panther Baishishtya,” in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, vol. ii, ed Balaram Chakraborty (Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001), 89.

42 

Chapter 2

or domestic life … thus, the Nath-​Yogis were ostracised in smarta-​ruled society.160 Sensarma thought that the Nath-​Yogis once left the domestic life to be renouncer, and later they returned to home breaking celebacy, thus placed at the outside of the smarta society. Waligora also indicates nearly similar reasons that the Naths are the followers of non-​brahmanical cult and have no Brahmans and for that reason “this social group is generally looked down upon by brahmins”.161 The upper castes had a very strong prejudice against this caste because they used starch from boiled rice instead of parched rice starch while weaving, and they bury their dead body instead of cremation.162 Once, weaving was considered a degraded occupation and the Naths were engaged in weaving as occupation.163 Ray also acknowledges that the Natha cult and its community were marginalised by the Brahmanical Tantric Saktaism and there were also several socio-​political reasons which placed this community in a comparatively lower strata of the Brahmanical society.164 Manmatha Mukhopadhyay argued that the Naths did not accept the supremacy of the Brahmans despite degradation by Vallalasena.165 Satish Chandra writes “the Natha-​panthis, who under Gorakhnath, adopted a high moral tone, tried with some success to meet the Brahmanical attack.”166 A section of the Naths usually bury their dead in a seated posture with the legs crossed as like meditation. Before burial, another custom is touching fire to the mouth of dead. This heterodox rite for the dead, their low occupation –​weaving, their non-​belief or non-​acceptance of Godhead, and their non-​ observance of the Brahmanical social and religious customs and orders put this caste outside of the domain of the orthodox Brahmanical Hindu society in medieval Bengal. However, the Yogi caste, at the present day, is incorporated within the Hindu caste framework, for all practical purposes.167 But they are

1 60 Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 111. 161 Waligora, “What is Your ‘Caste’?” 158. 162 Wise, Notes on the Races, 290–​295; Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, vol. i, 359–​360; Waligora, “What is Your ‘Caste’?” 158. 163 Herbert Hope Risley, The People of India, 2nd, ed. W. Crooke (Calcutta & Simla: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1915), 79. 164 Ray, History of the Bengali People, 436. 165 Chowdhury, “Nath Panther Baishishtya,” 89. 166 Satish Chandra, Historiography, Religion and State in Medieval India (Delhi: Har-​Anand Publications, 2001), 118. 167 Sen, “The Natha Cult,” 281.

The Naths (Yogis)

43

placed at the lower level of the Hindu caste framework that led the Naths to initiate resistance against the Brahmanical caste framework. Yogi Sundarnath finds Vaishnavism as a cause behind the marginalisation of the Naths in Bengal.168 He says: For the last 862 years, we (the Naths) have been propagating the infamous history of reverting the Brahmanhood of the then famous Nath-​Yogis in Bengal by Vallalasena, the second king of the Sena dynasty. What is the benefit of this other than expressing our inferiority is a big question. Although the legend of Vallalasena has been confined only to the undivided Bengal and the Bengali Nath-​Yogis. It is not discussed anywhere else in the vast continent of India. But why is that? Today, even after 862 years, why cannot we change that stigmatised chapter of the past? Why have we not been able to present ourselves as the best in the last 862 years? Or have we removed the causes of our incompetence, indiscretion, lack of competent leadership, indifference, and self-​centeredness? We often simplify the causes behind the deprivation of dignity of the Nath-​Yogis of Bengal by identifying only the story of Vallalasena. Rather the emergence of Vaishnavism along with the rise of the smarta-​Brahmans in Bengal with royal patronage was the cause of the marginalisation of the Nath-​Yogis. It is true that during the reign of Vallalasena, he further asserts, the Naths were in the high position among other Brahmans. Pitambarnath was the royal priest during the time of Vallalasena. He was also the guru of Vallalasena. The Naths became angry with Vallalasena for his many wrongdoings and decisions. In his father’s sraddhanusthana (obsequial rites), Vallalasena became angry with his guru and the other Naths. After this incident, at the behest of the king, everyone started denying the Naths. As a result, the Naths had to give up Brahmanhood and started working like ordinary people. It is to be noted, in Vallala-​charita, edited by Kaviratna, there are mentions of “Rudraja”, but there are no such words “Rudraja Brahman”. Surprisingly, the words “Rudraja Brahman” are found in a version of Vallala-​charita that is edited and translated by the Nath authors.169 It seems the word had been incorporated to make their claim of Brahmanhood stronger. However, it is evident from the writings of 168 Interview with Yogi Sundarnath was held on March 1, 2022, at Mahanad, Hooghly, West Bengal. 169 Upendra Kumar Debnath, ed, Vallala-​charita, trans. Subodh Kumar Nath, 2nd (Duttapukur: Madhabi Debnath, 2006), 54.

44 

Chapter 2

contemporary legends, Dansagar, Adbhutsagar and other writings that this incident was exaggerated and not the only reason for the downfall of the Naths. It may be argued that if a prestigious community lost its admiration only as a result of a powerful ruler, after the fall of that dynasty, that prestigious and cultured community would be able to recover its lost honour by own efforts. Secondly, Vallalasena, like his father, was a staunch Saivite Brahman. However, due to their profession as rulers, they identified themselves as Brahma-​kshatriya (who rule the empire like Kshatriya even though being a Brahman).170 Bengal was ruled by the Pala kings for more than three hundred years before the reign of Sena dynasty. The Pala kings were the patrons of Buddhism. In the eleventh century, this absolute Saiva Sena dynasty ascended the throne of Bengal, and came down as a major blow to Buddhism. A large part of Bengal, which was heavily baptised in Buddhism during the reign of the Pala kings, could not accept the heroic emergence of Saivism by the Sena kings, who originally came to Bengal from south India. As a result, these followers of Buddhism became the followers of Vaishnavism. Even Lakshmanasena (reigned 1179–​1207), son of Vallalasena, became a follower of non-​violent Vaishnava doctrine. He holds the title of Parama-​Vaishnava or Parama-​Narasimha.171 It was quite probable that at that time the marginalisation was not only confined to the Nath-​Yogi community, rather, except for the then Vaishnavas and Smartas, the social status of the Saivas was lost. As a result of these and due to the discrimination of Lakshmanasena, the Saivas, fled to neighbouring Kamarupa (Assam), Nepal, and then Harikela (parts of present-​day Myanmar, Chittagong of Bangladesh, Chittagong Hill Tracts, Sylhet), Samatata (Greater Comilla, Noakhali, Tripura), Chandradvipa (present Barisal), and Barendra (present-​day Bogra, Dinajpur, Rajshahi and Pabna in Bangladesh). For this reason, in later times, in all these regions, the great influence of the Nath Yogi community can be noticed. It is true that during the reign of Vallalasena, although the Sena state was a follower of Saivism, later during the reign of his son Lakshmanasena, the state became a staunch supporter of Vaishnavism and orthodox Brahmanism, and subsequently Nathism was marginalised. The rise of Gaudiya Vaishnavism172 led by Chaitanya Mahaprabhu (1486–​1534) in the sixteenth century finally erased the last vestige of Nathism in Bengal, Odisha and some parts of Assam.173 The popularity of Gaudiya Vaishnavism, particularly in Bengal, overthrew 1 70 Ray, History of the Bengali People, 339. 171 Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal, 203. 172 “Gaudiya” denotes the Gauḍa region of Bengal, with Vaishnavism refers to “the worship of Vishnu”. Precisely, it is a part of Krishna-​centric Vaishnavite traditions. 173 Sensarma, Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj, 105.

The Naths (Yogis)

45

the Nath-​pantha since a large number of the householder Naths converted to Vaishnavism after giving up all their sectarian traits.174 The process of marginalisation of the Saiva Naths by Vaishnavism and the smartas is still going on today. Religiously, I observed during the field surveys, Nathism has been erased from the Bengal and Assamese society due to the development of Gaudiya Vaishnavism in Bengal led by Chaitanya Mahaprabhu and neo-​Vaishnavism in Assam led by Sankaradeva. Swami Kaibalyanath, an ascetic Nath-​Yogis of Bongaigaon, Assam, also opined that the Natha-​pantha is dead in Assam and Bengal. Now the householder Naths mostly became Vaishnavite.175 6

Conclusion

The reasons behind the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogis were “class struggle” and “struggle for power”. The migrant Brahmans, with the patronage of the ruling kings, excluded the Nath-​Yogis to capture the sources of income, i.e., temples and monasteries, and also to bring the whole social structure under the Brahmanical hegemony. This is, however, a politics of the market, where the Brahmans gain economic strength and oust the Nath-​Yogis in the emerging market. Whether they buy and sell themselves or through their agents is not important. What is essential is the weightage in monetary holdings was shifting to the Brahmans gradually. With the Brahmanical reforms and the expansion of the Brahmanical caste system, with the active patronage of the state, the Brahmans began to become more prominent in the society gradually. The Brahmans were given financial aids and lands as grants. On the other hand, the Nath-​Yogis were marginalised from the marketplace also. Another level of politics was there: the politics behind the changing image of the presiding deity in the marketplace. The places of worship were also engrossed by the Brahmans in the place of the Nath-​Yogis. Changes have occurred in the reigning deity in the marketplace, where the politics of exchange dominates society. For instance, there are many signs of Nath worship places in Bengal and Assam. Once upon a time, these places were the centre of the market place, now either abandoned or captured by the Brahmans.176 One example of Mahanad 174 Rajmohan Nath, “Introduction,” in Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi, ed. Rajmohan Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1964), xi. 175 The interview with Swami Kaibalyanath was held on June 5, 2023, over the telephone. 176 For the Nath-​Yogi places in West Bengal and Bangladesh, see Pranabesh Chakraborty, “Pashchimbange Nath-​Yogi Sampradaya,” in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, vol. i, ed. Balaram Chakraborty (Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001), 116–​117; Partha

46 

Chapter 2

Temple or Jateswarnath Siva Temple of Hooghly can be given here. Once this temple was the centre of Nathism in Bengal, now it has lost its importance in Bengal.177 Though, in present-​day, the Naths are putting effort to bringing back the past pride of this temple. Through examination of various primary and secondary historical sources, I have found that the debate over whether the Nath is a religious sect or a caste seems quite unresolvable as scholars have given forceful arguments both ways. Yet for the convenience of academic and religious arguments, I argue, based on my field surveys, that the vast majority of the Naths in Bengal and Assam are a caste, not a religious sect. The argument is carried forward through field visits and examination of other sources as presented in the other chapters.

Sarathi Nath, “Nath Pantha Shrines and Parpetual Tradition in Bangladesh,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.) 66, no. 2 (2021): 187–​215. 177 Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti, 514–​524; Tapas Kumar Nath, Jateswarnath Siva Mandir (Mahanad: Madhabnathji Maharaj, 2019), 22–25.

­c hapter 3

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal Pre-​colonial to Post-​colonial Times

1

Introduction

The previous chapter enquires the identity of the Naths, whether a religious sect or a caste. This chapter aims at the investigation of the history, social status, and movements organised by the Naths of Bengal. As previously discussed, many scholars opined that the Nathism had been initiated in Bengal prior to the Aryan settlement.1 Scholars asserted that the yogic tradition in Bengal can be traced back prior to the Pala dynasty (mid-​eighth to mid-​twelfth centuries) and probably during the Gupta dynasty (mid-​to-​late third to mid-​fifth centuries).2 Haraprasad Shastri and Kalyani Mallik stated that the Natha-​pantha had dominated Bengal and eastern India for a long time.3 It is also held that, at one time, the Nath-​Yogis were the rajgurus (royal teachers) of Bengal.4 However, their heterodox rites for dead –​burial, their low occupation –​weaving, and their non-​observance of the Brahmanical social and religious customs and orders put this caste outside of the domain of the orthodox Brahmanical Hindu society. They were also marginalised due to the shifting of power and patronages of the then ruling kings from the Nath-​Yogis to the newly migrated Brahmans. However, the Yogi caste, at the present day, is incorporated within the Hindu caste framework for all practical purposes.5 But they are placed at the lower level of the Hindu caste framework. The Naths are supposed to be considered as “high caste but are placed in the Sudra varna by others.”6 This 1 Kshitimohan Sen, Banglar Sadhana (Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1352 bs), 19; Bhabanath Sarkar, “Nepale –​Nath Dhormer Utso Sandhane,” in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, Vol. ii, ed. Balaram Chakraborty (Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001), 108–​111; Satish K Kapoor, “Natha Pantha: Order of the Primordial Shiva,” Prabuddha Bharat or Awakened India 116, no. 7 (2011): 489–​493; Atul Sur, Banglar Samajik Itihas (Calcutta: Jignasa, 1976), 19. 2 Binoy Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti (Calcutta: Pustak Prakashak., 1950), 514–​524. 3 Haraprasad Shastri, “Nathpantha,” Prabasi (Baishakh) (1322 bs); Kalyani Mallik, Nathapantha (Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1357 bs), 14. 4 Mallik, Nathapantha, 14. 5 Sukumar Sen, “The Natha Cult,” in The Cultural Heritage of India, Vol. iv, ed. Haridas Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1956), 281. 6 Chandrima Chowdhury, “Jugi,” in People of India: West Bengal, Vol. xxxxiii, ed. K. S. Singh (Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India & Seagull Books, 2008), 551.

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_004

48 

Chapter 3

very reason led the Naths to initiate resistances against the Brahmanical caste framework. 2

The Naths of Bengal: Are They Native or Came from Outside?

Ondračka hypothesises that “it is possible that the Jugis (perhaps together with other weaver castes) arrived in Bengal from Gujarat in the 1630s.”7 He offers four arguments to support his claim, first, Gujarat was a major centre for cotton production at the beginning of the seventeenth century; second, the Gujarat textile industry collapsed as a result of the great famine of 1630–​1631, which forced many people to flee. Contrarily, there was no famine in Bengal and; third, Bengal was known for producing the highest quality cotton fabrics; however, the Jugis of eastern Bengal produced common, low-​quality textiles that were very similar to those produced in Gujarat; and fourth, despite their great distance from one another, Bengal and Gujarat had numerous contacts, particularly for cotton trades.8 He invokes Buchanan (Hamilton) and others to defend his hypothesis. Buchanan (Hamilton) said “[T]‌he other tribes of Dinajpur who are considered as not having belonged to Bengal, when Bollalsen settled its castes, are as follows: Yogis, or Jogis, who are weavers from the west of India.”9 However, Montgomery Martin omitted the term Yogis or Jogis and paraphrased as “Weavers from the west of India.”10 Though, Athelstane Baines wrote “Jugi, a class of coarse-​cotton weavers in eastern Bengal and Assam, reputed to have come from the south-​west, but undoubtedly taking its rise from some religious organisation of the lower classes,”11 he did not mention the source of this statement, but apparently it is likely that he was predisposed by his previous colonial ethnographers such as Buchanan (Hamilton). However, we can trace the Yogi (Jugi) caste in Bengal well before the seventeenth 7 8 9 10 11

Lubomír Ondračka, “The Search for the Jugi Caste in Pre-​colonial Bengal,” in The Power of the Nāth Yogīs: Yogic Charisma, Political Influence and Social Authority, eds. Daniela Bevilacqua and Eloisa Stuparich (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022), 149. Ondračka, “The Search for the Jugi Caste in Pre-​colonial Bengal,” 149. Francis Buchanan (Hamilton), A Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Description of the District, or Zila, of Danajpur, In the Province, or Soubah, of Bengal (Calcutta: The Baptist Mission Press, 1833), 103. Montgomery Martin, The History, Antiquities, Topography, and Statistics of Eastern India, Vol. iii, Dinajpur, First Indian Reprint (Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1976, Originally Published 1838), 741. Emphasis added. See, Athelstane Baines, Ethnography: Castes and Tribes (Strassburg: Karl J. Trubner, 1912), 41.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

49

century. First, Vallala-​charita mentioned the householder Nath-​Yogis during the twelfth century.12 Second, Haraprasad Shastri wrote about the numerous followers of Nathism in the twelfth century Bengal. He asserted “it is apparent that in the twelfth century there were the following forms of religion in Bengal and in Eastern India” –​Brahminism, Hinayana, Mahayana, Vajrayana, Nathism, the Sahajiya cult, Tantrism, and the Kalachakrayana.13 It goes without saying that the followers of Nathism were mostly from the householder Nath-​Yogis at that time. Third, Binoy Ghosh tells us about the presence of householder Nath-​Yogis during the thirteenth and fourteenth century at Mahanad, Hooghly. Ghosh also said about the history of conversion of the householder Nath-​Yogis to Islam in Mahanad, Hooghly, Bengal, under the early Muslim rule particularly in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. He specifically named Zafar Khan, who converted many Nath-​Yogis to Islam in Mahanad, near Tribeni, in the Hooghly region of West Bengal. Ghosh discovered a record from the thirteenth and fourteenth century in which it is stated that “Sheikh Ali Datamanda alias Bholanath, along with two other Jugis, joined the Muslim fold.”14 In different historical studies, we read about Zafar Khan Ghazi, a Turkish conqueror of Tribeni, Bengal, who converted many Hindus to Islam. Historians estimate Zafar Khan Ghazi from the late thirteenth to the early fourteenth century.15 Fourth, if the Yogis came from the west of India in the 1630s, then how many were they in number? According to the 1872 census 384324 Jugis in Bengal16 and 161844 Jugis in Assam including the Bengali dominated Sylhet and Cachar.17 Is it possible to be grown in this manner within

12 Harishchandra Kaviratna, ed., Vallala-​charita, trans. Shashibhusan Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: Girish Vidyaratna Press, 1889), 22–​28, 32–​36. 13 Haraprasad Shastri, “Introduction to Modern Buddhism in Bengal,” in The Modern Buddhism and Its Followers in Orissa, Nagendra Nath Vasu (Calcutta: Hare Press, 1911), 13–​ 14; Haraprasad Shastri, “Introduction to Nagendra Nath Vasu’s Modern Buddhism and Its Followers in Orissa,” in Bishay: Bouddha Dharma, ed. Barid Baran Ghosh (Calcutta: Karuna Prakashani, 1370 bs), 216–​217. 14 Binoy Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti (Calcutta: Pustak Prakashak, 1950), 516–​517. 15 Kalika Ranjan Qanungo, “Bengal Under the House of Balban,” in The History of Bengal, Vol. ii, Muslim Period, Reprint Edition, ed. Jadunath Sarkar (Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 2003, originally published 1943), 77–​78; Sudipta Sen, “Betwixt Hindus and Muslims: The Many Lives of Zafar Khan, Ghazi of Tribeni,” Asian Ethnology 76, no. 2 (2017): 213–​234. 16 Edward Albert Gait, Census of India, 1901 (Bengal), vols. iv, part –​1 Report (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1902), 460. 17 C. J. Lyall, Report on the Census of Assam for 1881 (Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, 1883), 95; Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 5th (Kolkata: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 2018), 391–​392.

50 

Chapter 3

200 years for a group that came from outside? If they came from west of India in a large number, then why cannot we find any reliable historical documents or reliable sources of that event unlike the migration of the Brahmans from eighth to twelfth centuries from northern India to Bengal? Fifth, moreover, those who are not represented in any historical texts, it cannot be said that they were absent in the past. Before pre-​colonial era, there was no such serious works on most of the castes in Bengal. Most caste groups in Bengal were not represented in any historical texts. Shastri asserted “the history of Bengal is not available.”18 Finally, we could not trace the rigid Brahmanical caste system in Bengal prior to the eleventh century because of late Aryanisation of this land.19 So, it is difficult to find the presence of caste structure in an organised form in the historical texts of Bengal. Possibly, some ascetic Yogis came from the west of India with a few of their householder disciples, not the whole Yogis of Bengal, who took the occupation of weaving, similar to the then Yogis of Bengal. Buchanan (Hamilton) wrote that the Yogis or Jogis are having “their most numerous establishments in Lahor. In Dinajpur they [Yogis or Jogis] are not numerous. I saw only one convent, which they call a Ghopa. It had a neat small temple, some comfortable houses although thatched, and the occupants were neither old nor austere in their manners.”20 Therefore, it was likely a small number of Yogis, who were ascetics, came from Lahore, not Gujarat, to Bengal. However, Buchanan (Hamilton) did not determine the times when they came. In other place, we can see a statement of James Wise where he confirmed the times by citing Buchanan (Hamilton) as [W]‌ho, then, are the Jogís? Buchanan thought it probable that they were either the priesthood of the country during the reign of the dynasty to which Gopī-​Chandra belonged, or Śüdras dedicated to a religious life, but degraded by the great Śaiva reformer Sankara Áchārya, and that they came with the Pál Rājas from western India.21

18

Haraprasad Shastri, “Bange Bouddha Dharma,” in Bishay: Bouddha Dharma, ed. Barid Baran Ghosh (Calcutta: Karuna Prakashani, 1370 bs), 124. 19 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, Paperback, trans. John W. Hood (Kolkata: Orient Blackswan, 2013), 194. 20 Emphasis added. See, Buchanan (Hamilton), A Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Description of the District, 112. 21 James Wise, Notes on the Races, Castes, and Trades of East Bengal (London: Harrison and Sons, 1883), 294–​295.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

51

Nath Majumder also quoted Buchanan (Hamilton) that stated “[I]‌t is quite probable that the descendant of the Yogis, called the Yugi caste, settled and flourished in Bengal under the Pal kings.”22 The Pala dynasty ruled over Bengal during the mid-​eighth to mid-​twelfth centuries. Therefore, if the Yogis came from western India, it was long before the 1630s. Ondračka says, “it is difficult to connect the Bengali Jugi caste (and today’s Nāths) in any way with the Nāth tradition.”23 However, this conclusion is also problematic as in some other provinces, similar to Bengal, the householder Jogis or Jugis are also connected with the Nath tradition as scholars put in their research.24 In Bengal, the Nath tradition had been marginalised by the full-​ fledged establishment of Brahmanism during the tenth to twelfth centuries, conquer of Islam during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and popularisation of Gaudiya Vaishnavism in the sixteenth century. Brahmanical hegemony absorbed the Nath tradition within itself. Many Naths were converted to Islam as argued by Rajmohan Nath and Binoy Ghosh.25 Finally, Vaishnavism put the final nail on the Nath tradition as many Naths became Vaishnavites. Sukumar Sen told, “in Bengal the Natha cult is practically dead.”26 The householder Naths are not aware of the sectarian practices observed by the ascetics.27 Ondračka further asserts “there are no Nāth pilgrimage sites in eastern Bengal, no maths [except Jogir Bhaban in Bogra, Rajshahi, Bangladesh, and Goraksha Basuli or Gorakshabasi math in Dumdum, Kolkata, West Bengal], and no ancient Nāth temples [except Mahanad in Hooghly, West Bengal], and none of the lineages (panth) into which the Nāth sampradāya is divided has ever

22 23 24

Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 26–​27. Ondračka, “The Search for the Jugi Caste in Pre-​colonial Bengal,” 153–​154. Ann Grodzins Gold, A Carnival of Parting: The Tales of King Bharthari and King Gopi Chand as Sung and Told by Madhu Natisar Nath of Ghatiyali, Rajasthan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), 35, 46–​49. Daniel Gold and Ann Grodzins Gold, “The Fate of the Householder Nath,” History of Religions 24, no. 2 (1984): 116–​117. 25 Rajmohan Nath, “Introduction,” in Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi, ed. Rajmohan Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​ Banga Yogi-​ Sammilani, 1964), vi-​ vii; Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti, 516–​517. 26 Sukumar Sen, “The Natha Cult,” in The Cultural Heritage of India, vol. iv, ed. Haridas Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1956), 280. 27 Marvin Davis, Rank and Rivalry: The Politics of Inequality in Rural West Bengal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 60.

52 

Chapter 3

located its headquarters here. Simply put, this region seems to be almost completely missing from the historical map of this ascetic order.”28 However, Partha Sarathi Nath tells us about the Nath math in both eastern Bengal and western Bengal. In eastern Bengal (now Bangladesh), apart from Yogir Bhavan, Bogra, he speaks of Adinath Temple at Cox’s Bazar, Chandranath Gonsai’s Akhra at Kishoreganj, Kapileshwari Temple at Kapilmuni, Khulna, Mithapukur Bagduar Temple at Rangpur, Gorakshanath Temple at Gorkui, Thakurgaon, Yogi-​Ghopa at Patnitala, Rajshahi, Srihattanath Temple at Sylhet, Pirapat Gorakshanath Temple at Bogra, and Chandranath Temple at Sitakunda, Chittagong.29 He asserts, “[I]‌t is difficult to determine how many temples of the Nath community were there in East Bengal in the past. In different parts of Bangladesh, many ancient mounds [under the big old trees] or the muddy water-​bodies and tombstones can be identified as temples of the Nath community. Therefore, more information about the Nath temple in Bangladesh can be researched extensively.”30 Francis Buchanan (Hamilton) also said, in Badolgachi division of Dinajpur (now in Bangladesh), “the most remarkable place of worship is a small temple at a place called Yogighopa towards the north end of the district. The temple is dedicated to Shiva, and is served by priests from the west of India, who are called Yogis.”31 Partha Sarathi Nath also tells us about the Nath math and temples of West Bengal. Apart from Goraksha Basuli or Gorakshabasi math in Dumdum, Kolkata, West Bengal, and Mahanad Temple in Hooghly, West Bengal, he confirms about some other Nath maths and temples, such as Aghori Math at Balurghat, Siddhikunda Temple and Math at Panskura, Siddhashram at Bauria, Howrah, Siva Temple of the Yogis at Kamarpukur, Hooghly, Dharmaraj Temple at Baharu, South 24 Parganas, and Jatar Deul at Raidighi, South 24 Parganas.32 We can find a long lineage in the Mahanad Temple, though it is incomplete due to lack of proper preservation of records. Prabhas Chandra Bandyopadhyay said that in the Jateswarnath Siva Temple, Mahanad, the Yogis are Nath-​panthis and the followers of hatha

28 29 30 31 32

The words in brackets are inserted by me by incorporating the corresponding footnotes of Ondračka. See Ondračka, “The Search for the Jugi Caste in Pre-​colonial Bengal,” 151–​152. Partha Sarathi Nath, “Nath Pantha Shrines and Perpetual Tradition in Bangladesh,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.) 66, no. 2 (2021): 187–​215. Nath, “Nath Pantha Shrines and Perpetual Tradition in Bangladesh,” 215. Buchanan (Hamilton), A Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Description of the District, 55. Partha Sarathi Nath, “An Insight into Nath Panth shrines and perpetual Tradition in West Bengal,” Journal of Emerging Technologies and Innovative Research 10, no. 2 (2023): 709–​721.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

53

yoga, and known as Yogiraj by guru-​shishya (guru-​disciples) succession.33 During the reign of Vallalasena in twelfth century, Pitambarnath was the head of Mahanad. After Pitambarnath, we can find a long gap where no records were maintained. The available list is as follows: Haraknath → Sahajanath → Duninath → Premnath → Bhavaninath → Sarabnath → Asannath → Harinath → Bholanath (1803) → Ganganath (1804) → Bhagawantanath (1859) → Sevanath → Nathunath (1886) → Manoharnath (1900) → Khusinath (1902) → Samarnath → Lachhminath → Budhnath → Yogi Madhavnath (1994) → Yogi Brahmanath (2018).34 Partha Sarathi Nath also presents a lineage of Siddhikunda Temple and Math, Panskura, in the following manner: Budhnath → Rabinath → Mangalnath → Brihaspatinath → Shibnath → Vijaynath.35 Though, Ondračka opines that the Mahanad Temple “fell into the hands of the Nāths sometimes in the seventeenth century,”36 yet I find this statement is difficult to accept because, first, the name Mahanad is derived from nad sadhana37 of the Nath-​ Yogis and the history of the temple can be traced back to the ninth or tenth century. Even Ghosh opined that the history of Mahanad and the Temple can possibly be traced back to the Gupta Dynasty (mid-​to-​late third to mid-​fifth centuries) or king Shashanka (reigned from 590 to 625), who are known to be a Saivite;38 second, we can find many Nath-​Yogis were converted to Islam by Zafar Khan Ghazi sometimes in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries in Mahanad.39 That event proved the presence of the Nath-​Yogis in Mahanad before the seventeenth century; third, the presence of Dharma Thakur in the Temple premise connects the temple with the Buddhist tradition of the eighth to tenth centuries. Dharma cult was closely associated with the Nath tradition in Bengal.40 It is true that in Bengal, there has been an absence of a consolidated Nath-​panth like northern India since very beginning and

33

Prabhas Chandra Bandyopadhyay, Mahanad ba Banglar Gupta Itihas, Vol. i (Mahanad, Hooghly: Prabhas Chandra Bandyopadhyay, 1335 bs), 142. 34 Bandyopadhyay, Mahanad ba Banglar Gupta Itihas, Vol. i, 145–​147; P. K. Bandyopadhyay, Nātha Cult and Mahānād: A Study in Syncretism (Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1992), 34–​35; Tapas Kumar Nath, Jateswarnath Siva Mandir, Mahanad, Hooghly: Ekti Sankhipto Parichay (Mahanad: Madhabnathji Maharaj, 2019), 17–​19. 35 Nath, “An Insight into Nath Panth shrines and perpetual Tradition in West Bengal,” 716. 36 Ondračka, “The Search for the Jugi Caste in Pre-​colonial Bengal,” 152. 37 Hatha yoga emphasises kundalini practice that rests upon the breath control which produces a thin but sharp sound, called nad. 38 Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti, 523. 39 Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti, 515–​516. 40 Bandyopadhyay, Mahanad ba Banglar Gupta Itihas, Vol. i, 190–​192.

54 

Chapter 3

the ascetic Naths are not numerous here, yet we cannot overlook the above-​ mentioned arguments. The various manuscripts on Nath-​literature discovered in Bengal till date have been found in various districts of eastern Bengal and Srihatta (now known as Sylhet, a division and city of Bangladesh) district. These districts were included in the Samatata region in ancient times. The capital of Samatata kingdom was at Bikrampur in Dacca (now known as Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh). The Chandra dynasty ruled this kingdom from the fourth to the eleventh centuries. Rajmohan Nath states that Manikyachandra was a king of the Chandra dynasty. Although the Chandra dynasty was the follower of Buddhism, Manikyachandra was a devotee of Nathism. Govindachandra or Gopi Chandra, son of Manikyachandra and his wife Maynamati, was the last king of the Chandra dynasty in the eleventh century.41 His ascetic stories are an invaluable asset of Bengali Nath-​literature –​Maynamatir Gaan and Gopi Chander Sannyas.42 Also important are the copperplates of Samanta king Loknath of Comilla (now in Bangladesh). Here the name Nath is observed at the end of the name of protagonists of the dynasty mentioned. According to archaeologists, the date of this copper plate is 664 ce. According to Rajamohan Nath, from the various characteristics of the copper plates, it is assumed that this dynasty belonged to the Nath-​Yogi sect.43 Rajmohan Nath also speculates that a Nath-​Yogi of the Mangal kingdom of Mysore (now Karnataka, a state of India) descended from the Nath-​Yogi dynasty came to and established a kingdom in the Samatata of Bengal. Sreemangal is still a town in the north-​east of Bangladesh. A copper plate with the name of Marunda Nath was found there.44 According to Narendra Chandra Nath, a Yogi uprising may take place because of atrocities perpetrated by king Vallalasena against the Naths, as mentioned in Vallalacharita.45 Nath-​Yogi is also mentioned in Sekashubhodaya, a 41

42 43 44 45

A list of the kings of the Chandra dynasty presented by Dinesh Chandra Sircar does not contain the name Manikyachandra. However, we can find the name Govindachandra who ruled circa 1012–​1055, and, notably, who was a Saivite. For details, see Dinesh Chandra Sircar, Pal-​Sen Yuger Vamsanucharit, 2nd ed. (Kolkata: Sahityalok, 2009), 95–​99. Rajmohan Nath, “Prachin Samatata Rajyer Nath-​Bangsha,” in Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi, ed. Rajmohan Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1964), xiv. Though, Dinesh Chandra Sircar opined that Loknath was a Karan or Kayastha by caste. For details, see Dinesh Chandra Sircar, Pal-​Purba Yuger Vamsanucharit (Calcutta: Sahityalok, 1985), 142–​143. Rajmohan Nath, “Prachin Samatata Rajyer Nath-​Bangsha,” in Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi, ed. Rajmohan Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1964), xiv-​xviii. Narendra Chandra Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas (Agartala: Tripura Rajya Nath-​Kalyan Samiti, 1995), 33.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

55

sanskrit text written by Halayudha Mishra, the court poet of the king of Gauda, Lakshmanasena.46 Here, we can get a reference of a Nath convention convened by Lakshmanasena. Also, another reference is there that a Nath-​Yogi named Chandranath Yogi gifted a gem to king Lakshmanasena. Chandranath Yogi had been referred to as a very powerful and mystical Nath-​Yogi.47 Narendra Chandra Nath opines that the so-​called Sannyasi rebellion during the late eighteenth-​ century colonial Bengal mentioned in Anandamath (1882) by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay was actually a Yogi rebellion because the protagonists of that very rebellion were the Nath-​Yogis.48 One section of the Bengali scholars thought that the Naths of Bengal are alien to the all-​Indian Nath-​Yogi community hence they do not have any tradition of their philosophy-​religion-​history. Though, scholars like Shashibhusan Das Gupta, Kalyani Mallik, et al. put efforts to establish that the Naths of Bengal are a part of the Vedic tradition and not alien to the all-​Indian Nath-​Yogi community. Even, Radha Gobinda Nath, one of the protagonists of the Nath movement in the early twentieth century Bengal as well as a revered expert in Gaudiya Vaishnavism, has been criticised by Rajmohan Nath for being silent about Nathism while discussing major religious sects in India in his book.49 3

Status after Marginalisation: during the Pre-​colonial and Early-​ Colonial Period

After marginalisation, the Naths of Bengal underwent several serious socio-​ economic crises. Most of the Naths became engaged in weaving and cultivation. During the Muslim rule in the medieval Bengal, the conversion of the Hindus of East Bengal to Islam was rampant as a result of the deceitful tactics and the conspiracy of a class of Brahmin Pundits called “Shikarni” employed by them.50 In some historical studies we come across the story of Zafar Khan 46

Sekasubhodaya was probably written during the end of the twelfth or the beginning of the thirteenth century. However, some scholars think that the book was written not before the sixteenth century. See Sukumar Sen, ed., Sekasubhodaya (Calcutta: Siddheswar Press, 1334 bs), 27–​30. 47 Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 39–​41. 48 Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 33. David Gordon White holds the similar opinion. See David Gordon White, “Yoga, Brief History of an Idea,” in Yoga in Practice, ed. David Gordon White (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 19. 49 Rajmohan Nath, “Introduction,” in Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi, ed. Rajmohan Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1964), viii. 50 Rajmohan Nath, “Introduction,” vi-​vii.

56 

Chapter 3

Ghazi51 who was a Turkish conqueror of Tribeni, Bengal, and converted many Hindus to Islam. Historians placed Zafar Khan between the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Binoy Ghosh also wrote about the history of conversion of the householder Nath-​Yogis to Islam in Mahanad, Hooghly, West Bengal, during the Muslim rule particularly in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. He categorically mentioned the name of Zafar Khan who converted many Nath-​Yogis to Islam in Mahanad, very near to Tribeni of Hooghly district, West Bengal. Ghosh found a document of the thirteenth or fourteenth century where it is mentioned that “Sheikh Ali Datamanda alias Bholanath along with two other Jugis joined the Muslim fold.”52 We can also find a mythological account as well as a Bengali Muslim folklore of Zafar Khan Ghazi titled “Gaji Kalu o Campabati Kanyar Punthi” written by Abdur Rahim where 300 powerful Yogis felt overwhelmed and accepted Islam after witnessing that Ganga, a Goddess, appeared in person seated on the leaf of a lotus following Gaji’s (Ghazi) summon.53 Possibly, the Gaji-​Kalu folklore is simply an inflated version of the history of Zafar Khan Ghazi’s invasion of Tribeni. So, during the Muslim rule, many Nath-​Yogis, Nath-​gurus, their disciples of different castes became Muslims in groups. But the memory is not easily 51

52 53

Zafar Khan Ghazi and his fellow Turkish invaders, according to local history, were said to have terrorised the indigenous Hindus by attacking their temples and idols. He battled heroically and won the port of Saptagram, destroying a vast and old temple in nearby Tribeni and using the riches to construct an enormous mosque. He was given the title Ghazi and founded one of the first schools for Quranic and Arabic learning (madrasa) as well as a charity (dar-​ul-​khairat). However, epigraphic evidence reveals that there was a commander named Shihabuddin Zafar Khan who was delegated by the Sultan of Lakhnauti to administer Saptagram and who also established a school and benevolent foundation in Tribeni. According to another version, Zafar Khan killed Bhudeb, a Hindu king of Hooghly, in battle in a place called Mahanad near Saptagram. After studying three Arabic inscriptions found in Tribeni, Kalika Ranjan Qanungo opined that Zafar Khan was in fact sent by the king of Lakhnauti, Ruknuddin Kaikaus, the grandson of the Delhi Sultan Ghyasuddin Balban, on a conquest mission to Saptagram during which he courted martyrdom. Ulugh Khan, the son of the deceased Ghazi, was sent from the place of Munger of Bihar to Bengal to resume the siege of Saptagram and Tribeni by Shamsuddin Firuz Shah, who succeeded Kaikaus as the ruler of Lakhnauti. He might have died in war. Shihabuddin Zafar Khan, who later became the governor of Saptagram under Firuz Shah, established a school and a charitable organisation. There is no doubt in Qanungo’s narrative that more than one Zafar Khan may have been connected to Tribeni. See Kalika Ranjan Qanungo, “Bengal Under the House of Balban,” in The History of Bengal, Vol. ii, Muslim Period, Reprint Edition, ed. Jadunath Sarkar (Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 2003, originally published 1943), 77–​78; Sudipta Sen, “Betwixt Hindus and Muslims: The Many Lives of Zafar Khan, Ghazi of Tribeni,” Asian Ethnology 76, no. 2 (2017): 213–​234. Binoy Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti (Calcutta: Pustak Prakashak, 1950), 516–​517. Abdur Rahim, Gaji Kalu o Campabati Kanyar Punthi (Mymensingh: Abdul Karim, 1919), 87.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

57

erased even if the religion is converted, the punthis (manuscripts) written by the ancestors are also preserved as an ancestral property. Therefore, the ancestors of Shukur Muhammad, Sheikh Faizullah, Syed Murshid, Fakir Saheban, et al., the authors of the punthis (manuscripts) found in East Bengal, were not from Arab or Persian countries, but were the descendants of the Nath-​Yogis of Bengal and their disciples of other castes.54 During the colonial period, the Naths, previously those who took occupation of weaving predominantly in eastern Bengal, had undergone poverties affected by deindustrialisation of the native handloom sector and declined due to the competition of English piece-​goods. Subsequently, the Naths of Bengal engaged themselves in agriculture, lime-​burning, goldsmith’s work, and the subordinate grades of government services.55 Even now some of the Naths “are highly educated, but in general, level of literacy is low”.56 It is also held that “the recent status of this community in contemporary social structure is really thought provoking and agonising too.”57 James Wise summarised the social conditions of the Naths as follows: The Jogi has peculiar difficulties in having his children educated, as no other boy will live with his son, who is consequently obliged to hire lodgings for himself, and engage servants of his own. The race, however, is ambitious, and recognises the value of education, but being poor, the higher branches of learning are beyond their reach. … Jogis are a contented people, laughing at the prejudices of their neighbours. When they enter the house of any of the clean castes, a very rare occurrence, all cooked food, and any drinking water in the room, are regarded as polluted, and thrown away, but strange to say, the Sudra barber and washerman work for them.58 Herbert Hope Risley stated that: The social status of the caste (Yogi) is very low, and they are everywhere reviled by the Hindus without any intelligible reason being given for the

54 55

Rajmohan Nath, “Introduction,” vi-​vii. James Wise, Notes on the Races, Castes, and Trades of East Bengal (London: Harrison and Sons, 1883), 290; Herbert Hope Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary, Vol. i (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1892), 355. 56 Chowdhury, “Jugi,” 554. 57 Barid Baran Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas (Kolkata: Shree Publishing House, 2011), 30. 58 Wise, Notes on the Races, 290–​291.

58 

Chapter 3

treatment to which they are subjected. If questioned on the subject of the low position accorded to the Jugis, some Hindu will reply that it is because they bury their dead, while all orthodox people practise cremation. Others, again, will explain that the starch of size they use in weaving is made of boiled rice (mar), while the Tantis use parched rice (khai) for this purpose.59 Atul Sur expounded that the Nathism was primarily confined to the lower strata people in Bengal. Currently, the followers of Nathism are mostly Jugi by caste and their occupation is weaving. However, some people practise Kaviraji.60 Somewhere in colonial Bengal, the upper castes people at one time assumed the Yogi caste as ritually low caste, but somewhere this sectarian caste was supposed as the middle-​level caste along with the Kayasthas, Goalas, Karmakars, Napits, etc.61 On the other hand, Narendra Chandra Nath opined that: The Naths are to be considered as the Brahmans. The Naths had to take different occupations due to the marginalization of the Naths by Vallalasena. These occupations are not the principal caste occupations of the Naths. … like other Brahmans, even if they take any occupation, they are not called by that occupation, they are called Brahmans. Similarly, the Nath community should not be called weavers for weaving cloths. It should be said Yogi, Yogi Brahman, Rudraja Brahman, etc.62 4

Status in the Colonial Period and Role of the Caste Associations

4.1 A Brief Caste Profile during the Colonial Period The population of the Naths was 384324 in the Census 1872, 340342 in the Census 1881, 406473 in the Census 1891, and 374906 in the Census 1901.63 59 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. i, 359–​360. 60 Sur, Banglar Samajik Itihas, 56. 61 Jyotirmoyee Sarma, Caste Dynamics Among the Bengali Hindus (Calcutta: Firma klm Private Limited, 1980), 138–​139. 62 Narendra Chandra Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas (Agartala: Tripura Rajya Nath-​Kalyan Samiti, 1995), 353–​354. 63 J. A. Bourdillon, Report on the Census of Bengal 1881 (Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Press, 1883), 134, 138; C. J. O’Donnell, Census of India, 1891, Vol. iii, The Lower Provinces of Bengal, and their Feudatories: The Report (Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Press, 1893), 266; Edward Albert Gait, Census of India, 1901 (Bengal), Vol. iv, Part –​1 Report (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1902), 460.

59

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal table 3.1

Literacy rate among major castes in Bengal according to the 1901 and 1911 Census

Caste name

Baidya Brahman Subarnabanik Gandhabanik Kayastha Sundi or Saha Teli or Tili Kamar Sadgop Kaibartta, Chasi Barui Jogi or Jugi (Nath) Napit Pod Goala Kaibartta, Jalya Namasudra

Percentage of literacy

Percentage of literacy in English

1901

1911

1901

1911

45.6 35.8 32.3 31.8 30.9 20.8 16.3 14.0 13.9 13.0 12.9 10.4 9.8 9.4 6.3 4.3 3.3

53.2 39.9 45.1 31.4 34.7 14.9 16.3 15.0 14.0 10.9 15.3 13.0 11.0 14.1 7.7 4.4 4.9

15.85 8.19 15.14 10.18 7.59 1.07 1.27 0.71 1.65 0.52 1.26 0.26 0.61 0.15 0.39 0.08 0.04

20.88 10.90 21.87 5.86 9.80 1.84 1.93 1.14 1.86 0.72 1.80 0.51 0.87 0.31 0.65 0.21 0.22

source: o’malley, census of india, 1911 (bengal, bihar, orissa and sikkim), 373

According to the Census 1911 the total population of the Naths was 361141.64 The reason for this decreasing tendency of population was not clearly mentioned in census reports. However, it was probable that many Naths made separate entry for their caste as Yogis’ Brahman instead of merely Yogi (Jugi/​ Jogi). During the colonial period, the literacy rate among the Naths was much lower than the three upper castes, even than some of so-​called middle level and lower caste groups. Table 3.1 details the deprived condition of the Naths in literacy in 1901 and 1911.

64

L. S. S. O’Malley, Census of India, 1911 (Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Sikkim), Vol. v, Part –​i Report (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1913), 233.

60 

Chapter 3

table 3.2 Education profile of the Naths in Bengal according to the 1921 Census

Total population Total Male 365910 186136

Literate

Literate in English

Female Total Male Female Total Male 179774 56479 53924 2555 5475 5356

Female 119

source: census of india, 1921 (bengal), cited in suresh chandra nath majumder, rajguru yogibangsha, 5th (kolkata: assam-​b anga yogi-​s ammilani, 2018), 405

The total population of the Naths were 365,910 in the 1921 Census and they had increased by 1.3 per cent since 1911 and 6.8 per cent since 1901. Their greatest numbers were found in Tippera (77504) and Noakhali (55860) and they were numerous also in Mymensingh (47607), Chittagong (35941), Bakarganj (21251), and Dacca (20854). The Naths were also in considerable numbers in the southern districts of the Presidency Division and in parts of northern Bengal.65 Table 3.2 presents the rate of literacy among the Naths according to the 1921 Census. So, it is evident that the Naths were lagging in education as only 15.4 per cent approximately were literate and 1.5 per cent around had knowledge in English. As per the Census 1921, total working population was 127596 and among them 105515 were men and 22081 were women. Among the working people, 46251 (32997 men and 13254 women) had taken weaving as their principal occupation. Among the weavers, 9295 (8641 men and 654 women) people had other secondary occupations. 2697 people (2354 men and 343 women) earned their livelihood from tax from land. In agricultural sector, there were 36722 people (33580 men and 3142 women). 425 people were engaged with different occupations, such as agent, manager in Zamindari estate, forest officer and clerk, tax collector, etc. In business, there were 10617 people engaged. 296 people were engaged with public force and public administration, and among them 19 people were gazetted officers. 1084 were engaged as lawyer, doctor, and teacher. 233 were engaged with religious preaching and as religious guru. 378 people were engaged as contractor, clerk, and cashier. In household work, there were 2909 people. 715 people were engaged with transport services, such

65

W. H. Thompson, Census of India, 1921 (Bengal), Vol. v, Part-​i Report (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1923), 354.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

61

as waterways and railways. There were 2746 people who are engaged with different sector as labourers, such as coalmines, cotton mill, jute mill, iron and steel factory, machinery and engineering works, railway and steamer factory, tea garden, etc.66 According to the Census 1931, the caste numbered 365,910 in 1921 and had increased by 5.1 per cent to 384,634 (Table 3.3). They were found principally in East Bengal and particularly in Tippera (84,895), Noakhali (65,779) and Mymensingh (45,488) which three districts between them contribute more than one-​half of the total number.67 In 1931, only 11.35 per cent around were literate and approximately 1.78 per cent Naths were literate in English. Table 3.4 shows the literacy rate among the Naths according to the 1931 Census. According to the 1931 Census, weaving was the primary caste occupation of the Naths, where 44071 people (38102 men and 5969 women) engaged. A total of 19448 persons (18618 men and 830 women) engaged with agriculture. The number of Naths who were involved in industry as artisans and workers was 9705 (8052 male and 1653 female), in Trade was 9381 (8697 male and 684 female), in profession of renting of land was 4702 (4207 male and 495 female), in unspecified labour was 1177 (1104 male and 73 female), in industry as owners, managers, clerks was 728 (700 male and 28 female), as contractors, clerks, cashiers was 643 (636 male and 7 female). As religious guru and preacher 228 Naths (212 men and 16 women) were engaged. 218 Naths (208 men and 10 women) were working in transportation as owners, managers, ship officers, etc., while 549 (534 men and 15 women) were employed as labourer, palki bearers, etc. 319 Naths (269 men and 50 women) were employed as planters, forest officers, estate managers, etc. On the other hand, 270 (269 men and 1 woman) were employed in public force.68 Comparatively to upper castes, as well as certain other supposedly middle level and lower caste groupings, the Naths lagged in higher degrees of occupation. According to the 1931 Census, only 363 Naths (359 male and 4 female) worked for the government, whereas 1857 Naths (1836 male and 21 female) were employed in higher-​level professions including education, law, and medical (see Table 3.5). There were 822 Naths working in other higher-​ level occupations (776 men and 46 women). Therefore, it is seen that the working population of women was significantly lower than that of men. 66 67 68

Census of India, 1921 (Bengal), cited in Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 405–​406. A. E. Porter, Census of India, 1931 (Bengal & Sikkim), Vol. v, Part-​i Report (Calcutta: Central Publication Branch, 1933), 467–​468. A. E. Porter, Census of India, 1931 (Bengal & Sikkim), Vol. v, Part ii (Calcutta: Central Publication Branch, 1933), 156–​157.

62 

Chapter 3

table 3.3 Population of the Naths in Bengal according to the 1931 Census

Bengal (Total) Burdwan Birbhum Bankura Midnapore Hooghly Howrah (Howrah City) 24-​Parganas (Calcutta Suburban) Calcutta Nadia Murshidabad Jessore Khulna Rajshahi Dinajpur Jalpaiguri Darjeeling Rangpur Bogra Pabna Malda Dacca (Dacca City) Mymensingh Faridpur Bakarganj Tippera Noakhali Chittagong Chittagong Hill Tract Cooch Behar Tripura State

Total

Male

Female

384634 2296 871 398 5267 3154 3676 (736) 13227 (935) 3297 6866 3071 6909 12412 3638 8150 1708 752 6360 3897 1023 1487 21236 (157) 45488 6827 22075 84895 65779 37770 112 4431 7562

197817 1076 445 168 2692 1472 1937 (425) 7007 (514) 1804 3422 1533 3721 6290 1886 4286 1029 295 3234 2157 563 750 10855 (95) 23698 3499 11725 43356 34010 18253 70 2351 4233

186817 1220 426 230 2575 1682 1739 (311) 6220 (421) 1493 3444 1538 3188 6122 1752 3864 679 457 3126 1740 460 737 10381 (62) 21790 3328 10350 41539 31769 19517 42 2080 3329

source: government of bengal, the calcutta gazette, july 14, 1932, part i, imperial table xvii (calcutta: government of bengal, 1932), 1359

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

63

table 3.4 Education profile of the Naths in Bengal according to the 1931 Census

Total population Total Male 384634 197817

Literate

Female Total Male 186817 43684 38774

Literate in English Female Total Male Female 4910 6880 6403 477

source: government of bengal, the calcutta gazette, july 21, 1932, part i, imperial table xiv (calcutta: government of bengal, 1932), 1414

table 3.5 Higher professions occupied by some castes in Bengal according to the 1931 Census

Caste name

Kayastha Brahman Baidya Mahishya Goala Namasudra Napit Jogi (Nath) Dhoba Barui Kamar Jaliya Kaibartta

Number of persons in Number of persons in other government services higher professions (law, medicine, and teaching) 16575 11549 2227 1758 1177 784 565 363 237 231 206 96

25859 26872 3106 6623 942 4263 3259 1857 444 1123 646 260

source: porter, census of india, 1931 (bengal & sikkim), 157

The Naths had historically been deprived to higher education and professions for a number of reasons. First, due to entrenched caste-​based prejudices, they had to struggle for their existence. The opportunity to choose professions in line with their preferences was denied to the so-​called depressed castes.

64 

Chapter 3

Second, their low literacy rates were caused by a lack of sources of income and property ownership. Third, caste identification led to the Naths’ low literacy rate and consequently low proportion in higher-​level occupations. Additionally, educational resources were exclusively accessible to the members of the higher social strata. Fourth, it is important to note that the Naths were also unaware of the values of education. They were unable to take advantage of the modern education that was made possible during the colonial era. 4.2 Bargaining and Negotiations within and Outside The role of the educated and elite section is crucially important to organise a movement –​social or political –​in order to offer an ideological basis to the movement and also to find out the answer(s) of what type of change(s) are sought through this very movement. This theoretical proposition might be true in the case of the Nath community while the historiography of the Nath community provides very prominent actions of the elite and educated section since the late nineteenth century onwards. The first academic endeavour to explore the Nath sect in Bengal was taken by G. A. Grierson, an English Civil Servant of colonial India. He wrote the Song of Manik Chandra in 1878.69 However, before publication of Grierson’s work, a protest movement within the Nath community manifested in February 1873 (Falgun 1279 bs) at the Andul-​Mouri village (now in Howrah district).70 Two questions were raised –​first, whether this caste is pure or not; and second, what should be their conduct? A letter consisting of these two questions was sent to the Pundits of the Sanskrit College, Calcutta (now Kolkata). Pundits of this college confirmed that the Yogis as being of “good behaviour”.71 Later, this certification (byabasthapatra/​bhashpatra) was published by Bharat Chandra Siromani Bhattacharyya of the Sanskrit College with the help of Krishna Chandra Nath Dalal.72 In the same year, a group of thirty people including three Pundits from the Sanskrit College, six Pundits from Nabadwip, and four Pundits from Hatibagan signed in a resolution in favour of the purity of this caste where Pundit Bharat Chandra Shiromoni of the Sanskrit

69

G. A. Grierson, “Song of Manik Chandra,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 1, no. 3 (1878): 1–​110. 70 Manimohan Nath, Manimohan-​jibanee (Autobiography) (Calcutta, 1922, originally written 1911), 22–​29. 71 Nirmal Kumar Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society, trans. André Béteille (New Delhi: Orient Longman Limited, 1975, originally published 1949), 153. 72 See Bharat Chandra Siromani Bhattacharyya. Yogi Sanskar Vyavastha O Agam Samhita. 3rd, eds. Nripendra Nath Chowdhury and Hiranmay Nath (Lala: Kumudini Chowdhury, 2010).

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

65

College presided over the meeting.73 Then in September 1874 (Ashwin 1281 bs) at Andul, Howrah, the Brahmans of Nabadwip stated that they do not have any constrictions to visit any Yogi’s house because the Yogis are pure.74 After that, Rajnagar royal family gave permission to wear the sacred thread to the Yogis on 24 July 1877 (Shraban 1284 bs). In June 1879 (Jyaishtha 1286 bs), a letter had been written to the then Raja of Burdwan from Ahmedpur Yogi Convention seeking permission for assuming the sacred thread and the Burdwan Raj had given the permission. Just after this incident, a convention was organised by some of high caste members in May 1882 (Jyaishtha 1293 bs) in 24 Parganas against the restoration of the Yogi caste as caste Hindu. After a long debate between Bhutnath Nathji and Madhusudan Smritiranta of Nabadwip, the convention had decided that the Yogi caste is a mixed caste. Here, the Yogi caste was equated with the “Yungi” caste, the then lowered caste of Srihatta and Chattagram. This episode was published in the Sanjeebani Patrika of Burdwan on 25 May 1882 (12 Jyaishtha 1293 bs). After several protests carried out by the Naths, a few Brahman Pundits resolved the issue in the same year as follows:75

1. Since the Naths are Rudraja, this caste is not a mixed caste. 2. This caste is not untouchable since they have the right to observe the Vedas. 3. They can live with self-​dignity. They are outcast in Bengal due to the lack of royal patronage, but elsewhere they have been living with self-​dignity. 4. The Yogis and the Brahmans can live with their own characteristics –​ ethics, religions and rituals.

In the same year, it was decided that Yogi and Yungi are not the same because these two are different in nature, culture, rituals and overall identity. It is to be mentioned that Niharranjan Ray also equated Yogi caste with Yungi in his History of the Bengali People.76 Lubomír Ondračka assumes that the Yungi caste mentioned in Brahmavaivarta Purana assimilated with the Jugis as a new subcaste after the sixteenth century and it can be said because the Jugi caste in Bengal was not a homogeneous group.77 However, Rajmohan Nath asserted 73

Bhutnath Nath and Padma Chandra Nath, Yogi Jatir Sankhipta Itihas, 3rd, ed. Dilip Nath (Silchar: Adinath Sikshabhandar, 2004), 2; Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 84. 74 Nath and Nath, Yogi Jatir Sankhipta Itihas, 5. 75 Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 91–​92. 76 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, paperback, trans. John W. Hood (Kolkata: Orient Blackswan, 2013), 196. 77 Lubomír Ondračka, “The Search for the Jugi Caste in Pre-​colonial Bengal,” in The Power of the Nāth Yogīs: Yogic Charisma, Political Influence and Social Authority, eds. Daniela

66 

Chapter 3

that the Yungi was a caste of Assam, not of Bengal. There was no connection between the Yogis and Yungis. The Yungis are now either extinct or they are known as Dulia or Kendra Jogi in Assam.78 One statement of archaeologist Francis Buchanan (Hamilton) made in the early nineteenth century might be applicable here: It is apparent, however, that the Yugis (Naths) of Bengal are quite different from the “Yungis” mentioned in the “Sabda Kalpadrum”.79 They are apparently first descendants of Saiva ascetics who turned a worldly life, and probably, they came from the vicinity of Benaras where Shaivism prevailed.80 Moreover, we can find the Jugi caste in other provinces of India, then it is difficult to accept that the Yungis are assimilated with the Jugis in Bengal as a special case. Bengal had seen efforts of status upliftment through social mobility by several castes in the colonial period, particularly in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Along with the Naths, some of these caste groups were the Vaidyas, Kayasthas, Namasudras, Aguris, Sadgops, Tilis, Mahishyas, Poundras, Rajbanshis, and so on. Some of them made an effort to improve the status of the entire caste, while the others can be categorised as attempts by a section of a caste making an effort to improve their social standing in respect to their parent caste.81 The case of the Naths falls under the first category. The available records show that the Naths had started their resistance against the Brahmanical caste hierarchy since the late-​nineteenth century and it was

78

79

80 81

Bevilacqua and Eloisa Stuparich (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022), 139–​140. Rajmohan Nath, Jungi-​jati (Calcutta: Nath Sahitya Samsad, 1961), 1–​8. This text has been republished in the journal Alohaowa edited by Jitendra Nath of Hailakandi, Assam, in 2011; see Rajmohan Nath, “Jungi-​jati,” Alohaowa 12, no. 2 (2011): 5–​10. Also see Narendra Chandra Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas (Agartala: Tripura Rajya Nath-​ Kalyan Samiti, 1995), 22–​23. Śabdakalpadruma referred to Yungi as a mixed caste, originated from the sexual union between a maiden of the Gangaputra caste and a man called Vesadhari, quoting Brahmavaivarta Purana. See Raja Radhakantadev Bahadur, Śabdakalpadruma, Reprint, Vol. iv (Delhi: Nag Publishers, 1987), 45. Quoted in Ghosh, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 30. For details, see Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Caste, Politics and the Raj: Bengal 1872–​1937 (Calcutta: k.p. Bagchi & Company), 95–​141.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

67

contemporary to the Namasudra movement of Bengal.82 At the same time, the Kayasthas and the Vaidyas, two other prominent castes of Bengal, also questioned the Brahmanical caste hierarchy as they were also placed under the Sudra varna.83 The Rajbanshis of north Bengal also started their movement in 1891 against the Brahmanical caste hierarchy by demanding the Kshatriya status.84 The Yogi has probably been the first caste that claimed the Brahmanic status in Bengal. They sought to gain recognition as equal to the Brahmans.85 U. N. Mukerji opined that the Yogis did not acknowledge the superiority of the Brahmans and a section of the Namasudras followed the example of the Yogis.86 Krishna Chandra Nath Dalal of Howrah had taken the first initiative to earn a respectful position of the Naths in Bengal society in 1873. At the same time, Manimohan Nath of Calcutta (now Kolkata) also started uplifting the community’s status.87 These initiatives are known as “the beginning of the caste movement” among the Naths.88 Hereafter, Bharat Chandra Nath of Noakhali (now in Bangladesh), Radha Gabinda Nath of Comilla (now in Bangladesh), Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder, and Rajmohan Nath of Lala (now in Assam) took initiatives. They all tried to solidify the resistance against the then Brahmanical social stratification by unifying the hitherto scattered Naths. The resistance had two strategies. First, at the knowledge level such as publication of books and journals for propagating and promoting “caste consciousness”. The publication includes Yogi Samaskar-​Byabastha O Agam Samhita (1876) by Bharat Chandra Siromani Bhattachayya and Krishna Chandra Nath Dalal; Yogi Jatir Sankhipta Itihas (1277 bs-​1293 bs) published by Bhutnath Nath and Padma Chandra Nath; The Yogis of Bengal (1909) by Radha Gobinda Nath; Manimohan-​Jibanee 82

A prominent caste of Bengal and often synonymous with the Matuas, a religious sect, now under the Scheduled Caste (sc) category, which has been showing a strong resistance against the Brahmanical caste system in Bengal since the 1870s. For details see Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Caste, Protest and Identity in Colonial India: The Namasudras of Bengal, 1872–​1947 (Surrey: Curzon, 1997). 83 For details, see Upendra Chandra Mitra, Kayastha-​Tarko Samadhan (Calcutta, 1317 bs); Nagendra Nath Sen, Ambastha Kon Varna? (Calcutta: Hare Press, 1300 bs). 84 For details, see Jitendra Nath Das, “The Backwardness of the Rajbansis and the Rajbansi Kshatriya Movement (1891–​ 1936),” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 65 (2004): 559–​563; Upendra Nath Barman, Rajbanshi Kshatriya Jatir Itihas (Jalpaiguri, 1982). 85 Nirmal Kumar Bose, “Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal,” The Journal of American Folklore 71 no. 281 (1958): 406; Marvin Davis, Rank and Rivalry: The Politics of Inequality in Rural West Bengal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 60. 86 U. N. Mukerji, A Dying Race, 2nd (Calcutta: L. Banerjee, 1910), 58. 87 Nath, Manimohan-​jibanee (Autobiography). 88 Pramathanath Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 2nd, ed. Harihar Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1985), 21.

68 

Chapter 3

(Autobiography) (written in 1911, and published in 1922) by Manimohan Nath; Rajguru Yogibangsha (1923) by Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder; Bangiyo Nath-​ Yogi Tattva (1958) by Rajmohan Nath; and Yogisakha (since 1904 to present), thereafter it bacame the official journal of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani (abys) in 1918. Second, on a practical level internal reformations such as inculcating Brahman samaskara (rituals) among the Naths particularly by the initiation of upavita (sacred thread), and the making of purohita (priest) within the community through proper training. The first upanayana samaskara (sacred thread initiation ceremony) took place on 8 March 1878 (1284 bs).89 Seven Yogi men took the sacred thread in March 1888 (Falgun 1294 bs) at Lolsingha village, twenty-​eight Yogi men in April 1888 (Chaitra 1294 bs) at Rajnagar village, twenty-​seven Yogi men in April 1888 (Baishakh 1295 bs) at Rajganj village.90 abys had adopted a resolution in an annual conference that the Naths should wear the sacred thread, a symbol of the Brahmans.91 But assuming the sacred thread by the Naths gave rise to numerous quarrels with the Brahmans, some of which have ended in protracted and vexatious litigation in the criminal court.92 Nirmal Kumar Bose, however, stated that the sacred thread movement did not gain much popularity among the Naths of Bengal.93 Some scholars, such as Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya, even said that: The Jugis are Hindus, and of late years they have been claiming to have the right of taking the sacred thread; but they are generally regarded as very inferior Sudras, and in all probability they are the illegitimate and semi-​legitimate descendants of the mendicants called Jogis… The name of the caste, their usual surname of Nath, their practice of burying their dead, and the profession of lace and apron string selling practised by them point to the conclusion that they are connected with the ancient Jogis.94 On the other hand, Nirmal Kumar Bose called Yogi caste to be a “clean” caste, not a very inferior caste as supposed by Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya.95 Ramesh 89 Nath, Manimohan-​jibanee (Autobiography), 100–​101; Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 24–​27. 90 Nath and Nath, Yogi Jatir Sankhipta Itihas, 6. 91 Bose, “Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal,” 405. 92 Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Vol. i, 356. 93 Nirmal Kumar Bose, Hindu Samajer Garon (Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1949), 135. 94 Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co, 1896), 236. 95 Bose, “Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal,” 405.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

69

Chandra Majumdar had placed the Naths at very lower strata of Hindu caste hierarchy.96 By doing so Majumdar cited Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya’s work97 though Majumdar mentioned “we do not hold ourselves responsible for any opinion expressed by him.”98 Narendra Chandra Nath opined that this is not expected from a historian like Ramesh Chandra Majumdar to cite a less-​known author for reaching to a decisive conclusion on a caste’s position in society.99 On the other hand, Maldelbaum called Yogi caste as a Brahman-​oriented caste in Bengal.100 According to M.N. Srinivas, caste movements that sought upward mobility by acquiring social esteem passes through two stages of development. Its first stage is to amass the symbols of high status; in the subsequent stage, the focus changed to the more tangible resources of high status, such as education, employment, and political power.101 Though, for the Nath-​Yogis, we cannot see any effort made for acquiring political power, which would be discussed later. Status after the Formation of Associations and Their Negotiations during Different Census Operations The resistance has also been shifted from the individual level to the collective level after the formation of several caste associations by the Naths, especially after the 1901 census. The role of caste association and its leaders is significantly vital to organise a movement –​social or political –​in three senses: first, in order to offer an ideological basis to the movements; second, inculcating “caste consciousness” among the given caste members; and third, mobilising the common caste members. The associations of the Naths are Yogi Hitaishini Sabha (1901) later on it became Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani (abys) in 1910; Assam-​ Banga Yogi-​Chatra-​Sammilani (abycs), the student wing of abys, established in 1327 bs; Paschim Banga Rudraja Brahman Sammilani established in 1949, reconstituted and renamed as Rudraja Brahman Sammilani in 1979, and again renamed as Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani (nbrbs) in 2000. The census operations during the colonial period were not limited to demographic or numerical statistical data, but also encompassed cultural, religious, and ethnographic aspects. The Naths of Bengal, like some other castes, resisted 4.3

96 Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, Volume i, Hindu Period (Dacca: University of Dacca, 1943), 574. 97 Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, 236. 98 See footnote 1 of Majumdar, ed., The History of Bengal, 573. 99 Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas, 21. 100 David G. Mandelbaum, Society in India, 2nd (New Delhi: Sage, 2016), 300. 101 Mysore Narasimhachar Srinivas, “Mobility in the Caste System,” in Structure and Change in Indian Society, eds. Milton B. Singer and Bernard S. Cohn (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968), 193–​195.

70 

Chapter 3

against their low Sudra status in the Census reports of 1881 and 1891 by creating a well-​defined community led by educated elites under the new rules and norms established during that colonial period. The 1881 Census attributed the Jugi as a low weaving caste in Bengal102 and according to 1891 Census, the Jugi is an unclean caste.103 During the 1901 census, the Yogis strongly objected to the spelling of caste name as “Jugi” and opposed as they were confused with the “Jungis”, a low mixed caste of Bengal, due to similarities in the spellings and pronunciations.104 Yogi Hitaishini Sabha appealed to H.H. Risley and E.A. Gait, the English Civil Servants and Census Superintendents, in 1901 that they should be enumerated as “Yogi” as their caste, and they should be permitted to write their surname “Nath” and “Debnath” for the men and “Devi” for the women.105 The Yogis said that they are the descendants of Brahman ascetics or Yogis and subsequently, they were degraded during the rule of Vallalasena on account of a conflict with Brahman priests. The census report has shown its dissatisfaction with the claims of the Brahmanic origin of the Yogis since it seemed that their surname “Nath” for men and “Devi” for women were of recent origins. Moreover, their use of sacred thread was also assumed recently. The members outside of this caste were not ready to accept them as “Nath”. The Census report of 1901 says, “they (Jogis or Jugis) were possibly Buddhists. If so, their degraded position might easily be due to their having remained in that faith after the general population had reverted to Hinduism.”106 It further stated that “the Jogis or Jugis of Bengal Proper are looked upon as degraded, and if one of them happens to enter the room of a Hindu of good caste the cooked food and drinking water must be immediately thrown away.”107 Finally, the 1901 Census attributed the Jugis as a low caste.108 The resistance accelerated from the early twentieth century when the abys, an association of elite and educated Naths, was constituted in 1910 to counter the existing castes hierarchy in Hinduism through inculcating self-​consciousness and promoting solidarity among the Yogis. abys also laid emphasis on the education and financial stability of the Naths to be a socially recognised caste.109 1 02 Bourdillon, Report on the Census of Bengal 1881, 138. 103 O’Donnell, Census of India, 1891, 266. 104 Gait, Census of India, 1901 (Bengal), 381. 105 Nath and Nath, Yogi Jatir Sankhipta Itihas, vi; Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 34–​35. 106 Gait, Census of India, 1901 (Bengal), 381. 107 Gait, Census of India, 1901 (Bengal), 381. 108 Gait, Census of India, 1901 (Bengal), 455. 109 Resolutions of 8th Annual Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Mymensingh, December 28, 1917.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

71

Radha Gobinda Nath published The Yogis of Bengal (Bangiya Yogijati) in 1909 and presented it before the census Superintendent to let them know about the “real” history of the Yogis of Bengal. Another reason for publishing The Yogis of Bengal (Bangiya Yogijati) was to create “caste consciousness” among the “self-​ oblivious” Yogis of Bengal. Radha Gobinda Nath wrote: There is no special mention of the Yogi caste in the very ancient scriptures and texts. We now understand the reason. In ancient times there was no difference between the Brahmans and the Yogis; The ancestors of modern-​day Yogis belonged to the Brahman society. That is why there is no separate mention of them –​there was no need for separate mention. Thus, the Yogi caste is not a modern caste; As long as the Brahman caste has existed, so has the Yogi caste. It is a very ancient caste. Its present miserable condition is of course modern. Many people today are forgetting the past of the Yogis because of being in this miserable state for almost a thousand years –​or trying to forget; Some people try to keep it hidden even knowing it.110 In 1910, Radha Gobinda Nath, on behalf of abys, submitted a petition to the then government demanding the scholarships for the Yogi students to encourage them in higher education, hostel facility for the Yogi students, and to appoint the Yogi youths in government services.111 Government took a democratic-​secular stand in the matter of the Yogis that the government has no objection if the Yogis are able to take the facilities already given irrespective of castes, but special provisions for the Yogis would not be possible.112 abys constituted Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Chatra-​Sammilani (abycs) in 1327 bs for encouraging the Yogi students for higher education, government services, etc.113 When the Morley-​Minto Reforms114 was introduced in 1909, an awareness among different castes about their political rights generated. The Naths were not the exception. In 1908, an article of Yogisakha expressed, “[t]‌he selfish

110 Radha Gobinda Nath, Bangiya Yogijati, 3rd (Kolkata: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 2001), 47. 111 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 55. 112 gb, General [Education], File No. 2P-​13, B April 1911, Bengal Secretariat. 113 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 74. 114 The Indian Councils Act of 1909, commonly known as Morley-​Minto Reforms, named after John Morley, Secretary of State for India (1905–​10) and Lord Minto, Viceroy of India (1905–​1910). It was an act of the United Kingdom Parliament that introduced for increasing partially the involvement of Indians in the governance of British India.

72 

Chapter 3

Brahmin no longer enjoys a monopoly of the fruits of national advancement, Western liberalism gives merit its reward.”115 However, the demands of the Yogis made during the 1901 census had not been entertained as the 1911 census report referred them to “Jugis” not as Yogis. The 1911 census report identified the Yogis as: they (Jogis or Jugis) deny the supremacy of Brahmans; are not served by good Brahman as family priests; have no Brahman priests at all; are denied access to the interior of ordinary Hindu temples; and bury their dead.116 Before the 1911 census the surname “Nath” and “Debnath” for the men and “Devi” for the women were not very much widespread among the Naths. The use of surnames “Nath” and “Debnath” for the men and “Devi” for the women gained immense popularity among the Naths during and after the 1911 census.117 Radha Gobinda Nath wrote a letter to the colonial government on 31 January 1911 seeking permission to write Yogi as their caste name, “Nath” and “Debnath” for the surnames of the men and “Devi” for the women.118 On 20 February 1911, L. S. S. O’Malley, the Superintendent of Census Operations in Bengal, informed Radha Gobinda Nath writing a letter that the government has no objection if they spell and use their caste name “Yogi”.119 Similarly, the Under Secretary to the Government of Eastern Bengal and Assam, also informed Radha Gobinda Nath through a letter that they can refer themselves as “Yogi” if they wish to do so.120 Here, the discussion might be pertinent that why the Naths were so stubborn about altering their caste name from Jugi to Yogi, and invoking their surname as Nath or Debnath for men and Devi for women. The term Jugi is a “vernacular derivative” and this word does not have any proper meaning but being used as a “term of contempt” by the other castes. As the Naths draw their lineage from Mahayogi Lord Siva, they are keen to establish themselves as Yogis, not as Jogis because the latter is derogatory and grammatically incorrect as well. Also, the surname Nath or Debnath for men and Devi for women help them to their claim to be Brahmans by varna. According to Manusmriti, sloka 2.32, of a Brahman’s surname should be a word implying happiness, of a Kshatriya’s a word implying protection, of 1 15 Quoted in Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society, 154. 116 L. S. S. O’Malley, Census of India, 1911 (Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Sikkim), Vol. v, Part –​i Report (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1913), 232–​233. 117 Nath and Nath, Yogi Jatir Sankhipta Itihas, vii. 118 Proceedings of the 1st Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Comilla, October 23, 1910. 119 Letter No. 4138C dated, Calcutta, February 20, 1911, Superintendent of Census Operations, Bengal, Calcutta. 120 Memo No. 652–​53g., dated, Shillong, March 1, 1911, General Department Branch, Govern­ ment of Eastern Bengal and Assam, Shillong.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

73

a Vaisya’s a term expressive of thriving, and of a Sudra’s an expression denoting service.121 According to the commentary of Kullukabhatta, The Brahmans shall use Sarma or Dev, Kshatriyas shall use Varma or Trata, Vaisyas shall use Bhuti or Dutta, and Sudras shall use Dasa as their surname or title.122 The Naths during performance of life-​cycle Vedic samskaras (rituals)123 refer themselves to as Devasarman and Devi for men and women respectively. The terms, on the other hand, Dasa and Dasi denote the Sudra status. Nath and Debnath, both words implying the Brahman status. When the World War I stated in 1914, one article of Yogisakha stated, “in these hard days we may not all be able to sacrifice ourselves for the king who is like our father, but it is our duty to help those who are setting out to give their lives. Government knows that we are very peace-​loving and loyal. There will never be such an occasion for showing our loyalty.”124 In 1915, another article stated, “the indigent Jogi caste is [forever] loyal, our guiding principle is to wish the king well … we are ever grateful to the British.”125 There were two reasons behind the devotion and loyalty towards the British. First, they thought that the British will ensure some prospects for political gain through representation and financial advancement through employment, etc.; second, the liberal egalitarian attitude of the British towards the various Indian castes, which made the Naths feel that it would have resisted the rigidity of Brahmanical caste order. The abys submitted petitions in 1917 to the then government in quest for educational scholarship and employment for the Yogis.126 During that time, though, the Yogis were not treated as socially “depressed class”, but educationally “backward class”.127 The then Director of Public Instruction (dpi) decided to set up a hostel for the Yogi students in Calcutta in 1918.128 Again, during the 1921 Census the priestly section of the Yogi caste appealed that they should be 121 Manusmriti (2016), 16, accessed March, 20, 2023, https://​arch​ive​.org​/deta​ils​/ManuSm​ riti​_201​601​/mode​/2up​. 122 Manusmrti: Text with Kullukabhatta Commentary, ed. Maitreyee Deshpande, trans. M.N. Dutt (Delhi: New Bharatiya Book Corporation, 2020), 52. 123 Puja (worship to divinity through mantras or chants and various offerings), yajna (fire sacrifice), annaprashana (first rice ceremony), upanayana (sacred thread ceremony), panigrahanam (wedding ceremony), sraddha (death ceremony), etc. are the Vedic life-​ cycle rituals observed by the Naths. 124 Quoted in Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society, 154–​155. 125 Quoted in Bose, The Structure of Hindu Society, 154–​155. 126 Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Caste, Politics and The Raj: Bengal 1872–​1937 (Calcutta: K P Bagchi & Company, 1990), 148. 127 Bandyopadhyay, Caste, Politics and The Raj, 58. 128 gb, General [Education], File No. 1H-​2, B May 1920, Bengal Secretariat.

74 

Chapter 3

enumerated as Brahmans. These priests belonged to their own caste.129 The Census 1921 reported that the Jugis belong to the Hindu weaver caste of Eastern Bengal. Some prefer to call themselves Jogi, claim to be of a different origin and call themselves Debnath instead of Nath and their women Devi, like a Brahman woman, but they are all of the same stock. A Yogi filed a suit against the secretary to the District Collector that her name had been written down as “Dasi” instead of “Devi”.130 However, the 1921 census permitted to entry of the caste name “Jogi” instead of “Jugi”, but it created another trouble. A conservative Brahman enumerator expressed his feelings of pain by saying that “he would rather cut off his hand than write down a Jugi as Jogi and his wife with the title of Debya like a Brahman woman.”131 Even the priests of Yogis were not recognised as true Brahmans by the bhadralok classes.132 Furthermore, the Brahman of Yogis desired to be recorded their caste as Jogis’ Brahman during the 1931 Census. Even during the 1931 Census, the entire Yogi caste claimed the Brahman status. The report of 1931 Census stated that there were two groups, the first is stated to possess the original gotra system of the Rarhi Brahmans and to practise cremation in the disposal of their dead bodies and the second to have only a single gotra (Sib). It was clear, however, that the claim to be recorded as Rarhi Brahmans could not be granted, but it does not appear that any of the Brahmans of this caste returned themselves under a correct appellation; and it is significant of the uncertainty amongst themselves that the caste society of the same group in Sylhet applied for a separate record of Jugis' Brahmans which of course was unexceptionable.133 The 1931 census described the Yogi as a sectarian caste. In 1932, the Yogi caste was declared Scheduled Caste (sc) and the Yogis opposed that decision of government as they were not willing to be under the sc category.134 In January 1933, some educated and elite Naths, such as Radha Gobinda Nath, Pramathanath Nath, Chandra Sekhar Nath, Shashi Kumar Bhowmik, et al., protested against the decision of government through hunger strike and also writing in daily newspapers like Amrita Bazar Patrika and 1 29 Bose, “Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal,” 405. 130 Thompson, Census of India, 1921 (Bengal), 346, 354. 131 Thompson, Census of India, 1921 (Bengal), 349. 132 Thompson, Census of India, 1921 (Bengal), 351. 133 Porter, Census of India, 1931 (Bengal & Sikkim), 467–​468. 134 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 103, 111.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

75

Liberty.135 Also, in a Representative Convention held on 10 February 1933 in Dacca, the Naths resolved to send a protest letter to the government against their inclusion in the list of sc s.136 Then the Government of Bengal decided in 1933 that the Naths to be excluded from the list of sc s. R. N. Gilchriest, Reforms Officer to the Government of Bengal, wrote a letter to the Vice President, abys, that “[W]‌ith reference to your letter dated the 15 September 1933, I am directed to inform you that the Government of Bengal has decided that the ‘Naths’ should be excluded from the list of Scheduled Castes.”137 After the careful consideration of the representations received from the Naths and on the recommendations of the local officers, the Government of Bengal recommended to the Government of India in 1934 that the Naths would be excluded from the final list of sc s in Bengal.138 That example of exclusion of the Naths from the list of sc s in Bengal inspired the Surma Valley Naths of Assam to start a movement for exclusion from the sc s list of Assam. At the same time, in Bengal, the Chashi Kaibarttas also declined to be classified as members of the Depressed Class (later replaced by sc) in the early 1930s. They eventually changed their name to Mahishya to avoid the stigma associated with their parent caste, the Kaibartta, and to uplift the social status.139 We can consider another example of the efforts of status upliftment made by the Kurmi-​Mahatos, currently a prominent community of Purulia and Jhargram districts of West Bengal, by claiming the Kshatriya status and rejecting the Tribal status in the early 1930s. That movement was led by All-​India Kurmi-​Kshatriya Association in Bihar including Chota Nagpur.140

135 Proceedings of the 23rd Annual Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Calcutta, January 15, 1933. 136 Proceedings of the Representative Convention of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Dacca, February 10, 1933. 137 A Letter from R. N. Gilchriest, Reforms Officer to the Government of Bengal, to the Vice President, abys, Letter No. 321, a.r.d. dated September 19, 1933. 138 Confidential d.o. No. 387 a.r. July 24, 1934, L.G. Pinnell to C.S. Mullan, File No. xxiii/​ 34–​35, Reforms (Bengal Secretariat). 139 Sarbani Bandyopadhyay, “Another History: Bhadralok Responses to Dalit Political Assertion in Colonial Bengal,” in The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, eds. Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad, and Kenneth Bo Nielsen (Oxon: Routledge, 2016), 35; Anirban Bandyopadhyay, “Mahisyas and the New Caste Question in West Bengal Politics,” India Today, March 22, 2021, accessed April 12, 2023, https://​www​.ind​iato​day​.in​/electi​ons​/west​ -ben​gal​-assem​bly​-polls​-2021​/story​/mahis​yas​-and​-the​-new​-caste​-quest​ion​-in​-west​-ben​ gal​-polit​ics​-1780​517​-2021​-03​-17 140 W. G. Lacey, Census of India, 1931 (Bihar & Orissa), Vol. vii, Part i, Report (Patna: Superintendent, Government Printing, 1933), 291.

76  5

Chapter 3

Status in the Post-​colonial Period and Role of the Caste Associations

During the mid-​1940s the Naths of Bengal faced a period of turbulence due to the partition of India preceded by communal riots in eastern Bengal particularly in Nath-​based Noakhali and Tripura in 1946.141 The Naths were divided by nations and their movements were stopped. Many Naths were compelled to come to West Bengal and Assam from East Pakistan due to the partition followed by the communal riots. One of the largest groups of victims of partition were the Naths. Even though the majority of West Bengal Naths are refugees, their suffering and hardships as a result of the partition were never discussed by academics. Partition and refugee studies in India, particularly in Bengal, typically neglect them. However, abys visited Noakhali, Tripura, and many places to help the Naths of East Pakistan and refugee Naths of West Bengal financially and in other ways.142 The miserable conditions of the refugee Naths were discussed in the Refugee Nath Conference held in 1949 at Swarupganj, Nadia. Here, abys discussed about the proper rehabilitations of the refugee Naths.143 While conducting fieldwork, I saw numerous Naths who had fled their homes in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and had settled in refugee camps in West Bengal. In Nadia, Purba Bardhaman, North 24 Parganas, Cooch Behar, Alipurduar, and Jalpaiguri, almost all of the Nath households were migrated from East Pakistan. Some Naths participated actively in the refugee movements of the 1950s and 1960s led by United Central Refugee Council (ucrc) and other organisations pushing for their proper rehabilitation and other demands. Bankim Debnath of ucrc, Satyendranath Nath, Chitta Nath, et al., were among the key Nath figures of refugee movements in West Bengal.144 After the independence, the Government of West Bengal did not place the Yogi caste under the fold of non-​backward castes in the first draft of “West Bengal Census, 1951”. The reports of the West Bengal Census, 1951, were largely derived from the reports of colonial census instead of fresh surveys. For example, the statements that the Jugis are “denied access to the temple”, “deny Brahman supremacy”, “bury their dead” are actually derived from the 1911

1 41 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 149–​150. 142 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 149–​150. 143 Proceedings of the Refugee Nath Conference of Assam-​ Banga Yogi-​ Sammilani, Swarupganj, Nadia, December 25, 1949. 144 Swati Sengupta Chatterjee, “East Bengal Refugees in West Bengal, 24 Paraganas: A Case Study of Protest,” nsou-​Open Journal 6, no. 1 (2023): 71–​85.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

77

census.145 Therefore, assuming that the Yogi caste will remain a backward caste, the educated and elite Naths under the leadership of abys started protesting against the decision of the government. Advocate Shashi Kumar Bhowmik and abys Secretary Pramathanath Nath visited the Writers’ Building, Calcutta, on 7 November 1950, and immensely protested before the government authority and demanded that they must be placed under the non-​backward caste category. Finally, on 8 December 1950, Census Superintendent, the Government of West Bengal, informed the abys in writing that the Yogi caste has been placed under non-​backward castes in the final draft of “West Bengal Census, 1951”.146 In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the younger generation of the Naths felt let down by the movements of the older generations as they lagged behind in the socio-​economic and political fields in terms of low proportionate share in government services and representative bodies. This feeling has been demonstrated in the 69th Annual Conference of abys held on 16 and 17 December 1978.147 abys adopted a resolution in its 69th Annual Conference to propose the name of Yogi caste to be incorporated in the list of Other Backward Classes (obc s).148 This resolution was sent to the Backward Classes Commission constituted by the Government of India in January 1979.149 But this step taken by abys created an inner-​ideological debate among the Naths. Those who are

145 Asok Mitra, Census 1951 West Bengal: The Tribes and Castes of West Bengal (Calcutta: West Bengal Government Press, 1953), 20. 146 Memo No. 1950 (32)/​1, 8 December 1950, Census Superintendent, West Bengal; Mitra, Census 1951 West Bengal, 63. 147 Resolutions of the 69th Annual Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Dumdum, December 17, 1978. 148 Reservation of Other Backward Classes (obc s) was introduced by the V. P. Singh government in 1990 as per recommendations of the Mandal Commission, named after its Chairman B. P. Mandal, which was constituted in 1979 by the Janata Party Government for assessing and recommending the list of Backward Classes other than the Scheduled Castes (sc s) and Scheduled Tribes (st s). The Commission submitted its reports in 1980. Reservation of obc s includes new beneficiaries from different religious communities other than the sc s and st s. Three criteria, such as social backwardness, economic backwardness, and educational backwardness, were taken into consideration for awarding the obc reservation. Many economically well-​off castes were included, as the indicators of social backwardness had been given three times more weightage than those of economic and educational backwardness. Many scholars argue that the reservation of obc s was a politically driven state policy to “consolidate their votes”. See Surinder S. Jodhka, “Caste and Politics,” in The Oxford Companion to Politics in India, eds. Niraja Gopal Jayal and Prakash Bhanu Mehta (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 154–​167; Gurpreet Mahajan, “Reservations,” in Routledge Handbook of Indian Politics, eds. Atul Kohli and Prerna Singh (Oxon: Routledge, 2013), 144–​154. 149 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 226.

78 

Chapter 3

against the inclusion of Yogi caste under obc s, formed a separate association Rudraja Brahman Sammilani (rbs).150 In a special general meeting held on 10 August 1980, in Calcutta, abys adopted the below-​mentioned resolution in favour of the obc status: Assam-​ Banga Yogi-​ Sammilani represents the Nath-​ Yogi Community of the three States, namely Assam, West Bengal and Tripura. Nath-​Yogi Community is Brahmin by Caste and belongs to the Caste Hindu section. But for many reasons the Nath-​Yogi Community is lagging behind both economically and educationally in comparison with other section of advanced Caste Hindus. In view of the above, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani firmly demands that Govt. of India and State Govt. of Assam, West Bengal and Tripura must come forward with all sorts of measures including reservation of seats in Educational Institutions for higher studies as well as in Services and Parliaments to uplift the financial and educational status of Nath-​ Yogi Community and other communities alike. It is further resolved that the above resolution be sent at an early date to the Home Ministers of (a) Govt. of India, (b) State Govt. of Assam, West Bengal and Tripura, (c) The chairman of Backward Classes Commission for necessary actions.151 Subsequently, the Nath-​Yogi and Jogi sub-​castes were included in the obc list of West Bengal in the early 1990s.152 The role of the abys for the promotion of the interests of the Nath community has been as imperative as not acknowledged in the history of caste movements in Bengal. Over the periods, abys has been trying to create a counter hegemony against the Brahmanical hegemony through its official caste journal Yogisakha, began publication originally in 1904. Some of the articles published in Yogisakha were: “Our historical past”, “Who are we?”, “The historical position of the Yogi caste”, “Downfall of Yogi caste and its prevention”, “popularity of sacred thread”, “The ritual of wearing the sacred thread”, etc.153 abys tried 1 50 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 231. 151 Resolutions of the Special General Meeting of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Calcutta, August 10, 1980. 152 Notification No.346-​t w/​e c dated July 13, 1994 and Notification No. 1179-​t w/​e c dated December 1, 1995, West Bengal Commission for Backward Classes; Gazette Resolution No. 12011/​9/​94bcc dated October 19, 1994 and Gazette Resolution No. 12011/​88/​98-​b cc dated December 6, 1999, National Commission for Backward Classes, Government of India. 153 Bose, “Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal,” 405.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

79

to inculcate “caste consciousness” among the Naths of Bengal though these publications. Another purpose of publication of these articles was to initiate “internal social reforms”. Even it also suggested the priestly section to educate themselves in the proper manner. A question was raised and discussed in Yogisakha that can the Naths, who have worn the sacred thread, engage themselves with agriculture? The answer was “yes”.154 However, in a study, Marvin Davis observed that the Yogis are aware that they should not plough land because a Brahman does not plough.155 Some articles were published to advocate of the closing of endogamous subdivisions within the Yogi caste. Some articles were published in order to promote women’s interests, such as child marriage was condemned, “Female education”, “Women’s problems”, “Will not women grow up?”, “Our duty towards women”, etc. On the question of remarriage of the Yogi widows, there was a disagreement among the members. Those who were adherents of strict Brahmanical line wanted to forbid it, but other members were not sure about their responsibility.156 In 1976, an article urged for “Let’s end the practice of dowry”.157 Even, the abys in its 45th Conference held in 1955 laid emphasis on creating a society that would be casteless and classless. abys said that through proper education a society would be created beyond the existing social division. abys also said that the significance of a person is determined by his/​her actions, not by his/​her caste.158 However, inner-​ideological conflicts on two grounds led to a fragmentation in abys in 1979, and a new caste association of the Naths, the Rudraja Brahman Sammilani (rbs), renamed later on as Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani (nbrbs) was formed.159 The first ideological issue was concerning the question of the identity of the Naths, whether they are the Yogis or Brahmans; and the second issue was what should be the stand of the Naths on the question of the obc reservation. Some members who wanted to assert the Brahman status were against their inclusion in the obc category and formed rbs in 1979.160 The purposes behind the constitution of rbs were to establish the identity of the Naths as Rudraja Brahmans; to inculcate Brahman rituals among the Naths; to encourage the Naths wearing the sacred thread; 1 54 Mandelbaum, Society in India, 300. 155 Davis, Rank and Rivalry, 60. 156 Mandelbaum, Society in India, 300. 157 Amalendu Debnath, “Abosan Hok Panprathar,” Yogisakha 72, no. 12 (1382 bs): 170–​171. 158 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 161. 159 Upendra Kumar Debnath, Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilanir Sangkhipto Itihas (Kolkata: Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani, 2009); Upendra Kumar Debnath, Nath Sampradayer Itibritto, 3rd (Dattapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2013), 396. 160 A detailed history has been illustrated in the annexure in Nath, Bangiya Yogijati, 63–​70.

80 

Chapter 3

to produce Nath priests to minister the priestcraft of the Naths; to oppose the obc reservation of the Naths, etc.161 Rudraja Brahman Purohit Sangha (rbps) was established by the rbs in 1979 to produce Nath priests and train them properly. rbps regularly holds priest training camps for the Naths. nbrbs has been trying to create “caste consciousness” through its official journal Saiva Bharati, began publication in 1981, and many other books.162 After a meeting with the adherents of both the associations such as abys and nbrbs,163 it is disclosed that while the former association officially lays emphasis on the Yogi identity criticising the Brahmanical caste hierarchy, the latter wants to uphold and promote their identity as Rudraja Brahmans within the Brahmanical caste framework and nbrbs regularly holds training camps for the priests of their own caste.164 But both associations criticise the kaulinya-​pratha or kulinism. Apropos of the obc status, while the abys wholeheartedly accepts the status, the nbrbs in principle does not accept this status.165 Upen Debnath, a member of rbs wrote in 1997, “Just think –​Why not obc” and said that if the Naths get the obc reservation then it will create difficulty to claim the Brahman status.166 Even in 1403 bs, Sridam Sakha Debnath, a member of abys, wrote that it would be better to fight for Brahman status and give up the obc reservation.167 Though, primarily, the Natha cult was against the caste conception and religiously, the Nath ideology never discriminates on the basis of caste, but those

161 Subodh Kumar Nath, “Karmasuchi,” Rudraja Brahman Sammilani 48 Annunal Conference (1997): 17–​19. 162 Books such as Upendra Kumar Debnath, Rudraja Brahmander Itihas, 3rd (Duttapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2009); Upendra Kumar Debnath, Nath Itihas O Sadhantattwa-​Brahmajnan (Duttapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2011); Debnath, Nath Sampradayer Itibritto. 163 The interview with Tapas Kumar Nath was held on November 10, 2019, at Nimta, West Bengal. The interview with Barun Kumar Nath, Co-​editor of Saiva Bhrati, nbrbs, was held on April 29, 2018, at Howrah, West Bengal. The interview with Upendra Kumar Debnath was held on August 18, 2019, at the head quarter of Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani, Kolkata. 164 I have witnessed one such priest training camp organised by nbrbs on August 18, 2019, at the head quarter of nbrbs, Kolkata. 165 Interpretation is made by me based on the conversations with Tapas Kumar Nath and his son Saurav Kumar Nath, both of the active associates of the abys, were held on April 16, 2018, at Berhampore, West Bengal. The interview with Barun Kumar Nath of nbrbs was held on April 29, 2018, at Shibpur, Howrah, and August 18, 2019, in Kolkata. The interview with Upendra Kumar Debnath of nbrbs was held on August 18, 2019, in Kolkata. 166 Upen Debnath, “Ektu Bhabun –​Keno obc Noi,” Rudraja Brahman Sammilani 48 Annual Conference (1997): 25–​26. 167 Sridam Sakha Debnath, “Prasanga: obc O Yogijati,” Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani Barta 87 Annual Conference, no. 2 (1403 bs): 237–​240.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

81

who claim the identity of Rudraja Brahman, they otherwise reinforce the caste institution. During the field survey at Nimta, South 24 Parganas, Tapas Kumar Nath of abys says that the Yogis are not Brahmans, but they have brahma jnano (supreme divine knowledge). Since the Yogis are not inferior to the Brahmans, so they must wear the sacred thread. The earlier Nath activists, such as Radha Gobinda Nath, Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder, Manimohan Nath did not assert their identity as Rudraja Brahman, but asserted for their Yogi identity. This endeavour was started by Muktaram Debnath Bhattacharyya, Makhanlal Halder, et al. by establishing Paschim Banga Nath Kalyan Samity (pbnks). They thought that if the Naths are to earn respect in society, they must claim Brahman status. However, all initiatives had been taken under the banner of the abys. abys, however, has been affected by the partition of India that led to the partition of Bengal. Subsequently, abys lost its organisational strength. Tapas Kumar Nath says that the Naths never bow down before the Brahmans, but contested. He refers to U.N. Mukherji for defending his statement. He critiques the Brahman ideology that there has been no varna in Bengal except the Brahmans and the Sudras. The Yogis are against the caste identity. The Brahmans tried to overthrow the Nath culture and rituals and they almost got success. Lord Siva has been the supreme worthy of being honoured, however, a pre-​Aryan God. Naths had resisted the dynastic Brahmanical system. Tapas Kumar Nath opines that the Naths are Yogi by caste. The Yogis are above the Brahmans. The Naths should work as priests for their own community. The primary reason for conflict between the Naths and Brahmans is that the Brahmanical endeavours in imposing their culture over the others and they established the dynastic Brahmanical rules. The Brahman alleged that the Naths were Buddhist but this is totally a misconception. Some of the Naths perhaps worshiped Dharma Thakur, but the Yogis were not Buddhists. abys always in favour of the sacred thread though they always prefer to identify themselves as Yogi instead of Brahman. The Naths were compelled to take weaving as their occupation. That does not mean that the Yogi is a weaving caste. The Naths had to take weaving due to social atrocities after the rule of Vallalasena.168 Though, however, at the early phases, abys claimed that the Yogis fall under the Brahman varna169 and demanded their status at par, or sometimes more prestigious position than the Brahmans, but now it prefers to identify the Naths more as Yogis, than as Brahmans. Even, earlier the abys 168 The interview with Tapas Kumar Nath, the Executive Secretary of the abys, was held on November 10, 2019, at Nimta, South 24 Parganas, West Bengal. 169 Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 31.

82 

Chapter 3

organised numerous training camps for the priests of their own caste. This ideological shift of abys creates a trouble in conforming to the authenticity of the Brahmanic claim of the Naths. On the other hand, nbrbs refers to its success in claiming Brahmanic status of the Naths under the banner of nbrbs and rbps. rbps were invited to join the All-​India Priests Conference organised by Bangiya Purohit Sabha (Bengal Priests Association) on 29 August 2007.170 Upendra Kumar Debnath, former General Secretary of nbrbs and General Secretary of rbps wrote that, attempts are being made to revive the Naths through rbs. As a result of the massive propaganda that was being carried out through rbs and Saiva Bharati journal, the Brahmanical culture is spreading among the Naths all around.171 Individually the activists of nbrbs have been putting effort into a revival of the Naths. For instance, Barun Kumar Nath of nbrbs visited Srirampure, Purbasthali–​I, Purba Bardhaman, and Nabadwip, Nadia, on 16 February 2020 for propagating the history of the Nath community among the Naths who have appeared unconscious about it.172 Barun Kumar Nath propagates the history and tries to inculcate Brahman samaskara (rituals), and also for arranging upanayana samaskara (sacred thread initiation ceremony) among the Naths here. He laid emphasis on the history of the community what has been being propagated by some elite and educated Naths since the late nineteenth century. The erroneous, untrue, ugly or hateful articles published in various newspapers and magazines about the Naths at different times have been strongly protested by the nbrbs and the authors had been given the correct information through the protest letters.173 After receiving the letters of protest, many people admitted their mistake and expressed their regret and said that they did not know the actual information. Again, many enthusiastic people have given letters asking for many other information. They have been answered through letters. Letters of protest have been issued to Chomang Lama (Bimal Ghosh), writers of Uttar Banga Sambad, Sunil Ganguly, author, Prafulla Roy, author, the Editor of Ramakrishna Mission publication department, Anil Sarkar, Minister for Scheduled Castes Welfare in Tripura’s Left Front government. Chomang

1 70 Debnath, Nath Sampradayer Itibritto, 403. 171 Debnath, Nath Sampradayer Itibritto, 396–​397. 172 I was also present with Barun Kumar Nath at Srirampure, Purbasthali –​i, Purba Bardhaman, and Nabadwip, Nadia on February 16, 2020. 173 For these letters, see Debnath, Rudraja Brahmander Itihas, 142–​ 182; Makhanlal Haldar, Subodh Kumar Nath and Upendra Kumar Debnath, Yoga-​marger Rudraja Brahman Parichiti O Rudraja Brahman Jatir Sangkhipta Itihas Ebong Patraboli, 2nd (Duttapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2004), 61–​104.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

83

Lama (Bimal Ghosh) said that Matsyendranatha was a member of a hunter community and was a Buddhist. Sunil Ganguly, Prafulla Roy, and Ramakrishna Mission used the word “Jugi” to refer to the Naths. Anil Sarkar said on 21 April 2003, “the Namasudras and Yogis steal and wear the sacred thread. That is why I call them sacred thread thieves.” nbrbs strongly protested against these incidents and sent them protest letters. A protest letter was sent to Ananda Bazar Patrika for using the word “Jugi” and refer to them as an inferior caste in an article published by it. A letter was also sent to the Mayor of Kolkata Municipal Corporation demanding the renaming of the Chowringhee Road as Chowranginath Sarani as the Naths believe that Cauranginatha lived in a temple here and he also established the Kalighat Temple of Kolkata. Another association Paschim Banga Nath Kalyan Samiti (pbnks) was constituted in 1957 at Nabadwip, Nadia. It has also been a pro-​Brahmanic association of the Naths. pbnks was formed with the objectives of eradication of problems of Nath priests; to encourage the Nath wearing the sacred thread; to generate movements against social injustices towards the Naths; to recover the ancient manuscripts on Nathism and to hold discussions on these; to establish communications with the Naths of other provinces in India; to help the distressed Nath people; etc.174 6

Observation from the Fields

Presently the Yogi-​Rudraja dichotomy is very prominent among the Naths. Therefore, the present situation unlocks a cleavage between the “radical” Naths who want to quit the obc status, and the “pragmatic” Naths who want to hold the obc status. It can be seen at as a “radical-​pragmatic debate” over the reservation. I employed the term “radical” for the Naths those who are against all kinds of reservation including the obc reservation of the Naths. On the other hand, the term “pragmatic” denotes the realistic or practical.175 The majority of Naths in West Bengal support obc reservation so that they can receive special benefits in government services and education, in contrast to a minority of Naths who oppose it. The sacred threads are worn simultaneously by reservation supporters as a mark of higher caste status. They claim 174 Kshitish Chandra Nath Bhowmik, “Editorial,” Smaranika 21 Annual Conference (1985): 1–​19. 175 For details, see Kunal Debnath, “Radical-​Pragmatic Debate over Reservation: A Study of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam,” Explorations: E-​journal of the Indian Sociological Society 4, no. 1 (2020): 135–​148.

84 

Chapter 3

that obc has nothing to do with caste standing and is simply tied with one’s financial status. Once one reaches what is referred to as “the creamy layer”, the obc status is likely to change. abys has a similar viewpoint on this matter. The obc status is a sign of their economic and educational backwardness, whereas sacred threads are a symbol of their high social caste rank and past pride. They appeared to be “pragmatic” in terms of their caste and class identity, and their instrumental use of OBC for getting privileges. Unlike nbrbs which is “radical”, they do not consider obc as derogatory in existing caste framework, but it is, rather, a means of escalating in higher class stratum through upward mobility. Nonetheless, this community’s obc designation provides an opportunity in terms of both financial and educational prospects. It is also an opportunity to gain political power through reservation in local governments. The “pragmatic” Naths believe that obc reservation can assure their well-​being, but that their social status in society must be restored. The “radicals” always emphasise how the Nath priests have been recognised by some other castes, especially the Brahmans, and that change will be possible only by taking a pro-​Brahmanic stance and rejecting the obc labelling. Though, abys officially does not oppose the obc status, but its hold over the Nath masses in West Bengal is now eroding. Regarding obc status, abys’s position is a little bit confusing in a sense that overtly they do not speak much about the obc status, and they leave it to the personal choices of the individual family, whereas when abys took a resolution in favour of the obc status, they identified themselves as Brahmans.176 However, the identity assertion of the Naths is confined only to the Naths themselves. People of other communities hardly aware of the Nath’s identity assertion because the Naths failed to articulate their assertion to others due to lack of politicisation. Similarly, the Nath identity assertion is more or less limited to urban and semi-​urban arears. Though, the associations are trying to reach the rural areas. The nbrbs has strong hold in Murshidabad, Purba Bardhaman, Nadia, North 24 Parganas, and also in some districts of northern West Bengal. They often convene meetings and conferences in the districts. Though, since they do not want to involve any political figure, or people of other communities, scope of their assertion is limited within community or those who are interested. However, the books they publish are very much popular among a portion of the Naths, urban and rural. During surveys, Tridib Debnath, a 41-​year-​old small business owner from Habra, North 24 Parganas, states that the other castes, particularly the Brahmans, openly proclaim their

176 See the corresponding resolution of abys of footnote 151.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Bengal

85

belief that the Naths are Sudras and belong to low social rank.177 Sujan Nath of Baidyabati, Hooghly, has a somewhat same experience.178 According to my personal experience, the Brahmans and other castes generally have a suspicion of the social standing of the Naths. They publicly referred to the Naths as “Jugi” caste of weavers and Sudras. The majority of upper castes are unwilling to engage in marriage with the Naths. However, over the past few decades, the Naths have begun to receive recognition at par with Brahmans in several places around West Bengal, particularly in urban areas. The Naths’ internal social reforms and assertion of their identity are the main causes behind this recognition.

177 The interview with Tridib Debnath was held on February 12, 2020 at Habra, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal. 178 The interview with Sujan Nath was held on March 21, 2021 in Kolkata, West Bengal.

­c hapter 4

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam Pre-​colonial to Post-​colonial Times

1

Introduction

The previous chapter enquires the status of the Naths of Bengal and also the movements organised by the Naths of Bengal in improving their social status. This chapter aims at the investigation of the history, social status and movements organised by the Naths of Assam down to contemporary times. Misleadingly, the Assam volume of the People of India series of the Anthropological Survey of India states that the Nath is one of the least known communities of Assam.1 Though the Nath tradition in Assam can be traced back to the early centuries ce and its philosophical basis was heterodox religious beliefs founded by Matsyendranatha.2 The Nath community of Assam comprises two different entities: the Assamese Naths live in the Brahmaputra Valley3 and the Bengali Naths, mostly live in the Barak Valley.4 Though these two groups are seen as mostly equal in all respects except the languages they use and the culture they follow. Nonetheless, it is sometimes argued that the Bengali Naths, called Jugi or Jogi, and the Assamese Naths, called Katani, are ethnically, culturally, and socially different groups but sometimes people and scholars encapsulate them in a common social and religious identity framework due to their common religious sectarian heritage.5 The Naths of Assam were marginalised due to the Brahmanical aggression over the heterodox 1 P. K. Guha, “Nath,” in People of India: Assam, Vol. xv, Part 2, ed. K. S. Singh (Kolkata: Anthropological Survey of India and Seagull Books, 2003), 629. 2 Dambarudhar Nath, “Religion and Social Formation: The Nath-​Yogis of Assam –​From Community to Caste,” in Religion and Society in North East India, ed. Dambarudhar Nath (Guwahati: dvs Publishers, 2011), 307–​343. 3 Previously known as the Assam Valley. 4 Before the partition of India, the present Barak Valley of Assam along with the Sylhet district of present Bangladesh was commonly known as the Surma Valley, named after the Surma River. Now the Barak Valley, named after the Barak River, comprises the erstwhile Cachar kigndom and Karimganj area of erstwhile Sylhet district of Assam. Karimganj had been curved out from erstwhile Sylhet district and incorporated in Assam after the Sylhet referendum 1947. Later, the Cachar district has been bifurcated creating two separate districts namely Cachar and Hailakandi in 1989. 5 See Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 307–​343.

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_005

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

87

religious sects during close to the eleventh century, and later Nathism was wiped out by the Vaishnavite movement led by Sankaradeva during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Colonial period led them in creating a common identity movement when the 1901 census conducted by the British colonial rulers placed the Brahmaputra Valley Naths as upper castes category and the Surma Valley Naths under the depressed castes. The elite and educated Naths of the Surma Valley being influenced by their Bengal counterpart tried to elevate their caste status along with the Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley. 2

The Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley

The Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley called Katani since their ancestors reared silk worm and cut silk and gifted “seleng” (scarf), “sador” (sheet), and “gamosa” (towels) to the Ahom king. Therefore, the Ahom king offered the appellation “Katani” to the Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley. In the Assam Valley, the Nath tradition had an older impression than that of the Brahmanic tradition. Migration of the Brahmans ensued during the thirteenth or fourteenth century with the initiatives of the local kings in the Brahmaputra Valley6 where Nathism took place prominently in Assam during the Pala dynasty of Kamrupa (1000–​1130).7 Though, the Nath ascetic tradition in Assam can be traced back to the time of Guru Matsyendranatha who, as many scholars argued, claimed to have been the person of Kadali, a place of erstwhile Kamrupa kingdom.8 Matsyendranatha, originally a Kaibartta (fisherman), had initiated Sahajia Buddhism, a new form of Buddhist Tantrism. Raman Vajra, formerly a Buddhist monk and a disciple of Lui-​pa or Matsyendranatha, became Gorakshanatha, a preacher of the Nath hatha yoga school. Later Gorakshanatha formed the neo-​Nathism, a syncretism of hatha yoga and Buddhist Tantrism. This neo-​ Nathism got immense popularity among the masses of different castes and creeds due to its casteless characteristics. This new religious sect also got the royal patronage in Bengal and Kamrupa where the kings were the followers of both Hinduism and Buddhism.9 6 Bhuban Mohan Das, The People of Assam: Origin and Composition, 2nd (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2003), 34. 7 See Rajmohan Nath, The Background of Assamese Culture (Gauhati: Dutta Barua & Co., 1948), 44–​48; Dambarudhar Nath, History of Koch Kingdom (c. 1515–​1615) (Delhi: Mittal Publication, 1989), 168–​169. 8 Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, History of Ancient Bengal (Kolkata: Tulsi Prakashani, 2005), 336; Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 307–​343. 9 Nath, The Background of Assamese Culture, 45–​46.

88 

Chapter 4

The Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley underwent different phases of its transitions that shaped their religious and cultural identity what is seen today. The Nath Siddha-​Yogi tradition was conglomerated with Buddhism and Tantrism and secured the royal patronage as the state religion during the tenth to eleventh centuries well before the Brahmanical aggression prevailed in the ancient kingdom of Kamarupa. The Buddhist-​Tantrism had a strong base in Hojai, then called Ojjina. Yogighopa, Pancharatna, and Sree-​Suryya Pahar in the Goalpara region were the religious centres of the Buddhist-​Tantrism. The Nath-​Sahajias had also strong holds in Rangjuli, Bijoypur, Kondoli, Devoka, and Bakulia. Different cults like the mother cult of the Austrics, the phallic cult of the Bodos were assimilated with the Buddhist-​Tantrism and Nath-​Sahajism, and evolved a new form of Saiva-​Tantrism.10 The Naths were first marginalised in response to the confrontation with the Brahman tradition during the fourteenth century. The Brahman tradition got the royal support of the Kamata kings in Assam during the mid-​thirteenth century. During the mid-​fourteenth century, many Buddhist temples were demolished and converted into Hindu temples.11 Another attack against Nathism was made by Sankaradeva (1449 to 1569) and his neo-​Vaishnavite ideology, a form of the bhakti movement, in the sixteenth century. Sankaradeva had propagated Eksarana Nama-​Dharma that was against the caste hierarchy and embraced all the caste equally.12 After coming under the neo-​Vaishnavite school, the Naths became Brahmanical, which means they gave up all their sectarian characteristics and accepted the Brahmanical form of religious practices, such as cremation of the dead instead of burial. Dambarudhar Nath asserts, the Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley got an opportunity to sanskritise themselves according to the Brahmanical way soon after they accepted the neo-​Vaishnavism.13 This tendency had drawn a line of division between the Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley and those of the Surma Valley Naths and the Naths of Bengal. There were two principal differences. First, the Naths of Brahmaputra Valley were started to be served by the Brahman priests since they started sanskritising themselves, but the Bengali Naths were still beyond the Brahmanical fold and were not served by the Brahman priests. Second, the Naths of Brahmaputra Valley came under Brahmanical hegemony by accepting the Brahmanical rituals such as cremation of the dead, pattern of worships, but the Bengali Naths did not accept the Brahmanical rites thus did not come under the Brahmanical 10 Nath, The Background of Assamese Culture, 47. 11 Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 314–​315. 12 Nath, History of Koch Kingdom, 168–​169. 13 Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 307–​343.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

89

hegemony.14 In the Brahmaputra Valley, thus, the rise of Brahmanism in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and also the emergence of the neo-​Vaishnavite movement led by Sankaradeva in the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries pushed the Nathism or Natha-​pantha to its death. Therefore, the Nath gradually became merely a surname after losing all its sectarian traits.15 3

The Naths of the Barak Valley

Three districts of the southern part of Assam, namely Cachar, Karimganj, and Hailakandi, commonly known as the Barak Valley, are culturally and linguistically dominated by the Bengali people. Though the Naths are to be found in different regions of Assam,16 but they are one of the largest Hindu communities in the Barak Valley. The origin of the Nath tradition in Barak valley is extremely obscure. There are several oral as well as documented histories in the Barak Valley regarding this event. Guha argues that the Naths are not a too much old community in Cachar district.17 This area was a part of the Dimasa kingdom. According to an oral history told by Samarpan Nath, two Nath brothers, Dhaniram Nath and Hariram Nath, to be held as the Pundits of Nabadwip, Bengal, along with some other Naths were brought by the Cachar king for priestcraft. So, it is claimed that the first settlement of the Naths had been made with dignity and honour. The Naths were donated posts, positions, and land at that time.18 Another opinion is that the Naths started entering in Cachar during the reign of king Harishchandra (1757–​1772).19 Sometimes it is argued that the first phase of settlement of the Naths occurred due to the migration of a section of the Naths from Nabadwip, Bengal, with the patronage of the Dimasa-​Barman king Laksmichandra of Cachar (1772–​1774). However, Guha said that the Naths had entered Cachar for cloth business.20 During the reign of Krishnachandra (1774–​1814), the Naths started living in Hailakandi, and at the time of Govindachandra (1814–​1819), the last king of Cachar, they spread over the Cachar. Guha’s opinion is better convincing as a chronicle

14 15 16 17

For details see Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 324–​332. For details see Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 309. See Das, The People of Assam, 37. Upendra Chandra Guha, Cacharer Itibritta (Guwahati: Asom Prakashan Parishad, 2019), 152. 18 The interview with Samarpan Nath was held on December 21, 2019, in Silchar, Assam. 19 Guha, Cacharer Itibritta, 152. 20 Guha, Cacharer Itibritta, 152.

90 

Chapter 4

gives a reference of the Yogis as weavers during the reign of Gopichandra.21 Another opinion was given by Rajmohan Nath, who said that Mangal Nath had come from western India and settled in Cachar in no less than 1638 ce. In due course, a part of that family settled in the present Hailakandi area in the early eighteenth century and underwent a massacre committed by the Kukis, an ethno-​tribal group of north-​east, approximately in 1721. Later they became familiar as “Katapara Bangsha” due to that massacre they faced.22 The second phase of settlement was started with the textile business by the east Bengal weaver Naths who were accustomed to conducting business in the Barak Valley. Subsequently, a section of the weaver Naths settled in the Barak Valley. A market named Nath Bazar, now abandoned, has also been there in Karimganj where once upon a time the textile business was conducted. That bazar was named after the Naths who regulated the business as well as the market. And the third phase of settlement occurred due to the partition of India as well as the partition of Bengal. A large section of east Bengal Naths, commonly who used their surname Debnath, had fled from their homeland and taken shelter in the Barak Valley. According to Samarpan Nath, a college teacher of Silchar, there was no direct relation between the indigenous Naths of the Barak Valley and the event of Vallalasena, though this statement is doubtful.23 The Naths of the Barak Valley dominantly use their surname “Nath” and “Debnath”. Both the surnames are associated exclusively with the Nath-​Yogi caste. Those who use the surname Nath, mostly they are the natives, while the migrants from erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) use the surname Debnath. The migrant Naths are called “lamar desher lok” (people of the downstream) by the native Naths and thus it is supposed that the migrants are culturally inferior. The migrants until very recently were basically the weavers, while the native Naths were cultivators. There are also cultural differences between the natives and the migrant Naths. Rituals are different. Dialects are also not the same. The natives use the Kachari or Sylheti dialect and the migrants use the Bengali language with east Bengali dialect. Now the differences between the two sections have been blurred to some extent in

21 22 23

Unpublished chronicles by Krishna Mohan, Cachar. Cited in N. G. Rhodes and S. K. Bose, A History of Dimasa-​Kacharis: As Seen Through Coinage (Guwahati: Library of Numismatic Studies, 2006), 45. Rajmohan Nath, Katapara Bangsha (Guwahati: Jayanti Art Press, 1348 bs), 17; Sushen Chandra Nath, “Rajmohan Nather Bangsha Porichay,” Probaha 13, no. 3 (1406 bs): 52–​53. The interview with Samarpan Nath was held on December 21, 2019, at Silchar, Assam.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

91

the Barak Valley. Though two or three decades ago there was no such family relationships between the natives and the migrants because of the cultural differences. Even social marriage between the two sections were hardly exemplified in the recent past. Recently, the Naths are an educated community in the Barak Valley. Among the three educated hubs, i.e., Narsinghapur in Cachar, Lala Bazar in Hailakandi, and Ramkrishna Nagar in Karimganj, the two have been dominated by the Naths and the rest has been dominated by the Brahmans. But, above all, the social status of this community is seen as low by the other castes, especially by the upper caste Hindus because, firstly, they usually bury their dead instead of cremation. Since they bury their dead, they are called contemptuously “Nathua Gatua”. Secondly, they wear the sacred thread and simultaneously they do not mind in enjoying benefits of the obc reservation. Thirdly, the Naths have priests of their own community for performing their priestcraft. The Navasakhs24 or the middle-​level castes engage the Brahmans for priestcraft and they condemn the Naths because the Naths show disrespect to the Brahmans, the priests of the Navasakhs.25 Even the rural Naths live their life in a secluded manner and their villages are some sort of “ghettoised”.26 The Naths of the Barak valley and also the other castes are no longer interested in normalising their inter-​community relationship, nor are they concerned to be tied into family relationship through inter-​caste marriage between the Naths and the others.

24 The Satsudras, who are divided into two groups, are the caste below the Brahmans in the Bengali caste system. The Kayasthas and Vaidyas make up the highest group of Satsudras. The Navasakh group, which originally had nine (nava) but eventually had fourteen jatis, is below of them. The Navasakhs are: Gandha-​vanik, Sankha-​vanik, Kansa-​vanik, Tambuli-​ vanik, Gop (or Sadgop), Tantubay, Modak, Napit, Tili, Malakar, Karmakar, Kumbhakar, Barui, and Madhunapit. 25 The interview with Soumitra Nath was held on December 25, 2019, in Silchar, Assam. 26 The term “ghetto” connotes a secluded area within a given territory, but it was developed as a social engineering process through which the Jewish inhabited areas within the European cities were compartmentalised from the rest of the territory. The aim was to thwart them from social intercourse with mainland European people. Slavoj Žižek propounded that this strategy is now followed by the multicultural nations, in which the racial differences between the communities are naturalised through spatial and social ghettoisation. As a result, multiculturalism, instead of removing differences, approves the exercise of racial characteristics from distance. See Slavoj Žižek, “Multiculturalism, or, the Cultural Logic of Multinational Capitalism,” New Left Review 225 (1997): 28–​51.

92 

Chapter 4

table 4.1 Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1872 Census

Brahmaputra Valley

Jugi

Katani

Total

1. Goalpara 2. Kamrup 3. Darang 4. Nowgong 5. Sibsagar 6. Lakhimpur Total Surma Valley (Sylhet and Cachar) Grand total

6885 5314 9600 1646 4090 546 28081 93350

8226 8393 8495 14746 309 244 40413 -​

15111 13707 18095 16392 4399 790 68494 93350 161844

source: c. j. lyall, report on the census of assam for 1881 (calcutta: office of the superintendent of government printing, 1883), 95; suresh chandra nath majumder, rajguru yogibangsha, 5th (kolkata: assam-​b anga yogi-​s ammilani, 2018), 391–​3 92

4

Status of the Naths of Assam in the Colonial Period and Their Identity Assertion

4.1 A Brief Caste Profile The Naths of Assam, during the colonial census, had been enumerated with two different caste entries, Jugi and Katani. Table 4.1 presents the district wise population of the Naths in Assam in 1872. However, during the 1881 Census, the Jugi-​Katani proportion was changed due to many people previously counted as Katani returned to as Jugi and vice-​ versa. The reports for the remaining five districts, excluding Goalpara where all Katanis were classified as Jugi (the Bengali term for the caste), in 1872 revealed 21196 Jugis and 32187 Katanis compared to 7353 Jugis and 59847 Katanis in 1881 (see Table 4.2). Therefore, it seemed that the caste has been striving to improve its position for at least a century back to 1881 as in the Brahmaputra Valley, Katani’s status was more improved than the Jugi’s of the Surma Valley.27

27 Audrey Cantlie, The Assamese: Religion, Caste and Sect in an Indian Village (Oxon: Routledge, 2022, first published 1984), 224.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

93

table 4.2 Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1881 Census

Brahmaputra Valley

Jugi

Katani

Total

1. Goalpara 2. Kamrup 3. Darang 4. Nowgong 5. Sibsagar 6. Lakhimpur Total Surma Valley 1. Cachar 2. Sylhet Total Other Districts Grand total

14731 341 -​ 7012 -​ -​ 22084

-​ 19348 17937 16609 5404 549 59847

14731 19689 17937 23621 5404 549 81931

8475 82170 90645 -​

-​ -​ -​ -​

90645 24 172600

source: lyall, report on the census of assam for 1881, 95–​9 6; e. a. gait, census of india, 1891 (assam), vol. i –​ report (shillong: the assam secretariat printing office, 1892), 270; nath majumder, rajguru yogibangsha, 392

Census reports of 1881 stated that it was doubtful how far the Katani or Jugi caste should be classed among Hindus because they lived without Goshain (Brahman) and bury the dead. The census reports thought that they may be the remnants of some degraded non-​Aryan race. They are referred to as spinners or reelers of thread because the Ahom rulers hired them to breed the mulberry silkworm. Some of them have turned to agriculture as a profession in light of the collapse of the silk industry and look down upon their fellow members who continue to engage with their traditional profession.28 Since the 1891 Census, the enumerators dropped the Jugi-​Katani division among the Naths and they were enumerated as a single category (see Table 4.3). According to the 1891 Census, Duliya Kalitas, later they returned to as a separate caste, were originally Jugis.29

28 Lyall, Report on the Census of Assam for 1881, 95. 29 Cantlie, The Assamese, 11.

94 

Chapter 4

table 4.3 Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1891 Census

Districts Cachar Sylhet Goalpara Kamrup Darang Nowgong Sibsagar Lakhimpur Other District Total

Population 11163 87392 13967 17406 18795 21792 6221 948 62 177746

source: gait, census of india, 1891 (assam), 270

The reports of 1891 Census noted that in Assam, some of Jugis claim to be descendants from Siva, while other trace their descent to the amours of Brahman widows and ascetics. Many of them in consequence assuming the sacred thread, and they refuse to take food or water from any other castes, the Srotriya Brahmans alone was excepted. They select their priests from their own caste. In Sylhet and Cachar, the report explicitly noted, their claims and traditions of origin were the same as in Bengal, but their position in the districts of the Brahmaputra Valley was somewhat different in terms of ethnicity and occupation.30 The decrease in population especially in Sylhet and Nowgong (see Table 4.4) was probably due to many Yogis made a preference to the generic term Sudra as their caste instead of Yogi.31 According to the 1901 Census reports, the Jugi was a weaving caste whose origin was obscure, and who were treated with much contempt by the pure Sudra castes. In the Surma Valley they call themselves Nath, and claim descent from Gorakshanath, a devotee of Gorakhpur, who was said to have been an incarnation of Lord Siva. On the strength of this ancestor,

30 Gait, Census of India, 1891 (Assam), 270. 31 Allen, Census of India, 1901 (Assam), 131–​132.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

95

table 4.4 Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1901 Census

Districts Cachar Sylhet Goalpara Kamrup Darang Nowgong Sibsagar Lakhimpur Other District Total

Population 11048 78915 13804 17454 17050 15045 6291 1409 151 161167

source: b. c. allen, census of india, 1901 (assam), vol. iv, part –​ 1 report (shillong: the assam secretariat printing office, 1902), 131

the Jugis bury instead of burn their dead, and frequently pose as sannyasis. the Katanis usually burn their dead. The report also mentioned, a short time ago the Jugis in Barpeta, at the instigation of a Brahman priest, assumed the sacred thread, and declared themselves to be bhadralok. It was suggested to them that they should prove their good position by requiring their priest to marry a Jugi girl; but the Brahman, as soon as this proposal was made to him, fled, and the pretensions of the Jugis received a crushing blow. Due to the consequence of the movement, the Naths were forbidden to enter the namghar at all; though formerly they were allowed into the outer room.32 Table 4.5 shows the district wise population of the Naths in Assam in 1911. In similar manner to the previous census, the 1911 Census reported that the Jugis deny the supremacy of the Brahmans; are not served by good Brahmana as family priests; have no Brahman priests at all; and bury their dead.33 The census report also noted, in Cachar they are making great effort to rise in the

32 Allen, Census of India, 1901 (Assam), 131. 33 McSwiney, Census of India, 1911 (Assam), 41.

96 

Chapter 4

table 4.5 Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1911 Census

Districts Cachar Sylhet Goalpara Kamrup Darang Nowgong Sibsagar Lakhimpur Other District Total

Population 11993 79142 16216 18836 17991 17047 6324 1466 82 169097

source: j. mcswiney, census of india, 1911 (assam), vol. iii, part –​ 1 report (shillong: the assam secretariat printing office, 1912), 40, 131; nath majumder, rajguru yogibangsha, 393–​3 94

social scale, and are discarding widow remarriage.34 The depressed condition of the Naths was also manifested in the 1901 Census report as it notes, in the Brahmaputra Valley are not prohibited from entrance namghar, but have usually separate namghar of their own.35 Table 4.6 presents the Nath population in Assam according to the 1921 Census. In the 1921 Census, the Naths were recorded as the Yogis, and previously they were tabulated as Jogi (Jugi), and their numbers have fallen by nearly 8,000 (see Table 4.6). The chief reason of the decline appears to have been the separation of many of their priests, who were formerly tabulated under the general caste name. The report noted that “the leaders of this caste have been making great efforts to rise in the social scale, and from the beginning of

34 McSwiney, Census of India, 1911 (Assam), 131. 35 McSwiney, Census of India, 1911 (Assam), 42.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

97

table 4.6 Population of the Naths in Assam according to the 1921 Census

Districts Cachar Sylhet Goalpara Kamrup Darang Nowgong Sibsagar Lakhimpur Other District Total

Population 12090 70188 16647 18735 18716 18177 5772 990 26 161341

source: g. t. lloyd, census of india, 1921 (assam), vol. iii, part-​ i report (shillong: the government press, assam, 1923), 147; nath majumder, rajguru yogibangsha, 395

the census operations have made applications about the spelling of their caste name and the use of Nath and Debnath as titles for their men, and Devi for their women.”36 Table 4.7 shows the dilapidated condition in literacy among the Naths of Assam as only 8.4 per cent of them were educated and 0.45 per cent were educated in English in 1921. Akin to the Bengal region, for a variety of reasons, the Naths have long been denied access to higher education and professions in Assam. First, they had to fight for their lives owing to established caste-​based biases. The so-​called depressed castes were denied the right to choose professions according to their choices. Second, a lack of income and property ownership contributed to their low literacy rates. As the Naths were to struggle for their livelihood, mostly they were far from taking the advantages of education. Third, caste identity contributed to the Naths’ low literacy rate and, as a result, low proportion in 36 Lloyd, Census of India, 1921 (Assam), 147.

98 

Chapter 4

table 4.7 Education profile of the Naths in Assam according to the 1921 Census

Total population

Literate

Literate in English

Total

Male

Female Total

Male

161341

82991

78350

12760

13616

Female Total Male Female 856

737

725

12

source: census of india, 1921 (assam), cited in suresh chandra nath majumder, rajguru yogibangsha, 5th (kolkata: assam-​b anga yogi-​s ammilani, 2018), 396

higher-​level employment. Furthermore, educational resources were only available to individuals of the upper social strata. Finally, it is crucial to remember that the Naths were also ignorant of the benefits of education. The modern education that was made available during the colonial era was inaccessible to them. According to the 1921 Census, 3589 (1774 men and 1815 women) Naths were engaged with weaving. In agriculture 48972 (40240 men and 8732 women) were involved. 3444 (2674 men and 770 women) were involved in other professions. 913 Naths were involved in trading. 622 people were engaged in cow husbandry. 395 Naths were engaged with industry, 42 persons were engaged as estate manager, agent, etc., 118 people were in transport. In public force, public administration, 105 and 64 Naths were engaged respectively. 186 persons were engaged as lawyer, doctor, and teacher. 124 Naths were engaged as religious preaching and religious guru. 41 Naths were engaged as contractor, clerk, cashier. In household works, there were 449 people.37 Therefore, during the colonial period these two ethnically different groups –​Katanis of the Brahmaputra Valley and Yogis of the Surma Valley were put together by the early colonial ethnographers. The latter was more suppressed and marginalised in the Brahmanical society than that of the former. This situation led the Naths to form a common platform to improve their single caste identity as Yogi. That common platform was Assam-​Banga Yogi-​ Sammilani (abys) and the earlier movements were led by the Bengali Naths to improve their status, because the initiative of elevating the caste status was taken by the Bengali Naths of Assam and Bengal since the Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley were well placed in the Assamese society due to their early Brahmanised nature. 37

Census of India, 1921 (Assam), cited in Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 396.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

99

Since the early twentieth century, the Naths have been trying to escalate their social position through both the official channels as well as social avenues with a collective action taken by some elite and educated Naths. Their aim was to revive their past pride by promoting caste-​consciousness among the self-​oblivious Naths.38 Manilal Bose argued that the Census of India report of 1931 has shown the caste consciousness of the Hindu lower stratum such as Kaibarttas, Das, Patnis, Malakars, and also Naths and Yogis.39 He, however, mistakenly categorised the Naths and Yogis differently, but he categorically mentioned that these castes made an attempt to find their glorious origin and history from the Puranic evidences for justifying their claim to earn a better or esteemed position in society. This argument can be better understood by an exaggerated claim made in Rajguru Yogibangsha.40 But the Naths had started putting their effort to elevate their social scale prior to the 1901 Census. Before the 1901 Census, the Naths were not active in elevating their caste status through pursuing government mechanisms. Though socially the Naths started wearing the sacred thread and making their own priests. The colonial period facilitated in creating a common Nath movement especially after the 1901 Census where the Naths of the Brahmaputra Valley were placed in comparatively higher strata as it stated “Jugi poses as one of the twice born” caste.41 But the Naths of the Surma Valley identified as Jugi and “a weaving caste of East Bengal, whose origin is obscure, and who are treated with much contempt by the pure Sudra castes … they style themselves Nath”.42 The ascension of the Naths of Assam was undoubtedly the result of a collective mobilisation of the desires of the educated elite of this caste, which had previously been placed at a lower level in the social hierarchy, to acquire respectability and social esteem. The Naths were successful in obtaining government approval for some of their imitative demands, and they even began identifying themselves at par with Brahmans.

38

See Dilip Nath, ed., Yogi Jatir Sankhipto Itihas, 2nd, reprint (Silchar: Adinath Siksha Bhandar, 2004), ii. 39 Manilal Bose, Social History of Assam: Being a Study of the Origin of Ethnic Identity and Social Tension during the British Period, 1905–​1947 (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1989), 96. 40 Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 5th (Kolkata: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​ Sammilani, 2018). 41 B. C. Allen, Census of India, 1901 (Assam), Vol. iv, Part –​1 Report (Shillong: The Assam Secretariat Printing Office, 1902), 117. 42 Allen, Census of India, 1901 (Assam), 131.

100 

Chapter 4

4.2 Caste Name and Appellation This caste name “Jugi” was very much contemptuous for the Naths and they started using “Yogi” as their caste name. Rajmohan Nath said that “we have been writing Yogi as our caste name since the 1901 Census”.43 The Census Superintendent B. C. Allen reported that in Cachar the Naths are making a great effort to raise their social status through discarding widow remarriage and wearing the sacred thread. Even after assuming the sacred thread and declaring to be bhardalok, the Naths, despite a strong effort, could not be able to manage a Brahman priest groom to marry a Jugi girl.44 The Yogis of Nowgong District petitioned Capt. H. M. Halliday, Deputy Commissioner, in 1904 to change the name “Katani” to “Nath” in the Revenue records. The Deputy Commissioner made the following observation when he forwarded the appeal to the Chief Commissioner of Assam: From enquiries I cannot find that their claim to be called Naths is taken seriously by men of higher castes and they certainly cannot strictly be called Bhadralog. At the same time, I can see no harm in granting their prayer and if by so doing their self-​respect is increased it may result in good.45 Just before the 1911 Census, the Naths of Assam submitted a petition to the Superintendent of Census Operations to correct their caste name as “Yogi” instead of “Jugi” or “Jogi” and to be allowed in using “Nath” and “Devi” as the appellation for men and women respectively.46 The petitioners were permitted to write their caste name as “Yogi” if they wish to do so, but the question of using “Devi” as a surname for women was up to the discretion of the District Officers.47 However, in the Census operations of 1911, the Superintendent did not mention the caste name as “Yogi” instead of “Jugi” or “Jogi”.48 In the 1911 Census, it was reported that in Surma Valley the Naths (Jugis) deny the supremacy of 43 Nath, Katapara Bangsha, 17. 44 Allen, Census of India, 1901 (Assam), 131. 45 File No. Home. B, March 1904, Nos. 826–​833 (Assam Secretariat). 46 File No. General, March 1911, ic/​22G., Nos. 17–​26 (Assam Secretariat); Bimal J. Dev and Dilip K. Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam: The Dilemmas of Social Mobility,” Social Action 31, July-​Sept (1981): 311–​324; Nath, Yogi Jatir Sankhipto Itihas, vi. 47 A letter from Lieutenant Governor of the Eastern Bengal and Assam to Radhagovinda Nath, Memo No. 652–​53 g., 1 March 1911, Shillong; File No. General, March, 1911, ic/​22G., Nos. 17–​26 (Assam Secretariat); Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​324. 48 J. McSwiney, Census of India, 1911 (Assam), Vol. iii, Part –​1 Report (Shillong: The Assam Secretariat Printing Office, 1912), 40, 42, 131.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

101

the Brahmans and in Brahmaputra Valley the Katanis or Naths (Jugis) were not served by good Brahmans as family priests.49 Even in Brahmaputra Valley the Katanis or Naths (Jugis) usually have separate namghar50 of their own.51 Despite early opposition, the Katanis also became popular as the Naths.52 Again before the 1921 census operations, the President of Assam-​Banga Students’ Conference held in Calcutta in 1920 submitted a memorandum to the Chief Commissioner of Assam alleging the improper attitude of the census enumerators who happen to be the members of the upper castes, and also claimed that the orders of the Bengal and Assam Governments made during the Census operations in 1911 were not carried out properly for the caste name of the Yogis since the term “Jugi” is grammatically incorrect, contemptuous, insulting, and calculated.53 It was clear that the Census enumerators –​most of whom were Brahmans –​made every attempt to disobey the government’s directives because they had been affected by long-​held prejudices. The Naths were fast to gather opinion in support of their earlier claim prior to the census operation of 1921. It was decided to ask the census authorities to permit the Yogis of Assam and Bengal to be returned and recorded as “Yogi” under the heading of caste and to use the male surname “Nath” or “Debnath” and the female generic name “Devi” after their names during the upcoming census operations at a meeting of the Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani held at Dacca on December 28, 1919.54 Similarly, a complaint was lodged by the Naths Students’ in Silchar against the census enumerators for violation of earlier government orders.55 The Government of Assam decided that the old caste name “Jugi” or “Yogi” should not completely omit and that district administrators should have discretion in how to handle the “Devi” issue.56 Because Brahman women were traditionally in the practise of using the appellation “Devi” after their names,

49 McSwiney, Census of India, 1911 (Assam), 40. 50 Prayer house of the Ekasarana sect in Assam. 51 McSwiney, Census of India, 1911 (Assam), 42. 52 Nath, “Religion and Social Formation,” 329. 53 File No. Edn. June, 1920 Nos. 17–​26 (Assam Secretariat); Bimal J. Dev and Dilip K. Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste and Social Mobility in Assam (Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1984), 76. Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​324. 54 Proceedings of the Representative Convention of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Dacca, 28 December 1919; File No. Pol. B. Dec. 1919, Nos. 1–​19 (Assam Secretariat); Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 76; Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​324. 55 File No. Pol. B. Dec. 1919, Nos. 1–​19 (Assam Secretariat); Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 76; Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​324. 56 File No. ic/​20 G., June 1920, Nos. 81–​95 (Assam Secretariat).

102 

Chapter 4

the limited use of the title “Devi” by the Nath women had offended Brahman women in many locations, for that very reason, the government was reluctant to make categorical directives in this respect. It should be recalled that the Deputy Commissioner of Cachar was disposed to permit the Nath women to use the title “Devi” as early as 1911, but the initiative was thwarted by the Census enumerators.57 The District Registrar of Land Records had also approved the usage of “Devi” by Nath women in Cachar in May 1910.58 The educated segment of the community vigorously pursued the case, and in the end, the Assam government formally acknowledged their claim. Finally, the caste name “Yogi” had been recognised in the 1921 Census operations.59 The Yogis were tabulated under three different entries that are the Katanis of the Brahmaputra Valley who were supposed to be the people who rear the pat silkworm, the Yogis or East Bengal weavers, and another caste was recognised as “Yogi’s Brahmans”. Under the last category a section of the Yogis, Census Superintendent noted, who had engaged themselves as the priests of Yogis were tabulated. This section claimed a different origin than that of other Yogis and used the Brahman titles such as Sharma and Chakravartti, but they were the Yogis and that move was only for ensuring social mobility and self-​respect.60 Even in the earlier 1891 Census, it is reported that a Jugi-​Brahman, who was really a Jugi by caste, omitted the prefix “Jugi” and projected himself as a Brahman. This tendency of striving to raise their caste was not limited only to the census but also found in registered deeds and land revenue receipts.61 The 1921 Census operations reported how the Nath leaders had given their great effort to escalate their social position by discarding the widow remarriage and adoption of certain of varna Hindus’ marriage customs. They not only did change their caste name from “Jugi” to “Yogi” but a large number of the Naths did change their occupation from weaving to cultivation because cultivation was more profitable and more respectful than weaving.62 In 1935, Assam Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani (apys) protested and filed a suit in court against some Brahmans who socially degraded the Nath-​Yogis.63 57 58 59

File No. Edn. Misc. B., December 1920, Nos. 41–​55 (Assam Secretariat). Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 77. G. T. Lloyd, Census of India, 1921 (Assam), Vol. iii, Part-​i Report (Shillong: The Government Press, Assam, 1923), 145, 147, 157, 179. 60 Lloyd, Census of India, 1921 (Assam), 147. 61 Edward Albert Gait, Census of India, 1891 (Assam), Vol. i, Report, Appendix A (Shillong: The Assam Secretariat Printing Office, 1892), ix. 62 Lloyd, Census of India, 1921 (Assam), 157, 179. 63 Lokeshwar Nath, Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto (1919–​2012) (Guwahati: Nath Yogi Development Council, 2015), 287–​291.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

103

4.3 Controversy on Scheduled Caste or Depressed Caste Status The colonial government thought of upliftment of the depressed castes by giving them reservation in appointments and in legislation on the basis of their population strength, special scholarships to Scheduled Caste (sc) students, establishment of schools in predominantly depressed castes population areas, etc. During the 1931 census operations, the major portion of the Naths (Katanis) of the Brahmaputra Valley did not show their desire to be included in the depressed caste list and the government also accepted their exclusion as per the recommendation of the Assam Franchise Committee.64 In the 1931 Census operations, after investigation of the social condition the Yogis (Jugi) of the Surma Valley was placed as the Hindu exterior caste, but the Katani (Jugi) of the Brahmaputra Valley was not placed as the same.65 C.S. Mullan, the 1931 Census Superintendent, reported, “the Naths or Yogis of the Surma Valley are an exterior caste in the opinion of all responsible officers in Sylhet.”66 In 1933, the Naths of the Surma Valley were included as the sc in Appendix viii of the White Paper issued by the Government of India. The Naths of the Surma Valley were pronounced as depressed by all standard as investigated by the Census Superintendent.67 In Assam, the conflict between educated Naths who wanted to forgo the sc status and educated Naths who wanted the privilege in education and in politics have appeared first during the early twentieth century. A portion of the Naths of the Surma Valley got inspired by the Naths of Bengal, the latter were excluded from the final list of the sc in Bengal in 1934.68 The rank and file played a passive role because they were not interested as they were unable to realise the importance of this matter. abys at that time was in favour of exclusion from the Hindu exterior caste list. abys in its 24th Annual Conference in 1933 and at its Special Conference in 1934 adopted a resolution demanding exclusion on the Naths of Sylhet and Cachar from the list of sc s.69 However, the Reforms 64

Report of the Assam Franchise Committee, 1932, Shillong; Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 77; Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​324. 65 C. S. Mullan, Census of India, 1931 (Assam), Vol. iii, Part-​i Report (Shillong, Assam Government Press, 1932), 216, 217. 66 Mullan, Census of India, 1931 (Assam), 217. 67 C. S. Mullan, “A Note on Depressed and Backward Classes in Assam,” (Shillong, 1932); Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 77; Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​324. 68 Confidential d.o. No. 387, a.r. 24 July 1934, L.G. Pinnell to C.S. Mullan, File No. xxiii/​34–​ 35, Reforms (Bengal Secretariat); Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 78; Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​324. 69 Proceedings of the 24th Annual Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Chuadange, Nadia, 30 September 1933; Proceedings of the Special Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​ Sammilani, Sylhet, 31 August 1934.

104 

Chapter 4

Officer of the Government of Assam, C.S. Mullan, was not ready to accept the abys as the true representative of the Naths of the Surma Valley.70 Mullan’s response resulted from his own investigation into the social standing of the Naths of the Surma Valley, which revealed no cause for Mullan to advocate for a change in their standing. Also, on 13 February 1934, the Government of Assam called a conference of the Depressed Classes, to which Jogesh Chandra Nath, General Secretary of the Surma Valley Yogi Association (svya), as well as a few other respected Naths, had agreed to go.71 However, abys had shown immense protest against the representation of Jogesh Chandra Nath. abys resolved that Jogesh Chandra Nath is a “false representative” and neither abys, nor svya and Cachar Yogi Sammilani (cys) nominated him as a representative.72 The fact that Cachar Yogi-​Yuba Sammilani vigorously protested against the various telegrams sent by some other Nath associations to the Government of Assam and the Reforms Officer on 13 March 1934, and emphasised that the delegates from Cachar District to the Assam Depressed Classes Conference were the true representatives of the youth of the district, that demonstrated the existence of a sharp division among the Naths of the Surma Valley.73 The Reforms Officer believed that those representing the Naths at the Assam Depressed Classes Conference were legitimate representatives. The Nath representatives concurred with the representatives of other sc s at the Assam Depressed Classes Conference that a request be made to the government for an improvement in their conditions.74 The conference’s key recommendations, where several prominent Naths from the Surma Valley publicly declared their depressed conditions, were that the sc s should have their own heading in the communal table and that a certain proportion of appointments should be reserved for them based on their population size. Other recommendations made at the conference included special scholarships for sc students, building of schools in neighbourhoods where people with depressed status are concentrated, appointment of an inspector to oversee their educational needs, reserving seats in technical and medical schools,

70

71 72 73 74

Proceedings of the Special Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Sylhet, 31 August 1934; Pramathanath Nath, Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas, 2nd, ed. Harihar Nath (Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1985), 120; Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 78. Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 78. Proceedings of the Special Conference of Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, Sylhet, 31 August 1934. Proceedings of the Cachar Yogi-​Yuba Sammilani, Lala, Hailakandi, 13 March 1934. Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 78.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

105

nominating people with depressed status to serve on municipal boards and other public bodies, giving priority to land settlement, etc.75 The svya and the majority of the Naths of Sylhet in particular were in favour of inclusion in the same. Yet, many Naths especially those in the Cachar district, being ideologically driven by their Bengal counterpart, were willing to forsake these advantages in order to raise their social position and self-​esteem. Although there were only 12090 Naths in Cachar as opposed to 70188 in Sylhet according to the 1921 Census, the Naths of Cachar were more involved in the exclusion campaign than those of Sylhet.76 Because there were fewer old Zamindar families in Cachar than in Sylhet, the formers were unquestionably more developed than the latter. Despite the fact that the situation had become anomalous, C.S. Mullan wrote, “no reason to consider that the Naths of Sylhet are more depressed than the Naths of the adjoining Bengal district of Mymensingh.”77 Hence, the conflicting views on the low-​class status among the Surma Valley Naths had complicated the situation. Considering the political advantage in terms of representation and other special benefits, many of them were inclined to welcome their inclusion. Without special protection from the government, a pamphlet stated, traditional caste Hindus will also outnumber the Naths in the employment market. It declared “our struggle is a political one. In social matters the Government has no right to interfere. The Bengal leaders are indifferent towards the assertion of political rights.”78 Even the Brahmans of the Naths, known as Mohanta, expressed a desire to continue being included in the sc list.79 In Habiganj sub-​division, the majority of the educated Naths favoured exclusion from the list of sc to upgrade their social position as like their Bengal counterpart. But a small educated and aspirant section of the Naths were definitely for inclusion as they hoped for government service and political privileges.80 In Karimganj sub-​division, most of the educated Naths favoured their inclusion in the list of sc for government post and perhaps a seat in the Assembly, while the rank and file was reluctant in view of that they would look down upon by the fellow members of Bengal and Assam

75 76 77 78 79 80

Proceedings of the Depressed Classes Conference, Assam, File No. Pol. B., June 1934, Nos. 507–​541 (Assam Secretariat). G. T. Lloyd, Census of India, 1921 (Assam), 147. Note by C.S. Mullan, File No. Apptt. and Pol., March 1937, Nos. 56–​91 (Assam Secretariat). “Who says the Yogi caste is non-​Hindu?” –​A pamphlet in Bengali, Sylhet, August 1934. A letter to K.M. Mohanta to C.S. Mullan, 10 September 1934, File No. Apptt. and Pol., March 1937, Nos. 2325–​2332 (Assam Secretariat). A Letter from S.D.O. Habiganj to D.C. Sylhet, 10 September 1934, File No. Pol. B, March 1937, Nos. 2233–​2302 (Assam Secretariat).

106 

Chapter 4

Valley.81 In Moulvibazar sub-​division, most of the Naths preferred exclusion from the list. After the Government of Assam’s decision for re-​enquiring the matter of sc, the Assam depressed caste leader Sonadhar Das Senapati was taken aback and said this decision of re-​enquiry was bound to bring about complications in the present-​day politics when the Caste Hindus are on the alert to intervene and thwart the object of the depressed” … “If I myself were a Yogi I would not have submitted to this re-​enquiry into a matter which on the results of repeated enquiries and evidences in the Simon Commission, provincial franchise committee and Lothian Committee reached the decision of the highest authority of the White Paper.82 Also, the British Civil Servant C. S. Mullan wrote “personally I have no doubt whatever that the Surma Valley Naths are really a depressed community and I consider that those among them who desire exclusion from the Schedule Classes are very foolish indeed.”83 Finally, in December 1934 the Government of Assam reluctantly decided to remove the Naths from the list of depressed castes and the justification of this decision was stated by C.S. Mullan as [T]‌he action of Bengal in excluding Naths from the list of depressed classes has cut the ground from under our feet as we cannot hold that the Sylhet-​Cachar Naths are in any way more depressed than their fellow castemen across the border with whom there is considerable social contact, inter-​marriage, etc.84 So, this contention on the inclusion or exclusion in sc category was between the aspiration for political, educational, economic privileges and the social status among the educated Naths. A large number of the Surma valley Naths, due to their backwardness in economy and education than their Bengal counterpart, was in favour of inclusion. A small portion of the elite and educated

81 82 83 84

A Letter from S.D.O. Karimganj to D.C. Sylhet, 13 September 1934, File No. Pol. B, March 1937, Nos. 2233–​2302 (Assam Secretariat). A letter sent from Sonadhar Das Senapati to C.S. Mullan, 17 August 1934, File No. Apptt. and Pol. March 1937, Nos. 2566–​2659 (Assam Secretariat). Note by C.S. Mullan, 29 October 1934, File No. Apptt. and Pol. March 1937, Nos. 56–​91 (Assam Secretariat). Note by C.S. Mullan, 2 February 1935, File No. Apptt. B., December 1935, Nos. 256–​269 (Assam Secretariat).

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

107

Naths of Surma valley protested against the inclusion being influenced by their Bengal counterpart. These ideological differences were there due to a conflict between enhancement of social prestige and desires for political privileges. The caste Hindus had also taken two opposite directions. Some of the caste Hindus were not ready to accept the Naths as socially equal to the Brahmans. On the other hand, some of the caste Hindus did not want inclusion of the Naths in exterior castes list purely for political reasons since they did not favour caste-​based constituency reservation in election as an offshoot of the Poona Pact.85 5

Status of the Naths of Assam in the Post-​colonial Period

In 1953, apys sent a memorandum to the Backward Classes Commission mentioning that the Nath-​Yogi community is socially very much backward due to illiteracy and poverty. They were not allowed to enjoy the privileges and rights as enjoyed by the people of other castes. Some advanced communities did not even take water and other edible articles given by the people of the Nath community. The Naths were known as either Katani or Tanti due to their occupation silkworm rearing and weaving. In these circumstances, the apys recommended some suggestions on behalf of the Naths of Assam: reservation of seats for the Naths on a population basis in the Legislative Assembly, government and semi-​government bodies; special facilities for education by way of granting adequate scholarships and free-​studentships and reservation of seats for Nath boys and girls; reservation of proportionate government posts in the various departments and special consideration for promotion in services; financial assistance to the weaving and handloom industries, government assistance to cultivation, etc.86 Similarly, cys submitted a memorandum in 1953 before the Backward Classes Commission with some demands such as: scholarships for Nath students; reservation of seats in university, medical, engineering and other technical schools; special facilities with the relaxation

85

86

Note by C.S. Mullan, 28 October 1934, File No. Apptt. and Pol. March 1937, Nos. 56–​91 (Assam Secretariat). The Poona Pact was an agreement made in 1932 between Mohandas Gandhi, on behalf of upper caste Hindu leaders, and Bhim Rao Ambedkar, on behalf of the depressed classes, on the reservation of electoral seats for the depressed classes of British India in the legislature. Memorandum of the Assam Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani to the Chairman of Backward Classes Commission, New Delhi, 20 September 1953; Nath, Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto, 294–​303.

108 

Chapter 4

of age limit and educational qualification in the matter of appointments in services; special provision for allotment of land to the landless Naths, etc.87 Also, the Nowgong District Nath Sanmilani submitted a memorandum to the Backward Classes Commission mentioning the “pitiable condition” of the Nath-​ Yogis in Nowgong district of Assam in education, political representation, services in government and semi-​government bodies. The Nowgong District Nath Sanmilani sought for “all possible help from State and Central Government for advancement of this poor and backward community.”88 In 1971, apys wrote a letter to the then Chief Minister of Assam demanding reservation of seats for Nath students in government service, technical and medical colleges, and reservation of seats for Naths on population basis in the Legislative Assembly of Assam and Lok Sabha, and delimitation of constituencies where the Nath-​ Yogis are mostly inhabiting.89 In the 1980s, the younger generation of the Naths felt let down by the movements of the older generation as they lagged behind in the political field in terms of low proportionate share in representative bodies. This feeling has been demonstrated in the Annual Conference of the apys held in April 1980 which resolved to ensure their inclusion in the list of sc s.90 However, the Naths of Assam were declared obc in the early 1990s.91 The distance between the Naths and the other caste is more prominent than that of West Bengal. Even the Naths do not call Brahmans for any priestly work. The Naths have priests of their own caste. Even those who identify themselves as “Brahmans of the Naths” such as Mohanta, Sarma, Goswami, they are also emerged from the Nath community, but now maintain a distance from the common Naths. These said “Brahmans of the Naths” are looked down upon by the varna Brahmans, and the former even desired to be included under the sc category.92

87

Memorandum of the Cachar Yogi Sammilani to the Backward Classes Commission, New Delhi, 1953; Nath, Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto, 321–​325. 88 Memorandum of the Nowgong District Nath Sanmilani to the Backward Classes Commission, New Delhi, 19 November 1953; Nath, Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto, 313–​320. 89 A Letter to Sarat Chandra Singha, Chief Minister of Assam, from Bagaram Nath, President, and Lokeshwar Nath, Secretary of Assam Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani, December 2, 1971; Nath, Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto, 326–​330. 90 Resolutions of the 61st Annual Conference of Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani, April, 1980; Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 87. 91 Vide Gazette Resolution No. 12011/​68/​93-​b cc(C) dated September 10, 1993 of National Commission for Backward Classes, Government of India. 92 Dev and Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste, 8, 24.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

109

5.1 Controversy on the obc Status Whether the obc status is derogatory or beneficial this issue is “surprisingly contested” among the Naths in Assam. All the Naths, whom I met during the survey, have their obc certificates. Unlike a section of the Naths of West Bengal who do not support the obc status of the Naths,93 most Naths of Assam wholeheartedly support obc status for getting special privileges in terms of education and government services from the state. Equally they wear the sacred thread. They think that there is no controversy in using simultaneously the sacred thread and the facilities of the obc status. While the sacred thread is a sign of their high social caste status and past pride, the obc status is indicative to their economic and educational backwardness. They are very pragmatic in terms of their caste and class identity. They did not take obc as derogatory in the caste framework, but as a means of escalating in higher class. Though, some Naths of Assam see the obc status as derogatory as it creates a difficulty to their claim of the Brahmanic status. The pragmatic Naths of Assam those who have been or are likely to be benefitted from the obc reservation do not accept the ideology of nbrbs. The nbrbs, however, has recently been able to hold some Naths in their association by promoting their pro-​Brahmanic identity. It is evident that four Nath persons of Assam, one from Barpeta and three from Cachar, joined a priest training camp organised by nbrbs at its head office in Kolkata on 17 August 2019 and 18 August 2019. Three out of four persons do have the obc certificate but now they speak against the obc reservation because, for them, this status is derogatory. Though cys does not convey any official stand on the obc question, but some of its members think that there is no such conflict between the Yogi identity and obc reservation. cys always laid emphasis on making of priests from their own community as like the Brahmans.94 apys asserts the Nath identity simultaneously based on Brahmanic and obc status. cys and apys both are not rigid to overthrow the obc status. Contrarily, Barak Upotyaka Nath-​Yogi Rudraja Brahman Sammilani (bunyrbs) has been working in Assam in a quite similar manner to nbrbs such as laying emphasis on inculcating Brahman samaskara, producing Nath priests, upanayana samaskara, and rescue the Naths from the obc “trap”.95 In Assam, some of the Naths have shown their rigidity 93

All the adherents of nbrbs do not support the obc status of the Naths because this organisation upholds the Brahman identity of the Naths. 94 Proceedings of the 38th Annual Conference of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Jarailtala, February 21, 1970. 95 Barak Upotyaka Nath-​ Yogi Rudraja Brahman Sammilani, By-​Laws (Karimganj: bunyrbs, 2016).

110 

Chapter 4

against the obc status and they assert their identity as Rudraja Brahman as similar to a section of the Naths of Bengal.96 During the field study, one school teacher has taken a stand against the obc status of the Naths despite all the members of his family have been facilitated by the obc certificates.97 6

The Role of the Caste Associations

As argued in the previous chapter, the role of the elite intellectuals is crucially important to organise a movement –​social or political –​in order to offer an ideological basis to the movement and also finding out the answer(s) of what type of change(s) are sought through this movement. As similar to Bengal, the historiography of the Naths of Assam provides very prominent actions of the elite intellectuals since the early twentieth century when the abys, an association of elite and intellectual Naths, was constituted in 1910 to counter the existing castes hierarchy in Hinduism through inculcating self-​consciousness and promoting solidarity among the Yogis. As it is argued that abys had played a crucial role in the status mobility of the Naths in Assam by altering the caste name “Yogis” and exclusion from the sc list. Though, presently, abys has a limited influence in Assam, but nbrbs hardly has any such influence except some areas of the Barak Valley. There is a politics behind the lagging behind of nbrbs in Assam. The only reason that nbrbs has continuously been propagating against the obc status of the Naths in Assam as well. The pragmatic Naths of Assam those who have been benefitted from the obc status mostly do not accept the ideology of nbrbs. Notwithstanding strong competitions with other associations, the nbrbs recently was able to hold some Naths of Assam in their association by promoting their pro-​Brahmanic identity assertion. In Assam some other Nath associations are very prominent other than abys and nbrbs. Adinath Siksha Bhandar (asb) has been the oldest Nath organisation in Assam established in 1908 in Silchar. It would not be wrong if the asb is called the mother of all the Nath associations in Assam. asb was established to help the poor Nath students of the Surma Valley. asb financially assisted 143 students from 1915 to 1963 and 287 students from 1988 to 2001. Another Nath association has been cys. cys, a Cachar district-​based caste association of the Naths, was established in 1922 with the aim to earn 96 97

Such as Bijoy Kr. Nath of Hailakandi; Jyotirmoy Nath and Sudip Nath Sastri of Karimganj; Bijan Debnath and Gitesh Nath of Silchar. The Interview with Dibyajyoti Nath was held on June 24, 2019, at Rangpur Part –​i, Hailakandi, Assam.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

111

a respectful position of the Naths in society, and also for the socio-​economic development of the Naths. cys, jointly with asb, runs a hostel called Nath hostel at Tarapur area of Silchar for the development of the Nath students especially those who are poor and helpless.98 cys had a role in protecting the linguistic rights of the Bengali people of Assam. This association condemned to and protested against the Assamese Official Language Bill 1960. That Bill, proposed on 10 October 1960 and passed on 24 October 1960, provided for two official languages, Assamese and English for an interim period. cys in its 36th Annual Conference held on 18 –​20 November 1960 protested against such move of the Assam Government that thwarted the language rights of the Bengali linguistic people of Assam. Instead, cys sought for a united Assam based on the linguistic rights of all the indigenous people.99 Since the Nath-​Yogis are deprived of an array of opportunities that are accessible to the Backward Classes, cys advocated that sufficient opportunities be provided to help them prosper.100 apys is the largest organisation working for the wellbeing of the Nath-​ Yogi community, established in 1919, splitting up from the abys. This association is largely dominated by the Assamese Naths. Its first general secretary was Holiram Nath Saharia. The objectives behind founding this association were: to initiate social, cultural, and spiritual reforms within the Yogi caste; to disseminate education among the Yogis; to recover the old pride of the Yogi caste; to help the poor people financially, to help the students of Yogi caste; to establish a cooperative bank for the economic development of Yogis; etc.101 apys publishes its caste journal Yugabani since 1948 for promoting caste consciousness among the Naths of Assam. apys has 38 district branch committees and one women committee.102 The apys organised a pre-​centenary celebration with a two-​day function from 27 December 2018 to 29 December 2018 at Sipajhar, Assam. It holds its birth centenary programme in February 2020.103 According to the apys general secretary Dambarudhar Nath, the apys will discuss the future plan for 43

98 99

Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Sangbidhan, 2nd (Silchar: Cachar Yogi Sammilani, 2003). Cachar Yogi Sammilani, 36th Annual Conference: Resolutions (Silchar: Baidyanath Nath, 1960), 3. 100 Proceedings of the emergency Executive Committee meeting of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Silchar, May 7, 1961. 101 Nath, Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto, 29, 223. 102 Nath, Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto, 355, 367–​368. 103 “Pre-​centenary of Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani at Sipajhar,” The Sentinel, December 18, 2018, accessed August 14, 2019, https://​www​.sentin​elas​sam​.com​/news​/pre​-centen​ary​-of​ -asom​-prades​hik​-yogi​-sanmil​ani​-at​-sipaj​har​/​.

112 

Chapter 4

lakh Nath-​Yogis in Assam.104 apys has a greater implication in the political scene of Assam. apys says the Nath-​Yogi community is one of the largest communities in Assam. Since time immemorial, the Naths have been recognised not only for their contributions to religious scriptures and traditional healing practices, but for their exertions in enriching the culture of Assam. A recently formed Nath association is bunyrbs, founded in 2016. Karimganj Rudraja Brahman Sammilani and Karimganj Zilla Rudraja Brahman Purohit Sangha have been its branches. Recently a section of the Naths under the banner of bunyrbs are asserting to be included in the Brahmanical fold because they claim to be Rudraja Brahmans. Besides that, they are also keen to establish that the obc reservation does not bring any well-​being to the community, contrarily the obc status itself is derogatory and the primary hindrance in establishing their Brahmanic claim. obc status is a conspiracy of the upper castes to pull down the Naths from higher to lower stratum. Instead bunyrbs intends to alter social position of the Naths from lower to the highest stratus through internal reforms like accepting the Brahman samaskara (rituals).105 All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students’ Union (aanysu) is a community-​based students’ union to create political, social, cultural, sport awareness to the students of the Nath-​Yogi community.106 Recently, aanysu demands Scheduled Tribe (st) status for the Naths of Assam and also it demands the Nath-​Yogi Autonomous Council.107 In its theme song the aanysu called themselves Katani. They are not the followers of Lord Siva though they write their surname Nath, but they are the followers of Sankaradeva and his Eksarana Nama-​Dharma. Finally, according to their theme song, they are supposed to be true Assamese and true native lovers.108 It is to be noted that, aanysu looks for st status as an instrument for getting more facilities in terms of not only in education or government services, but also for protecting their land rights and promoting their representatives as political leaders in democratic politics. This discussion has been demonstrated in the Chapter 6.

1 04 “Pre-​centenary of Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani at Sipajhar,” The Sentinel. 105 Barak Upotyaka Nath-​Yogi Rudraja Brahman Sammilani, By-​Laws. 106 The interview with Arabinda Nath, the general secretary of aanysu, was held on May 3, 2023, over the telephone. 107 “All Assam Nath-​Yogi students demands separate Autonomous Council,” The Sentinel, January 11, 2020, accessed April 18, 2023, https://​www​.sentin​elas​sam​.com​/north​-east​ -india​-news​/assam​-news​/all​-assam​-nath​-yogi​-stude​nts ​-dema​nds ​-separ​ate ​-aut​onom​ ous​-coun​cil​/​. 108 All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students Union, “Nath-​Yogi Song,” YouTube, March 9, 2018, accessed August, 14, 2019, https://​www​.yout​ube​.com​/watch?v=​haan​hF50​ews​.

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

7

113

The Nath-​Yogi Development Council and Recent Controversy

To accelerate the development process for the welfare of Tribal and Backward communities, the Assam Government set up 33 Development Councils from 2010 for the different Tribal and backward communities.109 Among such 33 councils, the Nath Yogi Development Council is one of them.110 The Naths have successfully pursued to manage a Development Council for their own development. The functions of this Development Council have been extended to community development through democratic decentralisation of power and empowering the Naths to participate in the planning, monitoring, and implementation of developmental schemes at the grass root level in terms of financial help to the poor Naths, extending scholarships to the aspirant Nath students, development of street and sanitary systems in the Nath localities, etc. So far, the government has allotted around Rs. 14.5 crore from 2010 to 2019–​20 for development projects of the council. The Barak Valley Naths said that the Nath Yogi Development Council did not do anything for the Naths of the Barak Valley rather it exists only in name.111 The aanysu on 10 February 2010 alleged financial scams in the Nath-​Yogi Development Council and the members and officials who are indulged in huge financial schemes have been misappropriated. The aanysu, after receiving all the information through rti, claims that some members and officials of the Nath-​Yogi Development Council have “misappropriated” the money by “designing several developmental schemes without materialization”. The aanysu leaders further supposed that the Nath-​Yogi

109 Each Development Council was established through a separate Gazetted Notification during the months of May and June in 2010 and January in 2011. A few Development Councils were also established in the years 2015 and 2016 with the aim of advancing the socio-​economic, educational, cultural, and ethnic well-​being of the Assamese people. The Government has established guidelines via Notification No. tad/​b c/​105/​2013/​ 6 Dated 07.03.2013 to govern the various functions and operations of the Development Councils. Each Development Council has a council body with a least of 15 and a maximum of 25 members, with a chairman chosen by the council members. See, Assam State Portal, “Development Council,” last updated April 3, 2023, accessed April 23, 2023, https: //​assam​.gov​.in​/gov​ernm​ent​/410​. 110 Nath-​Yogi Development Council was formed by the Department of Welfare of Plain Tribes & Backward Classes, Government of Assam under Tarun Gagoi government in 2011. See Directorate of Welfare of Plain Tribes & Backward Classes, Government of Assam, accessed October 1, 2019, https://​direct​orwp​tbc​.assam​.gov​.in​/fronti​mpot​entd​ata​/deve​ lopm​ent​-counc​ils​. 111 The interview with Soumitra Nath of cys was held on December, 25, 2019, in Silchar, Assam, and with Bijoy Kumar Nath of bunyrbs was held on December 24, 2019, at Hailakandi, Assam.

114 

Chapter 4

Development Council has also misappropriated money in the scheme of constructing hostels and weaving centres for the Naths. The union pleads to the government to take necessary actions against those who are involved in the misappropriation of grants allotted for the development of the Nath-​Yogi community and they already reported it to the anti-​corruption department.112 8

Observation from the Fields

All the educated and elites of the Nath community do have knowledge on their history which has largely been disseminated through “orature”113 or through books and periodicals. Books and periodicals are mainly published by individual Naths or by the Nath associations. Though there is ample literature, which are popular among the Naths of Assam and that upholds the Nath identity, are written by the non-​Naths.114 Orature has been disseminated by the Nath gurus, the elites and educated Naths, or the Nath associations. All the Naths, those who know a little bit about their past history and do believe so, think that their social and economic backwardness is due to the incident that occurred during the reign of Vallalasena by his well-​known kaulinya-​pratha or kulinism. The Naths of Assam are very conscious about their caste attributes. Among 250 people those who were interviewed, all have said that the Nath is a caste not merely a religious way of life. All the Naths believe that they are Brahmans and rather the oldest Brahman community in India. The Naths are the descendants of Lord Siva thus the Naths are Rudraja Brahman. Almost all aged and middle-​ aged educated people more or less know the history of the Nath community. Here, the Naths are asserting their Brahman identity and opposing the “so-​ called” Brahman communities. Even some of the Naths said that the Naths are not to be accommodated in Hindu caste framework, since the Naths are 112 “All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students’ Union alleges scams in development projects,” The Sentinel, February 11, 2020, accessed March, 29, 2020, https://​www​.sentin​elas​sam​.com​/guwah​ ati​-city​/all​-assam​-nath​-yogi​-stude​nts​-union​-alle​ges​-scams​-in​-deve​lopm​ent​-proje​cts​/​. 113 Orature refers to the oral literature. The past histories are communicated orally rather than in writing. 114 Such as Shashibhusan Bhattacharyya, ed., Vallala-​charita, trans. Shashibhusan Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: Girish Vidyaratna Press, 1889); Kalyani Mallik, Nath Sampradayer Itihas, Darshan o Sadhan Pronali (Calcutta: Calcutta University, 1946); Akshay Kumar Dutta, Bharatbarshiya Upashak Sampraday, Vol. ii (Calcutta: Sanskrit Press, 1882); Shashibhusan Das Gupta, Obscure Religious Cults, 3rd (Calcutta: Firma K. L. M., 1969); Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, paperback, trans. John W. Hood (Kolkata: Orient Blackswan, 2013); Sujan Sarathi Kar, Nath Sahitya: Dharmo O Samaj (Kolkata: Pustak Bipani, 2012).

Caste Status and Resistance of the Naths of Assam

115

Yogis and above all the varnas. In Barak Valley, the Naths are highly endogamous even one or two decades ago marriage between the Naths and Debnaths, despite the same caste and origin, was generally unforeseen. Though some Naths have taken Vaishnava mantra, but here the Nath gurus are popular among the householder Naths and they take mantra from the Nath gurus. All the male members are used to wearing the sacred thread despite sarcasm of other communities especially the upper castes. Mostly, the Naths of Assam, especially the villagers bury their dead. According to them the Naths are Yogis and should not forget their own rituals and systems. The dead of a Yogi should not be cremated but buried, said most of them. The Naths have priests from their own community in Assam to perform their priestcraft. This can be said a “resistance from below” and a form of dissent what is called “infrapolitics”.115 This is, however, a resistance towards traditional Brahmanism but also a mimicry in that sense this tendency creates a neo-​Brahmanic layer among a section of the Naths. People of other castes have a derogatory attitude towards the Naths, especially for wearing the sacred thread being non-​Brahmans and burying the dead being Hindu. A young priest from Silchar named Dibakar Debnath claims that the Brahmans and other castes do not regard the Nath as equal to the Brahmans but rather as Sudras.116 During the surveys, a large number of Naths had identical opinions. Presently, among them three types of Naths are found in Assam as per my field surveys. First, the Naths do not have any such concrete caste consciousness. A large section of the Naths including a large section of the young generations is no longer (or very little) concerned about their caste identity. Second, the Naths do have the caste consciousness and claim themselves “Yogi” and propagate accordingly in a much-​organised way. They say that, either in West Bengal or in Assam, the effort to establish the Naths to be Rudraja Brahman is nothing but a false effort, because the Naths are the Yogis not the Brahmans. The Naths downgrade themselves when they identify themselves as Brahmans.117 Swami Kaibalyanath, an ascetic Nath-​Yogis of Bongaigaon, Assam, does not approve the concept of Rudraja Brahman, as it is baseless and manufactured by some Bengali Naths of West Bengal.118 Third, the Naths do have the caste consciousness and claim themselves Rudraja Brahman. Like, Bijoy Kumar Nath, a retired engineer of Hailakandi and author of many articles on the Nathism, considers 1 15 This concept is analysed in the concluding chapter. 116 The interview with Dibakar Debnath was held on December 20, 2019 in Silchar, Assam. 117 The interview with Samarpan Nath was held on December 21, 2019, in Silchar, Cachar, Assam. 118 The interview with Swami Kaibalyanath was held on June 5, 2023, over the telephone.

116 

Chapter 4

the Naths as Rudraja Brahmans and speaks against the tendency of some professors cum researchers of Assam University due to their repeated use of pejorative words against the Naths in their research.119 Though, many of the Naths identify themselves as Rudraja Brahman but this identity consciousness is recently originated or originated not before ten to fifteen years.120 Before that, they knew themselves as Yogi or Yogi Brahman. This new consciousness is a result of the endeavour taken by nbrbs mainly through publication of books, journals, and also through the social media like WhatsApp and Facebook. Thus, this consciousness is manufactured, not spontaneous. They tend to mimic the Brahmans, and that is why they rigidly oppose the obc reservation. However, the legend of Vallalasena has also been very familiar all over Assam like that of West Bengal.

119 The interview with Bijoy Kumar Nath was held on December 24, 2019, at Hailakandi, Assam; Bijoy Kumar Nath, “Barak Upotyakar Gobeshonar Dhara O Assam Visvavidyalaya,” Samayik Prosango, February 24, 2012. 120 For example, Gitesh Nath and Dibakar Debnath of Silchar, Bablu Nath, Santosh Nath, and Sudip Nath Shastri of Karimganj.

­c hapter 5

Socio-​economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam A Present-​Day Comparative Study

1

Introduction

The previous three chapters dealt with the caste formation of the Naths of Bengal and Assam, the status and politics of the Naths of Bengal, and the status and politics of the Naths of Assam. This chapter aims to provide a comparative study of the status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam in contemporary times. This chapter is based on an extensive field study conducted at different places in West Bengal and Assam. After independence, the Indian government stopped conducting caste census. It was never carried out after 1931. In contrast to the British era, it is presently troublesome to get comprehensive caste-​ specific data on the population size, education, occupation, and social characteristics of groups other than sc s and st s. As a result, comprehensive data on the Nath-​Yogi caste’s current population size, literacy rates, occupational categorisation, and social position is not available. Therefore, I was required to rely on the field studies that were being carried out to gather information on different elements of the Naths of Assam and West Bengal. Although not all the Naths in these two states are represented in the data, these surveys still allow us to obtain a somewhat reliable socio-​economic portrayal of the Naths in contemporary times. Primarily this research is qualitative in nature, though this chapter deals with some data collected from the field. In a few cases, a study that is primarily qualitative may use the quantitative-​sampling strategy and vice versa.1 For understanding and interpreting the data, I have taken help from ethnographic methodology conducted both in West Bengal and Assam in 2017–​ 2020. Ethnography helped me to understand and interpret their experiences as “the study of people in naturally occurring settings or “fields” by means of methods which capture their social meanings and ordinary activities, involving the researcher participating directly in the setting.”2 The main method 1 W. Lawrence Neuman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, 7th (Essex: Pearson, 2014), 247–​248. 2 John D. Brewer, Ethnography (Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000), 10.

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_006

118 

Chapter 5

table 5.1

Age-​wise caste profile of the Naths of West Bengal

Age group

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

Identify themselves as Brahman

Use of sacred threada

Yes 73 78 79 230 92%

Yes 63 63 79 205 82%

No 15 05 00 20 8%

No 25 20 00 45 18%

Note: a Since the sacred thread can only be worn by the male, there is no such ritual for the female Naths, I have taken their views as ‘yes’ or ‘no’ whether they support this ritual or not. source: own field study

of ethnography is participant observation, but ethnographers often conduct interviews as well.3 Therefore, the total 500 interviews were conducted, 250 for each state. For comparing, four indicators have been employed: caste specificity with occupations, possession of the obc certificate and attitude towards the obc certificate, economic profile, and educational profile. 2

Caste Specificity of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

Here, I attempt to understand how the Naths see themselves. Since, identifying themselves Brahmans is a perennial trait of the Naths of Bengal and Assam. Recently, some Naths, instead, claim to be Yogis rather than Brahmans. Table 5.1 presents this difference of claimed identity among the Bengal Naths. According to the field surveys in West Bengal, 75 (30%) out of 250 Naths are engaged in weaving and garment business as an occupation. The rest 175 (70%) are engaged in other occupations. Out of 75 Naths those who are engaged in

3 Karen O’Reilly, Ethnographic Method (Oxon: Routledge, 2005), 112.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

119

weaving. 230 (92%) out of 250 Naths consider themselves as Brahmans and 20 Naths (8%) said they are not Brahmans but Yogis. According to most of them, who consider themselves as Yogis, the Yogis are above the Brahmans. For example, Sourav Nath of Nimta, North 24 Parganas, aged 38, opines that the Naths are Yogis and above the Brahmans.4 But a few people do not have any opinion regarding the Brahmanical claim of the Naths. For instance, Prerona Nath, a college student of Niallispara, Berhampore, Murshidabad, aged 20, does not have any idea whether the Naths are Brahmans or not and she is not even bothered about that.5 Rahul Debnath, a student of Goaljan, Berhampore, Murshidabad, aged 30, is also not concerned about his caste, though he possesses the obc certificate for getting the privileges based on his caste identity.6 Though, 230 out of 250 people consider themselves as Brahmans, 205 (82%) out of 250 Naths wear or support wearing the sacred thread and 45 Naths (18%) do not support wearing the sacred thread. One explanation is that the Naths are used to assume the sacred thread at the time of marriage, and the most Naths who do not wear the sacred thread fall under the age group 18–​30 years and 31–​50 years. For example, Rajib Debnath, a youth of Bhetaguri, Cooch Behar, aged 24, thinks of the Naths as Brahmans, but he does not wear the sacred thread because he will assume it at the time of his marriage.7 The second explanation is that some Naths are not even aware of the sacred thread. For example, Baidyanath Debnath of Srirampur, Purbasthali–​I, Purba Bardhaman, aged 40, does not have the sacred thread and it is not clear to him whether the Naths are Brahmans or not. His ancestors were weavers by occupation.8 And the third explanation is some Naths are hesitant about wearing the sacred thread. For example, Uttam Debnath, a daily labourer of Marugram, Labpur, Birbhum, aged 45, considers the Naths as Brahmans, but he does not have the sacred thread. According to him, the sacred thread is contradictory to the obc status, and he is a supporter of the obc status.9 Putun Debnath, a cultivator of Nangarh, Mitrapur, Birbhum, aged 52, does not wear the sacred thread though 4 5 6 7 8 9

The interview with Sourav Nath was held on November 10, 2019, at Nimta, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal. The interview with Prerona Nath was held on January 22, 2022 at Niallispara, Berhampore, Murshidabad, West Bengal. The interview with Rahul Debnath was held on January 22, 2022 at Goaljan, Berhampore, Murshidabad, West Bengal. The interview with Rajib Debnath was held on January 17, 2022 over the telephone. The interview with Baidyanath Debnath was held on February 16, 2020 at Srirampur, Pubasthali-​i , Purba Bardhaman, West Bengal. The interview with Uttam Debnath was held on December 19, 2021 at Marugram, Labpur, Birbhum, West Bengal.

120 

Chapter 5

table 5.2 Age-​wise caste profile of the Naths of Assam

Age group

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

Identify themselves as Brahman

Use of sacred threada

Yes 76 60 88 224 89.6%

Yes 60 65 109 234 93.6%

No 00 05 21 26 10.4%

No 16 00 00 16 6.4%

Note: a Refer to the note of the Table 5.1.. source: own field study

once he assumed the same. He usually ploughs and a man cannot ploughs wearing the sacred thread, argues Putun Debnath.10 Similarly, I assessed this ambiguity in identifying the Naths of Assam whether as Brahmans or as Yogis, which is presented in Table 5.2. In Assam, while 224 (89.6%) out of 250 Naths think of themselves as Brahmans, the rest 26 Naths (10.4%) opined that they are Yogis, not Brahmans and they consider the Yogis above the Brahmans. Like, Samarpan Nath, a college teacher of Silchar, Cachar, aged 45, opines that the Naths are by caste Yogi and the Yogi caste is above the Brahmans. According to him, the idea of Rudraja Brahman is misleading. We make ourselves inferior by claiming the Brahman status, opines Samarpan Nath.11 Mrinalkanti Nath Majumder, a social worker of Lala, Hailakandi, aged 65, considers the Naths as Yogis and above the Brahmans, and a Yogi can wear the sacred thread.12 234 (93.6%) out of 250 Naths wear the sacred thread and 16 Naths (6.4%) do not wear the sacred thread. Among these 16 Naths, all are from the age

10

The interview with Putun Debnath was held on January 29, 2022 at Nangarh, Mitrapur, Birbhum, West Bengal. 11 The interview with Samarpan Nath was held on December 21, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam. 12 The interview with Mrinalkanti Nath Majumder was held on December 23, 2019, at Lala, Hailakandi, Assam.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

121

group between 18–​30. Similar to West Bengal, the Naths of Assam also usually assume the sacred thread during the marriage. For example, Prosenjit Nath, a researcher of Silchar, Cachar, aged 30, consider the Naths as Brahmans, but he does not wear the sacred thread and he does not support simultaneous use of the sacred thread and the obc reservation.13 Comparatively, a greater number of Naths of West Bengal think of themselves Brahmans than Assam, on the other hand, a greater number of Naths of Assam consider themselves as Yogis. It is noteworthy that the Naths placed the Yogis above the Brahmans in the caste hierarchy. However, the sacred thread is more prevalent among the Naths of Assam in comparison with West Bengal. No matter what the people of Assam think of themselves –​Brahmans or Yogis –​they are more inclined to take the sacred thread as their caste characteristic. The reason behind the Bengal Naths’ orientation to Brahmanism more than the Naths of Assam are two-​fold. First, the nbrbs and its active promotion and preaching made West Bengal Naths more Brahman oriented than that of Assam. However, it does not mean that the Naths of Assam do not have the claim to be Brahmans. Second, mass sacred thread initiation ceremony conducted in West Bengal frequently. Though, bunyrbs recently working in similar manner of nbrbs, however, their activities are limited only to the Barak Valley of Assam. cys also organises mass sacred thread initiation ceremony. So, the Naths of West Bengal and Assam are somewhat orthodox in wearing sacred thread because they have kept the legacies of their ancestors. As far as the occupational category of the Naths of West Bengal is concerned as presented in Table 5.3, it shows that out of 250 Naths, 75 are engaged in weaving or garment business and it occupies 30% of share in West Bengal. Other occupations are agriculture 35.2%, service 11.6%, business 7.6%, daily labour 3.2%, kaviraji 1.6%, other 7.6%. Point to be noted that 3.2% of Naths of West Bengal are engaged in priestcraft like the Brahmans. For example, Surajit Debnath of Majdia, Nadia, aged 30, has been a priest.14 Pankaj Samaddar (Nath) is a priest of Majdia, Nadia, aged 40, considers the Naths as Rudraja Brahmans.15 Dhiren Debnath is a priest of Shyamnagar, North 24 Parganas, aged 70, considers the Naths as Brahmans. He states presently people are least bothered with

13 14 15

The interview with Prosenjit Nath was held on June 26, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam. The interview with Surajit Debnath was held on February 16, 2020 at Srirampur, Pubasthali-​i , Purba Bardhaman, West Bengal. The interview with Pankaj Sammadar was held on February 16, 2020 at Srirampur, Pubasthali-​i , Purba Bardhaman, West Bengal.

122 

Chapter 5

table 5.3 Occupational category of the Naths of West Bengal

Occupation Weaving or garment business Agriculture Services Business other than garment business Priestcraft Daily labour Kaviraji Other Total

Number of people Percentage 75 88 29 19 08 08 04 19 250

30% 35.2% 11.6% 7.6% 3.2% 3.2% 1.6% 7.6% 100%

source: own field study

the discussion on caste. But even now, there are still talks on caste, caste is still relevant.16 Table 5.4 presents the occupational category of the Naths of Assam with percentage sharing of each occupation. Table 5.4 shows that, in Assam, out of 250 Naths, the most Naths are engaged in agriculture (39.6%) followed by weaving or garment business (19.6%), service (15.2%), business (10%), other (8.4%), daily labour (4.4%), and priestcraft (2.8%). In Assam, all the Naths engage only the Nath priests for priestcraft. Bablu Nath, a priest of Hatairbond, Lowairpora, Karimganj, associated with bunyrbs, aged 35, thinks that the more the Naths will produce priests, the more they will be able to restore their social status.17 Manomangal Nath Shastri, a priest of Silchar, Cachar, aged 42, has been recognised as a priest as he participated in “Namami Barak” programme organised by the State Government of Assam in 2017. He thinks that the social status of the Naths will be uplifted if they follow the Brahman culture and rituals.18 If we have a look at the occupational category in West Bengal and Assam, the Tables show that occupationally the Naths are more or less depressed in 16 17 18

The interview with Dhiren Debnath was held on December 15, 2019, at Shyamnagar, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal. The interview with Bablu Nath was held on December 22, 2019, at Karimganj, Assam. The interview with Manomangal Nath Shastri was held on June 26, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

123

table 5.4 Occupational category of the Naths of Assam

Occupation Weaving or garment business Agriculture Services Business other than garment busimess Priestcraft Daily labour Other Total

Number of people 49 99 38 25 07 11 21 250

Percentage 19.6% 39.6% 15.2% 10% 2.8% 4.4% 8.4% 100%

source: own field study

both states, however, the Naths of Assam are ahead of the Naths of West Bengal in terms of engagement in services. Even a considerable amount of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam are engaged in the agricultural sector. The Naths are often equated with the weaving as their caste occupation. Considering the weaving or garment business, the Naths of West Bengal and Assam are still engaged in weaving in an average manner. It is evident that the occupational and economic transformation of the Naths took place recently in both West Bengal and Assam. Surveys indicate that many Naths left their traditional occupations and entered a variety of other professions, including government service. One of the reasons is the handloom weaving industry has been declining and facing losses due to advent of power loom industry in the wake of globalisation, hence new generations do not find it a profitable sector.19 Another factor is that many Naths are anxious to avoid being identified as weavers and prefer to assert their position as Brahmans. 3

Possession of the obc Certificate and Attitude towards It

The second indicator of comparison is the possession of the obc certificate and attitude towards the obc status among the Naths of West Bengal and Assam. 19

For details, see Rajesh Bhattacharya and Sarmishtha Sen, Pride and Prejudice: The Condition of Handloom Weavers in West Bengal (Bengaluru: Azim Premji University, 2018), 10, 15–​16.

124 

Chapter 5

table 5.5 obc certificate at the family level of the Naths of West Bengal

Age group

Yes

No

Total

Percentage

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

64 54 35 153 61.2%

24 29 44 97 38.8%

88 83 79 250 100%

35.2% 33.2% 31.6% 100%

source: own field study

In West Bengal, 153 (61.2%) out of 250 Naths surveyed possess the obc certificate and 97 Naths (38.8%) do not have the obc certificate (see Table 5.5). Some of the Naths wholeheartedly accept the obc status. Like, Kallol Debnath, a college teacher of Magra, Hooghly, aged 32, willingly possesses the obc certificate.20 During the field study, it is found that some Naths are not aware of the obc reservation of the Naths. For instance, Manas Debnath of Baidyabati, Hooghly, aged 24, does not have any idea about the obc reservation for the Naths.21 I have receive similar opinion from Biswajit Debnath, a 42-​years-​old worker of unorganised sector of Rahara Bazar, North 24 Parganas, that he is unaware of the obc reservation of the Naths.22 Sudharani Debnath, a housewife of Sheoraphuli, Hooghly, aged 70, does not have any idea about the obc reservation of the Naths.23 Some Naths are aware of the reservation, yet did not put effort into getting the obc certificate, because they did not find it beneficial. For example, Putun Debnath, a cultivator of Nangarh, Mitrapur, Birbhum, aged 52, is aware of the obc reservation, but neither he nor any family member possesses the obc certificate.24 Subhra Debnath, a college teacher of Berhampore, Murshidabad, aged 40, does not support the obc reservation for the Naths though he accepts that the economic status of the Naths is not so 20 21 22 23 24

The interview with Kallol Debnath was held on December 20, 2021, over the telephone. The interview with Manas Debnath was held on October 28, 2019, at Baidyabati, Hooghly, West Bengal. The interview with Biswajit Debnath was held on July 30, 2023, at Rahara Bazar, North 24 Parganas. The interview with Sudharani Debnath was held on October 27, 2019, at Sheoraphuli, Hooghly, West Bengal. The interview with Putun Debnath was held on January 29, 2022, at Nangarh, Mitrapur, Birbhum, West Bengal.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

125

table 5.6 obc certificate at the family level of the Naths of Assam

Age group

Yes

No

Total

Percentage

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

65 54 109 228 91.2%

11 11 00 22 8.8%

76 65 109 250 100%

30.4% 26% 43.6% 100%

source: own field study

vigorous. He thinks that the Naths are Brahmans.25 A few “creamy-​layer” Naths do not have the obc certificate as I saw during surveys. On the other hand, some Naths consider the obc status as derogatory, which will be examined in the next section. Considering the obc certificate of the Naths of Assam, it is found that 228 (91.2%) out of 250 Naths possess the obc certificate and 22 (8.8%) do not possess it (see Table 5.6). Some of the Naths wholeheartedly accept the obc status. For instance, Bijoy Kumar Nath, a retired engineer of Hailakandi and author of many articles on Nathism, aged 75, possesses the obc certificate, and he opines that there is no problem in availing the obc benefits and wearing the sacred thread simultaneously. The “so called” Brahmans, argues Bijoy Kumar Nath, look down upon the Naths because the Naths have moved away from their own culture.26 He also wrote an open letter to a professor at the Assam University, Silchar, in supporting the use of the obc certificate and wearing the sacred thread simultaneously. It is pertinent to note that the above-​mentioned professor raised a question against the simultaneous use of the two.27 Bibhash Devanath, a student of Rangia, Kamrup, Assam, aged 25, thinks of himself a Brahman and wears the sacred thread. He also possesses the obc certificate. According to him there is no contradiction between the sacred thread and the obc reservation.28 Some Naths consider the obc status redundant as the Naths are not “backward”. For example, Prosenjit Nath, a researcher of Silchar, 25 26 27 28

The interview with Subhra Debnath was held on January 22, 2022, over the telephone. The interview with Bijoy Kumar Nath was held on December 24, 2019, at Hailakandi, Assam. Bijoy Kumar Nath, “Nath-​Yogira Debogotriya Sampraday,” Samayik Prasanga, January 30, 2012. The interview with Bibhash Devanath was held on January 18, 2022, over the telephone.

126 

Chapter 5

Cachar, aged 30, thinks of the Naths as Brahmans, and for that reason he does not accept the obc certificate. He opines that the obc status of the Naths must be revoked.29 Some Naths think that the obc status is not beneficial for them. For example, Barun Debnath, a businessman of Simlaguri, Barpeta, aged 38, does not possess the obc certificate as it is not required to him. He does not support the obc status since the Naths are looked down upon for the same.30 Some Naths do not have the obc certificate as it is contradictory with the Brahman identity. Like, Dibakar Debnath, a priest by profession of Silchar, Cachar, aged 25, a supporter of the Brahmanic claim, does not hold the obc certificate, because it is contradictory to the Brahman identity.31 I have found a few Naths who are “creamy-​layer” hence do not have the obc certificate. On the other hand, some Naths consider the obc status derogatory, which will be discussed in next section. The Naths of West Bengal are more “radical” when it comes to the obc reservation. While 38.8% of the Naths of West Bengal do not have the obc certificate, 8.8% of Naths in Assam do not have the same. It can be said that the Naths of Assam are comparatively more “pragmatic” than that of West Bengal in enjoying the privileges of the obc reservation. 38.8% of the Naths of West Bengal and 8.8% of the Naths of Assam are more likely to give priority to their social status, prestige, and caste consciousness rather than the privileges of reservation offered by the government. Comparatively, the Naths of West Bengal are less interested in obc certificate than Assam for two reasons. First, due to the massive campaign of nbrbs in West Bengal through meetings, social media, books, journal made many Naths feel that obc is the only hindrance of their Brahmanic claim since it is derogatory and ideologically against to the Brahmanhood. Second, many Naths had to struggle for their livelihood and did not attain their education, they think that obc is not beneficial for them. In politics, the Naths are lagging, so, the many Naths think that they do not have well scope in getting privileges of obc status in political representation. Concerning the attitude of the Naths towards the obc status, the 77 (30.8%) out of 250 Naths consider the obc status as derogatory, 128 (51.2%) out of 250 Naths think that it is not derogatory, and 45 (18%) out of 250 Naths do not have any idea on that in West Bengal (see Table 5.7). Those who find obc status derogatory, think that the obc status is an obstacle to them becoming Brahmans. For example, Surajit Debnath of Majdia, Nadia, came to know about 29 30 31

The interview with Prosenjit Nath was held on June 26, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam. The interview with Barun Debath was held on August 18, 2019, in Kolkata, West Bengal. The interview with Dibakar Debnath was held on December 20, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

127

table 5.7 Attitudes of the Naths of West Bengal towards the obc status

Age group

Derogatory

Not derogatory

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

19 19 39 77 30.8%

54 49 25 128 51.2%

Do not know

Total

Percentage

15 15 15 45 18

88 83 79 250 100%

35.2% 33.2% 31.6% 100%

source: own field study

Rudraja Brahman at the age of 21 and assumed the sacred thread. Now he says that the obc status is derogatory and thus not supportable.32 Loknath Debnath of Marugram, Labpur, Birbhum, aged 24, does not accept the obc certificate as it is derogatory and he considers the Naths as Rudraja Brahmans.33 Pankaj Samaddar (Nath), a priest of Majdia, Nadia, does not support the obc status as it is derogatory and the others look down upon the Naths for the obc status.34 Iswar Debnath, an lici agent of Goaljan, Berhampore, Murshidabad, aged 51, does not accept the obc facility as the term “backward” is associated with it. Even he is not in favour of the issuance of certificates for their child.35 Tarak Debnath of Sonarpur, South 24 Parganas, aged 41, does not have the obc certificate as he considers the same as derogatory and others generally look down upon the Naths due to the obc reservation. He considers himself a Rudraja Brahman.36 Balaram Nath, a school teacher of Beleghata, Kolkata, aged 59, says that those who are Rudraja Brahmans are not obc. The Naths are not socially backward; thus, he does not accept the obc reservation.37 Moumita Debnath, a nursing staff of Basirhat, North 24 Parganas, aged 28, says that the members 32 33 34 35 36 37

The interview with Surajit Debnath was held on February 16, 2020, at Srirampur, Pubasthali-​i , Purba Bardhaman, West Bengal. The interview with Loknath Debnath was held on December 19, 2021, over the telephone. The interview with Pankaj Sammadar was held on February 16, 2020, at Srirampur, Pubasthali-​i , Purba Bardhaman, West Bengal. The interview with Iswar Debnath was held on January 22, 2022, at Goaljan, Berhampore, Murshidabad, West Bengal. The interview with Tarak Debnath was held on August 18, 2019, in Kolkata, West Bengal. The interview with Balaram Nath was held on December 15, 2019, at Shyamnagar, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal.

128 

Chapter 5

of the other castes look down upon the Naths and call the Naths “Jugi” and “uncultured”. She does not have the obc certificate.38 Narayan Debnath, an owner of a clothing store at Naxalbari, Darjeeling, aged 53, considers the Naths as Brahmans and he does not have the obc certificate. He says that the members of the upper castes look down upon the Naths for the same. But his son possesses the obc certificate for better opportunities.39 Kajal Debnath, a retired serviceman of Shyamnagar, North 24 Parganas, aged 68, does not support the obc status as the Naths, he thinks, belong to the upper caste Rudraja Brahmans.40 On the other hand, some Naths are there in West Bengal who think that there is no contradiction between Brahmanhood, wearing the sacred thread, and obc status, as the Naths are by caste and rituals Brahmans, while obc status is a symbol for their economic and educational backwardness as a “class”. For instance, Supriti Debnath, a college teacher of Burdwan, aged 31, says that the Naths should be considered as Brahmans since a portion of the Naths are practicing Brahmanical religious rituals. On the other hand, she possesses the obc certificate. She opines that the sacred thread is a religious characteristic of the Naths, and the obc status is socio-​economic-​educational characteristic. The two identities should not come into conflict.41 Kallol Debnath, a college teacher of Magra, Hooghly, aged 32, considers the Naths as Rudraja Brahmans, though the occupation of his ancestors was weaving. He supports the simultaneous use of the sacred thread and obc reservation. The obc status for the Naths is appropriate considering their socio-​economic and educational conditions, but the sacred thread is the symbol of their religious identity. Socially the Naths are considered inferior to the Brahmans because of the prevailing Brahmanical hegemony in society. In case of the Naths of Assam, 102 (40.8%) out of 250 Naths consider the obc status as derogatory as it is a hindrance to claim the Brahman status and others look down upon for this status (see Table 5.8). For example, Samarpan Nath, a college teacher of Silchar, Cachar, states that the obc reservation is now meaningless for the Naths because the Naths are now progressive in all manners. Rather the people of the upper castes look down upon the Naths due to the obc reservation. But he possesses the obc certificate.42 Bablu Nath, 38 39 40

The interview with Moumita Debnath was held on January 28, 2022, over the telephone. The interview with Narayan Debnath was held on December 20, 2021, over the telephone. The interview with Kajal Debnath was held on December 15, 2019, at Shyamnagar, North 24 Parganas. 41 The interview with Supriti Debnath was held on August 17, 2021, over email. 42 The interview with Samarpan Nath was held on December 21, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

129

table 5.8 Attitudes of the Naths of Assam towards the obc status

Age group

Derogatory

Not derogatory

Do not know

Total

Percentage

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

16 32 54 102 40.8%

60 33 55 148 59.2%

00 00 00 00 00%

76 65 109 250 100%

30.4% 26% 43.6% 100%

source: own field study

a priest of Hatairbond, Lowairpora, Karimganj, possesses the obc certificate, but he does not support the obc reservation of the Naths. Since the Naths are progressive socially, economically, and educationally, the Naths should not be under the obc category.43 Gitesh Chandra Nath, an instructor of a polytechnic college of Silchar, Cachar, aged 52, associated with writings on the various issues of the Naths, thinks of the Naths as “Brahmans in conduct, Yogis in judgment.” He holds the obc certificate, but he is very hesitant about the obc reservation of the Naths.44 Sudip Nath Shastri, a priest by occupation of Purba Baruala, Ramkrishna Nagar, Karimganj, aged 35, is a working president of bunyrbs. He opines that it is better not to have the obc status of the Naths since the Naths are Rudraja Brahmans.45 Dibyajyoti Nath, a retired government employee of Rangpur Part-​i , Katlicherra, Hailakandi, aged 63, holds the obc certificate but thinks that the Naths should not be obc because they are originally Brahmans.46 Samar Kanti Nath, a priest of Meherpur, Narshingpur, Cachar, aged 63, opines that the other people look down upon the Naths due to the obc status, but the economic conditions of the Naths are not well.47 Jayanti Nath, a school teacher of Karimganj, considers the Naths as Rudraja

43 The interview with Bablu Nath was held on December 22, 2019, at Karimganj, Assam. 44 The interview with Gitesh Chandra Nath was held on June 26, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam. 45 The interview with Sudip Nath Shastri was held on December 22, 2019, at Karimganj, Assam. 46 The interview with Dibyajyoti Nath was held on June 24, 2019, at Rangpur Part-​i, Katlicherra, Hailakandi, Assam. 47 The interview with Samar Kanti Nath was held on December 21, 2019, at Meherpur, Narshingpur, Cachar, Assam.

130 

Chapter 5

Brahmans, simultaneously she holds the obc certificate. She opines, obc status is definitely beneficial, but cannot accept it at her heart’s core.48 On the other hand, 148 (59.2%) out of 250 Naths opine that there is no contradiction between the claim for the Brahman status and the obc status as the former is their religious and caste identity, and the latter is their class identity. For example, Prabhas Chandra Nath, a writer of Meherpur, Narshingpur, Cachar, aged 78, holds the obc certificate. The sacred thread is a symbol of a higher caste, the obc reservation is an indicator of the low economic conditions, and there is no conflict between the two, opines Prabhas Chandra Nath.49 Mrinalkanti Nath Majumder, a social worker of Lala, Hailakandi, aged 65, opines that since the Naths are backward in terms of economy and education, the obc status is needed. Only the Brahmans look down upon the Naths due to the obc status.50 Minki Nath, a student of Lala, aged 24, opines that the Naths are Rudraja Brahmans, but people of other castes generally look down upon the Naths. obc reservation is indeed needed for the Naths.51 Santosh Nath, a student cum priest by profession of Patharkandi, Karimganj, aged 26, possesses the obc certificate. He thinks the Naths are Rudraja Brahman, but if the obc status brings the well-​being of the community, then he does not have any problem in availing it.52 Comparatively, the Naths of Assam are more likely to view the obc status as derogatory than the Naths of Bengal. However, the Naths of Assam are more prone to the issuance of the obc certificate than the Naths of West Bengal. This is a state of moral dilemma whether they should support obc reservation of the Naths or assert the Brahman status. On the one hand, they cannot drop their long-​standing and perennial demand of Brahmanhood, on the other, they cannot ignore the privileges of the obc reservation. Those who prioritise the benefits of obc status over the social esteem, have positive attitude towards the obc reservation. However, many Naths can be found in these two states who enjoy the reservation benefits, but, in reality, they are culturally or mentally highly Brahmanised. They also express their Brahmanised nature explicitly.

48 49 50 51 52

The interview with Jayanti Nath was held on December 22, 2019, at Karimganj, Assam. The interview with Prabhas Chandra Nath was held on December 21, 2019, at Meherpur, Narshingpur, Cachar, Assam. The interview with Mrinalkanti Nath Majumder was held on December 23, 2019, at Lala, Hailakandi, Assam. The interview with Minki Nath was held on December 23, 2019, at Lala, Hailakandi, Assam. The interview with Santosh Nath was held on December 22, 2019, at Karimganj, Assam.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

131

table 5.9 Family level monthly income group of the Naths of West Bengal

Monthly income group ₹ 0 –​₹ 5000 ₹ 5001 –​₹ 10000 ₹ 10001 –​₹ 20000 ₹ 20001 –​₹ 30000 ₹ 30001 –​₹ 50000 ₹ 50001 and above Total

Number of people 10 93 59 28 29 31 250

Percentage 4% 37.2% 23.6% 11.2% 11.6% 12.4% 100%

source: own field study

4

Economic Profile of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

The third indicator of comparison is the economic profile of the Naths of both the states. Table 5.9 shows the number and percentage of the Naths in various economic groups in West Bengal. There are 93 Naths (37.2%) are there under the monthly income category ₹ 5001–​10000 and 59 Naths (23.6%) fall under the monthly income category ₹ 10001–​20000. As per the data, it can be said that a significant portion of the Naths of West Bengal belongs to the economically marginalised category. I saw during the surveys that the economic conditions do not influence the thinking of whether the Naths consider themselves as Brahmans or not, and the wearing of the sacred thread in West Bengal. But, the higher the economic conditions, the higher prone to hold the obc certificate. It can be supposed that the obc reservation provided some privileges to gain economically by securing services in public sectors, etc. Though, the economic status is not stimulating the thinking of whether the obc status is derogatory or not for the Naths of West Bengal. On the other hand, the economic status is not affecting the thinking of whether the obc status is derogatory or not. Table 5.10 presents the number and percentage of the Naths in various economic groups in Assam. There are 14 Naths (5.6%) under the monthly income category ₹ 0–​5000. The rest Naths are more or less equally distributed in every category. Therefore, according to the data, the overall economic condition of the Naths of Assam is medium level. Similar to West Bengal, I observed during

132 

Chapter 5

table 5.10 Family level monthly income group of the Naths of Assam

Monthly income group ₹ 0 –​₹ 5000 ₹ 5001 –​₹ 10000 ₹ 10001 –​₹ 20000 ₹ 20001 –​₹ 30000 ₹ 30001 –​₹ 50000 ₹ 50001 and above Total

Number of people 14 40 49 51 49 47 250

Percentage 5.6% 16% 19.6% 20.4% 19.6% 18.8% 100%

source: own field study

the surveys that the Naths’ perception of their identity as Brahmans and their wearing of the sacred thread in Assam are unaffected by the state of the economy. However, the higher the economic conditions, the more likely to hold the obc certificate. Comparatively, the Naths of Assam are economically well-​off than the Naths of West Bengal. Though, it cannot be said that all the Naths of Assam are positioned in a vigorous economic category. 64.8% of the Naths of West Bengal fall under the family level monthly income group ₹ 0–​20000 category, and 35.2% of the Naths fall under the family level monthly income ₹ 20001 and above. On the other hand, in Assam, 41.2% of Naths belong to the family level monthly income group ₹ 0–​20000 category, and 58.8% of the Naths belong to the family level monthly income ₹ 20001 and above. Therefore, it is understood that the overall economic conditions of the Naths of Assam are well-​off comparatively than the overall economic conditions of the Naths of West Bengal. I can indicate three reasons that why the Naths of Bengal are lagging in economy. First, most Naths are migrated from East Pakistan with very distressed conditions leaving all their properties. Second, since they are mostly migrated, their land holding proportion is very low in West Bengal. Third, in services, the sharing of Naths is low due to late initiation of obc reservation in West Bengal and also for the reluctant attitude of a section of the Naths to avail the privileges of obc reservation.

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

133

table 5.11 Level of education of the Naths of West Bengal

Levels of education

Number of people

Non-​literate Primary Upper Primary Secondary Higher Secondary Graduation Post-​Graduation & above Total

Percentage

10 10 44 29 29 79 49

4% 4% 17.6% 11.6% 11.6% 31.6% 19.6%

250

100%

source: own field study

5

Educational Profile of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

Now we will examine the level of education of the Naths of West Bengal in Table 5.11. Table 5.11 shows the number of Naths according to the level of education in West Bengal. Out of 250 Naths in West Bengal, 10 Naths (4%) are from the non-​literate category. Among the 250 Naths, there are 10 Naths (4%) studied up to the primary level, 44 Naths (17.6%) completed the upper primary level, 29 Naths (11.6%) qualified up to the secondary level, 29 Naths (11.6%) studied up to the higher secondary level. There are 79 Naths (31.6%) completed the graduate level, and 49 Naths (19.6%) studied up to the post-​graduate level. The overall education profile of the Naths is medium level as a significant portion of the Naths did not pursue their higher-​level studies. Also, those who achieved their higher-​level studies are mainly from the new generations, who are the beneficiaries of the post-​Mandal quotas. Now, we will inspect the category wise levels of education of the Naths of Assam in Table 5.12. Table 5.12 shows the number of Naths according to the level of education in Assam. Out of 250 Naths in Assam, 3 Naths (1.2%) are from the non-​literate category. Among the 250 Naths, there are 4 Naths (1.6%) qualified up to the primary level, 5 Naths (2%) completed their study up to the upper primary level, 27 Naths (10.8%) studied up to the secondary level, 65 Naths (26%)

134 

Chapter 5

table 5.12 Level of education of the Naths of Assam

Levels of education Non-​literate Primary Upper Primary Secondary Higher Secondary Graduation Post-​Graduate & above Total

Number of people 03 04 05 27 65 108 38 250

Percentage 1.2% 1.6% 2% 10.8% 26% 43.2% 15.2% 100%

source: own field study

completed their study up to the higher secondary level. There are 108 Naths (43.2%) studied up to the graduate level, and 38 Naths (15.2%) completed the post-​graduate level. As per field surveys, there is no such prominent relation between education and thinking of as Brahmans or wearing the sacred thread in both West Bengal and Assam. Education is not a factor in such type of thinking. Even regarding the obc status, the Naths under all the education levels opined their views more or less equally. There is also no considerable disagreement found. However, the Naths of Assam are comparatively educationally well-​off than their West Bengal counterpart. It can be better understood if I club two or three education levels. In West Bengal, the total percentage from the non-​literate to the upper primary level is 25.6%, whereas it is only 4.8% in Assam. 23.2% of the Naths of West Bengal are placed under the secondary and higher secondary levels, whereas 36.8% of Naths of Assam are placed under the secondary and higher secondary levels. At the under-​graduate and post-​graduate levels there are 51.2% of the Naths of West Bengal, whereas, in Assam 58.4% of Naths fall under this category. As surveyed, the Naths of Assam are more inclined to utilise the obc benefits than the Naths of West Bengal. This is perhaps a crucial factor that is reflected in the education profile of the Naths of Assam. Two causes are liable of the Bengal Naths’ lagging in education in comparison with Assam. First, overall economic condition of the Naths is not viable, so priority is given to secured livelihood than educational attainment. Second, since the

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

135

Naths of West Bengal are mostly migrated, the education has been neglected and it continues. 6

Observation

In West Bengal and Assam, the Naths are only a caste that claims the Brahman status but placed under the obc category. Also, the Naths never made a significant social or political presence in West Bengal and Assam. Here, we can draw a few instances of some Brahman oriented castes in other states of India. For example, Daivadnyas or Daivadnya Sonars are a sub-​caste of Suvarṇakara (gold-​smith) in Kelara, Karnataka, Goa, and Maharashtra. This caste claims to be Brahman, nevertheless their claim is not accepted by the Brahmans of Karnataka, Kerala, and Maharashtra. They are positioned under the obc category in Karnataka.53 However, they are referred to as Daivadnya Brahmans. They are not robustly present in the political scene of these states because they were also never consolidated politically similar to the Naths of Bengal and Assam. Also, the Vishwakarma community of south India claims the Brahman status and they are generally referred to as the Vishwa Brahmans. This community divided into five sub-​castes: black-​smith, bell metal worker, carpenter, goldsmith, and stonemason. They claim to be the descendants of Lord Vishwakarma, a Hindu deity of architect. Though they claim the Brahman status, they are also declared as obc in Karnataka,54 Tamil Nadu,55 and Karala.56 Like the Naths of Bengal and Assam, the Vishwakarma community is also not politically visible in these states because they could not consolidate themselves politically or communally, and they never had a philosophical vison to form organisations, political or communal.57 Here, it is found that both the economic and educational status do not affect the Naths of West Bengal and Assam in considering themselves as Brahmans 53

Backward Classes Welfare Department, Government of Karnataka, “Backward Classes List,” (2002), accessed March 3, 2022, https://​bcw​.karnat​aka​.gov​.in​/stor​age​/pdf​-files​ /caste%20l​ist​.new​.pdf​. 54 Backward Classes Welfare Department, Government of Karnataka, “Backward Classes List”. 55 Department of Backward Classes, Government of Tamil Nadu, “List of Backward Classes,” (2022), accessed March 3, 2022, https://​bcmb​cmw​.tn​.gov​.in​/bcl​ist​.htm​. 56 Backward Classes Development Department, Government of Kerala, “State obc List,” (2009), accessed March 3, 2022, https://​bcdd​.ker​ala​.gov​.in​/comm​unit​ies​/state​-obc​-list​/​. 57 George Varghese K, “Globalisation Traumas and New Social Imaginary: Visvakarma Community of Kerala,” Economic & Political Weekly 38 no. 45 (2003): 4794–​4802.

136 

Chapter 5

and assuming the sacred thread. But it is found that these two factors have an influence on the possession of the obc certificate. In a nutshell, comparatively, a greater number of Naths of West Bengal thinks of themselves as Brahmans than Assam. On the other hand, a greater number of Naths of Assam considers themselves as Yogis. The Naths of Assam are more advanced than the Naths of West Bengal in terms of engagement in services. It has been surveyed that a greater number of Naths of Assam are engaged in the agricultural sector than that of West Bengal. On the other hand, a greater number of Naths of West Bengal are engaged in weaving or garment business than their Assam counterpart. Based on the field study, I am of the opinion that the Naths of Assam are more “caste conscious” than the Naths of West Bengal if we consider that their reciprocity, associative orientation, and networking at the intra-​caste level. However, the Naths of Bengal are more “caste conscious” in terms of their claim of Brahmanic identity at individual level. The Naths of both the states are trying to recuperate “Nathism” against “Brahmanism” but the degree of this effort is different. While the Naths of West Bengal are trying to incorporate Nathism into Brahmanism, the Naths of Assam are keen to retain the distinct characteristics of Nathism, such as taking diksha (initiation) from the Nath-​ guru, burial of their dead, and so on. The Naths of West Bengal are comparatively more orthodox in the case of the obc reservation of the Naths than that of their Assam counterpart. Comparatively, the Naths of Assam are more likely to view the obc status as derogatory than the Naths of Bengal. However, the Naths of Assam are more prone to the issuance of the obc certificate than the Naths of West Bengal. The Naths of West Bengal, especially those who are associated with nbrbs, are rigidly against the obc status and they are trying to influence the Naths of Assam, especially the Bengalis of the Barak Valley through bunyrbs, their Assamese counterpart. Nevertheless, abys, cys, and apys are very logical and pragmatic in the case of the obc reservation as they support it. While nbrbs and bunyrbs lay emphasis on the caste status over the economic and educational opportunities, abys, cys, and apys are attentive equally to earn the social respect as well as securing the economic and educational opportunities. It is undeniable that the Naths’ economic and professional change lately occurred in both West Bengal and Assam. According to surveys, a large number of Naths quit their traditional jobs and started working in a range of new fields, including government service. In comparison to Assam, the West Bengal Naths are more Brahman-​oriented as a consequence of nbrbs and its active promotion and preaching. Because they have preserved their forefathers’ traditions, the Naths of West Bengal are more traditional when it comes to wearing sacred thread. Owing to the extensive nbrbs campaign in West

Socio-economic Status of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

137

Bengal, which included meetings, social media, books, and journals, many Naths held the view that obc is the only burden hanging in the way of their claim to be a Brahmin since it is disrespectful and conceptually opposed to the Brahmanhood. Since many Naths struggled to make their livings and did not complete their schooling, they believe that the obc is not advantageous to them. The majority of Naths were forced to leave all of their possessions behind and migrated from East Pakistan under extremely difficult circumstances. They hold almost very little land in West Bengal because they have largely migrated. The Naths’ overall economic situation is unviable; therefore, a stable income takes precedence over an educational degree. Education has been neglected and is still being ignored because the majority of West Bengal’s Naths have migrated from homeland.

­c hapter 6

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam Assessing the Nature of Politicisation

1

Introduction

It is a common perception that in democratic politics the social groups play an important role through their collective mobilisation, especially during the elections, more particularly in the post-​Mandal Commission era, i.e., after the 1980s and 1990s. The Jadavs of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, the Jatavs and the Jats of Uttar Prdaesh, the Mahars of Maharashtra, the Patels of Gujarat, the Lingayats of Karnataka, the Namasudras and the Rajbanshis of West Bengal, are often cited as the examples of above-​mentioned perception.1 However, this proposition is not always true in real sense. An entirely opposite conclusion may be drawn if we study the Naths (or Yogi/​Jogi) of West Bengal and Assam. As previously argued, though the Naths of these two states are asserting their identity and showing a resistance against the Brahmanical caste order since the late-​nineteenth century, they remain at the periphery in the formal politics in both states. 2

The Nath-​Yogis and the States: Chronicles from Antiquity

The Saiva Nath-​Yogis controlled the royal courts at least till sixteenth century even after centuries of Vallalasena, in regions of eastern India and central 1 There is a vast literature available on the caste/​community and their active association in electoral politics in India, e.g., Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar (eds.), Rise of the Plebeians? The Changing Face of Indian Legislative Assemblies (New Delhi: Routledge, 2009); Christophe Jaffrelot, “Quota for Patels? The Neo-​middle-​class Syndrome and the (partial) Return of Caste Politics in Gujarat,” Studies in Indian Politics 4, no. 2 (2016): 218–​232; Prashant K Trivedi, Srinivas Goli, Fahimuddin, and Surinder Kumar, “Identity Equations and Electoral Politics: Investigating Political Economy of Land, Employment and Education,” Economic & Political Weekly 51, no. 53 (2016): 117–​123; Praskanva Sinharay, “A New Politics of Caste,” Economic & Political Weekly 47, no. 34 (2012): 26–​27; Rup Kumar Barman, “‘Right-​Left-​Right’ and Caste Politics: The Scheduled Castes in West Bengal Assembly Elections (from 1920 to 2016),” Contemporary Voice of Dalit 10, no. 2 (2018): 216–​231.

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_007

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

139

provinces as well.2 They had maintained a feudal royal system in their monistic systematic missionary structure too as analysed by Davidson.3 Although, the Nath-​Yogis were known for their other-​worldly power during the Delhi Sultanate, it was not until the Mughal rule (1526–​1857) that they started to maintain political influence with the state rulers. Both the Mughal rulers and the Hindu kings patronised the Nath-​Yogis for their supernatural support and blessings in exchange for land grants and other rights. Akbar visited the Nath-​Yogis’ place Balnath Tilla (now in the Jhelum District of Pakistan) in 1581. Akbar’s visit to the Balnath Tilla took place after a dispute with the emperor’s half-​brother Mirza Hakim, who lived in Kabul. The defeat of the “orthodox” Muslim section in Mughal politics was indicated by Akbar’s win over Mirza Hakim, which marked the beginning of a new era in Akbar’s fifty-​year rule and gave him more leeway to experiment with various types of religious pluralism. After Mirza Hakim’s defeat, the emperor started showing more open interest in non-​orthodox organisations like Nath-​Yogis. The Mughal emperor used his visits to the Nath-​Yogis of the Punjab and Jammu-​Kashmir hills to engage with them and seize control of that geo-​strategic territory. William R. Pinch notes, who was possessing whom, however, is not at all evident from the perspective of the Nath-​Yogis. The Himalayan frontier was undoubtedly becoming more Mughal under Akbar, but the Nath-​Yogis also helped Akbar become more yogic. In other words, it appeared as though Nath-​Yogis and Mughals were cultivating one another.4 At the beginning of the sixteenth century, land and revenue grants were given to the Jakhbar Yogis by Akbar in exchange for the longevity blessings of the dynasty. In Punjab there was a small village and was a centre of a Saiva establishment, called Jakhbar Jogian, “Jakhbar of the Jogis”. The first part of the name is derived from the small temple of a celebrated and bountiful Jakh (Sanskrit, yaksha), which is topped by an enormous tree, bar, and stands at the eastern periphery of the village; the second part denotes the Nath-​Yogis around whose monastery or dera in the village appears to have grown.5 Yogi Udant Nath, the founder of the Jokhbar gaddi was given two hundred bighas 2 For details, see Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 5th (Kolkata: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 2018), 280–329; Narendra Chandra Nath, Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas (Agartala: Tripura Rajya Nath-​Kalyan Samiti, 1995), 30–45. 3 Ronald M. Davidson, Indian Esoteric Buddhism: A Social History of the Tantric Movement (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 223, 234. 4 Abu’l-​Fazl, Akbarnama, vol. 3, trans. H. Beveridge (Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1939), 513–​514; William R. Pinch, “Nāth Yogīs, Akbar, and the “Bālnāth Tillā”,” in Yoga in Practice, ed. David Gordon White (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 274–​275. 5 B. N. Goswamy and J. S. Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbar: Some Madad-​i-​Ma‘āsh and Other Documents (Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1967), 1.

140 

Chapter 6

of land by Akbar in 1571. Chandar Nath was also patronised by Akbar in 1578.6 Jahangir donated ten bighas of land to Bhandar Nath in 1606.7 Surat Nath was also granted two hundred bighas of land by Jahangir.8 Shah Jahan secured the land possession of Than Nath and Bhav Nath, the disciples of Surat Nath, and issued an order in 1642 in favour of the possession of lands by the Nath-​Yogis of Jakhbar.9 Aurangzeb also maintained close relations with the Jakhbar Yogis. Aurangzeb used to take quicksilver as medicine from Anand Nath, the successor of Than Nath and Bhav Nath. In return he gifted clothes and money to Anand Nath and arranged his protection. In a letter written in 1661–​1662, Anand Nath was mentioned as Guru by Aurangzeb.10 However, Bouillier notes, we can find “two opposite images of Aurangzeb: as friendly to some Yogīs, as in Jakhbar, or as destroying their sanctuaries, as in Gorakhpur.”11 G.W. Briggs wrote about a legend that Aurangzeb accepted diksha from Gorakshanatha and he buried himself alive. After twelve years, he came out of his tomb and became Mrtaknath (Lord of Death).12 Oral tradition claims that the Mughal dynasty offered land to the Gorakhpur Nath Sampradaya, albeit nominally, as documented by Chaturvedi, Gellner, and Pandey. Additionally, it is thought that the Nath-​Yogis received the land on which the Gorakhpur Temple presently stands as a gift from the nawab of Awadh.13 Marrewa-​Karwoski notes, Asaf-​ud-​Daula and Siraj-​ud-​Din are both credited with endowing the land gift to the temple.14 Banerjea also records that the construction of Gorakhpur Math was built on land that was granted by a Muslim nawab.15 The colonial sources from the nineteenth century, however,

6 7 8 9 10 11

Goswamy and Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbar, 20–​21. Goswamy and Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbar, 27. Goswamy and Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbar, 28. Goswamy and Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbar, 115–​116. Goswamy and Grewal, The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbar, 121–​122. Véronique Bouillier, “Aurangzeb and the Nāth Yogīs,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 3 (2018): 528. 12 George Weston Briggs, Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis (Calcutta: y.m.c.a Publishing House, 1938), 70. 13 Shashank Chaturvedi, David N. Gellner, and Sanjay Kumar Pandey, “Politics in Gorakhpur since the 1920s: The making of a safe ‘Hindu’ constituency,” Contemporary South Asia 27, no. 1 (2019): 42. 14 Christine Marrewa-​ Karwoski, “In Siddhis and State: Transformations of Power in Twentieth-​Century Gorakhpur Temple Publications,” in The Power of the Nāth Yogīs: Yogic Charisma, Political Influence and Social Authority, eds. Daniela Bevilacqua and Eloisa Stuparich (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022), 106. 15 Akshaya Kumar Banerjea, The Nath-​ Yogi Sampraday and the Gorakhnath Temple (Gorakhpur: Gorakhnath Temple, 1964), 12.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

141

show that, unlike other maths, the Nath-​Yogis of Gorakhpur were more well known, and venerated for their supernatural abilities than for their political affiliations.16 Prithvi Narayan Sah of Nepal also maintained very cordial relations with Bhagavantanath, a Nath-​Yogi, for securing his power by using Yogi as diplomat and spiritual mentor.17 Similarly, Mansingh of Jodhpur was also a devotee of the Nath-​Yogis and their other-​worldly power. Both of them maintained a close relationship with the Nath-​Yogis during their wars of succession and credited the Nath-​Yogis for their rule.18 In Bengal, we can also find some royal connections, with both Hindu rajas and Muslim rulers, of the Nath-​Yogis during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The Mahanad Jateswarnath Siva Temple of Hooghly received land grants from Mughal ruler Jahangir, Chandraketu, Kirtichandra, Chitrasen, Tilokchandra, Tejchandra, and Burdwan Raj.19 Whatever the history is long and manifolded, the fact reveals there were even royal kingdoms of Saivacharyas in Bengal during the post-​Gupta period onwards and definitely during the reign of Sasanka as noted by scholars.20 Over the course of the nineteenth century, Marrewa-​Karwoski notes, British colonial rule consolidated and the Nath temporal power started to decline. Employees of the East India Company were suspicious of the occult abilities that many people believed the Yogis possessed, and the British frequently thought of these ascetics as, at best, charlatans. Because they were aware of the ascetics’ social and political influence, the British considered these Yogis as, at worst, a real challenge to European dominance. Even more intriguingly, during the late nineteenth century, some Nath-​Yogis continued to receive gifts and favours from rulers. However, this monetary assistance was often deliberately withheld from royal records to show the non-​involvements with the Nath

16

Montgomery Martin, The History, Antiquities, Topography, And Statistics of Eastern India, Vol. ii, Bhagalpur, Gorakhpur, First India Reprint (Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1976, Originally Published 1838), 484. 17 Véronique Bouillier, “The King and His Yogī: Prithvi Nārāyan Śāh, Bhagavantanāth, and Unification of Nepal in the Eighteenth Century,” in Gender, Caste, and Power in South Asia: Social Status and Mobility in a Transitional Society, ed. John P. Neelsen (New Delhi: Manohar, 1991), 3–​21. 18 Marrewa-​Karwoski, “In Siddhis and State,” 105. 19 Three taidads (gift deeds), 5/​1194, 6/​69, and 55499 of 1209 bs, of Hooghly Collectorate are the evidences of that gifts. For details, see Prabhas Chandra Bandyopadhyay, Mahanad ba Banglar Gupta Itihas, Vol. i (Mahanad: Prabhas Chandra Bandyopadhyay, 1335 bs), 147; Binoy Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti (Calcutta: Pustak Prakashak, 1950), 517–​518. 20 Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay, Swati Ray, and Shubha Majumder, “The Kingdom of the Śaivācāryas,” Berlin Indological Studies 21 (2013): 173–​256.

142 

Chapter 6

community and to please the colonial rulers with whom some local rulers had political alliances.21 2.1 The Nath-​Yogis and Hindu Nationalism The influence of the Nath-​Yogis was declined in political realms due to the popularity of bhakti, and the rise of neo-​Hindu sect.22 The popularity of bhakti and the advent of the neo-​Hindu cult reduced the power of the Nath-​Yogis in political spheres. The Nath-​Yogis, however, began to accumulate political influence in northern India with Mohant Digvijayanath of Gorakhpur, followed by Mohant Avaidyanath, and Yogi Adityanath, who succeeded Avaidyanath and is currently the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. They started claiming that the cult was undeniably Hindu. Digvijayanath (1884–​1969), who served as Mahant from 1934 till his passing, was the first abbot of the Gorakhnath Math to have political aspirations. He also held the position of the President of the United Provincial branch of the All India Hindu Mahasabha and was a prominent Hindu nationalist politician. Although he was elected mp as an independent in 1967, he had already won the mla seat for the Hindu Mahasabha in 1962. Digvijayanath, who had previously been a member of Congress, was detained for inciting the bloodshed that resulted in the Chauri Chaura killings in 1922. He joined the Hindu Mahasabha in 1937. Marrewa-​Karwoski notes Digvijayanath envisions himself as a leader that mobilizes others in defense of the world –​of a Hindu world –​rather than the ascetic attempting to renounce it. In an account entitled Hindū Dharam Kī Sevā Merā Sahaj Svabhāv Hai or “My Intrinsic Nature is Service to the Hindu Religion”, the mahant regards himself, even as in childhood, as a natural protector of Hinduism and a warrior for this course.23 It is widely assumed that he supplied the gun that was used to assassinate Mahatma Gandhi, and he was arrested and imprisoned for nine months following the assassination.24 He was a driving force behind the drive to demolish 21 22

23 24

Marrewa-​Karwoski, “In Siddhis and State,” 105–​106. Chistine Marrewa-​Karwoski, “Far from Hindutva, Yogi Adityanath’s sect comes from a tradition that was neither Hindu nor Muslim,” Scroll, April 9, 2017, accessed April 9, 2021, https://​scr​oll​.in​/arti​cle​/833​710​/far​-from​-hindu​tva​-yogi​-adi​tyan​ath​-comes​-from​-a​-tradit​ ion​-that​-was​-neit​her​-hindu​-nor​-mus​lim​. Marrewa-​Karwoski, “In Siddhis and State,” 116. Sudha Pai and Sajjan Kumar, Everyday Communalism: Riots in Contemporary Uttar Pradesh (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018), 120–​121; Chaturvedi, Gellner, and Pandey, “Politics in Gorakhpur,” 44.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

143

the Babri Mosque in Ayodhya and rebuild it into the Rama Temple. In brief, Digvijayanath was the pivotal character who altered the math’s identity. His participation in the Hindu Mahasabha, as well as his views on Hindu nationalism and Hindutva, were all important aspects of who he was the Gorakhnath temple complex’s head. Baba Gambhirnath, the guru of Digvijayanath, and his supernatural power served as the foundation for the Gorakhnath temple’s development as a modern religious hub and prominent pilgrimage destination before the world. Digvijayanath developed himself, unlike his predecessors, as a Hindu political leader and a modern ascetic politician by rejecting the idea of his own guru. His efforts to defend Hinduism against Islamic intruders were novel to Gorakhpur Nath Sampradaya. He was not only a Nath ascetic seeking to be a renouncer-​Yogi; rather, he sought to influence people and governments politically. Avaidyanath (1921–​2014), Digvijayanath’s successor, was also a Kshatriya. There is no scriptural or other justification for the widely held belief, and frequently maintained by Gorakhpur residents, that the abbot of Gorakhnath Math must be a Kshatriya. It is also unclear whether the abbots who before Digvijayanath, whose names we only know, were all from the same caste. Avaidyanath stated in an interview in 2011, as Chaturvedi documents it in his PhD dissertation, that “eradicating untouchability” was his greatest political accomplishment and that it was crucial for uncorrupt individuals like him to enter politics to preserve “people’s faith in the nation”.25 He was also an ebullient supporter of the Ramjanmabhumi movement and of Hinduism. Four times, in 1969 and 1989 as a Hindu Mahasabha candidate and in 1991 and 1996 as a bjp candidate, Avaidyanath was elected to the House of Parliament. Prior to that, he served as mla in 1962 (Hindu Mahasabha), 1967 (Independent), 1969 (Hindu Mahasabha), as well as once again in 1974 (Hindu Mahasabha) and 1977 (Janata Party). Adityanath (1972–​), the current abbot, is also a Kshatriya and Avaidyanath’s spiritual heir. He entered politics in 1998 and became mp when he was just 26 years old. Then, as a bjp candidate, he won elections for mp in 1999, 2004, 2009, and 2014. After being elected as an mla in 2017, he was appointed Chief Minister and then reelected in 2022. The fact that the Gorakhpur Math comes from a non-​Brahmin heritage and that its Mahant is a Rajput rather than a Brahmin is a significant aspect that has contributed to Yogi Adityanath’s ascent to prominence. This made it possible for a distinctive brand of

25

Shashank Chaturvedi, “Religion, Culture and Power: A Study of Everyday Politics in Gorakhpur” (PhD diss., Jawaharlal Nehru University, 2016), 182.

144 

Chapter 6

“Non-​Brahmin-​Hindutva” to arise in the previously Brahmin-​dominated area, with efforts made to include Dalits and lower obc s under the purview of the Hindutva forces.26 Two factors have guaranteed Yogi Adityanath’s success as a Hindu nationalist politician. First, orthodox Hindu practises are followed in Poorvanchal, an area in eastern Uttar Pradesh, south of the Ghaghra River, particularly in Varanasi and the surrounding districts. The Gorakhpur Math has a monastic order that, in accordance with the principles of Gorakshanatha, does not adhere to Brahminical or caste traditions, so non-​Brahmins, like the last three mahants, may serve as priests. However, north of the Ghaghra, a more open, eclectic, and radical atmosphere has historically predominated. Another factor is the substantial Muslim population in this area, with the exception of Gorakhpur district. Many Muslims relocated to the Terai area (foothills) after the 1857 mutiny, and the growth of numerous Madrasahs has intensified media coverage of the Muslims in the area, prompting the bjp-​r ss (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) to team up with the Vishva Hindu Parishad (vhp) to combat “these anti-​national” elements, which the Yogi has referred to as the “hub of terrorism”. Hindutva forces also pay close attention to the area between Bahraich and Gorakhpur since it is a hub for cpi(ml) and Naxalite activity and is therefore anticipated to be a breeding ground for Muslim militants. As a result, Hindutva politics are stronger here, and the rss and vhp has a large presence there.27 The Naths of Bengal and Assam tend to regard themselves as a part of the larger Nath population overtly, which was suppressed before Yogi Adityanath took office as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. This is true for the Naths of Tripura also. As Yogi Adityanath has become immensely popular among Bengali and Assamese Naths, most Naths support the bjp’s pan-​Hindu worldview. They think that at least there is one Chief Minister from the Nath community in India. Even so, the Natha cult was very dissimilar from the Brahmanical system of Hinduism. Yet, over time, Brahmanical Hinduism has also absorbed the Nath-​Yogi tradition. As Householders, the majority of Naths in Bengal and Assam consistently assert that they are Rudraja Brahmans, and as such, they have adopted the varna system in order to support their claim to the supreme position in the Hindu caste system. Because of this, the Naths have a strong belief in the Hindu nationalism that is supported by their guru Yogi Adityanath and the bjp.

26 27

Pai and Kumar, Everyday Communalism, 115. Pai and Kumar, Everyday Communalism, 121–​122.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

145

We see the Nath-​Yogis became orthodox Hindu because, philosophically, Saiva Natha cult divided itself to pure asexual yoga-​system that is based on antarparakiya (internal consort) and kaula-​system that allowed to take consorts as bajhyaparakiya (external consort) as parallel to some groups of Kapalikas. Philosophically this was a shift from Siva centrism to Sakti centrism. According to Abhinavagupta’s Tantraloka, the kaulik section of the Tantras was introduced by Matsyendranatha.28 By the time, the kaula-​yogis with external consort merged within the smarta field of bajhyaswakiya as married couples of “garhastya” tradition to avoid social seclusion imposed by the smartas from long before of Bhabadeva and Vallalasena and later to overcome other economic issues raised by Muslim aggression. But garhastyavadi smartas did not welcome them and kept them in the periphery by the authority of samhitas. But the Naths from mid-​early Vedic period had a sustained control on India’s philosophical and political facets with a strong criticism to purvamimansa based karmakanda which is the most centripetal and powerful hegemony of Hinduism. On a certain point, the Nath-​Yogis are more Hindu than Hindus as there kaulik shift gave the shape of saktism of Bengal, prevalent till the nineteenth century and even today. On the other hand, being samanatantra with esoteric Buddhism or being connected with renouncing Saiva doctrines they became outsider even after taking garhastya or bajhyaswakiya way of kaulism on a line to make themselves suitable in the smarta system. Yogi Adityanath represents this dichotomy as the present Nath-​yogis being at a same time smarta Hindu and non-​smarta Indian yogi. His position will seem unintelligible to the people ignorant of Indian heritage.29 Yogi Adityanath, the current Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, connects with the centuries-​old “Nath” sect, which has origins in Kamrup (Assam) and Bengal, when he outlines the principles of his party’s “cultural nationalism” in the election-​bound state of West Bengal. Yogi Adityanath, as the chief priest or abbot of the Nath sect’s sacred Gorakhnath Math, has millions of devotees dispersed over Bengal and Assam. One of the greatest yogis and Yogi Gorakshanatha’s guru, Yogi Matsyendranatha, who accomplished yoga in Kamrup, formed the Nath sect or, more accurately, the Nath tradition of Hinduism. There are numerous historical references that link Gorakhpur with Bengal and Kamrup. As with other locations in Bengal, Kolkata too has a Gorakhnath temple. According to Swami 28 29

Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, History of the Śākta Religion (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1974), 124, 130. I am thankful to Professor Arjundeb Sensarma of Assam University Silchar for making sense on this part.

146 

Chapter 6

Mithilesh Nandini Sharan Maharaj of the Lakshman Kila Temple in Ayodhya, Yogi Adityanath represents in a way the spirit and centuries-​old culture of a Hindu tradition … a reason why people of Bengal, especially in the rural areas, identify with him.30 We saw a sizable crowd, including Yogi Adityanath’s supporters, flocked to the rally site to catch a sight of the saffron-​clad leader as he opened his campaign in Bengal from Malda on March 2, 2021. In little time at all, Yogi reminded the crowd that Malda was a pavitro bhoomi (sacred land) and a “land of sanatan sanskriti” (eternal culture). Senior bjp officials in Delhi claimed that Yogi’s Malda rally was a tremendous success and that the passionate Chief Minister would speak at more than a dozen rallies during Bengal’s eight-​phase Assembly elections in 2021. Yogi was assumed obviously as a rockstar campaigner because of his connections in Bengal. Yogi Adityanath as the head of the Gorakhnath Math, has supporters all around the country. Assam and Bengal have been a traditional hub because the sect’s founder Matsyendranatha emerged from this region of the nation. Gorakshanatha was considered the greatest spiritual leader after Buddha and Sankaracharya because of the Nath sect’s profound influence on Indian mediaeval culture. Swami Mithlesh Nandani Sharan elaborates on the relationship between Gorakhnath Math and Bengal by mentioning the name of Akshaya Kumar Banerjea, who was a renowned disciple of Baba Gambhirnath, guru of Mahant Digvijaynath, who spent a considerable amount of time in Bengal in the early twentieth century. The renowned disciple of Gambhirnath, Akshaya Kumar Banerjea, arrived in Gorakhpur during his protracted stay in Bengal. According to Akshaya Kumar Banerjea’s writings, Baba Gambhirnath had thousands of followers in Bengal by 1915. Later during this time, a number of monasteries were built where Nath tradition adherents in Bengal, Assam, and also Odisha could receive yoga and other teachings.31 Yogi Adityanath is now carrying on the legacy of Baba Gambhirnath.

30 31

“What makes Yogi Adityanath a superstar campaigner in Bengal”, The Statesman, March 5, 2021, accessed September 14, 2022, https://​www​.thest​ates​man​.com​/india​/makes​-yogi​-adi​ tyan​ath​-supers​tar​-cam​paig​ner​-ben​gal​-150​2955​573​.html​. Marrewa-​Karwoski, “In Siddhis and State,” 103–​129.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

147

table 6.1 Attitude towards the politicisation of the Naths of West Bengal

Age group

It is needed No need Do not know Total

Percentage

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

49 54 60 163 65.2%

35.2% 33.2% 31.6% 100%

29 24 14 67 26.8%

10 5 5 20 8%

88 83 79 250 100%

source: own field study

3

Attitude of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam towards the Politicisation: Assessing the Present

Politicisation refers to the action of causing an event to become political in character. I have taken politics as power relations at different levels of social interactions. Elections can be seen as the decisions of various social groups that interact in the social arena to determine and legitimise political power. Various social groups play an important role in politics and these groups are the “social bases” of the political parties. Here, I assessed how many Naths of West Bengal and Assam want to make their demands and issues political, and how many Naths want to bargain their demands politically through interactions with the political parties or governments during the elections. It is based on surveys of 250 Naths from each state. Table 6.1 presents the attitude of the Naths of West Bengal towards the politicisation of their different issues. 163 (65.2%) out of 250 Naths opined that the politicisation is required and it will be beneficial for their community. For example, Kallol Debnath, a college teacher of Magra, Hooghly, aged 32, says that the politicisation of the Naths is needed but it is a herculean task.32 Loknath Debnath of Marugram, Labpur, Birbhum, aged 24, thinks that the politicisation of the Naths is needed for the development of the community, but it can be possible through the Nath associations.33 Tarak Debnath, of Sonarpur, South 24 Parganas, aged 41, thinks that the development of the Naths could be ensured through the attachment with politics.34 Balaram Nath, a school teacher of Beleghata, Kolkata, aged 59, says 32 33 34

The interview with Kallol Debnath was held on December 20, 2021, over the telephone. The interview with Loknath Debnath was held on December 19, 2021, over the telephone. The interview with Tarak Debnath was held on August 18, 2019, in Kolkata, West Bengal.

148 

Chapter 6

table 6.2 Attitude towards the politicisation of the Naths of Assam

Age group

It is needed

No need Do not know Total

Percentage

18–​30 31–​50 51 and above Total Percentage

43 60 60 163 65.2%

11 05 27 43 17.2%

30.4% 26% 43.6% 100%

22 00 22 44 17.6%

76 65 109 250 100%

source: own field study

that the Naths should be politically conscious and active in their own development.35 On the other hand, 67 Naths (26.8%) think that it would not be beneficial hence it is not needed. For instance, Pankaj Samaddar (Nath), a priest of Majdia, Nadia, aged 40, opines that the political affiliations will not be beneficial for the Naths.36 On the contrary, 20 Naths (8%) out of 250 do not have any idea in this regard. Table 6.2 shows the attitude of the Naths of Assam towards the politicisation of their different issues. Akin to West Bengal, 163 Naths (65.2%) out of 250 opined that politicisation is needed and it will be beneficial for their community. For instance, Bijoy Kumar Nath, a retired engineer of Hailakandi and author of many articles on Nathism, aged 75, believes that the politicisation might be beneficial if the Naths are united.37 Samarpan Nath, a college teacher of Silchar, Cachar, aged 45, demands the representation of the Naths not only at the mp, mla level, but at the Gram Panchayat, Zilla Parishad, and Municipality levels also.38 Bibhash Devanath, a student of Rangia, Kamrup, aged 25, opines that affiliation to politics is needed but the Naths are lagging in politics because they are not united.39 On the other hand, 43 Naths (17.2%) think that it would not

35

The interview with Balaram Nath was held on December 15, 2019, at Shyamnagar, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal. 36 The interview with Pankaj Sammadar was held on February 16, 2020, at Srirampur, Pubasthali-​i , Purba Bardhaman, West Bengal. 37 The interview with Bijoy Kumar Nath was held on December 24, 2019, at Hailakandi, Assam. 38 The interview with Samarpan Nath was held on December 21, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam. 39 The interview with Bibhash Devanath was held on January 18, 2022, over the telephone.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

149

be beneficial hence it is not needed. For example, Gitesh Chandra Nath, an instructor of a polytechnic college in Silchar, Cachar, aged 52, opines that political bargaining could be beneficial for the Naths if they are united, because the Naths are united, they must restrain themselves to politicise their issues.40 Dibakar Debnath, a priest by profession of Silchar, Cachar, aged 25, claims that the Brahman identity will establish the Naths in society and it is the only method to restore the social position of the Naths. He thinks that politics could not bring better for the Naths.41 On the contrary, 44 Naths (17.6%) out of 250 do not have any idea in this regard. If we compare the Naths of West Bengal and Assam regarding attitude towards the politicisation, then we can see that the same number of people (65.2%) say that the pollicisation is needed to fulfil the community’s demands. On the other hand, while 28.6% of the Naths of West Bengal opine that it is no longer be beneficial, 17.2% of the Naths of Assam think the same. The rest of the Naths of West Bengal (8%) and Assam (17.6%) do not have an idea in this regard. These Naths might be called politically apathetic. However, the ground realities are somewhat different. 4

The Nature of Politicisation of the Naths

Regarding the politicisation, we already have seen that it is found from the field that 65.2% of Naths of West Bengal and Assam think that the politicisation might help in bargaining their issues politically, still, in our democratic process, the active involvement of the Naths is minimal though caste remains a relevant category in the politics of West Bengal and to some extent is Assam. It is sometimes argued that caste has never been a crucial factor in West Bengal electoral politics until All India Trinamool Congress (tmc) has gripped the government in 2011. During the long thirty-​four years of Left Front (lf) regime, the caste identity was seemed to be replaced by the class identity in electoral politics. To make sense on lf’s views on caste politics, once Jyoti Basu, the former Chief Minister of West Bengal, said that, as quoted in an article of Praskanva Sinharay, “caste is a legacy of the feudal system and viewing the social scene from the casteist angle is no longer relevant for West Bengal”.42 For the lf, caste 40 The interview with Gitesh Chandra Nath was held on June 26, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam. 41 The interview with Dibakar Debnath was held on December 20, 2019, at Silchar, Cachar, Assam. 42 Praskanva Sinharay, “A New Politics of Caste,” Economic & Political Weekly xlvii, no. 34 (2012): 26–​27.

150 

Chapter 6

was antagonistic to modern secular politics. Though, it would be misleading to say that the caste is no longer socially relevant in West Bengal. Some scholars, such as Uday Chandra and Kenneth Bo Nielsen, Sarbani Bandyopadhyay, argue that caste has always been a relevant category in Bengal, including Bengal politics. But loosely, it can be said that caste concept was overtly less important during the lf regime.43 Partha Chatterjee claims the three decades of the lf’s leadership minimised the caste issues, instead put a focus on class issues, and strengthened the idea that West Bengal is exceptional from most other parts of India when it comes to the caste questions. Chatterjee writes, “in ideological terms the categories of caste have continued to provide many of the basic signifying terms through which collective identities and social relations are still perceived. These have, in most other parts of India, even become the most important categories for the organisation of collective interest. We have, on the other hand, seen why this has not happened in the sphere of organised politics in West Bengal. But this does not necessarily imply that,” Chatterjee further argues, “these categories and modes of thought have been eliminated from popular consciousness.”44 However, the whole political environment has been changed after tmc came into power and popularisation of tmc’s assertive politics. The castes like the Namasudras and the Rajbanshis are successfully mobilised first by the tmc and later by the Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp) in the electoral combat zone. On the other hand, identity-​based politics is very prominent in Assam, but these identities are based largely on ethnicity, language, and religion, rather than caste. The state of the Naths is entirely reverse to the Namasudras and Rajbanshis. The Nath associations, such as abys or nbrbs, meet at least twice a year, one at the annual conference, and another at the vijaya conference after Durga Puja. I have not seen or found any political discussion in any conference other than apys. apys occasionally bargains with Assam Government for their developments such as the issues like Nath-​Yogi Development Council or Nath-​Yogi Satellite Autonomous Council. However, the associations are not even interested in holding a procession. So, they are not able to influence the political parties because they have no political aspirations, they are not organised, and they do not have proper leadership. Though, what I found during surveys, some Naths those who actively associated with the Nath associations, such as Biswajit Debnath, Santosh Debnath, 43 44

Uday Chandra and Kenneth Bo Nielsen, “The Importance of Caste in Bengal,” Economic & Political Weekly xlvii, no. 44 (2012): 59–​61; Sarbani Bandyopadhyay, “Caste and Politics in Bengal,” Economic & Political Weekly xlvii, no. 50 (2012): 71–​73. Partha Chatterjee, The Present History of West Bengal: Essays in Political Criticism (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), 83.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

151

Yogi Sundarnath, and Debashish Debnath of West Bengal, and Soumitra Nath, Bijoy Kumar Nath, and Rabindra Roy Bhowmick (Nath) of Assam, have opined on a personal level that the politicisation is necessary for the all-​round development of the Naths, they are not able to move forward with this issue in their associations. They are not being able to materialise their opinion. They, therefore, do not want to participate directly in politics. I do not know the future, but this is the current state of the politicisation of the Naths. The politicisation of the Naths is minimalist in nature. 4.1 The Naths of West Bengal in Mainstream Politics In West Bengal, the Naths have so far remained restrained in bargaining politically with the governments and political parties. The Nath associations are so far very reluctant to politicise the issues of the Naths. A sense of fright among them works about politics. These associations have been trying hard to unite the Naths since the early twentieth century, but these associations think that party politics will create divisions among the Naths and their issues are not political, rather entirely socio-​economic.45 Till date, only three Naths have become the Members of the Legislative Assembly (mla) in West Bengal. Sri Monoranjan Nath was elected as mla from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) during 1977–​1982, 1982–​1987, 1987–​1991, and 1991–​1996 from Purbasthali Assembly Constituency, Burdwan district.46 Sri Madanmohan Nath was elected as mla from the Communist Party of India (Marxist) during 1991–​1996, and 1996–​ 2001 from Noapara Assembly Constituency, North 24 Parganas district.47 Sri Swapan Debnath, tmc leader and mla of Purbasthali, Purba Burdwan, is only the current Nath mla in West Bengal. He was elected four times, 2006–​2011, 2011–​2016, 2016–​2021, and 2021–​2026.48 Though, these mla s from the Naths have no connection with the Nath movement so far. An influential Nath activist Dr. Mrinal Kanti Debnath was a bjp general election candidate in the last Lok Sabha Election, 2019 from Barasat Parliamentary Constituency. Dr. Mrinal Kanti Debnath has a strong recommendation of Yogi Adityanath, the head of

45

46 47 48

The interview with Tapas Kumar Nath of abys was held on November 10, 2019, at Nimta, Kolkata. The interview with Barun Kumar Nath of nbrbs was held on April 29, 2018, at Shibpur, Howrah and August 18, 2019, in Sealdah, Kolkata. The interview with Upendra Kumar Debnath of nbrbs was held on August 18, 2019. in Sealdah, Kolkata. West Bengal Legislative Assembly, “Member Lists,” (2023), accessed on April 7, 2023, http://​www​.wba​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/MLA​_​All​.aspx​. West Bengal Legislative Assembly, “Member Lists”. West Bengal Legislative Assembly, “Member Lists”.

152 

Chapter 6

Gorakhnath Temple and the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, in his favour to be an electoral candidate. Anyway, he did not secure electoral success. On 18 August 2019, Smt. Locket Chatterjee, a bjp leader and a Member of Parliament (mp) from Hooghly, joins a meeting with the members of the Nath community in Jateswarnath Siva Temple at Mahanad. Mahanad, situated in the district of Hooghly in West Bengal, has an age-​old cultural history and is indissolubly linked with the history of “Nathism” and the name of this area is derived from this temple. “Maha” means the great and “nada” means sound. The great sound or the sound “Omkar” is always used during any puja and the “omkarsadhana” (adoration). Thus, the word “Mahanad” has a great value for the Naths. Mahanad is described as a Natha tirtha (pilgrimage). Mahanad had been closely associated with the Jateswarnath Siva Temple. This temple is the supreme holy place of only for the Naths of West Bengal, but also for the Naths of Assam, Tripura, and Bangladesh. The associates of this temple claim that it was established in the fifth century by king Kumaragupta I (415–​455 ce), son of king Vikramaditya or Chandragupta ii of Ujjain.49 I think, the reason behind this claim is unearthing of some gold coins in Mahanad region of the period of Kumargupta I and some Siva lingam found in Mahanad are resembling to the Gupta era architecture.50 Currently, this temple has been undergoing a legal dispute over the vacant land in the temple premises between the temple committee and the district administration of Hooghly. According to the temple committee, the district administration of Hooghly allegedly encroached on the vacant land of the temple premise. Temple committee filed a writ petition in the Calcutta High Court and this matter is now sub-​judice. The Nath community takes this temple as a medium of recovering past pride of the community. In a Vijaya Sammilani held on 11 November 2018, the front-​ runners of this community raised one question that if the Matuas, a community of West Bengal, can bargain with the political power then why the Naths cannot do so. At the preliminary stage both the associations started their activities together. Both the associations, abys and nbrbs, together laid emphasis on the unity among the Naths, donation to the temple and to the associations, inculcating consciousness among the Naths, exhaustive propaganda,

49

Tapas Kumar Nath, Jateswarnath Siva Mandir, Mahanad, Hooghly: Ekti Sankhipto Parichay (Mahanad: Madhabnathji Maharaj, 2019), 4; Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder, Rajguru Yogibangsha, 5th (Kolkata: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 2018), 118. 50 Ghosh, Paschimbanger Sanskriti, 523; Narendra Nath Bhattacharyya, Hooghly Zillar Purakirti (Calcutta: Ministry of Information & Cultural Affairs, Governmet of West Bengal, 1993), 113–​114; P. K. Bandyopadhyay, Nātha Cult and Mahānād: A Study in Syncretism (Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1992), 13.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

153

and durable cooperation. This is, I might say, for bringing the “bonding social capital” among the members of the Nath community which it lacks.51 However, this togetherness has recently been broken again due to the question on which association will ultimately control the temple and the Nath masses. At last, an emotional coalition ends with a calculative separation. However, the visit of Smt. Locket Chatterjee at Mahanad can be seen as a mutual political negotiation that may help both the bjp for increasing its vote-​bank, and the Naths for bargaining their capacity being backed politically. Apropos of the politicisation of the Naths, Biswajit Debnath, the President of nbrbs and a Kolkata-​based party worker of bjp and a member of nbrbs, says that the Naths are lagging behind in politics because they are not ready to bow down before the others. Another reason is the dependence of the Naths on others. Many of the Naths think that what is the need to be there in politics. He opines that the development of the Naths is impossible without any political affiliation. If there is no political power, then it is impossible to ensure the development of the community. For politicisation, argues Biswajit Debnath, the Naths need to come under one common platform that will bargain with the political parties and governments for the development of the Naths. Government favour will be obtained if the Naths are united like the Namasudras. The issues of bargaining should be socio-​economic and political, like job opportunity, reservation of seats in political posts, government assistance to the Nath people, etc. Till date, the Nath associations have only put their effort to earn Brahmanic status, or the sacred thread, or social position, but they could not politicise their socio-​economic demands and their identity. Biswajit Debnath concludes that the Nath associations should act as pressure groups.52 Santosh Debnath, the General Secretary of nbrbs, claims that the Nath community is the adi-​Brahman (aboriginal Brahman) and this claim is based on the textual evidences. The Naths must be aware of their past legacies. He says that the Naths in West Bengal are lagging behind due to their disassociation with politics unlike the Namasudras. Even the Naths of Assam are more

51

52

Social capital refers to a strong social connectivity through networking, trust building, and reciprocity among the members of a society as advocated by Robert D. Putnam. The “bonding social capital” denotes intra-​community level social connectivity, while the “bridging social capital” refers to inter-​community level social connectivity. See Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000). The interview with Biswajit Debnath, President of nbrbs and a Kolkata-​based party worker of the Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp), was held on May 19, 2020, over the telephone.

154 

Chapter 6

self-​conscious and organised, therefore they can bargain politically with the political parties and the governments. In West Bengal, Santosh Debnath says, the Naths are less interested in participating in politics as a community.53 Yogi Sundarnath, a Bengal-​based Nath ascetic and the state president of the Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha (All India Hindu Mahasabha), says that he does not accept the impression of “Rudraja Brahman”. It is disrespectful to the Naths to be the Brahmans. He says that the Naths of West Bengal are asleep unlike the Naths of Assam. The Naths of West Bengal, unlike the Namasudras, are politically weightless since they are not organised. At first, they need to advance themselves historically, spiritually, politically, and thus socio-​economically. This may be possible due to the awakening of the Natha-​pantha.54 During the field study at Mahanad, Hooghly, Debashish Debnath, a doctor of Arambag, Hooghly, and a member of abys, proposes a strategy to mobilise the Naths as well as to increase the interest of the political parties towards the Naths. He proposes that the associations should establish a branch office in every district; the associations must work to mobilise the common Naths under their fold; in every district, a Siva temple must be established where the major religious programmes of the Naths will be observed gorgeously. Thus, the Naths would attain a social identity that will arouse the interest of the political parties towards the Naths.55 However, in reality, the Naths of West Bengal possess a marginal voice in formal politics despite the fact that they have the numerical strength. The reasons are: first, the Naths are not united; second, they do not have any common platform to politicise their issues; third, there is a void of proper leadership among the Naths; and finally, political apathy of the existing caste associations of the Naths. Though, during the colonial period, the Nath associations bargained with governments to promote their interests. Even during the 1950s and 1980s, they interacted with governments to maximise their interests as discussed in Chapter 3. But presently, these associations are politically apathetic. Those Nath people who are associated with formal politics are personally able to speak for the Naths’ interests, but not at the party level. Then the party line is gaining importance for them. The higher the political level, the more it gets lost in the arena of secularisation of politics. The Nath associations are also not in a 53 54 55

Presidential address in the Vijaya Sammilani 2018 of nbrbs was held on December 15, 2019, at Shyamnagar, North 24 Parganas, West Bengal. The interview with Yogi Sundarnath was held on March 1, 2022, at Mahanad, Hooghly, West Bengal. The interview with Debashish Debnath was held on March 1, 2022, at Mahanad, Hooghly, West Bengal.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

155

position to assert the interests of the Naths politically, because they are putting minimum effort to politicise the issues of the Naths. The primary concern of the Naths has been securing or managing a high social position in the Hindu caste framework. It was not involved in the economic power or redistribution of material resources until the Nath Mission (nm), a newly founded association of the Naths of Bengal, came into being in 2022. The nm has been established in 2022 by some educated, middle class, Kolkata-​based urban Naths with the aim of accomplishing the tasks that do not fall under the purview of the existing Nath associations, such as abys and nbrbs. Hitherto, abys and nbrbs have been trying to earn the social respect for the Naths through some sort of internal social and religious reforms. They did not pay effort to the economic well-​being and the process of politicisation of the Naths. The nm, on the other hand, pays attention to the economic and political empowerment of the Naths of Bengal, says Biswajit Debnath, the President of nm, and also Barun Kumar Nath, the Secretary of nm.56 Some of the objectives of nm include economically empowering the Naths through self-​help initiatives; developing the Yoga philosophy; uniting the Naths of Bengal, Assam, and Tripura; and becoming a politically empowered community by generating political leaders from the Naths in various political parties in the Indian parliamentary system. The lone mla from the Nath community in West Bengal is Swapan Debnath, who serves as the state’s current minister of animal resource development and a prominent member of the tmc. The primary issue, according to him, is that the Naths are not united. Regardless of their personal political views and affiliations, the Nath-​Yogis ought to come under the guidance of the NM so that the community can grow holistically.57 The moment has not yet come to evaluate the activities of nm, but it may spark a change in the current status quo of the Naths in Bengal. 4.2 The Naths of Assam in Mainstream Politics Historically the Naths of Assam are backward in terms of mainstream democratic politics. So far since 1937 the Naths got only eight political representatives from their own caste. Among these, three representatives have been elected from the Assam Valley for six times. Jogendra Chandra Nath was elected mla from 1937 to 1946 in the Goalpara South-​East constituency.58 Khagendra 56 57 58

The interviews with Biswajit Debnath and Barun Kumar Nath were held on July 14, 2022, in Kolkata. The interview with Swapan Debnath was held on June 12, 2023, over the telephone. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-1937​-46​.html​.

156 

Chapter 6

Nath Nath was elected three times –​1952–​56,59 1957–​62,60 1962–​6761 from Goalpara. Gunendra Nath Pandit was elected mla from 1972 to 1978 in the Raha constituency in the Nagaon District.62 The remaining four representatives were elected from the Barak Valley at different times. The Naths of Barak Valley got their political representative first in 1951 in Barkhola constituency and Raichand Nath was the mla.63 Chittendra Nath Majumder had been elected as mla from 1991 to 1996 in Hailakandi.64 In the same year Pranab Kumar Nath had also been elected as mla in Karimganj South.65 Rumi Nath had been elected mla in Barkhola in 2006–​2011 and 2011–​2016.66 Kishor Nath was elected mla in Barkhola for 2016–​2021.67 In Assam, the Naths are to a large extent politically oriented than that of West Bengal. Assam Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani (apys) has a greater implication in the political scene of Assam. apys says the Nath-​Yogi community is one of the largest communities in Assam. It opposes ethnic group wise further division of the state of Assam. In 2013, Dhiren Nath, the then general secretary of ayps, said to the Times of India that: We, Nath-​Yogis, are spread all over the state. Our community is worried because of the demand for separate states raised by different ethnic groups. In case separate states are carved out in future, the Nath-​Yogis will be the most affected. We do not want any further division of Assam.

59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67

Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-1952​-56​.html​. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-1957​-62​.html​. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-1962​-67​.html​. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-1972​-78​.html​. Barkhola (Assam) Assembly Constituency Elections, accessed April 10, 2020, https://​www​ .electi​ons​.in​/assam​/assem​bly​-con​stit​uenc​ies​/barkh​ola​.html​. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-1991​-96​.html​. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-1991​-96​.html​. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-2006​-11​.html; http://​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/mla​-all​-list​.html​. Assam Legislative Assembly, Government of Assam, accessed March 29, 2020, http: //​assama​ssem​bly​.gov​.in​/who’s​-who​-2016​.html​.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

157

Rather, we strongly advocate equitable development of all communities in the state.68 Dhiren Nath further said that: The present development council for the Nath-​Yogis looks after the economic development of the community. It has very limited power. As a community, the Nath-​Yogis have very rich social and cultural identities. The present development council cannot take care of our all-​round development, including safeguarding our political rights.69 According to apys, since the Nath-​Yogis are spread over nearly all the districts of Assam, the most viable and feasible step to “look after the all-​round development of the community is to set up satellite autonomous council in parts of the state.”70 apys advocates protection of social, cultural and political rights of the Nath-​Yogi community as well as all communities without further bifurcating the state. Instead of division of Assam, apys wants equitable development of all communities. Rabindra Roy Bhowmick (Nath), vice-​president of apys and executive member of abys, says that the Naths are the Yogis, not Brahmans. The Yogis and Brahmans cannot be the same because if we talk about Brahman, there will be Sudra, but there is no caste framework in Nathism. Nathism is the only panacea to the cast-​based Brahmanical social order because the Natha-​pantha rests on equality of human beings. He states that there is no such contradiction between the sacred thread and the obc status. Naths of Assam should come forward in democratic politics by creating a vote-​bank. Currently, especially after Yogi Adityanath became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 2017, the Naths are keen to introduce themselves as “Naths”. This is an assertive politics, and here the Naths should come forward. Yet, the Nath community of Assam and West Bengal, argues Rabindra Roy Bhowmick (Nath), remain the third child of a goat since they are neglected in every aspect including politics.71

68

69 70 71

Naresh Mitra, “Nath-​Yogis against division of state, want autonomous council,” The Times of India, August 26, 2013, accessed August 14, 2019, https://​times​ofin​dia​.ind​iati​mes​.com​ /city​/guwah​ati​/Nath​-Yogis​-agai​nst​-divis​ion​-of​-state​-want​-aut​onom​ous​-coun​cil​/arti​cles​ how​/22062​276​.cms​. Mitra, “Nath-​Yogis against division of state.” Mitra, “Nath-​Yogis against division of state.” The interview with Rabindra Roy Bhowmick (Nath) was held on March 1, 2022, at Mahanad, Hooghly, West Bengal.

158 

Chapter 6

Earlier during the 1960s and 1970s, cys was able to assert their demands in political ways. cys sought representation for the Naths in Silchar Municipality in 1961 because the Nath-​Yogi community has been the single largest in the municipality and was classified as a Backward Class community under Section 11(4) of the Assam Municipal Act, 1956. cys also approached the Department of Local Self Government and the Deputy Commissioner of Cachar, Assam.72 The Central Election Committee of Assam Pradesh Congress Committee (apcc) was urged upon by cys to give Congress nomination to two Nath-​Yogis of Cachar –​Professor Sarat Chandra Nath and Khana Devi in the 1962 Assam general election from Silchar East and Udharband constituency. cys highlighted that not a single member of this community was given Congress ticket so far.73 On the eve of the 1962 Assam general election, cys decided they would not advise the Nath-​Yogis towards voting because it is purely a personal matter, but they would provide financial support if there were any electoral candidates from the Nath community, whether they were from any political party or independent.74 cys opposes the 1962 Sino-​Indian War and holds Communist China accountable for it. All of cys’s members were urged to help the Indian government operationally and financially during the period of war, and the amount of ₹250 was donated to the war fund.75 After becoming despondent at the community’s lagging in various respects, including economically, educationally, and politically, cys General Secretary Sri Baidyanath Nath asked for supporting the Indian National Congress (inc), which was supposed to strive for the well-​being of the Nath-​Yogis.76 cys shows it concern for lack of awareness, employment, and political representative of the Nath-​Yogi community of Assam.77 The Naths of the Barak Valley have greatly been affected by the delimitation of constituencies. Now cys is looking at the democratic politics through protesting against the delimitation of Assembly Constituencies in Assam made 72 73 74 75 76 77

Resolutions of the 1st Executive Committee meeting of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Silchar, January 4, 1961. Resolutions of the emergency Executive Committee meeting of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Silchar, October 1, 1961. Resolutions of the 4th Executive Committee meeting of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Rangpur, January 7, 1962. Resolutions of the 5th Executive Committee meeting of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Silchar, December 2, 1962. Proceedings of the 37th Annual Conference of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Lala, February 23 and 24, 1966. Proceedings of the 38th Annual Conference of Cachar Yogi Sammilani, Jarailtala, February 21, 1970.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

159

in 1967 to divide the Naths among the constituencies in order to make them weak. Narsinghapur and Lala are both the Nath dominated areas. Nasinghapur was divided under Sonai and Dholai. Lala was divided under Hailakandi and Katlicherra.78 Now cys has been demanding to merge the Naths dominated areas to be a determining political force. The delimitation order 2008 proposed Lala a separate assembly constituency, but was not implemented yet.79 Now, cys is demanding that the Dholai constituency should be renamed as Narsinghpur and it should not be a reserved constituency. However, in the proposed draft for delimitation prepared in 2023, Dholai has been renamed as Narsinghpur constituency, but it is reserved for sc.80 Thus, the cys shows its dissatisfaction because the Naths are concentrated in Narsinghpur, but they cannot be an elected representative due to the reservation policy. According to Dhiren Nath, the President of apys, the Nath-​Yogis of Assam require the Tribal status.81 Though apys does not demand the st status explicitly, but the All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students’ Union (aanysu) has been in favour of the st status. The Nath-​Yogis are not only one of the oldest communities in Assam, but also a marginalised community in terms of socio-​economic and educational backwardness. After formation of various Autonomous Councils in Assam, the maintenance of property and buying or selling property became difficult for the Nath-​Yogis due to various law and regulations of the Autonomous Councils. The Government of Assam has taken multiple initiatives towards accelerating the development for the welfare of the Scheduled Tribe (st) communities, including democratic decentralisation of power and empowering st communities to take part in the planning, monitoring, and execution of Tribal Sub Plan (tsp) schemes at the grass roots level through the formation of Territorial Councils, Autonomous Councils, and Development Councils for various st communities.82 The various Autonomous Councils constituted by the Government are under the following heads: first, Territorial Councils under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of India; and second, Statutory 78

Election Commission of India, “Delimitation Order 1967,” (1967), accessed August 23, 2020, https://​eci​.gov​.in​/files​/file​/3944​-delim​itat​ion​-ord​ers​-1967​/?do=​downl​oad&r=​9342 &conf​irm=​1&t=​1&csrf​Key=​39644​54d0​f576​a7b4​7d14​5010​c494​bc0​. 79 Election Commission of India, “Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008,” (New Delhi: Election Commission of India, 2008), 42–​73. 80 Notification No. 282/​a s/​2023(del)/​Vol. iii, dated June 20, 2023, of Election Commission of India. 81 The interview with Dhiren Nath was held on April 20, 2023, over the telephone. 82 See, Assam State Portal, “Autonomous Council,” last updated April 3, 2023, accessed April 23, 2023, https://​assam​.gov​.in​/gov​ernm​ent​/410​.

160 

Chapter 6

Autonomous Councils constituted under State Act. Under the first category, In Assam there are three Autonomous Councils under the Sixth-​Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The three Autonomous Councils are: Bodoland Territorial Council (btc),83 North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council (nchac), Dima Hasao, and Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council (kaac), East Karbi Anglong.84 Under the second category, the Statutory Autonomous Councils are constituted for Social, Economic, Educational, Ethnic and Cultural advancement of the st communities living in Core Areas as well as in Satellite Areas covering many districts of Assam. There are six Statutory Autonomous Councils namely, Rabha Hasong Autonomous Council, Mising Autonomous Council, Tiwa Autonomous Council, Deori Autonomous Council, Thengal Kachari Autonomous Council, and Sonowal Kachari Autonomous Council. The Naths were granted a Development Council, but, as discussed in Chapter 4, they are frustrated with the functions of that council. Since the beginning of the twenty-​first century, the Nath-​Yogis have been experiencing a crisis as a result of several protective rights that have been granted to the respective tribal people by the establishment of Autonomous Councils. Invoking the arguments on the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution, the Sanmilita Janagosthiya Sangram Samiti (sjss) has been combating for the past two decades to prevent the Bodos from receiving territorial autonomy. A coalition of 21 non-​Bodo organisations forms the sjss, such as All Koch-​ Rajbanshi Students’ Union, All btc Minority Students’ Union, All Assam Minority Students’ Union, All btc Bengali Youth Students’ Federation, All Assam Koch-​Rajbanshi Sanmilani, Koch-​Rajbanshi Mahila Samiti, Chilarai Sena, Citizen Justice Forum, Sachetan Ganmancha, Nyay Dabi Samiti, aanysu, Sadou Assam Kalita Sanmilani, Mushlim Yuva Parishad, Santras Birodhi Gana 83

84

The Bodoland Territorial Council (btc) has legislative, administrative, executive, and financial powers over 40 policy areas in the Bodoland Territorial Areas Districts, which include four administrative districts, namely Udalguri, Baksa, Chirang, and Kokrajhar, as well as 40 Elected Representatives to the btc Legislative Assembly and provisions for six Nominated Members to be nominated by the Governor of Assam from the communities without representation. It was founded in 2003 as a result of a peace agreement between the Government of India and the Bodo Liberation Tigers, and it has been in operation since then under the provisions of the Amended Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. See, Assam State Portal, “Autonomous Council.” The Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council, East Karbi Anglong (kaac), and the North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council, Dima Hasao District (nchac), are autonomous councils established in accordance with the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution to oversee their respective districts and promote the development of the Tribal people. nchac’s headquarter is in Haflong, Dima Hasao. kaac’s hedquarter is in Diphu, East Karbi Anglong. See, Assam State Portal, “Autonomous Council.”

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

161

Mancha, Sanjukta Sankhyalughu Yuva Parisad, Adivashi Sachetan Gana Mancha, and Bodo Yuva-​Chatra Mancha. aanysu has been an important part of the sjss. Their main demand was based on the fact that the Bodos made up less than 20–​30% of Bodoland Territorial Area District (btad). Another crucial point advanced by this organisation was the Bodo leadership’s contention that the Bodo comprise the majority in all of lower Assam. This is completely unacceptable to them. There is not a single district in this area, which includes Dhubri, Kokrajhar, Bongaigaon, Barpeta, Nalbari, Darrang, and the north bank portions of Kamrup, where schedule tribes, Bodos, and others are in the majority. Currently, the Nath-​Yogis do not have their political representatives in the Assam Legislative Assembly. Since independence, only seven mla s have been elected from the Nath-​Yogi community. Since, there is no elected representative from the Nath-​Yogi community, they are now demanding for a Satellite Autonomous Council for protecting their various rights including exclusive land right, economic right, ensuring their empowerment on the basis of democratic decentralisation of power. However, the Autonomous Council can only be granted to the Tribal people, this is the biggest problem of the Nath-​Yogis. Therefore, the st status is necessary for the Nath-​Yogis of Assam for their practical purposes. Dhiren Nath says, the situation of the Naths of Assam is different from the Naths of West Bengal. The Naths of West Bengal are keener to secure social status on the basis of their Brahmanical culture and demand for Brahman status. The term and idea of Rudraja Brahman has been imported from West Bengal in Assam. On the other hand, the Naths of Assam has been facing some real crises due to their economic marginalisation caused by the massive empowerment of the Tribals and Muslims.85 Dhiren Nath identifies some causes behind the under-​representation of the Naths in political arena: first, the Nath-​Yogis are not united; second, most of them do not have loyalty and dedication towards community; and third, they are mostly politically apathetic. The votes of the Nath-​Yogis can be a determining factor in seven Assembly Constituencies of Assam, i.e., Marigaon, Sipajhar, Bilasipara East, Goalpara East, Borchalla, Hojai, and Karimganj South, due to their sizable population strength. However, because of the above-​mentioned reasons the Nath-​Yogis have not been able to create a vote-​bank in Assam. Notwithstanding their marginality in politics in terms of representation, the Nath-​Yogis of Assam now tend to support the Bharatiya Janata Party (bjp) and its pan-​Indian Hindu nationalism. Though the Nath-​Yogis have largely 85

The interview with Dhiren Nath was held on April 20, 2023, over the telephone.

162 

Chapter 6

been neglected by both Indian National Congress (inc), Asom Gana Parishad (agp), and bjp, but they now support bjp in the interest of Hindutva and Hindu nationalism, says Dhiren Nath.86 Yogi Adityanath’s assuming the post of the Chief Minister in Uttar Pradesh is one of the reasons behind the Naths becoming the true supporters of Hindutva. Now, the Nath-​Yogis of Assam are more likely to assert their identity that connects with Yogi Adityanath, the head of the Gorakhpur Math. The Assam Nath-​Yogi Jatiya Parishad (anyjp), the political wing of apys, stated on 9 November 2021 that the Nath-​Yogi community of Assam has been neglected for a very long time. Speaking to the media on the occasion of the organisation’s centenary celebrations, they claimed that the Nath-​Yogi community, one of the oldest indigenous people in the region, had long been neglected by the different governments. They emphasised that while the Nath-​ Yogis have made immeasurable contributions to culture, language development, and many other areas, they have been ignored in politics, economics, and society at large. Since the India’s independence, only eight people have represented the community in the legislature. They expressed their rage at having tried and failed numerous times to hold the demands of the people before different governments, noting that no political party have given them the consideration they deserve. They claimed that none of the 126 members of the Assam Legislative Assembly today are from their community. They added that despite numerous times when members of the community have battled and given their lives in defense of the community and the country, the community has always been ignored. They reported that on 27 September 2021, they had a meeting with Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma to discuss their issues and seek support. But they did not get the answers they were hoping for. They claimed that they had applied to have representation of their eligible members in various corporations, but no one from their community was included in the government’s most current list of candidates. They claimed that the decision left them feeling resentful, therefore they attempted to make their demands known to the public. They have made the following demands: first, in a manner similar to that of the Koch-​Rajbanshi and Tai Ahom tribes, they have asked for an autonomous council to oversee the general welfare of the tribe; second, the state government should appoint a representative to each autonomous council in Assam where Nath-​Yogis reside; third, the 25% of Nath-​Yogis living in the recently established Kamatapur Autonomous Council in Goalpara district be exempted from the to-​be-​formed council for the Nath-​Yogis; Fifth, the 86

The interview with Dhiren Nath was held on April 20, 2023, over the telephone.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

163

secondary and senior secondary school textbooks should mention Dhekiajuli’s Shahid Manowar Nath, Khohuli Devi, and Kumoli Devi, their sacrifice during the freedom struggle; fourth, the highest eligible positions in various state corporations be given to eligible people from the community; Sixth, a seat in each of Assam’s universities be reserved in honour of Mahayogi Matsyendranatha and Guru Gorakshanatha; seventh, a new flyover in Guwahati be called in honour of illustrious Pandit Tatyabhushan Rajmohan Nath or Shahid Manowar Nath. They have stated that because they have always been “taken for granted” by every political party and government, they will be forced to hold sizable democratic rallies in order to get their demands met.87 In April 2022, some of the Naths of Assam under the banner of Asom Nath-​Yogi Jatiya Parishad (anyjp), a political wing of apys, have asserted for their political representation in next mla and mp elections. According to anyjp, the Naths of Assam want political representation from their own community as the Naths are politically deprived since independence.88 The aanysu has an enduring political orientation and they are politically very active in recent times. aanysu has been asserting mainly three demands since 2017: first, to show respect to the Assam Accord, 1985, thus withdrawal of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (caa), 2019; second, st categorisation of the Nath-​Yogi community; and third, opposing the Bodo Peace Accord, 2020. On 14 June 2018, aanysu joined 27 other ethnic student organisations in a mass Satyagraha to demand that the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill (cab), 2016 be diluted. The protest was organised to voice against the cab, 2016 on the initiative of the Kokrajhar District Students’ Union, All Assam Bodo Students’ Union, aanysu, All Assam Sautal Students’ Union, Labour Union, All Assam Gariya –​Mariya National Union, All Assam Gorkha Students’ Union, All Rabha Students’ Union, All btc Hutradhar Yuva Manch, and other organisations. All of the leaders of the organisations in Kokrajhar district addressed extensively about the repercussions of the Bill and why citizenship based on religious affiliation will never be acceptable.89 A two-​day special convention of the aansyu was held on 27 January 2019 at the Dr Bhupen Hazarika Mukoli

87 88 89

“Nath-​Yogi Population of Assam Demand Rights,” Pratidin Time, November, 9, 2021, accessed April 19, 2023, https://​www​.prati​dint​ime​.com​/lat​est​-assam​-news​-break​ing​-news​ -assam​/nath​-yogi​-pop​ulat​ion​-of​-assam​-dem​and​-rig​hts​. The interview with Rabindra Roy Bhowmick (Nath), advisor of anyjp, was held on April 14, 2022, over the telephone. “Assam: Mass satyagraha observed in Kokrajhar,” India Today ne, June 14, 2018, accessed April 20, 2023, https://​www​.india​toda​yne​.in​/break​ing​-news​/story​/assam​-mass​-sat​yagr​ aha​-obser​ved​-kokraj​har​-395​647​-2018​-06​-14​.

164 

Chapter 6

Manch in Bhutiapara, Kokrajhar. The aanysu dead opposed the cab, 2016 and requested its termination in the presence of Lakhan Nath, President of the Students’ Union, Dr Prafulla Kumar Nath, Professor of Guwahati University, Peasant leader Akhil Gogoi, and All Assam Students’ Union (aasu) president Dipangko Kumar Nath. The aanysu urged that the Nath-​Yogi community be granted st status. Arabinda Nath, General Secretary of the Students’ Union, fiercely condemned the cab, 2016 and warned of a massive protest. He stated that the cab, 2016 would not be accepted for the state and the strong resistance will continue. He urges that the Nath-​Yogi community should be awarded st status, which the community has been seeking for many years.90 On 12 December 2019, activists and supporters of the aanysu demonstrated against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (caa), 2019 in Kokrajhar, the centre of btad administration in Assam, and burned effigies of the then Chief Minister Sarbananda Sonowal and Health Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma. Protesters held a rally and shouted slogans demanding that the Act be repealed as soon as possible. Meanwhile, police rushed to the protest site and arrested five people, including the general secretary of the aanysu, Arabinda Nath, who demanded that the caa, 2019 be withdrawn immediately for the sake of state integrity. He condemned the bjp-​led nda for enacting the contentious Act, which will lead to turmoil and anarchy in the state.91 Arabinda Nath, the General Secretary of aanysu, says that they are in favour of the Assam Accord, 1985.92 As per the Assam Accord, 1985, “[F]‌oreigners who came to Assam on or after March 25, 1971 shall continue to be detected, deleted and expelled [from citizenship] in accordance with law. Immediate and practical steps shall be taken to expel such foreigners.”93 The Assam Movement’s 90 91 92 93

“Nath Yogi students union opposes cab,” Assam Times, January 27, 2019, accessed April 19, 2023, https://​ass​amti​mes​.org​/node​/21819​. Hantigiri Narzary, “Assam cab stir: 5 arrested in Kokrajhar for burning effigies,” Eastmojo, December 12, 2019, accessed April 17, 2023, https://​www​.eastm​ojo​.com​/news​/2019​/12​/12​ /assam​-cab​-stir​-5​-arres​ted​-in​-kokraj​har​-for​-burn​ing​-effig​ies​/​. The interview with Arabinda Nath was held on May 3, 2023, over the telephone. The Assam Accord, signed on 15 August 1985, was a Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) that the leaders of the Assam Movement and officials of the Indian government signed in the presence of Rajiv Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India. The following year, in 1986, the Citizenship Act was altered for the first time. It came after a six-​year uproar that began in 1979. The protesters demanded the identification and deportation of all illegal foreigners, who were primarily Bangladeshi immigrants, under the leadership of the All Assam Students’ Union (aasu) and All Assam Gana Sangraam Parishad (aagsp). The Assam Accord marked the end of the movement. For details on the Assam Accord, see Government of Assam, “The Problem of Foreigners in Assam: A Memorandum of Settlement,” 1985, accessed May 3, 2023, file://​ /​ D:/​ TAX/​ AY%202023-​ 24/​ The%20 Assam%20Accord%20-​%20English.pdf.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

165

leaders decided to allow any immigrants who arrived in Assam before 1 January 1966. Foreigners who arrived in Assam after 1 January 1966 (inclusive) and before 24 March 1971 will be identified and removed from the electoral rolls in force in accordance with the provisions of the Foreigners Act, 1946 and the Foreigners (Tribunals) Order, 1964. Such individuals will be required to register with the appropriate district Registration Officers in accordance with the provisions of the Registration of Foreigners Act, 1939 and the Registration of Foreigners Rules, 1939. The Indian government agreed to update the electoral database based on that date after acknowledging the political, social, cultural, and economic concerns of the Assamese people. Additionally, the government consented to track down and deport any and all migrants and refugees who arrived after 25 March 1971. However, as per the cab, 2016, that sought to amend the Citizenship Act of 1955, those migrants who arrived in India on or before 31 December 2014 cannot be deported or imprisoned. It directly undermined the provisions of granting citizenship laid down in the Assam Accord, 1985, that fixed the date 24 March 1971 for purpose of granting citizenship. According to Samujjal Bhattacharya, the Chief Adviser of aasu, Assam will be the most affected because, while a significant number of Bangladeshi Hindus have already unlawfully entered the state over the past several decades, more will come and seek to stay, causing further harm to the state’s demography and reducing the Assamese and other indigenous communities to a minority.94 Finally, caa, 2019 fixes that: Provided that any person belonging to Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Jain, Parsi or Christian community from Afghanistan, Bangladesh or Pakistan, who entered into India on or before the 31st day of December, 2014 and who has been exempted by the Central Government by or under clause (c) of sub-​section (2) of section 3 of the Passport (Entry into India) Act, 1920 or from the application of the provisions of the Foreigners Act, 1946 or any rule or order made thereunder, shall not be treated as illegal migrant for the purposes of this Act.95

94 95

“The Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2016,” prs Legislative Research, last update May 4, 2023. accessed May 4, 2023, https://​prsin​dia​.org​/billtr​ack​/the​-citi​zens​hip​-amendm​ ent​-bill​-2016#​_edn2​. Ministry of Law and Justice, Government of India, “The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019,” The Gazette of India, December 12, 2019, accessed May 4, 2023, https://​egaze​tte​.nic​ .in​/WriteR​eadD​ata​/2019​/214​646​.pdf​.

166 

Chapter 6

According to Arabinda Nath, the General Secretary of aanysu, both the cab, 2016 and caa, 2019 undermined the Assam Accord, 1985, thus the indigenous people including the Nath-​Yogis have been deprived for a long time. Considering the situation, On 30 December 2019, representatives of apys, aanysu, btad Nath-​ Yogi Sammilani were called by the Chief Minister Sarbanand Sonwal at Janata Bhawan and discussed various issues for overall development of the community.96 However, the meeting did not yield desired outcomes. aanysu held a protest meeting in Bongaigaon on 10 January 2020, demanding st categorisation of the Nath-​Yogi community and the creation of a separate Autonomous Council. Several prominent figures attended the meeting, including Lakhan Nath, the President of aanysu, Arabinda Nath, the Secretary of aanysu, Dambarudhar Nath, the President of apys, Jayanti Nath, the President of apys Women’s Committee, and others. Arabinda Nath, speaking to the crowd, stated that there are 40 lakh Nath-​Yogi people in Assam. But still, he added, we are the most backward community. We don’t even have an mla in Assam State Cabinet. We don’t have higher officers, leaders in our community and hence we are deprived in every sector. But the time has come to be aware. Hence, we demand st categorization of the Nath-​Yogi community. We also demand formation of a separate Autonomous Council for Nath-​Yogi majority areas. We also demand 50 percent reservation of seats for the Nath-​Yogi community in Kamatapur Autonomous Council. Otherwise, we shall form a massive democratic agitation in the coming days.97 Arabinda Nath says that in the Autonomous Councils, under the Sixth Schedule and statutory, the Nath-​Yogis have been facing various crises since a long period.98 First, their political right to be elected is limited; second, problems to protect or transfer landed property due to complicated procedure; third, the Nath-​Yogi students suffer from low percentage in medical or

96 97

98

Chief Minister Assam (@CMOfficeAssam), “Representatives of All Assam Nath Yogi Students Union,” Twitter, December 30, 2019, accessed April 20, 2023, https://​twit​ter​.com​ /cmoffi​ceas​sam​/sta​tus​/1211​6697​7387​8251​520​. “All Assam Nath-​Yogi students demands separate Autonomous Council,” The Sentinel, January 11, 2020, accessed April 18, 2023, https://​www​.sentin​elas​sam​.com​/north​-east​ -india​-news​/assam​-news​/all​-assam​-nath​-yogi​-stude​nts ​-dema​nds ​-separ​ate ​-aut​onom​ ous​-coun​cil​/​. The interview with Arabinda Nath was held on May 3, 2023, over the telephone.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

167

engineering or general degree colleges due to the reservation facility grated to various st communities. Some other non-​s t communities, such as Koch-​ Rajbanshi, Moran, Chutiya, Motak, etc. have secured some reservation facility because of their long-​standing assertions. Therefore, the Nath-​Yogis need to fight for st status to protect their political rights, property rights, and secure adequate percentages in admission for the Nath-​Yogi students. The aanysu along with several organisations, such as the All Koch-​ Rajbanshi Students’ Union (akrsu), the All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students’ Union, the All Bodoland Minority Students’ Union, the All Adivasi Students’ Union, the Oboro Suraksha Samiti and the Kalita Janagoshthi Students’ Union, called a 12-​ hour shutdown on 27 January 2020 against the Bodo Peace Accord99 signed in New Delhi.100 The organisations that called for the bandh agreed to continue their protests against the creation of the Union Territorial Council (utc) in the btad commencing on 27 January 2020, until the government holds discussion on political levels about the problems of the non-​Bodo residents of the area. In order to resolve the long-​standing problem, the organisations urged that the Kamatapur Liberation Organisation (klo), which has been fighting violently for a separate Kamatapur state since 1993, be invited to peace negotiations. Officials from the Ministry of Home Affairs (mha) disagree, stating that the reports of the creation of the Union Territorial Council (utc) in btad are completely false and there is no chance in future of creating a separate Bodoland state or utc under the terms of the peace accord.101 Arabinda Nath says that since the btc was constituted in 2003, no Nath-​Yogis have ever been elected 99

The representatives of National Democratic Front of Bodoland (ndfb), the United Bodo People’s Organisation (ubpo), and All Bodo Students’ Union (absu) signed an accord in New Delhi on 27 January 2020 with the Center and State government of Assam to facilitate the all-​round development of the Bodo areas, their language and culture, and resolve issues related to Bodo people residing outside Bodoland Territorial Area Districts (btad) without compromising the territorial integrity of Assam. The objective was to foster peace and put an end to the separatist demands of the Bodo community. As part of a peace agreement, the Bodoland Territorial Area District (btad) changed its name to Bodoland Territorial Region (btr). Also, it was decided that the Citizenship Amendment Act, 2019 does not apply to the btad or the region covered by the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution. See Press Information Bureau, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, “Bodo Peace Accord,” March 9, 2021, accessed May 1, 2023, https://​pib​.gov​.in​/Pressr​ elea​sesh​are​.aspx?PRID=​1703​510​. 100 “Shutdown in parts of Assam over Bodo accord,” The Hindu, January 27, 2020, accessed April 18, 2023, https://​www​.thehi​ndu​.com​/news​/natio​nal​/shutd​own​-in​-parts​-of​-assam​ -over​-bodo​-acc​ord​/arti​cle3​0667​052​.ece​. 1 01 “Assam bandh on Monday opposing Union Territorial Council,” Nagaland Post, January 26, 2020, accessed April 19, 2023, https://​nagal​andp​ost​.com​/index​.php​/assam​-bandh​-on​ -mon​day​-oppos​ing​-union​-terr​itor​ial​-coun​cil​/​.

168 

Chapter 6

or nominated. Thus, the Bodo Peace Accord, 2020 is also meaningless for the Nath-​Yogis because it does not ensure the various rights of the Nath-​Yogis.102 Therefore, unlike the West Bengal Naths, the Naths of Assam have the potentials to be a political force. The reasons behind this hypothesis are, firstly, the Naths are numerically a giant caste in Assam, and they live in a clannish way. Secondly, the Naths of Assam have had some degree caste/​community consciousness since the early twentieth century, at least amongst the elite and educated Naths. Thirdly, the Naths are much organised headed by their baro samaj and also several caste associations, and these associations are also very prominent in the Assamese society, both in Brahmaputra Valley and Barak Valley, with their narrow caste interests on one hand, and some holistic objectives on the other. However, what is missing in the Yogi caste is the absence of a central authoritative organisation who can guide the Naths, articulate the caste interests, and direct the movement by more or less a singular command. There is not only an absence of such solidarity amongst the caste associations, but, sometimes, unhealthy competitions among the Naths are there –​between the Assamese and Bengali Naths, between the native and migrant Bengali Naths, due to their identity formation and reservation issue. For example, while the Assamese Naths are demanding for st status, the Bengali Naths of Assam proritising the Brahmanic identity. 5

Observations

In West Bengal, the Naths have so far remained restrained in bargaining politically with the governments and political parties. The Nath associations are so far very reluctant to politicise the issues of the Naths. A sense of fright among them works about politics. These associations have been trying hard to unite the Naths since the early twentieth century, but these associations think that party politics will create divisions among the Naths and their issues are not political, rather entirely socio-​economic. On the other hand, in Assam, the Naths are to some extent politically oriented than that of West Bengal. apys and cys have a greater implication in the political scene of Assam. apys opposes ethnic group wise further division of the state of Assam. Since the Nath-​Yogis are spread over nearly all the districts of Assam, apys believes, the most viable and feasible step to look after the all-​round development of the community is to set up satellite autonomous council in parts of the state. Though the 102 The interview with Arabinda Nath was held on May 3, 2023, over the telephone.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

169

same number of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam said that politicisation is needed for fulfilling the demands of the community, the Naths of Assam, unlike the Naths of West Bengal, have the potentials to be a political force as discussed in the Chapter 4. Because apys, the biggest Nath association of Assam, and cys, the biggest Nath association of the Barak Valley, maintain occasional relationship with democratic politics through their various demands that have been discussed here. Moreover, we see that the Assamese Naths are pushing their demands politically for their exclusive interests due to the peculiarity of socio-​ ethnic cleavages in Brahmaputra Valley in Assam. The Bengali Naths of West Bengal and even from the Barak Valley of Assam are no longer associated with this politics. To date, only three Naths have become the Members of the Legislative Assembly (mla) in West Bengal. Historically the Naths of Assam are also backward in terms of mainstream democratic politics. So far, since 1937, the Naths of Assam got only eight political representatives (mla) from their own caste. Currently, one Member of the Legislative Assembly (mla) of West Bengal is from the Nath community but there is no Member of Parliament (mp) from this community. On the other hand, there is no mla and mp from the Nath community in Assam. Individually, 3 Naths out of 250 from West Bengal and 4 Naths out of 250 from Assam are associated with formal politics, which I found during the field surveys. What I have seen from field surveys is that the Naths in West Bengal and to some extent in Assam are far from the politicisation process. In West Bengal, the Nath associations do not want to participate in democratic party politics, on the other hand, the political parties are also not interested in Naths. On the other hand, in Assam, the Nath associates are comparatively more politically oriented than that of West Bengal, but could not able to have an impact on the political process as the common Nath masses are not united. Though the Naths, at the individual level and also at the level of association, are much active in the publication of books, caste journals and we even find them very active in social media such as Facebook and WhatsApp, etc., they are very much reluctant in deliberating the political matters. In the other words, the political overtones are missing in their propaganda particularly in West Bengal. Either they propagate their past rich traditions or how they will earn the social status. They are also not interested in raising any demand with the governments. The Nath associations of West Bengal have a fear complex concerning politicising themselves. They think party politics will erode the foundations of their associations, because the members will be divided along party lines. Then, their struggle for social status will be hindered. They do not want to come directly into democratic politics. Because they think that this will deprive them of the social benefits they are getting. So, they are

170 

Chapter 6

not able to influence the political parties because they have no political aspirations, they are not organised, and they do not have proper leadership. As per the field surveys. some reasons behind the marginalisation of the Naths in formal politics may be drawn: First, the Naths are not united, both in these two states. They did not promote themselves as a vote-​bank. The reason is the Naths of Bengal and Assam are not a determining factor in elections because they are geographically dispersed all over the region, unlike the Rajbanshis, Namasudras, Kurmi-​Mahatos of Bengal, and Lingayats of Karnataka. Second factor is the lack of any dominant or centralised association of the Naths. Though some associations, such as abys, apys, cys, nbrbs, pbnks, bunyrbs, etc. are visible in West Bengal and Assam, they could not establish themselves as the true representatives of all the Naths, because they could neither extend their associations at the rural level, nor could they have overwhelming hegemony over the statewide Nath masses. Third, the political apathy of these associations is one of the reasons for their low level of policisation. These existing associations never tried to politicise themselves both in West Bengal and to some extent in Assam. They thought that their struggle is for managing high social status which could be ensured through some internal reforms. The colonial period shows some interactions of the Nath associations with governments. However, after independence, the Naths are remained reluctant to bargain with political parties and/​ or governments except their two initiatives: first, their demands made in 1950 during the West Bengal Census 1951, and second, their appeal to the Backward Class Commission in 1978. Instead, they have focused on sociocultural issues, and failed to have an impact on vote-​bank politics. They failed to understand that formal democratic politics may bring better opportunities for them in terms of community development. In Assam, we can find some bargaining of the Nath associations, such as apys and cys, but did not make themselves as successful pressure groups. Fourth, they have no political aspirations as well as political visions. They have been trying to earn social respect. They think that the bargaining with governments or political parties may help their material well-​being, but could not help in uplifting social status and social esteem at par the Brahmans. The caste journals are also evident that they are more interested in uplifting their social status and social esteem rather than material well-​being. Finally, lack of proper leadership among the Naths. There is no such leadership in the two states who can bargain politically with the political parties and governments. The caste leaders of the Naths think that as they had a past glorious history being the descendants of Lord Siva, they should not bow

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

171

down before others. The caste leaders and some other Nath activists are keen to preach their past legacies through caste journals, WhatsApp, and Facebook rather than any political matters. The new generations are also politically apathetic both in West Bengal and Assam. As the days go by, the new generation of the Naths is moving away from the “politics of identity” or “politics of recognition”, and taking a liberal secular approach. They think that it will be convenient for them. This is the “politics of convenience”. In this connection, I can draw some differences between the Naths and the Namasudras and Rajbanshis, two prominent castes of West Bengal that are highly politically conscious in terms of their high level of politicisation. First, the Namasudras and Rajbanshis are able to bargain with dominant political parties of West Bengal because they can determine the fate of political parties during elections in several constituencies due to their population strength where they are spatially concentrated in south Bengal and north Bengal respectively. On the other hand, the Naths are, unlike these two, neither numerically giant caste, nor are they geographically concentrated, socially cohesive, and politically orientated, thus did not able to create a vote-​bank.103 Second, the Namasudras did not form any political party yet, but they are guided by the Matua Mahasangha, a highly politicised community association. The Matua Mahasangha plays a dominant role in uniting the Namasudras. This association appeared as the political representative of the Namasudras as well as the Dalit refugees in West Bengal.104 On the other hand, the Rajbanshis have some political parties, such as Greater Cooch Behar Peoples’ Association (gcpa), Kamtapur People’s Party (kpp), Greater Cooch Behar Democratic Party (gcbdp), and Kamtapur Progressive Party. Though they are not highly consolidated, but the Rajbanshis became a political force being politicised by them. For the Naths, there is no such type of authoritative religious or political organisation both in West Bengal and Assam. The existing associations of the Naths have failed to unite the Naths, particularly the rank and file. Third, The Namasudras and Rajbanshis are placed under the sc category and they do not even claim to be the Brahmans. They openly proclaim that they are being exploited, oppressed, deprived, despised, and humiliated in the Brahmanical social order. On the 103 Kunal Debnath, “An Untold Saga of the Politics of Identity: The Struggle for Recognition of the Naths of Bengal,” History and Sociology of South Asia 17, no. 2 (2023): 213–​222. 104 For a detail study, see Praskanva Sinharay, “Building Up the Harichand-​Guruchand Movement: The Politics of the Matua Mahasangha,” in The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, eds. Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad and Kenneth Bo Nielsen (Oxon: Routledge, 2016), 147–​168.

172 

Chapter 6

other hand, the Naths could not understand what their own existence was. The Naths, unlike these two castes, cannot propagate their experiences since they claim to be the Brahmans. Finally, the Namasudras and Rajbanshis still maintain their religious distinctiveness which poses a challenge to the Brahmanical social order. On the other hand, the Naths are far from Natha-​pantha which was originally free from the Brahmanical caste order. Now, the Naths are, obliterating their own religious distinctiveness, incorporated within the Brahmanical caste framework, and a large section of the Naths claims the Brahman status. The case of Lingayats of Karnataka is also substantially different from the Naths of Bengal and Assam. The Lingayats, a Saivite sect of Karnataka, also known as Virashaiva or sometimes Virashaiva Brahmins, are well-​recognised as a religious community. Boratti highlights the numerous caste negotiations that took place during the colonial census before moving on to the specific evidence of the Lingayats’ participation in the census and the debates surrounding their loud assertion of Brahminhood within the larger Hindu fold during the colonial period in contrast to the low Sudra status that was given to them. Numerous petitions and proposals asking the Mysore government to permit Lingayats to self-​identify as Virashaiva as a religion/​sect and Virashaiva Brahmin as a caste were also made during the 1921 Census.105 Lingayat community consists of many caste groups and forms a religious sect under broader concepts of Hinduism unlike the Naths of Bengal. The Lingayats still maintain their religious distinctiveness from “Brahmanical” Hinduism, on the other hand, the Naths of Bengal and Assam have been transmuted merely a caste group within Brahmanical Hindu framework and lost their religious distinctiveness. However, the Lingayat community presently comprises a mixture of castes, including advance castes, obc s, and sc s. The Central Government has currently granted obc status to 16 Lingayat castes. In Karnataka, Virashaiva Lingayats are granted obc status at the state level.106 Yet, they are categorised as backward, Lingayat is a dominant caste in Karnataka. Compared to the other castes, the Lingayat community has a higher proportion of legislators since independence, except the first Assembly elected in 1952 where Vokkaligas were at the top. Lingayats gradually organised themselves and benefited significantly from the non-​Brahmin movement in the state. Due to their significant land holdings in the state, the Lingayats steadily ascended to the role of 105 Vijayakumar M. Boratti, “Lingayat Assertions of Identity in Colonial Karnataka: Caste, Census and Politics of Representation,” South Asia Research 42, no. 3 (2022): 398–​413. 106 Backward Classes Welfare Department, Government of Karnataka, “Backward Classes List,” (2002), accessed March 3, 2022, https://​bcw​.karnat​aka​.gov​.in​/stor​age​/pdf​-files​ /caste%20l​ist​.new​.pdf​.

Mainstream Politics and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

173

dominant castes in terms of both political influence and economic power.107 On the other side, because of lack of material possessions, land holdings, well-​ planned caste associations, and political consciousness, the Naths of Bengal and Assam failed to consolidated themselves either socially or politically. 6

Conclusion

Identity politics can be conceived from many dimensions such as “a politics of belonging” and “a struggle for recognition”. Based on the study of the Naths, we can see these two are pertinent to the case of the Naths of Bengal and Assam. Belonging is an act of how one can identify the self or be identified by others in a constant, challenged, or fleeting way. The politics of identity of the Naths is based on their self-​identification as well as how they are identified by the others. They tend to identify themselves as a socially and ritually high caste, but they are identified as socially and ritually low caste by others. This can be termed as “double consciousness”. The struggle of the Naths is undeniably a politics of recognition and some elements of “post-​materialist” politics are present here. The primary concern of the Naths has been securing or managing a high social position in the Hindu caste framework until the beginning of the twenty first century. Earlier, it was not involved in the economic power or redistribution of material resources through bargaining politically with the governments or political parties during the elections. Therefore, still, other than individual voting, the Naths of these two states are not connected with the democratic mechanisms and thus governance due to the lack of political representation from their own community despite they have some degrees of population strength.108 Their current position might be loosely analysed by the concept of “anti-​politics”. Andrew Heywood defined anti-​politics as “disillusionment with formal or established political processes, reflected in non-​ participation, support for anti-​system parties, or the use of direct action.”109 Here, though the Naths are not the supporter of anti-​system parties, yet they do not make politicise themselves in electoral politics or they do not believe

107 Sandeep Shastri, “Legislators in Karnataka: Well-​entrenched Dominant Castes,” in Rise of the Plebeians? The Changing Face of Indian Legislative Assemblies, eds. Christophe Jaffrelot and Sanjay Kumar (New Delhi: Routledge, 2009), 247, 251. 108 The Nath associations, abys and nbrbs, claim that approximately 50 lakh Naths live in West Bengal. On the other hand, apys claims that there are approximately 43 lakh Naths live in Assam. 109 Andrew Heywood, Politics, 5th (London: Red Globe Press, 2019), 38.

174 

Chapter 6

that the electoral politics can secure well-​being of their community interests, i.e., high social status and social prestige. Therefore, this study reveals that the participation in electoral politics is not always seen as productive. It goes without saying that many communities successfully impacted the electoral politics by their collective mobilisation. Yet, participation in electoral politics is sometimes considered scary.

­c hapter 7

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity of the Naths of Bengal and Assam Search for a Pattern

1

Introduction

This chapter is based on the conceptual understanding related to this study and to assess the Naths question in the context of some existing conceptual schema. Consciously, this chapter is placed at the end of the book instead of the beginning. Placing a conceptual framework at the beginning seems to be an attempt to establish it by pushing and shoving. Since this study follows an inductive approach, for that reason this chapter is placed at the end. Here, the existing concepts and theories will be examined through the lens of what I discussed in the previous chapters about the caste-​based identity of the Naths of Bengal and Assam, their resistance, and politicisation. 2

The Politics of Identity, Caste, and Marginality

Here, I shall discuss the Nath question in the larger context of identity, caste, and marginality. Identity, caste, and marginality cannot be separated theoretically, conceptually, and in reality. Marginalisation might be occurred based on identities, and the caste identity is one of them. 2.1 The Politics of Identity and the Nath Question Identity is an important issue in politics, formal or informal. Here I take politics in its wider sense. Politics, a struggle for power and managing influential positions in society, is practiced visibly or collusively at the level of the state, supra-​state, party, class, and other identity groups, and people of the present-​ day or the past. The academic incorporation of the expression “identity” and “politics of identity” has become popular during the mid-​to-​late twentieth century. The academic debates on identity have become even more fashioned and came to be used after psychologist Eric Erickson brought in the concept in the 1950s. Identity politics has been popularised with the emergence of cultural

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_008

176 

Chapter 7

politics in the 1980s and 1990s.1 Though identity and identity politics are offshoots of the mid-​to-​late twentieth century, there is no reason to accept that there were no such instances of identity politics in the world prior to the twentieth century. The social and political foundations of individuals or a group of individuals are often moulded by the identity issue, both empirically as well as theoretically. A collective or a specific individual identity is being expected by every individual or community. The identities, both individual or collective, have a profound effect on society and politics. Identity is not always “a private matter and a private worry.”2 Identity is taken into consideration when it is perceived as being in trouble, so it often indicates identity crisis rather than merely identity.3 Identity is responsible for how we do view ourselves and how we are viewed by others. Also, politics of identity is often admired for achieving socially desirable goals by creating a shared identity, solidarity, or a sense of collectivity.4 In the case of the Naths, the question of identity would have been irrelevant if they were recognised to be a high caste. Since they are placed at the bottom of the varna framework, they are keen to enhance their status. Thus, the identity question is vital to them. They have been trying to create solidarity or a sense of collectivity since the late nineteenth century for achieving their high caste status, social esteem, etc. Identity politics can be conceived from many dimensions, such as “a politics of belonging”, “a politics of injustice”, “a reframing of politics”, and “a struggle for recognition”.5 Based on the study of the previous chapters, we can see all of these are pertinent to the case of the Naths of Bengal and Assam. Belonging is an act of how one can identify the self or be identified by others in a constant, challenged, or fleeting way. This identification may be based on the basis of religion, class, caste, gender, etc. The politics of identity of the Naths is based on their self-​identification as well as how they tend to be identified by the others. They tend to identify themselves as a socially and ritually high caste, but they are identified as socially and ritually low caste by others. Politics of injustice involves the violation of liberties and the denial of various rights of individuals or groups. In this situation, individuals or groups might

1 Francis Fukuyama, Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2018), 9. 2 Zygmunt Bauman, “Identity in a Globalizing World,” in Identity in Question, eds. Anthony Elliott and Paul du Gay (London: Sage Publications Ltd, 2009), 4. 3 Steph Lawler, Identity: Sociological Perspectives 2nd (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2014), 1. 4 Bernd Simon, Identity in Modern Society: A Social Psychological Perspective (Malden: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2004), 1–​2. 5 Lawler, Identity, 163–​166.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

177

involve in identity politics with others, including but not necessarily the state. The Naths often cite the oppression faced by their ancestors from the twelfth century onwards, especially after the migration of the Vedic Brahmans from north India. That oppression definitely caused a violation of their liberties and various rights, as they argue citing the period of king Vallalasena that is discussed in the Chapter 2. Sometimes, identity located outside the domain of politics may be framed as a political matter. Thus, the realm of politics is supposed to be reframed. Even though the identity of the Naths is a matter of society outside the realm of “formal” politics, the identity crisis of the Naths encourages us to reshape the boundary of “the political”. The marginalisation of the Naths based on their identity and the resistance built by the Naths are definitely a matter of politics, as it involves power. Once Michel Foucault said, “where there is power, there is resistance, and yet, or rather consequently, this resistance is never in a position of exteriority in relation to power.”6 A struggle for recognition is a “post-​materialist” politics that involves the recognition of identity, may be caste, gender, ethnicity, and it contrasted with class politics. Thus, it lays more emphasis on the recognition of identity rather than the redistribution of material resources. The struggle of the Naths is definitely a politics of recognition and some elements of “post-​materialist” politics are present here. The primary concern of the Naths has been securing or managing a high social position in the Hindu varna framework as I have argued in the previous chapters. It is not explicitly involved in the economic power or redistribution of material resources until the 1990s when obc reservation changed the entire environment. Yet, I can say that still social status and social esteem are the primary concerns of the Naths’ identity politics. Social and cultural aspects of identity promote identity consciousness at the individual level and also at the group level. Social identity can be understood as a sense of “we-​ness” or attachment to the members of a group. Similarly, the cultural identity upholds some ethics as guiding principles, a way of symbolic lifestyle that one shares with others.7 In modern Europe, when people are concerned about their gender, ethnic, national, and racial identities, we have seen that caste identity plays a vital role in societal and political platforms in India. In the case of the Naths, we can see they assert their caste identity as the Brahmans or above the Brahmans. This consciousness is collective and has 6 Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Volume i: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 95. 7 Pawel Boski, Katarzyna Strus and Ewa Tlaga, “Cultural identity, existential anxiety and traditionalism,” in Ongoing themes in psychology and culture, eds. Bernadette N. Setiadi et al. (International Association for Cross-​Cultural Psychology, 2004), 457–​474.

178 

Chapter 7

been transmitting from one generation to the next since the late nineteenth century. 2.2 Caste, Census, and the Nath Question Caste has been a theoretical framework to investigate the Indian society and, at the same time, it is an Indian reality. Though it is intricately linked with the Indian Hindu society but the word caste has been derived from the Spanish word “casta”, which means race. It is an important element of Indian society, culture, and politics. In India, caste denotes a social hierarchy of status by birth among the Hindus based on varna that divides the Hindus into four main categories: Brahmans (teachers and intellectuals who supposedly came from the head of Brahma, the Hindu God of creation); Kshatriyas (the rulers and warriors, who are believed to have come from arms of God Brahma); Vaishyas (the traders, who were supposedly created from Brahma’s thighs); and Sudras (who supposed to do all the menial works and came from Brahma’s feet).8 This varna model of caste has been the “basic structure” of the Hindu society. However, the varna system that is seen today has been later modified and incorporated into Hindu society through the smriti literature such as various Puranas and Manusmriti. These main varnas were further divided into several castes and sub-​castes on the basis of their specific hereditary occupations. Outside of this Hindu varna as well as caste system were the outcastes –​the Dalits, or the untouchables, or the oppressed. Max Weber described the Indian caste as a “closed status group” with some unique elements and also said that castes existed in India among the non-​ Hindu societies also.9 Social anthropologists, such as Russell, W. Lloyd Warner and Allison Davis, defined caste as an endogamous and hereditary subdivision in society, ranked in a superordinate and subordinate order.10 Edward Albert Gait, a colonial Indian administrator, found some features of Hindu caste: belief in a common origin, possession of a common name, common occupation, and endogamy.11 Similarly, Herbert Hope Risley, a colonial ethnographer in India, defined the Indian caste as a

8 9 10 11

Govind Sadashiv Ghurye, Caste and Race in India, 5th (New Delhi: Sage, 2016), 25–​59. Max Weber, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, eds. Hance H. Gerth and C. Wright Mills (London: Routledge, 1948), 189, 396. Jyotirmoyee Sarma, Caste Dynamics Among the Bengali Hindus (Calcutta: Firma klm Private Limited, 1980), 37. Edward Albert Gait, “Caste,” in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. iii, ed. James Hastings (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1911), 234.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

179

collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name; claiming descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine; professing to follow the same hereditary calling; and regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community.12 Ambedkar opined that the origin of caste in India is endogamy and it is the only characteristic of caste. Elimination of endogamy could only be a way for “annihilation of caste” thus safeguarding the equal rights for all.13 Emile Senart, a French author, defined caste as a corporate group, exclusive and, in theory at least, rigorously hereditary and it is different from social classes. Another French scholar Celestin Bougle found the Indian caste system as its “pure state”. He identified three elements of the Indian caste system that are significant: the idea of hereditary specialisation; hierarchy in the form of unequal distribution of rights and privileges; and repulsion between groups. Bougle found the social mobility attained by caste groups by taking new profession.14 On the other hand, Friedrich Max Muller, a famous orientalist, said that caste originated in India from the submission of the original inhabitants of India by the conquering Aryans. He wrote: We have in India the Aryan settlers on one side, and the native inhabitants on the other. The former are named Aryas or Aryans, that is cultivators of the soil which they conquered; the latter, if they submissive to the conquerors, are the Sudras or Dasas, slave, while the races of indigenous origin who remain hostile to the end, were classed as altogether outside the pale of political society.15 It is also true for the case of Bengal and Assam. In these regions, as argued in the Chapter 2, no caste system was found in a consolidate form before the Aryan invasion. The Naths were also pushed to the margin, placed at the lower stratum in society and were expelled from the political society after the Aryans prevailed in Bengal and Assam.

12

Herbert Hope Risley, The People of India, 2nd, ed. W. Crooke (Calcutta & Simla: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1915), 68. 13 Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, “Castes in India: Their mechanism, genesis and development,” in Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Vol. i (New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, 2014), 8–​14. 14 Sarma, Caste Dynamics, 42–​43. 15 Friedrich Max Muller, The Six Systems of Indian Philosophy (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1899), 12.

180 

Chapter 7

Louis Dumont, another French scholar, further extended the theory of Bougle. By accepting Bougle’s three elements of the Indian caste system, Dumont argued for one common element that would represent the three features of the caste system as suggested by Bougle. Dumont’s “a single true principle” was “the opposition of the pure and impure” based on hierarchy. Hierarchy is the “supremacy of pure over the impure”.16 Hierarchy needs two extreme poles equally, although the two poles are unequal.17 Dumont argued that castes cannot be apprehended independently of the caste system. In the hierarchy of the caste system, the Brahmans are at the apex, even the “real” power of the Kshatriyas is encompassed by this value system. This is the “structural universe” where spiritual power and temporal power are strictly separated. The king is placed subordinate to the priest in this value system.18 Thus Dumont said “for pure hierarchy to develop without hindrance it was also necessary that power should be absolutely inferior to status”.19 He further added, in a true hierarchy “that which encompasses is more important than that which is encompassed”.20 According to Dumont, in the modern societies of the West, power and status normally went together, but in India, status is sometimes more important than power. A politically or economically powerful person may not enjoy the highest status in Indian society. On the other hand, A person who enjoys the highest status (the Brahmans) could be economically poor and politically less-​powerful. Thus, Dumont said status encompassed power. Though, Dumont is criticised by many scholars from many points of view. Because it is evident that in Indian society, the Brahmans are not necessarily economically poor or politically less-​powerful. Instead, the Brahmans, due to their status, gained political power and became financially well-​organised. Yet we can observe that Dumont’s theory can be employed in the case of the Naths of Bengal and Assam. The previous chapters present that the Naths of Bengal and Assam are more attentive to earning an equal status or sometimes superior status above the Brahmans than earning political or economic power. The Naths, from the colonial period, have been struggling for superior status in society, but they did not pay any effort to be a politically or

16

Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1970), 81. 17 Dipankar Gupta, Interrogating Caste: Understanding Hierarchy and Difference in Indian Society (Gurgaon: Penguin Books, 2000), 60. 18 Ursula Sharma, Caste (Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2019), 22. 19 Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus, 114. 20 Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus, 116.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

181

economically powerful caste. This is, indeed, a “struggle for recognition” or a “politics of recognition” based on collective identity assertion. In Bengal, the pattern of caste is not similar to that of the rest of India’s caste pattern. Caste and varna systems could not be traced in Bengal society prior to the eleventh century.21 Mahua Sarkar claims that the severities of the caste system were not as strict in Bengal as they were in northern India, the heartland of Aryan civilisation. This was primarily due to the late initiation of the Aryanisation process and the simultaneous existence of a more liberal indigenous tribal culture, which constantly interacted with and diluted the orthodox varna culture, even after the establishment of an Aryan state in the fifth century.22 In Bengal, castes are divided into two principal varnas or groups –​Brahmans and Sudras.23 There has historically been no trace of the rest two varnas –​ Kshatriyas and Vaishyas, though some groups in Bengal, such as the Kayasthas, the Vaidyas, the Rajbanshis, etc., still claim to be fallen under these two.24 The Sudras in Bengal are further divided into four sub-​groups:25 a) The Sat-​Sudras; the Kayasthas, Vaidyas, and the Navasakhs26 b) The Jalacharaniya-​Sudras; those groups from whom the Brahmans and other higher castes can take water. c) Jalabyabaharya-​Sudras; from whom a Brahman cannot take water. d) Asprishya-​Sudras; whose touch is impure; thus, they are untouchables. The chapter ten of Brahmavaivarta Purana classified the Bengal people into four categories: Brahmans, sat-​Sudras, asat-​Sudras, and antyajas or asprishyas or low-​born untouchables.27 Here, the Yogi or Jugi is not mentioned in any 21 Niharranjan Ray, History of the Bengali People, Paperback, trans. John W. Hood (Kolkata: Orient Blackswan, 2013), 194. 22 Mahua Sarkar, “The Other Backward Classes in Bengal: Exclusion, Exploitation and Empowerment,” in The Routledge Handbook of the Other Backward Classes in India: Thought, Movements and Development, eds. Simhadri Somanaboina and Akhileshwari Ramagoud (Oxon: Routledge, 2022), 360. 23 Ghurye, Caste and Race in India, 4. 24 Ray, History of the Bengali People, 194. 25 Herbert Hope Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary, vol. ii (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1892), 270; Ghurye, Caste and Race in India, 4–​5. 26 The Satsudras, who are divided into two groups, are the caste below the Brahmans in the Bengali caste system. The Kayasthas and Vaidyas make up the highest group of Satsudras. The Navasakh group, which originally had nine (nava) but eventually had fourteen jatis, is below of them. The Navasakhs are: Gandha-​vanik, Sankha-​vanik, Kansa-​vanik, Tambuli-​ vanik, Gop (or Sadgop), Tantubay, Modak, Napit, Tili, Malakar, Karmakar, Kumbhakar, Barui, and Madhunapit. 27 Brahmavaivarta Purana, Vol. i, ed. Ashok Chattopadhyay, trans. Malay Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: Nabapatra Prakashan, 1993), 28–​34; Ray, History of the Bengali People, 196.

182 

Chapter 7

category. There is a mention of a caste called Yungi placed at the category of asat-​Sudras.28 I have already argued that though some scholars put Yungi with Yogi, but there is no such concrete evidence that confirms these two castes were the same. However, the chapter nine of Brahmavaivarta Purana, similar to Vallala-​charita, says about the Yogis originated from eleven Rudras,29 and the Nath-​Yogis of Bengal and Assam extensively use this section for asserting and establishing their “origin myth”, and their claim for Rudraja Brahman status. On the other hand, Vrhaddharma Purana classified the Bengal people primarily into two categories: Brahmans and sankaras (mixed); other than the Brahmans all are placed under sankara or mixed category. Sankaras were further divided into three categories: uttam sankara (upper level mixed), madhya sankara (middle level mixed), and adham sankara or antyaja (bottom or low-​ born level mixed). The rest of these are mleccha or aboriginal or outcaste level people.30 Though, we can find some dissimilarities in these two Brahmanical texts regarding caste hierarchies, yet the caste patterns are somewhat similar in nature as these two Brahmanical texts never confirmed the existence of the Kshatriyas and the Vaisyas. In other words, there is not varnas except the Brahmans and the Sudras. Though there is no mention of the caste “Nath” or “Yogi” in Brahmavaivarta Purana and Vrhaddharma Purana, the Naths of Assam and Bengal have been placed under the mixed Sudra caste category by the Brahmanical hierarchy. However, Ashwinikumar Some stated that the Naths are not a mixed caste, rather they were degraded during the rule of Vallalasena.31 Mahua Sarkar argues that in West Bengal, the upper caste hegemony is still prevalent and that the state’s “liberalism” exceptionality was more forced than genuine. Even though it was clearly stated that caste did not matter in Bengal, Mahua Sarkar finds the upper-​castes domination in the political, social, and cultural domains in West Bengal. The upper-​caste politicians of West Bengal are deliberately silencing the caste issues, she believes.32 Chandra, Heierstad and Nielsen argue that the academic engagement in politics of caste in West 28 29

Brahmavaivarta Purana, 32. Brahmavaivarta Purana, 23–​ 24; Harishchandra Kaviratna, ed. Vallala-​charita, trans. Shashibhusan Bhattacharyya (Calcutta: Girish Vidyaratna Press, 1889), 30–​35. 30 Vrhaddharma Purana, 2nd, ed. Panchanan Tarkaratna, trans. Ramanuj Vidyarnav, Jagannath Vidyarnav, Dwarakesh Kabyatirtha, and Panchanan Tarkaratna (Kolkata: Nababharat Publishers, 1420 bs), 338–​340; Ray, History of the Bengali People, 194–​195. 31 Ashwinikumar Some, Goraksha-​Bijaya: Yogi-​goner Prachin Itihas (Fenny: Gabinda Press, 1932). 32 Sarkar, “The Other Backward Classes in Bengal,” 377, 378.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

183

Bengal is a much-​neglected area because, first, the talks on caste are considered a taboo in post-​colonial West Bengal political culture; second, there is no such significant caste-​based movement in West Bengal since the independence; and third, the ruling elites or the bhadralok who have enjoyed the uncontested social dominance tended to overlook the caste factor in Bengal politics.33 As I argued in the introduction, for this reason, the politics of identity of the Nath-​ Yogi is one of the neglected issues in Bengal. The situation of Assam has not been an exception that I found during the field study. The ground realities in the caste system in India are more complex than that of the textual varna model of the caste system. Since it is hard to realise more than 2500 castes only through four varnas. Therefore, the state takes the line of caste instead of varna for classifying the Indian population for the census.34 Scholars have generally understood caste as a synonym for varna or/​and jati. M.N. Srinivas relates caste with jati rather than varna. The varna-​model has resulted in an incorrect and distorted portrayal of the caste, he argues, if the sociologist is to grasp the caste system, he must liberate himself from the grip of the varna-​model.35 McKim Marriott and Ronald Inden have opposing views that of Srinivas. They contend that jati does not only refer to caste while maintaining the validity of the varna concept. The South Asian word jati implies a great many types of things other than what we mean by the word caste, they said, it can refer to a wide range of object categories.36 By merging the two phrases, some academics have attempted to circumvent the entire issue. While Suvira Jaiswal recounts “the origins of the varna caste [jati] structure” in her work,37 Susan Bayly speaks about “varna jati norms”.38 Padmanabh Samarendra briefly examines their meanings in order to demonstrate how caste differs from varna and jati.39 As an endogamous, 33 34 35 36 37 38 39

Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad and Kenneth Bo Nielsen, “Introduction,” in The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, eds. Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad and Kenneth Bo Nielsen (Oxon: Routledge, 2016), 1. Surindar S. Jodhka, Caste, (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012), 8–​9. Mysore Narasimhachar Srinivas, Caste in Modern India and Other Essays (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962), 66. McKim Marriott and Ronald Inden, “Towards and Ethnosociology of South Asian Caste Systems,” in The New Wind: Changing Identities in South Asia, ed. Kenneth David (The Hague: Mouton, 1977), 227–​238. Suvira Jaiswal, Caste: Origin, Function and Dimensions of Change (Delhi: Manohar, 2000), ix. Susan Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 25. Padmanabh Samarendra, “Census in Colonial India and the Birth of Caste,” Economic and Political Weekly 46, no. 33 (2011): 51–​58.

184 

Chapter 7

ethnic, occupational, ceremonial, or racial classification, caste has variously been refuted. The following two premises are included in all of these definitions: that caste is real and can be seen in society; and that it has a set and uniform boundary, meaning that caste communities in India are similar. When compared to caste, the varna order appears to share the certainty of caste. According to the Sanskrit texts, there are four groups within this order, each with characteristics that are more or less stable. However, unlike caste, scholars point out that the varna system is text-​based and does not persist in the same manner on the societal level. No society in the Indian subcontinent is split into only four groups: Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Sudra. The presence of jatis, on the other hand, is visible in society. However, the resemblance with caste ends there. In contrast to caste, the meaning of jati varies greatly. Jati refers to professional, regional, linguistic, religious, exclusively recognised locally, and even gendered communities. It should also be highlighted that endogamy, which is frequently regarded as the defining feature of caste, does not apply to all of these communities. So, which of these jatis may be designated a caste? Caste is neither varna nor jati, yet it may appear to be one or both at the same time. And, because caste differs from the other two, it must be a distinct category used in imagining Indian society. Irawati Karve argues, “the union of varna, and jāti is a matter of fusion of two systems from two cultures” –​that of jati of pre-​Aryan culture with that of the hierarchical Aryan scheme of varna.40 Castes as endogamous groups, however, in reality operate mainly on a regional basis with major variances from region to region.41 One particular caste can be awarded the obc status in a region, while in another region it may be under unreserved category. For example, the Naths are obc in West Bengal and Assam, while unreserved in Tripura. The construction of caste is inextricably tied to census operations in colonial India. Because of its techniques and goals, the census was a one-​of-​a-​kind endeavour beginning about the middle of the nineteenth century. It was a direct population survey; instead of assuming or relying on textual references, the enumerators surveyed the people with questionnaires to learn about their number and characteristics. This meant, for example, that approval of the varna order in the census would be determined by its observable presence in society rather than the textual citations that might be mustered in its support. The objective of census was to count the population and categorise it by age,

40 41

Irawati Karve, Hindu Society –​An Interpretation (Poona: Deccan College, 1961), 58. Ishita Banerjee-​Dube, “Introduction,” in Caste in History, ed. Ishita Banerjee-​Dube (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008), xvii.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

185

gender, religion, caste, occupation, and so on.42 Dirks also asserts that the caste, as it exists today, is actually a modern construct that emerged specifically as a result of the historical interaction between Western colonial rule and India. It is not that the British simply invented it because they were very clever; they are now accredited with so many imperial patents that what started out as colonial criticism has evolved into another type of imperial compliment. However, it was only under the British that “caste” came to be a single term capable of expressing, organising, and most importantly “systematizing” India’s various kinds of social identification, community, and organisation.43 Serious identification and classification challenges accompanied the inclusion of caste in the census. During the surveys, the enumerators found that society did not follow the four-​varna division consisting of Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Sudras. Instead, they came across jatis –​communities with unfamiliar names, uneven social rank, and distinctive characteristics. Early census procedures that included caste enumeration produced contradictory trends. The census records from the early decades revealed that every province had a different caste list than the other since there were heterogeneous jatis living there. In the first half of the nineteenth century, colonial literature played a major role in how caste was understood. In their writings from the latter half of the eighteenth century, colonial officials like William Jones and Henry Colebrook regarded Sanskrit texts as the reliable sources of information on the Hindus. Because of this, these officials accepted the text-​derived varna order as if it represented the original and true caste system, while being conscious of the existence. Therefore, despite being in disagreement, the textual classifications could not be abandoned during the empirical shift in perception of caste. However, Padmanabh Samarendra points out three brief shortcomings of the colonial census operations. First, the concepts presented in the Sanskrit texts could not and did not be excluded by the colonial investigators when they developed their separate anthropological interpretations of caste. Second, some census officials did attempt to look into caste prior to the start of the ethnographic studies supported by provincial governments. Finally, in spite of agreeing to survey tribes and castes in several regions, the major interest of the colonial state remained categorisation. As a result, the state made an effort

42 43

Samarendra, “Census in Colonial India and the Birth of Caste,” 51–​58. Nicholas Dirks, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 5.

186 

Chapter 7

to maintain anthropological research pertinent to the particular issue and to limit its material and intellectual involvement.44 Academic debates that highlight significant methodological issues sometimes include a significant discussion of the colonial background of India’s decennial census. The debates provide light on specific approaches to comprehending the intricacies of census data and classifications throughout colonial history. They emphasise how colonialism shaped our understanding of India. According to Cohn, the Victorian encyclopedic thirst for total knowledge led to the use of census enumeration to objectify India and organise it for administrative purposes.45 Colonialism as an endeavour of orientalism was thereby presented as a “grand narrative” of knowledge production on the basis of the relationship between, what Foucault says, “power and knowledge”. However, the census also had an impact on how caste and communal identities were constructed, and it conferred definite identities to those who were enumerated even when they actually made up, according to Sudipta Kaviraj, “fuzzy communities” in real life.46 Boratti argues, local castes and communities during the colonial era did not simply observe events passively; they compelled census enumeration systems to incorporate novel techniques and categories to identify socio-​religious subjects. They used their influence and unique techniques “in the making and unmaking of the census”, with the “question of caste” serving as a key component.47 People from various castes actively participated in the census process throughout India, proving their ability to shape outcomes in their favour by arguing for their higher ritualistic and social standing. Historians and Sociologists have different opinions about the goals that appear to have motivated the colonial state. They also conduct diverse analyses of the information on colonised societies that was generated as a result of these projects. Two major categories can be drawn from the considerable literature on colonial attempts to sketch Indian society. The first, so-​called “postcolonial” works make the case that colonialism was about more than just political and economic dominance. It was a system that depended on a mutual

44 45 46 47

Samarendra, “Census in Colonial India and the Birth of Caste,” 51–​58. Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997), 8. Sudipta Kaviraj, “The Imaginary Institution of India,” in Subaltern Studies vii: Writings on South Asian History and Society, Paperback, eds. Partha Chatterjee and Gyanendra Pandey (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993), 20. Vijayakumar M. Boratti, “Lingayat Assertions of Identity in Colonial Karnataka: Caste, Census and Politics of Representation,” South Asia Research 42, no. 3 (2022): 398–​413.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

187

association between knowledge and conquest.48 In the case of caste, colonial knowledge was based on western academic fields like ethnology starting in the second half of the nineteenth century. Native informants played a minor part in the creation of knowledge; they were only sources of raw data. Western knowledge was applied to colonial control, stifling and displacing indigenous ways of knowing.49 On the other hand, the second, or “revisionist”, critique of the postcolonial works argues that colonial knowledge was not always created with the intention of subduing the native population. Most importantly, this information did not have a purely western origin. Native informants really took a proactive part in establishing continuity between precolonial and colonial settings by adding indigenous concepts into the body of this knowledge.50 The case of the Naths can be seen from this perspective. The low-​caste status attributed for the Naths during the colonial census were largely produced by the native census enumerators. Because of the native informants are mostly from upper castes, particularly the Brahmans, and they have long-​standing prejudices against the other middle level or lower castes including the Naths. The colonial ethnographers were profoundly influenced by the conducts of the upper castes towards the middle level or low castes. Most local informants and enumerators were engaged from the upper caste due to their educational attainments, and their prejudices were reflected in the process of colonial census operations.51 There are many differences between “class” and “caste”. Class, based on economic wealth, is a flexible system of hierarchy, while caste, based on birth status and hereditary occupation, is a fairly stable and rigid system of hierarchy. However, in Indian society caste is not fully independent of class. A so-​called lower caste is always considered a depressed class, and a high-​caste always taken as higher class. The Naths, however, often argue that they are backward

48

Padmanabh Samarendra, “Between Number and Knowledge: Careen of Caste in Colonial Census,” in Caste in History, ed. Ishita Banerjee-​Dube (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008), 46. 49 Nicholas Dirks, Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), 43–​52. 50 For details, see Samarendra, “Between Number and Knowledge,” 46; Susan Bayly, “Caste and “race” in the Colonial Ethnography of India,” in The Concept of Race in South Asia, ed. Peter Robb (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995), 165–​218. 51 For this proposition that the native census enumerators were mostly from upper castes, I can refer two texts. In case of Bengal, see W. H. Thompson, Census of India, 1921 (Bengal), vol. v, part-​i Report (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1923), 349. In case of Assam, see Bimal J. Dev and Dilip K. Lahiri, Cosmogony of Caste and Social Mobility in Assam (Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1984), 76.

188 

Chapter 7

class but belong to upper caste. Though, Indian caste system does not recognise this claim. Because it is widely believed and perceived that backward classes are also backward castes, as what we see in the reservation policy in India. 2.3 Perspectives of Caste and the Naths The Indian model of the caste system can be conceptualised from four perspectives. First, it is an ideology. As a system of values and ideas, the caste system legitimises the existing structure of inequality, who is pure and who is impure.52 The caste system rests on an unequal power relation among various groups. Even now, the caste system survives by adapting to the new demands of capitalism and democracy. The terrain of culture defined by a new grammar of caste revitalises caste as “cultural communities” so that a caste’s culture is generated, organised, and naturalised. A caste is revealed to be a locus of hegemony where class, gender, and hierarchy effectively decide the meanings and physicality of caste.53 Second, caste as an institution provides a framework for arranging the statuses and positions of social groups in socio-​economic systems.54 The backdrop of which has evolved from colonial times and is primarily considered as a “source of power” even though it is still common in modern democracies and is now employed as a method of depriving certain specific segments of society of their basic rights to existence. In this sense, caste as an “institution” might be perceived to be exploitative in nature at times. Third, caste is a contested institution. Well before Western modernity arrived in India, the caste as an institution has been challenged by various religious and secular movements,55 such as the movements led by Chaitnya, Nanak, or the Nath-​ Yogis, and so on. Many caste groups accepted the structure of hierarchy, but contested their position within it through their caste’s “origin myth” and collective mobilisation. Joel Bordeaux notes the criticisms of Vallalasena by the Naths “contain an implicit critique of caste as practiced in Bengal” while they assert the Brahman status.56 Finally, the caste system is an instrument also. The processes of power, both economic and political, define the ground rules 52 Jodhka, Caste, 7–​8. 53 Kunal Debnath and Sreetama Chatterjee, “Conceptualizing the Perspectives to the Study of Caste and the Debates over Reservation in India: A Critical Enquiry,” Perspectives 1, no. 1 (2022): 31–​37. 54 Jodhka, Caste, 28. 55 Jodhka, Caste, 4–​5. 56 Joel Bordeaux, “Back When We Were Brahmins: Historical and Caste Critique Among Bengali Householder Nāths,” in The Power of the Nāth Yogīs: Yogic Charisma, Political Influence and Social Authority, eds. Daniela Bevilacqua and Eloisa Stuparich (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022), 166.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

189

for caste behaviour, which also explains how traditionally antagonistic caste groupings might align in contemporary political context. At the individual level and caste group level, it is used as a tool for obtaining special assistance from governments through reservation. Similarly, the government uses the caste system in India to create policies for the upliftment of the downtrodden strata of society such as Scheduled Castes (sc s) and Other Backward Classes (obc s) in the spheres of education and appointments. But reservation creates social conflicts both at the vertical level and horizontal levels. Vertical level conflicts denote the conflicts among castes placed in higher and lower strata of society. Horizontal level conflicts refer to the conflicts among the sub-​castes of reserved category, such as among the sub-​castes of sc s or obc s. Apart from these two different types of conflicts another type of conflict may generate as an offshoot of reservation that is intra-​community level identity conflict. Members of a community may horizontally be divided on whether the reservation facility is truly required or to be given up. In the case of the Naths of Assam and West Bengal, this research illustrates the radical-​pragmatic debate over the obc reservation of the Naths. The radical Naths want to forego the obc reservation, while the pragmatic Naths find the obc reservation beneficial for them. Apropos of the obc reservation, Somanaboina and Ramagoud opine that the caste system in India reproduces institutionalised inequalities, oppressing not only the sc s, but also exploiting the obc s. While the obc s make up the majority of caste system victims, their suffering was not given the same weight as that of the sc s, who endured the ultimate ignominy of untouchability as a result of the caste system.57 Somanaboina and Ramagoud claim that the situation is such that the obc s, who make up half of the population, continue to face severe economic exploitation, social discrimination, and political marginalisation. Their progress has been infamously slow. No scientific effort has been taken to define them, to precisely estimate their population through census, or to locate and count the various problems they face and adequately address those problems, with the exception of a few and insufficient efforts through various commissions. In short, in the seven decades since independence, the obc s have not received their fair share in any field in consonance with their proportional representation in the country’s population.58

57 58

Simhadri Somanaboina and Akhileshwari Ramagoud, “Introduction,” in The Routledge Handbook of the Other Backward Classes in India: Thought, Movements and Development, eds. Simhadri Somanaboina and Akhileshwari Ramagoud (Oxon: Routledge, 2022), 1. Somanaboina and Ramagoud, “Introduction,” 2.

190 

Chapter 7

Particularly in Bengal and Assam, neither all the Sudras are included in the list of sc s, nor all the Sudras are lower castes. For example, the Kayasthas or the Vaidyas are upper castes but placed at the lower level of the varna division as there are only two varnas –​Brahmans and Sudras –​in Bengal. the Naths think that they should be placed at the apex level of the varna framework, but placed in Sudra varna by others, especially the Brahmans. Assam has not been an exception in this regard. Thus, the obc reservation extends the benefits as it includes many Sudras other than the sc s. Jaffrelot argues that Narendra Modi, after coming into power, calls the obc s the “neo-​middle class”, indicating the emergence of a new social category. This class emerged in the early decade of the 2000s due to the upward mobility from lower caste strata that had benefited from the post-​Mandal quotas and in the wake of economic liberalisation.59 However, Jaffrelot opines, reservations divided the obc s along caste lines as some obc s, similar to sc s, have benefitted more than other obc s, and also it divided some obc castes along class lines since all the members of any obc caste, similar to the sc s, are not in a position to enjoy equal access to quotas.60 In the present study, we can see that the Naths are also benefitted from the obc reservation, but the beneficiaries are less-​numerous compared to the total number of the Naths. Those who are the beneficiaries are mainly from economically well-​off or “creamy layer” and the educationally forward section as I found during the field surveys. On the other hand, the Naths as a caste are not robustly benefitted from the obc reservation. A large section of the Naths, 38.8% in West Bengal (Table 5.5) and 8.8% in Assam (Table 5.6), is self-​excluded from the obc reservation as presented in the previous chapter. Caste associations play a prominent role in the Indian caste system. The primary role of the caste associations is to promote caste consciousness that, in India, increases the “horizontal solidarity” or “horizontal consolidation” and decreases the “vertical solidarity”. The Nath associations have also been playing for promoting caste consciousness among the Naths since the beginning of the twentieth century which created a horizontal solidarity among the Naths. At the same time, it also created a distance between the Naths and the other castes. In 1957, D. F. Pocock observed that “to speak of inclusion is to recognise at once its corollary exclusion. A caste that includes itself with a superior at the same time excludes an inferior and we shall see that this is also the case within

59 60

Christophe Jaffrelot, “Foreword,” in The Routledge Handbook of the Other Backward Classes in India: Thought, Movements and Development, eds. Simhadri Somanaboina and Akhileshwari Ramagoud (Oxon: Routledge, 2022), xix. Jaffrelot, “Foreword,” xxi.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

191

the caste.”61 The Naths who consider themselves Brahmans always include themselves with the upper castes, and exclude the lower castes. On the other hand, the upper castes exclude the Naths. So, the caste identity is liable for social exclusions in society that is overtly and covertly seen in Indian society as well as in West Bengal and Assam. 2.4 Why Ambedkarite Caste Politics Is Not Applicable to the Naths Ambedkar’s views towards caste were entirely negative. He called for “annihilation of caste” to emancipate the untouchables and other low-​castes people.62 Ambedkar thought that Indian society cannot be a whole, India cannot be a true nation without destroying the varna and caste.63 He wrote “[Y]‌ou cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. You cannot build up a nation, you cannot build up a morality. Anything that you will build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole.”64 Therefore, the Ambedkarite notion has been that the Brahmanical birth-​based varna and caste should be annihilated for making people equal. This assertion is based on thorough critic of the Brahmanical caste hierarchy. However, the Ambedkarite scheme cannot capture the identity assertion of the Naths. Unlike, “annihilation of caste”, the Naths lays emphasis on preservation of caste. Since, according to most of the Naths, they had to accept the varna system being householders after giving up their other-​worldly life as renouncer ascetics, therefore, why do not they claim the apex position of varna system? Thereby, resistance refers to dismantling the monopoly of Brahmans over priestcraft, sacred thread, and the supreme caste rank. The Naths contested their place in the hierarchy and all of these monopolies by using the widely accepted “origin myth” of their caste. Presenting a hierarchy alternative to the Brahmanical caste order can also be seen as a resistance to it. Resistance against the Brahmanical caste hierarchy does not simply entail the “annihilation of caste” in the Ambedkarite sense. The Brahmanical caste structure is challenged by the Naths’ new sort of hierarchy, which places them at the top. The Naths of Bengal and Assam are 61 62 63 64

As quoted in Minoru Mio and Abhijit Dasgupta, “Introduction,” in Rethinking Social Exclusion: Castes, Communities and the State, eds. Minoru Mio and Abhijit Dasgupta (Oxon: Routledge, 2018), 1. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, “Annihilation of caste with a reply to Mahatma Gandhi,” In Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches, vol. i, 2nd, ed. Vasant Moon (New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, 2014), 23–​96, (Original work published 1945). Kunal Debnath, “Ambedkar’s ideas of nation-​building in India,” Studies in People’s History 5, no. 1 (2018): 104–​110; Kunal Debnath, “Reappraising B. R. Ambedkar’s Thoughts of Inclusive Indian Nation,” Contemporary Voice of Dalit 14, no. 2 (2022): 136–​145. Ambedkar, “Annihilation of caste”, 66.

192 

Chapter 7

to several extent successful in their resistance as most male Naths wear the sacred thread. In the majority of cases, especially in Assam, the Naths employ priests from their own community. In many places, people from other castes started considering the Naths as equal to the Brahmans. In some cases, even some Brahman families employ the Nath priests.65 So, they do not call for the “annihilation of caste”, rather they want to retain their caste identity. The Naths use their caste identity as an instrument for getting social status and esteem. For this reason, the case of the Naths is unique in nature unlike mainstream Dalit identity politics and other caste movements in Bengal and Assam. Some castes previously placed under the lower strata of Hindu caste hierarchy was declared Depressed Classes (later known as Scheduled Castes) during the Communal Award and the Poona Pact in 1932. The Award of 1932 completely splintered the electorate by giving statutory recognition to minorities not only on the basis of religion but also on the basis of community, class, and caste divisions to resolve the various tensions between communal interests.66 Dalit leaders, especially B.R. Ambedkar, supported the proposal, believing it would allow Dalits to advance their interests. On the other hand, Mahatma Gandhi embarked on a “fast unto death” to protest against the decision made by British prime minister Ramsay MacDonald, responding to arguments made by B.R. Ambedkar in the Round Table Conferences, to give separate electorates to depressed classes for the election of members of provincial legislative assemblies in British India. Gandhi objected to the provision of an electorate for the Dalits separate from the Hindu electorate, which in his view would weaken India in its bid for independence. Finally, after prolonged debate, Ambedkar and the Hindu leaders agreed to the Poona Pact, signed in Poona (now Pune, Maharashtra) in 1932, which declined separate electorates but gave increased representation to the Dalits within the Hindu electorate for a 10-​year period. Ultimately, in 1935, the UK Parliament passed the Government of India Act, 1935, designed to give Indian provinces greater self-​rule and set up a national federal structure. The reservation of seats for the Depressed Classes was incorporated into the act, which came into force in 1937. The Act introduced the term “Scheduled Castes” but was first coined by the Simon Commission. There was a provision that sc s should have their own political representation.67 The White Paper issued by the Government of India in 1933 provides some 65 66 67

Found during field-​studies in West Bengal. Sujay Biswas, “Gandhi, Ambedkar and British policy on the communal award,” Studies in People’s History 5, no. 1 (2018): 48–​64. Government of India Act, 1935, available at https://​www​.legi​slat​ion​.gov​.uk​/ukpga​/1935​/2​ /pdfs​/ukpga​_​1935​0002​_en​.pdf, accessed on 7 April 2023.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

193

provisions for sc s like political representation and a certain proportion of appointments should be reserved for them based on their population size, special scholarships for sc students, appointment of an inspector to oversee their educational needs, reserving seats in technical and medical schools, nominating people with depressed status to serve on municipal boards and other public bodies, etc. The Naths did not want to be placed at the lower strata since they had been asserting the Brahman status since the late-​nineteenth century. They thought that their social status and esteem are more important than their political representation, reservation in public service appointments and educational institutions. Even in contemporary times, the Naths of West Bengal and Assam those who support the obc reservation consider it as a tool for alleviating poverty rather than as an instrument to ensure “social justice”. 3

The Politics of Exclusion and the Naths of West Bengal and Assam

From time immemorial, social exclusion has been one of the key issues in all societies.68 Ann Taket, et al. said that the idea of “social exclusion” is a quite new idea and is rooted in the economic, political and cultural or social structures of society. Thus, we must be aware of different interpretations of social exclusion as it is a contested concept with multiple meanings.69 An exclusion means being left out from the centre or being situated at the margin or periphery. René Lenoir described the term “the excluded” and identified a variety of excluded among the French people: mentally and physically handicapped, suicidal people, aged invalids, abused children, substance abusers, delinquents, single parents, multi-​problem households, marginal, asocial persons, and other social “misfits”.70 Poverty is one of the crucial reasons for being socially excluded because “poverty must be seen in terms of poor living, rather than just as lowness of incomes (and “nothing else”)”.71 Other than poverty, social exclusion takes place when individuals or a group of people are deprived in terms of access to opportunities and resources, which are necessary for their

68

The term “social exclusion” has been popularised first by René Lenoir, the former Secretary of State for Social Action in a French Gaullist government, in 1974. 69 Ann Taket et al., eds., Theorising Social Exclusion (Oxon: Routledge, 2009), 5. 70 Amartya Sen, Social Exclusion: Concept, Application, and Scrutiny (Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2000), 1. 71 Sen, Social Exclusion, 3.

194 

Chapter 7

survival and sustenance because of their colour, caste, ethnic identity, religious beliefs, disability, sexual orientation, and so on.72 Social exclusion can also be seen as an incapacity to participate effectually in social, economic, political and cultural life, and also distance and alienation from the realm of the mainstream society. Also, as Levitas, et al. argue, social exclusion is a complex and multi-​dimensional process that involves the deficiency or denial of resources, goods, rights, and services. It is also the incapability to share in the normal relationships and activities, available to the majority of people in society on economic, social, cultural, or political grounds.73 Renner, et al. identified various types of social exclusion. Social exclusion may be horizontal or vertical. Horizontal exclusion eliminates one from belonging to a group at the same level of the “vertical ladder”, while vertical exclusion thwarts individuals from ascending the “vertical ladder”. Furthermore, social exclusion may be intentional or unintentional. In other words, it may be pre-​ determined with “intent”, or may be accidental. Also, social exclusion may be formal or informal. Formal social exclusion can be rooted in institutions and legislation, and may be easy to detect. On the other hand, informal exclusion is more complex as it can involve traditional behaviours and patterns in society that may be problematic to identify. A person or a group may experience multiple forms of social exclusion at once, for example, a Dalit woman living in a remote rural area faces at least three forms of social exclusion: being a woman, being a Dalit, and being from a destitute region.74 Social exclusion has three principal aspects –​social exclusion is multidimensional; that means it involves social, political, cultural and economic dimensions, and different social levels of operation. It is dynamic as well, because it impacts people in numerous ways and different degrees at different times. And it is relational too; because it is the product of social interactions of unequal power relations.75 Furthermore, social exclusion may be distinguished as active social exclusion and passive social exclusion.76 When individuals or groups are directly deprived by policy made by the society or polity, this is an obvious example of an active social exclusion. On the other hand, passive 72

Harihar Bhattacharyya, Partha Sarkar and Angshuman Kar, eds., The Politics of Social Exclusion in India: Democracy at the Crossroads (Oxon: Routledge, 2010), 1; Patricia Kennedy, Key Themes in Social Policy (Oxon: Routledge, 2013), 135. 73 Taket et al., Theorising Social Exclusion, 8. 74 Taket et al., Theorising Social Exclusion, 9. 75 Seema Khan, Topic Guide on Social Exclusion, revised ed. (Governance and Social Development Resource Centre, International Development Department, University of Birmingham, 2012), 4. 76 Sen, Social Exclusion, 14–​18.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

195

social exclusion is, when deprivation is not a deliberate attempt but comes about through social processes or circumstances, like some social norms or customs or conditions. It would be examined later how the Naths were socially excluded both actively and passively. Though social exclusion has been occurring since bygone days, it is being popularised after the development of postmodernism, poststructuralism, and postcolonialism. Postmodernism offers how power and discourse marginalise individuals or groups. Apropos of the term “discourse” it should be elucidated that Foucault contributed a significant notion about the relation between discourse and power. Discourse means an influential statement or language to define something, describe something and narrate something. Power has a key role in constructing a particular discourse. So, a reason or rationality is always set up by the discourses of power. Some people always intend to standardise their discourse and exclude the rest who are the deviants from the “former’s” reason or rationality or stand and this process produces “the other”. Thus, the Foucauldian notion of power and discourse unveils the way in which discourses of power are exercised in all societies to exclude the “deviant” people or groups.77 Postcolonialism also identifies the marginality and marginalisation in society by using the term “subaltern”, coined by Antonio Gramsci.78 The term “subaltern” is the counterpart of the “hegemonic” position and it means those who are positioned as “oppressed”, “marginalised”, and “inferior”. The main focal point of postcolonialism is how particular individuals or groups are being otherised, marginalised and excluded from the mainstream society and politics. Subalternity and exclusion are closely linked with and complementary to each other because “different subaltern groups have been subjected to different levels of social and economic exclusion.”79 Postcolonialism questions the social position of the subaltern class and asks, “Can the subaltern speak?” Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak argues that the subaltern cannot speak because the people who are in hegemonic position always construct the subalterns as their self-​shadow. Collective consciousness is needed to establish the voice of the subalterns. Only then the hegemonic constructions will be unmasked.80 77 78 79 80

Michel Foucault, “The Order of Discourse,” in Untying the Text: A Post-​Structuralist Reader, ed. Robert Young (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981), 52–​53. For details, see Antonio Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, eds. and trans. Quentin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith (London: Lawrence & Wishar, 1971). Ashok K. Pankaj and Ajit K. Pandey, eds., Subalternity, Exclusion and Social Change in India (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press India Pvt. Ltd., 2014), 3. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “Can the Subaltern Speak?” in Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, eds. Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg (Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1988), 271–​313.

196 

Chapter 7

Thus, “postcolonialism claims the right of all people on this earth to the same material and cultural well-​being.”81 However, it is true that both the Foucauldian notion of power discourse and the Gramscian account of subalternity have been produced in a particular time and in a particular space. The time was during the triumph of liberal capitalism and the location was the Western society. It is also true that the present work cannot be fully captured through the theoretical formulation given by postmodernism, poststructuralism, and postcolonialism. Yet, both the theories have an immense importance in capturing the marginality and subalternity, like the caste in Indian context, as a result of unequal power distribution without concerning time and space constraints. The Naths have been excluded from the Brahmanic discourse since the twelfth century. The Brahmanic discourse never includes the Naths to the same material. It always portrays the Naths as “the other”. On the other hand, the Brahmanic hegemony also produces the subaltern who will never be able to challenge that hegemony. Even, I must say, the Brahmanic claim of a section of the Naths is an instance of subalternity because this section thinks if they want to earn social respect then they have to be Brahmans, and they must follow the Brahman samaskara (rituals). In the present-​day context, it is asserted by Akio Tanabe that the institutions like local government, schools, companies, bank, administrative bodies, non-​governmental organisations (ngo s), shops, etc. allowed people from all fragmented parts of society including the Adivasis, Dalits, obc s, women and even other underprivileged sections to be a part of the extensive process of democratisation. The process of nation building has thus dimmed the difference between the elites and the subalterns, the rulers and the ruled. It is an exigency to clearly realise the inclusion and exclusion from the point of view what Tanabe refers to as the “Development Democracy”. By it he depicts that the process of development democracy permits increase in the number of participations of various social groups with contending outlook, interests, and values. To ensure the new development different indicators are used to observe the process, such as: a) participation of people in the political processes; b) expansion of pluralistic multi-​layered public sphere; c) the economic development by the service sector; and d) the significance of the informal sectors. All these parameters are to be scrutinised well before making a clear sense of

81

Robert J. C. Young, Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 2.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

197

the problem of exclusion.82 Though Tanabe’s formulation is worth considering, but in reality, it is very difficult to include all these parameters in assessing the exclusion of a caste or community, especially for the Naths. However, the Naths, of course, participate in the political process through voting, but they lack the elected representatives from their own community. The Naths have benefitted from the obc reservation, but the true beneficiaries are confined only to the “creamy layer” section. The informal sectors like agriculture or weaving, in which most of the Naths are engaged, are not significant at all in the present situation and these are considered as low-​level occupations. As discussed in the Chapter 2 that the triumph of Brahmanism led to the marginalisation of the Naths in Bengal. The Brahmans of Bengal, who came from north India, were also vulnerable. They were a heterogeneous group and had to rely heavily on the goodwill of the local people and the state for sustenance. Furthermore, they had to compete with Buddhism, which had long been established in Bengal and had both state and local support. As a result, the Puranas made an effort to hide the internal divisions among the Brahmans, projected Buddhism as Brahmanism’s “external and deviant other”, and encouraged kings and householders to render donations and pay honorarium to Brahmans for performing sacrifices and other rites on their behalf.83 Therefore, the success of Brahmanical hegemony depended on the acceptance of their normative prescriptions and the internalisation of their cultural assumptions by the local people. The Brahmans, particularly in Bengal, desired to engage in dialogue with the indigenous population through the composition and dissemination of a set of texts. They composed their texts with the intention of eliciting a specific response from their intended audience. These socio-​religious prescriptions consisted of a series of legitimisations of already popular local beliefs and practices, as well as a reiteration of Brahmanism’s fundamental principles.84 The Puranas and Upapuranas were written with the intention of restoring the Brahmanical social order, which had suffered greatly in the early centuries of the Christian era. In an effort to confront this threat, the Brahmans expanded their domain of authority by enticing individuals from outside the Brahmanical fold.85 The goddess cult is the central feature of the Bengal

82

Akio Tanabe, “Conditions of ‘developmental democracy’: New logic of inclusion and exclusion in globalizing India,” in Rethinking Social Exclusion: Castes, Communities and the State, eds. Minoru Mio and Abhijit Dasgupta (Oxon: Routledge, 2018), 11–​27. 83 Kunal Chakrabarti, Religious Process: The Puranas and the Making of a Regional Tradition, Paperback (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018), 33. 84 Chakrabarti, Religious Process, 23. 85 Chakrabarti, Religious Process, 32.

198 

Chapter 7

Puranas. The Brahmanical attempt to achieve social dominance in Bengal was articulated primarily through the appropriation and transformation of the local goddess.86 Many outer-​Vedic or outer-​Aryan cults were incorporated in the Brahmanical Hindu framework through instrumental use of Puranas and Upaparanas in Bengal. Various indigenous and outer-​Aryan cults, like Dharma, Mangalcandi, Manasa, Sitala, so on, have been absorbed in the Brahmanical fold after triumph of Brahmanism in Bengal in the early-​medieval period.87 However, the traditional followers remain in the marginal position. All of these deities are now worshipped mostly by Brahman priests with Sanskritised or Vedic rituals, though some kinds of preservation of old rituals can be found. The situation of Assam is not substantially different from that of Bengal, as a large number of the Naths and other castes in Assam are Bengalis. In a study on the exclusion of the people who worship Dharmathakur in Bengal, Rita Banerjee shows that the hierarchical structure of the mainstream Hinduism excludes communities who feel the urge to be a part of the Hindu fold, and also want to retain their distinction through religious practices which adds a special identity to them. The history and practice of Dharma worship as a cult in Bengal are marked by contradictory and conflicting aspirations.88 The case of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam is not an exception. As argued, once, the Naths were excluded due to their heterodox religious belief and rituals. Later they were compelled to come under the Hindu fold but not included with dignity and honour due to their religious distinctness. Thus, they were placed at the lower level of the varna framework. Now, I shall discuss the exclusion of the Naths in three sub-​sections. 3.1 Exclusion during the Early-​Medieval Period In Vallala-​charita, we found how the state power was employed for declining the Nath-​Yogis. Francis Buchanan (Hamilton) also said that the degradation of the Nath-​Yogis may also have been due to the anathema of the ruling prince. Whose displeasure the leaders of the caste incurred; that was quite probable. These words indicate the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogis occurred with the

86 Chakrabarti, Religious Process, 165. 87 For details, see Chakrabarti, Religious Process, 173–​177. For absorption of Mangalcandi cult, see Kunal Chakrabarti, “The Puranas and the making of the cultural territory of Bengal,” Studies in People’s History 5, no. 1 (2018): 1–​12. For Dharma cult, see Rita Banerjee, “Marginalization and subversive religious rites: Worship of Dharmathakur in West Bengal,” in Rethinking Social Exclusion: Castes, Communities and the State, eds. Minoru Mio and Abhijit Dasgupta (Oxon: Routledge, 2018), 111–​122. 88 Banerjee, “Marginalization and subversive religious rites,” 121.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

199

patronage of the then ruling prince. James wise noted that the Nath-​Yogis were degraded by the great Saiva reformer Sankara Áchārya. Risley also held a similar opinion that of Wise. Kalyani Mallik also opined that once the Yogis of Bengal were not treated lower by varna as they wore the sacred thread, but due to the oppression during the rule of Vallalasena, they gave up the sacred threads and became lowered in the then society. It was, however, an instance of an active exclusion, what Amartya Sen stated. Some scholars even opined, as I argued in the Chapter 2, that the Nath-​Yogis were marginalised by the smarta-​ruled Brahmanical society. Brahmanism was established in Bengal during the Sena-​Varman era and, as a consequence, Buddhism was downgraded. The authoritarianism of the Brahmanical religion was initiated by the will of the state power. In Bengal, the Brahmans persecuted the Buddhists and the Buddhists were frightened of the Brahmans. The Naths were excluded and fled by Vallalasena due to their heterodox religious belief and having connections with the Buddhism. They did not favour any casteism and untouchability, for that reason Vallalasena thought the society would be degenerated by the Naths. The upsurge of Brahmanism under the Sena dynasty of Bengal, and that in Assam under the successor kings of the Pala dynasty –​the Ahom-​Koch-​Kamata rulers, marginalised the Naths. The Brahmanical aggression over the heterodox systems, such as Nathism, started in Assam after the downfall of the ancient kingdom of Kamarupa after the end of the Pala dynasty at the close of the eleventh century, and finally, the neo-​ Vaishnavite movement by Sankaradeva blurred the last vestiges of Nathism. It is also an example of an active social exclusion. Since the Nath-​Yogis were not the adherents of the Vedic culture and rituals, they were regarded as bratya-​arya (outer-​Aryan). Moreover, the Nath-​Yogis were against the worldly life. Subsequently, the traditions of the Nath-​Yogis were viewed as contrary to the Aryan traditions, so the conflict between the outer-​Aryans and the inner-​Aryans appeared in the then Bengal and Assam. The Naths were the followers of a non-​Brahmanical cult and had no Brahman, and for that reason, this community was mostly looked down upon by the Brahmans. The upper castes had a very strong prejudice against this caste because they used starch of boiled rice instead of parched rice starch while weaving, and they bury their dead instead of cremation. Once, weaving was considered a degrading occupation and the Naths were engaged in weaving as an occupation. It is also held that the Natha cult and its community were marginalised by the Brahmanical Tantric Saktaism and there were also several socio-​political reasons which placed this community in a comparatively lower stratum of the Brahmanical society. These socio-​political reasons were the shifting of power and royal patronages from the Naths to the Brahmans,

200 

Chapter 7

and their heterodox religious practices. Their heterodox rite for the dead, low occupation, non-​belief or non-​acceptance of Godhead, and even their non-​ observance of the Brahmanical social and religious customs and orders, put this caste outside of the domain of the orthodox Brahmanical Hindu society in medieval Bengal and Assam. It is definitely an example of passive exclusion or informal exclusion. After marginalisation, the Nath-​Yogis experienced several socio-​economic crises. Some Yogis became engaged in cultivation, weaving, and religious mendicancy. Therefore, the exclusion of the Nath-​Yogi community was multidimensional since it happened in social, political, cultural and economic terms.89 Social because the Nath-​Yogi community, as stated above, was an outcast in the smarta-​ruled society due to their social orientations. The ruling king had played an active role in ostracising this community. The favour of political power and royal patronages had been shifted from the Nath-​Yogis to the Brahmans. That type of exclusion was therefore political. The food habit and other-​worldly beliefs of the Naths were the reasons behind this exclusion. so, that passive exclusion had some cultural aspects. Moreover, it had an economic aspect too because the Nath-​Yogis underwent several economic hardships after degradation. Even in recent times, descendants of this community are ascribed to the backward class identity. Besides that, this exclusion was a resultant effect of unequal power relations between inner-​Aryans and outer-​ Aryans; between the smarta-​ruled culture patronised by the ruling king and the non-​smarta tradition. 3.2 Exclusion during the Colonial Period There are a few illustrations of the exclusion of the Naths during the colonial period. As argued in the Chapter 3 that some of the British ethnographers wrote about the marginalisation of the Naths, though they never used the term “marginalisation” or “exclusion”. The Naths underwent several socio-​ economic challenges in Bengal and Assam after marginalisation during the early-​medieval period. Many Naths took weaving and cultivation as their occupations. They also suffered from the deindustrialisation of the native handloom sector due to the competition of English piece-​goods during the colonial period. Afterward, the Naths of Bengal and Assam engaged themselves in agriculture, lime-​burning, goldsmith’s work, and the subordinate grades of government service. James Wise illustrated that it was too difficult for the Yogis in

89

Kunal Debnath, “The Naths of Bengal and Their Marginalisation During the Early Medieval Period,” Studies in People’s History 10, no. 1 (2023): 45–​56.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

201

having their children educated and in managing shelters for them. The higher level of education was beyond their reach because they were very poor. When they entered a clean-​caste house, the cooked food and drinking water were thrown out as it was considered polluted. Herbert Hope Risley also stated that the social status of the Yogis was very low without any evident reason. The people of higher castes used to say that the Yogis are looked down upon because they bury their dead instead of cremation and they use starch from boiled rice in weaving instead of starch from parched rice. These instances indicate that the Naths had to face a kind of discrimination because of their caste identity and culture during the colonial period. One instance of the early twentieth century, though indirect and also in a very short form, might be relevant here. It is taken from the classic Bengali novel Pather Panchali (1929) by Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay, one of the prominent Bengali literary persons. An inferior social position of a Brahman of the Yogis has been portrayed during a picnic participated by Durga and Apu along with a girl named Bini, the latter is the daughter of Kalinath Chakraborty, a Brahman of the Yogis: That girl [Bini] is the daughter of Kalinath Chakkotti [Chakraborty] of another part of the village –​wearing a semi-​dirty saree, tinny glass bangles in hands, slightly tall, very innocent face. They do not get any social invitations as her father is a Brahman of the Jugis, they lead a secluded life in one corner of the village. [Economic] condition is not good too.90 In another section of this book, the condition of the Brahman of the Yogis has been portrayed as: “Being a Brahman of the Jugis, people offer them drinking water in a pot if they want to drink, and [they] have to return the pot after cleaning it.”91 This is absolutely an instance of social exclusion. Point to be noted that the family of Kalinath Chakraborty had almost been outcast due to his profession as the Brahman of the Yogis. We often say that the reality of contemporary society is found in social literature. Social literature, in other words, cannot fully be independent of the social realities. What was described in Pather Panchali was also a social reality of the then Bengal. Therefore, if a Brahman of the Yogis had to face that kind of unfavourable experiences, it goes without saying that the Yogis lived a life under miserable conditions. That was, perhaps, the order of the day in the then Bengal and also in Assam. 90 91

Translated from Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay, Uponyas Samagra, vol. i (Kolkata: Mitra & Ghosh Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2005), 88. Translated from Bandyopadhyay, Uponyas Samagra, 89.

202 

Chapter 7

3.3 Exclusion in Contemporary Times Presently, the Naths of West Bengal and Assam endure an ambiguous identity as they think of themselves as a high caste but are placed at the lower stratum by the others. The Naths are still excluded socially in West Bengal and Assam. Still, the “so-​called” upper caste families are reluctant to establish marital relationships with the Naths through social marriage. Though there are some Nath priests in these two states, their priestcraft is mostly limited to the Nath family and the lower strata of the society. The Naths of these two states are looked down upon by the “so-​called” upper castes due to the obc status, as I have argued in the previous chapters. Economically the Naths are also marginalised in the present situation of West Bengal and Assam. Though 11.6% of Naths of West Bengal are service holders, as per my surveys, it also includes the private sector. On the contrary, 30% of Naths of West Bengal are engaged in weaving or garment business and 35.2% of Naths are engaged in agriculture (Table 5.3). The situation of Assam is comparatively better than that of West Bengal. In Assam, 15.2% of Naths are service holders including the private sector, 19.6% of Naths are engaged in weaving or garment business, and 39.6% of Naths are engaged in agriculture (Table 5.4). 64.8% of Naths of West Bengal fall under the family level monthly income group ₹ 0–​20000 category, and 35.2% of Naths fall under the family level monthly income of ₹ 20001 and above (Table 5.9). On the other hand, in Assam, 41.2% of Naths belong to the family level monthly income group ₹ 0–​20000 category, and 58.8% of Naths come under the family level monthly income of ₹ 20001 and above (Table 5.10). It can be said that the Naths of West Bengal are more economically excluded than their Assam counterpart. In West Bengal and Assam, we can hardly find out a substantial number of well-​known doctors, professors, authors, advocates, sportspersons, businesspersons, entrepreneurs, etc. who belong to the Nath community. These sectors are still dominated by the “so-​called” upper caste people. Educationally, in West Bengal, the total percentage from non-​literate to upper primary level is 25.6%, 23.2% of Naths of West Bengal are placed under the secondary and higher secondary level, and at the under-​graduate and post-​ graduate level, there are 51.2% of Naths (Table 5.11). Whereas 4.8% of Naths of Assam fall under the non-​literate to upper primary level, 36.8% of Naths of Assam are placed under the secondary and higher secondary level, and 58.4% of Naths of Assam fall under the under-​graduate and post-​graduate level (Table 5.12). It is necessary to say that the Naths of these two states are positioned in a comparatively better place than the other criteria. It might be a consequence of changing outlook towards education in the neo-​liberal regime and especially after the post-​Mandal quota system.

Caste, Marginalisation, and the Politics of Identity

203

Politically the Naths are also marginalised as in the present democratic political scene of West Bengal and Assam, the Naths are invisible. In West Bengal, there is one mla who belongs to the Nath community and not a single mp is there. In Assam, there is no mla or mp from this community at present. Even during the field study, I have hardly found any Nath who is an elected member in any local bodies or active in local level democratic politics. The Naths have failed to present themselves as a vote-​bank, unlike the Namasudras or the Rajbanshis. I argued in the Chapter 6 that although 65.2% of the Naths of West Bengal (Table 6.1) and also of Assam (Table 6.2) are agreed that the political affiliation might be beneficial for the community’s well-​being, yet in democratic politics, the active involvement of the Naths is minimal other than voting. According to my observations from field surveys in West Bengal and Assam, the Naths are unenthusiastic in the politicisation process. On the one hand, the Nath associations do not want to join democratic party politics, while political parties are also apathetic to the Naths. They also have no desire to make any demands to the governments. The Nath associations have an irrational fear of becoming politicised. They believe that party politics will erode the foundations of their associations. As a result, they are unable to influence political parties since they lack political ambitions, are disorganised, and lack adequate leadership. I have pointed out some reasons behind it in the previous chapter: first, the Naths are not united both in West Bengal and Assam; second, lack of any dominant or centralised association of the Naths; third, political apathy of these associations; fourth, they do not have any political aspirations, and finally, lack of genuine leadership among the Naths. Even, the Naths are invisible in the cultural space of West Bengal and Assam. The Naths are microscopic or indiscernible among the actors, actresses, singers, theatre artists, also in the field of fine arts and visual arts. Even, any prominent Nath character is hardly found in cinemas, serials, and web series. These sectors are also dominated by the “so-​called” upper caste people. 4

The Past Constituting the Present

So, the position of the Naths falls under the subaltern category as they are either voiceless or possess a marginal voice in society and politics. It has been surveyed that most of the Naths even see themselves the way others, especially the dominant sections, see them. However, they, particularly the educated and elites, have been asserting recognition since the late nineteenth century, but did not achieve the desired outcomes. The Naths claim that their present situation is an inheritance of the past exclusion that occurred during the twelfth

204 

Chapter 7

century that pushed them in a state of uncertainty and disarray. Therefore, it can be said that the past constitutes the present.92 At this point, a question may arise as to whether the issue of the Naths can be labelled as social exclusion. One can say that the problem of the Naths cannot be apprehended with the theory of social exclusion. Again, there may be opinions against it. But I can say based on the primary and secondary data sources that the question of the Naths can be analysed through social exclusion. The social, political, economic, and educational realities of the Naths from the twelfth century to the present times indicate the exclusionary dimensions of Naths. Although the theory of social exclusion evolved back to the late twentieth century, what happened to the Naths in the twelfth century was a kind of social exclusion. Therefore, we observed in this chapter that the Naths of West Bengal and Assam had been excluded, actively and passively, during the twelfth century due to their religious identity and culture. That exclusion was social, political, economic, and cultural. After the formation of the Yogi caste by the householder Naths, they are incorporated under the Hindu varna fold, but that inclusion did not occur with dignity and honour. They were placed at the lower level of the varna framework. During the colonial period, the Naths had to experience severe social and economic discrimination due to their caste and culture. In these circumstances, the Naths, especially their educated and elite section, have been putting effort to create solidarity among the Naths with a sense of collectivity and they have been resisting the Brahmanical caste hierarchy socially since the late nineteenth century. The present conditions of the Naths of these two states are not so much favourable since they are marginalised to various extent. Even, politically they are not consolidated, thus positioned at the periphery of the power structure. Even now, the Naths are lagging in various fields. It is a kind of exclusion. According to my field surveys, the urban Naths are moderately in a fair position, though never as a high caste in social status. The condition of the rural Naths is miserable from all sides. And the number of rural Naths is much higher than the urban. The Naths of these two states blame the deprivations that happened in the past for their current state.

92

Kunal Debnath, “The Past Constituting the Present: A Comparative Study of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam” (PhD diss., Rabindra Bharati University, 2022), 158–​159.

­c hapter 8

Some Tentative Concluding Observations 1

Summing Up

So, the Nath community, though, has primarily been a religious sect, later the householder section of the Naths formed an endogamous caste called “Yogi” or “Jogi” in Bengal and Assam. This caste had been incorporated within the Brahmanical varna fold but they were marginalised due to their sectarian traits as well as for the rituals they observed. Their marginalisation in socio-​ political realms led the Naths to initiate resistance against the Brahmanical caste framework. The Naths put their efforts into uplifting their status in Bengal and Assam since the late nineteenth century. Here, resistance refers to dismantling the Brahmans’ monopoly over priestly practise, sacred thread, and the highest caste rank. The Naths contested their status in the hierarchy and all these monopolies by using the widely accepted “origin myth” of their caste. Presenting a hierarchical alternative to the Brahmanical caste order can also be regarded as resistance against the Brahmanical caste hierarchy, which does not just mean the “annihilation of caste”. The Naths offer a different hierarchy that opposes the caste system of Brahman. The Naths’ claim to their identity, however, cannot be accounted for under the Ambedkarite framework. The Naths place a greater emphasis on “maintaining caste” than the “annihilation of caste”. The majority of the Naths believed that since they had to accept the varna system as householders after renunciation of their other-​worldly life-​ stream, they should be accorded the highest ranking in the varna system. The role of caste associations of the Naths in promoting caste consciousness has been an interesting study in the history of caste movements in Bengal and Assam. The Nath associations are unable to assert the interests of the Naths politically because they hardly make any effort to politicise the issues of the Naths. Comparatively, however, the Naths of Assam are more politically oriented than the Naths of West Bengal by showing their connections with formal politics, though the level of the politicisation is limited. Therefore, they are politically marginalised resembling to the Naths of Bengal. During the medieval period, the Naths had some royal connections within and outside Bengal and Assam. Even in north India, we can see the Naths’ connection with politics and Hindu nationalism. However, the Nath is one of the marginalised caste groups in the political domain of West Bengal and Assam. The politicisation of the Naths, unlike the Matuas or Rajbanshis of West Bengal and

© Kunal Debnath, 2024 | DOI:10.1163/9789004689381_009

206 

Chapter 8

the Lingayats of Karnataka, is minimalist in nature because they could not consolidate themselves politically and the Nath associations are politically apathetic. The instance of the Daivadnya Brahmans or the Vishwa Brahmans of south India can be referred to as a similar case of the Naths. These two communities also claim the Brahman status but enlisted as obc. They are not robustly present in the political scene of the southern states because they were also never consolidated politically or communally, similar to the Naths of Bengal and Assam. The case of the Naths can be conceptualised by the politics of identity that centered around their caste identity. The Naths were excluded socially, politically, economically, and culturally in the twelfth century and during the colonial period. Also, in recent times the Naths are excluded from a multidimensional point of view, especially they are excluded from the political realm both in West Bengal and Assam. The recent status of the Naths seems to be an inheritance of their past exclusion. 2

Justifying the Research Objectives

Examining the first research objective, I can say the ascetic Naths are a part of the Nath sect and which is a religious sect due to their religious overtone. The householder Naths of Bengal and Assam formed an endogamous caste called “Yogi” after being incorporated within the Hindu varna framework, but they got marginalised due to their erstwhile heterodox sectarian traits. Considering the Second, the Naths of these two have been asserting their identity from colonial to post-​colonial periods on the basis of the “origin myth” of their community since the colonial period. However, assessing the nature of their politicisation as third objectives of this study, it can be said that they are lagging both in socio-​economic and political domains in West Bengal and Assam, despite there were several instances of royal connections of the Nath-​Yogis in India, even currently, especially in north India, we can see a triadic relationship between the Nath-​Yogis, state power, and Hindu nationalism. Finally, the Naths, as we discussed in the Chapter 7, were excluded in history and continue to be so in West Bengal and Assam. Their exclusion was multidimensional –​social, political, economic, and cultural. The Naths were excluded after the establishment of the Brahmanical society in the early-​medieval period. The shifting of political power and patronages from the Naths to the migrant Brahmans was the decisive factor behind the exclusion of the Naths in Bengal and Assam. During the colonial period, the Naths were excluded due to their low caste status. The Naths were positioned at the periphery of the social power structure. Even in

Some Tentative Concluding Observations

207

the present situation, they are excluded too. So, the Naths of West Bengal and Assam can be considered “subaltern” due to the lack of their presence in the socio-​political realms of these two states, minimal level of their politicisation, and lack of their asserting voices. Presently, since the Naths did not consolidate themselves politically or communally, they possess a marginal position in the arena of society and politics. 3

Perspectives to Study the Nath Identity

This research also aims to contribute some conceptual perspectives that will help to carry out future research in this area. Here, I would like to identify some conceptual perspectives that may be used to study the Nath identity in West Bengal and Assam. These perspectives will help scholars to understand the Nath identity more precisely. 3.1 Historical Perspective The Nath has essentially been a religious sect of asceticism that has been existing in the Indian sub-​continent for a long past. Their lineage had been started from Matsyendranatha, who was supposedly a disciple of Adinatha or Lord Siva, and Gorakshanatha, a disciple of Matsyendranatha. The historical relevance of the Nath community in India has been established and recognised by the scholars as well as the lay followers of this community. The householders Naths of West and Assam are now so far from the Nath ascetic order. Yet, the study of the current position of the Naths in social order would not be possible by sidestepping the historical specificity of the Nath ascetic order and their exclusion after the emergence of the Brahmanical caste order. 3.2 Ideological Perspective This section provides an understanding of the shifting of ideological orientation from the ascetics to the householders. While the ascetics are concerned about the notion of amartva or immortality through the process of kaya sadhana (culture of the body) and ulta sadhana (the process of reversal), the householders are concerned about their caste identity, hierarchical position in Hindu society, and how to get an esteemed position or high status under the Hindu caste framework. So, to understand the Nath identity, it is necessary to comprehend their two ideologies, ascetic and caste. Therefore, shifting their ideological orientation from a casteless religious sect of the ascetics to a caste-​ based community of the householders is a vital attribute of the Nath identity.

208 

Chapter 8

3.3 Institutionalist Perspective According to the institutional view, the caste identity of the householders has been taken into account. The Nath identity achieved the institutionalised form of caste in which two distinct types of householder people are associated: first, ascetics who broke their celibacy and entered into the worldly life and formed a caste called Yogi or Jogi; and, second, some people who were not the Naths but were already settled in household life later joined the Nath community by accepting diksha (initiation) or mantra (divine name) from the Nath ascetic gurus. The latter section was also regarded as a part of the Yogi or Jugi caste. There is no reason to perceive that all the ancestors of the present members of the Yogi or Jugi caste were ascetics and subsequently fallen out by accepting the worldly life. It seems that a large number of the Naths became a part of the Yogi or Jugi caste being initiated by the Nath gurus. In the present-​day, in West Bengal and Assam, asceticism is dead which was based on a casteless philosophy. The householders maintain an institutionalised caste called Yogi giving up all their sectarian traits. Nowadays, apart from maintaining the institutionalised caste, the householders bear the Nath legacy to some extent only through their beliefs and surnames. 3.4 Constructivist Perspective The identity and caste consciousness of the householder Naths are essentially an elite construction. Since the late nineteenth century, some elite and educated Naths have been trying to uplift the social status of the Yogi caste. The elite and educated Naths always try to promote “caste consciousness” among the less-​conscious Naths through the caste associations, caste journals, meetings, seminars, conventions, telephonic conversations, and social networking sites such as Facebook and WhatsApp. The caste associations play a pivotal role in mobilising the common Naths to make themselves some sort of sanskritised through internal reforms such as inculcating the Brahman samaskara (rituals) or imposing Yogi ascetic samaskara from the above. Therefore, the identity assertion of the Naths has been constructed by their educated and elite sections, and without whom this assertion or the politics of identity would not have been manifested. 3.5 Instrumentalist Perspective Sometimes identity has been used as an instrument for achieving desired goals. This scheme might be true in the case of the Naths in two senses. First, the Nath identity has been employed by the educated and elite Naths as an instrument of getting high social esteem and prestige since the late nineteenth century. Second, since the new avatar of the reservation politics in India in

Some Tentative Concluding Observations

209

the 1990s, the Nath identity has been projected by a section of the Naths as an instrument for getting privileges through the obc reservation because they find the obc reservation beneficial for them. The Naths, however, see obc as a tool for poverty alleviation rather than a means of ensuring “social justice”. Therefore, we cannot bypass the instrumentalist approach as it offers a realistic portrayal of the Nath identity. 3.6 Power Discourse Perspective The question of power is very important in the context of the Naths. Two levels of power discourse can be seen in the case of Nath identity. First, inter-​caste power relations or inter-​caste politics in terms of marginalisation of one caste by the others using the hierarchical nature of the universe of caste system, and resistance of the marginalised caste against their position in the caste system. The Naths are marginalised by the Brahmanic discourse that considered them “the other”. Again, the Naths have been able to build some resistances at different times, no matter how small its scope. Power and resistance are complementary to each other in society and politics. Second, intra-​caste power relations are in the form of inter-​associational politics. The second level of politics is seen when each Nath caste association openly claims that it is the true and real representative of the Nath masses. Also, contentions between associations are seen regarding the obc reservation. Therefore, without examining from the point of view of power, it will not be possible to comprehend the politics of identity of the Naths fully. 4

Some Critical Theoretical Analysis

We must argue whether the theory of hegemony will be employed in the case of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam. Brahmanism has been successful in establishing one thing if any community wants to live as a Hindu maintaining the household, it must come under the varna system. It must be placed under the caste framework conforming to the four-​fold varna model. The Nath householders are an obvious example of this above-​mentioned formulation or proposition. According to many Naths, when they are asked during the field surveys, why they call themselves Rudraja Brahman despite Nathism has been often employed beyond casteism and any type of discrimination on the ground of caste. The Naths say that the ascetic branch is indeed beyond any caste system, but the householders must maintain a caste and varna, then why not the apex position. By caste they are Yogi, by varna they are Brahmans, as

210 

Chapter 8

argued by the Naths. It can be understood as a triumph of Brahmanism, and it is definitely an offshoot of Brahmanisation. It is, thus, a hegemony. It is sometimes argued that the effort of the Naths to gain a respectful position can be “analytically explained” by the theory of sanskritisation.1 Sanskritisation as conceptualised by M. N. Srinivas is a process by which the members of a lower caste imitate the culture of the upper castes for attaining respectability and esteem in society.2 As argued, the Naths, under the guidance of some aspiring as well as educated elites, had tried to assure upward mobility from a “traditionally low caste” to “the fold of caste Hindus” through their imitative demands to the liberal British officials who encouraged the tendency of sanskritisation of various lower castes.3 However, this analytical explanation is oversimplified and not truly applicable as well in the contemporary situation of the Naths. It is quite right that the Naths are sinking under the Brahmanical hegemony by imitating the Brahmanical culture. Though, at the same time, they moved ahead by challenging the existing caste hierarchy. Those who claim to be Rudraja Brahmans often held that they are on par or even sometimes superior to the Brahmans. Those who claimed to be only Yogis said that they are supposed to be placed above the Brahmans. Even those who claimed to be Rudraja Brahmans, also place themselves above the Brahmans by claiming that they have been the oldest and native Brahmans of Bengal and Assam. One can say that assuming the sacred thread is a “mimicry” of the Brahmans. Mimicry has been a popular concept employed by Homi K. Bhabha in post-​ colonial theory.4 I would like to argue that assuming the sacred thread simultaneously has been a mimicry of and a resistance against Brahmanism. It is a mimicry because the Naths want to be recognised as the Brahmans by laying emphasis on the adoption of Brahman samaskara (rituals) among the Naths particularly by assuming upavita (sacred thread), and the making of purohita

1 Bimal J. Dev and Dilip K. Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam: The Dilemmas of Social Mobility,” Social Action 31, July-​Sept (1981): 311–​312. 2 M. N. Srinivas introduced the concept of “sanskritisation”. A low caste often took over, as far as possible, the customs, rites, and beliefs of the high caste, such as Brahmanas, and adopted the Brahmanical way of life with intent to escalate in the caste hierarchy and status. This process is called sanskritisation. See Mysore Narasimhachar Srinivas, Religion and Society Among the Coorgs of South India (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952), 30. 3 Dev and Lahiri, “The Naths of Assam,” 311–​312. 4 Being inspired by Jacques Lacan, Homi K. Bhabha argues that “mimicry” occurs when people of a colonised society imitate and accept the culture of the colonisers. Colonial mimicry arises from the colonist’s urge for a reformed, recognizable “other”, who will be “almost the same, but not quite”. Mimicry contains a symbol of a double articulation. See Homi K. Bhabha, The Location of Culture (London: Routledge, 1994), 85–​92.

Some Tentative Concluding Observations

211

(priest) within the community through proper training. It is also a resistance because, first, it challenges the custom of the sacred thread and priestcraft that are supposed to be confined under the monopoly of the Brahmans, and second, despite the continuous mimicry, it could not bring the desired position for the Naths. Therefore, the Naths continue opposing the Brahmanical caste hierarchy. However, the resistance of the Naths against the Brahmanical caste hierarchy has been mostly imperceptible to the others. This is only confined to their own community; others are not embroiled. Even, presently, they are not interested to involve the avenues of liberal democracy for asserting their identity. Instead, they lay emphasis on internal reformations that is less visible as a political expression. They do not want to politicise their issues or demands. This resistance may be called what Scott says “infrapolitics”. Liberal democracies are characterised by relatively loud, news-​making protests, demonstrations and uprisings; in contrast, the covert struggle fought every day by inferior groups is, like infrared rays, beyond the visible end of the spectrum, and supposed to be invisible. For modern Western liberal democracies, open political expression and open political action are of exclusive interest. However, open political engagement has rarely captured the majority of political action for many of the least privileged minority and marginalised poor in the West, even today. However, every kind of hidden opposition, or infrapolitics, works in partnership with a loud form of public resistance.5 Scott writes, “I want to distinguish between the open, declared forms of resistance, which attract most attention, and the disguised, low-​profile, undeclared resistance that constitutes the domain of infrapolitics,” what may be called “resistance below the line”.6 The fundamental types of infrapolitics continue to exist as an essential kind of defense for the powerless when open political life is restricted or abolished. The Naths, in most cases, especially the Bengali Naths of both states, typically avoid making their resistance loud, news-​making protests, high-​pitch demonstrations, and uprisings. Instead, unlike the open political expression, their resistance, such as wearing the sacred threads, maintaining the Brahman samaskara, making their own priests, all are happening at the ground level. These are not big events in democratic political framework, yet a hidden resistance to the Brahmanical caste hierarchy. This study attempts to analyse a complex issue about caste mobility. A popular myth about caste has been that it is unchanging and uncontested. It means caste has been a rigid as well as a closed system. This study, however, 5 James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990), 183–​199. 6 Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 198.

212 

Chapter 8

refutes these myths. When the Naths accepted the framework of hierarchy but contested their position in the system of hierarchy through the popular “origin myth” of their caste and through collective mobilisations, they provided a new type of hierarchy that challenges the Brahmanical caste hierarchy. To some extent the Naths are successful in their attempt since a section of the Naths has established themselves as Brahmans. So, there is no single hierarchy and once we accept the presence of multiple hierarchies then caste no longer remains a completely closed system and uncontested.7 It opens up the possibilities of contestations and negotiations, as this study has been an example. The situation of the Nath can be better understood by the concept of “double consciousness” introduced by W. E. B. Du Bois.8 Double consciousness means looking at oneself through the eyes of others. People often see themselves as they are seen by others. There is a split between self-​image and a degrading image constructed by others. Most of the Naths are used to see themselves as they are looked by others, especially by the higher castes. A prominent section of the Naths, those who are a bit conscious, identify themselves as Brahmans because they are more or less educated. Yet, people from other communities are in a state of confusion –​are they really Brahmans? Even, a dilemma exists among the Naths –​are we really Brahmans as we claim or are we obc? As a result, there is a “double consciousness” among the Naths. There is a dilemma between two consciousness; the first is the self-​image of the Naths, and the second is the image of the Naths externally created by the others. The Naths think that they belong to a higher caste but are considered lower by the others. 5

Final Words

This study argues that there was a history of exclusions of the Naths of Bengal and Assam during the early-​medieval period and also in the colonial period. The current traces of exclusion are an inheritance of their past exclusions. Thus, the past constitutes the present. This study reflects more upon the ontological issues rather than the ontic issues regarding the existence of the identity of the Naths and their resistances. By applying Chantal Mouffe’s argument, I can say that politics can be referred to as the ontic level because it deals with 7 Dipankar Gupta, Interrogating Caste: Understanding Hierarchy and Difference in Indian Society (Gurgaon: Penguin Books, 2000), 1–​2; Surindar S. Jodhka, Caste (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012), 92, 173. 8 William Edward Burghardt Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Dover Publica­ tions, 1903).

Some Tentative Concluding Observations

213

the empirical field and set of practices. On the other hand, “the political” as a space of power, conflict, and antagonism falls under the ontological level and it deals with the theoretical or philosophical questions in which society is instituted.9 We, therefore, cannot ignore the ontological issues that are constitutive of the essence of “the political”.10 The Naths are not visible at the ontic level or in the empirical field of the conventional politics in West Bengal and Assam due to the lack of their politicisation. Though, their issues of identity, their marginalisation in society, and their resistances definitely fall under the ontological level and can be considered “the political”.

9 10

Chantal Mouffe, On the Political (London: Routledge, 2005), 8–​9. Souvik Chatterjee and Kunal Debnath, “The Empirical Illusion and Reconsidering the Essence of ‘the Political’,” The Indian Journal of Political Science lxxx, no. 3 (2019): 375–​382.

Bibliography Abu’l-​Fazl. Akbarnama. Translated by H. Beveridge. Vol. iii. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1939. Aleaz, Bonita. “Pragmatic Components of Indian Democracy: Notes from the Field.” In Democracy and Democratization in the 21st Century: The South Asian Experience, edited by Partha Pratim Basu, Purusottam Bhattacharya, Debi Chatterjee, & Shibashis Chatterjee, 63–​88. New Delhi: Har-​Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd., 2012. All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students Union. “Nath-​Yogi Song.” YouTube. March 9, 2018. https: //​www​.yout​ube​.com​/watch?v=​haan​hF50​ews (accessed August 14, 2019). Allen, B. C. Census of India, 1901 (Assam). Vols. iv, Part –​1 Report. Shillong: The Assam Secretariat Printing Office, 1902. Ambedkar, Bhimrao Ramji. Annihilation of caste with a reply to Mahatma Gandhi. Vol. i, in Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches, edited by Vasant Moon, 23–​96. New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, 2014 (1945). Ambedkar, Bhimrao Ramji. Castes in India: Their mechanism, genesis and development. Vol. i, in Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, edited by Vasant Moon, 3–​22. New Delhi: Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, 2014. Assam State Portal. “Autonomous Council.” 2023. https://​assam​.gov​.in​/gov​ernm​ent​/410 (accessed April 23, 2023). Assam State Portal. “Development Council.” 2023. https://​assam​.gov​.in​/gov​ernm​ ent​/410 (accessed April 23, 2023). Bachrach, Peter, and Morton S. Baratz. “Two Faces of Power.” The American Political Science Review 56, no. 4 (1962): 947–​952. Backward Classes Development Department, Government of Kerala. “State obc List.” 2009. https://​bcdd​.ker​ala​.gov​.in​/comm​unit​ies​/state​-obc​-list​/ (accessed March 3, 2022). Backward Classes Welfare Department, Government of Karnataka. “Backward Classes List .” 2002. https://​bcw​.karnat​aka​.gov​.in​/stor​age​/pdf​-files​/caste%20l​ist​.new​.pdf (accessed March 3, 2022). Bahadur, Raja Radhakantadev, ed. Śabdakalpadruma. Reprint. Vol. iv. Delhi: Nag Publishers, 1987. Bailey, F.G. “Closed Social Stratification in India.” European Journal of Sociology 4, no. 1 (1963): 107–​124. Baines, Athelstane. Ethnography: Castes and Tribes. Strassburg: Karl J. Trubner, 1912. Bandyopadhyay, Anirban. “Mahisyas and the New Caste Question in West Bengal Politics.” India Today. March 22, 2021. https://​www​.ind​iato​day​.in​/electi​ons​/west​ -ben​gal​-assem​bly​-polls​-2021​/story​/mahis​yas​-and​-the​-new​-caste​-quest​ion​-in​-we (accessed April 12, 2023).

216 Bibliography Bandyopadhyay, Bibhutibhushan. Uponyas Samagra. Vol. i. Kolkata: Mitra & Ghosh Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2005. Bandyopadhyay, P. K. Nātha Cult and Mahānād: A Study in Syncretism. Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 1992. Bandyopadhyay, Prabhas Chandra. Mahanad ba Banglar Gupta Itihas. Vol. i. Mahanad, Hooghly: Prabhas Chandra Bandyopadhyay, 1335 bs. Bandyopadhyay, Rakhaldas. Bangalar Itihas. 2nd. Vol. i. Kolkata: Dey’s Publishing, 2010. Bandyopadhyay, Sarbani. “Another History: Bhadralok Responses to Dalit Political Assertion in Colonial Bengal.” In The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, edited by Geir Heierstad, Kenneth Bo Nielsen Uday Chandra, 35–​59. Oxon: Routledge, 2016. Bandyopadhyay, Sarbani. “Caste and Politics in Bengal.” Economic & Political Weekly xlvii, no. 50 (December 2012): 71–​73. Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar. Caste, Culture and Hegemony. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2004. Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar. Caste, Politics and The Raj: Bengal 1872–​1937. Calcutta: K P Bagchi & Company, 1990. Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar. Caste, Protest and Identity in Colonial India: The Namasudras of Bengal, 1872–​1947. Surrey: Curzon, 1997. Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar. “Does caste matter in Bengal? Examining the myth of Bengali exceptionalism.” In Being Bengali: At home and in the world, edited by Mridula Nath Chakraborty, 32–​47. Oxon: Routledge, 2014. Banerjea, Akshaya Kumar. Philosophy of Gorakhnath. Gorakhpur: Mahant Dig Vijai Nath Trust, 1961. Banerjea, Akshaya Kumar. The Nath-​Yogi Sampraday and the Gorakhnath Temple. Gorakhpur: Gorakhnath Temple, 1964. Banerjee, Rita. “Marginalization and subversive religious rites: Worship of Dharma­ thakur in West Bengal.” In Rethinking Social Exclusion: Castes, Communities and the State, edited by Minoru Mio, & Abhijit Dasgupta, 111–​122. Oxon: Routledge, 2018. Banerjee-​Dube, Ishita. “Introduction.” In Caste in History, edited by Ishita Banerjee-​ Dube, xv–​l xiv. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008. Barak Upotyaka Nath-​ Yogi Rudraja Brahman Sammilani. By-​Laws. Karimganj: bunyrbs, 2016. Barman, Rup Kumar. “‘Right-​Left-​Right’ and Caste Politics: The Scheduled Castes in West Bengal Assembly Elections (from 1920 to 2016).” Contemporary Voice of Dalit 10, no. 2 (2018): 216–​231. Barman, Upendra Nath. Rajbanshi Kshatriya Jatir Itihas. Jalpaiguri, 1982. Bauman, Zygmunt. “Identity in a Globalizing World.” In Identity in Question, edited by Anthony Elliott, & Paul du Gay, 1–​12. London: Sage Publications Ltd., 2009.

Bibliography

217

Bayly, Susan. “Caste and “race” in the Colonial Ethnography of India.” In The Concept of Race in South Asia, edited by Peter Robb, 165–​218. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995. Bayly, Susan. Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Béteille, André. Caste, Class, and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965. Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994. Bhattacharyya, Bharat Chandra Siromani. Yogi Sanskar Vyavastha O Agam Samhita. 3rd. Edited by Nripendra Nath Chowdhury, & Hiranmay Nath. Lala: Kumudini Chowdhury, 2010. Bhattacharya, Bisvesvar. “King Gopichandra of Rangpur.” Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 6 (1910): 131–​134. Bhattacharyya, Harihar, Partha Sarkar, and Anshuman Kar. The Politics of Social Exclusion in India: Democracy at the Crossroads. Edited by Harihar Bhattacharyya, Partha Sarkar, & Anshuman Kar. Oxon: Routledge, 2010. Bhattacharya, Jogendra Nath. Hindu Castes and Sects. Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co., 1896. Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath. Ancient Indian Rituals and Their Social Contents. Delhi: Manohar Book Service, 1975. Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath. History of the Śākta Religion. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1974. Bhattacharyya, Narendra Nath. Hooghly Zillar Purakirti. Calcutta: Ministry of Information & Cultural Affairs, Governmet of West Bengal, 1993. Bhattacharya, Rajesh, and Sarmishtha Sen. Pride and Prejudice: The Condition of Handloom Weavers in West Bengal. Bengaluru: Azim Premji University, 2018. Biswas, Achintya. Moukhik Sanskritite Nath Dharma Sadhana. Vol. i, in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, edited by Balaram Chakraborty, 118–​ 129. Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001. Biswas, Achintya. “Uttorbanger Onokkhor Krishakder Moukhik Sahitya –​“Gopichandrer Sonnyas””. Bangla Bibhagiyo Patrika (Jadavpur University) 11, no. March (March 2001): 43–​102. Biswas, Sujay. “Gandhi, Ambedkar and British policy on the communal award.” Studies in People’s History 5, no. 1 (2018): 48–​64. Boratti, Vijayakumar M. “Lingayat Assertions of Identity in Colonial Karnataka: Caste, Census and Politics of Representation.” South Asia Research 42, no. 3 (2022): 398–​413. Bordeaux, Joel. “Back When We Were Brahmins: Historical and Caste Critique Among Bengali Householder Nāths.” In The Power of the Nāth Yogīs: Yogic Charisma, Political Influence and Social Authority, edited by Daniela Bevilacqua, & Eloisa Stuparich, 163–​195. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022.

218 Bibliography Bose, Manilal. Social History of Assam: Being a Study of the Origin of Ethnic Identity and Social Tension during the British Period, 1905–​1947. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, 1989. Bose, Nirmal Kumar. Hindu Samajer Garon. Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1949. Bose, Nirmal Kumar. “Some Aspects of Caste in Bengal.” The Journal of American Folklore 71, no. 281 (1958): 397–​412. Bose, Nirmal Kumar. The Structure of Hindu Society. Translated by André Béteille. New Delhi: Orient Longman Limited, 1975, originally published 1949. Boski, Pawel, Katarzyna Strus, and Ewa Tlaga. “Cultural Identity, Existential Anxiety and Traditionalism.” Edited by B. N. Setiadi, A. Supratiknya, W. J. Lonner, & Y. H. Poortinga. Ongoing themes in psychology and culture: Proceedings from the 16th International Congress of the International Association for Cross-​Cultural Psychology. International Association for Cross-​Cultural Psychology, 2004. 457–​474. Bouillier, Véronique. “Aurangzeb and the Nāth Yogīs.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 3 (2018): 525–​535. Bouillier, Véronique. Kānphaṭās. Vol. iii, in Brill’s Encyclopaedia of Hinduism, edited by Knut A. Jacobsen, 347–​354. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Bouillier, Véronique. Monastic Wanderers: Nāth Yogī Ascetics in Modern South Asia. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 2016. Bouillier, Véronique. “Nāth Yogīs’ Encounters with Islam.” South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal Free-​Standing Articles (2015): 1–​19. Bouillier, Véronique. “The King and His Yogī: Prithvi Nārāyan Śāh, Bhagavantanāth, and Unification of Nepal in the Eighteenth Century.” In Gender, Caste, and Power in South Asia: Social Status and Mobility in a Transitional Society, edited by John P. Neelsen, 3–​21. New Delhi: Manohar, 1991. Bourdillon, J. A. Report on the Census of Bengal 1881. Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Press, 1883. Brewer, John D. Ethnography. Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000. Briggs, George Weston. Gorakhnath and Kanphata Yogis. Calcutta: y.m.c.a Publishing House, 1938. Buchanan (Hamilton), Francis. A Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Description of the District, or Zila, of Danajpur, In the Province, or Soubah, of Bengal. Calcutta: The Baptist Mission Press, 1833. Cachar Yogi Sammilani. 36th Annual Conference: Resolutions. Silchar: Baidyanath Nath, 1960. Cachar Yogi Sammilani. Sangbidhan. 2nd. Silchar: Cachar Yogi Sammilani, 2003. Cantlie, Audrey. The Assamese: Religion, Caste and Sect in an Indian Village. Oxon: Routledge, 2022, originally published 1984. Chakrabarti, Kunal. “Bohiragata.” Ananda Bazar Patrika, May 27, 2018.

Bibliography

219

Chakrabarti, Kunal. Religious Process: The Puranas and the Making of a Regional Tradition. Paperback. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018. Chakrabarti, Kunal. “The Puranas and the making of the cultural territory of Bengal.” Studies in People’s History 5, no. 1 (2018): 1–​12. Chakrabarti, Kunal, and Shubhra Chakrabarti. Historical Dictionary of the Bengalis. Lanham: Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2013. Chakraborty, Koushik. “Bharatbyapi Yogsadhanai Nath Sampraday Tatha Nath Yogider Bhumika.” Purva Bharat i, no. 2 (May 2014): 90–​102. Chakraborty, Pranabesh. Pashchimbange Nath-​Yogi Sampradaya. Vol. i, in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, edited by Balaram Chakraborty, 116–​ 117. Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001. Chandra, Satish. Historiography, Religion and State in Medieval India. Delhi: Har-​Anand Publications, 2001. Chandra, Uday, and Kenneth Bo Nielsen. “The Importance of Caste in Bengal.” Economic & Political Weekly xlvii, no. 44 (2012): 59–​61. Chandra, Uday, Geir Heierstad, and Kenneth Bo Nielsen. “Introduction.” In The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, edited by Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad, & Kenneth Bo Nielsen, 1–​18. Oxon: Routledge, 2016. Chatterjee, Debi. Ideas and Movements Against Caste in India: Ancient to Modern Times. 2nd revised. Delhi: Abhijeet Publications, 2010. Chatterjee, Partha. “Partition and the mysterious disappearance of caste in Bengal.” In The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, edited by Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad, & Kenneth Bo Nielsen, 83–​102. Oxon: Routledge, 2016. Chatterjee, Partha. The Present History of West Bengal: Essays in Political Criticism. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997. Chatterjee, Souvik, and Kunal Debnath. “The Empirical Illusion and Reconsidering the Essence of ‘the Political’.” The Indian Journal of Political Science lxxx, no. 3 (2019): 375–​382. Chattopadhyay, Ashok, ed. Brahmavaivarta Purana. Translated by Malay Bhattacharyya. Vol. i. Calcutta: Nabapatra Prakashan, 1993. Chattopadhyay, Rupendra Kumar, Swati Ray, and Shubha Majumder. “The Kingdom of the Śaivācāryas.” Berlin Indological Studies 21 (2013): 173–​256. Chattopadhyaya, Debendranath. “Nath-​Yogi Sampradaya.” Udbodhan 52, no. 3 (1356 bs): 127–​132. Chattopadhyaya, Debiprasad, ed. Taranatha’s History of Buddhism in India. Translated by Lama Chimpa, & Alaka Chattopadhyaya. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited, 1970. Chaturvedi, Shashank. “Religion, Culture and Power: A Study of Everyday Politics in Gorakhpur.” PhD diss. Jawaharlal Nehru University, 2016.

220 Bibliography Chaturvedi, Shashank, David N. Gellner, and Sanjay Kumar Pandey. “Politics in Gorakhpur since the 1920s: The making of a safe ‘Hindu’ constituency.” Contemporary South Asia 27, no. 1 (2019): 40–​57. Chilton, Paul. Analysing Political Discourse: Theory and Practice. New York: Routledge, 2004. Chowdhury, Bhabatosh. Nath Panther Baishishtya. Vol. ii, in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, edited by Balaram Chakraborty, 82–​ 107. Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001. Chowdhury, Chandrima. Jugi. Vol. xxxxiii, in People of India: West Bengal, edited by K. S. Singh, 550–​554. Calcutta: Anthropological Survey of India & Seagull Books, 2008. Chowdhury, Nipendra Nath, ed. Harmala: Brahmajnan Yogashastra. Lala: Nipendra Nath Chowdhury, 1971. Chowdhury, Sadhankamal. Banglay Bouddhodharma o Bangali Bouddhoder Kromobibarton. Kolkata: Karuna Prashani, 2002. Cohn, Bernard S. Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1997. Das, Bhuban Mohan. The People of Assam: Origin and Composition. 2nd. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2003. Das, Jitendra Nath. “The Backwardness of the Rajbansis and the Rajbansi Kshatriya Movement (1891–​1936).” Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 65 (2004): 559–​563. Das, Narahari. Jati-​tattwa O Upadhimala. Kolkata: Nabapatra Prakashan, 2010. Das Gupta, Shashibhusan. Bangla Sahityer Patobhumite koyekti Dharmosadhona. 2nd. Translated by Gopi Mohan Singha Roy. Kolkata: Bharobi, 2011. Das Gupta, Shashibhusan. Obscure Religious Cults. 3rd. Calcutta: Firma K. L. M., 1969. Das Gupta, Shashibhusan. Some Later Yogic Schools. Vol. iv, in The Cultural Heritage of India, edited by Haridas Bhattacharyya, 291–​299. Calcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1956. Davidson, Ronald M. Indian Esoteric Buddhism: A Social History of the Tantric Movement. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. Davis, Marvin. Rank and Rivalry: The Politics of Inequality in Rural West Bengal. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Debnath, Amalendu. “Abosan Hok Panprathar.” Yogi Sakha 72, no. 12 (1382 bs): 170–​171. Debnath, Anil. “Jagoran.” Nath Sampraday Rudraja Brahman. Habiganj, Bangladesh: Chunarughat Thana Nath Samiti, February 2019. 30–​32. Debnath, Ankush. “Genyo Yogi.” Anada Bazar Patrika, June 12, 2018. Debnath, Krishna. Rudraja Brahmanyo Dharay Jeevan-​Ved. Vol. iv, in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, edited by Balaram Chakraborty, 201–​ 206. Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2004.

Bibliography

221

Debnath, Kunal. “Ambedkar’s ideas of nation-​building in India.” Studies in People’s History 5, no. 1 (2018): 104–​110. Debnath, Kunal. “An Untold Saga of the Politics of Identity: The Struggle for Recognition of the Naths of Bengal.” History and Sociology of South Asia 17, no. 2 (2023): 213–​222. Debnath, Kunal. “Book review: Sekhar Bandyopadhyay and Tanika Sarkar (Eds), Caste in Bengal: Histories of Hierarchy, Exclusion, and Resistance.” Contemporary Voice of Dalit, 2022: 1–​4. Debnath, Kunal. “Radical-​Pragmatic Debate over Reservation: A Study of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam.” Explorations: E-​journal of the Indian Sociological Society 4, no. 1 (2020): 135–​148. Debnath, Kunal. “Reappraising B. R. Ambedkar’s Thoughts of Inclusive Indian Nation.” Contemporary Voice of Dalit 14, no. 2 (2022): 136–​145. Debnath, Kunal. “The Naths of Bengal and Their Marginalisation During the Early Medieval Period.” Studies in People’s History 10, no. 1 (2023): 45–​56. Debnath, Kunal. “The Past Constituting the Present: A Comparative Study of the Naths of West Bengal and Assam.” PhD diss. Rabindra Bharati University, 2022. Debnath, Kunal, and Souvik Chatterjee. “Reconsidering the Research Ethics in Social Sciences.” Academia Letters 1718 (2021): 1–​4. Debnath, Kunal, and Sreetama Chatterjee. “Conceptualizing the Perspectives to the Study of Caste and the Debates over Reservation in India: A Critical Enquiry.” Perspectives 1, no. 1 (2022): 31–​37. Debnath, Lakshman Chandra. “Nath Sampraday.” Jagoran. Habiganj, Bangladesh: Chunarughat Thana Nath Samiti, February 2019. 23–​24. Debnath, Sridam Sakha. “Prasanga: obc O Yogijati.” Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani Barta 87 Annual Conference, no. 2 (1403 bs): 237–​240. Debnath, Upen. “Ektu Bhabun –​Keno obc Noi.” Rudraja Brahman Sammilani 48 Annual Conference (1997): 25–​26. Debnath, Upendra Kumar. “Nath.” Jagoran. Habiganj, Bangladesh: Chunarughat Thana Nath Samiti, February 2019. 27–​29. Debnath, Upendra Kumar. Nath Itihas O Sadhantattwa-​Brahmajnan. Duttapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2011. Debnath, Upendra Kumar. Nath Sampradayer Itibritto. 3rd. Duttapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2013. Debnath, Upendra Kumar. Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilanir Sangkhipta Itihas. Kolkata: Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammilani, 2009. Debnath, Upendra Kumar. Rudraja Brahmander Itihas. 3rd. Duttapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2009. Debnath, Upendra Kumar, ed. Vallala-​charita. 2nd. Translated by Subodh Kumar Debnath. Duttapukur: Madhabi Debnath, 2006.

222 Bibliography Debnath Bhattacharyya, Gostho Bihari. Rudraja Brahman Parichay Ba Nath-​Yogi-​ Bibarani. Calcutta: Nath Sahitya Samsad, 1372 bs. Department of Backward Classes, Government of Tamil Nadu. “List of Backward Classes.” 2022. https://​bcmb​cmw​.tn​.gov​.in​/bcl​ist​.htm (accessed March 3, 2022). Desai, A.R. Rural Sociology in India. 5th. New Delhi: sage Publications, 2019, originally published 1959. Deshpande, Maitreyee, ed. Manusmrti: Text with Kullukabhatta Commentary. Translated by M.N. Dutt. Delhi: New Bharatiya Book Corporation, 2020. Dev, Bimal J., and Dilip K. Lahiri. Cosmogony of Caste and Social Mobility in Assam. Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1984. Dev, Bimal J., and Dilip K. Lahiri. “The Naths of Assam: The Dilemmas of Social Mobility.” Social Action 31, no. July-​Sept (1981): 311–​324. Dirks, Nicholas. Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India . Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001. Djurdjevic, Gordon. India and the Occult: The Influence of South Asian Spirituality on Modern Western Occultism. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Du Bois, William Edward Burghardt. The Souls of Black Folk. New York: Dover Publications, 1903. Dumont, Louis. Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications. London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1970. Dumont, Louis. “World Renunciation in Indian Religions.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 4 (1960): 33–​62. Dutta, Akshay Kumar. Bharatbarshiya Upashak Sampraday. Vol. ii. Calcutta: Sanskrit Press, 1882. Election Commission of India. Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008. New Delhi: Election Commission of India, 2008. Election Commission of India. “Delimitation Order 1967.” 1967. https://​eci​.gov​.in​/files​ /file​/3944​-delim​itat​ion​-ord​ers​-1967​/?do=​downl​oad&r=​9342&conf​irm=​1&t=​1&csrf​ Key=​39644​54d0​f576​a7b4​7d14​5010​c494​bc0 (accessed August 23, 2020). Election Commission of India. “Delimitation Order 1967.” 1967. https://​eci​.gov​.in​/files​ /file​/3944​-delim​itat​ion​-ord​ers​-1967​/?do=​downl​oad&r=​9342&conf​irm=​1&t=​1&csrf​ Key=​39644​54d0​f576​a7b4​7d14​5010​c494​bc0 (accessed August 20, 2020). Election Commission of India. “Delimitation Order 2008.” 2008. https://​eci​.gov​.in​ /files​/file​/3931​-delim​itat​ion​-of​-parlia​ment​ary​-assem​bly​-con​stit​uenc​ies​-order​-2008​ /?do=​downl​oad&r=​9309&conf​irm=​1&t=​1&csrf​Key=​396​4454​d0f5​76a7​b47d​1450​10c4​ 94b (accessed August 23, 2020). Fairclough, Isabela, and Norman Fairclough. Political Discourse Analysis. New York: Routledge, 2012. Faizullah, Sheikh. Goraksha-​vijaya. Edited by Munsi Abdul Karim. Calcutta: Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, 1324 bs.

Bibliography

223

Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality, Volume i: An Introduction. Translated by Robert Hurley. New York: Pantheon Books, 1978. Foucault, Michel. “The Order of Discourse.” In Untying the Text: A Post-​Structuralist Reader, edited by Robert Young, 48–​78. Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981. Fukuyama, Francis. Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2018. Gait, Edward Albert. Caste. Vol. iii, in Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, edited by James Hastings. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1911. Gait, Edward Albert. Census of India, 1891 (Assam). Vols. i –​Report. Shillong: The Assam Secretariat Printing Office, 1892. Gait, Edward Albert. Census of India, 1901 (Bengal). Vols. iv, Part –​1 Report. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1902. Gallie, Walter Bryce. “Essentially Contested Concepts.” Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society New Series 56 (1955–​1956): 167–​198. Ghosh, Ambika Chanran, Jogendra Nath Gupta, and Himangshu Mohan Chattopadhyaya. Bikrampur-​Rampaler Itihas. Edited by Kamal Choudhuri. Kolkata: Dey’s Publishing, 2004. Ghosh, Barid Baran. Nath Sampradayer Itihas. Kolkata: Shree Publishing House, 2011. Ghosh, Binoy. Paschimbanger Sanskriti. Calcutta: Pustak Prokashak, 1950. Ghurye, Govind Sadashiv. Caste and Race in India. 5th. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2016. Ghurye, Govind Sadashiv. Indian Sadhus. Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1964. Gold, Ann Grodzins. A Carnival of Parting: The Tales of King Bharthari and King Gopi Chand as Sung and Told by Madhu Natisar Nath of Ghatiyali, Rajasthan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. Gold, Daniel. “Nath Yogis as Established Alternatives: Householders and Ascetics Today.” Journal of Asian and African Studies 34, no. 1 (1999): 68–​88. Gold, Daniel, and Ann Grodzins Gold. “The Fate of the Householder Nath.” History of Religions 24, no. 2 (1984): 113–​132. Goswamy, B. N., and J. S. Grewal. The Mughals and the Jogis of Jakhbar: Some Madad-​i-​ Ma‘āsh and Other Documents. Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1967. Government of Assam. “The Problem of Foreigners in Assam: A Memorandum of Settlement .” 1985. file://​/​D:/​TAX/​AY%202023-​24/​The%20Assam%20Accord%20-​ %20English.pdf (accessed May 3, 2023). Government of Bengal. The Calcutta Gazette, July 14, 1932, Part i, Imperial Table xvii. Calcutta: Government of Bengal, 1932. Government of Bengal. The Calcutta Gazette, July 21, 1932, Part i, Imperial Table xiv. Calcutta: Government of Bengal, 1932. Gramsci, Antonio. Selections from the Prison Notebooks. Edited by Quentin Hoare, & Geoffrey Nowell Smith. London: Lawrence & Wishar, 1971. Gray, Ann. Research Practice for Cultural Studies. London: Sage Publications Ltd., 2003.

224 Bibliography Grierson, G. A. “Song of Manik Chandra.” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 1, no. 3 (1878): 1–​110. Guha, P. K. Nath. Vols. xv, Part 2, in People of India: Assam, edited by K. S. Singh, 629–​ 633. Kolkata: Anthropological Survey of India and Seagull Books, 2003. Guha, Upendra Chandra. Cacharer Itibritto. 3rd. Guwahati: Publication Board Assam, 2019. Gupta, Dipankar. Interrogating Caste: Understanding Hierarchy and Difference in Indian Society. Gurgaon: Penguin Books, 2000. Gupta, Dipankar, ed. Social Stratification. 2nd enlarged. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992. Guru, Gopal, and Sundar Sarukkai. The Cracked Mirror: An Indian Debate on Experience and Theory. Paperback. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2017. Haldar, Makhanlal, Subodh Kumar Nath, and Upendra Kumar Debnath. Yoga-​marger Rudraja Brahmana Parichiti O Rudraja Brahmana Jatir Sangkhipta Itihas Ebong Patraboli. 2nd. Duttapukur: Saiva Prakashani, 2004. Heywood, Andrew. Politics. 5th. London: Red Globe Press, 2019. Hodgson, Brian Houghton. “Notice on Buddhist Symbols.” The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 18 (1861): 393–​399. Husserl, Edmund. The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenom­ enology: An Introduction to Phenomenological Philosophy. Translated by David Carr. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1970. Jaffrelot, Christophe. “Forword.” In The Routledge Handbook of the Other Backward Classes in India: Thought, Movements and Development, edited by Simhadri Somanaboina, & Akhileshwari Ramagoud, xvii–​x xii. Oxon: Routledge, 2022. Jaffrelot, Christophe. “Quota for Patels? The Neo-​middle-​class Syndrome and the (partial) Return of Caste Politics in Gujarat.” Studies in Indian Politics 4, no. 2 (2016): 218–​232. Jaffrelot, Christophe, and Sanjay Kumar, . Rise of the Plebeians? The Changing Face of Indian Legislative Assemblies. New Delhi: Routledge, 2009. Jaiswal, Suvira. Caste: Origin, Function and Dimensions of Change. Delhi: Manohar, 2000. Jodhka, Surindar S. Caste. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2012. Jodhka, Surinder S. “Caste and Politics.” In The Oxford Companion to Politics in India, edited by Niraja Gopal. Jayal, & Prakash Bhanu Mehta, 154–​167. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2011. Jones, Constance A., and James D. Ryan. Encyclopedia of Hinduism. New York: Facts On File, 2007. Kane, Pandurang Vaman. History of Dharmasastra. Vol. ii Part i. Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1941. Kapoor, Satish K. “Natha Pantha: Order of the Primordial Shiva.” Prabuddha Bharata 116, no. 7 (2011): 489–​493.

Bibliography

225

Kapoor, Satish K. “Natha Pantha: Order of the Primordial Shiva.” Prabuddha Bharata 116, no. 8 (2011): 552–​556. Kar, Sujan Sarathi. Nath Sahitya: Dharmo O Samaj. Kolkata: Pustak Bipani, 2012. Karve, Irawati. Hindu Society –​An Interpretation. Poona: Deccan College, 1961. Kaviraj, Sudipta. “The Imaginary Institution of India.” In Subaltern Studies vii: Writings on South Asian History and Society, edited by Partha Chatterjee, & Gyanendra Pandey, 1–​39. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1993. Kaviratna, Harishchandra, ed. Vallala-​charita. Translated by Shashibhusan Bhattacharyya. Calcutta: Girish Vidyaratna Press, 1889. Kennedy, Patricia. Key Themes in Social Policy. Oxon: Routledge, 2013. Khan, Seema. Topic Guide on Social Exclusion. Revised. Governance and Social Development Resource Centre, International Development Department, University of Birmingham, 2012. Kidd, Warren, Karen Legge, and Philippe Harari. Politics and Power. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010. Lacey, W. G. Census of India, 1931 (Bihar & Orissa). Vols. vii, Part i, Report. Patna: Superintendent, Government Printing, 1933. Lawler, Steph. Identity: Sociological Perspectives. 2nd. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2014. Leach, E.R., ed. Aspects of Caste in South India Ceylon and North-​West Pakistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960. Leftwich, Adrian, ed. What is Politics? The Activity and Its Study. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2004. Lloyd, G. T. Census of India, 1921 (Assam). Vols. iii, Part-​i Report. Shillong: The Government Press, Assam, 1923. Lorenzen, David N., and Adrián Muñoz. “Introduction.” In Yogi Heroes and Poets: Histories and Legends of the Naths, edited by David N. Lorenzen, & Adrián Muñoz. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2011. Lukes, Steven. Power: A Radical View. 2nd. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Lyall, C. J. Report on the Census of Assam for 1881 . Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, 1883. Mahajan, Gurpreet. “Reservations.” In Routledge Handbook of Indian Politics, edited by Atul Kohli, & Prerna Singh, 144–​154. Oxon: Routledge, 2013. Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra. History of Ancient Bengal. Tulsi. Kolkata: Tulsi Prakashani, 2005. Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra, ed. The History of Bengal, Volume i, Hindu Period. Dacca: University of Dacca, 1943. Makkreel, Rudolf A. Dilthey: Philosopher of the Human Studies. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975. Mallik, Kalyani. Nath Sampradayer Itihas, Darshan o Sadhan Pronali. Calcuttta: Calcutta University, 1946.

226 Bibliography Mallik, Kalyani. Nathapantha. Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1357 bs. Mallik, Kalyani. Suresh Chandra Nath Majumder O Rajguru Yogibangsha. Vol. iv, in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, edited by Balaram Chakraborty, 1–​7. Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2004. Mallinson, James. Nāth sampradāya. Vol. iii, in Brill’s Encyclopedia of Hinduism, edited by Knut A. Jacobsen, 409–​428. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Mandelbaum, David G. Society in India. 2nd. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2016. “Manusmriti.” Internet Archive. 2016. https://​arch​ive​.org​/deta​ils​/ManuSm​riti​_201​ 601​/mode​/2up (accessed March 20, 2023). Marrewa-​Karwoski, Christine. Far from Hindutva, Yogi Adityanath‘s sect comes from a tradition that was neither Hindu nor Muslim. April 9, 2017. https://​scr​oll​.in​/arti​ cle​/833​710​/far​-from​-hindu​tva​-yogi​-adi​tyan​ath​-comes​-from​-a​-tradit​ion​-that​-was​ -neit​her​-hindu​-nor​-mus​lim (accessed April 9, 2021). Marrewa-​Karwoski, Christine. “In Siddhis and State: Transformations of Power in Twentieth-​Century Gorakhpur Temple Publications.” In The Power of the Nāth Yogīs: Yogic Charisma, Political Influence and Social Authority, edited by Daniela Bevilacqua, & Eloisa Stuparich, 103–​ 129. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. Marriott, McKim, and Ronald Inden. “Towards and Ethnosociology of South Asian Caste Systems.” In The New Wind: Changing Identities in South Asia, edited by Kenneth David, 227–​238. The Hague: Mouton, 1977. Martin, Montgomery. The History, Antiquities, Topography, and Statistics of Eastern India. First Indian Reprint. Vols. iii, Dinajpur. Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1976 (1838). Martin, Montgomery. The History, Antiquities, Topography, And Statistics of Eastern India. First India Reprint . Vols. ii, Bhagalpur, Gorakhpur. Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1976, Originally Published 1838. McSwiney, J. Census of India, 1911 (Assam). Vols. iii, Part –​1 The Report. Shillong: The Assam Secretariat Printing Office, 1912. Ministry of Law and Justice, Government of India. “The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019.” The Gazette of India. December 12, 2019. https://​egaze​tte​.nic​.in​/WriteR​ eadD​ata​/2019​/214​646​.pdf (accessed May 4, 2023). Mio, Minoru, and Abhijit Dasgupta. “Introduction.” In Rethinking Social Exclusion: Castes, Communities and the State, edited by Minoru Mio, & Abhijit Dasgupta, 1–​8. Oxon: Routledge, 2018. Mitra, Naresh. “Nath-​ Yogis against division of state, want autonomous council” The Times of India. August 26, 2013. https://​times​ofin​dia​.ind​iati​mes​.com​/city​ /guwah​ati​/Nath​-Yogis​-agai​nst​-divis​ion​-of​-state​-want​-aut​onom​ous​-coun​cil​/arti​cles​ how​/22062​276​.cms (accessed August 14, 2019).

Bibliography

227

Mitra, Satish Chandra. Jessore-​Khulnar Itihas. 1st. Agartala & Kolkata: Parul Prokashoni, 2000, 1914. Mitra, Upendra Chandra. Kayastha-​Tarko Samadhan. Calcutta, 1317 bs. Mouffe, Chantal. On the Political. London: Routledge, 2005. Mukerji, U. N. A Dying Race. 2nd. Calcutta: L. Banerjee, 1910. Mullan, C. S. Census of India, 1931 (Assam). Vols. iii, Part-​i Report. Shillong, Assam Government Press, 1932. Muller, Friedrich Max. The Six Systems of Indian Philosophy. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1899. Mundadan, Anthony Mathias. Sixteenth Century Traditions of St. Thomas Christians. Bangalore: Dharmaram College, 1970. Nath, Bhutnath, and Padma Chandra Nath. Yogi Jatir Sankhipta Itihas. 3rd. Edited by Dilip Nath. Silchar: Adinath Sikshabhandar, 2004. Nath, Bijoy Kumar. “Nath-​Yogira Debogotriya Sampraday” Samayik Prasanga, January 30, 2012. Nath, Bijoy Kumar. “Barak Upotyakar Gobeshonar Dhara O Assam Visvavidyalaya.” Samayik Prosango, February 24, 2012. Nath, Dambarudhar. History of Koch Kingdom (c. 1515–​1615). Delhi: Mittal Publi­ cations, 1989. Nath, Dambarudhar. “Religion and Social Formation: The Nath-​Yogis of Assam –​ From Community to Caste.” In Religion and Society in North East India, edited by Dambarudhar Nath, 307–​343. Guwahati: dvs Publishers, 2011. Nath, Hiranmoy. Uttar Purba Bharater Saiba Nath Sampradaya. 2nd. Krishna­ nagar: Dhrubapada Prokashani, 2014. Nath, Lokeshwar. Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilanir Itibritto (1919–​2012). Guwahati: Nath Yogi Development Council, 2015. Nath, Manimohan. Manimohan-​jibanee (Autobiography). Originally witten in 1911. Calcutta: Ramkumar Nath, 1922. Nath, Narendra Chandra. Nutan Aloke Nath Sampradayer Itihas. Agartala: Tripura Rajya Nath-​Kalyan Samiti, 1995. Nath, Partha Sarathi. “An Insight into Nath Panth shrines and perpetual Tradition in West Bengal.” Journal of Emerging Technologies and Innovative Research 10, no. 2 (2023): 709–​721. Nath, Partha Sarathi. “Nath Pantha Shrines and Parpetual Tradition in Bangladesh.” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.) 66, no. 2 (2021): 187–​215. Nath, Pramathanath. Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilanir Itihas. 2nd. Edited by Harihar Nath. Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1985. Nath, Radha Gobinda. Bangiya Yogijati. 3rd. Kolkata: Assam-​ Banga Yogi-​ Sammilani, 2001. Nath, Radha Gobinda. The Yogis of Bengal. Calcutta: Yogi Hitaishini Sabha, 1909.

228 Bibliography Nath, Rajmohan. Jungi-​jati. Calcutta: Nath Sahitya Samsad, 1961. Nath, Rajmohan. The Background of Assamese Culture . Gauhati: Dutta Barua & Co., 1948. Nath, Rajmohan, ed. Bangiyo Nath-​Panther Prachin Punthi. Calcutta: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 1964. Nath, Rajmohan. “Jungi-​jati.” Alohaowa 12, no. 2 (2011): 5–​10. Nath, Rajmohan. Katapara Bangsha. Guwahati: Jayanti Art Press, 1348 bs. Nath, Rajmohan. “Nath Dharme Srishtitattwa.” Sahitya-​Parishat Patrika, Bangiya Sahitya Parishat 31, no. 2 (1924): 1–​24. Nath, Subodh Kumar. “Karmasuchi.” Rudraja Brahman Sammilani 48 Annunal Conference (1997): 17–​19. Nath, Sushen Chandra. “Rajmohan Nather Bangsha Parichay.” Probaha 13, no. 3 (1406 bs): 51–​56. Nath, Tapas Kumar. Jateswarnath Siva Mandir, Mahanad, Hooghly: Ekti Sankhipto Parichay. Mahanad: Madhabnathji Maharaj, 2019. Nath Bhowmik, Kshitish Chandra. “Editorial.” Smaranika 21 Annual Conference (1985): 1–​19. Nath Majumder, Suresh Chandra. Rajguru Yogibangsha. 5th. Kolkata: Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani, 2018. Neuman, W. Lawrence. Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches. 7th. Essex: Pearson, 2014. O’Donnell, C. J. Census of India, 1891, Vol. iii, The Lower Provinces of Bengal and their Feudatories: The Report. Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Press, 1893. Olivelle, Patrick, trans. The Samnyasa Upanisads: Hindu Scriptures on Asceticism and Renunciation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. O’Malley, L. S. S. Census of India, 1911 (Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Sikkim). Vols. v, Part –​i Report. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1913. O’Malley, L. S. S. Indian Caste Customs. London: Cambridge University Press, 1932. Oman, John Campbell. The Mystics, Ascetics, and Saints of India: A Study of Sadhuism, with an Account of the Yogis, Sanyasis, Bairagis, and other Strange Hindu Sectarians. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1905. Ondračka, Lubomír. “The Search for the Jugi Caste in Pre-​colonial Bengal.” In The Power of the Nāth Yogīs: Yogic Charisma, Political Influence and Social Authority, edited by Daniela Bevilacqua, & Eloisa Stuparich, 131–​162. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. O’Reilly, Karen. Ethnographic Method. Oxon: Routledge, 2005. Pai, Sudha, and Sajjan Kumar. Everyday Communalism: Riots in Contemporary Uttar Pradesh . New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pandit, Pradip Kumar. “Arya-​Anarya Rudraja O Banger Brahman Samachar.” Sampriti i, no. i (February 2014): 25–​28.

Bibliography

229

Pinch, William R. “Nāth Yogīs, Akbar, and the ”Bālnāth Tillā”.” In Yoga in Practice, edited by David Gordon White, 273–​288. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012. Porter, A. E. Census of India, 1931 (Bengal & Sikkim). Vols. v, Part ii Table. Calcutta: Central Publication Branch, 1933. Porter, A. E. Census of India, 1931 (Bengal & Sikkim). Vols. v, Part-​i Report. Calcutta: Central Publication Branch, 1933. Press Information Bureau, Government of India. “Bodo Peace Accord.” March 9, 2021. https://​pib​.gov​.in​/Pressr​elea​sesh​are​.aspx?PRID=​1703​510 (accessed May 1, 2023). Putnam, Robert D. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000. Qanungo, Kalika Ranjan. Bengal Under the House of Balban. Vols. ii, Muslim Period, in The History of Bengal, edited by Jadunath Sarkar, 58–​91. Delhi: B. R. Publishing Corporation, 2003 (1943). Rahim, Abdur. Gaji Kalu o Campabati Kanyar Punthi. Mymensingh: Abdul Karim, 1919. Ray, Niharranjan. Bangali Hindur Vanrabhed. Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1352 bs. Ray, Niharranjan. History of the Bengali People. Paperback. Translated by John W. Hood. Kolkata: Orient Blackswan, 2013. Rhodes, Nicholas G., and Shankar K. Bose. A History of Dimasa-​Kacharis: As Seen Through Coinage. Guwahati: Library of Numismatic Studies, 2006. Risley, Herbert Hope. The People of India. 2nd. Edited by W. Crooke. Calcutta & Simla: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1915. Risley, Herbert Hope. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary. Vol. i. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1892. Risley, Herbert Hope. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal: Ethnographic Glossary. Vol. ii. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1892. Roy, Gautam Chandra. “Negotiating with the Changing Landscape: The Case of the Rajbanshi Community.” Economic and Political Weekly (Engage) 55, no. 39 (2020): 1–​8. Samarendra, Padmanabh. “Between Number and Knowledge: Careen of Caste in Colonial Census.” In Caste in History, edited by Ishita Banerjee-​Dube. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008. Samarendra, Padmanabh. “Census in Colonial India and the Birth of Caste.” Economic and Political Weekly 46, no. 33 (2011): 51–​58. Sanyal, Hitesranjan. Social Mobility in Bengal. Calcutta: Papyrus, 1981. Sarkar, Bhabanath. Nepale –​Nath Dhormer Utso Sandhane. Vol. ii, in Saiva Nath Yogi Dhara: Bharate o Biswe, edited by Balaram Chakraborty, 108–​111. Kolkata: Swanirbharata Samiti Prakashan, 2001. Sarkar, Mahua. “The Other Backward Classes in Bengal: Exclusion, Exploitation and Empowerment.” In The Routledge Handbook of the Other Backward Classes in India: Thought, Movements and Development, edited by Simhadri Somanaboina, & Akhileshwari Ramagoud, 355–​385. Oxon: Routledge, 2022.

230 Bibliography Sarma, Jyotirmoyee. Caste Dynamics Among the Bengali Hindus. Calcutta: Firma klm Private Limited, 1980. Scott, James C. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1990. Sen, Amartya. Social Exclusion: Concept, Application, and Scrutiny. Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2000. Sen, Dinesh Chandra. Brihat Banga. Vol. i. Kolkata: Dey’s Publishing, 2006. Sen, Dinesh Chandra, and Basanta Ranjan Roy. Gopi Chandrer Gaan. Edited by Dinesh Chandra Sen, & Basanta Ranjan Roy. Culcutta: University of Culcutta, 1922. Sen, Kshitimohan. Banglar Sadhana. Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1352 bs. Sen, Nagendra Nath. Ambastha Kon Varna? Calcutta: Hare Press, 1300 bs. Sen, Sipra. Tribes and Castes of Assam: Anthropology and Sociology. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 1999. Sen, Sudipta. “Betwixt Hindus and Muslims: The Many Lives of Zafar Khan, Ghazi of Tribeni.” Asian Ethnology 76, no. 2 (2017): 213–​234. Sen, Sukumar, ed. Sekasubhodaya. Calcutta: Siddheswar Press, 1334 bs. Sen, Sukumar. The Natha Cult. Vol. iv, in The Cultural Heritage of India, edited by Haridas Bhattacharyya, 280–​290. Culcutta: The Ramakrishna Mission Institute of Culture, 1956. Sengupta Chatterjee, Swati. “East Bengal Refugees in West Bengal, 24 Paraganas: A Case Study of Protest.” nsou-​Open Journal 6, no. 1 (2023): 71–​85. Sensarma, Arjundeb. Hindu Bangalir Kabyasamaj: Adi-​ Madhyajug. Kolkata: Bharabi, 2015. Shahidullah, Muhammad. “Natha Pantha.” Ananda Bazar Patrika, January 1, 1949. Sharma, Ursula. Caste. Jaipur: Rawat Publications, 2019. Shastri, Haraprasad. “Bange Bouddha Dharma.” In Bishay: Bouddha Dharma, edited by Barid Baran Ghosh, 124–​132. Calcutta: Karuna Prakashani, 1370 bs. Shastri, Haraprasad. Bener Meye. Calcutta: Gurudas Chateerjee and Sons, 1326 bs. Shastri, Haraprasad, ed. Hajar Bachorer Purano Bangla Bhashay Bouddhogan O Doha. Calcutta: Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, 1323 bs. Shastri, Haraprasad. “Introduction to Modern Buddhism in Bengal.” In The Modern Buddhism and Its Followers in Orissa, by Nagendra Nath Vasu, 1–​28. Calcutta: Hare Press, 1911. Shastri, Haraprasad. “Introduction to Nagendra Nath Vasu’s Modern Buddhism and Its Followers in Orissa.” In Bishay: Bouddha Dharma, edited by Barid Baran Ghosh, 209–​227. Calcutta: Karuna Prakashani, 1370 bs. Shastri, Haraprasad. “Nathapantha.” Prabasi, no. Baishakh (1322 bs). Shastri, Haraprasad. Prachin Banglar Gaurab. Calcutta: Visva-​Bharati, 1353 bs. Shastri, Haraprasad, ed. Vallala-​charita. Translated by Haraprasad Shastri. Calcutta: Hare Press, 1901.

Bibliography

231

Shastri, Sandeep. “Legislators in Karnataka: Well-​entrenched Dominant Castes.” In Rise of the Plebeians? The Changing Face of Indian Legislative Assemblies, edited by Christophe Jaffrelot, & Sanjay Kumar, 245–​276. New Delhi: Routledge, 2009. Simon, Bernd. Identity in Modern Society: A Social Psychological Perspective. Malden: Blackwell Publishing Ltd., 2004. Sinharay, Praskanva. “A New Politics of Caste.” Economic & Political Weekly xlvii, no. 34 (2012): 26–​27. Sinharay, Praskanva. “Building Up the Harichand-​Guruchand Movement: The Politics of the Matua Mahasangha.” In The Politics of Caste in West Bengal, edited by Uday Chandra, Geir Heierstad, & Kenneth Bo Nielsen, 147–​168. Oxon: Routledge, 2016. Sircar, Dinesh Chandra. Pal-​Purba Yuger Vamsanucharit. Calcutta: Sahityalok, 1985. Sircar, Dinesh Chandra. Pal-​Sen Yuger Vamsanucharit. 2nd. Kolkata: Sahityalok, 2009. Somanaboina, Simhadri, and Akhileshwari Ramagoud. “Introduction.” In The Rout ledge Handbook of the Other Backward Classes in India: Thought, Movements and Development, edited by Simhadri Somanaboina, & Akhileshwari Ramagoud, 1–​7. Oxon: Routledge, 2022. Some, Ashwinikumar. Goraksha-​Bijaya: Yogi-​goner Prachin Itihas. Fenny: Gabinda Press, 1932. Spivak, Gayatri Ckacravorty. “Can the Subaltern Speak?” In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture, edited by Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, 271–​313. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education, 1988. Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar. Caste in Modern India and Other Essays. Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962. Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar. “Mobility in the Caste System.” In Structure and Change in Indian Society, edited by Milton B. Singer, & Bernard S. Cohn. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1968. Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar. Religion and Society Among the Coorgs of South India. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952. Sur, Atul. Banglar Samajik Itihas. Calcutta: Jignasa, 1976. Taket, Ann, Beth R. Crisp, Annemarie Nevill, Greer Lamaro, Melissa Graham, and Sarah Barter-​Godfrey, . Theorising Social Exclusion. Oxon: Routledge, 2009. Tanabe, Akio. “Conditions of ‘developmental democracy’: New logic of inclusion and exclusion in globalizing India.” In Rethinking Social Exclusion: Castes, Communities and the State, edited by Minoru Mio, & Abhijit Dasgupta, 11–​29. Oxon: Routledge, 2018. Tarkaratna, Panchanan, ed. Vrhaddharma Purana. 2nd. Translated by Ramanuj Vidyarnav, Jagannath Vidyarnav, Dwarakesh Kabyatirtha, & Panchanan Tarkaratna. Kolkata: Nababharat Publishers, 1420 bs. The Sentinel. “All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students’ Union alleges scams in development projects.” February 11, 2020. https://​www​.sentin​elas​sam​.com​/guwah​ati​-city​/all​-assam​ -nath​-yogi​- stude​nts ​-union​-alle​ges ​- scams ​-in​- deve​lopm​ent​-proje​cts​/ (accessed March 29, 2020).

232 Bibliography The Sentinel. “Pre-​centenary of Asom Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani at Sipajhar.” December 18, 2018. https://​www​.sentin​elas​sam​.com​/news​/pre​-centen​ary​-of​-asom​-prades​ hik​-yogi​-sanmil​ani​-at​-sipaj​har​/ (accessed August 14, 2019). The Statesman. “What makes Yogi Adityanath a superstar campaigner in Bengal.” The Statesman. March 5, 2021. https://​www​.thest​ates​man​.com​/india​/makes​-yogi​ -adi​tyan​ath​-supers​tar​-cam​paig​ner​-ben​gal​-150​2955​573​.html (accessed September 14, 2022). Thiele, Leslie Paul. Thinking Politics: Perspectives in Ancient, Modern, and Postmodern Political Theory. New York: Chatham House Publishers, 2002. Thompson, W. H. Census of India, 1921 (Bengal). Vols. v, Part-​i Report. Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, 1923. Trivedi, Prashant K, Srinivas Goli, Fahimuddin, and Surinder Kumar. “Identity Equations and Electoral Politics: Investigating Political Economy of Land, Employment and Education.” Economic & Political Weekly 51, no. 53 (2016): 117–​123. Varghese K, George. “Globalisation Traumas and New Social Imaginary: Visvakarma Community of Kerala.” Economic & Political Weekly 38, no. 45 (2003): 4794–​4802. Vaudeville, Charlotte. Kabir. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1974. Waligora, Melita. “What is Your ‘Caste’? The Classification of Indian Society as Part of the British Civilizing Mission.” In Colonialism as Civilizing Mission: Cultural Ideology in British India, edited by Harald Fischer-​Tiné, & Michael Mann, 141–​162. London: Anthem Press, 2004. Weber, Max. From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. Edited by Hance H. Gerth, & C. Wright Mills. London: Routledge, 1948. Weber, Max. Max Weber on the Methodology of the Social Sciences. Edited by Edward A. Shils, & Henry A. Finch. Translated by Edward A. Shils, & Henry A. Finch. Illinois: The Free Press, 1949. West Bengal Legislative Assembly. “Member Lists.” 2023. http://​www​.wba​ssem​bly​.gov​ .in​/MLA​_​All​.aspx​. (accessed April 7, 2023). White, David Gordon. The Alchemical Body: Siddha Traditions in Medieval India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. White, David Gordon. “Yoga, Brief History of an Idea.” In Yoga in Practice, edited by David Gordon White, 1–​23. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012. Wise, James. Notes on the Races, Castes, and Trades of East Bengal. London: Harrison and Sons, 1883. Young, Robert J. C. Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. Žižek, Slavoj. “Multiculturalism, or, the Cultural Logic of Multinational Capitalism.” New Left Review 225 (1997): 28–​51.

Index Abhinavagupta 145 Adinath Siksha Bhandar xviii, 99n38, 110 Adinatha 19, 20, 23, 207 Adisura 37, 37n133, 40 Aguri 66 Akbar 139, 139n4, 228 Religious pluralism 139 Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha 154 All Assam Nath-​Yogi Students’ Union xviii, 112, 112n108, 113, 159, 160, 163, 164, 166, 166n96, 167, 215 All Assam Students’ Union xviii, 164, 164n93, 165 All India Hindu Mahasabha 142, 143, 154 All India Trinamool Congress xviii, 149, 151, 155 All-​India Kurmi-​Kshatriya Association 75 Ambedkar, B. R. 107n85, 179, 179n13, 191, 191n62, 191n63, 191n64, 192, 192n66, 215, 217, 220, 221 Ambedkarite 191, 205 Anandamath 55 Annihilation of caste 5, 179, 191, 205 Arya xviii, 5, 13, 26, 36, 40, 47, 81, 93, 102, 107, 108, 109, 111, 136, 150, 156, 157, 159, 162, 166, 168, 170, 173n108, 179, 181, 184, 198, 199, 228 Aryanisation 35, 50, 181 Asaf-​ud-​Daula 140 Ascetic 16, 19, 19n17, 24, 29, 32, 33, 34, 38, 50, 51, 66, 70, 94, 141, 191, 207, 208 Asom Gana Parishad xviii, 162 Assam Accord 163, 164, 164n93, 165, 166 Assam Municipal Act, 1956 158 Assam Nath-​Yogi Jatiya Parishad xviii, 162, 163n88 Assam Pradesh Congress Committee 158 Assam Pradeshik Yogi Sanmilani xviii, 5, 102, 102n63, 107n86, 107n87, 108n88, 108n89, 108n90, 111n101, 111n102, 111n103, 111n104, 156, 227, 232 Assam Valley 86n3, 87, 106, 155 Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Chatra-​ Sammilani xviii, 69, 71

Assam-​Banga Yogi-​Sammilani xvi, xviii, 5, 9, 13, 19n18, 26n72, 28n82, 41n154, 45n174, 49n17, 51n25, 54n42, 54n44, 55n49, 60t3.2, 67n88, 68, 68n89, 69, 70, 70n105, 70n109, 71, 71n110, 71n111, 71n113, 72n118, 73, 74, 74n134, 75n135, 75n136, 75n137, 76n141, 76, 76n142, 76n143, 77, 77n147, 77n149, 78n150, 78, 78n151, 79, 79n158, 80, 80n165, 80n167, 81, 81n168, 81n169, 82, 83, 84, 84n176, 92t4.1, 98, 98t4.7, 99n40, 101, 101n54, 103, 103n69, 104n70, 104n72, 110, 111, 136, 139n2, 150, 151n45, 152, 152n49, 154, 155, 157, 170, 173n108, 221, 227, 228 Aurangzeb 140, 140n11, 218 Autonomous Councils 159, 160, 166 Avalokiteswara 24 Baba Gambhirnath 143, 146 Babri Mosque 143 Backward Class Commission 170 Balnath Tilla 139 Bandyopadhyay, Bibhutibhushan 201, 201n90 Banerjea, Akshaya Kumar 19n19, 140, 140n15, 146, 216 Bangiya Purohit Sabha 81 Bangladesh 4, 8, 16, 17, 17n2, 32, 44, 45n176, 51, 52, 52n29, 52n30, 54, 67, 76, 86n4, 90, 152, 165, 220, 221, 227 Barak Upotyaka Nath-​Yogi Rudraja Brahman Sammilani xviii, 109, 109n95, 112, 112n105, 113n111, 121, 122, 129, 136, 170, 216 Barak Valley xv, 13, 86, 86n4, 89, 90, 91, 110, 113, 114, 121, 136, 156, 158, 168, 169 Behula 33 Bengali exceptionalism 4, 6n10 Bhabha, Homi K. 210, 210n4 Bhadralok 7, 74, 95, 100, 183 Bhakti 88, 142 Bharatiya Janata Party xviii, 143, 144, 146, 150, 151, 152, 153, 153n52, 161, 164 Bhartrharinatha 19 Bihar 8, 32, 56n51, 59n64, 59, 72n116, 75, 75n140, 138, 225, 228

234 Index Binduja 35 Bodo Peace Accord 163, 167, 167n99, 229 Bodoland Territorial Area District xviii, 161, 164, 166, 167, 167n99 Bodoland Territorial Council xviii, 160, 160n83, 163, 167 Brahman xiii, xviii, 5, 7, 8, 14, 17, 18, 31n105, 32, 33, 35, 35n123, 36, 36n127, 37n133, 37n135, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 47, 50, 59, 59t3.1, 63t3.5, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 78, 79, 79n159, 80n161, 80, 80n163, 80n166, 81, 82, 82n173, 84, 85, 87, 88, 91, 91n24, 93, 94, 95, 99, 100, 101, 105, 106, 108, 108n93, 109, 112, 114, 115, 118, 118t5.1, 119, 120, 120t5.2, 121, 122, 123, 125, 126, 128, 130, 131, 132, 134, 135, 136, 144, 149, 153, 154, 157, 161, 170, 171, 177, 178, 180, 181, 181n26, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 191, 193, 196, 197, 199, 200, 201, 205, 206, 208, 209, 210, 212, 220, 221, 228 Brahmanical Hindu society 42, 47, 200 Brahmaputra Valley 13, 86, 87, 88, 92, 92t4.1, 93t4.2, 94, 96, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103, 168, 169 Brahmavaivarta Purana 27, 39, 65, 66n79, 181, 181n27, 182n28, 182n29, 219 Briggs, George Weston 18n12, 19n19, 21n31, 23n49, 24n52, 24n57, 140, 140n12, 218 British xiii, 7n13, 29n90, 71n114, 73, 87, 99n39, 106, 107n85, 117, 141, 185, 186n45, 192, 192n66, 200, 210, 217, 220, 232 Buchanan (Hamilton), Francis 30, 31, 31n108, 33, 38, 48, 48n9, 50n20, 51, 52, 52n31, 66, 198, 218 Buddhism 18, 19n18, 23, 23n45, 24, 24n55, 25, 26, 27, 28n81, 31, 32n110, 34, 36n127, 39, 41, 44, 49n13, 54, 70, 81, 83, 87, 88, 139n3, 145, 165, 197, 199, 219, 220, 224, 230 Burial 42, 47, 88, 136 Bury 42, 57, 72, 76, 91, 93, 95, 114, 199, 201 Cachar Yogi Sammilani xviii, 5, 104, 107n87, 109n94, 110, 111n100, 111n98, 111n99, 113n111, 121, 136, 158n72, 158n73, 158n74, 158n75, 158n76, 158n77, 168, 170, 218 Calcutta High Court 152 Caryagiti 8, 24, 27

Caste consciousness 33, 67, 69, 71, 79, 80, 99, 111, 115, 126, 190, 205, 208 Cauranginatha 19, 32, 83 Chowranginath Sarani 83 Chowringhee Road 83 Census xiii, 2, 9, 12, 13, 29, 30n99, 34, 38, 49, 49n16, 49n17, 58, 58n63, 59n64, 59, 60, 63, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 60n65, 59t3.1, 60, 60t3.2, 61n66, 61n67, 61n68, 62, 62t3.3, 63t3.4, 63t3.5, 69, 70, 70n102, 70n103, 70n104, 70n106, 70n107, 70n108, 72, 72n116, 72n119, 73, 74, 74n130, 74n131, 74n132, 74n133, 75n140, 76, 77n145, 77n146, 87, 92, 92t4.1, 93, 93n28, 93t4.2, 94, 94n30, 94n31, 94t4.3, 95, 95n32, 95n33, 95t4.4, 96, 96n34, 96n35, 96t4.5, 97n36, 97t4.6, 98, 98n37, 98t4.7, 99, 99n41, 99n42, 100, 100n44, 100n48, 101, 101n49, 101n51, 102, 102n59, 102n60, 102n61, 102n62, 103, 103n65, 103n66, 105, 105n76, 117, 170, 172, 172n105, 178, 183, 183n39, 184, 185, 185n42, 186, 186n44, 186n47, 187, 187n48, 187n51, 189, 215, 217, 218, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 232 Chaitanya Mahaprabhu 44 Chandra dynasty 31, 36, 54, 54n41 Chandragupta II 152 Chattopadhyay, Bankim Chandra 55 Chauri Chaura 142 Citizenship (Amendment) Act xviii, 163, 164, 165, 165n95, 166, 226 Citizenship (Amendment) Bill xviii, 163, 164n90, 164n91, 165, 165n94, 166 Communal riots 75 Communist Party of India (Marxist) xviii, 151 Communist Party of India (Marxist–​Leninist) Liberation xviii, 144 Comte, Auguste 11 Cultural nationalism 145 Daivadnya Brahman 14, 135, 206 Dalits 144, 178, 192, 196 Das Gupta, Shashibhusan 16n1, 18n10, 18n14, 22, 22n32, 22n37, 22n38, 23, 23n39, 23n43, 23n47, 24n56, 26n69, 29n92, 36n125, 55, 114n114, 220

235

Index Dashnami Sampradaya 31 Davidson, Ronald M. 139, 139n3, 220 Deindustrialisation 57, 200 Delimitation 108, 158, 222 Democratic decentralisation 113, 159, 161 Depressed classes 73, 106, 107n85, 187, 192 Dharma Thakur 25, 53, 81, 198n87 Diksha 13, 28, 31, 33, 35, 136, 140, 208 Dilthey, Wilhelm 10, 10n19, 10n20, 225 Double consciousness 173, 212 Du Bois, W. E. B. 212 Dumont, Louis 19n17, 180, 180n16, 180n19, 180n20, 222 East India Company 141 Eksarana Nama-​Dharma 88, 112 Election 4, 107, 138, 138n1, 143, 145, 146, 147, 151, 156n63, 158, 159n78, 159n79, 159n80, 163, 170, 171, 173, 192, 216, 222 Electoral Politics 7, 107n85, 138n1, 149, 152, 158, 165, 173 Erlebnis 10 Experience 9, 10n22, 11, 12, 36n127, 215, 224 Lived Experience 9, 10, 11, 12 Fallen ascetics 33 Fallen Yogis 29 Foucault, Michel 177, 177n6, 186, 195, 195n77, 222 Gait, E. A. 30n99, 49n16, 58n63, 70, 70n104, 70n106, 70n107, 70n108, 93t4.2, 94n30, 94t4.3, 102n61, 178, 178n11, 223 Gandhi, Mahatma 107n85, 142, 164n93, 191n62, 192, 192n66, 215, 217 Gautama Buddha 23, 36n127, 146 Ghettoisation 91, 91n26 Globalisation 123 Goala 58 Gorakhpur 14, 19n19, 34n119, 94, 140, 140n13, 140n14, 140n15, 141n16, 142, 142n24, 143, 143n25, 145, 146, 162, 216, 219, 226 Gorakhpur Temple 140, 140n14, 142, 143, 226 Goraksha Basuli Math 51 Gorakshanatha xiii, 18n12, 19, 19n19, 20, 21n31, 22, 23n49, 24, 24n52, 24n57, 25, 27, 32, 34, 42, 51, 87, 94, 140, 140n12,

140n15, 143, 144, 145, 146, 152, 163, 207, 216, 218 Goraksha-​vijaya 27, 28n79, 222 Government of India Act, 1935 192, 192n67 Gramsci, Antonio 195, 195n78, 223 Grierson, G. A. 19n19, 28n80, 64, 64n69, 223 Gujarat 48, 138, 138n1, 224 Gupta dynasty 26, 36, 47 Guru, Gopal 10, 10n22, 11 Habermas, Jürgen 11 Hadi-​pa 19 Handloom 57, 107, 123, 200 Hatha yoga 22, 53n37 Hindu nationalism 6, 14, 142, 143, 144, 161, 205, 206 Hindutva 26n65, 142n22, 143, 144, 162, 226 Non-​Brahmin-​Hindutva 144 Husserl, Edmund 10, 10n18 Independence of India 7, 9, 76, 117, 161, 162, 170, 172, 183, 189, 192 Indian National Congress xviii, 2, 158, 162 Infrapolitics xiv, 5, 115, 211 Internal social reforms XIII, 3, 68, 79, 85, 112, 155, 170, 208, 211 Jadav 138 Jahangir 140, 141 Jakhbar Yogis 139 Jalandhari-​pa 19, 27 Jat 138 Jatav 138 Jateswarnath Siva Temple 37, 46, 46n177, 52, 53n34, 141, 152, 152n49, 228 Jogi 4, 7, 8, 13, 16, 16n1, 29, 30, 31, 33, 48, 51, 57, 58, 59t3.1, 63t3.5, 65, 68, 70, 72, 73, 74, 78, 86, 96, 100, 138, 139, 139n5, 140n10, 140n6, 140n7, 140n8, 140n9, 205, 208, 223 Jugi 4, 7, 7n13, 8, 13, 16, 16n1, 29, 30, 33, 47n6, 48, 48n7, 48n8, 51, 51n23, 52n28, 53n36, 56, 57n56, 59, 59t3.1, 65, 65n77, 66, 68, 70, 72, 74, 76, 83, 85, 86, 92, 92t4.1, 93, 93t4.2, 94, 95, 96, 99, 100, 101, 103, 128, 181, 201, 208, 220, 228 Kaibartta 59t3.1, 63t3.5, 75, 87, 99

236 Index Kalighat Temple 83 Kalita 93 Kamarupa 27, 40, 44, 88, 92t4.1, 93t4.2, 94t4.3, 95t4.4, 96t4.5, 97t4.6, 125, 145, 148, 161, 199 Kamboja dynasty 36 Kanphata 18n12, 19n19, 21, 21n31, 23n49, 24n52, 24n57, 140n12, 218 Kanu-​pa 19, 27 Kanyakubja Brahman 37 Kapalika 16n2, 41, 145 Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council xviii, 160, 160n84 Karmakar 58 Katani 13, 86, 87, 92, 92t4.1, 93, 93t4.2, 95, 98, 100, 101, 102, 103, 107, 112 Kaula-​jñāna-​nirṇaya 20 Kaulinya-​pratha 4, 37, 37n135, 39, 80, 114 Kaviraji 57, 122t5.3 Kaya-​sadhana 21 Kayastha 26, 37n135, 54n43, 58, 59t3.1, 63t3.5, 66, 67n83, 91n24, 181, 181n26, 190, 226 Kshatriya 40, 44, 67, 67n84, 73, 75, 143, 178, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 216, 220 Kuki 90 Kumaragupta I 152 Kurmi-​Mahato 75, 170 Lahore 50 Lakhindar 33 Lakshmanasena 44, 55 Left Front xviii, 82, 149 Life-​world 10 Lingayat 14, 138, 170, 172, 172n105, 186n47, 206, 217 Lived culture 12 Loknath copperplate  26, 54 Lord Siva 17, 18, 18n14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 36, 46, 46n177, 52, 53n34, 72, 81, 94, 112, 114, 141, 145, 152, 152n49, 154, 170, 207, 228 Mahanad 43n168, 46, 46n177, 49, 51, 52, 53, 53n33, 53n34, 53n40, 56n51, 56, 141, 141n19, 152, 152n49, 153, 154, 154n54, 154n55, 157n71, 216, 228 Mahar 138

Maharashtra 8, 32, 135, 138, 192 Mahavira 27 Mahishya 63t3.5, 66, 75 Malakar 99 Mallik, Kalyani 17n3, 18n14, 19n18, 19n19, 25, 25n60, 27, 27n75, 31n106, 31n109, 39, 39n141, 47, 47n3, 47n4, 55, 114n114, 199, 225 Manasamangal 33 Mansingh 141 Mantra-​yana 23 Manusmriti 72, 73n121, 73n122, 178, 226 Marginalisation xiv, 2, 4, 6, 8, 13, 16, 36, 39, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 51, 55, 58, 86, 88, 98, 131, 159, 161, 170, 177, 189, 195, 197, 199, 200, 202, 203, 204, 205, 206, 209, 211, 213 Matsyendranatha xiii, 8, 17, 19, 19n18, 20, 24, 24n54, 25, 27, 32, 83, 86, 87, 145, 146, 163, 207 Matua 66n82, 152, 171, 171n104, 205, 231 Matua Mahasangha 171, 171n104, 231 Max Muller, Friedrich 179, 179n15 Maynamati 26, 27, 28n80, 31, 54 Maynamatir Gaan 27, 54 Member of Legislative Assembly xviii, 142, 143, 148, 151, 155, 161, 163, 166, 169, 203 Member of Parliament xviii, 142, 143, 148, 152, 163, 169, 203 Migration 36, 47, 50, 76, 87, 89, 90, 132, 135, 137, 165, 177 Mimicry 115, 210, 210n4 Mishra, Halayudha 55 Mohant Avaidyanath 142, 143 Mohant Digvijayanath 142, 143 Morley-​Minto Reforms 71, 71n114 Mouffe, Chantal 212 Mughal 139, 140, 141 Mullan, C.S. 75n138, 103, 103n65, 103n66, 103n67, 103n68, 104, 105, 105n77, 105n79, 106n82, 106n83, 106n84, 107n85, 227 Multiculturalism 91n26 Nadaja 35 Namami Barak 122 Namasudra 14, 59t3.1, 63t3.5, 66, 67, 67n82, 83, 138, 150, 153, 154, 170, 171, 203, 216 Namasudra movement of Bengal 66 Napit 58

Index Nath xiii, xiv, xv, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 12, 13, 16, 16n2, 17, 17n5, 18, 20, 21, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29n96, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 39, 41, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60t3.2, 62t3.3, 62, 63t3.4, 63, 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73, 73n123, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 83n175, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 92t4.1, 93, 93t4.2, 94t4.3, 95, 95t4.4, 96, 96t4.5, 97, 97t4.6, 98, 98t4.7, 99, 100, 100n46, 100n47, 101, 101n53, 101n54, 101n55, 102, 103, 103n64, 103n67, 103n68, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 108n93, 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 118t5.1, 119, 120, 120t5.2, 121, 122, 122t5.3, 123, 123t5.4, 124, 124t5.5, 125, 125t5.6, 126, 127t5.7, 128, 129t5.8, 130, 131, 131t5.9, 132, 132t5.10, 133, 133t5.11, 134, 134t5.12, 135, 136, 138, 144, 145, 147, 147t6.1, 148, 148t6.2, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 168, 169, 170, 171, 171n103, 172, 173, 173n108, 175, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 184, 187, 188, 190, 191, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 200n89, 202, 203, 204, 204n92, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210, 210n1, 210n3, 212, 220, 221, 222, 225 Pragmatic Naths xiii, 14, 83, 84, 109, 110, 126, 136, 189 Radical Naths xiii, 14, 83, 84, 126, 144, 189 Nath Mission 155 Nath, Manimohan 64n70, 67, 68, 81 Nath, Marunda 54 Nath, Narendra Chandra 21n28, 26, 54, 54n45, 55, 58, 66n78, 69, 139n2 Nath, Radha Gobinda 41n154, 55, 67, 71, 71n110, 72, 74, 81 Nath, Rajmohan 26, 26n72, 28, 28n82, 34, 35n122, 45n174, 51, 51n25, 54, 54n42, 54n44, 55, 55n49, 55n50, 57n54, 65, 66n78, 67, 68, 87n7, 90, 90n22, 100, 163, 228 Nath Dalal, Krishna Chandra 64, 67 Natha-​pantha xiii, 17, 17n3, 28, 45, 47, 89, 154, 157, 172 Natha-​sahitya 27 Nathism 8, 13, 16, 17, 18, 20, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 32, 33, 35, 40, 41, 44, 46, 47, 49, 54, 55,

237 58, 83, 87, 88, 115, 125, 136, 148, 152, 157, 199, 209 Nath-​Yogi xiii, xviii, 5, 6, 7n12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19n20, 20, 21n28, 22, 23, 26, 27, 27n74, 32, 33, 37, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 45n176, 47, 49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 68, 69, 78, 86n2, 90, 102, 107, 109, 109n95, 111, 112, 112n105, 112n108, 113, 113n110, 113n112, 115, 117, 125n27, 138, 140, 140n15, 141, 142, 144, 145, 150, 155, 156, 157, 157n68, 157n69, 157n70, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 163n87, 164, 166, 166n97, 167, 168, 182, 183, 188, 198, 199, 200, 206, 215, 216, 219, 221, 226, 227, 231 Nath-​Yogi Development Council 112, 113, 113n110, 150 Nath-​Yogi Satellite Autonomous Council 150, 161 Navanatha 19 Navasakh 91, 91n24, 181, 181n26 Nepal 4, 8, 16, 18, 24, 32, 44, 141, 141n17, 218 Nikhil Bharat Rudraja Brahman Sammi­ lani xvi, xviii, 5, 13, 69, 79, 79n159, 80n163, 80n164, 80n165, 82, 83, 84, 108n93, 109, 110, 116, 121, 126, 136, 150, 151n45, 152, 153, 153n52, 154n53, 155, 170, 173n108, 221 North Cachar Hills Autonomous Council xviii, 160, 160n84 Odisha xv, 8, 34, 44, 146 Origin myth xiii, 5, 6, 182, 188, 191, 205, 206, 212 Other Backward Classes xiii, xviii, 6, 13, 77, 77n148, 78, 79, 80, 80n166, 80n167, 83, 84, 91, 108, 108n93, 109, 110, 112, 116, 118, 119, 121, 123, 124, 124t5.5, 125, 125t5.6, 126, 127t5.7, 128, 129t5.8, 130, 131, 132, 134, 135, 135n56, 136, 137, 144, 157, 172, 177, 181n22, 182n32, 184, 189, 189n57, 190, 190n59, 193, 196, 202, 206, 209, 212, 215, 221, 224, 229, 231 Pakistan 3n6, 76, 90, 132, 137, 139, 165, 225 East Pakistan 76, 90, 132, 137 Pala dynasty 26, 30, 31, 36, 39, 40, 44, 47, 51, 87, 199

238 Index Partition of Bengal xiii, 7, 7n14, 76, 81, 90, 219 Paschim Banga Nath Kalyan Samity xvi, xviii, 81, 83, 170 Patel 138, 138n1, 224 Pather Panchali 201 Patni 99 Politicisation 6, 14, 84, 147, 148, 148t6.2, 149, 153, 155, 169, 171, 175, 203, 205, 206, 213 Politics xiii, xiv, 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 12, 14, 16, 45, 103, 106, 110, 112, 117, 126, 138, 138n1, 139, 143, 147, 148, 149, 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 161, 162, 168, 169, 170, 171, 173, 175, 176, 178, 181, 183, 192, 195, 203, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 212 Poona Pact 107, 107n85, 192 Post-​colonial 6, 13, 183, 195, 196n81, 206, 210, 232 Postmodernism 10n21, 195, 196, 232 Poststructuralism 195, 196 Poundra 66 Power 1, 3, 6, 14, 17, 28, 38, 45, 47, 69, 84, 113, 123, 139, 141, 142, 143, 147, 150, 152, 153, 155, 157, 159, 161, 173, 175, 177, 180, 186, 188, 190, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 204, 206, 209, 213 Power discourse 6, 14, 196, 209 Power loom 123 Priestcraft 5, 31, 68, 80, 89, 91, 115, 121, 122, 123, 191, 202, 211 Prithvi Narayan Sah 141 Punjab 8, 32, 139 Puranas 27, 27n76, 39, 39n142, 65, 66n79, 178, 182, 182n27, 182n28, 182n29, 182n30, 197, 197n83, 198n87, 218, 219, 231 Radical-​pragmatic debate 83, 189 Rajasthan 8, 8n15, 18n12, 28n80, 29, 29n96, 32, 51n24, 223 Rajbanshi 14, 66, 67, 67n84, 138, 150, 160, 162, 167, 170, 171, 181, 203, 205, 216, 229 Rajput 143 Rama Temple 143 Ramjanmabhumi 143 Rasayana 22 Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh xviii, 144 Ray, Niharranjan 17n4, 19n18, 21n28, 24n54, 28n85, 36n129, 36n130, 37n131, 37n132,

39, 39n144, 40n147, 41, 41n157, 42, 42n164, 44n170, 50n19, 65, 65n76, 114n114, 141n20, 181n21, 181n24, 182n27, 182n30, 219, 229 Refugee xiii, 76, 165, 171 Refugee studies xiii, 76 Reservation xiii, 6, 13, 77n148, 78, 79, 83, 91, 103, 107, 107n85, 109, 112, 116, 121, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 136, 153, 159, 166, 167, 168, 177, 188, 189, 190, 192, 197, 208, 209 Resistance xiii, xiv, 2, 5, 11, 43, 66, 67, 69, 70, 115, 138, 164, 175, 177, 191, 192, 205, 209, 210, 211 Risley, Herbert Hope 16n1, 29, 29n90, 29n91, 29n95, 30, 30n102, 30n103, 31n107, 33n113, 42n162, 42n163, 57, 57n55, 58n59, 68n92, 70, 178, 179n12, 181n25, 199, 201, 229 Rudraja Brahman xvi, xviii, 5, 17, 18, 25n63, 32, 33, 35n123, 36, 43, 58, 69, 77, 79, 79n159, 80n161, 80n162, 80n163, 80n166, 81, 82n173, 109, 109n95, 112, 112n105, 114, 115, 120, 121, 127, 128, 129, 130, 144, 154, 161, 182, 209, 210, 216, 220, 221, 224, 228 Rudraja Brahman Purohit Sangha xviii, 80, 81, 112 Rudraja Brahman Sammilani xvi, xviii, 5, 35n123, 69, 77, 79, 79n159, 79n161, 80n163, 80n166, 82, 109, 109n95, 112, 112n105, 216, 221, 228 Sacred thread xiii, 5, 21, 31, 31n105, 38, 39, 65, 68, 70, 73n123, 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 84, 91, 94, 95, 99, 100, 109, 114, 118, 119, 120, 121, 125, 127, 128, 130, 131, 132, 134, 136, 153, 157, 191, 199, 205, 210 Sadgop 59t3.1, 66, 91n24, 181n26 Sahajayana 23 Sahajiya 49, 87 Saiva Bharati 80, 82 Saivism 18, 18n14, 23, 25, 44, 66 Saivite 18, 18n14, 23, 44, 53, 54n41, 172 Saktaism 42, 199 Sankaracharya 30, 31, 35, 50, 146, 199 Sankaradeva 40, 45, 87, 88, 112, 199 Sanmilita Janagosthiya Sangram Samiti xviii, 160

Index Sannyasi rebellion 55 Sanskrit College 64 Sanskritisation 4, 88, 208, 210, 210n2 Sarukkai, Sundar 10, 10n22, 11, 11n23, 11n24, 11n25, 224 Scheduled Castes xviii, 13, 67n82, 75, 77n148, 82, 103, 104, 105, 106, 108, 110, 117, 138n1, 159, 171, 172, 189, 190, 192, 216 Scheduled Tribes xviii, 77n148, 112, 117, 159, 161, 163, 164, 166, 167, 168 Secularisation of politics 154 Sekasubhodaya 41, 41n153, 55n46, 230 Sena dynasty 36, 37n135, 39, 40, 41, 43, 44, 199 Shah Jahan 140 Shastri, Haraprasad xv, 21n28, 23n42, 24, 24n52, 24n53, 24n55, 24n56, 24n57, 25, 25n64, 27, 27n75, 27n78, 31, 32n110, 47, 47n3, 49, 49n13, 50n18, 116n120, 122, 122n18, 129, 129n45, 173n107, 230 Simon Commission 106, 192 Sino-​Indian War 158 Siva gotra 18 Sixth Schedule 159, 160, 160n83, 160n84, 166, 167n99 Smarta 13, 39, 39n142, 40, 42, 43, 145, 199, 200 Social justice xiii, 193, 209 Social sciences 9, 10, 15 Srinivas, M.N. 3n5, 69, 69n101, 138n1, 183, 183n35, 210, 210n2, 231, 232 Srotriya Brahman 94 Sudra 2, 30, 40, 47, 50, 57, 67, 68, 70, 73, 81, 85, 94, 99, 115, 157, 172, 178, 179, 181, 184, 185, 190 Surma Valley xviii, 13, 75, 86n4, 87, 88, 92, 92t4.1, 93t4.2, 94, 98, 99, 100, 103, 104, 105, 110 Surma Valley Yogi Association xviii, 104, 105 Tantrism 20, 25, 27, 49, 87, 88 The Political xiii, 1, 8, 105, 108, 111, 135, 147, 148, 150, 152, 153, 154, 156, 162, 165, 168, 169, 170, 171, 177, 179, 182, 196, 203, 205, 206, 213 Theorisation from inside 10, 11

239 Tili 59t3.1, 66, 91n24, 181n26 Tripura 8, 21n28, 32, 34, 44, 54n45, 58n62, 61, 62t3.3, 66n78, 75, 78, 82, 139n2, 144, 152, 155, 184, 227 Ulta sadhana 22, 28, 29, 207 United Central Refugee Council xix, 76 United Kingdom xix, 71n114, 192 Upanayana samaskara 68, 82, 109 Upper-​caste 7, 182 Uttar Pradesh 8, 32, 138, 142, 142n24, 144, 145, 152, 157, 162, 228 Vaidya 37n135, 59t3.1, 63t3.5, 66, 67, 91n24, 181, 181n26, 190 Vaishnavism 18, 43, 44, 44n172, 51, 55, 88, 114 Gaudiya Vaishnavism 44, 51, 55 Neo-​Vaishnavism 45, 88 Vaishnavite 40, 44n172, 45, 87, 88, 199 Vaisya 31n105, 40, 73, 182 Vajra-​yana 23 Vallala-​charita 20, 21n27, 21n28, 27, 36n124, 37, 37n135, 38n136, 38n137, 38n138, 43, 43n169, 49, 49n12, 114n114, 182, 182n29, 198, 221, 225, 230 Vallalasena 4, 21n28, 33, 37, 37n135, 39, 42, 43, 48, 53, 54, 58, 70, 81, 90, 114, 116, 138, 145, 177, 182, 188, 199 Varman dynasty 36 Varna 17, 29, 39, 40, 47, 66, 72, 81, 102, 108, 144, 176, 177, 178, 181, 183, 184, 185, 190, 191, 198, 199, 204, 205, 206, 209 Vedas 9, 25, 32, 34, 41, 65, 73 Verstehen 10 Vishva Hindu Parishad xix, 144 Vishwa Brahman 14, 135, 206 Vote-​bank 153, 157, 161, 170, 171, 203 Vrhaddharma Purana 39, 182, 182n30, 231 Weber, Max 11, 12n27, 178, 178n9, 232 Weaving 30, 32, 33, 38, 42, 47, 48, 55, 57, 58, 60, 61, 69, 74, 81, 85, 90, 94, 98, 99, 102, 107, 113, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 128, 136, 197, 199, 200, 202 White Paper 103, 106, 192 World War i 73

240 Index Yogi xiii, 4, 5, 6, 7n12, 8, 13, 16, 16n1, 18n12, 19, 19n19, 20, 21, 21n28, 21n31, 23, 23n49, 24n52, 24n57, 25, 27, 27n74, 29, 29n96, 30, 31, 32, 32n111, 33, 34n121, 35, 37, 38, 39, 39n142, 40, 41, 42, 43, 45, 47, 48, 52, 55, 56, 58, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 86n2, 90, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 107, 110, 111, 114, 115, 118, 119, 120, 121, 129, 136, 138, 139, 140n12, 141, 142, 145, 155, 156, 157, 157n68, 157n69, 157n70, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162,

166, 167, 168, 181, 188, 198, 199, 200, 201, 206, 218, 223, 226, 227, 228 Yogi Adityanath 26n65, 142, 142n22, 143, 144, 145, 146, 146n30, 151, 157, 162, 226, 232 Yogi Hitaishini Sabha 69, 227 Yogisakha 68, 71, 73, 78, 79, 79n157 Yugabani 111 Yungi 65, 66, 66n79, 70, 182 Zafar Khan Ghazi 49, 53, 55, 56n51 Žižek, Slavoj 91n26