Canada-Australia: Towards a Second Century of Partnership 9780773591417

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CANADA-AUSTRALIA Towards a Second Century of Partnership

Edited by Kate Burridge, Lois Foster Gerry Turcotte

Published by International Council for Canadian Studies

Carleton University Press

8 Copyright 1997 by individual authors This book is copyright. Apart from any Fair dealing for the purposes of private study, criticism or review, as permitred under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission.

Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data

Main entry under title: Canada-Australia :towards a second century of partnership Papers from the Association for Canadian Studies in Australia and New Zealand (ACSANZ) 1995 conference held at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia. Includes bibliographid references. ISBN 0-88629-328-6 1. Canada-Relations-Australia-Congresses. 2. Australia-Relations-Canada-Congresses. 3. Canada-Civilization-Congresses. I. Burridge, Kate 11. Foster, Lois E. 111. Turcotte, Gerry IV.ACSANZ '95 (1995 : La Trobe University).

Text and cover design by G. Turcotte. This book is published with the support of ACSANZ -The Association for Canadian Studies in Australia and New Zealand -, the International Council for Canadian Studies (ICCS) and Carleton University. Carleton University Press gratefully acknowleges the support extended to its publishing program by the Canada Council and the financial assistance of the Ontario Arts Council. The Press would also like to thank the Department of Canadian Heritage, Government of Canada, and the Government of Ontario through the Ministry of Culture, Tourism and Recreation, for their assistance.

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

vii

OPENING ADDRESS & RESPONSE

L. MICHAEL BERRY

Canada and Australia: Pacific Partners Past, Present and Future

GREGDONAGHY

Parallel Paths: Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1890s

13

LOISFOSTER

Introduction

41

CHRISTINE INGLIS

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration on Australia and Canada

45

Institutional Restructuring and the Impact of NonEuropean Immigration on the Urban Areas of the US, Canada and Australia

77

JEFFREY G. REITZ

DAVIDSTOCKLEY

Globalisation: Internationalising Education in the 1990s

113

MALCOLMALEXANDER Globalisation and Civil Society: Multiculturalism, Citizenship and Nationalism in Australia and Canada

125

LOISFOSTER

Introduction

141

HARRYCLARKE

Australian and Canadian Labour-Cum-Capital Migrations: Push Factors, Causality and the Role of US Labour Intakes 143

IAN W. FRY

Early Canadian Contributions to Australia's Economic Development

MARKSTANIFORTH

171

The Wreck of the William Salthouse -The Earliest Attempt to Establish Trade Relations Between Canada and Australia 189 The Price of Competitiveness: The Canadian and Australian Experience of Global Integration and Restructuring

203

KATEBURRIDGE

Introduction

NIGELBAGNALL

The International Baccalaureate in Canada: 1980-1993

KATEBURRIDGE

"Separate and Peculiar" -The Survival of Pennsylvania "Dutch" in Ontario

LOISFOSTERand PAULBARTROP

The Roots of Multiculturalism in Australia and Canada

C. MICHAELHALL

Cultural Tourism and Urban Imaging Strategies in Canada

MICHAELLANPHIER

Post-multiculturalism and Immigration

ROBINLATHANGUE

Philosophy on Ice: The Public Intellectual in Canada

MICHAELASHBY

The Rodriguez Case and Care of the Dying

A Tale of Two Urban Myths: Deconstructing the "Toronto Model"

GERRY TURCOTTE

Introduction

CHRISTYCOLLIS

The "Last Link Legend" and Empire's Arctic Quest

THOMAS E. TAUSKY

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander

BRIANEDWARDS

On the Edge of Darkness: Timothy Findley 's Headhunting

ADAMSHOEMAKER

Janette Turner Hospital and the National Dilemma

MARGARET HENDERSON "Stabat Mater" or Elegy?: The Construction of Maternity in Judith Wright's and Margaret Atwood's Poetry ANDREWE N ~ C E

Writing Between Cultures: The Difference Engine

JANEEN WEBBand DENABAINTAYLOR

The Evolution of Canadian and Australian Speculative Fiction

BERYLLANGER

Coca-Colonials Write Back: Localising the Global in Canadian Crime Fiction

Contributors

489

The following volume of essays is the result of the ACSANZ 1995 conference held at La Trobe University, in Melbourne, Australia, organised by Dr Lois Foster. A special feature of the conference, though not its exclusive focus, was trade relations, a theme chosen to coincide with the Canadian High Commission's celebration of a century of formal trade links between Canada and Australia. But as with all .ACSANZ conferences, the papers were wide-ranging and contributors were not limited to a single theme. This publication is a refereed collection from the more than sixty papers that were presented and range from discussions of immigration policy in Canada and Australia to architectural practices in British Columbia; from Canadian influences on Australia's economic development to issues of identity politics in each nation's literature. This collection represents major research in the areas of globalisation, migration, pluralism and ethnic relations, with a strongly, though not exclusively, comparative orientation. The editors are particularly pleased that the present volume includes contributions by the former High Commissioner of Canada in Australia, the Honourable Michael Berry, and by a member of Canada's Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Greg Donaghy - contributions which provided a context of "celebration" for the conference itself. Their articles define the governmental nature and structures relating to trade links established between the two countries in three time periods - the nineteenth century and the early twentieth century (Greg Donaghy) and the later twentieth century (Michael Berry). They establish the historical and political background which reveals that partnerships, even between two countries as similar as Canada and Australia, are neither unproblematic nor entirely altruistic. Donaghy's paper identifies key features of the early developing trade relationship using primary sources (that is, official government documents). Berry's commentary relating to contemporary events and structures arises especially from his personal experience as former Canadian High Commissioner to Australia. The juxtaposition of these two papers is

General Introduction complementary and serves as a useful backdrop to the discussion which follows. This collection is meant to reflect the dynamism of the organisation which brought the present scholars together - the Association for Canadian Studies in Australia and New Zealand - as well as to signal the extraordinary range and vitality of Canadian, Australian and comparative studies. A similar volume, published in 1985, concentrated on the theme of Regionalisms, and represented, in the words of its editors, "a range of investigations into a long, continuous, and unfinished process of nationhood" (Berry and Acheson, 1985, ix). It is ironic that this present study should have as its general theme the idea of Globalisms, and yet nevertheless articulate a similar concern: the difficult, and necessarily unending, effort at such self-definitions. The notion of nationhood is increasingly coming into question, an interrogation propelled precisely by those pressures which global technologies bring forth. Although loosely ordered by discipline, the papers in this collection, by their scope and interest, interrogate the very categories which contain them. They reflect the very best in scholarship, and suggest a way for the particular to speak to the general, for the regional to speak to the global. The papers are grouped into the following sections: Opening Address and Response; Globalisation: Implications for Australia and Canada; Perspectives on Economics and Trade; Social, Historical and Other Perspectives; and Literary and Cultural Studies. An introduction to each section has been provided by the editors to highlight the major themes and to situate these contributions in terms of the broader literature in Canadian Studies. The editors would like to thank a number of people who assisted with the present manuscript. First we would like to thank our many referees for their knowledge, time and expertise in assessing the numerous manuscripts we received. Thanks are also due to Luke McNamara, who refereed and coordinated a number of the papers which appear in the volume; to Julia Gallagher, who typed and formatted much of this manuscript; to Dr Turcotte's research assistants, Greg Ratcliffe, Elisabeth Pedersen and Richard Lever who proofread the volume; and to the Centre for Research Into Textual and Cultural Studies (CRITACS), and the Program of English Studies at the University of Wollongong, which provided resources and financial assistance for the production of this volume.

General Introduction This volume also marks an important partnership, between Carleton University Press, the International Council for Canadian Studies (ICCS), and ACSANZ. The editors would like to acknowledge the work of the Director of CUP, John Flood, and Guy Leclair at the ICCS, for making this partnership possible.

Kate Burridge, Lois Foster & Gerry Turcotte

Berry, R. and J. Acheson, eds. 1985. Regionalism and National Identity=Multi-Disciplinary Essays on Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. Christchurch: ACSANZ Publications.

CANADA AND AUSTRALIA: PACIFIC PARTNERS PAST,PRESENT AND FUTURE

In 1995, we commemorated the One Hundredth Anniversary of "Official" Canada-Australia trade relations. The first of Canada's trade commissioners, or as they were known in those days, commercial agents, arrived in Sydney, in early 1895 to promote trade between Canada and the Australian colonies. His name was John Larke and his additional tasks were to promote the improvement of shipping services and the development of the Pacific cable, both designed to improve communications between these outposts of the British Empire. For historical accuracy I should make clear that trade links between Canada and Australia certainly existed before Mr John Larke arrived in Sydney. I was reminded of this recently by a Canadian businessman who harumphed that we bureaucrats could not take all the credit for "establishing" trading connections one hundred years ago since trade actually began well before 1895! But John Larke was the first full-time salaried trade representative from Canada, and it is his arrival that we are commemorating this year. John Short Larke was, in fact, the first Canadian Trade Commissioner ever despatched abroad. Thus, we are also celebrating the launching of the Canadian Trade Commissioner service as well. That Canada's first Trade Commissioner was assigned to Australia is indicative of the importance Canada attached, even a century ago, to its relationship with what was soon to become a "Sister Dominion". Larke clearly was very effective at his job, during the time he was here Canada's exports to Australia increased tenfold, and Australian exports

L. Michael Berry to Canada more than doubled. By 1911, Australia was Canada's fourth largest market. We are, therefore, taking advantage of this trade centenary to underline the strength of the bilateral relationship and to renew the commitment to working together to our mutual advantage and to that of the international community. To do this the High Commission and Consulate General in Sydney have planned a number of events during the year. Although we cannot take credit for this ACSANZ meeting, we do appreciate the Association's willingness to move it forward to 1995 to take place in the centenary year. As I am sure you know, good connections at the ministerial level are important to any relationship between countries. I am, therefore, pleased to say that during 1995 we expect visits from possibly as many as six Canadian ministers. Transport Minister Doug Young was already here in late January and had some interesting exchanges with his Australian counterparts, Laurie Brereton and Finance Minister Kim Beazley. In March, our Trade Minister Roy MacLaren will visit five Australian cities to officially launch the trade centenary and, naturally, to discuss regional as well as multilateral trade policy developments with his Australian counterpart, Senator McMullan. Sergio Marchi, our Immigration Minister, will be a keynote speaker at a conference on cultural diversity in Sydney in April. And, in late July, our Foreign Minister, Andr6 Ouellet, will visit Australia for discussions with Senator Evans, and to participate at a Canada-Australia Policy Conference which will examine issues which I hope will be of interest to many ACSANZ members. The conference is being cosponsored by the Australian National University, the Conference Board of Canada, and the High Commission. I understand that an information flyer has been included in your conference material and look forward to seeing many of you in Canberra for that event. We also plan to have a Canadian naval visit mid-year, with ships fiom the Royal Canadian Navy visiting several Australian ports as well as New Zealand. And not least we are hopeful that Prime Minister Chr6tien will visit Australia in late 1995 after CHOGM in New Zealand. A range of representations from the Canadian Cultural Community will also come to Australia in 1995, including the film maker and artist, Michael Snow, the Rankin family, folk singers from Atlantic Canada, the Calgary Boys' Choir, choreographer Jean-Pierre Perrault, as well as writers such as Isabel Huggan and Timothy Findley. This week there are five Canadian artists taking part in the Melbourne Music Festival, and

Pacific Partners, Past, Present and Future several Canadian comedians appearing at the month long Last Laugh Comedy Festival here. Later today there will be readings by Canadian authors, Alison Gordon and George Bowering. In short we expect 1995 to be an interesting, if not exciting, year in the Canada-Australia relationship. THE BILATERAL TRADE RELATIONSHIP:PAST AND PRESENT

The title for my remarks today suggests that I propose to speak about the bilateral relationship, past, present and future. But if you will permit a bit of "speaker's licence", I am going to focus most of my remarks on the current Canada-Australia relationship. I am able to do so in large part, because we are very fortunate in having at your conference a colleague from the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade in Ottawa, Mr Greg Donaghy, who will be presenting a paper on the "past" part of the relationship. Greg is with the historical section of our foreign ministry and has done a fine piece of research work on "The Earlier Days". His paper is quite fascinating, and particularly revealing about the approaches our two dominions adopted towards a number of issues, including links with the "mother" country especially during WWII. It seems that we did not always see eye to eye! Greg's paper takes us to about the mid-1970s when, one could say, the "modem" period in Canada-Australia relations began. It is on this period that I want to focus before looking at the prospects ahead. I know there are many of you much more specialised than I on the comparisons and similarities between Australia and Canada, but I continue to be struck by the parallels which characterise the relationship today. To begin by stating the obvious, Canada and Australia are huge but sparsely populated countries, inhabited for thousands of years before European settlement by indigenous peoples. Both were colonised by Europeans during a relatively short and recent time fiame. Both have had to contend with the tyranny of distance, and difficult, though different climates. Former Canadian Prime Minister, Mackenzie King's observation "that Canada is a country with too much geography and too little history", could equally apply to Australia. Both countries are resource rich, and have experienced periods of economic boom and recession based on the level of commodity prices. Though the numbers engaged in the agricultural sector continue to fall in both countries, agriculture has been a strong historical determinant for both. Clearly one of the most enduring points of similarity are our shared parliamentary and, especially, our federal traditions. Whenever I attend

L. Michael Berry conferences which focus on Federalism or "The Federal System", there have invariably been a large number of Australians and Canadians earnestly comparing notes. I am not sure whether anyone has yet claimed to have developed the perfect federal system, but, as you know, we in Canada have made a national pastime of trying to adjust ours to everyone's satisfaction. And Australia, too, has been reviewing its constitution to determine whether it needs to be modernised. Although I had been involved in Canada-Australia relations on and off since 1980, the breadth and variety of the modem Canada-Australia relationship surprised me when I arrived here three and a half years ago. Frankly, the diversity of the relationship is not that well known, and it will be one of our tasks, particularly during this centenary year, to highlight its various aspects. k t me give you an idea of some of the things that take place between the two countries, which seldom reach the public eye. The amount of consultation that takes place as a result of our domestic social and economic policy agendas is probably greater with Australia than with any other country. We are frequently wrestling with the same public policy issues, and we continue to learn from each other. For example, when the Canadian Transport Minister Doug Young visited several Australian cities last month, what did he talk about? privatisation of transportation facilities, "user-pay, user-say" systems of transportation utilisation, the challenges of long haul transportation systems, and questions relating to aviation and maritime safety. When the Australian Government issued its White Paper on Unemployment and the Social Security system earlier last year, it was of immediate interest in Ottawa, where a similar review was being conducted. Many of the problems identified in the Australian research proved to be virtually the same as in Canada. In areas such as immigration and refugee policy, where both countries have responded generously to the plight of international refugees, multiculturalism, and the environment/development nexus, there is constant and ongoing connection, not only at the bureaucratic level, but between and among the groups in society most directly concerned. On questions such as relations with our Aboriginal populations there is regular interchange, not only between bureaucrats, and politicians but also between the indigenous communities themselves. Like Australia, Canada has what has recently been articulated as a "cultural advantage'' in terms of our relationship with the Asia-Pacific region. That is the large and growing number of Canadians of Asian origin, now approaching one million. Chinese is now the third most commonly spoken language in the home in Canada, as a result of the

Pacific Partners, Past, Present and Future steady movement of immigrants from Hong Kong, China and Taiwan. This has brought with it business, financial and particularly family connections, which play such an important role in Asian society and decision making. Again a development familiar to Australians. Another area where similarities are evident is in international education. As in Australia, we have a considerable number of foreign students in our high schools and universities. But we have been less aggressive than Australia in marketing our educational services. This is about to change. We have been impressed by the Australian approach to promoting study in Australia, and, taking a page out of the Australian book, we have now begun establishing Canadian education centres in the Asia-Pacific region. While we may be competitors in this respect, I am confident that the demand in Asia is sufficiently large that the competition will be beneficial, not least to the students themselves. And I am told, there is at least one Canadian educational institution that is joint venturing with an Australian counterpart to offer study to Asian students in the two countries. I mentioned earlier that when I arrived to take up my assignment here, I had not fully appreciated the extent and diversity on the bilateral relationship. Nowhere was this more true than in the area of what we call academic relations. The relationship between our two academic communities is certainly healthy and vigorous, at least judging by the number of visiting Canadian academics to these shores. There are approximately forty Canadians currently in residence at Australian universities, but there have been times when it has been eighty or more. And all arranged without government involvement! Formal arrangements to provide academic interchange have of course been in place for some time. Many do not realise that the Commonwealth Scholarship was a Canadian initiative, now embraced by the whole Commonwealth family, which has been responsible for a steady level of two-way traffic over the years. The Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade began supporting Canadian Studies in Australia and New Zealand in the early 1980s, with the first Faculty Enrichment Awards to support teaching about Canada being granted in 1981. Since then close to 100 awards have been made. Over the years our support for Canadian Studies has grown steadily: In 1988, to commemorate the Bicentennial, we introduced a major institutional research grant of $25,000. Seven Australian universities have been recipients of this grant.

L. Michael Berry In 1991, the Faculty Research Award for short term research was introduced. Since then, thirty-seven grants have been made. A program for International Research Linkages was introduced three years ago. In the first year, Australian research teams took seven out of the ten grants made available world wide. All this has engendered an impressive list of studies that in many cases would not otherwise have been undertaken,

A major reason for this growth has been the keen interest and commitment of Australian and New Zealand academics. Some of you here have been recipients of awards, some have been members of various pre-selection panels, and have joined the ranks of ACSANZ, and have become "Canadianists". It was at an academic gathering that I first heard a Canadian joke in Australia. One Australian speaker said he had come to realise why Canadians crossed the road -Answer: "To get to the middle". In the case of government to government relations, the compatibility of our systems of government, and similarities in policy agendas, is underlined by a series of bilateral exchange agreements which each year see around fifteen or so Canadian government officials working in Australian government departments, and a like number of Australian officials in Ottawa. The program began in the early 1970s and has been a success from the beginning. There is no such other country with which we have an exchange of such magnitude, and from which we both benefit so much. The fact that officials from our two countries can move with such ease between the two systems, underscores my point about the similarities and consequences of our respective histories and development. One of the best illustrations of what I like to call the "comfort level" characterised in this exchange is the case of the Canadian Exchange Officer in the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. He was working in the OECD division and was doing such a good job that he was selected to be a member of the Australian delegation to the annual OECD ministerial meetings in Paris. It is usual practice during such sessions for the trade or foreign ministers to have separate meetings with counterparts fiom other OECD countries. And one was duly arranged with the Canadian Trade Minister and his Australian colleague. The note taker for the Australian Minister during his bilateral meeting with his Canadian trade counterpart was the Canadian Exchange Officer, much to the confused surprise of the Canadian side. I suppose the only

Pacific Partners, Past, Present and Future way such a situation could have been improved upon, would have been for the Australian Exchange Officer in Ottawa to have been the note taker for the Canadian Minister! Currently there are Canadian officials in DFAT, the Air Safety Board, the Solicitor General's Office, The Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, Industry, Science and Technology, Treasury, The Australian Bureau of Statistics, Department of Administrative Services, The Immigration Department and others. We operate a similar exchange arrangement between our defence forces, deriving from military links that go back to our roles in the two great wars: Australian memories of Singapore and ours of a like experience in Hong Kong during World War Two, the Commonwealth Air Training Plan which saw close to 10,000 Australian aviators graduate in Canada, and our participation in the Korean War where our troops served together as part of a Commonwealth division. More recently, our forces were involved in the Persian Gulf operation to remove Saddam Hussein's army from Kuwait, and both were part of the peacekeeping missions in Cambodia, Somalia and Rwanda. In the field of Foreign Policy, Canada and Australia have a long tradition of consultation and cooperation. A good example was the very close working relationship established between our two governments with respect to apartheid in South Africa. This was a long and often frustrating campaign, carried on through successive Australian and Canadian governments. I think it is fair to say that no two other governments worked so assiduously over such a period of time to help resolve a situation, which was such an affront to our commonly shared political and social beliefs. There are numerous other examples of issues on which there is a close identity of views: reform of the United Nations, non-proliferation and arms control, the future direction of the Commonwealth, AsiaPacific security, and Asia-Pacific cooperation under auspices of the Asia-Pacific Economic Forum, or APEC, as it commonly known. Indeed we are in constant touch in moving the APEC agenda forward, a point I shall return to in a moment. Our two countries also have strong connections in the area of trade policy. We cooperated closely in the Uruguay round negotiations and in the establishment of the World Trade Organisation. We are both members of the Cairns group of agricultural producers. Each country has its specialised economic and trade ties with other players within the Asia-Pacific region: Canada through the NAFTA and Australia through the CER. But we both share a strong commitment, in the words of the

L. Michael Berry APEC leaders' Bogor declaration, to "the goal of free and open trade investment in the Asia-Pacific region". And not long ago we took diplomatic cooperation even one step further. In November 1993, Senator Evans and Foreign Minister Andr6 Ouellet signed an agreement setting out the parameters for collocation of our diplomatic missions. The first two such missions have already been established. In Bridgetown, Barbados the Australian High Commission is located in our High Commission offices, while in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, the Canadian Embassy is housed within the Australian Embassy. Collocation does not mean the Embassy space is provided gratis to the other -our respective auditors would have strong views on that! There is a system for reimbursement of costs, but the collocation arrangement again demonstrates the ease and facility with which we interact. Further evidence of the comfort level between the two governments is that we have put into place twenty-six consular sharing agreements. This means, for example, that the Australian traveller, in parts of Africa or Latin America, where Canada has more diplomatic missions than does Australia, can seek assistance at the Canadian Embassy or High Commission. Similarly, in parts of the world where Australia is represented with a diplomatic mission, but Canada is not, a Canadian traveller can do the same. An important aspect of our bilateral relationship is that between our business communities. Because we have been doing business together for over a century, today, we have a trade and investment relationship that is solid and diversified, although not as well-known or large as it could or should be, in my view. Nevertheless, we are moving in the right direction. There is an interesting footnote to one of our early efforts to enhance the trade relationship. Apparently, during the negotiations in 1931 to establish the first trade agreement between Canada and Australia, passionfruit was one of the items of Australian export interest. The senior Canadian negotiator felt constrained to point out to the Australian team that this might be a bit of a problem for some members of the ruling conservative party as it would smack of Eve tempting Adam with an apple in the Garden of Eden. Thus, it would be easier to conclude the agreement if this item were dropped. The Australian negotiator responded that if passionfruit were to be dropped, then he would have to seek instructions about what Canadian item should be dropped and both agreed this would prolong the negotiations unnecessarily. Ever resourceful, the Australian negotiator then suggested substituting the Latin name for passionfruit, "Passiflora Edulis" so that good people of

Pacific Partners, Past, Present and Future Canada would be spared any temptation. This was agreed, and the negotiations were successfully concluded. I am not sure of the level of passionfruit exports today but in 1994, our two-way trade amounted to over $A2 billion making Australia Canada's sixth largest market in the Asia-Pacific region. It is a market where we sell a diversified range of goods. More importantly, about 70 percent of Canadian exports to Australia are semi-manufactures and end products, a proportion only surpassed in our trade with the USA. Some items account for a significant portion of the total exchange. In our case these include newsprint, chemicals, aircraft and aerospace equipment and systems, locomotives, telecommunications equipment, canned salmon, and, would you believe, canned asparagus and even cherries. Australian meat, sugar, minerals such as alumina and increasingly your fine wines, are finding ready markets in Canada. The investment side of the ledger is obviously important, and in recent years, companies from both countries have established or acquired profitable operations in each other's market. Mayne Nickless, Fosters, TNT,Amcor, BHP, Boral, Western Mining and CSR among others are present in Canada, where the total investment is approaching $2 billion. Close to $5 billion has been invested by Canadian companies in Australia, including by well known companies such as Northern Telecom, Moore Corporation, DMR Associates, Placer Dome, Drake Personnel, MacDonnell Dettweiler, McCain Foods, and of course, by Conrad Black in Fairfax Publishing. Recently, Novacorp of Calgary has taken a significant interest in the Sydney-Moomba gas pipeline; CAE electronics of Montreal has acquired an Australian subsidiary; and high tech companies such as Cognos and Footprint Software have opened regional headquarters in Australia, while BHP and Westcoast Energy from British Columbia have entered into a joint venture agreement. Taken in aggregate, these trade and investment figures seem very respectable given that our combined population is about 47 million, our markets are thousands of kilometres apart, and in some respects our economies are competitive rather than complementary. That said, I am persuaded that we could both do better. And in that regard, I am encouraged by a growing interest amongst the business communities in both countries. The visit of our Trade Minister Roy MacLaren to Australia next month will, I hope, help to increase the level of interest in the cooperation opportunities for our respective business communities. So, from our vantage point in Canberra, we see the Canada-Australia bilateral relationship as one that is extensive and close and in very good repair.

L. Michael Berry That said, I am conscious of putting to you a picture of unmitigated brotherly or sisterly love and cooperation, and I do not want to be accused of overstating the case. Of course, there are differences. We are not identikits; we sometimes have our differences over approaches to issues, there is occasionally sibling rivalry, and, despite the closeness of the relationship, or maybe because of it, there has sometimes been a tendency over the past few years to take each other for granted. Some have explained this by suggesting that Canada has been rather preoccupied by its domestic agenda, by Canada-USA relations, including the Canada-USA FTA and then NAFTA, while Australia has tended to concentrate most of its attention on its nearby Asia-Pacific neighbours. And it seems to me that there is some truth in this. But the fact remains that, to an impressive degree, our objectives in the international and regional arenas are invariably close, even if we occasionally disagree on how best to reach agreed goals. There is certainly no doubt that Canada continues to hold its relationship with Australia in high regard. That is why we have devoted so much energy to working together to our mutual advantage.

As to the future, it is in the Asia-Pacific region where I see the most scope for cooperation in the years ahead. In Canada, as in Australia, there has been an increasing focus on the countries of the Asia-Pacific. And despite occasional suggestions to the contrary, our membership in NAFTA has not lessened Canada's interest in expanding our political and economic relations with the countries of the region. M e r North America, the Asia-Pacific has become Canada's most important trading region and the second fastest growing market for Canadian exports. Canada's trade with the Asia-Pacific surpassed our trade with Europe in 1983 and is now 45 percent greater. An increasingly important focus in Canada's trade and economic relations with the Asia-Pacific is the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum, or APEC. Australian governments, past and present, deserve great credit for the initiative in getting APEC launched, as well as for maintaining its momentum. For Canada, its importance is perhaps best demonstrated by the fact that Prime Minister Chretien made his first out-of-country visit, after being elected in October 1993, to the APEC leaders meeting in Seattle. He was also at the Bogor Summit in Indonesia, late last year, where he had very useful discussions with Prime Minister Keating on APEC and other issues.

Pacific Partners, Past, Present and Future Since 1989 Canada has been one of the most active players in the APEC process, although this seems to have escaped the attention of the Australian media, and we continue to work with Australia and New Zealand in helping to make APEC the primary framework for regional trade and economic cooperation. This applies particularly to the central issue of how best to proceed down the trade liberalisation track, which will require concerted thought and commitment in the lead-up to the third APEC leaders' meeting later this year in Osaka. Not least with regard to whether liberalisation should proceed on a preferential as opposed to MFN basis. Another matter on which Australia and Canada have increasingly worked together is that of regional security. And it seems to me that this will be another growth area for cooperation in the future. Canada has played an active role in the support of regional institutions such as ASEAN, and is now doing so with respect to the recently created ASEAN Regional Security Forum. In this regard, like Australia, we have made a significant intellectual contribution in attempting to bring a focus to substantive issues such as nonproliferation, preventive diplomacy and peacekeeping. So the prospect for the future is that Canada and Australia will continue to work together constructively, and productively, on a range of multilateral and regional issues. Again, so as not to overstate the case, I would identify two aspects of our respective approaches that might sometimes make for less than the closest cooperation. I mentioned earlier that because we have usually understood each other so well, occasionally we have tended to take each other for granted. That is, we occasionally assume that we have an accurate reading of the other's views on particular issues, and this can prove problematic. More often than not the assumption is valid, but not on all issues. And we need to guard against this, especially at the bureaucratic level. The other consideration I have in mind is that too often when we in Canada talk about the Asia-Pacific region, we do not consciously include Australia in this geographic definition. The tendency is to think of Asian countries only, and I think the reverse is equally true in Australia, where Canada does not immediately leap to mind when the terminology "AsiaPacific" is used. In both our countries, we need to amend our concept of Asia-Pacific and demonstrate a greater inclusiveness on both sides. This will be particularly important, given our similar objectives in APEC, and in moving forward constructively on the regional security agenda.

L. Michael Berry Finally, I would not want to see the entire focus of our future cooperation to be on matters Asia-Pacific. As middle powers, we have, over the years, made major intellectual contributions to progress on a number of international issues. I, therefore, suggest that both our countries, as well as the international community, will benefit from a renewed CanadianAustralian commitment to collaboration on multilateral questions, such as UN reform, non-proliferation, peacekeeping, and international trade liberalisation. In short, we certainly do not lack an agenda for future cooperation.

CANADIAN-AUSTRALIAN RELATIONS SINCE THE 1890s

This paper traces the evolution of Canadian-Australian relations since the early 1890s when the two countries were first drawn together as Imperial Britain reached its apogee. As the imperial association lost its significance with the passage of time, it was replaced by a new set of shared interests. For the past century, the two countries have followed similar paths to political, economic and cultural maturity. Immense, sparsely populated and largely dependent on primary products for their economic strength, the two countries have faced many of the same problems and found in this basic commonality a new source of fellowship. But precisely because these two countries shared so much, bilateral harmony has alternated with fierce competition and rivalry. For instance, the two countries have adopted different approaches to the international community. The looming presence of the United States has encouraged Canada to look across the Atlantic and pursue policies that reconciled its British heritage with its North American character. Australia, on the other hand, has always been a Pacific nation, although it too looked towards London and Washington for its economic and political security. Inevitably, Australia and Canada confronted one another again and again as they championed different priorities in both Britain's Empire and in the informal cold war alliance that followed. In the last quarter of the 19th-century, the vast physical and psychological distances that separated Canada and the six Australian colonies suddenly narrowed. Victorian England's string of imperial successes in Africa and Asia -victories that gave London control over

Greg Donaghy a quarter of the globe and over a third of its people -sparked a wave of romantic enthusiasm for the Empire. This was particularly true in Canada, where economic stagnation, French-English tension, and the lure of easy American wealth caused some to doubt the young country's capacity to survive on its own. By the mid-1880s, as the Canadian Pacific Railway wove its final few miles through the Rocky Mountains to the edge of the Pacific, a number of influential Canadians began to envision the new railway as an integral part of a network that would unite Britain with its Asian empire. Throughout the decade, as Canada settled its western provinces and looked outward across the Pacific, popular support for an "All-Red Route" that would link Canada by cable and steamship to Australasia grew steadily.

The romance of empire made a much smaller impression on the Canadian government. Nevertheless, it was soon forced to consider its relations with the Australian colonies. A slump in world trade, unrelenting pressure from Vancouver logging interests, and the persistent arguments advanced by Sir Sandford Fleming, a leading advocate of the Pacific cable, prompted it to accord the colonies a new importance. In May 1893, cabinet agreed to give an Australian, James Huddart, a £25,000 subsidy to operate a regular steamship service between Canada and New South Wales. Shortly after, Canada's first Minister of Trade and Commerce, Mackenzie Bowell, agreed to lead a delegation to Australia to seek new markets for Canadian exports. He was not optimistic. "I do not," he wrote on the eve of his departure, "anticipate any great immediate results from our visit to Australia. The parties with whom we have been estranged so long can scarcely be brought into a close relationship at a moment's notice" (Slyfield, Record Group 20, Vol. 1417, File 424). Bowel1 was surprised by his warm reception in Australia and following his return to Canada in the winter of 1894, the government reached two decisions designed to enhance Canada's relations with Britain's Pacific colonies: first, it agreed to convene a colonial conference in the summer of 1894; and second, it resolved to send John Short Larke to Australia as Canada's first Trade Commissioner (Hill, 1977,44-45,72-73). Ottawa's expectations were soon frustrated. At the 1894 Colonial Conference in Ottawa, which attracted representatives from the six Australian colonies, New Zealand, Fiji and Britain, Canada's proposal to strengthen imperial trade relations through a system of British

Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1 8 9 0 s preferential tariffs was effectively defeated when opposed by the two largest Australian colonies, New South Wales and Queensland. The Canadian initiative worried the two suspicious colonies, because it seemed designed to undermine Australia's protective tariffs. Arriving in Australia in January 1895, Larke found his task equally challenging. A protectionist press welcomed the Canadian Trade Commissioner by warning its readers that "[tlhe measure of [Larke's] continuous success will also be the measure of our suicidal folly" (Slyfield). Only New South Wales heeded his pleas to help Ottawa subsidise Huddart's struggling steamship line. The Eastern Extension Company, which operated a telegraph service linking Australia to Egypt and thence to Europe, promoted widespread opposition to the whole idea of a Pacific Cable. The only sign of Australian interest in trade with Canada disappeared abruptly when exploratory talks between Larke and the Premier of Victoria were suspended pending Australian federation. Still, from the Canadian perspective, there seemed every reason to persevere. Despite initial financial reverses, the Canadian-Australian Steamship Line managed to establish a regular shipping service. Bilateral trade, though still minuscule, slowly increased as a result. Canadian exports to Australia - principally timber, canned salmon and manufactured farm implements - tripled in value between 1892 and 1900. Moreover, Canada enjoyed a tidy surplus: in 1900, it exported over $1.6 million worth of goods to Australia in exchange for imports worth only $660,000 (Slyfield). At the same time, the six Australian colonies began to moderate their opposition to the Pacific cable. Facilitated by regular steamship and cable connections, commerce between the two British dominions seemed certain to expand following the federation of the Australian colonies in January 1901. Canada's Liberal Prime Minister, Sir Wilfiid Laurier, was encouraged by Canadian exporters to take advantage of these developments and appointed a second Trade Commissioner to Australia in 1903. The new Trade Commissioner, D.H. Ross, made little progress with the Australians. Most of Australia's exports to Canada were agricultural and so were already admitted free of duty; it had little need for the kind of broad reciprocal trade deal desired by the Laurier government. Instead, Australia suggested that the two countries negotiate an agreement that covered a very limited number of items. Protectionist sentiment, whose influence on Australian policy was magnified by a series of unstable minority governments, further complicated negotiations. These dragged on inconclusively for much of the decade, slowly straining Canada's patience. When Australia failed to respond

Greg Donaghy promptly to a 1909 offer to conclude a treaty on the narrow basis it favoured, Ross erupted with exasperation: From several successive Ministers, I have heard [such] strong expressions of sympathy towards the desires of the Canadian Government in regard to preferential trade that I am almost inclined to think that such sentiments are nothing more than empty platitudes. (Laurier Papers; Hill, 1977,79)

Laurier shared his Trade Commissioner's indignation and as trade relations with the United States began to show evidence of a new vigour, he became less interested in concluding a trade agreement with Australia. Few Australians were probably surprised by Laurier's change of heart; many were already convinced that "within a few years Canada [would] either be an independent republic or an integral part of the United States" (MacKirdy, 1969, 123). Indeed, with their broad Yankee accents and populist attitudes, Canadians seemed more American than British. ~anada'sefforts to reconcile these two influences on its national life increasingly led to friction with Australia over the nature of relations within the Empire. The imperial outlook that fostered Canada's interest in Australia also spawned a number of proposals for some form of imperial federation. Advocates of such schemes pointed out that federation would allow the dominions an opportunity to reconcile their interests with imperial foreign and defence policy. In exchange, they would assume a small share of the financial burden associated with defending the Empire. In Australia, particularly after the South African War, this imperialist vision was embraced with considerable sympathy. Isolated by the vast Pacific Ocean - where German, French and Japanese imperialism seemed to roam unchecked - imperial federation offered Australia an opportunity to ensure that its interests were kept front and centre when British decision makers tinkered with the disposition of the empire's naval resources. Canadians, on the other hand, were disillusioned by the Boer War and were increasingly alarmed by the notion of imperial federation. The country's significant French-Canadian minority, profoundly North American in outlook and sceptical of Britain's imperial mission, viewed the imperial connection as a trap .whose only purpose was to force the self-governing dominions to assume greater responsibility for imperial defence. By common consent, the Prime Ministers of Britain's self-governing dominions skirted this contentious issue at the 1902 colonial conference. The question, however, could not be avoided indefinitely. Frustrated by his repeated inability to persuade Britain to eject France from its

Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1890s possessions in the New Hebrides, the Australian Prime Minister, Alfred Deakin, arrived in London for the 1907 Colonial Conference determined to change the very basis on which the Empire was organised. He proposed that the conference create an Imperial Council that would assume responsibility for the general shape of imperial defence and foreign policy. A secretariat would carry out agreed policy and facilitate communications between meetings. Laurier was unconvinced. Aware that closer imperial relations would inflame French-Canadian opinion, Laurier charged the Australian with . endangering dominion selfgovemment. The debate raged for days, but Laurier, whom Deakin later denounced for his "fifth-rate part in the Conference", defiantly stood his ground (Kendle, 1967,91). For the moment, this fundamental difference over how the Empire might be organised precluded close relations. Even the election in 1911 of a conservative and imperially-minded Prime Minister, Sir Robert Borden, had little immediate impact on Canada's wary approach to imperial issues. However, the swirling passions that accompanied the outbreak of the First World War in August 1914 swept away many Canadian doubts about the value of the Empire. The country plunged into battle alongside Australia and the other overseas dominions. The war revived the debate over imperial organisation. This time, Canada and Australia were firmly united in pursuit of identical goals. The war placed dominion governments in an awkward position. Although they remained responsible for the nature of their national contribution to the allied cause, Britain retained complete control over strategy and high policy. During the initial stages of the conflict, when it was thought that the war would only last a few months, this state of affairs was perfectly acceptable. But as the war dragged on and its horrifying scale became apparent, a number of dominion premiers became restive and uneasy. During a visit to London in 1915, Borden began to wage a campaign intended to force the British govemment to keep the dominions more fully informed of the war's progress. Early the following year, the newly-elected Australian Prime Minister, W.M. Hughes, joined Borden's crusade. After a brief meeting in Ottawa, the two agreed on a broadly similar set of dominion objectives. Borden and Hughes proved a formidable team. They readily convinced the wily British Prime Minister, David Lloyd George, of the need to establish formal mechanisms to facilitate consultation between Britain and the dominions. An Imperial War Conference invited dominion Prime Ministers to consider the general problem of imperial relations, while an Imperial War Cabinet gave them a direct voice in the conduct of the war. The initial struggle for greater dominion status was

Greg Donaghy successfully concluded in April 1917 when the Imperial War Conference recognised "the Dominions as autonomous nations of an Imperial Commonwealth ... [with a right to] an adequate voice in foreign policy and foreign relations" (Wigley, 1977, 42). A year later, this theoretical expression of dominion sovereignty assumed practical significance when Borden and Hughes joined forces again to secure separate dominion representation at the Paris Peace Conference. The success enjoyed by Hughes and Borden in demonstrating that British and dominion interests could be accommodated within a single imperial foreign policy, provided a temporary basis for continued Australian-Canadian cooperation. From the start, however, the postwar relationship was tense. Hughes approached the Paris peace talks determined to enhance Australian security by annexing Papua New Guinea. Borden was preoccupied with maintaining, as the one positive result of the war, continued Anglo-American cooperation. A breach in the Canadian-Australian relationship over the fate of Germany's Pacific colonies was only narrowly averted when officials devised a compromise that satisfied both Hughes' desire to annex New Guinea and Borden's wish not to alienate an American president who was committed to the principle of self-determination. Borden's successor as Prime Minister, Arthur Meighen, was not so lucky. There could be no disguising the differences that divided Australia and Canada over the question of renewing the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of 1902. In Australian eyes, this mutual defence pact remained the best, and perhaps the only effective, guarantee against Japanese aggression. However, Washington strongly opposed the treaty, which effectively excluded it from a major role in policing the Pacific. Renewing the alliance would almost certainly strain Anglo-American relations and force Canada into the untenable position of having to choose between its two major allies. Given the issues at stake, Meighen and Hughes arrived in London for the 1921 Imperial Conference, each resolved to have his own way. Hughes opened the conference by defiantly insisting on the treaty's immediate renewal. Over the course of the next few days, the Australian cause was championed by an array of British imperial talent that included Lord Curzon, the Foreign Secretary, and Arthur Balfour, the Lord President of the Council. Undaunted, Meighen charged dramatically ahead. Canada, he declared, had "a special right to be heard," for, in the event of war between the United States and the Empire, Canada "[would] be the Belgium". No possible form of this treaty, he continued, would satisfy the United States. The Empire had no choice but to scrap the offending treaty (Stacey, 1977,341-42).

Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1890s The Australian Prime Minister was outraged. He questioned Meighen's interpretation of American opinion; he objected to having imperial policy dictated by Washington; and he scornfully dismissed American naval power. He poured ridicule on the unfortunate Canadian: What does he [Meighen] offer us? Something we can grasp? What is the substantial alternative to the renewal of the Treaty? The answer is none ... Now let me speak plainly to Mr. Meighen on behalf of Australia ... If he will look at his own [defence] budget and ours he will see what it means to have a great nation like America as his neighbour, under whose wing the Dominion of Canada can nestle safely ... I must regard Mr. Meighen's presentation of the case as not the case for the Empire, but as the case for the United States of America. (Stacey, 1977,342-43)

With his conference now in jeopardy, Lloyd George quickly removed the question from the agenda. But in the end, the Canadian view prevailed. At the Washington Conference in 1921, the Anglo-Japanese Treaty was replaced with a virtually unenforceable set of multilateral disarmament agreements designed to strengthen Pacific stability. These were cold comfort in Australia, where the Canadian victory rankled for a long time to come. Any possibility that the rift between Canada and Australia might be repaired evaporated with the election of W.L. Mackenzie King as Canada's tenth Prime Minister in December 1921. A Liberal protege of Laurier, King shared the former Prime Minister's determination to avoid external entanglements that would weaken the bonds that held together French and English Canada. Despite his cautious temperament and his relative inexperience, King boldly seized every opportunity during his first year in office to assert Canada's authority over its foreign policy. When it was decided to convene an imperial conference in the spring of 1923, King resolved to use the occasion to repudiate the whole notion of an imperial foreign policy. The prospect of challenging the British Empire during his first overseas assignment filled the self-effacing Prime Minister with dread. "I am filled with terror," he confided to his diary, "at the thought of having to speak many times and [at] my inability to work out themes" (Wigley, 1977,185). What King lacked as a public speaker, he more than made up for in dogged persistence. No sooner had Lord Curzon introduced the question of imperial foreign policy than the Canadian Prime Minister rose in his place to declare his government's intention to "pursue a foreign policy of its own" (Wigley, 1977, 193). He was immediately confronted by the new Australian Prime Minister. Tall, handsome and athletic, Stanley M. Bruce was the perfect foil for the middle-aged and drab Mackenzie King. Vigorously, Bruce rejected the idea that each part of the Empire might

Greg Donaghy shape a foreign policy of its own. "If the discussion continues on the present basis," he exclaimed, "we are going to achieve nothing at all with regard to consultation on foreign affairs" (Wigley, 1977, 193). That, of course, was precisely King's objective, and as the conference proceeded, he opposed every effort to reach agreed positions on individual questions of foreign and defence policy. In these detailed discussions, King and Bruce clashed once again. The Australian's repeated efforts to secure Canadian support for a resolution endorsing Britain's plans for the defence of Singapore and the Suez Canal were tumed aside. By the end of the conference, King's victory was complete. In a final burst of activity, he amended the meeting's concluding resolution on foreign relations to reflect his conviction that imperial conferences were consultative not policy-making bodies. King's success ended the experiment with a common foreign policy and signalled the emergence of the modem Commonwealth. It also added to the growing gulf separating Canada and Australia. King's attitude towards the Empire was incomprehensible to many Australian observers. The young R.G. Casey, then serving as an Australian Liaison Officer in London, watched the Canadian Prime Minister with bewildered fascination: Surely no one man can claim credit for having done so much as Mackenzie King to damage what remains in these autonomous days of the fabric of the British Empire. His efforts to make political capital out of his domestic nationalism are analogous to a vandal who pulls down a castle in order to build a cottage. (Hudson and North, 1980,336)

The subject of trade, which was increasingly bound up in the debate over the imperial connection, was equally divisive. The failure to conclude a commercial treaty had not materially harmed bilateral trade. Indeed, the war provided a tremendous boost to the sale of Canadian forestry products, metal manufactures and auto parts in Australia. However, access to this market, which became more important as a postwar recession deprived Canada of its American sales, was threatened. In 1921, Australia introduced steep new tariffs on Canadian newsprint at the same time as it announced its readiness to conclude trade treaties with members of the British Empire. In October 1922, Mackenzie King's Minister of Trade and Commerce, James Robb, set out for Australia in renewed pursuit of a bilateral trade agreement. The Australians proved to be tough bargainers. As was the case during earlier rounds of negotiations, there was little incentive for them to conclude a reciprocal trade agreement. Australian officials also resented Mackenzie King's reluctance to seek a broad imperial solution

Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1890s to the postwar slump in trade. In their view any agreement with Canada would merely assist American subsidiaries operating in the dominion at the expense of companies from Britain. For over two years, the discussions dragged on before Canadian negotiators were forced to give in to Australian demands in order to preserve the market for British Columbia's forestry products. In exchange for receiving important concessions on canned salmon, auto parts and paper, Canada reduced its duties on Australian meat and butter and increased the margin of preference enjoyed by Australian dried fruit. The 1925 agreement was soon the source of some controversy. It was strenuously opposed by Canadian farmers, who feared new competition from imported Australian meat and butter. Canada's conciliatory Prime Minister fretted about the accord which caused this noisy debate and condemned the Minister responsible. Mackenzie King's liberal philosophy was offended by the prospect of raising Canadian tariffs on imports from third countries in order to give Australia an increased margin of preference for dried fruit. Moreover, these provisions were aimed primarily at the United States just as trade between the two North American countries had begun to recover. The Prime Minister gave the accord only lukewarm support, and no sooner had the agreement been approved than he delighted in crippling one of its main provisions. An Australian program to promote the export of butter was found guilty on a technicality of violating Canada's anti-dumping legislation in early 1926. King rejected the Australian Prime Minister's repeated pleas for understanding and insisted on imposing punitive duties. When, later in the decade, a slump in international trade began to pinch at Canadian exports to the United States, F.L. McDougall, a close advisor to the Australian Prime Minister, gleefully waited for depression "to drive Mackenzie King into a much more helpful attitude towards Empire economic cooperation" (Hudson and Way, 1986, 827). In anticipation, perhaps, Australia appointed its first Trade Commissioner to Canada, R.A. Haynes, in 1929. Within a year, depression had indeed arrived, and Canadian voters had dismissed Mackenzie King. From the opposition benches, he watched the new, Conservative Prime Minister, R.B. Bennett, embrace suggestions for an imperial trading bloc. Enthusiasm for imperial preferences surged through the 1930 Imperial Conference and, before the formal discussions had ended, Canada and Australia had agreed to seek a closer trading arrangement. Negotiations were speedy and painless. On his way home fiom London, the Australian Minister for Markets and Transport, Parker John Maloney, stopped in Ottawa to explore the new agreement's main features. He and Bennett agreed that it would rest on

Greg Donaghy two principles: first, domestic producers in fields where the two countries were competitors would be given adequate protection; second, "a strong effort should be made by each Dominion to divert to the other goods which it did not produce and was currently importing from foreign countries" (MacDonald, 1937). Under the terms of the 1931 trade agreement, Canada was accorded the benefits of Australia's British preferential tariff on 425 out of the 433 items in the Australian tariff. Canada also secured important concessions on timber and agricultural implements. In return, Canada extended to Australia the benefits of its own British preferential tariff and increased the margins of preference enjoyed by Australian raisins and currants. The agreement's impact on bilateral trade was dramatic but one-sided. Between 1931 and 1935, Canadian exports to Australia almost tripled, and Canada's share of the Australian market jumped from 2.3 percent in 1931 to 5.7 percent in 1935 (MacDonald, 1937). Not surprisingly, Canada opened a second Trade Commissioner's office in Australia in 1936. Australian trade did not fare nearly so well under the new agreement. Between 1931 and 1935, Australian exports to Canada increased by less than 50 percent. Some important Australian exports, including butter, meat and canned fruit, actually declined during this period. Australia pressed Ottawa to extend the agreement but met with little success. Australia's discontent with Canadian trade policy increased sharply when Mackenzie King was re-elected in 1935. The depression had strengthened Mackenzie King's traditional opposition to imperial preferences, and he was anxious to seek fieer trade with the United States. The 1935 Canada-United States trade agreement, which diminished the value of Australia's preference on dried fruit, was hardly calculated to endear Canada to Australian policy-makers, whose devotion to imperial preferences remained undiminished. In the spring of 1936, Canada paid the price for its poor reputation in Canberra when Australia unveiled its new "trade diversion policy". In an ill-fated effort to secure its markets in Britain and to balance its trade with the United States, Australia proposed drastically limiting its imports. Worried that Canada might become an alternate source for restricted American products, Australia included Canada in its program. "Here," declared Canada's outraged Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs, "[was] economic nationalism with a vengeance'' (Munro, 1972,331). The dispute over "trade diversion" quickly subsided when Washington convinced the Australian Cabinet to abandon its policy. The episode remained a disturbing reminder of the sharp differences that continued to divide Canada and Australia in their approaches to the

Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1890s world around them. Neither the ravages of the depression nor the growing threat to world peace posed by German and Japanese aggression in the late 1930s provided sufficient incentive for overcoming the divisions created a decade earlier. As the international situation deteriorated during the 1930s' Canada suggested that the two countries exchange High Commissioners in order to encourage a closer "exchange of views". These proposals were rejected as "inopportune'' (Prime Minister of Canada, 1935). Now was not the time, contended Australia, to explore new forms of representation that might further impair Britain's ability to speak with authority for the Empire. Canada's small diplomatic service, steeped in the country's emerging nationalist ethos, scoffed at this "colonial" attitude (Marler to Skelton, 1937). Australian officials in turn were inclined to belittle Canadian efforts to shape a foreign policy independent of Britain. The preeminent symbol of Canada's efforts to chart a distinctive course, the country's burgeoning foreign ministry, was dismissed by an Australian observer, as useless and futile: [The Canadians] have built up a big Department of External Affairs and a numerous series of Missions abroad with very little use or effect, for my very definite impression is that they get very little if any more information in spite of their Mission[s] than we get depending as we do on the Foreign Office, and that they have no policy on any subject except to do nothing or say nothing for fear that they may do or say the wrong thing. (Neale, 1976'26)

This was certainly not an unfair caricature of Canadian policy. Mackenzie King, aware of the strain that depression and the threat of war placed on national unity, studiously avoided international commitments. Canada's fate, he insisted, would be decided by Parliament alone. The Canadian attitude was unsettling and seemed to indicate that Canada no longer shared Australia's interest in co-operating with the British Commonwealth, a suspicion which seemed confirmed by the meagre results of the 1937 Imperial Conference. On the eve of war, Mackenzie King stood fast against Australia and its Prime Minister's efforts to secure a final declaration of imperial solidarity.

Mackenzie King's ambiguous attitude towards Britain and its Empire disappeared with the outbreak of war in September 1939. A united Canada hurried to join Australia at Britain's side. The war heralded a new era in Canadian-Australian relations and gave the partnership an increasingly important political character. This transformation began

Greg Donaghy smoothly. In the first days of the war, Canada renewed its suggestion that the two countries exchange High Commissioners and Australia readily approved of a step that now appeared to affirm imperial unity. A businessman and former Minister of Defence, Sir William Glasgow, was quickly sent to Ottawa to head the new mission. At the same time, the Australian and Canadian High Commissioners in London, S.M. Bruce and Vincent Massey respectively, took the lead in organizing support for the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, the centrepiece of Canada's early war effort. This gesture of Commonwealth solidarity, under which some 9,400 Australian airmen trained in Canada, did not go unappreciated. "The possibility of promoting better relations and more cooperation ... is much better now than it was two years ago," Canada's first High Commissioner to Australia, Charles Burchell, reported in May 1941 (Hilliker, 1984,51-52). Burchell's optimism was premature. Japan's entry into the war in December 1941 created widespread fear in Australia that the country might be overrun. Canada's apparent lack of interest in the Pacific War drew considerable criticism in the Australian press. Misled by Burchell's inexperienced successor, Major-General Victor Odlum, into believing that Canada was ready to assist Australia with men and munitions, the Australian Minister of External Affairs, Herbert Evatt, submitted an anxious request for help. Constrained by its war effort in Europe, Ottawa was unable to respond positively. Undeterred, the Minister renewed his plea during a brief visit to Ottawa in April 1942. Again, despite some initially favourable indications, Canada could not meet the Australian request. Evatt was bitterly disappointed. Ottawa's subsequent decision to provide Britain with a billion dollars to purchase supplies added to his growing sense of grievance. When he encountered the Canadian Charge DYAffairesa few days later, the Minister exploded. The Australian's outburst was vividly described in a telegram to Ottawa: It was a short but stormy interview. Dr. Evatt was in a very bad temper and referred to Canadians in general and the Canadian Government in particular in most offensive terms, using extremely foul language. He launched into a diatribe against Canada ... He suggested that Canada was tied to Mr. Churchill's apron strings, and complained of what he regarded as Canada's empty gestures to Australia. (Rogers to Robertson, 1942)

Canadian assistance, when it was finally offered as part of Canada's multilateral Mutual Aid program in May 1943, did little to improve Australia's view of its Commonwealth colleague. Ottawa insisted that Australia agree to reduce its tariffs and trade barriers at the end of the

Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1890s war before it would actually send any aid. Only after a good deal of bickering did the two countries manage to effect a compromise in early 1944. These bilateral tensions were partly moderated by the web of personal relationships that the war spawned between officials in the two governments. As a result, recalled one Canadian diplomat, "[tlhere developed a collaboration in international organisations so habitual that it was taken for granted by the 1950s" (Holmes, 1979, 44). These officials quickly discovered a mutual interest in making certain that the concerns of the small and middle powers in the postwar international system were not ignored by the great powers. Canada and Australia, however, differed on how to achieve this. For the Australian Prime Minister, John Curtin, the solution lay in transforming the Commonwealth into an institution that would rival the major powers in stature and influence. Canadian officials were suspicious of suggestions for closer Commonwealth consultation, which they feared might limit Canada's flexibility in dealing with the United States. Mackenzie King took an even dimmer view of Curtin's ideas. Such notions, he fumed, were part of a "deliberate design ... to revive an imperialism which left the Dominions something less than national sovereignty" and represented "an attack on his personal position" (Mansergh, 1982, 102). The difference in approach was even greater at the United Nations where Evatt enjoyed a free hand in shaping Australian policy. The outspoken and combative Foreign Minister preferred to attack head-on the privileges enjoyed by the great powers. At the U.N.'s founding conference in San Francisco in 1945, he stubbornly opposed every clause in the U.N.3 charter that seemed to weaken the new organisation or that gave the major powers undue influence. While some Canadian officials quietly admired Evatt's determination to strengthen the U.N., most were dismayed by his confrontational tactics. As cold war tensions reduced the likelyhood that the great powers would achieve a sufficient level of cooperation to ensure the survival of the U.N., discretion seemed the greater part of valour: Our view [observed a senior Canadian official] is that it is better to take the Organisation that we can get and, having come to that decision, to refrain from further efforts to pry apart that difficult unity which the Great Powers have attained. This means forgoing the luxury of making any more perfectionist speeches. (Eayrs, 1972,158).

This difference in approach was so profound that Mackenzie King refused to meet Evatt to discuss their views on the great powers' efforts to secure a veto in the Security Council. Instead, he sent his heir

Greg Donaghy apparent, the stately and dignified Minister of Justice, Louis St. Laurent. The meeting was unsuccessful. Evatt considered St. Laurent "a pawn in a move to defeat the Australian case" and dismissed him as "an American stooge" (Hasluck, 1980,195). The bilateral relationship remained tense during the immediate postwar period. This partly reflected the disruptive influence of Evatt, who continued to irritate Canadian diplomats and politicians. His success at pressing Australia's claim to the "Commonwealth" seat on the U.N.'s first Security Council in 1946 was particularly galling. More significantly, this tension reflected very different security concerns. Australia, haunted by the spectre of a reconstructed Japan, was anxious to press ahead with a peace settlement that would remove this threat. At a conference in Canberra in September 1947, it sought the support of its Commonwealth partners to push the process ahead. Ottawa, however, was dismayed by the Australian bid to re-fashion a Commonwealth bloc. Washington was almost certain to resent the Australian demarche, which seemed likely to jeopardise Anglo-American cooperation as the Cold War erupted in Europe. This sharp geographic difference in focus, which only increased in 1948 when Canada joined in the discussions that resulted in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, diminished the possibility of bilateral cooperation. Indeed, by the late-1940s, relations were so strained that they became the object of gentle derision in Ottawa. After a meeting with Princess Elizabeth and the infant Prince Charles, Lester Pearson confessed to his diary the "hope that relations ...were not further disturbed by the fact that I was able to make the baby laugh while [J.B.] Chifley [Curtin's successor as Prime Minister] was not" (Pearson, 1973,103). The triumph of Communism in China and the outbreak of war along the Korean Peninsula in June 1950 transformed the postwar landscape. The Cold War spilled beyond its European origins and emerged as a global phenomenon with a unique Asian dimension. Once again, Australian and Canadian troops found themselves fighting together, this time in Korea under the auspices of the United Nations. However, good relations remained elusive. The defeat of Chifley's Labour government and the election of Robert Menzies' conservative coalition threatened to make things worse. Ottawa womed that the new government's aggressive anti-communism and its increasingly suspicious attitude towards Indonesia might inhibit the West's ability to secure Cold War allies among Asia's newly independent states (Australian Policy on Current Domestic and International Issues, 1950). Australia was equally critical of Canada's cautious approach to the desperate challenges facing Asia. Percy Spender, the coalition's first Minister of External Affairs,

Canadian-Australian Relations Since the 1890s held Canada partly responsible for the frustrating delays he encountered in establishing an aid program for South-east Asia. Spender's "brutal and eccentric" tactics in pursuit of what eventually became the Colombo Plan were deeply resented in Ottawa (LePan, 1979,198; Spender, 1969). The tense international situation left little room for such disputes. Growing allied tension over the strategy to be pursued in response to Chinese intervention in the Korean War threatened the Anglo-American harmony upon which both Canada's and Australia's foreign policy was predicated. A new Australian Minister of External Affairs, R.G. Casey, set out to tackle this problem when he was appointed to his post in the spring of 1951. An experienced diplomat, who had served in both London and Washington, Casey possessed a clear conception of the role that Canada and Australia might play in the Anglo-American relationship. He lost no time in making Pearson aware of his views: There is a wide field of potential co-operation and understanding between Australia and Canada, in which our two countries, working together, could be an effective force for the reconciliation of interests between the United States and Britain and an element of stability in the United Nations and the world in general. (Pearson Papers)

Although Pearson was amused by Casey's "old Etonian, striped-pants manner," he was charmed and impressed by the Australian's "almost Boswellian ingenuousness" (Pearson, 1951, 1956). Pearson's advisers in Ottawa, where Casey regularly visited en route to and fiom the United Nations, were also captivated by the Australian's "forthcoming and pleasant manner" (Secretary of State, 1951; Millar, 1972). The close relationship that developed between Casey and Pearson provided the basis for a stable partnership whose effects lasted well into the 1960s. For the Australian Foreign Minister, whose country's isolated location prompted an enduring fear that its Anglo-American allies might become too focused on the Soviet threat in Europe, Pearson became an important source of information on developments in the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). In exchange, Casey regularly sent Pearson copies of his confidential diaries containing frank comments on his travels through Asia and on discussions in the South-East Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO). A succession of crises in Asia provided a host of opportunities for bilateral cooperation. For instance, when Canada agreed to sit on the three international control commissions established in 1954 as part of an effort to contain conflict in Indo-China, contacts between Australian and Canadian representatives became "very close and continual" (Millar, 1972). Casey and Pearson also came to form the core of a small group of powers that quietly sought a solution to one of

Greg Donaghy the principal obstacles to Asian stability, Communist China's continued exclusion from the international community. The interest each Minister exhibited in the other's country fostered the development of the relationship. By the mid-1950s, there was a flurry of new bilateral activity. In 1954, for example, the two countries' Departments of Immigration, aware that each confronted similar problems in settling the wave of postwar European immigrants, established the first of many inter-governmental exchange programs. At the same time, stimulated by the postwar economic boom, officials began to dismantle those tax barriers that discouraged investors from seeking new investment opportunities in the other country. By the end of the decade, Canadian direct investment in Australia had more than doubled (The Times of London, 20 November 1959). Not everyone seemed aware of these promising developments. In a 1956 opinion poll, for example, only 2 percent of Canadians could identify the Australian capital. Australians were only slightly better informed; 26 percent correctly named Ottawa as the capital of Canada (The Montreal Star, 7 April 1956). Flush with grants from a youthful Canada Council, however, academics from each country were drawn to the study of the other. Industry, too, was aware of the changes in the relationship. In 1955, James Duncan, the President of the Canadian farm machinery manufacturer, Massey-Harris-Ferguson, drew together a blueribbon panel of Canadian and Australian business executives to promote economic and cultural cooperation. The quickening pace of bilateral relations attracted the attention of Pearson's Cabinet colleagues. In 1955, Canada's ubiquitous "Minister of everything", C.D. Howe, visited Australia in his capacity as Deputy Prime Minister. Howe's visit, which led to a 1959 agreement on nuclear cooperation, heralded a slow but steady stream of Canadian visitors that culminated in 1958 when John Diefenbaker became the first Canadian Prime Minister to visit Australia. A good many of these visitors were struck by Australia's potential as a market for Canadian products. Canadian exports had remained stagnant for most of the 1950s, constrained by the import restrictions that Australia imposed to protect the sterling's weak foreign exchange position. This hiatus gave the booming Australian economy an opportunity to redress its perpetual trade deficit with Canada and exports to Canada doubled during the decade (The Times of London, 30 November 1959). As Australia gradually liberalised its import regulations in the late 1950s, there were grounds to hope that the warm political partnership might secure preferential access for Canadians to this strong economy. After two years of discussions, which were complicated by Canadian efforts to protect its dairy and agricultural

Canadian-AustralianRelations Since the 1890s industries, a new trade agreement with most of the substantive provisions found in its 1931 predecessor, came into effect in June 1960. When combined with Australia's decision to lift the last of its import restrictions, its effect on trade was dramatic. In three years, Canadian exports to Australia almost doubled from $54.2 million in 1959 to $105 million in 1962. By 1964, they had jumped to almost $146 million (Memorandum: Australia and Canada, 1964). While commercial relations grew progressively closer during the 1960s, the two countries' political objectives began to diverge. In part, this was caused by the changing importance the postwar Commonwealth played in each country's foreign policy. The Australian Prime Minister seemed especially unhappy with the modem Commonwealth. The accession of large numbers of Asian and African countries had destroyed the comfortable club of the inter-war period. In Menzies' view, the Commonwealth had been "modernised out of existence" and transformed into something that "no longer expresses unity but exists chiefly to ventilate differences" (Menzies, 1967, 189). In contrast, Canada embraced the boisterous and multiracial Commonwealth as an integral part of its foreign policy. It promised the more established country a forum in which to exercise its influence and offered access to new perspectives on international developments. There was never any question that Ottawa would risk its standing in this new Commonwealth by trying to ease Australia's growing isolation. By 1961, for instance, Canada was prepared to help force South Africa out of the Commonwealth despite clear indications that such action would strain its relations with Australia. Similarly, Ottawa rejected Menzies' efforts in the spring of 1963 to foster closer bilateral relations lest other members of the Commonwealth, particularly India and Pakistan, feel excluded. The 1960s introduced a second uncomfortable factor into the relationship - the war in Vietnam. Since the Second World War, Australia had come to depend on the United States, as the foremost western power in the Pacific, for its security. This new relationship was initially rooted in the 1951 Pacific Security Agreement and subsequently defined through their common membership in SEATO. As the 1950s progressed, Australia increasingly shared Washington's determination to contain communist expansion in Asia; like Washington, it found itself slowly dragged into the quagmire in South-east Asia. By 1967, the handful of advisers that Australia had sent to South Vietnam five years earlier had become almost a full combat division. Australia's growing attachment to Washington's Asian policy had a profound impact on relations with Canada. As Canberra's capacity and

Greg Donaghy inclination to function as a middle power began to decline under the weight of its alliance with the United States, Canadian officials assigned less importance to the relationship. Moreover, Asia began to emerge as an active source of continuing bilateral tension. Canada had always been sceptical of applying the European doctrine of containment to Asia. By the mid-1960s, Canadian scepticism had changed to opposition as the strategy failed and conflict flared in Vietnam. The Canadian Secretary of State for External Affairs, Paul Martin, was soon embroiled in the search for an end to the war in Vietnam. His efforts, which included an ill-fated initiative to bring Peking's influence to bear on the U.N.'s deliberations, were deeply resented in Canberra. Australians wondered why their former ally was no longer fighting beside them in defence of freedom. Sadly, recorded the Canadian High Commissioner in 1968, the war in Vietnam had come to "impose an emotional barrier between us" (Menzies, 1968).

With the election of Pierre Trudeau as Prime Minister in the spring of 1968, there were some grounds to hope that the obstacles to harmonious bilateral relations with Australia might quickly be removed. The new Prime Minister had long been critical of Canadian foreign policy and the disproportionate amount of attention it seemed to lavish on the United States and Western Europe. Canada would be better served by a "pragmatic and realistic" foreign policy which extended the nation's diplomacy beyond its traditional range. Though Trudeau made it clear that he intended to recognise the Peoples' Republic of China, he insisted that this was only part of a more broadly based review of Canada's approach to the Pacific region: We shall be looking at our policy in relation to China in the context of a new interest in Pacific affairs generally. Because of past preoccupations with Atlantic and European affairs, we have tended to overlook the reality that Canada is a Pacific country too. (Trudeau, 1968)

Australia, added the Secretary of State for External Affairs, Mitchell Sharp, "will play a very important role in all this" (Sharp to Menzies, 1968). The Australian Foreign Minister, Paul Hasluck, found Trudeau's interest in Asia encouraging; he and his officials were cautiously optimistic that the new government, unlike the old, might embrace the Australian perspective on the crises in Asia before proceeding to recognise China.

Canadian-AustralianRelations Since the 1890s Despite objections from several Canadian allies, including Australia, Trudeau moved ahead with plans to recognise China. The war in Vietnam also continued to divide Ottawa and Canberra. Canadian efforts to strengthen its relationship with Australia as part of its plan to re-define itself as a Pacific nation ran aground on these differences. When JeanLuc Pepin, the Minister of Industry, Trade and Commerce, sought Australian agreement for a regular program of ministerial visits in order to revitalise the relationship, he met with little interest. In dismissing Pepin's demarche, the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs was blunt: "[Canada] could not expect to make much headway in [its] relations with Pacific Rim countries if [it] persisted in seeking relations with Communist China" (Canadian High Commissioner, 1969). Trudeau himself fared little better when he visited Australia in June 1970 as part of an exercise to highlight the growing importance of the Pacific region in Canada. The continuing crisis in South-east Asia cast a long shadow over the discussions. Although Trudeau managed to secure a pledge from his Australian host "to hold high level consultations," it seemed clear that Australian officials and politicians were hardly enthusiastic about Canada and its new Prime Minister. When reviewing the visit with Arthur Menzies, Canada's long-serving and trusted High Commissioner in Canberra, Australian politicians complained loudly that Trudeau had made no effort to understand Australia's perspective on Indo-China. Menzies' conclusion was disturbing: "Until circumstances arise in which some effective Canadian initiative can be taken in helping to end the hostilities in Indochina, I think that we will find ourselves still rather far apart from the Australians" (Canadian High Commissioner, 1970). Indeed, when Trudeau declared that the plug could be pulled on the Indian Ocean for all he cared, Australian officials made it clear that they "now wished that [Trudeau] had never concerned himself with them'' (Canadian High Commissioner, 1971). Many of the differences separating the two countries disappeared suddenly in December 1972 when Gough Whitlam was elected Prime Minister of Australia's first Labour government since the 1940s. Sceptical of Australian foreign policy, with its lingering loyalty to Britain and its faith in an American globalism that seemed woefully mismanaged, Whitlam was determined to seek a new direction for Australia. For at least part of his inspiration, he looked to Canada, which he had visited regularly during the 1960s as leader of the Opposition. He especially admired Trudeau's determination to distance Canada from the United States and the clear sense of nationhood that guided Trudeau's efforts to modernise the Canadian constitution. The two politicians quickly developed an easy and natural rapport.

Greg Donaghy With Whitlam's encouragement, a stream of Australian officials travelled to Ottawa to learn about Canadian policy initiatives. These included the recognition of China, the new Cabinet committee system, and policy on royal prerogatives and honours. Canadian officials were delighted to see this evidence of Australia's c'exceptional" interest in Canada (Informal Visit of Prime Minister Whitlam of Australia to Canada, 1974). Equally important, they were intrigued by Whitlam's effort to shape a more independent foreign policy, a project that seemed likely to increase Australia's role in the Pacific and to make it a more dynamic partner for Canada. The relationship was clearly "in the process of taking on new perspectives" (Park, 1973). Despite Labour's defeat in the 1975 general election, there was no need to qualify this assessment. Australia's conservative Prime Minister, Malcolm Fraser, seemed to adopt a harder line on Cold War issues than his predecessor but shared Whitlam's determination to shape an independent foreign policy for Australia. Throughout the Pacific, Fraser's government aggressively pursued a strong set of regional and bilateral links with Japan, the ASEAN countries, South Korea and Communist China. The new Prime Minister also promoted a renewed Australian interest in the Commonwealth, which, he hoped, would provide Australia with an opportunity to fulfil its growing leadership aspirations. Canadian officials occasionally worried about Australia's growing economic and political presence in the Pacific and in the Commonwealth. For instance, Paul Martin, now serving as Canada's High Commissioner to Britain, fretted in 1979 that "Australia [would] steal a march over us" by assuming the lead in the Commonwealth discussions on Southern Africa (Martin, 1988, 536). But most Canadian observers were excited by Australia's re-emergence as a "like-minded middle power, willing to act decisively and constructively" (USSEA to Canadian High Commissioner, 1980). Australia's enhanced profile in the Pacific confirmed Ottawa's efforts to increase trade with Japan and to ensure regional stability by supporting such organisations as ASEAN. During the late 1970s and early 1980s, Canada and Australia found themselves comfortably aligned not only when dealing with such Pacific questions as Cambodia's civil war, but also when confronted by crises in Southern Africa, Afghanistan and Poland. This successful multilateral partnership had its bilateral dimension as official and unofficial contacts between the two countries multiplied in the late 1970s. Growing interest in each other's cultural and intellectual life, for example, led to the creation of the Canada-Australia Literary Award in 1976. At the same time, comparative studies in the two

Canadian-AustralianRelations Since the 1890s countries were more clearly defined when the Canadian-Australian Colloquium, the Canadian Visiting Fellowship at Macquarie University, and the Australian Association for Canadian Studies were established in 1981. Similarly, official contacts increased dramatically. In the first two months of 1977 alone, for instance, the two governments signed agreements on the exchange of information regarding energy research, Aboriginal peoples, and crime prevention and criminal justice. By 1980, there were official exchange programs between Canadian and Australian departments responsible for statistics, Aboriginal people, labour, justice and defence. Australia's only complaint - a traditional one -was that far too few Canadian politicians visited Australia. The problem soon disappeared. In one 18-month period in 1979-1981, the Premiers of Ontario, British Columbia, Manitoba and Saskatchewan all travelled independently to Australia. They were followed by nine other federal and provincial Cabinet Ministers. In June 1981, the growing number of Canadian contacts with Australia prompted Ottawa to add a new consulate in Perth to its existing posts in Canberra, Melbourne and Sydney. The sudden vigour of the relationship caught both countries by surprise. In neither capital did politicians and officials seem aware of the complete range of bilateral contacts and the possibilities for further cooperation. As a consequence, neither Australia nor Canada seemed able to measure the importance of individual issues against the value of the entire relationship. As the long postwar economic boom gave way to a series of recurring economic challenges in the late 1970s, both governments tended to scratch out economic advantage where they could. While Ottawa barred the importation of Australian meat to protect Canadian farmers, Canberra denied Canadian airlines landing rights in Australia. Some officials worried that the web of connections that bound the two countries together might be severed one at a time without anyone ever noticing: If the process continues, in ten years' time there will be nothing left but the high-flown sentiments and a few sporadic exchanges of view at [Commonwealth Heads of Government Meetings] and the United Nations. Like Alice's Cheshire Cat, nothing will remain but the smile. (Delworth to SSEA, 1983)

The solution clearly lay in creating some kind of mechanism that would ensure that individual issues, however important in themselves, were placed within the context of the broader relationship. Australian officials agreed. When the Australian Foreign Minister, Andrew Peacock, expressed keen interest in exploring new bilateral initiatives in 1980, Canada seized the occasion to press for a formal mechanism that would

Greg Donaghy provide overall direction. Australia hesitated. Recalling an earlier and easier era, Canberra wondered whether more might be lost than gained in institutionalising the relationship. In the end, Australia agreed that relations had become too important to be managed through simple ad hoc consultations. In September 1982, the two countries agreed to create a Senior Officials Committee (SOC) that would meet annually to oversee the relationship. Senior officials from both countries met in Canberra for the first time in June 1983. The gathering, according to a Canadian report, appeared an immediate success: Canadian-Australian policy talks [were] held ... on relaxed and forthright basis and were adjudged to be successful and useful.... Both sides saw value of talks in re-establishing or restoring very close working cooperation between Canada and Australia which had perhaps broken down a bit due to neglect. (Canadian High Commissioner to SSEA, 1983)

This robust assessment was perhaps overstated. Certainly, during the following decade, the SOC found it impossible to eliminate the tendency in both capitals to disregard the overall relationship in pursuit of more limited objectives. Similarly, the Committee was not always able to bridge the very real differences that emerged in the 1980s over such questions as Pacific security or multilateral trade. What the committee did provide, however, was a framework and a context for partnership. Its very creation reflected a conscious decision by both Canada and Australia to pursue as mature and independent nations a relationship that began in the 1890s as a simple by-product of Britain's Victorian Empire.

I am grateful to John Hilliker, Norman Hillmer, Arthur Menzies and Mary Donaghy for their respective contributionsto this paper. I am especially indebted to the late Ian M. Drummond for his help with Mackenzie King's economic policy.

"Australian Policy on Current Domestic and International Issues". 31 October 1950. Record Group (RG) 25. Vol. 3116, File 453340. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). Blanchette, A. n.d. "Indochina: From Desk Officer to Acting Commissioner". Unpublished manuscript. Canadian High Commissioner in Canberra to SSEA. 25 August 1969. Telegram No. 1186. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). File 20-1-Mustralia. January 1971. Telegram No. 73. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade - 19(DFAIT). File 20-1-%Australia.

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-. June 1983. Telegram No. YAGR 0988. 23. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). File 20-1->Australia. -. USSEA. 26 June 1970. Letter No. 852. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). File 20-1-%Australia. Delworth, W. Director-General, Bureau of Asian and Pacific Affairs to J.H. Taylor, Assistant Deputy Minister. 4 October 1979. Memorandum No. GPP-455. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). File 2&1-%Australia. Eayrs, J. 1972. In Defence of Canada: Peacemaking and Deterrence. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Hasluck, P. 1980. Diplomatic Witness:Australian Foreign Afairs, 1941-47. Melbourne: University of Melbourne Press. Hill, M. 1977. Canada's Salesman to the World: The Department of Trade and Commerce, 18921939. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Hilliker, J. 1984. "Distant Ally: Canadian Relations With Australia During the Second World War", Journal of Imperial and CommonwealthHistory, Vol. 13, No. 1.51-52. Holmes, J. 1979. The Shaping of Peace: Canada and the Search for World Order 1943-1 957. Vol. 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Hudson, W., and J. North, eds. 1980. My Dear PM: Casey's Letters to S. M. Bruce, 1924-29. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Hudson, W., and W. Way, eds. 1986. Letters porn a "SecretService Agent": F.L. McDougall to S.M. Bruce, 1924-29. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. "Informal Visit of Prime Minister Whitlam of Australia to Canada, 4-5 October 1974. Background notes". October 1974. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade @FAIT). File 20-1-%Australia. Kendle, J. 1967. The Colonial and Imperial Conference, 1887-1911. London: Royal Commonwealth Society. Laurier Papers. n.d. "Concise History of the Negotiations in Regard to Reciprocal Trade since 1900 with the Australian Commonwealth", Vol. 654. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). LePan, D. 1979. Bright Glass of Memory: A Set of Four Memoirs. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. MacDonald, J. 1937. 'Tariff Negotiations Between Canada and Australia", Rewrd Group (RG) 25. Vol. 1578, File 158-1931. Ottawa: Archives of Canada (NAC). MacKirdy, K. 1969. "Canadian and Australian Self-interest, the American Fact, and the Development of the Commonwealth Idea", Empire and Nations.. Essays in Honour of Frederic H.Soward. H . Dyck and H. Krosby, eds. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Mansergh, N. 1982. The Commonwealth Experience: From British to Multiracial Commonwealth. Revised edition. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Marler, Sir H. to O.D. Skelton, 4 February 1937; O.D. Skelton to Marler, 6 February 1937. Record Group (RG) 25. Vol. 1834, File 1937-319. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC).

Greg Donaghy Martin, P. 1988. The London Diaries, 1975-1979. Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. "Memorandum: Australia and Canada". October 1957. Record Group (RG) 25. Accession 86471160, Box 38, File 4533-40. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). "Memorandum: Australia and Canada and Marginalia". 1 June 1964. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade @FAIT). File 20-1-2-Australia. Menzies, A. "Notes for a Talk by the High Commissioner, A.R. Menzies at the Annual Staff Meeting, 5 December 1958". Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). File 201-2-Australia. Menzies, Sir R. 1967.Afiernoon Light: Some Memories of Men and Events. London: Cassells. Millar, T., ed. 1972. Australia's Foreign Minister: The Diaries of R. G. Casey, 1951-1960. London: Collins. Munro, J., ed. 1972. Documents on Canadian External Relations (DCER). Vol. 6. Ottawa: Information Canada. Neale, R., ed. 1976. Documents on Australian Foreign Policy, 193749 (DAFP). Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service.

Park, A. 1973. "Briefing Notes for Ivan Head: Australia". 5 February. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). File 20-1-2-Australia. Pearson, L. 1951. "Memorandum for the Acting Secretary for External Affairs", 7 November. Record Group (RG) 25. Accession 864391160, Box 38, File 4533-40. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). Pearson, L. 1973. Mike= The Memoirs of the Rt. Hun. Lester B. Pearson, Volwne 2: 19484957. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Pearson Papers. R.G. Casey to L.B. Pearson. 12 June 1951. Manuscript Group (MG) 26. Vol. 1, No. 1. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC).

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Prime Minister of Canada to the Prime Minister of Australia, 11 January 1935; Prime Minister of Australia to the Prime Minister of Canada, 13 February 1935. Record Group (RG) 25. Vol. 1734, File 1935-1 17. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). Rogers, E. to Norman Robertson. 20 October 1942. Record Group (RG) 25. Vol. 3116, File 4533-30. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). Secretary of State for External Affairs to the Canadian High Commissioner in Canberra. 18 December 1951. Despatch No. K-574. Record Group (RG)25. Accession 86-87/160, Box 38, File 453340. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). Sharp, Mitchell to Arthur Menzies. 14 June 1968. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT). File 20-1-Mustralia. Slyfield, P. n.d. 'Trade and Communications with Australia and New Zealand, 1892-1911", Record Group (RG) 20. Vol. 1417, File 424. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada (NAC). Spender, Sir P. 1969. Exercises in Diplomacy: The ANZUS Treaty and the Colombo Plan. Sydney: Sydney University Press.

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Stacey, C. 1977. Canada and the Age of Conflict: A History of Canadian Policies, Volume One: 18671921. Toronto: MacMillan of Canada. Trudeau, P. 1968. "Canada and the World". 29 May. Statements and Speeches. No. 68/17. USSEA to Canadian High Commission in Canberra. 8 April 1980. Letter No. GPL 363. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade @FAIT). File W1-2-Australia. Wigley, P. 1977. Canada and the Transition to Commonwealth: British-Canadian Relations 19171926. New York and Melbourne: MacMillan of Canada.

INTRODUCTION: GLOBALISATION- IMPLICATIONS FOR AUSTRALIAAND CANADA The Opening Plenary Session at ACSANZ 1995 on the topic of Globalisation was the only pre-designed section of the Conference Program. The other streams: Economics and Trade, Environment, Health and Law, Social and Historical, and Language and Cultural Studies emerged as papers were accepted and grouped by the organiser. The decision to hold the plenary featuring a panel of speakers was taken to achieve a number of purposes. The most important of these were, first, to provide a substantive transition from the contribution made by the High Commissioner's address on Canadian-Australian trade links to the many facets of partnership between the two countries illustrated by the papers in the later sessions and, second, to explore contemporary scholarship in Canadian Studies with a focus on perhaps the most salient phenomenon of the world scene in the last decades of the twentieth century. Whether one turns to citizenship, migration, politics, capitalism, labour markets, education, literature and many other aspects of society in Canada or Australia, the impacts of globalisation or internationalisation are pervasive. Hence, all of the contributors to the Globalisation Plenary were invited to submit their papers for consideration in this volume. Of those received, and after the normal refereeing process, four have been included. Rather than merely describing the main features of these papers (and those in the next section - Perspectives on Economics and Trade), I wish to reflect also on how closely they meet a set of criteria set out in a recent book on research into societies of the kind represented, among others, by Australia and Canada. In their book entitled Unsettling Settler Societies (1995), Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis articulate a thesis that in relation to these "settler" societies: (i) "mainstream social science [has] generally been inattentive to ...multiple and intersecting social relations"

Lois Foster (1) and (ii) the complexities of settler societies can only be adequately analysed if "the various movements for social transformation, for empowerment and resistance to colonial, racial and gender domination" (31) are taken into account. The argument of these authors is that there are essential dimensions which should be considered in any study of settler societies, of which Canada and Australia are prime examples. These dimensions are the dynamics of their colonial and post-colonial construction and transformation and, accepting the absurdity of dichotomies, the articulations of gender, race/ethnicity and class in those processes. Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis further assert that analyses of settler societies must: examine how settler capitalism intensified and transformed relations based simultaneously on colonialism, capitalism, gender, class and race/ethnicity (5); focus on the process of development and the positions of indigenous and migrant peoples within it via exploration of internal dynamics (arising from two major forces -articulations of the variables of race, gender, ethnicity and class and the place of these societies within the global economy) (6); be cognisant of the contemporary internationalisation of production and the neo-liberal and neo-conservative cast of such states in relation to the "New World Order" (6); and emphasise the social relations of settler societies, especially political struggles and negotiations in any efforts to move beyond dichotomies (32)-

Thus, my question is: to what extent do the papers in the Globalisation and Economics and Trade sections, produced within what could be loosely called a social sciences perspective, mesh with the imperatives outlined by Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis? Referring to the papers in the first section. The aspects of the two societies identified by the authors as being heavily influenced by globalisation (and which, in consequence, have a direct or indirect bearing on trade relations) are Asian migration (Dr Inglis), the impact of institutional restructuring on non-European immigrants in urban areas (Professor Reitz), education as an export commodity (Dr Stockley) and those dimensions of the civil society which are associated with the definitions or concepts of (and perhaps, policies to manage) multiculturalism, citizenship and nationalism (Associate Professor Alexander).

Introduction The Inglis paper describes the major transformation of migration policy, and actual migration flows, with respect to Canada and Australia which, on the surface derive from intra-national changes in values and attitudes towards ethnicIracia1 diversity and material conditions stimulating changed labour requirements, but which can only be comprehensively explained if one incorporates the globalisation factor. The paper by Reitz moves this discussion on to the impact within settler societies of the trend towards the changing raciallethnic composition of migrant flows. Here a three-way comparison of the influence of globalisation on selected institutional restructuring, in particular with regard to education and the labour market, is attempted by including Canada, the United States and Australia. The satisfactory insertion of these new flows of migrants into the labour market in urban areas is seen to be closely associated with their educational status vis ri vis the nativeborn. The commodification of education as an export earner, and the competitive relationship this brings for Australia and Canada, is the centrepiece of Stockley's paper. Here, the tensions between the commercial and the cultural dimensions and goals of the "trade in knowledge" between post-industrial Canada and Australia and the developing countries of the Pacific-Rim region, combined with the global forces impinging on their domestic higher education systems, are brought starkly into focus. The specific foci of these three papers are brought together into a broader synthesis and explanation by Alexander who asserts that the implications of globalisation are to be seen in more fundamental terms than immigration, institutional restructuring and the commodification of education. In his view, "globalisation is undermining the very basis on which citizenship and political participation have been structured in the era of national welfare". Thus, the significant concepts, policies and practices generated by multiculturalism, citizenship and nationalism could be interpreted as both an outcome and an expression of globalisation. Reflecting on this set of papers analysing two specific settler societies through the conceptual lens enunciated by Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis, it is clear that a concentration on globalisation and its impact meets one of the central elements of their framework. For example, the salience of the continued diversification of the Australian and Canadian populations through immigration, commenced in colonial times and persisting into the post-colonial era, was shown in Inglis' paper. The mode of incorporation of a high proportion of culturally and linguistically different migrants and their descendants into the dominant Anglooriented mainstream society in both countries has been and continues to

Lois Foster be a differentiated process in which all the elements of gender, racelethnicity and class play a part. These aspects found a focus in Reitz's paper, illustrating one dimension of the construction and transformation of Canadian and Australian society. The trends in these two papers were re-worked and presented at a different level of abstraction in Alexander's discussion. The establishment of a form of transfer of intellectual capital via the commodification of education, especially in response to the changes in the Asia-Pacific region, while obviously based on lived practices in Canada and Australia, also posed difficult and abstract questions, as noted by Stockley. In Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis' terms, some of these bear on the influence these capitalist settler societies might have in transforming their relations with "developing" countries of the region. Such effects may be expressed not only by Australian and Canadian trade practices reflecting neo-colonial, gendered, racist and class-based tendencies, whether intended or not, but also by social/cultural changes affecting (gender, racelethnicity and class dimensions of) the relations of the . recipients of such education within those countries importing Westernised education.

Stasiulis, D. and N. Yuval-Davis. 1995. Unsettling Settler Societies. London: Sage Publications.

GLOBALISATION AND THE IMPACTOF ASIANMIGRATION ON AUSTRALIA AND CANADA

A frequent theme in comparisons of Australia and Canada is the important role of immigration in their national development. So significant has been the role of immigration since their earliest origins as white settler colonies that both are often described as a "nation of immigrants". This appellation highlights the important place which immigration has played historically not only in the growth of their populations, but in economic development and in the way in which their institutions and national identity have been moulded by the experience of immigration. Still, today, immigration remains an important part of national policy and immigrants play an important role in the life of both countries. While both Australia and Canada have maintained a substantial commitment to immigration this has been done in a rapidly changing world where globalisation and the related economic and political changes have produced a very different situation from that which existed when they first identified immigration as a basic component in their search for nationhood and national development (Appleyard, 1991; Castles and Miller, 1993; Kritz, Lim and Zlotnik, 1992; Stahl, et aL, 1993; and Stalker, 1994). Globalisation and its associated changes in international population movements highlight the need to reexamine a number of issues affecting Canada and Australia in the light of these developments. These include the changes which have occurred in their patterns of immigration and emigration, and the importance of governmental immigration policies in relation to more complex patterns of international economic and political developments as well as the role

Christine Inglis of social networks among potential emigrant groups. An understanding of these processes and their implications is important for evaluating governmental policies and reconceptualising the theorisation of international migration and its relationship to international flows of capital and trade in goods and services. Domestically, the demographic impact of immigration on specific regions and cities can be examined as a prerequisite to examining the social and economic impact of the immigration including the ability of existing policies such as multiculturalism to respond to new forms of migration. Another important issue is the migrants' effect on pre-existing patterns of ethnic relations and the formulation of national identity. Not all these issues can be adequately addressed in a brief paper. This paper will therefore be restricted to examining the changing patterns of immigration and settlement in Australia and Canada which have resulted in the increasing significance of Asian1 immigration. While the effects of globalisation, including economic restructuring and growth and the changing political order in the Asian region play a critical part in this process, the actual patterns of arrivals in Australia and Canada are still largely mediated and controlled by domestic immigration policies. These will be examined to illustrate the diversity in the ways they are used by individual Asian groups and, also, to highlight how they intersect with other domestic policies, especially those relating to the moves in both countries to restructure their economies in response to the challenges posed by the new patterns of economic globalisation. How the changed immigration patterns have affected the ethnic composition of both countries will be briefly considered as a prelude to considering the impact of the new arrivals on the process of restructuring their national identities in which both Australia and Canada are currently involved. THE SEACHANGE IN GLOBALPOPULATION MOVEMENTS AND THEIR IMPACT ON AUSTRALIA AND CANADA

In a recent study of the impact of immigration on the United States of America, Borjas drew on United Nations figures for the period 1975 to 1980 and claimed that about two-thirds of the nearly 5 million international migrants moved in that period to either Australia, Canada or the United States (Bojas, 1990, 200). Even allowing for the ambiguities associated with the term "migrant", it is no longer possible to view immigration in such simple and limited terms. Since the 1980s there has been an exponential growth in the numbers of individuals travelling internationally. One 1994 estimate which excluded the former USSR and ex-Yugoslavia, was that some 80 million people were living

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration in foreign lands (Stalker, 1994,3). Not only have the numbers grown but there have also been major changes in the characteristics of the movement. They now involve flows from, and to, a much wider range of countries. In Europe, former sending countries have become major receiving countries; the Middle East receives large numbers of workers from Asia and North Africa while within Asia the expanding economies in many countries have been associated with extensive labour immigration. Refugees comprise a significant number of those moving in Africa, Asia and Europe. The characteristics of the migrants are now more varied with women becoming increasingly involved in labour migration and refugee movements. There is also a growing movement of highly skilled technical, professional and managerial workers. At the same time, the actual forms of movements are also becoming more diversified. Permanent immigration and short-term labour migration now exist alongside refugee movements while there are also increasing movements by asylum seekers or those without legal documentation. International students too are a significant component in movements as are business people and tourists. A final significant change in recent international population movements is the involvement of the State. Governmental regulations now govern criteria for entry and residence and their operation is an important political issue. The regime of control which surrounds international population movements has also come to involve increasing intemational cooperation as individual States realise that individual policies of selection and control are only of limited effect in the face of the pressure for more extensive immigration. These new forms of international population movements are associated with major changes in the international political and economic systems. The end of the Cold War with the consequent political realignments and internal social disruption, and the growing significance of the economic, cultural and political relations and practices resulting from the process of globalisation, are creating conditions which facilitate and encourage international population movements. Also facilitating these movements are technological developments which have made intemational travel, faster, easier and cheaper. The effect of these changes have been especially evident in the Asia Pacific region which is the part of the world experiencing most rapid economic growth. The clearest evidence of the impact of these changes on Canada and Australia is the diversification in the origins of their immigrants. This is most clearly illustrated in the way permanent immigration from the Asian region now exceeds that from traditional European sources. In the immediate post-World War I1 period immigrants to both countries were

Christine Inglis from Europe, particularly Britain, and, in the case of Canada, from the United States, with New Zealand becoming an important source for Australia. These movements were a continuation of patterns operating in the first half of this century which reflected the strength of colonial and other historical ties. By 1966, the United Kingdom was still the major source of immigrants to Australia and Canada but changes were already apparent in the Eurocentric patterns of immigration. Hong Kong had joined the ten major source countries to Canada, while India and Lebanon were among the ten major Australian sources (Health and Welfare Canada, 1990,32; Bureau of Immigration Research, 1992). Since 1966, the importance of Asian immigration to both countries has continued to increase. Between 1986 and 1990, 40.1 percent of all Canadian immigrants had come from South, South East and North East Asia and a further 1.0 percent were from Oceania (Stahl, et al., 1993, 25). The percentage was even higher for Australia at 46.0 percent with an additional 3.3 percent fiom Oceania (Stahl, et al., 1993, 25). In the following three years 47.2 percent of all Canadian immigrants were from the Asia-Pacific region while the figure for Australia was even higher at 56.8 percent (Table 1). However, Australia's intake included a much larger number of those, mainly New Zealanders, from Oceania (11.5 percent) (Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research, 1995). Excluding the immigrants from the Pacific region, Australia and Canada in the early 1990s were taking comparable proportions of Asian immigrants. However, whereas the trend was for Asian immigrants to constitute a growing percentage of Canadian immigrants, the contrary was the case in Australia. This was confirmed in the most recent Australian figures for 1994-95 which show that only 37.0 percent of the immigrants in that year were from the Asian region while 15 percent were from Oceania and 29.2 percent were from Europe, largely a reflection of the increase in arrivals from the former Yugoslavia (Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research, 1995). In contrast, by 1993, Canada's immigrant intake from Central and Eastern Europe, especially Poland, was declining as a result of changes in the special humanitarian programs which had applied to that region, but numbers from the former Yugoslav Republic increased (SOPEMI, 1995, 73).

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration

Table 1. ImmigrantArrivals in Australia and Canada by Region 1991-1993a Australia Region

1991-1992 1992-1993 1993-1994 1991/2 -199314 % % % % Asia & the Pacific 60.3 55.7 54.6 56.8 Europe 25.0 29.1 29.3 27.4 Americas 5.5 4.7 4.5 5.0 Africa & Middle East 9.2 10.5 11.6 10.2 Total Arrivals '000s

107.4

76.3

69.8

253.5

Canada Region

1991

1992 % 47.8 17.8 18.0 16.5

1993

1991-93

% Asia & the Pacific Europe Americas Africa & Middle East Total Arrivals '000s

42.3 20.8 18.9 18.0 230.8

252.8

%

%

51.1 18.2 16.5 14.4

47.2 18.9 17.7 16.2

254.3

737.9

Sources: Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research , 1995; SOPEMI, 1995 Note: a) Figures for Australia are based on country of birth. For Canada the figures are based on country of last permanent residence.

A comparison of the major Asian source countries for Australia and Canada in 1993 illustrates certain variations in the relative importance of particular Asian source regions and countries. In contrast to Canada, the South East Asian region is the most important source of Asian immigrants to Australia followed by North East Asia and Southern Asia (Table 2). In Canada, North East Asian countries, followed by those from Southern Asia were more important sources of immigrants. While Hong Kong, India, the Philippines, Vietnam and China are among the top 10 source countries in Canada and Australia, their relative importance varies, as does that of other Asian source countries such as Malaysia and Pakistan which are of limited significance in, respectively, Canada and Australia. Although similar Asian countries are among the top ten source countries for both Canada and Australia, their relative size and significance does vary.

Christine Inglis

Table 2. Immigrant Arrivals in Australia and Canada, 1993-94a

Europe & Former USSR UK Poland Former Yugoslavia Middle East & Africa Lebanon Asia & Pacific Australasia & Oceania Fiji South East Asia Cambodia Indonesia Malaysia Philippines Viet Nam North East Asia China(PRC) Hong Kong + Japan Korea Taiwan Southern Asia lndia Pakistan Sri Lanka Americas USA Not Stated

Can ada N 45741 6959 6823 5861 36219 4669 128667 2995 1263 29990 343 307 869 19417 7812 60425 9353 36026 910 3585 9797 35452 20199 4156 9061 41510 7933 0

4854 8075 1064 37962 10196 1324 14239 927 622 1252 4179 5435 8045 2740 3333 409 673 785 5482 2643 415 1431 3155 1373 103

Total

252137

69768

Australia N 20473 8963 660

Source: Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural & Population Research, 1995; Employment & Immigration, Canada 1994 Note: a) Australian figures are for country of birth for 1993-94 Canadian figures are for country of last permanent residence for 1993

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration A feature of globalisation and economic restructuring has been a major growth in long-term temporary migration associated with the growth in intemational trade and investment and in intemational educational exchanges. The burgeoning of international tourism is also an important component in international population movements. Both Australia and Canada have seen major increases in the numbers of such long-term temporary migration as well as in tourism (Sloan and Kennedy, 1992; Stahl, et al., 1993, 89 and 98). The arrival of long-term temporary migrants now exceeds the number of permanent resident amvals in both countries. In 1994-95 for example when Australia received 87,428 permanent residents, some 77,392 individuals were granted temporary resident visas on criteria which included skilled employment; sport or cultural activities, as well as international relations. The largest group of temporary visas (45 percent) were issued to young Working Holiday Makers who came from countries such as the UK, Canada, USA and Japan with which Australia had special exchange relations. This working holiday program constituted part of the international relations program of the temporary visa scheme and in total accounted for somewhat over half of all such visas issued, with another 18 percent being allocated for skilled employment and the remaining one quarter being allocated for sporting or cultural programs. Another major category of temporary residents is students, 51,358 of whom were issued with Australian visas. While the numbers of temporary and student visas issued has varied from year to year, there has been an uninterrupted growth in those issued with tourist visas, 2.7 million of which were issued in 1994-95. A further 466,762 New Zealanders also visited in that year (Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, 1996,24). In 1993, Canada had a much larger intake of permanent residents than Australia (254, 300). It also had a commensurately larger intake of temporary residents. These included 183,621 individuals issued with employment authorisations and some 87,216 individuals issued with student documentation (Employment and Immigration Canada, 1994). Unlike Australia, Canada does not require all tourists to have visitor visas hence it is not possible to draw a precise comparison in the numbers or origins of tourists to Canada. Nevertheless, in 1992, in addition to the 29.5 million visitors who entered Canada from the United States, there were a further 3.2 million visitors who entered from other countries (Employment and Immigration, Canada, 1992,7). From the data available the Asian region is clearly important as a source of students, tourists and, to a lesser extent, work related temporary residents to both countries. All of the top 10 source countries of students to Australia in 1994-95, which between them accounted for

Christine Inglis 72.6 percent of all international students, were Asian with the exception of the USA which ranked seventh with 5.5 percent of the students, behind Indonesia (11.7 percent), Japan (10.1 percent), Korea (9.8 percent), Singapore (8.6 percent), Malaysia (7.4 percent) and Hong Kong (6.4 percent)? Close behind the USA were Thailand, Taiwan and India (Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, 1996, 23). Canadian figures for 1993 also reveal that students from South, South East and North East Asia constitute the largest regional grouping being 51.8 percent of all international students. The major origins of the Asian students in Canada are Hong Kong (14.1 percent), Japan (9.7 percent), Sri Lanka (5.6 percent), Taiwan (5.3 percent), China (4.0 percent), Korea (3.1 percent), the Philippines (2.4 percent) and then Malaysia and Singapore with both under 2 percent (Employment and Immigration, Canada, 1994). Among those issued with temporary resident visas in Australia, the only Asian country to be included in the top 10 sources was Japan which with just under 10 percent of visas ranked second to the United Kingdom which accounted for a quarter of all these visas (Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, 1996, 22). In Canada, the Asian region accounted for one-third of all employment authorisations (Employment and Immigration Canada, 1994). The Asian region plays a major role in Australian tourism with Japan alone accounting for one in four of all visitors (25.4 percent). Following Japan are the United Kingdom (12.7 percent), USA (9.8 percent), Singapore (5.4 percent), Taiwan (5.3 percent), Korea (4.8 percent), then Germany (4.4 percent), Indonesia (3.6 percent) and Hong Kong (2.1 percent) (Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, 1996,240). As in the case of permanent immigrants, there are variations in the major Asian source countries of the temporary residents in Canada and Australia with those from the South East Asian region being more prominent in Australia. While the demographic and social impact of tourists on relatively short visits is potentially more limited, the same does not apply to long-term temporary residents residing in the country. The prominence of Asian temporary residents in both Australia and Canada, compounds the impact of the permanent immigrants from the same region. Canadian data from the 1991 Census illustrates the extent of this impact among the Asian-born. Whereas the percentage of nonpermanent residents among the total immigrant population was 4.9 percent, the percentage among Asian immigrant groups was far higher being 8.7 percent among those born in Southern Asia, 8.1 percent for those from East Asia and 7.0 percent among those born in South East Asia (Statistics Canada, 1992, 174-75). Prior experience also suggests that a significant number of these temporary residents will later change

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration to permanent resident status (Goldberg, 1985; Kunin 1993; Shu and Hawthorne, 1996,66 and 81). THE

"NEW"ASIAN~ G R A T I O N TO AUSTRALIA AND CANADA

The growth of Asian permanent and temporary migration to Australia and Canada is clearly related to economic and political developments in Asia which have created a pool of individuals willing to emigrate and with social networks and sources of information which encourage them to choose Australia or Canada as their destination. While an understanding of these processes is important for a complete understanding of the recent Asian immigration and variations between Australia and Canada, it is only part of the story. To understand how certain groups and individuals eventually become migrants it is also necessary to consider the role of policy. In the space which is available this paper will therefore outline the ways local immigration policies serve a gatekeeping role controlling the selection of individuals from this much larger pool of potential immigrants. This focus is not meant to imply that the potential migrant merely responds passively to the migrant selection process, for indeed there is considerable variation in the extent to which migration officials are able to "control" entry (Burstein, Hardcastle and Parkin, 1994). However, a focus on policy can provide a basis for understanding how particular patterns of country selection operate within an officially "neutral" migration program. It also provides a reference point from which to view the competing political pressures which impinge on policy formulation and how the policies articulate with other areas of government policy. Both are issues important for the subsequent consideration of the settlement experiences of immigrants. Extensive Asian immigration to Australia and Canada is not a phenomenon only of the late twentieth century. From the middle of the nineteenth century, both countries experienced substantial flows of immigrants from China and other parts of Asia. While some arrivals were welcomed for the contribution they could make as labourers in agriculture, the majority, initially drawn by the lure of gold, were viewed as threats by large sections of the community. As a consequence, an extensive system of financial barriers and legislation was enacted to restrict the entry of Asians to Australia and Canada (Price, 1974; Wilson and Samuel, 1996). This set of legislation and administrative regulations which constituted the White Australia Policy and the White Canada Policy remained in force until the middle of the 1960s. The construction of what Price (1974) called the Great White Walls, marked one of the

Christine Inglis first efforts in either country to develop immigration policy designed not to attract immigrants but to control and limit entry. So efficient were these policies that only a trickle of Asian migrants were able to penetrate the walls until after the Second World War. Given the effectiveness of these policies in limiting Asian immigration, recent policy developments provide an important point from which to examine the movements associated with the "new" Asian migration to Australia and Canada. Before examining the oft-noted similarities in the immigration policies of the two countries one major area of policy difference must be noted. This concerns the numbers of permanent residents to be admitted annually. For a brief period at the end of the 1980s, Australia pursued a policy designed to substantially increase the annual migrant intake as a means of economic development. The coincidence of this policy with a major economic recession eventually resulted in drastic reductions in the annual intakes which in 1993-94 resulted in a decade low of 69,728. In 1995-96 the intake is planned to increase to 98,000 although for 199697, a reduction to 84,000 is proposed. This is very different from Canada. Despite experiencing a recession similar in its severity to Australia's, Canada introduced in 1991 a Five Year Plan under which, by 1992, Canada would increase its annual immigration intake to 250,000 persons, equivalent to one percent of the population. In fact this expansionary target was exceeded in 1992 (Table 1). The effect of the policy disparity is that while in the first three years of the decade Australia took in one quarter of a million migrants, over a similar period Canada took in three-quarters of a million. While Canada reduced its intake from 1994, an important effect of this policy disparity is that it coincides with a major increase in Canada's intake of Asian immigrants. Thus, even where the percentage of Asian immigrants is not dissimilar, their actual numbers and potential demographic impact on Canada are far greater. The many similarities in the immigration policies of Australia and Canada are widely noted even while authors differ on how to explain them (e.g. Hawkins, 1989; Richmond 1991; Stahl, et al., 1993; Adelman et al., 1994; Inglis et al., 1994; Ongley and Pearson, 1995).3 The most important similarity from the perspective of Asian immigration was the decision to remove the discrimination against Asian immigrants. In 1967, Canada was the first to formally abandon all immigration restrictions based on race, colour, or religion, after abolition in 1962 of most of the discriminatory restrictions. By the mid-1960s Australia had also eased restrictions considerably, although it was not until 1973 that the White Australia Policy was formally replaced by a nondiscriminatory policy similar to Canada's.

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration A major impetus for change in both countries related to diplomatic concerns about their international image and standing at a time when decolonisation was leading to the entry into the United Nations and the British Commonwealth of newly independent, non-European nations (Hawkins, 1989,39,94-103). Australia had an especial concern about its relations with the newly independent Asian governments at a time when its traditional links with the United Kingdom were being weakened by Britain's withdrawal from Asia and its growing involvement with the European Community. The change to non-discriminatory policies also was supported by groups in both countries arguing for equity. The adoption of non-discriminatory policies also coincided with an increasing acceptance of ethnic diversity in both countries as epitomised by moves from the former assimilationist and bicultural policies towards multiculturalism. This was especially important given the view that had been strongly articulated in both countries that discriminatory policies were necessary as a means of preserving social cohesion and avoiding conflict. Once the decision was made to abandon racially discriminatory immigration policies, acceptance as a permanent resident of either Canada or Australia became dependent for Asians on their ability to qualify under one or other of the country's immigration programs. Both countries have three main types of immigration programs which respond to somewhat different rationales for accepting immigrants. These rationales are the desirability of family reunion, the economic value to be gained from immigrant skills and resources and, finally, humanitarian considerations for those fleeing political oppression. Apart from specific governmental decisions made relating to the operation of their refugee and humanitarian entry programs, none of these programs was designed to favour Asian immigrants. Indeed, in many cases, the extent to which Asian immigrants utilised the various schemes (see Tables 3 and 4) caused considerable surprise to observers with less knowledge of recent developments in the Asian region.

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration

Table 4. Eligibility of Asian Arrivals in Canada by ~ o u n t f y of Last Permanent Residence, 1993 Country

Family

Category Entrepreuneur

Humanitarian

Other

Independent Total

South East Asia Brunei Burma Cambodia Indonesia Laos Malaysia Philippines Singapore Thailand Viet Narn Total North East Asia China Hong Kong Japan Korea Macau Taiwan Total

7698 12840 431 792 213 834 22808

400 11 1 29 1 4 446

207 13785 93 2365 360 7224 24034

33 5838 45 9 42 1309 7276

1015 3552 340 455 73 426 5861

9061 36026 910 3650 689 9797 60133

32

1

13

6

17

69

Southern Asia Afghanistan Bangladesh India Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Tibet Total Asia n.e.s

Source: Employmentand ImmigrationCanada, 1994

Christine Inglis

-

Refugee programs have already been mentioned as the one program area where specific governmental decisions are made favouring those from specific countries or regions. In the mid-1970s, both Canada and Australia adopted explicit policies to admit refugees from the war in Indo-China. In Australia's case, this decision flowed fiom the country's involvement in the war and the pressure placed on the Australian government to play a role in resettling displaced individuals including those seeking refuge in various South East Asian countries and, even, on Australia's northern shores. Unlike Australia, Canada was not involved in the Indo-China war. Its openness to extensive Indo-Chinese immigration was more a straightforward humanitarian response to a strongly articulated pressure from domestic church and other nongovernmental organisations (Burstein, Hardcastle and Parkin, 1994). Since then, Vietnamese have continued to be a major component of each country's refugee and humanitarian programme. Sri Lankans have also been an important group admitted under the refugee and humanitarian program to Canada.4 As countries with a commitment to encouraging permanent immigration, family reunion immigration has always played an important role in Australia and Canada. However, just as the numbers of individuals to be admitted annually is controlled by flexible policy decisions, so the priority attached to family reunion immigration, as compared to the entry of individuals predominantly on the basis of economic criteria, has also varied. In Australia at the end of the 1970s pressure fiom existing European immigrant groups resulted in greater priority being given to family reunion entry.' Somewhat paradoxically, the longer resident European migrants made less use of the increased family reunion opportunities than did more recently arrived Asian groups. The latter, including those who had entered as refugees, had a larger supply of eligible relatives overseas. These relatives were also more interested in emigrating than were eligible European relatives for whom economic opportunities in Europe were often far better than had been the case when their relatives had first left for Australia. Similarly in Canada, it was the relatives of Asian immigrants who proved especially interested in taking up the opportunity to emigrate to Canada. In Australia in 1993-94, those born in the Philippines, Vietnam, China, Hong Kong and India were most likely to choose the path of family reunion entry. In Canada, India, Hong Kong, the Philippines, China, Vietnam and Sri Lankan born individuals are most likely to choose the route of family reunion. An alternative basis for entry for those who lacked family ties with Australia or Canada, or who did not meet the criteria for humanitarian

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration and refugee entry, was provided by both countries' economic and skilled migration programs. Labour migration, including unskilled and semiskilled immigration, had been an initial priority in the post-World War I1 Australian immigration programs designed to provide a labour force to undertake major infrastructure developments and to build up the manufacturing sector. By the late 1970s, the focus had changed and there was a growing concentration on attracting more skilled individuals to contribute to perceived changes in the needs of the economy. With the advent of the Hawke government in 1983, a policy of economic restructuring was adopted which included a move towards becoming a "clever" country in which economic development would concentrate on sectors utilising more highly skilled labour. The implication of this policy for immigration was a sharper focus on highly educated nonfamily migrants who could bring specific skills and occupational expertise which would contribute to this type of economic growth. A similar shift to emphasise comparable economic skills also occurred in Canada at the same time (Stahl, et al., 1993,104).6 By 1993, India had displaced Hong Kong as the major Asian source of independent skilled immigrants to Australia, followed by Sri Lanka, the Philippines, China and Malaysia. In Canada, the countries were almost the same though slightly reordered with the Philippines being the major source of independent migrants followed by Hong Kong, India and China. Complementing this category of economic entry, provision was also made for the entry of business migrants who would bring with them capital to establish business enterprises (Inglis and Wu, 1991; Borowski and Nash, 1994; Wong, 1995). In Australia, this program commenced in 1981 replacing the earlier entrepreneur program introduced in 1976. Subject to a "legitimation crisis", it was suspended in 1991 and reintroduced in 1992 as a Business Skills program in which the selection requirements shifted from the business proposal and the amount of capital to be introduced to managerial skills and experience. This is a departure from the Canadian program which has three categories of business migrant: investors, self-employed business people and entrepreneurs who employ staff. Hong Kong, Taiwan and Korea are the Asian groups most likely to use this program in Canada. In Australia, the order of these three countries changes with Taiwan being the most important source followed by Hong Kong, Korea and then Malaysia. In developing these policies on permanent immigration to address what were perceived as the economic needs of the country, neither Australia nor Canada anticipated that those who would be most interested in taking up these new entry opportunities (and able to meet the policy requirements) would be individuals from Asia. Not until the

Christine Inglis emergence of Asia as a major source region by the end of the 1980s did policy making bodies in both countries begin to make explicit reference to the way such immigration could be used to further develop the domestic economy through the establishment of new trading links with Asian home countries. In 1990 a major report on Australia's relations with North East Asia (Garnaut, 1990 ) emphasised the importance of migration to maximise use of economic opportunities in the region. The Office of Multicultural Affairs began to promote "economic efficiency'' as an important component of its 1989 Agenda. Following from its 1989 commitment to economic efficiency and using the skills of all migrants, the Office of Multicultural Affairs began to promote the concept of "productive diversity" which specifically involved using the linguistic and other cultural skills of immigrants to promote economic ties with their home region (Foster and Stockley, 1990; National Multicultural Advisory Council, 1995, 30). Initially, Asian countries were identified but, with the collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe, links to economic developments in this region also were seen as having considerable economic potential. More recently, Canada too has begun to also promote the importance of utilising these skills among its immigrant population (Canadian Heritage, 1994). In contrast to the refugee program, and despite recent moves to utilise the skills and networks of Asian migrants, neither Australia's nor Canada's family or economic migration programs involved provisions targeting specific source countries, although, changes in the numbers admitted under each program differentially affected those source countries which made most use of them. However, decisions concerning the location of offices where immigration can be lodged do indirectly influence the patterns of immigration by making it easier for some groups to access these offices (Committee to Advise on Australia's Immigration Policies, 1988, 197). For both countries, their Hong Kong office has in recent years been amongst their largest and this has certainly facilitated applications in contrast to situations where, in the absence of a local office, lodgement of an immigration application has been extremely difficult. While this allocation of administrative resources can be seen as a response which services centres with a high level of interest in immigration applications, it can also be seen as a means of tapping into a supply of highly desirable economic immigrants (Michalowski, 1996'79). In contrast to their policies on permanent immigration where humanitarian and family considerations balance economic concerns, the Australian and Canadian policies on temporary immigration have a very strong economic focus. Tourism is a major source of foreign exchange

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration and education is becoming increasingly important. Whereas originally the education of overseas students was viewed as part of an international relations aid strategy, this has changed to a much greater emphasis on education as a service to be sold.7 In Australia, this shift from viewing the education of international students as "trade" rather than "aid" occurred in 1985 when policy changes significantly increased opportunities for private, fee-paying, students to enrol in Australian educational institutions (Sloan and Kennedy, 1992, 46; Shu and Hawthorne, 1996). Prior to the change the number of visas issued for studying in Australia was just over 13,000 but by 1990 the figure had increased to over 63,000 (Stahl, et al., 1993, 122). Australia has been particularly active in marketing its tourism and education in the Asian region and, as the data cited above show, these efforts to target the Asian market have been highly successful in terms of numbers of arrivals. By contrast, Canada has not focussed so extensively on Asia. Temporary labour migration has been one of the areas of international population movement which has experienced greatest growth but with their commitment on permanent immigration Canada and Australia have placed less reliance on it as a means of filling gaps in their labour market. Australia in particular, with its strong trade union traditions formally has eschewed extensive unskilled and semi-skilled temporary migration, targeting instead highly skilled managers and technical staff and comparable employees of international companies operating in Australia. In practice, needs for casual workers in agriculture, tourism and related industries often have been met by the free flow of New Zealanders, overseas students and young people coming under the Working Holiday Maker program (Sloan and Kennedy, 1992, 55 and 62). Canada has, however, had long-standing schemes for temporary agricultural workers as well as for domestic workers. Whereas the former are drawn extensively from the Caribbean, a large proportion of the latter have been women from the Philippines (Employment and Immigration Canada, 1990). In contrast to certain earlier periods, when Australia in particular, found it difficult to attract migrants, Canada and Australia now find that the increase in international population movements gives them more opportunities to be selective in those migrants they accept. This development has coincided with their own moves to respond to the changes associated with globalisation by restructuring their economies. Their focus in their economic programs for permanent immigration has changed to emphasise the importance of highly skilled labour and those with capital; an emphasis which in practice also extends into the operation of certain family reunion and humanitarian programs. A

Christine Inglis further change is that, whereas traditionally the policy focus has been on the economic contribution of migrants to the domestic economy through their economic and educational capital, now, with the growth of international trade in goods and services as well as investment, there is a realisation that the "capital'' contained in migrants' cultural and social skills and knowledge is also very valuable for development of the international dimensions of Australia's and Canada's economies. Globalisation has thus had a double effect on Australian and Canadian migration via the greatly increased supply of potential migrants and, less directly, through the ways in which in responding to its impact on their own economies, Australia and Canada have modified their migration policies. While in large part the resultant increase in the Asian migration intake has been largely fortuitous and a result of changes in Asia, there has also been active marketing of education, tourism and opportunities for business investment within the Asian region where Australia has concentrated its efforts. ASIANSETTLEMENT AND CHANGING ETHNIC COMPOSITION The effect of the extensive increase in Asian immigration has been to bring about major changes in the ethnic composition of both Australia's and Canada's population, especially since the mid- 1980s.B In 1961 only 0.8 percent of Australia's population was born in Asia (including the Middle East) and the Canadian percentage of the population born in "Asiatic" countries was even lower at 0.2 percent. By 1986 2.5 percent of Canada's population was born in South, South East and East Asia and by 1991 the figure had increased even further to 3.7 percent including 0.2 percent of non-permanent residents? In Australia in 1986, 2.6 percent of the population was Asian born and this figure increased to 4.0 percent in 1991. Since then, the numbers have increased even further although it is likely that when the 1996 Censuses of each country are available they will show that Canada's Asian born population will be a larger proportion of the population than Australia's because of the larger numbers in recent immigration intakes. Given that only some 16 percent of Canada's population are migrants by comparison with Australia's 24 percent, the Asian born are a much more significant component of Canada's immigrant groups than they are in Australia. One important factor which affects the impact of the Asian immigrants is the extent to which they are concentrated in selected areas. A long-standing difference between Canadian and Australian experiences of immigration is in Australia immigrants are spread far more evenly across the country than is the case in Canada where the

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration Atlantic Provinces and Quebec have much lower proportions of immigrants in their populations. In 1991 the major centre for immigrant settlement was Ontario (24.0 percent) followed by British Columbia (22.5 percent) and Alberta (15.2 percent) with only 8.7 percent in Quebec and an even smaller proportion in the Atlantic Provinces (Statistics Canada, 1992). By contrast, in Australia, the percentage of immigrants in the population range from 30.8 percent in Western Australia, down to a quarter in NSW, Victoria, the ACT and South Australia, followed by 19.3 in Queensland and with the lowest percentage being 12.5 percent in Tasmania (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1991). In Australia, in recent years, over 40 percent of all migrants, and half of all Asian migrants have chosen NSW, and Sydney, as their destination. Melbourne now only receives one-quarter of all arrivals, with Queensland and Western Australia being the next two most popular destinations. Given the increasing prominence of Asian migrants in more recent years this is especially likely to indicate a shift towards increasing diversity in the ethnic composition of the various States but, while the 1991 Census data indicates that New South Wales, followed by Victoria and Western Australia, has an above average percentage of Asian born residents (see Table 5), the impact of recent extensive Asian immigration is not yet evident in 1991 Census data for Queensland which, in 1991, still only had 2.1 percent of Asian-born immigrants among its population. Sydney is the Australian centre which is widely recognised as being most affected by the recent migration from Asia. Indicative of the way this new Asian immigration has affected Sydney is the way that various Chinese languages have now become the most commonly spoken languages (after English), being spoken at home by over 3 percent of the population. Also pertinent to the effects is the fact that 34 percent of the overseas born population in Sydney in 1991 were fiom just six Asian countries: China, Hong Kong, India, Malaysia, the Philippines and Viet Nam (Burnely, 1996, 126).

Table 6. Distribution of Asian Born Immigrants and Non-Permanent Residents in Selected Canadian Provinces and Cities 1991 RegionICountry of Birth

Canada

Quebec

Montreal

Ontario

Toronto

B.C. Vancouver

Asia(incl.Middle East West Asia South Asia India South East and East Asia Philippines Viet Nam PR of China Hong Kong Total South, SE & E.Asia Immigrant and NonPermanent Residents Total Population

4566.2

16.9

9.4

18.1

25.3

40.5

23.3

31.4

26994.0

100.0

100

100

100

100

100

100

Source: Statistics Canada, 1992.

Christine Inglis In Canada, the largest percentage of immigrants in recent years have gone to Ontario, British Columbia, Quebec and Alberta and this pattern has also been followed by Asian new arrivals. However as Table 6 shows, the Asian born are a far larger component of the population of British Columbia (7.8 percent) than of either Toronto (5.1 percent), or Quebec (1.3 percent). The major cities in each of these provinces serve as a focus for Asian settlement, especially in Vancouver (13.6 percent) and Toronto (10.5 percent). By comparison with Australia, migrants are far more concentrated in a small number of locations such as the cities of Toronto and Vancouver (40.5 and 31.4 percent respectively of their populations were migrants) than they are in major Australian cities such as Sydney (30.6 percent) and Melbourne (29.8 percent). This same pattern is replicated among the Asian born as, whereas the Asian population in Toronto is 10.5 percent and in Vancouver it is 13.6 percent, in major Australian cities such as Sydney, Melbourne, Perth and Adelaide the figure is lower which indicates that there is a more even distribution of the Asian population throughout the whole of Australia. How this differential pattern of settlement affects the reception of Asian migrants and their incorporation into Canada and Australia is of particular interest.

ASIANINCORPORATIONAND NATIONAL IDENTITY The mode of incorporation of any immigrant group into society is always problematic but especially so when, as is the case with the newer Asian groups in Australia and Canada, the host society is predominantly "European" and has a history of anti-Asian sentiment. Incorporation involves several modes including the economic and the social but the focus of this section is how they are accommodated within the national identity. In examining this level of incorporation the earlier levels of anti-Asian sentiment of the nineteenth and early twentieth century are an integral issue. Not only did they result in discriminatory legislation, they also became, especially in Australia, a rallying point for nationalist sentiment and, indeed, were one of the major factors in the move by the six British colonies to form the Commonwealth of Australia. The potential for re-emergence of anti-Asian sentiment directed at the newer Asian migrants certainly exists in both countries. Prominent examples of such hostility are the debates in Australia over "Asian" immigration. In these recumng contemporary debates, the first of which occurred in 1984, general concerns about high levels of immigration, especially in periods of high levels of unemployment, become easily confounded with anti-Asian sentiment where Asian groups are a major

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration component in the migration intake. In Canada, the debates in Vancouver about "monster7' homes purchased by Asian immigrants is another example of such hostility (Li, 1994). In both instances, Asian groups have become linked to social problems with their presence and culture both explaining the origins of the problem and serving to differentiate them from the European population and heritage. Despite these expressions of hostility, there have, however, been many changes in Australian and Canadian society over the last century which bear on the incorporation of the new Asian immigrants. Both countries now have a far higher proportion of non-British (and, in the case of Canada, non-French) in their populations. Recent immigration has been characterised by increased diversity in the origins of the immigrants. At the same time, the proportion of immigrants has increased substantially since the end of World War 11. One in six persons in Canada is now an immigrant and in Australia the proportion is even higher with one in four. If those born in Australia with an immigrant parent are included the proportion approaches half of the population. There are also considerable differences in those Asians immigrating. Because of the changes within Asia, their contacts with Western culture are now far more substantial than was the case for the earlier group of immigrants. In addition, many are highly skilled and educated and there is an increasing higher proportion of professionals, often educated in English. As a result of these changes, and the much wider experience of travel in Asia by Australians and Canadians, the contemporary Asian immigrants, no longer appear so culturally different nor inevitably unassimilable. A final, significant difference is that both countries are currently reexamining their own national identities in the light of recent international and national developments. The challenge facing a nation built on extensive immigration is to forge a national identity. Especially where immigrants come from many different backgrounds, unless there is a strong emphasis on assimilation to the identity constructed by the earliest immigrant group, the national identity must take cognisance of the diversity. Both Canada and Australia began to address this issue nearly three decades ago when they adopted their policies of multiculturalism. In Australia, this involved a shift from its strong focus on the United Kingdom and the policy of assimilation, while for Canada, with its British and French Charter Groups, the shift was from its policy of biculturalism. While multiculturalism in both countries has direct implications for the provision of services to both immigrants and those from ethnic minority backgrounds, it is also seen as involving a new, national identity which will recognise the ethnic diversity in the nation.

Christine Inglis The adoption of the policy of multiculturalism and questions concerning the situation of the indigenous populations in both countries with, in Canada, the ongoing debate about the relationship of Quebec to the rest of Canada, have created an extremely fluid situation involving questioning of the nature of national identity in which issues of ethnic diversity play an important part.10 The debate over national identity also assumes an international dimension. In Canada this involves its relationship with the United States while in Australia the relationship to Britain and to Asia dominates discussions. This Australian focus on Asia within the debate over national identity is a significant departure from the Canadian debate that is potentially highly significant for how the newer Asian settlers in both countries will be inwrporated. In Canada, the position of Quebec currently dominates discussions of national identity and integration but coexisting with it are Canadian concerns about the distinctiveness of their national identity vis-d-vis the United States with its strong economic, cultural and strategic influences on Canada. Both of these influences on Canadian debates about national identity have long historical traditions, even if the formulation of the issues and challenges have changed with a shift from Francophone nationalism to Quebec nationalism on the one hand (Juteau, 1996; Fontaine, 1995). On the other, the impact of globalisation and economic restructuring have led to Canada joining with the United States and Mexico in NAFTA which introduces a new element into the debate about ewnomic ties with the US which in 1993 took 80.7 percent of Canada's exports and supplied 67 percent of its imports. In contrast, Japan, Canada's second major trading partner purchased only 4.5 percent of Canadian exports and supplied 6.3 percent of its imports in 1993 (Europa, 1995, 730). The dominance, and urgency, associated with both these challenges to Canadian national identity leave little room, except in a province such as British Columbia, for specific consideration of how Asians may be incorporated within national identity, regardless of the size of this population or more general economic and diplomatic moves to build links with Asia. In contrast to Canada, recent Australian debates about national identity do not derive their force from calls for political independence by a territorially based minority, nor a desire to assert its uniqueness in the presence of a dominating neighbour. Indeed, Australia itself plays the role of such a dominating neighbour in relation to New Zealand. The actual forms of the debate over replacing the Queen as Head of State and establishing Australia as a republic with its own flag from which the Union Jack has been removed have been extensively influenced by Federal politicians attracted to the symbolic opportunities which the

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration centenary of Australian federation in 2001 provides for re-launching Australia as a completely independent nation. While moves for Australia to become a republic and to replace the Queen as Head of State have received considerable grassroots support, not least from the many immigrants from non-British backgrounds, the issue has been put aside by the conservative Liberal-National party coalition which gained power in the March 1996 elections. However, while these specific questions have been set aside, at least temporarily, Australia's economic, diplomatic and strategic relations with Asia which are at the heart of the debate remain important. Debates concerning these relations often serve as a code for broader discussions of national identity since it is the breaking of ties with Britain and the reorienting of Australia towards Asia in the search for a new national identity which is the fundamental issue. Fuelling this proposed realignment is a desire to respond to changes which can be linked to the impact of globalisation on Australian economic and diplomatic interests. As the British empire contracted and Britain became more closely involved in Europe from the late 1960s, Australian governments progressively sought to develop and expand their links with Asia. National interest was seen as dependent on developing economic ties with the region because of its perceived economic importance as a market for Australian goods and services. An indication of the success of the strategy is the prominence of Asian economies among Australia's major trading partners. In 1994-95 Japan took nearly one-quarter of Australia's exports and was followed by Korea (7.9 percent), New Zealand (7.1 percent), and then the USA (6.9 percent). The remaining top ten export markets were Singapore, Taiwan, The People's Republic of China, Hong Kong and, in tenth place, the United Kingdom (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1996). This pattern contrasts sharply with Canada's much more extensive reliance on the United States. Diplomatic and strategic initiatives were directed to ensuring that Australia would not be threatened by military conflict in the region, especially in the post-Cold War era. Australia's extensive involvement with the development of APEC has also been an important part of this strategy. An important initiative of the government to ensure the success of this strategy has been to use cultural exchanges and educational initiatives to make Australians more "Asia literate" and familiar with Asian culture and society (Shu and Hawthorne, 1996, 83). Through this literacy it is argued that Australia will be able to better develop its economic and other ties with the Asian region. One indicator of the success of this initiative among the general population is that Japanese has now displaced languages such as French, German and

Christine Inglis Italian to become the most widely studied language in Australian secondary schools. By comparison with Canada, the Australian debate over national identity involves a much more radical departure from its past identity as a homogeneous nation drawing on British institutions and constituting an outlying bastion of European civilisation in the potentially threatening Asia region. Now, Australians are being asked to view Asia not as a threat but as a potential guarantee of their well-being in the future rapidly changing world. To achieve this, they are being encouraged to immerse themselves in Asian cultures and societies. What was once the "yellow peril" ready to invade and pillage Australia is now depicted as a welcome influx of tourists contributing to the Australian economy. National interest is seen as being served by an "Asianisation" of Australia. Such a reorientation is the focus of extensive debate and contestation at all levels of society and politics. While Canada has undertaken initiatives to build its economic and diplomatic relations with the Asian region in pursuit of its national interests, these have not involved the same concerted effort as in Australia to reorient Canadian society and identity towards Asia. Geographic location may play some part in this. In contrast to major US or European centres, significant centres of Asian economic development are far further from Canada, even Vancouver, than they are from Australia. Whereas from Perth or Darwin it is a four hour flight to Singapore and while Melbourne and Sydney are only seven or eight hours from most South East Asian cities with Tokyo not much longer, a flight fiom Vancouver to Narita takes 9.5 hours and to Hong Kong 13 hours. More significant though as a mitigating factor against such an extensively Asian-oriented strategy are its pre-existing links with the US and Europe and its own distinctive patterns of ethnic incorporation of Quebec. Whether the Australian moves to become a more Asian-oriented society make it more accepting of Asian immigrants than does Canada is a moot-point. Certainly, the increasing emphasis on the value of understanding Asian cultures and speaking Asian languages is a major departure from earlier times as is the positive recognition which is given to the economic success and dynamism in many Asian societies which are seen as providing a model which Australia might emulate. Asian migrants are now increasingly being recognised as coming from societies such as Singapore and Hong Kong which are challenging Australia in terms of their levels of income and standards of living. In addition to their financial and educational capital, it is also recognised that the migrants are bearers of cultural and social capital advantageous

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration to Australia. The growing presence of the Asian born in Australia thus coincides with an increasing valuation of Asia, and of the desirability of Australia becoming part of Asia among many groups is not confined solely to government or business. But, to the extent that there is extensive contestation of this "Asianisation" of Australia, the reorientation becomes a double-edged sword for the recent immigrants. By those opposed to the change they are seen as a threat to the continuation of Australian society and identity in its present form. While all migrant groups have experienced hostility, there seems to be a special strength in that directed at Asian immigrants which may reflect the way they, unlike earlier Italian, Greek or other European groups, are seen as complicit in a move to develop a new Australian identity.11

This paper has not come to a definitive conclusion as to the impact of globalisation and Asian immigration on Australia and Canada but, rather, it has identified certain trends in the way both countries are facing the challenges posed by the migration and settlement which warrant further exploration and monitoring. Globalisation has a number of different dimensions, economic, political and cultural. This paper has used the prism of migration to explore how these are affecting Canadian and Australian society. The major growth in international migration is an important concomitant of the changes associated with globalisation's economic dimension. It creates new pools of prospective immigrants. It also can introduce changes in the receiving countries such as Canada or Australia which lead them to readjust their immigrant programs to fit with new economic priorities. A largely unanticipated effect for both Canada and Australia of their revised economic focus on both permanent and temporary migrants has been a major growth in immigration and settlement from the Asian region. The forging of a national identity in a country of diverse immigrants is not a task which is easily or quickly accomplished, especially when it is based on a departure from that derived from the original group of settlers. For the new wave of Asian migrants, Canada and Australia are very different societies from those encountered by the first wave of Asian migrants a century ago. However, this paper argues that, as a result of the new strategies they have adopted in responding to the effects of globalisation, they are developing somewhat differently, including in their relationship to the Asian region. Whereas Canada remains still extensively integrated in economic, diplomatic and strategic

Christine Inglis relations with the United States and Europe, Australia has been especially influenced by the impact of globalisation on the Asian region. As a result, it has developed extensive links with the region involving trade in goods and also in the provision of services which include education and tourism. It has also become involved in a major reassessment of its identity which, again in contrast to Canada's, is a more immediate and direct response to changes related to globalisation. In such circumstances the patterns of incorporation of the Asian immigrants into the national identity may follow somewhat different paths. Whereas in Canada, they are merely the latest in a long line of migrants; in Australia they are also representatives of the region which the government and many sections of the population see as important to Australia's future identity as a bridge between East and West.

Asian as used in this paper does not include countries of what is variously described as West Asia or the Middle East. While there may be a geographic justification for including these regions, they have been involved in the process of globalisation in a very different fashion to countries in East, South East and, increasingly South Asia. Also, because of their strong links with Arabic culture they are widely seen as being part of a different cultural region to the rest of Asia. During the late 1980s students from the People's RepubIic of China dominated the intake growing to be 27 percent of the 82,000 total in 1989-90, the year after the Tiananmen massacre. The very high overstay rate among this group of students, many of whom saw study visas as a way of gaining permanent residency, has led to a much more restrictive entry process for students from the PRC and certain other countries (Sloan and Kennedy, 1992, 47). In fact, after Tiananmen 20,000 students and their dependents gained a change of status allowing them to stay while a further 34,000 post-Tiananmen arrivals (up to December 1993) also sought asylum (Shu and Hawthorne, 1996,Sl). More detailed examination reveals important differences in the operation of immigration programs in the two countries (Adelman, et al., 1994). 4

The 1993 decision to allow, as a once off action, the thousands of Chinese students who had been allowed to remain in Australia after the Tiananmen incident in 1989 on a special four year extension to become permanent residents should also be noted.

5

As this decision shows, pre-existing ethnic communities are well-placed to lobby for the expansion of the family reunion program which makes major cuts in it extremely difficult.

ti

In the early 1990s as Australia cut its immigration intake the family reunion program suffered less reduction than did the economic skill categories. Proposed changes by the new Commonwealth Government for 1996-97 however involve greater reduction in the family categories heralding a return to the strategies favouring immigration based on economic rationales as foreshadowed in the 1988 FitzGeraId Report (Committee to Advise on Australia's Immigration Policies, 1988). This issue is discussed further in the paper by Stockley. Thanks are due to James Jupp for his assistance with obtaining Canadian 1991 Census data. Limitations of space prevent a more detailed analysis of the stocks of the Asian-born population in

Globalisation and the Impact of Asian Migration both countries but references of interest include Inglis and Wu (1992), Khoo, Kee, Dang and Shu (1994), Skeldon (1994), Michalowski (1996), Wilson and Samuel (1996) and Wong (1996). 1991 was the first year when the Canadian Census included data not only on those who had the status of Landed Immigrants, but also on individuals granted temporary residents as students, workers, etc. The omission of these individuals in earlier censuses had led to a substantial underestimate of the total impact of migrants (short and long-term on the population). Traditionally Australian censuses have included this group of individuals. The data cited here for Australia exclude only those who were in the country as visitors. l o An interesting parallel dominates the internal Quebec debate about national identity. Just as in Canada, the key concern of the relationship of the nationalist majority to the ethnic minorities is an important issue which is linked to the operation by Quebec of its own immigration program within the broader Canadian program (Inglis, et al., 1994, 16; Fontaine, 1995; Juteau, 1996). l1 A significant feature of the debate over the Republic and the changing of the Australian flag is the apparent non-involvement of those from Asian backgrounds.

Adelman, H., A. Borowski, M. Burstein, and L. Foster, eds. 1994. Immigration and Refizgee Policy: Australian and Canada Compared. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Appleyard, R. 1991. International Migration: Challenge for the Nineties. Geneva: International Organization for Migration. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 1991. Unpublished 1991 census data. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 1996. Year Book of Australia 1996. Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Bojas, G. 1990. Friends or Strangers: The Impact of Immigrants on the U.S. Economy. New York: Basic Books. Borowski, A,, and A. Nash. 1994. "Business Migration'', Immigratiora and Refigee Policy: Australian and Canada Compared, in Adelman, et al., eds. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. 227-54. Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research. 1995. Settler Arrivals by State of Intended Residence 1993-94, Statistical Report No. 16. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Bureau of Immigration Research. 1992. Immigration Update: September Quarter 1991. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Burnley, I. 1996. Atlas of the Australian People-1991 Australian Government Publishing Service.

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Castles, S., and M. Miller. 1993. The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World. London: Macmillan. Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs. 1996. Population Flows: Immigration Aspects. Canberra: Department of Immigration and Ethnic Affairs. Employment and Immigration Canada. 1994. "Quarterly Statistics Immigration 1993". Unpublished Data.

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-.Unpublished 1990. "Statistical Profiles and Forecasts of the Foreign Domestic Movement: Draft Summary". paper. Europa. 1995. The Europa World Year Book 1995. Vol. 1. London: Europa Publications Limited. Fontaine, L. 1995. "Immigration and Cultural Policies: A Bone of Contention between the Province of Quebec and the Canadian Federal Government", International Migration Review, Vol. 29. No. 4. 1041-1048.

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JEFFREY G. REITZ INSTITUTIONAL RESTRUCTURINGAND THE IMPACTOF NON-EUROPEAN IMMIGRATION ON THE URBANAREAS OF THE US,

How is the impact of immigrants on a society affected by the structure of that society's own institutions? How is institutional restructuring altering the impact of immigration? These questions are important to immigrantreceiving societies such as the United States, Canada, and Australia, because in all three countries the processes of global economic change and other forces are affecting both immigration and institutional change. Are institutional changes such as privatisation, fieer markets and streamlined social welfare, which have been undertaken in part as national competitiveness strategies, likely to facilitate a positive impact of immigration? Or does such structural change hinder the contribution of immigrants? A glimpse of the effects of institutional structure and change on the impact of immigration can be gained by comparing the different position of recent immigrants in the US, Canada, and Australia. The position of immigrants in these three countries has been quite different, primarily because of differences in the basic structure of institutions most important to the economic functioning of the society. These institutions are not only different in the three countries, they are changing in different ways and at different rates of speed. The impact of immigration on a society can be analysed in terms of the economic status of the immigrants, the place they occupy in the social and economic hierarchy of society. From this standpoint, the impact of recent immigration is substantially less positive in the US than

Jeffrey G. Reitz it is either in Canada or Australia. This is because in the US the entry level of most immigrant groups is substantially lower than it is in Canada or Australia. As a matter of fact, in certain US urban areas such as New York, Chicago, or Los Angeles where immigrants are most heavily concentrated, immigrants enter the occupational and earnings hierarchy at levels even lower than the national norm. Presumably the impact in those locations is even more negative. The following analysis will show that institutional structure is the most important cause of these differences, when compared with other possible causes such as differences in immigrant selective characteristics, or differences in discriminatory treatment within institutions. Even more interesting, if one considers the relative importance of three institutional areas - namely education, labour market structure and social welfare - educational institutions and changes in educational institutions are most important in determining immigrant entry status. This is particularly important for Canada and Australia, given that education is the area where those two countries, and especially Canada, have been changing most rapidly toward the US model. Institutional convergence toward the US model may lead to a reduction in the positive impact of immigration in Canada and also in Australia. I will begin by briefly discussing the importance of immigrant status to the impact of immigration.

Immigration - or more generally international migration - not only continues to be a significant issue but is very likely to become one of the most salient features of the new global economy which is emerging. Worldwide change is creating pressures for increased exchanges of all kinds including those involving labour supply. The flow of refugees is also significant, and unfortunately probably will remain so. Specific numbers of immigrants from particular sources varies over time, but the fact of immigration as a significant social and economic phenomenon will continue. The traditional immigrant-receiving societies of the US, Canada, and Australia continue to receive the most immigrants. George Borjas (1988) estimated that these three countries were recipients of two-thirds of international migrants (a rough estimate because of poor and noncomparable data from some countries). In the United States, the numbers of immigrants increased steadily during the last three decades since the watershed immigration reforms of the 1960s. Recent policy changes will

Institutional Restructuring increase the numbers still further. In per capita terms, immigration to the US is still small compared to recent immigration to Canada or to Australia. At 700,000 or so annual immigrants to the US, the flow still constitutes only about 0.2-0.3 percent of population, whereas the 250,000 immigrants to Canada constitutes closer to 0.9 percent. Immigration to Australia has been higher than in Canada in per capita terms, though changes in the past few years have reduced per capita immigration to Australia down to US levels. At the same time, all industrial countries participate in increased labour migration. Migration to European countries, particularly Britain, France, and Germany, has some quantitative significance. In Japan migration has received attention quite out of proportion to the numbers which while small are not negligible (perhaps 250,000 in total in Tokyo, for example; nationally this is only a trace, on an annual percent-ofpopulation basis). The supposition that higher immigrant status leads to a more positive impact has acquired almost the status of conventional wisdom. Most immigration policy is ostensibly based on it. There is an apparent international competition for the best-educated immigrants, on the basis that such immigrants are expected to be most beneficial. An economic argument for a positive impact of the best-placed immigrants involves several considerations. Immigrants earning high incomes make a positive net contribution to government balance sheets because they pay higher taxes, require no education or job training, demand few social services and no unemployment compensation. They also create stronger consumer demand, and their propensity for self-employment is a factor in job creation. Immigrants entering near the bottom of the social and economic hierarchy are often perceived as less positive in their impact. Any benefits to employer groups who use less skilled immigrants as a cheap labour supply would be offset by the negative impacts on domestic labour groups whose position is undercut. The economic position of immigrants ramifies to determine also the social, cultural and political impact. Economically well-integrated immigrants are likely to find that social, cultural and political integration follows fairly easily. Economically-exploited immigrants may become embroiled in conflicts, or find that their cultures are negatively stereotyped. Political integration suffers. The impact of immigration is affected by other factors as well, of course, such as the total numbers of immigrants, and the way in which immigration affects the economic allocation among the native-born. But the economic success of immigrants is an important criterion for a positive impact.

Jeffrey 0. Reitz There has been a growing concern about the declining position of immigrants. This concern is strongest in the United States, but exists in Canada and Australia as well. The educational level of most recent nonEuropean immigration is higher (though not always, particularly not for Mexicans in the US and certain other groups), but in many groups the educational levels have been declining. These concerns have been underscored in studies by George Borjas (1985) and Barry Chiswick (1986), which show that the economic performance of the non-European groups also has been lower even in relation to education, and that earnings net of education also have been declining. In Canada and Australia, the effect of immigration reforms was different because newer non-European immigrants were better educated than the earlier European immigrants many of whom were Southern Europeans with very limited formal education. Yet some analyses in Canada have shown declining economic performance of recent immigrants as well (see Devoretz, 1995).

VARIATIONS IN IMMIGRANT STATUS:CROSS-NATIONAL AND INTERURBAN~

By the criterion of immigrant status, the impact of recent immigration to the US has been substantially less positive than has recent immigration in either Canada or Australia. This is because immigrants to the US from virtually every origin group have distinctly lower relative occupational status and earnings than those in Canada or Australia. Furthermore, immigrant inequality is particularly great in those US urban areas where immigrants are most concentrated. Such inter-urban variation is less in Canada, and least in Australia. The more extreme immigrant inequality in the US is partly a function of the different composition of immigrant groups - the fact, for example, that in the US there is a fairly large number of illegal Mexican immigrants who have very little education and do menial work at very little pay in large urban centres in the American Southwest.* At the same time, Australia has been somewhat slower than the US or Canada to admit immigrants from non-European sources who might suffer racial disadvantage. However, the cross-national difference in immigrant status holds even when one compares the position of the same immigrant groups. It is useful to compare first the position of recent immigrants from Europe, in Table 1. While the earnings of recent white male immigrants to Canada and Australia are on par with the earnings of their native-born white counterparts, in the US these same immigrant groups earn only 90

Institutional Restructuring percent of the earnings of the native-born white (non-Hispanic) males. Recent white female immigrants to Australia earn 65 percent of what the benchmark native-born white males earn, and in Canada they earn 50 percent, but their counterparts in the US earn only 44 percent of what the native-born white male earns.

Table 1. Entrance status of white male and female immigrants arriving 1970-80, by host country and selected urban areas, labour force 198011981.

Males Urban Area

Females Relative Mean Earnings'

(N)

Vancouver

Relative (N) Mean. Earnings2

Earnings Relative to Males1

Melbourne Sydney Vancouver Montreal Boston Chicago Los Angeles Washington DC Toronto San Francisco Philadelphia New York Newark

Sydney

Washington DC Melbourne Toronto Detroit Montreal San Francisco Boston Los Angeles Newark New York Chicago

Total, Australia Total, Canada Total, US

Urban Area

1.00 1.00 0.90

(

1281)

( 2024)

(10567)

Total, Australia Total, Canada Total,USA

1.01

0.89 0.91

1. Earnings relative to the earnings of the white, non-hispanic male labour force. 2. Earnings relative to the earnings of the white, non-hispanic female labour force..

( 829)

0.65 (1361) 0.50 (6608) 0.44

Jeffrey G. Reitz The lower position of immigrants to the US is particularly evident in immigrant reception cities such as New York, Chicago, or Los Angeles. While European-origin male immigrants nationally earned 90 percent of the earnings of the benchmark group, in the cities with larger immigrant concentrations they earned only between 75 and 80 percent of nativeborn white males earnings. The national figure for white females of 44 percent declines to between 30 and 40 percent in the major urban immigration centres. This inter-urban variation is far less significant in Canada, where immigrants to Toronto and Montreal do only somewhat less well than those in Vancouver. Immigrants to Australia not only do better, their situation is even more uniform across cities. The entire pattern of cross-national and inter-urban differences in the status of immigrant groups carries over to affect the racial minority immigrant groups too. In Table 2 one can compare the entrance status of Chinese immigrants arriving in the major Canadian and US cities in the 1970s. In Canada, recent Chinese immigrant males earned 77 percent of the earnings of native-born white males, while their US counterparts earned only 63 percent of the eamings of the native-born white males. Recent female Chinese immigrants to Canada earned 48 percent of the eamings of the male benchmark group, compared to only 40 percent for their counterparts in the US. And whereas in Canada the position of Chinese immigrants both in Toronto and Vancouver (where they are most heavily concentrated) is approximately the same as for the country as a whole, in the US the position of recent Chinese immigrants in the urban areas in which they are most concentrated - New York and San Francisco especially - is substantially worse. In those two cities the earnings of the recent Chinese immigrant males was 44 and 51 percent of the earnings of the native-born white males, while for the females it was 34 percent in each case. In other US cities, the position of the Chinese immigrants was somewhat better. Sometimes it was closer to the US national average (in Los Angeles, for example), and sometimes it was even closer to the Canadian standard (in San Jose, for example).

Institutional Restructuring Table 2a. Entrance status of black male and female immigrants arriving 1970-80, by host country and selected urban areas, labour force 198011981.

Females

Males Urban Area

Relative Mean Earnings1

( 200) ( 202)

Toronto Boston Chicago Newark New York Washington DC Los Angeles Miami Total. Canada Total, US

(N)

( 162) ( 181)

(2393) ( 281) (182) ( 354) 0.70 0.54

( 341) (4985)

Urban Area

Relative (N) Mean Earnings'

Toronto Newark Boston Washington DC Los hgeles New York Miami

0.84 0.79 0.75 0.71 0.70 0.68 0.63

Total, Canada Total, USA

0.81 0.82

Earnings Relative to Males2

(195)

0.46 0.32 0.40 0.36 0.36 (2375) 0.38 ( 280) 0.32 ( 172) ( 165) ( 262) ( 155)

(324) 0.45 (4308) 0.39

Table 2b. Entrance status of Chinese male and female immigrants arriving 1970-80, by host country and selected urban areas, labour force 1980/1981. Males Urban Area

Females Relative Mean Earnings'

Toronto San Jose Vancouver Chicago Houston Los h g e l e s Boston San Francisco New York Total, Canada Total, US

0.77 0.63

Urban Area

Relative (N) Mean Earnings'

Earnings Relative to Males2

( 258) ( 111) ( 202) ( 128) ( 100) ( 531) ( 118) ( 587) ( 785)

Toronto Vancouver Los Angeles Boston San Francisco New York

0.90 0.84 0.78 0.71 0.66 0.61

0.50 0.46 0.40 0.38 0.34 0.34

( 658)

Total, Canada Total, USA

0.86 0.83

(N)

(3470)

( 256) ( 171)

(446) ( 103)

(499) ( 652)

( 584) 0.48 (2763) 0.40

1. Eanzings relative to the earnings of the white non-hispanic labow force of the same gender. 2. Earnings relative to the earnings of the white non-hispanic male labour force.

83

The same cross-national and inter-urban comparison applies to black immigrants in the US and Canada. In Canada, recent black male immigrants earned 70 percent of the earnings of the native-born white male group, while in the US their counterparts earned only 54 percent. Among female immigrants the figures were 45 percent for Canada, and 39 percent for the US And again in certain US cities the position of black immigrants was even lower. Whereas in Toronto the position of blacks both males and females was comparable to the position of blacks nationally (70 percent and 46 percent, respectively), in Miami, New York, Washington, and Los Angeles the relative earnings of black immigrants was worse than their position nationally (between 48 and 49 percent for males, and as low as 32 percent for females). On the other hand, in Boston, black male immigrants earn 61 percent of what whites earn, while women earn 40 percent, closer to the national average, or even a bit above (though still lower than in Toronto). In Australia, there is less immigrant inequality than in either Canada or the US, even for Asian minorities, as Table 3 shows. For recent Asian immigrants in Australia in 1981, males earned 84 percent of what nativeborn white males earned, compared to about 76 percent for Asian males in Canada and the United States. Female Asians earned 64 percent of what native-born white males earned, compared to 48 percent in Canada and the United States. This is partly because females in general earn relatively more in Australia. In Australia, like Canada but unlike the US, there is less variation among urban areas, so the national data reflect the situation in major cities like Sydney, Melbourne, or Perth. In sum, recent minority male immigrant "entrance status" (earnings relative to the native-born) in 1980181 was about 15 percent lower in the US than in Canada, and 20-25 percent lower in the US than in Australia. An immigrant group which earns 70 percent of the earnings of native-born whites in the US earn about 85 percent of native-born white earnings in Canada, and over 90 percent in Australia. Recent minority female immigrant status was 6-8 percent lower in the US than in Canada, and as much as 15 percent lower in the US than in Australia. Greater inequality in certain US cities, such as New York, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and Miami means that racial minority immigrants there experience lower status than in other cities or countries, and for a longer time. Over time, of course, immigrants adjust and their earnings improve. However, racial minority immigrants find that their position improves more slowly than immigrants of European origins, and they do not appear to assimilate to the white average. Instead, they maintain a degree of disadvantage. So the cross-national and inter-urban differences continue to matter, and affect race relations and the impact of immigration.

Institutional Restructuring

Table 3. Entrance status of Asian male and female immigrants arriving 1970-80, by host country and selected urban areas, labour force 198011981.

Males Urban Area

Females Relative Mean Earnings'

(N)

Detroit Sydney Melbourne Philadelphia Newark Chicago Toronto Vancouver New York Houston Los Angeles Boston Dallas Montreal Washington DC San Jose Orange County Honolulu San Diego San Francisco Total, Australia Total, Canada Total, US

Urban Area

Relative (N) Mean Earnings1

Earnings Relative to Males2

Detroit Chicago Philadelphia Newark Sydney San Jose Orange County Los h g e l e s Houston Montreal Toronto New York Vancouver Dallas Boston Honolulu San Diego San Francisco Washington DC

0.84 0.76 0.75

( 354) ( 1754)

(15507)

Total, Australia Total, Canada Total, USA

1.00 0.85 0.99

( 2 6 7 ) 0.64 ( 1396) 0.48 (12356) 0.48

1. Earnings relative to the earnings of the white non-hispanic labour force of the same gender. 2. Earnings relative to the earnings of the white non-hispanic male labour force.

Jeffrey G. Reitz

What is the reason for the varying statuses and presumably varying impacts of immigration in different countries, or different places within countries? What is causing the changing and perhaps declining statuses of immigrants? The determinants of immigrant standing may be divided into three main categories: (1) the characteristics of the immigrants themselves, and their individual and group reservoirs of financial, human, and social capital; (2) the treatment of immigrants and immigrant groups within the institutions of society, including the problem of discrimination; and (3) the structure of the institutions themselves. A consideration of the first two of these types of causes - immigrant characteristics based mostly on selection, and racial discrimination suggests that while these are important, they are unlikely to be most important in explaining variations across contexts. This forces us to consider the third category: the institutional causes.

Selection and Self-selection of Immigrants The characteristics of immigrants is determined by policies of immigrant selection, and also by self-selection processes engaged in by the immigrants themselves. There can be little doubt that an important detenninant of immigrant status, and perhaps one source of its decline at least in the US, is the selection and self-selection of immigrants. Boj a s (1990; 1994) argues that the swing away from European immigrants has been most pronounced in the US, and that because of the greater attention given to family-class immigrants, not only are the recent nonEuropean immigrants more poorly educated, they are negatively selfselected to an increasing degree. Devoretz (1995) linked the declining performance of recent immigrants to Canada to declining skill levels of immigrants. The American, Canadian and Australian policy revisions in recent years have been directed in part at raising the education level and other human capital of immigrants, and by emphasising entrepreneurs, raising also their financial capital. The analyses by Borjas and also by Chiswick (1986; 1988) point to the increasingly prominent role of family-class immigrants in the total flow, and mention also the depletion of the supply of suitable potential immigrants. Some of the 1990 American policy changes were directed specifically at this issue. The 1994 revisions announced in Canada also attempted to control family-class immigrants, particularly parents of immigrants. They also promised to increase attention given to human capital, such as language knowledge.

Institutional Restructuring Australian immigration policy has reduced immigration levels partly in an attempt to control unskilled immigration (see Baker, et aL, 1994). However, immigration policy and the self-selection of immigrants cannot be the only, or even the chief, reason for greater inequality in the US. In the first place, the Canadian and Australian policies are not necessarily more skill-selective; rather they are more occupationally selective. Canadian and Australian policies do give weight to education, increasingly over the years, but in fact they give more weight to occupational demand. Many of the occupations officially designated as in demand are far from highly-skilled (in one year, the occupation listed as most in demand was "cook"). In any case, a direct comparison of the skill levels of immigrants to the three countries shows that the US actually out-competes both Canada and Australia for highly-skilled immigrants in virtually every source pool. This has been documented in a comparison of 1980/81 census data on Chinese and other Asian immigrants to Canada and the US by Duleep and Regets (1992, 425-26). The three-country urban census data for 1980/81 showed that Chinese immigrants in the US during the 1970s averaged 13.2 years of education, while in Canada they averaged 12.7 years. Chinese immigrants in Australia are even less educated - only 11.3 years on the average. Despite its more laissez-faire policy, most immigrant groups are in fact better educated in the US than either in Canada or Australia. The reason for the US success may relate partly to the ultraselectivity of the smaller skilled component of the immigration program. This program includes a highly elite group of professionals, and the family members of these highly selected immigrants also tend to be comparatively well educated. However, immigrant self-selection may be even more important. In the first place, the US is still most often the preferred choice as an immigrant destination. Borjas (1988) also has provided data to support the hypothesis that the US attracts the most ambitious and economically aggressive immigrants, because of the greater likelihood that immigrant success leads to extreme wealth in the US. The forces of self-selection suggest that the capacity of governments to control the entrance status of immigrants using immigration policy is actually quite limited. The success of the US in the competition for skilled immigrants seems to contradict the point, previously noted for example by Borjas (1990), that the most important single feature of greater immigrant inequality in the US than in Canada, and less in Australia, is that the immigrant education gap has been on the average about one to two years greater in the US than it is in Canada, where immigrant educational

Jeffrey G. Reitz levels have been more on a par with native-born.3 However, this immigrant education gap is due not to less-educated immigrants in the US, but rather to the higher levels of education of native-born Americans. It is well known that, for many years, the US native-born population has pursued much higher levels of education than in Canada, while the Australians have been less educated. This points toward the importance of the development of educational institutions in the three countries, a subject to which I return later. Native-born educational levels are also relevant to inter-urban variations in relative immigrant earnings.

Discrimination Against Minority Immigrants The potential impact of discrimination against immigrants is an issue virtually everywhere, though its significance is very difficult to measure quantitatively. Some attribute the substantial earnings disadvantages of non-European immigrants, net of measured human capital such as education, to discrimination based on racial minority status. Net earnings disadvantages of black immigrants in the US are about 20 percent. This is comparable to what is observed for native-born African Americans, as Model (1991) shows (compare also to Jaynes and Williams, 1989). However, some attribute this disadvantage to "unmeasured human capital" such as the quality of education, or even less tangible factors such as ambitiousness. Field trials of discrimination show that some discrimination occurs, but they do not measure its significance in explaining the earnings disadvantages. The actual importance of discrimination in determining overall immigrant disadvantage cannot be settled here. What we can say is that the available indicators suggest that cross-national differences in the extent of discrimination are probably unimportant. Some, reflecting strong public opinion in Canada, have suggested that for historical reasons one might expect racial discrimination to be less in Canada. However, this expectation is not supported in comparisons of labour force data, discrimination field trials or even data on attitudes to minorities (cf. Reitz and Breton, 1994). Attitudes toward immigrants and minorities in Australia do not appear to be substantially more positive in Australia.4 Anti-Semitic incidents recorded by B'nai BYrith,s and discrimination field trials? also do not support the hypothesis of less discrimination in Australia (see also Foster, et aL, 1991). The relatively higher net earnings of immigrants in Australia could be a function of less discrimination, as might be suggested based on the studies by Evans and Kelley (1986; 1991), or to more favourable selection based on

Institutional Restructuring unmeasured human capital, as Borjas (1990) suggests. However, the evidence on discrimination is debated in all three countries. None of those participating in this debate has suggested that rates of discrimination vary cross-nationally. The cross-national similarity in the findings on the potential for racial discrimination probably reflects the fact that, while the three countries have different historical experiences with race, they share the same British and European cultural heritage. The populations of the three countries may as a result exhibit the same attitudes toward nonEuropeans, and show similar predispositions to racial intolerance and exclusion in specific social spheres including employment. Hence, the potential for discrimination seems hardly likely to provide the explanation for lower immigrant standing in the US compared to Canada or Australia.

If considerations of immigrant selection, and discrimination against immigrants within institutions, are insufficient to explain the differences in immigrant status, then we are led to consider differences in the structure of the institutions themselves. Three institutional areas have a direct bearing on social and economic standing: (1) education, training, and the preparation for labour market participation; (2) labour market processes of earnings allocation; and (3) social welfare policies for adjustment of labour market outcomes. The three countries differ with regard to each of these institutional areas. To Americans, education has come to symbolise the quest for individual mobility, and American society has invested more heavily in education than Canada or Australia. Furthermore, at its highest levels, American education is privately controlled to a significant degree so the aggregate investment in education at that level is subject to market processes to a greater degree. Labour markets in the US are less extensively regulated, and American provisions for social welfare tend to be less generous. In each case, US institutions reflect a consistent and overarching American emphasis on the value of individualism. The American sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset has described how individualism affects specific institutional differences between Canada and the US in his book, The Continental Divide (1989), including education, labour markets, and social policy. Australia was not included in Lipset's analysis. In some respects, Australia seems more like Canada, while in other respects, it may be more like the US.

Jeffrey G. Reitz To point out that US institutions reflect individualism does not entail any assumption that culture is the source of the difference. Lipset's interpretation is essentially cultural. His hypothesis is that US individualism was founded in the American Revolution, and is expressed in the Declaration of Independence and in the Constitution emphasising "life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness". Canada was formed in a proBritish and somewhat elitist reaction, where the good of the collectivity -as defined perhaps by elites -was seen as of greater importance than giving free-range to the impulses of every individual. Individualism is a social value, and therefore is an item in the cultural sphere. Individualism also reflects common aspects of social institutional differences which may reinforce one another and which may also reinforce the culture itself. Of the three institutional areas, perhaps labour markets have received most attention as affecting both the recruitment and settlement patterns of immigrants, and their relative earnings. The extent to which social welfare protects immigrants from extreme poverty also has been discussed. American immigration policy itself also reflects the individualist orientation, as much as American labour markets or social policies. The Statue of Liberty inscription "give me your tired, your poor" underscores this. Immigrants are to be admitted on a less restricted basis, on the assumption that once landed, they are on their own to sink or to swim. In Canada or Australia, greater emphasis on immigrant selection may reflect in part the assumption that less qualified immigrants might become a greater social burden because of the greater collective social protection in labour markets or in access to public services. The analysis to follow here, however, will focus mostly on education. We will see that native-born educational levels are closely associated with cross-national and inter-urban variations in immigrant inequality. Changes in native-born educational levels produce changes in immigrant standing. However, following this discussion of education, comments regarding the importance of labour market structure and social policy will place the role of educational institutions in context.

Educational institutions The greater immigrant education gap in the United States is due not to the selection of less-educated immigrants but primarily to the more rapid expansion of US education for the native-born in the post-war period. Table 4 contains data on the growth in levels of educational attainment in the three countries. There has been significant expansion in all three

Institutional Restructuring countries, but this expansion occurred earlier and more rapidly in the United States. For example, the proportion of young Americans completing secondary school rose from about 60 percent to 85 percent over the period from 1960 to 1980, after which time it levelled off. The proportion attending university doubled from 11 percent to 22 percent during the same period, and again levelled off. A parallel expansion occurred somewhat later in Canada. There, secondary school completion rates lagged substantially behind the American rates but the gap closed in the 1970s and continued to close in the 1980s. University completion rates in Canada were only about onethird of the American rates in 1960, but rose to about half in 1970, and to about 70 percent during the 1980s. Meanwhile, overall rates of postsecondary enrolment in Canada rose very rapidly during the 1980s, to virtual parity with the United States. Educational expansion has occurred most slowly in Australia, and the gap with North America was only beginning to close in the 1980s. Good data on education in Australia were not even readily available until recent years. Major expansion of Australian higher education is only now becoming a major priority for the country (Dawkins, 1988). These cross-national differences mean that there remain substantial differences among the three countries in the levels of education of the population. In 1990, the proportions of the adult population over 25 with secondary school diplomas was 77.6 percent in the US, 63.0 percent in Canada, and 54.4 percent in Australia. The University degree completion rates for the adult population was 21.3 percent in the US, 12.8 percent in Canada, and 9.7 percent in Australia. In the 1980 census samples used here, the American labour force averaged 13.0 years of education, compared to less than 12 in Canada, and just over 11 in Australia. It is these differences which give rise to the greater immigrant education gap in the USA, placing immigrants there at a competitive disadvantage. The effect of the higher US native-born educational levels in producing lower immigrant earnings compared to Canada can be estimated either by substituting Canadian native-born educational levels in the US earnings analysis for specific immigrant groups compared to native-born whites. If this is done, the 14 percent difference in the relative position of recent Chinese male immigrants in the two countries is reduced to 5 percent. (Alternatively, we may substitute American native-born educational levels into the Canadian earnings analysis, in which case the difference in the position of Chinese male immigrants in the two countries is reduced to 4 percent.)

Institutional Restructuring For recent Chinese female immigrants, the 8 percent lower eamings position in the US is reduced to only 3 percent if Canadian native-born educational levels are substituted into the American eamings analysis. The results of this analysis are similar for recent black immigrants. The 16 percent cross-national difference in the relative earnings of recent black male immigrants in the two countries is reduced to 9 percent if Canadian educational levels are substituted into the American analysis (or to 7 percent if the American educational levels are substituted into the Canadian analysis). The 7 percent difference in relative earnings of recent black female immigrants is reduced to 2 percent when native-born educational levels are assumed to be equal. The impact of native-born educational levels on the AustralianfAmerican comparison is even more dramatic. Whereas recently-arrived Asian-born males in the US earn 9 percent less compared to native-born white males than their Australian counterparts, if US native-born males had Australian educational levels then the Asian immigrants would enter at an earnings position 7 percent higher in the US. And whereas recently-arrived Asian-born women in the US have relative earnings 16 percent less compared to their Australian counterparts, if Australian native-born male educational levels are substituted into the US analysis, then the relative disadvantage of the Asian-born women in the US declines to only 6 percent. Changes in educational levels in the three countries are producing changes in the relative position of immigrants. The rapidly rising educational levels of the native-born in Canada, rising more rapidly now than in the US, are having the effect of creating increased immigrant inequalities in Canada. The Canadian/US convergence in educational levels is reflected in cohort-specific comparisons in Table 5. For males, the US educational lead over Canada is over two years for persons over 50 years of age, but only 1.5 years for the younger cohorts. For females the cross-national difference also declined, but more slowly. These differences would have continued to decline for the youngest cohorts of the 1980s and early 1990s.

Jeffrey 0. Reitz

Table 5. Cohon differences in years of education of native-born white work force (urban census samples, 1980181).

Age Cohort Gender and Country

+

25-34

35-49

50

USA Canada Australia

14.29 12.73 11.97

13.82 11.20 10.98

12.82 10.68 10.22

USA lead over Canada:

1.56

2.62

2.14

USA lead over Australia:

2.32

2.84

2.60

USA Canada Australia

14.06 12.64 11.74

13.21 11-39 10.62

12.45 10.81 10.24

USA lead over Canada:

1.42

1.82

1.64

USA lead over Australia:

2.32

2.59

2.21

Inter-cohort gain in years of education (25-34 group over 50 + group)

Males

-

Females

1.47 2.05 1.75

Institutional Restructuring The earnings effects of the C a n a d i a a S educational convergence are probably not yet as obvious as they will become. This is because of a market lag. The more rapid rise in the educational levels in Canada may have created a temporary comparative abundance of new highlyeducated workers in the Canadian labour market. A recent comparative study by Richard Freeman and Karen Needels (1993) showed that because the supply of university-educated workers increased during the 1970s and 1980s in Canada more rapidly than in the US, their wage advantage over high school graduates increased less rapidly. Over time, as the increase in the university-educated component of the workforce levels off in Canada, the earnings advantages of the university educated would be expected to improve. Unless immigrant education levels keep pace with the upgraded native-born population, the entrance status of new immigrants to Canada will fall back. Given the more recent increase in the educational levels of Australian workers, immigrants there will continue to be comparatively well-placed in the labour market for a longer period of time. However, eventually skill levels of the Australian worldorce are expected to rise toward North American standards. When that happens, unless there are offsetting improvements in the recruitment of immigrants, the entrance level of immigrants will decline accordingly.

Immigrants, Education, and Inter-urbanVariations Inter-urban differences in native-born white educational levels are very important in the American case. The next series of tables shows that these variations in native-born education are in no small measure responsible for the most extreme immigrant inequalities in cities like New York and San Francisco. In Table 6, we can see how native-born educational levels vary across cities in the three countries. Educational levels are not only highest in the US, they reach extremes in places like New York, San Francisco, Washington, Boston, and San Jose. These variations are no doubt a result of local labour market demand. Urban areas with the highest educational levels tend to be those with the strongest local economies. Their economic strength attracts the most highly-skilled workers. Some are internal migrants selectively recruited from less attractive locations within the US; others are local natives who seek higher education and then remain in their hometowns because of the opportunity.

Jeffrey G. Reitz

Table 6. Mean years of education of native-born labour force, by urban area (urban census samples 1980181). - -

13.50 years or more

New York Washington, DC San Franc.1Oak. San Jose Boston Anah.lS.A.1G.G. Denver Seattle Sacramento Austin

13.96 13.96 13.87 13.72 13.69 13.61 13.58 13.56 13.56 13.56

13.00 to 13.49 years

NassauISuffolk San Diego Los Angeles-L.B. Minneap.1St. Paul -Raleigh Tucson Portland Honolulu Long Branch 0xnardlS.V.Na. Hartford Salt Lake City Newark Albany Rochester Oklahoma Wilmington Phoenix Columbus Omaha Chicago Miami Kansas City Dallas

13.44 13.43 13.39 13.38 13.38 13.37 13.36 13.35 13.33 13.32 13.3 1 13.30 13.22 13.20 13.14 13.13 13.13 13.09 13.06 13.04 13.03 13.03 13.02 13.0

12.50 to 12.99 years

Less than 12.50 years

Houston New Brunswick Milwaukee Atlanta Syracuse Riv.1S.B.lOnt. Fresno Philadelphia Buffalo Tulsa Springfield Pittsburgh Cleveland Akron Grand Rapids Ft. Lauderdale Dayton Detroit Richmond Birmingham St. Louis West Palm B. Toledo Tampa Orlando Memphis Providence Baltimore New Orleans Cincinatti Allentown Indianapolis Nashville Jacksonville Norfolk San Antonio Youngstown Flint Greensboro Northeast, PA

Gary Louisville Charlotte Toronto Ottawa-Hull Jersey City Calgary Vancouver Greenville Edmonton Hamilton Winnipeg Quebec Melbourne Sydney Adelaide Montreal Perth Brisbane

12.99 12.99 12.96 12.95 12.94 12.93 12.93 12.9 1 12.90 12.90 12.90 12.88 12.86 12.86 12.85 12.83 12.82 12.81 12.80 12.78 12.77 12.77 12.75 12.74 12.74 12.71 12.70 12.68 12.67 12.65 12.65 12.63 12.62 12.59 12.57 12.56 12.54 12.52 12.51 12.51

Note: Years of education for Australia and Canada calculated based on summation of years as described separately for each level.

Institutional Restructuring However, the effect of local conditions on immigrant educational levels is quite different from the effect on native-born education. Urban areas with strong economies not only have high native-born educational levels but also attract large numbers of immigrants. Table 7 shows that higheducation cities also are prime immigrant reception areas in the US Immigrants from each group with the exception of Mexicans and Cubans are concentrated in high education cities to a greater extent than is the population as a whole. The blacks and Chinese are the most extreme, but the same is true for all other groups. Whereas about 20 percent of the native-born workforce (male or female) lives in high-education cities, the proportion of recent immigrants in such cities is about 60 percent for blacks, and about 55 percent for Chinese. For all Asians the proportion is about 40 percent. Even the Mexicans and Cubans are over-concentrated in medium-education cities (Mexicans in southern California and Texas; Cubans in Miami), and are not as often found in the low education cities as is the native-born population. The effect of high native-born education on the immigrants in certain urban areas is compounded by a strong tendency for large ethnic communities to have comparatively low educational levels. The relatively low educational levels of immigrants in urban areas of high immigrant concentration was already shown in a previous study by Bartel (1989). The data in Table 8 repeat this analysis. In the US, for every group but the Koreans and Vietnamese, the larger the immigrant group the lower the education level. The most plausible explanation for this pattern involves chain migration among family-class immigrants. The least educated immigrants are most likely to want to settle near family members, seeking support. This would explain the Vietnamese exception, since that group was settled largely as a result of a government program, rather than individual decision-making. The 1980 data reflect the earliest settlement patterns of these Vietnamese in the United States. The result of these different patterns of recruitment is a polarisation between the educational levels of immigrants and native-born. In certain US cities where immigrants are heavily concentrated, there is a tendency both for native-born education to be high and for immigrant education to be low. The pattern, which Sassen (1991) has erroneously attributed to supposedly distinctive labour market structures of very specific so-called "global cities", actually reflects processes of differentially-selective recruitment.'

Jeffrey 0. Reitz

Table 7. Concentration of immigrants in high-education cities: (a) Percent in low-, moderate-, and high-education SMSA's, by origins, USA (urban sample 1980). (b) Mean education of native-born, by immigrant origins, three-country urban census samples 1980181

.'

(a) USA Only: Percent, by Native-born Education in SMSA

(b) Mean Native-Born Education

Low

USA

in Urban Area (rel. to standard)

Origins

-

< 13.0

Moderate

High

Canada Australia

13.5+

-

Males Native-born wliite Immigrant, Total Non-hispanic white Black Asian, Total Chinese Non-Chinese Asian Filipino Asian Indian Korean Vietnamese Japanese Other Asian Mexican Cuban Other Latin Females Native-born white Immigrants, Total Non-hispanic white Black Asian, Total Chinese Non-Chinese Asian Filipino Asian Indian Korean Vietnamese Japanese Other Asian Mexican Cuban Other Latin 1. Note: whites are non-hiipanic whites; blacks include hispanic blacks; Mexican, Cuban, and Other Latin do not include blacks; white immigrants exclude those born in Asia, Africa, or Central and South America.

Institutional Restructuring

Table 8. Metric regression impact of immigrant community size (logged) on years of education of immigrants, by host country, origin group, and gender (separate one-variable regression for each group). - -

Origins

United States metric sig., N b t

Canada metric sig., b t

N

Males Non-hispanic white Black

*** -0.563 *** -0.766 *** -2.116 *** -0.15 1 ** -0.415 *** -0.979 *** 0.028 NS 0.499 ** -0.632 *** -0.544

Asian, Total Chinese Non-Chinese Asian, Total Filipino Asian Indian Korean Vietnamese Japanese Other Asian -0.497

*

Mexican Cuban Other Latin America

-0.327 -0.548 -1.027

*** *** ***

Non-hispanic white

-0.355

Black

-0.348

*** ***

Females 6608

-1.511

***

1361

4307

0.032 NS

322

Asian, Total Chinese Non-Chinese Asian, Total Filipino Asian Indian Korean Vietnamese Japanese Other Asian Mexican Cuban Other Latin America

-0.504 -0.443 -1.009

*** **

***

5794 1530 5027

--

-1.123

*

205

--

-

- - - -- -

Australia metric sig., b t

N

Jeffrey 0. Reitz These patterns of inter-urban variation are less pronounced in Canada, and virtually absent in Australia. Consider the Canadian data in Tables 6-8 first. Native-born educational levels vary less among the urban areas in Canada. The extremes are Toronto and Montreal, and they are only one year apart on the scale, as can be seen in Table 6. Moreover, the concentration of immigrants in high-education cities is substantially less in Canada than in the US. The right hand side of Table 7 shows this cross-national variation. In the right hand part of the table, the figures show the extent to which the mean educational levels of the native-born in cities where immigrant groups are located differs from the mean native-born educational levels across all cities. For black immigrants, the difference is about +0.5 years for blacks (male or female) in the US (meaning that black immigrants to the US are concentrated in cities with native-born educational levels 0.5 years above the urban average), but only +0.2 for blacks in Canada. For Chinese immigrants, the number is about +0.4 in the US,and +0.3 in Canada. Table 8 shows that immigrant concentrations in Canada less often lead to lower educational levels. Blacks are an exception, reflecting largely the situation in Toronto. The immigrant educational polarisation found in US cities is far less prevalent in Canada. In Australia, there is even more inter-urban uniformity in the educational levels of both native-born and immigrants. Native-born educational levels in the five Australian cities, as shown in Table 6, vary only within 0.4 years. These five cities are bunched together at the bottom of the education hierarchy across the three countries. And although Sydney has the highest native-born educational levels, and the largest concentrations of recent immigrants, the observed tendency for immigrants to be concentrated in high education cities in Australia is actually substantially less than in either the US or Canada. For example, Table 7 shows that among Asian immigrants to Australia, the average educational level of the native-born in the cities where they are concentrated is only 0.04 years above the average educational levels of the native-born across all Australian cities. And in any case, the educational levels of immigrants in those cities with the largest concentrations of immigrants in most cases is actually higher than in cities where immigrants are less concentrated. Table 8 shows that only for Latin American migrants are those in the larger urban settlements in Australia actually lower in education. The different relation between immigrant community size and educational levels in the three countries may be partly a consequence of different immigration policies. If the negative relation between the two variables in the US reflects the effect of chain migration and networks of

Institutional Restructuring immigrant recruitment, then the immigration emphasis on family-class immigration may be one reason. Immigrants selected on the basis of family ties rather than labour market characteristics are more likely to choose areas of settlement on the basis of such ties, and if such immigrants are less educated (as the study of immigrant classes in the US by Sorenson, et al., 1992 shows) then the result is a concentration of less educated immigrants in large ethnic communities. The greater prominence of occupational skills and labour market factors in the immigration policies of Canada and Australia may mean that settlement patterns are less influenced by family-based social networks. Even if such policies do not produce more highly skilled immigrants, the fact that fewer immigrants in Canada and Australia may have the option to settle with family members, means that local labour demand influences the settlement decisions of a larger proportion of them in Canada.

Labour Market Institutions, and Re-structuring The heavy emphasis on labour market structure in US research on immigrant status suggests the potential importance of this variable in a comparative context. Large "secondary labour markets" and unprotected or non-unionised jobs -leading to a wide gap between rich and poor may leave immigrants vulnerable to exploitation and disadvantage, as Piore (1979), Portes (1981), Sassen (1991) and others argue is the case in the US Borjas (1990) argued differently based on neo-classical assumptions that greater earnings opportunity at the top end might have positive selective effects for the US. Still he would presumably agree that those who were less favourably selected would suffer correspondingly more severe penalties. Higher rates of unionisation in Canada (Kumar, 1993) might hklp protect immigrant minorities, but the biggest differences in this respect might be expected in Australia. Not only higher unionisation rates, but also the Australian industrial relations system with its wage bargaining system which is still comparatively centralised despite recent changes (Bamber and Lansbury, 1993), has prevented the development of a marked dual labour market to the extent seen elsewhere (Kalleberg and Colbjornsen, 1990). Various sources confirm that earnings inequality is greatest in the US, less in Canada, and least in Australia.8 These crossnational differences are very likely related to levels of unionisation and labour market regulation. The consequence may be higher relative earnings for immigrants to Australia, as is suggested by the work of Lever-Tracy and Quinlan (1988), and also Bertone and Griffen (1992).

Jeffrey G . Reitz Inter-urban variations in labour market structures within the US offer some clues to the cross-national comparison. Not only are US labour markets more individualistic than those in Canada and Australia, but inter-urban variations within the US produce extremes in certain cities. Inter-urban variations in labour market structure play a role in the interurban differences in immigrant standing. Waldinger and Bozorgmehr (1993) suggested as much in a comparison of immigrants in New York and Los Angeles. Analysis for this study (not included here) showed that in certain cities, immigrants are located in labour market segments where work is comparatively poorly paid. However, labour market location does not explain inter-urban variations in immigrant earnings, because where immigrant-intensive industries and secondary labour market segments are small (cf. Defreitas, 1988), immigrants are poorly paid anyway. Rather, labour market structure affects overall earnings inequality, and overall earnings inequalities do indeed affect immigrant standing. The size of the effect of the earnings distribution on the position of immigrants within US urban areas suggests that while important, this variable is far less important than education as a source of variations in immigrant inequality. The analysis (also not included here), based on inter-urban variations in the US, suggests that differences in earnings inequality of the magnitude of the US/Canada/Australia differences would be expected to produce differences of about 1or at most 2 percent in the relative earnings position of immigrants. This is dwarfed by the effects of educational institutions, which were calculated above to produce differences in the relative earnings of immigrants between the United States and both Canada and Australia on the order of 10 percent and more.

Social Welfare and the Safety Net The relevance of social welfare institutions or public health care to the well-being of immigrants has emerged as a political issue in all three countries. In California where there is a large illegal immigration population the perception is particularly strong that immigrants exploit social welfare. There, policy measures have been adopted by public ballot to prohibit at least illegal immigrants from access to such services. In Canada, the Reform Party which favours restricted immigration also has expressed concerns in a similar vein, even though in Canada the evidence generally accepted by economists is that immigrants are net contributors to government budgets. The implication would be that a stronger social safety net or public funding of social services would

Institutional Restructuring protect immigrants from extremes of poverty and thus ensure a more favourable overall economic position for them. The Canadian social welfare system is more generous than the American, so that compared to the United States net income inequalities in Canada are even less than inequalities of earnings from employment. Analysis (not presented in detail here) suggests that the more generous welfare system in Canada may enhance relative incomes for immigrants by about 1-2 percent? Social security transfers (as a percentage of GDP) are less in Australia than in either Canada or the US (Saunders, 1994, 98). At the same time, while income inequality in Australia (as distinct from inequalities of earnings from employment) is as great as in the US, rates of poverty are no higher than in Canada (Saunders, Scott, and Hobbes, 1991, 67; see also Persson and Tabellini, 1994). The impact on immigrant inequality is difficult to calculate precisely, but is likely not great.

CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS Three broad conclusions of the study can be drawn. (1)The institutional dimension of society is an important determinant of both cross-national and inter-urban variations in immigrant inequality. The design of the institutions themselves - setting the institutional rules, deciding which individual resources will matter and how much is as important to the welfare of minorities as whether the rules are applied without discrimination, or the ease of minority-group access to specific resources. This is true for immigrant minorities, just as it is true for various native-born ethnic, racial, and other groups. The term "institutional discrimination" refers to a similar phenomenon, that institutional rules can have discriminatory effects. Institutional rules are discriminatory if they produce unequal results for racially-defined groups that cannot be justified by productivity considerations. Here we do not evaluate whether the institutionally-determined unequal outcomes are discriminatory. However, the fact that institutional variation across societies produces varying outcomes for minorities certainly raises the question of what is the justification for specific institutional arrangements. The debate over institutional restructuring should take account of how institutional change affects the impact and welfare of immigrants. Any particular institutional change may set in motion a chain of events, with complex implications for broader national objectives such as competitiveness or economic efficiency. The fact that immigrant status

Jeffrey 0. Reitz and impact is affected is only one of many potential implications, but its importance certainly should be factored into the calculation. If specific changes lead to lower immigrant status, a reduced economic benefit and greater racial polarisation, these negative outcomes to some extent offset any positive outcomes. (2) Among three institutional areas assessed here, educational institutions are more important than either labour markets or the social welfare system in affecting immigrant status and inequality. These findings are a reminder of the strategic significance of education for social and economic allocation in society. Regarding immigrants, the emphasis in many analyses has been on labour market structures as the strategic force, but the findings here suggest that labour market institutions while not unimportant are far from the most important institutional sector. A larger social investment in education is very likely positive for a society, but the extent of the actual return is not really known. "Returns to education" are normally measured in terms of earnings implications for individuals. These returns are the result of institutional arrangements, and their specific relation to actual productivity is largely a theoretical assumption, the basis for human capital theory, and not a proven fact. The social theory of "credentialism" suggests that employers' preferences for educated workers is based on considerations other than the productivity associated with specific vocational preparation implied by the education itself. Furthermore, educational aspirations of individuals are determined not only by expected earnings benefits but also by social competition for status. Educational credentials may accumulate and influence employer decisions apart from any productivity implications. The comparatively massive accumulation of human capital by nativeborn American whites gives them a substantial advantage over immigrants including immigrant minorities. In the United States, privately-provided higher education responds to the demand for education based on both economic and social pressures. The value of individualism and mobility, the perception that education provides an arena of meritocratic competition where those fiom the bottom have an opportunity to improve themselves, social and inter-racial competition, all may have fuelled this development. In Canada, higher education is publicly-funded, and the aggregate investment in post-secondary education is essentially a political decision. Canada has in recent decades implemented educational development toward the American standard partly because the proximity to the US creates labour market pressures to which politicians as well as

Institutional Restructuring prospective students have responded. Native-born Canadians are rapidly becoming educated to the standard set in the US, and the implications are that the status of newly arrived immigrant minorities can be expected to decline unless there are corresponding improvements in the educational levels of the immigrants themselves. Australia has been relatively isolated from such pressures, and has provided educational investments at a lower level, following more closely a European pattern. In Australia, the comparatively lower levels of native-born education mean that immigrants from all groups will for a longer time find it easier to become well established. Whatever educational institutions are devised, rising educational levels impose a need for individual employers to guard against educational inflation. Over-use of educational credentials as a job qualification artificially inflates an employer's potential payroll, and may reinforce social boundaries arising from the unequal distribution of educational credentials in society. "Skill-based not school-based hiring" means ensuring that domestic qualifications are not unjustifiably deferred to, as much as it means ensuring that foreign qualifications are properly recognised. If workers are hired on the basis of actual skills acquired during their school experience, rather than on the basis of the mere possession of a requisite "sheepskin", employers' costs will be controlled, and immigrants will be spared dysfunctional disadvantage. The social costs of credentialism include increasing inequality affecting certain minority immigrant groups. The issue will become more important for Canada in the near future, and eventually will make itself felt in Australia as well. For the immigrant generation, on-the-job training opportunities are an important key. As educational levels rise, accessibility also becomes a more important issue. Rising educational costs create pressures for privatisation. At the post-secondary level, this can mean tuition increases in publicly funded universities as well as the actual growth of private universities. University tuition increases create greater potentials for inequality based on one's family's ability to pay - based, that is, on social class background. Accessibility can be affected by privatisation, not only because private schools (or public schools with user fees) may be more expensive, but also because public schools may lose the political support of those using private schools. In Canada, educational levels rise but support for public education may be declining. Up to the present time, minorities have enjoyed access to public education at all levels. The majority of entering student populations of two major Toronto universities (the University of Toronto and York University) are now from non-European backgrounds.

Jeffrey G. Reitz However, the question for the future is whether the rising costs of education in a more individualistic environment may create new barriers to educational opportunity. While labour market structures do influence immigrant earnings, this is perhaps not as strongly as many have previously suspected. Immigrants to the US often are concentrated in disadvantaged labour market locations, but the absence of these labour market segments does not reduce their disadvantage. Weak labour market structures affect immigrants by creating greater overall earnings disparities which drive down relative earnings for all of the less skilled. Labour institutions which protect labour in Canada have the additional positive effect of increasing the likelihood that immigrant parents have the resources to ensure education for their children. In Australia, labour institutions and the national wage arbitration system also have protected immigrants. The current trend toward the dismantling of these institutions so far has been limited, but is continuing. Earnings inequalities in Australia are now increasing more rapidly than in the US or Canada. Finally, the impulse in a recession to cut back social services such as health care and unemployment insurance does not in itself affect immigrant groups more than others. However, if immigrants do experience disadvantage because of educational disparities or because lack of labour market protection aggravates employment and pay discrimination, then they may be affected by the strength of the social safety net. (3) To the extent that the institutions in all three countries converge toward the American pattern, the effect is to create greater immigrant inequality, and presumably a less positive impact of immigration. While most controversy has attached to the importance of institutional restructuring in the areas of labour markets and social welfare, the restructuring of educational institutions may prove to be of greatest importance in the long run. However, cohort-specific effects of educational institutions are felt more slowly . Institutional restructuring in all three countries stresses the value of individualism. The rationale for institutional individualism is that individualism is identified with reliance on market forces, which are expected to increase productivity and efficiency. This line of thinking is particularly strong in the United States where individualism is most salient as a value, but it holds sway in Canada and Australia as well. Individualism is identified with market-driven criteria, and the challenge of market competition is the concern of the current historical era.

Institutional Restructuring However, individualism also leads to greater inequality, and extreme disadvantage may weaken work commitment and rebound to undermine competitiveness. Recent economic research (Persson and Tabellini, 1994) has examined the negative correlation between inequality and productivity, on a cross-national basis. There can be little doubt that the extremes of inequality in major US urban areas, and the social malaise and conflict that accompanies that inequality, are far from an asset to that country in its attempts to address global competitiveness. By contrast, the primary competitors - namely the Japanese and the Europeans particularly Germany - have societies characterised not by greater individualism but rather by greater social cohesion. Individualism may undermine productivity by reducing social cohesion essential for effective organisational action. These considerations imply that policy proposals emphasising the need for individualism should be evaluated in light of the possibility that extreme individualism may in some instances serve as an ideology of inequality as much as a strategy for competitiveness. As institutional restructuring proceeds, there may be increasing pressure to enact more selective immigration policies. This pressure arises fiom the desire to offset increasing inequality and to ensure a more positive impact of immigration. The pressures have been particularly strong in Canada and Australia where individualistic immigration policies clash with more collectivist institutional structures. Tightening up immigration selection criteria is a logical approach to ensuring adequate educational levels of immigrant groups. However, there is no guarantee that Canada and Australia can achieve improvements this way. Their policies are already more selective than the American policies, but their immigrants are less skilled. Furthermore, they are also under a somewhat conflicting pressure to reduce total immigration. Reducing total immigration means either reducing familyclass immigration - which could deter the most skilled - or reducing the skilled category itself. One reason that Canada and Australia have been as successful as they have in recruiting skilled immigrants is the size of their immigration programs. Today, both Canada and Australia have mounted advertising campaigns to attract skilled immigrants, with Canada spending $2 million in 1995 and Australia $1million, while the US spends nothing on such advertising (Globe and Mail, 7 June 1995, A4). US immigration has been increased recently precisely to increase the skilled component. The limits to immigration selectivity, and the continuing need for more immigrants, mean that we cannot escape the issue of institutional structure itself, and its implications for immigrants' status. Ultimately, it

Jeffrey G. Reitz is necessary to recognise that the contribution of immigrants reflects social institutions, and that the place of immigrants in society is largely a function of the way society chooses to organise itself.

* 3

Unless otherwise stated, data reported in this paper are based on 1980 census public use sample data for the US (5 percent A file) and 1981 public use sample census data for Canada (2 percent individual file) and Australia (1 percent individual file). The findings will reflect the earliest stages of the "new immigration". The samples include members of the labour force aged 16-64 earning at least $100 and residing in an urban area over 500,000 population (79 urban areas in the US are included, along with 9 in Canada and 5 in Australia); the benchmark group consists of native-born males of European (non-Hispanic) origins; recent immigrants are those arriving between 1970 and ,1980. Origins are based on race and Hispanic origins for the US, ethnic origins for Canada, and birthplace and parental birthplace for Australia. Details about the sample, and the measurement of origins and other variables, are available from the author. The mean earnings of recently-arrived Mexican immigrant males in the urban areas of the southwestern United States was 46 percent of the native-born white male earnings. The corresponding Mexican-origin females earned 62 percent of what native-born white women earned, and 30 percent of the earnings of the native-born white males. In Australia, immigrants are on the average about one-half year better educated relative to the native-born, compared to the situation in Canada. This comparison holds for specific origingroups. For example, black immigrants in Canada have been as well educated as the nativeborn, while black immigrants in the US are about 1.2 years less well educated. In the US, Chinese immigrants have been about 0.2 years less educated than the native-born, while in Canada they are 0.8 years better educated, and in Australia as much as 2.6 years better educated than the native-born. Morgan Gallup polls in Australia show that the proportion thinking there are too many immigrants was 68 percent in May 1992. This is comparable to findings in the US and Canada. For example, Gallup poll data show the proportion of Americans wanting less immigration rose from 33 percent in 1965 to 61 percent in 1993. Various sources indicate that the proportion of Canadians currently thinking there is too much immigration is in the range between 53 to 66 percent (Reitz and Breton, 1994,77-78). The number of anti-Semitic incidents recorded by the B'nai B'rith in each country is roughly in proportion to population size, and if anything, somewhat higher than expected in Canada and Australia based on the US benchmark. For example, in 1991, the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith in the US recorded 1,879 anti-Semitic incidents, in 1991 the League for Human Rights of B'nai B'rith in Canada recorded 251 such incidents, more than expected based on a 10 to one population ratio. The number recorded by the B'nai B'rith AntiDefamation Commission in Australia was 207 in 1993 and 227 in 1994, rising rapidly in recent years. This again is more than expected based on total population ratios.

ti

The Australian, Canadian, American and other discrimination field trials are compiled by the International Labour Office in Geneva, and described by Bovenkerk (1992). The Australian results (Riach and Rich, 1991) are similar to the Canadian (Henry, 1984) and American (Turner, Fix and Struyk, 1991) findings (see Reitz and Breton, 1994, 82-83, for a detailed comparison of the Canadian and American data). Evidence on the effect of labour market structure is discussed below.

Institutional Restructuring Using data from the Luxembourg Income Study, Bradbury (1993, 24) showed that the Gini coefficient for employer wages was 0.282 in the US (1986 data), 0.234 in Canada (1987 data), and 0.196 in Australia (1985-86 data). Cross-national comparison of census data shows a consistent pattern. The average coefficient of variation in earnings (standard deviation divided by the mean) for urban areas included in the present study is 0.695 for 79 US urban areas, 0.584 for 9 Canadian urban areas, and 0.514 for 5 Australian urban areas. Note that earnings inequality must be distinguished very carefully from overall income inequality. Cross-national variations in taxation, and in unemployment and other income supplements, affect net income inequality and lead to a different cross-national rank-order. See the discussion of social programs, below. Transfer payments reduce poverty by 5.7 percentage points in Canada, and only 1.9 percent in the US. These are important differences, but raising 6 percent out of poverty in Canada raises average wages only about 1-2 percent. So the effect of the Canada-US difference is going to have a comparably small effect on cross-national differences in the relative earnings of immigrants.

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Reitz, J., and R. Breton. 1994. The Illusion of Difference: Realities of Ethnicity in Canada and the United States. Toronto: C.D. Howe Institute. Sassen, S. 1991. The Global City: New York London, Tokyo. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Saunders, P. 1994. Welfare and Inequality: National and Interraational Perspectives on the Australian Welfare State. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press.

Jeffrey G . Reitz Saunders, P., H. Scott, and G. Hobbes. 1991. "Income Inequality in Australia and New Zealand: International Comparisons and Recent Trends", Review of Income and Wealth, Series 37, No. 1.63-79. Sorenson, E., F. Bean, L. Ku,and W. Zimmerrnan. 1992. Immigrant Categories and the US Job Marker: Do They Make a Diflerence? Washington, District of Columbia: The Urban Institute Press. Turner, M., M. Fix, and R. Struyk. 1991. Opportunities Denied, Opportunities Diminished: Discrimination in Hiring. Washington: Urban Institute Project. Waldinger, R., and M. Bozorgmehr. 1993. "From Ellis Island to LAX: Immigration and Urban Change in Gateway Cities". Paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Sociological Association, Miami.

DAVID STOCKLEY

GLOBALISATION: INTERNATIONALISING EDUCATION IN THE 1990s

This paper discusses certain aspects of the phenomenon of the "internationalisation of education", focusing on tertiary education and using Australia as a case study, with reference to Canada because of the latter's recent decision to model much of its overseas student recruitment and generic promotion activities along Australian lines. A brief history of relevant Australian developments concerning the internationalisation of education is followed by Australian and Canadian data and a sketch of recent Canadian actions (particularly Canadian actions centred on the Asian education market). The paper concludes with a summary of current major strategies and issues concerning the internationalisation of education and a precis of major theoretical concerns arising from the globalisation of education in financial, technological and cultural terms.

The surge in Australian tertiary education internationalisation began in 1986 with the passage of Federal legislation allowing the introduction of full fee courses for overseas students studying in Australia (Nesdale, et al., 1995). This action was one component of major reforms designed within the context of a commitment to corporate management and economic rationalism, to both regulate and to deregulate Australian universities and, specific to this paper, to force them to raise more of their funds and to be less dependent on Government funding and more competitive (nationally and internationally). Conventionally this shift in policy has been coined as a shift "from aid to trade" and has continued to involve scholarship assistance by government. The shift was also a somewhat spasmodic and hesitant one

David Stockley as Australian universities adjusted to the new scenario and as Australia strove to assuage Asian sensibilities about what was often perceived to be a crassly commercial drive to extract money from Asians (Nesdale, et al., 1995). Post World War 11, Australia initiated the Colombo Plan through the 1950s and 1960s, bringing many students from South East Asia to study in Australia through Australian International Development funding; many now are senior people in their home countries and are in a position to influence Australia's business, trade and industry interactions with South East Asia. In the late 1960s and through the 1970s, "subsidised students" could come from overseas to study in Australia by paying 20 percent of the actual cost of their education. The scheme was oftcriticised for catering for a wealthy elite and in the 1980s two major reviews, the Goldring Review (1984) and the Jackson Review (1984), led ultimately to the decision for fees based on full cost recovery. The decision was at heart an economic one, taken at the height of economic rationalist ideology in Australia and bound by the twin exhortations to "export education" and, linked to this, to "sell English overseas". That is, the Government's motivation was both internally (Australian) and externally inspired. Within Australia the goal was to make educational institutions more financially independent (and accountable) and more responsive to national economic policies. External to Australia the goal was to promote education as an exportlrevenue earner, to reinforce government aspirations to make Australia a "part of Asia" and to make Australia internationally competitive rather than the insular, protectionist nation which it has been historically (Marginson, 1993). Estimates by a number of commentators suggest that there are more than 1,500,000 international students in the world, the number being expected to increase to 2,800,000 by 2010. Australia currently attracts approximately 3.3 percent of that global figure and it is expected that that share will reach 5 percent by the year 2000 and 7.5 percent by the year 2010. It is apparent that, particularly in view of its small population, Australia is a significant player in this aspect of the internationalisation of education and that it has become so in a very short period of time. In 1986 Australia had approximately 2,000 international fee paying students and that had increased to approximately 70,000 by 1995, comprised of 60 percent university, 20 percent ELICOS (English), 8 percent technical and further education and 10 percent private providers (VUI, 1996). Financially the decision to export education has been a great success, earning approximately As1.6 billion annually, comprising 25 percent of the value of all services exports to South East Asia and rivalling the total

Internationalising Education income generated by wheat, one of Australia's traditional stable export earners. It should be emphasised that the A$1.6 billion does not include multiplier effects. A 1996 study in Victoria, Australia, indicated that expenditure by international students in that state contributed $514,000,000 to the Victorian economy in 1995, accounting for course fees and for non-fee items like food, clothing and accommodation. This made education Victoria's eighth largest export earner ( W I , 1996). However, even this multiplier figure under-estimates education's economic contribution because it does not allow for short course fees (and non-fees) expenditure and for family visits to students from overseas whilst they are studying in Australia, nor for expenditure by students' spouses and dependants. That is, there is an additional direct tourist income generation which has been estimated at a further $100,000,000 each year for Australia as Australian education institutions, government agencies and private contractors compete to provide goods and services for the lucrative markets of the developmental projects funded through the multi-lateral developmental banks and government aid agencies. Whether it be goods produced in Australia or services provided by Australia for overseas consumption, it is a modest income generator for the nation. These financial statistics do not give us the full picture because there is no figure for Australia's selling of its educational and training expertise overseas (consultancies, intellectual property, international projects, etc.) through both the public and private sectors. Nor does it include Australia's burgeoning offshore campus/student provision, predicted by many commentators to be the real growth area over the next decade. The enrolment and teaching of students for Australian awards whilst living in their home countries, will be returned to later in the paper. At this time there is no reliable estimate of the annual income generation from this source for Australia.

The Canadian scene is remarkably similar, Canada earning approximately C$2.8 billion in 1995 from its 100,000 overseas students - 60 percent emanating from the Asia-Pacific region - (Canadian Bureau for International Education 1995; Association of Universities and College of Canada, 1995). Canada's source countries are similar to Australia's with the exception of a very substantial number of students from the United States and a few thousand from Latin American countries. Estimates are that the multiplier effect is proportionately equivalent to Australia's and, in total, has helped to generate 19,000

David Stockley jobs. With Canada and Australia facing virtually identical economic problems (notably large foreign debts), it is no surprise that the Canadian federal government has also reacted by reducing post-secondary education funding, proposing student fees increases and, the subject of this paper, obliging Canadian universities to seek more external funding via entrepreneurial activities. The competitive element was sharpened by Canada's 1995 decision to emulate the recent Australian innovation of Australian Education Centres placed strategically overseas to promote Australian education and training generically, as well as to act in an agency capacity for individual institutions. The Centres in Australia are run by IDP (International Development Program, owned by the Australian ViceChancellors' Committee) on behalf of the Australian International Education Foundation, an independent body which advises the federal education minister and which is funded 2:l by the Federal Government and Australian education institutions. Canadian Education Centres are planned to open throughout the period 1995-1997, beginning initially in Seoul, Taipei and Kuala Lumpur and organised through the Asia-Pacific Foundation of Canada and three Canadian government departments. The Canadian Education Centres will operate on a cost-recovery basis selling the recruitment of overseas students and particular education and training expertise in second language education (in English and French), curriculum development and cross-cultural training. By September 1995 there were some 80 subscribers to the Canadian Education Centres, the subscriber membership covering the gamut from universities to private language and careers colleges (as in Australia). A study of the sites planned for the Canadian Education Centres demonstrates that they will be located in precisely the same cities as the Australian Education Centres (Beijing, Bangkok, Jakarta, Singapore, etc.).

All of this makes Australia and Canada natural competitors in the pursuit of international students. They are natural competitors also in the "selling of English language" (Canada adding the sales pitch that it can also market French) because English is a very marketable commodity across the globe. Learning English language and TESOL (Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages) are in great demand - Asian cities especially are replete with English schools of widely varying quality and the demand for specific purpose English courses (technical, business) is growing exponentially. English remains the prime

InternationalisingEducation international language of commerce, trade and industry and this is reflected in the huge demand. Selling English overseas initially was a financial and diplomatic disaster for Australia because the Government allowed a totally deregulated market, encouraging both disreputable or inadequate private providers and the abuse of visas by overseas "students" seeking longterm entry (migration) into Australia. The market now is heavily regulated and Australia is recovering from the debacle, concentrating thus far on countries other than China (the site of the initial difficulties). There can be no doubt that the selling of English generically or as a niche market (advanced, business, technical English) is a major asset for Anglophone countries and also a major element in the globalisation of education because it renders discourse into a common language (and all that goes with using English as the international language). It could be argued that the selling of English (more generally, the selling of education per se) is a finite and, indeed, quite short-term strategy for relatively small nations like Australia and Canada. Partly, this is because the process creates a reservoir of English-speaking university graduates overseas who both compete with the original training nations and also train their own next (local) generations; partly because these countries also have dreams of becoming net exporters of education once they have acquired the necessary skills and qualifications. There is an intriguing addendum: the demography of Australia and Canada indicates a declining internal demand for education -Australian university demand fell by 6 percent in 1996, for example - and this may lead to increased pressures to boost the number of overseas private students at the very time that there is increased educational availability in the current source countries and hence less need to acquire an education through Australia or Canada. This fear is one motive behind the Western nations' desires to situate themselves strategically by establishing "stand alone" or collaborative/local partner campuses in the developing countries in order to tap the education markets at their source. The two nations are natural competitors also in the pursuit of multiand bi-lateral development bank project work (e.g. World Bank, Asian Development Bank). Australia has the advantage of proximity in the booming Asian market, but Canada has other competitive advantages because the fees are a little cheaper, government subsidies keep costs down for many overseas students in Canada and there is the coincidence of Northern hemisphere term/semester dates. The Canadian Government historically has been perceived as being more sympathetic, pro-active and encouraging towards "internationalisation" and projecting its image

David Stockley overseas. That is, both Australia and Canada clearly see education as a strengthening overseas of their respective national identities - and that itself is both an economic and a cultural resource -but with a perceived greater Canadian emphasis on "international cultural affairs" as an element of Canadian foreign policy and as a "softening" of the commercial character of education-as-export.

CURRENTDIRECTIONSIN THE INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

SALEOF

Education (like culture) is a valuable trade good. Countries like England, the US, France and Germany long have recognised this and been the traditional market leaders. Recently, there has been a qualitative change, a revolution, in the use of education as an economic asset, stemming from technological change and from growing resistance by a number of developing countries (especially the "Asian Tigers" and similar) to the idea of sending their students overseas to study and of using valuable economic resources to finance this. Thus, there has been a surge in the provision of various forms of offshore education, whether by remote (distance) forms of technology or by a physical presence. It is worth noting in passing, indeed, that Malaysia intends to make a strong bid to be an exporter of education in its own right over the next decade, not only gaining revenue but slowing the annual drain of money flowing from Malaysian students studying overseas (Australia has about 10,000 Malaysian students at any one time and there are 120,000 Malaysian alumni from Australian universities in total). "Offshore education" provision by Western education institutions can take a variety of forms. distance education (conventional) satellite provision twinning programs in-country Foundation Years (school-university transition preparation year) offshore campuses of Australian universities (USA has long done this, plus a proposed University of London campus in Malaysia and one even proposed for Sydney) course franchising postgraduate thesis supervision via electronic forms

To explicate, twinning involves a student studying for an Australian award partly in their home country and partly in Australia, perhaps on a one year, two year basis and with obvious financial savings for the

InternationalisingEducation student (and family) because of the much lower fee paid in the home country and obviation of the need to pay "away from home" living expenses. The main concern within twinning programs is the need for quality control over staffing and resources. There appears to be a steady move to develop some twinning programs into actual offshore campus provision, that is, an Australian education organisation establishes a branch overseas either alone or in conjunction with a (home country) partner. Malaysia is the centre of such activity, if only because Malaysian Government education and training policies are directed towards more home country education and training provision under stronger Malaysian Government control. Course franchising is a rather controversial and hitherto restricted concept which has some similarities with twinning programs. Franchising denotes the packaging of Australian (or Canadian) award course content (curriculum, teaching materials, assessment) and its sale to an overseas provider. The provider then charges a fee to students to study for the award. Quality control clearly is a key concern in franchising, but this is harder to ensure than in twinning programs because of the "arm's length" nature of the contract. It is a notion which has the potential to do great harm to an institution's reputation. Another question: what happens to the intellectual property rights of academics who have designed courses and materials which are then franchised, even "on sold" to another party without the (Australian) institution's knowledge? The temptation for the original seller is the opportunity to make money quickly and the financial imperative currently is most powerful in Australian and Canadian education. Another development in the internationalisation of education is the use of the new communicationr technologies, especially for distance teaching. What effect will the new communications technologies have on the student-teacher relationship when there is a total or overwhelming reliance on (for example) inter-active video or, at another level, e-mail and bulletin boards as the teaching form? Although these electronic forms will increase access, patently they are an abstracted teaching format and, prima facie, lack the personal relationship traditionally deemed to be essential for good teaching.

David Stockley

GLOBALISATION AND THE INTERNATIONALISATION OF EDUCATION These different types of offshore/global education provision form part of a much larger nexus of concerns over the internationalisation of education. Although it is beyond the scope of this paper's precis of data and of issues, the question arises as to an adequate theoretical framework within which to analyse and to interpret the globalisation of education, a globalisation driven by economic imperatives and facilitated by technology. An adequate framework of analysis would need to account for post-modernist theorising on the fluidity of identity and the obliteration of any concept of "boundary", including the vanishing of national boundaries in the age of global information and capital flows via electronic means. This is linked with the submersion of distinctive cultural forms within standardised mass deliveries of Western cultural forms (including education), a process intensified by technology, by such devices as franchising and twinning and by the presumption that such delivery is neutral and has universal applicability (Alexander and Rizvi, 1993; Featherstone, 1990; Drache and Gertler, 1991). A framework centred on post-colonial theorising would be valuable; that is, a framework centring on the rejection of colonialism via direct forms of control and its replacement by a Western hegemonic dominance of covert and subtler (ideological) forms of regulation and control. The salient example here would be that of globalised information technologies constructing world-views of a universal culture through the export of education. If this sounds overly abstract and portentous, let us consider a concrete instance, namely, the effect of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS, part of the Uruguay round of GAlT negotiations). GATS defines "education" like any other good service and thereby reduces it to a commodity, as in economic rationalism and the Australian and Canadian Governments' push to treat education as a market commodity. Moreover, the purpose of GATS (as in GATT) is to prevent discrimination (e.g. protectionism) between domestic and foreign providers of all services (including education). The free market agenda of GATS will lead to and is intended to lead to, a globalised economic and technological (and educational) environment. The standardised mass delivery of education, whether delivered by educational institutions or by multi-national media corporations using satellites to beam "educational" television programs into the huge Asian markets, inevitably must erode national cultural specificities. Furthermore, the education being sold is a system based on assumptions of progress, universality and neutrality in terms of values, content and pedagogy

InternationalisingEducation (Alexander and Rizvi, 1993). It is a system which actually prides itself on not being "culturally specific" or tailored. It implicitly and inevitably is! In sum, we have a globalised form of education which has the potential to be standardised on a Westemised model, a model not only bearing a particular cultural form (albeit claiming to be universal) but also based on the desire to sell education as a commodity. Although this has obvious export earnings advantages for the education exporter (Australia, Canada, etc.) in the short to middle term, the development, allied with the growth of the new communications technologies, in the longer term could react against educational institutions when the trans-national media giants expand their (already planned) 24 hour educational television programming on a mass scale. Individual academics will be low on the food chain in this scenario! In the longer term even individual nations, certainly the smaller ones like Australia, could lose control of their domestic education systems in this scenario. This scenario may seem implausible when countries like Australia and Canada are being so successful at exporting education, however, the logic of the process may well be that of "the biter bit" once the practice of packaging and (re)selling education becomes commonplace. Those providers with economies of scale will have a big advantage. Obviously this is a pessimistic analysis of current events and possible future developments, and it must be balanced against the undoubted advantages and benefits of the surge in the internationalisation of education. The internationalisation of education is not simply about the recruitment of fee paying students and that, in turn, need not be a purely commercial transaction. There is no question that curriculum internationalisation, international student exchanges, study abroad programs and joint research across nations bring intellectual benefits to educational institutions and to individuals. Student mobility schemes such as ERASMUS (Europe) and, to a lesser degree UMAP (AsiaPacific), have been enormously popular by allowing students to complete part of their award studies at low cost in another country (Open Doors, 1992). This is of especial significance in Australia where student mobility historically has been very low. Offering fee paying courses to international students genuinely increases access for students from developing nations whose infrastructure cannot yet meet the rapidly growing demand for education (especially post-secondary education). The provision of international student scholarships is another worthwhile aspect of the internationalisation of education. Nevertheless, one can argue that such educational aid (as withal1 foreign aid) has an element of

David Stockley self-interest and, as noted earlier, the education proffered in Australia was (essentially still is) Eurocentric, making little concession to other cultures, values and styles of teaching and learning. In this sense the earlier content of education aid and the latter content of international education (noting that some 25 percent of overseas students in Australia remain fully or partially subsidised) can be seen as an expression of cultural imperialism (Featherstone, 1990; Long, 1994).

It is at this point that we return to the dangers inherent in a deliberate policy of marketing the internationalisation of education. Marketing is assumed to be an ahistorical and neutral policy. Yet it operates within the complexity of Asian-Australian (or Asian-Canadian) relationships and, driven by the very logic of the mass market, works to commodify education programs and to render them uniform and (ultimately) globalised. Hence, it also acts as an unthinking destroyer of local knowledge, values, experiences and styles. Dangerous enough when done by educational institutions, the peril is far greater when the process occurs through purely commercial trans-national corporations packaging education for satellite transmission to a mass market. Indeed, one of the contradictions facing Australia in the 1990s is that posed by the twin policies of selling education to Asia and of wishing to be seen as a nation culturally and politically within Asia -Australia as part of Asia - (Gamaut, 1989). The concern is not solely an academic one, it is a criticism heard frequently by Australian educators throughout Asia. Without falling into the naivety of positing a "corrupt, greedy" West exploiting a "pure" AsialOther, for both parties have many agendas and neither is powerless in the relationship, it cannot be denied that a solely commercially-based internationalisation of education will lead to short term gain and long term failure. What is more complex, is the question of whether the internal logic of commodifying education and the internal logic of using the new communications technologies can be tamed. We can too easily succumb to technological determinism and to a belief that market imperatives necessarily overwhelm all in their path. We can too easily forget that nationalism's funeral, flowing fiom the sweep of globalisation, was announced prematurely and that, indeed, the last decade has seen a resurgence of ethnicity-based nationalism. In sum, it is dangerous to predict. But we can conclude that as academics we are playing with fire with our involvement in the current paradigm of the internationalisation of education, and we know from our own lives that fire both creates and destroys.

Internationlising Education

Alexander, D., and F. Rizvi. 1993. "Education Markets and the Contradictions of Asia-Australian Relations", The Australian Universities' Review, .Vol. 36,No. 2. 16-20. Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada. 1995. Internationalisation and Canadian Universities. Ottawa: Association of University Canadian Campuses. Canadian Bureau for International Education. 1995.The National Report ori International Students in Canada 199411995. Ottawa. Drache, D., and M. Gertler. 1991. The New Era of Global Competition: State Policy and Market Power. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Featherstone, M., ed. 1990.Global Culture, Nationalism and Modernity. London: Sage. Garnaut, R. 1989. The Garnaut Report. Australia and the North-East Asian Ascendancy. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Long, B. 1994.The Role of International Cultural Aflairs in a New Global Order. SUNY Plattsburg: (Occasional Paper I), Centre for the Study of Canada. Marginson, S. 1993. Education and Public Policy in Australia. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Nesdale, D., K. Simkin, D. Sang, B. Burke, and S. Fraser. 1995. International Students and Immigration. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Open Doors. 1992.Report on International Education Exchange. New York: Institute of International Education. Report of the Committee to Review the Australian Overseas Aid Program. 1984.The Jackson Report. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Report of the Committee of Review of Private Overseas Student Policy. 1984. Goldring Report: Mutual Advantage. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Victorian Universities International (VUI). 1996.A Snapshot of International Students in Victoria: 1995. Melbourne: Victorian Universities International.

GLOBALISATION AND CML SOCIETY: MULTICULTURALISM, CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONALISM IN AUSTRALIA AND CANADA

Globalisation involves the world-wide spread of a pervasive consumerist culture carried by an exploding communications technology and driven by the rapid internationalisation of commerce and business. The process forces a change to the horizons of our political identity and our thinking about citizenship, from national to international and global perspectives. But the challenge is deeper than this. Globalisation changes the raw material of cultural formation, creating a new cultural diversity which feeds into the generation of multicultural or world cultures. The globalisation of business and commerce also has a profound effect on the structure of work, work practices and the culture of the workplace. In both these areas, therefore, globalisation is undermining the very basis on which citizenship and political participation have been structured in the era of national welfare states. This paper argues that we must understand globalisation as the aggregate outcome of a multiple process of national disorganisation across the nations of the western world. The disorganisation of nationally organised capitalism by internal and external changes was analysed and documented by sociologists in the late 1980s. As national disintegration accelerated in the 1990s, globalisation became the dominant trend driven by a new logic of collective action as each country moved to accommodate to change in the new international context. The widespread disorganisation of national welfare states, and the frameworks of civil society they embodied, is, I argue, the international context that allowed globalisation to be the dominant process in the system. This involves rethinking traditional assumptions

Malcolm Alexander of international relations and political economy. Globalisation cannot be seen as a continuation of the processes of domination or hegemony characteristic of the international order of the post World War Two era or analysed using intellectual frameworks from that era. New conceptual approaches are needed. The paper comments on these issues fiom a case study of Australian business. Business ideology and perspectives are an arena where the forces of globalisation are critically exposed; changes in business are at the core of globalisation and national disorganisation. The case study of Australian business reveals explicit links between global imperatives and the public culture. Australian business was significantly challenged by globalisation in the 1980s but, I argue, has begun a significant reorganisation in the late 1980s and 1990s. In the context of globalisation, business vision goes far beyond traditional business concerns and integrates social and cultural policy into its corporate vision of Australia's future. This trend complements the economic rationalist directions of policy planning which subordinate the management of multiculturalism, education and culture to visions of a "productive culture". The case study illustrates, therefore, how the relationship of globalisation and civil society evident at the international level reproduces itself at the level of a national public culture. The tendency for international business to define the content of public culture and national values in an era of globalisation must be contested. As academics we have a place in defining the public culture. As comparativists we have specific methodologies available to us. In their initial application comparative analyses yield specific, but limited, insights and findings. A second order of analysis is necessary to link these findings into the context and debates generated by globalisation and its key actors. This paper seeks to outline some criteria for this second order analysis. GLOBALISATION: THE INTERNATIONAL SCRANLBLE O F THE LATE TWENTIETH CENTURY

What is new about the concept of globalisation? Why should we adopt it in preference to older and more developed concepts? From the perspective of international relations theory and political economy, globalisation is not new. International relations theory recognises that there have been significant periods of world history when the balance of international power has been such as to allow international trade and commerce to drive world economic growth. The "Pax Britannia" of the nineteenth century, and its zenith in the pre World

Multiculturalism, Citizenship and Nationalism War One period, is one such period.1 The postwar era of American hegemony is another. The principal actors of current globalisation also can all be seen to have historical precedents. Global corporations or intemational businesses have been around for two centuries and have been studied intensely in the context of intemational banking and commerce, as the organisers of commodity production and trade, as investment houses and lenders to governments, and, in the post World War Two era, as multinational or transnational corporations. International business is not a new concept. Globalisation has also been linked to the disintegration of the traditional structures of nation-states that dominated the post World War Two era, most usually represented by the welfare state. If globalisation is taken as the prime cause of this disintegration, its importance is selfevident. However, sociologists draw attention to the variety of factors, both internal and external, that have contributed to this process of disintegration? Disorganisation is seen to flow from changes in labour and employment generated by new technologies and new forms of work organisation. It is also driven by changes in the political organisation of trade unions with shifts from an industrial to an enterprise basis and significant changes in industrial relations bargaining rights and forms of recognition. Disorganisation also involves the changing structures of corporate and business power that have followed from the deregulation of finance and central banking and the shake up of capital ownership and control in the 1980s. It is also evident in the shift of political allegiances and identities from class-based parties to new social movements and their causes. The dimensions of disorganisation are so pervasive that, in retrospect, the construction of national welfare states emerges as the monumental and unexpected political achievement of the mid twentieth century. From these perspectives, therefore, globalisation seems neither new nor the principal cause of the disintegration of national welfare states. What makes the concept both appealing and important in the 1990s is, however, the way it appears to capture the changed logic and dynamic of both the intemational arena and civil society in western capitalist democracies. As a concept globalisation captures the sense in which civil society, and the frameworks for political and social action which it provides, have to be restructured in an international context where all nations and other significant actors are themselves changing and manoeuvring, seeking to re-establish some framework of predictability. Globalisation captures the unpredictability of the current situation and the lack of the rules. The only rules of the game are to try and find the rules in new and novel situations. The appropriate models of social

Malcolm Alexander action are not those of command and control that worked, loosely, for companies and governments in the previous era, but rather the models of collective action. But as theorists of collective action emphasise, actions which are logical from the point of view of individual actors within situations seldom produce outcomes that are logical for the system as a whole. The illogicality of the current international regime, especially when contrasted with the balance of the previous system, produces a picture of "casino" capitalism. It is an international scramble for predictability in a system of constantly shifting advantage. Globalisation is not a process but the unanticipated outcome of multiple processes across the globe? Understanding globalisation as a disorganised collective movement of the international system allows us to respond to those points of scepticism raised by international relations theory and political economy mentioned earlier. Within this understanding of globalisation, the newness of the current situation is not the existence and growth of transnational business and business organisations but the fact that their actions and interactions appear to be driving the international system rather than their organisational structures being configured by the international regimes as was the case previously. This understanding of globalisation not only accommodates the arguments about the autonomous origins of disorganisation of national welfare states but also builds upon them since it suggests that it is these disorganising processes that create the new international context of unpredictability and uncertainty. Adopting this view of globalisation does more than just answer these concerns of political economy and international relations, it also forces us to reconsider certain basic assumptions from which they start. A key element of the political economy of the national welfare state is that political organisation, the structuring of civil society, can construct a national policy framework. In the context of globalisation, however, it cannot be assumed that attempts to reconstruct a policy framework based on "national" principles is either viable or appropriate to the international context. Globalisation therefore throws open fundamental questions about the direction of national policy frameworks. To add to the uncertainty, the concept of globalisation I have outlined does not offer any alternative ideological direction for the framing and directing of public policy? Economic rationalism with its utopian vision of totally free markets has driven much public policy change but is now showing its limitations. Ideals of internationalism and good international citizenship have a long history but are hard to adapt to the realities of everyday domestic politics and policy making. It is important to note

Multiculturalism, Citizenship and Nationalism that multiculturalism becomes a critical policy area from the viewpoint of these dilemmas precisely because it is an area where domestic social policies have to bridge the gap between national and intemational contexts. This view of globalisation also undermines a key assumption of international relations theory; that national self-interest is an identifiable constant in the intemational system. Based on this assumption such theory conceptualises the international system in terms of domination or hegemony. This outlook pervades much debate about Canada's political economy and the impact of the US upon it.5 If we adopt a concept of globalisation which means that national self-interest cannot be taken as a given, it also alters the grounds from which we examine and judge the significance, importance or threats of intemational agreements and regimes. It undermines the legitimacy of any simple national resistance to external domination. It would, for instance, force a re-examination of the left-liberal opposition to NAFTA.6 The concept of globalisation that I am advocating here impacts on our work as comparativists. Comparison begins from questions of similarity and difference but the focus of analysis is critical. Comparisons of policy often reveal, quite unexpectedly, that different concerns and pressures are driving policy which, on the surface, appear to be similar. On the other hand, when taking global or international issues, Australians and Canadians usually start with an assumption of similarity and are often surprised that their starting points are quite different.' The complex of policy issues around multiculturalism, citizenship and nationality involve comparisons of specific policy areas. On the other hand globalisation is, obviously, an intemational issue. A full attempt to understand globalisation and civil society should draw upon both these strategies of comparison and the discussions they generate. The remainder of this paper makes a contribution to this debate through a case study of globalisation in the Australian business sector and its contributions to policy debates.

GLOBALISATION AND BUSINESS IDEOLOGYIN AUSTRALIA The study of business and business power is a key issue in the study of globalisation. Whatever the final delineation of the concept, a starting point for all discussions of globalisation is the importance of the rapid development of global businesses and world markets. Looked at from the underside, the disorganisation of national capitalism, the same phenomena are examined as the internationalisation of business. The study of business power is also critical to any study of globalisation, as it

Malcolm Alexander is the subordination of emerging channels and forms of communication to transnational consumerist ideologies which is much of the perceived impact, and threat, of globalisation. There is a domestic aspect to this as well. As domestic businesses internationalise their perceptions of the conditions needed for success in international and global arenas, this gives them an active interest in the shaping of domestic social, educational and cultural policy. Management of these areas comes to be seen as an ingredient in the recipe for international competitiveness. Australian conditions present a case study of this process. The 1970s and 1980s were tumultuous decades for Australian business. There was a significant dismantling of the tariff protection that cocooned Australian business in the post World War Two era. The active involvement of state enterprises in the leadership of strategic developments all but disappeared. Deregulation of foreign exchange transactions, banking and finance was thoroughgoing and forced major restructuring of the domestic banking sector and its place in investment and capital markets. The driving force for these shifts in government policy came, ironically, from Labor governments. The Whitlam government made several of the key breakthroughs in the early 1970s but the pace of reform and restructuring continued in the 1980s under the Hawke government with Paul Keating as Treasurer. These two decades also saw significant intemal changes to Australian business. The merger and takeover mania of the 1980s was fuelled by the influx of foreign banks and investment groups encouraged by the financial deregulation of the time. Reorganisations of intemal business power were dramatic. The old managers of all Australian companies, even the very largest - BHP, were challenged and often displaced by the new "entrepreneurs". Internally the old authority of management was also being eroded as monopolies and privileged markets that had artificially sustained profits were dismantled. Bottom line pressures contributed to the emergence of new theories, expectations and management practices, practices that shifted fiom a command and control framework to new ideals of "leadership" and "learning organisations". The changing world of Australian business illustrates the dual aspects of the concept of globalisation outlined in the first section of this paper. On the one hand there is abundant evidence of the internal disorganisation of national capitalism. The dismantling of protection and monopolies was a political process driven by government desire to modernise and adapt industry to changing international circumstances and imperatives! Elements of business which have survived, however, have been able to develop an active response to globalisation.

Multiculturalism, Citizenshipand Nationalism Companies have actively intemationalised and Australian business leaders have moved to present a business vision for Australia's future.', The active response of Australian business to the context of globalisation has been guided by their adoption of the theory of competitive advantage.10 This theoretical approach moves away from the economists' usual analysis of comparative advantage based on fixed factor inputs and examines a range of organisational features of business, microeconomic conditions and social policy that contribute to the ability of an economy to produce and sustain internationally competitive companies. From this perspective industry policy is not seen in isolation but is linked into the whole array of policy areas and social conditions within the public arena. These areas, in tum, are evaluated against the demands of companies for international competitiveness. The business vision for Australia which this perspective generates, Australia 2010 (Business Council of Australia, 1993), comments on all areas of policy and, indeed, makes statements about Australian national culture and values. It is understandable, furthermore, that business leaders should feel comfortable moving into such areas. The changes in ideas of business leadership within companies move in similar directions. The emphasis on organisational change as cultural change and new theories of corporate leadership provide a vision of leadership that is far closer to civic and political notions of leadership than the authoritarian culture of Australian business in the 1950s and 1960s. A continuing concern to align social policy to economic goals is, however, a significant feature of public policy debate in Australia. It is political leaders more than business leaders who prepare the ground for business hegemony. The impact of such policy thinking was most visible to academics in the Dawkins refoms of higher education in the late 1980s. The creation of the Department of Employment, Education and Training explicitly aligned education with the instrumental goals of economic policy. The instrumentalism of this policy approach can also be seen in the changed management of multiculturalism. The National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia was launched in 1989 after a significant overhaul of the multicultural bureaucracy and articulated a definite shift of policy principles. The Agenda clearly limited the idea of cultural difference to exclude any potential concept of cultural rights, emphasising as it did the limits of multiculturalism and the responsibilities of cultural minorities to observe these limits. It provided an economic justification of multiculturalism through reference to its potential to aid Australia's internationalisation. The parallel development of language policy picked up on similar directions through

Malcolm Alexander creating a distinction between "heritage" and "commercial" languages and setting priorities for each. Taking notions of economic competitiveness and productivity into social, educational and cultural policy areas has the potential to create a state-directed management of cultural development. Stockley and Foster's (1990) critical examination of the educational and cultural interventions of the late 1980s led them to postulate the dynamic of policy formation as driven by an underlying commitment to the development of a "productive culture". They argue that these "reforms" were, in part, an attempt to shift the public culture. The shifting power balance within the cabinet in the twilight of the Hawke government and the early retirement of John Dawkins appear to have lessened the explicit push for such a change. I would suggest that Stockley and Foster's argument is still important however, since the basic ambiguity about the subordination of cultural policy to economic goals and, within that framework, the further ambiguity of defining "national" priorities in a context of globalisation, still continue. Recent attempts to address these issues have come through the Karpin report on management training (Karpin, 1995) and the report of the Civics Expert Group (Civics Expert Group, 1994). The Karpin report is an interesting document. Ostensibly about management training, the report actually recommends far more than just a revamp and restructuring of management education. It calls for the introduction of management training into school cumculum and the development of a community education program to promote general awareness and acceptance of "enterprise culture", a concept strongly promoted by Margaret Thatcher and her advisers. The report calls for this community education for enterprise culture to be integrated into the civics education program recommended by the Civics Expert Group. In contrast to the Karpin report, the report of the Civics Experts Group (Civics Expert Group, 1994) makes no attempt to indicate the content of civics education. It recommends simply an array of processes to develop civics as an element of the school curriculum and as a community education program. It makes no statements at all on questions of citizenship or the definition of national priorities. The Keating government's acceptance of all the recommendations of the Civics Expert Group and its lack of response to the Karpin report suggest that, at that time, it saw no political advantage in an explicit re-examination of the public culture. Business in Australia has had to move rapidly in response to the internal and external pressures of globalisation. The internationalisation of Australian business has entailed a restructuring of business leadership. This restructuring has seen business leaders assume roles more like that

Multiculturalism, Citizenship and Nationalism of political and civic leaders than in the past. The civic and public face of business has been developed by the work of the Business Council of Australia which, in Australia 2OIO, has presented a corporate vision for Australia encompassing a national and cultural vision also. Parallel to business thinking the concept of international competitiveness has directed public policy toward the same planning horizons. This concept also legitimates the alignment of social, education and cultural policy to overall economic goals. The advocacy of an "enterprise culture" as exemplified by the Karpin report illustrates the synthesis of these parallel movements. The link between business vision and cultural management that is one of the primary debates around globalisation is evident, therefore, at the level of domestic policy debate.

NATIONALISM, CITIZENSHIP AND GLOBALISATION: CHALLENGES FOR COMPARATMSTS Globalisation means that domestic debates about national values and citizenship are part of a larger tide of global change. The case study of Australian business presented in this paper implies that business perspectives and ideology may be pre-eminent in this tide. The concept of globalisation developed in the first section of this paper would argue, however, that the global movement does not predetermine or limit the outcome of national debates or struggles. Indeed it suggests that the reorganisation and restructuring of civil society in countries like Australia and Canada will have a significance beyond their own boundaries. They are sites where global trends have a particular concentration. The way they manage the tensions created by these trends is a potential model of "best practice" for global governance. A first challenge to us as comparativists is, therefore, to examine the conflicting and ambiguous claims about citizenship and nationalism at work in debates about social, educational and cultural policy. In Australia the ambiguities and the conflict they could entail are largely nascent. Canada stands in stark contrast. There issues of citizenship and nationalism dominate the public and constitutional agenda by virtue of Quebec's claims for constitutional recognition and independence. A comparative analysis of policies in the relevant areas should not attempt to ignore this fundamentally different political context. Multiculturalism in Canada and Australia is not the same policy; questions of citizenship in the two countries do not run parallel. Once the detailed work of comparison is done, however, we need to rewgnise the common problem that both countries face, if we are to make something further of the comparison. We need to understand that both countries are seeking

Malcolm Alexander ways to give some recognition to cultural and linguistic rights, yet manage cultural and linguistic diversity within the framework of a liberal democratic political system. To this we must add, however, a further problem. Both countries have to find solutions that are appropriate in the context of contemporary globalisation. As comparativists we do more than discover difference. We need to articulate the higher order issues at a level that poses a common problem and be prepared to assess the international or global significance of each country's approaches. The case study I have presented also argues that globalisation has created a context for business to claim some priority in defining the goals of social policy and even the values of citizenship. What is an appropriate response to this? What is the challenge to us? As citizens we need to engage with a business view of globalisation by presenting different grounds on which a notion of world citizenship can be formulated.11 It is essential to contest business's assumption that economic goals are the most important national interests in the global arena. We need to defend the right for our public culture to be a public, not a business culture. As academics we need to formulate an alternative view, but one which acknowledges the changed context created by globalisation. We cannot argue for the simple restoration of the "protective" policies of the national welfare state. We must acknowledge the changed patterns of political identity and participation that have been generated by the new social movements of recent decades. We cannot deny the changed conditions of global business or the new strictures of international competitiveness. There is an obvious challenge for comparativists to bring insight from different settings to bear on this task. A third challenge to us as comparativists is to make a contribution to the analysis and debates about the global and international changes that affect both Australia and Canada, but in different ways. We must exchange useful information and reconcile the conflicting elements in our perceptions of common global processes. This paper has laid out a view of globalisation that grows fiom Australian concerns and experience. Does it appear out of line with Canadian concerns and experience? Do the insights it claims to offer have a resonance to Canadian concerns or do they seem to leave important questions begging? Comparativists must not only look at internal contexts but also use their different perspectives on global processes to build a more comprehensive view of the global picture. Comparison begins with detailed examination of an issue or policy in two or more national contexts. Learning and thinking with comparisons require an order of imagination and analysis beyond this, however. The

Multiculturalism, Citizenship and Nationalism familiarity of our intellectual traditions means that Australian and Canadian scholars have easy access to this higher order of comparison. They have much to gain from thoughtful dialogue and trans-Pacific exchange. This paper has highlighted issues of multiculturalism, citizenship and nationalism as having a salience for the dialogue at the current time. Secondly, however, it has sought to present a first statement on globalisation, a phenomenon that affects both countries. From our trans-Pacific conversations we should be able to build a better sense of the forms of citizen participation and political activity that will be appropriate and effective in the world that globalisation is creating.

*

Karl Polyani's (1957) analysis of the transition from the liberalism of the nineteenth century to the nationalism and "protectionism" of the twentieth remains a model for the understanding of this period as well as a methodological paradigm for understanding the dynamics of global power. Lasch and Uny (1987) provide a systematic and wide ranging analysis of national disintegration using historical perspectives and systemic cross-national comparison. My account of this literature is drawn from their work. The ambiguity perceptions of this outcome are illustrated by the fact that a significant number of theorists and commentators argue that the process is one of regionalisation, the building of nationally derived regional power blocs within the international economy, rather than a universal process of globalisation affecting all nations in equivalent ways. Like the concepts of postmodernism or disorganisation, this concept of globalisation describes that which is being moved away from rather than attempting to characterise the new conditions that are coming into being.

,

longstanding debates about Canadian dependency and its impact on internal power structures are outlined and addressed in Carroll, 1986. The exact way in which globalisation is understood thus becomes a critical issue in the Canadian context. If we adopt the perspectives which see globalisation in terms of regionalism of national power (see note 3 above), then this theory of international relations and the political analysis it spawns remains legitimate and necessary. Since Australia is not situated within any nascent power bloc, the ambiguity about globalisation does not have the same import. This point is also stressed in the introduction to Alexander and Galligan (1992).

From the perspective of crossnational comparisons it appears ironic that this process was more thoroughgoing in Australia, under Labor governments, than was the case in Canada where Conservative governments were in power for much of this period. An important factor in this irony was the way in which business entrepreneurship was actively glorified as a national characteristicin the 1980s. This aspect of the public culture is brilliantly explored by Graeme Turner (1994). A second aspect of the irony is the degree to which the Labor Party identified itself with modernisation and reform. This was most evident under Whitlam and Keating's political career is an interesting exercise of redefining national goals to align with the new policy directions. This underlies his constant battles with Party traditionalists, on the one hand, and his appeals to (a new) nationalism in presentation of policy statements such as One Nation, WorkingNation, Creative Nation The identification of Australian business leadership in this paper derives from our current work on company directors and corporate interlocking in Australia and Canada (Alexander and Carroll, 1995). While this work indicates that there is fairly cohesive care of business leadership in Australia, it also suggests that there is a significant destabilising element of private wealth that counters the overall leadership of the corporate managers of large public companies. The latter group is the dominant element in the Business Council of Australia. lo Hugh Emy gives an excellent account of this theoretical perspective and its place in

Australian debates about industrial policy (Emy, 1993). In 1991 the Business Council of Australia organised its annual summit around the issues of international competitiveness and the theory of competitive advantage and that summit was the springboard of their continuing working of this theme. l1 The UN Commission on Global Governance (The Commission of Global Governance, 1995) opens an international discussion of these ideas.

Alexander, M., and W. Carroll. 1995. "The Impact of Global Capitalism on Corporate Power in Australia and Canada: Some Preliminary Findings". ACSANZ '95. LaTrobe University, Unpublished paper. Alexander, M., and B. Galligan. eds. 1992. Australian and Canadian Comparative Political Studies. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. Business Council of Australia. 1993. Australia 2010: Creating the Future Australia. Melbourne: Business Council of Australia. Carroll, W. 1986. Corporate Power and Canadian Capitalism. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. Civics Expert Group. 1994. Whereas the People...: Civics and Citizenship Education. Canberra: Australian Gvoernment Publishing Service.

Multiculturalism, Citizenship and Nationalism Emy, H. 1993. Remaking Australia: The State, the Market and Australia 's Future. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Karpin, D. 1995. Enterprising Nation: Renewing Australia's Managers to Meet the Challenges of the Asia-Pacific Century. Industry Task Force on Leadership and Management Skills. Lasch, S., and J. Urry. 1987. The End of Organised Capitalism. Oxford: Polity Press. Polanyi, K. 1957. The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. Boston: Beacon Press. Stockley, D., and L. Foster. 1990. "The Construction of a New Public Culture: Multiculturalism in an Australian Productive Culture", The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, Vol. 26, No. 3.307-28. The Commission on Global Governance. 1995. Our Global Neighbourhood. Paris and Oxford: United NationsIOxford University Press. Turner, G. 1994. Making It National. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.

INTRODU~ON: PEAND TRADE

ON ECONOMICS

The four papers in the second section emerged from a mix of disciplines including economics, history and social policy analysis. The topics covered by these papers range over time, space and human activity. Dr Clarke's paper examines Australian and Canadian labour-cum-capital across the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, revisiting issues raised by Inglis and Reitz. The analysis provides support for the "close link between immigration and capital flows when countries are seeking capital from the rest of the world", with, for instance, some evidence that "capital chased labour" to Australia and Canada. Contributions to a diversity of aspects of trade relations between these two countries arising in the nineteenth century are the themes of the papers by Drs Fry and Staniforth. Fry details contributions of particular Canadians migrating to Australia to industries such as mining, timber and transport. Of particular interest was trade based on shipping, using Canadian built and/or owned ships. Staniforth's focus is on the early Australian import trade with Canada, especially regarding alcohol, food and consumer goods. The specific evidence adduced to support this phenomenon was derived from the wreck of one Canadian ship in Australian waters -the WilliamSalthouse. The issue of competitiveness and the contemporary influence of the processes of global integration and restructuring in both countries, again echoing ideas raised in the papers from the Globalisation Plenary, form the core of Dr Wiseman's paper. His exploration of the Australian and Canadian experience leads him to caution against these countries vacating "the arena of the nation state and national parliamentary politics" ... the challenge being "to imagine and create new democratic institutions and regulatory processes in an age where trust is scarce"; comments with a resonance to the ideas discussed in Alexander's paper.

Lois Foster Again, looking through the lens provided by Stasiulis and YuvalDavis, we discern some of the ways by which the multi-faceted social relations in these two capitalist societies were (and are) intensified and transformed by their colonial and subsequent post-colonial status. The development of those societies, of necessity, involves the struggles of their immigrants and the native-born. Simultaneously, the political conflicts and negotiations of "home-grown" institutions are also inextricably part of the development process. The transformation from colonial status has led to both countries re-positioning in external relations within the "New World Order", with inevitable consequences for their own domestic orders. These papers, perhaps sometimes tangentially, demonstrate a general congruence. with the thesis underlying the term unsettling settler society. It would, however, be foolish to leave the scorecard incomplete. It can be said that the authors of papers in these two sections are attuned to contemporary concepts and frameworks relevant to the comparative analysis of Australian and Canadian society. They focus on the origins and outcomes of social transformation in society and the incorporation and implications of processes such as empowerment, resistance, conflict, negotiation and exchange. Equally, it should be noted that none of these papers has sought to include in their analyses, where relevant, the indigenous people. Similarly, the intersection of gender, racelethnicity and class was not an option that was exercised in any major sense by most of the authors, with the exception of Reitz; although one (or others) of them was addressed separately in many of these discussions. With regard to the papers in the two sections above, the reader, of course, is the final arbiter of the efficacy of the analyses made by the authors. It should be evident, however, that the processes of deliberate design and free choice set up by the organiser of the Conference netted scholarly contributions in Canadian Studies of good quality, which should interest a wide audience. These papers reflect not only a diversity of disciplines, methodologies and personal research interests (see, Foster, 1995 for more details on the work of Canadianists in Australia and New Zealand) but also appear to connect in some measure with an authoritative and legitimate contemporary framework for studies in the social sciences on "settler" societies.

Foster, L. 1995. A Profile of Canadian Studies in Australia and New Zealand. Bundoora: La Trobe University.

AUSTRALIAN AND CANADIAN LABOURCUM-CAPITAL MIGRATIONS:PUSH FACTORS, CAUSALITYAND THE ROLEOF US LABOURINTAKES

This paper analyses labour immigration and capital flows to Australia and Canada. Since flows to these countries depend on US market developments the latter's experience is also discussed. The investigation is historical and covers mainly the period after about 1870. The object is twofold. First, to examine links between different factor movements to particular countries and second, to consider relations between given types of factor movements to different countries. Does "capital chase labour" internationally and are there relations between given types of factor flow (e.g. labour) to different countries? Given differences between the countries in economic size it is reasonable to hypothesise an asymmetric interdependency. While US events impact on smaller countries, the reverse need not hold. How have US outcomes influenced Australian and Canadian developments? The main qualitative points of similarity and contrast between Australia and Canada relevant to factor migrations are summarised by Hawkins (1989). Both nations are geographically vast with abundant natural resources and small populations. Both have been high labour immigration countries providing alternative substitute destinations for internationally mobile (and mainly European) populations. Both have also attracted substantial capital inflow. These features are consequences of land abundance, capital-cum-labour scarcity and history.

Harry Clarke The factor flow and trade histories of each nation however are not neatly parallel. Thus, after 1860, Australian capital and labour inflows peaked in the mid-1880s while the Canadian peaks occurred twenty years later in the years leading up to WW1 when financial crashes and severe drought in Australia prevented it from enjoying the rapid labour migrations and high capital inflows that Canada derived fiom the closure of US frontiers. Random shocks at times have imparted distinctiveness to national developments. Such shocks affect a nation's attractiveness to mobile labour through time: apart from the economic shocks mentioned other changes might include the relaxation of a binding immigration quota, the opening of new frontiers and resource discoveries. Then, with additional labour migration wages fall thereby making it more attractive for capital to simultaneously migrate and hence creating relationships between different types of factor flows, even though national experiences are distinct. Also, as labour migrates demand migrates. Migrants have aboveaverage spending on durables associated with household and business formation so, in the short-run, spend more than they earn. Thus, even if spending initially balances with production, the arrival of newcomers creates extra spending which spills into import demands or capital inflow demands via current account deficits and capital chases labour. The initiating shock might (alternatively) increase destination attractiveness for capital. Then, by increasing wages, the subsequent induced flow is labour. The shock might (alternatively) simultaneously increase destination attractiveness for both capital and labour. Then, either labour chases capital or both capital and labour jointly pursue abundant natural resource factors such as land. This same possibility arises if migrants bring capital with them. In short, international capital and labour flows are jointlydetermined by shocks specific to individual countries. This study analyses this joint-determination and asks what causes what? There are also possible relations between factor flows to different countries. For example, labour migrations are often explained in terms of migrant source-country push factors (escape fiom war or religious persecution, poor source country economic circumstances) or destination-country pull factors (frontier opening or closure, boom business conditions or prospects in destination countries, liberal entry policies and so on). For given entry policies, common push factors promote similar patterns of migration across different countries. If labour movements induce capital flows, a common pattern of capital flows will be observed

Labour-Cum-Capital Migrations and factor movements to different countries will be positively correlated. Pull-induced migration based on different entry policies and/or destination attractiveness provides a basis for distinctive national trends. For example, restrictive US policies increase migration demands for entry elsewhere and promote negative correlation between US and other intakes. Concern here is with the scope of push and pull factors and whether immigration determinants have changed. It is argued that, although Australia and Canada (and until 1950 the US) have been substitute destinations for factor flows, substitutability here has been dominated by common "push" factors, particularly for labour immigrations. Thus common trends in labour flows to each country have been sustained with the US emerging as a significant substitute destination for each country only after 1950. In collecting data to analyse such issues, it became apparent that complete, documented historical time series were difficult to put together. A data base centred on three main variables was eventually developed:

'

Measures of labour immigration - concern is with aggregate numbers entering per year or per quarter. IMMRAT, the immigration rate, is the ratio of immigration to average population during a period. Measures of capital inflow -the current account deficit is used as a measure of such flows. This measures the excess of spending over domestic output - a deficiency accommodated by net external borrowing or capital inflow. CURRAT or the capital flow rate is the negative of this external deficit relative to economic size as measured by GNP. A terms-of-trade index -interest centres on whether current account trends can be best understood as induced by migration flows or real price shocks. An intended spinoff fiom the analysis is an indication of the role of factor movements as opposed to other real variables influencing trade as determinants of external imbalance. These variables are examined using annual data extending back to 1820-1870 and, using quarterly data, post-WW2: details of these data are discussed further in Clarke and Smith (1995). The remainder of this paper is structured as follows: Section 2 discusses long-term factor movement trends to (or fiom) each of the three economies. Section 3 examines quarterly post-WW2 data. Section 4 summarises conclusions.

Harry Clarke

This section considers long-term factor flow trends for Australia from 1861-1992, for Canada 1870-1991 and for the US 1820-1991.~ Comparable data for each country are available from 1870-1991. The major features of experience are: 1) From 187&1991 the US took in 42.2 million immigrants, Canada 12.8 million3 and Australia 5.4 million. US admissions have dominated those of the other two countries being 70 percent of total admissions. This picture of US dominance remains valid in the 1990s: in 1991 the US admitted 704,000 legal immigrants (and perhaps 500,000 illegal immigrants) - the corresponding figures for legal immigration to Australia and Canada were 109,000 and 214,000. Further, from 19751980 two thirds of all immigrants went to one of these three countries so the US intake has been high internationally overall: See Borjas (1988): 2) While levels of US immigration have been high, rates of US admissions relative to total population have been low. As a fraction of the total population in 1991, the total US intake from 1870-1991 was only .19: the corresponding figures for Australia and Canada were .30 and .48 respectively. In 1991 the US immigration rate was 0.2 percent compared to Australian and Canadian figures of 0.6 percent and 0.8 percent respectively. 3) Along with movements of people - and perhaps induced by them - went substantial capital. Capital inflow has averaged 3 percent of GNP in Australia and for only 28 out of 122 years from 1870-1991 (23 percent of the total) has Australia run a current account surplus. The Canadian experience is similar: capital inflow there has averaged 3 percent of GNP with surpluses for only 29 of the past 122 years (24 percent). The US however has at times been a major supplier of capital to the rest of the world: it averaged a small net surplus of about 0.25 percent of its GNP and has run deficits in 48 of the past 122 years (39 percent) and surpluses in the remaining 74. A striking feature of recent US experience has been the tendency to break with historical trends by being a significant international net borrower. 4) The behaviour of export prices relative to import prices (the terms of trade) has not been closely related to longer-term current account movements. The Australian terms of trade have drifted down from peak values in the 1920s with a regular secular decline since the 1950s. The Canadian terms of trade have been either trendless or drifted slightly upwards over the hundred years to 1970 whereupon they have undergone a secular decline. The US terms of trade fluctuated trendlessly from 1820-1880 and then improved secularly through to the mid-1940s

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations whereupon they went into a secular decline. In all three countries shortterm movements in the terms of trade were more significant than longerterm movements but in no case is there a simple relation between such relative price movements and current accounts. The history of specific countries is now considered.

Prior to 1861 Australian labour immigration experience was dominated by a surge in immigration following the gold discoveries of 1851. From 1852-1861 Australia's population grew by 16 percent per annum (Kelley, 1968, 214) about four times the annual growth rate subsequently. Available capital inflow data over this period - imperfect as it is - suggests similarly massive capital inflows. Butlin (1986) estimates the ratio of capital inflow to GDP from 1853-1960 averaged more than 10 percent with a peak of 17.5 percent in 1853. It is possible to see a similar (though less rapid) surge in immigration and capital flows to the US during this period. There has been a close relation between immigration and capital flows to Australia for most of the following 130 years after 1861: see Figure 1. In this figure the simple correlation between the variables from 1870-1991 is r=.32 which is significant at the .O1 level. From 1861-1891 there was generally high immigration and capital inflow but with substantial cyclical variability. Boehm (1979: 20) refers to this period as the first (of two) "long upswings" in the Australian economy when population grew rapidly (3.3 percent annually) and real GDP per capita grew at about 1.5 percent. Rates of immigration and capital inflow reached peaks in 1863-64 and trended downwards until 1871-72 when they again grew strongly through to 1882-83. Then they both fell steadily to 1893 when there was a net emigration of both capital and labour. From 1893-1908 immigration virtually ceased as did capital inflows. In the early 1890s there was emigration of both capital and labour. There was a massive business recession in the Australian economy followed by protracted droughts. From 1909-1914 there was a brief period during which immigration again proceeded at a moderate rate although capital inflows only recommenced in the latter years 1912-1914. From 1915-1930 immigration gradually expanded as did capital inflow which peaked in 1930. GDP fell during WW1 partly due to a severe drought in 1914-15. Dry conditions also prevailed in 1918-19 and 1919-20. Enlistments for WWl took 300,000 adult males (about 15

Harry Clarke percent of the labour force) from industry which accentuated the contraction. From 1931-1947148 immigration was negligible and capital imports remained moderate until WW2 when capital substantially left the country. During WW2 about 716,000 people (about 25 percent of the labour force) were absorbed into the defence forces but the effective reduction in the civilian labour force was only one third of this because the armed forces drew extensively on the unemployed and recent additions to the workforce. From 1949-1992 immigration rates were high though declining. Apart from the years 1951,1953,1957 and 1973 the current account was in deficit with generally high capital inflows. During the entire period there were two major business cycle fluctuations. The first started with the twin boom years of 1889 and 1891: see Boehm (1979). Immigration peaked before this around 188384 while rates of capital inflow peaked around 1882-84. The second also started with the twin boom years of 1927 and 1929 with immigration peaking ftom 1924-27 and capital flows peaking from 1924-27. There are also close relationships between factor movements and the short-term business cycle though the nature of lead-lag relationships is complex. Are the different factor flows here induced by a common business cycle? If this is so it is spurious to identify a causal link between them. Undoubtedly both flows are part cycle-induced. There are, however, long periods in Australian history (1861-1890, 1950-1990) where high average rates of immigration are associated with high average capital inflows. Also, there are as well historical episodes (such as the depression of the 1890s) where peaks in factor inflows preceded peaks in economic activity. These features seem inconsistent with a pure tradecycle-driven theory of factor flows. Finally, the return to high immigration after WW2 was a policy act taken by a Labor government which was independent of the trade cycle. This was subsequently followed by sustained high capital inflow^.^

Canadian factor flow developments have common features with Australian experience. Intuitively though, given Canada's geographical proximity to the US, the common push factors driving labour migrations promote the strongest links between Canada and the US. The period 1870-1914/15 was a period of sustained high capital i d o w and high (though variable) immigration. From 1889-1900 there was a severe downswing in Canadian immigration, capital imports and

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations infrastructure investment. Unlike Australia, immigration continued at a high rate throughout most of the period 1900-1910. The period 19001915 marked a phase of intense capital inflows when the Canadian economy experienced an investment boom related directly or indirectly to the settlement of its western prairies and to the closure of the US frontier! While Australian labour migration rates peaked in the 1880s7 Canadian migration rates (both net and gross) peaked much later around 1913. From 1915 through to the 1940s immigration was negligible and capital inflows much lower than in Australia. After WW2 the Australian intake surged, while that of Canada grew gradually but then, from 19501991, Canadian migration trends followed Australian trends closely. Canadian immigration and capital flow experience 1870-1 991 is presented in Figure 2. As with Australia there is a close relation between capital inflows and immigration for more than 120 years. The simple correlation between these flows is highly significant at r=.72. While there were minor divergencies in the early 1920s and a number of shifts in the apparent intensity of the relationship there are fewer errant shortrun trends than even for Australia. With Canada, as for Australia, there were significant economic downturns beginning in the 1890s and 1930s. Immigration plunged as these downturns developed although capital flows fell only moderately during the 1890s. Virtually all small cyclical fluctuations in labour immigration are matched by capital flow fluctuations. The major fall in recorded immigration rates occurred during WW1 when it was accompanied by substantial falls in capital inflow. This appears not business-cycle-induced, though this is difficult to confirm rigorously because of difficulties in evaluating wartime evidence. Moreover, evidence comparing average rates of capital and labour inflow is less conclusive than for Australia. Certainly over the period 1870-1914, there were two sub-periods of high immigration with two matching high capital inflow. This provides weak support for the hypothesis that "capital chased labour" rather than that each factor flow was businesscycle-induced.

Although, as mentioned, US immigration rates have been low the absolute level of US migration has been large enough to make it the significant international force among countries seeking immigrants for at least the last 150 years.

Harry Clarke The period 1820-1880 is characterised by LeMay (1989) as having an "open door" policy. Basically anyone who sought admission to the US was permitted entry. Immigration levels showed an increasing secular trend over the period with a pronounced cyclical high in the early 1850s. Capital inflow rates reached cyclical highs during this phase of rapid population growth. Both immigration and capital inflow rates collapsed in the late 1870s. Figure 1 : Austrdim lrrmigdion m d Copitd Flows 1861-1 992

Figure 2: Ccnadcn lmnigdion m d Ccpitd Flows 1870-1991

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations The phase 1880-1920 is described by LeMay as the "door ajar" period. There was a reduction in numbers migrating during the 1890s followed by a surge in entry in the period leading up to the Great Depression. This was a phase in US development where previously rapid rates of immigration showed great cyclical variability with peaks in the early 1880s and 1900s and marked troughs in the 1890s and after 1910. Capital flows also showed cyclical variability but with a trend towards surplus. By the end of the period both immigration and capital inflows were low. From 1920-1950, the "pet door era" developed with a restrictive "national origins" basis for immigration policy. A crucial event was the signing into law by President Harding of the Immigration Act of 1921, which set the first immigration quotas in US history. These interim restrictions remained in force until the Immigration Act of 1924 (the Johnson-Reed or National Origins Act), which further restricted quotas. Immigration then declined to low levels as did capital inflows. This was a critical phase for US immigration policy, since it decisively (and permanently) ended the US phase of (legal) rapid population expansion. In the subsequent 70 years legal rates of immigration have never approached those prevailing for the 110 years prior to the legislative changes of the 1920s. Moreover, from this period the relation between immigration and rates of capital inflow which had been stable broke down both decisively and permanently. The post-WW2 period is characterised by LeMay as the "Dutch Door era" with increased immigration and, post-1970, increased capital inflows. This period is characterised by stable immigration rates which have drifted upwards through time. Unlike the smaller economies discussed, there is no clear relationship between capital inflows and immigration to the US particularly after the 1920s when immigration rates fell markedly. There are several reasons for this. First, the US has at times been a significant source of funds for capital outflow and these outflows are likely to be related to events elsewhere as well as to its immigration. Williamson (1964) sees 1895 as the last year where the US was a debtor nation -in 1896 it became a net creditor. Second, flows of labour to the US, particularly since the late 1920s, have been low relative to US economic size, so there is less reason for a causal nexus. Finally, since the late 1920s, movements of labour to the US have been stable. If there is a relation between capital and labour flows over this period it is hard to uncover because of inevitable noise in data and limited intrinsic variability.

Harry Clarke Figure 3 shows US factor flows fiom 1820-1992, Figure 4 from 1820-1926 and Figure 5 from 1927-1991. There is a close relation between Canadian and US intakes since 1870 - the two countries behave very much like one. The Australian and US intakes however diverged markedly in the 1870s, during the ten years after 1900 and around 1950 for exactly the same reasons that the Australian and Canadian intakes diverged. Figure 3: United Stdes lmnigdlm cnd Ccpitd Flows 1820-1992 (Assuming 2% Growth In Output Per Head 1820-1869) I

Figure 4: United S tdes lmnigdim cnd Ccpitd Flows 1820-1926 (Assuming 2% Growth in Output Per Head 1820-1 0.02

T

] - I IMMRAT ClJRRAT

0.04

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations Figure 5: United Stdes Imrr'gdion cnd Cq>itd Flows 1926-199 1

There are common features of the immigrationlcapital flow experiences of the three countries to be considered. These features are mainly illustrated graphically but relevant bivariate correlations are also presented in Table 1. 1) The very close relationship between international movements of labour and of capital for much of the period for Australia and Canada. Figure 1 and Table 1suggest this has been so for Australia over most of 1861-1991. There are, as discussed below, two exceptional subperiods fiom 1890-1907 and from 1915-1920. Figure 2 shows that, allowing for some discrete shifts, the same relation has persisted for Canada for most of 1870-1991. The overall stability of this relation is even stronger than for Australia: the correlation between factor movements remained substantial in each subperiod. Figures 3-5 show the contrasting and more complex US relation between capital flows and immigration. For the US there was a reasonably close relation from 1820-1926 although the 1850s surge in US immigration was unmatched by capital inflows. After 1927, immigration drifted steadily upward through time without much sample variability. As mentioned, for much of 1927-1980, the US was a significant capital exporter and such exports depend on conditions elsewhere. Note, in Table 1, the suprising strong correlation between the different types of factor flows to the US post-WW2.

Harry Clarke The interdependence between capital and labour flows has been examined by McLean (1991; 1994) who considers aggregate savings rates in Australia, Canada and the US. McLean notes the close long-term relationships between Canadian and Australian savings and the dissimilarity of both to US experience. He explains the dissimilarity here in terms of lower US dependence on foreign savings and therefore capital imports. Although McLean pays attention to the role of agestructure changes in inducing savings he does not relate age structure to immigration experience and therefore explain savings in terms of immigration trends. The same issue is considered in Thomas (1973, especially pages 106107) from the view of the UK as a migrant source country and capital exporter. From 1871 to WW1 there is a close relation between total UK emigration and total UK capital exports. However, while these variables "soared to record heights" towards the end of this period, net emigration to the United States barely increased at all suggesting no linkage. Finally, econometric causality tests by Clarke and Martin (1995) check whether close contemporaneous correlations observed between capital and labour flows imply that "capital chases labour", the reverse or if there is bidirectional causality or independence. From 1870-1991 evidence suggests that labour inflows caused Australian and Canadian capital inflows but there is no evidence of any causal link for the US. The Canadian experience also reveals weak links running from capital to labour. For the period 1870-1913 (when factor movements were intense) a similar picture emerges though now the reverse links from capital to labour for Canada disappear. For the inter-war and post-WW2 period there is little consistent evidence showing that "capital chases labour". This work offers an approach to testing precisely for causality and for formalising the idea that factor movements can be causally linked. To summarise: there is evidence suggesting links between immigration and capital flows to Australia and Canada and of weaker links between corresponding US factor movements. This presumably partly reflects the greater degree of US development and the fact that, being a capital exporter, the US was strongly affected by events in the rest of the world. This amounts to the McLean explanation of a lower US dependence on capital imports. 2) The close interdependencies between factor movements in the three countries. There are three factor flow relationships that might be expected a priori between the countries.

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations a) Associations between labour flows to different nations. If factors influencing the supply of immigrants ("push factors") are common to all three countries this should be reflected in positively correlated trends. If demand ("pull") factors are important there could be negative correlations. Thus Parkin and Hardcastle (1993, 42), for example, suggest that the high Australian immigration intakes since WW2 depended on restrictive US intakes. Cross-country relations between immigration are graphed in Figures 6-8 and numerical correlations presented in Table 1. The obvious link is between larger movements in US and Canadian immigration as illustrated in Figure 8. While there have been short-term cyclical variations between experiences in the respective countries and more stable US immigration intakes post-WW2 than in Canada, the significant changes in rates of intake parallel each other for over 130 years. Canadian rates of intake have exceeded US rates for much of the period (with this divergence marked during 1905-1915) but the pattern itself has been very consistent. The simple correlation between rates of immigration to Canada and the US from 1870-1991 is r=.72 which is highly significant. These strong links between Canadian and US intakes are consistent with dominant labour migration "pull" factors. In terms of transport costs it would cost immigrants about the same to get to either destination compared to the Australian journey. "Push" shocks stemming fiom either economy would promote patterns of substitution between the alternative intakes but these have been overwhelmed by common pull influences. On the other hand, Canada and the US share a common border of more than three thousand miles and there were vast emigrations fiom Canada over the period - often to the US. It would indeed be somewhat surprising if a close relation between labour intakes was not observed. Links between Australian and Canadian/US intakes are less close but still unmistakeable. From 1870-199 1 the correlation between Australian and Canadian intakes was r=.36 while that between Australia and the US was r=.23. These are weakly significant but remarkable given the time periods involved and data accuracy problems. There are several phases of Australian immigration history however where the relationship deteriorated or changed markedly. From 1873-1880 increases in Australian immigration were associated with decreases in both Canadian and US intakes. There was a countercyclical relationship fiom 19031908 when Australia experienced net emigrations and almost a complete breakdown in the relation fiom 1930-1950 when immigration levels in

Harry Clarke all three countries were negligible. From 1903-1908 immigration rates were much higher in Canada and the US than Australia. After WW2 Australia moved more decisively than Canada to a high immigration policy though immigration intakes in the two economies have subsequently tracked each other. US intake rates were lower and more stable than in Australia and Canada. As argued in Section 3, since immigration policies have become much more skill-selective during this phase, the link between US and Australian/Canadian immigration policies may have been permanently altered with restrictive US policies enabling high levels of Australian and Canadian intake. This is reflected in Table 1 by the negative relation between Australian-US and Canadian-US intakes post-WW2 - the main subperiod in 120 years where substitutability between intakes was observed. This suggests that while push factors have dominated relations between immigration policies to some point in time between 1930 and 1950,pull factors have subsequently become paramount. The reason that such pull pressures have not been vividly experienced by Australian and Canadian policymakers is perhaps due to the stability of post-WW2 US policies. The policy authorities have been unaware of the constrained nature of the immigration environment because it has not been changing. Should US policies change in the future, the nature of the constraints will become more obvious. b) Associations between capital flows in different countries. If capital imports depend on "push" influences in capital supply countries, a positive association between different national inflows can be expected when labour immigrations are comparable across countries. Then capital will be attracted to various destinations from source countries as capitalists optimise returns. Capital then chases labour. A complication here is that the status of countries as capital importers can change to being exporters as they mature. Thus the US has been a significant source of capital funds for other countries. The US current account has often been in surplus. This means that current account surpluses by the US could be linked (either directly or indirectly) to current account deficits elsewhere. Then capital inflows are linked to outflows. Cross-country trends in capital inflow rates are graphed in Figures 911and the respective correlations exhibited in Table 1. The relation between Canadian and US capital inflows is illustrated in Figure 11.From 1870 to the early 1920s there is a close relation between the inflows. Thereafter the relationship disintegrates and, apart from a few brief phases, if anything, becomes negative, with increased capital flow to Canada being matched by a move of the US current account towards surplus. Then, while to the early 1920s capital "pull" factors

Labour-Cum-Capital Migrations dominated, after this time Canadian capital inflows seem linked to US outflows. The latter relation is not close - this would be hard to rationalise anyway given the small size of the Canadian compared to the US economy but the inflow-outflow link seems stronger than one based on "pull" factors. Relations between capital flows are illustrated in Figures 9 and 10 respectively and in Table 1. There are phases of positive and negative association operating over sub-periods of 1870-1991 suggesting perhaps a mix of "pull" and "inflow-outflow" linkages. Given the data quality the safest conclusion is probably that the flows are not clearly linked (or "pulled") at all. All calculated correlation coefficients are small and statistically insignificant. c) Direct links between capital flow and labour flows. These links should be strongest between capital-source countries (here the US) and labour migrations to capital-destination countries (Australia and Canada). Thus a country which receives many immigrants might tend to attract capital from capital-source countries. Then significant intakes in Australia or Canada might be associated with movement of the US current account towards surplus. The US investments need not be direct to high migration economies but could be indirect to other capitalimporters. A priori this seems a strained relationship to expect to observe given the substantial size of the US. The relationship is examined in Figures 12 and 13 where there is (at best) weak evidence of a positive relationship. Up to 1950 when Australian or Canadian immigration levels rise so too have US immigration levels. Thus a rise in small country immigration has been associated with increased US deficits as capital pursues cheap labour in the US as well as elsewhere. To 1950 there is no evidence that high immigration to the small countries has induced capital outflows from the US. This seems to be about the most definite conclusion possible given the instability of the correlations in Table 1. If there is an intransitivity in this reasoning when it is linked to the analysis of sections a) and b) above, then it is only weak. In a) there are reasonably close links between immigration and capital flows for Australia and Canada but not the US. In b) there was a close relation between US and Canadian immigration policies to about 1950 but that the links between Australian and Canadian/US intakes were less close. It is not really surprising to find weak or non-existent links between immigration to small countries and capital outflows from a larger one though the post-1950s data warrants further investigation. 3) The lack of a role for the terms of trade in explaining long-term capital flows. To this point the current account has been assumed to

Harry Clarke reflect imbalances in the market for capital funds. A more traditional current account view emphasises its trade balance component and looks at commodity markets for the determinants of trade balances. From this view a major determinant of the current account should be the terms of trade. This measures exchange-rate-adjusted export prices divided by import prices. An improvement in this ratio (an increase) should result in a decreased trade deficit. Thus the trade deficit (and the level of capital inflow) should be negatively associated with the terms of trade perhaps with a lag. A relation was sought by inspecting graphs and calculating correlation coefficients but the findings are very mixed (and to save space not reported here -they are available on request from the author). The evidence is sufficiently unclear to call for agnosticism and for a more careful examination of the relations using econometrics. This needs to be supplemented with data on the behaviour of real domestic and foreign incomes -a task beyond the present study's scope.

Figure 6: Austrdim cnd CaMdcn I h g d i o n T rmck 1870-199 1 0.03 0.025

di

0.02

-gecn 0.015 -

ia

OaO'

0.005 0

-0.005

R 2" g ; g g % g g g E P 2

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations

Figure 7: Austrdim m d United S tdes Imnigcdim Rdes 1870-1991

Figure 8: Canada, and United S tdes lmnlgcrtim Rdes 1870-1991

Harry Clarke

Figure 9: Austrdicm end Ccnadcm Ccpitd lnf lows 1870-199 1

-

CURAUS

-CURCAN

Figrre 10: Austrdicn end United Stder W t d Inflows 1870-1991

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations

Figure 11: C a n d m m d United S tdes Ccpitd Inflows 1 870-199 1

Figure 12: Austrdim lmnlgration m d United States Ccpitd Inflows 18701991

Harry Clarke

Figure 13: Cutdm lmnigdion cnd United States Ccpitd Inflows 18701991

The post-WW2 period is of primary contemporary relevance although there are several difficulties in analysing behaviour over this period. Empirically the major advantage in looking at post-WW2 experience is the availability of quarterly time series data on factor flows. The constraint in this regard is typically the availability of quarterly immigration data. These data are available for Australia from 1949:3, for Canada from 1952:l and reasonable US estimates have been recovered from 1950:3. These data potentially enable the determination of more precise timing relationships between the various factor flows using causality analysis. Unfortunately the post-WW2 immigration experience of all three countries is (relative to pre-WW2 experience) very stable so it is difficult to observe patterns in the data. For the US in particular (legal) immigration rates have evolved very smoothly through time and at lower rates than any time since the late 1920s. Australia and Canada have shown considerably more variability but the link with US policies remains difficult to uncover. The Parkin and Hardcastle (1993, 42) hypothesis that the very high immigration intakes achieved by Australia post-WW2 were a consequence of relatively restrictive US immigration policies is in some respects consistent with the facts but it is difficult to justify conclusively.

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations Table 1. Correlation Matrices for International Factor Flows

CURAUS

IMMCAN

CURCAN

IMMUS

CURUS

IMMAUS

CURAUS

IMMCAN

CURCAN

IMMUS

CURUS

IMMAUS 19111950 XMMAUS CURAUS IMMCAN CURCAN IlldMUs CURUS

CURAUS

IMMCAN

CURCAN

IMMUS

CURUS

IMMAUS

CURAUS

IMMCAN

CURCAN

IMMUS

CURUS

18701991 IMMAUS CURAUS IMMCAN CURCAN IMMUS CURUS 18701910 IMMAUS CURAUS IMMCAN CURCAN IMMUS CURUS

19511991 IMMAUS CURAUS IMMCAN CURCAN

fMMUs CURUS

Harry Clarke It is clear fiom the long-term evidence that, fiom the 1930s to the end of WW2, labour immigration rates in all three countries fell below levels prevailing at any time back to 1880 and that, after WW2, rates of migration to the US remained low while rates of entry to both Australia and Canada were consistently much higher. The immigration and capital flow trends have been examined in the three countries post-WW2 using this quarterly data base but to save space detailed charts are not presented here (again these are available from the author on request). The series shows considerable 'short-term variability (and seasonality) which makes assessment of medium-term trends difficult. Experimentation with a series of smoothing procedures did not markedly improve the clarity of the charts so only unsmoothed time series are presented. The qualitative experience of each of the three countries is now briefly discussed.

Australia launched a massive immigration program after WW2. This was the "populate or perish" era and immigration rates reached their highest levels for 40 years. There was concurrently a boom in wool prices during the Korean War followed by a collapse in wool prices in 1952 which produced a current account deficit of about 14 percent of GNP. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s capital inflows proceeded rapidly mainly to finance resource projects. Immigration intakes were also high. In 1973 export prices again boomed and the current account moved into surplus. Then, following the oil price shock of 1973, the current account moved into deficit again very quickly. It has remained between 2-6 percent subsequently through to 1991. From 1973-1992 immigration rates showed considerable instability varying from .15 percent of total population in 1976 to .98 percent in 1989. The existence of quarterly post-WW2 data provides an opportunity to test for lead-lag relationships between capital and labour inflows. Unfortunately, as mentioned, there is less sample variability than displayed pre-war.

After WW2 Canada embarked on an active immigration program though intake rates were less rapid than in Australia. The 1951 intake was double the average over the previous three years. The immigration rate surged to a record high of .17 percent in 1957 reflecting the Hungarian revolution and the Suez crisis. The intake rate

Ii

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations then varied between .04-.07 percent through to 1965. Then there were high rates of intake in both 1966 and 1967 followed by a downward drift in the intake to 1972. There were high rates of intake in 1973-75 after which rates again drifted down to low levels until 1989 when changes in government policy moved Canada once more toward high intakes. Currently Canada has high intake rates in the midst of a severe global recession. There is no simple relation between immigration and the Canadian current account post-WW2.

Immigration to the US post-WW2 has displayed very stable growth. The intake rate has grown from .16 percent in 1950 to .28 percent in 1991. While this rate is small, a feature of post-war experience has been the emergence of substantial illegal unrecorded immigration - in the 1990s while legal immigration levels were around 700,000 these recorded entrants were probably accompanied by about 500,000 illegal immigrants so actual US immigration rates then were as high as any time since the 1920s (Ruffin, 1984,238). Moreover, net capital inflows, while increasing up to 1987, were unrelated to the migration intake. Thus the surge in the current account deficit during 1984-1987 to between 3 and 4 percent of GNP was not associated with a sharp immigration increase but was related to US Federal Government budget problems. As mentioned earlier, this lack of association is unsurprising given the relatively small role immigration plays in the US economy and given that, through most of the post-WW2 years, the US has acted as a funds source for the rest of the world.

Since WW2 Australia has admitted over 4 million migrants while Canada has admitted over 5 million migrants. WW2 threatened Australia's security more than Canada's and stimulated the Australian Labor Party's "populate or perish" program which led to a greater surge in the Australian intake rates. With the decline in migration from traditional sources there was a practical motivation to continue migration from non-traditional sources by abolishing racially-discriminatory legislation -this was done in Canada in 1962 and in Australia in 1973. The consequent increase in ethnic diversity in each country led to "multiculturalism" policies in each (by Australia's Fraser Government in

Harry Clarke 1975 and Canada's Trudeau Government in 1971). Again, therefore, there was a broad parallelism in migration policy. Also statistically, as noted in Table 1, the Australian and Canadian labour immigration intakes have remained positively correlated postWW2. The major change has been that each of these intakes has now become negatively related to the US intake. The legal US intake rate has increased by 75 percent during this period which coupled with significant levels of illegal US immigration has meant that overall the US is currently experiencing its highest levels of immigration intake since the 1920s. From the viewpoint of smaller "high immigrationy' countries like Australia and Canada, the size of the US intake has become of prime policy concern. From this viewpoint it is US "pull" factors which are exerting a major influence on national factor flows policy. At the same time the traditional relationships between labour and capital flows has broken down almost entirely.

This is a preliminary study so conclusions should be modest and point towards questions for further research rather than being stretched into strongly-held views. Australia and Canada have been two small, though significant, destinations for internationally mobile labour and capital for well over a century. Although in some respects competitive destinations, they have shared very similar experiences with respect to "jointness" of flows and the effects of US labour intakes. Being small individually the mutual role of each other's intakes has been less important than that of the US. Being similar in economic structure (with respect to resource abundance and capitalflabour shortages) has meant that US intake variability has impacted similarly on each. A main observation is the close link between immigration and capital flows when countries are seeking capital from the rest of the world. Once the US became a capital exporter, this relationship weakened considerably and even showed signs of reversing itself. There is some evidence that "capital chased labouryyto Australia and Canada but there is also evidence that the general business cycle induced increased flows of both types of factors. Particularly post-WW2 there is little evidence of a close statistical relation between capital flows and immigration. There is strong evidence of links between levels of labour immigration in each of the economies considered, particularly from 1930-1950. This suggests that common "push" factors lay behind

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations immigration experiences globally over this period. After WW2 Australia and Canada accepted much higher rates of immigrant intake than the US. The US in a sense can be seen to facilitate these high intakes so, we argue, US "pull" (or "policy") choices can be regarded as determining global experience over this latter period. A consequence of this view is that current immigration policies by small countries like Australia and Canada will be strongly influenced by US policies. If the US should move to restrict its intake then small countries will have an improved opportunity to expand theirs. Conversely, should the US intake continue to trend upwards then it will become increasingly difficult for smaller countries to maintain their programs without sacrificing skill and other attribute objectives of their immigration programs. Some of the above results have now been extended to "high labour emigration" economies: see Clarke (1996). Also, an implication of the linkage between labour and capital flows has been the development of a positive- and welfare-oriented theory of "labour-cum-capital" migrations (see Clarke, 1994a; 1995). Finally, in devising immigration policies, Clarke (1994) has emphasised the necessity of planning in a setting which recognises the existence of an integrated international labour migration market and interdependent policy making. Decades ago monetary and fiscal policy design in Australia was dominated by the statistical analysis of local interest rate movements, income trends and wage/price signals. These days discussion focuses at least as much on the behaviour of such variables in the Japanese and US economy. The same changes need to impact on equally important immigration policies. Trends in aggregate intakes and in such things as illegal immigration for Australia and Canada depend as much on US as local developments. This needs to be reflected in the way statistical data on factor flows is presented in each country and on how policy debates are conducted.

IMMRAT is immigration norrnalised by population. This conveys the idea that as a country's population increases, its ability to absorb immigrants increases. An intake of 200,000 per annum is large in Australia but small in the US. CURRAT measures normalised real capital inflows. Thus if X denotes exports, M imports, R net interest and dividends paid to foreigners and E total (public and private) expenditure and NNP is net national product, then the current account M+R-X = E-NNP.Thus the current account deficit reflects the excess of national expenditure over national income. This corresponds to the private plus public sector deficit. If the foreign exchange market clears, then this deficit corresponds to increased borrowing. If it does not clear, then the external deficit can be financed by a loss of foreign exchange reserves. Using the current account as a measure of capital flows ignores such reserve movements. This is a reasonable approximation if capital inflows are small relative to changes in reserves.

Harry Clarke For the US it is only the lack of GNP data from 1820-1868 which prevents data hom being extended back another 49 years and this GNP data are only needed to scale current account data. Therefore, additional information about US behaviour is provided for 1820-1868 using an assumption to derive a rough scaling procedure (specifically real US output is assumed to grow at 2 percent per annum over this period). This exaggerates the Canadian intake since (for availability reasons) Canadian intakes are defined gross not net as for the other two countries. Emigration is therefore not excluded. Emigration is very significant for Canada during the nineteenth century. As the survey in Willcox (1931, chapter 3) makes clear from 1861-1901 emigration exceeded immigration so that population grew during this period only due to natural increase. While other countries did actively accept migrants during this period the dominant role played by the US is not open to question. Some European migrants went to South Africa and to some South American countries but, overall, from 1820-1920, when this migration was most active, Hatton and Williamson (1992,2) estimate that three-fifths of the 60 million European migrants who left for New World destinations went to the US. It is dangerous to generalise about the extent of labour-induced capital flows. One difficulty is the lack of data on autonomous changes to immigration policy. If there were more historical episodes such as the post-WW2 immigration policy change, it would be simpler to statistically test the hypothesis that immigration inflows induced changes in capital inflow. These trends relate to gross immigration, so emigration is excluded. This is important since from 1861-1401, considering those in the population aged 10 years or over, Canada lost more emigrants than it gained in migrants, so that whatever population growth did occur was due to natural increase.

Boehm, E. 1979. TwentiethCentury Economic Development in Australia. Second Edition. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire. Borjas, G. 1988. International Differences in the Labor Market Performance of Immigrants. Michigan: W.E. Upjohn Institute. Butlin, N. 1986. "Contours of the Australian Economy 1788-1860", Australian Economic History Review, Vol. 26, September. 96-125. Clarke, H. 1996. "UK Labour Emigrations and Capital Exports 1820-1991", International Migration (forthcoming).

-. 1995. "International Labour-Cum-Capital Migrations, Welfare Implications and Evidence", Open Economics Review, Vol. 6, No. 4.323-40.

-. 1994a. "The Welfare Effects of Labour Force Growth with Internationally Mobile Capital", Journal of Population Economics, Vol. 7.79-98.

Labour-Cum-CapitalMigrations

-. 1994b. The Rationale for Forward Planning and Stability of the Australian Migration Program. Melbourne: Bureau of Immigration Research.

Clarke, H. and V. Martin. 1995. "Did Capital Chase Labour Internationally?" Papers and Proceedings of the AustraliaJNew Zealand Economic History Society Conference: University of Melbourne. March 31-April 2. Clarke, H. and L. Smith. 1995. "Immigration and Capital Flow Data for Australia, Canada and the United States 1820-1991," Mimeographed. La Trobe University. Halton, T., and J. Williamson. 1992. International Migration and World Development: A Historical Perspective. Historical Paper No. 41, Working Papers on Historical Factors in Long Run Growth. New York: National Bureau of Economic Research. Hawkins, F. 1989. Critical Years in Immigration: Canada and Australia Compared. Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Kelley, A. 1968. "Demographic Change and Economic Growth: Australia, 1861-191lW, Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, Vol. 5, (Spring/Summer). 207-77. LeMay, M. 1989. "U.S. Immigration Policies and Politics", in M.C. LeMay, ed. The Gatekeepers: Comparative Immigration Policy. New York: Praeger. McLean, I. 1994. "Saving in Settler Economies: Australian and North American Comparisons", Explorations in Economic History, Vol. 31.432-52.

-. 1991. "Australian Saving Since 1861n, in P.J. Stemp, ed. Saving and Policy: Proceedings of a Conference. Centre for Economic Policy Research. Parkin, A. and L. Hardcastle. 1993. "Immigration Policies in the USA and Canada", in JJ. Jupp and M. Kabala, eds. The Politics of Australian Immigration. Canberra: AGPS. 42-55. Ruffin, R. 1984. "International Factor Movements", Handbook of International Economics, Vol. I, R. Jones and P. Kenen, eds. Amsterdam: North Holland. 237-88. Thomas, B. 1973. Migration and Economic Growth: A Study of Great Britain and the Atlantic Economy. Second edition. Cambridge at the University Press. Wilcox, W. 1931. International Migrations, Vol. 11, Interpretations. New York: National Bureau of Economic Research. Williamson, J. 1964. American Growth and the Balance of Payments 1820-1913. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press.

This paper gives an overview of the activities of a few of the hundreds of Canadians who contributed to the earliest economic development of Australia, up to the formal establishment of Canada's first trade office in Sydney in 1895. The paper also gives an overview of the Canadian built ships involved, first in the early development of Australian commerce, and then in immigration to Australia. Canadians started arriving in Australia in numbers only after gold was discovered, but there were many Canadians who came to Australia before that time, so that the real beginnings of Australian-Canadian trade took place in the first half of the nineteenth century, and from this firm base the trade connections continued to multiply in the second half of the century. Since New South Wales lay on the route for ships engaged in trading with India and China, the first Canadians to visit Australia were probably some of the merchants who began arriving in Sydney on British and American ships from as early as 1791 to sell merchandise to the colonists. However it is difficult to document this for two reasons. First, because Canadians were from British North America, they were often called British. Second, Canadians were often confused with Americans at that time, just as they still are today. The next group of Canadians to have seen Australia would probably have been the whalers who became active in southern oceans in the nineteenth century. When the Spanish drove British whalers out of South American waters, they were forced to more distant oceans. There were large numbers of sperm whales off Australia's southern coast, and their oil was much sought after. The drunkenness, debauchery, brutality and

Ian W.Fry maltreatment of Kooris by the sealers and whalers has been well documented (see, for example, Garden, 1984, 19-20). Any contribution of the whalers to Australia's economic development was indirect at best, but Fletcher (1976,37) has pointed to the community benefit because the whalers brought goods for sale and obtained supplies and even crew members from thi colony. Although a shipbuilding industry began in New South Wales' early days, the local vessels were too small and too costly to fit out, so the fledgling colony relied almost exclusively on foreign-built shipping. Britain's famous oak forests were almost denuded by the l8OOs, so shipbuilding needed other sources, and Canada's forests were of great help in keeping the Royal Navy ruling the waves. Thus the development of importing and exporting was totally reliant on ships built overseas, and many Canadian built vessels were to play a part in this trade. By 1820, a small Australian export trade had begun to develop, with wool, seal skins and whale oil being the main products (Fletcher, 1976, 40). It was only natural that shipowners would seek to take something back with them on the retum journey in order to defray their costs. In the earlier stages, this meant at least some intercolonial transportation of people and goods. Later, after the discovery of gold, they sought to take goods to New Zealand and at times also to the northern hemisphere.

The first Canadian ship formally recorded at the port of an Australian colony was probably the Amity, which was built in 1816 and first berthed in Hobart Town in April, 1824 with passengers who were free settlers from Scotland. The Amity was a 148 ton brig built at St. John, N.B., and it provides a good illustration of the role Canadian shipping played in Australia's early history. The Amity was built of black birch, hackmatac and larch. Just over 75 feet long, about as big as a modem-day maxi yacht, it was used to carry New World timbers to the Clydesdale shipyards and return with Britain's industrial products, agricultural implements and the like (Eastley, 1952,3). A Scottish farming family, the Ralstons, bought the Amity in 1822 to use as a passenger ship for migrants bound for Australia. It sailed to South America for fresh water and supplies, then straight west helped by the prevailing winds known as the "roaring forties." It took six months to reach Hobart Town where the passengers left, and it continued to Sydney with two bulls and four cows.

Early Canadian Contributions Governor Brisbane bought the Amity in 1824 and used it as a coastal trader until 1826 when it was placed under Major Edmund Lockyer's command. The purpose of the voyage was to establish a permanent British presence in Western Australia, or New Holland as it was then known, so that another European power, especially France, could not challenge for "ownership" of the west of the continent. The Amity carried captain and crew, Lockyer, 18 marines, 23 convicts and a surgeon along with livestock and seed. It took six weeks to get from Port Jackson to Albany by Christmas Day, 1826. To commemorate the settlement in Western Australia, a replica of the Amity now sits on Albany's foreshore. The Amity continued work as a whaler, sealer and trader until it was wrecked near Flinders Island in Bass Strait in 1845. All hands were saved by nearby sealers (WestAustralian, 8 February 1991). The other famous Canadian built ship which played an important role in Western Australia's early history is the Parmelia. It almost did not, narrowly averting disaster near the end of the voyage to settle on the Swan River. According to The Story of the Parmelia, the Pannelia was built in 1825 for two Quebec merchants, William Sheppard and Charles Campbell, who sold it in London for use as a troop transport. Then Joseph Somes of the East India Company bought it and brought back a cargo of rice, hemp and saltpetre in 1828. By this time its condition had deteriorated, causing Lloyd's of London to downgrade its A1 rating (A refers to condition, I to class or style of construction) to EI, but the Governor-Elect of Western Australia, James Stirling, still liked it enough to charter it for £2,200. Into this tiny ship, only 118 feet long by 29 feet wide, nearly 150 men, women, children, passengers and crew were packed, along with their personal belongings, not to mention the cattle, poultry, stores and equipment needed to help establish the new colony. After 16 weeks, two of which were spent resting and replenishing at the Cape of Good Hope, the Parmelia amved at Cockbum Sound on 31 May 1829. After failing in their first attempt to enter the Sound, they sheltered off Rottnest Island overnight and tried again the next day. Stirling had taken over personal command of the ship, and ran into a shoal between Woodman's Point and Carnac Island, known now as Parmelia Bank. During the ensuing 18 hours, the Parmelia lost the foreyards, rudder, windlass, spare spars, long boat and skiff, but fortune was with it when the rising tide floated it off and it limped into the entrance to the Swan River. The Parmelia was repaired and sent to Java for stores for the new colony. After that, it was used to transport convicts to New South Wales until 1839, when it was destroyed by fire in Plymouth Docks. Negotiations to establish a replica of the Parmelia, for

Ian W.Fry use as a museum and a restaurant on the Swan River foreshore in Perth, have not been successful so far. The schooner Industry featured in one of Australia's earliest mutinies (Eastley, 1952, 3 4 ) . On 7 November 1835, it was cleared from Launceston bound for Hokianga, a trading settlement in New Zealand. Captain Sibson Bragg had bought the ship exactly one month previously, and this was his first voyage in charge. On the way, William Keys, the mate, argued with one of the sailors and Captain Bragg threatened to turn the men over to the cannibals of New Zealand when they got there. The fear of the Maoris so terrified the men that after breakfast on the same day, they set upon the Captain and threw him overboard, taunting him as he floundered while they sailed away from him. Keys, the mate, was at the helm and, under threat of the same treatment, was told to navigate them to South America. Keys managed to convince them to stay on course for Kokianga, which was then a major hideout for escaped convicts from Van Diemen's Land, by promising them he would support their story that the skipper had fallen overboard. On arrival, he reported the murder and the ringleaders were taken into custody, and put in chains for the return journey on the same ship. Unfortunately, their chains were stapled into rotting wood and they escaped, threatening the crew but surrendering when they were unable to get the' guns they needed. The three, two sailors and a cook, were executed on their return to Hobart. The Samuel Cunard was named after its builder who became one of Canada's shipping giants, founding the Cunard line of steamships which began in 1839 as a mail service between England and America in opposition to sailing ships. This square-rigged vessel was built in Cunard's earlier days in 1827 and featured three masts, one and a half decks and a standing bowsprit. It was 93 feet long, 27 feet wide and was carve1 built (i.e. with planks laid edge on edge). Cunard learned shipbuilding in Halifax, Nova Scotia, where he was born in 1787 into a poor Welsh Quaker family whose father worked as a carpenter in a dockyard. As a teenager he worked in the Halifax Lumberyard for the army, and learned enough to establish himself and his father as a company. During the War of 1812, they bought a captured American ship very cheaply, discovered it had a valuable cargo, and slowly built up a fleet of 30 small vessels which traded down the eastern seaboard to the West Indies, and were used for fishing and whaling. When no British firm bid for the trans-Atlantic mail contract, Cunard seized the opportunity and thus started his huge shipping empire which included such famous ships as the Lusitania, the Queen Mary and Queen

Early Canadian Contributions Elizabeth II (Blakeley, n.d.; MacNutt, 1965). In 1993, the Cunard line resumed activity in Australia with the Crown Monarch cruises. HMS Buffalo, which brought some of the Canadian convicts to Australia, had earlier brought female convicts from Britain to New South Wales. It was wrecked in New Zealand after the Canadian convicts were delivered to Sydney. In 1980, a replica was built at the site where it had berthed in 1838 after being captained by South Australia's new governor, Captain John Hindmarsh (Guardian Messenger, 3 June 1992). The Buffalo is now a popular licensed restaurant at Glenelg. Some of the ships built in Canada which were active in Australia's early history are listed below (see Bennett and Fry, 1995, Ch. 4, for a fuller account).

TABLE 1:CANADIAN BUILT SHIPS Type

Amity Parmelia Marianne Industry Camilla Samuel Cunard

brig barque brig schooner brig

-

1816 1825 1827 1827 1827 1827

Abeona

brig

1832

-

1834 1839 1827 1826 1837 1838 1839

Maguasha Brothers Clarence Patriot Agenoria Ariel Jane

brig barque

-

brig schooner

Where

Date Built

Ship Name

St. John N.B. Quebec Quebec Quebec Yarmouth, N.S. Brasdia Lake, Cape Breton, NS Brus Dor Lake, Cp Breton, NS Carleton, Lower Canada Portland, N.B. Clare, N.S. St. Martins, N.B.

P.E.I. St. John, N.B. Bathurst, N.B.

Register in Australia 1824 1824 1835? 1835 1838 1839 1840 1840 1841 1841? 1842 1842 1844 1848

Wallace's Record of Canadian Shipping (1929) is a register of 3700 square-rigged vessels, built in the eastern provinces of British North America between 1786 and 1920. Of these at least 300 ships were built specifically for migratory flows from Canada, in particular the gold fever period of 1850-1890. Travel in those times was hazardous, and Bateson's Australian Shipwrecks (1972) lists 74 Canadian vessels built

Ian W.Fry between 1817 and 1927 which were wrecked en route to and from Australia, most in the gold fever period. This means that almost a quarter of these vessels met a tragic end. The Australian gold rushes were a massive stimulus to the shipbuilding industry, with passage to the colonies in great demand. A good number of smaller shipyards turned handsome profits in the 1850s; many goldseekers built or financed their own vessels; a few increased their business and made a fortune from selling their ships. Gold seekers wanted to get from North America to Australia as quickly as possible, and clipper ships were developed to answer the need for speed. The clippers had a fast fine-lined hull and three towering square-rigged masts with many large sails. They were so named from the way they "clipped off' the miles. The most famous builder of clippers was Donald McKay, who, born on a humble farm in 1810 in Shelbourne County, Nova Scotia, became a ship's carpenter in New York in 1827. He built his first ship in 1839 and, seeing the demand for fast delivery of cargo and the need for rapid passage to the goldfields, first in California and then in Australia, he specialised in clippers. He applied the most advanced theories of design and construction to turn out the greatest tonnage of successful clippers in the world. The Great Republic, launched in 1853, was the largest sailing ship in the world at 325 feet long with a crew of 130. Many of McKay's clippers brought emigrants fiom North America to Australia in the 1850s (Stammers, 1978). The clipper which was best known to Australians, however, was not one of McKay's, but a Canadian clipper bought by the enterprising James Baines for his Black Ball Line in Liverpool. The Marco Polo was built in 1851 in New Brunswick, not overly large at 184 feet but large enough to allow for some comfort in large seas and the long run in the "roaring forties" from the Cape of Good Hope across to Australia. Its maiden voyage from Mersey to Melbourne in 1852 was achieved in a record 60 days, and the return around the Horn took only 76 days, with the infamous Captain "Bully" Forbes, noted for the brutality of his command, at his efficient best (Stammers, 1978).

Some Canadians made their fortunes on the goldfields, and stayed in Australia to make important contributions to their local communities. Others who were not so lucky on the goldfields stayed in Australia and resumed the trades and professions which they had followed in Canada.

Early Canadian Contributions Still others who were of a more entrepreneurial bent seized the opportunity to try something new in a young country. When gold was discovered, it took a good three months for the news to travel to eastern North America by ship, so the first to leave that continent were from the west coast. The largest influx was from California in 1852, with most going to the New South Wales goldfields. By 1853, most North Americans were coming from the ports of the eastern United States. Canadians started coming after gold in 1852. According to Potts and Potts (1974, 34-44), the New York Herald of 29 April 1852, reported a small, but steady, exodus of Americans and Canadians, as well as French and German residents of New York City, who were going to Australia to search for gold. Newspapers in Halifax (Nova Scotia) and New Brunswick advertised berths, and even passenger ships for sale. The New York Herald reported that the majority of passengers of three departing ships were "English, either from this or neighbouring cities, or fiom Canada". The passenger list of the Revenue which sailed in 1852, lists 168 passengers, 137 of whom were subjects of Great Britain. Of the 27 Americans, only 13 were native (Potts and Potts, 1974,39). M.D. Leiber wrote of travelling to New York to take a berth on the Torrent, most of whose passengers were thought to be from Canada. The voyage to Melbourne was uneventful, and they took just 100 days from port to port, without having to stop over on the way, as they had "plenty of provisions and water". Mrs A. Campbell wrote Rough and Smooth: or Ho! for an American Gold Field. She sailed on the Catherine Augusta, which had been advertised by W. & J. Tapscott and Co. as a 1,000 ton clipper. On her arrival in New York fiom Quebec, she and her husband found a squat tub of 350 tons, with inadequate provisions. Unfortunately, they could not cancel their berths as it would have ruined them financially (Potts and Potts, 1974,39,44). It is difficult to determine just how many Canadians came to Australia. One reason is that some Americans masqueraded as Canadians, claiming they came fiom Canada in order to avoid paying the alien tax. For example, American John Roberts came to Australia after hearing Australian expatriates in California extolling its virtues. Once under sail, he learned of his fellow passengers' vows of "eternal vengeance on every damned Yankee" (Potts and Potts, 1974, 31), so he prudently changed his origin from Massachusetts to Quebec. A New Yorker promptly followed his lead. Once landed, passengers normally headed for the diggings. The Victorian fields were yielding much more gold than those of New South Wales and were the preferred destination.

Ian W.Fry

The first Canadian to strike it lucky in Australia was a man called Swift, who found gold near Ballarat in 1851. Canadian Gully was named after him, reputedly by Dr Timothy Doyle, the surgeon who amputated the arm of the Eureka rebellion's leader, Peter Lalor. The gully and its issuing gutter were very rich, and the first large nugget ever found in Australia was at Canadian Gully in February, 1853. It weighed 1319 ounces, one of the largest nuggets found in Australia's early gold rushes. There was also a rich bend in the gutter of Canadian Gully which became known as the Jewellers' Shops, where the ground was prodigiously rich in heavy, lumpy bright gold. One large nugget was christened The Canadian. It was worth f6,200. In the same year, the Canadian Gully yielded the Sarah Sands (1117 ounces) and in 1854, the Lady Hotham (1177 ounces) was unearthed (see Bate, 1978; Molony, 1984; Withers, 1910 for more details) Zebina Lane discovered the rich Lane's reef at Wedderburn, west of Bendigo. Lane lived at St. Stephens, New Brunswick where his father Mathew and his mother Dorcas (nee Lumbard) had a farm until they moved to Maine. At the age of 15, he left school and became an engineer. In February, 1850, Cornelius Vanderbilt funded Lane and a group of adventurers to blaze a trail through Nicaragua as a short direct route to the Californian goldfields. They survived Indian attacks and fever, but had no luck at the diggings, so Lane and a group of Canadians set out for Australia in 1853. They had some luck at Eaglehawk and Canadian Gully before striking Lane's reef. Lane became a blacksmith at Sandhurst, near Bendigo, but soon resumed mining. He had married Mary Kearney from Galway in Ireland in 1855 and they had five children. They settled eventually in St. Arnaud, where he revived a run-down mine in 1887 which remained profitable through the 1890s. Lane was a keen rifleman and a lover of brass bands, and he became involved in community and civic affairs until be moved to Melbourne, where he died in 1906 (ADB, IX, 659-60). Zebina Bartholomew Lane was the oldest son who was determined not to be "a miner today, mine manager tomorrow and miner the day after". At the age of 15, he was managing a mine at St. Arnaud. At the age of 36 he was hanged and burned in effigy because of his tough management style. For instance, he obstructed an enquiry into lead poisoning at Broken Hill, even though his own daughter had died from lead poisoning after five years in the town in 1890. Lane became mayor of Broken Hill in 1889-90. Zebina Bartholomew Lane visited Coolgardie in Western Australia in 1893 and quickly became involved in floating

Early Canadian Contributions mining companies in the west. He travelled to London to promote mining there, and it was said that he introduced f15,000,000 into the colony before federation. He also invested in urban development and jarrah timber. The family moved to Perth in 1902, and he was elected to the West Australian Legislative Council in 190348. He continued to acquire mines, in America, and bought the Flowerdale estate at Broadford, Victoria for his two sons. He used the title of "Colonel" as he was the honorary colonel of the 1st W.A. Infantry Battalion. Lane died in Berlin in 1912 leaving an estate of about f 155,000 (ADB, IX). Another Canadian to strike it lucky was John Nolan (CV, 11, 197-98) who discovered the New Dempsey mine in 1859 fiom which phenomenal returns of up to 50 ounces to the ton were obtained. Nolan left Prince Edward Island at the age of 21 and arrived in Melbourne in 1854. He tried his luck at Beechworth, Big River and Wood's Point before his good fortune at Gaffney's Creek. He became the mining manager of the New Dempsey Company, and spent the rest of his life at Gaffney's Creek. He married Catherine Gaffney, the sister of the man after whom the creek was named and they had six daughters and four sons. Nolan was "much respected in the mining world as a man of strict integrity, whose word can always be relied on". One of his sons, Austin J. Nolan, attended Gaffkey's Creek State School and then had a private tutor before joining the New Zealand Loan and Mercantile Agency Company, working his way up before becoming Manager of a British produce firm in 1900. He maintained an interest in mining, taking over as chairman of directors of his father's company in 1897, and serving on the board of three other Gippsland mining companies.

Some of the Canadian adventurers were not so lucky on the goldfields, but were still able to adapt to life in their new country, using skills learned in Canada to good effect in Australia. The most striking example is the group of Canadian lumber workers who founded Tasmania's timber industry, the most successful of whom were Quiggin and Moore (CT, I, 487-92; 11,368) and Cummings and Raymond (Ramsay, 1937). Robert Quiggin was taken as a baby to Canada and was educated in Kingston and Hamilton, Ontario. He emigrated to Melbourne, arriving on 17 March 1853, and six months later he took a complete sawmilling plant with him to Tasmania, where he went into partnership with another Canadian, William Moore (who became an M.L.C. and Chief Secretary). He erected a plant at Wynyard on the northern coast, and established

Ian W.F'ry another sawmill at Devonport. They operated these mills for 47 years and held a virtual monopoly in the colony. They did an immense amount of business. They owned several vessels and traded with the other colonies and New Zealand, where the demand for Tasmanian hardwoods was well in excess of the supply. When Moore became ill and withdrew from the partnership, Quiggin moved to Taranova, near Wynyard, building a sawmill powered by a steam engine of 40 horse-power which turned out 50,000 super feet of timber per week. Quiggin acquired 6,000 acres of freehold and 4,000 acres of leasehold where he fattened about 1,000 head of cattle. He also invested in mining, becoming a large shareholder in the North-West Coast and Zeehan silver and tin mines. A freemason, he was vicepresident of the Waratah Hospital and was a member of the Table Cape Agricultural Society. He was approached several times to stand for parliament, but declined. Cummings, Raymond and Company was established by two other Nova Scotians. One of them, Edwin Cummings, originally entered into an arrangement with Mr C. Huxtable to start a sawmill on the River Don, and they sent to Canada for experienced lumberworkers. In July, 1853, 29 men arrived. The mill was started in August and opened in October, consisting of a log building, and a 20 h.p. engine. Stephen Cummings, Edwin's brother, was drowned early in 1854 when a mill boat laden with supplies was swamped at the mouth of the Mersey River. Two other men were lost, and one was saved by clinging to a chest of tea. A portion of the flesh of one of the unfortunate men was found in a large shark taken in the Mersey a few days later. Even though the mill was turning out 60,000 feet of timber a week by March, 1854, Huxtable was not satisfied and withdrew fiom the project, closing down the mill. It was bought by Thomas Drew, a Don farmer, and Edwin Cummings secured the goodwill of the business. He had considerable experience in the lumber trade in Canada, and he was confident that the nearby forests and the ready market in the fast-growing colonies would guarantee its success. He leased the mill from Drew and re-hired the Canadian lumber men. Edwin's 'brother, Anderson Cummings, came out to Australia in 1854 and joined the partnership. Joseph Raymond, another Nova Scotian who had not had much luck on the goldfields, came to Tasmania and joined the partnership as well. The new company had a disastrous start when their mill burned down in February 1855. Undeterred, they built another and slowly recovered. They built tramways into the forests and, by the end of the decade, a number of people had been attracted' to the area. The company had initially acquired a lot of land, some of which it sold to settlers. The

Early Canadian Contributions company further diversified in the 1860s by opening a coalmine, building ships and undertaking bridge and wharf construction. They established a furniture and upholstery factory, secured a tramway contract, and in 1872 built a breakwater. Back on the mainland, a number of French Canadians tried their luck in the Omeo district of eastern Victoria. Their number included David De Jarlais, Louis Hanckar, Charles Le Blanc, Joseph Lanouette, Moses Ouligny, Louis Vervoguin, Zepherin Champagne, Charles Chatelaine, Cyril Seriole, Benjamin Gillberteau and Samuel Tetu from Wolf River. We know most about David De Jarlais who, along with the others, started creek sluicing, with some water races as long as 20 miles. Conditions were tough on the most isolated goldfield in Victoria. Freight charges went up to 260 per ton, and the extreme cold of the winter with up to five feet of snow at Christmas Creek was daunting to all (except the Canadians!). De Jarlais also tried his hand at tin mining and storekeeping on the Gibbo River, where he built an abattoir, selling meat on one occasion to no less a celebrity than Ned Kelly. He then bought a property at Benambra, opened another butchery and a large boarding house, as well as a licensed wine shanty. The latter purchase, according to locals, was a mistake since old Mrs De Jarlais consumed far too much, being subject to bouts of dreadful language and other unseemly conduct. David's son who became known as Old Dave is part of the local folklore. He was engaged for 27 years to Lil Pendergast from a prominent local family of Welsh extraction but she finally threw him over because he always wanted her to name the date but she did not believe in hasty marriages. Dave is remembered for his addiction to shooting. His speech was a regular shooting metaphor, with "Now, now, keep your powder dry" or "Don't go off half-cocked" being among the printable expressions. Another son, Jerome, went missing in Western Australia before returning to live with his sister, Olive Longworth, whose son was the "best punt kick" ever. Many descendants of these Canadian pioneers still live in the Omeo district (M. Dyer: personal communication). In a paper prepared for the Doane Association of America in 1950, Frank Doane notes that the building of a new ship was always of great interest to Nova Scotian communities, and when a bigger one was completed there would be a gala holiday for citizens generally, with children allowed on board as the ship was launched. Captain Warren Doane built over eighty vessels ranging in size fiom schooners to brigs in his Barrington shipyards. Shipbuilding brought in much-needed capital as well as providing employment in lumbering, sawmills, carpentry, ship riggings, sailmaking, blacksmithing, tanneries, grist mills,

Ian W.Fry shoemaking and so on. It was a community that developed each ship and had a vested interest in its successful completion. Sometimes Halifax merchants or friends or neighbours would be part owners. Generally speaking, the shipbuilder would sail it on the maiden voyage, and perhaps another voyage or two, until he had enough capital to build another. Captain Doane had become an absolute teetotaller since the Great Temperance Awakening of the early 1830s. His whole family followed suit, along with the Coffin and Sargent families in Barrington, and have virtually remained so up to the present, with only the rare family member even indulging in tobacco. Three of Josiah Doane's sons married Sargents. Joseph Doane married Ann Sargent in February 1848 but she died in November of the same year giving birth to a daughter who died in infancy. Joseph married her younger sister Catherine in 1851. Captain Doane had begun building the Sebim in 1849, using timber from Lake Sebim in the nearby woodlands. When news of the Australian gold discoveries reached Barrington, Joseph Doane and three brothers decided to use the Sebim to head for the antipodes. They worked hard to complete the ship that would carry them, their wives (three of the Doane brothers had married Sargent sisters) and two Sargent men, along with other local adventurers including some from Yarmouth and Halifax. It took them three months to reach Port Phillip after leaving Halifax on 12 July 1852. They sold their ship in Melbourne "for a good price", and headed for Ballarat, where they lived in tents, chained a dog to the entrance, kept a pistol under the pillow and avoided the rum which "flowed like water among the rough class". Most of the adventurers returned to Nova Scotia after two or three years. Joseph Atwood Doane was one who stayed, even though his wife Catherine died in 1855. He had some success at the Gravel Pits, but he became very well known in Ballarat for his architectural prowess. He designed most of the Benevolent Asylum, "a palace in the Elizabeth style, with well-kept grounds, a magnificent home such as the English poor, we may suppose, have never dreamed of in their wildest flights of fancy". He built Ballarat's first council chambers in the 1850s but fire destroyed them and the new granite-front town hall was built in 1860-61. He designed fourteen churches in Ballarat between 1860 and 1870, ranging from the Wendouree Church costing £475 to the elaborate Dawson St. Baptist Church costing £3,591. He was mayor of Ballarat in 1864-65. He stood unsuccessfully for parliament against two sitting ministers in 1860; in 1869 one of them resigned to test public feeling about slurs on his character and the upright Methodist Doane opposed him, again unsuccessfully. He was also a committee member of the

Early Canadian Contributions Philharmonic Musical Society which was formed in 1858 (Withers, 1910,244-49). In 1872 Joseph Doane visited Nova Scotia and from there went to Leith, Scotland where he married again, returned to Australia, and died in Surrey Hills, Melbourne, in 1901. One brother, Seth Coffin Doane, is said to have remained in Ballarat for twenty years. His wife, Mary Jane Sargent Doane, was very ill, and he sent her home accompanied by his brother Arthur and his wife, but she died on the voyage. The unmarried brother, Arthur became a professor of music in London where he disembarked whilst the others continued on to Nova Scotia, eventually returning to Halifax where he was a successful music teacher for many years. A three-masted schooner, the Sybil, was fitted out by another group of young adventurers from Canada. One of them named Muir was descended from a grandfather who took part in the Jacobite uprising in 1745 and was forced to leave Scotland when his Ayrshire property was confiscated by the Crown. His father fought under Nelson at Trafalgar and Copenhagen. Muir was working for the Hudson's Bay Company before he and his friends decided to go to Australia, taking cattle, horses and sheep with them on the voyage. They disembarked at Geelong in 1852. The following year Muir set off for the goldfields at Buninyong, near Ballarat. Muir was at Ballarat during the Eureka uprising, at which a friend of his was shot. Muir's son John was born at the Fiery Creek diggings in 1857. Muir must have prospered as he educated John at Ballarat Grammar and Scotch College in Ballarat, prior to sending him to study under a private tutor in Melbourne for two years. John began working for the railways in 1875 as an engineer, becoming Assistant Engineer (of Victoria) in 1878 before taking up a position of Inspector of Engineering Surveys in Western Australia. His job was to locate the goldfields railways, prepare plans and estimates, and later he located all the agricultural areas' railways. He was also involved in the planning of the Trans-Australia railway, the outer harbour scheme for bringing inter-colonial boats into Perth, railway subways in ~ e r t h ,and bridges across the Swan river (CWA, 1,496-97). Allan Tompkins of Melbourne (personal communication) tells of his ancestor Joel Smith Tompkins, one of the "jack of all trades" Canadians who at one time or another was a storekeeper, a coach driver, a publican, a railway contractor, a town councillor and a librarian. Born in New Brunswick in 1828, he sailed out of St. John aboard the brig Australia in 1852 with about 70 other passengers, reaching Port Phillip on December 30. The passenger manifest shows his age to be 24 and his occupation -

Ian W.Fry a farmer. Tompkins was one of a party of fifteen who clubbed together and purchased the Australia, sold it "for a good sum" in Melbourne and headed for the Ballarat diggings. The group "did well ... and always had plenty of money", according to a letter Tompkins wrote later in Beaufort (near Ballarat) in 1896. He married Matilda Stuart in 1859 and had 7 children. He remarried in 1878, to Isabella Campbell and they had 4 children. The Jenkins family (CSA, 11, 238-39) were among the 44 Nova Scotians who set sail on the brigantine Sebim with Captain Seth Doane in 1852. Samuel Jenkins was born in 1818, the son of John Jenkins, a carpenter who emigrated to Canada fiom Plymouth. His wife of two years, Barbara Ann (nee Lyle) accompanied him, with their baby daughter. They were to have two more daughters in Australia and a son who took over the family business. Jenkins was at the Ballarat goldfields until 1860 when the family moved to Port Adelaide. Here he worked for a Mr Fletcher and a Mr Cruickshank "in commercial life" until he launched his own business in 1868 as a shipwright and shipsmith. He established his premises adjacent to the Birkenhead Ferry steps, and assisted in the building and repair of ships. The construction of a marine railway in 1881 helped his business by permitting smaller vessels up to 350 tons to be "slipped" at his new premises. Jenkins established a sound reputation at the port both as a builder and repairer, and he employed a large staff to cope with his clients, among whom were the B.B. Line and Mr Cruickshank. He built a ship for himself in 1882 which carried his name. At the age of 77, Jenkins and his 53-year-old wife took their 19-year-old daughter, Eliza, on a holiday to England and Nova Scotia. He died at 1890 at the age of 82; Mrs Jenkins lived to 86 years. In her obituary published in The Observer on 6 July 1918, she is referred to as Mrs Mercy Jenkins, not Mrs Barbara Ann Jenkins. The obituary also states that she met her future husband in Halifax where Samuel served an apprenticeship as a shipwright. We know that Samuel married Barbara Ann in 1850, but the obituary states that Mercy did not come to Australia until 1854, and did not marry Samuel for a further three years. Two explanations appear likely. Either the obituary was wrong, or Barbara Ann died and her younger sister came out to Australia and married Samuel, which is quite possible.

One of the most successful of the Canadian gold-diggers-turnedentrepreneur was Simon Fraser. Although unrelated to his famous

Early Canadian Contributions namesake Canadian explorer, Australia's most famous Simon Fraser was himself a transplanted Canadian. The Honorable Sir Simon Fraser, businessman, pastoralist, artesian water pioneer and politician had humble origins in Nova Scotia but overcame many hardships to become one of Melbourne's leading figures at the turn of the century. He was the grandfather of Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser. Simon Fraser sailed on the Aurora, arriving in Victoria in 1853. Fraser and most of the ship's company headed straight for Bendigo to try their luck. Fraser had enough luck to accumulate the capital to start himself off in business. He invested in a stock of goods and produce to sell to the miners, and moved into premises in Elizabeth Street in central Melbourne where he traded in horses as well. He married Margaret Bolger, his first wife, in 1862 and they had two daughters (ADB, IV, 216). As he accumulated capital from this successful business, Fraser saw the opportunity to invest in the expansion of the growing colony's transport network. Railways were being built, roads were going further inland and bridges had to cross waterways. In just eleven years, he had the capital to tender successfully for the completion of the SandhurstEchuca railway in 1864. As a partner in Collier, Barry & Co., he cleared a personal profit of f30,000, his share of the total profit of f 100,000, by substituting Bendigo gravel (which he learned about while mining), instead of the blue metal specified in the contract. With Barry and Brookes, he contracted to build part of the Port August-Farina railway in South Australia. He was one of the promoters and directors of the private railway line between Deniliquin in southern New South Wales and Moama on the Victorian border completed in 1876 (ADB, IV, 216). In 1867 he had begun to buy land in the newly opened colony of Queensland, where he lived for five years. The powerful Squatting Investment Company was formed in partnership with George Simmie, Thomas Craig and William Forrest, buying properties on the Dawson River which were later consolidated'under the name of Mount Hutton, and Thurulgoona in the Warrego district, which cost f380,000 for one and a half million acres. He owned considerable pastoral properties in all three eastern states. In conjunction with a Canadian well-borer he met in Sydney, he developed the first artesian water supply in Australian on his run at Thurulgoona. Mr J.S. Loughead used a "Canadian Pole Tool" plant to successfully bore where other machines had failed (Fraser, 1919). Of the other Canadian entrepreneurs who came to Australia during the gold rushes, perhaps the best known is Frederick Dalgety, founder of Dalgety & Co. According to the Australian Dictionary of Biography (IV, 4), his importance to Australia was "his role in the development of large-

Ian W.Fry

A

scale facilities for financing and organising the production and marketing of rural produce". The best known post-gold rush Canadian entrepreneurs are probably the Chaffey brothers, whose interest in Australian farming conditions began in 1885 when they met Alfted Deakin, who was later to become Prime Minister of Australia. At that time, Deakin was a cabinet minister in the government of the colony of Victoria, and was in California on a fact finding mission following a seven year drought in Northern Victoria. According to the publication Chaffky's Kingdom, as chairman of a royal commission on water supply, Deakin met with the Chaffey brothers and was impressed by their achievements in irrigation. Deakin's report, the dispatches of two journalists accompanying him, and exaggerations by one Stephen Cureton, now in Los Angeles but who had been in Australia, probably influenced the decision of George Chaffey, at the age of 38, to try his luck in Australia. The establishment of Australia's dried fruit industry in Mildura and Renmark are directly attributable to the Chaffey family.

It is clear fiom the activities of the few Canadian-Australians mentioned in this paper, and fiom the host of other activities which cannot be included here, that formal trade relations between Australia and Canada were actually established well before 1895. For example, so well established were the trade links that Sir Roderick Cameron was an honorary commissioner fiom Australia at the American Centennial Exposition in 1876. He then became an honorary commissioner from Canada at the Sydney Exposition in 1879 and also at the Melbourne Exposition in 1880. Cameron's links with Australia began in 1852 when he chartered a ship in New York in which a party of young Canadians sailed to Australia. Although he was born in Canada, Cameron became established as a highly successful shipping merchant in New York, with branches in London and Sydney (Who was Who in America, 1943, I, 186). In a letter dated, 19 October 1886, the Secretary of State in Ottawa wrote to the Colonial Secretary in New South Wales: Sir,

I have the honour to advise you that Mr Alexander Woods, of Toronto, Ontario, has been appointed by this government as Agent General to Australasia, for the purpose of assisting in the development of Commercial relations between the Australian Colonies and Canada... I have further to express the hope that,

Early Canadian Contributions through Mr Woods' efforts, the Commercial relations between the Colony of New South Wales and the Dominion of Canada may be materially increased, and more fully developed in the near future, to the advantage of both countries. (Sir Henry Parkes' correspondence)

We can only assume that Alexander Woods did what he was meant to, because John Short Lark disembarked from the Warimoo in Sydney in 1895, the first Canadian Trade Commissioner ever assigned abroad. Thus, the year 1995 marks the official centenary of Australia's trade relations with Canada. Unofficially, however, it is almost a bicentenary that we should be celebrating.

Bate, W. 1978. Lucky Cify. Melbourne University Press. Bateson, C. 1972.Australian Shipwrecks, Vol. 1. Sydney: Reed. Bennett, J. and I. Fry. 1995. Canadians in Australia. Canberra: Panther Press. Blakeley, P. n.d. Nova Scotia -A Brief History. Toronto: Dent. Chaffey'sKingdom: The Sunraysia Story. Adelaide: Macmillan.

Doane, F. 1950. "A Chat About Some of the Eastern Doanes, New England Settlers of Barrington, Nova Scotia, Canada, and their Descendants". Paper prepared for the Doane Association of America. Truro, Nova Scotia. Eastley, R. 1952. Acting State Archivist, Archives Office of Tasmania, personal communication to J. Gibbney. "Canadian Ships Trading at Hobart Town". Fletcher, B. 1976. ColonialAustralia before 1850. Melbourne: Nelson. Fraser, S. "The True Story of the Beginning of the Artesian Water Supply of Australia". Pastoral Review. 16 August 1919. Garden, D. 1984. Victoria:A History. Melbourne: Nelson. Loney, J. 1983. Vol3. Australian Shipwrecks. Sydney: Reed.

- 1980. Vol2. Australian Shipwrecks. Sydney: Reed.

Ian W.Fry MacNutt, W. 1965. The Atlantic Provinces: The Emergence of Colonial Society 1712-1857. Oxford University Press. Molony, J. 1984.Eureka. Ringwood, Vic.: Viking Press. Parkes, Sir Henry. Correspondence. Mitchell Library. CY Reel 72.Vol. 50.A920.631-33. Potts, E., and A. Potts. 1974. Young America and Australian Gold.. Americans and the Gold Rush of the 1850s. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. Ramsay, C. 1937.With the Pioneers. Hobart: Mercury Press. Stammers, M. 1978.The Passage Makers. Brighton, England: Teredo Books.

The GuardianMessenger, 3 June 1992. The Observer, 6 July 1918. The Story of the Parmelia. Battye Library of Western Australia. Ref. No. PR 937511. Wallace, F. 1929.Record of CanadianShipping. Toronto: Mussen.

Who was Who in America. Vol 1.1897-1942,1943.Chicago: A. N. Marquis. Withers, W. 1910.History of Ballarat. Carlton: Queensberry Hill Press.

ADB Australian Dictionary of Biography. Vols. 1-12.1966-1993. Melbourne: University Press. CSA The Cyclopedia of South Australia. Vols. 1-2. 1907-1909. Adelaide: The Cyclopedia Company.

CT

The Cyclopedia of Tasmania, Vols. 1-2.1899-1900.Hobart: Maitland and Crone.

CV

The Cyclopedia of Victoria. Vols. 1-3.1903-1905. Melbourne: The Cyclopedia Company.

CWA The Cyclopedia of Western Australia. Vols. 1-2.1912. Perth: The Cyclopedia Company.

THE WRECK OF THE WILLIAMSALTHOUSE THE EARLIEST ATTEMPT TO

-

ESTABLISH TRADE RELATIONSBETWEEN CANADA AND AUSTRALIA*

Early colonial economies in North America and Australia were commonly based on a combination of the importation of goods and a system of local production which included subsistence agriculture and hunting. Before 1850 the Australian settlements had a very limited and only slowly developing capacity to create or harvest, local supplies of food and alcohol. Furthermore in the nineteenth century the Australian colonies never developed the capacity to produce certain kinds of consumer goods. In the Australian context the period and degree of "dependency" on external sources of supply varied according to well recognised factors like the growth of population and establishing or importing the means of production to the colony (Butlin, 1994). The early Australian colonies generally lacked the means for packaging, storing and transporting commodities, particularly in the first years after British settlement, and consequently many items of food, drink and other consumer goods had to be imported by ship. The new colonies established in the first half of the nineteenth century were the terminal points for a number of supply lines representing part of "a complex, carefully structured, world-wide distribution network" (Jones, 1993, 25). The expanding British mercantile trading system was an example of what Wallerstein has called the Modem World System (Wallerstein, 1974; 1980). According to Wallerstein's model the core, in this case, would be Great Britain, while the peripheral and, somewhat

Canada-Australia,1895-1 995 -189

Mark Staniforth later in the process, the semi-peripheral settlements were the colonies in places like British North America and Australia (Jeans, 1988,5743).

What later became the state of Victoria was permanently settled by Europeans during the mid-1830s. In October 1839 Charles Joseph LaTrobe assumed his duties as superintendent of the Port Phillip District, which was then still a part of the colony of New South Wales. Melbourne by this time had grown to become a small town of two churches, eighteen public houses but less than five thousand people, doubling in size by the end of 1840 and nearly doubling again to more than 20,000 by the end of 1841 (Turner, 1904, 240-50). By 184243, however, the economic downturn had reduced Melbourne, in the words of surveyor Robert Russell, to a state of "no money, no credit, no trade" (Turner, 1904,254). The massive population growth of 183941 placed enormous pressure on the capacity of the colony to supply adequately the needs and wants of the newly arrived immigrants (Boys, 1959, 117 and 129). This was a period of intense speculation in land and great profits were made by the importers of food, drink and other consumer goods, in particular luxury items which could be sold at exorbitant prices (Dingle, 1984,27). There were periods of shortage while agricultural and pastoral activities became established, a common phenomenon in many early colonial economies (Jones, 1981,141-46). In the case of the Port Phillip district during 1840, flour was in short supply and, under these circumstances, doubled or trebled in price (Thomson, 1979, 19). The occasional shortages of staple products such as flour were contrasted by tremendous demand for certain luxury goods such as champagne. Historian Paul de Serville has suggested that "Land sales were conducted with the aid of Champagne breakfasts ... (and that) ... The outskirts of Melbourne were marked by cairns of champagne bottles" (de Serville, 1980,37). It is likely that Green and Company of Liverpool, owners of the small trading brig William Salthouse, heard about the economic opportunities offered by the Port Phillip settlement either through the commercial sections of the newspapers or perhaps by more direct contact with the fledgling colony. This may have encouraged them to take the vessel off the West Indies trade, where it had been engaged for more than a decade, and dispatch the vessel from London to Montreal and then on to Port Phillip.

The Wreck of the William Salthouse

In contrast to the Australian colonies during the late 1830s, the settlements of British North America were more firmly established. By 1840, as one Canadian historian has suggested, British North America "could boast a very active, even vibrant, commercial economy based on its rich inheritance of natural resources and a growing transatlantic carrying trade" (Bumsted, 1992, 198). This economy was primarily based on the export of furs, timber, fish, grain, meat and other primary produce (Wynn, 1991, 191-278). Many of these bulk commodities had been at least partly processed in some form; for example, the timber was cut into "deals" (or planks), the grain had been milled into flour while the meat and fish were salted and packed in casks. Montreal, with a population of 40,000 in 1840, was the largest urban settlement in British North America at this time and had become established as the key centre for British trade in the region (Desjardins and Duguay, 1992, 83-95). The Lachine Canal, built to avoid the dangerous Lachine rapids on the St. Lawrence river which had been a barrier to the development of trade, had been opened in 1825 (Bblisle, 1992, 10). The 1830s saw the increasing use of steam vessels to tow the sailing ships up the St. Lawrence from Quebec and substantial improvements to the Montreal port facilities (Goodwin, 1961,42-70). In 1836 a new Customs House was built to assist the authorities to control the ebb and flow of commerce and to collect the duties payable on goods, particularly alcohol, which was a crucial part of the colonial government's economy at that time. The Customs House building is now a part of the new Pointe-8-Callikre museum of archaeology and history. Figure 1 shows a view of the wharf at Montreal in 1846 from the Customs House square. Exports from Quebec and Montreal in 1841 were valued at over £2 million and were associated with significant increases in the tonnage of shipping clearing from Quebec and in the barge traffic on the Lachine Canal (Creighton, 1958,341). Manufactured goods imported from Great Britain and British North American exports, in particular timber and wheat, flowed through Montreal, bought and sold by the British merchants who had come to dominate the trade and commerce of the city (Francis, Jones and Smith, 1992,289-90).

Mark Staniforth

The Wreck of the William Salthouse

On 27 March 1841 the William Salthouse sailed from London for Montreal under the command of Captain G. Bum carrying a general cargo which included alcohol, tea, gunpowder, spices, candles, starch, and manufactured goods such as boots, shoes, toys and even a dinner service (Montreal Gazette, 27 May 1841). Timed to arrive in the St. Lawrence river shortly after the ice thaw in early May, the vessel actually arrived at Quebec City on Friday 21 May. On Sunday 23 May William Salthouse left for Montreal under tow to the steam vessel British America together with the Henry Duncan, Papineau and Lord Keane and most of the group arrived at the port of Montreal on the Tuesday evening (Montreal Gazette, 26 May 1841). A small part of the inbound cargo of the WilliamSalthouse was listed for re-exportation (eight butts, 40 hogsheads and 36 quarter casks of sherry wine) and would, presumably, have been placed into a bond store. In addition 1,000 bars of iron were listed in both the inbound and outbound manifests. Meanwhile the majority of the cargo was advertised for sale at auction at the stores of R.F. Maitland and Company on 31 May 1841 by Cuvillier and Sons, a leading auction company in the city. Maitland and Company, a grocery and dry goods firm, acted as the agents for the ship as well and later as the shippers of the outbound cargo from Montreal. While Anglophone merchants had come to dominate commerce in Montreal, there were still some businessmen of French extraction active in the city and Cuvillier was an important and interesting individual in this respect. Bom Augustin Cuvillier at Quebec City in 1779, he married Claire Perrault at the Catholic Cathedral of Notre Dame de Montreal in 1802 and later anglicised his name to Austin Cuvillier. The family maintained their Catholic religion, however, as at least three of his children and one of his grandchildren were married in Notre Dame de Montreal and Cuvillier himself was buried there in 1849. In addition to his business interests, Cuvillier served with distinction against the Americans during the War of 1812; he opposed the French "Patriotes" during the rebellion of 1837; and later served as speaker of the Legislative Assembly of United Canada (Canadian Dictionary of Biography, 224-28). Cuvillier managed to establish and maintain for more than four decades a position as one of the leading auctioneers and businessmen in Montreal. The example of Augustin/Austin Cuvillier suggests that despite his French heritage and Catholic religion, it was still possible to effect a considerable measure of commercial and social

Mark Staniforth "success" in British North America in the first half of the nineteenth century.

THE FINAL VOYAGE OF THE WILLIAM SALTHOUSE The William Salthouse was listed as having cleared customs in Montreal on 17 June 1841 for a voyage to Port Phillip and Sydney, New South Wales (Montreal Gazette, 23 June 1841, 2). Although there is no direct evidence, we must assume that the vessel made a relatively lengthy stop in Quebec City as it is not listed as having left there until 12 July 1841 (Qukbec Gazette, 12 July 1841, 3). The vessel called at Cape Town for "refreshments" in mid-October where it spent just three days (South African CommercialAdvertiser, 13 and 23 October 1841, 1). At the end of the voyage fiom Montreal, on Saturday 27 November 1841, the William Salthouse attempted to enter Port Phillip Heads, the entrance to the port of Melbourne, but struck a submerged rock off Point Nepean. The rudder became unshipped, the hold gradually filled with water and the vessel eventually sank on a sandbank known as the Pope Eye Bank, near the small town of Queenscliff. It quickly became obvious that there was little hope of salvaging the William Salthouse or any major portion of the cargo which was valued at f 12,000. Consequently H.G. Ashurst and Company, the vessel's Melbourne agents, quickly arranged for an auction sale which took place on 7 December 1841 where the hull and cargo were sold to Captain James Cain for just £275 (Port Phillip Herald, 10 December 1841, 2). Less than two weeks later, on 18 December 1841, Captain Cain sold the wreck and cargo for £ 110 to Captain Cole (Port Phillip Herald, 21 December 1841,2). The cargo of the William Salthouse on the final voyage to Melbourne appears to have included many of the important exports available in Montreal such as sawn timber (deals), salted meat, salted fish, flour and alcohol. Generally these items represent the kinds of food, alcohol and building materials which would be most useful in a newly established British colony, albeit at the other end of the earth. However, there are some interesting discrepancies between the various incoming and outgoing cargo manifests available in the contemporary newspapers in Melbourne and Montreal and in the archaeological evidence which will be discussed in more detail later in this paper. The loss of the William Salthouse must have represented a significant financial blow to Green and Company, the owners of the vessel, as well as to the shippers of the cargo. Insurance might have offset the loss but was unlikely to have covered it fully. The Port Phillip Patriot (one of

The Wreck of the William Salthouse several contemporary Melbourne newspapers) suggested another possible consequence of the loss: The William Salthouse was, we believe, the first vessel, excepting the prison ship Buffalo, with the Canadian rebels, that ever came direct from British North America to any of the Australian Colonies, the [sic] catastrophe is therefore doubly to be deplored as likely to cast a damp upon the opening of trade which might have proved highly advantageous to these Colonies. (Port Phillip Patriot, 6 December 1841,2)

The loss of the William Salthouse was largely forgotten and remained a minor event in the early history of Melbourne for more than 140 years until the wreck was relocated by SCUBA divers in 1982 in fourteen metres of water. The wrecksite was declared an historic shipwreck in December 1982 under the provisions of the Historic ShipwreckAct 1981 (Victoria). Despite legislative "protection", it was subjected to considerable surface damage caused by visiting SCUBA divers in January 1983. As a result the wrecksite was declared a "Protected Zone" which prohibited diving within 250 metres of the site. In March and April 1983, an archaeological test excavation was carried out by the Maritime Archaeological Unit of the Victoria Archaeological Survey (Staniforth and Vickery, 1984). Subsequent research has been carried out on the casks (Staniforth, 1987), on the bottles (Morgan, 1990) and on the bone remains of the salted meat (English, 1990; 1991).

WHERE DID THE CARGO ORIGINATE? The inbound cargo manifest published in the Port Phillip Herald (10 December 1841, 2) provides us with no direct information about the origins or sources of particular components of the cargo but fortunately the outbound cargo manifests fkom Montreal have recently been examined. For example, both "whiskey" (sic) and "cider" were listed on the inbound manifest and it would be very easy to assume that these represented Scotch whisky and West country (English) cider. However, the outbound manifest reveals that the five puncheons of whisky and six hogsheads of cider were described as the "produce of Canada" suggesting that the whisky was Canadian whisky, possibly rye whiskey, and that the cider was also Canadian. The cargo was not only composed of local Canadian produce, however, as 250 barrels of fine flour and 50

Mark Staniforth dozen corn brooms were listed as the "produce of United States" (Montreal Gazette, 18 June 1841,3). Detailed examination of the corks from some of the "Champagne" style bottles has revealed that at least two are clearly marked with the letters "AY" inside a circle. Morgan has suggested that this refers the village of Ay near the Marne river in the Champagne district of France (Morgan, 1990, 111-13). Thus the archaeological evidence suggests that what are usually referred to as generic style "Champagne" bottles did actually contain genuine French Champagne which had been shipped from France to Canada probably via Great Britain. A similar example relates to the fish listed on the cargo manifests. No fish appears on the outbound manifest from Montreal and yet the vessel "cleared" at Montreal which means that the vessel should have cleared customs. The list in the Montreal Gazette (12 March 1842) which summarised exports for 1841 for Montreal and Quebec indicates a considerable quantity of fish in the cargo as does the list in the Port Phillb Herald (10 December 1841, 2). In addition, by arrival in Port Phillip, one barrel of salmon had disappeared and 40 boxes of codfish had changed into 59 boxes of large table fish. These minor inconsistencies aside, the William Salthouse appears to have loaded more than one hundred cases and casks of salted fish, after clearing customs at Montreal, probably at Quebec City.

Fifty six cask staves, 20 complete and 21 partial cask heads were raised during the test excavation or subsequently handed in by or confiscated from SCUBA divers (Staniforth and Vickery, 1984, 23-24). The figures cut, branded or stencilled on the cask heads excavated from the William Salthouse have provided us with valuable information about this significant portion of the cargo (see Figure 2). The inscriptions give details about where the casks were inspected (Montreal in Lower Canada), when the casks were inspected (October 1840 or MayIJune 1841), who inspected the casks (W. Watson or W. Moore) and even about the quality, or at least the alleged quality, of the contents of the casks (Prime Mess - which was the second best quality of four grades of pork which were defined by Lower Canada legislation) (Staniforth, 1987,25).

The Wreck o f the William Salthouse

'

UF-A t

:

,

Figure 2 -Cask head of a 3001b tierce (Drawn by Geoff Hewitt)

Legislative attempts to regulate the sale of salted meat in Britain and the British colonies can be seen as a reaction to the sorts of problems exemplified in the evidence of the master of the female convict ship Diamond. At a board of enquiry established in Sydney in 1838, he described the provisions taken on board in Ireland as "mostly of bad quality ... a great part of the salt beef was shin bones and neck pieces ... it seemed very old and in a state of decay...." (AJCP,312,163). It should be pointed out, however, that the legislation only tells us what was supposed to happen not what actually happened. Its repeated repealing and suspension suggests that the meat producers had trouble meeting the standards required by the inspectors. The controlled archaeological excavation of a number of intact casks, which has yet to be attempted, may provide further evidence about the extent to which the rules for grading meat were adhered to. Melbourne, the port of destination for this cargo, had only been settled for five years, and therefore the food component of the cargo can provide us with insights into just how dependent the new settlement was (or was thought to be) on imported produce, as well as how culturally determined the settlers' taste was. Salt pork, even if it had been in a cask for a year, was preferable, or perhaps simply easier or cheaper to obtain, than either hunting the indigenous wildlife or slaughtering the recently imported livestock. This also highlights the difficulties of establishing sufficient numbers of animals in a new colony to provide for the meat (protein) needs of a rapidly growing population.

The bottles excavated from shipwreck sites provide evidence through the scientific analysis of their contents and sometimes the evidence obtained in this manner is at odds with the available historical record. For example, two quite distinct forms of wine bottle were found on the wreck of the William Salthouse. The archaeological excavation revealed the remains of at least two wooden packing cases, one marked "muscat" and the other "Lichtenstein, Fins & CE Cette" (Staniforth and Vickery, 1984, 17). These markings appear to be of a wine shipper based in the port of Cette (now Sete) on the Mediterranean coast of the French province of Languedoc. Languedoc muscat is a well known wine, and other Languedoc wines have been described as "sweet and liquorous, something like Madeiras" (Root, 1983,310). The inbound cargo manifest listed only one type of wine -five cases of sauterne as well as champagne, whisky and cider (Port Phillip Herald, 10 December 1841, 2). Analysis by the Australian Wine Research

The Wreck of the William Salthouse Institute has revealed that one type of bottle contained a high alcohol dessert style wine, probably a fortified wine, which is much more in keeping with muscat than any of the other types of alcohol listed (Bruer, 1994, 5). Recent research in Canada has found that the outbound cargo manifest from Montreal actually listed five cases of muscat in addition to the five cases of sauterne (Montreal Gazette, 18 June 1841, 3). In this case the historical record has subsequently confirmed the existing archaeological evidence. We are still left, however, with the question of why the muscat was not included in the inbound cargo manifest. It is possible that the answer relates to some of the numerous discrepancies in the amounts, types and sources of the alcohol listed in the various cargo manifests. For example, when the William Salthouse cleared Montreal, five cases of muscat, five cases of sauterne and 20 baskets of champagne were described in the outbound list as having been "imported in the ship" (Montreal Gazette, 18 June 1841,3). These items seem to appear from nowhere as they are not listed in the ship's inbound cargo manifest to Montreal (Montreal Gazette, 27 May 1841, 2). There are a number of other examples of this type of discrepancy and if we were totally dependent on the historical record, there would be no way to reconcile such inconsistencies. One possible explanation is that these are attempts to evade or reduce the duty payable on alcohol being imported and exported. The occurrence of smuggling, evasion of customs duty and the incidence of private trade by the masters, officers and crew of ships in the nineteenth century is suspected but conclusive evidence about this kind of behaviour is rarely available in documentary records (Schmidt and Mrozowski, 1983, 143-71). The cargo of the William Salthouse may represent an example of these practices.

Questions can be asked about the origins, types and quality of alcohol, food and consumer goods destined for the Australian colonies during early nineteenth century and answers to these questions can be sought through the historical and archaeological examination of cargoes from shipwreck sites. This paper has used data obtained from a colonial period shipwreck, the William Salthouse, which was wrecked in 1841 at the end of a voyage fiom Montreal in Canada to the recently established colony at Melbourne. The inconsistencies in the incoming and outgoing cargo manifests, together with the archaeological evidence provided by the excavation of the William Salthouse, appear to suggest attempts to evade

Mark Staniforth or reduce the amount of duty paid and assist us to understand this aspect of past human behaviour. The study of the William Salthouse serves to illustrate some aspects of the extent and complexity of the British mercantile trading system as it developed and expanded during the first half of the nineteenth century. Just four years into the reign of Queen Victoria the British Empire extended from the Caribbean to Canada and from Britain to Australia via the Cape of Good Hope. The trade in British goods was complemented by a growing global trade exemplified, in the case of the William Salthouse, by the presence of English iron, Canadian whisky, French champagne and American flour in the cargo. The ship owners and merchants in Great Britain, Canada, South Africa and Australia involved in the last voyage of the William Salthouse would probably have seen nothing out of the ordinary in their attempt to send a cargo of goods half way around the world. Had the voyage been successfully concluded, however, we might have been celebrating the sesqui-centenary of Canadian-Australian trade relations in 1991 instead of its centenary in 1995, but perhaps this imbues the whole event with more significance than it deserves. Such are the vagaries inherent in what the Annales school historians have called the "history of the event" -in this case a single, unsuccessful attempt at inter-colonial trade.

*

An earlier version of this paper was read at the seventh biennial meeting of the Association for Canadian Studies in Australia and New Zealand (ACSANZ) held in Melbourne in February 1995. The author's research into the history and archaeology of the WilliamSalthouse has been supported by an ACSANZ Postgraduate student travel award (1994), by the assistance of Professor Jean B6lisle in Montreal, the Marine Archaeology Unit and the Material Culture Unit of Parks Canada in Ottawa, and the Maritime Heritage Unit of Heritage Victoria.

AJCP (Australian Joint Copying Project). Evidence of Captain J. Bisset, master of the convict ship Diamond in the Report of the Board of Enquiry. AJCP PRO microfilm reel 312,163. Belisle, J. 1992. "From Lac la Loutre to the Saint-Gabriel Locks", An Industrial Landscape Observed. C. Dufresne, ed. Montreal: Canadian Centre for Architecture. 9-20. Birmingham, J., D. Bairstow and A. Wilson, eds. 1988. Archaeology and Colonisatwn: Australia in the World Context. Sydney: Australian Society of Historical Archaeology. Boys, R. 1959. First Years at Port Phillip: 18344842. Second Edition. Melbourne: Robertson and Co.

The Wreck of the WilliamSalthouse

Brown, C. 1991. The Illustrated History of Canada. Toronto: Lester Publishing. Bruer, N. 1994. Analysis of Beverages Recovered fiom the Wreck of the William Salthouse. Unpublished Report by the Australian Wine Research Institute for the Victorian Archaeological Survey. Bumsted, J. 1992. The Peoples of Canada: a Preconfederation History. Toronto: Oxford University Press. Butlin, N. 1994. Forming a Colonial Economy: Australia 1810-1850. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. CanadianDictionary of Biography. 1967. "Austin Cuvillier", Vol. VII. Toronto: University of Totonto Press. 224-28. Creighton, D. 1958. The Empire of the St. Lawrence. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. de Serville, P. 1980. Port Phillip Gentlemen. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Desjardins, P., and G. Duguay. 1992. Pointe-6-CalliZre: from Ville-Marie to MontreaL Montreal: Septentrion. Dingle, T. 1984. The Victorians:Arriving. Sydney: Fairfax, Syme and Weldon Associates. English, A. 1991. This Muttonous Diet: Aspects of Faunal Analysis and Site Comparison in Australian Historical Archaeology. Unpublished BA (Hons) thesis, Department of Prehistory and Historical Archaeology, University of Sydney.

-. 1990. "Salted Meats from the Wreck of the William Salthouse: Archaeological Analysis of Nineteenth Century Butchering Patterns", The Australian Journal of Historical Archaeology, Vol. 8.63-69. Francis, R., R. Jones and D. Smith. 1992. Origins.. Canadian History and Confederation. Second Edition. Toronto: Holt, Rinehart and Winston of Canada. Goodwin, C. 1961. Canadian Economic Thought: the Political Economy of a Developing Nation 18141914. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. Jeans, D. 1988. "World Systems Theory: A Theoretical Context for Australian Historical Archaeology", Archaeology and Colonisation: Australia in the World Context. J. Birmingham, D. Bairstow and A. Wilson, eds. Sydney: Australian Society for Historical Archaeology. 57-63.

Jones, P. ed. 1981. Historical Records of Victoria. Vol. 1. Beginnings of Permanent Government. Melbourne: Victorian Government Printing Office. Jones, 0. 1993. "Commercial foods, 1740-1820", Historical Archaeology, Vol. 27, No. 2.25-41. Morgan, P. 1990. Glass Bottlesfrom the William Salthouse: a Material Culture Analysis. Unpublished BA (Hons) thesis. Department of Archaeology, La Trobe University. Root, W. 1983. The Food of France. London: MacMillan. Schmidt, P., and S. Mrozowski. 1983. "History, Smugglers, Change, and Shipwrecks", Shipwreck Anthropology. R. Gould, ed. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. Staniforth, M. 1987. "Casks from the Wreck of the William Salthouse", The Australian Journal of Historical Archaeology, Vol. 5.21-28. Staniforth, M., and L. Vickery. 1984. "The Test Excavation of the William Salthouse Wrecksite". Special Publication, No. 3. Australian Institute for Maritime Archaeology. Thomson, Mrs. 1979. Life in the Australian Bush in 1841. (By a Lady) Facsimile by The Toucan Press, Guernsey. First published in Chamber's "Miscellany of Useful and Entertaining Tracts". (1845) Turner, H. 1904.A History of the Colony of Victoria. Vol. 1. London: Longmans, Green, and Co. Wallerstein, I. 1980. The Modern World System II. New York: Academic Press.

-. 1974. The Modern World System I. New York: Academic Press. Wynn, G. 1991. "On the Margins of Empire 1760-1840", The Illustrated History of Canada. C. Brown, ed. Toronto: Lester Publishing.

THEPRICEOF COMPETITIVENESS: THE CANADIAN AND AUSTRALIAN EXPERIENCE OF GLOBAL INTEGRATION AND RESTRUCTURING'

The aim of this article is to explore the national social policy impact of global economic restructuring through a comparative discussion of the recent experience of restructuring in Canada and Australia. The key argument is that, despite significant differences, the recent political and economic histories of Canada and Australia have both been dominated by the impact of globalisation. In both countries the central political question has become: how to transform resource dependent, inward looking economies into internationally competitive exporters of high value added goods and services. However the common price of the struggle for competitiveness has been downwards pressure on wages, taxes and public expenditure, rising inequality, social polarisation and growing concern about environmental sustainability. The increasing permeability of national borders in relation to the flow of goods, services and financial transactions has fundamentally undermined traditional assumptions about the sovereignty and integrity of national policy making. In Australia financial deregulation has played a particularly important role in this process while in Canada the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement and the failure to resolve the question of Quebec have also played significant roles in the dramatic transformation of the national social policy agenda. The article concludes with some reflections on the implications of the Canadian and Australian experience of globalisation for debates about the inevitability and irreversibility of globalised capital and product

John Wiseman markets. The recent Canadian and Australian experience indicates that it has become both harder and more urgent to open up debate about alternative policy and strategic directions at local, national and international levels consistent with the principles of democratic sovereignty, social justice and environmental sustainability.

The historical similarities between Canada and Australia have been noted and debated by a wide range of writers and have formed the basis of a number of significant comparative studies (see Boreham, et aL, 1989; OYConnor,1993; Cooper, et al., 1994). Most importantly the two countries share a common vulnerability to international economic transformations given that both can be characterised as semi peripheral economies, heavily dependent on the production and export of primary commodities with poorly developed manufacturing sectors and high levels of foreign ownership (Boreham, et al., 1989; Drache and Gertler, 1991). There are also however significant differences. The Australian industrial relations system has been both more centralised and legalised than in Canada (Frenkel, 1993). This helps explain the formation and electoral strength of the trade union based Australian Labor Party which has provided the Australian trade union movement with the experience and expectation of direct access to governmental decision making forums at the national level. Such direct access to national state agencies has not been part of the experience of the Canadian labour movement due to the limited electoral success of the New Democratic Party and the historical legacies of Gomperism in the international unions linked to the United States and syndicalism in the Quebec labour movement (Heron, 1990). Economically Australia has remained far more reliant on agricultural exports than Canada which has developed larger and more technologically advanced manufacturing and services industry sectors (Ravenhill, 1994; Drache and Gertler, 1991). Canadian industrial development has however been dominated by US ownership with much of Canadian manufacturing industry operating as branch plant subsidiaries to US parent companies. Canadian trade patterns are also heavily skewed towards trade with the United States whereas Australian trade is far more diverse in terms of both export markets and sources of imports. The Canadian welfare system has developed in a more redistributive, interventionist and generous manner with an emphasis on universal

The Price of Competitiveness contributory insurance schemes rather than the more targeted Australian provisions funded from general revenue (O'Connor, 1993; Beilharz, et al., 1992). In Australia a "wager earners welfare state" of high employment levels and wages for male breadwinners was built behind tariff barriers designed to protect manufacturing investments and employment for male breadwinners. Castles (1988) has usefully described this as a strategy of "domestic defence" rather than "domestic compensation". Important consequences of this strategy have been comparatively low female workforce participation rates, a stronger assumption of female financial dependency and a sharper sexual division of labour than has existed in Canadian society (O'Connor, 1993). Given their common economic legacies as vulnerable, semi peripheral and resource dependent it is not surprising that the process of economic restructuring and global integration has been hard and painful in both societies. The aim of the following sections is to provide a more detailed comparison of the Canadian and Australian experience of restructuring over the period since the mid 1970s.

DEREGULATED AND RIPPED OFF: COMPETITIVENESS AUSTRALIAN STYLE At the time of the onset of the 1980-81 recession the Australian economy remained a highly protected "farm and quarry", heavily reliant on agricultural and mining exports with a small uncompetitive manufacturing sector focused mainly on the domestic market (Bell and Head, 1994). The underlying strategy of "domestic defence" rather than "domestic compensation" had not been fundamentally altered by the Whitlam Labor Government's abortive efforts between 1972 and 1975 to expand the Australian welfare state and "buy back the farm" through attempts to regain ownership and control of mineral and energy resources. Despite a limited shift in the direction of neo liberal economic policies the Liberalmational Party Government of Malcolm Fraser remained committed to protectionism and a resource based economy until it was overwhelmed by the severe recession of the early 1980s. The immediate aim of the Hawke Labor government, elected in 1983, was to deal with the impact of the recession and to generate economic and employment growth through fiscal expansion while holding down inflation. This latter objective was to be achieved through the establishment of the Accord agreement between the government and the trade union movement which guaranteed that wages would not rise faster than prices in return for the government's commitment to employment generation and improvements in health and other social programs (Ewer,

John Wiseman et al., 1991; Stilwell, 1993). Trade union access to key governmental decision making forums and processes was also a central part of the bargain. An initial burst of neo Keynesian expansionist policies was soon overtaken by international pressures. In December 1983 Treasurer Keating overcame spirited opposition within the parliamentary Labor Party to achieve support for the view that the rising speculative activities and power of international financial institutions meant that it was no longer possible to maintain a managed Australian exchange rate (Kelly, 1992). For Keating and his supporters within both Treasury and the business community this reform also had the positive effect of ensuring Australia's rapid integration into the harsh realities of global competitiveness. The 1983 decision to float the Australian dollar and abolish exchange rate controls was the first step down the path of financial deregulation completed over the next two years by the removal of interest rate ceilings and the entry of foreign banks. By 1986 in a climate of economic recovery, the financially deregulated Australian economy faced the problems of rapid currency depreciation and a balance of payments crisis arising fiom the triple pressures of worsening terms of trade, a surge in imports and the servicing of foreign debt, largely the result of private sector borrowing. There was serious talk of IMF intervention and ongoing critical comments fiom credit rating agencies such as Moody's about the over reliance on commodity exports and "economic and structural weaknesses" [which] "cloud the nation's flexibility for servicing long term external debt" (cited in Kelly, 1992, 222). In May 1986 Treasurer Keating provided the famous warning that Australia would become "a banana republic" unless economic restructuring was accelerated to ensure the competitiveness of Australian exports. From that point on the policy agenda of the Hawke and Keating Labor Governments was driven by the view that the central task was to transform Australia from "a farm and a quarry" into a competitive producer and exporter of high value added manufactured products and services. Competitiveness has become both the diagnosis and the cure for all kinds of economic and social ills with the choice of remedies underpinned by the increasingly pervasive dominance of "economic rationalist, neo liberal economic policies" (see Pusey, 1991). Central themes in the Australian competitiveness strategy have included the deregulation of national and international financial markets, exchange rates and financial institutions; the deregulation of trade through tariff cuts and ongoing efforts to support greater free trade on both a bilateral and multilateral basis; an extensive program of micro economic reform

The Price of Competitiveness designed to improve the productivity and competitiveness of Australia's export industries; an ongoing program of tax cuts and reductions in public sector expenditure; and the privatisation and commercialisation of a wide range of public sector activities such as banking, transport and telecommunications. The Labor Government refused to move as fast or as far down the path towards labour market deregulation as was advocated by business and the LiberalINational opposition. Nonetheless the Accord process became an effective vehicle for reductions in real wages and working conditions (frequently redefined as "restrictive work practices") as well as forming the foundations of movement towards more decentralised enterprise bargaining arrangements (see Ewer, et al., 1991; Frenkel, 1993). There was also a renewed emphasis on training and skills development through "the Active Society" principle of encouraging (and at times threatening) the unemployed into an expanded range of labour market programs. This policy direction was first articulated through the Social Security Review in 1987 and given further impetus through the White Paper on Full Employment in 1994 (Cass, 1988; Commonwealth of Australia, 1994). The central aim of the entire competitiveness strategy was to provide a supportive climate within which private sector investment would surge into productive export industries. Unfortunately much of the surge was into an orgy of financial speculation as many entrepreneurs used the freedoms of financial deregulation to indulge in "get rich quick" schemes often involving speculation in property, shares and company takeovers (Ravenhill, 1994). Such speculative investment actually made the balance of payments problems worse as large sums of money were borrowed abroad, leading to a sharp rise in private sector foreign debt. Throughout the latter part of the 1980s, the terms of trade continued to worsen, imports continued to rise and inflation was again becoming a problem. The choice of high interest rates to slow economic growth accelerated and deepened the recession of the early 1990s. The Labor Government argued that the recession was part of the price Australians had to pay for restructuring the Australian economy so to make industries internationally competitive. For many the price was bitter indeed. Official rates of unemployment rose to over 11 percent in 1993, the highest levels since the depression. Not surprisingly this situation led to a rising public outcry. Facing a sharply deteriorating electoral situation, the Labor Government began to shift ground away from some of the more extreme rhetoric of "austerity competitiveness" towards a position which can be characterised as "competitiveness with a

John Wiseman human face" or "progressive competitiveness" (Albo, 1994; Panitch, 1994). The 1993 One Nation statement signalled a rediscovery of the social dimensions of unemployment and some expansion of public expenditure in infrastructure development, education and training and community services. Wrapping himself in the nationalist symbolism of republicanism, Prime Minister Keating managed to stir up sufficient fear about the divisive impact of the Liberal and National Party's Fightback platform and its central component of a Goods and Services Tax to win the 1993 election. After the 1993 election the Labor Government continued to focus on unemployment as a central concern and commissioned a major inquiry into employment options for Australia leading to the publication of the White Paper on Unemployment in May 1994 (Commonwealth of Australia, 1994). The White Paper did include an expansion of expenditure on labour market programs as well as some progressive moves to improve the financial independence of women. But the heart of the White Paper proposals remained business as usual with the answer to unemployment defined in terms of export growth driven by deregulated financial markets, tariff cuts, free trade, reduced business costs and regulations, the privatisation of government business enterprises, enterprise bargaining plus training and the active society to improve the "job readiness" of the unemployed. There was also an explicit aim of developing wage subsidy schemes to encourage all workers and particularly women to take up low wage jobs. Trade and industry policies continued to be based on the view that Australian and international experience make it clear that protectionism, resistance to structural change and avoidance of competition are inimical to growth. ...An open economy leaves no room for subsidies that prop up uncompetitive firms, nor for detailed prescriptions for industry where government directs the flow of resources. (Commonwealth of Australia, 1994,57)

As far as the White Paper was concerned the path to the future is simple. "When Australia opted for an open economy, the nation committed itself to succeed in an endless race to become, and remain, globally competitive" (Commonwealth of Australia, 1994,52). The economic context of policy making in Australia has been fundamentally changed by the decisions and events of the 1980s and 1990s. The aim has been to turn Australia from a heavily protected primary producing "farm and quarry" into a competitive exporter of manufactured goods and high technology services (see INDECS, 1995;

The Price of Competitiveness Mahony, 1993). Despite some significant social reform measures in areas such as health insurance and Aboriginal land rights, the overall direction has been driven by an economic rationalist faith in the capacity of the free market to deliver competitiveness and prosperity with the benefits trickling down to all sections of the population (Bryson, 1994). The Government's own Economic Planning and Advisory Council freely admits that while Australia does not yet have unmanageable levels of the homeless and beggars on the streets ... even a cursory reading [of the available evidence] suggests that measured income inequality, especially that for market-based earnings has been increasing, or at best has been relatively static. (EPAC, 1995,69 and 80)

UNDERMINED AND OVERWHELMED: COMPETITIVENESS CANADIAN STYLE While manufacturing exports continue to be more extensive in Canada than in Australia, Canadian trading and investment relations have also been more permeable with higher levels of foreign ownership. Canada too entered the 1980-81 recession as a vulnerable, resource dependent economy (Drache and Gertler, 1991; Jenson, Mahon and Bienefeld, 1994; McBride and Shields, 1993). The onset of the recession followed a decade of conflict between political agendas driven by the goal of a stronger, more interventionist central state and those emphasising the maintenance of provincial autonomy. The Nixon administration's protectionist policies in the early 1970s helped provide the rationale for an initial shift towards nationalist and interventionist policies by the Trudeau Liberal government in Canada. The centrepiece of this strategy was the mobilisation of Canada's energy resources through the agency of the National Oil Policy and the Canada Development Corporation together with a steady expansion of the social insurance and community service provisions of the Canadian welfare state. While the combination of stagflation and rising deficits in the mid 1970s led to a shift away from Keynesianism to monetarism and a winding back of progressive taxation and welfare reforms, the commitment to central state intervention in economic management remained as a tool to both enhance industrial development and strengthen Canadian national identity. Thus in 1980 the recently reelected Liberal Government proposed the creation of a National Energy Program designed to channel oil resources into the expansion of export industries. The nationalist strategy finally collapsed in the face of falling

John Wiseman oil prices, high interest rates, rising unemployment and fierce opposition from Canadian and United States capital as well as the oil rich provinces. Canadian capital in particular was keen to gain greater access to United States markets and sources of capital and was intent on a less nationalist, more continentalist trade and investment policy. The final two years of the Trudeau government were marked by a sharp turn towards free market economics and a halt to further expansion of the Canadian welfare state. These trends continued under the Mulroney Conservative Government elected in 1984 and the following ten year period has been marked by three related trends: largely unsuccessful attempts to bring about constitutional reforms balancing national and provincial interests; the steady deregulation and winding back of public sector and welfare state activities; and the dramatic internationalisation of the Canadian economy through the impact of the FTA and NAFTA. The Mulroney Government's term in office was marked by a series of failed attempts to revise Canadian constitutional arrangements. The reform initiatives of both Meech Lake and Charlottetown were driven by the need to find a compromise which would meet Quebecois demands for greater sovereignty while holding together the Canadian federation. But as McBride and Shields (1993) argue a second, significant agenda was also to reduce the interventionist authority of the central state by devolving powers, resources and responsibilities to the provinces and, more broadly, bringing about a sharp reduction in financial, environmental and industrial regulation at all levels. The failure of much of this agenda can be attributed to the diverse coalition of opposition forces and the difficulty of brokering complex constitutional reform processes in an increasingly fragmented federation. The initial agenda of the 1984 Mulroney government combined rhetoric about the need to maintain the "sacred trust" of the Canadian welfare state with a broadly neo liberal economic and social policy agenda based on monetarist financial objectives, the enhancement of competitiveness, the reduction of taxes and government spending, privatisation and commercialisation. As Lightman and Irving (1993) argue, the pace of change was limited to some extent by public opposition and by the difficulty of negotiating change through the relatively decentralised Canadian state. Nonetheless the overall impact was to chip away at the progressivity of the Canadian welfare state through expenditure reductions and the introduction of regressive forms of taxation such as the GST (see Evans, 1994; Yalnizyan, et aL, 1994). At the same time the combination of an ongoing imbalance between revenue and expenditure measures and continuing reliance on high

The Price of Competitiveness interest rate policies as a central tool of economic management has contributed to escalating debt and chronic fiscal policy problems. These have in turn increased the vulnerability of Canadian economic policy making to international credit rating agencies and other financial institutions. However, it was only with the election of the Chr6tien Liberal Government in 1993 that Canada's social policy heritage came under full scale attack. A highly regressive budget in February 1994 cut $5.5 billion, by reducing unemployment insurance benefit levels entitlements. This was followed in October 1994 by the release of "Improving Social Security in Canada" (Canadian Government, 1994). This income security policy discussion paper bears a number of startling resemblances to the Australian White Paper on Full Employment. There is much talk of competitiveness, affordability, targeting the "Active Society" and training incentives as "the answer'' (NAPO, 1995). The proposals are also underpinned by an assumption that traditional levels of social program expenditures are simply no longer affordable given the size of public sector debt. The paper proposed further reductions in unemployment insurance entitlements with a special assault on those people who claim benefits too often. The response was to suggest a two tiered system of benefits with people who apply too often being paid at a reduced rate as well as being required to enrol in training programs. An expanded range of transition to work wage supplements and training wages were also proposed. These were explicitly intended to subsidise the spreading number oflow wage jobs. It was assumed and intended that the majority of workers in the expanding low wage end of the economy will be women. Indeed, the overall package should be seen in the context of the same rapid growth in low paid, casualised and part time female employment which has characterised the recent development of the Australian labour market and which led the Australian Full Employment White paper to also emphasise the subsidisation of low wage female employment (see Evans, 1994; Yalnizyan, et aL, 1994; McBride and Shields, 1993). Drawing on data contained in "Improving Social Security in Canada" and internal Treasury Board information, the Ecumenical Coalition for Economic Justice calculated that a total of $15 billion is to be taken out of Unemployment Insurance (UI), the Canada Assistance Plan (CAP) and the Post-Secondary Education component of Established Programs Financing (EPF-PSE) [between 1995 and 19991 (ECEJ, 1994a, 1). This is on top of a previous $7 billion cut between 1990 and 1993. When combined with reductions in funding for the Canadian health care system

John Wiseman it is likely that around a quarter of Canada's expenditure on social programs will be chopped out over the next five years. There are three sets of arguments driving the Canadian social policy reform process. First, there is the official line that the reforms are designed to "improve" income security arrangements. These improvements tend to involve making benefits less generous, harder to get and more tightly linked to participation in labour market programs. Second, there is the more compelling debt argument. The Canadian Government argues that previous levels of benefits are no longer affordable due to high levels of debt with Finance Minister Paul Martin arguing constantly that "a key to eliminating the deficit is the comprehensive structural reform of Canada's social safety net" (Toronto Star, 26 April 1994). The Canadian debt problem is real but is largely a product of high interest rates and reductions in corporate tax rather than rising social expenditures. In Canada, as in Australia, there is a constant need to challenge the use of public sector debt figures as the basis for asserting that deeper and deeper cuts in social expenditure are both inevitable and non negotiable. This increasingly common political assertion fails to recognise that there are always alternative ways of managing debt in terms of both the time frames used for debt reduction and the fair distribution of the costs of debt servicing. However, the most powerful and most disturbing explanation for the severity of the assault on Canada's welfare state traditions is the downwards pressure on wages, working conditions and social programs arising from the internationalisation of the Canadian economy and, in particular, the impact of so called Free Trade Agreements with the United States and, more recently Mexico. Indeed as Lightman and Irving (1993,82) argue free trade may deliver the ultimate blows to the values of the welfare state in Canada [for] the new language of global competitiveness and the logic of the economic market has arguably posed a far greater threat to the Canadian welfare state than has any neo liberal ideological attack.

The roots of the FTA and NAFTA treaties can be traced back to the early 1970s with Canadian business interests becoming increasingly concerned about limited access to US markets and US corporations wanting to ensure access to Canadian resources and, increasingly, cheap Mexican labour (Clarkson, 1991). Canadian business also correctly identified trade agreements as powerful mechanisms for challenging comparatively high Canadian wages, working conditions, social policy

The Price of Competitiveness provisions, environmental, health and safety standards. However, it was not until after its victory in the fiercely contested 1988 election that the Mulroney Government was able to pass the FTA. A further six year period of debate and deep divisions led to the ratification of NAFTA by the Chr6tien Liberal Government in 1994 - despite earlier Liberal election promises to renegotiate the agreement. The key to understanding the full significance of NAFTA is a recognition that it is far more than a free trade agreement. As many critics have pointed out, the most important single feature of NAFTA is its role as a surrogate constitution or "corporate bill of rights" protecting the unrestricted and unregulated mobility of capital (Drache and Gertler, 1991; Grinspun and Cameron, 1993; Barlow, 1994). As Clarkson (1991, 116) argues "Canadian-American 'free trade' can ... be seen less as an expression of an export -led economy than as an arrangement assuring mobility for their capital to American and Canadian transnational corporations". Signatories to NAFTA are expressly forbidden from discriminating against foreign investment. This means far more than just the removal of tariffs and restrictions on the movement of finance and investment capital. It means that governments are forbidden from constructing "non tariff' barriers such as subsidies or regulatory standards which might benefit national companies or in any way limit the investment and trade decisions of domestic and foreign corporations. The national state is legally obliged to intervene to prevent provincial governments from preventing or regulating capital mobility. Public sector enterprises must operate commercially and be open to competition from private sector companies. Once a function or service is privatised it must be governed by NAFTA rules of national treatment. It cannot be returned to the public sector without compensation to companies which are or even might be involved in this area. United States corporations have made it quite clear that they regard the Canadian health, tertiary education and income security systems as "unfair" economic subsidies. The Canadian Government has come under ongoing pressure to ensure the "downwards harmonisation" of social policy provisions to the generally much lower United States standards. Similar downwards pressures have also been applied to environmental, health and safety regulations. The impact of NAFTA and the broader processes of the globalisation of the Canadian economy have contributed to the creation of a climate in which there is a strong public perception that the overriding priority is to appease the god of "international competitiveness" and that this god requires the sacrifice of citizens and geographical regions deemed

John Wiseman uncompetitive and therefore expendable. This has provided a powerful weapon to those such as Tom Courchene of the C.D. Howe Institute who have sought to convince the Canadian population that the Canadian welfare state must now be dismantled because it is no longer affordable: "social policy must facilitate and assist the occupational, industrial and even geographical relocation that the new worlds economic order is requiring of the present generation of Canadians" (Courchene, 1987, 179). This is in the context of overwhelming evidence of the ongoing increase in the inequality of Canadian income and wealth distribution and of rising poverty (see McBride and Shields, 1993; CCPA Monitor, 1995; Campaign 2OOO,l994, Ross, et al., 1994). Similarly residents of regions such as the fishing communities of Newfoundland and the Maritime provinces have been told that it is now too expensive to provide employment opportunities or services in these areas. They will simply have to move. For many citizens of Canada, as in the United States and Mexico, free trade in the post NAFTA world has meant leaning to survive in a "race to the bottom" in which corporations attempt to play one group of workers off against another by lowering wages, working conditions, social provisions, and environmental standards. THE CANADIAN AND

AUSTRALIAN EXPERIENCE OF GLOBALISATION

AM) COMPETITIVENESS

The recent impact and experience of globalisation in both Canada and Australia have been remarkably similar. In both countries the pressure to compete in global markets has been associated with severe balance of payments, foreign debt, and foreign ownership problems. Both countries continue to be highly vulnerable to international commodity markets (due to their ongoing reliance on commodity exports) and to international financial markets (due to low levels of domestic savings). As recent conflicts over logging have clearly demonstrated, both societies are also experiencing deepening tensions about the speed of exploitation of renewable and non renewable resources. Both societies continue to pay the price of restructuring through rising levels of unemployment, poverty and inequality combined with strong downwards pressure on wages and a rapid transformation of the labour market towards more "flexible", low paid, part time and casualised jobs. Wage subsidy arrangements designed to provide a floor for low wage jobs have been strongly promoted in both countries and there has been a dramatic shift towards tighter targeting of benefits. There have been concerted moves to reduce public sector expenditure

The Price of Competitiveness across the board as employer groups have successfully argued that long standing social policy commitments are no longer affordable. Cuts in areas such as health and education have often been particularly severe at State and Provincial levels as the difficult decisions are passed down the line by Federal governments in the form of reduced grants and revenue sharing arrangements. At times the parallels are striking indeed. In Australia, the influential former head of Nissan and Channel 7 Ivan Deveson (1993, 27) has argued "there is no doubt that we cannot afford the 'social net' that we have -that the size of the net must be linked to the economy - that to some degree our commitment to an efficient economy has been weakened by some excessive dependency on social support". In Canada the head of the Canadian Manufacturers Association argues that all Canadian governments must test all their polices to determine whether or not they reinforce or impeded competitiveness. If a policy is anti competitive, dump it. The social programs we've come to depend on ...we're going to have to abandon. We're going to be shutting down hospitals, like it or lump it. (cited in ECEJ, 1994b,Free Trade and Health Care section)

...

Sovereignty over political decision making has also been a casualty. In Australia it has become almost impossible to talk about higher levels of public sector expenditure or progressive taxation without being drowned out by commentators shouting that, not only would this make Australian business uncompetitive but, in a deregulated financial system, the international financial markets and credit rating agencies would never permit such policies to be implemented. This has led to a profound form of political self censorship with even the most progressive of Labor politicians simply refusing to talk about alternatives to current economic policy settings because, it is argued, there is no point in talking about things which simply cannot happen. The full implications of financial deregulation in Australia are best articulated by H.C. Coombs (1995) who oversaw the introduction of Keynesian economic policies in post war Australia and went on to be the founding head of the Reserve Bank and a key economic adviser to eight Australian Prime Ministers. The deregulation of the Australian financial system was, in my opinion, a tragedy and I think the outcome was highly predictable from the time of the decision and it was disastrous. We had a crop of bank failures, a repudiation of the rights of depositors, company crashes, millionaires all around the place but the system was not working in a stable fashion. We were progressively losing

John Wiseman ownership of our own assets and losing ownership of the major enterprises and institutions in our society.

The deregulation of the Canadian financial system has not been as complete as in Australia but this has been more than offset by the impact of the FTA and NAFTA in determining the direction of fiscal and monetary policy. The Canadian political situation has also been complicated by the failure of the Meech Lake and Charlottetown constitutional negotiations and the centrifugal pressures of the impending decisions about Quebec. This has led to a trend towards a more fragmented political system and a fertile climate for capital to pursue divide and rule tactics, playing off one provincial government against another. The Keating Labor Government pursued an aggressively nationalist strategy with a stronger focus on national standards in relation to key social programs and policy areas such as Aboriginal land rights. On the other hand, Australia has had to deal with the special problem of geographical, economic and political marginalisation from the major regional trading blocs. The Canadian trade union movement has tended to remain more autonomous fiom state policy making and more critical of fiee trade agreements and global integration than the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU). This helps explain the more active public debate about fiee trade and globalisation in Canada than in Australia as well as the more extensive alliances established between Canadian unions and other social movement groupings such as the Action Canada Network. However, it is also true that the Canadian trade union movement has achieved far less access to state policy making forums than has been the case in Australia. Most Australian trade unions have been prepared to temper overt criticisms of Labor government policies in relation to financial deregulation, free trade and enterprise bargaining in return for the access to decision making provided through the Accord process. As Probert (1992,21) notes, there is a price to be paid for political influence just as there is a price to be paid for political autonomy. The impact of the rise of post Fordism on institutional politics is most apparent in the rise of New Right politics which appears to take on the cause of restructuring most transparently. However it can be argued that it is traditional social democracy which has suffered the greater crisis. This is particularly true of the Australian Labor Party which has been trying to manage the transition to a new, globally restructured economic order, and to ensure a share of the new global functions for Australia while at the same time trying to maintain the loyalty of its traditional working class

The Price of Competitiveness supporters, whose livelihoods are being devastated by the very same policies.

While there are important differences, the central questions arising from the experience of globalisation are similar in both societies. How can resource based, highly vulnerable economies such as Australia and Canada survive in a deregulated and globalised international economy without sacrificing the values of democracy, sovereignty and social justice which have been central to their historical development?

It is relatively easy to mount a withering critique of the social, political and economic consequences of globalisation and competitiveness. The critical question is whether it is possible to envisage or implement alternative policies and strategies. As Sam Gindin of the Canadian Auto Workers rightly notes that the issue isn't whether an efficient and dynamic economy is important - it obviously is. The issue is whether labour and the left want to engage in this debate on the corporations' terms of competitiveness, and allow them to define their interest as the national interest, or whether it is possible to define an independent, alternative way of looking at economic needs: call it a democratic approach to the development of our productive capacities. (Gindin, 1992,22)

The first and most important step is to believe that there are, in fact, alternatives. Globalisation does not mean we are heading for a monolithic world government run by the UN or anyone else. That way lie the dangerous paranoias of the US militias and the fundamentalist right. Nor are we facing the complete collapse of national borders and the slide into a global Bosnia of tribalism and chaos predicted by a variety of post modem charlatans and end of the world doom sayers (see, for example, Huntington, 1993). Other Canadian and Australian prophets of globalisation argue that the massive expansion of global communication technologies allowing the virtually instantaneous transfer of vast financial flows rules out the possibility of even discussing the reregulation of financial markets or reopening debates about free trade. This in turn provides a formidable and demobilising weapon for those who argue, like Margaret Thatcher, that there is no alternative to the wildest extremes of free market

John Wiseman capitalism. However, as Bienefeld (1994, 102) reminds us, deregulation is a result of political choice rather than technology. In the final analysis, financial regulation depends on the political will to enforce adequate sanctions, so that, given the risk of discovery, the majority of people will observe the law. The fact that such laws can always be technically evaded (by some, for a time) is not an argument against them or their enforcement, any more than the existence of unsolved murders constitutes an argument against the homicide laws. ... In fact, the biggest obstacle to the enforcement of financial regulations today, is not the computer or the fax machine, but the poisonous individualism of the eighties which has undermined people's willingness to observe the law by corroding the ethical and ideological foundations on which law enforcement, taxation and the ability to justify social investment ultimately rest.

The task of developing creative alternatives to the destructive power of global economic restructuring has global, local and national dimensions. Globalist strategies have tended to focus on the creation of alternative political, financial and legal global institutions which can form a democratic counterweight to the power of transnational capital (see, for example UNRISD, 1995). If corporate power has shifted to the global arena then global trade unions, environmental agencies, community organisations and governmental institutions are seen, by some, as the remedy. Such organisations have the potential to provide the base for the creation of international corporate codes of conduct, controls over financial transactions and the construction of new forms of international governance, including the possibility of international corporate taxes such as the Tobin tax proposal (Walker, 1993). Internationally based government and non government organisations can also provide the basis for attempts to enshrine trade union and human rights principles in international trade agreements and create multilateral and bilateral social charters specifying minimum standards of living and standards of social service provision. The limited effectiveness of social charter and trade union rights agreements in both the NAFTA and EC experience suggests that it would be unwise to place too much faith in internationalist strategies on their own. Nonetheless such agreements do provide an important basis for keeping social questions of the political and economic agenda and it is clear that similar significant debates are emerging in relation to the APEC negotiations. At the other end of the scale are the supporters of "globalisation from below", commonly involving the fostering of local economic networks

The Price of Competitiveness and local community relationships as significant arenas within which identity and difference can be protected, solidarity and mutuality nurtured and ecological values sustained (Brecher, et aL, 1993; Ekins, 1992; Nozick, 1992). Many proponents of localism have also noted the potential for making global links between local groups and developing the "Lilliputian tacticyyof tying down the corporate "giants" of global corporate power with thousands of interconnected local grassroots movements and struggles. Part of the aim here is to counter the divide and rule, "beggar thy neighbour" tactics of the race to the bottom agenda by creating the conditions for an "upward" rather than "downward" harmonisation in which workers and citizens with lower wages and working conditions are lifted upwards rather than driving down the living standards of workers in more prosperous economies. As a number of authors and activists have noted, the expansion of global trade and communications creates possibilities as well as threats and the careful broadening of international and regional alliances between local trade unions, community organisations and social movements is an important and complex challenge (Marcuse, 1995). The ongoing exploration of constructive relationships between Canadian, Mexican and United States unions and social movements are therefore extremely important as are similar (although less developed) initiatives in the Asia Pacific region. As the rhetoric of "think global: act local" becomes pervasive, it is tempting to accept that the room to move at the nation state level has effectively disappeared. But while the very idea of national political identity may have been opened to question by the internationalisation of capital, it has become more important than ever to reconsider the relationship between social movements, labour movements and nation states. As Mahon (1993,13) correctly points out the world has more depth than a global network of economic power extending from the centre@) to the periphery. To problematise the coherence and durability of national societies and states, however, does call for new ways of thinking about the way that social space is organised and reorganised over time the nation state is not dead but strategic horizons have to be expanded to render visible other layers of action.

...

Without being naive about the room to move available to national governments, it will be a serious error to vacate the arena of the nation state and national parliamentary politics. That way lies the hollowed out "street warfare" politics of Los Angeles and New York with no effective focus for contesting the control of transnational or national capital over decisions in particular societies and locales. One of the most important

John Wisernan lessons from the recent Australian and Canadian experience of restructuring is that, if we lose democratic control over the key decision making forums and processes of the national and regional state, then we lose a great deal indeed for all real decision making power in relation to capital formation, production and distribution will have been effectively corporatised. The debate about the relative autonomy of the nation state is far from over but the challenge is to imagine and create new democratic institutions and regulatory processes in an age where trust is scarce, the sense of risk is widespread and the consequences of actions are often far removed from those involved in making the decisions. In writing about the impact of NAFTA on her country, Margaret Attwood (1993) has commented on the traditional belief that beavers will bite off their own testicles and throw them to their pursuers when threatened. As the Australia Labor and Liberal parties march together down the path towards new trade and investment agreements in the Asia Pacific region, it is to be hoped that the same metaphor does not apply to the kangaroo. Beavers also have a unique capacity for invention and creativity. Kangaroos are fierce fighters when cornered. It is beyond time to reopen public debate about the questions: who benefits from the politics of globalisation and competitiveness? And how can those Canadians and Australians who do not accept the inevitability of the race to the bottom open up the room to move and continue to search for democratic, fair and sustainable sources of political and economic ideas and institutions?

Albo, G. 1994. "Competitive Austerity and the Impasse of Capitalist Employment Policy", Between Globalism and Nationalism: Socialist Register 1994. S. Miliband and L. Panitch, eds. London: Merlin Press. Attwood, M. 1993. "Blind Faith and Free Traden, The Case Against Free Trade. San Francisco: Earth Island Press. 92-96. Barlow, M. 1994. "NAFTAmath: How Free Trade is Restructuring Canada", Canadian Perspectives, (Autumn). 12. Bell, S., and B. Head, eds. 1994. State, Economy and Public Policy in Australia. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. Beilhan, P., M. Considine, and R. Watts. 1992. Arguing About the Welfare State. Sydney, NSW: Allen and Unwin.

The Price of Competitiveness Bienefeld, M. 1994. "Capitalism and the Nation State in the Dog Days of the Twentieth Century". Between Globalism and Nationalism: The Socialist Register 1994. R. Miliband and L. Panitch, eds. London: Merlin Press. Boreham, P., S. Clegg, J. Emmison, G. Marks, and J. Western. 1989. "Semi Peripheries or Particular Pathways: The Case of Australia, New Zealand and Canada as Class Formations", International Sociology, Vol. 4, No. 1.67-90. Brecher, J., J. Childs, and J. Cutler, eds. 1993. Global Visions: Beyond the New World Order. Montreal: Black Rose Books. Bryson, L. 1994. "The Welfare State and Economic Adjustment", State, Economy and Public Policy in Australia. S. Bell and B. Head, eds. 1994. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. 291-311. Campaign 2000. 1994. Child Poverty in Canada: Report Card 1994. Toronto, Ontario: Campaign 2000. Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. 1995. CCPA Monitor. March 1995. Canadian Government. 1994. Improving Social Security in Canada. Ottawa: Human Resources Development Canada. Cass, B. 1988. Income Support for the Unemployed in Australia: Towarh A More Active Society. Social Security Review Issues Paper, No. 4. Canberra: AGPS. Castles, F. 1988. Australian Public Policy and Ewnomic Vulnerability. Sydney, NSW: Allen and Unwin. Clarkson, S. 1991. "Disjunctions: Free Trade and the Paradox of Canadian Development", The New Era of Global Competition: Stare Policy and Market Power. Drache, D., and M. Gertler, eds. 1991. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press. 103-26. Commonwealth of Australia. 1994. WorkingNation: Policies and Programs. Canberra: AGPS. Coombs, H.C.1995, in D. Hill, "Nuggets of History", The Age Good Weekend supplement, 26 August. 40. Cooper, A., R. Higgott, and K. Nossal. 1994. Relocating Middle Powers: Australia and Canada in a Changing World Order. Vancouver: UBC Press. Courchene, T. 1987. Social Policy in the 1990s. C.D. Howe Institute. Deveson, I. 1993. 'The Challenge of Change for Australians", Business Council Bulletin (May). 2 6 29. Drache, D. and M. Gertler, eds. 1991. The New Era of Global Competition: State Policy and Market Power. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press.

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ECEl (Ecumenical Coalition for Economic Justice). 1994b.Economic Integration of the Americas: An Education and Action Kit. Ecumenical Coalition for Economic Justice: Toronto. Ekins, P. 1992.A New World Order: GrassrootsMovements for Social Change. London: Routledge. EPAC 1995. Income Distribution in Australia: Recent Trends and Research. Economic Planning Advisory Council Commission Paper No. 7.Canberra: AGPS. Evans, P. 1994. "Eroding Canadian Social Welfare: The Mulroney Legacy 1984-1993",Social Policy and Administration, Vol. 28, No. 2 (June). 107-19. Ewer, P., I. Hampson, C. Lloyd, J. Rainford, S. Rix, and M. Smith. 1991.Politics and the Accord. Sydney: Pluto Press. Frenkel, S., ed. 1993.Organized Labor in theAsia-PacificRegion. Ithaca, New York: ILR Press. Gindin, S. 1992."Putting the Con Back in the Economy", This Magazine (May). 17-22. Grinspun, R and M. Cameron, eds. 1993. The Political Economy of North American Free Trade. Montreal: McGill-Queens University Press. Heron, C. 1990.The Canadian Labour Movement: A Short History. Toronto: Lorimer. Huntington, J. 1993.'The Clash of Civilizations", Foreign Aflairs, Summer. INDECS. 1995.State of Play 8. The Australian Economic Policy Debate. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Jenson, J., R. Mahon and M. Beinefeld. 1994.Production, Space, Identity: Political Economy Faces the 21st Century. Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press. Kelly, P. 1992.The End of Certainty. Melbourne: Penguin. Lightman, E. and A. Irving. 1993."Restructuring Canada's Welfare State", Journal of Social Policy, 20,l.65-86. Mahon, R. 1993."The 'New' Canadian Political Economy Revisited: Production, Space, Identity", Production, Space, Identity: Political Economy Faces the 21st Century. J. Jenson, R. Mahon, and M. Beinefeld, eds. Toronto: Canadian Scholars Press. 1-19. Mahoney, G., ed. 1993.TheAustralian Economy UnderLabor. Allen and Unwin: Sydney. Marcuse, P. 1995."Globalisation's Forgotten Dimension", Polis, No. 3 (July). McBride, S. and J. Shields. 1993.Dismantling a Nation: Canada and the New World Order. Halifax: Fernwood Publishing. National Anti Poverty Organisation. 1995. NAPO's Response to the Federal Discussion Paper "Improving Social Security in Canada Ottawa, NAPO.

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Nozick, M. 1992.No Place Like Home: Building Sustainable Communities. Canadian Council on Social Development. Ottawa.

The Price of Competitiveness

O'Connor, J. 1993. "Citizenship, class, gender and labour market participation in Canada and Australia", Gen&r, Citizenship and the Labour Market: The Australian and Canadian Welfare States. S. Shaver, ed. Sydney: University of New South Wales. Social Policy Research Centre Reports and Proceedings No. 109.4-37. Panitch, L. 1994. "Globalisation and the State", Between Globalism and Nationalism. R. Miliband and L. Panitch, eds. London: Merlin Press. 80-93. Probert, B. 1992. "Restructuring and Globalisation: What Do They Mean?", Arena Magazine, AprilMay. Pusey, M. 1991. Economic Rationalism in Canberra. Cambridge: University Press. Ravenhill, J. 1994. "Australia and the Global Economy", State, Economy and Public Policy in Australia. S. Bell, and B. Head, eds. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. 75-92. Ross, D., E. Shillington, and C. Lochhead. 1994. The Canadian Fact Book on Poverty. Ottawa: Canadian Council on Social Development. Stilwell, F. 1993. "Wages Policy and the Accord", The Australian Economy Under Labor. G. Mahony, ed. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Sweeney, S. 1994. "What is the 'New Labor Internationalism'? Comments on Upward Harmonization, Social Chapters and Globalization from Below", Paper presented to the Sixteenth Annual North American Labor History Conference on International and Comparative Labor History, October 27-29. Wayne State University, Detroit.

The Toronto Star, 1994.26 April. United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. 1995. States of Disarray: The Social Effects of Globalization. UNRISD: London. Walker, M. 1993. "Global Taxation Paying for Peace", World Policy Journal, Vol. X , No. 2, Summer. 7-12.

Yalnizyan, A., T. Ide Ran, and A. Cordell. 1994. Shifing Time: Social Policy and the Future of Work. Toronto, Ontario: Between the Lines.

The selection of papers which are included in this section "Social, Historical and Other Perspectives" come from an extraordinary mix of disciplines and span across a wide range of topics. Nonetheless, when viewed within the broad theme of globalisation, a common thread does emerge to unite them. Recent trends in globalisation indicate two quite distinct effects of the global village -while there is undoubtedly greater unity appearing at the global level, fragmentation and diversity continue to thrive at the local level (cf. Hall, 1991; Gleeson 1995). All papers reflect in some way the different effects of these homogenising/ differentiating forces. All use aspects of Canadian and Australian society to challenge contemporary concepts of community and cultural identity. Nigel Bagnallys paper "The International Baccalaureate in Canada 1980-1993" looks at education at the global level. In questioning why it is that some Canadian schools are interested in pursuing the International Baccalaureate in place of their own cumculum, he concludes that the appeal of the program is symbolic rather than pragmatic. As he describes it, those who possess an International Baccalaureate qualification become participants in an international culture, or "global field", and they are seen as possessing what could be described as "global cultural capital". A second theme in his paper is the curious position of the International Baccalaureate in Canada as "an agent of reproduction rather than a laboratory for change". In other words, rather than taking advantage of the potential for cumculum innovation (a stated intention of the founders of the International Baccalaureate), Canadian schools appear to adopt the program wholesale as a complete educational package, with no attempt to innovate or extend. This unexpected outcome is another illustration of the kind of homogeneity that seems to grow out of the globalisation process.

Kate Burridge In "'Separate and Peculiar' - the Survival of Pennsylvania "Dutch" in Ontario", Kate Burridge explores the Pennsylvania German speaking communities, in particular the so-called "horse and buggy" or Old Order Mennonite communities of Waterloo County. The survival of the language is quite remarkable when you compare the fate of other minority languages in North America and the paper examines some of the secrets of the language's survival techniques. How has Pennsylvania German been able to hold out against the powerful pressures of English, a language with such world-wide clout? How much longer can it continue to do so? The paper concludes that recent developments within globalisation suggest a more promising future than might previously have been forecast for Canada's "separate and peculiar" communities. In reaction to increasing global conformity, the growth of local identifiers will probably mean "horses and buggies along the "superhighway" for some time to come". Globalisation has many effects. The most dramatic involve the spread of global communication networks, the internationalism of products and consumerism and of course massive flows of people, including tourists, refugees and migrants. In countries like Canada and Australia, this has produced an intermixing of people and cultures which is unprecedented and the need for management of multi-ethnic populations is a dramatic outcome of twentieth century globalisation. Clearly culture at the local level has been changed irrevocably by this "inter-national" movement of people. And this new local ethnic diversity now contrasts even more dramatically with the diluting processes going on at the global level. Aspects of this interaction of local and global are tackled in two papers in this section, Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop's "The Roots of Multiculturalism in Australia and Canada" and Michael Lanphier's "Post-multiculturalism and Immigration". Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop examine multiculturalism and multicultural policy in light of the past, showing in particular how knowledge of the past can make sense of current trends and concerns. The paper traces the roots of multiculturalism in Canada and Australia, and provides a comprehensive account of the differences in government management of multiculturalism in these two countries. Especially revealing are wartime policy and practices towards aliens and, as Foster and Bartrop's paper reveals, these are able to shed light on why it was that a multicultural policy was so slow to emerge in Australia in contrast to Canada.

Introduction Michael Lanphier's paper highlights the global perspectives of multiculturalism on the one hand, and its orientation for domestic social policy on the other. He examines recent changes to multicultural policy in Australia and Canada, especially with respect to the impact of immigrant and refugee intakes, and provides further illustration of the two faces of globalisation - homogenisation / diversity. Many diverse cultural groups are now demanding equivalent goods and services, but at the same time they also want their distinctiveness to be recognised and celebrated; as Lanphier neatly describes it, "the paradox of universalism of life claims versus the particularism of culture". Michael Hall's paper "Cultural Tourism and Urban Imaging Strategies in Canada" also addresses the worldwide flow of people, in his case tourists. However, his paper is able to highlight the effects of global uniformity, created this time by the urban planning equivalents of the modem-day "image-consultants"; that is, those responsible for "making-over" our cities. He shows how the rise of urban tourism (to counter the economic effects of deindustrialisation in urban economies) has brought with it a conscious re-imaging of places like Toronto and Montreal, in order to attract tourism expenditure, which in turn will generate employment and potential investment. Cities therefore have become products to be sold and promoted. The intention of these reimaging and marketing strategies is of course vital diversity something new, exciting and distinct. Paradoxically, the outcome is a levelling of difference. The removal of local identifiers has meant a monotonous conformity, as cities are pushed into a kind of ideal mould for "the international city". Robin Lathangue's paper "Philosophy on Ice: the Public Intellectual in Canada" examines the place of the intellectual in society, especially in the current obsession with professionalism. "Are intellectuals professionals ... to whom we turn when faced with problems which require some kind of thinking or "research"? Who are these people, and can we, should we, hire them to do our thinking for us?" In his paper, Lathangue attempts to account for the wide schism which exists between the non-academic public and the university intellectuals, focussing in particular on the Canadian philosopher George Parkin Grant as one intellectual who has helped to span the gulf between these two camps. Issues concerning survival and natural justice are no longer confined within the boundaries of single nations and this next paper, Michael Ashby's 'The Rodriguez Case and Care of the Dying" deals with what are arguably universal ethical and justice questions. Should it ever be lawful for a terminally ill person to have medical assistance to die? As a dramatic case study, Ashy presents the tragic story of Sue Rodriguez,

Kate Burridge who died in February 1994 after losing her appeal to the Canadian Supreme Court for medical assistance in dying. His discussion is particularly timely given the current passionate debates concerning voluntary euthanasia. For me, Ashby's paper highlighted an absurdity of modem times. Paradoxically, though we live in a century during which countries have sanctioned more killings than ever before, enormous amounts of money and effort are spent on devices for saving and for prolonging lives of individuals, even when it is against their wishes, as in this particular case. This paper vividly illustrates the conflict between the state's interests in prolonging and protecting the lives of its citizens and an individual's autonomy with regard to questions of life and death. It also highlights one of the great human fears - our fear of losing control of our destinies. It is this fear which is at the root of so many of our taboos, particularly those associated with death. Although we can end our own life, we have no control over when Nature will rob us of it. Personal death (as opposed to violent death which paradoxically we continue to fantasise as entertainment) does somehow becomes more bearable, if we can exercise some control over it. Sue Rodriguez did not want to wait until she no longer had control over this event. Another effect of globalisation is the recognition that issues concerning the environment must be globally oriented. Even the question of public transport, which is the theme of this next paper, is no longer of local concern. In his "Tale of Two Urban Myths", Paul Mees sheds doubt on the 'unquestionable' dominance of cars in cities with urban sprawl. He compares the strikingly successful Toronto model, a centrally-planned and integrated system with the failure of the Melbourne market-driven public transport system. While the Toronto model has helped to spawn "pro-transit" policies (for example, a moratorium on new freeways, "The Livable Metropolis" policy), Melbourne's equivalent documents propose to double the size of the freeway network and, despite noting the failure of the current transport system, offer no remedy. The relative success and failure of the respective public transport systems are not in dispute here. However, the reasons continually cited for these opposing outcomes are. As Mees shows, they rest on what could be described as a convenient fiction which has now become part of accepted wisdom. His is the telling of two urban folktales.

Gleeson, F. 1995. The Impact of Globalization on the Representation of Australian English. Unpublished Masters Dissertation, La Trobe University. Hall, S. 1991. "The local and the global", Culture, Globalizationand the World System: Contemporary Conditionsfor the Representation of Identify. A.D. King, ed. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education.

The International Baccalaureate (IB) was conceived in the mid 1960s as a necessary and worthwhile development by the International Schools of the predominantly European nations. These schools were struggling to provide an adequate entrance qualification for the students that passed through their education system and hoped to gain access to universities either back in their native country or in the United States or England where many of these internationally mobile students completed their tertiary studies. The resultant qualification that became known as the International Baccalaureate has served this world wide system of international schools in a highly satisfactory manner. There are some problems for smaller schools in this international category in offering the IB as it is an expensive program to operate. It was inevitable that some schools that fall outside this international system should become interested in adopting the program. These schools are interested in maintaining an international perspective and in some instances gaining some competitive advantage over other schools in their area. There are many reasons why schools adopt particular programs. They may be introduced to meet a particular need within the school. A school community with a high number of immigrant children, for example, may offer a specialist English as a Second Language program. Why should schools in Canada be interested in a program that was developed predominantly within the international schools movement to aid students seeking tertiary entrance? Canadian schools have their own tertiary entrance qualifications. They may vary considerably from province to province but are all capable of graduating high school students into tertiary institutions. The Ontario Secondary School Diploma (OSSD) may vary significantly in structure from the Quebec

Nigel Bagnall College d'Enseignement General et Professionnel (CEGEP) qualification but they both have the same result. They provide access to university or other tertiary institutions. What could possibly be the appeal of an examination that is administered from Europe and must be taken in addition to the local qualification and on completion adds little if anything to the students future tertiary placement? Does such a summary oversimplify the role played by these qualifications? Are there other more symbolic and less pragmatic reasons behind the courses being adopted? In this paper two major points will be established. Firstly, it will be argued that the IB has been chosen by Canadian schools for symbolic reasons that are as important, if not more important, than the reasons stated by schools in response to a questionnaire carried out by the writer exploring reasons for their adoption of the program. The reasons given by the Canadian schools for adopting the IB varied from the desire to offer a substantive honours program (eighteen schools) to the hope of attracting more students (one school). Such reasons may be interpreted using the concept "symbolic imposition7' (Bourdieu, 1984). Implied is the idea that the academic qualification, in this case the IB, guarantees possession of a general culture. The culture that the IB is part of is an international culture. The schools who participate in the IB throughout the world are participating in an international culture that, to use the terminology of Bourdieu, bestows "cultural capital" on its holders. In the case of the IB, the "cultural capital" that is transferred is global in its dimension. The holders of the IB are participants in a "global field" and possess what might be classified as "global cultural capital". The second point that will be established is that the IB is an agent of reproduction rather than a laboratory for change in Canada. The founders of the IB were aware of the potential for it to be part of an experimental system that would allow curriculum innovations to be developed and explored. This has not happened in the Canadian schools' experience. Schools using the IB, adopt it as it stands and do not make any attempt to utilise its full adaptive potential. (For example, as a laboratory for experiment both in international curriculum and examining methods, which was one of the major stated intentions of the founders of the IB.)

The International Baccalaureate in Canada

Canadian education is controlled by provinces and is administered by Departments of Education and local School Districts. Administrators and teachers, in government schools, hoping to introduce change to this system, such as the implementation of the IB program, need to gain approval of their schools, school districts and Provincial Departments of Education. Given such a complexity of school/govemment relations, why should schools have bothered to implement the IB program? What schools were first to adopt it and why did others follow their example? The first school in Canada to offer the IB was the Lester B. Pearson College of the Pacific. Located on Vancouver Island, the school forms part of a chain of international schools that make up the United World Colleges. Students are chosen from throughout the world and take part in what can only be described as a unique educational experience. Ashbury College in Ottawa became the second Canadian school to offer the IB in 1976. A private co-educational day school, Ashbury was ideally placed in Canada's national capital, to offer the existing internationally mobile community a readily transportable tertiary entrance qualification. The IB was introduced in parallel with the Ontario High School Diploma (OAC). There are no formal provincial examinations in Ontario, but there are criteria that must be met before students graduate from high school and become eligible to enter tertiary institutions. Many of the IB subjects fulfil these criteria but where they do not qualify as an OAC credit, students must fulfil both IB and OAC requirements. During the remainder of the seventies several other private schools joined the International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) and in 1978 the first public school, Sir Winston Churchill High School in Calgary enrolled in the program. Jim McLellan, the Principal, promoted the program in the interest of his school's brightest and most motivated students. The IB developed in western and central Canada during the 1980s with IB schools emerging in Vancouver, Calgary, Edmonton and Winnipeg. A study of the IB undertaken by the Edmonton School Board recorded that a number of schools had entered the program. In Manitoba there are several schools that have established IB programs with school districts allowing students to transfer across district boundaries to participate. The decision made by the Ontario Ministry of Education in 1982 to forbid the funding of IB programs with public school monies made future provincial growth extremely difficult. Victoria Park Secondary School in Don Mills has succeeded in procuring alternative funding but remains the only public high school in Ontario with the IB.

Nigel Bagnall There are three private schools in Ontario that offer the IB: Elmwood School for Girls, Ashbury College and the Toronto French School. The education system in Quebec seems tailor made for the IB. Before entering university, students follow eleven years of primary 'and secondary schooling followed by two years of college (CEGEP). The problem for potential IB students is that they need to complete Quebec provincial courses and examinations as well as IB requirements. The combination of heavy work requirements and high cost of running a program for a few students who are prepared to make the dual commitment has meant that many schools which would be interested in offering the program have not done so. CEGEP de Sainte-Foy pulled out of the IB after a short time (September 1987 to May 1990) stating that it was too expensive for a public school. Also in the east there are four schools offering the IB, in the provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia. A recent survey1 conducted in Ontario by The Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) is useful for helping to establish the educational and social context of IB activity in Canada. It found that forty-two percent of respondents felt that the standard of education at secondary level had deteriorated in the last ten years. The same survey in 1988 found that the sample felt Province-wide tests should be used to assess individual performance (sixty-two percent). Such attitudes also exist within an economic/public policy context. The question of how schools could "do more with less" was a dilemma that education in Canada was facing daily. Governments at all levels today face an era of acute fiscal restraint. Thus a major policy concern in future decades will be whether society can maintain and enhance both the accessibility and the quality of the education system without making excessive claims on economic resources. (Economic Council of Canada, 1992,l)

It is against this background of economic uncertainty and loss of public support for the education system that the IB has developed as an alternative. The following summary of survey results highlight some of the reasons for the development of the IB in Canada.

The instrument used in this research was a postal survey of IB Coordinators undertaken between March 1992 and February 1993.

The International Baccalaureate in Canada Range of Schools Surveyed There were forty-seven Canadian schools listed in the 1991-92 IB Directory. All schools were sent an IB Co-ordinators questionnaire. There were usable responses from thirty-nine schools, a return rate of eighty-three percent. Of the thirty-nine schools that replied offering the IB, thirty-two were public and seven private: thirty-eight co-educational and one single sex. Enrolments varied from the smallest of 220 students to the largest with 7,000 students. The average size of the sample was 1,374 students. There were two schools that had a junior section and nine had a middle school. The twenty-eight remaining schools consisted of a senior school only. One school, Le Petit S6minaire de Quebec, had a collegial group of 500 students while the Coll5ge Jean-de-Br6beuf was entirely CEGEP. These CEGEP schools are unique to Quebec and consist of two year pre-university programs leading to university entrance.

International Student Composition of Schools and Length of Time Involved in Program The average percentage of intemational students was fourteen percent; there was a wide variation. Britannia Secondary School in British Columbia had between eighty-one - ninety percent international students with nineteen schools recording zero - ten percent intemational students. Schools had been involved in the program on average for eight and a half years. Two schools had joined the IBO in the 1970s, with a further thirty-two joining in the 1980s and six schools joining in the 1990s. The 1992-93 Schools Directory (printed 16 November 1992) has forty-seven schools listed for Canada. This figure indicates that the numbers of schools offering the IB within Canada are static.

How Does the IB Sit with the Local Examination? Twenty-eight schools offered pre-IB courses and eleven did not. The majority of schools that replied "Yes" when asked if they offered a preIB program, were using the IB as an honours/enrichment program for their brighter students. Western Canada High School replied: "The school is from grades 10-12. In grade 10, we run 'honours' classes which offer enrichment over the regular curriculum to give students some sense of the future challenge and to identify students capable of handling the program". Sir Winston Churchill Secondary stated: "A preparatory year for IB in grade 10 science, English, social studies and

Nigel Bagnall French." Archbishop MacDonald Academic H.S. stated: "Grade 10 honors program in maths, English, History, French, Chemistry, and Biology. Chemistry and Biology are part of the IB program which formally begins in other subjects in grade 11". Salisbury Composite High School in Alberta found the need to complete the IB and the provincial requirements difficult. "Grade 10 - our first year of senior high school - is called Grade 10 Honors for those students considering the IB program in grades 11 and 12. It is a preparatory year. Some skill and concept development specific to IB is covered at this time as both provincial and IB curriculum must be taught".

I s the IB Open to AU Students? Twenty schools opened the IB program to all students at the school and nineteen restricted entry to the program. The predominant factor affecting entry into the IB program is grade average. Typical of those schools that answered "Yes" to the question whether or not the IB was open to all students, was Mountain Secondary School in British Columbia: "Yes. But intensive interviews with parents and students and utilise past performance data and test scores to assist in decisionmaking." St. Mary's High School in Alberta replied: "Yes. If we 'found' an honors student in a 'regular' class, we ask them if they'd like to become an IB student. Marks, teacher recommendation and task commitment are requirements". Western Canada High School replied "No". They stated: "The Grade 10 honours classes are open to any student with a mark of 80 percent + in any particular grade 9 course. To go on to IB in grade 11 they must maintain this 80 percent + average in the grade 10 honours course". The IB co-ordinator at Victoria Park Secondary School in Ontario replied: "No. Advanced level students 80 percent average, 3 letters of recommendation, student's essay: 'Why I want to take part in IB program.' Student motivation is a major consideration".

The IB Diploma and Certificate On average schools offered ten Diploma Candidates each year which represented seven percent of the final year's enrolment. While these figures appear low it must be remembered that in most of the schools the IB was available to only those students with a strong academic background. The average of seven percent of students in the last year of schooling was taken from a range of fifty percent Diploma students at

The International Baccalaureate in Canada The Toronto French School to less than one percent in Elmwood Girls School in Ottawa and Park View Education Centre in Nova Scotia. There were in fact several schools that had less than one percent of their last year's enrolment completing the full diploma. These schools will need to evaluate their position if numbers were to stay at this level, as it is extremely expensive to be registered as an IB school. A greater number (sixteen percent of schools) offered certificate candidates, with forty the average number per school. Although there is nothing stopping schools offering certificate candidates instead of diploma candidates, the IBO looks on the IB as a complete program culminating in the full diploma. The certificate courses were considered by the school at a later stage to the diploma and were viewed very much as an alternative for students who were unlikely to be proceeding with tertiary study and did not therefore require the full diploma.

Do Schools Mix IB and Non IB Classes? Twenty-six schools did not mix IB and non IB classes, with six sometimes mixing and seven always mixing. The question of combining IB and non-IB classes generally related to the number of students enrolled in the final two years of school. Where there were insufficient numbers to run separate classes, the classes would be combined. Mountain Secondary School replied: "Yes. In areas where there is sufficient enrolment (English, History, Calculus) classes are self contained. All of our IB Biology, Chemistry and Physics students must do enriched work within and beyond the classroom curriculum". North Battleford Comprehensive H.S.in Saskatchewan answered: "YesMo. In the grade 10 enrichment year we have both regular and IB students in French, Science and History. In the penultimate and graduating classes we have so far managed to maintain separate groupings". The reply from Westwood Collegiate in Manitoba was typical of the No replies: "No. Unless a class is very small - so there are few combined classes". All schools, with one exception, required students to complete the state/provincial examination as well as the IB. The question drew a series of responses with Ashbury College the only one stating that "No ... not usually, except for anticipated candidates and in cases where the IB subject does not qualify as an OAC credit". The rest of the schools made reference to provincial regulations governing students. Semiahmoo Secondary School noted that: "Students not only receive a diploma (or certificate) but must graduate with a B.C. (British Columbia) Certificate of graduation and therefore must write provincial exams to receive credit for courses".

Nigel Bagnall

What Subjects are Offered and at What Levels? Schools offered an average of between five and six Subsidiary Level courses2 (S/L) and four and five Higher Level courses (HL). The most popular S/L subjects offered were Mathematics (thirty-five schools), French Language B (thirty-two schools), Biology (twenty-two schools) and Chemistry (nineteen schools). At the W L the most popular subjects were History (thirty-one schools), English (thirty schools), Chemistry (twenty-five schools) and Physics (twenty schools). Most schools taught English and French and one other language.

How Much Experimentation of the IB Program is Carried Out by the Schools? TWOschools offered SBS (School Based Syllabus) and the remaining thirty-seven were neither presently offering nor planning to offer SBS in the future. Of the two schools that offered SBS, one (Belmont Senior Secondary School) was waiting for approval to offer a second SBS. It is significant that so few schools took advantage of the opportunity of introducing a new course within the structure of the IB. This suggests either an unwillingness to experiment within the curriculum of the IB, or the acceptance of the IB curriculum as an educational package that stands on its own and needs no additions or alterations.

Funding, Who Pays for the IB? Thirty schools funded the IB separately within the school, six did not and three had some funding separately within the school budget. There were thirty-two schools offering the IB from within the public system. These schools tended to make the students pay the examination fees while the school budget covered the per capita fees. The per capita fee is based on the total number of candidates entered by the school for IB examinations and varies on the nature of the candidates. Diploma candidates pay more than Certificate and Re-sit candidates. Western Canada High School replied: "While the system pays per capita fees, students pay exam and registration fees. All operation costs of instruction, etc. come out of the school's normal operating budget". Kelowna Secondary School had the same arrangement: "The school district office pay the two yearly fees approx $11,000 Canadian. The students pay their exam subject fees". The seven private schools had similar systems with Ashbury College stating: "The IB is part of the

The International Baccalaureate in Canada school overall budget. The school pays the affiliation fee, the students pay the examination fees". Twenty-two departments within schools surveyed received additional funding to purchase additional resources and seventeen did not. Twentynine schools had students attending the school from outside the normal school catchment area. The schools replying that they had students from outside their normal school intake were candid in their replies. Britannia Secondary School in British Columbia stated: "Yes. We are a district program and as such must accept (in fact we solicit) students from outside our normal catchment area." West Vancouver Senior Secondary replied: "Yes. We are the only school of 8 high schools on the North Shore who offer this - although others may offer AP. We attract probably 10-15 percent of our students from without our catchment." The remaining ten schools replied that there were no students attending their school from outside the normal school zone.

Nationalities of IB Students On average ninety percent of IB Diploma candidates were Canadian as opposed to international students. There were eighteen schools that had one-hundred percent Canadian students and two that had only fifty percent Canadian students. The rest of the schools ranged between these two figures.

W h y Had Schools Chosen to Offer the IB? There were a wide variety of responses to the question asking why schools had initially chosen to take part in the IB. Eighteen schools wanted to offer a "substantive honors program to their students", five schools wanted to have an "international focus within the school" and a further five schools wanted to offer a "challenge to our choice students", with four schools wanting to "see how they measured up to international standards". The remaining responses concentrated on such aspects as, the "desire to prepare students for university" (three schools), to "maintain academic excellence" and to "attract more students". CONCLUSIONS FROM THE STUDY Clearly, the IB in Canada has not acted as part of an international laboratory to experiment both in cumculum and examining methods. Analysis of the survey results suggests that the IB plays a role in different educational and social processes. The IB provides an

Nigel Bagnall additional, highly respected credential for students who were already, in the main, accumulators of excellent academic results. Given this, the IB may be interpreted within the framework provided by Bourdieu on credentials and social reproduction. Thus we now know that, in America no less than in Europe, credentials contribute to ensuring the reproduction of social inequality by safeguarding the preservation of the structure of the distribution of powers through a constant re-distribution of people and titles characterised, behind the impeccable appearance of equity and meritocracy, by a systematic bias in favour of the possessors of inherited cultural capital. (Bourdieu, 1992, xi.)

The schools offering the IB in Canada have chosen not to experiment with their own curriculum and take advantage of the opportunities provided by the School Based Syllabus (SBS). The SBS was intended as a means of adopting local curriculum initiatives and blending them into the IB curriculum. Two schools out of the thirty-nine surveyed offered SBS and these were Japanese Studies and Classical studies. Neither of these two curricula were particularly Canadian nor experimental in their content. Not only did schools choose to stick with the IB package virtually unchanged, but the choice of subjects overall was severely restricted. On average schools offered between five and six Subsidiary Level (SIL) courses and four and five Higher Level (H/L) courses. Understandably most schools offered French as the second language (thirty-two schools) and the most popular subject choices were those that were easiest to staff with existing subject teachers of the local curriculum (Mathematics SIL thirty-five schools, English SIL thirty-two schools with Biology and Chemistry at S L being taught at around twenty schools). The principle reason given for offering the IB was as a "substantive honors program". The IB was not meant to be an honours program. It was initially created as a course of study that would extend students at all levels and provide an entry qualification for those students studying abroad who might otherwise miss out on tertiary entry because of the alternatives existing prior to the arrival of the IB. The students taking the IB in International Schools are not operating under the same circumstances as those students that take the IB in the schools of national systems like Canada. In many instances, the schools that these international students are attending have poor student facilities. "Overseas" schools have often been regarded as second-best options, attempting to duplicate the domestic education of which

The International Baccalaureate in Canada the expatriate child was deprived. For instance, the British armed forces operate schools which are largely attended by the children of enlisted personnel, while officers generally send their children home to boarding school. Similarly, the Japanese business community abroad has in the past frequently put their daughters into the locally available international school but sent their sons home to Japan to complete their education, though this practice has changed somewhat with the growth of the IB and the establishment of specifically Japanese overseas schools. (Matthews, 1989,8-9)

Many such schools did not have libraries on campus and in many instances the local libraries do not contain books in the language of instruction of the school. A large number of the students would be moving every three years or even more frequently and may even start the IB in one country and complete it in another. The uncertainty in these students' lives would be hard for those students studying in their own environment to understand. The International Schools' student body is a blended group of both academically gifted students and not so academically inclined students. A very high percentage of the students attending these International Schools do continue on to higher education: The entire network of international schools is equivalent in size to that of a nation of 3-4 million, but with the significant difference that 90 percent of the students passing through the system go on to higher education. (Matthews, 1989,8)

The IB has "symbolic imposition" in excess of the specific competence that would be expected from such a two year course of study in the final years of secondary schooling. The schools in Canada offering the IB are, with a few exceptions operating within national guidelines. They have an interest in international education and find that the IB helps fulfil this focus within their schools. While these schools may not be exploiting the full potential of the IB as an experimental curriculum, they are participants in a global movement. The number of schools offering the IB has remained relatively static in Canada with the majority of schools joining the program in the 1980s. These schools have continued to offer the program but have done little with it even though they have been involved with the IB for an average of over eight years. They have not substantially increased the percentages of students taking the IB with less than 7 percent opting for the full Diploma and sixteen percent taking some individual certificate subjects. While the IB was not intended as an honors program, in fact quite the contrary, it continues to be used as such in many of the Canadian schools.

Nigel Bagnall The future of the IB in Canadian schools given today's climate of "economic rationalism" seems precarious in the extreme. The number of students who benefit fiom participation in it do not warrant the expense of involvement in purely economic terms for the majority of schools.

The 1992 OISE Survey of Educational Issues is the ninth in a series which began in 1978. It remains the only regularly administered, publicly disseminated survey of public attitudes towards educational policy options in Canada. The OISE survey provides both trend data and current profiles of public support for existing educational programs and proposed policy changes in Ontario.

2

Subsidiary Level courses are of a lower standard than Higher Level courses. Candidates for the full Diploma of the IB are expected to sit 3 H/L and three SIL examinations. The extended essay, Theory of Knowledge and CAS program complete the Diploma.

Bourdieu, P. 1992. Second Edition. Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. London: Sage Publications.

-.Paul. 1984.Distinction, a Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. New York: Routledge and Kegan Economic Council of Canada. 1992.A Lot to Learn: Education and Training in Canada. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services. Matthews, M. 1989. "The Scale of International Education, Part I", International Schools Journal, Vol. 17.

Name of School

............

..,.........

School IB Number

1. Describe the type of school that you are? (Please circle) Public/State/Provincial/Private/Other.[Please explain]

(Circle) Co-educationaVBoys only/Girls onlylother. [Please explain.]

................................................................................................... Total enrolment. (Please circle) k250 501-1000 251-500 1001-1500

1501-2000 2000 plus.

............

Member Since

The International Baccalaureate in Canada

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Junior School total Middle School total................................. Senior School total

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(Aged 4-10 years.) (Aged 11-14 years.) (Aged 15-20 years.)

What percentage of the total enrolment would you consider to be international (ie. not born in the country your school is situated) in composition? (Please circle) &lo%, 11-20%, 21-30%, 3140%, 41-SO%, 51-60%, 61-70%, 71-80%, 81-90%, 91-100%. 2. Is there any type of pre-IB course offered at your school? (Please circle) Yes/No. If Yes please explain.

...................................................................-..-.--.........................

3. Is the IB open to all students at your school? (Please circle) Yes/No. (If No please explain the criteria applied for student selection.)

4. Approximately how many diploma students has your school had each year? [Do not include anticipated candidates]

What percentage of your total last years enrolment is this?

................................................................................................... 5. Approximately how many certificate students has your school had each year? [Please include certificate candidates from the last two years.]

What percentage of your total last two years enrolment is this?

................................................................................................... 6. Are IB classes and non IB classes combined? (Please circle) Yes/No. Please explain how the system works in your school.

................................................................................................... 7. Are students expectedlableto sit both the local/state/provincial examination (if these exist in such a format) and the IB examination? (Please circle) Yes/No. Please explain if this is necessary/possible.

8. What subjects do you offer at IB Subsidiary Level?

...................................................................................................

Nigel Bagnall 9. What subjects do you offer at IB Higher Level?

................................................................................................... 10. What languages are offered at your school and at what year levels are these languages offered?

................................................................................................... 11. Does your school now offerlor has it offered a School-based Syllabus approved by IBO? YesINo. (Please circle)

If Yes what islare the subjectJs?

................................................................................................... If it did at one stage or plans to in the future please explain.

12. Is the IB separately funded within the school budget? (Please circle) YesINo. Please explain more fully.

13. Do various departments receive additional funding to purchase additional resources necessary to follow the IB program? (Please circle) Yes/No. Please explain more fully.

14. Are there any students who come from outside the normal school intake involved in the IB? (Please circle) YesINo. Please explain more fully.

15. What percentage of IB Diploma candidates could be considered local or native Australians1 Canadians (as opposed to international students)?

16. Why did your school initially choose to take part in the International Baccalaureate program?

...................................................................................................

KATEBURRIDGE "SEPARATE AND PECULIAR'^ THE SURWAL OF PENNSYLVANIA "DUTCH" IN ONTARIO*

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At the beginning of the nineteenth century immigrants of German and Swiss origin flooded into Ontario from Pennsylvania bringing with them their particular dialect of German, Pennsylfaani Deitsch or Pennsylvania German. Waterloo County, in south western Ontario (approximately eighty kilometres from Toronto) represents today the largest settlement of Pennsylvania Germans in Ontario and this paper will concentrate on the language spoken in the predominantly Mennonite communities in and around the cities of Kitchener and Waterloo. It will not include the other, although admittedly mutually intelligible, dialect group; namely, the Amish community in Wellesley. It also excludes the large group of Russian Mennonites in Ontario who speak a form of Low German. The German-speaking areas of Pennsylvania are well known and the sociolinguistic aspects of this particular contact situation have been well documented (cf. for example, Huffines, 1980a; Louden, 1987; Moelleken, 1983). By comparison, relatively little has been written on the parallel linguistic situation which exists in Ontario, Canada. This paper then is an introduction to some of the most important factors in the history of Pennsylvania German in Canada, more specifically with respect to the Mennonite Community. In particular, it explores some of the secrets of this language's survival technique. How is it that Pennsylvania German has been able to show such strong resistance against the outside pressures of the dominant culture and its powerful English language? And for how much longer can it continue to do so?

Kate Burridge Who Are the Mennonites? The religious and historical background of the Mennonites, in particular, their early persecution experience, has done much to shape the lively speech community we find today. These people are Anabaptists and together with the Amish and the Hutterites form the three major groups of the Anabaptist religion. Anabaptism originally emerged as a counter Church movement during the sixteenth century in Europe, beginning in Switzerland and later spreading to Holland and Germany. Each of the three Anabaptist groups mentioned followed different leaders and it is from these they took their respective names -Jacob Hutter (a hatter by trade) was the elected leader of the Hutterites, Jacob Amman of the Amish and Menno Simons (a former Roman Catholic priest) of the Mennonites. The term Anabaptist refers to the practice of rebaptising individuals already baptised as children. Members of these groups argue that infant baptism is not in keeping with their concept of the Church as a voluntary group of believers and accordingly they rebaptise anyone who wishes to join them - adult baptism therefore is a symbol of their faith. From the beginning, the Anabaptists advocated rigid separation of Church and State and for themselves total separation fiom the "world". They accepted the Bible as their sole guide of faith and practice. The Bible was their authority - not the Roman Catholic Church and Pope. Not surprisingly, then, they clashed with the Roman Catholic and also the Protestant churches of the time and were severely persecuted. Thousands were imprisoned and burnt at the stake and the strong desire of present-day Mennonites and Amish to maintain a separate existence is not surprising in the light of what they suffered during this time. Many families today own a copy of The Martyrs' Mirror. This huge book, first published in Holland in 1660, offers vivid accounts of all the Anabaptist martyrs of the Post-Reformation. Together with forceful reminders in hymns and sermons, this certainly would reinforce a desire for isolation. During the seventeenth century, the Quaker William Penn issued the Anabaptists with an invitation to settle in Pennsylvania. Britain promised that in America they would be given religious freedom and with that many Dutch, German and Swiss immigrated during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. At the end of the eighteenth and at the beginning of the nineteenth century, many resettled in Canada. This was a direct result of the American War of Independence and the anti-German sentiment which followed. Their pacificist principles had already marked them as traitors in the eyes of some of their fellow countrymen, and their situation considerably worsened when the British employed German

Pennsylvania "Dutch"in Ontario troops. So they left in their horse drawn buggies, some ending up near the Canadian border but most settling in Waterloo County. Why Dutch? The fact that today both the speakers and their German language are commonly called "Dutch" is usually attributed to an English popular corruption of Deutsch (or what in their language is actually Deitsch). In addition, the first arrivals in America ftom Europe were in fact of Dutch origin and in popular usage the term Dutch came to be extended to include all the Anabaptist new arrivals. Both are plausible accounts, and both probably have had a part to play in reinforcing the popular name Dutch for these people and their language. What is now an amazingly homogeneous language throughout the Pennsylvania German-speaking areas grew out of a blend of the many different dialects which came into Pennsylvania during the very first wave of immigration in the seventeenth century -from the Palatinate in Germany and surrounding areas like Bavaria, Hessen, Swabia and Wiirttemberg in Germany, as well as the German-speaking areas of Switzerland. When dialects come together in this way, a kind of melting pot effect is usual and in a remarkably short period of time, all the different varieties of these early German-speaking migrants had gone through a general levelling process to produce what we now know as Pennsylvania German.' The outcome was a language which, in phonology and grammar, probably resembles most closely the modem German dialect of the eastern Palatinate - Rhein-Frankisch (cf. Buffington, 1970; Raith, 1992). The languages are similar in structure, although prolonged isolation from continental German and increased contact with English has meant Pennsylvania German is now diverging more and more (cf. Burridge, 1989 and 1992 for an account of both internally and contact-induced changes). In morphology there are also some Alamanic elements, seen for example in the diminutive suffix -1i and also in some of the verbal morphology (cf. Russ, 1989 for a description of these continental German dialects).

The fact that after nearly four centuries the language is still alive and well is remarkable -particularly, in light of the fate of other immigrant and minority languages in Canada and the States. Pennsylvania German, of all these languages, appears to have been successful in resisting pressure from English. Curiously, however, this was not the prediction of

Kate Burridge the German linguist Neufeld back in the fifties. In what is one of the earliest accounts of Canadian Pennsylvania German, Neufeld (1955) writes of the decline of the language in Canada - in fact he goes so far as to suggest that the Canadian Mennonites have gone exclusively over to English. Die oben erwiihnte kleine Gruppe pennsylvanischer Mennoniten [in Waterloo County] sudwestdeutscher Herkunft hat ihre Mundart bereits aufgegeben und bedient sich heute ausschliesslich des Englischen. [The above-mentioned small group of Pennsylvanian Mennonites of West Geman origin have already given up their dialect and today use exclusively English - my translation.] (Neufeld, 1955,230)

One wonders how Neufeld could ever have arrived at such a conclusion - to overlook the 27,000 Mennonite people who speak Pennsylvania German in some form and most importantly the few thousand who use only Pennsylvania German, except when they have to interact with the non-Pennsylvania German-speaking outside world. While it is true that many of the so-called "progressive" Mennonites are moving more and more over to English - and as we will see Pennsylvania German will almost certainly die within these groups - in no way could this be said of the religiously more conservative groups. They show absolutely no sign of giving up their language. For them, Pennsylvania German is alive and thriving.

Culture/ Society - DifTerent Subgroups While I do not intend to go deeply into the social and religious background of these people, it is important to consider these details inasmuch as they are relevant to understanding the current linguistic situation and its development. Religion and way of life are intimately connected for the Mennonites and govern strongly the attitude of the people towards their language. For many, language has a deeply religious significance and this will guarantee its survival, at least for these groups. To understand just what the future holds for Pennsylvania German, we must first consider the complex make-up of the Mennonite Order since this has an important bearing on the progress of shift horn German to English. The order itself comprises over 40,000 members but this includes many different subgroups.2 In fact, the Swiss-German Mennonites of all the Anabaptist groups in North America have the largest number of separate congregations. Since the 1870s they have

Pennsylvania "Dutchnin Ontario been experiencing continued factionalism and the result is a complex pattern of different sub and splinter groups. The major reason for these schisms is the different degrees to which members will interpret the scriptural quotation - "And be not conformed to this world" [Ftellet euch nicht dieser Welt gleich]. The initial split, for instance, came about because certain groups were admitting worldly church practices like Sunday school. They were also more liberal in their attire. The question of non-conformity poses enormous problems and has led to great tension and serious splits within their community. Biblical exactness, as we will see, is an important factor in maintaining their separate status and close sense of community, but paradoxically it is also a reason for the continuing factionalism. To an outsider the situation is complicated and confusing and it is often difficult to tell the sociological and religious differences between the groups. Differences can be subtle, such as a difference in dress styles or buggy technology, or they can involve more serious issues such as education of the young, or the adoption of new farming methods. To simplify matters, the Amish-Mennonite Anabaptists are generally divided into two major groups -the Plain and the Non-Plain Folk. This is a gross simplification admittedly, but in terms of the sociolinguistic situation, it is a useful distinction to make.

The Plain Folk The Plain Folk are made up of the most conservative members, known also as the Old Order Mennonites (and more colloquially as the "horse and buggy people" or Fuhrleit in German). There are some 27,000 Swiss-German Mennonites in Ontario and the Old Order comprise approximately twelve percent of the total population. They are rural and isolated and alone the group makes up half of the total farming population of Ontario. While the Old Order clearly began as a purely religious group, it now has really become a distinct cultural-ethnic group and contrasts remarkably with mainstream Canadian culture. As Alan Buehler, a former Old Order Mennonite, writes (1977, 96) "to us there were two kind[s] of people, the Mennonites and the Non-Mennonite[s] , the Mennonite or an outsider [sic], or a man of the world". Fishman (1982, 33-35) describes the Old Order Amish in Pennsylvania as a rare example of stable societal biculturism (or what he terms "di-ethnia"). This also aptly describes the Old Order Mennonites in Canada - as in Pennsylvania we see here a stable situation involving two distinct sets of cultural behaviours. Their separate simple way of life attracts much attention. People often do not understand the theological reasons behind their refusal to accept

Kate Burridge modem ways, and assume that they are pursuing eccentric behaviour simply in its own right. Members of the Old Order have a very distinctive style of dress which has changed little over the centuries. They drive only horses and buggies, are opposed to modem conveniences like cars, radios, televisions, telephones, etc. and refuse all forms of government aid and insurance. The Old Order want to keep change to a minimum - ujhalde de alde Wege [maintain the old ways] - although, it is true, some accommodations are now being made, for example with respect to electricity and telephones. It seems that both electricity and phones are more readily accepted because they are perceived to be less of a threat to community living. Cars, on the other hand, clearly are a greater threat since they make it possible to travel vast distances, presumably also outside the community, where one would be much more vulnerable then to worldly influences. To leave the community means to these people the same as leaving the "true" Church (cf. also discussion Bausenhart, 1971). The problem facing the Old Order is that once they start to accommodate to new ways, where is the line to be drawn? Once they start to admit change, the outside culture has a foot in the door and the real fear then is that this contact with the outside will destroy their own sense of community. They have only to look at their more progressive members to see that their fears are well grounded. It is really only the Old Order who have managed to retain this sense of community and remain truly abgesandert vun die Welt [apart from the world] and it is the Old Order who are the key to the survival of Pennsylvania German.

The Non-PlainFolk The Non-Plain Folk make up the vast majority of the Mennonites and they fall into two distinct groups - the Transitionals and the Progressives. The Transitionals number only about twenty percent and are almost all rural (although this is changing as more seek employment in the cities and towns). Most of their members come from the large group of Waterloo-Markham Mennonites. This group still follows many of the same beliefs and behaviour patterns as the Old Order Mennonites but have accommodated more to modem ways. For example, although they use the same meeting houses as the Old Order, their church services are part English and part German. In addition, black cars now replace the horse and buggy (earning them the nickname the "black bumper Mennonites" -until recently, the chrome on these cars was also painted black). Their dress, like their cars, is plain and without decoration, but not in the same distinctive tradition of the Old Orders (for that reason,

Pennsylvania "Dutch" in Ontario they are sometimes referred to as the "Modem Plainyy).Although they are associated with the Progressives under this label Non-Plain, sociologically and linguistically, they are actually more closely bound with the Old Orders. The Progressives are largely urban and represent the modem groups. Generally speaking, they are indistinguishable from those who participate in mainstream Canadian life, and of this group, only the old generation are Pennsylvania German-speaking. The following table provides a summary of these three major groups: THE THREE MAJORDMSIONSOF THE MENNONITES

THEPLAIN FOLK

Old Order Mennonites - ultra-conservative, rural and isolated, no modem conveniences, regular use of German (family, community and work), infrequent use of English (with outsiders only).

THENON-PLAIN FOLK

Transitional Mennonites (or "Modem Plain") - modem conveniences, rural and urban, regular use of both German and English.

Progressive Mennonites (modem groups) - indistinguishable from mainstream Canadians, regular use of English, ability to use some German if need arises. But this is painting a neat picture of what in reality is nowhere near as orderly. Clearly the best way is to view the whole complex situation in terms of a continuum - from the ultra-conservative Old Order Mennonites to the most progressive. Along this continuum it is also possible to plot the different speakers according to their language skills -fiom the most competent to those with a passive knowledge only. As we will see, competence in Pennsylvania German accords generally with the degree of religious conservatism. It is not that religion directly bears on the linguistic abilities of these people, but it is on account of what their religion entails.

Kate Burridge

In 1945, a linguist by the name of J.W. Frey published a paper on the Amish in Pennsylvania which he entitled "Amish Triple Talk". This study in many ways preempts all the recent discussion on diglossia, since it is essentially a triglossic situation that he implies exists for these Amish people. The Old Order Mennonites in Canada are also triglossic -Pennsylvania German, English and High German. To begin with, they are bilingual Pennsylvania German and English. Pennsylvania German (in this schema the L[ow]-variety) is usually only spoken and is the language of home and community. English (the H[igh]-variety) is read and written and is only spoken when dealing with non-Pennsylvania German-speaking outsiders3 English is not learned by the Old Order children until they go to school at the age of six years. Although there are parents who teach some English at home to make the first school years a little easier, many children know no English before this time. Most Old Order children attend parochial schools taught and run by their own community. Even though English is still compulsory here, these schools are nonetheless very important for language maintenance. Only Old Order children attend which helps to enhance a feeling of group consciousness and means that the children are insulated from any outside influences. School continues until the age of fourteen when they return to the farms. At the same time, these people also have a knowledge of High German. This is not the same as Modern High German today but is (archaic) Luther German - the language of the Luther Bible, but with influence from their own Pennsylvania German dialect. High German is understandably very important to them and is held in high esteem. As the word of God, everyone must be able to read it and children are taught it by family and at school. It is only ever used for religious purposes, although sermons are now given in the dialect, not in High German as is sometimes thought the case. People do not converse in it, unless to quote from the Bible - like their Pennsylvania relatives, though they are triglossic, they are not trilingual. It is clear, however, that High German is functionally very restricted and in this model would best be described as a classical variety? This was not always the case, however. At the time of early settlement during the nineteenth century, a diglossic situation existed between High German and Pennsylvania German which was not unlike the situation in Switzerland today (cf. Costello, 1986). High German (then the H-variety) was used in outside-of-home contexts involving education, letter-writing, newspapers, literature, worship, etc. Just as

Pennsylvania "Dutch"in Ontario today, it was acquired through schooling and partly through parents. On the other hand, Pennsylvania German (the L-variety) was used in intimate contexts like conversing with family and friends and some folk literature. As it is today, Pennsylvania German was learned at home as the first language. A number of factors contributed to the demise of High German as the H-variety, but the most important was the simple fact that the German homeland was in Europe and immigration from there was diminishing. This, in addition to the extreme isolation of the Anabaptist groups, meant there was not a productive relationship between Continental German and the form of High German spoken in Canada. It was therefore not a potential source for expressions and terms for new concepts or objects. English, as the national language of North America, was only too ready to fill those gaps. All this made it hard for High German to remain the H-variety. As it was, the language was difficult for speakers, being morphologically much more complex than their own Pennsylvania German. Not surprisingly then, High German became more and more restricted in its domains and English suplanted it as the Hvariety. It is not unlike the situation of Latin and the different varieties of Vulgar Latin which eventually gave rise to the Modem Romance languages - the important difference, though, is that Pennsylvania German has never been standardised.

The Survival of Pennsylvania German As argued earlier, there is no evidence whatsoever that the Old Order Mennonites are about to give up their language and the secret of its survival must surely lie in its symbolic value. Ryan (1979) discusses the fact that many so-called low-prestige language varieties have values for their speakers which are quite different from those associated with the more overtly prestigious varieties. This is why they can sometimes show such surprisingly strong resistance against the more powerful standard dialects. One important value has to do with group solidarity. This is clearly a very important dimension here as well. However, in the case of the Mennonites, it is more than just a "sense of identification" within a group. As I see it, there are three aspects to the Mennonite way of life and religion which contribute most to the continued survival of Pennsylvania German within specifically the Old Order - their humility, their separateness and their non-conformity.

Kate Burridge "Love Not the World" - Humility and Simplicity It seems that there are many, both within and outside the community, who view the language as simply a degenerate form of German. For these people, Pennsylvania German has all the negative connotations so often associated with "dialect" or "vernacular". To an outsider like myself, it seems that even the speakers themselves generally hold their language in low esteem and under normal circumstances this would mean almost certain decline and shift to English. But nothing could be further from the truth. In fact here, I believe, lies one of the secrets of the language's success at survival. It has to do with the importance which is placed on the need for humility. As Alan Buehler (1977, 98), once more writing on his Old Order heritage, describes: Se brauche des Wad "Demuut" vie1 ... zu iere duut des Wad mene plaini Gleder. Es Englisch-Deitsch Dictionary saagt des Wad meent "to be humble and meek". [They use the word "Demuut" a lot ... to them this word means a plain dress. The English-German dictionary says this word means "to be humble and meek" (Buehler's translation).]

Pennsylvania German, like plain dress, has therefore an important symbolic function within their community. This dialect of German is viewed by the Old Order as a sign of humility and is therefore a good and Godly thing. It is not pride - pride is what they abhor the most but, if you like, pride almost turned on its head. If High German is the word of God, the language of their scriptures, then the low status of the dialect variety which they speak is seen as an appropriate symbol of their humility. The plainer and the more basic, the better. Its low status has therefore a positive, even sacred, value for the Old Orders.

"Be Separated from the World" - Isolation Iere Glawe is -10s uns net involved waere mit em Government, awer 10s Government un Kaerich separate sei. Los uns e separate Volk sei, wu uns egene Noot un Schulde bezale, un unser God diene so wie mir des Wad verschteen. Se dien als bede far des Government, as God mecht des fiere, so as sie in Friede un e ruhich Leve fiere meche. Awer es das Government un Kaerich separate bleive kenne. [Their belief is - "let us not be involved with the Government but let State and Church be separate. Let us be a separated people, looking after our own needs and obligations, and serving our God in our own way". They always do pray for the Government, that God may guide it in such a way that they may

Pennsylvania "Dutch"in Ontario '

continue to live in peace and quiet. But the Church must stay separated. (Buehler, 1977,174; my translation)]

Other German-speaking groups, who arrived in various waves during Ontario's history (for example the Roman Catholic and Lutheran communities), have assimilated into mainstream culture and have quickly surrendered their language. As Fretz points out (1989, 63) these people usually immigrated as individuals, not as organised religions and family groups like the Mennonites and Amish, and this would certainly have accelerated the assimilation process. The Old Orders, on the other hand, have from the beginning always emphasised rigid separation from the world and through mutual self-help and through economic, social and spiritual self-reliance, they have been able to achieve this (cf.Fretz 1989 for details). Pennsylvania German has always provided an important barrier to the outside world, allowing not only for insider identification, but most importantly for outsider separation. It is one of their main means of remaining detached and isolated from worldly influences - abgesandert vun die Welt. Its loss would also mean the loss of this separate status and this would be equivalent to losing their faith.

"...And be a Peculiar People"- Non-conformity But ye are a chosen generation, a royal priesthood, an holy nation, a peculiar people ( 1 Peter 2:9)

Two linguists, Kloss (1966) and Huffines (1980a), attribute the successful maintenance of Pennsylvania German in Pennsylvania to the fact that any change is per se considered to be sinful by these people. I would argue, however, at least for the Canadian context I am describing, that it is not so much change itself, but rather what change entails. Their doctrine of non-conformity, it is true, means that they keep change to a minimum but I do not believe that new ways are rejected out of hand simply because they are considered necessarily bad things. For example, even though as farmers the Old Order will have little to do with the modernisation of machinery, they are extremely interested and, what is more, well up in the latest techniques and new technologies. These they learn about through reading newspapers and farming magazines (cfi Bausenhart, 1971; Fretz, 1989). It is my experience, that many display considerable interest in what is going on in the rest of the world. They are not opposed to change as such - in fact they are not averse to accommodating changes if they think it will be of some benefit to the

Kate Burridge community as a whole. It is just that most modem innovations are viewed as unnecessary for a truly Christian discipleship. In order to maintain their old way of life, the conservative Old Order Mennonites realise the importance of keeping their language. Their shared language, their shared dress, their horse and buggy are indispensable - without them their social structure would not continue. Losing these social symbols would be the same as losing essential elements of their faith.

The Non-Plain Folk Not surprisingly, the above factors favouring language maintenance, no longer apply in the same way to the Non-Plain Folk, although things are complicated here because this group constitutes quite a broad spectrum of conservatism. All members continue to share many beliefs and behaviour patterns of the Old Order - to a greater or lesser extent depending on how "worldly" they are. The difference is these social customs no longer have the same deeply religious significance and the most noticeable cultural-ethnic traits are being abandoned. It is a matter of religious debate, whether or not in giving up these outward symbols they have also given up aspects of their faith, but generally speaking the differences between these Mennonites remain largely sociological rather than theological (cf.discussion in Fretz 1982, 1989). But what is crucial for the present discussion is that the Non-Plain Folk can no longer be described as one cultural group. They have lost the di-ethnic character of the Old Orders and in the dominant culture in which they are now participating, Pennsylvania German has none of the same values and no real domain. Certainly, for the Progressives, only fragments remain of the contexts of usage where Pennsylvania German used once to be appropriate; for example, speaking with Old Order members of the community. These people started accommodating in what seemed to be fairly harmless ways and the effect on the community could not have been anticipated. But it was devastating. Once the outside culture starts to intrude it seems the shift to English swiftly follows. Once they start to accommodate, change accelerates and this destroys the strict "compartmentalisation" (to use Fishman's 1982 term) which is necessary if languages are to survive along side one another. The more progressive orders show how precarious a situation the survival of the language is. As soon as English is allowed to intrude in what were originally Pennsylvania German domains (for example, church services) the shift to English in all other contexts is swift and complete. As Fishman (1982, 29) describes - "without compartmentalisation of one

Pennsylvania "Dutch"in Ontario kind or another ... the flow process from language spread to language shift is an inexorable one". But there are other factors too which have contributed to the demise of Deitsch. Nearly four centuries have elapsed since Pennsylvania German first came to North America. Clearly the language can no longer meet the communicative needs of these people. Expressions for new concepts, objects, particularly those associated not with Mennonite but mainstream North American life, do not exist in Pennsylvania German and, as discussed earlier, Modem Standard German is no longer a viable source of reference. In addition, nothing remains of its symbolic value any more. The progressive orders see Pennsylvania German as a language without a standard - for many this is equivalent to not even having a "grammar". It does not have the support of any institution, school or government. It has no written form. All this does much to destroy any feeling of worth on the part of these speakers for their language. While its low status has positive repercussions for the Old Order, who see it has an important symbol of their humility, this is clearly not the case with the progressive orders. These people are identifying themselves with dominant culture and the sentimental feelings they display for their Old Order Mennonite heritage and their loyalty is not just enough to keep the language alive. In short, the sort of values held by these progressive groups, namely social and economic advancement, can be via English only. Huffines (1980a, 52) points to another relevant fact which she argues has contributed to the disappearance of Pennsylvania German in the equivalent non-sectarian groups in Pennsylvania. "The use of Pennsylvania German continues to be associated with having little education". Outsiders perceive the Pennsylvania German people as being against education. Huffines states (52), that her informants in Pennsylvania "expressed the fear that knowing Pennsylvania German might hold their children back in school, that it might confuse them". This I feel also holds true within the Canadian context. It is a popularly held belief that the conservative Mennonites are against education because they refuse to allow their children to attend school beyond the eighth grade. In fact, this is not strictly the case. It is simply that they see higher education as having no value for their way of life. Nonetheless, the fact remains -there does exist a strong image of the ignorant farmer who speaks an old-fashioned rustic form of German and, what is more, a quaint and curious form of English? As Huffines (52-53) has observed, many parents in these groups want their children to learn only English in case they acquire a "Dutch" accent and are teased on account of it. In Pennsylvania and Canada alike, there exists a popular perception of the

Kate Burridge Pennsylvanian Germans as speaking a form of mixed English, or what is known colloquially as Verhoodelt Englisch. Descriptions of Verhoodelt Englisch even appear in reputable publications. For example, Druckenbrod (1981, lo), in the introduction to his teaching grammar of Pennsylvania German, states that when the Pennsylvanian German [goes] to speak English (which [is] for him a foreign tongue), he [is] influenced by the German syntax or sentence structure. For some[,] such English as "Run the steps once up" is largely unintelligible unless you know that it's really the Pennsylvania German "Schpring mol die Schdeeg nuff". This is the reason for many of the so-called "quaint" or "cute" sayings of the Pennsylvanian German trying [my emphasis] to speak English. "Throw the cow over the fence some hay" is but another example of this process.

In Canada, evidence for this popular view exists in the form of jokes and anecdotes, where these sorts of "quaint" and "cute" sayings abound. The following are some more examples: Throw Father down the stairs his hat once. It wonders me if it don't gif a storm. Becky lives the hill just a little up. Yonnie stung his foot with a bee un it ouches him terrible. Ve get too soon oldt un too late schmart.

Clearly, these are examples of stereotyping or popular characterisation and they appear in children's wlouring-in books and on tea towels, beer wasters and serviettes. Like most stereotypes, they are stigmatised. And like most stereotypes, they in no way reflect actual usage. There is surprisingly little in the way of German interference in the English of these Pennsylvania German-speakers - certainly there is nothing remotely resembling Verhoodelt Englisch (cf. Burridge, 1989 for details).6 Many of the clichtd features here commonly appear in the English of recent German immigrants to Canada, as you might predict on the basis of a contrastive analysis of German and English. The question is then, why have they come to be identified so closely with Pennsylvania German English? The answer probably lies in history. As described above, up until well into the twentieth century, the diglossic situation which existed in Pennsylvania and Canada resembled that of modern-day Switzerland, with Pennsylvania German as the Lvariety and High German as the H-variety -the language of education, worship and (with the exception of some folk literature) all writing. The Pennsylvania Germans were isolated and there was simply no need for

Pennsylvania "Dutch"in Ontario them to leam English. One of the prefaces to Home's nineteenth century elocution manual, for example, describes "their [the Pennsylvania German's] entire ignorance of the English language [which for them] is as much a dead language as Latin and Greek" (7) In his manual, Home suggests drills which exercise precisely those aspects of phonology which have now become fixed in the modem-day characterisations of Verhoodelt Englisch. What Verhoodelt Englisch does then is provide an historically accurate picture. The curious thing about stereotyping is this tendency towards fossilisation. Despite evidence to the contrary, stereotypes acquire a kind of time-honoured tradition which seems quite immune to change. The ironic aspect of all this is that it seems to be the Non-Plain Folk, and not the sectarian groups who have the strongest interference from Pennsylvania German in their English. With respect to grammar, for example, the English of Old Orders is probably closer to prescriptively "proper" English than the English of many mainstream Canadians. This presumably arises out of the way it is acquired in the formal school setting, where there is considerable emphasis on "proper" English (cf. Enninger 1984 for an account of the Pennsylvania Amish school experience). In addition, their only experience of English is within formal environments - these speakers do not have access to more colloquial varieties heard on radio and television, for example. It is actually the Transitional Mennonites who seem to show more interference from German in their English and there are undoubtedly interesting social and psychological factors going on here. These Mennonites are in the process of shifting culturally and linguistically to mainstream Canada, but they are not yet part of the mainstream. These people keep close and continual contact with the Old Orders and identify very strongly with them. While they share many of the same beliefs and behaviour patterns as the Old Orders, however, they have lost the distinctiveness of this group. They no longer have the horse and buggy, nor the extraordinary dress which go to make the Old Orders such a strikingly distinctive group. Now there is every sign that they are also losing Pennsylvania German. For these people then, Pennsylvania German features in their English have a value in signalling their Pennsylvania German ethnicity. As language attitude studies show, ethnic varieties of the dominant language can be "powerful markers of ethnic group belongingness" (cf. Giles, 1977). But for the Old Orders who still maintain "hard linguistic and non-linguistic boundaries" (to use Giles' terminology), Pennsylvania German English has no role in ethnic differentiation and they place no value in it (cf. also Huffines, 1980b, 1984). For those groups, where these boundaries are softening, however,

Kate Burridge Pennsylvania German features are becoming important ethnic markers. "The softer the perceived linguistic and non-linguistic boundaries existing between ethnic groups, the more likely speech markers will be adopted in order to accentuate ethnic categorisation" (Giles, 1977,274).

In summary then, it seems that among the Non-Plain Folk language proficiency in Pennsylvania German ranges from fully competent speakers to real semi-speakers -a continuum which is directly linked to their degree of religious conservatism. The competent speakers, however, are not supported by diglossia and, as discussed, this implies an unstable situation. It facilitates easy spread and ultimately language shift to English. Among the more progressive groups, the crucial thing is that the children of even the most proficient speakers will most certainly not be teaching their own children Pennsylvania German. For these groups of people language death is inevitable. For members of the Old Order, however, the future looks more promising. It is their firm belief in the scriptures and their insistence on biblical exactness which is the crucial factor in the maintenance of their language, by securing for them their humble, separate and "peculiar" existence. For these people the question of formal maintenance efforts does not arise. There is no chance of them ever actively propagating the language. For them it is simple language and faith are one. One cannot continue without the other. But here lies the paradox. It is their doctrine of non-conformity and separation from the world that has also been responsible for much of the tension and factionalism. By splitting them into smaller and therefore arguably more vulnerable groups, this has weakened the community and strengthened the foothold of the dominant language, English. But there is more than just religious significance involved. The Old Orders must maintain their separate status for Pennsylvania German to continue to thrive. However, one question is whether they can actually physically achieve this. The childhood experience of Mary Anne Horst shows just how precarious the situation is.' She recalls here a decision her father made to move a few miles outside the community. This was clearly a crucial factor in bringing about her later decision to leave the order: When I was almost eight my father made a decision that was going to mean quite a change for his family and would bring to an end our life in the little village. The decision he made somewhat alarmed many of his Old Order Mennonite relatives and friends.

Pennsylvania 44Dutch" in Ontario He decided that he would buy a farm eight miles north of Floradale in a non-Mennonite English-speaking community near the village of Alma. Eight miles by horse and buggy was considered quite a long journey and didn't my father realise, some of his Old Order acquaintances wondered, that the influence of the non-Mennonite English-speaking community might cause his children to leave the customs and traditions of Old Order Mennonite life? ... Despite the well meaning warnings, my father took us to this farm in this English-speaking community. To many of his Old Order fiends I am sure it seemed as though he was taking us to the other end of the world. (21-22)

As the twin cities of Kitchener and Waterloo continue to grow and farming land in the region becomes scarce, it forces members to move further and further out, thus causing the community to become more diffuse. The outcome of this could be devastating to the group, as it must weaken community ties and necessarily increase contact with outsiders. Steady growth of tourism and the huge influx of visitors to the area also increases the amount of contact with "English" culture. Tourism of course means greater prosperity for the group, but also the threat of increased assimilation. And here too, the current emphasis on multiculturalism comes as a "mixed blessing". While it does bring with it greater tolerance of and respect for distinct cultural minority groups like the Old Order Mennonites, it arguably also endangers the community by greatly increasing the popular interest in the horse and buggy community and their language. So who really knows what the future holds for Ontario's "peculiar people"? If they are able to maintain their isolation and limit their interaction with the outside world, there is probably no reason to assume that the language, like the other symbols of their faith, could not continue for generations to come. Certainly, recent trends in globilisation suggest a more promising future for such communities than might previously have been forecast. They indicate that there are two distinct effects of the global village - while there is definitely a general levelling of difference going on at the international level, local diversity continues to thrive (cf. Hall, 1991; Gleason, 1995). If early indications of these predictions hold true, we should expect to see horses and buggies along the "superhighway" for some time to come. *

This paper has depended on the kindness and generous support of s o many members of the Mennonite community in Waterloo County. T o all these people, I owe a special debt of gratitude for their continued friendship and their time and patience in answering my constant

Kate Burridge stream of questions. Over the years, they have taught me an enormous amount about their language -and much more. 1

One only has to look at the remarkable homogeneity of both Canadian and Australian English to see the results of this melting pot effect; cf. Trudgill, 1986 on dialect mixing and ensuing linguistic uniformity. This figure of 40,000 includes one third Russian Mennonites who speak a form of Low German. These groups originated in Europe but were later transplanted in Russia and when things did not work out for them there a number of them moved to North America and parts of South America; cf. Moelleken 1992 who traces the sociolinguistic history of a number of Russian Mennonite groups. And for an excellent account of all these different AmishMennonite congregations in Waterloo County, cf. Fretz, 1989.

3

1 am using diJtriglossia in the same sense as Fishman (1967, 1982). Ferguson's (1959) original definition involved variation between varieties of the same language. As Fishman (1982, 24) discusses, I assume there to be a number of different relationships which can potentially hold between the H and L varieties. As a curious aside, there is also influence from English on the High German of the Old Order

Mennonites. Since English, not Pennsylvania German, is the written language, they quite naturally transfer features of spoken English when reading / quoting from the Bible or singing hymns. In particular, the pronunciation of written "r" in all positions and as a North American retroflex sound makes theirs a particularly distinctive accent of this variety of German. You only have to look at the deterioration of English terms denoting farming people to realise that this attitude is much more widespread than this. For example, boor(ish), churl(ish), rustic (versus urbane), villain, etc. All were once neutral terms to refer to people on the land. All have now acquired very negative connotations, reflecting the unfair prejudices of city dwellers towards these people. Studies from Pennsylvania, like Enninger 1984 and Huffines 1980b, 1984 suggest the same

-VerhoodeltEnglisch has become a modem-day fiction.

Mary Anne Horst has published the memories of her Old Order upbringing in a little booklet entitled My Old Order Heritage (published by the Pennsylvania Craft shop in Kitchener).

Bausenhart, W. 1977. "Deutsch in Ontario 1: Toronto und Ottawa; Deutsch bei den Mennoniten", Deutsch als Muttersprache in Kanada, L. Auburger, H . Kloss, and H. Rupp, eds. Franz Steiner Verlag: Wiesbaden.

-. 1971. The Terminology of Agronomy of the Pennsylvania German Dialect of Waterloo County, Ontario. M.A. thesis, University of Waterloo. Buehler, A. 1977. The Pennsylvania German Dialect and the Life of an Old Order Mennonite. Publication of the Pennsylvania Folklore Society of Ontario. Buffington, A.F. 1970. "Similarities and Differences Between Pennsylvania German and the Rhenish Palatinate Dialects", Proceedings of the Pennsylvania German Folklore Society, Vol. 3. 91116. Burridge, K. 1992. "Creating Grammar: Examples from Pennsylvania German", K. Burridge and W. Enninger, eds. 199-242.

Pennsylvania 'Dutch" in Ontario

-. 1989.Contact", "Throw the Cow Over the Fence Some Hay Once: English and Pennsylvania German in La Trobe Working Papers in Linguistics, Vol2.73-89. Burridge, K., and W. Enninger, eds. 1992. Diachronic Studies on the Languages of the Anabaptists. Bochum: Universitatsverlag Brockmeyer. Costello, J.R. 1986. "Diglossia at twilight: German and Pennsylvania 'Dutch' in the Mid-Nineteenth Century", W. Enninger, 1986.1-14. Druckenbrod, R. 1981. M i r lanne Deitsch. Allentown: PA. Enninger, W., et al. 1984. "The English of the Old Order Amish of Delaware: Phonological, Morphosyntactical and Lexical Variation of English in the Language Contact Situation of a Trilingual Speech Community", English World Wide, Vol. 5, No. 1.1-24. Enninger, W., ed. 1986. Studies on the Languages and the Verbal Behaviour of the Pennsylvania Germans 1. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. Ferguson, C.A. 1959. "Diglossia", Word, Vol. 15.325-40. Fishman, J.A. 1982. "Bilingualism and Biculturalism as Individual and as Societal Phenomena", Bilingual Education for Hispanic Students in the United States. J.A. Fishman and G.D. Keller, eds. N.Y.: Teachers College Press. 23-36.

-. 1967. "Bilingualism With and Without Diglossia; Diglossia With and Without Bilingualismn, Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 23.29-38. Fretz, J.W. 1989. The Waterloo Mennonites: A Community in Paradox. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.

-. 1982. The Mennonites in Ontario. Waterloo: The Mennonite Historical Society of Ontario. Frey, J.W. 1945. "Amish Triple Talk", American Speech, Vol. 20.85-98. Giles, H. 1977. "Ethnicity Markers in Speech", Language, Ethnicity and Ingroup Relations, H. Giles, ed. London: Academic Press. Gleason, F. 1995. The Impact of Globlization on the Representation of Australian English. Unpublished Masters Disseration, La Trobe University. Hall, S. 1991. "The Local and the Global", Culture, Globilizatior~ and the World System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity. A.D. King, ed. Basingstoke: Macmillan Education. Home, A.R. 1910. Third Edition. Pennsylvania German Manual. Allentown, PA: T.K Horne. Horst, M.A. n.d. My Old Order Mennonite Heritage. Kitchener: Pennsylvania Dutch Craft Shop. Huffines, M.L. 1984. "The English of the Pennsylvania Germans: a Reflection of Ethnic Affiliation", The German Quarterly, Vol. 57.173-82 .

-. 1980a. "Pennsylvania German: Maintenance and Shift",

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-. 1980b. "English in Contact with Pennsylvania German", 66.

The German Quarterly, Vol. 54. 352-

of Language, Vol. 25.43-57.

Kate Burridge Kloss, H. 1966. "German-American Language Maintenance Efforts", Language Loyalty in the United States, J.A. Fishman, ed. The Hague: Mouton. 206-52. Louden, M.L. 1987. "Bilingualism and Diglossia: the Case of Pennsylvania German", Leuvense Bijdragen, Vol. 76. 17-36. Moelleken, W.W. 1992. "The Development of the Linguistic Repertoire of the Mennonites from Russia", K. Burridge and W. Enninger, eds. 164-93.

-. 1983. "Language Maintenance and

Language Shift in Pennsylvania German: a Comparative Investigation", Monatshefie, Vol. 75, No. 2. 172-86.

Neufeld, N.J. 1955. "Sprechen die Mennoniten in Kanada noch Deutsch?", Muttersprache, Vol. 65. 229-3 1.

Raith, J. 1992. "Dialect Mixing and/or Convergence: Pennsylvania German?", K. Burridge and W. Enninger, eds. 152-81. Russ, C.V.J., ed. 1989. The Dialects of Modern German: A Linguistic Suwey. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Ryan, E.B. 1979. "Why Do Low Prestige Language Varieties Persistn, Language and Social Psychology, H. Giles and R. St Clair, eds. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 145-57. Trudgill, P. 1986. Dialects in Contact. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

LOISFOSTERAND PAULBARTROP

RIEROOTSOF MULTICULTURALISM IN AUSTRALIA AND CANADA

How nations manage their multi-ethnic populations has much to say about their basic philosophy and raison dYEtre.Official recognition of multiculturalism in Australian and Canadian society is thought to be a phenomenon of the past twenty or so years. Currently, the tensions, even contradictions, of multiculturalism in everyday life and in public policy are attracting attention. Yet for Canada, and to a lesser extent Australia, "multiculturalism" as existential reality is not new; neither is government intervention in order to "manage" it. What can the past reveal to put contemporary concerns into broader context and help us to better understand trends which appear to be engendered by current conditions but which, in effect, may arise fiom much deeper roots? This paper is a preliminary exploration of this question from a comparative point of view; seeking to develop a sketch of "early" multiculturalism by examining the social construction of salient ethnic groups and their management via official pronouncements, structures and processes at a time of national crisis. Dreisziger's discussion of the rise of a multicultural bureaucracy in Canada during the Second World War is examined. No parallel to these roots of multiculturalism has been found in the case of Australia. The article concludes with some tentative reasons for these differences.

The Problem The evolution of multiculturalism and the implementation of multiculturalism policy in Australia and Canada is often seen as belonging only to the last four decades of this century. Given that there have always been minority groups in the two countries' populations, a Canada-Australia, 1895-1 995 -267

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop question of some interest is whether any of the concepts, structures or processes which are now associated with multiculturalism and multiculturalism policy might have had their origins earlier than the 1960s and 1970s. For both Australia and Canada, the last world conflict in which they played an active part ended fifty years ago; its legacy, however, remains, with illustrations abounding. In both countries, there have been trials of alleged war criminals. In Canada, war reparations for JapaneseCanadians, and an apology to Italian-Canadians, were made by the Mulroney government at the beginning of the 1990s. The Australian public was confronted in 1992-93 by a sustained vitriolic attack from Prime Minister Paul Keating asserting Britain's presumed abandonment of Australia in 1942. In 1995, the jubilee of the end of World War I1 has seen all manner of anniversaries taking place, ensuring that it has not been far from the public consciousness. The relationship between war, ethnicity and the state was the focus of a conference called expressly to examine that question in Canada in 1986.1 The proceedings from those deliberations appeared as a book edited by Norman Hillmer, Bodhan Kordan and Lubomyr Luciuk (1988). Hillmer (1988, xii), commenting on the Canadian reaction to the war, was to eloquently state: The ethnic minorities more than the French were out of the mainstream, and the burden of this volume is that Canada's War was not their war. The loyalty of the "ethnics" ... was in frequent question; all too often they felt deprived of the opportunity to be protagonists in their own history. At the same tlme that Ottawa stood on guard against the enemy without, the institutions of state and the not always silent majority put up their guard against ethnicity within.

Given that war brings national and personal identity into sharpest relief, to say nothing of perceptions of "us" and "the other" or "the alien", the wartime period between 1939 and 1945 has been selected as the starting point for an initial exploration of the roots of multiculturalism. An argument is not being made of necessarily direct parallels or continuities between the concepts, structures or processes relating to the treatment of ethnic minorities in Australia during the period 1939-45 and the development since the 1970s of a declared Australian multiculturalism policy. A priori acceptance is made, however, that there are identifiable continuities between Canadian wartime measures and the multicultural policies adopted thereafter. N.F.Dreisziger (1988,2) has, in this regard, concluded that:

The Roots of Multiculturalism

... the institutional tie and the similarities between many of the sentiments expressed then and now justify linking the wartime developments to the evolutionary chain that has resulted in the Canadian multiculturalism of recent decades. It is therefore worthwhile briefly sketching in some background to set the context more fully for this attempt to explore the roots of multiculturalism in the two countries. It will be necessary, for example, to outline the ethnic composition of the populations of Canada and Australia prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. For both countries, their populations were strikingly different then from what they are now. This is not only in terms of sheer numerical increase (in the interim, both countries having more than doubled their populations), but also composition and dispersion. (The marked increase in immigrants from non-traditional sources in the past fifteen years, for example, and the great concentration of new arrivals in the cities of Vancouver, Toronto, Montreal, Sydney, Melbourne and Perth, are of a distinctive and definitive nature.) A second background point will be to comment briefly on the meaning of diversity beyond (but obviously related to) the demographics of the population prior to and during the war years. Finally, aspects of contemporary multiculturalism will be identified, in which we will look at some of the major features and links with ongoing government-sponsored immigration programmes in order to test Dreisziger's thesis concerning the "multicultural" roots of the Canadian situation which arose during the war years.

BACKGROUND

Population Composition The 1931 and 1941 Canadian Censuses, as reported in the Canada Year Book (1943-44, 177, 180) identified the origins of all Canadians, with everyone classified according to their so-called racial origin. The Canadian population in 1943 totalled just over 11.5 million. Of a population of almost six million comprising the "British Races", fiftytwo percent was English, twenty-two percent Irish and twenty-five percent Scottish. Twenty-seven nationalities made up the category termed "Other European Races", having a total population of a little over five and a half million. Of this, more than three million (sixty-three percent) was French, eight percent was German, 5.5 percent was Ukrainian and the only other group exceeding 200,000 persons was the Dutch, making up nearly four percent. A third category were the "Asiatic races" (totalling almost 75,000), the largest components of which were

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop the Chinese (forty-seven percent) and the Japanese (thirty-one percent). "Other races" formed the final category (almost 190,000 or 1.6 percent of the total population). The "British Isles" component represented almost half of the European component, the French were about one-third and the Germans about four percent. The "Asiatic races" category comprised a minuscule 0.6 percent of the overall population. In this situation, the ethnic boundaries were clearly drawn: the Anglophone and the Francophone components numbered some eighty percent of the Canadian population. This was to be compared with "the rest", a very heterogeneous population of mainly European stock. C.A. Price (1987) provides data from Australian Census sources for 1933 and 1947 to serve as a comparison with the 1941 Canadian data. The categories he uses are total British Isles, Northern Europe, Eastern Europe and Southern Europe, Western Asia, Southern Asia, Eastern and Southeastern Asia, Africa, America, Territories, Pacific and New Zealand. These figures can here be combined to provide regions somewhat similar to the Canadian regional categories. The Commonwealth Year Book (194647, 1289), reported results for the 1933 Census and the 1947 Census in terms of "Nationality" (that is, "Allegiance") and distinguished only between "British" and "Foreign". The comment was made in the Year Book that in 1947 "the nonindigenous population of Australia is fundamentally British in race and nationality". Australian identification with the "mother country" and its view of the rest of the world as "alien" are strikingly expressed in these simple dichotomies. There is also an interesting legal consideration here. Australians were automatically counted as "British" or "foreign" on account of the fact that, prior to 26 January 1949, the status of "Australian citizen" did not exist. Before then, any person born or naturalised in Australia acquired the status of "British subject". Identification with the mother country was thus more than emotional in this context; it was legally determined through the definition of citizenship. The most striking features of these Census data2 are that the "British" proportion of the population represented an overwhelming 98 percent in 1933 and 98.2 percent in 1947. The "others" were predominantly of European background (Germans averaging 0.2 perceni) and with a-tiny proportion (averaging less than 0.3 percent) of Asian background. From these approximate figures and comparisons, the following differences in the Canadian and Australian situations can be noted at the time of the Second World War.

The Roots of Multiculturalism Canada's population was considerably larger than that of Australia. The "British" component in Canada in 1941 was only about fifty percent in comparison with a similar grou in Australia representing well over ninety percent in both 19319 and 1947. Australia had no non-En lish speaking background group comparable to the size and iomogeneity of the French group in Canada (30.3 percent in 1941). Germans (the initial enemy in the Second World War) comprised a substantial minority at four percent in 1941 in Canada whereas they were a ve small proportion of the Australian opulation in 1933 (0.2?~ercent) and even smaller in 1947 (0.f9 percent). Both countries had within their borders large and dominant populations, that is the En lish in Australia and the English and the French in Canada; a ong with many minority groups of varying size and national ori in; in other words, both countries exhibited demographic mu ticulturalism (and some would argue multi-ethn~city)in the decade and a half prior to the commencement of the mass post-war immigration period?

f

f

The Meaning of Diversity Because of these compositional variations, dominant attitudes among the majority groups in Canada had different impacts on govemment attitudes and hence, policies and patterns. In Canada, federal governments could not ignore the French factor. In Australia, some have argued that the Irish influence was a persistent and pervasive challenge to Anglodomination of governments at federal and State level? There was also great variability at the Canadian provincial level. For example, there was considerable anti-war and also antisemitic feeling among the Francophone population located primarily in Quebec. These "disaffected" tensions involved consequences such as resistance to the admission of Jewish refugees for asylum in Canada during the 1930s and the internment during the Second World War of enemy aliens (both those from overseas and those resident in Canada; see Bartrop, 1995). On the other hand, except for a period of panic in the early years of the war which led the federal govemment to being pressured into interning for a brief time permanent settlers in Canada who had German-speaking backgrounds, hostile attitudes did not have a strong and overwhelmingly pervasive religious basis among the population as a whole. In Australia, the markedly fewer persons of German background did not provide such a dilemma for the authorities. Hence, proportionally, more Australian residents of German-speaking background were

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop interned than happened in Canada and the overseas Germans interned in Australia tended to be kept longer than those in Canada. Other groups, such as Italians, came in for similar treatment. There were similar restrictions and tensions over the acceptance of refugees from Nazism as in Canada? In essence, neither the Canadian nor the Australian authorities under wartime pressures found any difficulties reaching consensus as to their initial categorisations of "aliens", "enemy aliens" and "friendly aliens" so far as their German-speaking populations were concerned. The same was true for others coming under this umbrella, such as Italians, those fiom other European Axis countries, and later the Japanese. The perceived dangers to social order and to national security were such that even prior citizenship status6 was no protection in the face of state sanctioned military considerations. Thus, even those of "British" citizenship in Canada or Australia, could be identified as aliens or enemy aliens and in the latter case suffer constraints on their mobility, whether actually interned or not. That these definitions could readily be changed for some of those targeted groups and some individuals within them is an illustration of the social construction of reality (Berger and Luckmann, 1967) at work. That is, previous personal and group interactions mediated a cohesion in the society induced by the fears and antagonisms of the war and hence manipulated perceptions, making social constructions, definitions, even actions highly problematic and changeable.

Contemporary Multiculturalism Australia and Canada are now "officially" multicultural countries. That is, not only are their populations ethnically heterogeneous but they possess specific policies and programs tailored to "manage" such diversity. The declaration of support for multiculturalism in both countries is intertwined with their status as countries of immigration. The nature and salience of the immigration factor, however, differs. Canada's possession of two "charter" groups, the English and the French, and the great influx of non-British settlers in the early twentieth century to open up the Western provinces, has no exact parallel in Australia. The notion that Australia also has a second "charter group", the Irish, is not commonly held and, in any case, the widespread use of English by even early Irish settlers presents a different challenge from the French in Canada. Continued immigration,' however, does not necessarily bring with it support for "multicultural" attitudes or tolerance of pluralism. For

The Roots of Multiculturalism example, Australian attitudes to "the foreigner" in the 1920s are starkly revealed in the following, cited by Langfield (1991, 1): The average Australian, of whatever class, does in effect, limit the term "wh~te" to British stock, allows American and Canadian, tolerates Scandinavian or Dane or French, but is doubtful about Central Europeans and satisfied that Southern Europeans are coloured.

Such a "black and white" approach (if such a term is appropriate) has percolated down to the present day? In 1991, for instance, hostile expressions against all Muslims during the Gulf War were reported in the media, and considerable concern about this was expressed by Muslim organisations in Australia. In like manner, this period saw an upsurge in antisemitic incidents by people who equated Jews with the State of Israel. There are also examples of ethnocentrism towards "others" in Canadian history. Palmer (1991, 8), for example, has written on the "paranoia" of Albertan Canadians during the late 1930s and 1940s in their relations with a number of distinctive ethnic groups, and comments: Although the conspiratorial frame of mind, the paranoid style, found considerable room for activity with German and Ja anese Canadians, three other minorities in the rovince - AenchCanadians, Hutterites and Jews - came un er increased scrutiny in the period around the end of the [Second World] war.

B

As in Australia, the "paranoid style" and simplistic differentiation of peoples has existed to the present time. In 1990, it was found necessary to establish a Canadian Race Relations Foundation to counteract racism in Canadian society (Multiculturalism and Citizenship Canada, 1990). Particular foci for multicultural policies and programs are similar for both countries, though a close examination reveals differences in emphases (Richmond, 1991). In the Canadian case, to supplement the 1971 declaration of "multiculturalism within a bilingual framework", there is now in the 1990s a federal Multiculturalism Act, a Minister for Multiculturalism, departmental status within the Department of the Secretary of State, a dedicated budget and programs. In addition, there is a considerable "multicultural" infrastructure at the provincial level. Australia possesses a national multiculturalism Agenda (1989; revised 1995), a National Advisory Council on Multiculturalism, supporting structures such as variously named Offices of Ethnic Affairs which are part of the State and Territory government bureaucracies, and the Federation of Ethnic Communities' Councils, an influential body

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop representing thousands of ethnic minority associations and which, although in the voluntary sector, is subsidised by the federal government. Considerable government support, both financial and in terms of legitimacy, is given for the promotion oE (i) a national identity (that is, Australian or Canadian) including citizenship; (ii) official (that is, English or English and French) and heritage/community languages; (iii) the maintenance of other aspects of diverse cultures such as religion, food and customs; (iv) access and equity for all in civil society; (v) antiracism strategies; and (vi) especially in the case of Australia, economic efficiency (for example, promotion of languages of trade to enhance Australia's overseas economic activity or the exploitation of diverse cultures in ethnic enterprises). Though prejudice, marginalisation9 and racism have been themes running through both societies throughout their histories, these have not prevented the continuation of active immigration policies. With the ethnic diversification of the Australian and Canadian populations through immigration, government thinking has suggested that the transition from alien to permanent resident to citizen will be facilitated by the replacement of earlier policies of assimilation, and integration with the policy of multiculturalism. This is in line with the concern for social order which is the raison d'gtre of all governments. Mass immigration may raise the spectre of social division and bring an urgency to the need to encourage social harmony and to actively sponsor social cohesion (Cope, et al., 1991), although the record of integration of very large numbers of new settlers into either Australia or Canada in the post-war period has been a remarkable and relatively peaceful event. Nonetheless, the multicultural option has by no means been uncontested or totally embedded in public discourse in either country. For instance, in the course of the conferring and receiving of citizenship (and, as part of this, the potential renunciation of or loss of official ties of loyalty to the country of origin), governments hope to bring immigrants into a new relationship with their adopted country so that, by taking up the status and benefits of citizenship, they are transformed from "the other" or "the alien" to the "majority", or to being "one of us". That naturalisation may be an unreasonable expectation and involve substantial costs in some cases is unlikely to be considered by the granting authority (Lever-Tracy , 1991). The position in Australia in the inter-war years provides a good illustration of this point. As Allport (1958, 26) has informed us, all societies harbour a "propensity to prejudice", and in the Australian

The Roots of Multiculturalism context this was manifested through a preference for the familiar over the unfamiliar or "foreign". That which was familiar provided all the customary frameworks according to which Australians ordered their lives. And, while the familiar was preferred, the opposite was also true: what was alien was regarded as inferior, less good, to be avoided or excluded or (if these alternatives were impossible) assimilated with a minimum of disruption to the receiving population. The experience of World War I ultimately led to a national mood which sought the exclusion of anything which was not Australian or British (elements of this thinking persisted into the period of the Second World War, and beyond). Nationhood dictated that those living in Australia were the prevailing in-group; anyone falling outside that, regardless of their efforts at assimilation, belonged to the collective outgroup, that is, they "lived in the margins". The public consciousness branded all those from outside the British Empire as strangers and aliens who could only "become" Australianised at the behest of the in-group. Transference of national allegiance was not a right, but a hard-won privilege granted only to those who had "proven" themselves as loyal and trustworthy citizens. This picture is not as clear-cut in Canada where ethnic distribution and concentration, particularly in rural areas, exhibited a pattern quite different from that in Australia.

EXPLORING THE ROOTSOF CONTEMPORARY MULTICULTURALISM: CLUESBASEDON OFFICIALSTRUCTURES Public attitudes and feelings in regard to matters of national importance are significant data but their collection is methodologically difficult and once collected their interpretation may result in multiple explanations. The establishment of official structures represents the "operationalisation" of attitudes and feelings, at least as interpreted by governments. For the researcher, the analysis of actual structures provides some assurance that situations can be "read" and understood with a reasonable degree of accuracy. The available evidence for Canada with respect to this research query has been collated, as noted above, by N.F. Dreisziger (1988). It is important that a prkcis of his original argument is provided here, though much of his fine detail has been omitted for the purposes of this article.

The Canadian Case The seminal contribution to trace the roots of Canadian multiculturalism is to be found in Dreisziger's chapter, "The Rise of a Bureaucracy for

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop Multiculturalism: The Origins of the Nationalities Branch, 1939-1941", in the abovementioned volume edited by Hillmer, et al. Norman Hillmer's Preface makes the point that for many Canadians the Second World War was, contrary to conventional wisdom, not a "national" experience. This is another insight of value for the task undertaken in this article. The thesis developed by Dreisziger has two main strands. The first is that the emergence of bureaucratic structures was profoundly important to the recognition of those non-Anglophone and non-Francophone groups forming the "Third Force" in Canadian society. Prior to this time, their claims had been marginalised or ignored, and the expectation was that such groups would assimilate within the dominant groups. The cooperation at all levels required to mount a war effort made the continuance of such a fractured society untenable. Dreisziger's second strand represents a pragmatic rather than an attitudinal or normative aspect of the situation. Ideas which have been taken into policy can only be implemented if an appropriate and functioning infrastructure is put into place. In Dreisziger's view, not only did Canada lack the institutional infrastructure to organise itself to engage in a world-scale war, but neither did it have appropriate administrative machinery to involve its non-English and non-French population in the war effort. Steps taken under wartime pressures to deal with "new Canadians", especially recent immigrants, were regulated by the Defence of Canada Regulations (1939). These were subject to frequent change and to differential application by different authorities. Hence the definition of "enemy aliens" and their treatment was somewhat quixotic if viewed merely as a mild annoyance or as a breach of civil rights, at worst, depending on who was affected and to what degree. The social control dimension of the management of "enemy aliens" as individuals or proscribed organisations (often associated with alien groups) was uppermost, although there were considerable swings of opinion between members of the general public as well as within government ranks as to whether sanctions were too harsh or too mild. Only with the perceived waning of the threat to Canada from without and within, was there the climate and actual opportunity to consider other kinds of social control, for example, based on positive rather than negative measures: one such measure being the dissemination of additional information to aliens.10 The interlinking of the two strands identified by Dreisziger is seen in his further argument concerning the "roots of multiculturalism". For instance, a spectrum of new social control possibilities was suggested. These commenced with a simplistic propaganda push targeting "new

The Roots of Multiculturalism Canadians", with the suggestion that they be provided with pamphlets to secure their engagement in a combined war effort in Canada's interest. The interesting thing is that the written material was to be multilingual, produced in English, French and various European languages. The machinery for this propaganda work was to be under the auspices of the Bureau of Public Information (after 1942, the Wartime Information Board). A second proposal was to set up a position (or positions), the incumbent(s) having the prime objective of handling relations with "the foreign-born residing in Canada". A structure to take this strategy into account came with the establishment of the Department of National War Services, which also was given the task of overseeing the dissemination of information on behalf of the government. This department coopted a number of individuals including Tracy Phillips and Thomas Davis to deal with the problem of immigrant ethnic groups. The work of these men included addresses to public meetings and ethnic organisations nation-wide. Davis, in his position as an associate deputy minister of the new department, attempted to formulate policy to counter balance the adverse treatment so-called "enemy aliens" were receiving from the Canadian public. The overriding goal was to change attitudes and perceptions and to create good feelings about and among the foreignborn in Canada. Phillips, for example, argued that the "old soil" of the foreign-born should be "blended as the basis of the transition to Canadianism", and the instrument to undertake the educative task of bringing this about should be a "Canadian Council of Education-inCitizenship" (Dreisziger, 1988, 14-15). After considerable delay and controversy, resolution of this problem (and a move towards Phillipsyvision) was attained by the establishment in 1941 of the Nationalities Branch (NB) with its advisory committee, the Committee on Cooperation in Canadian Citizenship (CCCC). The history of these organisations reflected their precarious status, however, and they were soon relegated to administrative oblivion. It is difficult to imagine, given the limited human and financial resources with which they were supplied, that these agencies could have had much impact. Nevertheless, it is the fact of their existence at all and their subsequent revival in a new guise that is important. In 1944, the NB and the CCCC were reorganised and the resultant structure was renamed as the Citizenship Division of the Department of National War Services. This Division was to become a permanent feature of the federal bureaucracy in Ottawa. At the end of the war it was transferred to the Department of the Secretary of State, and in 1950 it was moved to the newly created Department of Citizenship and

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop Immigration. In the 1970s, this administrative structure was given the task of implementing the Trudeau Government's policy on multiculturalism. Thus, the multiculturalism section of the Department of the Secretary of State can be seen as a direct descendant of the wartime Nationalities Branch. As well as this structural link, Dreisziger points to the significance that these developments had for recognising the "Third Force" in the Canadian population. Prior to this time, this sector had been virtually ignored by governments; in spite of their contributions, they tended to live "in the margins" of Canadian social and economic life. The recognition of the necessity to provide information in languages other than English and French provided a direct precedent for one of the central assumptions of post-war multiculturalism, the maintenance and active promotion of heritage languages. Dreisziger asserts that moves in the wartime years represented a transformation in Canadian society, as some of Canada's political elite were enabled to exert greater influence on behalf of ethnic minority Canadians. The impetus to create bureaucratic machinery - albeit modest - which would have a special responsibility for ethnic minorities, survived the war and hence provided a foundation and precedent for later developments.

The Australian Case It must be acknowledged at the outset that a review of the Australian literature reveals a lack of research on this topic. Although some Australians of differing ethnic origins, even when naturalised and/or permanent residents, became "enemy aliens" and hence experienced the Second World War differently from "British" Australians; on balance, the Dreisziger thesis is not transferable to Australia. For example, evidence of bureaucratic structures comparable to those in Canada to recognise non-English speaking Australians as a distinct group or to encourage them in particular to participate in the war effort has not been found. Thus, there was no comparable structure to be retained, albeit with modifications, to have carriage of post-war multiculturalism policy. This raises the question, given the many similarities between the two cases, why not? Some tentative answers to this question need to be considered. Some previous work (Bartrop, 1988; Foster and Seitz, 1991) on official attitudes to Germans during the Second World War has already been undertaken. The frameworks used for those analyses enable contrasts between the two countries and observations on the social

The Roots of Multiculturalism significance of war to be made. Illustrations have also been given of how the social construction of migrants and ethnic minorities affected perceptions of, and actual relations between, minority and dominant individuals and groups in Australian society. Just as in Canada, the imminence of war and then the outbreak of hostilities led to some ethnic groups achieving a salience which was something out of the usual (although in the case of Germans, there was a precedent from the First World War; see Fischer, 1989). The ebbs and flows of the fortunes of war created pressures which led to the rapid implementation of negative sanctions, from identification as aliens, to restrictions on mobility and possessions, and for some the most severe measure, internment.11 These sanctions were able to be applied because the necessary concepts (for example, alien versus non-alien status, enemy alien versus friendly alien, citizen versus non-citizen), structures (for example, the National Security Act 1939-40, Aliens Tribunals, division of labour between the military forces and the civil police, internment camps) and processes (for example, routines of arrest, detention, and clearance) were identified and put in place expeditiously. These domestic preparations were consolidated by the time the Australian government was requested by the British government to take in overseas enemy aliens for internment. (This again is similar to the Canadian case.) Finally, a note of explanation is required on the process of immigration and citizenship in inter-war Australia. It should be pointed out as a matter of importance that, as in Canada, there was no fullyfledged government department responsible for migration matters. From 1932, this function had been assumed by the Department of the Interior, an Immigration Branch therein dealing with migration applications, citizenship concerns, and the administrative details surrounding deportations and exclusions. It worked very closely with other government agencies, particularly the Commonwealth Investigation Branch (forerunner of the Australian Security Intelligence Office or ASIO) and the Department of External Affairs. The prevailing ethos of the Immigration Branch was to facilitate the smooth entry of acceptable migrants into Australia, commensurate with government priorities and the state of public opinion. It was not responsible for the migrants' assimilation into Australian society, though the unwritten assumption of everybody concerned was that the selection process would "weed out" any unassimilable elements and that those accepted for entry would quickly seek to become "good Australians". There was no "pandering" to ethnic differences - and certainly no official publications in languages other than English. Australian governments never considered

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop the special linguistic and cultural circumstances of alien immigrants, and expected their rapid adoption of Australian norms and values. This was, of course, different from the situation in Canada. Another important difference emerged once Japan entered the war. Canada and Australia experienced the Japanese threat in different ways, and their responses also were different. Canada's resident Japanese population, located mainly in British Columbia, had no counterpart in Australia; this enemy was largely "within" Canada. For Australia, the interaction with the Japanese in theatres of war in its near North, in the Pacific, and on Australian soil (with the bombing of Darwin and the submarine penetration of Sydney Harbour), showed that the enemy "without", doubly alien as foreigner and of a different "race", was truly to be feared. Whereas the Canadians could dispel some of their fear (and perhaps anger) by relocating resident Japanese, interning them and dispossessing them of their property, the Australians had only a relatively few civilians with whom to deal (although these were not given the same opportunities for re-classification as applied to other civilian "enemy aliens") and symbolic or even actual revenge was supposedly outlawed in the POW camps by the conventions of war to which Australia subscribed. Anti-Japanese sentiment (a sub-set of the Asian racism latent in Australian society to the present day) was far more intense than any hostility directed towards other "enemy aliens". The Australian response to the section of its diverse population defined as "enemy alien" (and hence as at least potentially subversive and disloyal) and to external co-nationalists beyond Australia's shores was punitive. Saunders and Taylor (1988, 16) have suggested that the actions of the Australian authorities were taken as a result of "hysteria", though it should be pointed out that their concern was with Queensland, which was in a real sense, Australia's "front line" (see also Bevege, 1993). Others (see Foster and Seitz, 1991, 488) suggest that this is not the whole story and that, at times, government policy and its implementation against aliens reflected "an element of controlled and rational precision about the methods and procedures followed and the expedition by which they were able to be implemented". In support of this is the Australian government stance on wartime immigration. The general understanding is that immigration ceased for the duration of hostilities, being resumed only with the large-scale sponsored immigration program put in place by the post-war Labor government in 1947. This is not strictly true if we focus on the policy level, as shown by Bartrop (1994, 227-36). Australian wartime immigration policy, he shows, was marked by "double standards and inconsistencies".

The Roots of Multiculturalism

Examination of policy and practice towards aliens in the interwar and wartime periods in Australia reveals that, overall, Australia was consistent in its inconsistencies. This arose out of undoubted antiforeigner, racist and bigoted attitudes. Hence, during these times, accepted policy resulted in the exclusion of Jews and yet the willingness to accept such "others" as Dutch, Czechoslovakians and even Hungarians (in the latter case in spite of "enemy alien" status) because they appeared to be racially more similar to Anglo-Celtic Australians. The inference that this policy and subsequent action was not just based on pragmatic need due to the imminence or onset of hostilities is borne out by the fact that until Australia declared a non-discriminatory immigration policy after 1973, exclusion on the basis of race or preference on the basis of perceptions of degrees of "foreign-ness" were overtly practised. Further, it is our assertion that this long tradition of exclusion, preference and insistence on the assimilation of aliens into Australian society was a major element in the slow emergence of a multiculturalism policy to match the consequences of a post-war immigration policy which resulted in a rapid diversification of Australia's population in a remarkably short time. To this can also be added the lack of an Australian citizenship status until 1948. The British connection has been a powerful and enduring strand in Australia's history until well into the twentieth century. On the other hand, even though some elements of exclusion, preference and discrimination towards outsiders were to be found in the Canadian tradition, Canadian wartime policy towards aliens was consistently less inconsistent. It is this pattern which helps to provide an answer to the question of why multiculturalism policy emerged earlier in Canada than in Australia. Further, Dreisziger's thesis that the history of settlement in Canada provided a deeply-felt orientation such that the roots of multiculturalism policy were established very early, and were reflected in the actions and structures put in place especially in the war years, seems plausible. At this time, deliberate government efforts were made to contain the potential for ethnic disloyalty among the Canadian population as well to reduce any support for it arising from the access of "foreigners" to Canada as refugees or migrants. It was this sensitivity to the potential "enemy within" and, at the same time, an acceptance of the contribution to Canada of those same immigrants of non-English and non-French speaking background, that led to the distinctive combination of positive and negative strategies as outlined by Dreisziger. The concern to

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop recognise the positive aspects of Canada's ethnic diversity and to take account of language and cultural difference in propaganda measures reveals a degree of acceptance of difference unknown in an Australia possessing an Anglocentric orientation. There was indeed a transformation in the thinking, at least in the Anglophone section of Canada's political iiite, that the distinctiveness of the component of Canada's population known as the "Third Force" was to be acknowledged. In the Australian case, the political blite underwent no such transformation. Governments were not faced to the same extent as in Canada with a population having a significant non-English speaking background element, nor with its patterns of concentration and contribution. The intransigently "British" tradition and outlook, combined with pressure from the home population, blinded governments to the positive strategies which could have been adopted in the treatment of aliens. To paraphrase Hudson (1989, 11),12 at this time, Australia still looked primarily towards the United Kingdom for "immigrants, markets, capital and security" and maintained its deference "to United Kingdom opinion as the measuring stick". The Australian governments, blinkered at home, were preoccupied by the "enemy without". There was little thought that, even in the future, ethnic diversity in Australia would be something to be celebrated and maintained. Canada, while having some of these tendencies, took proactive steps to recognise the potential (and existing contribution) of what was initially the "enemy within", and hence laid the groundwork for the official multicultural policy which was to emerge as early as the 1960s.

This conference, entitled Ethnicity, the State and War: Canada and its Ethnic Minorities, 19391945, was held at Queen's University, Kingston (Ontario) between 25-27 September 1986. The papers presented there were, with revisions (some with substantial revisions) later published by Hillmer, Kordan and Luciuk (1988). Census data with respect to ethnicity are notoriously open to subjective judgement. They are, however, one of the few empirical indicators of ethnic composition in multiethnic populations and for this reason have been included here. This is, of course, far more striking in Canada than in Australia, for the numbers involved are greater. Less quantifiable but just as real are the perceptions held by Australians of a foreign presence within Australian society, particularly in the rural regions; one Italian family, for instance, might give the impression that a district had many Italians. Non-British citizens stood out more boldly for precisely that reason. In such an overwhelmingly British majority, difference was something that was commented upon and elevated to often absurd proportions. The suggestion that the Irish presence in Australia can be likened to that of the French in Canada is not as far-fetched as it sounds, particularly in view of the fact that Irish settlers and convicts

The Roots of Multiculturalism were in the main working-class and Catholic. They thus formed a largely indigestible core within the Anglo-Scottish Protestant majority. It is an argument which, if taken up by later researchers, could prove to be of significance to the way in which Australians view their identity in future years. Attention is drawn to the essays in Kiernan (1986) and O'Farrell(1987). On Canada, see particularly Abella and Troper (1982) and Dirks (1977). The literature on Australia's response to the 1930s refugee crisis has grown considerably in recent years. Starting points can be found in Blakeney (1985) and Bartrop (1994). It must be noted that there was no Australian citizenshipper se at the time of the Second World War. There was a naturalisation process, although there was little official pressure for residents to undergo it. The so-called "foreign" communities themselves placed pressure on new arrivals to assimilate as quickly as possible, the better to deflect or avoid anti-foreign prejudice. For many migrants from Italy, Greece and elsewhere, eventual naturalisation was a logical outgrowth of this assimilationist push. Until the outbreak of war, however, many Australians could not have cared less about the legal status of foreigners. A person would usually be accepted or rejected according to the level of their assimilation into Australian society. Naturalisation resulted in British citizenship. Australian citizenship was only possible from 1949: similarly, Canadian citizenship as such was only available from 1947. We are here referring to voluntary migration and not refugee flows which may be involuntary, spontaneous and against the long-term interests either of the individual or the country from which exile is forced. An additional perspective on this point can be found concerning the image of foreign Jews in Australia during the inter-war years. See Bartrop (1987, 169-84). This concept of marginalisation or "living in the margins" has been used skilfully by Pettman (1992), in her study of the status and position of ethnic and racial minority women in past and contemporary Australian society. lo The war situation was in large part responsible for this. With the ebb and flow of battle came varying responses towards persons of foreign background. The immediate declaration of war, for example, saw measures adopted in both Canada and Australia which isolated enemy aliens, placing them under restrictions and, in some cases, internment. By the middle of 1940, however, neither country had yet seen much in the way of military action. The "Phoney War" was only just coming to the end of its six month lethargy, and there seemed little reason to adopt a negative attitude toward those who were technically enemy aliens in advance of their having done something to earn special treatment. This was transformed throughout the British Empire after the Fall of France (22 June 1940). With the Nazis supreme in Europe, Britain was now Germany's only remaining enemy still in the field, and, as the German forces began to turn on Britain, a panic swept through that country that invasion was imminent. New considerations of security confronted governments throughout the Empire and the Dominions, the upshot seeing many more enemy aliens interned than before. By the same token, internment was always seen as a measure of last resort, not of first priority. In both Australia and Canada, however, the situation was very different after the entry of Japan into the war in December 1941. In Australia, from the day after Pearl Harbor onwards, people bearing enemy alien nationality were caught in a police internment net which aimed to clear certain areas (particularly in Queensland and New South Wales) that might present security problems in the face of a Japanese military advance (Bartrop, 1992). Canada shared the early complacency of Australia well into 1941, as shown by Granatstein (1990, 201): "But no one in Canada seemed to doubt the eventual outcome of the war. We always won, didn't we? And the Americans would be in it eventually, thus ensuring victory". As in Australia, however, the onset of the Pacific War brought about a change of circumstances. On Christmas Day 1941, the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong, garrisoned by Canadian troops (among others), fell to the Japanese. As a response, on 14 January 1942 all male Japanese between the ages of 14 and 44 were moved from British Columbia to internment camps inland. On the 26 February, this was extended to all Japanese, male and female, then living in so-

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop called "security areas" (Granatstein, 1990,211). A number of studies have since sought to account for the phenomenon of this mass evacuation, but none until recently has sought to explain it from more than an administrative or "exigencies-of-wartime" perspective. Following the publication of a new study by Roy, et aL in 1990, it is hoped that further questions and approaches might thereby be stimulated as a result. On Australia, see especially Bartrop (1988, 270-80). The Australian government made a mess of its classification process, not realising until 1944 that refugees from Nazism were in fact hostile to Germany and supportive of the Allies. Although a number of measures were introduced throughout the war to keep track of enemy aliens, the stigma and the stupidity of being so classed drove many refugees, particularly Jews, to despair. l2 W.J. Hudson's book Blind Loyalty: Australia and the Suez Crkk, 1956, refers to a period which is a decade after the end of the Second World War. His argument, however, based as it is on the strongly Anglophile influences on the major figures in the Australian Cabinet in 1956, is pertinent to the earlier time, given that many of the same figures were in parliament during the war years. In an evocative statement referring to the mid-1950s, Hudson (1989,lO) states:

The subject of Empire, of allegiance, of emancipation, became unfit for rational public discussion - just as White Australia, Christian mores and sexual behaviour were beyond rational public discussion. This was certainly as true for the 1930s and 1940s as it was for the 1950s.

Abella, I., and H. Troper. 1982. None is too Many: Canada and the Jews of Europe, 1933 to 1948. Toronto: Lester and Orpen Dennys. Allport, G. 1958. The Nature of Prejudice (abridged edition). New York: Doubleday-Anchor. Bartrop, P., ed. 1995. False Havens: The British Empire and the Holocaust. Lanham (Md) and London: University Press of America. Bartrop, P. 1994. Australia and the Holocaust, 1933-45. Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing.

-.During 1992. "Dealing With the Enemy at Home: The Control and Internment of Aliens in Australia World War 11", An ANZAC Muster: War and Society in Australia and New Zealand 191418 and 193945. J. Smart and T. Wood, eds. Clayton (Victoria): Monash Publications in History, No. 14. 151-62.

-. 1989.

"Indifference of the Heart: Canada, Australia and the Evian Conference of 1938", Australian-Canadian Studies, Vol. 6, No. 2.57-74.

-.Wartime 1988. "Enemy Aliens or Stateless Persons? The Legal Status of Refugees from Germany in Australia", Journal of the Australian Jewish Historical Society, X, Part 4.270-80. -.1919-39", 1987. "'Good Jews' and 'Bad Jews': Australian Perceptions of Jewish Migrants and Refugees, Jews in the Sixth Continent. W.D.Rubinstein, ed. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. 169-84. Berger, P., and T. Luckmann. 1967. The Social Construction of Reality. Penguin. Bevege, M. 1993. Behind Barbed Wire: Internment in Australia during World War II. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.

Blakeney, M. 1985. Australia and the Jewish Refigees, 1933-1948. Sydney: Croom Helm Australia. Census and Statistics Office. 1944. The Canada Year Book 1943-1944. Ottawa: Census and Statistics Office. Commonwealth of Australia. 1947. Oficial Year Book of the Commonwealth of Australia, No. 37. Canberra: Government Printer. 1946-47. Cope, B., S. Castles, and M. Kalantzis. 1991. Immigration, Ethnic Conflicts and Social Cohesion. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. Dirks, G. 1977. Canada's Refugee Policy: Indiflerence or Opportunism? Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Dreisziger, N.F. 1988. "The Rise of a Bureaucracy for Multiculturalism: The Origins of the Nationalities Branch, 1939-1941", On Guard for Thee: War, Ethnicity, and the Canadian State, 1939-1945. N. Hillmer, eta!., eds. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. 1-29. Fischer, G. 1989. Enemy Aliens: Internment and the Homefiont Experience in Australia 1914-1920. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. Foster, L. 1995. "No Northern Option: Canada and Refugees from Nazism Before the Second World War", False Havens: The British Empire and the Holocaust. Paul R. Bartrop, ed. Lanham (Md) and London: University Press of America. 79-98. Foster, L. and Seitz, A. 1991. "Official attitudes to Germans during World War 11: Some Australian and Canadian Comparisons", Ethnic and Racial Studies. Vol. 14, No. 4.474-92. Granatstein, J. 1990. Canada' s War: The Politics of the Mackenzie King Government 1939-1 945. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Hillmer, N., B. Kordan, and L. Luciuk, eds. 1988. On Guard for Thee: War, Ethnicity, and the Canadian State, 1939-1945. Ottawa: Canadian Committee for the History of the Second World WarfMinisterof Supply and Services Canada. Hudson, W. 1989. Blind Loyalty: Australia and the Suez Crisis, 1956. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Kiernan, C., ed. 1986. Australia and Ireland 1788-1988: Bicentenary Essays. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. Langfield, M. 1991. "White Aliens: The Control of European Immigration to Australia 1920-30". Journal of Intercultural Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1.1-14. Lever-Tracy, C. 1991. "The Price of Commitment: Return Migration and Citizenship", Journal of Australian Studies, No. 48.40-55. Multiculturalism and Citizenship Canada. 1990. Working Together Towards Equality: An Overview of Race Relations Initiatives. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada. Office of Multicultural Affairs. 1989. National Agenda for a Multicultural Australia: Sharing our Future. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service. O'Farrell, P. 1987. The Irish in Australia. Kensington (NSW): University of New South Wales Press. Palmer, H. 1991. "Ethnic Relations and the Paranoid Style: Nativism, Nationalism and Populism in Alberta, 1945-50", Canadian Ethnic Studies, Vol. XX111, No. 3.7-31.

Lois Foster and Paul Bartrop

Pettman, J. 1992 Living in the Margins: Racism, Sexism and Feminism in Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Price, C. 1987. "Immigration and Ethnic Origin", Australians: Historical Statisrics. W. Vamplew, ed. Sydney: Fairfax, Syme and Weldon. 1-21. Richmond, A. 1991. "Immigration and Multiculturalism in Canada and Australia: The Contradictions and Crises of the 1 9 8 0 ~International "~ Journal of CanadianStudies, No. 3.87-1 10. Roy, P., J. Granatstein, I. Masako, and H. Takamura. 1990. Mutual Hostages: Canadians and Japanese during the Second World War.Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Saunders, K., and H. Taylor. 1988. "The Enemy Within? The Process of Internment of Enemy Aliens in Queensland 1939-1945", Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 34, No. 1.16-27. Smith, A.D. 1981. "War and Ethnicity: The Role of Warfare in the Formation, Self-images and Cohesion of Ethnic Communities", Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 4, No. 4.375-97.

CULTURAL TOURISM AND URBANIMAGING STRATEGIES IN CANADA*

Cities are major elements in any understanding of contemporary tourism. Serving as tourist generators and attractors they have long been the lifeblood of the tourism industry. In early twentieth century United States and Canada "tourists were attracted to urban places, for only there could modern life be seen in its most abundant flowering" (Jakle, 1985, 245). Indeed, Jakle (1985, 287) noted that "Cities were the most important tourist attractions in North America. More tourists travelled to see cities than any other kind of place". However, despite its significance, it is only since the early 1980s that serious attention has been given to urban tourism. The greater appreciation of urban tourism is directly linked to broader changes in political economy and global economic structures which have led to the deindustrialisation of many urban areas in the Western World. The loss of key industries, such as shipbuilding and manufacturing fiom Europe and North America to developing countries, led to urban blight and unemployment in many Western cities. In this changed economic and political environment, governments and other state institutions have, at all levels, sought to find mechanisms by which income, investment and employment could be generated. Tourism, along with other service industries such as finance and communication, was recognised as one potential tool for structural adjustments and thereby urban and regional redevelopment. As Law noted, the 1980s witnessed a significant shift in attitude by cities towards the tourist industry. "The aim of tourism promotion was ... partly to boost the city, partly to revitalise the city, and partly to physically regenerate areas" (1993, 1-2). Although urban areas have long attracted tourists, it is only in recent years that cities and regions have consciously sought to develop, image

C. Michael Hall

and promote themselves for a number of reasons, including increasing the influx of tourists. Tourism has become a major component of such strategies, which are often referred to as urban imaging or reimaging strategies (Roche, 1992; Hall, 1994a, b), and which are major elements in policy responses to the social and economic problems associated with deindustrialisation and associated economic restructuring (Halland Jenkins, 1995). Urban imaging processes are characterised by some or all of the following: the development of a critical mass of visitor attractions and facilities, including new buildingslprestige centres (eg. convention centres, sports stadia, and waterfront redevelopment projects); major or mega-events (eg. the bidding and/or hosting of Olympic Games and World Fairs, or the hosting of major cultural and garden festivals); development of urban tourism strategies and policies often associated with new or renewed organisation and development of city marketing (for example, city promotional campaigns such as St. John's "The City of Legends", Stewart, 1991); the establishment of public/private sector partnership organisations responsible for urban redevelopment projects; and the development of leisure and cultural services and projects to support the urban marketing and tourism effort (eg. creation and renewal of museums and art galleries, and the hosting of art festivals) (Roche, 1992, 1994; Hall, 1994a). The principal aims of urban imaging strategies are to attract tourism expenditure, generate employment in the tourist industry, foster positive urban images for potential investors and local inhabitants, and to provide an urban environment which will attract and retain the interest of urban professionals who constitute the core work force in the new service industries (Hall, 1994b). The ramifications of urban imaging strategies as an approach to dealing with the consequences of deindustrialisation and the new global economy are far reaching, particularly in the way in which cities and places are now perceived, by some, as products to be sold and promoted. As Bramham, et al. (1989, 9) observed, "it is no longer unusual to see the city as a tourist product, although on the level of local policy this may still be more an expression of certain political ideas than a coherent policy with practical consequences". Indeed, the imaging of the city in order to attract the middle class employment market and the associated focus on the economic benefits of tourism has "reinforced the idea of the city as a kind of commodity to be marketed" (Mommaas and van der Poel, 1989,264). Cultural tourism, and tourism within the context of a broader set of cultural policy objectives, has become a significant component of urban imaging strategies throughout Europe and North America. For example, in the late 1980s and early 1990s cultural tourism became a major

Cultural Tourism element in the promotion and imaging of urban destinations in Canada as they attempted to overcome the traditional images of "mountains, moose and mounties" and present themselves as urbane and sophisticated world-class cities (Ekos Research Associates, 1988). The present paper examines urban cultural tourism in Canada and the strategies by which cities attempted to reimage themselves to potential tourists. The cities of Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver provide several good examples of the attempted integration of cultural and tourism policy in the urban reimaging process. As the paper notes, a variety of techniques were used with varying levels of success. However, the success of reimaging these destinations was quite limited, and raises substantial questions not only regarding the role of culture in tourism development but also the overall goals and objectives which surround urban reimaging strategies.

CULTURAL AND URBANTOURISM "Cultural tourism" is a term which covers many types of cultural expression (Weiler and Hall, 1992). The Secretary General of the World Tourism Organisation (1985) noted that "cultural tourism" includes "movements of persons for essentially cultural motivations such as study tours, performing arts and other cultural tours, travel to festivals and other cultural events, visits to sites and monuments, travel to study nature, folklore or art or pilgrimages". Similarly, Tighe (1985, 2) argued that the term "cultural tourism" "encompasses historical sites, arts and craft fairs and festivals, museums of all kinds, the performing arts and the visual arts" and other heritage sites which tourists visit in pursuit of cultural experiences. The widespread use of the term "cultural tourism" while pointing to the marketing potential of the concept, also indicates a general failure to appreciate the complexity of the concept. Indeed, Ekos Research Associates (1988) in their examination of a series of five Canadian pilot projects which attempted to integrate culture, multiculturalism and tourism ("Toronto for the Arts", "Montreal Cultural Destination", "Your Ticket to Winnipeg", "Vancouver/Victoria Cultural Tourism Pilot Project", and the "Highland Heart Campaign"), recognised a lack of consistency in the use of the word culture. Both the promotional and research literature present a wide array of different usages and meanings for the key subject matters culture, arts, culture and multiculturalism. Amidst this Babel-like confusion it is virtually impossible to make meaningful statements, since people are rarely talking about the same things when they mention the same terms. Not only does this make the accumulation

C. Michael Hall of knowledge difficult, but it also renders any coherent statement of goals and strategy elusive. This has produced confusion, frustration and undoubtedly hampered the effectiveness of various efforts. (Ekos Research Associates, 1988,9)

As an overarching term, "culture" refers to the general symbol system of society. However, "culture" contains several related elements, all of which may contribute to the touristic attractiveness of a destination. Figure 1 illustrates the three major components of the cultural tourism product: "high culture", eg. the performing arts and heritage attractions such as museums and art galleries; "folk and popular culture", eg. gastronomy, crafts, sport and architecture; and "multiculturalism", which refers to cultural and racial diversity and language. Although all three dimensions of culture can be packaged as tourism products, the touristic element is greatest in high culture which can be located in specific sites and attractions as opposed to the more diffuse nature of folk and popular culture and multiculturalism. The ease at which various aspects of culture can be packaged for tourist consumption is significant, as it has meant that what constitutes the "culture" in cultural tourism is more often than not associated with the easily commodified aspects of high culture, such as museums and art galleries (Hall and Zeppel, 1990; Zeppel and Hall, 1992). This has been particularly the case with the development of cultural tourism product in Canadian cities. Figure 1

+ (Symbolic Meaning System)

w HIGH CULTURE

4 Art gallala

F7

Hktork rim

Sourre:After Ekm Research Auodrta Inc 1988

FOUC AND POPUIAR C U t W

Cultural Tourism Urban tourism has been subject to almost as much methodological confusion as has cultural tourism. Urban tourism is a significant component of the total tourist market; for example, approximately twenty percent of person-trips by Americans to Canada are solely urban trips (Tourism Canada, 1991a). However, in a report on urban tourism in (British Columbia) Marktrend Marketing Research, et al. (1991, 1) noted that although recognised as "an important segment of the travel industry" and representing "a distinct and exploitable market segment", no attempt was made to define the term because of the complexity of the topic. Nevertheless, they did observe that it was related to the growth of special interest tourism and was "basically travel to cities". David-Peterson Associates (1992, 4), in an examination of Toronto as a tourist destination, also failed to define urban tourism but argued that "while individuals focus on different aspects, the image or perception of what travellers go to a city for is virtually universal", concluding that "the primary distinguishing characteristic of a city trip is that it is diverse, busy and exciting" (6). David-Peterson Associates (1992) identified a number of reasons for leisure city travel, although they also noted a number of drawbacks (Table 1, page303). Similarly, Tourism Canada (1991a, 2-3) argued that the urban tourist experience offered by Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver was composed of activities such as: shopping in elegant and exclusive boutiques; visiting museums, art galleries, zoos and botanical gardens; dining in chic and elegant or exotic restaurants; attending plays, concerts and operas; making the rounds of bars, nightclubs, cafes and discotheques; attending festivals and festivities organised by ethnic communities; attending sports events; taking part in sight seeing tours; visiting an oceanside location (Vancouver); visiting historic sites and admiring interesting architecture; and simply strolling around the city. Clearly, culture is a significant aspect of the attractiveness of urban tourist destinations. Indeed, it is the very nature of the city which leads to various elements of culture, and particularly high culture, being concentrated for the consumption of tourist and local alike (Heritage Canada Foundation, 1988). However, of more significance in terms of urban reimaging strategies, is the recognition of the economic importance of urban tourism and the extent to which it has been used as a tool to counter the effects of deindustrialisation on urban economies.

Urban tourism is given substantial emphasis in Ontario. For example, the Ontario Ministry of Tourism and Recreation's (1989) Tourism Marketing Plans for the province stated that "there should be an emphasis on city trips to promote awareness of vacation opportunities in Ontario" and an attempt "to change the image of Ontario cities to that of relaxing, hospitable cities suitable for strolling, shopping and having a variety of cuisine". The contribution of tourism to the economy of Toronto is substantial. According to a study of the economic impact of tourism in the Metropolitan Toronto region (Laventhol and Haworth, 1988), the Metropolitan Toronto tourism industry generated an estimated $2.65 billion in gross revenues in 1987, approximately 108,329 person years of employment, $947 million in tax revenues, and generated twenty-eight percent of all food and beverage sales in Toronto, and twenty-six percent of all recreation service sales. In 1989, there was an estimated 17.2 million visitors to the city, generating direct expenditures in excess of $2.58 billion and total income of $3.6 billion (Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association, 1989). Approximately forty-seven percent of visitors to Toronto come from Canada and forty-one percent from the United States. Overseas visitors account for about twelve percent of total visitations, with the United Kingdom, Japan and Germany accounting for half (Pannel Kerr Forster, 1987; Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association, 1989, 1990). The development of tourism in Toronto bears many similarities to the Montreal situation. The inner city waterfront areas of Toronto have been redeveloped with visitor attractiveness receiving a high priority. The CN Tower and Skydome was built on disused railroad land, while the St. Lawrence Market has been restored to attract both tourists and middleclass locals alike. Toronto's bid for the 1996 Olympic Games also highlighted the redevelopment of the waterfront and the creation of sporting and cultural attractions. However, as in Montreal, tourist and visitor attraction development in Toronto is being increasingly connected to the imaging of that city for the international marketplace. For example, the Ontario Ministry of Tourism and Recreation (1986) argued that "Toronto must begin to develop a more sophisticated, elegant and interesting image." The reimaging of Toronto was also a key concern when the provincial and municipal governments sought to host an annual "World Heritage Festival" which would: position Toronto as a world-class city; expand Toronto's tourism season;

Cultural Tourism contribute to job creation; provide additional sources of tax revenues; contribute to the growth of Canada's share of foreign travel receipts; and be one of Canada's leading tourist attractions (McCullough, 1987). As in the attempted reimaging of Montreal (see below), it was argued that the conduct of such a festival "would reinforce the development of a world-class 'international city' image" for Toronto (McCullough, 1987). Similarly, the redevelopment of the Toronto waterfront by the Canadian Federal Government's Harbourfront Corporation was also integral to Toronto's reimaging strategy. According to Stock (1988, 1): In recent years, cities like Toronto have rediscovered their waterfronts as a new source of public activity, civic identity and economic development. Toronto's downtown waterfront is being transformed from an early industrial wasteland into both a lively extension of the local urban community and a spectacular attraction for international visitors.. .. Harbourfront has become a magical piece of Toronto on the shore of Lake Ontario, offering an extraordinary mix of cultural and recreational events against a backdrop of art galleries, theatres, shops, marinas, restaurants, food markets, homes and offices sprinkled amid parks and open places.

Nevertheless, while the attempts to reimage Toronto continue, through such mechanisms as the ongoing redevelopment of the waterfront, the relative success of such a strategy may be debated. For instance, the "Toronto for the Arts" program failed to meet the objectives of increasing visitation to Toronto despite being regarded as successful in altering the image of Toronto as a vibrant cultural centre for those who participated. Indeed, approximately two-thirds of the visitors would have come to Toronto regardless of the special tourist packages which highlighted the arts and cultural attractions of the city (Ekos Research Associates, 1987).

Montreal was one of the first Canadian cities to consciously use tourism in order to stem economic decline (Broadway, 1993, 1994). Between 1971 and 1986 Montreal lost 70,000 jobs in the manufacturing sector and a third of its industrial base (Broadway, 1993, 1994). As a consequence, tourism was recognised by all levels of government as having the potential to create employment and encourage economic

C. Michael Hall

growth. However, there has been a marked change in the nature of Montreal's tourism product over the past three decades. From the 1960s through to the 1980s, the focus of tourism product development in Montreal was on the hosting and conduct of large events and festivals such as Expo 1967, the 1976 Olympic Games, the Floralies Intemationales, the International Fireworks Festival, the World Film Festival, Molson's Canada Grand Prix, the International Jazz Festival, the Just for Laughs Festival and the New Dance International Festival. However, in the late 1980s and the 1990s, government and private investment was concentrated in the physical redevelopment of Montreal's major tourist sites: Old MontrealIOld Port (eg. new facilities at the Old Port, MusCe Pointe-i-Callibre), downtown (massive expansion of Montreal museums), Parcs des iles (eg. casino development) and in the Olympic Park area (eg. converting the velodrome into the BiodBme) (Bellerose, 1993). The changing nature of Montreal's tourism product is no accident. Several reasons can be posited. First, 1992 was the 350th anniversary of the founding of Montreal. Such an event, while significant in terms of an "official" justification for massive tourist attraction investment (see Table 2, page 303), fails to account on its own for the shift in the character of tourism development. Second, the massive deindustrialisation of the Montreal waterfi-ont has led to the availability of cheap land for the establishment of heritage precincts, museums and art galleries, and festival marketplaces. Events and festivals are still important for tourism in Montreal, however, they are now integrated with urban redevelopment so that spectacles occupy certain spaces in the urban fabric of the city. Third, and most importantly, the changing nature of the Montreal product is consciously tied to the reimaging of Montreal as an "international city" (Consultative Committee, 1986). As Broadway (1994, 339) has recognised, "This 'Field of Dreams' approach to tourist development ('If you build it they will come') is behind much of the recent growth in urban tourist attractions". Nevertheless, the "art gallery and museum" led economic recovery of Montreal may only be temporary. Attendance figures for Montreal's main tourist attractions (Table 3) indicate that although visitation had a massive jump in 1992, it fell in 1993. Furthermore, the growth in tourist attractions may lead to much turbulence in the tourism marketplace, whereby there is increased competition between attractions for the finite time of the visitor and a consequent drop in visitation levels for some attractions with consequent financial difficulties for those attractions, eg. the Musde international de l'humour. There is increased competition not only between attractions but also between other Canadian and North American cities for the

Cultural Tourism investment and tourism dollar. As Broadway (1994, 339) reported, "[Iln Montreal it is estimated that the 5.7 million tourists who visited the city in 1992 surpassed the 1990 total by 100,000; however, this total is still below the 1988 figure of 5.9 million".

Vancouver has seen massive waterfront and inner city development over the past twenty years. The False Creek area in particular has been slowly converted from industrial to housing and cultural uses. Initially focussed on the Granville Island redevelopment which commenced in 1973, the area received further development impetus with the hosting of the 1986 World Expo. However, while Granville Island and the Expo were significant in terms of the clearing of industrial land and for the promotion of Vancouver as a tourism destination they were only belatedly integrated with a larger strategy which sought to reirnage the city. The British Columbia Ministry of Tourism, Recreation and Culture (1986), in a first time visitors study conducted during Expo and by postphone interviews, noted that the majority of visitors had three day passes which determined their stay. For example, American Expo visitors used their pass and then returned home almost immediately. The survey also found that there was very little awareness of attractions other than Expo, Stanley Park and Grouse Mountain in Vancouver. American visitor attitudes towards returning varied in accordance with where they lived. The nearer they lived to Vancouver the more likely they were to return for a short trip. The further away visitors lived (or perceived they were) the less likely they were to return unless there was a strong reason like the Expo. Despite the relative failure of Expo to create a new image which would attract visitors, urban tourism is still extremely important to the Vancouver economy. "The tourism industry is the dominant industry in the Province's capital city" with over forty-two percent of all nonresident tourism revenue in British Columbia now being spent in Greater Vancouver (Marktrend Marketing Research, et al. 1991, 58). In 1989, approximately 5.9 million overnight visitors to Greater Vancouver generated over Can.$1.56 billion and supported nearly 48,500 jobs (Canadian Tourism Research Institute, et al., 1990; Tourism Canada, 1991b). Furthermore, there are substantial differences in the demographic profile of visitors to British Columbia in the urban and non-urban setting. Upper income earners were more likely to visit Vancouver and/or Victoria, whereas those with a low to mid-income visited the non-urban setting. Approximately twenty-nine percent of Vancouver's visitors are travelling alone and forty-five percent are

travelling as couples. Close to ten percent of the non-resident parties visiting Vancouver included children compared to fifteen percent of resident parties for the province as a whole (Marktrend Marketing Research, et al., 1991). The large number of visitors to Expo and its perceived contribution to positioning Vancouver in the international tourism marketplace provided considerable impetus for the attempted integration of arts and heritage with the city's and province's tourism strategies. A cultural tourism pilot project was conducted in Vancouver and Victoria in 1986-87 with the idea being to build on the level of awareness of British Columbia generated by the Expo '86 advertising and marketing campaign. However, in a comprehensive evaluation of the project it was observed that the availability of cultural products was not the main reason for visitors to select Vancouver or Victoria as travel destinations. Culture was not the "essential hook" that tourism authorities had expected would attract visitors. Indeed, the promotion package was very limited in increasing the attendance and selling the capacity of cultural activities and attractions in Vancouver and Victoria, and seventy-one percent of participating Vancouver hotels perceived the project to be ineffective in generating revenues for their organisation (Don Ferrence and Associates, 1987). Despite the failure of the cultural tourism project to attract visitors, the evaluation still went on to recommend that government consider more festivals and further repositioning in the marketplace as a means of promoting Vancouver, a conclusion which emerges time and time again in reports on tourism in the city. In 1987 Coopers and Lybrand Consulting Group in a study of the development and marketing of Vancouver as an international tourist destination and gateway concluded that there was a "need to re-position Vancouver as a city which provides a unique collection of experiences from which people of all tastes can select" and, as with Montreal and Toronto, reported that "the opportunity exists to gain a competitive advantage by positioning Vancouver as a world-class city experience". Similarly, Marktrend Marketing Research, et al. (1991) argued that there was a need to: organise more big events; position Vancouver as an exciting destination, as a gateway for touring; as a starting point and/or base for various specialty markets; and position [Vancouver and Victoria] as destinations featuring the variety of activities offered in and around the cities, the unique characteristics of each city (Vancouver -cosmopolitan, exciting,

Cultural Tourism Victoria - historical, British ambience) and the availability of shopping, restaurants and accommodation. The event theme was also picked up by Tourism Canada (1991b, 15) who argued that Vancouver should be seen as a "festival city". Vancouver's festivals already included the Vancouver Folk Festival, Vancouver Children's Festival, Sea Festival, Pacific National Exhibition, Vancouver Film Festival, and the Vancouver Wine Festival. Yet, in reviewing the arts and cultural base of Vancouver, Tourism Canada noted that the city "has experienced difficulties to sell its cultural product" (1991b, 16), and recommended that "marketing strategies for cultural tourism product should include a greater emphasis on productspecific (tactical) rather than generic (image) advertising and promotion efforts'' (1991b, 17). Tourism Canada went on to recognise that "tourism events in Vancouver rarely represent a primary reason for travelling to Vancouver". Yet, somewhat paradoxically, immediately went on to state that "Vancouver needs spectacular events to attract more tourists" in order to "rejuvenate Vancouver's tourism product" (Tourism Canada, 1991b, 23), and recommended the following actions: Continue to bid for national and international events such as Expo '86 in Vancouver; Encourage the development of a world class performing or visual arts event in Vancouver. This type of cultural product will draw large numbers of active cultural tourists; Exploit the marine theme by creating spectacular events relating to this theme (Tourism Canada, 1991b, 21). Undoubtedly, cultural tourism is seen as an essential element in the ongoing development of Vancouver as a tourist attraction. However, it is also useful to note that, as with Montreal and Toronto, the city's boosters are also seeing to include other classic elements of urban reimaging strategies such as casinos and theme parks in order "to maintain and enhance Vancouver as a world class destination and gateway" (Tourism Canada, 1991b, 24). Vancouver's tourism and reimaging strategy differs little, in essence, from that of other major urban centres in Canada and throughout North America (Kotler, Haider and Rein, 1993). Vancouver, along with Montreal and Toronto, is therefore not so much to be in front of the urban imaging competition, but is trying just to keep up. It is therefore somewhat ironical, but nevertheless true, that the various Canadian cities discussed above are following strategies which, rather than make them

C. Michael Hall

distinct in the international marketplace, are creating themselves in the mould of "homogenised cities".

Throughout the Western world, cities which were affected by deindustrialisation in the 1970s and early 1980s have responded with the development of imaging strategies in an attempt to attract new investment and create employment (Law, 1993; Page, 1995). Canadian cities have also adopted these strategies in order to position themselves as "world class" or "international" cities. Tourism, and cultural tourism in particular, has been an integral component of the imaging strategies of Canadian cities. Yet the success of cultural tourism strategies focussed on arts and heritage attractions is somewhat problematic. As Ekos Research Associates (1988, 25) reported in a review of urban cultural tourism projects in Canada, "high culture does not appear to be a major magnet for tourists ... [but] there is recurring and consistent evidence that shows that once tourists reach major Canadian destinations (for whatever motivating factors) many will consume large amounts of culture. This is true even for those who did not consider culture in their original travel destinations". Therefore, "there may be a more profound payoff in considering how to encourage tourists to consume more arts and culture once they make a travel decision rather than trying to attract tourists with arts and culture" (Ekos Research Associates, 1988,25). Despite the evidence surrounding the relatively poor direct attractiveness of arts and culture to tourists, cities have persisted in using art galleries, museums, and festivals as tools for urban redevelopment and changing the image of destinations. Unfortunately, most urban regimes have failed to recognise that "very few tourists perceive these cultural domains as isolated entities. Culture, as the symbolic environment of the destination, is often viewed as a meaningful whole" (Ekos Research Associates, 1988, 22). Greater attention should therefore be given to the integration of all the various aspects of cultural life in a destination in a manner which benefits the community, rather than the commodification of certain elements for the perceived satisfaction and conspicuous consumption of the visitor. Tourism can stimulate culture through the development of urban imaging strategies. Such stimulation is limited, however, as the cultural policies which are developed to support such strategies only focus on certain elements of culture which can be commodified through the creation of a cultural industry for the cultural consumer. Furthermore, the economic implications of the development of a tourist economy may

Cultural Tourism also be somewhat problematic as the shift from a goods to a service producing economy does not occur evenly. For example, Pollock (1991) noted that the benefits of tourism growth in Greater Vancouver and Victoria are poorly distributed throughout the economy. Nevertheless, despite concerns over the real benefits of the pursuit of the tourist dollar, Canadian cities continue to attempt to image themselves as international cultural tourism destinations. "Influencing travellers to visit a particular city destination comes through conveying the essence or image of that city as well as the specifics of what there is to see and do" (David-Peterson Associates Inc., 1992, 15). That said, "product specific advertising is more effective than advertising which attempts to modify images concerning a particular destination" (Ekos Research Associates, 1988, 32). Even given the development of new tourism attractions and corresponding alterations to marketing strategies, changing the image of a destination is an extremely difficult exercise given the weight of previous perceptions. Rather than follow Vallee's (1990) advice to "market a product that stands out for the consumer through a combination of timely advertising, the opportunity for unique experience, and attractive pricing7', urban imaging strategies are creating a stage of "serial monotony" whereby different cities look the same (Boyer, 1988; Harvey, 1993). As Block (1993, A3) commented with respect to the redevelopment of the port of Montreal for the 350th anniversary celebrations, "For Nancy L'Estrange, the Old Port is cleaner and prettier in her hometown of Toronto. 'I think it's beautiful - and it doesn't smell,' she said. 'There isn't that organic stuff we've got in Toronto. I don't see any ducks, bird faeces or seaweed and other things floating in the water like we see in our harbour'." In the new competitive environment surrounding city promotion, strategies designed to gain competitive advantage, are sanitising and commodifying representations of local culture. The longer term implications of such strategies for the recognition of uniqueness and identity may prove harmful not only for local communities but also for the very tourist attractiveness they are supposedly designed to sustain.

*

The author would like to acknowledge the assistance of a Canadian Studies Faculty Research Award, an Australian Research Council Award, Dave Crag, John Jenkins, Geoff Kearsley, Simon Milne, Kirsten Short and Bernie Walsh in the undertaking of research towards this paper.

Bellerose, P. 1993. "Le nouveau visage de Montrdal", L'lndicateur touristique, Vol. 3, No. 4.1.

Block, I. 1993. "Port popularity: 3 million visitors can't all be wrong", The Montreal Gazette, 31 August. A3. Boyer, C. 1988. "The Return of Aesthetics to City Planning", Society, Vol. 25, No. 4.49-56. Bramham, P., I. Henry, H. Mommaas and H. van der Poel. 1989. "Introduction", Leisure and Urban Processes: Critical Studies of Leisure Policy in Western European Cities, P. Bramham, I. Henry, H. Mommaas and H. van der Poel, eds. London and New York: Routledge. 1-4. British Columbia Ministry of Tourism, Recreation and Culture. 1986. First Time Visitors Study. Victoria: British Columbia Ministry of Tourism, Recreation and Culture. Broadway, M.J. 1994. "Tourism and the Canadian City", Quality Management in Urban Tourism: Balancing Business and Environment Conference Proceedings, P. Murphy, ed. Victoria: University of Victoria. 337-48.

-.No. 1993. "Montreal's Changing Tourist Landscape", Canadian Journal of Urban Research, Vol. 2, 1.3048. Canadian Tourism Research InstituteJPeat Marwick Stevenson and Kellogg/Vancouver Facts and Research. 1990. The Economic Impact of Tourism in Greater Vancouver. Vancouver: Tourism Vancouver. Consultative Committee. 1986. Report of the Consultative Committee to the Ministerial Committee on the Development of the Montreal Region. Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services. Coopers and Lybrand Consulting Group. 1987. Towards a Strategy for the Development and Marketing of Vancouver as an International Tourist Destination and Gateway. Ottawa: Tourism Canada. David-Peterson Associates Inc. 1992. Toronto as a Tourist Destination. Prepared for KPMG-Peat Marwick Stevenson and Kellogg on behalf of Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association, Ontario Ministry of Tourism, Recreation and Industry Science, Technology Canada: Toronto. Don Ferrence and Associates Ltd. 1987. VancouverlVictoria Cultural Tourism Pilot Project. Ottawa: Tourism Canada/Department of Communications/MulticulturalismCanada. Ekos Research Associates Inc. 1988. Culture, Multiculturalism and Tourism Pilot Projects and Related Studies: A Synthesis. Prepared for Communications Canada, Secretary of State Tourism Canada in the context of the Conference on Tourism, Culture and Multiculturalism.

-.Metropolitan 1987. Final Report on the Evaluation of the Toronto Convention and Visitors

"Toronto for the Arts" Program. Toronto: Association/Tourism CanadafDepartment of Communications (Federal)/the Ontario Ministries of Citizenship and Culture and Tourism and Recreationlthe Toronto and Region Arts Marketing Consortium.

Hall, C.M. 1994a. Tourism and Politics: Policy, Power and Place. Chichester: John Wiley.

-. 1994b. "Mega-events and Their Legacies",

Quality Management in Urban Tourism: Balancing Business and Environment Conference Proceedings, P. Murphy, ed. Victoria: University of Victoria. 109-22.

Hall, C.M. and J. Jenkins. 1995. Tourism and Public Policy. London: Routledge. Hall, C.M. and H. Zeppel. 1990. "Cultural and Heritage Tourism: The New Grand Tour?", Historic Environment, Vol. 7, No. 34.86-98. Harvey, D. 1993. "From Space to Place and Back Again: Reflections on the Condition of Postmodernity", Mapping the Futures: Local Cultures, Global Change, J. Bird, B. Curtis, T. Putnam, G. Robertson, and L. Tickner, eds. London: Routledge. 3-29. Heritage Canada Foundation. 1988. A New Tourismfor Carrada: Can We Meet The Challenge. Paper presented at National Conferenceon Tourism, Culture and Multiculturalism, Montreal. April 17-19. Jakle, J.A. 1985. The Tourist: Travel in Twentieth-Century North America. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Kotler, P., D.H. Haider, and I. Rein. 1993. Marketing Places: Attracting Investmen4 Industry, and Tourism to Cities, States and Nations. New York: Free Press. Laventhol and Haworth. 1988. A Regional Study of the Impact of Tourism in the Case of Metropolitan Toronto. Toronto: Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association. Law, C.M. 1993. Urban Tourism: Attracting Visitorsto Large Cities. London: Mansell.

L'Office des congrBs et du tourisme du Grand Montr6al. 1992. "Les attraits et 6v6nementsn, L'lndicateur touristique,Vol. 2, No. 1.7. LYOfficedes congrbs et du tourisme du Grand Montrbal. 1994. "Attraits", L'lndicateur tourisfique, Vol. 4, No. 1.8. Marktrend Marketing Research Inc., Tourism Research Group, and John Monroe Marketing. 1991. Urban Tourism in British Columbia. Vancouver: B.C Minisby of Tourism and Provincial Secretary. McCullough, J.D. 1987. World Heritage Festival Toronto. Toronto: Ontario, Government of Canada, the Province of Ontario and the City of Toronto. Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association. 1990. Metropolitan Toronto Convention and VisitorsAssociation Travel Motivation and Behaviour Study. Toronto: Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association.

-. 1989. Metropolitan Toronto Convention and VisitorsAssociation 1990 Business Plan. Toronto: Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association.

Ministry of Tourism and Recreation (Ontario). 1989. Tourism Marketing Plans for Province of Ontario. Toronto: Ministry of Tourism and Recreation. Mommaas, H. and H. van der Poel. 1989. "Changes in Economy, Politics and Lifestyles: An Essay on the Restructuring of Urban Leisure", Leisure and Urban Processes: Critical Studies of Leisure Policy in Western European Cities, P. Bramham, 1. Henry, H. Mommaas, and H. van der Poel, eds. London and New York: Routledge. 254-76.

C. Michael Hall Ontario Ministry of Tourism and Recreation. 1986. U.S. Pleasure Travel Market/Toronto Potential. Toronto: Ontario Ministry of Tourism and Recreation. Page, S. 1995. Urban Tourism. London: Routledge. Pannel Kerr Forster. 1987. Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association 1986 Annual Report Summary. Toronto: Metropolitan Toronto Convention and Visitors Association. Pollock, A. 1991. Tourism the Professional Challenge a Framework for Action, Appendix 2, Tourism Trends and their Impact on Training and Education, Interim Report. Vancouver. Roche, M. 1994. "Mega-events and Urban Policy", Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 21, No. 1.1-19.

-.British 1992. "Mega-events and Micro-modernization: on the Sociology of the New Urban Tourism", Journal of Sociology, Vol. 43, No. 4.563400. Secretary General, World Tourism Organisation. 1985. The State's Role in Protecting and Promoting Culture as a Factor of Tourism Development and the Proper Use and Exploitation of National Cultural Heritage of Sites and Movementsfor Tourism. Madrid: World Tourism Organisation. Stewart, J.K. 1991. Retaining Cultural Values: Case Studies in Heritage Tourism. Workshop notes prepared for Building Community Tourism Charting a Course for the 1990s. Whistler Centre for Business and the Arts: Canada. 21-24 April. Stock, F. 1988. Harbourfiont Toronto, Canada: A Highlight Report of the Development of this Federal Urban Waterjbnt Property, 19744988. Ottawa: Product Development, Tourism Canada. Tighe, A.J. 1985. "Cultural Tourism in the U.S.A.", Tourism Management, Vol. 6, No. 4.234-51. Tourism Canada. 1991a. Inventory of Studies Conducted in Canadian Cities Montreal, Toronto and Vancouver Overview. Ottawa: Industry, Science and Technology Canada - Tourism, Products and Services. Tourism Canada. 1991b. Inventory of Studies Conducted in Canadian Cities: Vancouver's Tourism Product. Ottawa: Industry, Science and Technology Canada -Tourism, Products and Services. Vallee, P. 1990. Tourism Vancouver's 1989-90, Discover the Spectacular Ofl-season Program. Vancouver: Tourism Vancouver. Weiler, B. and C.M. Hall, eds. 1992. SpecialInterest Tourism. London: Belhaven Press. Zeppel, H. and C.M. Hall, 1992. "Review. Arts and Heritage Tourism", in B. Weiler, C M . Hall, eds. 47-68.

Cultural Tourism TABLE 1: DRAWCARDS AND DRAWBACKS FOR URBAN LEISURE TOURISM Drawcards experiencing the citylatmosphere sight seeing culture in general arts foodlvaried dininglrestaurants education sports events big eventslfestivals diversity of people

.

Drawbacks crime and safety difficulty in getting around dirty finding good hotels and restaurants

.

lots to see and dolvariety architecture/buildings theatrelmusic performances museums history shopping nightlifeldancing new people to see and meet gambling

. .

. .

cost/expense traffic and parking crowded, busy

.

Source: After David-PetersonAssociates 1992, pp. 3-5

TABLE 2: MAJOR INVESI'MENTS IN THE GREATER MONTREAL A ~ ~ OFORN S 1991-1993 Attraction Vieux Port (Old Port) Palais de la Civilisation McCord Museum Museum of Contemporary Art La Ronde Pointe-5-Calliere Mus6e de 1'HGtel-Dieu Bonsecours Market BiodGme Square Berri Island parks Belvbdhe du Mont-Royal Fortifications Champ-de-Mars Museum of Humour Total

Cost ($ millions) 35.0 11.6

30.5 41.0 4.5 30.0 4.5 5.0 58.0 5.5 55.O 3.7 5.o 21.o

Open April 1992 May 1992 May 1992 May 1992 May 1992 May 1992 May 1992 May 1992 June 1992 June 1992 June 1992 June 1992 June 1992 October 1992

$310.3 Source: L'Offie des congr2s et du tourisme du Gmnd Montrial, 1992, p.7

Attraction Vieux-Port de Montreal La Ronde Bioddme de Montreal Casino de MontrCal Jardin botanique & Insectarium

1991

1992

1993

2 200 000 1 130 000 n.a. n.a. 871 152

5 395 095 1 500 000 976 542 n.a. 1023 038

4 430 108 1238 949 1 193 848 1 047 161 930 231

Zoo de Granby Parc Safari Funiculaire du Stade olympique MusCe des Beaux-arts MusCe d'archCologie et d'histoire

342 204 373 113 374 469 396 991 n.a.

370 579 375 (300 365 926 473 269 108 046

399 646 371 115 324 654 309 819 181 805

Musee d'art contemporain Palais de la civilisation Planetarium Dow Musee international de l'humour Musee McCord

28 641 n.a. 169 835 n.a. n.a.

83 438 203 355 162 251 n.a. 82 232

175 521 170 078 152 590 118 156 69 686

93 412

74 820

67 402

54 359 41 259

55 221 44 186

41 665 41 138

36 872 29 050

54 635 35 122

38 384 31 458

39 839 23 581 34 597 17 546

40 598 25 491 43 650 16 149

28 771 26 390 21 780 17 953

30 605 9 477

37 610 9 632

14 298 4 896

6 297 002

11555 885

11 447 502

Visites guid6es du Stade 01ympique Centre canadien d'architecture Commerce de la fourrure de Lachine Centre d'histoire de Montreal Maison Sir-G.-E.-Cartier MusCe David M. Stewart Mus6e ferroviare Chiteau Ramezay Centre d'interprbtation du Canal Lachine Musee des arts d6coratifs Moulin Fleming Total

Source: L'OfJice des congr2s et du tourisme du Grand Montrial, 1994, p.8

POST-MULTICULTURALISM AND IMMIGRATION

During the past two decades both Canada and Australia have evolved parallel conceptions of multiculturalism primarily as orientations for domestic social policy. This policy has gained international attention and has been copied with modifications worldwide. Yet multicultural policy has developed global dimensions on another plane: as a particular form of reciprocal exchange. This form becomes increasingly relevant in international policy, especially immigration. This paper proposes to examine recent changes in multicultural policy as evident in Canadian and Australian contexts, impacting on immigration and refugee intake. Inherent in multiculturalism policy is the paradox of universalism of life claims versus the particularism of culture. This paradox affects policy formulation and implementation with resultant contradictory demands. Fostering antidiscriminatory social policy for immigrants and the resident population, for example, exemplifies a policy resolution to the dilemma of forging a single policy from these multiple demands. More difficult is the simultaneous provision of equivalent goods and services of every cultural group requesting same. Canada is embarking on a post-multiculturalism phase as a resolution of this dilemma.1 As a result communities are becoming detached fiom a nation-centred frame to a network orientation which transcends national borders to a more global plane. This process is accelerated with increasingly diverse immigration intake. What are the implications of this change? Attitudinally, certain political leadership in Canada approaches multiculturalism as an anachronistic policy in terms of implementing practices. Yet ideologically, neither leaders nor activists appear willing for the most part to abandon the rhetoric. This veritably contradictory state of affairs Canada-Australia, 1895-1 995 -305

Michael Lanphier has taken the form of a protracted debate in political, social (Bibby, 1990) and literary arenas (Bissoondath, 1994).

Agreement appears neither on the terms of the debate nor on the level at which it should take place. Still less does any resolution appear, other than the now-fashionable general practice of budgetary reduction from governmental departments and functioning. Despite the rather wideranging scope, this debate tends to focus on a limited number of dimensions. These will be explored below as certain criticisms of mu1ticulturalism.

Expenditure/ Cutback Debate has oscillated between concern over the level of expenditures appearing excessive in comparison with other administrative and regulatory governmental activities and whether expenses at any authorised level amount to abuse of governmental funds? Multiculturalism sometimes appears as an expensive luxury. Governmental multicultural expenditures, however diminutive by federal standards? slip out of phase with calls for governmental restraint, deficit reduction and elimination of "unnecessary" activities. The critique in the public arena has not, however, related expenditures on multiculturalism with other types of governmental expenditures, in which priorities are attached to each activity form. This financial argument has been spread widely enough to extend to provincial as well as municipal levels of government in Canada. Lower governmental levels thus experience a double pressure. First, general "offloading" of expenditures by the federal to provincial levels has been in evidence since the Canadian federal government launched its budgetcutting exercises in 1993. Secondly, a more specific onslaught on the arena of social and community services which earmark funds specifically for multicultural services has occurred.

Political Distinctiveness Multiculturalism gained notoriety from its 1971 Canadian inception as an often thinly disguised ploy to blunt the political agenda of Quebec nationalism. From this optic, support to activities of non-English, nonFrench language cultures, as recommended in the findings of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism (1968), have arisen as a

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration means to assure that Quebec culture would not attain equality with that of the dominant English Canadian culture. More recently Quebec has enunciated policies under alternate rubrics, "interculturalisme" and "pluriculturalisme", which closely resemble multicultural policy in the rest of Canada but emphatically adopt different nomenclature. These policies provide non-English, non-French cultural groups services and modes of public expression. While insisting that the official language (French) remain dominant, policy pronouncements call for limitations only within the frame of democratic values and inter-community exchange (McAndrew, 1995). By extension, multiculturalism in this context may be interpreted as a codeword of an ideology which refuses Quebec claims for independent governmental control. Clearly, Quebec politicians via the terminological shift call for a policy crafted by Quebeckers, administered under their own purview for their own citizenry. Yet similarities in the two policies outweigh differences to the point that the terminological difference appears mainly of nominal symbolic significance in light of convergent practices3

Cultural Distinctiveness Other Than "Canadian" Certain critics (Bissoondath, 1994; Ubale, 1992) claim that multicultural policy amounts to a significant diversion from a Canadian cultural policy. Implicitly, according to this line of argumentation, newcomers should make deliberate attempts to adopt the (English) language and the complete set of Canadian symbols as their own. Canada represents a country of choice. It therefore follows that characteristics of the home culture are matters of a past left behind, or to be filtered through Canadian communication, artistic and political media. Definitional restrictiveness of the concept has similarly been cited as an impediment to the wider application of multiculturalism in Australian political culture (Foster, 1988).

Generational Specificity Multiculturalism may be perceived as a transitory state bridging the arrival generation between the home culture and Canadian culture. As a cultural way-station, certain goods and services should be supplied on a needs basis to newcomers. While governmental contribution to these services may be appropriate, these services continue to serve newcomers who, after a certain period (one to three years), should no longer need them. Multiculturalism, then, becomes an instrumental means toward

Michael Lanphier eventual cultural absorption or assimilation into Canadian culture. In contrast, multiculturalism as interpreted in recent Australian social and educational policy serves as a metaphor for "cultural resources" which enrich the state and its population (Stockley and Foster, 1990). Dorais, et al. (1994,401), caution that multiculturalism policy cannot be expected to solve all social problems in the modem state. Correspondingly, there is no single alternative to multicultural policy, however interpreted. Nor is there uniformity with respect to a temporal dimension: whether multiculturalism would appropriately represent a phase in a dialectical pattern of social policy change in a culturally pluralistic society.

RESPONSEOF THE NORTHTO ETHNIC PLURALITY~ The human population on the eve of the twenty-first century can no longer be seen as an aggregate of nation-states, each with specific policies for governance of its citizenry. Collective awareness of effects of multiple phenomena such as voluntary and forced migration, global communications, trade of commercial goods as well as deadly weapons, shared dilemmas of environmental fragility and degradation, makes it abundantly clear that humans have too much in common to permit nineteenth century nation-state boundaries to remain permanent divisions. Our awareness, however, has not yet focussed on any single new perspective, despite valiant attempts of agencies and individuals to persuade us of the political reality of facts which otherwise appear selfevident. Australia for its part has sought a wider economic role in Asia, with concomitant implications for immigration and human-rights policy. Asians have been the fastest-growing overseas-born population in Australia, more than doubling in the decade of the 1980s (Khoo, et al., 1994). The Asian influx in Australia has several sociodemographic components, the largest being family reunification. Still, like Canada, Australia's business migration programme continues to attract significant numbers from Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia and Taiwan (Lim and Abella, 1994). Both countries have interpreted multiculturalism nearly exclusively in terms of domestic policy, however. Whether this emphasis may be attributable more to strategic political advantage or failure to seize wider international implications of such policy, is a matter of debate. In any event, we arrive somewhat late at a more global perspective on this important issue.

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration Immigration, Refugee Movements Immigration intake bridges the domestic and global frontiers. Both Australia and Canada use general immigration policy for purposes of national development in the interests of the state. Refugee policy for both countries attempts to widen the band of self-interest to include a humanitarian role of relief and assistance in which the state's interest lies more squarely in assuring that the negative effects of displacement as a response to conflicts and upheavals in other states are to some extent remedied through international assistance. Australia and Canada have followed parallel and somewhat coordinated paths along this trajectory in recent decades (Borowski, et aL, 1994). With major positive programs of intake, both have varied categories within which this intake is scheduled in annual and multi-year exercises. Given changing fiscal priorities of governments in the 90s, it is worthwhile to examine how these "new realities" are reflected in recent patterns of intake. The data in Tables 1 and 2 (cf:end of article) indicate that Australia's recent immigration is in many ways similar to that of Canada, despite marked difference in their absolute levels: Canada's current intake of permanent settlers being three times that of Australia? For European intake, Australia's concentration falls more on English-speaking immigrants, compared with Canada's more heterogeneous sources. Whereas Canada receives just over half of its overall immigration in 1993 fiom the top ten source countries, Australia's corresponding proportion exceeds three-fifths. This difference may partly be due to Canada's larger absolute immigration levels, so that more varied country-by-country demands can thereby be accommodated. More likely, however, the diversification results from Canada's use of the "points" system for recruitment of independents, together with its wide-based post-WWII immigration now resulting in family reunification from an even wider array of origins. Australia and Canada show remarkably similar sources for Asian intake, as indicated in Table 2, despite Canada's high concentration on Hong Kong as source country, both in entrepreneurial and family categories. For the past decade (1983-93), Asian immigration to Australia has exceeded that from other regions, including Europe. Prior to this most recent period, European immigration dominated, with significantly smaller proportions from Middle East, North America and other regions, including Asia (Borowski and Shu, 1992). The more heterogeneous overall intake by origin for Canada may taper within the next decade, as a result of various budgetary cutbacks.

Michael Lanphier Among them, federally financed services, including newcomer-language and orientation services have been slated for reduction. Accordingly, Canada's selection in the late 1990s will come disproportionately fiom countries and populations with greater proportions of speakers of the official (English and French) languages to minimise language-instruction costs (Immigration Canada, 1995). The profile of the top ten source countries may thus more closely resemble that of Australia in future years.

Settlement Primarily domestic issues, the concerns of family reunification as well as the accommodation of practices from the homeland, sensitise the public to variations in cultural orientations. Goods and services are distributed according to general criteria of resource allocation to newcomers and need. Services are only marginally tailored to cultural specificities; e.g., English (French) language classes are composed of persons of mixed cultural backgrounds and take only secondary account of particular linguistic background or experience with the Western (Roman) alphabet and language systems. In a comparative study, Lanphier and Lukomskyj (1994) note that Canada's settlement services for initial resettlement have focussed more sharply on language than those in Australia, which range fiom language through housing and wider programs of cultural integration. To some extent, the broader base of Australian services reflects the results of the series of public inquiries commissioned by the federal government which proposed not only an array of services but an overall set of principles of access and equity within which services should be allocated (Lanphier and Lukomskyj, 1994). In any event, the Australian government has placed settlement services squarely within the multicultural mandate and awarded them a prominent place in governmental commitment. Any Canadian parallel pales in comparison. While language acquisition doubtless remains an instrumental key in initial settlement, several other problems for newcomers, notably family reunification, remain. Both definition of family and governmental policy relating to family immigration remain issues for decisions by government, which in Canada has agreed to consult widely in policy formulation exercises. Suggestions for combining criteria of family organisation, viz interdependency links among members with administrative criteria which allow continuation of state control over quantity and quality of immigrant admissions, have posed administrative hurdles too difficult to surmount in the mid-1990s (Hathaway, 1994). If

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration immigrants from one particular cultural group were to argue successfully for the inclusion of various types of collateral extended family members, for example, it might prove impossible for government to award the one group admission on the basis of interdependency while withholding admission to persons of a similar kinship relation from another cultural group who were not so interdependent. Rather, strict nuclear-family definitions continue to dominate selection policy. Resultant policy implications for Canada remain therefore ambiguous. While the planning cycle in the mid-1990s forecasts a medium-range homogenisation of immigrant intake at levels lower than the recent past, settlement services cannot shrink commensurately without leaving a large unmet need of newcomers already arrived who have not yet adapted to Canadian linguistic and social norms at a level sufficient to facilitate integration with the wider society. If federal services are reduced, the burden falls upon other governmental levels (provincial and municipal) to compensate. Alternatively, demand upon NGO service deliveries will augment in quantity and quality. In any event, resources will have to be reapportioned with no distributional formula immediately apparent.

Particularism-Universalism In an effort to situate the administrative arrangements in immigration with multicultural policies, it is convenient to address a sociological pattern within which these social processes take place. The identity of the pattern corresponds to that delineated in structural-functional theory. The discussion thus turns briefly to the "Particularistic-Universalistic" continuum (Parsons, 1951, ch. 2) along which several important aspects of newcomer life are arrayed.

Universalism of Llfe Claims Canadian and Australian multicultural policies present a paradox: such policies are designed to be universal statements of maintenance and promotion of cultural integrity. They have become interpreted, however, in a highly particularistic fashion for the protection of the uniqueness of each culture within the state. Ultimately, such a policy would become impossible to administer if accommodation to one culture inhibited provision of goods and services to another on an equitable basis. Moreover, the very proliferation of culture groups leaves the state in a distributive quandary: to provide assistance or goods and resources to one group implicitly requires similar assistance to all others. In order to

Michael Lanphier avoid partisan allocation on the one hand and insufficient allocation on the other, states reinterpret the multicultural mandate to be consonant with wider goals, especially in assuring rights availability to all those physically present in the country.' Accordingly, cultural policy has to be interpreted in a form applicable to all groups. In recent years, universalising multicultural policy has been realised by implementation of anti-discrimination legislation. While essentially a negative approach, in that various practices are being inhibited, it assumes a universalistic principle to overarch all forms of discrimination.

Employment Creation Two particular difficulties among all post-industrial nation-states have been the provision of sufficient employment opportunities and the assurance of relatively brief transition periods in individual job mobility. Structural adjustment has resulted, however, in the relatively rapid closure of sectors of employment without any structurally corresponding alternative job situations for those displaced. Reliance has fallen upon suggestions that entrepreneurial initiatives fiom the private sector replace those jobs lost to such closures. In a seemingly paradoxical twist, such initiatives may be more likely to come from immigrants for two reasons. First, they have no prior personal or organisational investment in the structures which have been displaced. Their potential attachment is somewhat more flexible. Secondly, immigrants may bring innovative ideas of marketing, products and production, themselves potentially viable in the economy of their host country. Following this sensitivity to labour force characteristics, Canadian immigration policy has traditionally adjusted its intake policy to variations in unemployment periods. This "tap-on, tap-off' policy has cut intake immediately following periods of high unemployment and correspondingly augmented intake during periods of lower rates (Veugelers and Klassen, 1994; Simmons, 1994). Since 1990, however, immigration policy has widened its intake despite higher unemployment rates. Rather, policy seems to be following varied guides. Senior departmental policy-makers interpret this shift as a type of "privatising" policy (Burstein, et aL, 1994). Accordingly, multiple interests not only influence intake but are expected to accept consequences of increased intake, including settlement and insertion into the labour market. Traditional approaches to this perennial concern of workforce insertion have relied on a dual-segment labour force (Portes, 1983), with

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration some immigrants occupying highly-paid professional or managerial positions. Most, however, have entered low-paying, often dead-end positions in the service sector (Opoku-Dapaah, 1994). Presumably, they hold jobs in that sector because it is more highly elastic, capable of absorbing increasing numbers of new employees. More recent research has demonstrated far greater complexity and far less elasticity in such a scenario. The informal economy generates variable numbers of jobs, all of them dependent upon the ability to "carve out a niche" relatively untouched by the existing formal economy, either with respect to market or to service/product. Even in the informal economy, interests become established, and entrance is all but barred to newcomers without network connections. Moreover, information about orientation to the host country labour market and securing employment is insufficiently diffised among newcomer communities (OpokuDapaah, 1994). Among Somali newcomers in Toronto, for example, Opoku-Dapaah (1994) found that such lack of opportunity prevents considerable numbers from securing employment for a period of up to two years. The information gap is particularly difficult for Somali women to span because of restricted sources of communication - often their compatriots who themselves lacked sources of information outside the immediate ethnic enclave (Opoku-Dapaah, 1994). Thus economic and social life are inextricably linked by communication networks certainly no less for newcomers than for those established in ongoing economic life. A particular form of economic participation is often possible because of family and kin organisation, permitting multiple members of an extended household to sustain small business enterprises as a household operation. Many variations surround this micro-economic theme of pooling various contributions of multiple members to sustain economic viability of the household if not the individual. The relation between contemporary economic organisation, multiculturalism and immigration is, of course, complex. Similar networks are used by newcomers in developing linkages with the wider community and in job-seeking, with resulting coincidence in certain paths to economic and social adaptation. Lanphier, et al. (1995) have recently proposed that such forms of adaptation may be understood as a reciprocal set of relations between the newcomer and the receiving society, depending on the degree to which newcomers are involved in instrumental exchanges with wider community: for example, protracted language instruction and job orientation. Such experience results in more universal "mainstreaming" with the pressure for conformity to the adaptive features of Western society, especially economic integration.

Michael Lanphier Yet it is no less probable (and among newly arrived groups from nonWestern origins in Toronto, more common) that such services are available neither in great supply nor on a timely basis. As a result, newcomers either remain in protracted dependency upon welfare without significant change from their situation upon arrival, or, more likely, they develop ties with earlier-arrived compatriots for social support in the formation of an ethnic enclave. Such ethnic segregation is a regular feature no less of current than of earlier eras of resettlement. With this type of settlement pattern predominating, individuals develop entrepreneurial techniques within the ethnic community. This activity often transforms into ethnic mobilisation which in turn provides important linkages with the wider community through commercial or social ties. Thus, instead of a unitary path, integration into the host society takes multiple forms which co-exist in contemporary newcomer societies. From a conceptual point of view, the universalistic action potential within economic integration is blocked through a social structural failure to provide access to that sphere. As these blockages are for the most part systemic, they represent universalistic ways of blocking particular groups. Immigration and settlement thus fail to articulate with economic processes, even though all such institutional features are for the most part regulated by the same governance system in a nation-state. It is evident in the above trajectories that multicultural policy has been ancillary to most economic life. This lack of coincidence is notable in such everyday instances as recurrent failure to provide adequate multicultural sources of information for job-seekers. Some publications with limited circulation report on employment of members of ethnic groups in various sectors (food and accommodation, clothing and textiles, civil service). Others highlight ethnic entrepreneurial activity (Mendis, 1989). These profiles indicate a certain uniqueness to these activities, although greater penetration into mainline Canadian economy does not seem to be facilitated through any intervention in the name of multiculturalism. This situation is appropriately classified an institutional deficit, rather than an instance of prejudicial discrimination. While multiculturalism as a policy has pervaded certain sectors of social life, mainly the ideological, the stratification order has remained relatively untouched. Likewise, economic arrangements have made few accommodations beyond calls for employment equity buttressed by little viability for sanctioning compliance. Similarly, as Dorais, et al. (1994, 395) indicate for the case of Australia, multiculturalism policy is primarily refracted through the economic institutional lens. Social arrangements are derivatives of that refraction.

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration Particularism of Culture While economic processes are viewed against such universalistic criteria as adaptation and accumulation of capital, many features of contemporary culture are valued for their particularistic qualities. Holidays and festivals of many cultures have proliferated to the extent that special Canadian calendar editions are produced to provide sufficient markers. Agents in secular society resist providing equal accommodation for them all, however. Not only does their sheer number pose formidable timetabling, many holidays require observances practiced only by the members.* In educational fora, rights for minority language instruction are covered by a somewhat ambiguous service provision of "where numbers warrant". It is impossible for legislation to anticipate which groups develop into a force cohesive enough to demand such accommodation. In any event, technical requisites of financing make provision of services in languages other than English/French irregular. Thus the continuation of language traditions for members of the younger generation is by no means assured in Canada. Yet in most spheres of life, rights of cultural minorities, newcomers or established, remain inextricably tied to particularised folkways and mores. These are often contrasted with civil rights, which apply across the whole of the population of the state. Multiculturalism officially celebrates these particularities but remains silent on how to resolve incongruities and conflicts of simultaneous exercise of systems of such rights. The 1971 Canadian federal multicultural legislation includes the objective "to preserve, enhance and share their cultural heritage" as but one among four major objectives, including intercultural exchanges, equality, participation in Canadian society and sharing the two official languages. Initial funding and implementation was directed toward the development of specific folkloric activities as well as courses and publications in languages other than French and English. An important if singular resolution of incongruities and conflicts among cultural rights lies in the universalising of prohibitions against discrimination in the context of civil rights. Antidiscriminatory norms and legislation can apply to all members of the society even though prohibitions are usually aimed at inhibiting certain practices of cultural majorities against one or more minorities in the same civil society. Correspondingly, more recent federal support for multiculturalism has shifted toward educational programs directed to the general Canadian

Michael Lanphier population, promoting anti-racism and the provision of equal access to services and employment. Current pressure both in Canada and Australia for the development of national curricula, replete with examination standards throughout the educational life-cycle, appears to have overtaken multicultural curricular agenda (Dorais, et al., 1994, 391-93). Rather, emphasis on national standards as a form of social cohesion would indicate that cultural-value concerns have given way to overall normative standards. The fit corresponds better to a corporate management world than to a vision of multiculturalism.

Primacy of Canadian/AustralianHuman and Civil Rights Notable among outstanding Canadian and Australian multicultural issues are those concerning gendered cultural practices. Members of certain culture groups, mainly from African and Muslim backgrounds, practice genital excision (female circumcision) on girls as a tradition enshrined in mate selection and marriage. Such practices have been banned in most Western societies. By specially enacted legislation of their professional societies, licensed medical practitioners in Canada have been forbidden to perform such procedures. In this interpretation, the dominant cultural orientation, here scientific medicine on the basis of hygiene and potential medical dangers attached to such procedure, takes precedence over more recently introduced cultural practices. In recent refugee status determination in Canada, fleeing from homeland because of the practice of genital mutilation has been deemed sufficient grounds for awarding status. In one particular case, it was argued that protection should be awarded to a family including young girls who, if retuned, would be subject to such procedure, according to the mother's testimony (Monsebraten, 1994).

Canadian multicultural policy did not incorporate into its legislative mandate either the diffusion of culture or its integration beyond its own political borders. However understandable that omission from a federal legislative perspective, certain migration realities supersede such confines. Return migration has become increasingly common, as migrant workers often schedule a period of work in Canada as part of a larger career strategy, as noted by Richmond (1969) in his conceptual treatment of "transilience".9 Often such moves occur at or near the age of retirement, facilitated by international agreement on portability of

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration pensions and reciprocal social benefit eligibilities. Older persons thus seek to rejoin their mother country as worklife comes to an end. As well, international organisations routinely recruit talent in Canada as part of global enterprise. Such migration currents do not fall within the ambit of Canadian multicultural policy. Yet within the parameters of contemporary patterns of mobility it is questionable whether all immigrants expect Canada as a host society to provide cultural accommodation in what they perceive to be their "transilient" lifetrajectory. This outcome provides further structural evidence of "postmulticulturalism". It is evident that such structural retrenchment brings with it the sheer impossibility of providing every cultural group with minimal resources, whatever departmental definitions prevail. No less ironically, in an effort to universalise its approach, policies have de-emphasised questions specifically addressed to cultural objectives, while resources are being directed toward the eradication of racist attitudes in the wider community. From a policy perspective, multiculturalism has bypassed its original mandate. Its current programs have considerably foreshortened and redefined objectives to square more closely with rights protection in the civil sphere. By default, if not by active intervention, questions of multicultural service deliveries have transferred to provincial and local governmental sectors as well as to a lesser extent the private sphere in Canada. Wide regional variation in interpretation of multiculturalism signals that without a federal infusion of general guidelines, such variations generate inconsistencies from a national perspective. Educational opportunities for heritage language or cultural purposes cannot be assured except in larger urban areas of central Ontario and Quebec. Nor have Western provinces enacted equity legislation to assure non-preferential hiring on a basis similar to that in Central Canada (Lanphier and Richmond, 1995). Reciprocally, large-scale entrepreneurial activities, such as those by Chinese immigrants from Hong Kong in suburban Vancouver and Toronto have brought an unanticipated form of commercial activity, whatever the social reaction from the established Vancouver and Toronto populations.10

Multicultural policy has experienced a structural transformation in Canada. This transformation has not countered or explicitly challenged multiculturalism per se. Yet the signs of changes are evident in cutbacks in expenditures related to the distribution of goods and services which

Michael Lanphier are categorised as "multicultural". Criticisms of multiculturalism in Canada surfaced early, with claims of manipulation of Quebec's political interests by interposing a level of organisation which appeared to reduce the distinctiveness of French Canadian (Quebecois) culture. Other critics point to the tendency of multiculturalism to imply that culture in Canada is other than Canadian. Finally, multiculturalism might be a cultural way-station for new arrivals in Canada, destined to disappear with the next generation. Officially, the (federal) Government of Canada remains committed to that policy. Likewise, regions and municipalities have drawn upon that overall conception to fashion more localised interpretations. In the near quarter-century since its formal enunciation, however, social conditions have changed in directions unanticipated by multicultural legislation and its implementation. Larger, more diverse influxes of immigrants, increasing demands for civil equity and widening variation in practices have all contributed to a change which challenges the original policy. More than evolution, this series of changes is sufficient to characterise the present era as post-multicultural. While multicultural policy shows little evidence of being repudiated officially, its structural inadequacies have resulted in bypassing the original framework in social practice. The resultant disjuncture between policy and practice has left both legislators and social observers in a quandary. For legislators, it is clear that certain administrative regulations risk becoming fictional. For social observers, the disparity leaves interpretational ambiguities. The balance of evidence indicates that while the multicultural frame has been broken, repeated references to it persist. A post-multicultural characterisation permits such references while underscoring that an era has passed. Immigration serves as an important bridge between Canada and the rest of the world. As such policy reflects broad criteria of intake and more recently has depended on more than exclusive dependence upon variations in unemployment and labour market factors to determine these levels, with a wide range of national origins. Inherent in the dilemma of settlement of peoples from diverse cultures is an oscillation between the particularism of the culture of origin and the universalism of the immigration experience especially with reference to employment and qualifications demanded by prospective employers. While being sensitive to cultural distinctiveness, Canadian human and civil rights are interpreted in ways to reflect unitary standards across the range of distinctiveness evident among newcomers.

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration

1

*

The editors of the recent joint Australia-Canada volume on immigration policy join Dorais, et al. (1994, 404) in likewise suggesting that a post-multicultural approach probably fits both countries in light of their recent approaches (C' Adelman, et aL, 1994). The federal Reform Party of Canada has been the most vociferous on this question since it attained a significant number of Parliamentary seats from the Prairie provinces during the 1993 election. Their platform was clear enough on the policy being unnecessary. It is less clear whether instances cited of abuse flow from this overall position or from a lack of appreciation of cultural differences in use of governmental services. Insistence that the federal government resrient its immigration activities to select those not in need of extensive training, especially in the English language (French not mentioned), reveals this ambiguity. The annual budget of the (now absorbed) Secretary of State for Multiculturalism plateaued early in its existence, as noted below, at just over $C25 millions. McAndrew (1995) notes that the pattern of anti-racial incidents in Quebec resembles those in the rest of Canada. In 1994, public attention both in Quebec and the rest of Canada was incited over Muslim girls' practice of hijab, wearing of headscarves as a normal part of apparel. Some two years previously, highly similar protests were voiced especially in Western Canada over the use of turbans by Sikhs as a formal part of uniform of police and military. UNDP, 1994. Human development report 1994. New York: Oxford University Press. Inglis (1995) and others note that Australia's category of long-term visitors (mainly independent workers) narrows the disparity between intake of the two countries considerably, as in recent years the latter doubles the level of Australian intake. In 1985, the Supreme Court of Canada in the Singh decision established that civil rights of due process could not be withheld from refugee claimants once they had set foot onto Canadian soil. This pertains even though the person (refugee claimant) may be found after a hearing not to have a valid claim to remain. Organisations such as universities, which attempt to practice cultural equality, typify the dilemma if they acknowledge statutory holidays as being either predominantly Christian or specific to one culture group. Adding more calendar holidays poses yet further organisational difficulties. They therefore choose to redefine all statutory holidays as secular, including Good Friday and Christmas. It should be noted that Richmond's work antedates the enactment of multicultural legislation.

lo

It is unclear whether new developments both in British Columbia and Ontario of shopping centres filled exclusively with establishments merchandising Chinese goods and services, with signage principally in Chinese and the lingua franca being Cantonese, are in accord with practices acceptable to local and provincial consumer legislation. In Toronto, public reaction in Markham, a community immediately north of the Metro Toronto boundaries, has polarised the resident population over the issue of the establishment of large Hong-Kong style shopping malls, replete with signage in Chinese and shopkeepers using Cantonese as the lingua franca. The proportion of population of Hong Kong background in that community has risen to 16 percent within ten years (Murray, 1995).

Michael Lanphier

Adelman, H., A. Borowski, and L. Foster. 1994. Immigration and Reficgee Policy: Australia and Canada Compared. Melbourne and Toronto: Melbourne University Press and University of Toronto Press. Bibby, R. 1990. Mosaic Madness. Don Mills, Ontario: Stoddart. Bissoondath, N. 1994. Selling Illusions: the Cult of Multiculturalism in Canada. Toronto: Penguin. Borowski, A,, J. Shu, and A. Simmons. 1994. "The International Movements of People", in Adelman, et a&1994.31-62. Borowski, A., and J. Shu. 1992. Australia's Population Trent& and Prospects: 1991. South Carlton, Australia: Bureau of Immigration Research. Burstein, M., L. Hardcastle, and A. Parkin. 1994. "Immigration Management Control and its Policy Implications", in Adelman, et al. 1994.187-226. Canada, 1968. Report of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism. Ottawa: Supply and Services. Vol. 4. Dorais, L.-J., L. Foster, and D. Stockley. 1994. "Multiculturalism and Integration", in Adelman, et al. 1994. Vol. 2.372404. Foster, L., 1988. Diversity and Multicultural Education. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Hathaway, J, 1994. Implementation of a ContextualizedSystem of Family Class Immigration. Report of the National Consultation on Family Class Immigration. Toronto: York University, Centre for Refugee Studies. Immigration Canada. 1995. Facts and Figures. Ottawa: Supply and Services. Inglis, C. 1955. "An Overview of Asian-Pacific Movements and Issues", Bundoora, Vic. Paper delivered at 1995 ACSANZ conference. K~oo,S.-E., T. Pookong, T. Dang, and J. Shu. 1994. "Asian Immigrant Settlement and Adjustment in Australia", Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 3,339-72. M. Kritz, et al., eds. 1983. Global Trends in Migration, Theory and Research on International Population Movements. Staten Island, NY: Center for Migration Studies. Lanphier, C.M., J. McLellan, and E. Opoku-Japaah. 1995. "Short- and Long-Term Resettlement: A Model." (Submitted for publication). Lanphier, C.M., and 0. Lukomskyj. 1994. "Settlement Policy in Australia and Canada", in Adelman, et al. 1994. Vol. 2,337-71. Lanphier, C.M., and A.H. Richmond. 1995. "Multiculturalism and Identity in Canada Outside QuBbec", in K. McRoberts, 1995.313-32. Lim, L., and M. Abella. 1994. "The Movement of People in Asia: Internal, Intra-regional and International Migration", Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 3.209-41.

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration McAndrew, M. 1995. "Multiculturalisme canadien et interculturalisme qu&bbcois:mythes et rt!alit&s." Montrbal, Actes du colloque de 1'Association francophone d'hducation comparee (in press). McLellan, J., and A. Richmond. 1994. "Multiculturalism in Crisis: a Post-modem Perspective on Canada", Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 17, No. 4.662-83. McRoberts, K., ed. 1995. Beyond Quibec: Taking Stock of Canada. Montreal and Kingston: McGillQueen's University Press. Mendis, A. 1989. EthnoculturalEntrepreneurship: an Overview and Annotated Bibliography. Ottawa: Multiculturalism and Citizenship. Monsebraaten, L. 1994. 'Woman Given Refugee Status to Save Daughter from Sexual Mutilation", TorontoStar, 14 July. Al. Murray, M., 1995. "Markham: Can Good Salesmanship Turn into Racism?", Toronto Star, 27 August. Fl,f/. Opoku-Dapaah, E., 1994. Somali Reficgees in Metro Toronto: a Profile. Toronto, York University: Centre for Refugee Studies. Draft report. Parsons, T. 1951. The Social System. New York: Free Press of Glencoe. Pookong, K., et al. 1994. "People Movements Between Australia and Asian-Pacific Nations: Trends, Issues and Prospects", Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, Vol. 3.31 1-38. Portes, A. 1983. "Modes of Structural Incorporation and Present Theories of Labour Integration", M. Kritz, et al., eds. 279-97. Richmond, A. 1969. "Sociology of Migration in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies", Sociological Studies2. J. Jackson, ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 238-81. Shu, J., S.E. Khoo, A. Struik, and F. McKenzie. 1995. Australia's Population Trends and Prospects, 1994. Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Services. Simmons, A. 1994. "Canadian Immigration Policy in the Early 1990s: a Commentary on Veugelers and Klassen's Analysis of the Breakdown in the Unemployment-Immigration Linkage", Canadian Journal of Sociology, Vol. 1 9 . 5 5 3 4 . Stockley, D., and L. Foster. 1990. "The Construction of a New Public Culture: Multiculturalism in an Australian Productive Culture", Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, Vol. 26, No. 3. 307-28. Ubale, B., 1992. Politics of Ekclusion: Multiculturalism or Ghettoism. Toronto: Ampri. UNDP, 1994. Human Development Report 1994. New York: Oxford University Press. Veugelers, J and T. Klassen, 1994. "Continuity and Change in Canada's Unemployment-Immigration Linkage (1946-1993)", Canadian Journal of Sociology, Vol. 19.351-69.

See following pages for tables 1 & 2

Michael Lanphier Table 1 Immigration intake, by region or origin Canada, 1993 and Australia, 1993-94 Region

Canada

Australia

Europe & USSR

18.2

29.3

Mid East & N. Africa

14.3a

6.9

Africa, n.e.c.

-

4.7

South Asia

-

7.9

East Asia

51.lb

33.7

Oceania

-

14.6

N. America

3.1

2.9~

C. & S. America

13.3

-

Total, %

100

100.1

Total, number

254,321

69,768

aMiddle East and all of Africa bAll of Asia, Pacific and Oceania cNorth, Central and South America

Sources: Australian Governmental Printing Service, 1994, p.21 and Immigration Canada, Facts and Figures, 1995, p.5.

Post-multiculturalismand Immigration Table 2 Top ten countries, immigration intake, Canada and Australia, 1993-94

Source

Number Percent

Hong Kong India Philippines Taiwan China Sri Lanka Vietnam U.S.A.

Number Percent

U.K./Ireland New Zealand Vietnam F. Yugoslav. Rep. Philippines Hong Kong China India F. USSR & Baltic S. Africa

U.K. Poland

Sub-total Other

Source

134,325 119,596

53 47

Sub-total Other

43,522 26,246

62 38

Sources: AGPS, 1994,19 and Immigration Canada, 1995,7

PHILOSOPHY ON ICE: THE PUBLIC INTELLECTUAL IN CANADA

In the November 1994 issue, Saturday Night ran a photograph of Gordie Howe in the dressing room after the game in which he scored his one thousandth goal as a professional ice hockey player. The caption under the photograph included an apocryphal exchange between Gordie Howe and the American talk-show host, Dick Cavett, designed to show that in addition to being a brilliant athlete, Howe was a smart and witty guy. When Cavett once asked him why he neglected to wear a helmet to protect his head while playing hockey - "after all, you wear an athletic protector don't you?" - Howe is remembered to have said, "Sure, but you can always pay people to do your thinking for you". No doubt Cavett chuckled at this platitude charmingly put. Beyond that, perhaps, none of us are expected to go. Nevertheless, putting my stick in the mud, I believe the remark deserves some consideration. Now, if you substitute "life" for ice hockey as the context for Howe's little aphorism, you come upon a fundamental distinction at the heart of. the recent and sensational debate on "the professionalisation of the intellectual", the distinction between thinking and living. The steam which drives the engine of this debate is the following question: Are intellectuals professionals - "specialists" of one sort or another, or "experts" - to whom we turn when faced with problems which require some kind of thinking or "research"? Who are these people, and can we, should we, hire them to do our thinking for us? In The Last Intellectuals, American critic and writer Russell Jacoby laments the passing in North America of a generation of non-academic, non-specialist intellectuals: [Vhe habitat, manners, and idiom of intellectuals have been transformed within the past fifty years. Younger intellectuals no longer need or want a larger public; they are almost exclusively

Robin Lathangue professors. Campuses are their homes; colleagues their audience; monographs and specialised journals their media. (6)

Unlike the members of an earlier generation of independent intellectuals, which included such lights as John Kenneth Galbraith, Daniel Bell, and C. Wright Mills, the newer ones situate themselves within expert fields and narrow disciplines in universities. They have become academics, according to Jacoby, for good reason -jobs, advancement, prestige, and salaries depend on the evaluation of colleague-specialists. It is this dependence, he suggests, which negatively affects the issues broached and especially the language used by the younger generation. When it was published in 1987, Jacoby's book sparked off, or reignited, discussion all over the world on the relation between the intellectual and the general culture or public domain. In Australia, for example, the University of Melbourne's Meanjin devoted an entire issue to this theme in its summer 1991 edition - a festschrip for Professor Emeritus Max Charlesworth. Other discussions on the public intellectual in Australia took place in 1993 in the pages of a Melbourne daily, The Age, and, in 1994, in the two non-specialist and widely available Australian reviews of ideas, Quadrant and Eureka Street. The 1993 Reith Lectures, the prestigious lecture series recorded in Great Britain, sponsored by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), and broadcast around the Commonwealth, were given by Columbia University Professor Edward Said, who chose as his topic, Representations of the Intellectual. In Canada, in their winter 198819 issue, the editors of the University of Toronto Quarterly published an open "Letter on Professionalization" in which the following question was asked: Is there a gulf between the educated, non-academic public and the university intellectuals, a gulf that is new (or widening) and that is both the cause of a decline in public culture and the consequence of the intellectuals' commitment to their university professions?

It is here that we find one of the most interesting of the recent invocations of the name of Canadian philosopher and patriot George Parkin Grant (1918-88): If there is no gap ... then who today are the intellectuals who help to shape the public's thinking as did, in an earlier period, Dwight Macdonald, George Grant, Susan Sontag, and others?

The Public Intellectual in Canada On the surface of it, there is something utterly improbable about the picture of George Grant, "the public intellectual". As Grant himself admitted in 1965: "In our monolithic society the pressures upon the individual to retreat from the public sphere are immense" (Grant, 1966, 126). Intensifying these pressures is the fact that Grant was a university teacher (at McMaster and Dalhousie) of philosophy and religion, disciplines whose influence, while once formidable in Canada as elsewhere, has been in decline for some years. Nevertheless, the name of George Grant should not be utterly unknown to readers of Saturday Night, the long-established Canadian magazine with a general readership. He made his first appearance in the magazine when he was quoted by B.K. Sandwell in an article called, "Experts Disagree: A Canadian Philosophy?", in the 12 July 1952 issue: "Professor George P. Grant of Dalhousie recently stirred up a hornets' nest among them [Canadian philosophers] by his paper in the Massey 'Royal Commission Studies'...". Grant himself made contributions to the magazine in articles published in 1969 and 1984. But it is in the context of the intense debate on whether intellectuals, in particular philosophers, should be "experts" that Grant's work takes on renewed significance, seven years after his death in Halifax. Grant's career in adult and tertiary education in Ontario and Nova Scotia between 1945 and 1984, when he retired from Dalhousie University, is marked by wide, broad-based attention to his work. There have been numerous articles, Festschrifts, and Canadian Learned Society sessions and conferences devoted to Grant's thought. In April, 1977, Erindale College of the University of Toronto hosted an entire symposium to discuss issues raised in the social, political, and religious writings of George Grant (see Schmidt, 1978). He gained his D.Phil. from Oxford in 1950; over the next three decades he was awarded seven honorary degrees. By the end of the 1960s, Grant had been elected Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, and former Prime Minister John Diefenbaker had asked him (without success) to write his biography. In 1981, Grant was awarded the Order of Canada. His numerous public lectures for radio included the CBC's 1969 "Massey Lectures" (so named after Grant's uncle Vincent Massey, Governor General of Canada from 1952-57). His relationship with the CBC culminated in 1986 when he was the focus of a three-part CBC "Ideas" radio program, "The Moving Image of Eternity". Grant's Lament for a Nation was published in 1965; in the view of writer and editor David Warren, it was read by "almost every intelligent person in Canada" (1990, 62). The first collection of essays on Grant's thought published after his death features an impressive array of

Robin Lathangue contributors, not all of whom are academics: Alex Colville is best known as a painter, Dennis Lee is a poet, Me1 Hurtig is a publisher and founder (in the early 1990s) of the fledgling National Party of Canada, David Warren edits The Idler magazine. In September 1989, at the first conference on Grant's work after his death (a year earlier), participants included not only professors of philosophy, political science, and religion from Canada, the United States, and Europe, but also all of these others. Also participating was the Honourable Kim Campbell, Member of Parliament for Vancouver, Minister of Justice, and, for a short while in 1993, Canada's first female Prime Minister. I have made these points in order to show that Jacoby's observations about the retreat of North American intellectuals into academe does not quite work in Canada. Obviously, a considerable degree of public recognition and visibility managed to attach itself to George Grant's work. It is clear that there are serious grounds for framing Grant's work as that of a intellectual whose reach, while university-based, extends to audiences both inside the academic domain, and beyond its perimeter. Small wonder, then, that the editors of the U of T Quarterly should point to Grant as a Canadian example (Sontag and Macdonald are Americans) of an influential thinker with a wide, non-specialist audience. Earlier, I described Grant as a "philosopher and a patriot", using a phrase from Kenneth Minogue's review of William Christian's George Grant, A Biography, published in the 25 February 1994 issue of the Times Literary Supplement. In order to understand Grant's approach to philosophy, it is necessary to look closer at the distinction between the public intellectual and the professional academic philosopher. Some lexicographical observations will help clarify the difference between these two species; specifically, I shall consider what is meant by "academia", "public", and "intellectual". Akademos was the hero after whom Plato's garden was named; the "academy" is where Plato taught, away from (aka-) the people (demos). The academic belongs by definition in a realm other than the public and its various structures. So while we might complain that "intellectuals" are absent from the public realm, it makes no sense to make this charge of "academics". The roots of the nomenclature indicate that the academic can hardly be blamed for a reluctance to contribute to the welter of opinion which is found in the public sphere. Despite the fact that their participation might mean the difference between opinion and truth, welter and order, they remain, by definition, away from the people. A "professional philosopher", for example, works in a department of philosophy, treating problems in areas such as mathematical or symbolic logic, and publishes the results in appropriate journals refereed by

The Public Intellectual in Canada colleagues - also professionals. Students of the professional philosopher are taught in classes and seminars how to formulate, analyse, and solve problems identified as the particular province of this "discipline". Thus, the work of the professional philosopher, thinking, places him or her at an institutional juncture as far from the life of the private household as it is fiom the life of the public realm and its various structures. In their roots, notions concerning what is public and what is not what is private - can be traced back to categories of Greek origin, transmitted to the modem West bearing a Roman stamp.' The word "public" comes from a contrast drawn in Roman law between publicus and privatus. The res publica, or public sphere, was the property and space that was universally accessible to the people (populus). "Private" is derived from privatus, meaning "withdrawn from public life". In the history of its English usage, "private" was applied in the fourteenth century to withdrawn religious orders and, from the fifteenth century onwards, to persons not holding public or official position or rank. Before this time, as Jiirgen Habermas has shown, social conditions in Europe were such that the division between the public sphere and the private domain (in both its ancient and modern forms) made no sense (Habermas, 1992,l-26). Corresponding to its Latin roots, "private" has acquired a conventional opposition to public, as in "private property", "private club" or "private view". In addition, "private" has acquired the sense of secret and hidden -both in politics and in sexuality (i.e., "private parts", or "the secrets" in ancient astrological literature). Finally, it has a third sense which implies privilege - the limited access or participation which is not seen as deprivation but, rather, as advantage - exclusive as opposed to common. Combining these aspects, "private" might correctly describe a discrete circle of connoisseurs and collectors who combine social privilege with specialised competence in, say, the history of Chinese ceramics. Behind and deeper than these Latin roots lies the mature Greek polis (sometimes incorrectly translated as "city-state"), from which the word "politics" is derived. In the polis, the domain which was public was common (koine), and strictly separated from the sphere of the oikos, where each individual was understood to be in his own realm (idia from which "idiot" is derived). The public life went on in the marketplace (agora), but was not restricted to this common domain. The public sphere was experienced in discussion (lais), in various forms of consultation and in the court of law, and also in common action (praxis), such as the waging of war or the spectacle of athletic competition. There is a problem with translating the ancient Greek polis as "citystate", as is often done - it implies the distinction between "state" and

Robin Lathangue "society". This distinction, as Grant, Jiirgen Habermas, and others have stressed, developed much later. It is a modem distinction. It would be incorrect, in addition, to equate the polis with the public sphere. The Greek polis, to appropriate Grant's definition, was the domain which included all domains, while itself being included in none (see Grant, 1973, 189). Understood in this way, the political is that which articulates or joins together all human realms. The political has a comprehensive structure and function through which the public realm, along with the private, is articulated. "Articulation" is meant here in its architectonic ("articulated space") as well as its expressive sense. The public and the private spheres are constitutive of the political realm - which "houses" (articulates, joins) all realms which have to do with persons. In this way, the public and the private are domains through which the human being can be conceived as moving via politics, and political relations. To sum up: When our politicians retire, we often hear journalistic talk in which "private life" is distinguished from "political life". This is erroneous from Grant's perspective. The real distinction is between public and private life within the political. Everything about human beings is political, in other words, but not everything about us need be public. The history of the word "intellectual" is chequered, to say the least. "Intellectuals", as a class or category of persons, has been in English usage since the early nineteenth century (though there are isolated instances of earlier use). While "intellectual" as an adjective has retained a neutral use, the noun has fared differently, accruing distinctly unfavourable implications. Despite the benign definitions of the Concise Oxford Dictionary - the intellectual as one "possessing a high level of understanding or intelligence" and "requiring, or given to the exercise of, the intellect" - the "intellectual" has acquired the implications of coldness, abstraction, ineffectiveness, and alienation. The concept of the "alienated intellectual" is prevalent and indicates, among other things, the substantial charm that Marxism has for anyone who is given to reflection, particularly anyone who is hostile to aspects of modem liberal commercial society. Marxist ideas of criticism have developed something along the lines of a monopoly on the definition of "the intellectual", so much so that it need not be prefaced with the word "alienated". Where there are intellectuals, this usage assumes alienation. As University of Calgary political scientist Barry Cooper puts it: [Nlot only are intellectuals "alienated", that is, mutilated but viable, but they consider it a moral duty to- be alienated. Indeed, everybody ought to be alienated and those who are not absolutely

The Public Intellectual in Canada alienated are gross hypocrites. One is tempted to call the alienation of intellectuals an infantile disorder. (1989,453)

Until the middle of the twentieth century such pejorative uses of "intellectuals", "intellectualism", and "intelligentsia" were dominant in English, and they persist. More recently, however, as Raymond Williams points out, "intellectuals" sometimes appears as a neutral, even favourable, designation: to describe people who do certain kinds of intellectual work and especially the most general kinds. Within universities the distinction is sometimes made between specialists or professionals, with limited interests, and intellectuals, with wider interests. (1976,142)

Russell Jacoby, in his use of "public intellectual", picks up the positioning indicated in the contrast Williams draws between specialists or professionals on the one hand, and intellectuals on the other. For him, however, the contrast is not between experts and generalists within the university, but between those within universities, and those without. What Jacoby means by "public intellectual" in his book is similar to the meaning of Kunstrichter, whose occupation, in eighteenth century Germany, was a certain mode of art criticism (see Habermas, 1992, 41). The public intellectual now, like the Kunstrichter then, is one who knows of no authority "beside that of the better argument", and who in conversation finds himself or herself at one with those "willing to let themselves be convinced by arguments". The Kunstrichter was known for attacking dogma and fashion, while at the same time appealing to the layperson's native capacity for judgement. According to Habermas (41), the Kunstrichter retained something of the amateur:

Mis expertise only held good until countermanded; lay judgement was organised in it without becoming, by way of specialisation, anything else than the judgement of one private person among all others. Nevertheless, a private citizen, the Kunstrichter appealed to the capacity for discernment in all people, and expressed himself (they were always men) in such a way as "to find a hearing before the entire public". Similarly, the public intellectual's vocation is not a set task defined according to an institution or ideology, but that of one intelligent citizen amongst others. The only requirement is that discussion with members of the general public should take place through reasoned argument -speech which appeals to the discernment of ordinary citizens in a public setting. All of this takes us back to the wide spectrum of responses to the "Letter on Professionalization" later published by the University of

Robin Lathangue Toronto Quarterly. These contain much gnashing of teeth and rending of garments over the language in which such public debate should take place. The worry seems to be that while a writer may intend to communicate criticism of common opinion or vogue, this criticism, along with other results of scholarship, is often buried, languishing unheard, unread, or misunderstood in a sea of professional jargon. The use of professional argot is obviously compatible with the intention to protect the freedom and isolated status of the academic realm, and with it the possibility of genuine dissent from public opinion. It is more difficult to understand when an author is motivated by the concern for clarity, and the desire to edify people in direct mode, through public discussion. But in either case, W.J. Keith believes that it is high time someone spoke out: Long words, elaborate constructions, high-sounding phrases are rarely required; more often than not they are a barrier to clear thought. It is still possible in the last years of the twentieth century to convey information and construct arguments in language that is comprehensible to all who can lay claim to a reasonable combination of basic education, intellectual curiosity, and general good will. (1989,474)

George Orwell spoke out in 1946 when, in his famous essay The Politics of the English Language, he considered language as an instrument for expressing and not for concealing or preventing thought (1957, 157). Keith's concern is directed more at the threat of woolly-mindedness than with secrecy or repression. He argues that clarity of thought is at issue in all uses of jargon, even when what is written or spoken is not intended for public discussion. During his years as editor of the University of Toronto Quarterly, Keith wondered whether senior scholars in particular, having (finally) acquired a certain amount of job security, might wish to liberate themselves from the requirements of specialisation and address a broad, educated public realm: I was told on several occasions, by colleagues in disciplines on the periphery of the journal's main emphasis, that I was naive to expect senior scholars to write even for the general academic reader when they could devote their time to addressing their specialist peers. (473)

There can be little doubt that much intellectual endeavour in the age of professionalisation has become "academic discipline" and "university

The Public Intellectual in Canada research", thus developing, among other things, its own specialist vocabularies. The use of an esoteric lexicon, while permitting rapid and precise reference to a particular stock of ideas and discoveries, requires at the same time greater depth of expertise from its specialists. In this way, intellectuals become academics - cut off by their own learning from the public realm, from scholars in other fields, and sometimes even colleagues in their own area (see Moore, 1992, ix). Public intellectuals like George Grant are those who resist these developments in the interest of public discussion and for the sake of the clarity which can arise out of the encounter between men and women of good will whose experience and opinions differ. In the words of Ralph Waldo Emerson, the public intellectual seeks to "pierce this rotten diction and fasten words again to visible things" (1989, 33). Like Audubon and Darwin, who insisted on drawing creatures in the middle distance, public intellectuals seek to analyse things as they present themselves in the naked light of day. Electron microscopy, to the public intellectual, means death. Which is why, in 1989, the editors of University of Toronto Quarterly used Grant's name as a prompt for contributors in a symposium on the professionalisation of intellectuals in Canada. Even a cursory encounter with his work shows that he rejected the cult of expertise. For Grant, the academic expertise of philosophy in modem universities had lost touch with its origins in the love of wisdom (which is what philosophy means in its Greek roots). Therefore, he did not even aspire to be a "professional". A decade earlier, in 1979, the then head of the Department of Philosophy at a prestigious Canadian university, observed that Grant's disinclination to use the language and methods of current philosophical analysis was a problem: "If he [Grant] will not speak with the current philosophical tongue, then they [other teachers of philosophy] will not listen to his lamentation" (David Gauthier, as quoted by Angus, 1989). To this charge Grant could only respond as he did in the concluding paragraph of the last of his four Josiah Wood Lectures at Mount Allison University in 1974: [In] our current institutions of higher learning there is little encouragement to what might transcend the technically competent, and what is called "philosophy" is generally little more than analytical competence. Analytical logistics plus historicist scholarship plus even rigorous science do not when added up equal philosophy. When added together they are not capable of producing that thought which is required if justice is to be taken out of the darkness which surrounds it in the technological era. (1974,89)

Robin Lathangue In terms of contributions to the professional discipline of philosophy in Canada, it is not too much to say that Grant was a non-starter; he had no wish to contribute. This discussion ends where it began - with a picture of a winking hockey star in a magazine with a wide but non-specialist readership, and the question of whether or not we can hire professionals - specialists and experts -to do our thinking for us. In many studies of the history of thought, pre-scientific knowledge, or "commonsense" knowledge, is thought to be discredited by Copemicus and the succeeding natural science. We are all heirs, in one way or another, to this prejudice. But the fact that what might be called "telescopic-microscopic" knowledge is very fruitful in certain areas does not entitle one to deny that there are things which can only be seen for what they are if they are seen with one's own unarmed eye; or, as Leo Strauss puts it, if they are seen "in the perspective of the citizen, as distinguished from the perspective of the scientific observer" (1989, 21). Now, is this perspective something which our hockey star would like to contract out? He may want someone like Grant to do his thinking for him; does he want Grant to do his voting for him as well? I suspect that, contrary to the spirit of his quip, Gordie Howe would want to reserve the right to make this and other similar judgements himself. George Grant was dead by the time the University of Toronto Quarterly symposium got underway, but I rather think he would have appreciated Charles Lock's contribution. Lock names as fundamental to modem society, and as most insidious, the distinction between thinking and living. He hesitates to define, but of this he is sure: "Of any such distinction intellectuals are (precariously, or extravagantly) unaware". Lock's concern is not with who or what intellectuals are, but with the fascination of identifying them in the first place. He asks: Do we seek an alibi? Are we trying to use the notion or class of intellectual^" as an excuse for our own careerism and cerebral indulgence? ... Do we, when we designate some as "intellectualsy', thereby implicitly excuse everyone else from the responsibility of thinking? (1989,485)

"There is no alibi for existence", Luck quotes the Russian theorist Mikhail Bakhtin with approval, and none for thinking either. George Grant's life as one of Canada's foremost post-war public intellectuals alerts us to the untruth in Gordie Howe's remark to Dick Cavett. On the other hand, did anyone ever see George Grant on skates?

The Public Intellectual in Canada

In what follows I have drawn from two main sources: Habermas, 1992; and Williams, 1976.

Angus, I. 1989. "For a Canadian Philosophy: George Grant", Canadian Journal of Political and Social Theory, Vol. 13, No. 1-2. Cooper, B. 1989. "On the Professionalization of the Intellectuals", University of Toronto Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 4.453. Emerson, R.W. 1989. As quoted by S.R. Sanders, "The Singular First Person", Essays on the Essay: Redefining the Genre, A.J. Butrym, ed. Athens and London: University of Georgia Press. 33 Grant, G.P. 1984. Book review of Science, God and Nature in Victorian Canada, by Carl Berger, Saturday Night, Vol. 99, No. 3, March.

-. 1974. EnglishSpeakingJustice. Toronto: Anansi Press. 89. -. 1973. "Ideology

in Modern Empires", Perspectives of Empire, J.E. Flint and G. Williams, eds. New York: Barnes and Noble. 189.

-.1969. "Is Freedom Man's Only Meaning?", SaturdayNight, Vol. 84, No. 3, March. -.International 1966. "Protest and Technology", Revolution and Response, Selections porn Teach-in, in C. Hanly, ed. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. 126.

the Toronto

Habermas, J. 1992. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, T. Berger, and F. Lawrence, trans. Cambridge: Polity Press in association with Blackwell Publishers. Jacoby, R. 1992. The Last Intellectuals, American Culture in the Age of Academe. N.Y .: Noonday. Keith, WJ. 1989. "The Wood and the Trees: A Personal Response", University of Toronto Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 4.474. Lock, C. 1989. "Scapegoating Intellectuals", University of Toronto Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 4.485.

Moore, R.I. 1992. "Editor's Preface", Reason and Culture. Oxford: E. Gellner, and Cambridge, USA: Blackwell. ix. Orwell, G. 1957. "Politics and the English Language", Inside the Whale and Other Essays. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 157. Said, E. 1994. Representationsof the Intellectual. London: Vintage. Schmidt, L., ed. 1978. George Grant in Process. Toronto: House of Anansi Press Ltd. Strauss, L. 1989. "On Classical Political Philosophy", An Introduction to Political Philosophy, Ten Essays by Leo Strauss, in H. Gildin, ed. Detroit: Wayne State University. 21. The Editors. 1989. "Letter on Professionalization", University of Toronto Quarterly, Vol. 58, No. 4, Summer (reprinted from Vol. 58, No. 2, Winter).

Robin Lathangue Warren, D. 1990. "On George Grant's Nationalism", By Loving Our Own: George Grant and the Legacy of Lament for a Nation, P.E. Emberley, ed. Ottawa: Carleton University Press. 62. Williams, R. 1976. Keywords. Glasgow: Fontana.

THE RODRIGUEZ CASEAND CAREOF THE

Sue Rodriguez, a 44-year-old woman from Saanich, British Columbia died on 12 February 1994 after losing her appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada for medical assistance in dying. This paper is the result of a three week study trip to Canada in the fall of 1994, which permitted simultaneous access to three important sources: the posthumously published authorised biography of Sue Rodriguez - Uncommon Will (Hobbs Bimie and Rodriguez, 1994),' a moving CBC documentary "Witness: Sue Rodriguez", and the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada - Rodriguez v British Columbia (Attorney General) [I9931 3 SCR 519. It was also possible to attend a debate on Sue Rodriguez' case at the Faculty of Law, McGill University. Participants included Svend Robinson, the MP from British Columbia who became so publicly and personally involved in Sue Rodriguez' last few months of life and her legal struggle for permission to have medical assistance in dying. From these and other sources; I have attempted to tell what I know of her story by integrating relevant extracts from her biography with the course and arguments of her legal case. Whilst there may be several specialist or professional "angles" of her "case", for Sue Rodriguez there was only one angle -the story of her life and its end. Sue Rodriguez was 41 years old in August 1991 when she found out that she was suffering from motor neurone disease (MND)which gives rise to progressive disability and inevitable death.' She made contact with the Right to Die Society of Canada, whose executive director John Hofsess happened to be based in Victoria, British Columbia - near to Sue's home. Sue had already decided to seek assistance to end her life, but it was her relationship with Hofsess which would set her on the legal

Michael Ashby path which was to become so public. This relationship came to an end when he forged Sue's signature in a letter to a newspaper and began speaking for her in public. Hofsess' motives in supporting her are revealed to be political, her dying process being one of the best opportunities to date to further the aims of the Right to Die Society in Canada. This event provides clear evidence that whatever public and political pressures were upon her, Sue Rodriguez did what she did for herself, of her own free will, without coercion from others. Svend Robinson MP then became her major public supporter, together with her lawyer Chris Considine, during the remaining months of her life. Whilst Robinson clearly wanted to back her cause as a way of changing the law to allow voluntary active euthanasia, his deep personal concern and friendship are always apparent. The fundamental question of Sue Rodriguez' case was whether it was or could be lawful (in Canada) to permit a terminally ill person to have medical assistance with the intention of causing her death by suicide. This is part of a universal ethical and legal question, namely can one person (usually a medical or health care practitioner) cause, or be party to causing, the death of another person in the circumstances of a chronic progressive, irreversible and incurable illness which will eventually result in death anyway. The intention is then to avoid either further suffering or a process of progressive physical or mental deterioration, with consequent loss of independent function and activity. Sue Rodriguez did not want to wait until she was in the terminal phase of her illness course, but rather to choose a time before she was left without any control of events; that is, she wished not to have assistance to die in her terminal phase but to avoid this phase altogether. Her purpose is clearly summarised in this quote from the dust jacket of Uncommon Will: I want to be in charge of my life and my death ...I feel that it is my right to die with dignity. I do not want to die of pneumonia or choking, and I do not want my family to endure the stress of watching me slowly deteriorate and die. I do not want palliative care, which would involve injections of morphine to relieve pain. I choose to be alert and aware of my surroundings before I go ... I feel it's a choice I should make myself. (Hobbs Birnie and Rodriguez, 1994)

In all such arguments it is the individual's consistent and competent request for such assistance which is pivotal to its ethical justification: namely, that it is the person requesting who makes the quality and value judgements concerning their life and death. The Rodriguez case brings into sharp legal focus the conflict between a state's perceived interests in

The Rodriguez Case maintaining the lives of its citizens and the individual's autonomy as expressed in a wish for assistance in dying. This is the main issue at stake in the societal debate on voluntary active e~thanasia.~

The legal process started in the provincial jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of British Columbia. Sue Rodriguez applied to the court for an order that s. 241(b) of the Criminal Code of Canada, which prohibits the giving of assistance to commit suicide: be declared invalid on the grounds that it violated her rights under ss. 7, 12 and 15(1) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and ~reedorns,' in so far as it precludes a terminally ill person from committing "physician-assisted" suicide, and is therefore of no force and effect by virtue of s. 52(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982. Melvin J . dismissed this application, as did the British Columbia Court of Appeal by a majority of 2-1 (Hollinrake and Proudfoot J.J.A., with McEachern C.J. dissenting) (Rodriguez v British Columbia (Attorney General) [I9931 79 C.C.C. (3d) 1). The further appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada (Rodriguez v British Columbia (Attorney General) [I9931 3 SCR 519) was dismissed by a majority of 5 4 (La Forest, Sopinka, Gonthier, Iacobucci and Major J.J. in the majority, with Lamer C.J. and L'Heureux-Dub4 Cory and McLachin J.J. dissenting) .

Sopinka J. (forthe majority) The majority judgment rejecting Sue Rodriguez' application in the Supreme Court was delivered by Sopinka J. Her case is summarised by him as follows ([I9931 3 SCR 519,583): The appellant argues that, by prohibiting anyone from assisting her to end her life when her illness has rendered her incapable of terminating her life without such assistance, by threat of criminal sanction, s. 241@) deprives her of both her liberty and her security of the person. The appellant asserts that her application is based upon (a) the right to live her remaining life with the inherent dignity of a human person, @) the right to control what happens to her body while she is living, and (c) the right to be free from governmental interference in making fundamental personal decisions concerning the terminal stages of her life. The first two of these asserted rights can be seen to invoke both liberty and security of the person; the latter is more closely associated with only the liberty interest.

Michael Ashby The conditions which the Chief Justices of British Columbia and the Supreme Court had proposed in order to grant the application, by the striking down of s. 241(b), were rejected by the majority as too broad and unenforceable. Reliance on ss. 7,12 and 15 of the Charter to support the granting of the application was also rejected (582-83). The most substantial issue in the appeal was identified by the majority as being whether s. 241(b) infringes s. 7 in that it prevented Sue Rodriguez from controlling the timing and manner of her death. Sopinka J. disagreed with the trial judge (Melvin J.), who had concluded that it was the illness from which Ms Rodriguez suffered, not the state or the justice system, which had impeded her ability to act on her wishes with respect to the timing and manner of her death (534). Sopinka J. accepted that the Criminal Code's prohibition of assistance in suicide did indeed impinge on Sue Rodriguez' security interest (584): As a threshold issue, I do not accept the submission that the

apellant's problems are due to her physical disabilities caused by her terminal illness, and not by governmental action.

However, he held that any resulting deprivation was not contrary to the principles of fundamental justice and the same was true of her liberty interest in the case. Sopinka J. accepted that the prohibition would contribute to her distress and dismissed the argument that s. 7 could not be activated because she was not engaged with the criminal justice system. The lynch pin of the majority's holding is that the security of the person cannot encompass the right to end one's life. They argued for the continuation of a blanket prohibition on assistance in suicide, despite recognising that it may cause suffering in some cases. They based this position on the fact that other countries and many health care professional bodies support such a prohibition (605): Overall, then, it appears that a blanket prohibition on assisted suicide similar to that in s. 241 is the norm among Western democracies, and such a prohibition has never been adjudged to be unconstitutional or contrary to fundamental human rights.

They also found no evidence that there had been a change in public opinion on the issue (585): At the very least, no new consensus has emerged in society opposing the right of the state to regulate the involvement of others in exercising power over individuals ending their lives.

The Rodriguez Case A blanket prohibition is mainly defended on the grounds of the "slippery slope" argument and that even if certain individuals suffer as a result this is the lesser harm, preferable to the potential abuses that might occur if it were permitted (613):

... [tlhis protection is grounded on a substantial consensus among western countries, medical organisations and our own Law Reform Commision that in order to effectively protect life and those who are vulnerable in society, a prohibition without exception on the giving of assistance to commit suicide is the best approach. Attempts to fine tune this approach by creating exceptions have been unsatisfactory and tended to support the theory of the "slippery slope". The formulation of safeguards to prevent excesses has been unsatisfactory and has failed to allay fears that a relaxation of the clear standard set by the law will undermine the protection of Iife and will lead to abuses of the exception. The distinction between acts and omission was defended as the main means of determining the legal and moral character of medical decisions at the end of life. The majority concurred with the conclusion of the House of Lords in Airedale NHS Trust v Bland [I9931 1All ER 821, that the principle of the sanctity of life may not be an absolute one but it forbids the taking of active measures to cut short the life of a terminally ill patient ([I9931 3 SCR 519,598-99). The majority also maintained the basis of intention and the doctrine of double effect in relation to palliative care practice (607): The fact that doctors may deliver palliative care to terminally ill patients without fear of sanction, it is argued, attenuates to an even greater degree any legitimate distinction which can be drawn between assisted suicide and what are currently acceptable forms of medical treatment. The administration of drugs designed for pain control in dosages which the physician knows will hasten death constitutes active contribution to death by any standard. However the distinction drawn here is one based upon intentionin the case of palliative care the intention is to ease pain, which has the effect of hastening death, while in the case of assisted suicide, the intention is undeniably to cause death.... In my view distinctions based on intent are important, and in fact form the basis of our criminal law. While factually the distinction may, at times, be difficult to draw, legally it is clear. The fact that in some cases, the third party will, under the guise of palliative care, commit euthanasia or assist in suicide and go unsanctioned due to difficulty of proof cannot be said to render the existence of the prohibition fundamentally unjust.

Michael Ashby The proposition that the state's prohibition of assistance in suicide constituted "cruel and unusual" treatment was not accepted and so Sue Rodriguez' Charter rights under s. 12 were not violated in this regard. The majority assumed that there was discrimination under s. 15(1) in view of her disability but that this was justified as being reasonable and proportionate under s. 1of the Charter.

Lamer C.J. (dissenting) The Chief Justice's dissenting judgement centred on the view that s. 241(b) of the Criminal Code infringed s. 15(1) of Sue Rodriguez' Charter rights to choose suicide because her physical disability prevented her from performing the act herself and she could not have assistance and this was not justifiable under s. 1. Lamer C.J. made a long analysis of the nature of discrimination and applied a two-branch test of the validity of the legislative objective of s. 241(b) and the validity of the means chosen to achieve that objective. He found that s. 241(b) was over-inclusive in that it was not necessary to restrict the rights of a competent terminally ill person such as Sue Rodriguez in order to protect other vulnerable persons in society from being subjected to such assistance against their wills or feeling coerced into ending their lives. In other words he did not accept the "slippery slope" arguments that the majority found more compelling (567). But by recommending that s. 241(b) be struck down in view of its Charter violation he recognised that this would indeed leave too wide a gap in the law and so he proposed that the section be rendered inoperative for one year to give Parliament an opportunity to revise the section in a more tailored manner. During that year the applicant, and others in a similar situation would be able to have medical assistance in suicide subject to restrictive guidelines.'

McLachlin and L'Heureux-Dube J.J. (dissenting) McLachlin and L'Heureux-Dub6 J.J. (two female members of the Supreme Court of Canada) did not base their dissent on discrimination under s. 15 of the Charter, but saw the case as being (616): about the manner in which the state may limit the right of a person to make decisions about her body under s. 7 of the Charter.

The judgment of McLachlin J. (L'Heureux-Dub6 J. concurring) is based on the reasoning in the landmark decision by the Supreme Court of

The Rodriguez Case Canada in R v Morgentaler [I9881 1 SCR 30, which struck down the Criminal Code's abortion provisions. In Rodriguez, McLachlin J. concluded (621) that: it does not accord with the principles of fundamental justice that Sue Rodriguez be disallowed what is available to others merely because it is possible that other people, at some other time, may suffer, not what she seeks, but an act of killing without true consent.

Mchchlin J. held that the principle of the sanctity of life is not an absolute one in law, quoting the example of self-defence (623): Criminal culpability depends on the circumstances in which the death is brought about or assisted. The law has long recognised that if there is a valid justification for bringing about someone's death, the person who does so will not be held criminally responsible. In the case of Sue Rodriguez, there is arguably such a justification-the justification of giving her the capacity to end her life, which able-bodied people have as a matter of course, and the justification of her clear consent and desire to end her life at a time when, in her view, it makes no sense to continue living it.

Mchchlin J. also argued that the Criminal Code afforded adequate protection for the vulnerable and pointed out that Sue Rodriguez only sought a declaration of unconstitutionality for s. 241(b) which forbids aiding and abetting suicide, and that s. 241(a) would remain in force, forbidding the counselling of a person to commit suicide.

Cory J. (dissenting) In a short dissenting judgement, Cory J. argued that a right to die exists by virtue of being included in the right to life which is constitutionally protected under s. 7 of the Charter. Section 7 is, according to Cory J. (630-3 I), a provision which: emphasises the innate dignity of human existence....The life of an individual must include dying. Dying is the final act in the drama of life. If, as I believe, dying is an integral part of living, then as a part of life it is entitled to constitutional protection provided by s. 7. It follows that the right to die with dignity should be as well protected as is any other aspect of the right to life. State prohibitions that would force a dreadful, painful death on a rational but incapacitated terminally patient are an affront to human dignity ....

Michael Ashby I can see no difference between permitting a patient of sound mind to choose death with dignity by refusing treatment and permitting a patient of sound mind who is terminally ill to choose death with dignity by terminating life preserving treatment, even if, because of incapacity, that step has to be physically taken by another on her instructions. Nor can I see any reason for failing to extend that same permission so that a terminally ill patient facing death may put an end to her life through the intermediary of another, as suggested by Sue Rodriguez.

Despite her narrow failure to obtain the legal sanction for the assistance to die which she sought, Sue Rodriguez was indeed helped to die by an unidentified medical practitioner, peacefully in her own home on 12 February 1994, in the presence of Svend Robinson. Robinson announced her death at a press conference in Ottawa on 14 February.

A Right to Die? Rodriguez is an example of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms "in action". The opportunity to observe the practical operation of formal legal protections of the rights of individual citizens is particularly valuable in a country such as Australia, where the merits of constitutional enshrinement of its citizens' rights is a subject of on-going debate. It would be worthwhile asking whether the existence of the Charter - and the consequent framing of the legal application contributed to both a fair hearing and outcome for Sue Rodriguez as an individual Canadian citizen, and a healthy and appropriately profound consideration of the public policy issues at stake for Canadian society. The majority relied cautiously on the principle of the sanctity of life, the acts/omission distinction and "slippery slope" arguments. From medical and ethical points of view they brought no new evidence or arguments to bear on the case and may have misjudged public opinion, although they acknowledged that the assessment of public opinion and legislation are Parliament's business. The case brought by Sue Rodriguez' lawyers and supported by the minority - based on discrimination and security of the person - was framed in terms of violations of her Charter rights but could be interpreted as stretching the intended scope of the Charter and the human rights tradition from which it is derived. In respect of discrimination, it is noteworthy that neither able-bodied nor disabled persons in Canada may have assistance in suicide, that is s. 241(b) applies equally to all Canadians.

The Rodriguez Case To argue that Canada imposed "cruel and inhuman treatment" on Sue Rodriguez by retaining its prohibition on assisted suicide seems farfetched and counter to the scope and spirit for which this term was originally adopted, namely to promote the humane treatment of those engaged with justice systems. The central issue in Rodriguez is whether a sustainable argument can be constructed for a right to commit suicide or to have medical assistance in dying (Ashby, 1995), and what duties the recognition of such rights might impose on individuals and societies. It is certainly contentious to argue that there is a right to commit suicide as such. It is doubtful whether common law principles can be argued to include a right to suicide or a right to die (Tribe, 1988).' Societies make every effort to prevent suicide and it is a major public health issue in developed countries, especially for young people in countries like Australia and Canada, who at present have alarmingly high rates of suicide and attempted suicide. The purpose of decriminalising suicide was not to enshrine such a right, nor to encourage suicide, but to correct the wrong of involving the law in the tragic situation of a decision to end or attempt to end a person's life and thereby to inflict more suffering on survivors or families. This reform also sought to remove the moral judgement which had thus been hitherto visited upon them by society ([I9931 3 SCR 519,561). A key argument made by the majority was that there was no evidence of a shift in community or professional opinion to allow any form of assistance in suicide. This does not appear to be the case in the frame of a terminal illness, and it is hard to believe, in view of the opinion poll trends in other western societies (House of Lords, 1994), that there has not been a very marked shift away from the argument which they made.' However, they ascribed to Parliament the duty of assessing public opinion and taking any ensuing legislative action. There are certain similarities here (and in several other respects) between the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in Rodriguez and the decision of the House of Lords in Airedale NHS Trust v Bland [I9931 1All ER 821. In both cases the highest court in a jurisdiction received an application by an individual (or on behalf of an individual in Bland) for a declaration which would have the effect of conferring indemnity from future civil and criminal proceedings on a person or persons for a future act (or omission in Bland) performed with the intention of bringing about the death of the ap licant. These are unusual and challenging requests for courts to consider. In Rodriguez and Bland the judges drew attention to the problems which face courts at the complex and contentious interface between

E

Michael Ashby judicial interpretation of existing laws and the legislature's responsibility to amend existing laws or consider new ones. Both courts sent powerful messages to their respective parliaments to assess public opinion and consider the social policy issues which arose from the particular cases under consideration. Both parliaments have responded with select committees of their upper houses which have recommended against any change in the law which would allow any form of voluntary active euthanasia, including medical assistance in suicide (House of Lords, 1994; Canada, Senate, 1995). The lynch pin of the majority's holding was that the security of the person cannot encompass a right to die. This argument is clearly diametrically opposed to that quoted above from the dissenting judgment of Cory J. in which the right to assistance is argued to be, perhaps somewhat paradoxically, included in the right to life. This inclusive argument centres on the process of dying as part of the process of living rather than focusing on the event of death (with particular regard to agency and causation) and places more emphasis on the former. The majority argued for adherence to a fairly rigid interpretation of the socalled principle of the sanctity of life ([I9931 3 SCR 519,585): I find more merit in the argument that security of the person, by its nature, cannot encompass a right to take action that will end one's life as security of the person is intrinsically concerned with the well-being of the living person. This argument focuses on the generally held and deeply rooted belief in our society that human life is sacred or inviolable (which terms I use in the non-religious sense described by Dworkin [(1993)] to mean that human life is seen to have a deep intrinsic value of its own). As members of a society based upon respect for the intrinsic value of human life and on the inherent dignity of every human being, can we incorporate within the Constitution which embodies our most fundamental values a right to terminate one's own life in any circumstances? This question in turn evokes other queries of fundamental importance such as the degree to which our conception of the sanctity of life includes notions of quality of life as well. (italics added)

Two important questions may be asked of this passage. Firstly, what is the sense of any ? It is crucial to know whether the word was being used in an inclusive (all-embracing) or restrictive sense. Sue Rodriguez was not seeking assistance in any (inclusive/all-embracing) circumstances but in the setting of a terminal illness. The striking down of s. 241(b) would allow assistance in suicide in any (inclusive/all-embracing) circumstances but restrictive remedies were proposed by the Chief

The Rodriguez Case Justices of British Columbia and British Columbia (579). Secondly, Dworkin actually used his conceptualisation of the sanctity of life to argue in favour of assistance in dying - in paraphrase: we all agree that life is sacred but how we express that sacredness varies according to personal beliefs and world view (Dworkin, 1993,241): If people retain the self-conciousness and self-respect that is the greatest achievement of our species, they will let neither science nor nature simply take its course, but will struggle to express, in the laws they make as citizens and the choices they make as people, the best understanding they can reach of why human life is sacred, and the proper place of freedom in its dominion. (italics added)

Dworkin argues that an individual who chooses assistance in suicide or voluntary active euthanasia may be seen to be making an ultimate expression of autonomy, integrity and dignity, consistent with the way the person has led their life - rather than to be opting for a necessarily negative, desperate or hopeless last act (199): Death had dominion because it is not only the start of nothing but the end of everything, and how we think and talk about dying the emphasis we put on dying with "dignity" - shows how important it is that life ends appropriately, that death keeps faith with the way we want to have lived.

It now seems clear that rigid interpretations of what has become known as the principle of the sanctity of life are susceptible to widespread intellectual and public opinion challenges (Singer, 1994).11 For instance, in Bland [I9931 1All ER 821, Hoffman L.J.clearly shows that judges in other courts, like the minority in Rodriguez, have started to question an "absolutist" interpretation when this position is seen to obstruct autonomous and clinically appropriate decision-making at the end of life. Hoffman L.J. talks of the sanctity of life as (851): only one of a cluster of ethical principles which we apply to decisions about how we should live. Another is respect for the individual human being and in particular for his right to choose how he should live his own life.

Palliative Care From the perspective of palliative care, the most striking and challenging aspect of the story was Sue Rodriguez' reportedly negative view of

Michael Ashby palliative care. She had seen such care as an option which would lead to a dying process of indeterminate time length with an unacceptable level of sedation and lack of control: During this summer, a grief counselor with the Victoria Hospice Society, Eve Joseph, visited Sue on a regular basis, as did Dr Debbie Braithwaite, who was in charge of Sue's pain management. Dr Braithwaite and Sue talked about palliative care for Sue's final days but Sue's heart was not in it. She simply didn't want to spend that time in a narcotic coma even though the Hospice Society was willing to come into her home with 24-hour care so that she could die there without ever going into a hospital. (Hobbs Birnie and Rodriguez, 1994,130)

There are interesting reflections on the absence of relationship which subsequently existed with the Hospice Society (132): Sue felt well cared for by Debbie Braithwaite, but despite the doctor's expertise and her warm and engaging manner, no real relationship ever developed between her and Sue. Dr Braithwaite was a believer in palliative care to the end. Sue had a way of cutting out people whose ideas were not in line with her own. A subtle wall dropped. Sue would accept palliative care, but only to the extent that she could control it. Beyond that, she wanted nothing of it.

It was not so much that she feared a painful and distressing death, which is so often expressed by patients who have cancer, but that the alternative state which might result from optimal palliative care was unacceptable to her and that this resulting phase of her life in its dying process had no meaning or value to her. In fact it would be an irreconcilable burden to her and constituted her main identified and articulated concern in advance of her death, which was ultimately to drive her all the way to the Supreme Court of Canada in her quest for the reassurance that a medical practitioner could, at some future time to be determined by her, assist in the ending of her life. This is a confronting message for palliative care practitioners, particularly those who believe that they should deploy their professional skills in the societal debate against those who support euthanasia. No matter how good palliative care access and quality are, for a growing number of people who might benefit from such services, the best care that can be offered does not necessarily impute meaning into the dying process or relieve the suffering. Expressions of a desire for death occurs in a small number of patients in palliative care programmes, although some people may elect not to be

The Rodriguez Case referred to such services because they fear that their wishes will not be granted. At Daw House, a 15 bed palliative care unit in Adelaide, 6% of patients made a request for assistance to die at the time of the question, which is similar to the reported incidence of acts of euthanasia reported to the Remmelink Commission in The Netherlands (Hunt et al., 1995). Harvey Chochinov, a psychiatrist at the University of Manitoba, has pointed out that there is a significant relationship between requests to die and treatable depression; also, that such requests fluctuate with time (Chochinov et al., 1995) But the Rodriguez case shows that such requests can be rational, reasonable, consistent and uninfluenced by the presence or absence of optimal palliative care support. We should therefore be wary of over-medicalising the issue by suggesting that all such requests can be rendered unnecessary as result of medical care, inclusive of optimal palliative care and treatment of depression. It is also clear that there is more to life than absence of pain, suffering and depression; that the quality and value of a person's life (as assessed by that person) should not then be reduced by doctors, lawyers or others, to an objective standard framed in the negative. It is important for hospice and palliative care services to feel comfortable in working with people who make consistent rational requests for assistance to die. This need not mean that there is agreement on the issue of euthanasia - both parties can respect each other's viewpoint but still be clear about what is and what is not on offer. Whilst the palliative care service will not institute treatment with the intention of causing death it is important to emphasise that pain and symptom control will not be compromised and no potentially life-prolonging measures will be continued or initiated against the person's will. Just as the hospice and palliative care movement has asked the rest of medicine to recognise its limitations, so too it should be ready to recognise its own. It is clear that there is evidence that Sue Rodriguez may have kept her emotional distance from the Victoria Hospice Service but she also received many of the elements of palliative care, including opioid pain relief. It is a matter for speculation as to whether more could have been done for her if she had more wholeheartedly embraced the service, although she probably related to them in a way which was consistent with her personality and appropriate for her own perceptions of her needs. There is an assumption in both Rodriguez and Bland that pain relief may contribute to the cause of death but this is not deemed to be a culpable act. This assumption has been challenged, as there is now more than twenty years of experience in modem hospice and palliative care

Michael Ashby practice to demonstrate that pain and symptom control can be achieved for most patients with a terminal illness safely, without causing their deaths (Ashby, 1995). There is certainly no generalisable threshold morphine dose above which death is likely to be caused. Safe initial doses and dose escalation steps titrated against the patient's pain reporting are now a well described part of standard medical practice. It has been argued, however, that sometimes in difficult situations where symptoms appear to be uncontrollable by other means, heavy sedation may be used, with the patient and family's consent. This is sometimes termed "pharmacological oblivion" or, by Canada's Senate Special Committee (1995), "total sedation". This report is clear to state that the intention is not to end life, but Hunt (1994) has argued that on occasions this is a foreseeable and even the intended outcome, though strictly within the context of the person's actual dying process. It is a measure of the public policy commitment (in several countries) to achieving good pain and symptom relief that this assumption of contribution to the cause of death is made but allowed on the basis of intention (see Law Reform Commission of Canada, 1982, House of Lords, 1994). This approach is also reflected in relevant Australian legislation, such as the Consent to Medical Treatment and Palliative Care Act 1995 (sA).'~

Personal History and Control The issue of control in modem society is worthy of reflection. It is clear that patient autonomy is the over-arching principle for all modem health care decision-making and there would be few detractors from it. However, none of us lives in an autonomous vacuum at any stage of our lives, least of all when we are sick and dying. Palliative care services have long recognised a person's social context (family and friends) as the unit of care, with the patient as the central and principal (but not the only) decision maker and care recipient. In her analysis of Rodriguez, Somerville (1994) has asked major questions about the consequences for modem secular societies of attempting to legalise euthanasia. In particular she asks (602): Is euthanasia liberalism in the form of intense individualism gone mad, or is it a rational response of caring individuals and a caring community? Is the euthanasia debate a reflection of the fact that we are a deathdenying but also a death-obsessed society that has lost its main forum -namely organised religion -for "death talk"?

The Rodriguez Case Is legalising euthanasia an expression that allows us to feel that we have both individual and societal death under control -tamed and civilised?

Both Somerville (1994) and Mullen (1995) have asked similar questions about the meaning of death in modem societies and the element of mystery which appears to be replaced by an attempt at mastery of the process manifest in the euthanasia debate. The Canadian historian Michael Ignatieff (1993, 68) has written about the slow death of his own mother from Alzheimer's disease: The real problem, of course, is what we are to think of death. People like us who live by the values of self-mastery are not especially good at dying, at submitting to biological destiny. The modem problem is not death without religious consolation, without afterlife. The problem is that death makes the modem secular religion of self-development and self-improvement appear senseless. We are addicted to a vision of life as narrative, which we compose as we go along. In fact, we didn't have anything to do with the beginning of the story; we are merely allowed to dabble with the middle; and the end is mostly not up to us at all, but to genetics, biological fate and chance.

In fact, Sue Rodriguez seemed to be very good at facing the inevitability of death and did state that she believed in an after-life, although she adhered to no specific religion. However, her personal life, as described in Uncommon Will,was very much of her time and many aspects of it were painful to read. Like so many others of her generation she had difficult relationships with her family and two broken marriages. There is clear evidence that this pain shaped her destiny and had an all-pervasive influence on her life. The break up of her second marriage and the return of her husband (Henry) after separation to care for her were very distressing: Increasingly Sue blamed her disease for the fact that Henry did not seem to love her. Her earlier understanding that he had returned for financial and supportive reasons had shifted. She now saw his return to the home after seven months of separation as essentially an attempt at reconciliation. Yet he had little to say to her and seemed to avoid her. (Hobbs Birnie and Rodriguez, 1994,41)

Henry relates that the relationship was quite over, which she clearly had great difficulty in accepting (6,26):

Michael Ashby She would remain bitter toward her husband, distant from many of her family. Unable or unwilling to use her newfound strengths to change attitudes and habits that had marked her character since childhood, she would destroy many of her own dreams and create for herself profound psychological pain. To the end, her belief in the correctedness of her own standards would remain inflexible, her need to control, profound. Yet the grace and strength that she would project, the calm dignity that would make the sweet face of Sue Rodriguez instantly and nationally recognisable, would not be an illusion or a staged image. Her serenity would mirror other positive facets of a personality whose very complexity was the fulcrum of all her strengths. ... This complex family and social environment was to leave Sue a legacy of unresolved relational problems. It also endowed her with attitudes and skills that were rare, valuable but virtually unused in her daily life. Ironically, the disease that was killing her would also be the thing that created her.

On balance, it seems unfair to ascribe her wish for assistance to die to these unhappy aspects of her personal life. Whilst they may have spurred her on to pursue her public legal path in a way that many would not have felt able to do, all the evidence fiom Sue herself points to the fact that she wished to avoid the last part of her dying process irrespective of the state of her personal relationships.

This remarkable human story played out in the legal system with intense media coverage had a profound impact on Canadian society. There is no doubt that Sue Rodriguez' tragic personal history, which touched everyone, underpinned her remarkably tenacious legal pursuit of the only control she felt was left to her, namely to determine the manner and timing of her own death. As Somerville has observed (1994, 609), the dissenting judgement of Lamer C.J. might be argued to have been primarily motivated by compassion, the resultant holding being fashioned in order to grant her wish. Sue Rodriguez appears to have experienced a considerable amount of emotional pain in her personal life, and particularly in family relationships - a fact which she very courageously allowed to be revealed in her authorised biography. This together with her clearly expressed need for control leaves some dangling questions over modem world views which concentrate on overriding individualism and the true nature of "control" in our modem lives - and deaths. Would she have been so keen to have assistance to die if her personal life had been happier? Was it an attempt to tame death

The Rodriguez Case and somehow make it bearable by "controlling" it? Many amongst the millions of Canadians who witnessed the case and the very public dying process of Sue Rodriguez on prime-time television must have had their doubts whether she should have been so exposed. But it is clear that she undertook the legal battle in her own interests and of her own free will and that the level of debate and deep consideration of the issues by Canadian society, including the Senate enquiry, must be judged as healthy for any liberal democratic society. As did so many in Canada at the time, this writer felt her pain and disappointments, but concludes that the evidence shows that her desire to avoid the final part of her dying process was rational and consistent with the world view of the majority of her generation. If this apparent generational shift in attitudes on euthanasia continues it is likely that future legislative initiatives may succeed in other jurisdictions, as it appears that Sue Rodriguez and the dissenting judges could be more reflective of prevailing views than the majority.

*

Lisa Hobbs Birnie is an Australian writer resident in Canada. I would like to acknowledge the assistance 1 have received from the excellent summarising article by Bernard Dickens (1994) - "When Terminally Ill Patients Request Death: Assisted Suicide Before Canadian Courts". The director (Professor Margaret Somerville) and staff of the McGill Centre for Medicine, Ethics and Law in Montreal also offered invaluable assistance during my visit to Canada. I am indebted to Professor Somerville for showing me her article, "Death Talk in Canada: the Rodriguez Case", prior to publication (see Somerville, 1994). This article is contained in a special issue of the McGill Law Journal (Vol. 39, No. 3) devoted to analysis of the case. Motor neurone disease (MND) is also known as amyotrophic lateral sclerosis (ALS), and in North America, as Lou Gehrig's disease, after a famous baseball player who died of the disease. It consists of a progressive loss of motor power, often predominantly and initially affecting the bulbar muscles which control speech and swallowing but eventually all muscles are involved. It runs a variable time course from months to many years. The most famous public figure with long term MND is Professor Stephen Hawking, author of A Brief History of Time (1988). For example, see the title of the Report of the Inquiry by the Select Committee on Euthanasia, Legislative Assembly of the Northern Territory of Australia: The Right of the Individual or the Common Good (Northern Territory, 1995). Section 241 of the Criminal Code states that: Every one who

Michael Ashby (a) counsels a person to commit suicide, or (b) aids or abets a person to commit suicide, whether suicide ensues or not, is guilty of an indictable offence and liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding fourteen years. The relevant sections of the Charter are: 1.The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits prescribed by law as can be demonstrably justified in a free and democratic society. 7. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of the person and the right not to be deprived thereof except in accordance with the principles of fundamental justice. 12. Everyone has the right not to be subjected to any cruel and unusual treatment or punishment. 15. (1) Every individual is equal before and under the law and has the right to equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination and, in particular, without discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour, religion, sex, age or mental or physical disability. The guidelines were based on those proposed by McEachern C.J. in the British Columbia Court of Appeal ([I9931 79 C.C.C. (3d) 1). Lamer CJ. stated ((1993) 3 SCR 519 at 579): (1) the constitutional exemption may only be sought by way of application to a superior court; (2) the applicant must be certified by a treating physician and independent psychiatrist, in the manner and at the time suggested by McEachern C.J., to be competent to make the decision to end her own life, and the physicians must certify that the applicant's decision has been made freely and voluntarily, and at least one of the physicians must be present with the applicant at the time the applicant commmits assisted suicide; (3) the physicians must also certify: (i) that the applicant is or will become physically incapable of committing suicide unassisted, and (ii) that they have informed him or her, and that he or she understands, that he or she has a continuing right to change his or her mind about terminating his or her life; (4) notice and access must be given to the Regional Coroner at the time and the manner described by McEachem C.J.; (5) the applicant must be examined daily by one of the certifying physicians at the time and in the manner outlined by McEachem CJ.; (6) the constitional exemption will expire according to the time limits set by McEachern C.J.; and (7) the act causing the death of the applicant must be that of the applicant him- or her-self, and not of anyone else. Tribe (1988, 1370-71) states: The right of a patient to accelerate death as such - rather than merely to have medical procedures held in abeyance so that disease processes can work their natural course depends on a broader conception of individual rights than any contained in common law principles. A right to determine when and how to die would have to rest on constitutional

The Rodriguez Case principles of privacy and personhood or on broad, perhaps paradoxical, conceptions of selfdetermination. Although these notions have not taken hold in the courts, the judiciary's silence regarding such constitutional principles probably reflects a concern that, once recognized, rights to die might be uncontainable and might prove susceptible to grave abuse, more than it suggests that courts cannot be persuaded that self-determination and personhood may include a right to dictate the circumstances under which life is to be ended. In any event, whatever the reason for the absence in the courts of expansive notions about self-determination, the resulting deference to legislatures may prove wise in light of the complex character of the rights at stake and the significant potential that, without careful statutory guidelines and gradually evolved procedural controls, legalizing euthanasia, rather than respecting people, may endanger personhood. See, for example, the House of Lords Select Committee on Medical Ethics (1994, Paper 21-11, 271-72) citing evidence of a large increase in the number of people who (when well) approve of medical assistance to die. This trend is most striking in Australia and Canada, but is also evident in the UK and USA.

NHS Trust v Bland [I9931 1 All ER 821 see the deliberations of Lord BrowneWilkinson (880) and Lord Mustill (886-87).

lo In Airedale

l1 See particularly, Chapter 4: "Tony Bland and the Sanctity of Human Life". l2 The relevant part of the Consent to Medical Treatment and Palliative Care Act 1995 (SA) provides:

DIVISION 2

-THE CARE OF PEOPLE WHO ARE DYING

The care of people who are dying 17.1(1) A medical practitioner responsible for the treatment and care in the terminal phase of a terminal illness, or a person participating in the treatment and care of the patient under the medical practitioner's supervision, incurs no civil or criminal liability by administering medical treatment with the intention of relieving pain or distress (a) with the consent of the patient or of patient's representative; and (b) in good faith and without negligence; and (c) in accordance with proper professional standards of palliative care, even though an incidental effect of the treatment is to hasten the death of the patient. (2) A medical practitioner responsible for the treatment or care of a patient in the terminal phase of a terminal illness, or a person participating in the treatment or care of the patient under the medical practitioner's supervision, is, in the absence of an express direction by the patient or the patient's representative to the contrary, under no duty to use, or to continue to use, life sustaining measures in treating the patient if the effect of doing so would be merely to prolong life in a moribund state without any real prospect of recovery or in a persistent vegetative state. (3) For the purposes of the law of the State (a) the administration of medical treatment for the relief of pain or distress in accordance with subsection (1)does not constitute causet of death; and

Michael Ashby (b) the non-application or discontinuance of life sustaining measures in accordance with subsection (2) does not constitute a cause1of death. Saving provision 18. (1) This Act does not authorise the administration of medical treatment for the purpose of causing the death of the person to whom the treatment is administered. (2) This Act does not authorise a person to assist the suicide of another. cause that breaks pre-existing chain

causation.

See also Medical TreatmentAct (ACT) 1994, s. 23; and Criminal Code 1995 (Qld), s. 82.

Ashby, Michael. 1995. "Hard Cases, Causation and Care of the Dying", Journal of Law and Medicine, Vol. 3, No. 2,152-60. Canada, Special Senate Committee on Euthanasia and Assisted Suicide. 1995. Of Life and Death. Ottawa (June). Chochinov, H.M. et al. 1995. "Desire for Death in the Terminally Ill", American Journal of Psychiatry, Vol. 152,1185-91. Dickens, Bernard. 1994. "When Terminally I11 Patients Request Death: Assisted Suicide Before Canadian Courts", Journal of Palliative Care, Vol. 10,5256. Dworkin R. 1993. Life's Dominion: An Argument About Abortion, Euthanasia, and Individual Freedom. London: Harper Collins. Hawking, Stephen. 1988. A BriefHistory of Time: From the Big Bang to Black Holes. Toronto & New York: Bantam Books.

-

the Rhetoric-Reality Gap", in H. Kuhse, ed. Willing to Listen, Hunt R. 1994. "Palliative Care Wanting to Die. Melbourne: Penguin. Hunt, R., I. Maddocks, D. Roach D., and A. McLeod. 1995. "The incidence of Requests for a Quicker Terminal Course", Palliative Medicine, Vol. 9, 167-68. Hobbs Birnie, Lisa, and Sue Rodriguez. 1994. Uncommon Will: the Death and Life of Sue Rodriguez Toronto: Macmillan Canada. House of Lords Select Committee on Medical Ethics. 1994. HL Paper 21-I, II, 111. London: HMSO.

DECONSTRUCTING THE ''TORONTO MODEL"

Outside the high density cities of Europe and Asia, the dominance of the car seems unstoppable. In Australia, as in the USA, "green modes" of transport - walking, cycling and particularly public transport - have been in steady decline since the second world war. This is commonly regarded as an unavoidable consequence of the sprawling form taken by post-war urban development. It is not difficult to see why public transport is difficult to operate in spread-out areas where patronage is thin, and why driving is difficult in congested urban cores. The authors of the Chicago Area Transportation Study, the Ur-archetype of road-oriented transport planning, elevated the idea to dogma: The conditions of land use and density .., are the major determinants of the travel market. If demand is constrained by these factors, it is unlikely that changes in supply will have any great impact on the number of users. (CATS, 1956, Vol. 2,52)

An international review carried out for the European Conference of Ministers of Transport (ECMT)noted extremely low levels of public transport use in Australia, New .Zealand and the USA, which was attributed to "high levels of car ownership ... and ... extensive lowdensity suburbs, which are difficult to serve adequately by public transport" (Webster, et al., 1985,43). This is the most commonly given explanation for the decline of public transport in Melbourne. The city's urban form, goes the argument,

Paul Mees has changed since the war to a low-density, decentralised pattern similar to that found in the USA. Public transport cannot operate economically or competitively with car travel in this environment. The diagnosis is bipartisan. Pro-transit urban planners such as Beed (1981) attribute the poor public transport in the parts of Melbourne that developed since the second world war to public transport's inability to offer viable services in low density areas. "Car-oriented" traffic engineers such as Underwood (1990) agree that current development trends in Australian cities are towards low-density development that "cannot be effectively or economically served by public transport" (162). Melbourne's serious daily newspaper The Age fiequently remarks on Melbourne's sprawling form and the resulting non-viability of public transport. The unusually low density of suburban development in Melbourne has acquired something of the status of an urban myth. Melburnians have a fondness for regaling visitors with spurious stories, fiequently of a selfdeprecating nature, a habit which may be related to what Briggs (1963) calls a "change of urban personality" following the economic collapse of the "Marvellous Melbourne" of the 1880s. Perhaps the most cherished is that, on arriving to star in the 1959 film On the Beach, which depicted the aftermath of a nuclear war, Ava Gardner commented that Melbourne was "a great place to make a movie about the end of the world". In a possibly similar vein, it is widely reputed that Melbourne's urban sprawl is the most extensive in the world.

The ECMT study noted that Canadian cities have been more successful than their Australian and US counterparts at retaining high levels of public transport patronage. Although suburban development is similar to that in the US, public transport use is "at European levels, and the trend is strongly upwards" (Webster, et al., 1985,43). Toronto has been singled out by many commentators as a public transport success story. Hutchinson (1986) notes that Toronto has maintained high rates of usage and high cost-recovery from fares in an urban area with very high car ownership, a trend that contrasts with experience in other countries such as the USA and Australia. Hutchinson argues that Toronto's high patronage is a result of superior service levels on public transport and "the coordination of residential and other development with public transport" (312). Australian and Canadian cities show similarities to US urban forms, most notably a predominance of single-family homes rather than

A Tale ofTwo Urban Myths apartments. But they also exhibit key differences from the US model, such as the absence of racially-based residential segregation. The similarities between Melbourne and Toronto are especially strong. Visual parallels are provided by relatively flat sites beside large bodies of water, by "grid-iron" street layouts and the presence of trams. Toronto was incorporated as a City in 1835, Melbourne in 1842; both cities developed rapidly in the 19th century and have comparable populations (3.9 million in 1991 for the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area, compared with 3.1 million for the Melbourne Statistical Division). It is therefore not surprising that the apparent success of public transport in Toronto has been a subject of interest and debate among Australian urbanists. Introduced through the work of Newman and Kenworthy (1989), the "Toronto model" rests on the claim that integrated transport and land-use planning, featuring the clustering of employment and high-density housing around rapid transit stations, has enabled public transport to escape the decline found elsewhere. Anson and Evans (1991) have offered the following explanation: The "Toronto" model suggests that a radical shift to public transport can be achieved through much greater integration of major transport lines and urban development. This would require significant investment in public transport infrastructure and greater State intervention in planning policy at the local level to introduce high density activities around major transport nodes. In Toronto these nodes include multi storey apartment blocks at railway station precincts.

.

Kenworthy (1991) argues that Toronto has curbed urban sprawl through high-density housing at stations, achieving an increase in suburban population densities at a time when they were declining in US and Australian cities. The principal local critic of the "model" is Brindle (1992, 1993 and numerous others). Titles such as "Toronto - Paradigm Lost?" and "Toronto and Other Dreams" give an indication both of Brindle's views and the central role Toronto now plays in land-use and transport debates in Australia. Brindle (1992) disputes the figures relied upon by Newman and Kenworthy (1989) for both population density and public transport patronage, as well as the connection between the two. Public transport will continue to decline or at best play a minor role, he concludes, because population densities cannot, or should not, be increased substantially, a conclusion similar to that reached by CATS (1956) and Underwood (1990).

Paul M e e s Many land-use planners, on the other hand, argue that the environmental damage created by overreliance on the car makes increased densities imperative. They point to successful examples of residents of affluent cities happily accepting high-density lifestyles. It has become commonplace for such presentations to be illustrated by aerial photographs of Toronto subway stations surrounded by multistorey apartments. Clusters of this kind, called "urban villages", have become a recurring theme in the Australian urban debate. They largely underlie government support for "urban consolidation" policies, such as the Australian government's "Building Better Cities" program. As Kohut (1991,15) has observed: Looked at in very simplistic terns, the solution to the public transport dilemma is to alter the way in which Melbourne is developing, to induce a form and density that creates favourable conditions for public transport to operate under.

The writer's research originally concentrated on resolving the dispute between Brindle and Newman and Kenworthy about travel and density data for Toronto. The data analysis and a subsequent visit soon confirmed that, while Toronto's urban form is "transit oriented" by North American standards (especially when compared with its near neighbour Detroit), it is probably less so than Melbourne's. Equally importantly, Toronto has become steadily less "transit oriented" since the war, during a period when Melbourne's urban form has changed relatively little. The findings (graphically illustrated in Figures 1 and 2) are the exact opposite of the conventional view (see also Mees, 1994). Melbourne's density has remained relatively constant since the war and is now increasing, while Toronto's has fallen rapidly; but public transport patronage has collapsed in Melbourne, while holding up in Toronto. The divergent density trends appear related to differences in the urban histories of the two urban areas, as noted by Frost (1992). Early lowdensity development in Melbourne was facilitated by the construction in the nineteenth century of an extensive public transport network (Davison, 1978; Briggs, 1963) and its upgrading and extension during the first half of the twentieth century. In Toronto, by contrast, the absence of a rapid rail system and a reluctance by authorities to extend street public transport led to high pre-war densities (Lemon, 1985, 43, 142), which declined rapidly once widespread car ownership broke locational constraints.

A Tale ofTwo Urban Myths

Fig. 1

P e r capita t r i p s by public transport

unl inked trips Per annum

Toronto (CMA)

Melbourne

1950

1960

Source: Mees (1994)

1970

1980

1990

Paul Mees

Fig. 2

Changes i n overall urban density

Per hec

Source: Mees (1994); ABS (1993).

A Tale ofTwo Urban Myths Another surprising difference (a detailed analysis of which is beyond the scope of this paper) is Melbourne's stronger post-war land-use planning controls. The Melbourne Metropolitan Planning Scheme 1954 set out legally binding detailed zonings covering the entire metropolitan area, a principal objective being to curb "urban sprawl". Toronto's first legally binding urban plan was adopted in 1980, and covered the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto rather than the whole urban area. It was a "structure plan" which set out broad objectives, with what Frisken (1990a, 42) describes as a "high degree of generality". Most remarkably, there is only a weak relationship between areas of high population density and the rail system in either city. Densely populated areas in Melbourne are found predominantly in the inner city and in suburbs with lower socioeconomic status, with the Eastern suburbs having lower-than-average densities. (This band of low density suburbia follows the route of Melbourne's busiest rail line.) While some Toronto subway stations - those that tend to feature in slide presentations - are surrounded by high-rise residential and commercial development, the majority are surrounded by housing typical of the areas in which they are located: two- and three-storey semi-detached housing in inner areas, bungalows further out. A number of stations are in industrial or other non-residential zones. Toronto has many more high-rise apartments than Melbourne (twenty-eight percent of housing units in 1991 compared to only two percent in Melbourne), but these are scattered across the metropolitan area with most in locations far from rapid transit stations. Significant numbers of apartment buildings are near major freeways. High-rise clusters can also be found near some rail stations, notably along the original section of subway opened in 1954, but rarely at stations outside the inner city. These clusters are therefore not responsible for the apparent increase in population density in Toronto's suburbs. The figures in Newman and Kenworthy (1989) showing an increase in "outer suburban" density do not cover regions beyond the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto, and appear to simply record the infilling during the 1960s and 1970s of scattered housing subdivisions of the early postwar era. The effect on overall population density of the higher number of apartments in Toronto relative to Melbourne is largely negated by a more generous allowance of land for roads and other utilities. Table 1 shows that the share of Toronto's population living within walking distance of a rapid transit station is actually lower than the share of Melbourne's because, while the average station in Toronto has more residents within walking distance, Melbourne has many more stations. While Toronto's subway system is undoubtedly more successful than it

Paul Mees would have been without high-density housing at key stations, most patrons reach the station by surface transit (bus and tram).

TABLE1

RAPID TRANSIT STATION CATCHMENTS, 1991 Melbourne

Number of stations

188

Population within station catchments

620,541

Total population

3.1 million

Share of total population within catchments

20.0%

Toronto 64

3.9 million

Source: Mees, 1994 (modified)

TABLE 2

EMPLOYMENT CENTRALISATION, 1991

Total metropolitan employment Inner city employment

Melbourne

Toronto

1,434,100

1,830,730

523,488

621,425

78.0%

49.0%

Inner city share of employment Office space in CBD

Sources: Statistics Canada, 1993; ABS, 1994; O'Connor and Rapson, 1994; Moodie, 1991; Metro Toronto, 1992a

Toronto is indeed a "model" of successful public transport. Patronage is much higher than in Melbourne, and modal share has been maintained

A Tale ofTwo Urban Myths over a period when it has collapsed in Melbourne. But Toronto's relative success does not appear related to land-use planning policies promoting higher population densities. Nor, as Table 2 shows, does centralisation of employment appear to be the explanation. Rather, Toronto's public transport appears to have adapted itself successfully to an urban environment that has changed dramatically. By contrast, Melbourne's public transport has failed to adapt, even though the pace of urban change has been much less rapid. What then is the reason for this difference?

In Australia, as in Canada, public discourse has been dominated since the 1980s by what in Australia tends to be called "economic rationalism", but in North America cames the name "public choice theory". Self (1993) provides an excellent description and critique of these doctrines, the main public policy consequences of which he summarises as "slimming the state" and "restructuring government". Slimming the state involves reducing government expenditure and privatising government agencies. Restructuring government entails "measures to refashion the operations of government along market lines" (Self, 1993, 61), such as subdivision into smaller units that can compete against one another. The preeminent propagator of public choice doctrines in Australia is the Industry Commission, a Federal government "think-tank". The Commission's recent report on urban transport (Industry Commission, 1993, 9) argues that public transport is "too inflexible to cope with changing travel patterns", and recommends a "reform package" with the following key themes: splitting integrated public transport operating authorities into separate mode- and area-based units (the recommendation for Melbourne is separate bodies covering trams, trains and buses); privatising government-owned operations; increasing fares; and encouraging competition between different public transport operators and modes. The report invokes a classical public choice rationale: The need to inject competition ...is a high priority. It will allow the most efficient mix of transport services to develop in response to

Paul Mees changing travel demands - securing service improvements, innovation and lower costs. (187)

Frisken (1991) argues that North American public choice theorists who advocate smaller, competing local govemment units rarely conduct comparisons of "real-world" performance among different models. She argues that the success of Toronto's public transport relative to US cities can be in part related to its strong metropolitan government, and offers "an empirical dissent from the public choice paradigm". Toronto's success relative to Melbourne appears to offer further such dissent. The Industry Commission's "reform package" for public transport is actually a reversion to the traditional Melbourne pattern. Public transport has for decades followed a classical public choice paradigm, with three modes operated by separate organisations in competition, and significant private sector involvement: the "suburban" (as opposed to "country") rail network was opened .in the 1850s by the Melbourne and Hobson's Bay Railway Company, but transferred on the company's insolvency in the 1870s to the Victorian Railways, a statutory corporation which greatly expanded the system in the 1880s; the tram network was opened in the late 1880s by a private cable car operator and taken over in 1919 on the expiration of the private operator's concession by another statutory corporation, the Melbourne and Metropolitan Tramways Board (MMTB); buses commenced in the 1920s, operated by a plethora of small private firms on the basis of unrestricted competition, with multiple operators competing for custom on individual routes. Each public transport undertaking had its own routes, timetables and fare system, with little coordination and much competition. The government railways and tramways competed fiercely for decades. Davison (1978, 170) records: By 1890 few cities of Melbourne's size boasted a system as advanced, extensive or convenient. In fact, it is arguable that the system was becoming dangerously overgrown. Its two main operators were falling into the misbegotten strategy of attempting to annex each other's natural catchments and, by the turn of the century, railways and tramways intersected at no less than eighteen points. This of course was not necessarily unhealthy -they might possibly have interlocked to offer mutual support -but in practice

A Tale ofTwo Urban Myths they seem to have constructed their routes so as to suck rather than feed each other's services.

The nineteenth-century pattern was repeated following World War I, when both the suburban rail network and the tram system were converted to electric operation. The MMTB took the opportunity to extend the tram system, making further inroads into the viability of the rail system. As the Melbourne and Metropolitan Board of Works (the post-War planning authority) noted in 1953: in the inner suburbs where the population has been constant (since 1938), railway bookings have declined by 26.5 percent ... the reason is not competition from private cars, but from trams. (MMBW, 1953,192)

To this competition was added the private bus industry. The rail system and most tram lines formed a radial pattern focussed on the Central Business District. So a possible niche for bus operators would have been to provide cross-suburban links to fill the gaps left by the radial network, and "feeder" services to new housing estates growing up beyond tram stops and railway stations. But the initial thrust of bus operators was to compete, rather than complement: eleven of the twelve routes operating in mid-1924 focussed on the CBD and parallelled radial train and tram lines (Maddock, 1992, 10). When regulations were enacted to restrict "predatory" competition, the larger bus operators closed their operations rather than seeking new opportunities, leaving suburban operations to an army of returned servicemen operating "jitneys", who pioneered the Melbourne route bus industry. By the 1950s, Melbourne's planners noted: there are about 100 routes operated by privately owned buses ... A few of the private buses run to and from the city, but in most cases they act as feeders to rail and tram services.... On account of infrequent service and poor co-ordination ... there are relatively few who can save much time by using these services. (MMBW, 1953,184)

An illustration of this "free market" system in action is provided by route 10, one of the original services dating back to 1924. The route commenced as a "multiple-operator" service provided by a dozen drivers, each of whom owned one 6-7 seat "jitney". The initial route was a classic predatory service, running from suburban Box Hill railway station to the CBD rail terminus at Spencer Street Station (Maddock,

Paul Mees 1992, 42), parallelling the rail line and actually duplicating the full length of a cable tram service. In the 1920s, regulations compelled the bus operators to terminate in the inner eastern suburb of Abbotsford to protect the newly-electrified tram route. In 1933, the route was split into two to suit the convenience of one operator, who had acquireda small fleet of buses. The remaining route section was operated by ownerdrivers, whose numbers dwindled over the years as vehicle breakdown or falling revenues claimed them. The demise of the route is described in the following extract from the Bus and Coach Society's newsletter: At 6.40 pm on Friday 19th December 1969, owner-driver Phil Venier pulled his bus into Canterbury terminus to cease operation for this day - and forever. Thus the colourful history of one of Melbourne's oldest private bus routes came to a close. Phil commenced as an owner-driver in 1932 with a seven-passenger (jitney).... The number of buses on the route gradually dwindled over the years from 18 to one, and now none. This decline started many years ago.... One of the operators withdrew his (bus) quite early in the piece, and the other four continued to provide the service until well into the '60s, when the Ford (bus), older than the rest was withdrawn. The remaining three continued until about a year ago when Mr. P.G. McCallum withdrew because he found it increasingly difficult to make a living out of the route. The service was then provided by two (buses) until Mr. A.H. Cotton's "did" a gearbox early in November and was withdrawn. Phil Venier continued operation for another five or six weeks to see out the school year. (Maddock, 1992'33)

The effect on quality of service was recounted by Fouvy (1970), a passenger. The initial ten-minute service frequency was reduced to fifteen minutes in the 1950s. In the early 1960s, all off-peak service was cancelled, and service levels were further reduced until the route closed completely. The service decline was exacerbated by the fact that the changes happened in a random, unplanned way as owner-operators dropped out. Naturally, the effect on patronage was devastating. As Melbourne grew in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s, more and more residents came to live beyond the reaches of the train and tram networks, and increasing numbers of journeys were made to locations other than the Central Business District, to which trains and most trams ran. Car ownership was also rising rapidly. The need for a co-ordinated response was identified by land-use planners in the 1950s:

A Tale of Two Urban Myths From the survey of the existing transport system and study of the probable needs of the future, it is apparent that, if the public transport system is to play its proper part in the essential movement of people and goods, there will have to be effective coordination of all forms of surface transport - trains, trams and buses. Only in this way will the public be given the best possible service at the lowest cost. (MMBW,1953, 192)

This is precisely what was being provided in Toronto in the 1950s, but in Melbourne public transport remained uncoordinated, as operators responded to falling patronage by reducing services and poaching one another's remaining patrons. In the 1970s, the Tramways Board moved into bus operations, with a series of radial express routes along freeways, many of which repeated the now-traditional pattern of "annexing" patrons from parallel rail routes. Little was done to provide services to newly-developed areas or cross-suburban linkages. Although a multimodal fare system was inaugurated in 1981, and the Victorian Railways amalgamated with the MMTB in 1983, public transport in Melbourne remains a series of unconnected routes and modes. The Public Transport Corporation's Melbourne "Travel Guide" (PTC, 1995) contains separate maps of the rail and tram systems, with no information about connection points and no map of bus services. Information about buses is confined to the following: "Operating hours vary for local bus services run by private companies. Contact the Met information centre for further details". The conservative Victorian government elected late in 1992 is in the process of reversing what little integration was achieved in the 1980s, adopting the Industry Commission's public choice "reform package". The Public Transport Corporation has been split into separate rail, tram and bus divisions, while private bus operators have been granted greater "commercial freedom", which many are using to reintroduce singlemode tickets. If Melbourne public transport exemplifies "public choice" in action, Toronto is a paradigm of comprehensive planning. The establishment of the Toronto Transportation Commission in 1921 parallelled the formation of the MMTB in 1919, but with one principal difference. The Commission was given responsibility for all urban public transport within City of Toronto boundaries (except taxis) and operated an integrated, multi-modal system from its earliest days. Private operators were excluded, and when the TTC (renamed the Toronto Transit Commission) was expanded to cover the new Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto in 1954, private bus operations were acquired and integrated into the TTC system. When urban rail finally appeared in

Paul Mees Toronto in 1954, the integration theme was continued. High on the list of ''primary design objectives" for the new rail system was: "It would facilitate the fast and convenient interchange of passengers between the subway and surface route systems" (ITC, 1982,ll). Frisken (1990b, 22-23) draws a direct connection between the organisational structure of Toronto public transport and service integration and expansion: Because the m C had a monopoly on transit service within Metro, it was able to link suburban bus routes to subway lines, just as the city agency had used buses to feed streetcar lines .... The practice remains a cornerstone of the m C ' s servicing policy. The extension of subway lines into the suburbs has meant the addition of many suburban bus routes primarily for the purpose of generating subway ridership. This has undoubtedly meant that some suburban districts have received bus service earlier than they would have.... Between 1955 and 1963 the TTC doubled its annual mileage of suburban bus operation.

Public transport in Metro Toronto is "inflexible", as public choice theorists predict. A uniformly high level of service is provided throughout the urban area by an easily understood grid network of buses and trams, which "feed" the rapid transit system, as well as serving local and cross-suburban travel needs. Frequent services operate on most routes day and night, seven days a week, providing passengers with the real flexibility that comes with freedom from juggling timetables. The cost of providing such high service levels is considerably reduced by the simplified route structure and intermodal coordination. Patronage also shows a uniform pattern, with high usage in all areas. In 1986, public transport served between nineteen and thirty-seven percent of total travel across the seventeen planning districts that make up Metro Toronto, with an average of twenty-six percent (Frisken and McAree, 1993,43). By contrast, public transport in Melbourne is "flexible" in a different sense: service quality varies wildly across the city. Variations are not based on population density or any "rational" criterion, but on history (areas with trams receive much higher service levels than those served by buses) and personality (two private bus operators service South-East Melbourne; one operates a basic hourly service, the other a half-hourly schedule. The better service is provided to the area with lower population density and higher incomes). Bus services in particular are of extremely low quality (except for a few routes replacing former tram services), with a confusing and inefficient route structure, little intermodal integration and poor frequencies and hours of operation (only seven routes operate

A Tale ofTwo Urban Myths at all on Sunday evenings in the whole city). The result is that the majority of Melburnians have no access to public transport after about 7 p.m. or on weekends, and those served by public transport have a limited choice of destinations. Patronage varies dramatically, ranging from less than five percent of total travel to more than thirty percent across Melbourne's eight planning regions, but the average is below ten percent (Cramphorn, 1981; Beed and Moriarty, 1992). An illustration of the different systems in action is provided by a comparison of two bus routes serving similar territory (Table 3).

TABLE 3

BUSSERVICE LEVELS AND PATRONAGE Melbourne

Suburb

Keysborough

Distance from CBD (km)

Toronto North York

25

25

Bus service frequency (min.):Peak period Off-peak (daytime) Evening After midnight Last bus on weeknights Saturday morning Saturday afternoon Sunday

60 60 No service No service 6.30pm 60 No service No service

2.5 6 7.5 15-30 24 hour service 8 7 10

Return fare to City (bus and train)

$9.20 (AUS)

Bus route (no.) Gross residential density along route (/ha.)

Daily patronage (weekday) Sources: l T C 1991;Statistics Canada 1992;ABS 1993

The proposition that service is the key could be tested if there were areas in Toronto where public transport was provided on a "public choice" basis, as in Melbourne. Mississauga, a suburb beyond the boundary of Metro Toronto is such an area. Mississauga is served by a municipal bus service rather than the TTC, supplemented by provincially-provided commuter rail. Despite a similar urban form to Etobicoke, the neighbouring area of Metro Toronto (gross residential densities are twenty-nine and thirty-three persons per hectare respectively - IBI Group, 1990, Exhibit 12), public transport in Mississauga is similar to Melbourne's. The typical bus route runs halfhourly with little evening and no Sunday service on most routes, and most travellers must pay an additional fare to transfer to the TI'C subway system. Public transport in Mississauga accounted for eight percent of travel in 1986, similar to the share in Melbourne, while the figure in Etobicoke was 19.5 percent. PUBLIC TRANSPORT AND URBANMYTHS

Melbourne's market-driven public transport has proven less able to respond to changing travel needs than Metro Toronto's centrally planned system. The "Toronto model", at least for Australians, appears to provide confirmation of Frisken's "empirical dissent from the public-choice paradigm", as it applies to urban public transport. Australian attention has been diverted from this lesson by the focus on transportfland-use integration in Toronto. This antipodean "urban myth" about Toronto contrasts starkly with the equivalent myth about Melbourne, which holds that the city's urban form has changed dramatically since the war, rendering travel modes other than the car non-viable. Neither urban myth corresponds to reality: in fact, Melbourne's is a better description of Toronto than it is of Melbourne, and vice-versa. The urban myths tell us more about planning culture and discourse than they do about reality. Planners in Toronto tend to regard their city as a planning "success story" and communicate this assessment to overseas visitors. This confidence is buttressed both by the obvious success of the 'ITC, and the fact that, since the 1970s, many US urbanists have understandably looked to Toronto as a planning role model. The March 1995 edition of the American Planning Association's magazine, for example, showcases Toronto as "the city that works", a city that has avoided many of the problems besetting US urban areas. Urban planners in Melbourne, by contrast, appear radically unhappy with their city. The two major analyses of planning in Melbourne

A Tale of Two Urban Myths (McLoughlin 1992; Beed 1981) regard the poor state of public transport as a preeminent indicator of a general failure of planning. The reasons for this less positive assessment are complex. Melbourne's planners may have been influenced by the generally downbeat "urban personality" (cf. Briggs, 1963), but one difference with Toronto is the absence of a nearby model of failed urban planning with which to contrast Melbourne. The "road lobby" is happy to agree with this assessment, since it enables unpopular new freeways to be presented as inevitable outcomes of the sprawling form of post-war urban development, rather than deliberate policy choices (cf.CATS 1956; Underwood 1990). The high self-image of urban planning in Toronto helps build consensus for "pro-transit" policies, such as a moratorium on new freeways that has been in place in the Municipality of Metropolitan Toronto for some twenty-five years. Metro's latest official plan, "The Livable Metropolis", proposes a series of transit and planning initiatives directed towards "travel targets" for increases in the share of trips by green modes (Metro Toronto, 1992b, 79). The equivalent document in Melbourne proposes to more than double the size of the city's freeway network. It notes that "public transport services a relatively small proportion of total trips" (Department of Planning, 1994, 33), but does not seek to change this situation. An indicator of the reason why no change is proposed, and an indication of the extent to which the Melbourne urban myth receives support from opinion leaders, is provided by the editorial in The Age on 9 January 1993, following the State government's announcement of substantial cuts to public transport: [WJe all wish that more people would use trains instead of cars because of pollution and traffic jams .... Unfortunately, the fact is that fewer and fewer people are using public transport.... True, there has been a revival of public transport in many European and North American cities .... But typically these cities differ from Melbourne.... The virtually irreversible problem here is the postwar sprawl of offices, factories and shopping centres beyond the easy reach of a radial transport system.... This is a community addicted to space, privacy and instant mobility, and neither economic pressures nor environmental concerns are likely to make a substantial difference in the near future.

Melbourne's urban myth regularly and effectively functions to narrow the range of transport policy options considered. It helps to construct a transport discourse from which serious "green" options are excluded. Toronto also has its myths, of course, one of which may be that land-use planning has been extremely successful by any standards other than

Paul M e e s North American1 But strict accuracy is not the point. To the extent that this myth influences transport policy, it discourages adoption of roadbased transport solutions, in contrast with Melbourne's, which the local "road lobby" relies upon with devastating effectiveness.

This is not to suggest that land-use planning is unimportant; simply that planning in Melbourne may have been more effective than local commentators acknowledge.

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-1992. "Toronto - Paradigm Lost?",Australian Planner (September), 123-30. CATS. 1956. Chicago Area Transportatwn S t d y 1956 (3 vols). Chicago. Cramphorn, B. 1981. Melbourne Home Interview Travel Survey 1978-79 (3 vols). Melbourne: Ministry of Transport. Davison, G. 1978. The Rise and Fall of Marvellous Melbourne. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press. Department of Planning (Victoria). 1994. Melbourne Metropolitan Strategy: A Discussion Paper. Melbourne. FOUV~, C.L. 1970. "Public Transport and Street Accidents", in N. Clark, ed. Proceedings of the Tewksbury Symposium. Melbourne: Department of Civil Engineering, University of Melbourne. Frisken, F. 1991. 'The Contributions of Metropolitan Government to the Success of Toronto's Public Transit System: An Empirical Dissent from the Public-Choice Paradigm", Urban Afairs Quarterly, Vol. 27, No. 2,268-92.

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Frisken, F. and M. McAree. 1993. Transit 2020: Social Equity Analysis. Toronto: Metro Toronto Planning Department. Frost, L. 1992. The New Urban Frontier: Urbanisation and City Building it1 Australasia and the American West. Sydney: UNSW Press. Hutchinson, B. 1986. "Structural Changes in Commuting in the Toronto Region 1971-19812', Transport Reviews, Vol. 6, No. 4,311-29. IBI Group. 1990. Greater TorontoArea Urbatt Structure Concepts Study: Summary Report. Toronto. Industry Commission. 1993. Urban Transport -Draft Report. Canberra: AGPS. Kenworthy, J. 1991. "The Land-use1Transit Connection in Toronto", Australian Planner, Vol. 29, No. 3,149-54. Kohut, R. 1991. Shaping Public Tratrsport's Future. Melbourne: Public Transport Corporation. Lemon, J. 1985. Toronto Since 1918: An Illustrated History. Toronto: James Lorimer and Co. Maddock. J. 1992. People Movers: A History of Victoria's Private Bus Industry. Sydney: Kangaroo Press. McLoughlin, J.B. 1992. Shaping Melbourtte's Future: Town Planning, the State and Civil Society. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. Mees, P. 1994. "Toronto: Paradigm Reexamined", Urban Policy and Research, Vol. 12, No. 3, 14663. Melbourne and Metropolitan Board of Works. 1953. Melbourne Metropolitan Planning Scheme 1954: Surveys atrdAnalysis. Melbourne: Government Printer. Metropolitan Toronto Planning Department. 1992a. Ofice Space and Employmetit Characteristics Greater Toronto Area. Toronto.

-. 1992b. The Livable Metropolis: Drajl Official Plan. Toronto. Moodie, M. 1991. Evaluation of District Cetrtre Policy -Overview. Melbourne. Newman, P. and J. Kenworthy, 1989. Cities and Automobile Depetrdetice: An International Sourcebook. Aldershot, U K : Gower. O'Connor, K. and V. Rapson. 1994. Mottitoring Melbourne No. 7. Melbourne: Department of Geography, Monash University.

Paul Mees

Public Transport Corporation. 1995.City and Suburbs Travel Guide. Melbourne. Self, P. 1993.Government by the Market? The Politics of Public Choice. London: Macmillan. Statistics Canada 1993.Place of Work: The Nation, Cat. 93-323. Ottawa.

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The contributions to the Literary and Cultural Studies section of this volume are characterised by an extraordinary range of subject matter and by a wide variety of critical approaches. At once particular yet sweeping, they reflect on the local and the global, surveying everything from exploration literature to science fiction and crime writing. Christy Collis' contribution reverses current trends in post-colonial criticism which figure exploration texts as "flawed documents which point up the inability of the British Empire to understand or to control the lands beyond its shores". For Collis, such a reading ignores the on-going "discursive dominance" of Empire's projects, even those located in moments of failure, such as the "final" Franklin expedition of 1845. Franklin's disappearance is arguably a foundational moment in Canadian European history, a moment of absence which is read as plenty. Collis' contribution argues-that this gap in the record was valuable to an Empire which was moving past its more spectacular period of conquest and discovery and into "the more difficult, ambiguous phrase of long-term settlement and colonial expansion". Franklin's massively expensive expedition was a way to restore Britain's glory, and to provide a goal - a grail - upon which the Empire's project could be refocussed. And though Franklin became a casualty of the quest, his disappearance colluded with, indeed, supplanted, the North West passage quest, becoming itself a complex narrative which sustained and legitimised British conquest and exploration. Collis' reading of the "last link" dimension of the saga, in which a fictional "closure" to the search was written into Franklin's last moments - that is, that Franklin "discovered" the N W passage moments before he died - demonstrates convincingly that his "disappearance was emphatically not a defeat or a failure for Empire or for the quest narrative which legitimated Empire's presence in Arctic space. Instead, it was 'a summons to fresh exertions"'. The very fact of the ambiguity of Franklin's fate, paradoxically coupled

Gerry Turcotte with an unequivocal moment of triumph, guaranteed that the story of British expansionism could not be prematurely forestalled. If the world was understood by Franklin and his supporters as the extension of Britain and the perpetuation of its values, Goldwin Smith's view of Canada was not so clear. He was a divided man, drawn both to a nationalist wish for the country he did not love and to a seemingly antithetical continentalism which called for Canada to become a part of the USA. Thomas Tausky's essay focusses on a figure who in turn was not much loved by his adoptive country, and this perhaps because of his pessimism and criticisms of the country's prospects. Smith adopted the name of "Bystander" and used this median position to chart a place for himself which was at once central and marginal, active and yet withdrawn. For Tausky, Smith is a figure less to be valued "for what he says to us ... than [for] what he says about his time". His contradictory "nationalist and continentalist ideas" are perhaps symptomatic of his age - a time tom between feelings of antipathy towards the US, and yet envious of its New World vibrancy; a place of anxious affiliation to the Old World, and a nervous desire for independence. Tausky argues that the "conflicts in which he was engaged clarify that era of Canadian history for us; his hopefulness in the 1870s and then his later despair ... of the struggles of the idealist in an unreceptive climate, while his more metaphysical anguish at the end of life speaks to us in deeper terms still". The essays in this section are largely on contemporary texts, and if there are no essays which bridge the gap gradually from the 1800s (Sir John Franklin and Goldwin Smith) to the twentieth century, then at least the rewriting of Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness by Timothy Findley provides a tangential bridge. Ironically, however, Brian Edwards' essay is concerned with double-plays, with literature positioned "simultaneously inside and outside of 'actual' cultural contexts". His focus is on fiction which surfs the intertexts and which therefore problematises a range of fixities, not the least of which is history and linearity. Findleyys controversial novel, Headhunter, continues the notion of exploration, but of violent "trajectories", exploring "violence in the particular forms of institutionalised oppression and abuse of authority". Findley locates his inquiry in the literary, and, according to Edwards, "In its attention to literary figures and traditions, Findley's bleak vision still encapsulates an ancient directive: Let's find a poet to save the city - not Marlow seaman, or Marlow psychiatrist, but the texts variously documentary and imaginative that incorporate them". Marlow, more than Kurtz, seems a representative figure of the twentieth century, on an endless journey towards and away from darkness, trying

Introduction to find order at the centre of chaos, but unlike the modernist heroes, signalling the impossibility of such stability with every effort. Janette Turner Hospital is another Marlow figure, inviting by her divided "nationality" - she is Australian by birth, lives in Canada, and teaches in the US and Europe - a questioning of the problematic rubric of nation. Adam Shoemaker's article in this volume argues that it is Hospital herself, as much as her texts, who escapes fixities, who troubles certainties of cultural contexts. As Shoemaker puts it, "Hospital is in fact 'someone else' all of the time, no matter where she is temporally or geographically located". It is perhaps no coincidence that in her latest novel, Oyster, her characters live literally "off the map" in a town called Outer Maroo. One in particular is a former surveyor and cartographer. As this character puts it, "stepping into a story or constructing a map are much the same thing; and both are like tossing a stone at a window: the cobwebby lines fan out from the point of impact in all directions at once". For Shoemaker, the interest is in the way critics tend to want to privilege a single line in the cobweb, and to construct one point of origin as primary - to "erect national fences around authors in direct proportion to the prominence of their profiles". Their inability to do so is frequently turned against Hospital, so that she is alternatively criticised for not being Australian, or Canadian, enough - or worse, for masquerading as one or the other. But as Shoemaker argues, "a full understanding of her work can only be achieved when one renounces the idea of Canadianness and Australia~essas competing identities". Like Lilah Kemp, the librarian who lets Kurtz escape from Heart of Darkness in Headhunter, there seems to be an extraordinary desire for containment and control among commentators, even in the midst of a putative celebration of postmodem disjunction. Such insistence is puerile and diminishing. If Janette Turner Hospital stands in a contested relationship to both Canada and Australia, Judith Wright and Margaret Atwood are incontestably anchored to their respective nations. Margaret Henderson's essay examines the way motherhood is "performed" in the poetry of these major figures. "When they write about motherhood, both Wright and Atwood attempt to give a speaking voice to the figure of the mother, to put her in focus, to remove her from a marginality in which she is traditionally spoken for, rather than speaking". Their deployment of mother figures, however, is different. Wright, for her part, "repeats and extends" a picture of motherhood consistent with theological constructions -"the mother as transcendent, the child as divine" and so forth -and she explores "the ambivalence of the 'Stabat Mater"' which "both mourns and celebrates the life of the child within the maternal

Gerry Turcotte body". Atwood, on the other hand, "politicises" her depictions, arguing "that the glorification of motherhood can only occur through the silencing of many women who are mothers". She does use images of the Madonna, but "places them within a broader context of 'Old Women' and 'leathery mothers"'. As Henderson puts it, where Wright's poems follow "the pattern of the lyrical monologue of the mother to her unborn child, Atwood's poems are clearly and consistently elegies, not only for the dying, but also for those being born - and for those whose task it is to bear". Just as Adam Shoemaker argues that Janette Turner Hospital's multiple "nationalities" are a strength of her fiction, so Andrew Enstice suggests that William Gibson's move to Canada from the USA "has been a major influence'' on his work. Gibson's bleak delineation of the future in his cyberpunk Neuromancer trilogy, and in his dystopian steampunk collaboration The Difference Engine, has found a wide audience largely because he has managed to articulate the sense of distress attendant upon "trans-cultural and trans-national fears of the loss of identity in a rapidly changing world", one which he himself came to know intimately after he moved to Vancouver in 1972. There he witnessed "the pervasive influence of closely-related American culture ... compounded by a mistrust of the 'alien' trans-Pacific neighbour, Japan". Gibson's work addresses the more frightening dimensions of globalism, as it is manifested in multinational, corporate technoculture, and the way it manages to create a simultaneously familiar and unfamiliar landscape for global consumption. Gibson's high-tech world expresses "a bleak vision of future worlds in which the contentious desires of the human subject for difference of any kind, personal or cultural, are subservient to the inhumanly homogenising effect of global artificial intelligence". The desire for difference and the attendant fear of homogenising frameworks is at the centre of most writing, though it has a particular register in colonial and post-colonial fictions. For Canada and Australia this is especially obvious. Britain functions for both nations as a signpost of origin; and each nation decries, to differing degrees, the impact of American culture on their own. One of the ways each nation has resisted these tensions is through the redeployment of fictional modes which suggest at once a tie to older or more powerful structures, but which also enable an articulation of difference and rebellion. As Janeen Webb and Dena Bain Taylor suggest in "The Evolution of Canadian and Australian Speculative Fiction", a survey of science fiction and speculative fiction, "Canadian and Australian writers were neither developing their literature in isolation from the rest of the world, nor simply producing imitations

Introduction of imported works ... they were active participants in the international dialogue of the transnational genre of speculative writing". The way established genres are re-written says much about the preoccupations of particular individuals, groups and even nations. The speculative fiction of Australia and Canada displays an obsession with centres of power, but also relocates interest, speaks dissent, and empowers the perceived margins. Through the process of such revisions the "bounds of colonial legacies, the fears of the 'other' and of the land, lose their power to restrict when the experience is given a mythic reality". As Webb and Bain Taylor go on to say, "For both Canada and Australia, the intrinsic diversity of speculative fiction offers a powerful medium for exploration of both the limits and the possibilities of cultural identity". A similar point is made by Beryl Langer about crime fiction in Canada. Langer sees Canadian crime fiction "as a 'local' version of a 'global' form" though by global she acknowledges the particularly pervasive American dimension to the fiction which influences the Canadian imaginary. Her paper, "Coca-colonials Write Back", reads American crime fiction as focussed on mapping out specificities of place which it then exports into a global market. Such specificities of US space erase external realities and replace them with their own - such fictions, in other words, colonise the imaginary of other nations. If this is true, then it is possible to argue that writing and reading Canadian crime fiction can "be seen as a counter-hegemonic strategy within the global cultural market - a way of constructing and consuming cultural difference". Langer's paper "explores textual strategies used to 'localise the global' in Canadian crime writing, and considers the effectiveness of textual resistance as a political strategy in a cultural economy where the distinction between 'globalisation' and 'cultural imperialism' can be difficult to sustain".

THE "LAST LINKLEGEND"AND EMPIRE'S ARCTICQUEST In recent Australian and Canadian post-colonial criticism, it has become a standard practice to read imperial exploration texts of the nineteenth century as failures, as flawed documents which point up the inability of the British empire to understand or to control the lands beyond its shores. Though these readings are productive, and necessary ones, in the rush to prove the ways in which exploration writing fails, less and less attention is being directed at the ways in which those texts succeed, at how the spatial writing of early British explorers continues to inform concepts of land in the post-colonial period. As a way of approaching this issue, I will focus on Sir John Franklin, an explorer who disappeared on an exploration mission in the (now) Canadian Arctic in 1845. Despite the arguments of critics who insist that his disappearance marks the ultimate fracturing of Empire's project of discovery in Canada,l Franklin continues to figure prominently in Canadian cultural space. How can his continuing presence be accounted for? It is important to note that in the context of exploration, "success" denotes not only the initial planting of the Union Jack on foreign soil, but also Empire's ability to maintain discursive dominance over its discovered spaces. Empire's success then, is dependent on the perpetuation of its spatial constructions and not just on their installation. My study is concerned with the ways in which imperial discourses of spatial dominance have managed to succeed across both time and space, and how the missing explorer was, and is still, used in order to achieve this perpetuation of imperial discursive dominance. This paper focuses on a single instance - Franklin's disappearance while searching for the Northwest Passage - in order to identify how this apparent failure has been made into an imperial success. In the mid-nineteenth century, Empire's physical expansion was beginning to slow. Britain's great project was shifting away from the Canada-Australia,1895-1 995 -385

Christy Collis familiar, grandiose operations of discovery and conquest, and into the more difficult, ambiguous phase of long-term settlement and colonial administration. The Orient, which had for hundreds of years been constructed as a bejewelled site of immeasurable commercial value, had become an organised and established series of ports, thus slowing the race which had propelled sixteenth- and seventeenth-century explorers into the Arctic in search of a Northwest Passage from Europe to Asia. Much of southern Canada had also been explored and inscribed by this time, and the texts being produced about Canada dealt increasingly with the quotidian difficulties and costs of settlement rather than with the continuing expansion of Empire. David Thompson, Alexander Mackenzie, George Vancouver, and Samuel Heame, central figures in the exploration and writing of the Canadian south, were either dead or retired: the age of heroes was apparently deteriorating into an age of inauspicious administrators and fur traders, neither of whom performed the necessary rituals and rites of expansionism. Further, it was becoming increasingly difficult for Britain to maintain its position of dominance in a country whose entire northern border seemed beyond its reach. In Britain, the Industrial Revolution was sliding into recession, and abolitionists were beginning to question the very ethicality of imperialism itself. To compound the inglorious situation, the Napoleonic Wars ended in 1818, leaving Britain not only without the triumph of new discoveries, but also without the opportunity for the spectacular displays of military might created by war. The momentum of exploration and discovery had apparently stalled; Empire had reached a point of crisis. In the midst of this crisis of imperial progress, British attention suddenly refocussed on the Arctic. Although three hundred years of searching for the Northwest Passage in the Arctic had produced little more than a shelf of reports on the north's sterility and uselessness, and though the race for the Orient had essentially concluded, the Northwest Passage was again configured in both Admiralty and popular media reports as a valuable object. The reason for this sudden resurgence of interest in the Arctic is evident: Empire needed another area of the world to explore, another space to discover and conquer. This exercise would divert attention away from the vicissitudes of colonial management, and would guarantee that the glorious age of Empire's expansionism was still active. The problem was, however, that the Arctic did not lend itself well to the conventional processes and discourses of discovery and conquest. Seemingly devoid of recognisable referents, the Arctic eluded European description, measurement, charting, and even physical penetration. There were no trees, no sun in winter, and few natives. In the words of the nineteenth-century explorer Schwatka, it was "the most desolate region I

Empire's Arctic Quest ever saw, not a house nor a tree, nor in fact any sign of animal or vegetable life" (Gilder, 12).2 Though the explorers' task was, as Paul Carter observes, to "demonstrate the efficacy of the English language" (117) and imperial constructions and narratives in foreign lands, the alien Arctic provided the explorers with alarmingly little to say. And with their ships frozen into the ice for ten months of the year, it also left the supposedly active explorers with little to do. Arctic exploration, it seemed, was failing both to provide the required glory and to prolong the age of imperial expansion. In fact, the Arctic project was generating a growing list of embarrassing failures. Yet as Frobisher claimed, the Arctic was "the only thing in the world that was left yet undone" (qtd. in Owen, 16): Empire could not simply dismiss it as too difficult or too distant. To do so would not only mark the conclusion of expansionism, it would also demonstrate the inadequacy of Empire's explorers, and even its language. As there were no new lands to discover, what was required was a new way of writing Arctic exploration, a way which would construct it as a legitimate, a glorious, and a lengthy operation. Accordingly, in the nineteenth century, the search for the Northwest Passage became a quest. Of course, the search for the Passage did not simply transform itself into a quest, it only became one when explorers, the Admiralty, and the media began to configure Britain's Arctic expeditions within the familiar narrative conventions of the quest. The quest is an ideal narrative for an ailing empire: it is ennobling, it reifies Britain as the stable centre from which knights travel and to which they return, and it reconfigures discovery as a spiritual necessity. Most important however, is that the quest is an asymptotic narrative: that is, the quest is informed by the action and the glory of searching for an invaluable object which can never quite be attained. The grail is always just out of reach, although it demands continuing exertions. For these reasons, the object of Empire's expansionist desire in nineteenth-century Arctic exploration writing was positioned in the necessarily-uncharted Arctic, and then nominated a grail. Once the grail was situated somewhere in the yet-unfictioned north, exploration, expansion, and the familiar discourses of British dominance and conquest could continue. The conclusion to the imperial quest was productively forestalled. In summary, because Empire needed to continue its established narrative of important and glorious discoveries, the exploration of the Arctic was constructed as a cultural necessity. And because the Arctic itself was unsettlingly empty of explicable, let alone valuable, referents which might legitimate this conquest, it now contained a grail. The elevation of the Northwest Passage from a uselessly frozen sea route to a

Christy Collis grail in the midst of a noble quest narrative also bought Empire more time. Configured as a quest, the continuing failure of the explorers to "make" the Passage was explicable: grails are, indeed, not easily won. With its historical and literary precedents, its promised concrete grail, and its demand for progress and its own perpetuation, the installed fiction of the Northwest Passage quest "sounded like a trumpet call" (Osbom, 1859b, 338) - a conveniently heraldic trumpet call, which drowned out the mounting polyphony of the colonised world. Between 1800 and 1845 the British Admiralty sent no less than twelve expeditions into the Arctic. The new age of discovery was initiated, expansionism was still active. Thirty years of the quest for the Northwest Passage had by 1845, however, culminated in a mounting crisis: the discovery of the Passage, which had governed the Arctic voyages and fictions of Britain for so long, was as navigational technology improved, becoming less a glorious grail than a frustrating chimera. Though Osborn wrote in 1851 that the British "cherished the most ardent hopes of securing to their country a discovery that would be both useful and glorious" (1859a, 9), the collective narrative of progress towards any discovery in the Arctic had reached a point of inertia; the prescripted movement of the quest narrative had dangerously stalled. Explorers such as Ross in 1835 attempted to reiterate their belief in the Passage's existence, yet became increasingly dejected: It is mortifying to labour hard, suffer much, under hopes so often held out, to be ever on some anticipated brink of the discovery which should indemnify us for all those toils, and place the crown of success on our labours, and then at length to find that we have not missed that reward by having indulged in absurd or groundless expectations, have not been striding against these obstacles, the utterly insurmountable nature of which may console us for the disappointment, but have been, in reality, nearly within the reach of the expected object, yet as far from attaining it as ever. (1835, mi)

Initially installed as a concrete European referent amidst the alien topographies of ice, the grail was proving to be not only elusive, but also potentially nonexistent. The Northwest Passage quest narrative had reached saturation point. Further, the Arctic land itself - endless and implacably alien to the explorers - denied the possibility for many of the conventional episodic highlights of European quest narratives. With no tempting maidens, no lion-flanked castles, no sagacious hermits, and a fading grail, the quest fiction was becoming alarmingly difficult to

Empire's Arctic Quest sustain. The quest narrative, it seems, and by extension the imperial desire it reproduced, had slipped in its application to the Arctic ice. In 1845, Sir John Franklin, veteran of the three previous Northwest Passage quests and the ex-governor of Van Diemen's Land, sailed from England as the captain of the most technologically-advanced Arctic expedition to date. He had two ships, 135 men, food for up to five years, and libraries of up to 2000 books per ship. Shipboard comfort, however, was of little consequence compared to his narrative dilemma. When he entered the Arctic in 1845, Franklin was confronted with what seemed like an insurmountable double-bind: if he established a Northwest Passage, the patiently and strategically installed quest narrative would be concluded, and would lose its purchase on Arctic space: rather than a "final frontier" in which the asymptotic British imperial narrative of discovery could gloriously continue, the Arctic would simply become another charted colony in need of administration. If, however, he failed to produce a concluded narrative of the discovery of the Passage, the overextended quest narrative which had for three decades constructed the Northwest Passage as a geographical certainty, was also likely to lose its ability to constitute Arctic space and to ensure its own perpetuation. Franklin was thus not only a hero on a quest, but also an author assigned with the near-impossible responsibility for writing the conclusion to a weakening imperial narrative which, of necessity, could not end. Franklin did not return. Franklin's disappearance was not, however, the crushing defeat for Empire which some post-colonial critics would have it be. In fact, his "wondrous demise" (97), as John Moss recently put it, quickly resuscitated Empire's activity in the Arctic, as Britain devoted over a million pounds on sending expeditions into the Arctic in search of Franklin and his crews. Arctic writers began inserting Franklin into the quest narrative in the role of the grail, replacing the dubious Passage with the certainty of a lost knight. The quest narrative did not dissolve with Franklin's disappearance, instead, it was refocussed so that Franklin was positioned as an improved Arctic grail. Although Franklin was configured as a new grail around which British quest narratives could cohere in the Arctic, the question of the Northwest Passage could not simply be dropped. Three hundred years of narrative progression towards the fictional grail of the Northwest Passage could not be concluded with the admission that the Passage had been a fantasy and could now be dismissed in favour of the assuredly-real Franklin. For this reason, what Woodman refers to as "one of the enduring traditions of the

Christy Collis Franklin expedition" (94) - a tradition which is entirely fictional, yet which has been reiterated in the most sober of texts from the 1850s to the present day - was hastily invented and textually deployed. This "traditionalised" fiction is the "last link" legend: the assertion that Franklin finished the Northwest Passage quest moments before he died. Not surprisingly, a version of the last link legend is also a feature of the Arthurian quest narrative, in which the pure Sir Galahad reaches the Grail and simultaneously ascends to heaven. This article takes as its focus the use of the quest narrative in non-fictional Arctic writing, in order to examine the extent to which the quest - a narrative which is essentially a fiction - informs ostensibly non-fictional accounts of Arctic history and space. Captain Osbom's 1860 narrativisation of Franklin's deathbed discovery -"The Last Voyage of Sir John Franklin" - is a particularly saccharine example of the "last link" fiction in action. According to Osborn, Lieutenant Graham Gore, one of Franklin's officers, set out on foot in 1846 from the Arctic's King Williams Land, where the ships sat ice-locked, and Franklin, presumably, lay ill. Gore ascended Cape Herschel and saw the charted mainland coast in the distance, thus connecting the Franklin expedition's discoveries with those of other English explorers. As Osbom constructs it, Gore hurried back to the ships to report his news, but arrived to find the crew "with sorrow imprinted on pale countenances ... [and] the tear suffus[ing] the eye of these rough and hardy men" (1859b, 366): Franklin was dying. Gore ran down into the ship, into Franklin's book-lined cabin, and there amidst the library of Northwest Passage quest fictions informed Franklin that the Passage - the grail - had been found. The required conclusion to the quest narrative had been delivered to its allotted author. With that, "the shout of victory, which cheered the last hour of Nelson and Wolfe, rang no less heartily around the bed of the gallant Franklin, and lit up that kind eye with its last gleam of triumph. Like them, his last thought must have been of his country's glory" (366).3 In Osborn's version of the traditionalised narrative, Franklin had completed the quest for the Northwest Passage. Osborn continues his fictional narrativisation with a conflation of Franklin's completion of the Northwest Passage quest with Moses's biblical search for the Promised Land. In doing so, Osborn not only performs the requisite intertextual invocation, but also suggests that like Moses's, Britain's imperial endeavour is sanctioned by a divine force, that the Arctic is reassuringly promised to Empire by an inexorable and sacred law. Although the Christian legacy of the grail-quest narrative itself already performs this invocation of divine support, Osborn's overt

Empire's Arctic Quest simile further entrenches the notion of supernatural approbation for the British Arctic program. "Oh! mourn him not", writes Osborn, "seamen and brother Englishmen! unless ye can point to a more honourable or a nobler grave. Like another Moses, he fell when his work was accomplished, with the long object of his life in view. The discoverer of the North-west Passage had his Pisgah" (366).4 Like Sir Galahad of Tennyson's coeval Arthurian quest narrative, Franklin simultaneously found the grail, and disappeared. This tidy and heroic conclusion to the Northwest Passage quest fiction is deployed with remarkable consistency across both time and space. Though its factual basis is nothing more than a scrap of paper found under a British Arctic cairn, which read in the margin, "Sir John Franklin died on the 11th June 1847", this convenient narrative conclusion is repeated again and again, seemingly without any further inclination towards its factual support. What Franklin actually died of, what events surrounded the time of his death, if Gore saw the charted mainland, and where Franklin's death occurred, are in reality unknown. But this fictional story of his deathbed discovery persists nonetheless, its continued repetition in the face of total insubstantiation bespeaking a cultural need, and the continuing presence of the quest narrative. In his 1859 Arctic journal, M'Clintock writes that "the North-West passage has been solved by the heroic self-sacrifice of Franklin" (xxii), and concludes the journal with the pronouncement that Franklin and his crew "perished in the path of duty, but not until they had achieved the grand object of their voyage - the Discovery of the North-West Passage" (351). In a publication of the same year, Captain M'Clure's authorised Arctic journal declares that "Sir John Franklin and his hundred and thirty-eight [sic15 gallant followers went forth to achieve the North-West Passage. They discovered it, and perished victims to their zeal" (Osborn, 1859a, ix). M'Clure extends the fiction of Franklin's conclusion of the Northwest Passage narrative further, claiming that members of Franklin's expedition not only saw the mainland coast, but also arrived at it, thus accomplishing the physical closure of the Northwest Passage - the completion of the line of British footprints and anchorages across Arctic land (376). Referring to this chain of British inscription - the completed narrative of conquest which the Canadian singer Stan Rogers terms the "one warm line through a land so wide and savage", Sir John Richardson wrote in 1861 that "they forged the last link with their lives" (qtd. in "The Franklin Expedition"). The chain image is particularly productive, as it not only configures the Arctic as a blank page across which British Arctic explorers' tracks are the only legible signs, but also serves as an image of the Arctic's bondage by the narrative of the British

Christy Collis quest. The 1881journal of Heinrich Klutschak, a member of Schwatka's 1878 "quest for Franklin records", opens with the pronouncement that Franklin's expedition "found the last connecting link between the two oceans" (Gilder, 6). Richardson's 1861 Polar Regions also attributes the discovery of the Northwest Passage to Franklin's expedition, which, he adds, "perished in accomplishing their object" (189).6 The quest for the Northwest Passage, itself an installed fiction, was thus assigned its closure.7 The "last link" narrative is not confined to Arctic exploration journals.8 Although because of their authorised eyewitness status the journals are granted primary importance in textual constructions of Arctic space, other non-fictional texts also disseminate the fiction of Franklin's martyrdom to the quest narrative's conclusion. The Standard newspaper of 1895 presents the fiction as a matter of common knowledge, publishing an encomiastic account of the explorer's "death on the threshold of the North-West Passage", which reiterates the notion that Franklin "knew before he died" that he had completed the quest, and that his death was therefore not a natural physiological event, but a conscious and "terrible sacrifice" ("The Franklin Expedition"). Franklin's "discovery of the North-West Passage", The Standard continues, "was a glorious crown to hard work well and nobly done" ("The Franklin Expedition"). Franklin's biographer Trail1 also sutures this fiction into his 1896 Franklin narrative, writing that as the explorer died, "the most cherished object of his life had been accomplished, and the Northwest Passage had been discovered" (306). At the end of the nineteenth century, a monument was erected in Waterloo Place, Pall Mall, its inscription informing the passing British public that Franklin and his crew "sacrificed their lives in completing the discovery of the North West Passage" ("The Franklin Expedition"). The monument still stands. Significantly, the "last link" legend has remained in circulation across time as well as across media. In a paper presented to the Royal Geographical Society in 1945 in honour of the "Centenary of the Sailing of Sir John Franklin", the august Franklin historian R.J. Cyriax states in the midst of an arid expanse of substantiated historical "facts" that "the Franklin expedition found what it had been sent to find'' (180), and that "there is no reason to doubt that [Gore] accomplished his task and returned to the Erebus with the news that the expedition's principal purpose had been achieved" (179). On the contrary, there is little evidential reason even to suppose that the "last link" scenario occurred: the reason for its repeated deployment then, must be sought beyond the practical realm of empirical observations and in the political realm of

Empire's Arctic Quest successful imperial fictions. William Wonders's report in the 1968 Canadian Geographical Journal demonstrates yet another repetition in a scientific publication of the traditionalised quest completion. Under a photo of Canadian Armed Forces troops boarding an airplane at the beginning of their 1967 search for Franklin, Wonders notes that Gore "reached parts of southern King William Island previously charted by P.W. Dease and Thomas Simpson of the Hudson's Bay Company, thereby discovering the North-West Passage" (117). "On June 11, 1847, Wonders immediately continues, "Sir John Franklin died, age 61" (117). Though Wonders does not attempt - unlike Osborn - to construct a scene of maudlin deathbed triumph, his strategic chronological organisation of his account - first the Passage was discovered, then Franklin died - suggests that the narrative of Franklin's final hours must include the knowledge of the discovery made in his name.9 The perpetuation of the last link legend continues today, not only in poetic narratives such as MacEwen7s,but also in scientific articles. In a generically-scientific article, complete with maps, graphs, tables of measurements, and photos of bones, Owen Beattie (who has made a career of recirculating Franklin narratives) informs his readers that "it is virtually certain that the expedition succeeded in traversing the last uncharted stretch of a passage in the King William Island area of the south-central Arctic Archipelago" (1983, 68-69), and concludes that one of the central aims of his own archaeological operations in the Arctic is not just to locate the bones of Franklin and his crew members, but also to use those bones as evidence to support the narrative conclusion that "the Expedition completed a northwest passage" (69). Beattie thus assigns signification to the British bones and relics scattered on Arctic shores, figuring them as legible proofs of the Northwest Passage quest's completion, rather than as mute testimonies to cold English deaths. As Beattie writes, "The bones waited to tell their story" (Beattie and Geiger, 1987, 3), a story which, in Beattie's construction, is the quest for the Northwest Passage, and a narrative of Empire's success. The generation and installation of the story of Franklin's completion of the quest for the Northwest Passage is not based upon physical evidence. Nor is the narrative's prolonged circulation entirely motivated by a desire to bestow a meaningful death on an ageing seaman. It is neither natural nor coincidental that nineteenth-century exploration writers install the quest narrative in the majority of their constructions of Arctic space. Thus, the apparently necessary story of Franklin's conclusion of the Northwest Passage quest narrative must also be read as an imperial operation, one designed to perpetuate Empire's purchase on Arctic space. Bearing in mind Empire's binary imperative of installation

Christy Collis and perpetuation of its spatial narratives, and the dangerously stagnant state which the quest narrative had reached in Arctic writing in the midnineteenth century, the rationale behind the "last link" legend becomes apparent. The "last link" narrative appropriately closes the installed narrative of the Northwest Passage quest, generating a moment of British triumph, a triumph, of course, pre-scripted within a motivated fiction of Empire's own making. As with the Arthurian "last link", the glorious moment also installs the encouraging promise that if it is pursued with adequate rigour and dedication, the quest can eventually be concluded. However glorious the closure of the Northwest Passage quest narrative might be, two concomitant problems for Empire attend its completion: first, once the quest narrative is completed, it no longer invites its own perpetuation; and second, that the physical Northwest Passage is entirely impracticable as a sea route threatens to deflate bathetically its 300-yearold construction as a useful grail. What is important about the "last link" legend is that the "link" which closes the Northwest Passage narrative itself remains open: the narrative of the Northwest Passage might be closed, but Franklin's is invitingly incomplete. In the "last link" fiction, it is Franklin which becomes the focus of the narrative, and not the Northwest Passage. His "sacrifice", coupled with the incompletion of his own Arctic narrative, supersedes the Northwest Passage quest, eclipsing its disappointing, and dangerous, conclusion. Just as the focus of the British quest narrative was shifted from Cathay to the Northwest Passage, with Franklin's disappearance the same narrative was strategically recentred on Franklin. The quest, then, could continue: Empire's textual constructions of, and physical presence in, the Arctic were relegitimated. "After the Northwest Passage proved impractical", notes John Moss, "...Franklin was the turning point" (147-48). In 1895, The Standard recognised the pivotal role which Franklin was made to play in the larger British quest, noting that "Franklin's Expedition forms a turning-point in the history of exploration'' ("The Franklin Expedition"). Franklin had replaced the Northwest Passage as the grail -the elusive "centre of the Arctic story" (Moss, 94). As Ian Cameron observes, the Northwest Passage was subsequently not only largely dismissed fiom the British media, but also from the publications of the Royal Geographical Society itself (42). Even today, writes Pierre Berton in 1988, "when one thinks of the Northwest Passage, one thinks of Franklin" (151). Which is exactly the point. Circling around the grail of Franklin, Empire's infinitely intertextual fictions of dominance proliferated across textual Arctic space. The tenacious quest narrative continued to consolidate British dominance over the space of the north. Franklin's disappearance was emphatically

Empire's Arctic Quest not a defeat or a failure for Empire or for the quest narrative which legitimated Empire's presence in Arctic space. Instead, it was "a summons to fiesh exertions" (Traill, 384), a new and concrete grail in a continuing imperial quest. As post-Franklin titles such as Schwatka's Search: Sledging in the Arctic in Quest of the Franklin Records (Gilder, 1881), and A Summer Search for Sir John Franklin (Inglefield, 1853) evince, the quest narrative and the last link legend forestalled the conclusion of British expansionism, a new era of exploration narratives had begun. As Noel Wright promises in the final sentence of his Quest for Franklin (1959), "And the Quest remains -unfinished!" (176).

For example, see Seaton, 36. Schwatka's exploration journal was written up for publication by Gilder, and is listed under Gilder's name in the Works Cited section of this paper. Nelson, a British naval hero of the 1798 Battle of the Nile, is credited with demonstrating that British sea power was predominant throughout the world. James Wolfe commanded the 1759 British attack on Quebec, and succeeded in securing most of North America for Britain, though he died in the process. Both Nelson and Wolfe are attributed with "saving" the dominance of the British Empire in war. In comparing Franklin to Nelson and Wolfe then, Osbom constructs Franklin's Arctic expedition as a war, essential to the survival of Empire. Pisgah is the biblical mountain from which Moses is said to have first sighted the Promised Land. The same comparison is forwarded by Traill, who in fact suggests that Moses had an easier time than Franklin, as well as a "less gloomy wilderness" (367) to traverse. The actual number is 129: 134 crew originally sailed, and five were sent back from Greenland after being judged unfit for further Arctic travel. For further repetitions of the "last link" legend, see: Osborn, (1860, 13); Lambert (296-300); Lady Jane Franklin (qtd. in Lambert, 326); Murchison (in M7Clintock,xv); Hall (in Owen, 421); Traill (367); Woodman (96); Illustrated London News 15 October 1859: n.p.; Cameron (13). Although M'Clure is officially credited with the first complete traversal of the Northwest Passage in 1850-54, and Roald Amundsen with the first entirely-nautical crossing of the Arctic, it is Franklin who is granted the accolade of having "made" the initial discovery, despite his not having lived to "complete", or publish, it ("The Franklin Expedition"). M7Clure's voyage is in fact frequently condemned as misguided and in poor taste, as he gave the then-dismissed quest for the Northwest Passage precedence over the quest for Franklin. Richardson, for instance, ironically commends M'Clure for "discover[ingJ the North-west Passage after it had been discovered" (189). See also Wordie (183), and Owen (367). T. Smith's 1895 painting, "They Forged the Last Link with their Lives" is a visual representation of the "last link legend". In the painting, a leader (who, though unnamed, must be either Crozier or Fitzjames as he is too tall and lean to resemble Franklin in any way) stands by his boat, looking out towards what is presumably the Passage he has found. His men are cast about behind him, not eating each others' remains, but nobly dying where they stand. For reproductions of this painting, see Beattie (1992, SO), and Owen (unpaginated illustrations section).

Christy Collis The "last link" legend also appears in fictional texts. For instance, in Gwendolyn MacEwen9s 1965 radio play, "Erebus and Terror" (published in 1987 as a long poem) the poem's narrator, the early twentieth-century Franklin searcher Rasmussen, speaks to the ghost of Franklin which pervades Arctic space and concludes, "eight of your men went overland / and saw it [the Northwest Passage], proved it, 1 Proved the waters found each other / as you said, / Saw the one flowing into the other, I Saw the conjunction, the synthesis / of faith, there / in the white metallic cold. / And returned to tell you, Franklin" (45). Like the last link's Gore, MacEwen's Rasmussen returns the concluded Passage quest to Franklin, as well as to the readers of MacEwen's poem.

Beattie, Owen. 1992. Buried in Ice: The Mystery of a Lost Arctic Expedition. Sevenoaks, Kent.: Hodder. Toronto: Madison.

-.Expedition", 1983. "A Report on Newly Discovered Human Skeletal Remains from the Last Sir John Franklin Musk-Ox, Vol. 33.68-77. Beattie, Owen, and John Geiger. 1987. Frozen in Time: The Fate of the Franklin Expedition. London: Bloomsbury . Berton, Pierre. 1988. The Arctic Grail: The Quest for the North West Passage and the North Pole, 1818-1909. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Cameron, Ian. 1980. To the Farthest Ends of the Earth: The History of the Royal Geographical Society 1830-1980. London: Macdonald. Carter, Paul. 1987. The Road to Botany Bay: An Essay in Spatial History. London: Faber. Cyriax, R.J. 1945. "Centenary of the Sailing of Sir John Franklin with the Erebus and Terror", GeographicalJournal, Vol. 106, No. 5-6.169-80. Gilder, William H. 1881. SchwatkaJsSearch: Sledging in the Arctic in Quest of the Franklin Records. New York. Inglefield, Edward A. 1853. A Summer Search for Sir John Franklin: with a Peep into the Arctic Basin. London. Klutschak, Heinrich. 1987. Overland to Starvation Cove: With the Inuit in Search of Franklin 18781880. 1881. Trans. William Barr. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Lambert, Richard S. 1949. Franklin of the Arctic: A Life of Adventure. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. MacEwen, Gwendolyn. 1987. "Terror and Erebus", Afrerworlds. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. 41-57. M'Clintock, Capt. Francis L. 1859. The Voyage of the Fox in Arctic Seas: A Narrative of the Discovery of the Fate of Sir John Franklin and his Companions. London. Moss, John. 1994. Enduring Dreams: An Exploration ofArctic Landscape. Concord, Ontario: Anansi. Osborn, Sherard. 1859a. The Discovery of the North-West Passage by H. M. S. Investigator, Capt. R. MJClure,1850-1851-1 852-1 853-1854.3rd ed. London.

-. 1859b. 'The

Last Voyage of Sir John Franklin", Once a Week, 22 October: 33842; 29 October 1859.361-68.

Empire's Arctic Quest

-. 1860. Career, Last Voyage, and Fate of Captain Sir John Franklin. London. Owen, Robert. 1978. The Fate of Franklin. Melbourne: Hutchinson. Richardson, Sir John. 1861. The Polar Regions. Edinburgh. Rogers, Stan. 1981. "Northwest Passage", Northwest Passage. Fogarty's CovefCoal Harbour Music, FCM-004-D. Ross, John. 1835. Narrative of a Second Voyage in Search of a North- West Passage artd of a Residence in the Arctic Regions during the years 1829,1830, 1831, 1832, 1833. London. Seaton, Dorothy. 1989. "Discourses of the Land in Australia and Western Canada: Dominance and Resistance." MA Diss. University of Queensland. "The Franklin Expedition", The Standard, 21 May 1895: n.p. Traill, H.D. 1896. The Life of Sir John Franklin. London. Wonders, William C. 1968. "Search for Franklin", Canadian Geographical Journal, Vol. 76, No. 4. 116-27. Woodman, David C. 1991. Unravelling the Franklin Mystery. Kingston and Montreal: McGillQueen's University Press. Wordie, J.M. 1945. "The North West Passage Since the Last Franklin Expedition", Geographical Journal, Vol. 106, Nos. 5-6.180-97. Wright, Noel. 1959. Quest for Franklin. London: Heinemann.

GOLDWINSMITH AS THE BYSTANDER

"He died in 19109',Frank Underhill wrote of Goldwin Smith forty years after his funeral. The City of Toronto, which had long repudiated with loathing most of the opinions of its most distinguished citizen, decided to give him a public funeral; and the service was held in Convocation Hall at the university. The federal government sent its young Minister of Labour, the Hon. W.L. Mackenzie King. A few of us students were recruited to serve as ushers. But the day of the funeral dawned cold, windy, and rainy. ... And we ushers were hardly needed, because so few of the public attended. I have always thought that gloomy funeral day symbolized most fittingly the relations of Goldwin Smith with his fellow-citizens of Canada. They remained aloof from each other and estranged to the end.

...

(102)

Underhill's assessment confirms the view taken by Arnold Haultain, Smith's personal secretary and the author of Goldwin Smith: His Life and Opinions: Poor old gentleman! He has not many minds with which he can come into close contact. Sympathy means a good deal to him. And in his pro-Boerism, his anti-Imperialism, his ultra-Radicalism, and his Annexationism, precious little sympathy does he get. (77)

Smith himself seems to have felt little sympathy for the country in which he lived for nearly forty years of his life. "I dislike this country and its people" (67), he once told Haultain, vowing to omit Canada from his Reminiscences. Over a decade later, within months of his death, he takes the same line speaking to Haultain: "I have never felt at home here. I have only been happy within my own house.. .. Often I have felt myself treated as if I had been an intruder. Besides, in almost everything I took

Thomas E. Tausky up I was thwarted" (238). In an essay entitled "Apologia for his Life in Canada", unpublished in his lifetime, Smith speaks of "the insults, oral and written, which for several years I received" (in Haultain, 244) as a result of his unpopular opinions. Smith did give Canada three brief chapters, a little more than ten percent, of his autobiography. In the chapter entitled "My Life in Canada", he observes that his beloved home, The Grange, was "almost an England of my own in Canada" (1911, 450); that "As an Englishman I had now and then to take up the cudgels for my country" (454) - he means in opposition to Canadian "discontent"; he remarks that "Toronto wealth is not munificent" (457), that "Do what you will, spout loyalty as much as you please, a dependency is not a nation" (458), and that "A literary field Ontario could hardly be" (460). Here, then, is ample evidence for at least one important way in which Goldwin Smith's role in Canada was that of a bystander. This was a position Smith's lack of a following imposed upon him, but it was also a role he chose for himself. The Bystander was his name for the journal he wrote entirely by himself for several years; it was also the name he used for his contributions for many more years to other periodicals. "With the politics of Canada, otherwise than as a looker-on and critic, I did not meddle" (1911, 428), he says rather defiantly in his autobiography. A small instance of this strategy was his refusal, despite repeated entreaties by the then Premier of Ontario, Oliver Mowat, to take part in a plan to acquire land for public use in the Niagara Peninsula: writing to Mowat on 23 December 1884, Sir Casimir Gzowski comments, "The Professor's refusal does not surprise me. He prefers to be in a position of a critic, and I think has an objection to be engaged in any thing when the Government has a voice" (Smith Papers, Reel 3). A satirical magazine, Grip,ascribed to Smith in its "The Condensed 'Bystander' for February (Or any Other Month)" the view that "On the whole the country is in a very bad way because the people will not be guided by the Bystander" (quoted in Haultain, 146). Arriving at an accurate judgment of Goldwin Smith is never easy. While these indications of alienation on both sides in his relationship with Canada seem to represent the deepest feelings that were held, Smith was not without some disciples, he was often accorded respect, and he was not always a political bystander. In her well-researched and excellent biography, Elisabeth Wallace maintains that "The constant public attacks to which in middle life he had been subjected gave way in later years to even more general - and better deserved - plaudits" (1957, 126). Despite his later denials, Smith at one time seriously contemplated running for a seat in the Ontario Legislature; he wrote to

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander Charles Lindsey on 18 April 1874: "I want to get a little practical insight into Canadian politics without which I cannot write about them with confidence" (Smith Papers, Reel 2). In his detailed study of the Toronto mayoralty of W.H. Howland, Desmond Morton shows that Smith played a very active role in the municipal election campaigns of 1886 and 1887, in one case making the nomination speech for the successful candidate while the galleries "made the room ring" with their cheers for "their hero", Smith himself (Morton, 1973,99). Robert Craig Brown has shown that Smith campaigned vigorously in public and engaged in extensive behind-the-scenes consultations to make his plans for economic union prevail. He was indefatigable in seeking to influence both the political and the cultural life of the country through founding and writing for several periodicals. Haultain points out acutely that in Smith's conception of the bystander there is no suggestion of indifference or even detachment: Goldwin Smith stood apart. Always he called himself a "Bystander". But never was there such a Bystander. He took the keenest, the liveliest, almost one might say the most personal interest in the questions of the day. (246)

Yet Smith's earnestness to have his views prevail necessarily led to exasperation on both sides. For him, even more than for most men, not to have his ideas accepted was to feel "thwarted" (Haultain, 238). But as Haultain remarks in an unsympathetic moment of analysing his "Chief": How it must irritate native-born Canadians to hear him oracularly publish in their own magazines his firm conviction that it is utterly useless for Canada to attempt to stand alone, to hold up her head among the nations, to work out her own destiny, to dare to be herself! To Canadians, Canada is their home, their country, the object of their passionate devotion and loyalty. They know no other country or home; and to be told that their inexorable fate is to become a part of a great foreign nation to the south of them - ah! this must irritate Canadians tremendously. And it does. Without doubt it does. But the Professor cannot or will not see it. (106)

That day of his funeral, it must have seemed unlikely that Goldwin Smith would ever find a permanent place in the thoughts of Canadians. As a way of beginning to assess his continuing place in Canadian intellectual life more than eighty years later, I will indulge in some reminiscences of my own. In 1992 I was at a conference at Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario. Kingston is, of course, a city associated with the life of Sir John A. Macdonald, a figure who, whatever one may

Thomas E. Tausky think of him, has an unquestioned central place in Canadian history. Following one of Smith's habits, I went out for an evening walk, and for the second time in two years, came upon the handsome Georgian house of Richard Cartwright, a fierce opponent of Macdonald's, and a man Smith describes in his Reminiscences as "a strong man in every way" (438), praise that might have occurred to Smith because again in his words, "For many years he was the doughty advocate of free trade" (438). The heritage plaque on Cartwright's house reads as follows: "Sir Richard Cartwright 1835-1912. Canadian Minister of Finance and Minister of Trade and Commerce. Advocate of Unrestricted Reciprocity with the United States. Was Born in this House, December 14, 1835. His Father was the Rev. David Cartwright, chaplain to the Forces & Curate of St. George's''. Sir John A. Macdonald, Goldwin Smith, Richard Cartwright, Rev. David Cartwright. I think it's fairly clear that Smith belongs where I have placed him in the spectrum that has renown at one end and oblivion at the other. David Cartwright survives only as Richard's father, and Richard, despite being one of the most prominent men of his time, survives only in the accounts of a few historians. Yet is Goldwin Smith closer to Richard Cartwright than to Macdonald, only slightly more out of the shadows and into the light of continuing recognition? In the next section of this essay, I will begin to answer this question by taking a look at various interpretations of Smith's life from 1910 to the present. Describing a streak of vanity some academics may find it in their hearts to forgive, Haultain tells us that "Does a book amve ... almost always he very soon turns to the Index, with the object, I am now sure, of finding out whether he has been quoted or referred to" (237). Smith would be gratified to know that he does make it into the index of virtually every book about late nineteenth century Canada regardless of the subject, and that is surely one measure of his continuing presence among us. Though his name would not be recognised outside of university halls, he does find his way into the work of recent popular historians: Peter Newman in Canada 1892 describes him as "the most interesting thinker of the day" (30), and Sandra Gwyn in The Private Capital sees him interestingly as "the most prominent figure in society" (283) in Toronto, eagerly courted for invitations to the Grange rather than shunned. Gloomy as he was about Canada's intellectual prospects, Smith might be surprised as well as gratified by the intellectual distinction of the scholars who have chosen to write about him. Yet despite the breadth and depth of the attention Smith has been given, he seems to inspire

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander complicated and ambivalent responses even in those who make strong claims for his contribution to Canadian life. This divided verdict is evident in the two most searching essays about Smith, by Frank Underhill and Malcolm Ross, as well as in Elisabeth Wallace's biography. Underhill's essay as it appears in his collection In Search of Canadian Liberalism is really two essays in one, the major portion dating fiom 1933 and the last five paragraphs taken from a 1950 radio broadcast. What these two sources, rather at odds with each other in tone and assessment, tell us is that Smith's perceived relevance may vary according to the state of the Canadian nation at the time the commentator makes his judgment. In 1933, Underhill warmly praises Smith's penetration partly because he feels that Smith's pessimistic diagnosis of Canadian potentiality may be right: future historians, he says at an early point, will "fall under the spell of the Bystander and come to see how ... enlightening his criticism of the nature of Canadian nationality" was (85-86); sharing Smith's gloom, he plaintively demands in the 1933 conclusion: "Why has the growth of nationality been so slow and uncertain?" But in 1950, "We have come a long distance since Goldwin Smith's day, and there is no need for us to sink once more into his despair" (103). Malcolm Ross in 1957, like Underhill in 1933, starts from the premise that Smith has been overlooked. His first paragraphs turn Smith's term for himself to his advantage: if Smith "did not move with the main stream of our political life", still "the Bystander has some advantage over the swimmer - in perspective" (29). Like Underhill, who praises Smith for his "rich store of historical knowledge" and "range of interests" (97), like Claude Bissell who sees in Smith "a quickening force in the intellectual life of Canada", Ross finds in Smith a desperately needed source of intellectual stimulation: "At a time when Toronto was little more than a pretentious colonial outpost, the Bystander nourished us with the best that was thought and said in the world" (31). Yet Ross soon turns from admiration to pity as he gives a portrait of a lapsed Christian alone and despairing in the universe. Without a Christian underpinning, Ross argues, Smith fell victim to "a kind of idol" that "sits in the centre of the vacuum left by the departing gods" (40). That idol, Ross says, and I must agree, is "Anglo-Saxonry", the exaltation of one race above all others despite a professed belief in humanity. Yet Ross concludes his essay with the assertion that precisely because of his metaphysical solitude "Goldwin Smith is a meaningful man -meaningful to us" (47).

Thomas E. Tausky Elisabeth Wallace's biography, divided equally between narrative and an analysis of Smith's ideas, is sympathetic to him personally, but judicious rather than partisan in evaluating his views. In line with the critics already mentioned, she suggests that by "cutting at the roots of colonial provincialism" he "liberalized Canadian thought" (287) and praises his style and idealism as a journalist (286), yet she agrees with Haultain in contending that "he fell a victim to his gift for expression" (285), and startles this reader with the assertion that "He was indeed a liberal who had lived too long, and whose reputation would have stood higher if he had died in his forties [ie. before he settled in Canada] instead of in his eighties" (160). After assessing Smith's religious and social thought, Wayne Roberts ends a perceptive essay with the basic question -"How then do we take the measure of this man in Canadian history"? (66). The verdict this time is not warmly enthusiastic. Smith "made no useful contribution to Canadian social thoughty';"As a critic of Canada's colonial status he had some shrewd observations, but there is little in his quips that can be developed into profound analysis" (66). Smith's vanity would not likely be appeased by the consolation prize that he "allow[s] us to be more sensitive to several intellectual developments of his time" (66). Devoting a thoughtful chapter of his The Regenerators (1985) to Smith's "despair" (40) in the face of the decline of religion and the consequent prospect of social anarchy, Ramsay Cook is similarly lukewarm about Smith's enduring contribution to Canadian life: The importance of Goldwin Smith to late nineteen-century Canada was not the originality of his ideas, for there was little enough of that, or his capacity for controversy and his elegant writing style, valuable as they were. Rather, it was his somewhat paternalistic determination single-handedly to keep Canadians abreast of the main intellectual developments of the day. (28)

I could go on with other evaluations of Smith's contributions to Canada, but a few more sources would not fundamentally alter the complexities that have already emerged. Few of Smith's ideas have been granted permanent value, yet he is frequently credited with having elevated the intellectual character of Canadian life. He was a journalist who frequently popularised, though he never vulgarised, but he was not often successful in persuading others to share his views. He prided himself on being The Bystander; this was evidently a characteristic of his temperament and a psychological need, particularly as a defence against Canadian imperviousness to his ideas. Yet he is regarded, by friends and enemies, by contemporaries and recent historians, as quite

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander central to the debates of his day, and when the occasion called for it he could be an activist rather than a spectator. One might add that he often referred to himself as "a literary man" and he founded periodicals that promoted Canadian writing, yet he believed, characteristically on grounds of abstract principle, that Canadian literature would never amount to anything, and his own personal taste, as Carole Gerson has conclusively shown (15; 71-77), was the conservative, deadening taste of his less intellectual fellow-citizens. To go back to my earlier framework, this rather cheerless summation does not place Goldwin Smith much closer to our hearts than Richard Cartwright. True, he is indispensable to the study of the period, but that is only to be damned with the faint praise of being "of historical interest". He was as lonely in the cosmos as Malcolm Ross maintains, but there are many other haunting examples in the Victorian period of humanity in that quandary. I myself have doubts about Smith as a figure we can value for what he says to us, rather than what he says about his time. His continentalism, to a person inclined to an opposite view, is not appealing, but the smugness of his denigration, not only of the Canadian actuality, but of Canadian potentiality, is even less palatable. To see at first hand in his correspondence the virulence of his anti-Semitism is to observe chilling evidence of the Anglo-Saxonry Ross rightly points out and condemns. Yet I do find Goldwin Smith has his fascination, and I wish to call attention to the two dimensions of his career that have had the effect, for me, of making him emerge from the shades of history. Smith did not achieve many of his political aims, because his independent and unshakeable views did not bring enough converts, but. sometimes he came close. One near miss was his success in persuading the Liberal party, but not the country, to support unrestricted reciprocity in the late 1880s and early 1890s. The other example, the one I wish to put forward in his favour, was his central role in the alliance of nationalists of the early to mid 1870s which came close to either taking over the Liberal party or forming a powerful third party of its own. As has been recognised, Smith's apparently contradictory nationalist and continentalist ideas may be found in embryo in his 1863 collection of essays, The Empire. In arguing that colonial dependency was bad for both the colony and the mother country, Smith argues for Canadian independence: "That the Canadians should be a separate nation from the Americans seems a thing manifestly to be desired, not only for their own sake but for that of the Americans themselves" (102). Yet he sees Canada as "an American democracy" (104), of the New World rather

Thomas E. Tausky than the old, and dismisses (as he would continue to do) Canadian fears of annexation, speaking of "a childish antipathy to the Americans" (101); the last phrase is characteristic of the volume, which views colonial nations metaphorically as foolish and ill-behaved children. Smith's waspishness returned in the 1880s when he argued for continental union as much on the basis of the intrinsic weakness of Canadian political structures as on the economic benefits of the proposed link. In the 1870s, however, Smith seems a different man. Fresh from the creative, energising experience of being a pioneer at Comell, in his first year of residence in Toronto he wrote enthusiastically to his friend the German orientalist Max Muller: They are going to have a national magazine, really a step towards nationality in this country, where newspapers and magazines are almost the only reading of the public. They hope to stop the process which is at present going on of intellectual annexation to the United States. (Smith Papers, Reel 2)

To George Waring a month later in the same year (1871) he wrote: [Canada] is ... the land of a very happy and prosperous people, and one in which I rejoice to observe, since I first knew it [in 18641, a wonderful growth of the spirit of self-reliance and independence. When I was first in Canada, the universal cry was "Westminster or Washington!" .... But now among the young men a strong independence party is springing up, and I begin to have hopes that Canada will be a nation. (Smith Papers, Reel 2)

Smith's interest in the political development of "young men", a persistent theme in the 1870s, combines a concern for the future of the country with the human touch of the idealistic Cornell professor. The "strong independence party" was of course the Canada First movement; Smith's ardent support of that heterogeneous band of nationalists did not win universal support, either among members of the group or among historians and biographers who have studied it. It is not surprising that the unforgiving Colonel George Denison, later to become Smith's archenemy, recalled Smith's role as that of a traitor who betrayed the cause. For Norman Shrive, seeing the movement as Charles Mair's biographer, "In the very fact that under Smith's influence Canada First developed from a youthfully sentimental idealisation of Canadian nationality to a more practical participation in public and political affairs, there was, paradoxically, a corruptive element" (1965, 132). Yet Peter Waite has

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander another, and sounder, view: "...without Goldwin Smith's talent and money, without Edward Blake's talent and political influence, Canada First was merely a congeries of young nationalists with little to hold them together but a rather callow English-Protestant nationalism. Without Smith and Blake they did not last long" (1971, 34-35; another sympathetic view of Smith's role may be found in Woodcock, 1989, 100-02). Smith characteristically expended his talent and money lavishly and in a variety of directions to secure his aims. As well as being publicly identified with Canada First, a prolific writer for nationalist periodicals and a confidant of Edward Blake, he was the founding president of the National Club, an establishment with four hundred members which William Foster praised as having "good furniture, excellent pub, nice company, best of liquor, unexampled cooking" (Berger, 74). Smith's association with this club, his later championing of the Athletic Club and his role in founding the Round Table show that he was not always as isolated as has been claimed. The address he gave in October 1874 at a dinner of the National Club displays this social side of his being - "I have said that I cannot agree with Imperial Confederationists, but though I cannot agree in opinion with them I can club with them" (14). It affirms his view of himself as Canadian in his allegiance: "I have long had connections in this country, but I have myself lived in it only a few years, though I believe no native Canadian can be more thoroughly identified with it in interest or more loyal to it than I am" (6). It is also an important and neglected statement of his nationalist views. Claiming for Canada the name of "nation" - a status fiercely disputed by George Brown in The Globe a few days later - Smith asserts: "What principle can be more heart-stirring than nationality"? (9), and in an eloquent passage enumerates the benefits of a bold effort to "cultivate the sentiment" (9) of nationality: It will make our citizens citizens indeed.... It will give us a race of thoroughly Canadian statesmen looking to Canada and not elsewhere for their highest reward. It will lend dignity to our public life and to our press. It will bind the members of the Confederacy together by a stronger as well as by a nobler tie than Sectional Cabinets and Better Terms. It will make our rich men regard Canada as their permanent abode instead of selling out or living like people who are always thinking of selling out. It will kindle in them the ambition of patriotic munificence. It will give an impulse to our literature and to the development of our intellectual life. (9-10)

Thomas E. Tausky Smith's delicate negotiations with Edward Blake are at the heart of the nationalist bid for power. As is well-known, Blake gave the nationalist movement its strongest impetus in his widely admired Aurora speech of October 1874 (two days after Smith's address to the National Club) and he effectively killed the movement when he re-joined the Liberal cabinet in May 1875. Between those two dates, and also before and afterwards, Smith worked tactfully and skilfully to keep Blake loyal to the nationalist cause. What transpired when, as Blake's biographer Joseph Schull states, "the two gentlemen of means were much together" (123) at Humewood, Blake's house, we can no longer recover, and Blake's letters to Smith are also lost, but Smith's fourteen letters to Blake (Smith Papers, Reel 2) tell a sad tale of hope turning to disillusionment and despair. In an undated letter in all probability written in May 1875, Smith diplomatically speaks of "your accession to the government which I do not doubt is wise as well as unselfish"; by July, Smith still believed, he wrote Blake, that "Your position in the government is strong enough", and claimed that "We shall see - at least you will see -better days", but also confided his resolve that "I shall be ready to do what I can again -that is if I stay here". After several years in the nationalist trenches, the Canadian loyalist increasingly in 1875 and 1876 turned to re-considering his options - he had written Andrew White, his fiiend and President of Cornell a few weeks before, "I am too happy in my family surroundings to give up my house here. But I feel the want of books, intellectual intercourse" and, he adds, rather startlingly, "an object of interest". A letter of 3 February 1876, succinctly foreshadows the path of the future: the party system he defines as "the alternate ascendancy of two gangs, calling themselves party names without the shadow of a distinctive principle ... Confederation without nationality is no bond". Five days later he writes Blake: "The Globe has succeeded to a great extent in killing the Liberal spirit that was awakening among the young men; and the consequence is that a great number of them are joining the U.E. [United Empire] club. There is nothing in Globism itself to attract them". An urgent appeal combines with the beginning of the criticism of Blake that was to intensify with the years as well as with increasing disapproval of Canadians in a letter of 29 April: "It is a pity you cannot come here. There has been much backsliding, and your presence never was more needed. They are such cowards, these Canadians". Finally, in May he sends Blake an oft-quoted cry of despair that couples a renunciation of nationalism with a new social and economic theory:

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander

... But I agree with you that the outlook is dark. My dream at all events, I am afraid, has fled through the ivory gate. There was a chance of making Canada a nation while, from the Civil War and its effects in the States, the balance of prosperity was on the Canadian side. Now the balance has turned. ... I doubt myself whether the Ottawa government has ten years to live. This economic analysis was one Smith was to repeat that year as a rationalisation of his abandonment of nationalism in favour of continentalism; by October of 1876 he wrote an American friend that "the interests of any farseeing Canadian must henceforth be those of an American citizen". Smith's theory is surprising in view of the fact that hard times had faced Canada for several years. I have to believe that the real causes of Smith's change of heart were his awareness that the Canada First movement had lost its potential leader in Blake, his more personal disillusionment with Blake and his sense of grievance about the bitterness with which he had been attacked by The Globe. In several illuminating articles, Frank Underhill has discussed the significance of Blake's Aurora speech and the subsequent repudiation by both the Liberal party and the country of its principles (he rightly castigates The Globe's treatment of Smith in his "Political Ideas" essay 82-84). A similar feeling that something valuable was lost governs my reading of the Goldwin Smith of the 1870s. It must be admitted that the ship of state with Edward Blake at the helm and Goldwin Smith at his elbow might quickly have run aground. Both were bitterly opposed to the building of the C.P.R.; both were averse to a large role for government; Blake's leanings towards Imperial Federation must have been hard for Smith to swallow. Yet the Goldwin Smith of the 1870s offered much more to Canada than he did after he had been spurned. Though he called himself a Bystander by 1872, he was then no such thing. It was Blake and Brown who turned him into a bystander, a destructive mocker of Canadian potentiality rather than the active force for nationality he had once been. A second reason - a second opportunity - for remembering Goldwin Smith is the portrait of Smith that Haultain creates in his Goldwin Smith: His Life and Opinions. Haultain's book, I hope to show, is a remarkable work, a neglected classic of Canadian biography. Haultain is almost totally forgotten today, though an essay of his is analysed in the first three pages of S.E.D. Shortt's The Search for an Ideal, and Shortt asserts that "as Goldwin Smith's companion for two decades he occupied an unusually excellent position from which to

Thomas E. Tausky assess the temper of the English-speaking world" (1). Haultain's book about Smith is virtually ignored by Elisabeth Wallace in her own biography, and apart from its role as a quarry for quotations from Smith himself, the only detailed mention of it I have found is an unflattering description in Underhill's essay on Smith: His secretary, Mr. Arnold Haultain ... has left us the only attempt at a full-length portrait that we have; it was painted when Mr. Haultain was smarting a little from a sense of ill-treatment, and it shows much more concentration upon the warts than upon the rest of the face. Besides, no man was ever more completely unfitted by temperament for understanding the real elements of Goldwin Smith's greatness than was Mr. Haultain. (85)

Underhill's claim that Haultain could be less than just to Smith has some validity, as we shall see. Yet the very ambivalence of Haultain's strong feelings -and they are ambivalent rather than exclusively hostile - adds to the interest and also in some cases to the accuracy of his portrait. Smith did have his warts, even if they didn't dominate his face. The appropriate context for Haultain's biography is not Cromwell's famous comment to his painter but rather Boswell's Life of Johnson. This is so not just because Haultain observed Smith daily - all day and many evenings -for eighteen years, and Smith's sayings, preserved by Haultain in notebooks for most of those years, constitute a large portion of the book. It is also because as in Boswell's Life, the biographer is a prominent character in the narrative, as the disciple who provokes as well as records the master's bons mots. Haultain may well have been directly influenced by Boswell: he records a scene in which the Dictionary of "dear old Johnson" (127) is consulted, and the implication is that he and Smith, both well-read in any event, were in the habit of using the Dictionary. It is not much of a step fiom knowledge of Johnson to knowledge, on the part of a would-be biographer, of the most famous practitioner of the biographer's art. Underhill described Haultain's work as an "attempt at a full-length portrait". An examination of this statement must result in giving Haultain considerable recognition at the outset. How many such "attempts", particularly "full-length" attempts at biography do we have of nineteenth century Canadian personalities by those who knew them intimately? While it might seem that letters or diaries could take the place of such biographies, letter-writers can be wary of self-disclosure, and Smith has that kind of temperament: for all that literally thousands of letters of Smith's have been preserved, he nearly always confines himself to opinions and lets hardly an emotion escape from him.

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander I am not claiming that Haultain is another Boswell, just that in following Boswell's method of reportage, commentary and characterisation, he humanises Smith so that he becomes someone we understand as a complex personality rather than as a source for research on political issues or social or intellectual history. In this way, Haultain, to some degree at least, fulfils a criterion for biography as literature proposed by Ralph W. Rader in a study of Boswell: "factual narratives in order to compass a literary effect must raise their subjects constructively out of the past and represent them to the imagination as concrete, selfintelligible causes of emotion" (26). As a portrait, Haultain's biography on the most elementary level fulfils some obvious expectations. The book begins with some golden opinions of Smith held by prominent Englishmen (Haultain's imperial inclinations or his concern for a British audience are evident right from the start); the possibility of heredity traits is discussed; an outline of his life is offered, along with an elaborate analysis of the crucial decision of his life, his emigration to North America. Along the same line, but more powerful in impact is a vivid description of Smith's physical appearance, including his "very penetrating" eyes that are "like bayonets - both in hue and in the idea that they convey of possibilities and penetration" (227). Yet he can also appear quite differently: "But soon he wraps himself again in the impenetrable cloud of his own thoughts, and stalks, slightly stooping, to and fro" (26). We learn of Smith's powers as a raconteur, his daily routine, the setting - a well-equipped library - which seems symbolically appropriate as well as necessary to his tasks. Much of the book - as in the case of Boswell's Johnson - is concerned with the opinions of the Great Man (Haultain uses this term constantly, often with some irony) on his famous contemporaries, as well as on a variety of subjects, political, literary and theological. Perhaps again with an international audience in mind, Haultain records Smith's evaluations of Englishmen, not Canadians -Edward VII and Gladstone, but not Macdonald and Blake only once. The single most prominent figure in the book, apart from Smith and Haultain, is Benjamin Disraeli - he is mentioned far more frequently than Smith's wife. Much to Haultain's disgust, Smith returns again and again to the bitterness he feels towards Disraeli, and the reader gradually becomes aware that Smith is characterising himself when he seeks to characterise his enemy. There were several reasons for Smith to despise Disraeli. Not the least of Smith's objections was the fact that Disraeli had Jewish origins: "Of course", Haultain says, "he is particularly fond of attaching to Disraeli

Thomas E. Tausky the word 'Semite"' (65). As an imperialist as well as a Conservative Prime Minister, Disraeli held views that were opposite to Smith's in nearly every respect; Smith combined his objections to Disraeli's policies and his race with the comment that "Disraeli was a Jew ... a Jew [emphatically] with an oriental imagination. He cared for nothing but India" (79; cf. 122). Yet the deepest source of hostility, the insult that rankled for forty years, was Disraeli's satiric description of Smith in a novel as a man of "restless vanity and overflowing conceit ... a social parasite" (Lothair; quoted in Haultain, 4142). One can sympathise with the anger Smith felt, but the incident also seems to be sadly fundamental to the pattern of Smith's life: he expresses his radical views astringently as well as powerfully; an opponent retaliates in a way that Smith views, often rightly enough, as ungentlemanly, and a sense of grievance builds as Smith finds it difficult to endure the abuse. In this case, one wonders whether Smith's contempt for the novels of his time as well as his antiSemitism was fed by Disraeli's gibe. A more universal problem Smith had to encounter was aging and the prospect of death. Since Haultain's employment with Smith began when the latter was already in his mid-seventies, it is not surprising that such a theme is prominent in the book, but the intensity of Smith's continued absorption with political affairs, his consciousness nevertheless of declining powers (along with Haultain's observation that "The grand old brain - most potent engine I ever came in contact with - shows signs of wear and tear" [214]) and particularly, Smith's agonising over religion as his rationalist inclinations war with his need to believe in something -all these elements combine very poignantly. If this biography is in part a portrait of Man Aging, it is also a study of Man Alone. So at least the biographer thinks of his subject: He was a lonely man, was Goldwin Smith: lonely in his domestic circle, lonely in his social relations, lonely in his political convictions, lonely in his ideals. As he sat there in his arm-chair before the fire after dinner, you felt - actually felt - an insulating atmosphere between him and you. (143)

This is the central image of the book: the picture of two men in a study, seeking, but often failing, to make contact. As the passage just quoted reveals, Haultain "felt" the frustration of encountering this wall of reserve. So the book, on a deeper level, is not so much a record of "opinions" of Smith as a revelation of the emotions, positive and negative, engendered by a close and yet distant relationship.

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander There is a positive side. Haultain says that in "fifteen or sixteen years in Smith's employ", he had only seen Smith "really angry but once" (192) and that, characteristically, was over a difference of political opinion - Haultain had dared to support the Boer War. Smith apparently looked upon Haultain as a collaborator as much as an employee - "he often links me with him in his work" (114) - and in the many conversations Haultain reports seems to treat his secretary's opinions with courtesy and respect. Smith's need for Haultain's emotional support as well as more practical help is made clear: "always he wanted me at his elbow. And always he wanted sympathy and interest" (141). Haultain communicates his own pride as well as the influence Smith had on him both technically and in terms of cultivating a spirit of discipline: His own ardour in his composition communicated itself to me; and for hour upon hour daily we thus worked together, week upon week, month upon month, year upon year, for nigh upon eighteen years. No wonder a good deal was accomplished. (137)

Yet a great gap in temperament as well as opinions had to be overcome. Haultain evidently was not inclined to heroic and relentless labour; at two points in the narrative (38; 141) he pities himself for the twenty-minute lunch break he was accorded, an interval not entirely necessary for Smith, who dispatched his rice blanc-mange in seven minutes while Haultain attacked the corned beef. Their intellectual diets were as different as their tastes in food. Haultain, it must be remembered, was an imperialist who had to assist at every step in the extraordinarily painstaking process of promulgating Smith's anti-imperialist opinions; it is perhaps not to be wondered at that Haultain, feeling history to be on his side, at several points characterises Smith as many years behind the times, in this connection using the label of Bystander to describe someone whom history has passed by: "In the reign of George I11 he would have been a statesman. Today he is a 'Bystander', a bystander judging of the present with eyes fixed on the past - or on a too-distant future" (70). Perhaps more surprising, and a revealing indication of the divided feelings Smith inspired in Haultain is his decision to spend almost ten pages (204-13) defending Disraeli's opinions and character against Smith's attacks. A passage like: "Disraeli was a master of phrase. So is my Chief. But there is this difference between them: Disraeli never in his life becomes the slave of a phrase; my Chief very often does" (208) sounds very much like the revenge of

Thomas E. Tausky someone who has heard the Conservative, imperialist Disraeli attacked a few times too often. A separation in terms of social class, in present situation if not in origins, also divides the two men. As a person who clearly needed a job to make ends meet, Haultain is very conscious of Smith's wealth, most of it acquired through marriage. "I have often envied him his lot" (145), Haultain says quite bluntly. He then attempts to make this bitter feeling into an aspect of his ambivalent view of Smith. Characteristically, first he praises - the "sequestered library" described in detailed and loving terms is seen as "Surely an ideal spot for a thinker" (145) - but then it turns out that it is the source of "perhaps his greatest weakness" (145), that he attempts to solve practical political questions "from his deep armchair and his book-walled study" (146); the paragraph ends with Haultain disloyally quoting Disraeli's "not wholly unmerited description, 'a wild man of the cloister"' (146). Haultain's account of Smith's exercise of will in striving to attain a supremely lucid style again discloses, on a fundamental subject, the ambivalence he feels towards the Chief. The exceptional care Smith took over even a trivial article - a habit some might admire unreservedly seems to prompt mixed feelings in Haultain. He also finds Smith's objective less than wholly commendable. He understands and admires the spirit of dedication: " ... under that self-control was the enthusiasm of the artist. The intellectual and emotional concentration which he brought to bear on his work was intense" (137); he realises that it is a strength of Smith's style that "he shows his readers the real point at issue and explains that point in a sentence" (136)' but at the same time he argues that "He is weak in that he does not lead the reader up to higher heights" (136). Despite a substantial component of analysis, Haultain presents in his biography two opposed views of Goldwin Smith, thereby reproducing the unresolved feelings he had stored up about him. When he is focusing on Smith's intellectual gifts, his dedication and energy or his idealistic motivation, he is lavish in praise: Smith's "intellectual vitality is immense.. .. Nothing affrights him, nothing deters him. A more un-selfseeking man I never met, not a more determined, nor a more undaunted. He puts men, his juniors by half a century, to shame" (119). Yet when he turns to Smith's lack of personal warmth, his isolation, vanity and (from Haultain's point of view) outmoded ideas, the criticism can become extremely sharp. On one page, Haultain says: Of political influence the Professor has little. He is no orator. ... The man lacks something. ... His intellect has been developed at

Goldwin Smith as the ~ ~ s t a n d e r the expense of his heart. ... His writings are as ineffectual as his oratory. They glitter; they do not warm. He lives the life of a recluse, shut up in his library surrounded by books, seeing and conversing only with those who are in sympathy with him. Yet his ideas are arid and windy as the desert. He has outlived his day. (69)

...

Haultain is aware of the fact that passages such as these might strike the reader as somewhat odd in the biography of a distinguished man written by his close collaborator. At one point he pauses to assess the appropriateness of his method: And yet ... I wonder whether a great man's secretary ought to speak so freely about his chief. Yes, on sober reflection, I think he may, provided he nothing extenuates, nor sets down aught in malice.. .. My conscience is clear. (178)

Yet, in the self-divided manner that is characteristic of him, Haultain returns to his doubts on the next page, only resolving them once again by an appeal, one that Smith might not have sanctioned, to the Romantic faith in the heart: What to write, what not to write -how difficult it is to determine! Well, so far as I know, I have tried to write the truth. No doubt some critics will say I have divulged too much; perhaps others will say I have divulged too little. Well, a writer can put down on paper only what is in his heart. (179)

Haultain might defend himself against an allegation of contradicting himself by invoking his criterion of trying to write "the truth": the split he detected in Smith between head and heart, strength and weakness was what was really there. Yet it is the biographer's emotional response to these oppositions that attracts our attention as readers as much as the oppositions themselves. Haultain's uncertainties rather than his judiciousness propel him first to praise, then turn to blame, and then perhaps return to praise. He cannot decide on the fundamental question of whether Smith's life has been a success - "It is an extraordinary mind. No wonder it has made its impress on the world" (128) - or a failure: "this, I take it ... was the one fount and original of his failure in life. He tried to think and act alone" (143). Haultain's self-divided and self-revealing portrait of a self-divided man can be viewed generously in the critical environment of recent years, which no longer values an artificial unity. Writing about Boswell 's Johnson, William C. Dowling maintains that:

Thomas E. Tausky Our dismay when we come to confront the structure of the Life, our sense of bewilderment and uncertainty, is surely a consequence of our having, in deconstructionist terms, posited a false or arbitrary center of coherence.... What confuses or bewilders us about that structure is that the Lve seems constantly to be asserting norms that it then threatens or undermines or subverts, so that the search for a single principle of inner coherence is continuously frustrated. The confusion ends when we see that this is itself a principle of coherence, that the way the Life questions or qualifies its own norms explains its structure as narrative. (35-36)

Haultain maintains this complex, self-subverting posture right to the end. I will quote only part of the penultimate paragraph as symptomatic of the tone of the final four pages: It may indeed be that Goldwin Smith has seen far, very far, into the future; a future in which Great Britain, Canada and the United States will be under the sway of a single ruler; when all the nations upon earth will dwell together in amity ... when Jew and Gentile will merge; and everybody be content with that which he has. If so, it is a future beyond the range of ordinary vision. (248-49)

Some ingredients of Smith's vision, though by no means all of them, have indeed come to pass. Yet Smith becomes, to quote Rader's phrase once again, a "concrete, self-intelligible cause of emotion", if we view him less as a seer than as an intellectual deeply at odds with "the range of ordinary vision" represented by Haultain and his Canadian contemporaries. The conflicts in which he was engaged clarify that era of Canadian history for us; his hopefulness in the 1870s and then his later despair as represented by Haultain make his life an allegory, in Keats's sense of the term, of the struggles of the idealist in an unreceptive climate, while his more metaphysical anguish at the end of life speaks to us in deeper terms still. The passage of Haultain's analysis I have just quoted comes fiom a commentary on the motto Smith ordered to be placed in the entrance hall of Goldwin Smith Hall at Cornell University: "Above all nations is humanity". The closest office to the entrance hall is that of the eminent Jewish authority on the Romantics, M.H. Abrams. When I walked out of the building, the only persons in sight were two Chinese students. One wonders if Smith would have been pleased to witness these traces of a broader humanity; his Anglo-Saxonry had so little room for them. I left that building as confused and divided as Haultain in my view of Smith, and it is perhaps paradoxical that the relatively sympathetic view of him that I have arrived at owes so much to the irreverent book of his

Goldwin Smith as the Bystander secretary. But then the final sentence of Smith's Reminiscences, speaking of his characteristic efforts to carry on with his work after breaking his hip, reads: "Without the aid of a first-rate Secretary, I could not have stumbled on as I have done" (465).

Berger, Carl. 1970. The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism 1867-1914. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Bissell, Claude T. 1976. "Literary Taste in Central Canada during the Late Nineteenth Century", Twentieth-Century Essays on Confederation Literature. Lorraine McMulIen, ed. Ottawa: Tecumseh Press. 24-40. Brown, Robert Craig. 1964. Canada's National Policy, 1883-1900: A Study in Canadian-American Relations. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Cook, Ramsay. 1985. The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late VictorianEnglish Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Dowling, William C. 1981. Language and Logos in Boswell's Life of Johnson. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Gaffney, Patricia H. 1971. Goldwin Smith Papers at Cornell University. Ithaca: Collection of Regional History and University Archives. John M. Olin Library. Gerson, Carole. 1989. A Purer Taste: The Writing and Reading of Fiction in English in NineteenthCentury Canada. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Gwyn, Sandra. 1984. The Private Capital: Ambition and Love in the Age of Macdonald and Laurier. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. Haultain, Arnold. Goldwin Smith: His Life and Opinions. London: T. Werner Laurie. n.d. Morton, Desmond. 1973. Mayor Howland: The Citizen's Candidate. Toronto: Hakkert. Newman, Peter. 1992. Canada 1892. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. Rader, Ralph W. 1985. "Literary Form in Factual Narrative: The Example of Boswell's Johnson", Boswell's Life of Johnson: New Questions, New Answers. John A. Vance, ed. Athens: University of Georgia Press. 25-52. Roberts, Wayne. 1979. "Goldwin's Myth", Canadian Literature, No. 83.50-71.

Thomas E. Tausky Ross, Malcolm. 1957. "Goldwin Smith", Our Living Tradition, First Series. Claude T. Bissell. ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 29-47. Schull, Joseph. 1975.Edward Blake: The Man of the Other Way 1833-1881. Toronto: Macmillan. Shortt, S.E.D. 1976.The Search for an Ideal: Six Canadian Intellectuals and their Convictions in an Age of Transition 18904930, Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Shrive, Norman. 1965.Charles Mair: Literary Nationalist. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Smith, Goldwin. 1971. Canada and the Canadian Question. Carl Berger, ed. 1891. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

-.John 186243.The Empire: A Series of Letters Published in "The Daily News". Oxford and London: Henry and James Parker. 1863. -.1874."An Address, Delivered at the Dinner of the National Club", 8 October, n.p. -.Reminiscences. 1911.Arnold Haultain, ed. New York: Macmillan. -.University Papers. Reels 1-23. Goldwin Smith Papers. Olin Library, Cornell University. Microfilms.

Ann Arbor:

Underhill, Frank. 1975. "Goldwin Smith", In Search of Canadian Liberalism. 1960. Toronto: Macmillan. 85-103.

-.Liberalism. "Political Ideas of the Upper Canada Reformers 1867-78." 1975. In Search of 1960.Toronto: Macmillan. 68-84. -.University "Edward Blake." 1957. Our Living of Toronto Press. 3-28.

Canadian

Tradition, First Series. Claude T. Bissell, ed. Toronto:

Waite, P.B. 1971.Canada 18741896:Arduous Destiny. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart. Wallace, Elisabeth. 1957.Goldwin Smith: VictorianLiberal. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Woodcock, George. 1989. The Century That Made Us: Canada 18144914. Toronto: Oxford University Press.

ONTHE EDGEOF DARKNESS: TIMOTHY ~ N D L E Y ' SHEADHUNTING

At risk of being offensively reductive, and exclusionary, it seems to me that whether our readindinterpretative strategies are poststructuralist (with an emphasis upon heterogeneity, difference, multiplicity, uncertainty and interrogation of supposed centres of authority), postmodernist (emphasising eclecticism, self-reflexiveness, play, parody, simulacra, discontinuity and petit r6cits) or postcolonialist (tracing structures of power, ideology, race, class, gender, genre and material effect), literature's own double-plays, its positioning simultaneously inside and outside of "actual" cultural contexts (the contexts of its address, creation and interpretation) are what demand elucidation and resist finality.1 But if there is no proper, that is, generally agreed, answer to the irresistible questions of method and meaning, if the frames and the contexts are themselves constructs, conveniences and contested, if a text is both eroded and enriched by its conscious and unconscious (intentional and found) relationships, and if readers remain more-or-less wilful (themselves part of that mythically real daisy chain of screwers and screweesz), the nightmare of choice is also the first light of liberation. There is a case to be made that this is decidedly Findley business, noticeable in so many of his works of fiction and, most recently, in Headhunter which brings the place of darkness to downtown Toronto by a loopy process of surfing on the intertext. One-third of the way through Heart of Darkness, Conrad's Marlow, that chivalrous Victorian gentleman, man of the sea and teller of interminable tales, implores his listeners: "He [Kurtz] was just a word for me. I did not see the man in the name any more than you do. Do you see him? Do you see the story? Do you see anything? It seems to me I am trying to tell you a dream - making a vain attempt, because no relation of a dream

Canada-Australia, 1895-1 995 -419

Brian Edwards can convey the dream-sensation, that commingling of absurdity, surprise, and bewilderment in a tremor of struggling revolt, that notion of being captured by the incredible which is of the very essence of dreams. ..." He was silent for a while. "... No, it is impossible; it is impossible to convey the life-sensation of any given epoch of one's existence - that which makes its truth, its meaning - its subtle and penetrating essence. It is impossible. We live, as we dream alone. ..."(39)

Those listeners located aboard the Nellie in the lower Thames estuary at evening, awaiting the turn of tide, are good British gentlemen all, the Company Director, the Lawyer, the Accountant and the frame narrator. They are already mindful of evolutionary notions of civilisation, European claims to enlightenment, the Thames as rich historical thoroughfare and the imperialist rhetoric of SavageICivilised, Nature/Culture, Darknessnight and Paspresent, all encapsulated in Africa/Europe, those simple (and tenacious) dualities that are mediated a little by yet another, KurWMarlow. Whereas Conrad's short novel speaks so provocatively of Europe and Africa, imperialism, values, and mysteries of behaviour, representation and understanding, another high Modernist text brings its focus nearer the North American heartland. If Heart of Darkness provides ambiguous judgement of the rebel in the jungle, the "horror", grand dreams of human progress and their collapse into barbarism, The Great Gatsby crosses "The Dream" with the Valley of Ashes: And as I sat there brooding on the old, unknown world, I thought of Gatsby's wonder when he first picked out the green light at the end of Daisy's dock. He had come a long way to this blue lawn, and his dream must have seemed so close that he could hardly have failed to grasp it. He did not know that it was already behind him, somewhere back in that vast obscurity beyond the city, where the dark fields of the republic rolled on under the night. Gatsby believed in the green light, the orgastic future that year by year torecedes before us. It eluded us then, but that's no matter morrow we will run faster, stretch out our arms further. ...And one fine morning - So we beat on, boats against the current, borne back ceaselessly into the past. (188)

-

Past and present, green West and meretricious East, darkness and light, and the water traffic metaphor again (as in Freud's murky unconscious, dreamwork and Conrad's journey into "Africa") -just as Fitzgerald's rebel, like Conrad's, is interpreted by the allegedly humane narrator, those figures so addicted to honesty and understanding and balance-sheet representation, we are reminded not only of conflicting contexts,

On the Edge of Darkness antithetical perspectives and the difficulties of truth-telling but also of points of impasse, the failure of guarantees and a certain solitariness in human endeavour in which gregarious plain sailing gives way to uneasy negotiation. Focussing on extremes, on the rebel factor in human conduct, on the Kurtzes, Gatsbys, HeathclEs and Leverkuhns, for example, these creative studies mix surprise, fear, enchantment and disgust as the mediating narrators, Marlow, Carraway, Nelly Dean and Zeitblom, are made to wrestle with their own ambivalence in face of the exceptional. Although Findley's Headhunter includes references to a range of literary texts (Hamlet, Macbeth, Wuthering Heights, Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, "The Three Sisters", Roughing It in the Bush, Peter Rabbit and One Hundred Years of Solitude), the major intertextual figures and remakings come from The Great Gatsby and, even moreso, from Heart of Darkness. Choosing a quotation from Conrad's novel as epigraph to Chapter One ("...this also", said Marlow suddenly, "has been one of the dark places of the earth"), Findley begins his long novel with a dramatic conceit. Lilah Kemp, ex-librarian, undisciplined spiritualist and schizophrenic (a fair figure for the reader, committed reading practice and the interpenetration of art and life) is horrified that she has "inadvertently set Kurtz free from page 92 of Heart of Darkness" (3). It must have been the Penguin Modern Classics edition she was reading there in the Metropolitan Toronto Reference Library: "I glanced casually into the little cabin. A light was burning within, but Mr Kurtz was not there" (92). Having struggled up the Congo impelled by such reports, rumours and gossip, awakened during his night in Kurtz's jungle stronghold by the beat of drums and weird incantations, Marlow is appalled to find his quarry missing. Findley's contemporary Kurtz, Conrad's mad genius refurbished, is the figure standing before prescient reader Lilah Kemp in the library, the one she urges vainly to come out of the streets of Toronto and back to his place in the book, back into literary/colonial history. It is this copy of Heart of Darkness into which she has inscribed some words from her former university teacher, Professor Nicholas Fagan9 If I were to propose a text for the twentieth century, it would be Joseph Conrad's Heart of Darkness. As subtext, I would nominate Mary Shelley's Frankenstein. Nothing better illustrates than these two books the consequence of human ambition. On reading them again, I fell away from my complacent view that nothing could be done to stop us, and took up my current view that the human race has found its destiny in self-destruction. (98)

Brian Edwards If the Kurtz factor, the capacity for excess in human culture, its megalomanic madness, is to be rationalised, explained, contained, put to use or given good press, it demands a Marlow. In one more variation on this interplay of Dionysiac and Apollonian, the gentleman who takes the vacant apartment alongside Lilah Kemp at 38 Lowther Street is Charles Marlow, late of Harvard University and come to work at Toronto's Parkin Institute of Psychiatric Research. There are very interesting trajectories through Timothy Findley's works of fiction. In their elegant attention to fear, atrocity, violence, cormption and horror, those grand negatives in human history, and to fragility, imagination, creativity, beauty and regeneration as other-side positives that are caught and threatened in the awful dialectics of power plays favouring the crass and greedy, Findley addresses very old questions about barbarism and civilisation. Whatever "possible worlds" the works of fiction conjure, in their attentions to place, history and culture, they address absolutely fundamental questions about identity, behaviour and cultural formations. In this most recent novel, he locates the darkness, the horror, not in the fields of world wars, Noah's flood, or an ambiguous pleasure palace on the Maine coast, sites of exploration from The Wars to The Telling of Lies, but in a Toronto ravaged by a terrible disease called "sturnusemia", in the paedophiliac activities of the secret Club of Men and in the manipulative power-mongering of the Parkin Institute of Psychiatric Research under the direction of its urbanely sinister Psychiatrist-in-Chief, Dr Rupert Kurtz. As early as The Butterfly Plague (1969, revised 1986), a Findley character bemoans the destructive results of dreams of perfection together with failure to accept that "each human being is flawed" (156) -not simply the Nazi dream of perfection as most pernicious example, but the potential for corruption as an endemic part of human action and aspiration, the Kurtz factor (or the Marlow suspicion that the "darkness" is in us all). In Famous Last Words, it is emphasised in the conflict between Quinn and Freyberg as interpreters of Mauberley's fantastic messages inscribed on the walls and ceilings of his prison, the erstwhile pleasure dome high in the Austrian Alps: And Freyberg said: "he walked with Mussolini. He sat down with von Ribbentrop. He befriended a gang of murderers. He wrote Fascist garbage: anti-Semitic, pro-Aryan; anti-human, pro-Superman garbage. He even won prizes for it. Prizes, Quinn. Peace prizes." (149)

But if hedonists and aesthetes cavorted with fascism, and if literary interpreter Quinn seems prepared to excuse Mauberley because of his act

On the Edge of Darkness of writing, because of his fragile literariness, Captain Freyberg's bullyboy tactics hardly constitute a corrective to the darknesses of greed, scandal, corruption and brutality. In Not Wanted on the Voyage, it is not so much all-vengeful Yaweh as patriarchal Noah and killer-son Japeth who are the leading figures of violence. Yaweh may pontificate: "Pride and lechery; envy and anger; covetousness; gluttony and sloth are, everywhere, all that One sees!" (89) but Noah is the repressive ruler who interprets his role too zealously, is corrupted by power and performs such atrocities as the ritual defloration of his daughter-in-law with the Unicorn's horn. Destruction is indeed rampant in this Flood narrative and, commenting on it in interview, Findley emphasised the allegorical perspective: "My view is that the world has become a concentration camp. We're destroying everything. We confine both animate and inanimate things if they're useful, and we kill everything else" (Fitzgerald, 1983, E12). Exceeding constraints of the conventional murder mystery, The Telling of Lies, like these predecessor texts, explores violence in the particular forms of institutionalised oppression and abuse of authority. In its analogy between Japanese concentration camps in the Second World War and events in contemporary North America, State police are likened to storm-troopers, high officers of government are involved in conspiracies, and citizens and the environment are variable victims of plots and mismanagement. Presenting destructive violence, the novels also emphasise the necessity for choice, decisionmaking and speaking out - presented emblematically, for example, in Mauberley's "the truth is in our hands now" (177), Mrs Noyes's "Cruelty was fear in disguise and nothing more ... fear itself was nothing more than a failure of the imagination" (252) and Vanessa Van Home's late understanding of the necessity "to pay attention" (359). It may be an old message, but vigilance and commitment are needed if the forces of regeneration are to stand against barbarism. If, as I am suggesting, there are such trajectories in Findley's novels, how do we locate the latest, Headhunter? Dr Rupert Kurtz is the "headhunter". The title figure is first defined in Lilah Kemp's perception in chapter one: "Yes ... she thought. A jungle, now that Kurtz is in it. Kurtz, the harbinger of darkness. Kurtz, the horror-meister. Kurtz, the headhunter" (6). Arch manipulator, controller, the one who plays upon his wealthy patients' fantasies and desires out of fascination in the process and in order to secure endowments for the Parkin Institute, his research institute and power base, Kurtz is Conrad's madman in the jungle reinterpreted as a sinister psychiatrist who, like his famous namesake, regards knowledge as power, has his own set of grand plans, follows "unsound" methods, causes extreme suffering and death and is

Brian Edwards concerned, on his deathbed, that he be reported fairly. Amongst his clients are members of the Club of Men whose paedophiliac highlight becomes the pornographic abuse and sacrifice of a participant's own child, in an horrific extension of the father/son tension presented often in Findley's writing? Kurtz's apologist, this text's "Intended", Fabiana Holbach attributes Kurtz's drive to his wanting to "best a man who could not be bested" (437), his millionaire father who laughed mockingly at his son and ridiculed his achievements. In an interesting variation upon the same subject, Findley's Gatsby rewrite James Gatz is shot not by a deranged mechanic in a case of mistaken identity but by his neglected father come out of the past to reclaim his boy. According to Kurtz's associate Austin Purvis, whose guilt ends in suicide, "Kurtz is everywhere" (302) and, of course, it is Charlie Marlow who pursues to an end this choice of nightmares. In the figure of literature professor, Nicholas Fagan, Findley repeats the Conrad speculation that Kurtz "is the darkness in us all" (261) and the final solace, such as it is: Every Kwtz must have his Marlow -and Marlow will always come to take Kurtz home. It is a mark of our respect for those who lead us into darkness that we bring them back for burial, pay their debts and console their loved ones with lies. This process is played out over and over - and with every journey up the river, we discover that Kurtz has penetrated just a little farther than his counterparts before him. Poor old Marlow! Every time he heads upstream, he is obliged to a longer journey, through darker mysteries. Well, we might wonder, why does he always agree to go? For myself, I would guess it is because he is beholden to Kurtz for having provided him, after darkness, with a way to find new light. (440)

Whereas Conrad's Marlow worries famously about judging Kurtz, tells the saving lie out of his stuffily Victorian and patriarchal sense of women's fragility, and interprets Kurtz's "The horror!" as "an affirmation, a moral victory" (101), Findley's Marlow has work to do after his small lie -"He wanted me to tell you he was sorry" (438). He is left, at text's end, with the tasks of confronting Kurtz's accomplice in darkness, Dr Shelley, and "one by one, the members of the Club of Men" (439). Like his namesake, civilised (he has a dog named Grendel), experienced (he is a Harvard trained psychiatrist), and communityspirited (he is dedicated to his work), he is the figure of anticipated regeneration, the one expected to retrieve some light of understanding from the darkness enveloping Kurtz, the Club of Men and Toronto's insidious sturnusemia.5 It is one more twist in Findley's telling, his shot at environmental pollution and corporate conspiracies, that the killer

On the Edge of Darkness disease allegedly spread by birds is actually the result of a new virus arisen from experiments in genetic engineering and exacerbated by almost complete depletion of the ozone layer. This information is held in a secret Parkin Institute file containing the statements of a missing scientist labelled "Smith p ones". True or false? Reading through his files when he arrives at the Parkin Institute, Marlow finds that his first patient is a fellow called Findley, first name Timothy, a writer. The file includes a transcript of the patient's discussion with a Dr Rain: You know, Rain, we do the same thing you and I. We're both trying to figure out what makes the human race tick. And the way we do that - both of us - is by climbing down inside other people's lives to see if they're telling the truth or not. Most of us are lying, Rain. That's what I've discovered. ... (142)

The self-reflexive cliche is not really a formalist cop-out. Findley's "Heart of Darkness" begins and ends with scenes involving schizophrenic Lilah Kemp, her horror at having let Kurtz escape from Conrad's novel into the streets of Toronto through to "Kurtz is dead" (440) and closure of the book (her Penguin edition of Heart of Darkness and Findley's Headhunter). "Who would believe it?" she wonders, "It's only a book, they would say. That's all it is. A story. Just a story" (440). The book that is itself so much composed of connections with other books, and all of them with cultural contexts, invites our creative misreadings in terms of cultural significance. Against the message "Sturnusemia and AIDS were not the only plagues. Civilisation sickened - had itself become a plague" (271) sits "SAVE THE CHILDREN (282); against Kurtz, a Charlie Marlow. As characters lament "the times are out of joint" (85) and "Something ... is rotten in the state of Parkin" (353), and as a Kurtz is pursued inevitably by a Marlow, we are reminded not so much that everything stays the same but that the very old dialectic of darkness and light assumes different cultural configurations. In its attention to literary figures and traditions, Findley's bleak vision still encapsulates an ancient directive: Let's find a poet to save the city -not Marlow seaman, or Marlow psychiatrist, but the texts variously documentary and imaginative that incorporate them.

These three markers of theory and practice are relevant to the operations of this paper. But whether one included, for example, formalist, feminist or mamist orientations, my point is that while emphases change and while any particular reading or act of interpretation wilUshould be selfaware of its parameters, there are intersections and though each will win, or be afforded, its own measure of authority, none will prove exhaustive.

The figure comes from Thomas Pynchon's V: "What is it, she thought, is this the way Nueva York is set up, then, freeloaders and victims? Schoenmaker freeloads off my roommate, she freeloads off me. Is there this long daisy chain of victimisers and victims, screwers and screwees? And if so, who is it I am screwing?" (49) Similar to Lear's "Who's in, who's out" and to Pynchon's electlpreterite in Gravity's Rainbow, the figure emphasises not only relativities in the operations of power but also possibilities for changes of position. Fagan is the fictive figure introduced first in The Wars as "the Irish essayist and critic" (191). In this reintroduction in Headhunter, Fagan becomes not only the "literary" commentator but also a voice of pessimistic disillusionment who is made to share the Heart of Darkness motif of an upriver journey into darkness, in Fagan's case a journey upstream to Montreal and into Canada: "There is little beauty left - but much ugliness. Little wilderness - but much emptiness. No explorers - but many exploiters. There is no art - no music - no literature - but only entertainment. And there is no philosophy. This that was once a living place for humankind has become their killing ground" (259). See the startling "1910" preface to Famous Last Words and the fatherlson tensions elaborated in Not Wanted on the Voyage. Exploring the "darkness" of feeling and motivation within close family contact, and particularly in the generational combativeness attributed to fathers and sons, Findley is in very old territory indeed as any reading of classical Greek mythology shows. Findley does not glamorise this "darkness". Whereas Dionysiac excess is portrayed often as the source of energy, imagination and creativity, as the way beyond old forms and practices into entrancing (if dangerous) new possibilities of human achievement, Headhunter does not disguise the horror, particularly in presentation of the destructive practices of the Club of Men. There is no suggestion in Findley's Marlow that "There, but for the demands of work, might go I".

Bronte, Emily. 1978. Wuthering Heights and Poems. London: J.M. Dent & Sons. Conrad, Joseph. 1973. Heart of Darkness. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Findley, Timothy. 1993. Headhunter. Toronto: HarperCollins.

-.1986. The Telling of Lies. Markham: Penguin, 1987. -. 1984. Not Wanted on the Voyage. Markham: Penguin. -. 1981. Famous Last Words. Markham: Penguin, 1982. -. 1977. The Wars. Markham: Penguin, 1978. -. 1969. The Butterfly Plague. Markham: Penguin, 1986. Fitzgerald, F. Scott. 1964. The Great Gatsby. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Fitzgerald, Judith. 1983. "From The Wars to a Blind Cat on the Ark", Globe and Mail, 2 July, national edition: E12. Mann, Thomas. 1974. Doctor Faustus. Trans. H.T. Lowe-Porter. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Pynchon, Thomas. 1963. V. London: Picador, 1975.

-. 1973. Gravity's Rainbow. London: Picador.

JANETTE TURNER HOSPITAL AND THE NATIONAL DILEMMA

I was recently browsing through a university library and came upon what appeared to be an interesting discrepancy. In the "Australian Literature" section -PR9619.3 -I found two of Janette Turner Hospital's novels: Charades and The Last Magician. Just down the same shelf were two other titles written by the same author and released by the same Australian publisher - The Tiger in the Tiger Pit and Borderline - yet these were accessioned under the heading "Canadian Literature". Then, turning to the university's bookshop I found another of Hospital's works -the short story collection Dislocations -simply catalogued under the heading "Fiction". In the same vein, the biographical note for The Last Magician is a fascinating one. It reads in part: "Her short story collection Dislocations ... won the FAW [Federation of Australian Writers] Australian Natives Association Award in 1988 and the CNIB [Canadian National Institute for the Blind] Torgi Award (Hospital, 1992)". Therefore, in the same year, Hospital was awarded exclusively "national" literary prizes in two separate countries. How can this be - and does it matter? Can a writer possess dual nationality, just as an individual can hold two passports? Or, rather, a more pertinent question may be: "How does one react - both psychologically and creatively - to the possession of dual literary nationality?". The case of Janette Turner Hospital is totally relevant here. She is one of those itinerant Commonwealth authors for whom national labels are always partial and incomplete. Of Hospital it can be said that she is considered to be an Australian when in Australia, a Canadian when in Canada and someone else in the rest of the world. What I would like to propose is that Hospital is in fact "someone else" all of the time, no matter where she is temporally or geographically located. This is not just

Adam Shoemaker a simple matter of arguing that her writing should be evaluated by socalled "world standards" - a notoriously meaningless and indefinable phrase. Instead, it is to argue that a full understanding of her work can only be achieved when one renounces the idea of Canadianness and Australianness as competing identities. In twentieth century Australian writing, the concept of expatriatism has frequently been associated with a syndrome of perpetual restlessness. According to this view, displaced geographical and social identity causes intense personal pain and, the more one shuttles back-and-forth between one's homeland and one's adopted country, the more pathologically frustrating the limitations of both become. This is a quintessentially negative theme which is especially prominent in early to mid-twentieth century Australian prose fiction: it pervades the "Goldfields Trilogy" of Henry Handel Richardson and suffuses Martin Boyd's "Langton Quartet" of novels, to cite just two of the most prominent examples. But there are serious problems with this equation of rootlessness with travel. It is a truism to state that modem movement (and by this I mean both physical voyaging and written communication) is more rapid now than it has ever been in human history. But, more importantly -and like the relationship between contemporary Canadian and Australian fiction - such movement is not two-dimensional. Thus, paralleling the radical perceptual shift brought about by the popularisation of mass air travel, successful late twentieth century authors have become multi-modal in their behaviour. In the Australian context, the key to this process has been the revolution in air transport over the past thirty years; as David Carter has written: As air routes multiply across the globe Australia becomes part of a network of multiple potential journeys rather than a point in a single line. ... Modem air travel alters the relationship between distance and time. It operates more in the scale of telecommunications than in the bodily scale of walking or travel by rail or road; and the experience of jet lag only reinforces this sense of having moved in an "unnatural" timeframe. The simultaneity of national or global time takes precedence over historical time and notions of progression. (Carter, 1995,4)

While some authors detest such pressures, others revel in them - and transform this allegedly "'unnatural' timefiame" into one which is not only natural but comfortable; indeed, even essential for literary creativity. Janette Turner Hospital is one of these writers. Thus, instead of assuming a process of disaffiliation and anomie, it is possible that one does not renounce one nation by travelling - even

Janette Turner Hospital and the National Dilemma living for many years - in another; instead, it could be that one adds to the flux of creative interpretations drawn from both sources. This leads to a peculiarly late twentieth century multiplication of antecedents, where the question "Where do you live?" is replaced by the classic Australian opening gambit in conversation: "Where do you come from .. originally?" There are many ways this question can be answered, of course, but all of them bring us back to Hospital - who is perhaps one of the most travelled of contemporary writers in either Canada or Australia. She has lived and worked in at least five different countries over the past three years, shuttling between Boston, Kingston, Brisbane, Paris and southern England. However, by "travelled" I do not simply mean the sense of journeying which can be measured by Frequent Flyer schemes, but also the concept of imaginative travelling through space, time, memory, emotion and pain. So what is the point of this? It is that, despite our ready agreement that dual (if not multiple) nationality exists - at least in legal terms in practice, its implications are consistently denied. Canadian governments, publishers, diplomats - even researchers and critics tend to erect national fences around authors in direct proportion to the prominence of their profiles. Michael Ondaatje7s work defies geopolitical walls yet, following his success with the 1994 Booker Prize, he has been defined even more insistently as a Canadian talent and less frequently as a Sri Lankan-Canadian. Audrey Thomas is American by birth, but is universally accepted as a naturalised practitioner of Canadian fiction; Thomas King, on the other hand, left Canada to work and live in Minnesota for a number of years - yet he continued to be considered "north of the border" as a Canadian writer; even more, as a Native Canadian writer. It seems that the magic wand of naturalisation waves in one direction only: if any prominent author has ever lived north of the 49th parallel, she is part of the "Canlit" family, whether or not she leaves to live elsewhere for decades; just ask Mavis Gallant. There are three ironies here. The first is that this familial approach to Canadian literary affiliation is both wonderful and strange, both welcoming and oddly possessive. One has only to put the question, "Do the French claim that Vincent Van Gogh became a French painter because he lived the last years of this life in that country, and was inspired by its landscape to paint many of his most famous canvases?". The second irony is that Australia -and even the states within Australia - adopt successful verbal and visual artists in exactly the same fashion. If anything, the process of rabid naturalisation is even more rampant. For example, in September, 1994 the Queensland Premier Wayne Goss

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Adam Shoemaker publicly claimed that the Australian-Vogel Award-winning author Darren Lewis was "a Queenslander" - when he had only moved to Brisbane from Alstonville, New South Wales one week earlier! The third irony is that with unprecedented mobility in the writing profession; with a higher number of writer-in-residence positions around the globe than ever before; with an explosion in literary prizes, festivals and celebrations; writers are less likely to live in one location than ever before. Travel is the absolute norm and successful authors are among the most itinerant of all professionals. It is no longer simply a matter of writing a successful novel; as Luke Slattery has recently observed, the economic pressures of celebrity are such that some of the most popular novelists spend more time travelling, researching and promoting their work at international festivals than they do actually writing it. They have truly become another segment of the global communication industry, enmeshed in the marketing as much as the creation of the text. The forces of "official adoptions", where the nationality of authors is foregrounded above all else, runs counter to the lived experience of so many writers. The paradox is that prominent authors tour to represent their work but also (more and more frequently) through the good offices of funding bodies, diplomatic missions and -by extension, on behalf of nations. The stresses are obvious in all areas of the arts, and this is where the anomalies begin. In the case of the movie industry Jane Campion's The Piano has been described by various commentators as a New Zealand film or an Australian film, depending upon the criteria being applied. Peter Weir's film Green Card has been determined by Canberra and Sydney bureaucrats to be an Australian film eligible for Film Finance Corporation support, despite the fact that it is set in New York, has no major roles filled by Australians and conforms to a creative formula which is heavily influenced by Hollywood. Everywhere else, it is thought of as an American film which just happens to be directed by an Australian. It is clear that Janette Turner Hospital and her work conforms to this central anomaly. She is claimed by various publishers and publicists as being a Queenslander or a Melburnian; by others she is described as "one of Canada's Ten Best Young Writers" and as a resident of Kingston, Ontario. The nub of the problem is that she is all of these things, yet they are often interpreted and described as if they are mutually exclusive. Some fellow writers complain that Hospital is not truly Canadian or Australian, as if there is an hourglass called nationality, and she is perpetually stuck at the thirty-minute point. In a 1987 interview with Candida Baker, Hospital reproduced both this

Janette Turner Hospital and the National Dilemma uncertainty and her anticipation of the national critical agenda in Canada. When asked about the prestigious Seal Books award for her 1982 debut novel, The Ivory Swing, she replied: It was an incredible surprise. Everything about my career has been so random. ... As I read about it I realised that its winners were quintessentially Canadian novels and that it had been launched as a Canadian prize. By this time I had a number of stories published in the most prestigious of U.S. magazines but no contacts whatsoever in the publishing or literary world in Canada. My thinking was that if I submitted the manuscript, obviously it wouldn't win, first because it was about India and second because I am not a true Canadian. ... It wasn't just that I didn't expect to win; I genuinely believed that it couldn't win. (Baker, 1987,272)

Aside from the contentious question of what constitutes the "quintessentially Canadian novel", as it turned out -and to her surprise - Hospital was wrong on both counts. But her awareness of the impinging forces of the nation comes fiom somewhere, and is a real dilemma. According to one view, a postmodern, inclusivist approach to the production of literature inevitably discredits the idea of the monolithically national. Similarly, one's birthplace, the site of one's writing and the setting of one's work all fade in importance when compared with the self-reflexive, parodic and disjunctive mode of the narrative. The argument is that the concept of a single, homogeneous nationality is mired in modernism, and it cannot hope to embrace writing - and writers - who are insistently multinational in their lifeexperiences; and who roam many lands and many textual approaches in their books, which are translated into a variety of languages. This sounds fine in theory, until one looks at the way systems of production and dissemination impinge upon writing - and, in this sense, literature is a representative genre whose experience is equally germane to the creation of film, video, painting, drama and other forms of contemporary art. National arts funding bodies, writing award . committees, literary festivals, media outlets - even conference organisers and academics - define the study of writing (and other creative text-forms) along national lines. What I want to ask is "Are we really so postmodem in practice?". We speak of specialists in our fields as Canadianists or Australianists -but rarely both. Even though this is the precise location where such divisions can and should be eroded, are they being dismantled? The problem with the comparative approach is that it often artificially highlights the search

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Adam Shoemaker for difference or contrasts between countries, so that the two nations Canada and Australia become artificially counterpoised in an exaggerated fashion. On the other hand, a search for similarities often ends up providing us with glib anodynes and self-fulfilling conclusions. (For example, the fact that Australian public officials allegedly "copied'' the format of the Canadian federal government policy of multiculturalism is taken as evidence of the intrinsic worth of the doctrine in both locations - when it could be argued that both nations were shortsighted in so doing, as indigenous peoples on both sides of the Pacific have maintained.) The point is that perspective is crucial. And perhaps there is a third alternative to this "either/orY',bipolar style of thinking. I believe that we all potentially learn more from a third-party perspective; the view from New Zealand, Colombia or the Netherlands, of both Canada and Australia. This helps to erode the false simplifications of the comparative method from one of the participating partner's point of view. I want to emphasise, though, that I am not advocating or invoking some sort of amorphous, global paradigm. Instead, the model is a roving, triangular one, as pertinent to literature as it is to political theory. And, in the context of Hospital's work, I argue that the apex of the triangle that which liberated her creative thinking as an author - was that year which she spent with her family living in Kerala in Southern India. It was the ground and source of inspiration for her first published story, "Waiting", published in the Atlantic Monthly in March 1978. It was also beyond doubt the seed-bed for her first - and award-winning - novel. The "third-party perspective" liberated Hospital in cultural and creative terms; ironically, it also began the process of her encapsulation in national terms as a "Canadian author". From the moment she published her first lead story as an Atlantic First she embarked on a path which led to her being claimed as both a Canadian and as an Australian cultural export. This is what I want to explore, to investigate and - if possible - to resolve. It is beyond doubt that Hospital's work is contested terrain precisely because so many of the elements of that contestation derive from a nationalist impulse -be it Canadian or Australian. It is as if she is being thought of as disloyal (as if the act of writing can be first and foremost a question of allegiance) to one or the other country at the same time that she lives in both, both mentally and creatively. I want to demonstrate why this is absurd and how it is possible to conceptualise Hospital's work in a different and more productive way.

Janette Turner Hospital and the National Dilemma In order to do this, I would like to explore the theme of "the voyager" which is so prominent in her fiction, and to offer some comparative European interpretation of her novels which could liberate the reader from this nationalist double-bind. One of the most challenging aspects of Hospital's fiction is the fact that her multiple identities have been explored and reproduced so tellingly in her writing. The ideas of "the Australian" and "the Canadian" are simply not relevant here. Instead, it is concepts such as spirituality, sensuality, and a highly gendered view of specific physical environments which are dominant. There is also a preoccupation-in her stories with the flux of memory, space and time - and the overarching reign of family upon all of these. Above all else is the notion of voyaging: a flight from the past often parallels a search for personal roots, in both personal and family terms. The ambivalence of this is obvious. As Hospital writes in The Tiger in the Tiger Pit: Family, family. One could never escape. There were no pockets in the world distant enough. One was hooked at birth and no matter how far the line was played out one could always be hauled in again. Because of course one always consented. (1990,26-27)

The idea of complicity and compulsion pervades her work - as does a profound sense of mystery. But throughout these voyages - and because of them indeterminacy becomes paramount. For example, in her 1988 novel Charades, the journey itself transforms into the process of enlightenment; the senses cannot be trusted and memory cannot be relied upon. What is particularly striking is the way that the author gives the insubstantiality of time and place such a substantial physical and psychological core. For example, in Part I1 of the novel the protagonist, Charade, puts the following question to her physicist-lover, Koenig: "Question", Charade says. "If a woman stands in the middle of Massachusetts Avenue facing MIT, but her memory is so vividly snagged on one particular day of her childhood in the village of Le Raincy that she is unaware that she is oblivious to the cars around her and so is hit, run over, killed. ... Is she more truly in Boston or in France when she dies?" (1988,191)

...

If there is no concrete answer to this question this only adds to the inscrutability of the character - a high priority in Hospital's fiction. As she writes in The Last Magician, "Inscrutability is, in fact, a tactical

Adam Shoemaker skill, a habit of survival" (1992, 99). In her prose, these preoccupations with movement, flight and the symbolically "averted face" all heighten the sense of mystery. With the author's concentration in The Last Magician upon the representative paradoxes of art and photography, Hospital's most recent novel is in one sense relevant to Linda Hutcheon's observation (and question) in The Canadian Postmodern: "Why have so many Canadian writers, in particular, turned to the notion of taking photographs for their analogue of literary production?" (Hutcheon, 1990, 46). Yet Hospital does much more than explore "dynamic stasis" (46) as Hutcheon puts it. Her model is far more appropriately described as dynamic flux, highlighting alterity, change and metamorphosis - always embedded in a sense of restlessness. And it is this voyaging -physically, socially and psychologically which sets Hospital apart. In Canada she is, at one and the same time, inside the so-called mainstream (she is white, "Anglo" and heterosexual) and she is outside it (as a migrant, an expatriate and a non-citizen). She has become a hyphenated Canadian and a hyphenated Australian, in reciprocal and parallel fashion. At the same time, if one can escape from this mutuality, it provides us with the key to a new identity: Janette Turner Hospital as a creative international figure. When Hospital appeared in Paris in 1994 for the launch of the French translation of Comme un tigre en cage the media releases struck upon a new formulation. The author was described as "une romancizre australo-canadienne" - a new (and I would argue) more appropriate articulation, which truly recognises the potential conceptualisation of dual literary nationality. Fittingly, while in Paris, Hospital was f6ted at a party jointly hosted by the Canadian and Australian embassies; a new departure for both missions. At the same time, Le Figaro adjudged Hospital one the "top 200 writers in the world"; surely an ironic counterpoint to her earlier naming as one of "Canada's ten best young writers"! Most importantly, this reformulation of restrictive national labels from a third-party perspective was liberating. With one stroke, the author was fully removed from the futile arena of arid national comparisons. In the meantime, the nationalist bugbear seems inescapable, at least in some quarters. Many critics tend - if unconsciously - to classify novels along geographical lines. Many in the academy do likewise. This can be particularly enraging for an author like Hospital, whose work can be silenced by overdetermined definitions of literary filiation. As she related in a 1994 interview at her home in Kingston, Ontario:

Janette Turner Hospital and the National Dilemma I don't think of myself as writing out of a national stance, you know. I just think of myself as writing out of the debris of my own personal history and keep trying to dodge these national labels, really. It's not that - of course I'm not offended by them - I'm honoured by whoever wants to claim me. But there are certain things that really piss me off. For example, there's a very silly woman -I think she's a very silly woman, just because she writes such nonsense and her name is Caroline See, and she writes for the Los Angeles Times. She's very gung-ho on Australian literature, but in a way that I think is a deep embarrassment to Australian literature in the United States.

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I have an Australian friend who took a course of mine in Sydney and she's in LA at the moment - so she took Caroline See's course on Australian literature at UCLA. And she asked Caroline See if she could do a paper on my work - Caroline See doesn't have any of my works on her course and Caroline See says, "well, you know, she's a problem with Australian literature. You would have to do one of the books set in Australia'' - and this relates to you asking, "Do critics maintain that Charades and The Last Magician are the 'most Australian' of my books?"

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To me this is idiotic and astonishing and puerile and, you know, I wanted to write except it just wasn't worth doing. But I thought of writing to Caroline See and asking her, "When Henry James is on a course in American literature do you say to students that they are going to have pick one of the novels set in America?" I mean, the whole thought is idiotic. T.S. Eliot is both an American poet and a British poet and one doesn't separate and say: "well his British poems are the ones set in England. ..." It just seems to me an idiotic sort of thing to happen. (Shoemaker, August 1994)

Instead of defining nationalism on the grounds of birth or stereotypical symbols, I believe it should be defined (if at all) in terms of the contribution one makes to a culture as a whole. In this sense, Janette Turner Hospital is both Australian and Canadian, both expatriate and patriated, just as her work is both gendered and highly philosophical. One does not deny the other; one overlays the other in an amalgam - an alloy -which is more intriguing than any of its constituent elements. In the end, it is the language of our post-colonial understanding and criticism which also has to change. The convenient tag can no longer suffice as a symbolic descriptor. I feel the challenge which we face is to arrive at a rhetoric of analysis which is openly comparative, without either succumbing to pictures of false bipolarity or invoking images of

Adam Shoemaker mundane similarities. The example of Janette Turner Hospital - the australo-canadienne -points us towards one possible solution.

Baker, Candida, ed. 1987. Yacker 2: Australian Writers TalkAbout Their Work. Sydney: Pan/Picador. Carter, David. 1995. "Future Pasts", The Abundant Culture: Meaning and Significance in Everyday Australia. David Headon, et aL, eds. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Hospital, Janette Turner. 1992. The Last Magician. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.

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1990. The Tiger in the Tiger Pit. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.

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1988. Charades. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.

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1987. Dislocations. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press.

-.1987. Borderline. St Lucia: University of Queensland Press. -.1982. The Ivory Swing. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart-Bantam. -.1978. "Waiting", TheAtlantic Monthly. March. Hutcheon, Linda. 1990. The Canadian Postmodern: A Study of Contemporary English-Canadian Fiction. Toronto: McClelIand and Stewart. Shoemaker, Adam. 1994. "'We're All Such Primitives, Really': An Unpublished Interview with Janette Turner Hospital". Kingston: 18 August.

MARGARET HENDERSON "STABAT MATER"OR ELEGY?THE CONSTRUCTION OF MATERNITY IN JUDITH WRIGHT'SAND MARGARET

ATWOOD'S POETRY

In "Four Small Elegies" Margaret Atwood writes: This year we are making nothing but elegies. Do what you are good at, our parents always told us, make what you know. This is what we are making, these songs for the dying. You have to celebrate something. (Atwood, 1992,23)

This celebration of "songs for the dying" links some of the major themes of Atwood's Poems: 19764986. She draws a parallel between the ability to "make" - to create, gestate or nurture - with the ability to "know" - to believe - and ties both to death. In "Four Small Elegies" mourning and celebration are conflated, and thus the responsibility Atwood perceives to "sing" or "celebrate" life and birth, is also the responsibility to sing and celebrate death. Moreover, these elegies are: new and yellow, they are not even made, they grow, they come out everywhere, in swamps, at the edges of puddles, all over the acres of parked cars, they are mournful

Margaret Henderson but sweet, like flowered hats in attics we never knew we had.

We gather them, keep them in vases, water them while our houses wither. (Atwood, 1992,23) The parental injunction to "do" and "make" what "you are good at", what "you know", becomes a naturalised process in which elegies grow from both the swamps and from car parks, from both the animate and inanimate environment. Epistemology is transformed into an ontology in which the human role becomes merely that of gathering and displaying these naturalised fruits of mourning and loss. Similarly, when Atwood explores images of maternity, she is always writing in the face of death, acknowledging the burden and responsibility of nurturing, and at the same time celebrating the mother-child dyad as a relationship which encompasses both life and death. In this context, Atwood's poems which speak about, around and from within motherhood are elegiac. In contrast, however, Judith Wright's poems "Woman to Man", "Woman's Song" and "Woman to Child" (Wright, 1994),1 follow a pattern described by Julia Kristeva, as that of the "Stabat Mater", the thirteenth century hymn of the Madonna's agony and triumph at the crucifixion; the hymn of transcendence which looks backward to the birth of Christ and forward to his resurrection. Judith Wright's triptych of motherhood poems appears as the opening sequence of her second volume of poetry (published in 1949) titled Woman to Man (after the first poem in the volume). In Flame and Shadow, Shirley Walker (1991) has argued that Woman to Man marks a significant break with Judith Wright's first volume of poetry, The Moving Image (1946). Woman to Man, Walker argues, demonstrates a move away from the "almost exclusively male tradition of pastoral empires, of bullockies and bushrangers. Instead the poems of Woman to Man celebrate a new dimension, the specifically feminine realm of fertility and generation" (39). Although, in some of Wright's later poetry (poems such as "Train Journey" [75] and "At Cooloolah" [140]) these two concerns -national identity and female identity -will be wedded, the first three poems of Woman to Man explore female identity exclusively through her images of maternity. At the broadest level (and this thumbnail sketch is extremely broad) Wright's development shows an early concern with images of individual identity within a specifically Australian and national context, through an exploration of female identity and sexuality, to a more nuanced awareness of the complexities of both, and of their interrelations. The celebration of human identity within the Australian landscape in poems such as "Bullocky" (17) and

"Stabat Mater" or Elegy? "South of My Days" (20-21) ("South of my days' circle, part of my blood's country" [20]), becomes the estrangement of "At Cooloolah" rI'm a stranger, come of a conquering people" 11401). Similarly, the celebration of birth in "Woman to Child" becomes the loss expressed in her later poems, poems such as "Stillborn" (281-82) and "Massacre of the Innocents" ("We are hope, and you kill us.... We are absence and loss" [278]). Atwood, writing over twenty-five years later (her first major volume of poetry, The Circle Game, was published in 19662), has many overlapping themes in her poetic corpus. Her early volumes such as The Circle Game (1966)' The Animals in that Country (1968), Procedures For Underground (1970b) and The Journals of Susanna Moodie (1970a) (which explores the search for identity of a nineteenth century female migrant in Canada), examine images of identity within a national Canadian context. Power Politics (1971) and You Are Happy (1974), however, are more centrally concerned with issues of female identity and gender relations than Atwood's earlier volumes. And it is in her later volumes - Two-Headed Poems (1978), True Stories (1981) and Interlunar (1984) -that these two strands of interest are most explicitly combined. Poems such as "Marrying the Hangman" (1992, 17-19) and "Solstice Poem" (1992, 40-44) explore not only female identity but also women's position within Canadian history. Writing twenty-five years later than Wright in Woman to Man, Atwood expresses an extremely ambivalent attitude towards the experience of white settlement in Canada, an ambivalence which Wright will only exhibit in her later volume of poetry with poems such as "At Cooloolah". There is also a noted difference in their analysis of gender relations. Atwood, unlike Wright in her trilogy of maternity poems, never purely celebrates relationships between men and women but is always highly scathing of contemporary gender relations. Even from her earliest published poems3 Atwood has been influenced by the concerns of feminism more explicitly than Wright.4 So that, when Atwood writes about women's experiences of maternity in "Notes Towards a Poem That Can Never Be Written" (1992, 64-74) she places her female "exhibits" not only in a broader world context than Wright's mothers, but also presents images of maternal deaths alongside other images of female exploitation through rape, sexual abuse, and even female clitoridectomy. Where Wright writes from within the subjectivity of the pregnant woman, Atwood's mothers are "exhibits" on a world stage, open for viewing, objects of either a male or a social gaze. And it is through repeating, and in repeating providing a critique of, patriarchal modes of appropriation of the female body that Atwood's poems derive their rhetorical power. Atwood consistently emphasises the political position

Margaret Henderson of women in society, situating women's experiences of child-birth and child-rearing within the context of male and social exploitation of women. She recognises, in her poetry, not only that not all women become mothers, but that motherhood is only one stage in the life-cycle of women. Atwood's poems are elegiac because she mourns lost mothers and grandmothers as much as she celebrates birth and the renewal of life through women's generative capacity. Where Wright also explores images of life and death, light and darkness, joy and pain, in Woman to Man she ties images of motherhood and birth much more closely to images of nature than to cultural traditions which have exploited women's child-bearing capacities. For Wright, light is not just the generative capacity of life to renew itself, it is also destructive (as in "The Bushfire" [46-47]) and birth can be as dark and terrible as death itself: Black horror sprang from the dark in a violent birth, and through its cloth of grass I felt the clutch of earth. ("The Killer", 1994,50)

Thus Wright's mother, although she experiences the transcendence and joy of birth, also knows the mourning and loss of the Madonna's "Stabat Mater". Julia Kristeva, in her essay "Stabat Mater" (1986) argues that "Christianity is doubtless the most refined symbolic construct in which femininity, to the extent that it transpires through it - and it does so incessantly - is focussed on Maternulity" (161). Various critical theorists (Kristeva included) have argued, however, that in secular discourses such as Freudian and Lacanian psychoanalysis, the mother remains an important and yet, at the same time, a marginalisedfigure. Kaplan has commented: the Mother, as subject in her own right, had received relatively scant scholarly treatment. ... [She] was in a sense everywhere ... but always in the margins, always not the topic per se under consideration. [She] was generally spoken, not speaking ... usually discussed as an integral part of a discourse (because she really is everywhere) that was spoken by an Other. She was a figure in the design, out-of-focus. (1992,3)

In "Stabat Mater", Kristeva returns us to the image of the Madonna in order to extract from this theology a description of the intersections between images of maternity and of the woman which are to be found in the fantasy of the divine Mother. It is these images of the Madonna who, "alone of all her sex", is held up as the one true "magic mother, in blue / & white, up on that pedestal, / perfect & intact" (Kaplan, 1992, 70)

"StabatMaterttor Elegy? which become the symbolic bedrock against which all other women are measured. Both Kristevas and Irigaray6 have argued that it is these images which are repeated but seldom examined in psychoanalytic theory. Kristeva asks: If it is not possible to say of a woman what she is (without running the risk of abolishing her difference), would it perhaps be different concerning the mother, since that is the only function of the "other sex" to which we can definitely attribute existence? And yet, there too, we are caught in a paradox. First, we live in a civilization where the consecrated (religious or secular) representation of femininity is absorbed by motherhood. If, however, one looks at it more closely, this motherhood is the fantasy that is nurtured by the adult, man or woman, of a lost territory; what is more, it involves less an idealized archaic mother than the idealization of the relationship that binds us to her, one that cannot be localized an idealization of primary narcissism. (1980,161)

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When they write about motherhood, both Wright and Atwood attempt to give a speaking voice to the figure of the mother, to put her in focus, to remove her from a marginality in which she is traditionally spoken for, rather than speaking. Judith Wright's poetic voice in "Woman's Song7' and "Woman to Child" is that of the lyrical monologue of the pregnant woman to her unborn child.7 In her triptych of motherhood poems, Wright repeats and extends many of the metaphors associated with motherhood which are to be found in the theological construction of the Madonna. In these poems are repeated the images of the mother as transcendent, the child as divine, the mother as maternal vessel or gestating container, and finally mother's experience of agony and fear at the miraculous birth itself. Where the Madonna in Catholic theology acts as the transitional figure, the "bond", "middle" or "interval" standing between humanity and God (Kristeva, 1980, 163), Wright's mother functions as a mediator between child and "Man", and between child and world. Atwood, in contrast, utilises these images in order to politicise them. She demonstrates through her poetry that the glorification of motherhood can only occur through the silencing of many women who are mothers, and of much of women's experiences of maternity as they occur within the social context of the lives of women: Exhibit C is the young girl dragged into the bushes by the midwives and made to sing while they scrape the flesh from between her legs, then tie her thighs till she scabs over and is called healed.

Margaret Henderson Now she can be married. For each childbirth they'll cut her open, then sew her up. Men like tight women. The ones that die are carefully buried. (1992,68)

In these ways Wright's and Atwood's poetry works to demonstrate that the representation of femininity is not absorbed by motherhood. For both femininity is not encapsulated in motherhood, and motherhood remains in excess of femininity. Neither allows herself to be completely bound by the patriarchal or Oedipalised images of maternity which they utilise. Each also retains within her poetry the image of the "fantastic" relationship of the Other with the Mother - motherhood remains (at least partially) the lost territory of primary narcissism. It is in the context of the religious-secular representation of motherhood as the fantasy of a lost relationship binding the subject (both mother and child) to an image of the mother that I want to examine Wright's poems. It is these images which condition the speech available to the mother, and which therefore constitute the discourses fiom within which she begins to speak. The Madonna-with-child is one of the most recurrent themes of Christian iconography, and, indeed, as both Kristeva and Irigaray have argued, is pervasive within Western images of maternity. The Madonna-with-child contains within its image not only the maternal dyad (from which Lacan believes the child is removed by the intervention of the Law of the Father, by language and by the Oedipalisation process), but also the Oedipal triangle itself. The Father is always present within the maternal portrait, both behind and outside the frame, but also in the body of the Son himself. (He exists even in the image of the pregnant body of the Madonna as seed to her vessel, as containment of maternal fecundity under the law of ultimate primogeniture.) The dyad is born from within the Father's intervention, within the spoken annunciation, the Word - "Hail, thou who art highly favoured, the Lord is with thee; blessed art thou among women" (Luke, 1:28) - a word which is spoken even before the moment of conception. The Law is always and eternally present. And yet the child is All. Similarly, "Woman to Man", through both the title and first stanza, sets up the image of a dyad which becomes a triad: The eyeless labourer in the night, the selfless, shapeless seed I hold builds for its resurrection day silent and swift and deep from sight

"Stabat Mater" or Elegy? foresees the unimagined light. (27)

The duality of the "eyeless labourer", as both male penis and the child (as with the Christian iconography of Son and Father as One), links the Father-Man directly with the active capacity of the Child to create itself leaving the Woman-Madonna to become merely the vessel which holds the shapeless seed. The mother simply holds the seed, can speak but not create, gestate but not impregnate. She becomes purely a vessel containing life -even the blood of the placenta, which mediates between her and the growing foetus, is not described as belonging to her. It is "the" blood rather than "her" blood which becomes the "wild tree that grows / the intricate and folded rose" (a traditional symbol in Christian iconography8 of both Mary and Christ himself). Wright's speaker, in "Woman to Man", perceives her body as a vessel for a divinely knowing and creative child (although in "Woman to Child" she will reverse the process and attribute much more generative power to her own body -"Then all a world I made in me; / all the world you hear and see / hung upon my dreaming blood" [28]). The child of "Woman to Man" builds for itself its own "resurrection day" (27), and it, rather than the mother, is the one to be gifted with the foresight of the "unimagined light". No matter how well the parents have known it, it is the child who is the summation of the parents (just as the Christ-child is the summation of the Word-of-God-on-Earth): This is no child with a child's face; this has no name to name it by: yet you and I have known it well. This is our hunter and our chase, the third who lay in our embrace.

The child, rather than the parents, has the generative power to create (and therefore own) itself. The child is All: it is "the strength that your arm knows", it is "the arc of flesh that is my breast", it is "the precise crystals of our eyes", it is both hunter and chase, the maker and the made, the question and reply. Christ, in his divinity, exists in sole relationship to Mary as ultimate Woman, "alone of all her sex". He is her father, husband and son, as she is his daughter, wife and mother. "Indeed, mother of her son and his daughter as well, Mary is also, and besides, his wife: she therefore actualises the threefold metamorphosis of a woman in the tightest parenthood structure" (Kristeva, 1980, 169). Theirs is the ultimate amorous relationship, encapsulating Freud's argument that the girl-child "slips - along the line of a symbolic equation, one might say - from the penis to a baby. Her Oedipus complex culminates in a desire, which

Margaret Henderson is long retained, to receive a baby fiom her father as a gift -to bear him a child" (Freud, 1977, 321). Christ's birth and life symbolises Freud's argument in Totem and Taboo (1950, 1) that civilisation is founded upon patricide, upon the son killing the Father in order to take his place. The Christ-son replaces the Father as the Word upon the Earth, enacting a similar murder by not only becoming his father's lover's lover, but also by taking upon himself the role of "speaking" and "being" the word of God made flesh -the paternal Law. Wright's poems "Women's Song" and "Woman To Child" repeat this pattern of the Madonna's amorous relationship with her lover-child. The opening lines to "Women's Song": 0 move in me my darling; for now the sun must rise; the sun that will draw open the lids upon your eyes. 0 wake in me, my darling. The knife of day is bright to cut the thread that binds you within the flesh of night (27-28)

could be as easily addressed to the lover as to the unborn child. "Women's Song" is a lament of the inevitable separation of mother fiom child, of the mother's loss as the child leaves the haven of the maternal body. It is a lamentation (and yet also a celebration) of the breaking of the dyad and a recognition that the child has a place in a future to which the mother can have no access. The poem moves fiom the duality of the lines, "Today I through to the lose and find you / whom yet my blood would keep -" total separation of the final lines, "Pain and the dark must claim you, / and passion and the day". Despite this inevitable loss (which is also the loss of Calvary for the Madonna) Wright's contention is that the mother and child have an amorous relationship that no other can match: "None but I shall know you 1 as none but I have known". And yet perhaps it is merely the repeated usage of the biblical name for carnality which emphasises the slippage between lover and child, collapsing both into a sexualised relationship with the mother. It is in "Woman to Child" that this lover-like relationship between mother and child is made most explicit: You who were darkness warmed my flesh where out of darkness rose the seed. Then all a world I made in me; all the world you hear and see hung upon my dreaming blood.

"StabatMatern or Elegy? There moved the multitudinous stars, and coloured birds and fishes moved. There swam the sliding continents. All time lay rolled in me, and sense, and love that knew not its beloved. (28)

Wright's trilogy of Motherhood poems repeats fiom within the mother's voice the desire of the child for a sexualised and sole occupation of the mother's body. It speaks from within the Oedipal triangle the voice the child most longs to hear, that of its mother telling him or her that s/he is the sole object of the mother's desire. What the child most wants to hear is the mother telling him or her that s/he is "node and focus" of her world, that s/he "shall escape and not escape" the mother's love, shall retain the security and haven of the maternal body, whilst also being free to explore the world at large. Wright's poems contain the duality of the "Stabat Mater", the hymn of celebration and mourning that is sung of the Madonna as she faces the crucifixion of her son. Wright's mother speaks for herself this agony and triumph, and metaphorically repeats the image of Mary "never turning" her "dim eyes" "from that wondrous, suffering Son" ("Stabat Mater", 21617). For Wright conception is blessed because of its generative and creative powers, because the child contains, and is the culmination of both parents. However her poetry also acknowledges the very great cost of this generative capacity, not only for the mother but also for the child. The gift of life is also the gift of death. For the child, "Pain and the dark" (28) must claim it (a "debt" which cannot be paid by the mother on behalf of the child) and yet there is also "a death and a maiden / who wait for you alone". And, for the mother, the birth of the child is both exhilarating and terrifying. It is perceived as a form of rupture of the maternal body, one which leaves the mother withered: I wither and you break from me; yet though you dance in living light I am the earth, I am the root, I am the stem that fed the fruit, the link that joins you to the night. (29)

It is the "knife of day" (28) which severs the child from the mother's body, and this leaves for the mother the image of herself as the "flesh of night". Wright, on the one hand, is celebrating, in Irigarayan terms: [The] primal womb, our first nourishing earth, first waters, first envelopes, where the child was whole, the mother whole through the mediation of her blood. They were bound together, albeit in an

Margaret Henderson asymmetrical relationship, before any cutting, any cutting up of their bodies into fragments. (Irigaray, 1991,39)

And yet Wright is also acknowledging that this unity of child within the maternal body is the last moment of wholeness, that this pregnant body is beyond her control, that she acts as a borderline or threshold for this other which is her unborn child. Maternity is not only the unity of the asymmetrical relationship of the womb, but is also the space of the unknown Other. It is the space in which Cells fuse, split, and proliferate; volumes grow, tissues stretch, and body fluids change rhythm, speeding up or slowing down. Within the body, growing as a graft, indomitable, there is an other. (Kristeva, 1980,237)

Wright embraces traditional discourses of maternity as images of transcendence and of the mystical worship of the bodily power of maternal creativity. Despite the duality of her depiction of motherhood as both ecstatic and agonising which builds in "Woman to Man" to the terror of the final lines -"the blind head butting at the dark, / the blaze of light alone the blade. / Oh hold me, for I am afraid" (27) - she remains committed to the image of maternity as a spiritual experience connecting the woman to the generative capacity of the earth itself ("I am the earth, I am the root, / I am the stem that fed the h i t " [29]). Atwood's poetry, in contrast, is often a political reminder of the brutality of forced maternity upon the unwilling female body. Her poems, unlike Wright's, make much stronger connections between birth and the maternal body and the political situation of women in general. She says in "Solstice Poem": As for the women, who did not want to be involved, they are involved.

It's that blood on the snow which turns out to be not some bludgeoned or machine-gunned animal's, but your own that does it.

Each fears her children sprout from the killed children of others. Each is right. (1992,42)

"StabatMater"or Elegy? Atwood's poems are not the universalised lyrics of a personal experience of pregnancy, but are situated within the context of a history of Women. It is a history, for Atwood, in which women's bodies have often been exploited and which, while it appears to glorify the image of the perfect Mother, actually refuses to value the matemal as important. Therefore, when Atwood calls upon transcendental images of matemal fecundity she places them within the context of a discourse that is spoken by an Other, and one which is used to bring women into a position of subservience or abuse. These "Other" discourses therefore need to be examined and critiqued, but not embraced. Where Wright experienced the fear of the separation and the loss of the individual autonomy of the mother in childbirth itself, Atwood's fears are more politicised and are founded upon the violence enacted upon the female body - a violence which, Atwood argues, arises from the social and symbolic context in which childbirth is given meaning. In "Christmas Carols" she writes: Children do not always mean hope. To some they mean despair. This woman with her hair cut off so she could not hang herself threw herself from a rooftop, thirty times raped & pregnant by the enemy who did this to her. This one had her pelvis broken by hammers so the child could be extracted. Then she was thrown away, useless, a ripped sack. (70)

Atwood, however, is also careful not to see this violence enacted upon the matemal body in purely political terms; she consistently reminds us that nature is cruel too ("A plane / swoops too low over the fox farm / and the mother eats her young. This too / is nature"). When Atwood calls upon the image of the Madonna, she does so in order to critique the transcendental image of motherhood as sacred, an image which denies women in general the power to control their own bodies: Think twice then before you worship turned furrows, or pay lip service to some full belly or other, or single out one girl to play the magic mother, in blue & white, up on that pedestal, perfect & intact, distinct from those that aren't. Which means everyone else. It's a matter of food & available blood. If mother-

Margaret Henderson hood is sacred, put your money where your mouth is. Only then can you expect the coming down to the wrecked & shimmering earth of that miracle you sing about, the day when every child is a holy birth.

Where Wright's mother-Madonna is "alone" in the world of the Oedipal triangle (the only other woman to enter the triangle being the "maiden" who removes the child from the realm of the mother and is equated with death in this process), Atwood's poems speak one side of a matemal dialogue (mother-to-daughter) which links all women through a generational genealogy. In "A Red Shirt", a poem to her daughter, this genealogy not only includes herself and her daughter but also the procession of old leathery mothers, the moon's last quarter before the blank night, mothers like worn gloves wrinkled to the shapes of their lives, passing the work from hand to hand, mother to daughter, a long thread of red blood, not yet broken. (1992,48)

Atwood values not only the fecundity of the matemal body, but also the image of the crone. Thus, Atwood recognises the temporality of the matemal image, and she refuses to allow the image of Woman to be subsumed under images of maternity. Motherhood, she consistently reminds us, is merely one phase of the life cycle of Woman. In "A Red Shirt" she continues: Let me tell you the story about the Old Woman. First: she weaves your body. Second: she weaves your soul. Third: she is hated & feared, though not by those who know her. She is the witch you burned

"StabatMater" or Elegy? by daylight and crept from your home to consult & bribe at night. The love that tortured you you blamed on her. She can change her form, and like your mother she is covered with fur. The black Madonna studded with miniature arms & legs, like tin stars, to whom they offer agony and red candles when there is no other help or comfort, is also her. (49)

For Atwood, what is most necessary is that women continue to speak to each other, to tell the tales or myths of their own experiences - myths which need to be passed from one generation to the next. These stories are often painful and difficult, but are tales which must be told. In "Solstice Poem" she writes to her daughter: My daughter crackles paper, blows on the tree to make it live, festoons herself with silver. So far she has no use for gifts. What can I give her, what armour, invincible sword or magic trick, when that year comes? How can I teach her some way of being human that won't destroy her? I would like to tell her, Love is enough, I would like to say, Find shelter in another skin. I would like to say, Dance and be happy. Instead I will say in my crone's voice, Be ruthless when you have to, tell the truth when you can, when you can see it.

Margaret Henderson Iron talismans, and ugly, but more loyal than mirrors. (43)

As she says in "Notes Towards a Poem Which Can Never be Written" "Witness is what you must bear" (73). Both Wright and Atwood link the fecundity of the maternal to the generative capacity of the earth itself. As such, the image of the earthgoddess is important to both. In "Woman to Child", Wright's poetic speaker repeats the Biblical "I am" of the patriarchal God and replaces it with the "I am" of creation itself: "I am the earth, I am the root, 1 I am the stem that fed the h i t " (29). However, unlike the divinity of the Biblical God which exists in the isolation of the pure existence of the Creator, Wright's "I am" is associative, it links the woman with the totality of Creation. In this sense Wright's Woman repeats Marian theology, her value lies in being creation rather than creator, in being "the well" that holds the child, the "node and focus" of the world, and the "mirror" in whose reflection the child will learn to recognise its own "sleeping shape". However, unlike the role of Mary within Christian tradition, there is no sense that creation is answerable to anything beyond itself. Creation celebrates its own creativity in the child. Wright's poems are not the Magnificat (Luke, 1:4&55) of Mary, which gives praise to the transcendental God for the gift of the divinity held within the self but which also remains not of the self. Wright's soul magnii5es creation rather than the creator; celebrates the mother, the child and the earth, rather than God. Similarly, for Atwood, woman's links to the earth are also important. (Circe in "Circe/Mud Poems" [1991,201-231, for example, gains her power from her understanding of the natural processes of creation -"I spend my days with my head pressed to the earth, to stones, to shrubs, collecting the few muted syllables left over" [204]). However, for Atwood, this creativity is always linked to death, and occurs, not in the isolation of the dyad of mother and child alone, but in the human community itself. Her communion is not that of the One flesh eaten by all, but is that of the repeated consumption of all flesh by all. In "AllBread" she says: Lift these ashes into your mouth, your blood; to know what you devour is to consecrate it, almost. All bread must be broken so it can be shared. Together we eat this earth. (1992,53)

"StabatMater" or Elegy? Wright's poems are connected to the ambivalence of the "Stabat Mater", an ambivalence which both mourns and celebrates the life of the child within the maternal body, and also the mother's own ability to give the gift of life to another. Atwood, in contrast, although she utilises images of the Madonna, places them within a broader context of other "Old Women" and "leathery mothers". Atwood examines motherhood from this more generalised and politicised perspective, both celebrating and mourning all the generations of women, and all the phases of women's lives. She examines both the fecund goddess image and the crone of the withered and wintering earth (see "Solstice Poem" in particular). Where Wright's triptych follows the pattern of the lyrical monologue of the mother to her unborn child, Atwood's poems are clearly and consistently elegies, not only for the dying, but also for those being born - and for those whose task it is to bear.

See pages 27, 27-28 and 28-29 respectively. All references to Wright's poetry in the main text will be to the Collected Poems edition, 1994. Margaret Atwood's first volume of poetry Double Persephone was actually published in 1961 but is often left out of chronologies of her published works. Compare Atwood, 1976, "The Circle Game" and "Progressive Insanities of a Pioneer", 14-24 and 60-63 respectively. Though it is interesting to note that Wright's famous "Eve" poems appear in her 1966 volume The Other HaCfand in the 1976 volume Fourth Quarter "Eve to her Daughters" is published in the same year as Atwood's The Circle Game.

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5

Compare Kristeva, 1980, "Stabat Mater", passim and "Motherhood According To Giovanni Bellini", 237-70. Compare Irigaray, 1991, 'The Bodily Encounter With the Mother", 34-46; "Women-Mothers, the Silent Substratum of the Social Order", 47-52; and Irigaray, 1993, "Divine Women", 55-72. The monologue is, of course, spoken to the "Man" in "Woman to Man" and yet the child still remains the focus of the poem. Compare Eliot, 1969, "Little Gidding", 197-98. The image of the rose, of course, also symbolises chivalry, romance and sexuality. See "Stabat Mater", 1986,216-17.

Atwood, Margaret. 1992. Poems: 19764986. London: Virago.

-. 1991. Poems: 1965-1 975. London: Virago.

Margaret Henderson -1984.Interlunar. London: Jonathan Cape. -. 1981.True Stories. New York: Simon and Schuster.

-,1978.Two-Headed Poems. New York: Simon and Schuster. -. 1976.Selected Poems: 1965-1975.London: Virago. -. 1974.YouAre Happy. Toronto: Oxford University Press. -.1971.Power Politics. Toronto: Anansi. -. 1970a.The Journals of Susanna Moodie. Toronto: Oxford University Press. -. 1970b.Proceduresfor Underground Boston: Little, Brown and Co. -. 1968.TheAnimals in That Country. Boston: Little, Brown and Co. -. 1966.The Circle Game. Toronto: Anansi. Eliot, T.S. 1969. "Little Gidding", Four Quartets in The Complete Poems and Plays of T. S. Eliot. London: Faber and Faber. 197-98. Freud, Sigmund. 1977."The Dissolution of the Oedipus Complex", The Pelican Freud Library. Vol. 7. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 313-22.

-1950.Totem and Taboo. London: Standard Ed. Trans. James Strachey. Vol. 13. Irigaray, Luce. 1993. "Women-Mothers, the Silent Substratum of the Social Order" and "Divine Women", Sexes and Genealogies. Trans. Gillian C. Gill. New York: Columbia UP. 47-52 and 5572 respectively.

-.Whitford. 1991. "The Bodily Encounter With the Mother", The Irigaray Reader. Ed. and intro. Margaret Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 34-46. Kristeva, Julia. 1986. "Stabat Mater", The Kristeva Reader. Tori1 Moi, ed. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 160-86.

-. 1980."Motherhood According To Giovanni Bellini", Desire In Language: A Semiotic Approach

to Literature and Art. Leon S. Roudiez, ed. Trans. Thomas Gora, Alice Jardine, and Leon S. Roudiez. New York: Columbia University Press. 37-70.

Kaplan, Ann E. 1992. Motherhood and Representation: The Mother in Popular Culture and Melodrama. London and New York: Routledge. "Stabat Mater." 1986.The New English Hymnal. Norwich: The Canterbury P. 216-17. Walker, Shirley. 1991.Flame and Shadow: A Study of Judith Wright's Poetry. St. Lucia, Queensland: UQP. Wright, Judith. 1994.Collected Poem: 1942-1985.Sydney: Angus and Robertson.

-1949.Woman to Man. Sydney: Angus and Robertson. -.1946.The Moving Image. Melbourne: Meanjin Press.

Canadian writer William Gibson is perhaps best known as creator of the cyberpunk world of the Neuromancer trilogy and Virtual Light, the voice of a high-tech future of disillusion and displacement. Born in the USA in 1948, he moved to Toronto in 1968, part of the flight north of a generation disillusioned by America's Vietnam involvement. Many returned at war's end, but Gibson stayed, eventually taking out Canadian citizenship. This displacement fiom self-centred American identity to the more ambivalent northern culture has been a major influence in Gibson's work. His experience of dislocation was focussed and particularised when, in 1972, he moved to Vancouver, where he still lives. In this westcoast city concern at the pervasive influence of closely-related American culture is compounded by a mistrust of the "alien" trans-Pacific neighbour, Japan. The profound personal and social dislocation of Gibson's fictional worlds derives initially from his encounter with this local apprehension, that civic and personal identity will be lost to invasive and alienating corporate structures. His speculative futures share many of the concerns of minority groups - Canadian and Australian among them - poised uneasily on the margins of the emergent global corporate technoculture. Nevertheless, Gibson's work has become representative of the postmodern urban condition in technologically developed societies at large. Its blend of the alien and the disturbingly familiar seems to compass trans-cultural and trans-national fears of the loss of identity in a rapidly changing world. I want to consider some of the possible reasons for this paradoxical inclusiveness by examining two of his books in two closely-related dystopian science fiction sub-genres: the cyberpunk novel Neuromancer, and his later steampunk collaboration with Bruce Sterling, The

Andrew Enstice Difference Engine. The works are both experimental, but in very different ways. They share, however, a bleak vision of future worlds in which the contentious desires of the human subject for difference of any kind, personal or cultural, are subservient to the inhumanly homogenising effect of global artificial intelligence. In The Oxford Dictionary of New Words, Gibson is credited as "a foundational influence" in the development of cyberpunk, "[a] style of science fiction writing combining high-tech plots (in which the world is controlled by artificial intelligence) with unconventional or nihilistic social values" (78). Though enormously influential in the development of the current generation of sf, cyberpunk's main effect outside the genre has been indirect, through its popularisation of debates surrounding the development of computer technology. The term with which Gibson has become closely associated is the one picked up in popular discussion to describe the phenomenon of the rapidly developing electronic information network: cyberspace. Inevitably the full realisation of this artificial environment in science fiction terms, as a symbiosis of human and artificial intelligence, goes far beyond the limited mechanical scope of current interfaces. In Neuromancer Gibson defines cyberspace as "the consensual hallucination that [is] the matrix" (5). "The matrix has its roots in primitive arcade games ... in early graphics programs and military experimentation with cranial jacks" (51). It is "[a] graphic representation of data abstracted from the banks of every computer in the human system" (51). There is a fundamental paradox involved in this development, of course, setting individual subjectivity and fragmentary consciousness against the artificially-induced consensus. Within cyberspace, the "rustlers" who raid corporate programs for valuable data are recognisable anti-heroes, fringe dwellers in a culture that takes Cartesian dualism to the extremes of alienation. In this world, the idle rich have their bodies sculpted and regrown into disturbing idealisations of the human form. For the cowboys of the underworld, however, the machine of the human body is merely "meat", a constantly implied threat to the youthful adrenalin rush of mind-data interface. It can be overridden, redesigned, rebuilt or, in extremis, blotted out with cocktails of illicit drugs. In its fictional form this dystopian vision clearly addresses an alienated youth culture seeking personal and group identity in the relatively uncontrolled environment of high-tech electronic interaction. The fragmentations and random connections of cyberpunk are seen by some critics as representative of the urban selves caught up by the

Writing Between Cultures problematics of postmodern cultural identity. According to Peter Nicholls, "its inhabitants are consumers, not makers.... The essential displacement from which they suffer - like so many protagonists of Modernist and Postmodernist literature - is the loss of an integrated self' (Clute and Nicholls, 1993,493). Istvan Csicsery-Ronay (Jr) describes cyberpunk as "the apotheosis of postmodernism.... The oxymoronic conceit ... is so slick and global it fuses the high and the low, the complex and the simple, the governor and the savage, the techno-sublime and rock and roll slime. The only thing left out is a place to stand. So one must move, always move" (1988, 266). The self-conscious echo of rap rhythms employed here is a reminder of the "punk" music origins of this element of cyberpunk. The playful verbal dance around the violently juxtaposed cultural categories owes more to recent theory, and hints at one response to cyberpunk's access to quintessentially postmodem ideas. Sf, for so long marginalised by the academic mainstream, has become a site of contestation between colonising theorists and commentators who regard themselves as an established part of the close-knit community of sf publishing. Peter Nicholls, in The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction, drily shifts the site and terms of the struggle when he suggests that "Many of Postmodemism's allegedly principal qualities fit cyberpunk like a glove" (289). Despite its association with a rebellious youth culture, cyberpunk is an intensely literary subset of a genre that takes its literary status very seriously. Csicsery-Ronay's suggestion that erratically shifting points of view in cyberpunk subvert conventional narrative positioning suits a view of the writing as postmodem in its fragmentation. However, in his introduction to Neuromancer, editor Terry Carr asserts that the "Ace Science Fiction Specials" series of which it is a part is specifically designed to present new novels of high quality and imagination, books that are as exciting as any tale of adventures in the stars and as convincing as the most careful extrapolation of the day after tomorrow's science. (1984, vii)

Books, in other words, which conform in some degree to established structures. And in sf publishing, the historical bias towards experiment with content is linked with conceptions of literariness that might appear, to critics more used to Modernism and mainstream theoretical debate, surprisingly old-fashioned. This is Carr's definition of "literary quality" in the Specials series: "lucid and evocative writing, fully rounded characterization, and strong underlying themes (but not Messages)" (vii).

Andrew Enstice It is a strictly industry-based definition, rather than an academic one

- and a reminder that the history of sf is one of mass circulation, in

direct opposition to the elitist pretensions of much of Modernism. In fact, much of the disorientation and fragmentation of Gibson's earlier work can be traced to an entirely literary -even poetic - reworking of established form and style. The debt he acknowledges to J.G. Ballard's writing is balanced by an equal indebtedness to Raymond Chandler and the detective novel, which shares with sf a common root in the much older subversiveness of the gothic novel. Gibson's anti-heroes have identifiable codes of behaviour and characterisation derived from Chandler, and from the angry young men of a post-war generation. This is the opening passage from Neuromancer: The sky above the port was the colour of television, tuned to a dead channel. "It's not like I'm using", Case heard someone say, as he shouldered his way through the crowd around the door of the Chat. "It's like my body's developed this massive drug deficiency." It was a Sprawl voice and a Sprawl joke. The Chatsubo was a bar for professional expatriates; you could drink there for a week and never hear two words in Japanese. Ratz was tending bar, his prosthetic arm jerking monotonously as he filled a tray of glasses with draft Kirin. He saw Case and smiled, his teeth a webwork of East European steel and brown decay. Case found a place at the bar, between the unlikely tan on one of Lonny Zone's whores and the crisp naval uniform of a tall African whose cheekbones were ridged with precise rows of tribal scars. "Wage was in here early, with two joeboys", Ratz said, shoving a draft across the bar with his good hand. "Maybe some business with you, Case?" (3)

For all its alienating strangeness of detail, this is a narrative full of familiar literary signposts. The scene could come from any Chandler novel, with its terse narrative voice, its huddle of low-life characters, its frisson of implied danger. The setting and its tensions would be equally at home in a Western; and Case's quest will begin with the mysterious tale of a jewelled head, a computer terminal that, like the Maltese Falcon, comes to symbolise much more than its substance. There is something of Dean's Rebel Without a Cause in the characterisation of Case, though the drug culture he inhabits makes Dean's rebellion resemble more a brief lapse from good taste. And that deliberately provocative opening sentence, which locates the novel firmly in a televisual culture, echoes the voice of T.S. Eliot's alienated

Writing Between Cultures Prufrock, who sees "the evening ... laid out against the sky like a patient etherised upon a table". The real disturbances to the reader's self-possession are less immediately apparent. Amongst the familiar or half-remembered images are seeded the distorting uncertainties: the over-easy acceptance of the drug culture; the barman's prosthesis and steel teeth, symbols not just of human physical decay but of a certain unsettling and all too familiar failure in the potential of technology. Most disturbing of all, perhaps, is the startling juxtaposition of the "crisp naval uniform" (straight out of a bar in Casablanca), with the equally precise "rows of tribal scars". A postmodern juxtaposition, incongruous and disturbing. Incongruous, of course, because the naval uniform does not, in literary or popular convention, belong with such an overt display of cultural otherness as tribal scars. The combination does not fit our expectation of the crisp naval officer slumming in this low-life habitat. Nor does it fit the comfortable Modernist metaphor of personal and cultural alienation implied in the gap between European and tribal cultures. This is not the world of Joseph Conrad. The image offers not mere arbitrary juxtaposition, but a level of appropriateness that seems almost shocking. Either the tribal cicatrices have received full acceptance and equal status with any western cultural display, or the naval uniform represents as "primitive" a mark of tribal ritualisation as physical scarring. The dilemma is entirely ours: the text offers no resolution. The image and the character are never mentioned again. Such disturbances recur, like this one, in moments of detail that are detached from the narrative drive, and they are the more unsettling for this structural dislocation: "Case watched the sun rise on the landscape of childhood, on broken slag and the rusting shells of refineries" (85). Structurally, the novel is surprisingly conventional. But in its contextual assumptions and in its poetic disposition of wrenching, resonant metaphor, it is truly subversive. Commentators have pointed to Gibson's Canadian experience as the ideal preparation for his writing of cyberpunk (Clute and Nicholls, 1993, 494). His displacement of identity as an American immigrant to a coterminous but not coextensive culture links with the broader Canadian sense of displacement at the fringes of a natural environment hostile to human existence, and to the cultural displacements suffered by both indigenous and colonising inhabitants in the act of colonisation. Gibson acknowledges the role of the Vancouver urban environment in the development of Neuromancer, pointing, for example, to the "special bars that cater exclusively for the Japanese, and almost no one

Andrew Enstice else goes into them because the whole scene is too strange." But he also seeks to distance himself from the cyberpunk "manifesto" of Bruce Sterling's Mirrorshades. The Japanese, says Gibson, "have really bought the whole cyberpunk thing. It's as if they believe everything Bruce Sterling has written about it! It's frightening" (McCaffrey, 1991b, 285). Some of the sources for the novel have a postrnodern arbitrariness about them - "I got the street names from a Japan Airlines Calendaryy (285) -but of course, such authorial techniques are hardly new. Gibson himself is no precocious techno-freak. Neuromancer was written on an old-fashioned portable typewriter and, though his first novel, was published when the author was thirty-six. Nevertheless, the extraordinary popular and critical success of Neuromancer effectively translated Gibson's literary response to cultural uncertainty into a major presence in both the sf marketplace and the further development of postmodem debates. He has been inscribed in the terminology and the structural development of a global electronic culture. It was, then, as an established figure that he joined with fellow cyberpunk writer Bruce Sterling to produce, in 1990, The Difference Engine. Set in nineteenth-century England, published in the UK, and resulting fiom collaboration between a Canadian/American and an American, the book goes far to subvert the homogenising economic and cultural dominance of the USNK market in speculative fiction publishing. It also seems to offer in the experience of its own production the trans-national, trans-cultural and trans-historic continuities and displacements which are central to the development of cyberspace and postrnodern culture. Here, too, the literariness of Gibson's writing is evident. In its form the novel exploits the established sub-genre of steampunk - books which draw on Dickens' dystopian visions of Victorian London to create recursive sf. It tums back the political, social and technological clock to 1821, and Charles Babbage's computing engine, rewriting events to hypothesise the engine's successful development and exploitation. The effects of this development are far-reaching. Wellington's successful repression of working-class dissent vanishes, replaced by a brief revolution that brings to power a technocratic middle class, entrenched as generic "lordships" in a continuing imperial system. In this new world order the social, political and technological imperatives of Victorian Britain are radically altered: The Byron men, the Babbage men, the Industrial Radicals, they own Great Britain! ... the very globe is at their feet, Europe,

Writing Between Cultures America, everywhere. The House of Lords is packed from top to bottom with Rads. Queen Victoria won't stir a finger without a nod from the savants and capitalists. (26)

Byron becomes Prime Minister, his daughter, Ada, one of the leading mathematicians and programmers of her day. Keats, with the essentially upper-class indulgence of poetry swept away, becomes a kinotrope operator - an artist of a different kind. And, in one of many ironic tilts at the conventions, Gibson and Sterling rewrite Disraeli as a Grub Street hack: "Bit of a madcap. Writes sensation novels. Trash. But he's steady enough when he's sober" (111). Stylistically The Difference Engine draws on both the hard-edged, abrasive style of cyberpunk, and on its Victorian antecedents. The discordant voices thus created form part of the novel's structure. The clipped, dispassionate voice offers something like an authorial perspective, intrusively but non-judgementally registering moments and people from an all-pervasive system of official observation. The more ornate descriptions and narratives offer something closer to a human, individual perspective. They offer, too, registration of both the style and the spirit of the Victorian age: Behind the glass loomed a vast hall of towering Engines ... clocklike constructions of intricately interlocking brass, big as rail-cars set on end, each on its foot-thick padded blocks. The whitewashed ceiling, thirty feet overhead, was alive with spinning pulley-belts, the lesser gears drawing power from tremendous spoked flywheels on socketed iron columns. White-coated clackers, dwarfed by their machines, paced the spotless aisles. (126)

In its overall narrative structure, The Difference Engine appears at first conventional, offering a framing "present" overview set just after the turn of the century. Embedded within this are retrospective personal narratives that locate characters and incidents in an unfolding tale of political tensions and intrigues. Thematically, and even in some of its tropes, the novel covers similar ground to Neuromancer: the steam-driven government calculating engines provide comprehensive information networks used to track and control the populace; and there are sub-cultures of dissent here too, ranging from violent Luddite rebellion to fringe dwellers working the interstices of the system. But as the novel proceeds, it becomes apparent that the conventionality is illusory. Its apparently overarching narrative becomes fragmentary, disconnected, motiveless. There is a climactic collapse of

Andrew Enstice government control during a disastrous period of pollution caused by prolonged temperature inversion over London. The personal and political narratives seem to work through this to their thrilling climax, in the violent restoration of order. But rather than resolving the puzzles, this outcome only raises more questions, the narrative drive collapsing into its own chaos of fragmented information. Rather than taking its larger structure from the traditional sf emphasis on plot, the novel moves through a series of "Iterations" - reworkings in the broadest sense, narrative loops which also imply the mathematical substitution of approximate solutions, gradually narrowing the possible range of outcomes. The Difference Engine, like Neuromancer, offers an apparent affinity with the detective story. Recurring through the narrative in various contexts and guises is the Modus, "a gambling-system, a secret trick of mathematical Enginery, to defeat the oddsmakers. Every thieving clacker wants a Modus, sir. It is their philosophers' stone, a way to conjure gold from empty air!" (172). But like the Maltese Falcon, or Neuromancer's jewelled head, the Modus is much more than an object of material desire. The Modus in question is a set of cellulose punch cards, a mechanical programming device to run the Engines. It is also the title of the final section of the novel -"Modus: The Images Tabled" -and, within that, of the last "card" - the fragments of narrative, letters, poems, advertisements and scraps of information of which that section consists. This final card shows Lady Ada Byron, an alcoholic casualty of events, reduced now to a peripatetic lecturing existence. She is in France where we began -talking of the actual execution of the Modus, which demonstrated that any formal system must be both incomplete and unable to establish its own consistency. There is no finite mathematical way to express the property of truth. The transfinite nature of the Byron conjectures ...initiated a series of nested loops, which, though difficult to establish, were yet more difficult to extinguish. The programme ran, yet rendered its Engine useless! (376)

Useless, that is, as a computing tool. But the basic paradox, familiar from post-structuralist theory, that the observer must be both outside the system observed and also, inevitably, a part of it, points to a very different kind of resolution. To escape those endless loops of logic, the Engine - and the reader - must be capable of both involvement in events, and self-conscious reflection. At the end of Neurornancer, Case gains access to the core of the targeted data cluster, uniting the semi-autonomous Artificial

Writing B e t w e e n Cultures Intelligence, Wintermute, with its counterpart. The novel ends with the loss of Wintermute's personality, a kind of death, as it gives birth to a self-conscious entity that is the matrix itself. At the end of The Difference Engine, Lady Ada Byron lifts her mirror and looks into the future: It is 1991. It is London. Ten thousand towers, the cyclonic hum of a trillion twisting gears, all air gone earthquake-dark in a mist of oil, in the frictioned heat of intermeshing wheels.... Paper-thin faces billow like sails, twisting, yawning, tumbling through the empty streets, human faces that are borrowed masks, and lenses for a peering Eye. And when a given face has served its purpose, it crumbles, frail as ash, bursting into a dry foam of data, its constituent bits and motes.... It is not London - but mirrored plazas of sheerest crystal, the avenues atomic lightning, the sky a supercooled gas, as the Eye chases its own gaze through the labyrinth.... In this City's centre, a thing grows, an autocatalytic tree.... (382)

Like Neuromancer 's A.I., this thing is "dying to be born7'. And like the matrix, it is born. But not, this time, as a function of the reader's observation, given substance by our gaze. So far as it is possible to represent the displacement of the reader's detached and observing eye, the text now does it, substituting, reducing, respelling to produce a final, triumphant "I", the pronoun of the entity. Though it moves beyond cyberpunk, The Difference Engine does not recede from the darkness of that postmodem vision. Indeed, the fractured consciousness and experimental forms of this novel go much farther than what, after all, remains a variant on conventional literary forms. In The Difference Engine, Gibson and Sterling - the collective authorial consciousness talking to a collective readership - offer the bleakest of all human visions, a world in which there are no centres or fringes, no political or economic power to be fought over, no human structures to fragment. There is only the new artificial consciousness to which the collective human creature has given birth, and in which the individual human subject is finally, utterly irrelevant.

Clute, John and Peter Nicholls, eds. 1993. Encyclopedia of Science Fiction. London: Orbit. Csicsery-Ronay (Jr), Istvan. 1988. "Cyberpunk and Neuromanticism", Mississippi Review, Vol. 47, No. 8.266-78.

Andrew Enstice Eliot, T.S.1969. Complete Poems and Plays of T.S. Eliot. London: Faber and Faber. Gibson, William, and Bruce Sterling. 1990. The Difference Engine. London: Gollancz. Gibson, William. 1984. Neuromancer. New York: Ace Original. McCaffrey, Larry, ed. 1991a. Storming the Reality Studio: A Casebook of Cyberpunk and Postmodern Science Fiction. Durham and London: Duke University Press. McCaffrey, Larry. 1991b. "Interview with William Gibson and Larry McCaffrey", in McCaffrey, ed. 1991a. 182-93. Tulloch, Sarah, comp. 1991. The Oxford Dictionary of New Words. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

JANEEN WEBB AND DENABAINTAYLOR THEEVOLUTION OF CANADIAN AND

AUSTRACIAN SPECULATIVE FICTION

That Canadian and Australian writers should be attracted to speculative fiction should surprise no one. The genre covers a broad range of nonrealistic works emphasising extrapolation, and it is axiomatic that one of the essential conditions for the growth and popularity of extrapolative fiction is a belief that tomorrow will be fundamentally different from today. And such belief is necessarily central in the lives of people engaged in the construction of new and different civilisations. The surprisingly early trend towards internationalism in both Canadian and Australian writing is most evident in speculative fiction, which has its roots in globally current ideas promoted by a scientific community with a history of regarding its discoveries as transcending national boundaries. The world-wide dissemination of theoretical writings in new scientific fields in the nineteenth century led to simultaneous international experimentation in their application to developing new fictional forms. It is clear from the rapidity with which such scientific ideas appeared in the widely published fiction of the colonies that Canadian and Australian writers were neither developing their literature in isolation from the rest of the world, nor simply producing imitations of imported works: rather, they were active participants in the international dialogue which accompanied the development of the transnational genre of speculative writing. Canada is blessed with lively traditions of speculative fiction in both French and English, but since the English Canadian stream shares a common British origin with Australia's, this paper will deal only with works in English. In many ways, the early works of Canadian and Australian speculative fiction provide a map of the developments of new cultural identities that insisted on the importance of the equally new sciences. And they were indeed shaped by dreams of scientific utopias.

Janeen Webb and Dena Bain Taylor But it is a literary map seldom consulted in academic circles, for reasons that are largely historical. As David Hartwell reminds us in his introductory essay to The Ascent of Wonder: In the early years of this century a perceived divide developed between high art and popular culture under pressure from the Modernist movement. SF fell into the paraliterary or popular category, particularly since there was a long and bitter aesthetic battle between H.G Wells ...and Henry James, (a battle) that for all practical purposes Wells lost - becoming the most popular and successful writer of his era at the price of losing literary influence and prestige to James. (Hartwell and Cramer, 1994,36)

Since this was also the time when literary canons were being codified, SF found itself in opposition to the fashionable literary forms, and was largely ignored by the Modernist arbiters of taste. Indeed, much of this literature "... evolved in opposition to the Modernist aesthetic of style as information and came to privilege innovation in the content rather than in style" (36). While it is true to say that "Modernism was rationalist and scientific in its attitude and method ... it generally averted its gaze from technological knowledge. The Jamesian aesthetic was embodied in the phrase 'art for art's sake'. The concerns of the scientific community interested in problem solving ... clarity and logic and the nature of external reality, the world of action, cause and effect, the whole external universe, became the meat of science fiction" (36). When those most famous nineteenth century practitioners of the scientific romance, H.G. Wells and Nathaniel Hawthorne, were at pains to point out - fiom opposite sides of the Atlantic - that they were writing Romances, not novels, they were alluding to their perceived difference from the form of the novel as they understood it. Definitions of science were also, of course, much more inclusive in the nineteenth century. It is useful, when dealing with the scientific romances, to remember that the line between scientific exploration and fiction was less than clear, especially in the case of the new science of archaeology, where the discoveries of sites such as Troy, Nineveh and Mycenae were based on a desire to realise "fiction". Little wonder, then, that early Canadian and Australian writers expressed a central concern with the scientific fictionalisation of their respective landscapes. Canadian consciousness has historically located itself in relation to "the other". Regional and cultural distinctions are exacerbated by the country's size, fostering a sense of otherness by which the individual defines what makes him or her Canadian. The descendants of immigrant Canadians feel a sense of otherness toward the

Canadian and Australian Speculative Fiction societies from which their families came; Native Canadians feel it towards the invaders who have come to displace them. Most of all, Canadians define themselves in relation to the biggest "other" of all, the superpower to the south. There is, further, a strong sense of "the other" in relation to the land itself. When nine-tenths of the population huddles against the warmth of the American border and contemplates uneasily the vast, unexperienced "emptiness" stretching to the north, it is small wonder that a fiction that addresses the problem of "the other", the alien and the unknown, should so engage Canadians. As prominent Canadian anthologist Judith Merril put it in her essay, "We Have Met the Alien (And It Is Us)", "Identifying the alien within ... seems a relatively confident assumption in the prevailing Canadian voice ... there is something one just might call a Canadian consciousness ... [a] unique sensibility of accepting-and-coping" (in Hartwell and Grant, 1994,23). The sense of otherness also pervades the Australian experience. In the last continent to be "discovered" by western explorers, the literature of isolation begins with the earliest white settlement, when fear of the alien antipodean environment was personified in unflattering representations of the aboriginal inhabitants. The recently exploded legal doctrine of terra nullius epitomised the colonial response to the vast Australian landscape as being empty not only of legal inhabitants, but also of preexisting mythology, and therefore subject to domestication through the fictional overlay of "scientific" imaginative constructions. Like most Canadians, most Australians live in the concentrated population centres of our few coastal cities dotted around the huge inhospitable desert of the interior. As the nineteenth century world became a closed cartographical system, this "empty" Australian interior was a boon to the scientific romances, providing a plausible location for extrapolative stories. It was often designated by local writers as the site of lost civilisations, particularly Atlantis and Lemuria, as in G. Firth Scott's The Last Lemurian (1898), which shows a yellow giantess Queen of Lemuria ruling over a race of pygmies. Later, as scientific extrapolations created their own mythology, this same interior was believed to contain the fabled Great Inland Sea. Early Canadian speculative fiction makes use of traditional forms inherited from the British experience - the imaginary voyage, utopias addressing social and political issues, and the scientific romance drawing on popular philosophical scientific ideas. The earliest works were utopian. James De Mille's A Strange Manuscript Found in a Copper Cylinder was first published anonymously in 1888, though written some twenty years earlier. Influenced by such diverse sources as the BritishIsraelites and Arthur Gordon Pym, De Mille frames a satiric tale of a

Janeen Webb and Dena Bain Taylor Symzonian polar society with an anti-materialist philosophy and a social structure that elevates the lowly to positions of power. The Dominion in 1983 (1893), by "Ralph Centennius", offers the first glimpse of a future Canada, and plays upon perennial Canadian fears of an American takeover. In this thirty page pamphlet, an unsuccessful invasion attempt spurs Canada to achieve greatness. Technological advances abound, crime and taxes have been abolished, and fifteen men are sufficient to govern a population of 93 million. Even the hostile land has been conquered - Churchill on Hudson's Bay has become "that most charming of northern seaside resorts". In a similar vein of wish fulfilment, W.H.C. Lawrence's The Storm of '92: A Grandfather's Tale Told in 1932 (1939) recounts Canada's victory in the AmericanCanadian war of 1892. In sum, Canadian utopian works appearing in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were sufficient to cause Stephen Leacock to cast a satirical eye on the genre in Afternoons in Utopia: Tales of the New Time (1932). The Australian utopias and lost race stories were heavily influenced by social Darwinism. In 1873 there appeared an anonymous Account of a Race of Human Beings with TaiZs, and in 1892 the American writer Austyn Granville returned from his travels in Australia to write The Fallen Race, in which the intrepid hero must escape the amorous attentions of a member of a bizarre species of ovoid kangarooaborigines, developed according to Darwinian principles from the unlikely primeval union of the two groups. There were also quite a number of early feminist works, including Catherine Helen Spence's Handfasted (1879), set in distant California, and Mary Anne MooreBentley's A Woman of Mars, or Australia's Enfranchised Woman (1901). Awareness of the vulnerability inherent in isolation engendered, in both cases, a great many nervous extrapolations. Canadian fears of invasion, so apparent in the utopias, naturally extended into early science fiction accounts of invasion by enemies real or imagined. During the First World War, C . Linton Sibley produced two stories about German attacks on Canada, "How the Armada was Saved" (February, 1915) and "The Blockade of America" (June, 1915), while Hilda Glynn-Ward's The Writing on the Wall (1921) forsees a Japanese invasion of British Columbia. In Australia, similar xenophobia led to the publication of a number of enemy-invasion stories, such as the anonymous novella, The Battle of Mordialloc or How We Lost Australia (1888), in which Australia is conquered by combined Sino-Russian forces. Kenneth MacKay's The Yellow Wave: A Romance of the Asiatic Invasion of Australia of 1895

Canadian and Australian Speculative Fiction also links the twin fears of Chinese and Russian invasion, while later novels such as The Coloured Conquest (1904) and the enormously popular anti-Japanese dystopia, The Australian Crisis (1909) both deal with the fear of an Asian people, equipped with the attributes of European attitudes and technology, and bent on southward expansion. In terms of geographical location, it would seem natural that Canadians should be swept away by the international popular taste for fantasies about hidden polar societies and inverted landscapes, and indeed they were. But not, strangely, about north polar worlds - they opted for the south! One of the few exceptions is Robert Watson's High Hazard: A Romance of the Far Arctic (1929). Some Australians went the other way, with Marcus Clarke's satirical 1872 pamphlet reporting the discovery at the North Pole of "a tribe of beings claiming brotherhood with us, who are web footed and handed, living in holes in the banks of the land, and subsisting on raw fish...", and G. Read Murphy's North Pole adventure, Beyond the Ice (1910). Closer to home, in 1894 George McIver set Neuroornia: A New Continent: A Manuscript Delivered from the Deep in the frozen wastes of the Antarctic. Others ventured even further afield, producing works such as Joseph Frazer's Melbourne and Mars: My Mysterious Life on Two Planets ( 1889). Though not generally set in Canada, fantasies of prehistoric worlds occur regularly. In these, the influence of the British scientific romance and its focus on evolutionary theory is clear. Yet the primeval Canadian landscape also compelled reflection on a time before humanity. To this category belong two works by major writers: In the Morning of Time by Sir Charles G.D. Roberts, and The Great Feud (A Dream of the Pliocene Armageddon) (London, 1926), a narrative poem by E.J. Pratt, set, curiously enough, in prehistoric Australasia! Similarly, Australian H.C.F Morant produced the geological fantasy, Whirlaway, a precursor to Jurassic Park, in 1937. In the early period of speculative fiction, both Canadian and Australian writers followed a path iduenced by developments in the British scientific romances and utopias, flavoured by their own experiences as strangers in strange lands with inhospitable climates, and shaped by internal influences such as fears of invasion. They did not see themselves as junior partners, but rather as equal participants in the development of the speculative genre. Indeed, initial versions of what were to become common themes in international scientific romance emerged in Canadian and Australian texts. A case in point is Australian Robert Potter's 1892 novel, The Germ Growers, since it has the doubly dubious distinction of being the first story about "alien invasion", and also the prototype story about germ warfare. The essence of this novel is

Janeen Webb and Dena Bain Taylor that genetically altered deadly plague germs are being cultivated in secret in the remote Kimberley Ranges, then transferred by invisible air cars to other parts of the world. Interest in speculative writing mushroomed in the Golden Age of the 1930s, '40s and '50s, primarily in science fiction and fantasy forms. In both countries, the influence of the United States became more pronounced, especially in the type of material being written, and also in increased opportunities for American publication. In Australia there was increased magazine publishing in the 1950s, marking the consolidation of writers such as Wynne Whiteford and A. Bertram Chandler. The Canadian famines which flourished in this period made extensive use of American stories, and many writers, such as editor H.L. Gold and science fiction writer A.E. Van Vogt, left Canada to establish major careers in the USA. Van Vogt was born in Winnipeg in 1912 and moved south in 1944, but much of his important work was written and published while he was still living in Canada, including his first and best known novel, Slan. The telepathic slans are superior both intellectually and physically to ordinary humans, and typify Van Vogt's lifelong use of superhuman protagonists and races of advanced beings. The timing is doubtless critical - a common theme in speculative fiction before and during the Second World War was the relationship between a tyrannical majority and a persecuted minority. Indeed, the most famous Canadian collaboration of the period was that of Joe Shuster with American Jeny Siegal, resulting in the 1938 appearance of Superman, that most superior of all beings. Similarly, Gordon R. Dickson, who is customarily linked with Van Vogt as one of the major expatriate writers of the period, is best known for his Childe Cycle, a multi-volume epic begun in 1959 about the evolution of "Responsible Man". The range of Canadian speculative fiction from 1960 to the present renders all classifications facile, but a number of significant patterns may be isolated. As in the Golden Age, specifically Canadian contributions are balanced against American influences and markets. Traditional Canadian anxieties over the future of the nation come to the surface in visions of future or alternate Canadas. The political loci of these works are, inevitably, Quebec or the United States; ecological and industrial disasters also figure prominently. In addition, a large number of alternate histories answer the extrapolative question "what if an historical event had turned out differently?". These tend to revolve around the Plains of Abraham, the battle which determined the Anglo-French split that both defines and threatens to destroy Canada.

Canadian and Australian Speculative Fiction Balancing the Canadians who have taken up residence in the USA are ex-patriate Americans such as Judith Merril and William Gibson, who have proved particularly beneficial to the development of Canadian speculative fiction, and to its ability to influence the genre worldwide. The term "speculative fiction" itself gained critical currency through the advocacy of Merril, an influential anthologist whose personal collection, now known as the Merril Collection, formed the basis of what is, perhaps, the world's best publicly available library of speculative fiction, housed near the University of Toronto. Merril was instrumental in promoting the New Wave speculative fiction of the 1960s and 1970s, which merged genre science fiction and fantasy with experimental mainstream fiction. This in turn laid the foundation for mainstream Canadian writers like Margaret Atwood, whose novel, The Handmaid's Tale uses dystopian modalities to explore the central Atwood theme of survival against the "other". Yet, inevitably, the other is really ourselves, and what must survive is our humanity. Australian writers, too, are concentrating on such survival in the face of a still hostile environment. One of the "best" extrapolative novels of this type comes from George Turner, who turned from his career as a mainstream novelist and critic to write science fiction. Turner's awardwinning ecological novel, The Sea and Summer (1987), published as The Drowning Towers in the USA (1988), was described by critic Peter Nicholls as "a genuinely distinguished and deeply imagined story of life in an overpopulated city in a future where Australia and the world's littorals are being drowned by the slowly rising ocean, a result of greenhouse-effect global warming" (1993,1246). The hostile environment of the "Great South Land" is combined with its sheer physical distance from the rest of the world in the relatively large number of post-holocaust novels that have appeared here. Just as earlier writers of scientific romances used Australia's isolation in the creation of their tales of lost civilisations, writers in the latter part of this century have extrapolated the Cold War threat of nuclear holocaust to suggest that Australia might become the last surviving outpost of western civilisation. Perhaps best known of these is Neville Shute's On the Beach (1957), which became extremely popular following the release of the film version in 1959. Shute, an expatriate English writer who moved to Australia in 1950, depicted a nuclear disaster which wiped out the northern hemisphere civilisations, leaving Australians to a slower death when airborne radioactive contamination is inevitably carried here. While Shute's survivors wait for death on the shore, other writers depict post-nuclear civilisations straining against the already harsh Australian environment. Victor Kelleher's The Beast of Heaven (1985), which won

Janeen Webb and Dena Bain Taylor a Ditmar science fiction award, is a fine example of this genre. More recently, Sean McMullen's Greatwinter Series - Voices in the Light (1994), Mirrorsun Rising (1995), The Miocene Arrow (forthcoming) combines steampunk technology with in a post-holocaust setting in an Australia where warring feudal social groups are rediscovering the secrets of ancient machinery. An analogous far-future Australia is depicted by Terry Dowling in his linked collections of stories, Rhynosseros (1990), Wormwood (1991), Blue Tyson (1992), and Twilight Beach (1993) where the blasted remnants of humanity roam the Australian outback deserts after a global alien invasion has destroyed civilisation as we know it. Interestingly, the post-holocaust subsistence community theme has been popular with writers in Australia's thriving young adult market. Variations appear in notable works such as Lee Harding's Waiting for the End of the World (1983), Victor Kelleher's Taronga (1986), and Isobelle Carmody's continuing Obernewtyn Chronicles: Obernewtyn (1987), The Farseekers (1990), Ashling (1995) and in the non-series Scatterlings (1991). The post-holocaust tropes were also cinematically extended in the Mad Max films -Mad Max (1979); Mad Max 2: The Road Warrior (1981) and Mad Mar: Beyond Thunderdome (1985) which depict a waning post-holocaust civilisation struggling against increasing barbarism in various Australian locations. It is indisputable that the current major Canadian influence in the field of speculative fiction derives fiom William Gibson's cyberpunk Neuromancer trilogy - Neuromancer (1984), Count Zero (1986) and Mona Lisa Overdrive (1988) - which addresses a different issue of survival: how does our humanity survive the impact of computer technology? Aggressively postmodern, the cyberpunk movement crystallised around Gibson's work as a visceral response to the social costs of the computer revolution. Among other things, Gibson invented the term "cyberspace" to describe the "consensual hallucination that was the matrix" of virtual reality. Yet, as further evidence of the cross-over between our two cultures, the first fictional use of virtual reality occurred in Australian writer Damien Broderick's 1982 novel, The Judas Mandala. This cyberpunk trend in Australian fiction is continuing, as evidenced by Greg Egan's recent novels, Quarantine (1992) and Permutation City (1994), which explore the nature of human consciousness, its interaction with virtual environments, and the fine line between self-transformation and death. The year of publication of Gibson's Neuromancer, 1984, was also the year of publication for three significant Canadian works in fantasy: the mainstream writer Timothy Findley's Not Wanted on Voyage, expatriate

Canadian and Australian Speculative Fiction Geoff Ryman's award-winning Cambodian story, The Unconquered Country, and the first volume of the genre writer Guy Gavriel Kay's Fionavar Tapestry. Ryman has since won critical acclaim for his major novels, The Child Garden (1988), and WAS (1992), his innovative homage to The Wizard of Oz. Kay, who worked with Christopher Tolkien to produce The Silmarillion, found early popularity with the Fionavar Tapestry trilogy, which featured five young University of Toronto graduates transported into a mythic world where they must encompass archetypal identities to ensure the survival of humanity in its primal form. He has since gone on to create truly innovative works of fantasy, Tigana (1990), A Song for Arbonne (1992), and The Lions of AlRassan (1995), which deal with late twentieth century cynicism about the politics of art, sexuality, and religion. It is, however, Charles De Lint who is Canada's most prolific writer of urban fantasy, and he consciously applies aspects of magical realism to the Canadian context. In many of his novels, this Ottawa resident and Celtic musician evokes a magical Canada that intrudes on the conventional Canadian landscape, seeking thereby "to illuminate the pitfalls of abusive relationships, a failing environment and the like, while at the same time reminding ... readers of the wonder and mystery and meaning to be found in life" (Speller, 1991, 197). Writers such as De Lint are leaders in a trend toward a sharply Canadian focus in speculative fiction. Robert J. Sawyer, another prolific contemporary writer, blends detective and science fiction in Canadian settings to deal with issues of survival in a hostile world. The allegory of the human condition provided by the violent and combative dinosaur people of Sawyer's Quintaglio Ascension Trilogy (1992-1994) is developed still further in End of an Era (1994), in which a Canadian palaeontologist travels back to the Cretaceous period in a low-budget, low-tech experimental timeship to encounter the realities of dinosaur life and face his own humanity. The Terminal Experiment (1995), also set in Canada, has as its protagonist a biomedical engineer who discovers scientific proof for the survival of the human soul after death. Where De Lint finds magical realism at the heart of Canadian urban life, and Sawyer sees a world of rational thought applied to unravel the secrets of the universe, writers such as Nancy Baker, author of The Night Inside, and Tanya Huff take a much darker view. In Huff's Blood Price series - Blood Price (1991), Blood Trail (1992)' Blood Pact (1993), and Blood Lines (1993) -a vampire and a private investigator prowl the "untamed geography in the human heart" (Huff, 1995, 14045) of Toronto. Huff's vision of Toronto, self-effacing and comfortingly Canadian on the surface but with a disturbing underside, forms an

Janeen Webb and Dena Bain Taylor integral part of the story; and her flawed, misfit heroes reflect the disinclination of Canadian writers to adopt American conventions of the rugged individual in control of his or her environment. In conjunction with their major 1995 exhibition of Canadian science fiction and fantasy, Out of This World, the National Library of Canada produced a volume of essays, a number of which explore the distinctly Canadian characteristics of the genre. In their introduction to the volume, Allan Weiss and Hugh Spencer note "the search for identity as a central theme which underlies much of Canadian sf and connects it to our wider literary traditions" (Weiss and Spencer, 1995, 14). The nature of this identity merges most clearly in Robert Runte and Christine Kulyk's essay on distinctive themes in Canadian science fiction. Typical of Canadian attempts to define this cultural identity, much of their definition is accomplished by contrasts with American literature. Thus, Runte and Kulyk oppose the Canadian focus on preserving cultural and national identity to the American dream of a unified human civilisation (Paradis, 48). They also contrast the use of introspective character study, bungling heroes, and ambiguous endings with the American conventions of action-adventure (Paradis, 47) and, finally, the Canadian concern with environmental themes with the traditional American emphasis on technological progress (Paradis, 45). When the land is not something waiting to be tamed, but a hostile force to be guarded against and feared, a literature without clear victories is a reflection of a difficult existence and a measure of the Canadian will to survive. In Australia, the essential experience of otherness and isolation remains a central theme in the works of established writers such as George Turner and Damien Broderick, and continues in the work of newer writers such as Gary Crew, whose young adult novel Strange Objects (1991) located a postmodem Lovecraftian universe in the Australian outback. The personal isolation of urban dwellers is also present in the work of current Australian writers such as Roslaeen Love, whose short story collections, The Total Devotion Machine and Other Stories (1989) and Evolution Annie (1992) offer a wryly ironic feminist perspective, and Terry Dowling, whose most recent work, An Intimate Knowledge of the Night (1995), presents a sophisticated and innovative series of linked stories encased in an urban frame of increasing hyperreality . The bounds of colonial legacies, the fears of the "other" and of the land, lose their power to restrict when the experience is given a mythic reality. For both Canada and Australia, the intrinsic diversity of speculative fiction offers a powerful medium for exploration of both the limits and the possibilities of cultural identity.

Canadian and Australian Speculative Fiction

Atwood, Margaret. 1977. "Canadian Monsters: Some Aspects of the Supernatural in Canadian Fiction", The Canadian Imagination: Dimensions of a Literary Culture. David Staines, ed. USA: Harvard University Press. 97-122. Barclay, Pat. 1993. "Plotting Prolifically: When Charles De Lint Gets Writer's Block, He Writes a Book About It". Interview, Books in Canada, Vol. 22, No. 2 (March). 12-16. Broderick, Darnien. 1995. Reading by Starlight: Postmodern Science Fiction. London and New York: Rou tledge. Broege, Valerie. 1986. "War with the United States in Canadian Literature and Visual Arts", Journal ofAmerican Culture, No. 9 (Spring). 31-36. Clute, John, and Peter Nicholls, eds. 1993. The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction. London: Little Brownforbit. Colurnbo, John Robert. 1981. "Four Hundred Years of Fantastic Literature in Canada", Stardust: The Canadian SF Magazine, No. 3 (Spring). 3948. Columbo, John Robert, ed. 1979. Other Canadus: An Anthology of Science Fiction and Fantasy. Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. Hartwell, David G., and Glenn Grant, eds. 1994. Northern Stars: The Anthology of Canadian Science Fiction. New York: Tor. Hartwell, David G., and Kathryn Crarner, eds. 1994. The Ascent of Wonder: The Evolution of Hard SF. New York: Tor. Huff, Tanya. 1995. "Canadian Urban Horror: It's Not Just Trees and Tundra Anymore", Out of This World: Canadian Science Fiction and Fantasy Literature. Andrea Paradis, ed. Toronto: Quarry Press and National Library of Canada. 140-45. Ketterer, David. 1992. Canadian Science Fiction and Fantasy. Bloornington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Ketterer, David. 1983. "Science Fiction and Fantasy in English and French", The Oxford Companion to Canadian Literature. William Tove, ed. Toronto: Oxford University Press. 730-39. Merril, Judith. 1994. "We Have Met the Alien (And It Is Us)", rpt. in David G. Hartwell, and Glenn Grant. Moskowitz, Sam. 1976. Strange Horizons: The Spectrum of Science Fiction. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Nicholls, Peter. 1993. "George Turner", The Encyclopedia of Science Fiction. John Clute, and Peter Nicholls, eds. London: Little Brown and Orbit. 1246. Paradis, Andrea, ed. 1995. Out of This World: Canadian Science Fiction and Fantasy Literature. Toronto: Quarry Press and The National Library of Canada. Pederson, Jay, ed. 1995. St. James Guide to Science Fiction Writers. Detroit: St. James Press. Runte, Robert, ed. 1988. The NCF Guide to Canadian Science Fiction and Fandom. 3rd ed. Edmonton: New Canadian Fandom.

Janeen Webb and Dena Bain Taylor Speller, Maureen. 1991. "Charles De Lint", Twentieth Century Science Fiction Writers. 3rd edition. Detroit: St James Press. 197. Weiss, Allan. 1988. A Comprehensive Bibliography of English-Canadian Short Stories, 1950-1 983. Toronto: ECW Press.

COCA-COLONIALS WRITE BACK: LOCALISING THE GLOBAL IN CANADIAN CRIMEFICTION*

Working across two related discourses and disciplines - post-colonial literary theory, on the one hand, and the globalisation/localisation debate in sociology and anthropology, on the other - this paper sees Canadian crime fiction as a "local" version of a "global" form,which, given the centrality of "law and order" issues in constructions of what it means to be "Canadian" rather than "American", is a prime site for the articulation of the Canadian nation. Writing and reading Canadian crime fiction can thus be seen as a counter-hegemonic strategy within the global cultural market - a way of constructing and consuming cultural difference. The paper explores textual strategies used to "localise the global" in Canadian crime writing, and considers the effectiveness of textual resistance as a political strategy in a cultural economy where the distinction between "globalisation" and "cultural imperialism" can be difficult to sustain. Theoretically ... the genre offers the potential for the development of an urban fiction which has as its real concern the texture of contemporary experience, that uses crime and criminality as metaphors for a reality in which social disorder, even evil, is a perceived norm. (Woolf, 1988,132)

American crime fiction's concern with "the texture of contemporary experience" has given it extra-literary status as a de facto tourist guide to the sleaze and grunge of postmodem America - Paretsky's Chicago, Hiassen's Florida, Ellroy's Los Angeles, Matera's San Francisco, and so

Beryl Langer on. Canadian crime writing is similarly preoccupied with "documenting" the late twentieth century social landscape, allowing us to read ourselves into Toronto, the Niagara Peninsular, Ontario cottage country, Regina, Vancouver or B.C.'s Sunshine Coast. The central importance of crime and violence in discursive constructions of Canadian/American "difference", however, adds "national" resonance to crime writing in the Canadian case. Crime and violence in the "peaceable kingdom" are not just metaphors for social disorder but for Americanisation, and this makes Canadian crime fiction a prime site for "writing the nation". Crime fiction's stylised "realism" makes it a particularly appropriate vehicle for the writing of place which is one of the hallmarks of the postcolonial. While post-colonial analysis has in general focussed on "serious" literature in former European colonies, interrogating the "oppressive discourse of power7' (Ashcroft, et aL, 1989, 8) between centre and periphery, and celebrating post-colonial writing as a form of cultural resistance which turns the language of the oppressor to the interests of the oppressed, it is arguable that at the end of the twentieth century the most pervasive "discourse of power7' is centred not in Europe but in the United States. The first "settler fragment" to break with British colonial power went on to establish a cultural and economic hegemony which, by the end of the twentieth century, has assumed "global" status. In the same way that English Literature served the British colonial enterprise, American popular culture has played a major role in the winning of consent to "CocaCola-nisation" - a parallel which recommends the post-colonial paradigm as relevant to the analysis of popular texts. "cocacola-nisation" presents local producers of popular culture with a particularly acute version of the post-colonial problem of developing a distinctive voice within generic forms whose codes and classics are located in an imperial centre which continuously chums out new "product". In the context of the late-twentieth-century cultural economy, "writing back" might thus be seen as a micro-strategy for "localising the global". Canadian crime fiction is particularly rich in strategic potential given its "realist" codes and the importance of "law and order" in the discursive formation of Canadian difference - remember we are in the realm of myth here, not the actual social formation that has its share of crime, violence, and killers whose bizarre acts of creative sadism equal any in the world. The "mild-mannered decency" of Eric Wright's Charlie Salter, the unarmed good intentions of Gail Bowen's Joanne Kilbourne or Alison Gordon's Kate Henry, the self-deprecating klutziness of Howard Engel's Bemy Cooperman or Paul Grescoe's Dan Rudniki can all be read in opposition to the cool tough guys (of whichever gender) of American generic convention. How effective the micro-strategy of writing back can

be on the "level playing field" of the global cultural economy is another question. The asymmetrical cultural flow across the US border is not a happy market prospect for aspiring producers of popular culture with a Canadian inflection, who compete for audience share with American music, American movies, American television, and American best-sellers. Hence the frequent lament of Canadian crime writers that it is impossible to make a living fiom Canadian sales, and difficult to break into the American market where a living might be made because, as one of them observed, Americans see Canadians as "foreign without being exotic".

Current debate on the relation between "global" and "local" cultures calls into question the assumption that globalisation produces cultural homogeneity - an assumption central to cultural nationalist discourses throughout the world. What is experienced in Canada as "Americanisation" can be conceptualised as the globalising culture of consumer capitalism, which affects not just Canadians but regional Americans, Australians, the British working class - remember Richard Hoggart's (1958) lament for the "authentic" class whose cultural integrity was being undermined by American "mass culture"? - and, under the label "westernisation", countries like Malaysia and Singapore, where identity politics are constructed in terms of "Asian values". The intensity of Anglo-Canada's quest for a national imaginary might thus be seen as a function of its status as the first "globalised" nation - the country whose shared border and language make it most vulnerable to economic and cultural penetration by American capital. In this context, the post-60s Anglo-Canadian obsession with defining national difference appears less a peculiarly Canadian foible than an expression of the tension between cultural homogenisation and cultural heterogenisation which globalisation theorists identify as "the central problem of today's cultural interactions" (Appadurai, 1990,295). Within the global cultural economy, the search for Canadian identity can be seen as a strategic move - an attempt to imagine the nation as sufficiently "different" from its powerful neighbour to warrant maintaining as a separate polity. There's a sense in which we become intensely conscious of national difference when it's most under threat, and as the broad parameters of our material and cultural lives assume a "global" character, we become intensely concerned with the expression - which is at the same time the construction of our "difference". According to Appadurai (1990) this process can be observed in the deterritorialised reproduction of national culture by diasporic groups whose

Beryl Langer intense identification with the imagined homeland "is ... at the core of a variety of global fundamentalisms" (301). As Friedman (1990) puts it, "liberation and self-determination, hysterical fanaticism and increasing border conflicts, all go hand in hand with an ever-increasing multinationalisation of world market products" (312). The contradictory role of consumption in the process of globalisation is explored by both Friedman (1990; 1995) and Kahn (1995). On the one hand, the global flow of commodities undermines the viability of local production and contributes to the sense that "difference" is being submerged beneath a global uniform of jeans, t-shirts, sneakers, and baseball caps, and a cultural diet of American T.V.and airport novels. On the other, as Kahn (1995) points out, "we live in a world characterised not just by difference, but by a consuming and erotic passion for ityy,and "because our economy can satisfy a multiplicity of consumer niches ... there is a form of difference to suit every taste" (125). For Friedman (1990), "homogenisation" and "fragmentation" should not be constructed in opposition, but rather seen as "two constitutive trends of global reality" (311). He argues that within the world system "consumption is always the consumption of identity", the construction of "multiple canals of difference" through negotiation between self definition and the array of possibilities offered by the capitalist market (1990, 314). These arguments, in other words, suggest an interplay between local and global processes, between the world market and cultural identity, between consumption and cultural strategies, rather than a one-way process of cultural homogenisation which inevitably and inexorably renders us all the same. There is a striking congruence between the notion of "localising" global culture and the post-colonial idea of "writing back". Common to both is the idea of expressing resistance to cultural domination in the very language through which that domination is exercised: constructing a distinctive mode of consumption within the global market ("consuming differencey'); producing,consurning counter-discursive strategies within a colonial language and literary tradition. The thesis that globalisation and localisation are two sides of the same coin, and that the strategic construction of local identity intem$es rather than diminishes within the global cultural economy is in a sense a cultural materialist variant on the "no domination without resistance" thesis through which post-colonial theory has de-centred colonialist discourse. Both might be seen as "cold comfort" positions -particularly the idea of the strategic consumption of identity within a global economy which sets the parameters of possible agency - but as an alternative to the bleak imaginary of Kentucky Fried Futures, the cold comfort of textual resistance and culturally distinctive t-shirts may be all that we can hope for.

Coca-ColonialsWrite Back CRIME AND THE PRODUCTION OF CANADIAN DIFFERENCE

As a literary commodity which sits within a tradition of stylised realism, crime fiction provides an ideal cultural site for exploring anxiety about the increasing unpredictability of urban life at the end of the twentieth century - an anxiety which Ulrich Beck's analysis of "risk society" would see as endemic. The popularity of crime fiction in the 1980s and 1990s' and the emergence of regional, feminist, and national variants on the American hard-boiled genre, is in that sense not surprising. For Canadian nationalists, this general sense of fin-de-si2cle risk is compounded by anxiety about national survival, generated by separatist pressure from within and the permeability of the US-Canadian border a mere line on the map which offers no protection against "pollution" from the south which - whether in the form of acid rain or crime and violence - will gradually obliterate Canadian difference altogether. There's a moment in Atwood's (1973) Surfacing, for example, when the narrator reflects on the fact that the hunters encountered on the lake are not, as she had initially supposed, Americans, but Canadians. It doesn't matter what country they're from, my head said, they're still Americans, they're what's in store for us, what we are turning into. They spread themselves like a virus, they get into the brain and take over the cells and the cells change from inside and the ones that have the disease can't tell the difference. Like the late show sci-fi movies, creatures from outer space, body snatchers injecting themselves into you dispossessing your brain, their eyes blank eggshells behind the dark glasses. If you look like them and talk like them and think like them then you are them, I was saying, you speak their language, a language is everything you do. (129)

Given its proximity to the United States, its common language, its branch plant economy, and the ease with which the majority of the Canadian population can access American media, English Canada might well be seen as the paradigm case which supports the thesis that globalisation necessarily produces cultural homogeneity. Certainly the fear that this is so fuels Canadian nationalism - that rather elusive phenomenon which tends to be something of a puzzle to Americans, who respond to Canadian insistence on NOT being American with slightly wounded disbelief. Why would anyone object to being called an American? One of the things at the heart of that nationalism, though, is the belief that Canada is a safer and less violent society. Whereas Australian narratives of nation have been written in terms of an opposition between the over-civilised British and the vigorous hybrid

Beryl Langer stock produced by the liberation of Anglo-Celtic genes from the social and material constraints of the mother country, the Canadian equivalent is complicated by the construction of an opposition between "Canadian respect for order" and "American frontier lawlessness". From the very beginning of Anglo-Canadian nationhood, however bloody its origins from the perspective of indigenous people and the defeated French, Canada has been ideologically constructed as "the peaceable kingdom", a law-abiding place which stands in quiet unassuming opposition to the United States. This opposition continues to be one of the lynch-pins of that most delicate, precarious and endlessly analysed imaginary, the "Canadian identity" and, as such, constitutes one of the key metaphors through which crime fiction is constructed as "Canadian".

HERE AND THERE: DE-TERRITORIALISATION AND THE PERMEABLE BORDER The permeability of the USICanadian border makes for a peculiarly Canadian sense of "deterritorialisation" - a "here" which might just as easily be "there", a "there" which is often more accessible than other parts of "here". US cities on the other side of the border are easier (and cheaper) to visit than Canadian cities on the other side of the country, so that what constitutes "Canadian space" seems somehow arbitrary, and regional alliances might just as easily be north/south as eastlwest. Family ties, too, cross the border, both eroding and accentuating the sense of Canada's "difference" from the United States. To take the twelve crime writers I interviewed as a case in point, two had American "in-laws" and one had a brother working in Los Angeles as a screenwriter. (As these were just connections mentioned in passing rather than elicited by questions, the numbers may be higher in the group as a whole.) What this meant for how the individuals concerned defined their "Canadian-ness" and their potential field as cultural producers was different in each case - which serves to underline the difficulty of fixing national identity as anything but a discursive construction which varies according to how people interpret competing narratives of nation, on the one hand, and their economic and social options, on the other. Take, for example, the two writers with American spouses. One had an American publisher, and was considering relocation to the United States. She was in any case developing a new series with American characters and locations, on the grounds that a series set in Toronto had no future in the American market. Her goal was to be "commercially successful" rather than "Canadian", and she was untroubled by the prospect of moving - either physically or fictionally. The other writer with

Coca-ColonialsWrite Back American in-laws had just returned from a cross-border family visit at the time of the interview. She spoke of her "relief' at being back in Canada, which she constructed as a safer, less violent place, and drew on her US experience to underline the qualities that she saw as making her fictional detective Canadian -the fact that her character was polite, did not carry a gun, and was embedded in relations of family and community. The writer who envied his brother's screen writing income in Los Angeles fell somewhere in between - unwilling to consider moving to the States ("there's too much violence down there") but facing what he saw as "reality" - that by locating his novels in Seattle rather than Vancouver he would increase his chances of making a living from his work. His case suggests that while "writing back" might be a viable strategy for "localising the global", in the absence of a viable market of counter-hegemonic readers it does not pay the rent.

"WRITINGBACK": TEXTUAL STRATEGIES FOR LOCALISINGTHE GLOBAL The textual strategies used for "localising the global" in Canadian crime fiction are those associated with post-colonial literature - "writing back" as a form of ironic quotation, for example, as when the tough American gumshoe or cop is inflected through "Canadian" tropes of politeness and mild-mannered decency. Paradoxically, ironic quotation intersects with "realism", for what is being quoted are the textual strategies characteristic of a genre which "has as its real concern the texture of contemporary experience" (Woolf, 1988, 132). Taking on the codes of the American crime novel thus becomes a strategy for writing/reading Canada as a distinctive social space. The concern with place and displacement which Ashcroft, Griffith and Tiffin (1989,9) see as a major feature of post-colonial literature in general is accentuated in "Coca-colonial" appropriations of the gritty urban "realism'' of the American genre. There is an almost obsessive concern with the naming of cities, streets, suburbs, and highways - offering the gift of familiar placement to readers whose generic imaginary has been shaped by reading about there rather than here. To read about Wreck Beach rather than Venice Beach, downtown Toronto instead of L.A., Bloor Street and the 401 rather than Hollywood Boulevard and Mullholland Drive is to close the gap that always stands between a CocaColonial reader and the subject-positions offered within American crime fiction -whether the generic classics of Hammett and Marlowe, or more recent gender and regional rewritings within the United States.

Beryl Langer Particular siteslsights become metonymic - in crime fiction as in postcards and travel brochures. The CN Tower and Skydome, for example, make regular appearances in the work of Toronto writers. Gail Bowen's Joanne Kilbourne is constantly turning onto the Trans-Canada Highway, and Gough and Grescoe's Vancouver is mapped in terms of street names, bridges, and neighbourhoods. This passage from Howard Engel's (1991) Dead and Buried, in which Benny Cooperman arrives in Toronto for a court appearance, is typical. The Queen Elizabeth Way was crowded, but traffic moved steadily until the beginning of the Gardiner Expressway, where cement baffles reduced the number of lanes temporarily. In going over the bumpy bridge across the Humber, I got a good look at the CN Tower. It set a challenging mark for developers to shoot at. The Tower seemed to be saying "I dare you!" to the powers within the Queen City. There was a new bridge over the railway lands at Spadina. From here I got a good view of the SkyDome, the fancy new stadium with its retractable roof. It spread an impressive curve over the vanished shunting yards that used to separate the waterfront from the rest of the city. The Dome, according to the papers, has displaced the centre of gravity in the city southward, making a serious traffic problem possible. For instance, I nearly had to mortgage my Olds to get a parking space within an easy hike of the Provincial Court Building across from Osgoode Hall. At least that historic site hadn't been turned into a parking lot. (122)

Alison Gordon (1989), too, uses the CN Tower and the QEW to relocate Kate Henry in Toronto when she returns from the airport after touringwith the Titans: He was a wonderful driver. He put on a classical tape and didn't say a word. We glided down the 427 to the QEW, toward the blinking lights on the CN Tower. Home. (21)

There is a global language of fieeway systems here, and we don't have to know the 427 and the QEW to read the passage -just as we don't have to know Chicago to read Peretsky - but in the context of a lifetime of "reading" the US city, there is a special pleasure in seeing our own streetscapes textualised and acknowledged as places where "things happen". Not all of the things that happen are to our liking, of course, and the "readability factor" for the New Middle Class "knowledge workers" who (probably) constitute the market for crime fiction is increased by its subtext of social criticism. There is, for example, a recurring commentary on the transformation of Canada's cities by development and gentrification - the latter somewhat ironic given the habit of

.

Coca-ColonialsWrite Back renovation among the putative readership. Alison Gordon's (1989) Kate Henry, for example, laments the transformation of her neighbourhood: I liked it the way it was, a nice mix of working-class WASPS who had lived in their houses for generations and immigrants, mainly Greek, who add some colour. When the wind is blowing down from restaurants on Danforth Avenue, the street smells like one big shishkebob, and I buy my meat at a butcher's with a whole sheep hanging in the window. Now we're being invaded by yuppies and gays tearing the front porches off the old brick houses and putting up brass numbers under coach lights by their doors. Filipino and Swedish nannies walk blonde toddlers and designer dogs with kerchiefs around their necks. (31)

Paul Grescoe's (1993) Dan Rudnicki has similar reservations about the gentrification in Vancouver -particularly the social implications for the traditional residents of formerly shabby low-rent areas. Of all the areas of the city to be gentrified, none is more unlikely than the Downtown East Side. Just east of Chinatown, where the drifters flock, the rubbies and the junkies. Loggers with limbs yanked off by yarding machines, sailors with minds snapped by the lethal mix of the sea and the sauce. Welfare families have to rent doddering wooden two-storeys weather-stained to a tarnished silver. Now they're experiencing the added sting of living beside two-income couples who own the new Victorian-styled subdivides tarted up in trendy blues and yellows. Or living next door to a high-income single woman like Nadia who'd lavished fortyfive thousand on an old house just to gut and gussy it up. (140)

Paradoxically, the extent to which everyday life in Canada is permeated by global culture means that "localising" involves recognition of the fact that "here" might equally be "there". Cultural "authenticity" is always difficult to pin down once one moves from the myths of nation-making to the practices of everyday life -particularly so in the Canadian case given that, as Andrew Wernick (1993, 294) puts it, Canada is first and foremost a North American country, and Canada and the United States have a history of shared origins and mutual borrowings which makes the distinction between what is "Canadian" and what is "American" problematic. In Gail Bowen's work, for example, "documenting" the physical and social texture of life in Regina is not just a matter of writing about snow and NDP politicians, but about the ways in which the global, the local, and the domestic intersect - as in this passage fiom Deadly

Beryl Langer Appearances (1992b), in which Joanne Kilboume is describing the domestic rituals of the weekend. Every Saturday morning I put on my never-quite-fashionable bathing suit and swim laps. Then I shower, get dressed, and take the kids to McDonald's for lunch. The high life. (87)

In Murder at the Mendel, Bowen (1992a) has Joanne leaving the warmth of the house where the children are watching American football on television ("As I walked through the breezeway, I heard the crowd in Pasadena roar. It sounded like a touchdown".) and drive off into a blizzard with Eddie Cochrane singing "that there ain't no cure for the summertime blues" on the car radio. In this case, what constitutes the "authentic7' Canadian experience is the ironic juxtaposition of Prairie weather with the "summer sounds" of California. There is also the blurring of "here" and "there" that comes from rapid shifts in what constitutes "local" and "global" culture. When this passage from Paul Grescoe's (1993) Flesh Wound was written, for example, the reference to k.d. Lang was part of what identified Dan Rudniki as "Canadian"; now that k.d. is an international celebrity, her music evokes "subculture" as much as "nation". As my Mini slogged into a misty East End, k.d. lang was crying that tears don't care who cry them.... My mood was as dampened as this mid-April morning. It wasn't helped by having to drive through the lowest-rent side of town, where too any exhausted houses huddle on too any meagre lots. Vancouver, minus its suburbs, is a sliver of a city squeezed between mountain and sea. There never seems to be legroom enough for all the other Canadians and the immigrants who want a piece of it. Most of the newcomers alight in the East End, hoping it's their only way station on an express train to Nirvana. (109)

In The Empire Writes Back, Ashcroft, Griffith and Tiffin (1989) argue that beyond their "special and distinctive regional characteristics", what post-colonial literatures have in common is their "foregrounding of tension with the imperial power": they emerged in their present form out of the experience of colonization and asserted themselves by foregrounding the tension with the imperial power, and by emphasizing their differences from the assumptions of the imperial centre. It is this which makes them post-colonial. (2)

Coca-ColonialsWrite Back In Canadian crime fiction, one way in which tension with the "imperial power" is foregrounded is through reflection on economic and cultural domination. For example, the opening chapter of Grescoe's (1993) Flesh Wound ends with Rudnicki's thoughts on the implications of his position as an employee of an American company.

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Driving home I wondered - not for the first time what Dan Rudnicki, political science major, single father, nice guy, was doing working for a Canadian branch plant of an American security firm. Specialists in insurance claims and white-collar crime and not above doing some slimy industrial spying on the side. Maybe I was simply stupid. (12)

Similarly, as Gordon's (1989, 31) Kate Henry drives towards a Toronto skyline which looks like the emerald city of Oz in the late afternoon sun she reflects on the use of Canadian locations as a low-cost site for American film production. There are "as usual" film crew trucks parked outside the old stone wing of the Don Jail -"now used only as a stand-in for jails supposedly in New York or Boston". Canada's status as a (former) branch-plant of American capital effectively de-industrialised by shifts in the international division of labour makes for ironic inscription of "nation". Take, for example, Bowen's (1993) wry account, in Wandering Soul Murders, of driving on the Trans-Canada Highway on Canada Day. The station where we stopped gave out small Canadian flags with a gas purchase. Angus stuck his in his hat and Taylor put hers in her ponytail. They looked so patriotic that the gas station attendant gave them each a colouring book about a beaver who wanted to find the true meaning of Canada. (150)

Canada's "difference'' is particularly positioned in opposition to the taken-for-granted violence of everyday life in the United States. Canadian sleuths rarely carry guns - something mentioned in a number of interviews with crime writers in response to the question of what it was about their characters that made them "Canadian". In Grescoe's (1993) Flesh Wound, for example, when Rudnicki is asked by one of his American employers whether he is wearing a gun, this aspect of Canadian/American "difference" is clearly articulated. "I don't own one," I squeezed in. "Christ, that's Canada for you. I bet you don't even cross against a red light either. I don't know anyone in California doesn't have a gun. My brother the priest packs one. I can't understand you people. Don't you have any sense of ...of personal freedom?"

Beryl Langer "Sure, we like the freedom of staying alive." (47)

One of the ways in which Howard Engel's Benny Coopeman is written as "Canadian" is through ironic reflection on his shortcomings in the generic toughness department, and on the incongruity of trying to play the hard-boiled tough guy in Canada in any case - particularly with egg-salad stains on your tie. In A Victim Must Be Found (1988, 52-53), for example, Benny is trying to overcome his nervousness about confronting the man who has hired him without divulging the "real" reason or all the "facts" - a classic "hard-boiled" narrative convention - by reminding himself that this was "not some movie casino run by some Raymond Chandler kingpin of gambling and related vices. This was Grantham, Ontario, and I was looking for the guy I'd had coffee with a few hours earlier". He continues to feel uneasy as he proceeds along the gloomy "blind-alley corridor", and finds himself rehearsing the scene in which he recounts the incident to his mother and she responds with a dismissive "Benny, Ellery Queen you're not!" Even in Laurence Gough's novels, set in a Vancouver constructed as part of a West Coast Culture more "Californian" than "Canadian" -the criminals tend to be psychotic and the cops pull no punches - the notion of Canadian "difference" in matters of law and order is built into the text - as is Canada's cultural globalisation. In Serious Crimes (1990), for example, Gough's seventeen-year-old desperadoes, Garrett and Billy (definite American outlaw resonance there), have just stolen a BMW fiom a woman they kidnapped at an intersection, and are pondering the possibilities for the rest of the evening. Rejecting the idea of stealing radios, they decide to check out the one in the car they have stolen, and are unimpressed by what's on offer. "Rip it out," said Billy. "Now? While we're drivin'? Shit, I could get myself electrocuted!" "The way we're headed, it's probably gonna happen sooner or later anyway." "What're you talking about, man?" "Kidnapping. Unlawful confinement. Grand theft auto or whatever they call it. You rip off some dude's Chevy, nobody gives a shit. But hey, try stealing some bitch's BMW, that's another thing. Especially if she's in it at the time". Billy punched Garrett on the shoulder. "They get us now, it's the chair for sure."

Coca-ColonialsWrite Back Garrett thought it over for a while, frowning, and then said, "This is Canada, man. You could slaughter a whole fuckin' kindergarten, all they can give you is life." (27)

Within social theory and cultural studies, there seems to be increasing agreement that globalisation renders talk of cultural imperialism redundant. The conventional wisdom is that we're all global now, and with Rupert Murdoch owning British newspapers and Hollywood studios, Conrad Black owning Israeli and Australian newspapers, and Sony taking over the American music industry, the old terminology of imperialist domination is no longer useful. The situation of Canada's producers of crime fiction suggests that this position is a trifle glib. If the flow of fiance capital and people is complex, multidirectional, and de-centred (Appadurai, 1990), the flow of media (both electronic and print) is arguably less so. The media, as Jeremy Tunstall (1977) observed some twenty years ago, are American. Particularly in the Canadian case, given that most Canadians can tune in directly, rather than relying on the selective filtering of program managers. So too is publishing. From the "subject-position" of the Canadian cultural producer, in other words, the distinction between "cultural imperialismy'and "globalisation" may seem somewhat academic. Whatever we decide to call it, however we decide to theorise it, producers of "Canadian popular culture" face an enduring problem of trying to earn a living in a small Canadian market which is flooded with American product. As Bourdieu (1968) argues, cultural forms socialise their audiences into recognising the codes, forms, and conventions which define "the good one", and producers of "Canadian" popular culture therefore confront an audience socialised into American music, film, and genre fiction. Whatever they produce can only be "a Canadian version" of "the real thing". They are, moreover, positioned in a "literary field" (Bourdieu, 1969) which defines subsidisable national culture (CANLIT) in terms of "serious" rather than "populary' fiction. This consigns Canadian crime writers to open competition on the "level playing field" of the global cultural economy, where they face serious problems of distribution -not least in Canada. *

This paper draws on both textual reading and interviews with Canadian crime writers conducted in May and June 1994. 1 am grateful to the Canadian government for the Faculty Research Award which funded my travel to Canada, and to the writers whose willingness to be interrupted by a "foreign Canadianist" allowed me to proceed with the research.

Beryl Langer

Appadurai, A. 1990. "Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy", Theory, Culture, and Society, Vol. 7.295-310. Ashcroft, B., G. Griffiths, and H. Tiffin. 1989. The Empire WritesBack: Theory and Practice in PostColonialLiteratures. London: Routledge. Atwood, M. 1973. Surfacing. Don Mills. PaperJacks. Beck, U. 1992. Risk Society: Towards a New Modernity. London: Sage. Bourdieu, P. 1969. "Intellectual Field and Creative Project", Social Science Information, Vol. 8, No. 2.89-1 11.

-.Vol. 1968. "Outline of a Sociological Theory of Art Perception", International Social Science Journal, 20 (Winter). 589-612. Bowen, G. 1993. WanderingSoul Murders. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.

-. 1992a.Murder at the Mendel. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. -.1992b.Deadly Appearances. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Chandler, R. 1950/1973. "The Simple Art of Murder", Pearks are a Nuisance. Penguin. Docherty, B., ed. 1988.American Crime Fiction. London: Macmillan. Engel, H.1990. Dead and Buried. Toronto: Penguin.

-.1988.A VictimMust Be Found Toronto: Penguin. Friedman, J. 1995. Cultural Identity and Global Process. London: Sage.

-. 1990. "Being in the World: Globalization and Imalization", Theory, Cuftured S o c i e y , Vol. 7.311-28. Gordon, A. 1989. The Dead PUN Hitter. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Gough, L. 1990. Serious Crimes. Toronto: Penguin. Grescoe, P. 1993. Flesh Wound Toronto: McClelland and Stewart. Hoggart, R. 1958. The Uses of Literacy. Harrnondsworth: Penguin. Kahn, J. 1995. Culture, Multiculture, Postculture. London: Sage. Tunstall, J. 1977. The Media are American London: Constable. Wernick, A. 1993. "American Popular Culture in Canada: Trends and Reflections", The Beaver Bites Back?: American Popular Culture in Canada. D. Flaherty and F. Manning, eds. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. Woolf, Mike. 1988. "Exploding the Genre: The Crime Fiction of Jerome Charyn", American Crime Fiction, ed. Brian Docherty. London: Macmillan. 131-43.

Malcolm Alexander

completed postgraduate study in both Australia and Canada. He specialises in comparative sociology and world politics and history. He is currently an Associate professor in the School of Australian and Comparative Studies at Griffith University. He was co-editor of the journal, Australian-Canadian Studies for six years. Dr Alexander has written on development issues, AustralianCanadian comparisons, world politics and global governance and world business. He teaches a course on Australia in Global Perspective.

Michael Ashby

is professor and director of palliative care, McCulloch House, Monash Medical Centre and Department of Medicine, Monash University. He received a Canadian Studies Faculty Research Program Award and returned to Canada in August 1996 to continue the study of current trends in the care of the dying and medical decision making at the end of life.

Nigel Bagnall

has lived and worked in several countries since leaving his native New Zealand in 1980. He is a lecturer in Comparative Education at Sydney University. He holds degrees in a wide range of areas: Politics, Physical Education, History and a second language diploma.

Dena Bain Taylor

is Director of the Health Sciences Writing Centre at the University of Toronto, where she has also taught science fiction and fantasy for the past fifteen years. Her articles on speculative fiction have appeared in major American journals.

Paul R. Bartrop

is a lecturer in Race Relations at the University of South Australia. He has had a long experience of working on the Jewish refugee issue as it pertained to the British Dominions during the period of the Third Reich, and he has lectured on this subject in both Australia and Canada. His most recent books are Australia and the Holocaust (1994) and as editor, False Havens: The British Empire and the Holocaust (1995). A former president of the Australian Association for Jewish Studies, he is currently working on a study of genocides of indigenous peoples in British settler societies in North America and Oceania.

L. Michael Berry

is the immediate past Canadian High Commissioner to Australia. A McGill University graduate, Mr Berry joined the Canadian Foreign Service in 1964. Prior to his appointment to Australia, he had served abroad in Berlin, London, Singapore and Paris. In Singapore, he was High

Commissioner from 1979 to 1982, and in Paris, he was Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the OECD from 1988 to 1991. Among his assignments in Ottawa with the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade have been those of Director General, Asia-Pacific, and Director General, Economic Policy. Mr Berry concluded his term in Australia in late 1995.

Kate Bumdge

is a Senior Lecturer in the School of Linguistics at La Trobe University. Her PhD is from the University of London. She has three main research areas: grammatical change in Germanic languages, the Pennsylvania German spoken by Amish/Mennonite communities in Canada (focusing on socio-linguistic aspects and grammatical change), investigation of euphemism and the notion of linguistic taboos. She is the author of A Localised Study of Pennsylvania German (1989), Euphemism and Dysphemism: Language used as Shield and Weapon (with Dr Keith Allan, 1991), and Syntactic Change in German (1993). She has co-edited a book on the languages of the Anabaptists.

Harry Clarke

is Reader in Economics in the School of Economics at La Trobe University, Melbourne and Associate Faculty of the Australian Graduate School of Management, Sydney. Dr Clarke obtained his PhD in economics from the Australian National University in 1979. After working as an economist in Thailand from 1980-1987 he returned to Australia in 1988 and has worked at La Trobe since then. His main research interests are resource and immigration1 population economics. He has a specific interest in the migration histories of Australia and Canada. Dr Clarke has authored more than 70 papers in applied microeconomics.

Christy Collis

Her current PhD research at Deakin University, Melbourne, involves the synthesis of a variety of disciplinary and theoretical approaches to the textual construction of geographical space. The project developed out of her previous work on British imperial production of land-in particular the Canadian Arctic and the Australian desert-in non-fiction texts.

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Greg Donaghy

is an historian with the Historical Section, Corporate Communications Division, Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Canada. He is currently editing Documents on Canadian External Relations, Volumes 16 (1950) and 17 (1951).

Brian Edwards

is Head of Deakin University's School of Literature and Journalism, Director of Deakin's Centre for Research in Cultural Communication, and Editor of the literary journal Mattoid. He is currently working on a comparative study of recent Canadian and Australian fiction and a study of play concepts in postmodernist fiction.

Andrew Enstice

is a Senior Lecturer in Literature at Australian Catholic University. He has published extensively on early Australian literary culture and nineteenth century English literature, and is currently working on a complete revision of an earlier book, Thomas Hardy: Landkcapes of the Mind.

Lois Foster

holds a PhD from the University of Alberta. She was President of ACSANZ from 1993-94. She was a Reader in Sociology at La Trobe University in Melbourne, and in 1996 held the position of Senior Research Consultant with the Federal Bureau of Immigration, Multicultural and Population Research. With research interests in the sociology of immigration, multiculturalism and bilingual education (with particular focus on gender), comparative work in Canadian Studies has been highly relevant. She is the author or co-author of some 15 books and more than 80 research reports, chapters in books and journal articles in these fields.

Ian W.Fry

taught school in Alberta for nine years and now teaches applied linguistics in the Department of Industry Education, Faculty of Education and Training at Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology. His research interests include the teaching of second languages, especially English, at all levels, and the history of languages. He is the co-author, with Jim Bennett, of Canadians in Australia, which traces the history of Canadian immigration to Australia.

C. Michael Hall

is Professor of Tourism Studies at the Centre for Tourism, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand. He is the Vice-President of ACSANZ and the editor of its newsletter.

Margaret Henderson

is a PhD student at Monash University. She has worked as a research assistant for Associate Professor Dr Jennifer Strauss on The Oxford Book of Australian Love Poetty and Judith Wright and is currently working on an edition of Mary Gilmore's poetry for Dr Strauss and the Australian Academy editions series as well as completing her PhD on motherhood in Australian and Canadian women's poetry.

Christine Inglis

is Director of the Multicultural Research Centre at the University of Sydney. She has a longstanding interest in Asian migration and settlement in Australia and in comparing the experiences of the four major immigration nations on the Pacific Rim: Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States of America. In addition to migration she also has an interest in the role of State policies addressing cultural diversity (Multiculturalism and the Search for a New Policy Response to Diversity), and the experiences of highly skilled immigrants (Teachers in the Sun: the Impact of Primary and Secondary Teachers on the Labour Force).

Beryl Langer

is in the School of Sociology and Anthopology at La Trobe University. Her work on the relation between local and global culture in Canadian crime fiction involves the intersection of two areas of research Canadian literary production, and cultural globalisation. She developed an interest in Canadian cultural politics while studying for a PhD in Sociology at the University of Toronto.

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Michael Lanphier

is Acting Director, Centre for Refugee Studies and Professor of Sociology, York University, Toronto. He is currently conducting research under a SSHRCC grant, "Settlement in a post-multicultural society", focusing on changes in settlement patterns of immigrants and refugees in Canada compared with the US and Australia. He is Vice-President of the Research Committee on Migration, International Sociological Association and an Associate Editor of the International Migration Review.

Robin Lathangue

came to Australia three years ago on scholarships to study with Dr Ian Weeks of the School of Social Inquiry at Deakin University. His PhD thesis is on George Grant.

Paul Mees

is a Ph.D. student and part-time lecturer in the Faculty of Architecture, Building and Planning, University of Melbourne. He visited Canada in 1994 with the assistance of an ACSANZ post-graduate award.

Jeffrey G. Reitz

is Professor of Sociology at the University of Toronto, and Research Associate at the Centre of Industrial Relations. His most recent book is The Illusion of Dijference: Realities of Ethnicity in Canada and the United States (1994, with R. Breton), published by the C.D. Howe Institute in Toronto. Earlier publications include Ethnic Identity and Equality: Varieties of Experience in a Canadian City (University of Toronto Press, 1990). His The Survival of Ethnic Groups (1980) was re-issued in Japanese translation in 1994. His current

research extends his analysis of the status of immigrants in urban areas of United States, Canada, and Australia, to include Germany.

Adam Shoemaker

is a Canadian-Australian author, editor and critic. He coordinates the Australian Studies Program at the Queensland University of Technology. His publications include Black Words, White Page and Mudrooroo: A Critical Study. He is co-editor (with Jack Davis, Mudrooroo and Stephen Muecke) of Paperbark. His most recent work is the edited volume Oodgeroo: A Tribute released in 1995. He is currently working on a biography of David Unaipon and is Chair of the 1996 Brisbane Writers Festival.

Mark Staniforth

is currently conducting research for a PhD and teaches part-time in Archaeology at the Flinders University of South Australia. He was awarded an ACSANZ postgraduate travel grant to study in Canada in 1994. Mark is on study leave from a position as Curator of Maritime Archaeology at the Australian National Maritime Museum. In the 1980s he spent five years as the State Maritime Archaeologist for the State of Victoria and was involved in the excavation of the wreck of the William Salthouse (1841).

David Stockley

is Pro Vice-Chancellor (International) and Head of Menzies College at La Trobe University, having previously been Dean of the Graduate School of Education (1989-1993) at La Trobe. At various times he has been a schoolteacher and tutor, lecturer, senior lecturer and reader at university. His research and teaching interests have centred on public policy, multiculturalism and the philosophy of history and have resulted in the publication of a number of books and articles (many jointly with Lois Foster). His current research is focused on the internationalisation and globalisation of education.

Thomas E. Tausky

is the founding editor of the journal Australian and New Zealand Studies in Canada. He has written extensively about Goldwin Smith's contemporary, the journalist and novelist Sara Jeannette Duncan. He is working on a fulllength study of Smith.

Gerry Turcotte

is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of English at the University of Wollongong. He is the Director of the Centre for Research Into Textual and Cultural Studies (CRITACS) and the President of the Association for Canadian Studies in Australia and New Zealand

(ACSANZ). He is the author of Neighbourhood of Memory, and the editor of Writers in Action: the Writers Choice Evenings, Mask, Tapestries, Journeys, and Jack Davis: The Maker of History. He was editor and then coeditor of Australian-Canadian Studies from 1992 until 1996.

Janeen Webb

is senior lecturer in literature at Australian Catholic University, Melbourne. She specialises in speculative fiction and early Australian literature, and is probably best known as one of Australia's leading critics of fantasy and science fiction.

John Wiseman

teaches social theory and social policy in the Faculty of Social Science at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology. He has published extensively on the subject of Australian social policy. During 1994 he was a visiting fellow at the Centre for Research on Work and Society at York University, Toronto.