Britons: forging the nation, 1707-1837 : with a new preface by the author 9780712697859

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PIMLICO 959

BRITONS Linda Colley has taught and written history on both sides of the Atlantic. Formerly Richard M. Colgate Professor of History at Yale University, she is currently Leverhulme Research Professor and School Professor of

History at the London School of Economics. She is a Fellow of the British Academy, and a regular commentator on current events as well as

past cultures. When Britons was first published in 1992 it won the Wolfson Prize and provoked a major debate on national identities in Britain and elsewhere. Her most recent book is Captives: Britain, Empire and the World 1600-1850 (2002).

Praise for Britons ‘A triumph, bold in scope and intellectual range, executed with skill, clarity and understanding.’ Jeremy Black, Times Educational Supplement ‘Dashingly readable . . . lively and stimulating. She makes excellent use of artistic evidence.’ Keith Thomas, New York Review of Books

“Witty and original’ Antonia Fraser, Sunday Times, Books of the Year ‘Linda Colley writes with clarity and grace . . . She also has a capacity for

historical generalization that puts her into the front rank of her contemporaries ... Her purpose is to mark out firmly the boundaries of

national consensus ... She does this superbly well, with controlled judgements and with abundant information. Her stimulating book will be, and deserves to be, influential.’ E.P. Thompson, Dissent ‘A major contribution to our understanding of Britain’s past and of the

contemporary debate about the shape and identity of Britain in the

future.” Colin Dobson, Oxford Times

‘Lavishly researched and illustrated ... a remarkable amount of light is shed upon current and coming events.’ Enoch Powell, Spectator ‘The most original, penetrating and readable volume on the eighteenthcentury published for many a long year.’ Tim Blanning, Independent, Books of the Year

‘Richly varied ... a bold and exciting book.’ John Derry, Times Higher

Educational Supplement — | ‘Magnificent ... a brilliant account of how those elements which went

into the making of the British, and which still grip the British imagination, are rapidly losing relevance.’ John Osmond, Western Mail ‘Britons offers one of the most persuasive and broad-ranging analyses of loyalism in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Its analysis of how a ruling elite reconstituted itself in the face of threats from without

| and within is outstanding. Colley’s account of the effects of war in transforming the scope and character of the British state is also

unsurpassed.’ John Brewer, Times Literary Supplement — | ‘An excellent subject and Colley’s book does it full justice.’ David Papineau, Independent on Sunday

‘Very original ... The general reader cannot fail to enjoy it and the professional historian will be stimulated by it.’ J.H. Plumb, Financial Times

‘Resonates insistently with today’s headlines . . . a sweeping survey of an

important period.’ Harriet Ritvo, New York Times ‘Powerful and absorbing’ Blair Worden, Sunday Telegraph

‘Extremely learned and penetrating. It is also most entertaining ... a . brilliant use of iconography.’ Conor Cruise O’Brien, New Republic ‘Piquantly germane to present concerns. . . Time and again, the arresting connection or the startling detail makes one see familiar ground from a new perspective.’ Hugo Young, Guardian

BRITONS Forging the Nation 1707-1837 |

LINDA COLLEY With a New Preface by the Author

PIMLICO

Published by Pimlico 2003

24681097531 Copyright © Linda Colley 1992, 2003 Linda Colley has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identified as the author of this work

This book is sold subject to the condition that it shall not, by way of trade or otherwise, be lent, resold, hired out, or otherwise circulated without the publisher’s prior consent in any form of binding or cover other than that in which it is published and without a similar condition including this condition being imposed on the subsequent purchaser First published by Yale University Press 1992

Pimlico edition 1994

Pimlico ,

New Pimlico edition 2003

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For David

BLANK PAGE

Contents

Acknowledgements ) 1X

Introduction 1 1 Protestants 11

Preface to the Second Pimlico Edition XI

A less than united kingdom 11 The struggles of God’s elect 18 Jerusalem the golden 30

2 Profits 55

A polity by force of faith 43 Land, trade, war and empire | 56

Jacobitism and the economics of loyalty 71

Investing in the nation 85 The price of it all 98

3New Peripheries 101 landmarks 101

John Wilkes and Englishness 105

A Scottish empire? 117 America and the revolution in British sensibilities 132

4Crisis Dominance 147 of an order 149

The making of the British ruling class 155 The cultural reconstruction of an élite 164

Heroes of their own epic 177 A royal culture confined 196 Why George III was different 204

5 Majesty | 195

The mechanics of royal celebration 217

Meanings and magic 228

vill Contents

6Beating Womanpower 237 against the bonds of womanhood 238 War and the sexes 250 Making separate spheres work for women 262

A woman’s place is in the nation 273

7AManpower _ 283 nation in arms 285

Who was willing to fight? 291 The private reasons why 300 The politics of popular commitment 308

8 Victories: 321

Catholic emancipation and division 324

Parliamentary reform and compromise 334

Slavery, freedom and consensus 350 A nation redefined and undefined 361

Conclusions 364 Appendices 376 The geography of loyalty in 1745 , 376

Notes 3385 Index 414

Men at arms throughout Great Britain, May 1804 378 Volunteers and their chosen sphere of action in 1798 382

Photograph Acknowledgements 430

Acknowledgements

Bersproportionately TOOK ME A LONG time to of write, andI first I accumulated a large number debts. approached

this topic amidst the palladian splendours of Christ’s College, Cambridge, and I must repeat my thanks to its Fellows for their many kindnesses to me, and record my gratitude for the aid and inspiration

lent me over the years by the late Sir John Plumb, its then Master. More than anything else, though, this was a Yale book. I worked in that University’s history department from 1982 to 1998, and profited beyond measure from the wisdom of colleagues there, especially Ivo Banac, John Blum, Jon Butler, David Brion Davis, John Demos, Peter Gay, Michael Howard, Paul Kennedy, Edmund Morgan, Peter Sahlins and David Underdown. Yale also allowed me to plunder its range of

remarkable archives and libraries, especially the wonderful Lewis Walpole Library at Farmington, Connecticut, and the Yale Center for

British Art in New Haven, an institution that transformed my approach to the past. Duncan Robinson, its then Director, Betty Muirden, Elizabeth Fairman, Julie Lavorgna, and the staff of its sister

organization, the Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art in London, supplied me with tremendous help and tremendous pleasure both. Finally, Britons was originally a Yale University Press volume. Like so many other writers, I found in John Nicoll a quite remarkable publisher, unvaryingly enthusiastic and incisive, and extraordinarily patient. I benefited enormously from working with him, and with my impeccably attentive and creative editor Gillian Malpass. The ideas in these pages evolved over many years and were honed by contact and argument with many other scholars. The Past & Present Society of Oxford allowed me to work out some of my initial thoughts in the pages of its journal, and various chapters were much improved

by comments from seminar and conference groups at Cambridge ~ University, the Institute of Historical Research in London, the Dutch Graduate School for Cultural History in Amsterdam, the Center for

European Studies at Harvard University, and the Davis Center at Princeton University. Prys Morgan, Alexander Murdoch and Christo-

pher Smout helped save me from some of my errors in Welsh and Scottish history. Chris Bayly enhanced my understanding of Britain’s

x Acknowledgements empire. Bruce Smith proved an indefatigable research assistant during

the book’s final stages. Will Sulkin oversaw its transition from hardback to Pimlico paperback with characteristic verve and commitment; while my agent, Mike Shaw, was a fund of encouragement and good advice throughout.

But my best thanks, now, as back in 1992, as always, go to my

husband and comrade-in-arms David Cannadine.

L.J.C.

London, 2002

Preface to the Second Pimlico Edition

[ BOOK HAD ITS University GENESISand IN uncertain THE 1980s whenI would I was teaching at Yale whether ever again live for any length of time in Britain, which is where I was

born and grew up. It took me almost a decade to complete and my motives for writing expanded as I went along. Britons remains primarily, however, what it was initially projected as:

a work of eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century history. It deals with multitudes of long-dead men and women, and with a small island that came over this period to matter hugely. Like most books, Britons also reflects the particularities of its author’s own past. At one level, I was reacting as I wrote it against the tendency of many of the best and

brightest historians of Britain active in the 1960s and ’70s to focus overwhelmingly on episodes of riot, radicalism, rebellion and revolution — repression on the one hand and resistance on the other. This appetite for charting division and contest in the British past was in part healthy and legitimate, but it made me as a (then) young historian on

the make curious about the other side of the picture. This book was never intended as a comprehensive vision of early modern Britain. I did not set out to make a case in its pages for an unvarying consensus in

this society, which would have been absurd, or to deny the manifold fissures and failures within it. But I was concerned to investigate what | saw — and still see — as a profoundly significant shift over time. After 1707, the ‘one united kingdom by the name of Great Britain’

proclaimed by the Treaty of Union remained divided in all kinds of ways. Nonetheless, over the next 130 years, it acquired sufficient cohesiveness for a series of domestic insurrections to fail (as they had not invariably failed before 1707), for successive dangerous invasion

attempts from abroad to falter and be resisted, and for a string of evermore demanding and geographically ambitious wars to be embarked upon and — with one exception — won. Moreover, there

developed in this period both a language of Britishness and a widespread though never uncontested or exclusive belief that the unit called Britain constituted, as one late eighteenth-century Scot put it, an umbrella, a shelter under which various groupings and identities could plausibly and even advantageously congregate. Great Britain became a

Xi Preface workmanlike nation of sorts, albeit one that encompassed other, smaller nations. I wanted to explore how and why this came to be so. This curiosity derived in the main from what I had read in books and archives and from discussions with other historians, but it was also prompted by my own upbringing. Like many others born in Britain I

am a mongrel (part Welsh, part Irish and part English), and my education crossed borders. Consequently I have never found resolutely

single-stranded histories of my birthplace all that convincing or resonant with my own experience. As a sixth-former in Cardiff I remember feeling perplexed and irritated that lessons in Welsh history were pressed upon me on some days, and lessons in English history on others, with little attempt being made to link these histories or suggest

how they might both be part of something bigger. The fact that English, Welsh, and Scottish history have more often than not been taught and interpreted separately is of course politically and culturally significant. But it is equally significant that quarentining these societies from each other, and concentrating only on what is distinctive about their respective pasts, quickly results in distorted and shrunken history. There are important separate stories that need prising open, to be sure, but there are also shared, interlinked and over-arching stories. Without ignoring the former, Britons focuses on the latter. Its format and content reflect my beliefs about how history should be pursued and presented in other respects.

Over the years, there have been many distinguished books on nation-making by theorists of nationalism and historians of political

thought, and I have learnt much from them. But purely abstract analyses and a concentration on the ideas of intellectual elites can lead to the rich, messy and discordant — but scarcely unimportant — views of

| the vast majority of human beings in the past being glossed over or tidied into excessive uniformity and rationality. In this book, as in its companion volume Captives: Britain, Empire and the World 1600-1850

(Jonathan Cape, 2002), I tried very hard to elicit the opinions and experiences of women as well as men, and to excavate testimonies on the part of the poor and the unsophisticated, not just the prosperous, educated, and powerful. I also made extensive use of visual images, prints, paintings, murals, sculptures and more, employing them as an

integral part of, and added dimension to my text. Britishness (like | Britain’s empire), was imagined, communicated, debated and memorialised in stone and on canvas, in maps, sketch-books, and embroidery, as well as through the spoken, written and printed word. Britishness

was also fashioned in reaction to external and not simply internal stimuli. Britons, like Captives, situates Britain in a wider European, Transatlantic and global context. Without such a broad-angled vision,

British history cannot be adequately understood. Nor can the very

Preface xii recent British past and the present, which also have a bearing on this work. Books that take a long time to write are inevitably at the mercy of change and serendipity: and this was the (largely) happy fate of Britons. In some respects, the transformations that occurred as I was writing it were personal ones. What had been projected purely as a history book became inflected at a minor level, I am sure, by my own consciousness

of identity under pressure while working as a resident alien in the United States. Far more importantly, however, the book’s conclusions

were sharpened, though not I believe distorted, by events in Britain and elsewhere during the course of its completion. By the time Britons was first published in 1992, the Falklands War, Margaret Thatcher’s long tenure of power, the increased grip and contentiousness of what is now the European Union, growing support for devolution in Wales and Scotland, fierce debates about the future of Northern Ireland and immigration, and a besetting and excessively self-flagellatory obsession with British decline, had all served to make questions of identity and

patriotism, the cements and corrosives of nationhood, current and contentious to a degree that had not obtained when I first embarked upon the project. Partly as a result of this, Britons secured a level of review attention, media comment, political notice — and sales — not normally available to scholarly analyses of the Georgian past. This is manifestly not a complaint. Historians are bound by their profession to

unpack and interpret the past. They are privileged indeed if their writings penetrate beyond the academy and influence and inspire contemporary debate. If there was a downside to the attention lavished on Britons, it was that a degree of political and even prophetic purpose was occasionally attributed to it quite beyond its author’s intention or capacity. On one occasion, a celebrated periodical published two different critiques of

this book adjacent to each other. One of them, by a Scottish

nationalist, claimed that I was covertly seeking to perpetuate the Union; the other, by an evident Tory, accused me of plotting the break-up of Britain. As this exchange underlines, there is in fact no single, monolithic conclusion to be drawn from this book about Great Britain’s future survival (or not) as a political unit and comparatively

recent and hybrid nation. As a citizen, I naturally have my own opinions and preferences.’ And I still adhere to this book’s conclusion:

‘that a substantial rethinking of what it means to be British can no longer be evaded’, and to the view that the events and developments set out in these pages help to explain why that is the case. But Britons is

a history book, not prophecy or polemic. It aspires to help interested readers understand aspects of the British present as well as a vital portion of the British past. Britain’s future, however, like the future of

XIV Preface its three component countries, can only be a matter for their varied peoples, for the politicians, and for chance. This said, a better, and more nuanced understanding of the past

could contribute a useful measure of clarity and depth to current

debates on these issues.

An otherwise stimulating book by Richard Weight has recently suggested that Great Britain and subsequently the United Kingdom were disreputable and violent creations from the start: ‘founded on

sreed, religious and racial bigotry, fear and contempt’, and ‘... primarily established to further the quest for Empire’.* This strikes me

as a historian not so much as untrue as beside the point. As Britons makes abundantly clear, the post-1707 invention that was Great Britain was indeed a markedly aggressive and predatory state, though no more bigoted in religious terms than most Western and non-Western polities

at that point. As happened with other made-up, composite nations, fifteenth-century Spain for instance, or the republic forged out of the thirteen American colonies after 1776, a political union embracing different peoples and cultures was followed and fostered in Britain’s case by recurrent war against external enemies and persistent prejudice as well against internal ‘others’. The Roman Catholic was often feared

and despised in Britain (and of course in Ireland) in this period and after; just as the Native American was harassed in the early American Republic, and Muslims were hated and enslaved in Ferdinand and Isabella’s Spain. In each case, attacking an internal minority that was perceived as alien, dangerous, and inferior helped foster a sense of nationhood and common purpose. As this suggests, however, the aggression that accompanied Britain’s forging was scarcely unique, though for a while it was uniquely world-

wide. To label Great Britain, and later the United Kingdom, as somehow peculiarly nasty entities from their inception is to lend credence to the idea that there are other nations which are inherently natural and benign. In historical fact, all nations that have ever existed

have been man-made constructions, and as such impure, imperfect, intolerant at times of various minorities, and prone to violence. Great Britain may or may not implode in the near or distant future. But if it does, this will not be because it is uniquely malign and synthetic, but

rather because it can no longer function adequately as a unit or command sufficient support or belief from its varied peoples. Britons’ sub-title was carefully chosen and designed to be understood at various levels. ‘Forging the Nation’ was intended to convey both a process of making and that element of counterfeit and invention that has characterised all nations at some point, but was striking and recent

in Britain’s own case. I was also thinking of an epigram by the American poet Chester Kallman: |

| Preface XV To forge a style. Does that mean fraudulently ape

Or work out a garment you never can escape? :

It well could mean instead A way to get ahead.

Post-1707 Britain cohered and grew powerful in part by way of

varieties of internal and external violence. But it also worked and prospered because for a long while it was able to convince many

(never remotely all) within its boundaries that it offered ways for them

to get ahead, whether in terms of commercial opportunity, or enhanced religious security and constitutional freedoms, or greater domestic stability and safety from invasion, or access to improved job opportunities at home and abroad, or less tangible forms of betterment.

By the same token, if Great Britain fissures in the future into autonomous Welsh, Scottish and English nations — and it may — this will in part be because its different peoples have decided that they can

get ahead better without it. |

There is another respect in which thinking more carefully and more

coolly about the past might contribute to the current debate about Britain’s future. In recent years, much of this debate has been couched in terms of real and imaginary cultural traditions and essences. Writings

and speeches of varying quality on ‘Scottishness’, ‘“Englishness’, “‘Welshness’ and ‘Britishness’ now abound, so much so that the impression is sometimes conveyed that these are purely domestic phenomena nurtured by and dependent upon internal circumstances only. Yet in reality national identity and identities within the island of Great Britain have always been influenced by events and forces beyond it, and this continues to be the case today. It is a major argument of Britons that, in all kinds of ways, Britishness

was constructed and contested after 1707 in response to overseas

developments. On the one hand, the existence from the 1600s of flourishing colonies in North America and the Caribbean meant that there came into being what David Hancock calls a “British Atlantic community’.* As a result, and as Chapter 4 of Britons describes, the loss

after 1776 of the most populous sector of this Transatlantic community, the Thirteen Colonies, provoked both trauma at home and an

unavoidable reappraisal of how Britain could be renovated and its rulers re-legitimise themselves.

Overseas empire impacted in other ways too. The commercial, investment and employment opportunities it afforded helped reconcile previously refractory individuals, lobbies and regions to British union,

most conspicuously, and as Chapter 3 sets out, in Scotland. The imperatives of empire also compelled the rulers of Britain themselves

to adapt and compromise. The decision to break the official link

XV1 Preface between Britishness and Protestantism and pass the Catholic Emanci-

| pation Act in 1829, a theme of Chapter 8, was scarcely unconnected to the fact that — by that stage — Catholic Irishmen made up over a half of

the empire’s white soldiery in India.” This was only one respect in which expanding empire had the effect of making Great Britain an even more hybrid entity than it was to begin with. Imperial aggression and slave trading may have served at one level to make some white

Britons more racially self-conscious and arrogant. But empire and slavery also served to expand the number of black Britons. And it was some of these men and women, as well as white abolitionists, who led the campaign against the slave trade: a crucial component — as the final chapter of this book describes — of the Victorian conception of what Britain was all about.

It needs stressing however that, in this period as in others, Continental connections were always as influential and as multifarious as Transatlantic ties and other imperial networks. One of the recurrent arguments of Britons is that the overwhelming Catholicism of large parts of Continental Europe, and especially France and Spain, provided

a newly-invented Britain with a formidable ‘other’ against which it could usefully define itself. The real and imaginary threat represented

by French and, to a lesser extent after 1707, Spanish forms of government, religion, and military power allowed the different Protestant traditions of Scotland, Wales, and England to come together

in a common union of self-preservation, anxiety, and defiance. This did not mean however — as some have suggested — that | Continental Europe always functioned or was regarded as Britain’s antithesis. Militant but nervous Protestantism also provided in the period covered by this book for important and persistent British alliances with co-religionists in various German states. From 1714, until the end of the timespan covered by this volume, 1837, Britain was regnally joined with the Protestant German electorate of Hanover. It was ruled by successive Hanoverian monarchs; individual Hanoverians filled various of its state offices; and it regularly went to war on the Continent whenever Hanoverian interests were threatened. Hanoverian soldiers, as well as troops from other Protestant German states, also

provided invaluable additional cannon fodder for British military purposes. At least a third of all ‘British’ troops employed in the American Revolutionary War were in fact German Protestant warriors. More positively, it was the aid and armies of Protestant Prussia that allowed Britain to emerge so victorious in the Seven Years War (1756-1763), and to win the Battle of Waterloo in 1815, the very foundation — as outlined in Chapter 8 of this book — of its nineteenthcentury European and global hegemony. Right up to 1914, and even

Preface XV1l after that in some quarters, Britain’s ‘natural ally’ was not generally viewed as being the United States of America, but rather Germany. Why is all this historical detail significant now? Because it helps to explain why current debates about Britain’s identity and future can appear so tortured and intractable. This is not simply due to domestic factors, fissures and frictions. From its very invention as a unitary state

and would-be nation in 1707, Great Britain has pushed and been pulled in many and different overseas directions. It was part of a Transatlantic community. Imperial greed gave it interests and invest-

ments in every other ocean and continent as well. And it was an integral part of Europe quite as much as it fought in Europe. What has changed over the last half century and more, is that Britain’s freedom

to balance and choose between these different aligniments and attachments has radically diminished.

At its eighteenth-, nineteenth-, and early twentieth-century peak, being at once Transatlantic, global and European was a function and an

emblem of British power. Now these self-same multiple alignments often seem only to contribute to British division and disarray. On the one hand, American global hegemony vitally determines, and arguably

sometimes distorts, Britain’s foreign policy, defence procurement, _ culture and economy. On the other, Brussels and the European Union interfere progressively with Britain’s laws and internal government. More perhaps than by any other issue, Britain’s political classes — and especially the English — are riven between the claims of its partners in Continental Europe and the claims and power of the United States, neither of which in truth can be substantially or plausibly resisted by a small offshore island. In addition, Britain’s own growing non-white

population, in large part the legacy of its past imperial ventures, functions as a vivid source of domestic change, and — in the eyes of some — as an encroaching challenge. Britain, that one-time presumptuous and promiscuous global player, has become — or so it can appear —

a plaything of others. But there are other ways of looking at things. “The importance of the idea of identity can scarcely be doubted’, Amartya Sen has recently written, yet neglecting ‘our plural identities in favour of one “principal” identity can greatly impoverish our lives and our practical reason.’° Given the unprecedented level of change

we are all now living through (and this is emphatically not just a challenge felt by the British), it is understandable that many people _ hunger for some kind of renewed anchorage, and often for a narrower, more traditional, and seemingly more secure sense of who they are. As far as this small island is concerned, the current interest in learning Cornish and arguing for Cornish autonomy, or in exploring some of the more uncompromising versions of Islam, are both examples of a

XVill Preface much more widespread yearning for roots and a kind of imagined ancestral purity. It is important that such yearnings, however sincere and deeply-felt they may be, do not lead to an embracing of a single, exclusive identity. It is important, too, that the natural human desire for

a sense of belonging should not be accompanied, in Britain or anywhere else, by a recoiling from overseas influences which in reality offer myriad opportunities as well as (sometimes) shocks and dangers. Under pressure from without as well as within, Britain’s capacity to

function as an efficient umbrella over different peoples and cultures may — or may not — continue long into this new millennium. But whether it does continue or no, we should not panic; and we should not allow obsessive navel-gazing to distract us from evolving a broadangled view of the world and a better and more generous sense of citizenship. Sen’s vision of a ‘unitary but freedom-centred conception of Britain as a society of persons, with various backgrounds, who are free to choose their own identities and priorities’, and who are also at ease with an ever-more inter-connected world in which they are no

| | LJ.C.

longer paramount, but must collaborate with others, will never

command universal support.’ But neither should it too easily be given up.

London, 2002

Notes 1. Christopher Harvie, ‘Uncool Britannia: Linda Colley’s Britons reconsidered’, and Michael Gove, “The Flight from History’, Times Literary

Supplement, 8 January 1999. For my thoughts about identities and nationhood as a British citizen rather than as a historian, see my Millennium Lecture, “Britishness in the 21st Century’, 10 Downing Street website. 2. Richard Weight, Patriots: National Identity in Britain 1940-2000 (London,

2002), pp. 1 and 727. 3. Chester Kallman, Absent and Present (Middletown, CT., 1963), p. 70. The

emphases are the poet’s own. I am grateful to David Underdown for drawing my attention to this verse. 4. See David Hancock, Citizens of the World: London Merchants and the © Integration of the British Atlantic Community, 1735-1785 (Cambridge, 1995). 5. For more on this, see Chapters 10 and 11 of my Captives: Britain, Empire and the World 1600-1850 (London, 2002).

6. Amartya Sen, “Beyond Identity. Other People’, The New Republic, 18 December 2000, pp. 23 and 25. 7. ibid., p. 29.

Introduction

ihe BOOK IS ABOUT of the British nation between the ActTHE of FORGING Union joining Scotland to

England and Wales in 1707 and the formal beginning of the Victorian

age in 1837. I have written it with two linked intentions in mind. The first is to uncover the identity, actions and ideas of those men and women who were willing to support the existing order against

the major threats their nation faced from without, to establish exactly what it was these Britons thought they were being loyal

to, and what they expected to gain from their commitment. The | second is to show that it was during this period that a sense of

British national identity was forged, and that the manner in which

it was forged has shaped the quality of this particular sense of nationhood and belonging ever since, both in terms of its remarkable strengths and resilience, and in terms of its considerable and increasingly evident weaknesses.

What made these themes, mass allegiance on the one hand and the invention of Britishness on the other, so central during this 130-year long period was a succession of wars between Britain and France. Prime powers on sea and on land respectively, the whale and the elephant as Paul Kennedy styles them, they were at war between 1689 and 1697, and on a larger scale and for higher stakes between 1702 and 1713, 1743 and 1748, 1756 and 1763, 1778 and 1783, 1793 and 1802, and, finally, between 1803 and the Battle of Waterloo in 1815. And these were only the most violent ex-

pressions of a much longer and many-layered rivalry.' Even in the interludes of token peace, the two powers repeatedly plotted against and spied on each other. Their settlers and armed forces jostled for space and dominance in North America, the West Indies,

Africa, Asia and Europe. French clerics, intellectuals and tourists

scrutinised Britain’s political system, moral fibre and cultural achievements, and their British counterparts did the same with regard to France, in both cases with a manic obsessiveness that betrayed their mutual antagonism and anxiety.” Like another famously unhappy couple, the British and the French had their teeth so sunk into each other in these years (and long after) that

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I Protestants When Britain first at heaven’s command,

Arose from out the azure main, |

This was the charter of the land. And guardian angels sung this strain: ‘Rule Britannia, rule the waves, Britons never will be slaves’.'

Jassince THOMSON’S HAVE BECOME so_ familiar they wereWORDS composed in 1740, have been roared out so often in concert halls, at football matches or church services,

in a mood of jingoistic pride or, more recently, self-indulgent nostalgia, that we hardly bother anymore to think about what they mean or what they fail to say. We barely notice that opening all-

important reference to Britain’s divine origins, even though for Thomson—a minister’s son from the Scottish Lowlands—it would

have meant a great deal. And the chorus is so rousing that it scarcely seems to matter that it is Britain’s supremacy offshore that

is being celebrated, not its internal unity. Or that the British are defined less by what they have in common, than negatively— whatever these people are, we are told, they are not slaves. Yet Thomson’s emphases, like his silences, are suggestive. It is almost as if God is being invoked and bombast is being deployed to deter more searching questions. For just who were the British? Did they even exist?

A LESS THAN UNITED KINGDOM

As a would-be nation, rather than a name, Great Britain was | invented in 1707 when the Parliament of Westminster passed the Act of Union linking Scotland to England and Wales. From now on, this document proclaimed, there would be ‘one united kingdom

by the name of Great Britain’, with one Protestant ruler, one legislature and one system of free trade. Like the earlier Act of Union between England and Wales in 1536, this was very much a

12 Britons union of policy, as the novelist and journalist Daniel Defoe called it, not a union of affection. The politicians in London had feared that

unless a formal, political union with Scotland was cemented, as distinct from the existing dynastic union, the country might opt on the death of poor childless Queen Anne (1702-14) for James Edward Stuart, her exiled Roman Catholic half-brother, instead of agreeing, as the English and Welsh had already done, to import a new Protestant dynasty from Hanover. A full, legislative union was _ the only solution London was prepared to consider.* But few pre-

tended at the time or later that a union on paper would automatically forge a united people. Of course, Scotland and England had been drawing increasingly together since the Reformation in the sixteenth century. Since 1603, the two countries had been ruled by the same Stuart dynasty. They shared the same King James version of the Bible. And long before the Act of Union, a cognate language with English called Scots had spread throughout the Scottish Lowlands and beyond, so that men and women on one side of the border could—usually —communi-

cate with their neighbours on the other side. In commercial terms, too, Scotland and England had a long history of interdependence, the latter taking easily a half of Scottish exports by 1700.° None the less, a thoroughgoing political union between Scotland and the rest of Britain had by no means been a foregone conclusion, and even the Act of Union only partially achieved it. Scots were now represented in the same Parliament as the English and the Welsh; they paid the same taxes and customs duties, and competed for the same government and administrative appointments. But they still retained their distinctive religious organisation and social structure,

as well as their own legal and educational systems. And in the first half of the eighteenth century, especially, poor transport, inadequate maps and the sheer distance separating Scotland from London enabled them to remain largely self-governing in practice.*

For the majority of Scots at this early stage, the Union was of only marginal relevance to their lives. As for the wealthy or ambitious minority, they were torn between anger at the loss of Scotland’s ancient independence and a natural desire for a wider stage than their own homeland could afford them. At one and the

same time, they resented the South and craved its bounty and Opportunities, kicking against the Union when it proved uncomfortable, yet demanding full parity with the English inside it. On the other side of the border, ambiguity and reluctance were just as

marked. It is sometimes supposed that the Act of Union was a piece of cultural and political imperialism foisted on the hapless Scots by their stronger southern neighbour. But this was not how

Protestants 13 many eighteenth-century Englishmen regarded it. To some of them, union with Scotland seemed a blatant affront to older identities. They bitterly disapproved of ‘English’ and ‘England’ giving way to ‘British’ and “Great Britain’, as they were in both official and everyday vocabulary by the 1750s.> And many regarded the Scots as poor and pushy relations, unwilling to pay their full share of taxation, yet constantly demanding access to English resources in terms of trade and jobs. There was also an element of fear. The fact that in 1715 and 1745, hostile Jacobite armies marched into

England from Scotland ensured that older memories of crossborder hostilities remained alive. ‘Scotland...is certainly the sink of the earth’, a Whig grandee would write to the Duke of Newcastle after the Battle of Culloden in 1746. ‘As to Scotland,’ replied Newcastle, who was then Secretary of State as well as the Prime Minister’s brother, ‘I am as little partial to it as any man alive.” ‘However,’ he added, in a rare fit of generosity, ‘we must consider that they are within our island.” English nationalists were much less repelled by their union with

Wales, partly because this connexion was so much older, but primarily because the Welsh seemed so much less threatening than

the more numerous and militarily minded Scots. Yet in some respects, Wales was a more aloof and distinctive country even than Scotland. True, its separate identity was not rooted in institutions.

It had lost its own legal system, its religious organisation was modelled on England’s own, and it had no universities or capital city like Edinburgh to serve as a focus for its cultural life. What distinguished the Welsh was their language, a language that three out of four of them still spoke out of choice as late as the 1880s.’ In

the eighteenth century, English was largely confined to Radnor, Monmouthshire, Glamorgan and parts of Pembroke, to the few well-established towns like Conwy in North Wales, and to emerging urban centres like Neath and Cowbridge in South Wales.® Some Welsh-speakers were bilingual. Even in the mountains and remote villages of central Wales, travellers and traders from England could usually find a few individuals to understand them. But amongst themselves, most Welshmen and women below gentry level spoke only their own language. And for much of the time—though not for all of the time—they seem to have regarded the English as a different people. In 1751, a Welshman living in London would claim that his poorer countrymen back home knew ‘no other name for Englishmen at this day, than saison, or saxons’.” At one level, then, Great Britain at the beginning of the eighteenth

century was like the Christian doctrine of the Trinity, both three and one, and altogether something of a mystery. The inhabitants of

14 Britons Wales, of Scotland and of England were separated from each other by history and in some cases by language. And until the end of the

century, when better transport, together with a greater supply of mass-produced goods and English-language books and newspapers,

began to reduce local peculiarities somewhat, they were also separated from each other and among themselves by different folklores, different sports, different costumes, different building styles, different agricultural practices, different weights and measures, and

different cuisines. Yet acknowledging that England, Wales and Scotland in 1707 differed sharply from each other is not the same as saying that ordinary men and women in each of these three countries were invariably possessed by a single and overwhelming sense of their own distinctive identity as Englishmen, or Welsh-

men, or Scots. Most of them were not. |

The Welsh and the Scots, for example, rarely defined themselves against the English by reference to the kind of rich Celtic nation-

alism that certain Irish patriots would make so much of after the 1840s. Nor did they usually see themselves as fellow Celts, and for good reason. Wales and Scotland had no frontier in common, and precious little culture in common either. The Gaelic spoken by Scottish Highlanders was very different from the Celtic language

spoken by many of the Welsh, far more different in fact than English was from French or German. And the majority of Lowland Scots and a substantial minority of Welshmen were not even Celtic

in ethnic origin, but Anglo-Saxon or Norse. So while it is highly convenient to use the term ‘Celtic fringe’ as a piece of shorthand for Wales and Scotland as well as for Ireland—-and the phrase is sometimes used in that fashion in this book—doing so tells us very little about how the inhabitants of these countries actually saw

themselves. '° |

Moreover, attachment to Wales, to Scotland and even to England was always complicated by the fact that these three countries were neither united in themselves nor distinct from each other. “Different as English-speaking Scotland was from its southern neighbour’, as

Tom Nairn writes, ‘it actually contained a much greater internal

differentiation within its own historical frontiers’.'’ In terms of language, religion, levels of literacy, social organisation and

ethnicity, Scottish Lowlanders had far more in common with the

inhabitants of northern England than they did with their own Highland countrymen. This was reflected in the vocabulary of the time. Sassenach (in the original Gaelic, sasunnach) means a Saxon, and the word is now used as one of the kinder Scottish epithets for someone who is English born and bred. But in the eighteenth century, it was used overwhelmingly by Scottish

Protestants 15 Highlanders as a blanket term to cover English-speaking Scottish Lowlanders as well as the English themselves. In Highland eyes, these two peoples were virtually indistinguishable, and both were equally alien. In turn, Lowland Scots traditionally regarded their Highland countrymen as members of a different and inferior race, violent, treacherous, poverty-stricken and backward. They called them savages or aborigines, labels that some Lowlanders continued to use well into the 1830s, despite Sir Walter Scott’s literary efforts to romanticise and sanitise the glens, clans and tartans of the far

north. '*

The degree to which the Welsh were able to see themselves as one people was also limited by an acute north-south divide, the country’s central range of mountains making trade, communications and ordinary human contact between counties in South Wales, like Glamorgan, Carmarthen and Pembroke, and northern counties, such as Flint, Merioneth and Caernarfon, very difficult indeed. No Glamorgan landed family, for example, intermarried with a family from North Wales during the eighteenth century — because people from these two regions simply did not encounter each other, unless, that is, they happened to meet up in England.’° And what of that ‘heterogeneous thing, an Englishman’, as Defoe called him?

In eager rapes, and furious lust begot, Betwixt a painted Briton and a Scot: Whose gend’ring offspring quickly learnt to bow,

And yoke their heifers to the Roman plough: |

From whence a mongrel half-bred race there came, With neither name nor nation, speech or fame _ In whose hot veins now mixtures quickly ran, Infus’d betwixt a Saxon and a Dane. While their rank daughters, to their parents just, Receiv’d all nations with promiscuous lust. This nauseous brood directly did contain

The well-extracted blood of Englishmen..." Defoe’s uncompromising insistence on the ethnic diversity of England, its early exposure to successive invasions from Continental Europe, and the constant intermingling of its people with the Welsh and the Scots, was fully justified in historical terms. Yet the sheer mocking savagery of The True-Born Englishman is less straightforward than it seems. Defoe was deflating English conceit

to be sure, but the fact that he-—an Englishman—was prepared to do so in such remorselessly satirical language was in itself a powerful demonstration of English confidence. Far more than the

16 Britons Welsh and Scots felt able to do, the English could—occasionally —

ridicule themselves because they had a strong sense of who they were and of their own importance. England’s population was four times that of Wales and Scotland put together, and its economy much richer. Unlike its two neighbours, it had long possessed a strong and highly centralised state, it contained only one major language, and its internal communications were more advanced and much less disrupted by geography. Yet in England, too—as Defoe was concerned to point out— there was only limited uniformity in terms of culture, custom or outlook. Northumberland, for instance, in the way that its people looked and lived and thought, was much closer to being a Scottish than an English county. Here, as in the Scottish Lowlands, the poor consumed oatmeal as a matter of course, a cereal that—as Samuel Johnson remarked in his famous dictionary— more affluent southerners dismissed as animal fodder. Here, too, over a third of all adults may have been able to read by the early 1700s. This was virtually the same level of literacy as existed in Lowland Scotland, but a much higher level than, say, in the English Midlands where Johnson himself hailed from.'? Books and newspapers from Scottish printing presses were far more common in Northumberland than London-produced reading matter, and Scots and their accents were infinitely more familiar than visitors from the south. Northumbrians and Lowland Scots even tended to look alike, with the same raw, high-boned faces and the same. thin, angular physiques. “To pass from the borders of Scotland into Northumberland’, a Scottish clergyman would write at the end of the eighteenth century, ‘was rather like going into another parish than into another kingdom.’!®

Much the same could be said of Shropshire and Herefordshire with relation to Wales. Here, as in Northumberland, centuries of cross-border trade, migration and marriage had forged a distinctive but mongrel regional culture. “The manners of the people’, noted one early nineteenth-century antiquarian of this region, ‘are half English, half Welsh’.'’ My own surname, ‘Colley’, is a common

one in this part of the world. It means black, and is probably a testament to all those dark-haired Celts who, like my own ancestors, crossed over from Wales and settled on the English side

of the border. But even in those parts of England that were not directly exposed to Welsh or Scottish influences in this way, there was still massive diversity. How could there not be, when scenery and soil types varied enormously even over short distances, when the bulk of roads and people were too poor for long-distance travel to be common, and when no one—however rich—could journey

Protestants 17 faster on land than a horse, that is at ten miles an hour at the most? ‘I had never been above eight miles from home in my life’, the labouring poet John Clare would write of his youth in Northamptonshire, ‘and I could not fancy England much larger than the part I know.’'®

Looked at in this way, Great Britain in 1707 was much less a trinity of three self-contained and self-conscious nations than a patchwork in which uncertain areas of Welshness, Scottishness and Englishness were cut across by strong regional attachments, and scored over again by loyalties to village, town, family and © landscape. In other words, like virtually every other part of Europe in this period, Great Britain was infinitely diverse in terms of the customs and cultures of its inhabitants. Some of these internal disparities would be smoothed out as this

period progressed, by the advance in road and postal communications, by the proliferation of print, and by the operation of free trade throughout the island. But it was not primarily this limited process of cultural integration that made possible an emerging sense of Britishness. Instead, men and women came to define themselves as Britons—in addition to defining themselves in many other ways— because circumstances impressed them with the belief

that they were different from those beyond their shores, and in particular different from their prime enemy, the French. Not so much consensus or homogeneity or centralisation at home, as a strong sense of dissimilarity from those without proved to be the essential cement.

It was partly geography that underlay this marked sense of difference, the simple fact that Great Britain was an island. The encompassing sea was a vital defence and a highly effective frontier, keeping Britons enclosed and together, as well as keeping enemies

out. But the sea could also be imagined as a telling symbol of identity. In France, as in most Continental European states, national boundaries would fluctuate throughout the 1700s and long after: Not only did the idea of territorial sovereignty remain undevel-

oped, in theory as in practice, but the political boundary in the north and east was largely undelimited. France’s frontiers were

riddled with enclaves, exclaves, overlapping and contested jurisdictions, and other administrative nightmares. '” By contrast, British boundaries after 1707 seemed settled once and

for all, marked out by the sea, clear, incontrovertible, apparently pre-ordained. As one clergyman put it in a sermon delivered in celebration of the Act of Union: ‘We are fenced in with a wall which knows no master but God only.’

18 Britons This conviction that Britain’s physical identity, its very shape and

place on the map, had been laid down by God points to the much

more profound sense in which its inhabitants saw themselves, particularly in times of emergency, as a people apart. At odds in so much of their culture and secular history, the English, the Welsh and the Scots could be drawn together—and made to feel separate from much of the rest of Europe—by their common commitment to Protestantism. To a very limited extent, this had been the case since the Reformation. But throughout the eighteenth and _ nineteenth centuries, and even after, external pressures and imperatives made the fact that this was an overwhelmingly Protestant culture relevant and compelling in a quite unprecedented way. From the Act of Union to the Battle of Waterloo in 1815, Great

Britain was involved in successive, very dangerous wars with Catholic France. At the same time and long after, it was increasingly concerned to carve out a massive empire in foreign lands that

were not even Christian. In these circumstances of regular and violent contact with peoples who could so easily be seen as representing the Other, Protestantism was able to become a unifying and distinguishing bond as never before. More than anything else,

it was this shared religious allegiance combined with recurrent wars that permitted a sense of British national identity to emerge | alongside of, and not necessarily in competition with older, more organic attachments to England, Wales or Scotland, or to county or village. Protestantism was the dominant component of British religious life. Protestantism coloured the way that Britons approached

and interpreted their material life. Protestantism determined how most Britons viewed their politics. And an uncompromising Pro- | testantism was the foundation on which their state was explicitly and unapologetically based. THE STRUGGLES OF GOD’S ELECT

The absolute centrality of Protestantism to British religious experience in the 1700s and long after is so obvious that it has proved

easy to pass over. Always reluctant to be seen to be addressing

the obvious, historians have preferred to concentrate on the divisions that existed within the Protestant community itself, on the tensions between Anglicans and Protestant non-conformists in England and Wales, between Presbyterians and Episcopalians in Scotland, and between the older forms of dissent that emerged in the seventeenth century, Congregationalists, Baptists, Quakers and

the like, and newer versions such as Methodism. These internal rivalries were abundant and serious. But they should not obscure

Protestants 19 what was still the most striking feature in the religious landscape, the gulf between Protestant and Catholic. At its most formal, the division was enshrined in the law. From the late seventeenth century until 1829, British Catholics were not allowed to vote and were excluded from all state offices and from both houses of Parliament. For much of the eighteenth century they were subject to punitive taxation, forbidden to possess weapons and discriminated against in terms of access to education, property

rights and freedom of worship. In other words, in law-if not always in fact—they were treated as potential traitors, as unBritish.*' The legal position of Protestant non-conformists, however, was utterly different. As ‘an effectual means to unite their Majesties’ Protestant subjects’, the Toleration Act of 1689 had permitted dissenters who accepted the doctrine of the Holy Trinity the right to worship freely.** They could vote providing they met the relevant property qualifications, they could build their own churches, they could set up their own academies to educate their

children, and they could carry arms. By law they still had to conform at least occasionally to Anglican worship in order to be eligible for state or local office, and some Tory politicians would

have liked to exclude them from official life altogether. But in practice, English and Welsh Protestant dissenters were able to penetrate almost all levels of the political system up to and including Parliament itself, and so too were Scottish Presbyterians.

Great Britain, then, was not a confessional state in any narrow sense. Instead, its laws proclaimed it to be a pluralist yet aggressively Protestant polity. It was not primarily the law that made Protestantism and anti-Catholicism such powerful and pervasive _ emotions, however. Official intolerance, like mass intolerance, was rooted in something far more intangible, in fear most of all, and in the way that Britons chose to remember and interpret their own past. For large numbers of them, as David Cressy has shown, time past was a soap opera written by God, a succession of warning disasters and providential escapes which they acted out afresh every year as a way of reminding themselves who they were.” Every 30 January until 1859, Protestant worshippers throughout England and Wales fasted and prayed in memory of Charles I’s execution in 1649. By contrast, 29 May, the anniversary of the restoration of the monarchy in 1660, was a jubilee day marked out by bonfires and bells, a time for celebrating the end of political instability and martial rule. The first day of August marked the accession in 1714 of the first Hanoverian king, the securing of

the Protestant Succession. And 5 November was doubly sacred, | not just the anniversary of the landing in England in 1688 of

20 , Britons | William of Orange, come to do battle with the Catholic James II, but also the day when in 1605 Parliament and James I had been rescued from the gunpowder plotting of Guido Fawkes, yet another Roman Catholic. The prayer laid down to be used on the latter occasion set out

the moral that devout Protestants were expected to draw from all of these red-letter dates in the patriotic calendar: ‘From this unnatural conspiracy not our merit, but thy mercy; not our foresight, but thy providence delivered us.’** God, Britons were encouraged to believe, watched over them with a particular concern. Nothing in their troubled past had escaped his notice or eluded his influence, for they were special. They had a mission, a distinctive purpose. But they also had, this version of their history taught them, an unvarying enemy. It had been a Catholic who had plotted to blow up James I and his parliament. A Catholic queen,

Henrietta Maria, together with her interfering priests had led Charles I astray and the whole island into war. The would-be tyrant James II had been Catholic, just as those responsible for the St Bartholomew’s Day massacre in 1572, or the Irish ‘massacres’ of 1641, or the Great Fire of London in 1666 had, they were assured, been Catholic also. That much of this Protestant version of the past

was grossly inaccurate was immaterial. As Ernest Renan once remarked: ‘Getting its history wrong is part of being a nation.’ Men and women believed these pious lies not just because of what they were told in church, but also because of the cheap

| printed matter that flooded from Britain’s abundant printing presses. The yellowing copies of Old Moore’s Almanac that can still be seen on the shelves of many British newsagents’ shops today are

a reminder of the time when this kind of publication made up the

heart of popular literature, the contemporary equivalent of the tabloid press, both in tone and popularity.*° An almanac published in Aberdeen in the 1680s sold an astonishing 50,000 copies every year. In Great Britain as a whole, more than half a million copies of

different kinds of almanacs were sold every year, a circulation figure far in excess of any other kind of book, including the Bible.

And, since farmers used them as guides to when to plant and harvest, almanacs were as common in rural areas as in urban. The majority were crude and intolerant productions, offering a jumble of useful and sensational information, combined with ‘an endlessly popular diet of jingoism, abuse of Catholics, and predictions of the downfall of the Pope and the French’.*’ But together with patriotic

sermons on 30 January, 29 May, 5 November and the king’s accession day, and the official fast-day services observed annually

throughout England, Wales and Scotland during all of Britain’s

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Knowing all this, it is tempting to believe-and some historians have actually argued—that the sublime confidence running through

Handel’s oratorios or Defoe’s political and economic writings was little more than the propaganda of an affluent and atypical minority.°* After all, why should men and women living lives of no promise whatsoever believe that Britain was in any sense a promised land? Doubtless a great many of them did not believe it for all, or even for most of the time. Some certainly made it clear that they rejected

the idea out of hand. None the less, the conviction that Great Britain was peculiarly blessed was not confined to the prosperous.

Nor was it confined to the inhabitants of England. Nor, emphatically, was it confined to Whigs. Like all sustaining national myths, the idea that Britain was a chosen land and therefore fruitful, did not depend for its effectiveness upon its being true. Poor or not, large numbers of Protestant Britons believed — believed

precisely because they were Protestant, and because it was comforting to believe it—that they were richer in every sense than other peoples, particularly Catholic peoples, and particularly the French. William Hogarth’s brilliant Calais Gate, or the Roast Beef of Old England shows just how savage this complacency could be, and just how much it was relied upon to define and demean the enemy. The fat monk salivating over a newly roasted joint of imported English

beef; the singularly unattractive nuns, bare-footed and fatuously pleased because they think they have found Christ’s image in the features of a skate fish; the French soldiers, at once scrawny and ragged and curiously effeminate; even the forlorn Scottish Highlander, forced into exile and garlic-eating because he has rebelled against his Protestant sovereign George II: all these are rather

ritualised figures of fun, an array of centuries-old Protestant stercotypes. Only after a time do we notice the really deadly and innovative part of Hogarth’s satire. By the mere act of looking at the print we have come within the arch of a French prison. All of a sudden, we-—the spectators—have become unfree, just like the French. And just like Hogarth, who intended this print as an act of revenge for what had happened to him during a visit to Calais in 1747.

Sketching the ancient fortifications, Hogarth had been arrested and temporarily imprisoned as a British spy.?? Even as he applies

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58 Britons plain, the coat cuffs turned well back so as to free his hands for -. business. At first glance, this might almost be the figure of some bucolic patriarch, a no-nonsense Squire Allworthy exuding solid worth and rural integrity. But closer inspection reveals something very different.

No country estate adorns the background of this picture; no sporting dog, or thoroughbred horse, or decorative agricultural implement. Emphatically a state portrait, in the sense that it is clearly intended to be viewed by an admiring public, its subject is

neither royal nor patrician. Instead, to one side of Coram is the open sea and a sailing-ship, and by his stoutly buckled shoes is a globe—an emblem of dominion-turned to show the Atlantic Ocean which he had crossed and re-crossed as a young man plying his trade as a shipwright. Not inherited rank or broad acres, but commerce and enterprise are visibly the foundations of this man’s Civic virtue. Coram, as Hogarth paints him, is the self-made man of trade as hero; and something more than a hero. The portrait hung in the Foundling Hospital’s chapel, and legend has it that some of the children, their eyes wandering during prayers to the painted gaze of their benefactor, came to confuse Our Father with plain Tom Coram. In their naiveté, they glimpsed what Hogarth | almost certainly wanted to convey to more sophisticated spectators: that Coram, and men like Coram, were the source of Great Britain’s

material blessings and of its moral worth, that stout-hearted commercial activity and ideal patriotism were one and the same.’

Superficially, Coram’s life and work provided eloquent and irresistible testimony that this was indeed the case. The son of a Dorset ship’s captain, he had crossed over to Boston in 1694 as an agent for some London merchants. After ten years in the American colonies as a ship-builder and salesman, he came home and em-

barked on a remarkable career as a lobbyist for a wide range of secular charities. Initially, he tried to interest the Board of Trade in a project for settling demobilised sailors and soldiers in the colonies. Failing at this, he turned his attention to the hundreds of infants, most of them illegitimate and many of them dying, abandoned in the streets and doorways of London. Other European nations already possessed institutions to look after enfants trouves,

usually funded by the state or by the Catholic Church. In Great Britain, by contrast, the creation of a foundling hospital had to wait

on private enterprise. Coram’s initial approaches to George I on behalf of the foundlings got nowhere. Urging bishops or members of the nobility to speak on his and the children’s behalf, he once exploded, was about as easy as persuading them to exhibit their bare backsides at court. Not until the next reign did he secure

Pro fits 59 powerful patrician backing, and even then it was limited. The list of 375 hospital governors approved by George II in 1737 contained some very illustrious names, but the majority of active governors - were merchants and men of Coram’s own type. From the outset, the charity was run in their commercial image. As a voluntary corporate body with its own directors and legal identity, it was modelled on London’s joint-stock companies, the first time an organisation of this kind had been extended to the work of philanthropy. The hospital’s avowed aim was mercantilist as well as humanitarian: to rescue young lives that would otherwise be wasted and render them useful to the state. Once grown, the girls were sent out as servants; the boys went to sea or worked in husbandry. To raise the necessary funds, publicity techniques were employed that were both inventive and unabashedly commercial.

Hogarth, who was one of the governors, designed a distinctive uniform for the foundlings as well as an affecting coat of arms: a new-born child flanked by the figures of Nature and Britannia, with the plaintive motto ‘Help’.® He also came up with a strategy that promoted the charity’s work alongside his own. Together with other enterprising artists, Francis Hayman, Allan Ramsay, Thomas Hudson and Joseph Highmore, he began exhibiting his most recent paintings in the hospital’s public rooms. The rich and the leisured

came to gape and stayed to give; while Hogarth furthered his private agenda, to increase the respectability and marketability of British as distinct from Continental art. The annual meetings of the Foundling artists, as they came to be called, held at the hospital every 5 November in honour of the Revolution of 1688, of liberty and of Protestantism, led in time—though in much slower time than Hogarth wanted—to the creation of the Royal Academy of

Art.” | |

At first glance, then, Thomas Coram’s philanthropic monument

triumphantly confirmed the moral of his portrait. Here was a pioneering charity, founded by self-made men and run by others of the same kind, a venture of national importance publicising (apparently) the superior public spirit of commercial men. And

the claim that trade was the muscle and the soul of Great Britain, both the source of its greatness and the nursery of patriots, was _ abundantly echoed in the poetry, drama, novels, newspapers, tracts, parliamentary speeches, private correspondence, even the sermons of the time. In 1718, the chapter on ‘Trade’ in the annual directory The Present State of Great Britain, read by virtually everyone who mattered, opened with the ringing assertion that “Next to

the purity of our religion we are the most considerable of any

nation in the world for the vastness and extensiveness of our trade.’

60 Britons Some forty years later, the same chapter omitted any reference to

religion and simply told the reader that ‘Our trade is the most considerable of the whole world. And, indeed, Great Britain is, of all other countries, the most proper for trade.’'? Abundant trade was not just materially desirable: for Britons in this period it was also proof positive of their status as the freest and most distinctively Protestant of nations.

This cult of trade crossed party divisions, just as it crossed ‘social boundaries. “Whenever our trade perishes’, a government pamphleteer would warn in 1731, ‘so must our public dignity

and strength.’ ‘Be commerce then thy sole design’, urged the Opposition poet John Gay, “Keep that, and all the world is thine.’'' ‘Our trade is our chief support’, Lord Carteret told his fellow peers in 1739, ‘and therefore we must sacrifice every other view to the preservation of our trade.’ And though he spoke on behalf of the Opposition, the ministerialists who answered him were just as insistent that Britain was pre-eminently ‘a trading nation’.'* “You turn your thoughts a little upon trade

and commerce’, wrote the exquisite Lord Chesterfield to his bastard son in the 1750s, ‘...I am very glad you do’.'° ‘Commerce’, said the historian Thomas Mortimer in 1762, with the weary conviction of a man uttering a necessary platitude, ‘the great

idol of this nation, and to which she sacrifices every other consideration’. “To the instrumentality of commerce alone’, pronounced the Aberdeen-born economist, Adam Anderson, in his Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of Commerce

(1764), ‘the Britannic empire is most peculiarly indebted.’’* It would be easy to find hundreds, even thousands of other comments to the same effect. Yet in some respects this din of acclamation was deceptive. In the eyes of almost all of the political class, trade was the mainspring of Britain’s economy and a vital part of its identity, yes. But in terms

of wealth, status and power, men of trade in this society came a long way behind men of land, and continued to do so for a very long time. Even in the mid-nineteenth century, landed millionaires would be more numerous than millionaires who had built their fortune out of commerce.'” Intermarriage between the wealthier landowners and families still active in trade was rare, and even penurious younger sons were more likely to seek refuge in the armed forces, in the law or in government office than in trade.'® So while broad-acred Members of Parliament virtually always spoke approvingly of commerce, they spoke of it as a worthy occupation indispensable to the well-being of the nation, not as their occupa-

tion, and not as their children’s occupation if they could help it.

Pro fits 61 Left unspoken, but often there, was the conviction that trade was admirable as long as its exponents knew their place. When William Pitt the Elder ripped through this polite convention and told the House of Commons in 1758 that he would be prouder of being an alderman of London than a peer of the realm, he caused an outcry. As far as their lordships were concerned, this compliment to the fat bourgeoisie who packed the aldermanic bench was plutolatry run mad, sheer class treason, and they were outraged.'’ They need not have worried, however. Pitt’s own social ambitions turned out in the end to be deeply conventional. He purchased a landed estate in Kent and accepted not just one peerage but two, a title for his clever and long-suffering wife as well as an earldom for himself.

For land-ownership still provided the best and most reliable means of admission to power at the top as it did to social status. Whereas fewer than sixty mercantile MPs were elected to the House of Commons at each general election between 1714 and 1770, members of the landed élite made up over 75 per cent of the Commons’ membership as late as 1867. Peers of the realm, who formed the bulk of almost every British cabinet until the early twentieth century, were also, usually, men with landed estates to their name. Until the end of Queen Victoria’s reign, landed men virtually monopolised high office at the royal court and were massively over-represented in the upper ranks of the army and navy, in the diplomatic and colonial service, in the hierarchy of the Church of England and in the administration of justice.'* Wealth, status and power, then, both formal power in the state and informal power over opinion and over the lives of ordinary men and women: on all these the grip of the titled and territorial élites was

enormously strong. No one knew this better than Hogarth’s tradesman hero, Thomas Coram. To win approval for his Foundling Hospital, he danced attendance on the court, on Parliament and on individual patricians and their bored and elegant wives. To give his project cachet as well as supporters in high places, he included men of rank among the hospital’s governors, even though it was rarely they who did the real work. So if Coram’s life illus-

, trated the pretensions of trade in this culture, it also suggested the social and political constraints under which men of trade often had to operate. Even the most energetic and successful of them were likely to require the aid, custom and patronage of the traditionally landed at some point. Some degree of chentage and deference on their part was almost inescapable.

How are we to understand, then, this society’s noisy cult of commerce? What did the widespread conviction that trade was the foundation of Britain’s greatness and identity mean, when land was

62 Britons still the main source of power and prestige within it? In reality this seeming paradox was no paradox at all. It was partly because the

status of land and landed men was so great and so secure, that

| peers, Members of Parliament, ministers of state and even monarchs were prepared to adopt such an approving attitude towards the contribution made by trade. During the War of Spanish Succession in the early 1700s, when the land tax was abrading the incomes of the lesser gentry, and in the last third of the eighteenth ~ century, when landed authority came under attack at home and in the American colonies, in both cases from sectors of the trading community, this complacency occasionally and understandably wavered.'” But from the signing of the Union to the 1760s, British patricians were usually powerful enough and confident enough to be able to regard trade with serene approval. This was one reason, I suspect, why the Venetian artist Canaletto proved such a runaway success with his British patrons. The views of Venice purchased in such numbers and at such high prices by Whig grandees like the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Carlisle, and the Duke of Bedford (who designed a whole room around his twenty-four Canalettos at Woburn), and by Tory landowners like Sir Wiliam Morice and the Egertons of Tatton, were all idealised.

The crumbling stucco, dank canals and tattered beggars that characterised the real Venice of this time, and that Canaletto’s early

works faithfully represented, were not what these titled buyers wanted to see on their walls. What they wanted when they began to buy up the Venetian master’s works in bulk from the late 1720s onwards, and what Canaletto gave them if they paid enough, were views of Venice painted as if it were still in its fifteenth-century

prime, the perfect maritime republic, with turquoise lagoons, golden masonry, bustling harbours and well-dressed inhabitants: Venice as the Queen of the Adriatic, a trading empire, proud of its freedom, yet securely controlled by an oligarchy.~° Venice, or rather the legend of Venetian power and prosperity, exerted a powerful attraction, because it suggested that commercial energy, imperial dominion, a taste for liberty, and stable rule by an exclusive élite

could all be painlessly combined. Most British patricians were sufficiently assured in their status to believe that these things were

| fully compatible in their own island also, and they were right.

Most of them believed also that commerce, especially. foreign commerce, was the engine that drove a state’s power and wealth,

just as they took it for granted that the world’s supply of raw materials and markets was strictly finite, that competition to win access to them was bound to be intense, and that if British traders were to succeed in the struggle, they must be vigorously supported

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20. William Hogarth, John Wilkes, aquatint, 1763.

108 Britons Even before he entered Parliament in 1757, Wilkes had attached

himself to precisely those ginger groups that other middle-class Londoners of a patriotic disposition liked to patronise—the AntiGallican Association and the Society of Arts. Once elected MP for Aylesbury in Buckinghamshire, he became an enthusiastic colonel in the county militia and displayed a proper anxiety for maintaining the plebeian birth-rate by serving as Treasurer to the local branch of

the Foundling Hospital. (Honesty compels the admission that he

, also embezzled its funds.)'' The two furores that made his name, his arrest in 1763 for libelling the king and his minister in the fortyfifth number of the North Briton, the newspaper he edited with the poet and playwright Charles Churchill, and his election—while still

an outlaw—for the county of Middlesex in 1768, were each converted by his supporters and his own public statements into contests over what was owing to Englishmen. When finally allowed to take his seat in Parliament in 1774, his less-than-distinguished speeches included pleas for a national art gallery and for a more splendid , capital city, as well as his much better-known proposal for universal manhood suffrage.'* Ten years later, he was campaigning on behalf of William Pitt the Younger and ‘his patriotic plans to... recover the faded glory of our country’.’’ And almost his last public action before his death in 1797 was to award the Freedom of London to a successful naval commander called Horatio Nelson. Looked at this way, the shift from the younger, more popularist Wilkes of the 1760s and early ’70s to the City bigwig of his later years, becomes rather less stark. Although its political significance certainly changed over time, an ostentatious patriotism characterised his career throughout. So did a cult of England, which emerges from his private correspondence just as much as from his public writings and speeches. On trial before Lord Chief Justice Pratt in 1763, he told the court that its verdict would determine ‘whether ENGLISH LIBERTY be a reality or a shadow’. Once acquitted, he told

the jury that thanks were due to them “from the whole English nation, and from all the subjects of the English crown’.'* In exile the following year, he committed himself to writing a three-volume

history of England since the Glorious Revolution, and actually went on to complete one volume of it. Immured in King’s Bench in 1768, he assured his supporters that ‘In this prison, in any other, in

every place, my ruling passion will be the love of England.’ And much later, in a strange and strictly private argument with the law reformer Samuel Romilly in the 1780s, he would defend frequent death sentences and public executions on the grounds that they accustomed Englishmen to a contempt for death. Out of an English gallows came forth English courage.”

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. A mezzotint of John Wilkes after his disputed election for Middlesex, by

G. Bock, 1769.

110 Britons | Why did Wilkes, so supremely conscious of his audience, choose to present himself in this fashion? One obvious answer, of course,

is that cloaking attacks on the government of the day in patriotic slogans and gestures was a well-established way of making them acceptable. Or as Samuel Johnson famously pronounced in the 1775 edition of his dictionary (with Wilkes very much in mind): patriotism was the last refuge of the scoundrel. Like many previous Opposition groups in England, Wilkes and his supporters argued that it was not they who were deviating from right, constitutional behaviour, but rather the court and its minions. They, the Wilkites, were the authentic Englishmen: it was their enemies in high office who were alien by birth and by conduct.'® If the Wilkites employed this style of polemic more extensively and more successfully than earlier dissidents, it was partly because the circumstances allowed them to do so. It was a sheer gift to them that the Prime Minister in 1763 was a Scot, the hapless John Stuart, 3rd Earl of Bute, not an Englishman like all his predecessors. It was a further bonus that one of the judges Wilkes had to grapple with in 1768 was yet another

Scot, William Murray, 1st Earl of Mansfield. Here, the Wilkites claimed, was concrete proof that Englishness was being eroded

from above. And those who governed Britain after 1760 could be portrayed as alien in another and more substantial respect. Ever since the establishment of the Hanoverian dynasty in 1714, high political office

had been confined to men calling themselves Whigs. Tories, the traditional supporters of Anglican supremacy, had been proscribed. As a result, Protestant dissenters had felt secure in their religious rights and had been almost excessively loyalist. Then came George III. By admitting a very few Tories back to government office and by expressing a more overt enthusiasm for the Established Church, the new king broke with the conventions of forty-six years of Hanoverian rule. However good his intentions, however sound the

| precedents for his actions were in fact, he still shattered assumptions, outraged vested interests and added to the mood of post-war

anxiety and disorientation.'’ Those who felt threatened by these changes—and most leading Wilkites were Whigs and a large proportion of them were dissenters—maintained that English history had gone into reverse. Wilkes’s own collisions with the authorities,

like the widening rift with the American colonists, merely confirmed that the country’s ‘glorious inheritance’, the achievements of the Protestant Succession, the Revolution of 1688, the Civil War, even the Saxon struggle against the Norman Yoke, had been laid open to attack. In response, and as a way of vindicating their own pretensions

Peripheries 111 to patriotism, the Wilkites championed an aggressively Whig interpretation of English history. In the case of Wilkes himself, this meant literally composing a history book, The History of England from the Revolution to the Accession of the Brunswick Line (1768), a highly conventional if rather well-written celebration of 1688. More importantly, much of the public symbolism of his movement was a

celebration of Whig constitutionalism. The pressure group formed to pay his debts and educate the public about the need for reform

called itself the Society of the Supporters of the Bill of Rights (the S.S.B.R. for short), deliberately invoking the anodyne charter

of English liberties passed by Parliament in 1689 to buttress its own more radical intentions. The hundreds of prints published championing Wilkes linked him time and time again with those earlier martyrs in the Whig pantheon who had suffered in the struggle against arbitrary power: John Hampden, John Pym, John Lilburne and Algernon Sydney.'*® And it was in the context of this same heroic and quasi-mythical past that his grass-roots supporters were encouraged to see him. In Middlesex in 1768, for example, a typical procession of Wilkite voters assembled at a tavern named after William of Orange, before setting out to vote for their hero,

under banners of Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights.’ Similar demonstrations occurred throughout England and in some parts of Wales.

Seizing control of an important and emotive part of the English national memory in this way was one of Wilkes’s greatest strengths. He and his supporters were able to portray his personal dilemmas,

his trial for sedition, his expulsion from Parliament after being elected for Middlesex by a large majority, and his subsequent imprisonment as but a continuation of the Englishman’s centuries-

old struggle for liberty, another vital stage in his distinctive pilgrimage towards habeas corpus, trial by jury, freedom of election and the liberty of the press. Wilkes became the personification of

liberty, and liberty was the hallmark of Englishness. One great advantage of this position was that Wilkes in his gut probably believed it. Cynical, mannered and lax though he so obviously was,

it should always be remembered that he was bred a Protestant dissenter. The idea that England was an elect nation, marked out by

God with the possession of a peculiar degree of freedom, would almost certainly have been familiar to him from an early age. How could it not have been, when both his father and his brother were called Israel? But this approach to Englishness had a much wider advantage. It could be understood and appreciated at two very different levels, and utilised for two very different purposes: as an argument for change, and as an affirmation of existing identity.

112 Britons For hard-line supporters of Wilkes, those lawyers, professionals, retail tradesmen and would-be gentlemen who joined the S.S.B.R., or organised his power base in London and Middlesex, or manned its outposts in the great provincial cities, this version of the English

past and the English present was chiefly valuable as a means of validating their radical aspirations for the future. To them, Wilkes himself was little more than an attractive symbol for a campaign aimed at transforming the social distribution of political power and the theory on which it rested. In the words of William Beckford, the London MP whose fortune rested on West Indian trade, Wilkite activists rejected the belief that a man’s patriotism was to be meas-

ured ‘by the number of his acres’.*? Instead, by stressing their supreme solicitude for liberty and by arguing that liberty was synonymous with Englishness, they advanced their own superior claims as patriots. Individuals like themselves, men of movable property, whether dissenting or Anglican, not only had an equal right with the landed classes to active citizenship. They had a better right, for they were better Englishmen. For these activists, the affair of John Wilkes was just part of their

political education, only a step on the way to a more protracted commitment to parliamentary reform and policy change, annual parliaments, an extension of the franchise, a crack-down on bribery

and a repeal of the measures that were alienating the Americans. For the mass of Wilkes’s supporters, though, those who were too poor, too conventional, too uninformed or too ground down with

the business of keeping alive to read radical newspapers and pamphlets or to concern themselves with the S.S.B.R.’s political programme, the issues at stake were at once less specific and more short-term. For them, the movement turned on Wilkes himself, not on his real personality or even on his proclaimed ideas, so much as on his totem-like value as the personification of a certain version of English freedom and identity. This was why so many Wilkite songs were sung to the tunes of “Rule Britannia’ or “God Save the King’, why toasts in Wilkes’s honour at prosperous dinners, or slogans in his support roared out in the street so often linked his name with that of the king, why the predominant tone of the movement was, as John Brewer has commented, ‘remarkably loyalist’. In the confused aftermath of the Seven Years War, as men and women struggled to come to terms with unprecedented and expensive victory and new imperial responsibilities, Wilkes affirmed the traditional canons of Englishness. Through his own words and exploits, he offered boisterous reassurance that the English were a uniquely free and distinctive people who could keep alien and arbitrary rule at bay, a reassurance that was all the more potent

Peripheries 113 because he himself—and this is sometimes forgotten—was able to win so many of his battles. Arrested in 1763, he outfaced his judges and was triumphantly discharged. Elected MP for the most import-

ant county in England, with minimal personal wealth and the penalty for outlawry hanging over him, he was none the less able

in the end to take his seat in Parliament. True, he suffered imprisonment in 1768. But when he left the King’s Bench in April

1770, it was as a celebrity snowed under with presents and

applause. Four years later, he even emulated that earlier folk hero, Dick Whittington, by becoming Lord Mayor of London, achieving like him a place in the sun against formidable odds. In spite of debt, profound ugliness, religious non-conformity and the opposition of the law, the king and his ministers, Wilkes had clambered up the greasy pole and made himself the first citizen of the capital of the British empire. By achieving so much, so outrageously, he made his opponents

in the upper echelons of British society and government appear both helpless and ridiculous, and this gave enormous vicarious satisfaction to his supporters. But precisely because Wilkes succeeded, the message he communicated was as likely to foster complacency as alienation. “Wilkes and Liberty’ became a slogan expressive of triumph, celebration and relief, rather than a war-cry stimulating further protest. This, I suspect, was one reason why neither the man nor the slogan was much referred to by subsequent generations of radicals.** Wilkes—so deceptively disruptive as a

personality—was in practice just too easy to incorporate into a conventional, approving English patriotism. That was one reason why his movement attracted such wide support south of the Scottish border. But the extent to which he appealed to and incited complacency also made him too ambiguous a figure to be comfortably accommodated in a later, more uncompromising and more

British radical canon: |

Triumphant they bore him along throughout the crowd, From true English voices joy echo’d aloud, A fig then for Sawney, his malice is vain, We have Wilkes—aye and Wilkes has his freedom again. O sweet liberty! Wilkes and Liberty! Old English Liberty, O!*°

If we see Wilkes in this light—as a man offering reassurance that plucky Englishmen could win through and maintain their identity amidst the confusions and challenges of the post-war world—his noisy Scottophobia becomes far more comprehensible. Scots, so the Wilkite argument went, were inherently, unchangeably alien, never

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Appendix 2: Men at Arms throughout Great Britain, May 1804 FOLLOWING ON THE HOME DEFENCE legislation passed in 1803,

every county in Great Britain was required to establish how many male inhabitants it contained between the ages of seventeen and fifty-five, how

many of these would be willing to take up arms and join volunteer corps, and how many were already enrolled in the militia, in the fencible regiments in the case of Scotland, and in existing volunteer corps. These estimates which were sent first to the respective Lords Lieutenant and then abstracted for London’s benefit are not complete. Nor, it should go without saying, are they likely to be entirely accurate given the speed with which they were compiled and early nineteenth-century transport and clerical conditions. But they still provide an unparalleled guide to civilian responses in wartime.

A B C B and C as

Number of Number of | Number of % of A men aged = volunteers men already

17-55 in uniform

ENGLAND

County

Bedfordshire* 10997 5814 unknown —

Berkshire 19418 2457 73444% 16% | Bucks. 18141 6034 1893 Cambs. * 17109 unknown 1404 — Cheshire 34799 7211 2641 28% Cornwall 33440 3213 4354 23% Cumberland 19683 1615 76 9% Derbyshire 27947 14985 319 55% Devonshire 51101 15919 10312 51%

Dorset 20066 4353 2306 33% Durham 23523 1101 6325 32% Essex 36243 3391 3926 20% Glos. 35220 17440 390 51% Hants and Isle of Wight 36229 19680 4847 68%

Herefordsh. 13561 3494 502 29%

Appendix 2 379 Herts. 18261 6618 :133 44713% 39% Hunts. 6900 753 Kent 37929 4233 14373 49% Lancs. 131535 27728 13846 32% Leics. 32948 20815 5122 87554968 918 46% Lincs. 31%

Middsx

and London* Figures imperfect

Norfolk 49325 15458 3019 37% Northants.15222 212606916 54944649 562 76% 28% Northld. Notts. 24841 3079 1916 20%

Oxfordsh.* 19369 8184 unknown —

Rutland 3089 1269 182 47% Salop. 29796 3981 2971—23% Somerset 39878 9035 8249 43% Staffs. 41951 18497 780 46% Suffolk 37452 11217 2195 36% Surrey 39411 1846 10337 31% Sussex 27838 9510 3109 45% Warwks. 35703 11644 21359% 33% Westld. 4609 2702 3° Wilts. 29317 Worcs. 1419512334 3739 909 216 45% 28% Yorkshire:

North Riding 25398 7642 1356 35% East Riding 22386 2584 803 15% West Riding 102527 9980 1396 11% Cinque Ports 10205 445 4998 53% WALES

County

Anglesey 55531295 1729 1729 62% Brecon* 6659 unknown — Cardigan 5899 489 618 19% Carmarthen 10609 531 371 8% Carnarfon 5939 632 1394 34%

Denbigh 9426 518 1?51% 5% Flint 6420 718 2561 Glamorgan 14758 444] 234 32% Merioneth 4292 396 260 15% Monmouth* 10254 1457 unknown — Montgomery* 8374unknown 1867 unknown — Pembroke* 8215 737 — Radnor* 3691 unknown unknown —

380 Appendix 2 SCOTLAND | County

~ Aberdeen 19279 2585 3162 30%

Argyll 134044458 10989 1280 91% Ayr* 13197 unknown — Banff 3982 1108 902 50%

Berwick 4883 1471 337 37% Bute* 2056 unknown 480 — Caithness* 3113 unknown 925 — Clackmannan* 1360 unknown unknown — Cromarty 1041 180 209 37% Dumbarton 3795 716 554 33% Dumfries* 8370 unknown unknown — Elgin* 4081 3673 unknown 717 — Fife 12278 3035 55% Forfar 14936 1021 1238 15% Inverness 9629 830 716 16% Kincardine 4148 1397 266 40% Kinross* 1112 unknown 18 — Kircudbright* 3166 unknown 906 — — Lanark* 28617 7356 unknown Linlithgow 2300 5413038 450 43% Lothian 17955 3048 34% Nairn* Figures imperfect Orkney Figures unknown

Peebles 16968694 315 460 46% Perth 20166 814 47% Renfrew* 10653 ~ unknown 247 —

Ross 6574 4289 394 71% Roxburgh 5850 3507 100 62% Selkirk 959 464 150 64% Stirling 7869 2135 421 32% Sutherland* 3433 unknown 1080 —

Wigtown 4252 1417 137 36%

* Although the counties marked with an asterisk did not submit complete returns in May 1804, they did send in returns of the number of their rank-and-file volunteers in December 1803. At that time, Bedfordshire

had 1,978 men serving in volunteer units; Cambridgeshire had 2,500; London, Westminster, Tower Hamlets and Middlesex together had 35,256; Oxfordshire had 3,516, Brecon, 1,196; Monmouthshire, 1,656; Montgomeryshire, 1,680; Pembrokeshire, 2,701; Radnor, 1,000; Ayrshire, 2,691; Bute, 90; Caithness, 1,320; Clackmannanshire, 336; Dumfrieshire, 1879; Elgin, 784; Kinross, 280; Kircudbright, 946; Lanarkshire, 4,513;

Appendix 2 381 Nairn, 320; Renfrew, 2,414; Sutherland, 1,092. How many of these men

were still serving in 1804 is unknown, but presumably many of them

| were.

Sources: Abstracts of the Subdivision Rolls in Great Britain, 7 May 1804,

Hansard, 1st series, 2 (1804) Ixii-lxiii, checked against the originals in P.R.O., 30/8/240, fol. 97. The December 1803 returns are in Hansard, 1st series, 1 (1803-4), p. 1902.

Appendix 3: Volunteers and their Chosen Sphere of Action in 1798 DURING THE INVASION CRISIS OF AUTUMN 1798, the British

government ordered a survey of the total number of infantry and cavalry

volunteer corps in existence throughout the island. It also attempted to establish how many of these essentially private defence bodies were willing to serve a) throughout the military district of which their county was a part, or b) only within their own home county, or c) only within a radius of twenty miles or less from their town of village, or d) whether the territorial scope of their duties was still unknown. The results are tabulated below:

only ,

Number of Percentage of men willing to serve in Volunteers a) Military b) Home c) 20 miles d) unknown

District County radius only

ENGLAND

County

Beds. 1422 346 54% — 71% 46%14% — Berks. 4% 11% Bucks unknown Cambs. — 84% Cheshire 313 1230 16% 31% 29% 40% — —

Cornwall 4415 49% 9% 25% 17% Cumbld. unknown Derbysh. 460 54% 13%11% — Devon — 8800 66% 33% 1% (22%

Dorset 2265 69% — 52% 26%15% 6% Durham 1945 33% — Essex 2362 12% 83% 3% Glos. 2350 20% 2% — 80% — Hants. and

I. of Wight450 632640% 65% 1% 18% 16% Herefsh. — 60% — Herts. 1150 29% 9% 62% — Hunts. 16066% 62%2% —19% 38%13% — Kent 5276 Lancs. 7050 35% — 1%35% 55% 6% 9% Leics. 980 59% Lincs. 1440 54% 15% 31% — Middsx. unknown Norfolk 2921 38% 3% 59% —

Appendix 3 383 Northants.2350 103070% 44%6% —16% 56% 8% — Northld. Notts. 1270 33% — 12% 55%

Oxon. 600 18% —— 82%—a Rutland 570 90% — 10% Salop. 820 72% — 28% — Somerset 4806 44% 1% 29% 26% Staffs. 2340 13% — 73% 14% Suffolk 2120 48% 3% 35% 14% Surrey 20% 6% — 64% Sussex 2740 1000 52% 12% 16% 30%

Warwks. 30% — 47% 23% Westld.1245 unknown

Wilts. 56% — Worcs.2270 920 25% — 44% 75% — —

Yorkshire: , East Riding 1450 88% — 12% —

North Riding 1620 52% 4% 14% 30%

West Riding 3950 70% — 30% — Cinque Ports 1430 100% — — —

County | Anglesey 440 45% 55% — —

WALES

Brecon —— —23% — Cardigan60 970100% 77% —

Carmarthen 260 100% — —12% — Carnarfon 340 — 53% 35% Denbigh 21%— 27% 52% — Flint 230560 74% 26% °—

Glamorgan 2240 73% 10% 7% 10% Merioneth 110 — — — 100% Monmouth 976 5% 66% 29% —

Montgomery not known Pembroke — 1246 87% 5% — 8% Radnor not known | SCOTLAND County

Aberdeen 1070100% 65% 35% —- — — Argyll 1352 — — Ayr 1389 — 48% Banff 1230 100%15% — 12% ——25% —

Berwick 516 100% —— —— — Bute 290 65% 35% Caithness 600 100% —— —79% — Clackmannan 560 21% — Cromarty 310 58% — — 42%

384 Appendix 3 Dumbarton 660 100% — — — Dumfries 150 100% — — —

Elgin1875 36089% 100% ———3% _ . Fife 8% Forfar 1313 91% ——9% wae Inverness 2407 93% 5% 2% Kincardine 210 — — _ _ Kinross unknown Kircudbr’t 180 67% — 23% _

Lanark 1270300 90% ——10% _ Linlithgow 100% — — Lothian 3460 100%— —— —— — Nairn 220 100% Orkney120 unknown Peebles — ~ Perth 2730 100% 100% — —— —— Renfrew 1580 100% — — — Ross 760 100% — — _

Roxburgh 36633% 66% — 16%67% 18%— — Selkirk 90

Stirling 360 100% — — __ Sutherland 600 100% — — Wigton 290 100% — — _ SUMMARY

Total number of volunteers in England: 84,762 (35 counties only)

Total number of volunteers in Wales: 7,432 (11 counties only) Total number of volunteers in Scotland: 26,618 (30 counties only) 118,812 Source: P.R.O., 30/8/244, fol. 237

Notes

SINCE THE REFERENCES TO EACH CHAPTER make up what is

in effect a running bibliography, I have dispensed with a separate list of further reading. Throughout, references are given in full at the first citation in each chapter and are abbreviated thereafter. The place of publication of the edition used in the text is London unless otherwise stated. When quoting from manuscript sources, I have modernised the spelling whenever it seemed necessary. The following abbreviations are used in the notes:

Add. MS Additional Manuscript B.L. British Library, British Museum Hansard Hansard’s Parliamentary Debates H.M.C. Reports of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts H.O. Home Office Political and Personal Satires Frederick George Stephens and Mary

Dorothy George, Catalogue of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum: Political and

Personal Satires (11 vols, 1870-1954).

Parl. Hist. W. Cobbett, The Parliamentary History of England from the Earliest Period to 1803 (36 vols, 1816).

P.R.O. Public Record Office, London

S.P. State Papers

INTRODUCTION knowledge have been published in the 1. Paul Kennedy, The Rise arid Fall of the last few decades surveying domestic

Great Powers (1988), p. 160. responses to Britain’s epic wars with

2. See, for example, John Lough’s, France Revolutionary and Napoleonic France, Observed in the Seventeenth Century by even though, as Asa Briggs wrote, “The British Travellers (Stocksfield, 1985), and way into the nineteenth century led his France on the Eve of Revolution: British across the battleficld as well as through

Travellers | Observations 1763-1788 the cotton mill and the iron foundry.’

(1987)... The Age of Improvement 1783-1867

3. P.G.M. Dickson, The Financial Revolu- (1979 edn), p. 129. Contrast this poor tion in England (1967); John Brewer, The showing with the unceasing torrent of

Sinews of Power: War, Money and the books and articles on the impact of English State, 1688-1783 (1989). industrialisation on Britain.

4. For example, only two books to my _ 5. See, for example, Paul Kleber Monod,

386 Notes to pages 4—13 Jacobitism and the English People, 1688- 1 PROTESTANTS

1788 (Cambridge, 1989); James E. |

Bradley, Popular Politics and the American 1. The Complete Poetical Works of James

Revolution in England (Macon, Georgia, Thomson, ed. J. Logie Robertson 1986); J.E. Cookson, The Friends of (Oxford, 1908), p. 420. The figure of Peace: Anti-War Liberalism in England, Britannia dates from the time when 1793-1815 (Cambridge, 1982); Roger much of Britain was a Roman province.

Wells, Insurrection: The British Ex- She seems first to have appeared on perience 1795-1803 (Gloucester, 1983). English coins in 1665, though she 6. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communi- acquired her familiar trident only in ties: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of 1797 in the wake of a succession of Nationalism (1991 edn), p. 6. See also naval victories against the French. In Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism 1821, Britannia became an even more since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality martial icon and appeared on British (Cambridge, 1990). Both of these books coins equipped with a helmet: see are invaluable in demonstrating the C. Wilson Peck, English Copper, Tin and unsoundness of any single platonic Bronze Coins in the British Museum 1558~ notion of what constitutes nationalism 1958 (2nd edn, 1964), pp. 110, 288, 295.

and nationhood. For how she was used to represent Great

7. Peter Sahlins, Boundaries: The Making of Britain as a whole in eighteenth-century

France and Spain in the Pyrenees (Berkeley prints, see Herbert M. Atherton,

and Los Angeles 1989), p. 271. Political Prints in the Age of Hogarth

8. See my ‘Britishness and Otherness: an (Oxford, 1974), pp. 89-97.

argument’, Journal of British Studies 31 | 2. On the making of the Union, see Bruce

(1992). , Galloway, The Union of England and

9. On the ‘blending’ of Britain, see Keith Scotland, 1603-1608 (Edinburgh, 1986); Robbins, Nineteenth-century — Britain: T.I. Rae (ed.), The Union of 1707: Its Integration and Diversity (Oxford, 1988), Impact on Scotland (1974); P.W.J. Riley, and for the most developed expression The Union of England and Scotland: A of the theory that Britain was forged by Study in Anglo-Scottish Politics in the 18th

an imperialistic English core which Century (Manchester, 1978). Denys ‘gradually replaced’ local and regional Hays, “The use of the term ‘Great cultures and established ‘one national Britain’ in the Middle Ages’, Proceedings culture’, see Michael Hechter, Internal of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British 89 (1955-56). National Development, 1536-1966 3. Rosalind Mitchison, Lordship to Patron- -

(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975). It age: Scotland 1603-1745 (1983), pp. should go without saying that both of 1-129; T.M. Devine, ‘The Union of these books contain much that is of _ 1707 and Scottish development’, Scottish value, but I dissent from what seems to Economic and Social History 5 (1985),

be their shared assumption that Great p. 26. Britain could come into being only 4. Brian P. Levack, The Formation of the : through the creation of some kind of British state: England, Scotland, and the

cultural uniformity. Union 1603-1707 (Oxford, 1987);

10. R.F. Foster, Modern Ireland 1600-1972 Alexander Murdoch, The People

(1988), p. 163. Philip Yorke, a future - Above: Politics and Administration in Lord Chancellor, set out London’s Mid-18th Century Scotland (Edinburgh, attitude to Ireland with unusual candour 1980). in 1721: “The subjects of Ireland were 5. Fora particularly paranoid complaint on

to be considered in two respects, as this score, see John Free, Seasonable English and Irish...the Irish were a Reflections upon the Importance of the Name

conquered people and the English a of England (1755). colony transplanted hither, and are a 6. Timothy J. McCann (ed.), The Corcolony subject to the law of the mother resporidence of the Dukes of Richmond and

country’, ibid., p. 248. This was very Newcastle 1724-1750, Sussex Record different from the metropolitan stance Society, 73 (Trowbridge, 1984), pp. 204

on Wales and Scotland. and 236.

11. The Times, 22 November 1991. 7. Kenneth O. Morgan, Rebirth of a Nation:

Notes to pages 13-22 387 Wales 1880-1980 (Oxford, 1981), p. 20. I, p. 20. 8. W.T.R. Pryce, ‘Wales as a culture 18. John Clare’s Autobiographical Writings, ed. region: patterns of change 1750-1971’, Eric Robinson (Oxford, 1983), p. 58. Transactions of the Honourable Society of | 19. Peter Sahlins, ‘National frontiers re-

Cymmrodorion (1978). visited: France’s boundaries since the

9. John Evans, The Christian Soldier... a seventeenth century’, American Historical Sermon Preached before the Most Honour- Review 95 (1990), p. 1435. able and Loyal Society of Ancient Britons 20. Quoted in Peter Furtado, ‘National

(1751), p. 25. pride in seventeenth-century England’,

10. See Richard Rose, Understanding the in Raphael Samuel (ed.), Patriotism: The

United Kingdom: The Territorial Dimen- Making and Unmaking of British National sion in Government (1982), pp. 15 et seq. Identity (3 vols, 1989), 1, p. 50. As Rose cautions, the implication that 21. See John Bossy, The English Catholic

there is a monolithic Celtic identity Community, 1570-1850 (1975), an is one of the problems in Michael excellent survey which fails, however, Hechter’s otherwise interesting Internal to come to grips with the extent of Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British anti-Catholicism. On Welsh antiNational Development, 1536-1966 Catholicism, see Geraint H. Jenkins, (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1975). Literature, Religion and Society in Wales, 11. The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neo- 1660-1730 (Cardiff, 1978). As yet, little Nationalism (2nd edn, 1981), p. 147. On work has been done on the very similar the different regional cultures through- prejudices existing in Scotland, but see

out Great Britain, see Hugh Kearney, Robert Kent Donovan, No Popery and The British Isles: A History of Four Radicalism: Opposition to Roman Catholic

Nations (Cambridge, 1989). Relief in Scotland, 1778-1782 (New

12. See, for instance, the views of Patrick York, 1987).

Sellar, the Countess of Sutherland’s 22. Geoffrey Holmes, The Trial of Doctor

factor, in T.C. Smout and Sydney Sacheverell (1973), p. 35.

Wood, Scottish Voices, 1745-1960 23. See David Cressy, Bonfires and Bells:

(1990), pp. 292-3. Sir Walter Scott’s National Memory and the Protestant

determination to turn George IV’s Calendar in Elizabethan and Stuart famous visit to Scotland in 1822 into England (1989). Despite its title, this a celebration of all things Highland book also contains references to Wales. profoundly offended many Scottish My research student, James Caudle, is Lowlanders. ‘A great mistake was made currently writing his dissertation on the by the stage managers’, wrote Elizabeth importance of the Protestant calendar of Grant at the time: ‘one that offended all commemoration throughout — Great

the southron Scots; the King wore at the Britain as a whole in the eighteenth Levee the highland dress. I daresay he century. thought the country all highland, 24. William Keeling, Liturgiae Britannicae expected no fertile plains, did not know (Cambridge, 1851), p. 398. the difference between the Saxon and 25. Quoted in E.J. Hobsbawm, Nations and the Celt’, Memoirs of a Highland lady Nationalism since 1780: Programme, Myth, (2 vols, Edinburgh, 1988), 1, pp. 165-6. Reality (Cambridge, 1990), p. 12. 13. Philip Jenkins, The Making of a Ruling 26. This and the next paragraph are based Class: The Glamorgan Gentry 1640-1790 on Bernard Capp, Astrology and the

(Cambridge, 1983), p. 11. Popular Press: English Almanacs 1500—

14. Quoted in Benedict Anderson, Imagined 1800 (1979). Communities: Reflections on the Origin and — 27. Ibid., p. 245.

Spread of Nationalism (1991 edn), p. x. 28. Literature, Religion and Society in Wales,

15. See R.A. Houston, Scottish Literacy and p. 47. the Scottish Identity (Cambridge, 1985). 29. On this, see Colin Haydon, ‘Anti-

16. D.J. Withrington and I.R. Grant (eds), Catholicism in eighteenth century The Statistical Account of Scotland 1791- England c.1714—c.1780’, Oxford 1799 (20 vols, Ilkley, 1975-83), m1, University D.Phil. dissertation, 1985.

p. 491. 30. See, for example, Defoe’s comments on

17. G.L. Gomme (ed.), The Gentleman’s the easy-going relationship between

Magazine Library (30 vols, 1883-1905), Protestants and Catholics in Holy-well

388 Notes to pages 22—33 in Flintshire in the 1720s, A Tour British side during the First World War. Through the Whole Island of Great Britain, Some of the Ulster regiments reputedly

ed. P.N. Furbank, W.R. Owens and went into battle against the Germans to A.J. Coulson (New Haven and London, the cry of “Death to the Pope’.

1991), p. 199. 45. On Dunkirk and its legend, see

31. For a graphic example of this kind of Nicholas Harman, Dunkirk, the Patriotic

wartime persecution, see Haydon, Myth (New York, 1980); Russell ‘Anti-Catholicism in eighteenth century Plummer, The Ships that Saved an Army:

England’, p. 199. A Comprehensive Record of the 1300 ‘little

32. Ibid., p. 55. ships’ of Dunkirk (Wellingborough, 33. ‘Religion and _ national identity in 1990).

nineteenth-century Wales and Scotland’, 46. For Protestant nationalism in Sweden

in Stuart Mews (ed.), Religion and and Holland, see Michael Roberts, “The | National Identity (Oxford, 1992), p. 502. Swedish church’, Sweden’s Age of 34. William J. Callahan and David Higgs Greatness (1973); Simon Schama, The (eds), Church and Society in Catholic Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation

Europe of the Eighteenth Century of Dutch Culture in the Golden Age

(Cambridge, 1979). (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988),

35. Quoted in Jeremy Black, “The challenge pp. 1-125. See also the very similar of autocracy: the British press in the coming together of religion and identity 1730’s, Studi Settecenteschi (1982-3), across the Atlantic: Nathan O. Hatch,

p. 113. The Sacred Cause of Liberty: Republican

36. Samuel Chandler, Plain Reasons for Being Thought and the Millenium in Revolua Protestant (1735), pp. 63-4. The most tionary New England (New Haven and

lucid survey of the Jacobite threat is London, 1977).

Bruce Lenman, The Jacobite Risings in 47. Blake: The Complete Poems, ed. W.H.

Britain 1689-1746 (1980). Stevenson (2nd edn, 1989), pp. 491-2.

37. See Kenneth Bourne, The Foreign Policy Firth, Apocalyptic Tradition, pp. 109 et

of Victorian England (1970). seq. |

38. Gerald Newman, The Rise of English 48. Quoted in William Donaldson, The Nationalism: A Cultural History 1740- Jacobite Song: Political Myth and National

1830 (1987). Identity (Aberdeen, 1988), p. 45 (my

39. On this, Katharine R. Firth, The emphasis); Bonamy Dobree, “The theme Apocalyptic Tradition in Reformation of patriotism in the poetry of the early Britain 1530-1645 (Oxford, 1979) eighteenth century’, Proceedings of the should be read alongside William British Academy xxxv (1949), p. 52. Haller’s dated but still valuable The Elect 49. Adam Ferguson, A Sermon Preached in

Nation: The Meaning and Relevance of the Erse Language to His Majesty’s First

Foxe’s Book of Martyrs (New York, Highland Regiment of Foot (1746);

1963). Alexander Webster, The Substance of

40. The Book of Martyrs: containing an account Two Sermons (1746). I owe these

of the sufferings and death of the Protestants references to the assiduous researches of in the reign of Queen Mary the first (1732), James Caudle.

preface. | 50. Haydon, ‘Anti-Catholicism in eighteenth 41. Ibid., pp. 723-4. , century England’, p. 199. 42. The Pilgrim’s Progress from this World 51. I owe much of the following paragraph

to that which is to come, ed. J.B. to the work of Robert Forbes of Yale Wharey and R. Sharrock (Oxford, University.

1960), p. 65. 52. Christopher Hogwood, Handel (1984),

43. Christopher Hill, A Turbulent, Seditious, p. 251 and passim. and Factious People: John Bunyan and 53. Tour Through the Whole Island of Great

his Church (Oxford, 1988); E.P. Britain, p. 157.

Thompson, The Making of the English 54. For this interpretation, from two very

Working Class (1965), pp. 26-54. different political perspectives, see

44. See Paul Fussell, The Great War and Edward Thompson’s Whigs and Hunters: Modern Memory (Oxford, 1975), pp. The Origin of the Black Act (1975) and 137-44. There were also more strident J.C.D. Clark, English Society 1688-1832 expressions of Protestant identity on the (1985), pp. 42-118.

Notes to pages 33-46 389 55. Ronald Paulson, Hogarth: His Life, Art 1500-1800 (1984). and Times (2 vols, New Haven and 66. P.J. Corfield, The Impact of English

London, 1971), u, pp. 75-8. , Towns 1700-1800 (Oxford, 1982);

56. Quoted in Black, ‘Challenge of auto- Peter Clark (ed.), The Transformation of

cracy’, p. 107. English Provincial Towns (1984); Ian H.

57. Ralph A. Griffin in This Royal Throne Adam, The Making of Urban Scotland of Kings, this Sceptr’d Isle: The English (1978). Realm and Nation in the Later Middle Ages 66. Wrigley, ‘Society and the economy’;

(Swansea, 1983) detects similar English R. Houston, ‘Geographical mobility in

prejudices during the Hundred Years Scotland, 1652-1811: the evidence of

War. testimonials’, Journal of Historical

58. Quoted in Jeremy Black, The British and Geography 11 (1985). the Grand Tour (1985), p. 174; for the 68. John Chamberlayne, Magnae Britanniae Bristol slogan: Linda Colley, In Defiance Notitia: or, the present state of Great Britain

of Oligarchy: The Tory Party 1714-60 (1716), p. 362.

(1982), p. 155. 69. I am grateful to A.D. Sterenberg of Tour, pp. 193-4. Catalogue for this information.

59. Quoted in Black, British and the Grand the Eighteenth Century Short Title

60. E.g., Clark, English Society, passim. 70. G.A. Cranfield, The Development of the Using the term ‘ancien régime’ to de- Provincial Newspaper (Oxford, 1962); scribe even Continental Europe before M.E. Craig, The Scottish Periodical Press,

1789 is anachronistic, since it was 1750-89 (Edinburgh, 1931). Much

applied in this sense only retrospectively more work needs to be done on the

by Alexis de Tocqueville and others. Scottish newspaper, periodical and Since—as Simon Schama comments-—it religious press which has been neglected | carries a ‘heavy semantic freight of in favour of the far less widely distriobsolescence’ and is therefore increas- buted works of the luminaries of the ingly being discarded by historians of Scottish Enlightenment. pre-Revolutionary France, it is not clear 71. E.g., Scots Magazine 1 (1739), pp.

why British historians should want to 76-8, 486, 603.

adopt it. 72. Colley, In Defiance of Oligarchy, p. 325n.

61. Fernand Braudel, The Identity of France. 80.

u: People and Production (New York, 73. Literature, Religion and Society in Wales,

1990), pp. 371-84. For the position in p. 54.

Britain, see K.E. Wrightson, ‘Kindred 74. Scotland’s Opposition to the Popish Bill: A

adjoining kingdoms: an English per- Collection of All the Declarations and spective on the social and economic Resolutions (Edinburgh, 1780), p. 191; history of early modern Scotland’, in John and Dorothea Teague, Where Duty R.A. Houston and I.D. Whyte (eds), Calls Me: The Experiences of William Scottish Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, Green of Lutterworth in the Napoleonic

1989), p. 255. But cf. Roger Wells, Wars (West Wickham, 1975), p. 47. Wretched Faces: Famine in Wartime 75. Quoted in The Collected Essays of Asa England 1793—1801 (Gloucester, 1988). Briggs. 11: Images, Problems, Standpoints,

62. I am indebted for this point to an Forecasts (Brighton, 1985), p. v.

unpublished paper by E.A. Wrigley, 76. Percy A. Scholes, God Save the Queen!

‘Society and the economy in_ the The History and Romance of the World’s

eighteenth century’. First National Anthem (1954).

63. See Eric Pawson, Transport and 77. See infra, p. 209.

Economy: The Turnpike Roads of 78. Paulson, Hogarth, u, p. 90. Eighteenth-Century Britain (1977), 79. E.N. Williams, The Eighteenth-Century

pp. 134-69. Constitution (Cambridge, 1960), p. 56.

64. T. Hunter (ed.), Extracts from the Records 80. Graham C. Gibbs, ‘English attitudes of the Convention of the Royal Burghs of towards Hanover and the Hanoverian

Scotland 1738-59 (Edinburgh, 1915), Succession in the first half of the

p. 256; Bibliography Lindesiana: Catalogue eighteenth century’, in Adolf M. Birke

of English Broadsides 1505-1897 and Kurt Kluxen (eds.), England und

(Aberdeen, 1898), p. 302. Hannover (Munich, 1986), p. 37; and see

65. Jan de Vries, European Urbanization, Ragnhild Hatton, George I. Elector and

390 Notes to pages 46—60 King (1978). shire History and Archaeology 11 (1976),

81. He went on to add: ‘As well might we p. 26 (my emphasis).

say that a ship is built, and loaded, and 98. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War,

manned for the sake of any particular Money ard the English State, 1688-1783 pilot, instead of acknowledging that the (1989), pp. 7-14. pilot is made for the sake of the ship,

her lading, and her crew, who are

always the owners in the political vessel; 5 PROFITS as to say that kingdoms were instituted

for kings, not kings for kingdoms’, 1. Miroslav Hroch, Social Preconditions of The Works of Lord Bolingbroke (4 vols, National Revival in Europe, trans. Ben

Philadelphia, 1841), 1, p. 380. Fowkes (Cambridge, 1985), p. 12.

82. Richard Willis, The Way to Stable and 2. Jeremy Black, Culloden and the °45 Quiet Times: A Sermon Preached before the (Stroud, Glos., 1990), preface.

King (1715), p. 25. 3. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: The 83. On this, see Donaldson, The Jacobite Origin of the Black Act (1975), passim, Song, and Paul Kleber Monod, Jacobitism Bruce Lenman, Jacobite Risings in and the English People, 1688-1788 Britain 1689-1746 (1980), p. 231.

(Cambridge, 1989). 4. FJ. McLynn, France and the Jacobite

84. I am indebted here to an unpublished Rising of 1745 (Edinburgh, 1981), p. 6. paper by Professor Lois G. Schwoerer. 5. E.g., Ian and Kathleen Whyte, On the 85. L.G. Wickham Legg, English Coronation Trail of the Jacobites (1990).

Records (1901), p. xxx. 6. Julian Hoppit, Risk and Failure in

86. I am indebted here to the work of James English Business, 1700-1800 (Cam-

Caudle. bridge, 1987), p. 4. We know much

87. John James Caesar, A Thanksgiving more about the higher echelons of the Sermon Preached the First Sunday after the trading community in Scotland and

Landing of his Majesty (1714), p. 6. England at this time than about their 88. On England and Wales, the classic far more numerous poorer brethren account is W.A. Speck’s Tory and Whig: or about Welsh commercial life in The Struggle in the Constituencies, general. See, for instance, the follow1701-15 (1970). The eighteenth-century ing excellent studies: Paul Langford, A

Scottish electoral system was much Polite and Commercial People: England narrower and still perplexes historians. 1727-1783 (Oxford, 1989); Peter

89. See my Namier (1989), p. 86. Earle, The Making of the English Middle

90. Ibid., p. 87. Class: Business, Society and Family Life 91. A.R. Myers, Parliaments and Estates in in’ London 1660-1730 (1989); T.M.

Europe to 1789 (1975), passim. Devine, The Tobacco Lords: A Study of

92. W. Charles Townsend, Memoirs of the the Tobacco Merchants of Glasgow and House of Commons, from the Convention their Trading Activities, c.1740-—90 Parliament of 1688-9 to 1832 (2 vols, (Edinburgh, 1990 edn). 1844), u, p. 87; T.I. Jeffreys Jones, Acts 7. Ruth McClure, Coram’s Children (New

of Parliament concerning Wales 1714-1901 Haven and London, 1981); for the

(Cardiff, 1959). significance of this painting, see Ellis

93. The Public General Statutes Affecting Waterhouse, Painting in Britain 1530 to Scotland 1707—1847 (3 vols, Edinburgh, 1790 (4th edn, 1978), p. 174.

1987). 8. Ronald Paulson, Hogarth: His Life, Art

94. Frank O’Gorman, Voters, Patrons and and Times (2 vols, New Haven and Parties: The Unreformed Electorate of London, 1971), n, pp. 35-42.

Hanoverian England, 1734-1832 9. R.M. Nichols and F.A. Wray, A (Oxford, 1989), p. 182. History of the Foundling Hospital (1935),

95. Ibid., passim. pp. 249-64. 96. Jacob M. Price, “The excise affair 10. Magrae Britanniae Notitia: Or, the

revisited’ in Stephen Baxter (ed.), Present State of Great Britain (1718), England’s Rise to Greatness 1660-1773 p. 33; ibid. (1755), p. 42.

(1983), p. 293. 11. John McVeagh, Tradefull Merchants

97. David Neave, ‘Anti-militia riots in (1981), p. 65.

Lincolnshire, 1757 and 1796’, Lincoln- 12. Parl. Hist., x1, pp. 7, 19.

Notes to pages 60-71 391 13. T.K. Meier, Defoe and the Defense of N.A.M. Rodger, The Wooden World: | Commerce (Victoria, B.C., 1987), p. 15. An Anatomy of the Georgian Navy 14. Preface to the first volume; J.R. Raven, (1986), pp. 145-82. ‘English popular literature and the 28. On this, see Kathleen Wilson, ‘Empire,

image of business 1760-1790’, Cam- trade and popular politics in midbridge University Ph.D. dissertation, Hanoverian Britain: The case of 1985, (2 vols), 1, unpaginated. Admiral Vernon’, Past & Present 121 15. W.D. Rubinstein, Men of Property (1988); Nicholas Rogers, Whigs and

(New Brunswick, 1981). Cities: Popular Politics in the Age of

16. Lawrence Stone and Jeanne C. Fawtier Walpole and Pitt (Oxford, 1989). Stone, An Open Elite?: England 1540-29. Julian Hoppit, “The use and abuse of

1880 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 211-55. credit in eighteenth-century England’,

17. Marie Peters, Pitt and Popularity in McKendrick and Outhwaite, (Oxford, 1980), p. 111. Business Life and Public Policy. The use 18. David Cannadine, The Decline and Fall of credit in Wales and Scotland has of the British Aristocracy (New Haven been much less investigated, but see

and London, 1990), pp. 8-25. Charles Munn’s suggestion that in the

19. Neil McKendrick, ‘‘‘Gentlemen and latter country there was a ‘large, and as players” revisited: the gentlemanly yet unresearched, area of private credit ideal, the business ideal and the pro- between individuals’: The Scottish Professional ideal in English literary vincial Banking Companies (Edinburgh,

culture’, in N. McKendrick and R.B. 1981), p. 5.

Outhwaite (eds), Business Life and 30. Earle, Making of the English Middle Public Policy (1986); and see McVeagh, Class, p. 412. Tradefull Merchants, pp. 80 et seq. 31. Brewer, Sinews of Power, p. 186. 20. J.G. Links, Canaletto and his Patrons 32. Quoted in Dickson, Financial Re-

(1977). volution, p. xxl.

21. E.A. Wrigley, ‘A simple model of 33. See, for example, the papers of London’s importance in_ changing Thomas Carew, a quite unimportant English society and economy, 1650- Tory MP, in the Somerset Record 1750’, Past & Present 37 (1967); and Office. Earle, Making of the English Middle 34. T. Hunter (ed.), Extracts from the

Class, passim. Records of the Convention of the Royal

22. Paul Langford, Public Life and_ the Burghs of Scotland 1738-59 (Edinburgh,

Propertied Englishman, 1689-1798 1915), passim.

(Oxford, 1991), p. 194. 35. This and the next two paragraphs are

23. The best description is still Defoe’s; see heavily indebted to O’Brien and his Tour Through the Whole Island of Engerman, “Exports and the growth

Great Britain, pp. 133-65. of the British economy’.

24. P.G.M. Dickson, The Financial 36. Denys Forrest, Tea for the British: The Revolution in England (1967), passim. Social and Economic History of a Famous

25. J.V. Beckett and Michael Turner, Trade (1973), p. 284. |

- “Taxation and economic growth in 37. Patrick Crowhurst, The Defence of eighteenth-century England’, Economic British Trade 1689-1815 (1977), p. 157. History Review, 2nd series, 43 (1990). 38. Jacob M. Price, “What did merchants

26. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: do? Reflections on British overseas

War, Money and the English State, 1688— trade, 1660-1790’, Journal of Economic

1783 (1989), pp. 29-63. History 49 (1989), p. 276.

27. Quoted in P.K. O’Brien and S.L. 39. Forrest, Tea for the British, pp. 55-8. Engerman, ‘Exports and the growth of 40. Quoted in Virginia C. Kenny, The the British economy from the Glorious Country House Ethos in English Literature Revolution to the Peace of Amiens’, in 1688—1750: Themes of Personal Retreat

B. Solow and S.L. Engerman (eds), and National Expansion (New York, Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic 1984), p. 68.

Systen (Cambridge, 1991). I am 41. The quotation is from Burke’s

indebted to Professor O’Brien for memorial to Pitt the Elder, Peters, Pitt

being able to see this splendid piece of and Popularity, p. vi. re-revisionism before it was published. 42. Crowhurst, Defence of British Trade,

392 Notes to pages 71—81 pp. 15-80. it worth while to disturb a government so

43. Benjamin Newton, Another Dissertation long settled and established, and to plunge

on the Mutual Support of Trade and a kingdom into the miseries of civil Civil Liberty (1756), p. 13. For the war... ?? (my italics). The first part of European-wide debate at this time on this quotation reflects Scott’s own

commerce and public spirit, see Albert politics, but the last sentence captures O. Hirschman, The Passions and the a much more widespread response in Interests: Political Arguments for Capital- Scotland, especially by 1745. I owe

1977). | University.

ism before its Triumph (Princeton, this reference to Cyrus Vakil of Yale

44. See Lenman, Jacobite Risings in Britain. 92. For this, see Monod, Jacobitism and the

45. In the sense that many of the keenest English People, and William Donaldson,

chroniclers of Jacobitism in the The Jacobite Song: Political Myth and twentieth century have come from National Identity (Aberdeen, 1988).

firmly Scottish Nationalist, Roman 53. A Collection of State Songs, Poems etc. Catholic or High Tory backgrounds. that have been published since the Rebellion

This is scarcely surprising since anti- (1716), p. 137. , Unionist Scots, Catholics, and High 54. Olwen H. WHufton, The Poor of

Tories—not Tories in general—were at Eighteenth-Century France 1750-1789

the heart of active Jacobitism in the (Oxford, 1974), p. 367.

eighteenth century. 55. When a Stockport man did fire at and

46. J.C.D. Clark, English Society 1688— kill a Jacobite soldier, the Highlanders

, 1832 (1985), p. 173. burned his cowhouse and barn, killed 47. John Childs, The Army, James LH and his cattle and seized his father in

the Glorious Revolution (Manchester, retaliation: F.J. McLynn, The Jacobite 1980), p. 175, and his The British Army Army in England, 1745 (Edinburgh, of William LI, 1689-1702 (Manchester, 1983), p. 147.

1987), p. 6. 56. Ibid., p. 145. ,

48. Brewer, Sinews of Power, pp. 29-63; 97. McLynn, France and the Jacobite Rising

J.A. Houlding, Fit for Service: The of 1745.

Training of the British Army 1715-1795 58. For French commercial strength at this

(Oxford, 1981). time, see Ralph Davis, Aleppo and

49. See the guidebook House of Dun: Tour Devonshire Square (1967), p. 28; K.N. of the House and History, published by Chaudhuri, The Trading World of Asia

the National Trust for Scotland; but, and the English East India Company

better still, visit the house. 1660-1760 (Cambridge, 1978), pp.

50. I am indebted for this estimate to my 223-5; William Doyle, The Old

colleague at Yale, David Underdown. European Order 1660-1800 (Oxford, 31. Quoted in Paul Kleber Monod, Jacobi- 1978), pp. 62-70; James C. Riley, The tism and the English People, 1688—1788 Seven Years War and the Old Regime in

(Cambridge, 1989), p. 266. Though _ France (Princeton, 1986), pp. 105-10. overly sympathetic to the Stuart cause, 59. Jeremy Black, Natural and Necessary

this book provides a learned and Enemies: Anglo-French Relations in the imaginative reconstruction of what Eighteenth Century (1986), pp. 146-7. might be styled ‘passive’ Jacobitism. 60. F.J. McLynn, Charles Edward Stuart No such work yet exists for Scotland, (1988). but Walter Scott gives a fictional 61. W.A. Speck, The Butcher: The Duke of

version of the same kind of reluctant Cumberland and the Suppression of the ’45 quietism in Waverley (1814) where the (Oxford, 1981), pp. 27-52. eponymous hero rejects (at least 62. Ibid., p. 62; P.R.O., S.P. 36/74/3. initially) the temptation to revolt: 63. See A. Livingstone, C.W.H. Aikman,

‘Whatever were the original rights of and B.S. Hart (eds), Muster Roll of the Stuarts, calm reflection told him Prince Charles Edward Stuart’s Army that ... since that period [1688] four 1745—46 (Aberdeen, 1984). monarchs had ruled in peace and glory 64. R. Garnett, ‘Correspondence of over Britain, sustaining and exalting Archbishop Herring and Lord Hardthe character of the nation abroad, and wicke during the rebellion of 1745’, its liberties at home. Reason asked, was English Historical Review 19 (1904),

Notes to pages 81—90 393 p. 542. in relation to the cultural context 65. See Appendix 1. in Scotland in the 1750s and 1760s’, 66. Speck, The Butcher, pp. 72 and 211. Oxford University D.Phil. disser-

67. P.R.O., S.P. 36/74/24. tation, 1986.

68. Report from the Committee of the Guild- 82. Paulson, Hogarth, u, pp. 90-2.

hall Subscription Towards the Relief, 83. David Owen, English Philanthropy

Support, and Encouragement of the 1660-1960 (1965), p. 50; James

Soldiers Employed in Suppressing the Stephen Taylor, ‘Philanthropy and

Rebellion (1747), p. 3. empire: Jonas Hanway and the infant

69. Monod, Jacobitism and the English poor of London’, FEighteenth-Century

People, pp. 336-41. Studies 12 (1978-9).

70. Vanessa S. Doe (ed.), The Diary 84. John Brown, An Estimate of the Manners of James Clegg of Chapel en le Frith and Principles of the Times (2nd edn, 1708-55 (3 vols, Derby, 1978-81), ny, 1757), p. 111.

p. 559. 85. T.D. Kendrick, The Lisbon Earthquake

71. P.R.O., S.P. 36/71/17; S.P. 36/74, (1956).

Part u, fol. 57. 86. Brown, Estimate of the Manners, p. 92;

72. Lenman, Jacobite Risings in Britain, and see my “The apotheosis of George

p. 257. III: loyalty, royalty and the British

73. Ibid., Garnett, ‘Correspondence of nation 1760—1820’, Past & Present 102

Archbishop Herring’, p. 729. (1984), p. 99.

74. T.C. Smout, ‘The burgh of Montrose 87. Gerald Newman, The Rise of English and the Union of 1707: a document’, Nationalism: A Cultural History 1740Scottish Historical Review 182 (1987), 1830 (1987), especially pp. 63-122. pp. 103-4; and see Speck, The Butcher, 88. Ibid., p. 71.

p. 185. 89. For this, see John Brewer, ‘Clubs,

75. Lenman, Jacobite Risings in Britain, commercialization and_ politics’, in pp. 101-2, 216-18; I am also indebted Neil McKendrick, John Brewer and here to information from Paul Monod. J.H. Plumb, The Birth of a Consumer 76. All historians agree that by the 1740s, Society: The Commercialization of

the Union was paying economic Eighteenth-Century England (1982), dividends as far as Scotland was pp. 231-62; and Kathleen Wilson,

concerned: Christopher A. Whatley, ‘Urban culture and political activism ‘Economic causes and consequences of in Hanoverian England: the emergence

the Union of 1707: a survey’, Scottish of voluntary hospitals’, in Eckhart

Historical Review 68 (1989). Hellmuth (ed.), The Transformation of 77. P.R.O., S.P. 36/70/107. Political Culture: England and Germany 78. Boswell’s Life of Johnson, ed. G.B. Hill in the Late Eighteenth Century (Oxford,

and L.F. Powell (6 vols, Oxford, 1990), pp. 165-84.

1934), Ill, pp. 156-7. I owe this 90. See Isaac Hunt, ‘Some account of the

reference to James Caudle. laudable institution of the society of

79. A.J. Youngson, The Prince and_ the Antigallicans’, in Sermons on Public Pretender: A Study in the Writing of Occasions (1781).

History (1985), p. 115. 91. John Free, A Sermon preached at

80. See McLynn, France and the Jacobite St. John’s, in Southwark... before the

Rising. laudable and loyal associations of Anti-

81. See, for example, Rosalind Mitchison Gallicans (1756), pp. 18 et seq., and see (ed.), The Roots of Nationalism: Studies his An Essay Towards an History of the in Northern Europe (Edinburgh, 1980); English Tongue (1749), and The Danger

C. Prignitz, Vaterlandsliebe und Fretheit. Attending an Enlightened and Free People Deutscher Patriotismus von 1750 bis 1850 (1753), where he makes similar claims

(Wiesbaden, +981); and the essays in for a common Saxon ethnicity. Otto Dann and John Dinwiddy (eds), 92. John Butley, A Sermon preached at the Nationalism in the Age of the French church of Greenwich... before the laud-

Revolution (1988). For the Ossian able association of Antigallicans (1754),

phenomenon, see Fiona J. Stafford, pp. 17-18.

‘The sublime savage: a study of James 93. D.G.C. Allan, William Shipley: Founder Macpherson and the poems of Ossian of the Royal Society of Arts (1979 repr.);

394 Notes to pages 90-106 Derek Hudson and Kenneth W. Complete Guide to All Persons who have Luckhurst, The Royal Society of Arts any Trade or Concern with the City of

1754-1954 (1954). London (1757).

94. Hudson and Luckhurst, Royal Society of | 112. Helena Hayward, Thomas Johnson and

Arts, pp. 1-89. the English Rococo (1964), pp. 23-5. 95. Ibid., p. 87. 113. Rococo: Art and Design in Hogarth’s 96. Iain Pears, The Discovery of Painting: England, catalogue of an exhibition at The Growth of Interest in the Arts in the Victoria and Albert Museum, 1984,

England, 1680-1768 (New Haven and pp. 48-9.

London, 1988), pp. 127-9. 114. List of the Subscribers for the Benefit of the

| 97. Allan, William Shipley, pp. 6-7. British Troops, p. 47.

98. James Stephen Taylor, Jonas Hanway: 115. Taylor, Jonas Hanway, passim. Founder of the Marine Society (1985), 116. Jonas Hanway, Letter to the Encouragers

pp. 67-102. of Practical Public-Love (1758), p. 57.

99. Jonas Hanway, Letter to the Maritie 117. Taylor, Jonas Hanway, p. 72.

Society (2nd edn, 1758), p. 4. 118. Monitor, 11 September 1762. 100. Taylor, Jonas Hanway, p. 75. 119. Brewer, ‘Clubs, commercialization and

101. This is very much Gerald Newman's politics’, p. 232. | argument in The Rise of English

Nationalism, passim. Much - earher, Jurgen Habermas made the same point 3 PERIPHERIES with regard to social developments in

Western Europe as a whole at this 1. Parl. Hist., xvu, p. 147; Ronald Hyam,

time. I have found an unpublished ‘Imperial interests and the Peace of paper by Geoff Eley, ‘Nations, Paris’, in Hyam and Ged Martin (eds) publics, and political cultures: placing Reappraisals in British Imperial History

Habermas in the nineteenth century’, (1975).

of great value here. 2. Patricia B. Craddock, Young Edward

102. William Thornton, The Counterpoise. Gibbon: Gentleman of Letters (1982),

Being Thoughts on a Militia and a pp. 198 et seq. Standing Army (1752), preface. 3. Jack P. Greene, Peripheries and Center:

103. Hanway, Letter to the Marine Society. Constitutional Development in the Extended

104. D.G.C. Allan, ‘The Society of Polities of the British Empire and the United Arts and government, 1754-1800’, States, 1607-1788 (1986), pp. 2-3. And Eighteenth-Century Studies 7 (1973-4). see P.J. Marshall, A Free Though 105. J.B. Harley, ‘The Society of Arts and Conquering People: Britain and Asia in the the surveys of English counties 1759- Eighteenth Century (1981). ~ 1809’, Journal of the Royal Society of Arts 4. Quoted in J.P. Thomas, ‘The British

| 112 (1963-4). empire and the press, 1763-1774’,

106. ‘A dissertation on the progress of Oxford University D.Phil. dissertation, agriculture, arts and commerce in that 1982, pp. 321-2. part of Great Britain called England’, 5. Though there were schemes for a Royal Society of Arts, MS A5/7. French invasion which proved abortive,

107. Hanway, Letter to the Marine Society, see Eveline Cruickshanks (ed.), Ideology

p. iv. and .Conspiracy: Aspects of Jacobitism,

108. Allan, William Shipley, p. 44. 1689~1759 (Edinburgh, 1982). |

109. D.G.C. Allan, “The Society for the 6. Basil Williams, Life of William Pitt

Encouragement of Arts, Manufac- (2 vols, 1913), 1, p. 294. Limited

tures and. Commerce: organization, numbers of Highlanders had _ been membership and objectives in the first recruited before 1745 to serve in the

three decades 1755-84, London Black Watch regiment.

University Ph.D. dissertation, 1979, 7. See Scots Magazine 25 (1763), pp. 473p. 282; A List of the Subscribers for the 86, 533. Benefit of the British Troops (1760). 8. See Political and Personal Satires, 1v, print

110. Allan, ‘Society for the Encouragement no. 4071.

of Arts’, p. 290. : 9. See Alexander Murdoch, ‘Lord Bute,

111. List of the Subscribers for the Benefit of James Stuart Mackenzie, and_ the

the British Troops compared with A government of Scotland’, in Karl

Notes to pages 106-125 395 W. Schweizer (ed.), Lord Bute: Essays in the Lieges’: The military riot at Reinterpretation (Leicester, 1988), p. 139. Ravenshaugh toll on 5 October 1760’,

10. A new biography of Wilkes is badly Transactions of the East Lothian Antineeded. Raymond Postgate’s, That quarian and Field Naturalists’ Society Devil Wilkes (1930) is the best of the old 17 (1982). accounts, while George Rudé, Wilkes 31. See Byron Frank Jewell, “The legislation

and Liberty (Oxford, 1962) and John relating to Scotland after the FortyBrewer, Party Ideology and Popular Five’, University of North Carolina Politics at the Accession of George Ll Ph.D. dissertation, 1975.

(Cambridge, 1976) provide splendid 32. See Annette M. Smith, Jacobite Estates of analyses of his supporters and tactics. the Forty Five (Edinburgh, 1982).

11. V.E. Lloyd Hart, John Wilkes and 33. Parl. Hist., xiv, p. 728.

the Foundling Hospital at Aylesbury, 34. H.M.C. Polwarth v, pp. 236-7. 1759-1768 (Aylesbury, 1979). 35. A Prophecy of Famine (1763). This was a

12. The Speeches of John Wilkes (2 vols, fiercely anti-Scottish piece by John

1777), 1, pp. 57-67. Wilkes’s ally Charles Churchill. MS. 30866, fol. 54. were unusually well endowed sexually

13. Election manifesto in 1784, B.L., Add. 36. The belief that Scottish Highlanders

14. Rudé, Wilkes and Liberty, p. 44. was an old one in the Lowlands and in 15. Memoirs of the Life of Sir Samuel Romilly, England, reflecting the fact that—like

(3 vols, 1840), 1, p. 84; John Wilkes, The blacks in the American south—they History of England from the Revolution to were seen as both threatening and the Accession of the Brunswick Line (1768). primitive. 16. See Hugh Cunningham, ‘The language 37. See, for example, Political and Personal

of patriotism’, in Raphael Samuel, Satires, Iv, prints nos 3825, 3848, 3852, Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking of and 3939. British National Identity (3 vols, 1989), 1, 38. Ibid., print no. 3849.

pp. 57-89. 39. J.O. Bartley, Teague, Shenkin and

17. See my In Defiance of Oligarchy: The Sawney: Being an Historical Study of the Tory Party 1714-60 (Cambridge, 1982); Earliest Irish, Welsh and Scottish Characters Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular in English Plays (Cork, 1954) p. 228.

Politics, p. 23-136. , 40. ‘Scotland in the 17th and 18th cen-

18. Eg. Political and Personal Satires, tv, print turies—a satellite economy?’, in Stale

no. 4063. Dyrvik, Knut Mykland and Jan |

19. Rudé, Wilkes and Liberty, p. 69; Brewer, Oldervoll (eds), The Satellite State in Party Ideology and Popular Politics, p. 175. the 17th and 18th Centuries (Bergen, 20. Rudé, Wilkes and Liberty, pp. 136-7. Norway, 1979), p. 18.

21. Brewer, Party Ideology and Popular 41. See R.A. Houston and 1.D. Whyte

Politics, p. 190. (eds), Scottish Society, 1500-1800

22. I am indebted for this information to (Cambridge, 1989); and T.C. Smout’s

Gareth Stedman Jones. classic A History of the Scottish People

23. Political and Personal Satires, tv, print 1560-1830 (2nd edn, 1970).

no. 4028. 42. A.J. Youngson, The Making of Classical

24. Ibid., print nos 4020, 4033. Edinburgh 1750-1840 — (Edinburgh, 25. North Briton, 5 June 1762; Alexander 1966), passim.

Stephens, Memoirs of John Horne Tooke 43. Manuscript comment by John Wilkes in

(2 vols, 1813), 1, p. 61. the margins of his copy of The History of

26. North Briton, 25 June 1763. the Late Minority (1766), B.L., G. 13453. 27. Freeholder’s Magazine, October 1769; 44. Derek A. Dow, The Influence of Scottish London Evening Post, 23/25 May 1780. Medicine: An Historical Assessment of Its

28. The Literary Life of the Late Thomas International Impact (Carnforth, 1988), ~ Pennant, Esq., By Himself (1793), p. 13. p. 39.

29. See William Grant and David D. 45. See Janet Adam Smith ‘Some eightMurison (eds), The Scottish National eenth-century ideas of Scotland’, in Dictionary (10 vols, 1931-76), vit, N.T. Phillipson and R. Mitchison (eds),

p. 236. Scotland in the Age of Improvement

30. This and the next paragraph are based (Edinburgh, 1970); Gerald Newman,

on Alexander Murdoch, ‘“Beating The Rise of English Nationalism: A

396 Notes to pages 125—140 Cultural History 1740-1830 (New York, 64. Namier and Brooke, House of Commons,

1987), p. 153. u, p. 511; Carnall and Nicholson, Im-

46. The table is based on the biographies in peachment of Hastings, p. 54. Lewis Namier and John Brooke (eds), 65. See Iris Butler, The Eldest Brother: The The History of Parliament: The House of Marquess Wellesley (1973). Commons, 1754-1790 (3 vols, 1964). 66. John Le Carré, Smiley’s People (1980),

47. Ibid., u, pp. 229-30. p. 43.

48. Ibid., m1, pp. 618—20. 67. See Kingsley Amis, The James Bond

49. Ibid., 1, pp. 237-40. Dossier (1965).

50. James Hayes, ‘Scottish officers in the 68. I am indebted for this information to British army 1714-63’, Scottish Historical my colleague at Yale, Jules Prown.

Review 37 (1958). 69. David Fischer. Albion’s Seed: Four British

51. Dictionary of National Biography, mm, Folkways in America (Oxford, 1989).

p. 828. | 70. See R.L. Schuyler, “The rise of anti-

52. ‘Our gentry are both poor and imperialism in England’, Political Science proud. ..and we can neither submit to Quarterly 37 (1922). the putting our sons to trades, nor 71. See Robert W. Tucker and David C.

afford to place them in the genteeler Hendrickson, The Fall of the First British walk of commerce, nor to buy them Empire (London, 1982). , commissions, so we send them to fight 72. I have benefited here from an unpubfor their bread’: Scotch Modesty Displayed lished paper by John Elliott, ‘The role

(1778), p. 19. Scott is quoted in Janet of the state in British and Spanish

Adam Smith, John Buchan: A Biography colonial America’.

(Oxford, 1985), p. 13. 73. Printed in Frederick Madden and David

53. Bruce Lenman, The Jacobite Clans of the Fieldhouse (eds), The Classical Period of

Great Glen 1650-1784 (1984), pp. 177- the First British Empire 1689-1783 212. (1985), p. 270; Edmund Morgan, 54. I owe this information to Alexander Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular

Murdoch. Sovereignty in England and America (New

55. P.E. Razzell, ‘Social origins of officers York, 1988), pp. 122-48, 239-62. in the Indian and British home army, 74. See H.G. Koenigsberger, ‘Composite 1758-1962’, British Journal of Sociology states and representative institutions’, 14 (1963); James G. Parker, ‘Scottish Historical Research wtxu (1989), pp. enterprise in India, 1750-1914’, in R.A. 147-53. Cage (ed.), The Scots Abroad: Labour, 75. John Brooke, King George III (1972), Capital, Enterprise, 1750—1914 (1985). p. 175. 56. John Reddy, ‘Warren Hastings: Scot- 76. See, for example, Peter Marshall, Bristol land’s benefactor’, in Geoffrey Carnall and the American War of Independence

and Colin Nicholson (eds), The Im- (Bristol, 1977); John Sainsbury, Dis-

peachment of Warren Hastings (Edinburgh, affected Patriots: London Supporters

1989). of Revolutionary America 1769-1782

57. See Clements R. Markham, Narratives (Gloucester, 1987).

of the Mission of George Bogle to Tibet 77. Preface to Annual Register (1775).

(1876). 78. These are printed in the London Gazette 58. Ibid. from 12/16 September 1775 to 9/12 59. C. Duncan Rice, ‘Archibald Dalzel, the March 1776. Scottish intelligentsia and the problem 79. The anti-war petitions are discussed of slavery’, Scottish Historical Review 62 most fully in James E. Bradley, Popular

(1983), p. 124 and passim. Politics and the American Revolution in

60. See Murdoch, ‘Lord Bute, James Stuart England (Macon, Georgia, 1986); and Mackenzie, and the government of Scot- see Sainsbury, Disaffected Patriots. land’, in Schweizer, Lord Bute, for an 80. Fischer, Albion’s Seed, pp. 13-205. illuminating discussion of this point. 81. Bradley, Popular Politics, pp. 76, 204. 61. Carnall and Nicholson, Impeachment of 82. Fischer, Albion’s Seed, pp. 219, 436-8.

Hastings, p. 33. 83. Middlesex Journal, 29 April 1769.

62. The words of Wilkes’s ally John 84. See Owen Dudley Edwards and George Sawbridge, Parl. Hist., xvi, p. 1236. Shepperson (eds), Scotland, Europe and 63. Lenman, The Jacobite Clans, p. 204. the American Revolution (Edinburgh,

Notes to pages 140-156 397 1976), p. 69 and passim. (1984), p. 331.

85. Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A 6. Quoted in John Cannon, Aristocratic Passage in the Peopling of America on the Century: The Peerage of Eighteenth-

Eve of the Revolution (1987), ‘p. 26; century England (Cambridge, 1984), G. Murray Logan, Scottish Highlanders p. 166. and the American Revolution (Halifax, 7. R.G. Thorne (ed.), The History of

Nova Scotia, 1976). Parliament: The House of Commons

86. London Gazette, 21/25 November 1775. 1790-1820 (5 vols, 1986), 1, p. 334.

87. Ibid., 14/18 November 1775. 8. Ibid., m, p. 404.

88. Ibid., 16/20 January 1776, 14/18 9. Ibid., 1, pp. 331-2.

November 1775. 10. John Wade, ‘The aristocracy’, The

89. ‘Lord Bute, James Stuart Mackenzie, Extraordinary Black Book (1832 edn.),

and the government of Scotland’, in p. 260.

Schweizer, Lord Bute, p. 140. 11. Charles Pigott, A Political Dictionary,

90. Speeches of John Wilkes, 1, p. 41. Explaining the Meaning of Words (1795), 91. See, for instance, the Leeds Intelligencer, p. 71; Thomas Paine, Rights of Man,

16 December 1777. ed. Henry Collins (1969), p. 102.

92. The Analysis of Patriotism: or, an enquiry 12. Hannah More, Thoughts on the Impor-

whether opposition to government, in the tance of the Manners of the Great to present state of affairs is consistent with the General Society (9th edn, 1799), p. 116; principles of a PATRIOT (1778), pp. 36—-7. Paul Langford, Public Life and_ the

93. See my ‘Radical patriotism in eight- Propertied Englishman, 1689-1798 eenth-century England’, in Samuel, (Oxford, 1991), p. 548.

Patriotism, 1, pp. 169-87. 13. See, for example, Thorne, House of

94. Common Hall, Book 8, entry for 6 Commons, 1, pp. 290, 318-25.

December 1782, Corporation of London 14. Cannon, Aristocratic Century, p. 33;

Record Office. Gregory W. Pedlow, The Survival

95. Notes by Vicar of Hanbury, 1 January of the Hessian Nobility 1770-1870 1779, Staffordshire Record Office, (Princeton, N.J., 1988), p. 17.

D 1528/1/4. 15. John Burke, A Geneological and Heraldic

96. Though low-key criticism of Scottish History of the Commoners of Great Britain

ambition and success did continue, see and Ireland (4 vols, 1977 repr.), 1, Political and Personal Satires, vi, prints pp. XI-Xiviil. nos 7125, 7130, .7152, 7139 and 7280. 16. Thorne, House of Commons, 1, pp. 97. Frederick Madden and David Fieldhouse 280-9.

(eds), Imperial Reconstruction, 1763-1840 17. James J. Sacks, “The House of Lords

(1987), p. 1. and parliamentary patronage in Great

Britain, 1802-1832’, Historical Journal

23 (1980), p. 919.

4 DOMINANCE 18. Quoted in Frank O’Gorman, Edmund 1. Annual Register (1778), pp. 264-70. Burke: His Political Philosophy (1973),

2. Maurice Keen, Chivalry (New Haven p. 121.

and London, 1984), p. 237. For the 19. Ronald Syme, Colonial Elites: Rome,

cultural background to this neo- Spain and the Americas (1958), pp. 4

chivalry, see Mark Girouard, The and 13. 7

Return to Camelot: Chivalry and the 20. Vicary Gibbs (ed.), The Complete English Gentleman (New Haven and Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland,

London, 1981). Great Britain and the United Kingdom

3. Thomas Gray’s ‘Elegy written in a (13 vols, 1912), 11, p. 294; x, pp. 696-8. country churchyard’, from Roger 21. For Merioneth, see Peter R. Roberts, Lonsdale (ed.), The Poems of Thomas ‘The decline of the Welsh squires in the

Gray, William Collins, Oliver Goldsmith eighteenth century’, National Library of

(1969), pp. 123-4. Wales Journal 13 (1963--4); Philip

4, Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the Jenkins, The Making of a Ruling Class:

Great Powers (1988), p. 105. The Glamorgan Gentry 1640-1790

5. George Fasel, Edmund Burke (Boston, (Cambridge, 1983), pp. xxi-—xxvi,

1983), p. 82; Harvey C. Mansfield 1-42; and his ‘The demographic

(ed.), Selected Letters of Edmund Burke, decline of the landed gentry in the

398 Notes to pages 156-169 eighteenth century’, Welsh Historical 38. Information from Andrew McKenzie.

Review 11 (1982). 39. Thorne, House of Commons, v, 596.

22. J.V. Beckett, The Aristocracy in England 40. Ibid., 1v, 246.

1660-1914 (1986), pp. 96-7. 41. [John Hay Beith], The Oppressed

23. I owe this reference to David Can- English (New York, 1917), p. 30. nadine whose work has been of 42. Richard Rush, A Residence at the Court enormous assistance in helping me to of London (1987 edn), p. 34. understand the economic and demo- 43. Philip Mansel, ‘Monarchy, uniform graphic transformation of the British and the rise of the frac 1760-1830’, Past landowning class during this period. & Present 96 (1982), pp. 104-6. 24. Philip Jenkins, “The creation of an 44. Jeremy Black, The British and the Grand

“ancient gentry”: Glamorgan, 1760- Tour (1985), passim. 1840’, Welsh History Review 12 (1984). 45. lain Pears, The Discovery of Painting: the

25. H.J. Habakkuk, ‘Marriage and the Growth of Interest in the Arts in England, Ownership of Land’, in R.R. Davies 1680-1768 (New Haven and London, et al. (eds), Welsh Society and Nation- 1988), p. 228. hood: Historical Essays presented to 46. Douglas Hay, ‘Property, authority and Glanmor Williams (Cardiff, 1984), the criminal law’, in Hay et al., Albion’s

p. 194. Fatal Tree (1975), p. 34.

26. F.M.L. Thompson, English Landed 47. See infra, pp. 87-92.

Society in the Nineteenth Century, (1963), 48. Lord Holland, Memoirs of the Whig

pp. 212-25; T.C. Smout, ‘Scottish Party (2 vols, 1852), 1, p. 3. landowners and economic growth, 49. John Cannon, Aristocratic Century, 1650-1850’, Scottish Journal of Political. p. 48.

Economy 11 (1964). | 50. T.W. Bamford, ‘Public schools and 27. I owe the information in this paragraph social class, 1801-1850’, British Journal to Andrew McKenzie. of Sociology 12 (1961), pp. 224-35.

28. Patricia C. Otto, “Daughters of the 51. Cannon, Aristocratic Century, p. 48. British aristocracy: their marriages 52. George Robert Chinnery, “The statue

in the 18th and 19th centuries with of the dying gladiator’, Oxford Prize particular reference to the Scottish Poems (Oxford, 1831), p. 134. Maurice peerage’, Stanford Ph.D. dissertation, Bowra made the point well: ‘The

1974, p. 395. classical education was created by

| 29. See introduction to R.J. Adam, Papers men who believed in an aristocratic

on Sutherland Estate Management, 1802- ideal and was intended primarily for

1816, 2 vols, (Scottish Historical those who were free from pecuniary

Society, Edinburgh, 1972). anxiety...It was an elegance, a

30. A.P.W. Malcomson, The Pursuit of luxury, a pride’, quoted in Iris Butler, the Heiress: Aristocratic Marriage in The Eldest Brother: The Marquis Ireland 1750-1820 (Ulster Historical Wellesley (1973), p.87.

Foundation, 1982). , 53. Essays by, respectively, Reginald

31. See my In Defiance of Oligarchy: The Heber, Edward Garrard Marsh,

Tory Party 1714-60 (Cambridge, Charles P. Burney and William 1982), p. 76. Attfield. 32. Thorne, House of Commons, v, 596. 54. See Richard Jenkyns, The Victorians and 33. Catalogue of Works on the Peerage and. Ancient Greece (Oxford, 1980). Baronetage of England, Scotland, and 55. Quoted in P.J. Marshall, ‘Empire and

Ireland (privately printed in 1827). authority in the later eighteenth 34. For example, Jenkins, Making of a century, Journal of Imperial and

Ruling Class, pp. 213-16. Commonwealth History 25 (1987),

35. Hansard, 1st series, 4 (1805), p. 365. p. 107; and see Frank M. Turner,

36. H.J. Hanham, ‘Mid-century Scottish ‘British politics and the demise of the nationalism: romantic and radical’, in Roman republic: 1700-1939’, Historical R. Robson (ed.), Ideas and Institutions in ~ Journal 29 (1986).

Victorian Britain (1967). 56. Catalogue of the exhibition of the Eton | 37. Muriel Chamberlain, Lord Aberdeen: A leaving portraits, Tate Gallery, Political Biography (1983), pp. 5 and London, 1951. See also Leaving Portraits

187. from Eton College, Dulwich Picture

Notes to pages 169-187 399 , Gallery, 1991. 74. Gervas Huxley, Lady Elizabeth and the — 57. H.C. Maxwell Lyte, A History of Eton Grosvenors: Life ita Whig Family 1822-

College (1911), pp. 497-511. 1839 (Oxford, 1965), p. 6; on Lord 58. Charles Henry Cooper, Annals Stafford’s art collection, see Eric of Cambridge (4 vols, 1852), tv, Richards, The Leviathan of Wealth: The

pp. 481-2. Sutherland Fortune in the Industrial

59. Quoted in John Chandos, Boys Revolution (1973), p. 14, and the Together. English Public Schools 1800- references cited there.

1864 (1984), p. 26. 75. Peter Fullerton, ‘Patronage and

60. The Times, 18 July 1803. pedagogy: the British Institution in the

61. Cooper, Annals of Cambridge tv, p. 499. early nineteenth century’, Art History 62. Thompson, English Landed Society in 5 (1982).

| the Nineteenth Century, p. 145. 76. Sir Egerton Brydges, Collins’s Peerage 63. William Leeke, The History of Lord of England (9 vols, 1812), 1, p. x (my

: Seaton’s Regiment at the Battle of italics).

Waterloo (2 vols, 1866), 1, 197. 77. Rush, A Residence at the Court of London,

64. David C. Itzkowitz, Peculiar Privilege: p. 46.

A Social History of English Foxhunting 78. For the most recent analysis, see Simon

1753-1885 (1977), p. 20. Schama, Dead Certainties (Unwarranted

65. Malcolm Andrews, The Search for Speculations) (1991), pp. 3-70.

the Picturesque: Landscape Aesthetics = 79. Ann Uhry Abrams, The Valiant Hero:

, and Tourism in Britain, 1760-1800 Benjamin West and Grarnd-Style History (Aldershot, 1989), p. 112 and passim. . Painting (Washington, 1985), pp. 165-

66. Christopher Smout, “Tours in the 82. |

Scottish Highlands from the eighteenth 80. For the popularity of patriotic prints at

to the twentieth centuries’, Northern this time, see David Alexander and

Scotland 5 (1983), p. 110. Richard T. Godfrey, Painters and

67. See Andrews, Search for the Picturesque, Engraving: The Reproductive Print from

passim. And compare David Solkin, Hogarth to Wilkie (New Haven, 1980). Richard Wilson: The Landscape of 81. Alison Yarrington, The Commemoration

Reaction (1982), p. 57. of the Hero 1800-64: Monuments to the

68. The Novels of Jane Austen (5 vols, British Victors of the Napoleonic Wars

Oxford, 1987 edn), v, p. 111. (1988).

69. S.H.A. Bruntjen, John Boydell, 1719- 82. Robin Reilly, Pitt the Younger 1759-

1804: A Study of Art Patronage and 1806 (1978), p. 345. Publishing in Georgian London (New 83. A.D. Harvey, Britain in the Early

York, 1985). Nineteenth Century (1978), p. 217.

70. Quoted in Francis Haskell, ‘The British 84. Tom Pocock, Horatio Nelson (1987),

as Collectors’, in Gervase Jackson- p. 20.

Stops (ed.), The Treasure Houses 85. Ibid., p. 161. of Britain: Four Hundred Years of 86. Ibid., p. 181. Private Patronage and Art Collecting 87. Michael Lewis, The Navy in Transition

(Washington, 1986), p. 51. 1814-1864: A Social History (1965), 71. Ibid., pp. 50-9; Margaret Greaves, p. 22. Regency Patron: Sir George Beaumont 88. Philip Mansel, Pillars of Monarchy: An

(1966); Felicity Owen and David © Outline of the Political and Social History Blayney Brown, Collector of Genius: A of Royal Guards 1400-1984 (1984),

Life of Sir George Beaumont (New p. 78.

Haven and London, 1988); Stephen 89. Thorne, House of Commons, 1, pp. 306-

Deuchar, Paintings, Politics and Porter: 17. Samuel Whitbread LI (1984). 90. The Whole Art of Dress! or, the road to 72. St John Gore, “Three centuries of dis- elegance and fashion at the enormous saving crimination’, Apollo 105 (1977); Evelyn of thirty per cent (1830), p. 83.

Joll, “Painter and patron: Turner and 91. N.P. Dawnay, ‘The staff uniform of the third earl of Egremont’, Apollo 105 the British army 1767-1855’, Journal of

(1977). the Society for Army Historical Research

73. A. Tintiswood, A History of Country 30-1 (1952-3); Mansel, “Monarchy, House Visiting (Oxford, 1989), passim. Uniform and the frac’, pp. 117-23.

400 Notes to pages 187-199 : 92. Alan Mansfield, Ceremonial Costume Fall of the British Aristocracy (New

(1980), pp. 171, 220-1. Haven and London, 1990), pp. 8-23.

93. Jean Starobinski, ‘Reflections on some 108. See, for example, Beckett, The Aris-

symbols of the Revolution’, Yale tocracy in England; and Lawrence Stone French Studies 40 (1968), p. 50. and Jeanne C. Fawtier Stone, An Open

94. Aileen Ribeiro and Valerie Cumming, Elite?: England 1540-1880 (Oxford, The Visual History of Costume (1989), 1984).

pp. 31-2. 109. Quoted in G.L. Gomme, The Gentle-

95. See, for instance, The Whole Art of man’s Magazine Library (30 vols, 1883-

— Dress!, pp. 13-14; Ribeiro and 1905), 1, p. 17. Cumming, The Visual History of

Costume, p. 32. ,

96. W.D. Rubinstein, ‘The end of “Old

Corruption” in Britain 1780-1860’, 9 MAJESTY Past & Present 101 (1983), pp. 55-86. 1. Lewis Namier, ‘George III speaks 97. Lord Lansdowne to Lady London- out’, In the Margin (1939), p. 137. Ida derry, 12 October 1809, History of Macalpine and Richard Hunter argue

Parliament Trust, Camden MSS in George III and the Mad-Business

transcripts. , (1969) that the king’s real ailment was

98. John Rosselli, ‘An Indian Governor in porphyria, a rare blood disease. the Norfolk Marshland: Lord William 2. Roy Porter, A Social History of Madness: - Bentinck as improver, 1809-27’, The World Through the Eyes of the Insane Agricultural History Review 19 (1971), (1987), p. 51.

pp. 46-7 and passim. 3. Macalpine and Hunter, George III,

99. J.N. McCord, Jr, ‘Lord Holland and p. Xi.

the Politics of the Whig Aristocracy 4. Accounts of royal power in eighteenth(1807-1827): A Study in Aristocratic century Britain are thin on the ground, Liberalism’, Johns Hopkins University and those that exist sometimes supply

Ph.D. dissertation, 1968, p. 396. too static a picture, based on legal.

100. George T. Kenyon, The Life of Lloyd, writings and clerical propaganda which First Lord Kenyon (1873), p. 223. On describe how the monarchy was sup-

the élite and evangelicalism, see Ford posed to function, rather than how

K. Brown, Fathers of the Victorians: The it functioned in fact over time. Two Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge, 1961). interpretations that avoid this error are

101. I am not suggesting that all British B.W. Hill, “Executive monarchy and politicians in office lived impeccable the challenge of parties, 1689-1832: two private lives at this time: only that they concepts of government and two hiswere more conscious of the need to toriographical interpretations’, Historical

seem to be doing so. Journal 13 (1970); and Richard Pares,

p. 112. , , (1953).

102. Derek Jarrett, Pitt the Younger (1974), King George the Third and the Politicians

103. From the minutes of the Pitt Club 5. H.M. Colvin et al., The History of the which are in the Osborn collection of King’s Works (6 vols, 1963-1982), Iv manuscripts at the Beinecke Library, (part 2), p. 28.

Yale University, New Haven. 6. Ibid., p. 39.

104. Michael W. McCahill, ‘Peerage 7. John M. Beattie, The English Court in creations and the changing character the Reign of George I (Cambridge, 1967),

of the British nobility, 1750-1830’, pp. 106-12; E.A. Reitan, “The civil list English Historical Review 96 (1981), in eighteenth-century politics: — par-

pp. 269-74. liamentary supremacy versus the

105. Memoirs of the life of Sir Samuel Romilly, independence of the crown’, Historical

written by himself (3 vols, 1840), u, Journal 9 (1966).

p. 136. , 8. John Brooke, George III (1972), p. 108.

106. Peter J. Jupp, ‘The landed elite and 9. Colvin, History of King’s Works, v,

political authority in Britain, 1760- p. 127.

1850’, Journal of British Studies 29 10. Ibid.; Ragnhild Hatton, George I. Elector

(1990), pp. 78-9. and King (1978), pp. 262-4.

107. See David Cannadine, The Decline and 11. See Norbert Elias, The Court Society

Notes to pages 199-212 401 (New York, 1983); and for a more Ph.D. dissertation, 1985; Christopher historically sensitive intepretation, Orest Lloyd, The Queen’s Pictures: Royal Ranum, ‘The court and capital of Louis Collectors Through the Centuries (1991), XIV’, in J.C. Rule, Louis XIV and the pp. 117-42. Craft of Kingship (Columbus, Ohio, 24. Brooke, George III, p. 65.

1969). 25. Schama, “Domestication of majesty’,

12. Beattie, English Court in the Reign of pp. 170-1.

George I, for the monarchy’s reliance on 26. Walther Hubatsch, Frederick the Great of

the London theatres, see Peggy Ellen Prussia: absolutism and administration

Daub, ‘Music at the court of George II’, (1975), p. 123; and see T.C.W. Blan- |

Cornell University Ph.D. dissertation, ning, Joseph II and Enlightened Despotism

1985, passim. (1970). These accounts should be

13. John, Lord Hervey, Some Materials compared with Pares, George III and the Towards Memoirs of the Reign of King Politicians. George II, ed. Romney Sedgwick 27. Memoirs of the Life of Sir Samuel Romilly,

(3 vols, 1931), 1, pp. 98-9. written by himself, (3 vols, 1840), un,

14. Weekly Journal or British Gazetteer, pp. 299-301 (my emphasis).

3 August 1723. 28. Quoted in J.C.D. Clark, English Society

15. London Gazette 23/7 July 1723. One 1688-1832 (1985), p. 236. I cannot agree of the few historians to have noticed with Paul Langford’s assertion in Public this extraordinary measure (which was Life and the Propertied Englishman 1689-

certainly implemented in parts of 1798 (Oxford, 1991), p. 508, that

Britain), is Edward Thompson: Whigs celebration of George III as father of his and Hunters: The Origin of the Black Act people was ‘commonplace in the 1760s

(1975), pp. 199-200. , and 1770s’. The king was certainly more

16. ‘Thoughts on the coronation of his well liked from his accession than his present Majesty King George the two predecessors had been, but most Third’, in Donald J. Greene, Sarnuel informed contemporaries agreed that it

Johnson: Political Writings (New Haven was only from the 1780s that the really

and London, 1977), p. 293. sustained rise in his popularity—and in

17. For the first two Hanoverian monarchs his patriotic significance — began. and the politicians, see Hatton, George 1 29. Ben Ross Schneider, Index to the London

and Beattie, English Court in the Reign Stage, 1660-1800 (Carbondale, Il.,

of George I. No adequate political 1979), p. 358.

biography of George II exists, but see 30. See, for instance, Political and Personal my In Defiance of Oligarchy: The Tory Satires, 1V, print nos 4021, 4303, 4374,

Party 1714-60 (Cambridge, 1982), and 4376; v, print nos 4859, 5105, 5288, John Owen, ‘George II reconsidered’, in 5544, 5675; and ibid., vi, p. xxv, print

Anne Whiteman, J.S. Bromley and no. 6608.

P.G.M. Dickson’ (eds), Statesmen, 31. Ibid., vi, print nos 6918, 7355, 7645, Scholars and Merchants (1973), pp. 113- 8074; vil, print nos 8346, 9542; vill,

34. print nos 10013, 10424, 10436, 10738.

18. Arthur Byron, London Statues: A Guide Jeannine Surel, “La premiére image de to London’s Outdoor Statues and Sculpture John Bull, bourgeois radical, anglais

(1981), pp. 121-5. loyaliste, 1779-1815’, Mouvement Social

19. Hatton, George I, pp. 260-3. 106 (1979), p. 79n.

20. Simon Schama, ‘The domestication of 32. For the king’s political coup in the majesty: royal family portraiture, 1500- aftermath of American defeat, see John 1850’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History Cannon, The Fox-North Coalition: Crisis

17 (1986), p. 170. of the Constitution 1782-4 (Cambridge,

21. See my Namier (1989), pp. 50-7. 1969).

22. See A.N. Newman (ed.), ‘Leicester 33. Colvin, History of the King’s Works, vI,

House politics, 1750-60’, Camden pp. 354-6, 375; Report from the Com-

Miscellany 23 (1969). missioners of Inquiry into the Conduct of

23. Kimerly Rorschach, ‘Frederick, Prince Business in the Office of Works, Parlia-

of Wales (1707-51) as a patron of the mentary Papers, 1812-13 (258), v, visual arts: princely patriotism and pp. 321-525.

political propaganda’, Yale University 34. David Watkin, The Royal Interiors of

402 Notes to pages 212-224 Regency England (1984), p. 100. See, too, mouth, 14 October 1809, Staffordshire Carlton House: The Past Glories of George Record Office, D (W) 1778/I/11/1737; IV’s Palace, catalogue of an exhibition at Henry Wollaston, British Official Medals The Queen’s Gallery, Buckingham for Coronations and Jubilees (Nottingham,

Palace, 1991. 1978), pp. 93-6.

35. Benjamin West: American Painter at the 48. Mrs Biggs to Dartmouth, 14 October

English Court (Baltimore, 1989), p. 68. 1809, loc. cit. ,

36. For the political background to the 49. The best description of the festivities —

gothic revival, see Mark Girouard, The compiled interestingly enough by a Return to Camelot: Chivalry and_ the woman-—is An Account of the Celebration

English Gentleman (New Haven and of the Jubilee...of George the Third London, 1984), especially pp. 19-25. (Birmingham, 1809). | 37. Christopher Hibbert, George IV (2 vols, 50. For an extended discussion of this point, 1972-3), u, p. 345; and see George IV see infra, pp. 268-73. and the Arts of France, catalogue of an 51. The Scotsman, quoted in Charles exhibition at the Queen’s Gallery, Buck- Maclaren, Railways compared with

ingham Palace. Canals and Common Roads, and their Uses

38. Quoted in Helen Rosenau, Social Purpose and Advantages explained (1825), p. 81. in Architecture: Paris and London Com- 52. G. Boyce, J. Curran, and P. Wingate,

pared, 1760-1800 (1970), p. 41. Newspaper History from the Seventeenth 39. For the French revolutionary festivals, Century to the Present Day (1978), p. 99; see Marie-Louise Biver, Fétes révolu- Joan P.S. Ferguson, Directory of Scottish tionnaires a Paris (Paris, 1979); Mona newspapers (Edinburgh, 1984). Ozouf, Festivals and the French Revolution 53. K.G. Burton, The Early Newspaper Press

(Cambridge, Mass., 1988) and D.L. in Berkshire (Reading, 1954), p. 33. Dowd, Pageant-master of the Republic: 54. Arthur Aspinall, Politics and the Press, Jacques-Louis David and the French Re- c.1780—1850 (Brighton, 1973 repr.),

volution (Lincoln, Neb., 1948). David pp. 88-9, 206-14. For the pressure this had visited London and enjoyed close kind of incitement of royal celebration ties with its resident artists and polite could put on individuals, see Thomas

society before the Revolution. _ MacCrie, Free Thoughts on the Late

40. The extract from the Morning Chronicle Religious Celebration of the Funeral of...

is in a book of newspaper cuttings: Princess Charlotte (Edinburgh, 1817); A B.L., Add. MS 6307, fol. 57; and see the Letter to the Rev. Andrew Thomson comments on the Naval Thanksgiving (Edinburgh, 1817), passim. of the Anti-Jacobin, 11, 18, and 25 55. See infra, pp. 270-3.

December 1797. 56. One landowner wrote that he thought

41. Bath Chronicle, 19 October 1809. the Jubilee should have ‘been left alone, 42. See Account of the National Jubilee in but as there seemed such an universal dis-

August 1814 (1814). position to notice the day, it would have

43. Lord Holland’s description of the king’s been difficult to have avoided taking attitude, quoted in A. Aspinall (ed.), some share in it’, B.L., Add. MS 35648, The Later Correspondence of George III fols. 198-9 (my emphasis). (5 vols, Cambridge, 1966-70), tv, 57. See for example Chester Chronicle, 25 p. 365n; Gentleman’s Magazine 75 (1805), August-—10 November 1809.

p. 375. 58. Felix Farley’s Bristol Journal, 14, 21, 28

44. Windham is quoted in Joseph Taylor, October 1809.

Relics of Royalty: Or, Anecdotes, Amuse- 59. See Hull Packet, 24 October 1809; John

ments and Conversations of the Late Most Sykes, An Account of the Rejoicings,

Gracious Majesty George II (1820), Illuminations etc. that have taken place

p. 154. in Newcastle (Newcastle-upon-Tyne,

45. The Times, 24 April 1805. 1821), p. 4; An Account of the Celebration 46. See N.G. Cox, ‘Aspects of English of the Jubilee, pp. 132, 137, 187. radicalism: the suppression and re- 60. Ibid., p. xiil. emergence of the constitutional demo- 61. Cited in Notes and Queries, 9th series, cratic tradition, 1795-1809’, Cambridge 10 (1902), p. 493.

University Ph.D. dissertation, 1971, 62. Mark Harrison, Crowds and History:

pp. 340-62. Mass Phenomena in English Towns, 1790—

47. Mrs R.C. Biggs to the Earl of Dart- 1835 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 53, 60-1,

| Notes to pages 224-236 403 255-6. | of the British monarchy 1837-1887’,

1809. sertation, 1988.

63. London Gazette, 31 October/4 November Cambridge University Ph.D. dis64. Broadsheet in Liverpool City Record 83. Cannadine, ‘The British monarchy

Office, 731 GEO 4. and the “Invention of Tradition’’’,

65. Harrison, Crowds and History, p. 254. in Hobsbawm and Ranger, Invention of

66. An Account of the Celebration of the — Tradition, pp. 101-64.

Jubilee, p. 52. 84. See, for example, Manchester City

67. W. Branch Johnson (ed.), Memorandums Record Office, M 22/7/2, fols 40-96; for. ..the Diary Between 1798 and 1810 of and Thomas Hallack, Origin and Progress

John Carrington (1973), p. 91. of the Proceedings which Ultimately led to

p. 624. © 1838), p. 2.

68. Elizabeth Longford, Victoria R.I. (1966), the Coronation Dinner (Cambridge,

69. See T.W. Laqueur, Religion and Re- 85. The Times, 25 October 1809; Day, spectability: Sunday Schools and Working 17 October 1809. Class Culture 1780-1850 (New Haven, 86. Roger Fulford, Royal Dukes: The Father

1976). and Uncles of Queen Victoria (1933),

70. Gentleman’s Magazine 83 (1813), p. 292.

pp. 630-2. 87. See Crook and Port, History of the King’s

71. For Lancaster’s coronation procession, Works, v1, pp. 96-651; Donald J. Olsen,

Liverpool City Record Office, 942 Town Planning in London: The Eighteenth HOL vol. 5, fol. 266; for medals, see and Nineteenth Centuries (New Haven Manchester City Library, F 942 7389 and London, 1982).

M1, fol. 60. 88. Corporation of London Record Office,

72. See infra, Chapter 6. MS 88.6 (1789 Thanksgiving); ibid., MS 73. Grand Lodge, 1717-1967 (Oxford, 1967); 23.29 (Naval Thanksgiving); An Account Chris Cook and John Stevenson, British of the Expences of the Entertainments Given

pp. 194-5. p. 8.

Political Facts, 1760-1830 (1980), in the Guildhall...9 July 1814 (1814),

74. Harrison, Crowds and History, pp. 245- 89. Reflections on the Revolution in France by

58. Edmund Burke & The Rights of Man

75. Ibid., passim. by Thomas Paine (New York, 1973),

76. Lynn Hunt, Politics, Culture and Class in p. 91. the French Revolution (Berkeley, 1984), 90. The Times, 17 November 1820 (my

p. 72. emphasis).

77. Edward Thompson, The Making of the 91. Quoted in Macalpine and H«enter, English Working Class (1965), pp. 679- George III, p.11.

80. 92. Details of these royal visits are scattered

78. Gentleman’s Magazine, 32 (1762), p. 551. throughout the newspapers of the 79. Quoted in J.C.D. Clark (ed.), The period, especially the London Times.

Memoirs & Speeches of James, 2nd Earl 93. See, for example, the quasi-informal Waldegrave 1742-1763 (Cambridge, quality of Prince William of Gloucester’s

1988), p. 89. If nothing else did, this | visit to Liverpool: The Times, 9

blatant disrespect for George II’s funeral September 1803.

rites would seem to cast doubt on Dr 94. Letters to Sir Walter Scott, Bt. on the Moral

Clark’s contention that eighteenth- and Political Character and Effects of the century Britain was a ‘court society’ on Visit to Scotland (Edinburgh, 1822),

the French model. pp. 51-2. For the significance of this,

80. The Castle and the Tomb... or, A Visit the first visit by a ruling monarch to to Windsor on Occasion of the Funeral Scotland since the early seventeenth Procession of George III (1820). century, see Gerald Finley, Turner and 81. See David Cannadine, “The context, George the Fourth in Edinburgh 1822 performance and meaning of ritual: the (1981). and John Prebble, The King’s British monarchy and the “Invention of Jaunt: George IV in Scotland, August 1822

Tradition”, c.1820-1977’, in Eric (1988).

Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds), 95. Quoted in Marquess of Anglesey, OneThe Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, leg: The Life and Letters of Henry William

1983). Paget, First Marquis of Anglesey (New

82. See Richard Williams, ‘Public discussion York, 1961), pp. 227-9. | |

404 Notes to pages 237-253 6 WOMANPOWER , (Oxford, 1971); and Loren’ Reid, Charles James Fox: A Man for the People

1. Taunton Courier, 30 June 1814. (1969).

2. See the example cited in Maurice 18. Earl of Bessborough (ed.), Georgiana: Agulhon, Marianne into Battle: Re- Extracts from the Correspondence of publican Imagery and Symbolism in France Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire (1955),

1789-1880 (Cambridge, 1981), p. 14. pp. 74-5 (my emphasis). 3. Magnae Britanniae Notitia: Or, the 19. History of the Westminster Election (1784),

Present State of Great Britain (1716), — p. 314. , pp. 192-3; The Laws Respecting Women 20. Bessborough, Georgiana, p. 82. as they Regard their Natural Rights (1777), 21. Edward Porritt, The Unreformed House of

p. 65. Commons: Parliamentary Representation

4. Rosalind K. Marshall, Virgins and before 1832 (2 vols, 1963 edn), 1, p. 581;

Viragos: A History of Women in Scotland H.J. Hanham, The Nineteenth-Century from 1080 to 1980 (1983), p. 87; and see Constitution 1815-1914 (Cambridge, R.A. Houston, “Women in the economy 1969), pp. 264-5. and society of Scotland, 1500-1800’, in 22. Lady’s Magazine (1784), p. 205. Houston and I.D. Whyte (eds), Scottish 23. Such arguments have been advanced

Society 1500-1800 (Cambridge, 1989). particularly by historians of Revolu5. William Alexander, The History of tionary and Napoleonic France but are Women, from the Earliest Antiquity to the often applied more broadly: see Michelle

Present Time (2 vols, 1779), 1, p. 336. Perrot (ed.), A History of Private Life: 6. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, ‘Emile, ou de From the Fires of the Revolution to the Péducation’, in Od0cuvres Completes Great War (1990). I don’t at all dissent

(5 vols, Paris, 1969), Iv, p. 768. from the view that separate-spheres

7. Vindication of the Rights of Woman, ed. ideology was pushed more intensively

, Miriam Kramnick (1975), p. 258. and self-consciously in the Revolu8. See, for example, the highly influential tionary era. The fact remains, however,

piece by William Cadogan, An Essay that the scope of female activity in

upon Nursing (1748). nineteenth-century Britain (and, indeed,

9. P.J. Corfield, The Impact of English in nineteenth-century France) seems in Towns 1700-1800 (Oxford, 1982), general to have been wider than it was

pp. 99-106. : in the eighteenth century.

10. Marshall, Virgins and Viragos, p. 209. . 24. John Andrews, Remarks on the French and

11. James Fordyce, The Character and English Ladies (1783), p. 4; Mary Conduct of the Female Sex (1776), p. 19; Wollstonecraft, ‘A vindication of the

Lady’s Magazine (1784), p. 375. rights of women’, in The Works of 12. Paul Langford, A Polite and Commercial Mary Wollstonecraft, ed. Janet Todd and

People: England 1727-1783 (Oxford, Marilyn Butler (7 vols, 1989), vi, pp.

1989), p. 109. | , 124-5.

13. Edinburgh Magazine (1820), p. 339; 25. Thomas Gisborne, An Enquiry into the A.J. Youngson, The Making of Classical Duties of the Female Sex (1796), p. 266. Edinburgh 1750-1840 (Edinburgh, 1966), 26. Ibid., pp. 324-5.

pp. 250-3. | , 27. For the Jacobin critique of pre-Revolu-

14. Roy Porter, in his otherwise splendid tionary womanpower, see Lynn Hunt, ‘Seeing the past’, Past & Present 118 ‘The many bodies of Marie Antoinette:

(1988), p. 204. political pornography and the problem

15. Georgiana’s obituary is in Gentleman’s of the feminine in the French Revolu-

Magazine 76 (1806), p. 386. The best if tion’, in her Eroticism and the Body Politic

still limited biography is Brian Masters, (1991). Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire (1981). 28. Fordyce, Character and Conduct of the

16. See Karl von den Steinen, “The dis- | Female Sex, p. 27; Andrews, Remarks on covery of women in eighteenth-century the French and English Ladies, p. 245. English political life’, in Barbara Kanner 29. B.W. Hill (ed.), Edmund Burke: On (ed.), The Women of England (Hamden, Government, Politics and Society (1975),

Conn., 1979). , pp. 337-44.

17. See L.G. Mitchell, Charles James Fox and 30. Joan W. Scott, Gender and the Politics of

the Disintegration of the Whig Party History (Cambridge, 1988), p. 48.

Notes to pages 253-273 405 31. For this, see Leonora Davidoff and B.L., LR 301.h.6, fols 55--64. Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men 50. D.G. Vaisey, ‘The pledge of patriotism:

and Women of the English Middle Class Staffordshire and the voluntary con-

1780-1850 (1987), passim. tribution, 1798’, in M.W. Greenslade

32. The Unsex’d Females (1798), p. 16. (ed.), Essays in Staffordshire History

33. Gentleman’s Magazine 65 (1795), p. 103; (Staffordshire Record Society, 1970), Gisborne, Enquiry into the Duties of the p. 213.

Female Sex, pp. 213-16. 51. List of the subscribers for clothing the

34. Houston and Whyte, Scottish Society, volunteers of the county, National

pp. 137-8. Library of Wales, Tredegar MS 1064;

35. Hansard, 1st series, 2 (1804), pp. 501-2. Report of the Committee for Managing the 36. See, for example, the stories of female Patriotic Fund Established at Lloyds Coffee

fortitude in the face of the guillotine in House (1804).

the Lady’s Monthly Magazine 11 (1803), 52. Cf. Roger Chickering, ‘‘‘Casting their

pp. 373 et seq. gaze more broadly”: women’s patriotic

37. Wollstonecraft, ‘An historical and moral activism in imperial Germany’, Past & view of the origins and progress of the Present 118 (1988). French Revolution’, in Todd and But- 53. Life and Correspondence of Mrs Hannah ler, Works, vi, p. 209 (my emphasis). More, ui, p. 415. 38. Bessborough, Georgiana, p. 204, The 54. Report of the Committee for Managing the Yale Edition of Horace Walpole’s Cor- Patriotic Fund, passim. respondence, ed. W.S. Lewis et al. (48 55. Perrot, A History of Private Life, p. 44.

vols, 1937-83), xu, p. 52. 56. B.L., LR 301.h.6, fol. 64.

39. William Roberts, Memoirs of the Life and 57. See Donald Read, Peterloo: The Massacre

Correspondence of Mrs Hannah More and its Background (Manchester, 1958);

(4 vols, 1834), 1, p. 385. Robert Reid, The Peterloo Massacre

40. On the sentimentality that surrounded (1989). the French Royal Family after its fall, T.W. Laqueur, ‘The Queen Caroline see David Bindman, The Shadow of affair: politics as art in the reign of the Guillotine: Britain and the French George IV’, Journal of Modern History Revolution (1989), pp. 129-43, 150—4. 54 (1982). 41. Joan Landes, Women and the Public Sphere 59. The Times, 14 July and 18 September in the Age of the French Revolution (1988), 1820.

passim. 60. Quoted in Davidoff and Hall, Family

42. Quoted in Mary Poovey, The Proper Fortunes, p. 152 (my emphasis).

Lady and the Woman Writer: Ideology as 61. Ibid., p. 151. Style in the Works of Mary Wollstonecraft, 62. The Queen and Magna Carta, or the thing Mary Shelley and Jane Austen (1984), that John signed. Dedicated to the Ladies of

p. 33. Great Britain (1820), pp. 17-18.

43. H.F.B. Wheeler and A.M. Broadley, 63. The Times, 25 September 1820.

Napoleon and the Invasion of England 64. Laqueur, ‘Queen Caroline affair’,

(2 vols, 1908), 1, p. 65. p. 442.

44. A. Temple Patterson, Radical Leicester: 65. Classically, in Davidoff and Hall, Family

A History of Leicester 1780-1850 Fortunes, passim.

(Leicester, 1954), p. 80. 66. See my ‘The apotheosis of George III:

45. Diary of Wilham Rowbottom, 1787- loyalty, royalty and the British nation 1830, Oldham Local Interest Library, 1760-1820’, Past & Present 102 (1984),

e.g., 10 March 1809. p. 125.

46. Rebecca Fraser, The Brontés: Charlotte 67. Ibid. An intelligent biography that will

Bronté and Her Family (1988), pp. 33-69 place Princess Charlotte in a _ wider

passim. context of nineteenth-century, attitudes

47. Marie F. Busco, ‘The ‘Achilles’ in towards women and the monarchy Hyde Park’, Burlington’ Magazine 130 would be invaluable.

(1988), p. 922 and passim. 68. N.B. Penny, ‘English church monu-

48. J.W. Fortescue, A History of the British ments to women who died in childbed Army (13 vols, 1899-1930), Iv, pp. between 1780 and 1835’, Journal of the

900-1. Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 38 (1975).

49. From a list drawn up by Sarah Banks in 69. Gentleman’s Magazine 87 (1817), p. 610.

406 Notes to pages 273-287 70. Jean Bethke Elshtain, Public Man, Private and pressure group politics in Britain Woman, (1981), pp. 164-5; and see Joel (1825-—60)’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Schwartz, The Sexual Politics of Jean- University Library 63 (1980-1), p. 205. Jacques Rousseau (Chicago, 1984).

71. Vindication, 86. . More (New York, , 72. M.G. Jones, p. Hannah 1968 ‘cd and see Mitzi Meyers, 7 MANPOWER ‘Reform or Ruin: “A Revolution in 1. None of the many brilliant graphic Female Manners”’’, Studies in Eighteenth- artists at work in Britain at. this ,

Century Culture 11 (1982). time, Isaac Cruickshank, Thomas

73. Life and Correspondence of Mrs Hannah Rowlandson, George | Woodward,

More, ul, p. 371. Charles Williams or Gillray himself,

74. Poovey, The Proper Lady, pp. 33-4. was able to forge a convincing and 75. Strictures on the Modern System of Female uncondescending image of the plebeian

Education (2 vols, 1799), 1, p. 5 and patriot. The reasons for this were

passim. aesthetic as well as political: see John

76. Females of the Present Day, Considered as Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape:

to their Influence on Society by a Country The Rural Poor in English Painting

Lady (1831), pp. 1-37. 1730-1840 (Cambridge, 1980); and cf.

77. Quoted in J.T. Williams, “Bearers of Matthew Paul Lalumia Realism and moral and spiritual values: the social Politics in Victorian Art of the Crimean

, roles of clergymen and women in War (Epping, 1984), pp. 1-38.

British society, _c.1790—c.1880, as 2. Quoted in Geoffrey Best, War and mirrored in attitudes to them as fox- Society in Revolutionary Europe 1770hunters’, Oxford University D.Phil. 1870 (1982), p. 63.

_ dissertation, 1987, p. 171. 3. See, for example, Alan Forrest, Con- |

78. Quoted in Ruth and Edmund Frow, scripts and Deserters: The Army and French Political Women, 1800-50 (1989), p. 13. Society During the Revolution and Empire 79. James Epstein, “Understanding the cap (New York, 1989); and his The Soldiers of liberty: symbolic practice and social of the French Revolution (Durham, N.C.,

conflict in early nineteenth century 1990); Charles J. Esdaile, The Spanish England’, Past & Present 122 (1989), Army in the Peninsular War (Manchester,

pp. 100-1. 1988); T.C.W. Blanning, The French

80. Ibid. William Cobbett claimed that the Revolution in Germany: Occupation and

idea of plebeian women awarding Resistance in the Rhineland 1792-1802 liberty caps to their male ‘champions’ (Oxford, 1983). derived from the practice of affluent = 4, Insurrection: the British Experience 1795women presenting banners to the volun- 1803 (Gloucester, 1983), p. 262.

teer corps. _ | 5. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power: War,

81. Louis Billington and = Rosamund Money and the English State, 1688-1783,

Billington, ‘“A burning zeal for (1989), p. 30.

righteousness”: women in the British 6. Paul Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of the anti-slavery movement, 1820-1860’, in Great Powers (1988), pp. 156-80. Jane Rendall (ed.), Equal or Different: 7. See Clive Emsley, British Society and the Women’s Politics 1800-1914 (Oxford, French Wars 1793-1815 (1979), passim.

1987). 8. In March 1805, Lord Hawkesbury told

| 82. Ibid.; and see F.K. Prochaska, Women his fellow peers that 810,000 men were and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century serving within the United Kingdom

England (Oxford, 1980). alone: ‘That was nearly one in four of

83. Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and the whole male population of this Antislavery: British Mobilization in country capable of bearing arms... Comparative Perspective (1986), p- 85. greater than any other country on the 84. Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), p. 572. globe has now’, Hansard, Ist series, 3

85. Ibid., p. 1324. (1805), p. 808.

86. Ibid., 3rd series, 8 (1831), p. 916. 9, J.R. Western, The English Militia in 87. Ibid., 2nd series, 20 (1829), p. 373. the Eighteenth Century: The Story of a 88. Ibid., 3rd series, 18 (1833), p. 309. Political Issue (1965), pp. 127-54. 89. Alex Tyrrell, ‘Women’s mission” 10, See I.F.W. Beckett, ‘Buckinghamshire

| Notes to pages 287-297 407 militia lists for 1759: a social analysis’, 21, W.G. Hoskins (ed.), Exeter Militia List Records of Buckitighamshire, 20 (1977). 1803 (Chichester, 1972), pp. 52 and 74.

141. See the nationwide militia return 22. Quoted in J.R. Dinwiddy, ‘Parlia-

dated 13 August 1796, P.R.O., 30/8/244, mentary reform as an issue in English

fol. 92. : politics, 1800-1810’, London University

12. Western, English Militia pp. 219-24; and Ph.D. dissertation, 1971, pp. 56-7. see his ‘The Formation of the Scottish 23, Return of volunteers in Sharnbrook, militia in 1797’, Scottish Historical Review Bedfordshire Record Office, HA

117 (1955). 15/1—4; Litcham parish association list,

13. A View of the Establishment of the Royal Norfolk Record Office, Townshend MS | Edinburgh Volunteers (Edinburgh, 1797); 5 B6. I am grateful to Professor J.E. Cookson 24, See Appendices 2 and 3; Western, for allowing me to consult his ‘Patrio- English Militia, pp. 447-8.

tism and social structure: the Ely 25. Nicholas Mansfield, ‘Volunteers and volunteers, 1798-1808’ in advance of recruiting’, in G. Gliddon (ed.), Norfolk

publication. and Suffolk in the Great War (Norwich,

14. Ann Hudson, ‘Volunteer soldiers in 1988), p. 19. Coastal, as’ distinct from Sussex during the Revolutionary and inland East Anglia—and_— especially Napoleonic Wars, 1793-1815’, Sussex Norfolk-—did have a strong naval Archaeological Collections 122 (1984), tradition: but I suspect that in many

p. 179. cases the prime objects of desire were

15. The debate on the feasibility of revolu- the sea and its opportunities, rather than

tion in Britain during the 1790s and the land and its rulers. after has been sharp and-naturally 26. J.W. Fortescue, The County Lieutenancies

enough since the question is hypo- and the Army 1803-14 (1909), pp. 32-7. thetical-inconclusive. For two well- 27. In December 1803, the House of

documented interpretations from Commons was told that 217,196 opposite ends of the political spectrum firearms had been distributed among see Wells, Insurrection: The British volunteer corps: Hansard, 1st series, Experience, and lan R. Christie, Stress 1 (1803-4), pp. 381-2. and Stability in Late Eighteenth-Century 28. For the kind of pressure Scottish Britain (Oxford, 1984). My own view is grandees were able to exert in recruit-

that alienation and discontent were more ment, see Eric R. Crageen, Argyll Estate savage than Professor Christie suggests, Instructions: Mull, Morevern, Tiree 1771but that to discuss these strains primarily 1805 (Edinburgh, 1964), p. 195. in terms of the potential for revolution 29. Hansard, 1st series, 1 (1803-4), p. 1902.

is unhelpful. 30. See Appendix 2.

16. D.V. Glass, Numbering the People: The 31. Quoted in Hudson, ‘Volunteer soldiers 18th Century Population Controversy and in Sussex’, p. 169.

the Development of Census and Vital 32. Lord Advocate to Lord Pelham, 6

Statistics in Britain (1978), p. 107. August 1803, P.R.O., H.O. 102,

17. Richard Cobb, The People’s Armies, vol. 18, Part 2, R.H. 2/4/88, fol. 244.

trans. Marianne Elliott (New Haven and 33. Western, ‘Formation of the Scottish

London, 1987), p. 10. For a list of many militia’, p. 8. |

of the extant returns from English and — 34. See the arguments of William Withering

Welsh counties, see I.F.W. Beckett to Henry Dundas, 26 April 1798, (ed.), The Buckinghamshire Posse Scottish Record Office, GD 51/1/931. Comitatus 1798 (Aylesbury, 1985), 35. Defence of the Realm returns for pp. 363-6. No exhaustive list exists Basingstoke hundreds 1798, Hampshire because the research necessary has never Record Office, B/XVIIa/5/3.

been done. 36. Defence of the Realm returns for

18. See Appendix 2. Barford, Stodden and Willey hundreds, 19. Defence of the Realm return for Bedfordshire R.O. HA 15/1—4.

Crickadarn parish, National Library of 37. M.Y. Ashcroft, To Escape the Monster’s

Wales, Maybery MSS 6941-64. Clutches: notes and documents illustrating 20. Sussex Militia List, Pevensey Rape 1803 the preparations in North Yorkshire to repel Northern Division (Eastbourne, 1988), the invasion threatened by the French from

under East Grinstead. 1793, North Yorkshire County Record

408 Notes to pages 297-313 Office Publications, no: 15 (1977), p. 75. parish superintendants, 4 August 1803,

38. Information on Provence from a lecture Bedfordshire Record Office, HA by Alan Forrest: ‘Conscription, deser- 15/4/2. tion, and the rural community in France, 56. Richard Fothergill to Charles Morgan,

1792-1814’. | 6 May 1797, National Library of Wales,

39. Western, English Militia, pp. 258-9. Tredegar MS 396 (my emphasis). 40. These calculations are based on a_ 57. J.W. and Anne Tibble (eds), The Prose of comparison of the 1804 returns analysed John Clare (1951), p. 47. For one nightin Appendix 2 with the abstract of the mare caused by the invasion panic, see

1801 census. , The Diary of Joseph Farington, ed. pp. 79-81. Kathryn Cave (16 vols, New Haven and

41. Forrest, Conscripts and Deserters, Kenneth Garlick, Angus Macintyre and

42. Edinburgh Review 5 (1803), pp. 10-11. London, 1978-84), vi, pp. 2082-3. 43. On unemployment and enlistment, see 58. Pamela Horn, The Rural World 1780Clive Emsley, “The impact of war and 1850: Social Change in the English military participation on Britain and Countryside (1980), p. 63. France 1792-1815’, in his and James 59. See Appendix 2. Walvin (eds) Artisans, Peasants and — 60. Ann Kussmaul (ed.), The Autobiography Proletarians 1760-1860: Essays presented of Joseph Mayett of Quainton 1783-1839,

to Gwyn A. Williams (1985), pp. 71-2. Buckinghamshire Record Society,

44. Fortescue, County Lieutenancies, p. 111. no. 23 (Cambridge, 1986), p. 23.

45. Defence of the Realm return for 61. Quoted in Hudson, ‘Volunteer soldiers

Edinburgh county, 30 April 1798, in Sussex’, p. 180.

Scottish Record Office, GD 224/628/ 62. All responses recorded in Hoskins,

3/18. , Exeter Militia List, pp. 51, 53, 54, 59.

46. Letter dated 7 August 1803 included in 63. William Rowbottom, an Oldham the Defence of the Realm return for weaver, quoted in G.A. Steppler, “The Riseley, Bedfordshire Record Office, common soldier in the reign of George

HA 15/2. HI, 1760—1793’, Oxford University

47. Autobiography of Peter Laurie, Guild- D.Phil. dissertation, 1984, p. 30. hall Library, London, MS _ 20,334, 64. See infra, pp. 80—5.

fol. 17. 65. Reference untraced at time of going to

48. The rest of this paragraph is based on press.

James Brown’s The Rise, Progress and 66. The Times, 19 July 1803.

Military Improvement of the Bristol 67. See, for example, Blanning, French

Volunteers (1798). Revolution in Germany.

49. E.A. Wrigley and R.S. Schofield, The 68. David Salmon, “The French invasion of Population History of England, 1541-1871 Pembrokeshire in 1797’, West Wales (Cambridge, 1981), p. 529. In Scotland, Historical Records 14 (1929), p. 202. over 60 per cent of the population was 69. C.J. Hart, The History of the 1st volunteer

under thirty in 1821, T.C. Smout, A Battalion, the Royal Warwickshire ReHistory of the Scottish People 1560-1830 giment (Birmingham, 1906), p. 57;

(Glasgow, 1972), p. 262. P.R.O., H.O. 42/72/174-6.

50. ‘The Pitman’s Revenege [sic] against 70. A popular cult of Napoleon only Buonaparte’, in A Collection of New emerged in Britain after Waterloo.

Songs (Newcastle, n.d.). 71. In 1815, the economist Patrick

51. K.J. Logue, Popular Disturbances in Colquhoun calculated that the total Scotland 1780-1815 (Edinburgh, 1979), military and naval strength of the

p. 103 (my emphasis). British empire was over one million

52. David Neave, ‘Anti-Militia riots in men, an estimate that included the East Lincolnshire, 1757 and 1796’, Lincoln- India Company’s armed forces: C.A. shire History and Archaeology 11 (1976), Bayly, Imperial Meridian: The British

— p. 25. Empire and the World 1780-1830 (1989), 53. National Library of Wales, Tredegar p. 3. MS 405. 72. Quoted in John Barrell, The Political 54. See Fortescue, County Lieutenancies, Theory of Painting from Reynolds to

pp. 198 et seq. Hazlitt (New Haven and London, 1986),

55. Printed letter from John Trevor to p. 139.

Notes to pages 313—327 409 73. See A Digest of the Whole Law now in Royal Historical Society 28 (1978), Force Relating to Volunteer Corps in Great p. 146.

Britain (6th edn, 1804), p. 7. 2. Seymour Drescher, Capitalism and

74. Scots Magazine 59 (1797), p. 705. And Antislavery: British Mobilization in see Sir John Dalrymple’s speech in Comparative Perspective (1986), p. 96;

Edinburgh the following year con- for the problems of the post-war gratulating the volunteer regiments on British economy, see Boyd Hilton,

connecting the different parts of Great Corn, Cash, Commerce: The Economic

Britain more closely together: ibid Policies of the Tory Government 1815-

60 (1798), p. 788. 1830 (Oxford, 1977).

75. Information from the local history 3. For this: G.C. Bolton, The Passing of museum at Woodbridge, Suffolk. the Irish Act of Union (Oxford, 1966); 76. This and the next paragraph are based R.B. McDowell, Ireland in the Age of

Mayett. (Oxford, 1979).

on Kussmaul, Autobiography of Joseph Imperialism and Revolution 1760-1801

77. Ibid., p. 58. 4. Archibald Prentice, Historical Sketches

78. Printed general order, 16 May 1801, and Personal Recollections of Manchester

Staffordshire Record Office, D (W) (1970 edn), p. 70.

1788, parcel 1, bundle 4. For a selection 5. C.A. Bayly, Imperial Meridian: The of addresses to volunteers, see Thomas British Empire and the World 1780-1830

Preston, Patriots in Arms (1881). (1989), p. 3. Professor Bayly suggests

79. See my ‘Whose nation? Class and that as much as 26 per cent of the national consciousness in Britain 1750- world’s population may have been 1830’, Past & Present 113 (1986), pp. included within the empire by 1820.

114-15. 6. Katherine Solender, Dreadful fire!

80. P.R.O., H.O. 42/69/238, 42/78/269. Burning of the Houses of Parliament 81. J.R. Harvey, ‘A History of the Military (Cleveland, Ohio, 1984), pp. 27-41.

Forces of the county of Norfolk’, 7. Kenneth Clark, The Gothic Revival typescript in Norfolk Record Office, Iv, (1962 edn), pp. 130-3; but see also

p. 641. M.H. Port (ed.), The Houses of Par-

82. Quoted in Clive Emsley, ‘The military liament (New Haven and London, and popular disorder in England, 1790- 1976), pp. 53-72, 122-141.

1801’, Journal of the Society for Army 8. For example, in G.I.T. Machin’s classic Historical Research 61 (1983), p. 106. The Catholic Question in English Politics

83. John Bohstedt, Riots and Community 1820 to 1830 (Oxford, 1964), p. 194, Politics in England and Wales 1790-1810 but see also p. 8.

(Cambridge, 1983), p. 51. 9. Oliver MacDonagh, The Hereditary

84. Fortescue, County Lieutenancies, p. 200. Bondsman: Daniel O’Connell 1775-1829

| 85. See, for example, the secret information (1988).

from ‘J. Notary’, 19 January 1804, 10. Colin Haydon, ‘Anti-Catholicism in

P.R.O., H.O. 42/78/216—-19. eighteenth century England c.1714-

86. Edward Thompson, The Making of the c.1780’, Oxford University D.Phil. English Working Class (1965), p. 171. dissertation, 1985, passim. 87. Proposals from J.G. at Royal Military 11. Robert Kent Donovan, ‘The military

College, May 1803, P.R.O., 30/8/245, origins of the Roman Catholic relief

fols 21-3. programme of 1778’, Historical Journal

88. The Autobiography of Samuel Bamford, ed. 28 (1985); Christine Johnson, ‘Devel-

W.H. Chaloner, (2 vols, 1967 edn), u, opments in the Roman Catholic church

p. 19. in Scotland, 1789-1829’, Edinburgh

89. G.D.H. and M. Cole, The Opinions of University Ph.D. dissertation, 1981,

William Cobbett (1944), p. 207. pp. 31-2.

12. Quoted in Edward Porritt, The Unreformed House of Commons: Parliamentary Representation Before 1832 (2 vols.,

8 VICTORIES: 1963 edn.), Il, p. 468.

1. Quoted in N. Gash, ‘After Waterloo: 13. B. Aspinwall, “Was O’Connell necBritish society and the legacy of the essary? Sir Joseph Dillon, Scotland and Napoleonic Wars’, Transactions of the the movement for Catholic emanci-

410 Notes to pages 327-338 pation’, in David Loades (ed.), The End No Popery and Radicalism: Opposition

of Strife (Edinburgh, 1984). to Roman Catholic Relief in Scotland,

14. Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), p. 795. 1778-1782 (New York, 1987). 15. R.G. Thorne (ed.), The History of 30. MPs and peers regularly drew attention Parliament: The House of Commons to the ‘marginality’ of the protesters: 1790-1820 (5 vols, 1986), 1, pp. 141- Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 316,

225. 372-3, 572, 610, 1324; ibid. 21 (1829),

16. Too many tears and—by now-—too p. 659.

much ink has been spent on the Ultra 31. Ibid. 20 (1829), p. 604.

Tories: see D.G.S. Simes, ‘The Ultra 32. A point well made in J.R. Wolfe, Tories in British politics 1824-1834’, ‘Protestant societies and Anti-Catholic

| Oxford University D.Phil. disser- agitation in Great Britain 1829-1860’,

tation, 1974; G.F.A. Best, ‘The Oxford University D.Phil. disser-

Protestant constitution and its sup- tation, 1984, pp. 184 and 353.

porters, 1800-1829’, Transactions of the 33. On the continuing strength of anti-

Royal Historical Society 8 (1958). Catholicism throughout Great Britain 17. See Machin, The Catholic Question, after 1829, see Wolfe, ‘Protestant

pp. 65-178. societies; W.L. Arnstein, Protestant

18. Jeffrey Williamson, “The impact of the versus Catholic in mid-Victorian England

Irish on British labour markets during (1982); Geoffrey Best, ‘Popular Prothe Industrial Revolution’, in Roger testantism in Victorian Great Britain’ — Swift and Sheridan Gilley (eds), The in R. Robson (ed.), Ideas and Institutions Irish in Britain 1815-1939 (1989). of Victorian Britain (1967). 19. Information on the anti-Catholic 34. Bruce Lenman, Integration, Enlightenpetitions is taken throughout from the ment, and Industrialization: Scotland

High Tory newspaper John Bull. 1746-1832 (1981), p. 159.

20. By contrast, the repeal of the Test and 35. This account is based on C.R. Fay, Corporation Acts in 1828 and the Huskisson and His Age (1951), pp. 1-11; formal extension of full civil rights to and Frances Ann Kemble, Record of a British Protestant dissenters provoked Girlhood (3 vols, 1878), u, pp. 187-90. only twenty-eight hostile petitions. 36. I owe this information to my graduate As always, the divisions within the student Stephanie Barczewski. Protestant community proved far less 37. Geoffrey Madan’s Notebooks, ed. J.A. flammable than the Protestant-Catholic Gere and John Sparrow (1981), p. 117. divide. See G.I.T. Machin, “Resistance 38. The most recent detailed account is

to repeal of the Test and Corporation M. Brock, The Great Reform Act Acts, 1828’, Historical Journal 22 (1979). (1973); and see Eric J. Evans, Britain 21. Quoted in the Taunton Courier, 4 before the Reform Act: Politics and Society

March 1829 (my emphasis). 1815-1832 (1989).

22. Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 644 39. For Paine’s iconoclasm: Edward and 905 (Taunton and Frome); John Thompson, The Making of the English

Bull, 22 March 1829. Working Class (1965), pp. 83-101.

23. Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 905, 40. The Times, 6 December 1794.

1062. | 41. See T.M. Parssinen, ‘Association

24. G.I.T. Machin, ‘Catholic emancipation Convention and Anti-Parliament in

as an issue in North Welsh politics British radical politics, 1771-1848’, 1825-1829’, Transactions of the Hon- English Historical Review 87 (1973); and ourable Society of Cymmrodorion (1962), Gareth Stedman Jones, ‘Rethinking

p. 89. Chartism’, in his Languages of Class

25. Machin, The Catholic Question, p. 140. (Cambridge, 1983).

26. Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), p. 808. 42. Prentice, Historical Sketches, p. 188. 27. See Peter Burke, Popular Culture in 43. Included in The Radical Reformers’ New

Early Modern Europe (1978), pp. 270- Song Book: being a choice collection of

86. | patriotic songs (Newcastle, n.d., but

28. Hansard, 2nd series, 20 (1829), pp. 358, after 1819).

422, 580. 44. J.R. Dinwiddy, From Luddism to the

29. J.P. de Castro, The Gordon Riots First Reform Bill (1986), pp. 24—30.

(Oxford, 1926); Robert Kent Donovan, 45. W.M. Roach, ‘Radical reform move-

Notes to pages 338-351 411 ments in Scotland from 1815 to 1822’, parliamentary reform, 1780-1832’, Glasgow University Ph.D. disser- Welsh History Review 7 (1975); Michael

tation, 1970, pp. 18-21. Dyer, ‘‘‘Mere detail and machinery”:

46. See J.D. Brims, ‘The Scottish The. great Reform Act and the effects ‘‘Jacobins”’, Scottish nationalism and of re-distribution in Scottish repBritish union’, in Roger A. Mason resentation, 1832-1868’, Scottish (ed.), Scotland and England 1286-1815 Historical Review 62 (1983).

(Edinburgh, 1987); and his “The 68. This and the next paragraph draw Scottish Democratic Movement in heavily on Derek Beales’s excellent the Age of the French Revolution’, essay ‘The electorate before and after Edinburgh University Ph.D. dis- 1832: the right to vote, and the Op-

sertation, 1983. portunity’, which I was allowed to

47. Thompson, Making of the English consult before its publication.

Working Class, p. 693. 69. The Reform Act’s impact on England

48. Roach, ‘Radical reform movements in was less startling, but still striking. In

Scotland’, pp. 163-4. 1826, 104,558 men were able to cast

49. See the anonymous pamphlet Order of their votes in the English constituencies the Procession (Edinburgh, n.d., but out of a possible total of over 340,000. 1832), National Library of Scotland. In 1830, only 88,216 voted. But in the

50. Scotsman, 2 and 13 June 1832. first general election under the new 51. J. Belchem, ‘Henry Hunt and the system, 381,375 English voters were evolution of the mass _ platform’, able to use their votes.

English Historical Review 93 (1978), 70. I use here the estimates supplied in

p. 755. Robert J. Goldstein, Political Repression

52. Quoted in Dorothy Thompson, The in 19th Century Europe (1983), pp. 4-5. Chartists (1984), p. 13 (my emphasis). The relative generosity of the 1832 53. J.R. Dinwiddy, Christopher Wyvill and franchise emerges even more starkly if Reform 1790-1820, Borthwick Papers, one looks at the electorate in England,

no. 39 (York, 1971), p. 23. Wales and Scotland alone, rather than

54. See Joseph Hamburger, James Mill and in the United Kingdom as a whole as

the Art of Revolution (New Haven, Goldstein does. 1963), pp. 75-136; Peter Fraser, 71. John Belchem, Orator ,Hunt: Henry

‘Public petitioning and Parliament Hunt and English Working Class Radical-

before 1832’, History 158 (1961). ism, (Oxford, 1985), p. 222.

55. John Cannon, Parliamentary Reform 72. For complaints by Scottish MPs about

1640-1832 (Cambridge, 1973), this: Hansard, 3rd series, 9 (1831-2),

p. 214n.; Hansard, 3rd series, 3 (1831), pp. 187 and 632 et seq.; ibid., 10 (1832),

pp. 1201-2. , pp. 1080-97. Since most of them were

56. For example, the issue for 5 October staunch Tories, they were hampered

1831. by the fact that they were bound to

57. Scotsman, 10 September 1831. oppose the Reform Act in general, and 58. Ibid., 13 June 1832 (Dalkeith meeting); so were scarcely in a position to

25 April 1832. demand more generous terms for

59. Ibid., 22 October 1831. Scotland in particular. | 60. See, for instance, Paul Johnson, The 73. See Dyer, ‘‘‘Mere detail and machBirth of the Modern (1991), pp. 995-7. inery’’; N. Gash, Reaction and Recon61. G.M. Trevelyan, Lord Grey of the struction in English Politics, 1832-1853

Reform Bill (1920), pp. 308-9. (Oxford, 1965).

62. The best account is Cannon, Parlia- 74. See the illustration ‘“‘The Gathering of

mentary Reform, pp. 204-63. the Unions” on Newhall Hill, 7 May

63. See E.A. Smith, Lord Grey 1764-1845 1832’, in The Collected Essays of Asa

(Oxford, 1990). Briggs. 1: Words, Numbers, Places, People

64. Trevelyan, Lord Grey, p. 285. (Brighton, 1985), pp. 60-1.

65. Hansard, 3rd series, 8 (1831), p. 599 75. Goldstein, Political repression, pp. 4—5.

(my emphasis). 76. Albert Boime, The Art of Exclusion:

66. See Brock, Great Reform Act, pp. 310- Representing Blacks in the Nineteenth

13. Century (1990), pp. 67-70.

67. David A. Wager, ‘Welsh politics and 77. The most useful survey is James

412 Notes to pages 351-369 Walvin, England, Slaves, and Freedom, men, but its cotton textile industry 1776-1838 (Jackson, Miss., 1986). continued to draw over 70 per cent of Despite its title, this book does not in its raw material from the slave states

fact confine itself to England. of America: David Brion Davis,

78. Seymour Drescher, Econocide: British Slavery and Human Progress (New

Slavery in the Era of Abolition York, 1984), pp. 208-9. (Pittsburgh, 1977), p. 27. 97. See Seymour Drescher, “Cart whip and

79. Ibid., pp. 28-30. Cf. Paul Lovejoy, billy roller: or Anti-Slavery and reform ‘The volume of the Atlantic slave symbolism in industrializing Britain’, trade’, Journal of African History (1982). Journal of Social History, 15 (1981).

80. Quoted in David Brion Davis, The 98. Davis, Slavery and Human _ Progress, Problem of Slavery in the Age of Re- p. Xvill (my emphasis). My debt to this

volution, 1770-1823 (1975) p. 24. remarkable book in the interpretation 81. Ibid., pp. 45-9; Drescher, Capitalism offered here will be obvious.

and Antislavery, p. 60. 99. Hansard, 3rd series, 15 (1833), p. 1197.

82. Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade 100. See Conor Cruise O’Brien, God Land: and British Abolition 1760-1810 (1975), Reflections on Religion and Nationalism

p. 239. (Cambridge, Mass., 1987).

83. Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery, 101. For Parliament's refusal to debate

pp. 70-3. petitions after the mid-1830s, a de-

84. John Pollock, Wilberforce (1977), p. 89. cision prompted in part by the deter-

85. Hansard, 1st series, 8 (1806-7), mination to cut down opportunities for

pp. 670-1. , popular pressure on the legislature, see

86. Quoted in. Davis, The Problem of Fraser, “Public petitioning’, pp. 209-11.

Slavery, p. 379. 102. Hansard, 3rd series, 16 (1833), p. 1201;

87. Drescher, Capitalism and Antislavery, Fraser, “Public petitioning’, p. 207. pp. 59, 74-94. 88. Ibid., p. 85; Alex Tyrrell, “The moral

radical party and the Anglo-Jamaican CONCLUSIONS , campaign for the abolition of the negro

apprenticeship system’, English Histori- 1. This and the next paragraph draw

cal Review 99 (1984), p. 492. heavily on H.A.D. Miles and David

89. Folarin Shyllon, Black People in Britain Blayney Brown, Sir David Wilkie of

1555-1833 (1977). Scotland (Raleigh, N.C., 1987).

90. The Bow in the Cloud; Or, the Negro’s 2. See Allan Cunningham, The Life of Sir Memorial (1834), p. 405. This collection David Wilkie (3 vols, 1843), u, pp. 71-7. of amateur verses by different Britons 3. E.J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism on the emancipation of the West Indian since 1780 (Cambridge, 1990), p. 91. slaves is an invaluable text forthe more 4. John Lough, France on the Eve of Recomplacent brand of patriotism at this volution: British Travellers’ Observations

time. 1763-1788 (1987), p. 61.

91. Davis, The Problem of Slavery, p. 49. 5. Hugo Young, The Iron Lady: A Bio92. Robin Furneaux, William Wilberforce graphy of Margaret Thatcher (New York,

(1974), pp. 455-6. 1989), p. 9.

93. Econocide, p. 16. Drescher is rebutting 6. See Brian Stanley, The Bible and the

here, to my mind _ successfully, the Flag: Protestant Missions and British argument of Eric Williams’s classic, Imperialism in the Nineteenth and Twen-

Capitalism and Slavery (1944). tieth Centuries (1990).

94. See Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atone- 7. For this tendency, see Edward W. Said, ment: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Orientalism (New York, 1978): for Social and Economic Thought 1795-1865 example, pp. 33-4.

(Oxford, 1988), passim. 8. F. Reid, Keir Hardie: The Making of a

95. Hansard, 1st series, 7 (1806), p. 807; Socialist (1978), p. 124.

ibid., 8 (1806-7), pp. 978-9. 9. See Simon Schama, The Embarrassment

96. Drescher, Econocide, passim. In econ- of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch omic, as in moral terms, Britain's Culture in the Golden Age (Berkeley and record on slavery was mixed. After Los Angeles, 1988); Michael Roberts, 1838, its sugar was produced by free ‘The Swedish Church’, in his edited

Notes to pages 369-375 413 volume, Sweden’s Age of Greatness Scotland. u: 1830-1914 (Edinburgh,

(1973). 1990). James Bryce made the point well

10. Paul Bushkovitch, ‘The formation of a in 1887: ‘An Englishman has but one national consciousness in early modern patriotism, because England and the Russia’, Harvard Ukrainian Studies 10, United Kingdom are to him practically

no. 3/4 (1986). the same thing. A Scotchman has two,

11. I am emboldened to make this criticism but he is sensible of no opposition of Eugen Weber’s remarkable Peasants between them’, Mr. Gladstone and the

into Frenchmen: The Modernization of Nationalities of the United Kingdom: A Rural France, 1870-1914 (Stanford, Ca., Series of Letters to the ‘Times’ (1887),

1976), by the work of my colleague p. 15.

David Bell. 19. Gentleman’s Magazine 101 (1831), pp. 12. Ibid., p. 112. 438-9. 13. Quoted in Christopher Hill, Collected 20. Glanmor Williams, Religion, Language Essays. wt: People and Ideas in 17th and Nationality in Wales (Cardiff, 1979),

Century England (1986), p. 249. pp. 143-4.

14. Cf. Arthur Marwick, The Deluge: British 21. Sir John Sinclair, An Account of the Society and the First World War (1965). Highland Society of London (1813), pp.

15. This is beginning to happen. See, for 27 and.35. 0

instance, the essays in Raphael Samuel, 22. Tom Nairn’s Scottish Nationalist classic ed., Patriotism: The Making and Unmaking The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neoof British National Identity (3 vols, 1989). Nationalism (2nd edn, 1981) has been fol-

16. Quoted in John Morley, The Life of lowed by a succession of similar studies. Richard Cobden (Boston, Mass., 1881), But anyone who wants a sense of just

p. 313. | how urgent and widespread this debate

17. Peter Scott, Knowledge and Nation has now become need only glance at the

(Edinburgh, 1990), p. 168. daily newspaper press in Britain.

18. See R.J. Morris, “Scotland, 1830-1914: 23. Sir John Macpherson to Sir John

The Making of a Nation within a Sinclair, 9 November 1798, History of Nation’, in R.J. Morris and W.H. Parliament Trust, Sinclair transcripts. Fraser, eds., People and Society in

Index

References to illustrations are in italic Britishness, acquisition of, 156-64 demographic crisis, 156-8

Aberdeen, George Gordon, 4th Earl of, education, 167—70

162-3 European art and culture, 165—6

Act of Settlement (1701), 46, 67, 196 masculinity cult of, 170, 172, 177-88

Act of Union (1536), 11 membership, 154

Act of Union (1707), 11-13, 39, 322 military leaders, as, 149-51

Act of Union (1800), 322 , parliamentary influence, 154—5

Adam, Robert, 123, 159 peerage, expansion of, 190-1

Adams, John, 136 radical attacks on corruption, 152-5 Addington, Henry, 189, 309 - service to country, cult of, 50, 177-82 Addison, Joseph, 57 virtue of public service, 189-92 Aikman, William, 174 see also social classes Albermarle, George Monck, 1st Duke of, Army, ,

370 : 1745 rebellion, 80—5

Albert, Prince Consort, 230 aristocracy’s leadership role, 149-51, 178

almanacs, 20—2, 26 Catholic recruitment, 326 American colonies, empire, maintenance of, 102 Britishness of, 134 expansion during French wars, 284-8

growing autonomy of, 135 foreign mercenaries, 284 |

population growth, 70 Hogarth’s depiction, 44—6 rejection of British attitudes, 105 military bands, 307—8

taxation, 136 , Militia,

| trade with, 68—70, 137-8 county quotas, 287

American War of Independence (1775-83), crowd control at royal events, 225

anti-slavery movement and, 352, 354 lack of training, 77, 80-1 constitutional issues, 136, 142-3 Leicestershire arouse wrath of women,

Declaration of Independence (1776), 141 257 defeat, effect of, 52, 143-5, 148-9 , Local, 312

events leading to, 136-7 Militia Act (1757), 52, 87, 292; ,

funding of, 64-5 unpopularity of, 52, 287, 303 public response to, 137-42 postings, 313-14, 315

social changes following, 353 Supplementary Militia Act (1796), 288

Union, effect on, 134 terms of enlistment, 313

Amherst, Elizabeth, Lady, 261 officer class, 184, 191

Anderson, Adam, 60 parades, 225-6

André, Major John, 148 patriotic deaths, 178-83 Andrews, John, 251-2 | public support for, 92, 94

Anglesey, 40, 329 Scots, Anglesey, Henry William Paget, 1st recruitment of, 103, 120, 126-7 Marquess of, 235 senior commanders, 163 Anti-Corn Law League, uniform,

Anne, Queen, 12, 46, 48, 198 strength in war and peace, 7, 293

women’s involvement, 277 glamour of, 257, 288

aristocracy, importance of, 184, 184-8, 185 art patrons, 174-7 volunteers, 288

Index 415 unpopularity changes to public pride, Bickham, George,

225-6 The Highlanders Medley, 78 volunteers, Bill of Rights (1689), 111-12, 196 ; victories, 52—3 Biggs, Mrs, 217-19

democracy amongst, 316-17 Birmingham, 222, 311, 339

esprit de corps, 316 Black, Joseph, 123

Hyde Park review (1803), 225 Black Dwarf, 276 mobilising for French wars, 287—300 Blackburn,

officers, 288 Female Reform Society, 277 reasons for volunteering, 300-8 Blake, William, 30, 44, 175

replaced by Local Militia, 312 Bogle, George, 128-9

compared, 309 189

response to call; 1745 and 1803 Bolingbroke, Henry St. John, Viscount, 46,

terms of enlistment, 293, 313 Book of Martyrs (Foxe), 25-8, 26, 27

women’s support for, 260-2 Boswell, James, 124, 125

see also patriotism, willingness to fight Boulton, Matthew, 123 |

for country Boydell, John, 174 art, Bradford, Wiltshire, 82 British, promotion of, 59, 174—6 Brahan Castle, Seaforth, 159, 163 British Institution, 176 Breadalbane family, 156

country-house collections opened to Brecknockshire, 290, 296

public, 175-7 , Brewer, John, 112

heroic, 178-81 Bridgwater, Francis Egerton, 3rd Duke of, Italian, appreciation of, 165—6 176

purchase of, 62-4 Bristol, 84, 222, 302, 352

Atterbury Plot (1723), 202 Britannia, 3, 70, 133, 341 Attwood, Thomas, 339 Britannia: . . . illustration of... England and

Augusta, Princess (mother of George III), ..« Wales (Ogilvie), 38

121-2, 210 British Empire,

Austen, Jane, American colonies, lack of government Northanger Abbey, 173-4 authority in, 135

Pride and Prejudice, 257 American War of Independence, Rousseau’s influence on, 240 reforms following, 145 Austen, Revd George, 296-7 education for governing, 169-70 Austrian Succession, War of (1739-48), 52, extension of,

99 after American War of149Independence,

Bagehot, Walter, 272 | after Seven Years War, 101-5

Bailyn, Bernard, 140 government dependent on non-English,

Bamford, Samuel, 318 : 127—32, 370 Barnard, Dr, 168-—9 post-Waterloo, 323

Barrington, Shute, Bishop of Durham, Scots’ influence in, 127-32 |

353 | slavery in, 323-4, 361

Barrington, William Wildman, 2nd trade with, 69-70

Viscount, 120 British Institution for Promoting the Fine Barry, Charles, 325 Arts, 176 | Bartolozzi, Francis, British Museum, 86

King George III, 194 Britishness,

Beaumont, Sir George, 173, 175 American War of Independence, effect of,

Bebbington, David, 23 145

Beckford, William, 112 aristocracy’s acquisition of, 156—64

Bedford, John Russell, 4th Duke of, 62 chosen people, British as, 30--3, 37, 360,

Bedfordshire, 292, 297, 301 368-9

Beith, John Hay, 163-4 diversity of cultures, 17

Bentinck, Lord William, 188 divinely blessed, belief that, 11, 18, 30-3,

Beresford, William Carr, Viscount, 191 353, 360, 368-9

Bergami, Bartolomeo, 265 English nationalism and, 12-13, 116, 162

Berkshire, 298 French, enmity of, as unifying factor, 17,

416 Index 24-5, 33-5, 86, 88—90, 251-2, 312, Canada, ,

368 oe conquest of, 101, 127, 135

localism and regionalism, survival of, see also Seven Years War

162-3, 372-4 Canada Act (1791), 145

recent invention, as, 5—6, 11-18, 373 Canaletto, Antonio, 62—4, 63

reform movement, of, 338-44 Canning, George, 151, 189 resentment towards concept, 13 Carlisle, 80 ruling class, of, 50, 370 Carlisle, Charles Howard, 3rd Earl of, 62

sea as boundary, 17 Carlton House, 215

trade, common interest in, 56 7 Carmarthenshire, 15, 296

upper classes, 193 Caroline of Brunswick (wife of George IV),

war as unifying factor, 17-18, 53, 322, 217, 221, 230 | 364-7 marriage to Prince of Wales, 265 Waterloo, problems of definition after, trial for adultery, 265

321-2 women campaign for, 265-8 Jane Eyre, 258 Carter, Isaac, 40 | Brougham and Vaux, Henry Peter, Ist Carteret, John (1st Earl Granville), 60 Bronté, Charlotte, Carrington, John, 225

Baron, 344-5 cartography, 93>

Brown, John, | Cartwright, Major John, 338 Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Castlereagh, Lord (Robert Stewart, 2nd Times, 87 , Marquess of Londonderry), 151, 160,

Brydges, Sir Samuel Egerton, 165, 189

Collins’s Peerage, 161, 176-7 Catherine Il, ‘the Great’, 125

Buckingham House (later Palace), 197, 198, Catholic emancipation, |

212-14, 213, 231 — Act of 1829,

Buckinghamshire, 307, 314 passing, of, 339—3 Bunbury, William Henry, _ restrictions remaining after, 334

Recruits, 299 toleration prior to, 325-8

Bunyan, John, 28-9 Catholic Relief Act (1778), 332

Burgh, James, Irish Catholics after 1800, 322-3

Britain’s Remembrancer ... , 87 petitions in opposition to, 329-30, 332

Burgoyne, General Sir John Fox, 149, 326 propaganda against, 330-1

Burke, Edmund, protest meetings, 331 British Empire and civil liberties, 102, ruling class’s attitude to, 332 130, 132 women petition against, 278-9, 333-4 Catholic emancipation, 327 Catholicism,

commerce and war, 71 , anti-Catholic feeling as basis for political

emotionalism, 151 -— policy, 46, 326

French Revolution, on, 150 Corporation Act (1663), 326 Reflections on the Revolution in France, 232, emancipation, see Catholic emancipation

252-3, 255, 263, 268 re militancy in Europe, 23-4, 29

theory of the sublime, 173 | | political and social restraints on Catholics,

Burke, John, 19, 51, 326 Burke’s Peerage, 154, 161 Protestants’ fear of, 20—5, 329-32 Burke, Peter, 331 Test Act (1673), 326

Bute, 295 toleration towards, 22, 325-8 Bute, John Stuart, 3rd Earl of, 92, 110, seen as un-British, 19

121-2, 126,128,210 — Cawches, Katherine, 27

Bute family, 157 Cawdor, John Campbell, 1st Baron, 257

John, 90among, , Celts, 14 .Butley, divisions Caenarfonshire, 15, 40 census of 1800, 289—90

Caithness-shire, 141, 290 Chamberlain, Muriel, 162 Cambridge University, 139, 167, 170 Chambers, Sir William, 124

Cambridgeshire, 292, 298 Chantrey, Francis,

Campbell, James, 104 William IV assenting to the Reform Bill, 345,

Camperdown, Earldom of, 191 346

Index | 417 charitable institutions, 58-9, 94, 240 Copley, John Singleton,

Charles I, King, 20, 196—7 Death of Major Peirson, 179-80, 181 Charles II, King, 135, 197-8 Coram, Thomas, 56—9, 61, 87, 98

Charlotte, Princess, Cornwall, 49, 80-1

Bartolozzi’s portrait, 270 Cornwallis, General Charles, 1st Marquess,

death in childbirth mourned, 220-1, 149

270-2 Counter-Reformation, 23

Charlotte, Queen Consort to George III, Cowper, William, 168 domesticity admired, 233, 268—70 Craig, James, 123

idealised by women, 272 credit,

West’s portrait, 268-70, 269 economy dependent on, 65-6 Chartism, 277, 280, 349, 360 | Cressy, David, 19 Chatham, 1st Earl of, see Pitt, William, the Cromwell, Oliver, 53

Elder Cruickshank, George, 210, 307

Cheshire, 81, 298 Making Decent!!, 259

Chesterfield, Philip Dormer Stanhope, 4th Culloden, Battle of (1746), 13, 22, 31, 80,

Earl of, 60, 166 85, 117, 326, 366 children, Cumberland, 312 patriotic ritual and, 226-7 Cumberland, William Augustus, Duke of,

see also education 78, 86 ,

Christian VII, King of Denmark, 196 customs and excise,

Churchill, Charles, 108 finance raised by, 65 Cinque Ports, 306. internal customs barriers, abolition of, by

citizenship, Act of Union, 39 Coleridge on, 312

312-13 217-18

invasion threat as unifying factor, Dartmouth, George Legge, 3rd Earl of, 176,

poor’s awareness of, 370-1 David, Jacques-Louis, 215 post-Waterloo achievements in civil Davis, David Brion, 356

rights, 322-3, 361-3 de Gouges, Olympe, 256 slavery in Empire, 323-4 Debrett, John, Wollstonecraft on, 274—5 Peerage... , 161

women extend limits of, 273-4 Defence of the Realm Acts (1798 and 1803)

see also political awareness returns, analysis of, 291-300

civic pride, Defoe, Daniel, 12, 32-3

associated with royal events, 224—5 The True-Born Englishman, 15

Civil List, 197, 212 Derby, 80, 85, 117

Civil Wars (1642-49), | Derbyshire, 298 destruction of royal palaces, 197 Devis, Arthur William, Clare, John, 17, 306 Death of Nelson, 180, 181 Clark, Kenneth, 325 Devon, 49, 292, 314, 317 -

Clarke, Mary Anne, 217-19 Devonshire, Georgiana, Duchess of, Clive, Robert, Baron, 132 on Marie-Antoinette’s execution, 255

Cobb, Richard, 289 Rousseau, admiration for, 273

348 : 247, 248, 250, 276

Cobbett, William, 155, 188, 279, 318-19, Westminster election, 1784, 242-8, 245,

Cockburn, Sir James, 126 Devonshire, William Cavendish, 5th Duke Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 312-13 , of, 244, 245 Collingwood, Captain, 350, 352 Dighton, Robert, 186 Condorcet, Marie J.A., Marquis de, 256 Dixon, John,

Constable, John, 175, 325 The Oracle, 133, 133-5

constitution, : Drescher, Seymour, 358 and religion, 19, 322-8 dress,

monarch’s powers under, 136, 196 court, 187

Paine on, 336 London tailoring, 187-8

upholding, as basis for resistance to military uniform, 184—8, 257, 288

Napoleon, 309 post-Revolutionary sombreness, 187

see also parliamentary reform women’s cross-dressing, 242, 243

418 Index , Duby, Georges, 43 Britons’ belief in inferiority of, 33-7, 374

Dumfries, 83 franchises in, 348, 350 Dun, House of, Montrose, 74, 84 nationalism, 85—6

Dundas, Henry (1st Viscount Melville), 128 revolution in, aristocracy’s reaction to,

Dunmore, John Murray, 4th Earl of, 131 149-55

Dunraven family, 157 trade with, 69 Durham, 298 transport and communications in, 40 Exeter, 84, 308

East Grinstead, 291 : East India Company, 64, 70, 79, 93, 95 Falkland Islands, 143 | economy, famine, 36-7 credit, dependency on, 65—6 Fawkes, Guido, 20 East Anglia, 139; insularity of, 292 Extraordinary Red Book, 152, 153

food prices, 158 Females of the Present Day . . . (anon), 276 Protestantism and, 43 Ferrers, Laurence Shirley, 4th Earl, 166 Scottish expansion, 123-4 Fieldhouse, David, 145 growth compatible with religion, 43 Ferguson, Adam, 31

see also trade Fielding, John, 97

Edinburgh, 80, 83, 222, 241-2, 288, 301 Fife, John, 344

New Town, 123 finance,

Edinburgh Review, 150 money supply and credit, 65-6 education, . see also National Debt; taxation classical, 168-9 Fishguard, French landing (1797), 256-7 patriotism, inculcation of, 226~—7 Flaxman, John, 175 ruling class, 167—70, 192 Flint, George, 79

Egerton family, 62 Flintshire, 15, 296. Egremont, George O’Brien Wyndham, 3rd food prices, 158 Earl of, 175, 288 Forbes, John, 105-6

Eldon, John Scott, ist Earl of, 279 Fordyce, James, 240, 241, 251

Ellis, Sarah Stickney, 276 Fortescue, Sir John, 317 Ely, 288 Foundling Hospital, London, 58-9, 61, 87 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 86 Fox, Charles James, 101, 151, 168, 208, | Act of Union, reaction to, 13 Foxe, John, 25-8 anti-English sentiment, 14 France, ethnic diversity, 15 American independence supported, 143,

England, 242-8 . parliamentary franchise, 348 148 ,

Englishness, culture and British aristocracy, 87-8, 165 acceptance of Welsh, 13 famines, 37

Act of Union (1707), resentment towards, Francophobia as unifying factor, 17, 24-5,

13 33-5, 86, 88-90, 251-2, 312, 368

England and English, use of terms when Hogarth’s satire on, 33-4 meaning Britain and British, 13, 116, Jacobitism, support for, 77-9

| 162 meritocracy as, 150 resentment at Scots, 12-13 national boundaries in 1700s, 17 self-confidence, 16 nationalism, 86

Wilkes as personification of, 106, 108, Orléans collection, 176

111-13 , slavery in Empire, 358-9

Enlightenment, trade rivalry, 79, 88-91, 93, 95

women in, 253 wars with

Scottish, 123, 132, 352 Napoleonic, 150

Enzer, Joseph, 74, 75 Revolutionary, 150

Erskine, David, of Dun, 74 Seven Years War, support for, 103

Essex, 292, 298 unifying factor, as, 17, 18

Eton College, 168-9, 192 victories flattering British pride, 52

Europe, women in, as seen by Britons, 250-2 culture and British aristocracy, 87-8, . see also French Revolution; French 165-6 Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars

Index 419 Franco-American agreement (1778), 166 cartoons of, 209-11

Franklin, Benjamin, 91 death, public reaction to, 230

Fraser, Simon, Master of Lovat, 131 early responses to, 202-3, 208 Frederick Lewis, Prince of Wales, 199, 206, finances, 197

227 government, involvement with, 207

Free, John, 90 Hyde Park review of volunteers (1803),

freemasonry, 227 225 French Revolution, Jefferson’s accusation of slavery, 352

art sales following, 175-6 jubilee celebrations, 218, 219, 222—3, 231 British aristocracy, effect on, 154 madness, 152, 195-6, 207

Burke on, 232, 252-3, 255 mythic attraction of, 233 mass arming in Europe following, 283 pity for, 212

women’s role, effect on, 252-7 political adroitness, 212 : women’s role in, 252-5 popularity in old age, 222—4

French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars, as Prince of Wales, 92

cost of, 150 revival of monarchy, 206-10 extent of, 286 Stuarts, admiration of, 207

evacuation plans, 306 Scottish—English relations, 119 growth of army and navy, 287 Tories admitted to office, 105, 110

310 George IV, King,

invasion threats, 151, 286, 289, 305-6, variety of responses to, 228-9

popular protests following, 321 attacked by women over trial of Caroline, resistance by all social classes, 309-10 265-8

unemployed veterans, 321 cartoons, 210, 234

volunteers enlisting, see Army; Catholic emancipation, 325, 329

patriotism | coronation, 230 Fry, Elizabeth, 277 222, 265-8

palaces, 231 Blue Boy, 176 215-16

friendly societies, 227 marriage to Caroline of Brunswick, 217, Gainsborough, Thomas, 174, 175 pre-revolutionary France, champion of,

Garrick, David, 280 as Prince Regent

Garter, Order of, 216-17 building works, 215

Gauci, William, | lack of heir, 221

, Buckingham Palace, 213 Royal Pavilion, Brighton, 212, 231

Gay, John, 60 rebuilding in London, 232 Beggar’s Opera, 200 visits Scotland, 235

Gentleman’s Magazine, 41-2 German culture, 165

George I, King, Gibbon, Edward, 102 death, public reaction to, 229 Gibraltar, 70

Hanoverian ties, 201 Gillray, James,

household, 199 - Buonaparte 48 hours after Landing! , 282, non-populist, 202-4 283-4 | succession, 46, 48, 73, 199 — Flannel-Armour-Female-Patriotism, 260

George II, King, French Invasion, 210, 211

coronation festivities, 231 Hero of the Nile, 183, 184

family problems, 199 234 ,

death, public reaction to, 229-30 Temperance enjoying a Frugal Meal, 233,

Hanoverian ties, 80, 201 on volunteers, 302

military leader, 73 Gilpin, William, palaces, 198 Observations on the River Wye, 173 Pine’s portrait, 205 Gisborne, Thomas,

supporting Marine Society, 92 Enquiry into the Duties of the Female Sex, George III, King, 251, 254 American War of Independence, role in, Gladstone, William Ewart, 190 137 Glamorgan, 13, 294, 296 art patron, 176, 179 Glasgow, 80, 352

Bartolozzi’s portrait, 194 Gloucestershire, 292

420 Index God Save the King, 43-4, 48, 209 | heroism, cult of,

sung by radicals, 337 aristocratic, 177—83

Goggerdan estate, Cardiganshire, 157 glorified in art, 178-81

Gordon, George, 5th Duke of, 171 non-military, 189-92

Gordon, Lord Adam, 131 women and, 257-8

Gordon Riots (1780), 22-3, 332 Hertfordshire, 298

government, Hervey of Ickworth, John, Baron, 35, 200

2 Hill, Christopher, 28

burden of, during Napoleonic Wars, 150— _—- Highmore, Joseph, 59

cabinet, royal influence over, 207 Hill, Rowland, 1st Viscount, 191 North America, lack of control, 136~7 Hobsbawm, Eric, 368 radical attacks on corruption in, 152-5 Hogarth, William,

revenue, 64-5 patronage of, 174, 204

see also Parliament Calais Gate, 33—4, 34

Great Britain, as all-embracing term, 41 John Wilkes Esq., 105, 107

Gregory, John, 241 March to Finchley, 44—6, 45, 86 Grenville, George, 197 Thomas Coram, 56—9, 57 Grenville, William Wyndham, Baron, 161 Holland, Elizabeth, Lady, 258 Grey, Charles Grey, 2nd Earl, 168, 169, 244, Holland, Henry Richard Vassall Fox, 3rd

345 Baron, 167, 188

Grosvenor, Lord Robert, 179 / Holyroodhouse, Edinburgh, 231

Grosvenor, Robert, 2nd Earl, 176 , home-defence, see Army, volunteers Hone, William, The Queen and Magna Carta... , 266-7,

Hale, Lt-Col. John, 118-19 267

Halliday, Helen, 118 Hope, Sir John, 191

Hamilton, Emma, Lady, 183 | Howe, General Sir William (later 5th

Hampshire, , Viscount), 147, 149 war patriotism, 138, 292, 296—7 Hroch, Miroslav, 55

Handel, George Frederick, Hudson, Thomas, 59, 174

celebrating Britain, 31-3 Hufton, Olwen, 77

Hannay, Major Alexander, 128 Hume, David, 123

Hanoverian dynasty, Hunt, Henry, 264 constitutional basis of, 46-8 Hunt, Lynn, 228

deaths of monarchs, changes in reaction hunting, 170—3 |

to, 229-30 Huntingdonshire, 292, 298 early , Huskisson, William, 334-5 assimilation of, 201 | ,

later India,

, politics, involvement in, 202 imperialism see British Empire revival of monarchy under George III, education for governing, 169—70

206—10,. 229 - / | Scottish influence, 128—9

prolificacy of, 199 India Act (1784), 145

Protestant foundation, 48 , Inverness-shire, 140, 295

succession, 12, 47—8, 216 | Ireland, |

see also monarchy Act of Union (1800), 145, 322

Hanway, Jonas, 69, 91-2, 94, 97 Anglo-Irish landed families, influence of, Hardwicke, Philip Yorke, 1st Earl of, 81 156

Harrison, Mark, 227-8 : Catholic Association, 325

Hastings, Warren, 128, 130 | Catholic emancipation defuses threat of

65 Catholic MPs, 329

Haversham, Sir John Thompson, 1st Baron, civil war, 334

Hawkins, Laetitia, 256 Catholicism, penal laws against, 326 Haydon, Benjamin, 175 immigrants from, 329-30 Hayman, Francis, 59 parliamentary independence, 143

I, 20 Israel, —

Henrietta Maria, Queen, consort of Charles Isle of Man, 290

Herefordshire, 16, 298 | equating Britain with, as chosen land,

Heritable Jurisdictions Act (1747), 119 30-3, 111, 360, 368-9

Index 421 Italy, Laurie, Peter, 301-2 art and culture, 165-6 Lawrence, Thomas, 159 Le Carré, John,

Jackson, Daniel, 316 Smiley’s People, 132 , Jacobitism, Leicester, Sir John Fleming, 175 aims of, 74—6 Leicestershire, 298 attractiveness of Stuart pretenders, 47 Lenman, Bruce, 334

defeat at Culloden, 22 Leopold of Saxe Gotha, Prince, 271

English fear of, 13, 76-7 Levant Company, 64 | French support, 77-9 jiberty, invasion scares, 3—4, 24 Britain as land of the free, 30-42, 354 Old Testament analogies invoked against, Wilkes as symbol of, 111-13

30-1 Licensing Act (1695), 40, 42

1715 rebellion, 72, 80 Lincolnshire, 298, 303, 313 1745 rebellion, 44-6, 72, 77-85 literacy,

integration of Scots following, 131, growth of, 226

140-1 regional differences, 16

legislation following, 119 religious reading leading to patriotism,

threat to trade, 72—3, 82-4 25-9, 41-2

see also Protestantism; Scotland see also newspapers; printing

201, 204 189, 190

James I, King (James VI of Scotland), 20, Liverpool, Charles Jenkinson, Ist Earl of,

330 , London,

James II, King, 20, 46, 73, 77, 135, 198, Liverpool, 84, 224—5, 352

Janssen, Stephen Theodore, 95 commercial capital, 64 | Jefferson, Thomas, 352 , home for MPs, 64 Jenkins’s Ear, War of (1739), 52, 214 - monarchy celebrated by City, 232

Jenkins, Geraint H., 22, 42 Regency rebuilding, 215, 232

Jews, 336

Jenkins, Philip, 157 , royal events; crowd control, 225

Jerusalem (Blake), 30, 44 London Corresponding Society, 317-18, funding National Debt, 231 London Magazine, 41

John Bull, 178, 153, 210-11, 237, 320, 340 Londonderry family, 160 Johnson, Dr Samuel, 16, 85, 91, 110, 124, see also Castlereagh

202~—3, 244, 280, 352 Long, Sir Charles, 176 Johnson, Thomas, 95, 96 Loudoun, John Campbell, 4th Earl of, 127

Jones, Inigo, 196, 198 Louis XIV, King of France, 77, 197 Louis XV, King of France, 77, 85 Keen, Maurice, 147 ~ Louis XVI, King of France, 255

Kent, 292, 331 | Kerr, Peter, 118 Seaforth), 158-9, 163 Kennedy, Paul, 1 Lowther, Viscount, 176

Kenyon, Lloyd, ist Baron, 188-9 Mackenzie, Francis Humberston (Lord

Kew Castle, 212-15, 231 Macklin, Charles,

Kinsey, John, 290 True-born Scotsman, 122

Knox, John, 25 McLynn, Frank, 77

Macpherson, James, 86

Lanark, 294, 303 Macpherson, Sir John, 375

Lancashire, 138, 298, 313, 318 Madden, Frederick, 145 land, Manchester, 82, 138, 323, 353 cross-border mergers of estates, 156-8 Mansel, Philip, 165

ownership Mansfield, William Murray, 1st Earl of, 110, power and status of, 60-2 352 rentals, 158 Mar, John Erskine, 23rd Earl of, 74

languages, regional, 12-14, 28, 51, 373 Maric-Antoinette, Queen of France, 252-3,

Lansdowne, Henry Fitzmaurice, 3rd 255-6, 268

Marquess of, 188 Marine Society, 91-3, 95, 97-8, 101

Laudable Association of Anti-Gallicians, Marshall, Benjamin, 171

88-90, 92, 95, 100, 108 Mary, Queen of Scots, 255

422 Index Mary I, Queen, 28 Montgomeryshire, 290 Mary II, Queen, 46 Montrose, 83—4 maternity hospitals, 87 Moore, General Sir John, 182 Mayett, Joseph, More, Hannah, 154, 240, 255, 261 militia postings, 314, 315 Cheap Repository Tracts, 280

McCahill, Michael, 190 on woman’s role, 275-6 Meyer, Jean, 154 Morice, Sir William, 62 Meynell, Hugo, 170 Morning Chronicle, 216 Midlothian, 301 Mortimer, Thomas, 60 Mildmay family, 157 Munro, Sir Hector, 127 Mill, Harriet, 280 Murdoch, Alexander, 141 Mill, John Stuart, 280 Murray, Brigadier James, 121

Millar, John, 123 Murray, James, 131 Minorca, 70

monarchy, Nairn, 140, 290 Act of Settlement, 46 Nairn, Tom, 14

Bolingbroke on, 46-7 Napoleon Bonaparte, 150, 215, 217

ceremonial splendour, 215-17, 370 and British opinion, 306, 308, 311-12

Civil List, 197, 212 , Gillray cartoon, 282

196 Napoleonic Wars,

constitutional powers and restraints, 136, slavery reintroduced, 358—9

court’s restricted role, 199-201 see French Revolutionary and Napoleonic

deference to, put at risk by French wars

Revolution, 253 Nash, John, 215

disruptions of, 198 nation, definition of, 5—6, 374 divine (Protestant) basis for, 202 national anthem,

272-3 National Debt,

domesticity as focus for women, 235-6, see God Save the King

European and British compared, 207-8 Jews funding, 231

finances, 196—8, 212 taxation as result of, 101, 136 glorification of, 216-20 , Nelson, Horatio, Viscount,

fluctuations in reputation, 230 National Gallery, 174

magic and mystique, 232-5 Devis’s Death of Nelson, 180, 181

201-4 pursuit of glory, 182—3 ,

non-populism of early Hanoverians, honours to memory, 222-3

oath of allegiance, 202, 213 Wilkes honours, 108

patriotic importance of, 193, 194, 201 Newcastle, Thomas Pelham-Holles, 1st

Protestant Succession, 12, 19-20, 46-8 — Duke of, 13, 92

reportage, 201, 220-2 Newfoundland, 70

Restoration, celebration of, 19 Newman, Gerald, 25, 87—8

royal events newspapers, bi-partisan celebrations, 231, 370 early, 41 civil improvements associated with, expansion of, 220-1, 363 , 222-5 royal reportage, 201, 220-2 crowd control, 225 Newton, Benjamin, 71 funerals of monarchs, changes in Nightingale, Florence, 277

reaction to, 229-30 ‘Nimrod’ (Charles James Apperley), 172

popularising, 222-8 Nine Years War (1689-97), 52, 77, 99 press coverage of, 220-2 Nollekens, Joseph, religious services for, 231 William Pitt, 190 royal palaces, 197-9, 212~—15 Norfolk, 292 sexual scandals, 217-19 North, Frederick, Lord (2nd Earl of

visibility of, 233-6 Guilford), 143-4, 149, 208, 212

women and, 217-19, 267-73 North Briton, 108, 116 see also Hanoverian dynasty Northamptonshire, 298, 306

Monck, Lawrence, 52 Northumberland, 314

Monmouth rebellion (1685), 330 affinity with Scotland, 16

Monmouthshire, 13, 304—5 Norwich, 224

Index 423 Nottinghamshire, 298 Six Acts, 221

Nova Scotia, 70 volunteers in French wars claim suffrage,

D_: Wilkes and, 100, 112 O Brien, Bronterre, 342 Cruise, women’s suffrage, 239, 249, 278, 349, 361 O'Brien, Conor 360 mm: 318

O’Brien, Patrick, 65 reform societies, 276 Ogilvie, John, 38 Patriotic Fund, Or 08. 336 O'Connell, Daniel, 279-80, 325, 329 see also citizenship

Old Moore’s Almanac, 20 natictan en ; Oldfield, T.H.B., Ireland, 152 . Orkney, 290 anti-Jacobitism, Ossian. 86 aristocracy and, 164-93 80-5

Representative History of Great Britain and American War of Independence, effect of,

Oswald, James, 126 . 226-7 ; ; children indoctrinated, Catholics, of, 327

Oxford University, 139, 167-8roucalion, ducation, through, Oxfordshire, 298 5”167-8 Johnson on, 110

loyalty to monarchy, 46—7

Paine, Thomas, 152-3 national anthem, 43-4, 48, 209 Rights of Man, 170, 336 paintings and statuary, 178-81

Palmerston, Henry John Temple, 3rd Parliament as embodiment of, 50

Viscount, 162, 360 popular, in French wars, 284-7

Paris, Treaty of (1763), 101-2 processions, 225-8, 237-8

Parliament, Protestant Britain as chosen land, 30-3,

Britishness of, 163 360, 368~—9

Catholic MPs, 329, 334 Protestantism and, 28 elections, 51 , rationale, 371-2

franchise, 51, 347-9 royal events, 222-5

military members, 184-5 royal events promoting civic welfare,

noble families, members connexions with, 222-4

155 slave trade abolitionists, 354

Palace of Westminster fire (1834), 324—5 societies formed for encouragement of,

petitions to, see petitions to Parliament 85, 88~98

regular sittings under Hanoverians, 49 surge in after 1745 rebellion, 86-8 |

representation, 12, 49 uniform as embodiment of, 186—7 prior to Reform Act, 346—7 volunteers unite classes, 318—19

respect for, 50, 52 willingness to fight for country, 291-300

social class of MPs, 61, 191 agriculture and industry compared, traders’ access to, 67-8 296—300 women barred from debates, 249, 250 reasons for volunteering see Army

parliamentary reform, regional differences, 291-8 aristocratic influence prior to, 155 women’s part in, 237-8, 254 Chartists, 277, 349, 360 Wollstonecraft on, 280 co-ordinating movement for, 337—8 Patterson, Miss, 263

commercial classes press for, 100 pedlars, 40,52

male suffrage, Peel, Sir Robert, 189, 190, 328 early demands for, 239 Pelham, Henry, 120

pre-1832, 346-7 Pembroke, 294

universal, 361-2 Pembrokeshire, 13, 15

war service, reward for, 318, 323 Pennant, Thomas, patriotism unites reformers, 336—44 Tour in Scotland, 116-17 Peterloo massacre, 228, 264, 264 Pentridge Rising, 221

petitions to Parliament, 342-3 Perceval, Spencer, 189

Reform Act (1832), Peterloo massacre (1819), 228, 264, 264, 338 adult males, suffrage limited to, 249—50 petitions to Parliament, 51—2, 232, 254-5,

limitations of, 348—9 278-9, 329-34, 342-3 restricted franchise, 344 scale of, satirised, 362

A424 Index significance of, 362-3 | invoking divine aid for state, 20—1,

Petre, George, 340 29—33, 353

Petworth, Sussex, 175 martyrs, 25—9

Philadelphia, 147-8 military victories under, 52—3

Philip IV, King of Spain, 196 parliamentary support for trade, 67-8

Pigott, Charles, 153 printed works, 41-2

Pilgrim’s Progress (Bunyan), 28-9 sovereignty, underlying, 334

Pine, Robin Edge, superiority, popular belief in, 33-6, 42-3,

George II, 204, 205 330-2

Pitt, William, the Elder (Earl of Chatham), see also Catholic emancipation

61, 92, 151 public schools, 167—70, 192

Pitt, William, the Younger, Pugin, Augustus Welby Northmore, 325 anti-slavery movement, 358

death overwork,wars, 151,Quakers, 182 k Frenchfrom Revolutionary

on arming volunteers for home defence anti-slavery movement, 352

310 ° Queensberry, Catherine, Duchess of, 200

; oy: | of, 200

defending rank and property, 150 Queensberry, Charles Douglas, 3rd Duke

incorruptibility, 189-90, 192 : 5 family. 156 maid-servant tax proposed, 242 Queensberry tamuly, Nolleken’s bust, 190 oe

Plunket, William, 327 radicalism, Plymouth, 225 : anti-war faction, 291—300

political awareness, exclusivism of élite attacked, 152—5 lower classes, 227-8 , invasion threat and, 317-18 pressure groups, 277-8 patriotism of reformers, 336-7 women, see women shoemakers, of, 291—2 working class, 370-1 Radnorshire, 13, 290, 296

see also citizenship Ramsay, Allan, 59

population growth, 158, 240, 285, 322 Ramsay, James, 241

poverty, 32-3, 37 | Raven, Samuel,

Present State of Great Britain, The (annual Blacks celebrating the Emancipation of

directory), 59-60 , Slaves... , 357

press-gangs, 65, 303 Ravenshaugh toll affair, 118-19

Prestonpans, Battle of (1745), 80 | Reeve, Richard Gilson,

Price, Dr Richard, 139, 354 Royal Mails at the Angel Inn... , 221

printing, . Reform Act (1832), see parliamentary reform

expansion of, 40 oe regionalism,

newspapers, 41 es survival of, 6, 13-17, 292-8, 372-4 patriotism, promoting, 86 religion giving national identity, 369

religious works, 41-2 : - see also Protestantism

prisons, 33 Ss religious observance,

Protestant Almanack, 21 pluralism in celebrating royal events, 231

Protestantism, Renan, Ernest, 20 Protestant Succession, 12, 19—20, 43-8 by ruling classes, 192 American War of Independence, lack of Renfrewshire, 141

368 146

support for, 139, 143 | Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 150, 174, 175

church attendance, 31 Apollo Belvedere poses, 178

commitment to as unifying factor, 18—54, Charles Stanhope, 3rd Earl of Harrington,

coronation oath to uphold, 47-8 Mrs Siddons as the Tragic Muse, 176

defeats Jacobitism, 79-80 ] Richmond, Charles Lennox, 2nd Duke of,

dissenters, treatment of, 19 7 62 divisions within, 18 Roberts, Alfred, 368 economics and, 43 Robertson, William, 123

franchise limited to Protestants, 51 Roland, Manon Jeanne, 256

Great Britain, as foundation of, 18—55, Roma, Spiridione,

369 Britannia receiving the riches of the East, 70

Index 425 359 education, 123, 168

Romilly, Samuel, 108, 151, 191, 208, 210, economic expansion, 123—4

Romney, George, empire-builders from, 127-32 Eton leaving portrait of Charles Grey, 169 empire trade, 129

Romney, Robert, 2nd Baron, 92, 94 England,

Rossi, Charles Felix, 175 migration to, 123-6 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, mutual mistrust, 106, 117-22

Emile, 239-40 Enlightenment, 123, 132, 352

on women’s role, 239-40, 242, 273-5 establishment, Scots and, 163-4

Rowbottom, William, 257 France, relations with, 25

Rowlandson, Thomas, George IV’s visit, 235 A Band, 307 ‘Great Britain’ replacing ‘England’, 41 Procession to the Hustings after a Successful Highlands, , Canvass, 249 emigration to North America, 140 State Watchman... , 209 estates sought, 159 Walking up the High Street, 124 Gaelic language, 14

Royal Academy of Art, 59 Lowlanders, view of, 15

Royal Navy, martial tradition, 294 | defending trade routes, 71 promotion of following 1745 rebellion, expansion during French wars, 287 119-20

manning, 65 soldiers in British army, 103, 120, 326 mutinies, 216 sporting and touring holidays in, 173 officer class, 183-4, 191 Lowlands,

patriotic support for, 93 affinity with northern England, 14, 16 recruitment, 91—2, 97-8 anti-Catholic riots (1778), 22

slave traders, campaign against, 359 anti-Jacobitism, 30 Royal Pavilion, Brighton, 212, 231 European universities favoured, 165

Rubens, Peter Paul, 176, 204 Highlanders, view of, 15 Rule Britannia (Thomson), 11, 338 language, 12

Rush, Richard, 165 patriotism, 90, 103

Ruskin, John, 350 Militia, 288 Russell, John, 1st Earl, 346 MPs holding state office, 1747-80, 125-6 Russell, Lord William, 170 newspapers, 220

Russia Company, 64, 91, 93, 95 parliamentary franchise, 346-8 parliamentary reform as British issue, 338,

S.S.B.R. (Society of the Supporters of the 343

Bill of Rights), 111-12, 116 printing in, 40—2

St Vincent, John Jervis, Earl of, 191 religion, 12, 19 St Vincent, Battle of (1797), 183 self-government, 12

Sahlins, Peter, 5 1745 rebellion, English resentment at

Sandby, Paul, 172 , changes following, 119-23

Sandwich, John Montagu, 4th Earl of, 189 trade, as result of Union, 84

Sassenachs, 14-15 trade, with England, 39 : Scotland, urbanisation and female manners, 241 Act of Union, purpose and effect of, war patriotism, 293~5, 301

12~13 Westminster Parliament,

ambitious and successful Scots, 120—32 Scots in, 49~—50, 125~—6, 163

American War of Independence, reaction unpopularity of, 51

to, 139—41, 144 Wilkes, resentment at, 106 |

anti-Jacobitism, 83, 85, 309 Wilkites’ Scottophobia, 113-18, 114, 115 aristocratic influence, 156, 294, 301 women, law relating to, 238 Catholicism, attitude to, 35-6, 327-8, see also Jacobitism

330 . | , Scots Magazine, 41-2, 44, 140.

commercial interdependence with Scotsman (newspaper), 220, 343

England, 12 Scott, David, 162

cross-border marriages, 159-60 Scott, Joan, 253

cross-border mergers of estates, 157-9 Scott, Peter, 373

differences within, 14 Scott, Sir Walter, 15, 127, 275

426 Index Seaton, Lord, 172 peoplepower, 362-3 Selkirk, 294 | reform movement embraced by all,

218 ruling class,

Seven Years War (1756-63), 52, 68, 99, 101, 342-4, 349

Sharp, Granville, 352 anti-slavery movement, support of, Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, 241 358-60 Shipley, William, 90-1, 93-4 Britishness of, 50, 370 :

Shropshire, 16 Catholic emancipation, attitude to, 332 Sidmouth, Ist Viscount, see Addington, public service élite, 191-3

Henry volunteers, responsibility for recruiting, Sinclair, Sir John, 373-4 | 309 | ~ sinecures, 188 volunteers transcending divisions, 317-18 slave trade, working class, abolition in 1807, 351. Catholic emancipation, attitude to, 332 Britain’s moral reputation enhanced by citizenship, awareness of, 370-1

abolition, 359-60 political awareness, 228, 312-19, British involvement in, 351—2 337-50, 372

commercial value of, 358 readiness to fight, 284—7 Emancipation Acts (1833 and 1838), royal processions, 227

323-4, 351, 356 training in arms as common experience,

(1840), 351 women, 239 ,

International Anti-Slavery Convention 312

liberty as symbol of patriotism, 354, women’s reform societies, 276-7

356 Society of Arts, 90-4, 97, 100, 108

petitions against, 354—5, 363 Somerset, 292 Society for Effecting the Abolition of the Spain,

Slave Trade, 352-3 supports American independence, 143 — Turner’s Slave Ship... , 350-1 wars with, 70-1. wide appeal of abolitionists, 354—6 Spanish Inquisition, 23

277-9 62, 65, 70, 77, 99

women’s involvement in opposition to, Spanish Succession, War of (1701-13), 52,

Smirke, Robert, 232 Spectator, The, 65

Smith, Adam, 123, 352, 358 Spencer, Lavinia, Countess, 258

Smith, Sydney, 163 Spirit of the Union (newspaper), 338

Smout, Christopher, 122-3 sport,

social classes, hunting, 170-3 anti-slavery embraced by all, 355 manly, in schools, 170

French wars, common interest in Stafford, George Granville Leveson,

resisting, 309-10 Marquess of, 159, 176

landed classes, Staffordshire, 298

ability to change, 193 Stanley, Lord Edward (14th Ear! of Derby),

assimilation of as British, 193 360 charitable work, 261 | Starobinski, Jean, 187

demographic crisis, 156—8 Stephenson, George, 335

estates merged, 156-9 Stuart, Charles Edward (“The Young

92 131, 202, 284, 309

patriotism, accusations of lack of, 87-8, Pretender’), 30, 44-5, 72, 77-85, 86,

power and influence of, 61, 191 Stuart, James Edward (‘The Old

revolution in Europe, reaction to, Pretender’), 12, 72, 77

149-50 Suffolk, 313

self-made commoners, 154 suffrage, see parliamentary reform 1745 rebellion, reaction to, 81—2 Sunday Schools, 226

trade and, 60-2, 64-7, 71, 99-100 Surrey, 298

see also aristocracy Sussex, 288, 291, 292

middle classes, Sutherland, 290

ambition of, 92 , Syme, Sir Ronald, 156 |

charitable work, 88—100, 261 : women’s socialising, 241-2 Talleyrand-Périgord, Charles M. de, 215

Index 427 taxation, Trowbridge, 82 ,

Taunton, 237 Troop Society, 92, 94-5

American colonies, 136 Turner, Joseph Mallord William, 325 customs and excise, 39, 65 The Fighting Temeraire, 351

land tax, 62, 65 Interior at Petworth, 175

National Debt, for, 101, 136 Slave Ship (Slavers throwing overboard the

tea, 69 Dead and the Dying, Typhoon coming on), Telford, Thomas, 123 350~—1, 351 textile industry, 90 turnpike roads, see transport and

Thames, river, 64 communications

Thelwall, John, 336

Thompson, Edward, 28 urbanisation, 39, 240—1, 369, 373 The Making of the English Working Class, role of sexes, 241 298

Thomson, James, 11, 37 Venice, 62-4

Thornhill, Sir James, 204 Versailles, Palace of, 199, 215, 217

Tibet, 128-9 Victoria, Queen,

| timber industry, 90-1 succession to throne, 271, 364

‘The Times, 170, 231, 232, 261, 268 unpopularity changing to popularity, 230

Toleration Act (1689), 18, 67 Vienna, Congress of (1814-15), 321, 356

Tooke, John Horne, volunteers, see Army

Tories, Wade, John, Petition of an Englishman, 116

Catholic emancipation, 328 Black Book: or corruption unmasked, 152, 155

loyalty confirmed, 103-4 Wagner, Richard, 32

trade, Wales,

political office denied, 110 Waithman, Robert, 279 America, with, 68—70, 137-8 affinity with Shropshire and British prosperity, 43, 99-100, 369 Herefordshire, 16

dependence on state, 56 American War of Independence, reaction economic growth compatible with to, 139

religion, 43 anti-Catholicism, 23, 329, 331

empire, 129 | anti-Jacobitism, 85, 309

exports, 68—71 aristocratic influence, 156 | French rivalry, 79, 88—91, 93, 95 cross-border marriages, 160-1

funding government loans, 64-5 distinctiveness of, 13-14, 293-6, 373 growth of after Act of Union, 39—40 newspapers, 220 Jacobitism as threat to, 72-3, 77-80, parliamentary franchise, 346-8

82-4 parliamentary involvement, 50—1

law and order, dependence on, 65 poverty in, 33

parliamentary lobbying in support of, printing in, 40-1, 42

51-2, 67-8 urbanisation, limited in, 373

patriotic societies, support for, 95-8 war patriotism, 293-6

pride in, 37-43, 59-60 see also Welsh language

social barrier, as, 60—2 Walpole, Horace (4th Earl of Orford), 149 war patriotism and, 71—85, 295-300 Walpole, Sir Robert (1st Earl of Orford),

see also economy; social classes 189, 200 Trafalgar, Battle of (1805), 286 Wardle, Colonel, MP, 218 transport and communications, wars, within Britain, 172-3 American Independence, see American

cartography, 93 War of Independence (1775-83), 52, Grand Tour, 165-6, 173 64—5

improvement of, 39-40 Austrian Succession, 52, 99 inadequacy of, 16—17 chivalry and warfare, 147

movement of goods, 39 cost of, 150 turnpike roads, 39 fostering commerce, 99

unifying Great Britain, 39, 369 French, see French Revolutionary and

Trimmer, Sarah, 244 Napoleonic wars

428 Index funding of, 64—5, 284 : Bock’s portrait, 109 Jenkin’s Ear, 52, 71 Common Council’s petitions in support, invasion threats, 72, 284, 286 challenged to duel, 105-6

Nine Years War, 52, 77, 99 232

political reform and, 371 Englishness of, 106, 111-12 reliance on, as unifying factor, 53 Hogarth’s caricature, 107

royal thanksgivings for victories, 216 __ influence of, 106-9 . Seven Years, 52, 68, 71, 99, 101 landed classes, attacks on, 152

Spanish Succession, 52, 62, 65, 70, 77, 99 liberty, personification of, 111, 113 as unifying factor, 17, 18, 53, 322, 364-8, Lord Mayor of London, 113

370-1 Middlesex election (1768), 111, 113, 139 ,

women’s role in, 250-62 , National Gallery proposed, 174

Warwickshire, 298, 313 parliamentary reform, 100 Washington, George, 148 patriotism, 110 Waterloo, Battle of (1815), 191-2, 321 Scottish anger at, 105-6 Watt, James, 123, 125 Scottophobia, 113-17, 120—1, 132

Watts, Isaac, 30 Wilkie, David, 175, 180

Webster, Alexander, 31 Chelsea Pensioners Reading the Gazette of the

Wedderburn, Alexander (later 1st Baron Battle of Waterloo, 364-7, 365, 366, 367

Loughborough), 126 William III (of Orange), King of Great

Wedgwood, Josiah, 355 Britain, 20, 46, 73, 198

Weekly Medley, 23-4 | William IV, King of Great Britain,

Wellesley, Richard Colley, Marquess, 132, death, 220

169 William of Gloucester, Prince, 233 Anglo-Irish, 132, 367 161, 172

Wellington, Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of, Wiliams Wynn, Sir Watkin, 4th Baronet,

Charlotte Bronté’s admiration of, 258 Williams Wynn family, 160-1, 163

ennoblement, 191 Willis, Dr Francis, 195-6

Hyde Park monument, 258, 259 Wiltshire, 49, 292 | at opening of Liverpool and Manchester _ Windham, William, 217, 254

Railway, 334-5 Windsor Castle, 198, 212—14, 214, 216, 231

Prime Minister, as, 325, 335 Wodrow, Robert, 35-6

on soldiers, 284 Wolfe, General James, 127 Wells, Roger, 285 Wollstonecraft, Mary,

Welsh language, on Frenchwomen, 251

parliamentary proceedings in, 51 on Marie-Antoinette’s execution, 255—6

prevalence of, 13, 373 Rousseau, admiration for, 273—4 printed books, 28 Vindication of the Rights of Woman, 240, 280 Wesley, John, 69, 208, 352 on women’s patriotism, 274-5

| West, Benjamin, 159 women, , Death of General Wolfe, 178~9, 179, 214 broadened horizons, 281

Queen Charlotte, 268, 268-70 Caroline of Brunswick, support for, 265 Westmacott, Richard, 222, 258 Catholic emancipation, petitions against,

Westminster election (1784), 242-8 333-4

Westmorland, 312 cross-dressing, 242, 243 Whig party, feminisation of monarchy as substitute early Hanoverians regarded as members, religion, 272

202 French Revolution’s effect on, 250-6

parliamentary reform and, 344-9 male chivalry and, 263-6 political office restricted to, 110 nation’s conscience, as, 276—7, 280 Westminster election (1784), 242-8 patriotism,

Wilkes as champion, 111 active involvement, 254, 260

Whitbread, Samuel, II, 151, 168, 175 female friendly societies, 237-8 Wilberforce, William, 278, 353, 356-9 patriotic societies, involvement with, 94

Wilkes, John, processions, 227, 237-8

achievements, 113 — place in society and politics, 238—50

American War of Independence, political awareness, 248, 251, 273-81

opposition to, 139-43, 142 pressure groups and petitions, 277—80

Index 429 Rousseau on, 239, 242, 273-5 York, Frederick Augustus, Duke of, 217-18

separate spheres, 263-73 Yorkshire, war patriotism, 297-8 suffrage, 239, 249-50, 276, 278, 349, 361 Yorktown, Battle of (1781), 143

support Volunteers, 260-1 Young, Arthur, 94, 295

unenfranchised, 51

urbanisation and, 240-1 Zanzibar, 360

vulnerability, 265, 267 Zoffany, Johann, 180, 207

wars, role in, 250—1, 371 Zong (slave ship), 350, 352 Wren, Christopher, 198 Wyatt, Matthew, Princess Charlotte’s monument, 272, 272, 273

Photograph Acknowledgements

1, 2, 6, 9, 16, 17, 24, 27, 28, 36, 43, 58, 60, 65, 66, 68, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 80 courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum; 3, 69 courtesy of the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery; 4, 18, 19 courtesy of Cambridge University Library; 5, 61 courtesy of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University; 7, 14, 15, 22, 23, 25, 26, 30, 50, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59 courtesy of the Print Collection, Lewis Walpole Library, Yale University; 10 courtesy of the Thomas Coram Foundation for Children; 11, 34 courtesy of the Trustees of the Tate Gallery; 12: India Office Collection (photo: Paul Mellon Centre for Studies in British Art); 13a and b courtesy of the National Trust for Scotland; 19, 67, 70 courtesy of the Director, National Army Museum London; 29, 32, 37, 38, 40, 41, 45, 46, 47, 49, 63 courtesy of the Yale Center for British Art, Paul Mellon Collection; 31 by permission of the Provost and Fellows of Eton College and the Governors of Dulwich Picture Gallery; 33 courtesy of the National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa; 35 courtesy of the National Maritime Museum London; 39: Windsor Castle, Royal Library © 1991. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II; 42, 62: Royal Collection, St James’s Palace © 1991. Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II; 48 courtesy of the Guildhall Library, London; 64 by permission of the Dean and Canons of Windsor; 71 reproduced from Ann Kussmaul, The Autobiography of Joseph Mayett of Quainton

1783-1839, Buckinghamshire Record Society, No. 23, 1986, by permission of the Buckinghamshire Record Society; 77: Viscount Coke and the Trustees of the Holkham Estate (photo: Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London); 78: Henry Lillie Pierce Fund. Courtesy Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; 79 courtesy of the Menil Collection, Houston, Texas (photo: Janet Woodward); 81 courtesy of the Trustees of the Victoria and Albert Museum; map, Appendix 1, based on a map in Andrew Charlesworth, ed., An Atlas of Rural Protest in Britain 1548-1900, Croom Helm: London and Canberra, 1983, by permission of the publishers.