British Music and the French Revolution 1443821101, 9781443821100

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British Music and the French Revolution

British Music and the French Revolution

By

Paul F. Rice

British Music and the French Revolution, by Paul F. Rice This book first published 2010 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2010 by Paul F. Rice All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-2110-1, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-2110-0

To Tom Gordon, an outstanding leader.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Prologue...................................................................................................... ix Chapter One................................................................................................. 1 Roses and Lilies, Oxen and Frogs, Kings and Queens: The Power of Symbols Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 49 London Theatres Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 79 The Fall of the Bastille Chapter Four ............................................................................................ 119 Champ de Mars Chapter Five ............................................................................................ 163 The Captivity: At Home and Abroad Chapter Six .............................................................................................. 211 1793: At War with France Chapter Seven.......................................................................................... 287 The “Just” War Continues: 1794-95 Epilogue................................................................................................... 373 Bibliography ............................................................................................ 379 Index........................................................................................................ 391

PROLOGUE

This study examines British musical and theatrical reactions to political events in France between 1789 and 1795, a time when republican and royalist political agendas were in conflict in both countries. The reactions of British poets and musicians open a window on the French Revolution as well as the social and political reactions to it in Britain. Rarely has the relationship between society, politics and the performing arts been closer. The period of 1789-95 is especially fascinating for study, given the richness of the artistic expression from British authors and musicians who reflected upon the cataclysmic events unfolding in France from a distance. Surprisingly, British music about the French Revolution and the subsequent war with France has been little studied. During the eighteenth century, the nature of cultural relations between France and England undertook a complete about-face. During the late years of the seventeenth century, French fashions and musical traditions were much respected in Britain. The greater knowledge and availability of Italian music at the end of the century, coupled with the increasingly eroded political relationship between France and Britain, eventually led to a disdain of French music. Highly ornamental French fashion, however, was still favoured by the British aristocracy, thus leading to fears from the lower classes that “Continental contamination” would weaken those in the highest offices. French fashions and French arts became convenient metaphors for the growing sense of general distrust of the French nation, with French dancing masters, hairdressers and fiddlers being much maligned. These fears were already well established by mid-century and were articulated by Tobias Smollett in Travels Through France and Italy (1766).1 The French aristocracy are portrayed as unscrupulous and preying upon unwary Englishmen: “I have known a French count and his wife, 1

Tobias Smollett, Travels Through France and Italy . . . With a particular description of the town, territory, and climate of Nice: to which is added a register of the weather, kept during a residence of eighteenth months in that city, 2 vols (Dublin: J. Hoey, Sen. etc., 1766), I: 71-86. Smollett’s work was reprinted in 1772 and again in 1778. I am indebted to Frank Felsenstein for pointing out Smollett’s account to me.

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who found means to lay the most wary under contribution. He was smooth, supple, officious, and attentive; she was young, handsome, unprincipled, and artful.” Smollett warned his readers about permitting a French man into an English family, stating that he would attempt to seduce the wife, sister or daughter, and “find means to ruin the peace of a family, in which he has been so kindly entertained.” Smollett’s vision of French men is not that of gallant philanderers whose youthful charisma and daring exploits command a certain respect, but that of insidious, quasi-feminine and untrustworthy creatures: Woman has been defined a weaker man; but in this country the men are, in my opinion, more ridiculous and insignificant than the women. They certainly are more disagreeable to a rational enquirer, because they are more troublesome. Of all the coxcombs on the face of the earth, a French petit maitre is the most impertinent; and they are all petit maitres, from the marquis who glitters in lace and embroidery, to the garçon barbier covered with meal, who struts with his hair in a long queue, and his hat under his arm. I have already observed, that vanity is the great and universal mover among all ranks and degrees of people in this nation; and as they take no pains to conceal or controul it, they are hurried by it into the most ridiculous and intolerable extravagance.

For Smollett, the art of music increased the dangerous appeal of a French man: “if he learn to play upon the flute or the fiddle, he is altogether irresistible.” This paranoia over the attractions of French culture to effeminize and weaken the male sex continued throughout the remainder of the century. It was very close to the surface during the last decade of the century, especially in Edmund Burke’s 1791 reply to French criticisms concerning his earlier Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790). Burke feared that the National Assembly of France was particularly vulnerable because its non-aristocratic membership was prone to the unsavoury influences of “shameless women of the lowest condition, by keepers of hotels, taverns and brothels, by pert apprentices, by clerks, shop-boys, hair-dressers, fiddlers, and dancers on the stage.”2 The fact that Britain was socially and politically divided throughout most of the century encouraged a growing paranoia about the influence of 2

A Letter from Mr. Burke to a Member of the National Assembly . . . (London: J. Dodsley, 1791), 3. I am indebted to William Levine and David Mazella for this reference.

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French culture on the traditional leaders of Britain. The Whig and Tory agendas were widely disparate, and the rise of the politics of Opposition in mid-century Britain revealed the degree to which a large segment of society was distanced from the court and the house of Hanover. There are many indicators that illuminate these deeply seated divisions in the nation, but of particular interest to the present study are the polarities of the London newspapers categorized by Lucyle Werkmeister as the Ministerial Press and the Opposition Press. By 1792, there were fourteen London daily newspapers struggling for survival. Seven of these were progovernment: the Diary, the Morning Herald, the Oracle, the Public Advertiser, the Public Ledger, the World, and the Times. In particular, the Times was widely believed to be the mouthpiece of the Prime Minister, William Pitt, and several other papers received subsidies from the Treasury. Of the remaining daily newspapers, only the Daily Advertiser was non-political, leaving the Argus, the Cabinet, the Gazetteer, the Morning Chronicle, the Morning Post, and the Star to support the Opposition.3 As will be demonstrated, these polarities had an impact on the ways which new theatrical works were reviewed and the ways in which audiences were instructed on how they should view them. Concerns over theatrical censorship increased during the eighteenth century. The government had taken control over what could be performed on the London stages as early as 1737 with the Theatre Licensing Act, and further restrictions were imposed in 1752. Topical or political works were forbidden by the Lord Chamberlain in whose office an official censor decided the fate of all theatrical scripts intended for the patent or royal theatres. The so-called minor or summer theatres (such as Sadler’s Wells, and the two hippodromes run respectively by Philip Astley and Charles Hughes) were not required to submit scripts to the censor as long as any dialogue was sung. As a result, the summer theatres managed to present entertainments of topical and political interest, while the patent theatres were powerless to provide similar social or political commentary in their offerings. The rise in importance of the summer theatres where topical works relating to the French Revolution could be presented becomes an important aspect of this study. While the parallel demands for social and political change in France and Britain resulted from different stimuli, and were resolved very 3

Lucyle Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of England: 1792-93 (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1967), 19-31.

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differently, the final decade of the century proved to be a defining period for each country. France embarked upon a bloody path to a Republic, while Britain became entrenched in Conservative politics and ideology. Artistic Opposition expression in Britain was pushed underground when the war with France gave rise to a political and artistic climate in which patriotic responses were considered to be more important than the quality of the art that conveyed the message. George Taylor writes that patriotism became divorced from actual political matters, to become an abstract virtue in support of the symbolic images of King and country.4 This concept is especially important in the examination of music and theatre in the period. In recent years the “Revolutionary” theatre in Britain has been examined in great detail by Gillian Russell in The Theatres of War (1995), Jane Moody, Illegitimate Theatre in London, 1770-1840 (2000), and George Taylor in The French Revolution and the London Stage, 17891805 (2000). Admirable as these books are, they do not examine the role that music played in the vast majority of these stage productions. This is a great loss when music was integral to the performance of most theatrical works dealing with the events in France. While this was especially true in the summer theatres, where all dramatic works were sung, music also played an integral part of productions in the patent theatres where some of the most talented composers and performers in the country were available for their productions. The success of these works often depended upon the composer’s ability to gauge popular tastes and balance the needs of music and drama. Given a composer’s ability to shape the pacing of dramatic events (especially in an all-sung work), a study of the music is integral to an understanding of these plays. In addition to music for the stage, many vocal and instrumental pieces were composed that have been little studied. Many of the vocal pieces (songs, cantatas, glees etc., especially those composed by James Hook) saw their first performances in the summer pleasure garden of Vauxhall before transferring to the realms of home music-making. A sizeable number of instrumental works were also composed, with some publications even being released in full score for military band. Keyboard music, including sonatas and other extended compositions, enjoyed much popularity. Many of these works are descriptive in nature and exploit the 4

George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage, 1789-1805 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 158.

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dynamic range of the fortepiano, an instrument which had all but replaced the harpsichord as the keyboard instrument of choice. Such was the public interest in the events in Paris, and so quick were musicians to respond to this interest, that it is possible to retell the chronological events of the years 1789-1795 in France through the theatrical and concert music of British composers. Vocal works, in particular, often provided both context and interpretation. The publication of Stephen Storace’s Captivity, A Ballad [1793], goes so far as to give an explanatory note telling of the change in Marie Antoinette’s hair colour prior to her death. Thus, the role of poet and musician was multifaceted, and their efforts served to disseminate information, provide interpretation of the events, and to stir appropriate emotional responses in the British public. The role of music performance in this capacity has been much underestimated, yet it had as great a potential for influence as did paintings, engravings or the printed word. To examine this repertory in isolation would do little to reveal its latent powers as a social force. To provide the necessary context, I have provided two prefatory chapters. The first examines the history of British and French relations in the eighteenth century as revealed through British vocal music, as well as examining the powerful symbols of national identity which figure prominently therein. Music played an important part in most theatrical presentations, but especially in the performances of the minor theatres where all words had to be sung. Although the minor theatres were hindered in this way, they had a greater autonomy over the subjects that they could introduce on stage than did the patent theatres. The controversies that resulted between 1789 and 1793 as the various theatres fought to present topical theatre necessitate a separate chapter on the stages where Revolutionary drama was played. Thereafter, I present the materials in a chronological fashion, starting with the fall of the Bastille in 1789, and the Fête de la Fédération in 1790. The period of the Captivity was one of growing tension and fear in both France and Britain as war became an ever-increasing threat between the two nations. These events warrant their own chapter, followed by two chapters on the war years of 1793 until first half of 1795. My choice of a five-year period allows the reader to follow the events from the fall of the Bastille through to the rise of Napoléon. Sadly, not all of the music of the period has survived. Many of the popular songs are no longer extant, and often only portions of the theatrical scores can be reconstructed. Enough remains, however, to illustrate the changing musical styles heard in the theatres, and the ways that the performing arts were used to instil patriotic sentiments in

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their audiences as the changing British reaction from general support for the revolutionary cause in France grew to one of dismay over the subsequent events. I am indebted to many institutions and individuals in the writing of this study. In Europe, I was given great assistance in my research by the British Library, the London Theatre Museum Reading Room, the Islington Library and Cultural Services, (Islington Local History Centre), the Archives and Local History Centre of Hammersmith and Fulham, the University of Cambridge Library, the Bodleian Library of the University of Oxford, the Wighton Heritage Centre of the Dundee Public Library, and the libraries of the Royal College of Music and the Royal Academy of Music, both in London. In North America, the Interlibrary Loans Division of the Queen Elizabeth II Library at Memorial University performed Herculean feats in helping me to secure access to rare materials. I am further indebted to the Music Library of the University of Western Ontario, the Sibley Music Library of the University of Rochester and the Dundee Public Library for making copies of rare scores. The staff of the Huntington Library in San Marino, California, assisted me in sifting through their large manuscript holdings. Dr. Ellen Moerman and Dr. Ian Sutherland kindly assisted in checking references in the British Library. Dr. Tiffany Potter, Dr. Bernice Schrank, and Leon Chisholm made valuable suggestions concerning aspects of the study. I am particularly indebted to Theresa Heath who served as reader for the entire manuscript, and Sharon Wall for her assistance with computing issues. Several web sites proved to be of great assistance, especially Eighteenth Century Collections Online, David Coke’s “The Vauxhall Gardens,” (http://vauxhallgardens.com), and the Borough of Lambeth Archives (http://lambethlandmarks.com). Discussions of individual stage works have been preceded by a heading which lists the name of the work, date and location of the premiere, names of authors and composers and a publication history. It has been possible to provide the number of performances given for works presented in the various patent theatres during the eighteenth century by consulting The London Stage. For the minor theatres, I have attempted to give the length of the theatrical run based on newspaper advertisements. Given that there was a decrease in the amount of theatrical advertising during the war years, it is not always possible to calculate the exact number of performances a particular work received or even be completely sure when the final performance was given. Since so much of the

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published music was read in the British Library, I have relied on that institution’s dating of materials. Copies of libretti proved to be a different matter, and many of these have been reproduced in various formats. Beginning in the 1953, the Readex Co. began to issue material of this nature on micro-opaques. This material was re-released on microfiche by the company in the late 1980s. Subsequently, much of this material can be found in the web holdings of Eighteenth-Century Collections Online [ECCO]. In order to make bibliographic references concise, the following sigla have been utilized: “Readex micro-opaque” refers to New York, New York: Readex Microprint, beginning in 1953 (Three Centuries of Drama. English, 1751-1800). “Readex microfiche” refers to the series New Canaan, Connecticut: Readex, beginning in 1989 (Three Centuries of Drama: English, 17511800). “Readex Larpent” refers to copies of the reproductions of the manuscript approval copies sent to John Larpent, the theatrical censor for the Office of the Lord Chamberlain. New Canaan, Connecticut: Readex, beginning in 1989 (Three Centuries of Drama: English, 1751-1800, Larpent Collection). The web holdings of Eighteenth-Century Collections Online published by the Gale Group are referred to by ECCO and the Gale Document Number.

Finally, given the depth of the musical repertory discussed, and how little it is known today, I undertook to edit selected scores by Shaw, Storace, Attwood, Hook, Shield and Atterbury discussed in this book. This music has been recorded, and a CD recording called Great Britain Triumphant! will be released on Centaur Records. All are first recordings.

—Paul F. Rice Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2010

CHAPTER ONE ROSES AND LILIES, OXEN AND FROGS, KINGS AND QUEENS: THE POWER OF SYMBOLS

The French revolution, and the events involved in it, have awakened the attention of all Europe. It is impossible indeed, but that an object of such magnitude should excite universal regard. So vast an empire as France, whose importance in the rank of kingdoms, and whose general operations, have for the most part, uniformly regulated the systems of other European powers for many centuries past, in their dispositions to peace, or war; could not have been thrown into such mighty convulsions, without proportionally agitating neighbouring states. As it might well be expected therefore, the surrounding nations have felt the concussion, and been necessarily alarmed by the shock.1

Thus begins Robert Hawker’s appeal to the people of England in December of 1794, written just over five years after the fall of the Bastille, and less than a year after France’s declaration of war on England. It accurately describes the impact of the overthrow of a system of government that had influenced the politics and policies of the whole of Europe for many years. Whether admired, or despised as in Britain, the French monarchy proved itself a power to be reckoned with throughout the century. That a home-grown, grassroots rebellion could have developed into a complete overturn of the French monarchy was a matter of wonder that resonated loudly in both private and public spheres in Britain. As Ronald Paulson notes, it was “unprecedented—hitherto unknown and unexpected.”2 The Revolution was discussed and debated, and its events became fodder for public culture. Quite apart from the French Revolution, 1 Robert Hawker, An Appeal to the People of England, on the Subject of the French Revolution ([London]: 1794), [3]. Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale Document Number: CW3303822722, accessed on 1 May 2006. 2 Ronald Paulson, Representations of Revolution: 1789-1820 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1983), 1.

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there had been nearly a century of social and political discussion in Britain that reflected the uncomfortable relationship between the two countries. In general, the fear that a foreign culture could corrupt and diminish their strength became a recurring theme in eighteenth-century Britain. France was most often the target of such fears, although Spain and other Catholic countries were also treated as suspect. These concerns were often voiced in the texts of eighteenth-century vocal music. As such, this chapter will examine briefly the history of conflict between France and Britain, the fears that French culture had the power to weaken traditional British values, and popular British views of the French monarchy with reference to the arts (and music, in particular) of the century.

The French-English History of Conflict H.M. Scott records that Britain was at war with France (and sometimes Spain) for over half of the time between 1688 and 1815.3 This resulted in an ever increasing suspicion of French cultural, political and religious institutions. England and Scotland shared common interests and concerns in these matters, in spite of their own long-standing political problems. Both countries viewed most of the European continent as dominated by tyranny and superstitious (Catholic) religion. Indeed, the Anglo-Scottish union which finally took place in mid-century was, in part, a response to the fear of French expansionism.4 A complete history of the political relationship between France and Britain exceeds the scope of this chapter; however, several significant disputes will be highlighted which fostered the growth of anti-French sentiments throughout the century. Fearing a French expansion on the Iberian Peninsula, Britain joined the War of the Spanish Succession soon after Queen Anne took the British throne in 1702. Thereafter, England drove France out of Germany and the Netherlands, but peace was not restored between Britain and France until the Treaty of Utrecht was signed in 1713. Although alliances were established between France, England, Holland and Austria in 1717-18, the Anglo-Spanish War (1739-48) and War of the Austrian Succession (174048) once again pitted England against France. The latter conflict spread 3

H.M. Scott, “Britain’s Emergence as a European Power, 1688-1815,” A Companion to Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. H.T. Dickinson (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002), 434. 4 Colin Kidd, “Integration: Patriotism and Nationalism,” A Companion to Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. H.T. Dickinson (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002), 372.

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British forces thinly, with battles fought in the Low Countries, the northern part of the Italian peninsula, and even in the New World. The period of 1746-48 was especially draining and, by the time the peace treaty was signed in 1748, the resources of the allied forces of Britain, Austria, Sardinia and Holland were depleted. For Britain, this period was especially dangerous because Charles Edward, the “Young Pretender,” attempted to restore the Stuart line on the English throne with the aid of France. In July of 1745, Charles Edward raised the Jacobite standard on the Island of Eriskay, off the coast of Scotland.5 By November of 1745, Scotland was under rebel rule, and an army of some 5000 troops subsequently invaded England. Having to fight battles on home soil was a startling development for a country already weary of wars on the Continent. Charles Edward expected a French invasion force would give aid to his rebels, and furthermore hoped that dissident Britons would join in his cause. He was to be disappointed on both fronts. William, Duke of Cumberland (the second son of the Hanoverian King, George II), defeated the rebel army at the Battle of Culloden on 16 April 1746. Cumberland had already won much respect for his command of the allied forces at the battle of Tournai in 1745 (part of the War of the Austrian Succession) and his success on home soil catapulted him to the status of national hero who had prevented a Stuart Restoration.6 Anti-French sentiment ran high in Britain during this time, in spite of the failed arrival of a French invasion, and Cumberland was perceived as a protector of English traditions (even if such protection had its roots in Hanoverian Germany). The Seven Years War (1756-63) followed, with the conflict again fought in both Europe and the New World. The revolt of the American colonies in 1775 resulted in the War of American Independence, a conflict which France entered in 1778. Peace was not restored until the Treaty of Versailles in 1783, with Britain losing much of her colonial holdings in the New World in the process. This is an impressive history of conflict between two powerful nations whose geographical proximity only strengthened a profound distrust of all things French in England. Yet it was not only the fear of France’s military strength that occupied the minds of many during the century—the perceived subversive powers of French culture were equally disturbing. 5

Frank O’Gorman, The Long Eighteenth Century–British Political and Social History: 1688-1832, The Arnold History of Britain (London: Arnold, 1997), 89. 6 Ibid.

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Chapter One

Conflicting Symbols of Masculinity One result of the frequency with which Britain was at war with France was the emergence of stereotyped images depicted in literature, engravings and dramatic works that were designed to foster patriotism and a sense of national security. The expected French invasion of Britain in 1756 (the beginning of the Seven Years War) brought forth a patriotic response from William Hogarth in the form of a pair of engravings called The Invasion. One image depicts the readiness of English peasants to fight for their country and invokes the memory of the Duke of Cumberland, while the other shows the embarkation of unwilling French troops who must be coerced into following the orders of their superiors. There are conspicuously placed propaganda symbols in the second image: the starving French soldiers are depicted roasting frogs on their swords over an open fire to survive, while the priests who are to accompany them have the accoutrements of the Inquisition. The engravings are supplemented with poems by David Garrick which are designed to underscore their patriotic sentiments.7 The first verse of the poem included alongside the engraving of the French soldiers follows: With lanthorn jaws, and croaking gut, See how the half-starved Frenchmen strut, And call us English dogs; But soon we’ll teach these bragging foes, That beef and beer given heavier blows Than soup and roasted frogs.8

The engravings were reprinted in 1759 when another French invasion was expected, and they were still being printed from the original plates by William Heath as late as 1822. Garrick’s verses were enlisted again during the last decade of the century, and were reprinted by The Star, a progovernment newspaper, in December 1793.9 Given the history of war and fear of invasion, symbolic figures of warrior masculinity such as soldiers, sailors and great military leaders were celebrated as appropriate role models throughout the century. Conversely, negative stereotypes (especially 7

These images are discussed by Ronald Paulson, Hogarth’s Graphic Works: First Complete Edition, 2 vols (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1965), I: 235-36, and Thomas Clerk, The Works of William Hogarth. . . to which is prefixed some account of his life, 2 vols (London: E. Scholey, 1812), II: 31-36. 8 Reprinted in Clerk, The Works of William Hogarth, II: 34. 9 Simon Bainbridge, British Poetry and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: Visions of Conflict (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 12-13.

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anti-French) abound in the popular culture of the second half of the century, spurred on by authors such as the Rev. John Brown, whose Estimate of the Manners and Principles of the Times (1757) encouraged a fear that the taste for luxury (viewed as being “French”) could ultimately effeminize the British male, and make the country politically vulnerable. Indeed, Brown believed that the feminization of the British male was “part of a gigantic French plot, consciously or unconsciously abetted by England’s ruling class.” 10 In spite of the number of times that Britain had been at war with France during the eighteenth century, the influence of French culture remained strong within the aristocracy and moneyed classes. The ability to speak French was a prerequisite for those who wanted to mingle in high society or enter a high office. French fashions dominated the court and the beau monde (fashionable society), creating a highly visible separation from the lower classes. The aristocracy continued to speak French amongst themselves well into the next century and Linda Colley recounts the surprise of the American ambassador, Richard Rush, when he went to his first official dinner engagement at Lord Castlereagh’s home in 1818 and found that the dinner conversation was conducted in French.11 This desire to be perceived as ‘other’ by upper classes led to “accusations that those who dominated Britain were a separate and malign interest in the nation.”12 Nowhere was this perception more visible than in the capital city where the tastes and interests of the upper classes stood in marked contrast to those of the rest of the country. In part, this perception resulted from the decline of the cultural life at court which had begun under Queen Anne and had never been revitalized by subsequent monarchs. Without strong cultural leadership in the court, it fell to the public sector to provide that which the court did not. Theatre flourished in London, and the rise of concert series in the city predates most public concerts on the Continent by many years. William Weber 10

Gerald Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism; A Cultural History: 17401830 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997), 82. John Brown, a moral revolutionary, was much concerned about the decline of British traditions and his writings were much respected. Newman examines Brown’s anti-French stance in considerable detail (pages 80-84) in this source. See also, Kidd, “Integration: Patriotism and Nationalism,” 372. 11 Linda Colley, Britons;Forging the Nation: 1707-1837 (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1992), 165. 12 Ibid., 164.

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argues that the cultural life of London was crucial to the development of social leadership in the country,13 yet the choices made by these leaders in their dress, manners and entertainments separated them from the rest of society. Even when the more affluent members of the gentry emulated the trends established by the aristocracy, the result was still the perception of elitism. Nowhere was this more evident than in the Italian opera performances at the King’s Theatre after 1711 with the rise of the beau monde. The restrictive nature of these performances (there being few cheap seats in the theatre) heightened the impression of elitism inherent in the beau monde, and a suspicion that foreign culture posed a threat to traditional British values.14 The very nature of Italian opera encouraged these suspicions: it was sung in a foreign language and employed castrato singers who recreated heroic male characters on stage, but in the female vocal range. This image of a warrior male contrasted strongly with the characters created by British authors for the playhouses. Indeed, Randolph Trumbach notes that British society struggled with very opposed models of male gender identity throughout the eighteenth century, and feared that the men of the beau monde would become sodomites because of cultural contamination.15 Not only did this make them potentially weak leaders, but the traditional structure of society would be undermined if the practice was emulated by the lower classes. This fear was perhaps understandable given the interest in the fashions of the upper class, an interest that ultimately resulted in the publication of illustrated periodicals such as Beau Monde: or, Literary and Fashionable Magazine (begun in 1806), Beau Monde and Monthly Register (begun in 1809). Earlier in the century, the British had sought to define an appropriate male gender identity that was consistent with the country’s move towards more “enlightened” and refined modes of conduct. Lawrence E. Klein 13

William Weber, “Musical Culture and the Capital City: The Epoch of the beau monde in London, 1700-1787,” Concert Life in Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. Susan Wollenberg and Simon McVeigh (Aldershot, Hants, U.K.: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2004), 71-76. 14 David Hunter demonstrates that Handel’s target audience for his operas was the upper class, the traditional leaders of the country, in “Patronizing Handel, inventing audiences: the intersections of class, money, music and history,” Early Music XXVIII/1 (February 2000): 40. 15 Randolph Trumbach, Heterosexuality and the Third Gender in Enlightenment London, no. 1 of Sex and the Gender Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 69-70. Trumbach notes that this fear of homosexuality was a primary reason why prostitution was never rigorously controlled in London.

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writes that “politeness” was often seen as a necessary addendum to “productivity.” Klein cites the writings of Abel Boyer, a remarkable man of letters, and a considerable influence on the developing social mores of eighteenth-century Britain.16 Boyer comments: “Merit will not do the Work, if it be not seconded by Agreeableness, on which depends all the plausibility of Actions. This Agreeableness is the most efficacious Instrument of Soveraignty [sic].”17 Clearly, Boyer understood the French concept of civilité. Boyer, French-born and trained in France and Holland, became a conduit of French culture in Britain, whose first published book in Britain was The compleat French master for ladies and gentlemen: being a new method, to learn with ease and delight the French tongue (1694). Other manuals were published during the eighteenth century with the express purpose of instructing plebeian readers how to advance within certain professions, and to provide them with social skills necessary to compete in polite society. One might not ever be a part of the beau monde or be able to afford a Grand Tour of the Continent, but it was important to practise refined manners and understand the mechanics of social conduct to be successful in the professions dependent upon social discourse. Refined behaviour became as important in London, where the highly visible beau monde congregated, as it was in Paris. But how could this concern for refinement of social conduct in the public sphere be reconciled with more traditional values such as hunting, military and naval exploits?18 The more refined the male became, the closer his behaviour and imagery approximated the interests and affectations of upper-class women. When a man of this level of refinement was seen in public wearing French fashions of lace, feathers and brocades, he did not typify the traditional British values of strength and leadership. He was ‘other,’ and a figure who did not engender trust. These points are clearly demonstrated in the memoirs of the dramatist, John O’Keefe: 16

Lawrence E. Klein, “Politeness for plebes. Consumption and social identity in early eighteenth-century England,” The Consumption of Culture 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, ed. Ann Bermingham and John Brewer (London: Routledge, 1995), 366. 17 Abel Boyer, The English Theophrastus: or the manners of the age. Being the modern characters of the court, the town, and the city, 3rd ed. (London: Bernard Lintott, 1708), 107. 18 These ideas are explored in far greater detail by Michèle Cohen, “Manliness, effeminacy and the French: gender and the construction of national character in eighteenth-century England,” English Masculinities: 1660-1800, ed. Tim Hitchcock and Michèle Cohen. Women and Men in History (London and New York: Longman, 1999), 44-61.

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Chapter One When my son returned to me from Paris, he could scarcely speak a word of English, and was dressed in the full high Parisian court-fashion; scarlet coat with cut-steel buttons, white-fringed waistcoat, pearl colour smallclothes, white silk stockings ribbed with light-blue, large silver buckles, laced handkerchief, small hat, and muff, which I advised him to give to his little sister before he walked down Piccadilly.

O’Keefe concluded that his son needed not only to recover his spoken English before attending an English school, but that he had to “become reconciled to sober English dress.”19

Images of Otherness Stereotypes outside of the cultural norms appeared at several times during the eighteenth century. In particular, the fop and the macaroni were visible types in society. The re-emergence of the fop (a feminized man) during the eighteenth century was a case of life seemingly imitating art. The fop first appeared as a theatrical “type” in the late seventeenth century, with George Etherege’s play The Man of Mode (1676) and his character, Sir Fopling Flutter. Although a secondary character, he is described as affecting an “Imitation of the People of Quality in France.”20 As someone obsessed with fashion, romantic success and celebrity, he provided a model both for future plays and members of the audience to emulate. While the more extravagant characteristics of the fop were not universally embraced by aristocratic men, polished manners and elegant clothing based on French fashions were adopted by many as an appropriate way to express cultured masculinity. The balance of opinion, however, turned against the more extreme manifestations of these interests during the eighteenth century. Especially in times of war, any type of affected behaviour or foppishness was seen as weakness. The fear of the softening effects of city life was intensified when men were seen parading about in velvets and lace: fashions associated with the “inherently effeminate French nation.”21 The fop, moreover, was furthermore often suspected of being a part of the urban homosexual subculture, and thus a danger to national well-being.22 Such paranoia appears to have intensified 19

John O’Keefe, Recollections of the life of John O’Keefe, written by himself, 2 vols (London: Henry Colburn, 1826), II: 147. 20 George Etheridge, The Man of Mode, or Sir Fopling Flutter (London: J. Tonson, 1733), 19. 21 Cohen, “Manliness, effeminacy and the French,” 156. 22 Philip Carter, Men and the Emergence of Polite Society, Britain: 1660-1800.

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during times of war. While there were few Navy trials for sodomy during peace, the numbers rose dramatically in war, leaving Randoph Trumbach to conclude that “sodomy and the breakdown of order thus became identified in the minds of naval commanders.”23 Especially during the 1750s, there was increased concern about the perceived rising levels of effeminacy and its impact on the nation. Gerald Newman notes, there was “an emergent nationalistic philosophy, antiFrench and anti-aristocratic, linked to sharpening moral, social and historical concerns, as well as aesthetic and commercial ones.”24 Given that military leadership invariably fell to the members of the upper class, there was fear that their concerns for refinement would prevent them from commanding forces effectively. Philip Carter observes that “the image of the enfeebled soldier who preferred the comforts of civilian life to the rigour of war was commonplace in both mid-century satires and sober social commentaries.”25 When William Godwin has the rustic Squire Tyrrel exclaim “I do hate a Frenchified fop with all my soul,” in the 1794 novel, Caleb Williams, he gives voice to a popular view, especially of those outside of the large urban centres.26 At the heart of these concerns is a fear of otherness—a fear of continental and especially French values— and the perceived ability of this otherness to erode traditional British values and strengths. During the 1770s, another kind of “otherness” appeared in London: the macaroni. This group of privileged young men took Italy as their model (an important stopping point in any Grand Tour of the period), rather than France. They carried out an apparent Dionysian lifestyle in the public sphere, and took as their “uniform” striped clothing and tall, powdered wigs. While somewhat less feminine in their attire than most fops, they Women and Men in History (London and New York: Longman, 2001), 139-44. 23 Randoph Trumbach, “Sodomitical Subcultures, Sodomitical roles, and the Gender Revolution of the Eighteenth Century: The Recent Historiography,” ‘Tis Nature’s Fault: Unauthorized Sexuality during the Enlightenment, ed. Robert Purks Maccubbin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 112. 24 Newman, The Rise of English Nationalism, 73. 25 Ibid., 130. Carter also brings attention to the satirical works of Nathaniel Lancaster in mid-century who attacked foppish mannerisms as symbolic of continental (especially French) influences, and as a misconception of the polite male. Men and the Emergence of Polite Society, 150-51. 26 William Godwin, Caleb Williams, ed. Gary Handwerk and A.A. Markley (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 2000), 132.

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Chapter One

were still objects of scorn and concern. The appellation of a “macaroni” was intended as a pejorative when given to members of the group, and came from their describing things then in high fashion as being “very macaroni.” The macaroni set consisted of young men still rebelling against the social norms that would inevitably be thrust upon them. Although they were fighting parental values, it was expected that they would ultimately adopt those same values in the fullness of time. As such, they represented a slightly lesser threat to traditional British values, but their high level of visibility in city life contributed to xenophobic fears of continental pollution in London, much as did the presence of the fop. To avoid the social (and ultimately political) domination of countries such as France and Italy, it would be necessary to cast off all external affectations and “false” social practices of those societies. While the fop was used as a figure of comedy in plays during the early eighteenth century, he was later presented as a character to be distrusted and loathed, especially after the declaration of war on France in 1793. No longer a possible role model for male behaviour in the public sphere, the fop became a symbol of the power of continental corruption. A telling point in the production of The Siege of Valenciennes (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 1793) was a dialogue song featuring the characters of a Soldier and a Fop. The famed comic actor, Decastro, played the part of the Fop, and explained the song as follows in his Memoirs: “in the delineation of these characters, the contrast is happily preserved, by exhibiting one as the essence of cowardice, and the other a cool, undaunted soldier, whose courage is not to be shaken by danger, when the interest of his country is at stake, and needs his assistance to defend it.”27 This is but one example of the role that theatre played in shaping the national character. Kathleen Wilson notes that the London theatres played an integral role in the cultural construction of the state’s power where “national stereotypes were constructed and perpetuated with a vengeance. French Fops, adventuring Irishmen, ridiculous Italians and bullying Spaniards–as well as rowdy, robust but essentially honourable Englishmen–were all stock characters in farce, sentimental comedy and drama in this period.”28 27

J. Decastro, The Memoirs of J. Decastro, Comedian. . . , ed. R. Humphreys (London: Sherwood, Jones & Co., 1824), 79-80. 28 Kathleen Wilson, “Empire of Virtue: The Imperial project and Hanoverian culture c.1720-1785,” An Imperial State at War: Britain from 1689 to 1815, ed. Lawrence Stone (London: Routledge, 1994), 136. See also, Wilson, “The good, the bad, and the impotent: Imperialism and the politics of identity in Georgian England,” The Consumption of Culture 1600-1800: Image, Object, Text, ed. Ann

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While playwrights attempted to provide convincing resolutions to the eternal dichotomy of male (British) versus female (French), an inherent contradiction remained. The fop is portrayed in this period as emasculated and in great fear of the enemy who gave birth to his affected lifestyle. If the French were, indeed, so effeminate, how could they also be a potent enemy? A canny politician during the last decade of the century could have explained this seeming paradox. The French Revolution had not been born in the cultured classes, for whom fashion and etiquette was a primary concern, but from the lower classes who struggled to survive without such luxuries. It was a grassroots movement that successfully spread throughout the country. Thus, France and French traditions presented a possible double threat to Britain, where energies released by the Revolutionary fervour in France might well provide a working model for disaffected British. Should the Revolutionary forces of France (not corrupted by court culture) decide to invade Britain, there was a fear that the country was vulnerable because French court culture had previously feminized the upper-class leaders of Britain. If the latter seems unlikely in the present era, it was a very serious consideration during the 1790s when traditional warrior masculine stereotypes were emphasized in Britain. Simon Bainbridge has argued that there was a “remasculinization of poetry” by the end of the century that continued on well into the romantic period in Britain. It was not sufficient for the arts to have only entertainment value; they had to encourage national stereotypes such as the male warrior model. If poetry could help shape the national understanding of war, war could reshape poetry in turn.29 As will be shown below, Britain was not the only country to have a profound fear of the feminine–the French entertained many fears centring on Queen Marie Antoinette.

The French-English Relationship as Revealed through the Arts Texts with strong patriotic and/or political overtones were a prominent feature of eighteenth-century British vocal music. While much of this repertoire represents long-standing traditions such as court odes and other celebratory works, there is a second body of works containing topical texts Bermingham and John Brewer (London: Routledge, 1995), 236-63, which reprints much of the 1994 essay. 29 Bainbridge, British Poetry and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: Visions of Conflict, vii-vii & 99-119. Bainbridge cites many examples of the critical press praising the “manly tone” of various poems.

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not composed under the aegis of the court. These pieces reflect then current issues of national interest; taken as a whole, this little-studied repertoire might be viewed as a barometer of public opinion. The relationship between France and England is a recurring theme in this body of music, a relationship which came under even greater scrutiny at the time of the French Revolution. Music played an important role in this commentary, often providing nearly immediate reactions to the events unfolding in France. In 1992, David Charlton observed that “there is no coherent body of music writings, even in France, on the music of the crucial last decade of the eighteenth century.”30 Discussion of the musical reactions outside France to the events taking place in Paris is even rarer, in spite of the great social and musical significance of such a repertoire. The absence of such analyses and commentary is especially unfortunate given the long-standing history of strained relations between Britain and France. Simply put, to be patriotically British during most of the century was to be anti-French and (to a somewhat lesser degree) anti-Catholic. This was a useful popular-cultural view for governments and the monarchy to encourage. The performing arts (and music, in particular) proved to be a convenient means to achieve a cultural and political consensus. Many musical works with an anti-French bias were composed during the eighteenth century. Not only do the dates of publication act as reference points for the events which inspired them, but the texts celebrate national heroes and provide interpretations of topical events. The Duke of Cumberland, for example, was much celebrated in songs and odes.31 His accomplishments served as the subject matter of six cantatas collectively called The Trophy, with texts by John Hoadly. Documentary evidence provided by H. Diack Johnstone confirms that the texts were meant to be set to music by Maurice Greene, a member of the King’s Music and

30

David Charlton, “Introduction: exploring the Revolution,” Music and the French Revolution. ed. Malcolm Boyd (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 1. Charlton (2) writes that “it challenges us to explore the musical experience of men and women over a wider-than-usual spectrum. Because a Revolution re-examines and re-creates its institutions, studying the 1789 period also means looking at a quickly changing pattern of musical patronage, whether state-inspired or individually organized.” 31 Michael Festing’s Ode Upon the return of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland from Scotland is a celebratory work requiring a large orchestra. Published by J. Simpson in London, c.1745, a second edition was published in 1746, likely an indication of its popularity.

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organist of St. Paul’s Cathedral in London.32 If Greene did set the texts, his music has not been located. Based on the printed texts, the poet must have envisioned musical settings of considerable proportions: while the first cantata is the only one to call for a chorus, the fifth cantata calls for multiple soloists, and several of the texts are longer than the norm for solo cantatas of the period. Each of the texts presents Cumberland in a symbolic guise: as a volunteer, poet, painter, musician, shepherd and religious leader.33 As a religious leader, the text promises that Catholic Rome will sink “with black despair” under Cumberland’s influence. As the symbol of the shepherd, Britons are reminded that: ‘TWAS WILLIAM’S toil this leisure gave, By him I tune my oaten reed, By him, yon golden harvests wave, By him these herds in safety feed: Him shall our grateful songs declare Ever to British shepherds dear.

By implication, France was tarred with the charge of Catholicism, and anti-French sentiment emerged more strongly during the period of the Seven Years War. While some of the resulting musical works were of the more sophisticated and complex cantata genre, others fell into the realm of popular song. There was a ready market for new song literature in an era when home music-making was the norm. The Universal Magazine published much popular song material, including works of a patriotic nature. In the October issue of 1756 (in the early days of the Seven Years War), there 32

H. Diack Johnstone has written extensively on the relationship between Greene and Hoadly: “More on Dr. Hoadly’s ‘Poems Set to Music by Dr. Greene’,” Studies in Bibliography 50 (1997): 269-70; “New Light on John Hoadly and his ‘Poems Set to Music by Dr. Greene’,” Studies in Bibliography 50 (2003-04): 287. Greene was highly influential in musical circles, but he quarrelled with Handel, and the rift was never healed. In his later years, Greene showed a considerable interest in secular music, and he took an active role in the Academy of Ancient Music, and the Apollo Academy. He set many texts by Hoadly. See also: Keith Maslen, “Dr. Hoadly’s ‘Poems Set to Music by Dr. Greene’,” Studies in Bibliography 48 (1995): 85-94. 33 The texts were published in Robert Dodsley, ed., A Collection of Poems in Six Volumes by Several Hands (London: J. Hughes, 1763), III: 255-65. It is possible that Greene’s large-scale orchestral and vocal settings did not lend themselves to being published in keyboard reductions, as was the norm of the time.

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appeared a work called “The Soldier’s Song.” The song is a five-verse, strophic setting that initially evokes benign symbols of the “fair English rose” and the “lillies of France,” but quickly turns these images into strongly anti-French sentiments with phrases such as “England. . . has humbled the pride and the glory of France,” and “We beat ƍem by sea, and we beat ƍem by land, When Marlborough and Russel enjoy’d the command; We’ll beat them again, boys, so let’em advance, Old England despises the insults of France.” These sentiments are painted with the broadest of brush strokes so as to bolster feelings of patriotism and national pride where the glories of military strength permit no subtleties. A facsimile of the song is printed as Music Example 1 - 1.34 The music is cast as a march with strongly-marked rhythms. Typical of songs printed for home use in this period, only a bass line is given, with brief passages of accompaniment for the right hand printed in the vocal line where possible. Although the range is only one and one-half octaves, the leaping melody would require some effort on the part of an amateur singer to master. Given the popularity of publications such as The Universal Magazine, the song was likely successful as a tool for generating support for the British government while demonizing France.

34 I am indebted to Professor Ursula Rempel of the University of Manitoba for giving me the original copy of the song which is reproduced here.

The Power of Symbols

Ex. 1 - 1: Anon, “The Soldier’s Song,” The Universal Magazine (October 1756).

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In a similar vein is Charles Dibdin’s Liberty. Dibdin (1745-1814) was one of the leading figures in British theatrical circles during the eighteenth century, where his talents as a composer, dramatist, poet, novelist, actor and performing musician were much in demand. His cantata, Liberty, figured prominently in his first published opus.35 The text (which may be by Dibdin himself) deals with Britain’s military and naval superiority over France. Ultimately, Britain is celebrated as the “Loveliest Isle of freeborn Beauty.” The placement of a patriotic work at the beginning of the published volume would appear to be a conscious statement, especially since the music itself was clearly aimed at home music-making, as opposed to professional singers at the pleasure gardens. There is a great deal of stepwise melodic movement, and the range is not excessively large. In addition, the absence of coloratura in either of the two brief airs (which are preceded by equally brief recitatives) put this work within the grasp of the amateur singer. [Music Example 1 - 2].

Ex. 1 - 2: C. Dibdin, Liberty, A Cantata. First air, vocal line, complete.

The patriotic cantatas of Worgan and Dibdin were in no way exceptional and other writers mined the same patriotic sentiments. Some works were so specifically linked to historical events that it was not even necessary to mention the French to evoke the desired responses. Thomas Davis’ A Cantata in praise of Victory gain’d by the English at Detingen [sic] celebrates England’s bravery at the battle of Dettingen on the river Main in 1743, where George II led the combined English and Hanoverian infantry to victory against the French.36 Although the French are not specifically mentioned in the text, the inference would be clear to all in 35

A Collection of English Songs and Cantatas. . . Opera Primo ([London:] Printed for the author, [1763]), 12-15. The British Library dates the collection from 1761. 36 O’Gorman, The Long Eighteenth Century, 88.

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England. Both George II and the glory of war are praised with phrases such as “Then to George your King in praise of War and Victory Sing.” Another example of a patriotic cantata is Henry Heron’s “Immortal Jove from thy blest seat,” a work intended for professional performance at the Marylebone Gardens ca. 1770. The text is credited to a “Mr. Potter,” likely John Potter, a medical doctor who also wrote libretti and composed theatrical works, as well as songs for the pleasure gardens.37 Potter’s text asks Jove to protect the nation’s “Sons in arts as Arms may rise, and fill each distant Nation with surprise.” France is portrayed as an enemy who must submit to British will. Compared to Dibdin’s work, Heron’s music is more challenging vocally (requiring easy access to top notes, and the ability to sing coloratura passage work for several measures at a time), and reflects the professional singers who were regularly heard at the pleasure gardens in London. Even in works where there are no direct references to actual conflict, France was a convenient symbol for generic evil or, in the very least, antiBritish interests. Fear that such evil had infiltrated the highest ranks of office in England is expressed in the cantata, The Pay-Master (ca. 1770). The work is a bitter attack on Henry Fox, the first Lord Holland (1705-74), a politician who held various offices during his career, including surveyor general, secretary of state, member of the Privy Council and leader of the House of Commons, all the while exploiting his public office for personal gain. In 1769, a petition from the City of London referred to Fox as having defrauded the public of millions of pounds. The Pay-Master appears to be an example of an immediate musical reaction to a political event of national importance. Fox is given a French name in the cantata, “Reynard the Fox,” to provide an immediate association with England’s traditional enemy. A subsequent reference to France is found in the prediction that, having depleted the cash reserves of England, Lord Holland would likely flee to France rather than repay what he had stolen.38 Given Fox’s power and influence in government, it is not surprising that the names of both the composer and the author of the text of this work are 37

Roger Fiske, English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth century, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 408. Potter’s 1762 lectures to Gresham College were published as Observations on Music and Musicians. 38 A visual analogue had been produced as early as 1757 when George Townshend published an etching of Henry Fox with a fox’s head. David Mannings, “The Visual Arts,” 18th Century Britain, vol. 5 of The Cambridge Cultural History of Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 117.

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suppressed. Indeed, even the publisher, Longman & Lukey, saw fit to shorten the company’s name to “L. L. & Co.” when the work was released. Perhaps the most famous of the anti-French works was The Roast Beef Cantata, which has a long publication history. The association of roast beef with England was emblematic, and the image figures prominently in many illustrations and engraving in the eighteenth century. The Roast Beef Cantata is remarkable on several levels, not the least in that it points directly to Hogarth’s 1748 painting, The Gate of Calais; or, the Roast Beef of Old England, that was subsequently reproduced as an engraving in 1749.39 The cantata text first appeared around 1752 as a broadside sheet published by Sayer, but when R. Withy published the cantata text ca. 1755, it contained a reproduction of Hogarth’s engraving. The artist’s depiction of life in France resulted from personal experience—in particular, his visit to France in 1748, where he was arrested as a spy. The sight of the people in Calais shocked him, and he was struck by the “Extreem different face things appear with at so little a distance as from Dover.” Hogarth found the soldiers to be “rag[g]ed and lean” and dining on “scanty french fair in sight [of] a Surloin of Beef a present from England which is opposed [to] the Kettle of soup meagre. . .”40 The resulting picture reflects this distinctly British view of the French, and Linda Colley astutely emphasizes Hogarth’s treatment of the “singularly unattractive nuns” and the French soldiers, “at once scrawny and ragged and curiously effeminate.” Hogarth’s use of a framing arch to separate the spectator from those being viewed is also significant: Only after a time do we notice the really deadly and innovative part of Hogarth’s satire. By the mere act of looking at the print we have come within the arch of a French prison. All of a sudden, we–the spectators–have become unfree, just like the French.41

The image of having peered into a madhouse might also be suggested. The first musical setting of the text was published around 1765. The music was republished at least four more times during the eighteenth century, and two much-revised editions were released in the mid-

39

Paulson, Hogarth’s Graphic Works, I: 204. Quotes from Hogarth’s Autobiographical Notes are cited by Paulson, Hogarth’s Graphic Works, I: 203. 41 Linda Colley, Britons, 33. 40

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nineteenth century.42 The name of the composer/arranger remains unknown, although one early source states that the music had been composed by “Signior Carbonado,” an obvious pseudonym.43 Theodosius Forrest (172884) was named as the author of the text in the early printings. Forrest was the son of Ebenezer Forrest, a travelling companion of Hogarth, and the father and son were both friends of the artist. The appearance of the large quantity of beef, ordered for Madame Grandsire (who ran a hotel for English patrons in Calais), provides the source of wonderment in both the cantata text and Hogarth’s picture. If viewers of Hogarth’s picture are left to draw their own conclusions about the artist’s political beliefs, Forrest’s cantata text politicizes food so completely that it becomes a symbol of cultural and political identity, leaving no room for alternative interpretation.44 The text is strongly antiFrench, attacking both the French political system and the clergy. There are several narrative voices in the text, including those of a French Priest, a French Soldier, and expatriate Irish and Scottish soldiers. In addition, an unspecified voice opens and concludes the cantata, and introduces the named characters in the recitatives. This voice addresses the British nation directly in the fourth verse of the final song (“Then Britons be valiant, the moral is clear”), raising the possibility that it is meant to be Britannia herself. The French soldier, described as being half-starved, is awestruck by the sight of the beef, something that he has not seen before. An Irish soldier, who has escaped to France to avoid being hanged at home, states that he would have been better off facing the gallows in Ireland than slowly starving as a French soldier who must serve a “hard hearted” King. Sawney, an expatriate Scot, prefers to have the Devil pluck out his eyes rather than be with the French. England is praised as the place where 42

The two nineteenth-century versions contain much new music, as well as giving the work accompaniments more in tune with the nineteenth century. It would seem possible that the music of the cantata was never firmly fixed, for even the later eighteenth-century publication by Longman, Lukey & Broderip is listed as having “the recitatives new set.” For publication details, see: Rice, The Solo Cantata in Eighteenth-Century Britain: A Thematic Catalog (Warren, Michigan: Harmonie Park Press, 2003). 43 Paulson, Hogarth’s Graphic Works, I: 203-04. 44 Beef served a similar form of cultural identity during the Revolutionary years. James Gillray’s 1792 etching, “French Liberty/British Slavery,” presents a thin sans culotte praising French liberty while having nothing to eat but raw onions. At the same time, a decidedly well-fed John Bull is depicted as dining on a large roast of beef while complaining about the taxes he must pay. Copy in the Fitzwilliam Museum.

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“Health and Plenty socially unite; where smiling Freedom guards great Georges throne, and whips and chains, and tortures are not known.” The work ends with a moral about the frog [France] who tries to puff himself up as large as an ox [England], and bursts in the attempt. Much of the humour in the work is revealed through the use of borrowed folk tunes, with seemingly only the recitatives being newly composed. The music for the first air (given to the French priest) is similar to the melodic outlines of two folk tunes, “La fille qui se tue pour garder son honneur” and “Mon père m’a donné mary.”45 The mock-solemn qualities of the air are appropriate to the depiction of the priest’s nature. The derivation of the second air (sung by the French soldier) has not been identified; however, the music suggests an origin in art music. Here, the suggestion of courtly dance might seem at odds with the text until one realizes that a French soldier partaking in a formal dance was congruent with the depiction of the effeminate soldier in Hogarth’s painting. This music was replaced in both of the nineteenth-century publications of this score. The original text was retained, but the new musical setting contained even more parodistic elements, with the result that the music took on the character of a drunken dance. The third air is given to the Irish guard who graphically describes how the sight of the beef makes his stomach rise and his eyes weep. Here, an exact folk source can be identified, and the setting makes use of an altered version of the Irish tune, “Erin, the Tear and Smile.” The rising and falling melody line proves appropriate for the “rising stomach” mentioned in the text. The alterations to the original tune are largely in the second half of the air, and they tend to emphasize the comic nature of the text. The source of fourth air (given to Sawney, the sad Scot) was the familiar Scottish song, “O thou Broom! Thou Bonnie Bush o’ Broom!” The tune likely predates its first appearance in print in Playford’s Dancing Master of 1651, while the source used in the cantata may be adapted from the Orpheus Caledonius of 1725. Typical of Scottish folk music are the melodic flourishes in mm. 3 and 5, the use of the pentatonic scale in the melody, and mixolydian cadences which end on the second degree of the scale, as opposed to the first.46 The melody, as presented in cantata, has 45

See: Les Chansons de France . . . (Geneva: Editions Slatkine, 1980), 11, and E. Rolland, Recueil de Chansons Populaires (Paris: Éditions G.- Maisonneuve et Larose, 1967), I: 86, respectively. 46 George Farquhar Graham, The Popular Songs of Scotland, with Their

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been “regularized” to make it more diatonic in several places [hence the appearances of the notes D# and A in the example below]. The final air is given five verses which contain the fable of the frog who tries to puff himself up to the size of an ox, and bursts in the attempt. Once again, the source of the music is readily identifiable since it is a resetting of Richard Leveridge’s popular song “The Roast Beef of England” (1735). 47 With this unattributed borrowing, we come full circle, for Leveridge’s song must have been known to Hogarth.48 Not only did this text cast the French in a bad light, it did so with a song that had become an audience favourite. The text of the 1765 printing of the cantata follows, with a melody line for the airs. [Music Example 1 - 3.] Recitative: ‘Twas at the gate of Calais, Hogarth tells, where sad despare and Famine always dwells. A meagre Frenchman, Madame Grandsires Cook, As home he steer’d his Carcase that way took. Bending beneath the weight of fam’d Sirloin, On whom he’d often wish’d in vain to dine. Good Father Dominick by chance came by, with rosy Gills, round Paunch and greedy Eye: Who when he first beheld the greasy Load, his Benediction on it he bestow’d, and as the solid Fat his Fingers press’d, He lick’d his Chaps and thus ye Knight address’d. Air: [Priest]; tune: family resemblance to several French folk songs.

Appropriate Melodies . . . , rev. ed. J. Muir Wood (London: Bayley & Ferguson, 1900), 15. 47 Olive Baldwin and Thelma Wilson, “Leveridge, Richard,” The New Grove Dictionary of Musician and Musicians. Other dates, as early as 1728, have been suggested elsewhere. 48 Paulson, Hogarth’s Graphic Works, I: 203, states that “Hogarth takes his title from Fielding’s song that originally appeared in his Welsh (or Grub-Street) Opera (1731).” Given the influence of Hogarth in Fielding, this seems likely, although Leveridge’s song was very well known. Gerald Newman examines this influence in The Rise of English Nationalism, 65.

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Chapter One 2) Renown’d Sirloin, oft times decreed, The theme of English Ballad; On thee e’en Kings have deign’d to feed, Unknown to Frenchmen’s Palate: Then how much more thy taste exceeds, Soup meagre, Frogs and Sallad. Recitative: A Half starv’d Soldier, shirtless, pale and lean, who such a sight before had never seen, like Garrick’s frighted Hamlet gaping stood. And gaz’d with wonder on the British food. His mornings Mess forsook the friendly Bowl, and in small streams along the Pavement stole. He heav’d a sigh which gave his heart relief. And then in plaintive Tone declar’d his grief. Air: [French soldier]; tune: French art music?

2) But to my Guts if you give no heeding, And cruel fate dis boon denies, In kind Compassion unto my Pleading, Return and let me feast mine Eyes. Recitative: His fellow Guard, of right Hibernian Clay, Whose brazen Front his Country did betray, From Tyburns fatal Tree had thither fled, by honest means to gain his daily Bread, soon as the well known Prospect he descry’d, In blubb’ring Accents, dolefully he cry’d. Air: [Irish Guard]; tune: Irish folk song, “Erin, the Tear and the Smile.”

The Power of Symbols

2) While here I remain my life’s not worth a farthing, While here I remain my life’s not worth a farthing, Ah, hard hearted Lewy, [Louis XV] Why did I come [to] ye, The Gallows, more kind, wou’d have sav’d me from starving. Recitative: Upon the ground hard by poor Sawney sate, Who fed his nose and scratch’s his ruddy Pate. But when old England’s Bulwark he espy’d, his dear lov’d mull, alas! was thrown aside: With lifted hands he blest his native place; Then scrubb’d himself & thus bewail’d his case. [Sawney: “Sandy,” a Scotsman; mull: likely a reference to a snuff box; gang = go; De’el = devil ] Air: [Sawney]; tune: Scottish song, “O thou Broom! Thou Bonnie Bush o’ Broom!”

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Chapter One [refrain: to the above tune] O the beef! the bonny, bonny beef, When roasted nice and brown, I wish I had a slice of thee; How sweet it would gang down. 2) Ah Charley! hadst thou not been seen, This ne’er had happ’d to me: I wou’d the De’el had pick’d mine ey’n, E’er I had gang’d with thee. [refrain] O the beef, etc. Recitative: But see my Muse to England takes her flight Where Health and Plenty socially unite. Where smiling Freedom guards great Georges throne, And whips and chains and tortures are not known. That Britain’s Fame in loftiest strains should ring, In rustic fable give me leave to sing. Air: [narrator], tune: Richard Leveridge’s “The Roast Beef of Olde England.”

2) Then eagerly stretching his weak little frame, Mamma who stood by like a knowing old dame, Cry’d, Son to attempt it you’re surely to blame. [refrain as marked in the song, above] 3) But deaf to advice he for glory did thirst, An effort he ventur’d more strong than the first, Till swelling and straining too hard made him burst. [refrain] 4) Then Britons be valiant, the moral is clear, The Ox is old England, the frog is Monsieur; Whose puffs and bravadoes we never need fear. [refrain]

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5) For while by our commerce and arts we are able, To see the sirloin smoaking hot on our table, The French must e’en burst, like the Frog in the fable. [refrain] Ex. 1 - 3: The roast Beef Cantata.

The text provides many symbols which were meant to underline the differences between free-born Britons and the subjugated and oppressed French. The very fact that Forrest explains the obvious symbolism of the frog and the ox in the final song underscores the political intent of the work. Given that the print version of the text appeared before the outset of the Seven Years War, and the musical version just after its conclusion, the two versions must be seen as celebrating British participation in the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years War. The politicizing of food, in the guise of roast beef, represents a readily understandable symbol. If British citizens could dine like Kings, while the French populace dined on thin soup, salad and frogs, the difference between the “hard hearted Lewy” (here, Louis XV) and “great Georges throne” is made very clear.

The Threat of the Revolution in Great Britain The threat to Britain posed by French Revolution had a profound influence in moulding the social order and political beliefs during the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century. Although Britain prized its political system over continental absolutism, the century had witnessed a call for governmental reforms to make the economy more secure and lessen the power of the peerage.49 Prior to the 1789 events in Paris, British advocates of reform had not fully grasped the power of the social forces that might strengthen their cause. The events of 14 July 1789 in Paris served to galvanize the opposition to the government of King George III and Prime Minister William Pitt. It was felt that, if political reform could be achieved in a totalitarian country such as France, it could also succeed in the more moderate political system of England. By November of 1789, Richard Price had published Discourse on the Love of our Country which argued for the people’s right to liberty.50 Unfortunately, the opposition split 49

J.H. Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century (1714-1815), vol. 7 of The Pelican History of England (London: Penguin Books Ltd., 1987), 133-40. 50 Gary Handwerk and A.A. Markley, Introduction to Caleb Williams by William Godwin (Peterborough, ON: Boardview Press Ltd., 2000), 11-12.

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into two factions: a radical group largely made of the working class, and young Whigs (of social prominence) who were devoted to the cause of Parliamentary reform and furthering the achievements of Charles Fox.51 Socially and ideologically divided, the two groups could not easily work together to achieve common goals. As will be shown in Chapter 4 (with the case of Robert Merry), any Whig who espoused radical reforms of the social and political order was soon shunned. In spite of the fragmented nature of the political left, the aristocracy and the Tory government feared that republican sentiments would soon spread to Great Britain from France unless action was taken to prevent it. The memory of losing the American colonies in 1783 remained a wound to British pride, and Louis XVI’s role in this blow was not easily forgotten. The forces agitating for change and those supporting the status quo in Britain soon found voices in powerful authors. Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) was widely praised in “official” circles because it upheld the existing order, and placed British traditions on a high moral ground. Burke entered Parliament as a Whig in 1765, but grew dissatisfied with Whig policies in the early 1780s. His defection thus made the Tories doubly happy. In 1790, Burke was concerned that the National Assembly of France (still attempting to organize a constitutional monarchy) consisted largely of non-aristocrats who took reason alone as their guiding principle.52 Burke opposed Charles Grey’s motion to reform Parliament in 1792 on the grounds that “they must necessarily, in order to succeed in their objective, unite themselves with some of the worst men in the kingdom.”53 Burke lost no time in pushing rhetoric to extremes, tarring the reform movement with the taint of fanaticism. The moderate Whigs were effectively silenced by the fear of being branded unpatriotic, leaving only the extremist element in the call for national reform. Burke was a powerful writer who saw the value of depicting political struggles as a type of dramatized theatrical event to increase their emotional power. Theatrical analogies abound in his writings, leaving Frans De Bruyn to conclude that 51

Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century, 155-56. These issues are also investigated in great detail by J.E. Cookson in The Friends of Peace: Anti-War liberalism in England, 1793-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982). 52 Erich Eyck, Pitt versus Fox, Father & Son: 1735-1806, trans. Eric Northcott (London: G. Bell and Sons Ltd., 1950), 284-85. 53 Cited by David Eastwood, “Patriotism and the English state in the 1790s,”The French Revolution and British Popular Politics, ed. Mark Philip (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 148.

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“the metaphor. . . of revolution as grand, tragic theatre must be one of the most sustained leitmotivs running through the outpouring of letters, pamphlets, speeches, and treatises that the events in France provoked from Burke’s prolific pen.”54 Such literary techniques must have had a special resonance for his readers in London, as the events of the French Revolution played out on the stages of the minor theatres such as Astley’s Amphitheatre, the Royal Circus and Sadler’s Wells. The use of theatrical symbolism was not the only weapon in Burke’s literary arsenal. He quoted widely and well, making use of classical authors such as Cicero, Horace and Virgil, as well as more recent authors such as Shakespeare, Milton and Pope to give his arguments credence.55 Burke’s Biblical quotations were particularly attractive to the Anglican clergy, and he soon found himself allied with the Church in decrying the call for Parliamentary reform. The early days of the Revolution had given the clergy hope that the power of the Catholic Church would be diminished on the Continent; however, the subsequent suppression of religion in France gave the Anglican Church fathers grave concerns for their own futures if the Revolutionary spirit spread to England.56 Countering Burke’s views were those of authors such as Mary Wollstonecraft, who published A Vindication of the Rights of Man (1790) and A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), and Thomas Paine (1737-1809), whose Rights of Man appeared in two parts in 1791 and 1792. Wollstonecraft, the noted literary activist and feminist, was part of a bohemian circle that automatically rendered her suspect in the minds of many in the country. Paine, an avowed Republican, found himself an easy target for royalists and, after failing at several occupations, he sailed to the American colonies in 1774 where he quickly became involved in the fight

54

Frans De Bruyn, The Literary Genres of Edmund Burke: The Political Uses of Literary Form (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 165. De Bruyn’s chapter, entitled “Theatre and Counter-Theatre in Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France,” examines these issues with great understanding. The chapter is reprinted in British Literature: 1640-1789, A Critical Reader, ed. Robert DeMaria, Jr. (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 1999), 271-86. 55 Ibid., 259-65. 56 The Reverend Doctor Robert Hawker’s An Appeal to the People of England makes it clear that the greatest hope during the earliest stages of the Revolution had been that of a “deadly blow to popery, in the destruction of those engines of its power,” 9.

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for American independence from Britain.57 Paine was eventually elected to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and became involved in secret negotiations with France to assist in securing American independence. His return to Britain was hardly welcomed, and Paine was advised to leave for France even before the first part of his Rights of Man went to press, leaving the supervision of its publication to William Godwin, Thomas Brand Hollis and Thomas Holcraft. Arguing against a hereditary monarchy and the aristocratic class, Paine proposed that all men had a right to active participation in politics. His belief that the British system of government was neither fair nor effective resulted in a pamphlet war that gave increased validity to anti-Establishment views. Paine attacked Burke headon in his Rights of Man, and Burke’s use of theatrical metaphors, in particular: As to the tragic paintings by which Mr. Burke has outraged his own imagination, and seeks to work upon that of his readers, they are very well calculated for theatrical representation, where facts are manufactured for the sake of show, and accommodated to produce, through the weakness of sympathy, a weeping effect. But Mr. Burke should recollect that he is writing History, and not Plays, and that his readers will expect truth, and not the spouting rant of high-toned exclamation.58

Ultimately, radical societies formed throughout the country that attracted large memberships. It cannot be said that Paine’s Rights of Man was responsible for these activities, for the reform movement was already well in evidence at the time of the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille (14 July 1790) when various celebrations were organized throughout the country. The publication of Paine’s work, however, provided a focus for discussions about possible reform, thus giving the appearance that the radical political left was gaining ground.59 This was particularly true in the 57

Common Sense, Paine’s pro-independence tract, was published in 1776, and proved to be highly influential. See: Thomas Paine: Collected Writings, ed. Eric Foner (New York: The Library of America, 1995), 5-59. 58 Thomas Paine, Rights of Man, in Collected Writings, 446. 59 The Burke/Paine polemic and the consequent political ramifications are discussed in many sources in a depth that is not possible herein. Recent overviews can be found in Jennifer Mori, Britain in the Age of the French Revolution (Harlow, England: Pearson Education Ltd., 2000), 31-55, and Clive Emsley, Britain and the French Revolution (Harlow, England: Pearson Education Ltd., 2000), 9-13. A succinct overview is given by Emma Vincent Macleod, “The Crisis of the French Revolution,” A Companion to Eighteenth-Century Britain, ed. H.T. Dickinson (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2002), 114-15.

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capital where The London Corresponding Society, founded in early 1792, attracted a large following of working men. Well organized, this society was able to make ties with other opposition societies in England, much to the dismay of the Tory government.60 The radical reform element outnumbered the more moderate groups such as the Association of the Friends of the People. Comparisons between France and England in the anti-government newspapers began to take a Revolutionary tone, such as that which appeared in the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser on 13 July 1790, the very eve of the celebrations marking the fall of the Bastille in 1789.61 VIEW OF THE PRESENT STATE OF

ENGLAND AND FRANCE IT seems as if Fate intended that the two nations should always be at variance. The following comparative view of both will, prove how much they are so at present. ENGLAND is bestowing titles by wholesale.

FRANCE has abolished titles.

ENGLAND has confirmed the Test Act.

FRANCE has established universal toleration.

ENGLAND has made no just provision for her inferior Clergy, nor made it an object of her concern that the Dignitaries shall do their duty.

FRANCE has equalized the Church; has raised the incomes of the inferior Clergy, lowered those of the higher, and strictly enjoined that they shall all reside and discharge their holy functions.

ENGLAND has been increasing her taxes ever since Mr. Pitt came into Administration, and has loaded the manufacturer in such a manner as to damp the spirit of industry, and drive many of her most useful hands out of the kingdom.

FRANCE is lessening all her taxes, and has taken off the most oppressive ones, particularly such as affected manufacture; by which she has given encouragement to foreign manufacturers to settle in the country, and awaked a spirit of industry and emulation in her own.

60

Handwerk and Markley, Introduction to Caleb Williams, 13. Lucyle Werkmeister recounts that this newspaper had for many years been the leading opposition newspaper and, although in a state of decline, was still well regarded because of its middle-class status. The paper often openly attacked Pitt, but with few repercussions. A Newspaper History of England: 1792-1793 (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1967), 34.

61

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ENGLAND has suffered the Minister to introduce the destructive system of farming out the Taxes.

FRANCE has suppressed this mode of collecting taxes, and annihilated the office of tax farmers.

ENGLAND has been increasing her National Debt, in the midst of a profound peace, and even within additional taxes laid on every year.

FRANCE, after striking off a multitude of taxes, and in the midst of tumult and confusion, has been employed in levelling her expences to her lessened income, and studying by œconomy to liquidate her National Debt.

ENGLAND has submitted to hear, that every thing must give way to Revenue.

FRANCE has established it as a fundamental principle, that the rights of the Man and the Citizen must never be invaded on any consideration whatever.

ENGLAND has suffered the Trial by jury, that great shield of the citizen against the attacks of arbitrary power, and the strongest pillar of the Constitution, to be sacrificed at the shrine of Excise.

FRANCE has established the Trial by Jury, and abolished the summary mode of proceedings to which she had been long accustomed, and of which she knew the fatal consequences.

ENGLAND has a Parliament crowded with placemen, constituting a majority, which decides on every question.

FRANCE has disqualified even Ministers from voting, and all other placemen from sitting in their Assembly.

ENGLAND is represented by men in whose election it may be truly said to have no voice, for decayed Burghs and Burgage tenures, in the hands of the Aristocracy, elect two thirds of the whole without consulting the people.

FRANCE, that the representation of its people may be equal, has divided the whole kingdom into districts, so that all members chosen will have the same number of constituents.

ENGLAND has extended the Excise.

FRANCE has abolished the Gabelle.

ENGLAND has abridged the freedom of the press, and subjected it to such dangers as to drive all men of property and talents to other pursuits.

FRANCE has clearly defined the liberty of the press, and has given it such countenance as to invite the first citizens to pursue it as the road to honour.

The Power of Symbols ENGLAND is every day imbibing new principles of Toryism.

31

FRANCE has caught and improved on the principles of Whiggism.

This language spoke to all classes of Britons who were sympathetic to reform, but it had an especially strong resonance in the working classes, a group traditionally excluded from political participation. Pitt’s government reacted to this agitation in a variety of ways. “Church and King” clubs (strongly Tory in nature) began to emerge in 1790 that pitted patriotism and religion against Revolutionary zeal. Each anniversary of the fall of the Bastille brought with it the fear that a similar revolt would be attempted in Britain. Mrs. Piozzi writes on 16 July 1791: “Well! this famous fourteenth–the Federation Day is over. . . ‘tis terrible enough tho’ to think that Englishmen are so mad as it seems they are; when meeting to celebrate the Anniversary of a gross Rebellion made against the King of a neighbouring Country.”62 In May of 1792, a royal proclamation was issued against the publication and distribution of seditious literature. This was aimed at Paine’s Rights of Man, in particular, and the author was tried in absentia for sedition.63 The government seemingly had good reason to fear Paine’s volumes. Only thirty thousand copies of Burke’s work were sold in the first two years of its publication, whereas the sales of Paine’s books ran something closer to two hundred thousand copies in the first three years of their release.64 This wide distribution was the result of Paine’s volumes being sold at the cheapest possible price which, as Marilyn Butler writes, became an essential part of the accusation of treason against Paine.65 Although Paine was elected to the French National Convention, he was imprisoned by Robespierre, and barely escaped with his life. His final days were spent unhappily in America which was no longer in revolutionary turmoil. Diarists of the period often record the civil unrest. John Marsh (17521828) writes on 10 December 1792 of the prevailing spirit of “Republicanism 62

Katherine C. Balderson, ed., Thraliana, the Diary of Mrs. Hester Lynch Thrale (later Mrs. Piozzi):1776-1809, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarenden Press, 1942), II: 811112. 63 Macleod, “The Crisis of the French Revolution,” 116. See also, Jennifer Mori, Britain in the Age of the French Revolution, 35. 64 Mark Philip, Introduction toThe French Revolution and British Popular Politics, ed. Mark Philip (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 5. 65 Marilyn Butler, “Introductory Essay,” Burke, Paine, Godwin, and the Revolution Controversy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 8.

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and levelling” throughout the country which had been instigated by the Corresponding Society.66 Many in Britain feared that there would be widescale riots, especially in London. For some, the student riot at Winton College in April of 1793 was seen as the harbinger of unsettling things to come. John Marsh records that the Tower of London was fortified (presumably to prevent a fate similar to that of the Bastille) and that the number of Guards at the Bank of England was doubled.67 Pitt’s government mounted an increasing campaign to suppress radical factions. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended in October 1790, and several radical leaders were arrested. This was followed by the Royal Proclamation against Seditious Writings and Publications issued in May 1792, a further suspension of Habeas Corpus in 1794 and more stringent Treason and Sedition Acts passed in 1795.68 John Frost, secretary of the London Corresponding Society, was imprisoned for six months, and Lord Braxfield went so far as to proclaim that, since the English constitution was “perfect,” any demands to change it should be regarded as treason.69 Surprisingly, William Godwin was not arrested in February 1793 after the publication of his Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, in spite of its explosive, radical call for the abolition of all private property and government organizations in favour of a social order based on communes. This was feasible in Godwin’s mind because he believed that human nature was perfectible within the then current social conditions. The reform movement found Tory opposition to be very strong, but events outside of the country gave Pitt’s actions credence and weakened the power of the opposition movement. At the heart of much of these debates in Britain were issues of class, and the preservation of the mechanisms which permitted a privileged class system to continue. When selected articles from The Anti-Jacobin; or, Weekly Examiner were published in book form in 1799, the preface by the anonymous editor makes the claim that the edition had been undertaken at the lowest price possible, to “bring its purchase within the reach of that 66

The 37 volumes of Marsh’s huge A History of my Private Life . . . are in the Huntington Library in San Marino, California (Manuscript HM 54457). Portions of this vast account of his life have been judiciously selected and edited by Brian Robbins in The John Marsh Journals, The Life and Times of a Gentleman Composer (1752-1828), vol. 9 of Sociology of Music (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1998). 67 John Marsh, A History of my Private Life, XV: 94. 68 J.H. Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century, 157-58. 69 Handwerk and Markley, Introduction to Caleb Williams, 16.

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class of society to which the instruction which it imparted was, perhaps, more immediately necessary than to any other members of the community.” The editor identifies this segment of society as the “middle class,” a group to which he claims membership. After stating that the proponents of political change had judiciously (and maliciously) managed the public press, the editor states that their greatest threat was “the extension of anarchy, and the destruction of the social world.” In short, the forces of political change would break down class barriers, as a result of a “mental infection . . . most prejudicial to the happiness and tranquillity of the state.” This was no mere pedantic or academic debate in the eyes of the editor, for “the object of [the] competition [was] the social and civilized world, with all its venerable train of religious duties and moral feelings.”70 Although written a decade after the fall of the Bastille, the rhetoric would seem to typify the sentiments of the Tory elite throughout the late decade of the eighteenth century and that lasted well into the first two decades of the next.71 On 19 November 1792, the French Republic offered to assist any country that wished to overthrow its monarchy, and began an aggressive campaign to export the politics of Revolution. This “kind” offer resulted in numerous published responses in Britain. Typical is A New Dialogue between Monsieur Francois and John English, on the French Revolution which was “printed by order of the Association for Preserving Liberty and Property against Republicans and Levellers.”72 The loss of liberty and property was equated to any demand for political reform in Britain, and such fears constitute much of the eleven pages of a dialogue between a “typical” Frenchman and Briton which follow. Should the British follow the French lead, they would be reduced to eating black bread, wearing wooden shoes and lack necessary articles of clothing such as shirts and breeches. The history of French grievances under the ancien régime is recounted, to which the English narrator offers limited sympathy: “Under such oppression, I do not wonder you were desirous of a Revolution. I only wish you had obtained it with less blood and cruelty, and settle your 70

The Beauties of The Anti-Jacobin; or Weekly Examiner; containing every Article of Permanent Utility in that Valuable and Highly Esteemed Paper. . . (London: J. Plymsell, 1799), iii-vi. Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale Document Number CW124663933 (accessed 26 April 2006). 71 J.E. Cookson notes that the ruling class in Britain in the early nineteenth century remained Anglican landowners, the very people whose interests William Pitt had done much to protect. 72 Issued by both J. Pridden and [J.] Debrett in London, [1793?].

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Government a little better.”73 A society based on complete equality was one in which the British Tories could not function, evidenced in the dialogue on the notion of French equality: F. Equality, my friend cannot be preserved but by cutting down all that rise above others.—Those, to whom France owed its Liberty, were great men, and had great merit: but their existence was not to be put into competition with their country, or our system of Equality. They have therefore all been either massacred or banished. E. I am very sorry for it. F. It could not be helped. There is no maintaining a complete system of Equality without it. Some of their successors have undergone, and others are now undergoing, the same fate; and the third set, who are just come into power, must soon, in the same manner, make room for another crop: And so we shall all live free, and die, in our turns.

This was a recipe for “anarchy, confusion, and wretchedness” to which the voice of the Englishman of the dialogue says “God Forbid.”74 On 15 December 1792, France declared an intention of extending its borders as a means of furthering its aims. The Austrian Netherlands (Belgium) had been overrun in November of that year, and it appeared that the Dutch Republic (a British ally) was the next objective. Control of the Dutch lowlands would have given France the opportunity to menace the British coast. Finally, France declared war against the Dutch Republic and Great Britain on 1 February 1793. Few could have foreseen that this war would continue (as a part of Napoléon’s military campaigns) until 1815.75 France’s declaration of war had the profound effect of muting the reform movement in Britain even further. Criticism of British traditions was equated with a lack of patriotism when the county was being threatened by a potential foreign invader, especially one who had been at war with Britain at many points during the eighteenth century. The effect on authors and artists was considerable. Initially, the French Revolution had been greeted with enthusiasm by the literary and artistic circles of Britain. The potential for personal freedom and the destruction of despotism were themes dear to artistic hearts. Writers disliked efforts to control artistic creativity; in particular, the 73

Ibid., 9. Ibid., 14. 75 Macleod, “The Crisis of the French Revolution,” 117. 74

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powers of censorship given to the Office of the Lord Chamberlain, to whom all theatrical scripts had to be submitted before they could be presented on stage in a royal theatre. The fall of the Bastille in 1789 gave artists a symbol which, as J.H. Plumb notes, resulted in further societal divisions: “A dangerous mutual antipathy grew up between conventional society and a large section of the English intellectual and literary world. The principles espoused in The Rights of Man were no less detestable when expressed in poetry or used as a guide to life.”76 While radical authors (such as Robert Merry and William Godwin) continued to call for change, the rise of patriotic fervour after the declaration of war rallied others from the radical cause back to the support of the government. Yet, even within this Tory enclave, it is remarkable that a taste for things “French” continued to thrive. L.W. Conolly discusses the effects of the reports of the Revolution on the household of the official theatrical Examiner in the Office of the Lord Chamberlain, John Larpent (1741-1824). Conolly examines many sources, but it is the journal kept by Larpent’s second wife, Anna Margaretta (nee Porter), that provides a glimpse into this most important part of the British theatrical world. As Conolly reports, any Revolutionary sympathy which Larpent might have entertained had disappeared by 1792. Breakfast conversations in the household often consisted of horrifying accounts of the most recent atrocities in France. Like many in Britain, Larpent and his wife responded generously to the needs of the French émigrées who flocked to Britain to escape persecution, providing them with financial assistance and letters of introduction. Mrs. Larpent was a highly educated woman who read a variety of languages, including French. Being the daughter of the diplomat Sir James Porter, former ambassador at Constantinople, gave her a social pedigree that allowed her to travel in the higher social echelons, attend balls at the residence of the French Ambassador and mix with eminent persons of both the political and literary worlds.77 She records a variety of books which she was reading during the early years of the Revolution, including Sir James Macintosh’s Vindiciae Gallicae: defence of the French Revolution and its English admirers, against the accusations of the Right Hon. Edmund Burke (1791), and the Abbé de Mably’s Observations sur l’histoire de France, most likely in the new edition issued by Kehl in 1788 of the 1765 original.78 76

Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century, 161. L.W. Conolly, The Censorship of English Drama: 1737-1832 (San Marino, California: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1976), 35-41. 78 There was a strong puritanical streak in Mrs. Larpent that made her far more 77

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Similarly, the “gentleman” composer John Marsh records that his wife had for some time desired to read French books. In 1794, the composer urged her to take lessons so that she could become fluent in the language. Given that this is recorded in Marsh’s journal for 15 August 1794, more than a year after war had been declared, it is evident that the bias against republican sympathies did not tarnish all things French or cloud musical judgements. Marsh helped organize a subscription for the French flautist Vogel, to enable him to become established in London where musical opportunities were greater than in provincial towns.79

The Artist and Popular Politics To what degree did artists choose to become involved in the growing political controversies? This is not always an easy question to answer. Novelists, poets and playwrights provided written clues to their beliefs, even if they were veiled in political correctness. With musicians, the matter is not so clear. Several examples from the world of letters and music illustrate this dichotomy. Angela Escott has discovered that Hannah Cowley’s text for A Day in Turkey; or, The Russian Slaves of 1791 (with music by Joseph Mazzinghi) is a highly political text, in spite of the author’s denial of the same in the Advertisement of the published score. Not only does Cowley explore issues of equality and liberty within a comedy set in a Turkish harem, she also presents a revised view of the relationship between men and women in society. Remarkably, the attempt to bridge the gap between the dominant social models seems to extend even to the highly divergent politics of the time. Cowley quotes from Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) in the epilogue to the play, while earlier citing the radical poet, Robert Merry, in the prologue.80

inclined to the beliefs of Burke than those of Paine. John Larpent’s diligence in removing any elements which might lead to republican or Revolutionary sympathies in the plays that he examined may have been born from both personal and familial inclination, in addition to government obligation. On occasion, Mrs. Larpent actually censored plays when her husband was unable to carry out his duties. 79 Marsh, A History of my Private Life, XV: 77. 80 Angela Escott, “The Imperial project: Resistance and Revolution in Hannah Cowley’s Oriental Musical Comedy,” Restoration and 18th Century Theatre Research 20.1&2 (Summer & Winter 2005): 90-91. I am indebted to Dr. Escott for allowing me to see her article before it reached print.

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The private sympathies of composers and musicians, however, are more difficult to assess unless they left diaries or wrote revealing letters. A composer could entertain pro-Revolutionary sympathies which might not be disclosed in their compositions of purely instrumental music, and would only be apparent in their vocal music if they chose texts that divulged their personal philosophies. The situation is similar for those who opposed the call for reform in Britain. The journals of John Marsh not only record specific references to the events unfolding in France, but also leave little question as to where his sympathies lay. On 25 April 1791, Marsh records his eagerness to get hold of the recently-published Rights of Man, by Thomas Paine, only to be “much disgusted with the author’s treason, impudence & scurrility.” On 26 June 1792, Marsh met with his brother, William, in London where the two “read accounts of the their French Majesties having been insulted at the Tuilleries. . . by a great mob.” Marsh appears pleased that the behaviour of the mob “lower’d [his] brother’s ideas of the French Patriots.” In his mind, the executions of the King and Queen of France were murders, and this is the term that Marsh uses in various journal entries.81 These comments suggest that Marsh would have been an ideal candidate to compose works with strong patriotic qualities in support of British traditions. Surprisingly, compositions of this type (quite few in number) do not appear in his output until the beginning of the next century. Other composers appear to have kept more radical company seemingly without revealing it in their music. William Shield (1748-1829) was the house composer for the Covent Garden theatre between 1784 and 1797.82 Working in a patent theatre, Shield could only set texts that had been given approval by the Office of the Lord Chamberlain. Until the outbreak of war with France, this meant that the works which were presented to him did not deal with the political events in France.83 This may have been a matter of some annoyance, given Shield’s close friendships with Thomas Holcroft, 81

The John Marsh Journals, 492, 518 & 542, respectively. Shield trained with Charles Avison in Newcastle before moving to London in 1772. He played violin and viola in theatre orchestras before taking up the position of composer at the Covent Garden theatre in 1784. There, Shield composed music for afterpieces, comic operas and pantomimes. In addition to creating original music, Shield also adapted the works of other composers as needed. Shield maintained his work at Covent Garden until 1797, by which time his comic opera Rosina (1782) had become an established part of the repertoire. 83 The exception to this is found in A Picture of Paris taken in the Year 1790, discussed in Chapter Four. 82

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William Godwin, and Joseph Ritson, all very much in the camp of Thomas Paine and the reform movement. Indeed, Shield and Ritson visited Paris in August of 1791, and the two subsequently travelled throughout France and Italy in the late summer of 1792, following Shield’s dispute with the management of the Covent Garden theatre.84 Yet, once again, political music (aside from the patriotic texts handed him in the theatre after 1793) does not appear in his output. It is likely that Shield feared for his continued employment in a patent theatre, to say nothing of his personal freedom, if he also composed music to texts calling for governmental reform. Shield, in particular, was close to some of William Pitt’s political targets with the various acts of suppression which were passed—his friend, Thomas Holcroft, for example, was arrested on a charge of treason in 1794. There were other warnings for the arts community. The radical author John Thelwall was similarly charged, but hid in Coleridge’s home at Nether Stowey to avoid arrest. Whatever Shield may have thought or said in private, he adopted a public stance that did not draw attention to himself as a radical. Of the other composers who created stage music which figures in this study, their private views appear to be shrouded in silence. So little of Richard Chapman’s music or details of his biography have survived that it is impossible to gauge his political leanings. Although James Sanderson was far more prolific in his compositions for Astley’s Amphitheatre than Chapman, the list of titles that Sanderson composed does not reveal a strong bias towards the patriotic movement. The situation is similar with William Reeve, one of the most prolific theatrical composers in London. Both Reeve and Sanderson composed on demand for various theatres, and their published songs were most often culled from their stage pieces. As such, they did not choose the poetic texts which were given him by the theatres. Stephen Storace may well have been a royalist by inclination. Roger Fiske points out that Storace cultivated an acquaintance with Joseph II of Austria (Marie Antoinette’s brother) during his time in Vienna, as did his sister, Nancy.85 The Storaces returned to London in 1787 where 84

Fiske, English Theatre Music, 489. Information on Ritson’s activities also can be found in the Dictionary of National Biography and Myers Literary Guide, at the Centre for Northern Studies: http://online.northumbria.ac.uk/faculties/art/humanities/cns/m-ritson.html. It appears likely that Shield was also a Mason for he provided the dedication ode for the Phoenix Lodge of Freemasons at Sunderland in 1785, a work that was well received. 85 Fiske, English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth Century, 491.

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Stephen enjoyed a career as a theatre composer before his untimely death in 1796 at the age of thirty-four years. He composed two cantatas dealing with the fate of Marie Antoinette (discussed in Chapter Five) that likely reflect his sympathies for the French Queen.86 The political sympathies of Storace’s close friend, the singer and composer Michael Kelly, remains unclear. Kelly spent much time in Paris, leading Fiske to conclude that “it can hardly be doubted that [Kelly] had left-wing tendencies at the time.”87 Kelly’s Reminiscences go to great lengths to portray a different scenario and, following a meeting with republicans (including Thomas Paine) in a Parisian coffee house on the day that Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette attempted to flee Paris in disguise, Kelly recounts that his “blood boiled to hear the miscreants vomit forth their infernal doctrines, and revolutionary principles.”88 Kelly’s strong language (he also speaks of his “grief and horror” over the forced return of the King and Queen) may either indicate some equivocation in his beliefs or the desire to appear politically correct when the memoirs were published in 1826. By the time France declared war on Britain in 1793, the Pitt government had taken measures which served as a strong warning to those who advocated political change. By first hobbling, and then all but silencing free speech, the government effectively reduced the role of the arts community to endorsing governmental policy or remaining silent. This situation does not appear to have bothered James Hook (17461827) in the least. The most prolific British composer of vocal music during the second half of the century, Hook provided a steady flow of nontheatrical music dealing with political situations. Hook’s music enjoyed enormous popularity, largely because of his connection with the concerts at the Vauxhall Gardens where he held the appointments of organist, resident composer, and music director from 1774 until 1820. Although he composed in many genres, Hook’s gifts are best revealed in the lyric arena. William Parke’s memoirs are filled with admiration for Hook’s songs: “As a composer he was for many years extremely popular; and for 86

At the time of his death, Storace was described by the Oracle (17 March 1796) as “living uniformly temperate,” an unlikely description of a political radical. 87 Fiske, English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth Century, 489. 88 Michael Kelly, Reminiscences of Michael Kelly of the King’s Theatre and Theatre Royal Drury Lane, ed. and with an introduction by A. Hyatt King. 2 vols (London: 1826; reprint: New York: Da Capo Press, 1968), II: 24. Kelly gives the wrong year for this event, making it 1792 instead of 1791.

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natural and pleasing melodies in his songs, &c. he has not perhaps been surpassed.”89 Hook’s amazing facility allowed him to compose over 2,000 examples of songs, rondos and cantatas etc.90 His attractive melodies are largely based on the rococo style, but are often coloured by pseudoScottish elements. Many other composers made use of the same musical fabric favoured by Hook; however, few others composed music that was subsequently mistaken for genuine folk music, as was Hook’s “ƍTwas Within a Mile of Edinboro’ Town.”91 He appears to have sought out strongly patriotic texts, some of which demonstrate an anti-Catholic bias. Hook’s “The Disconsolate Sailor” was first published in 1784, but reissued around 1790.92 The text by G.S. Carey recounts the experience of a sailor who had been to war (presumably the War of American Independence, concluded in 1783), and discovers that his new fair-weather friends on land desert him once his money runs out. The disheartened young man decides to return to naval life to be amongst those whom he can trust. The text of this simple ballad setting was topical in 1784, and its reissue during the time of the French Revolution served as an encouragement to keep the armed forces in Britain strong. Many of Hook’s songs during the last two decades of the century encouraged the 89

William Thomas Parke, Musical Memoirs: Comprising an Account of the General State of Music in England . . . 2 vols (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1830), II: 255. 90 Many of these works were in the form of ballads and other popular songs, which were intended for home consumption after they were introduced in the concerts at Vauxhall. There was an ample market for such works, and they were often printed as individual items, as well as collected in groups reflecting the works introduced in a given year at Vauxhall or one of the other pleasure gardens. 91 Hook’s popularity did not insure that he rose to the top of the London musical culture in either the late years of the eighteenth century or in the early years of the nineteenth. This situation likely accounts for why so much of his output is patently popular in nature. Indeed, native-born composers often found it difficult to find an outlet for serious concert music because the most prestigious concert societies in London catered to works by foreign composers and to foreign soloists. The opportunity to have a serious opera performed was all but impossible. Simon McVeigh has investigated this phenomenon in his book, Concert life in London from Mozart to Haydn (1993) as I have in my article “Musical Nationalism and the Vauxhall Gardens,” (2000). This kind of musical snobbery could work in reverse, however, as pointed out in a review of a concert found in The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (12 February 1790): “A New Performer, of the name of Harrington, played a Concerto oboe with much neatness. He is a foreigner, but unfortunately his name being of English extraction, he was not heard with that attention which the excellence of his performance demanded.” 92 London: Preston and Sons, [1790?].

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public to remember the degree to which war had coloured their lives. Typical of this kind of text was his “Hark, Hark the Dreadful Din of War,” published in 1788.93 Hook’s political songs form a virtual commentary on political events as they affected England during the 1780s and 1790s. The sheer quantity of such material would invite the supposition that it expressed Hook’s own political beliefs. Yet, for a composer whose income was largely dependent upon the sale of his music, the degree to which he was simply responding to perceived public interest must be questioned. The overthrow of the Bastille in 1789 and the removal of Louis XVI from power held Londoners in rapt attention. Specific events in the Revolution were portrayed on stages in the minor theatres in London, and songs by various composers were published.94 Hook remained silent about this episode in history, leading to the conclusion that he could not countenance any attack against a monarch, even one as hated in Britain as Louis XVI. On the other hand, Britain was embroiled in other political events in 1789 and 1790 which fell more readily into his sympathies. In 1789, the Spaniards attempted to defend their claims to the territory along the Pacific Northwest by capturing English ships when they arrived at Nootka Sound on Vancouver Island to begin trading for pelts and other items. Britain threatened to go to war over the incidents, and negotiations dragged on until Spain finally signed the Nootka concession in October 1790. It was one of the great diplomatic victories achieved by Britain in the eighteenth century and a crushing blow to Spain. Hook responded to the potential war with Spain with a song (strongly anti-Spanish and antiCatholic) called “Britons be Valiant.”95 Two other songs from this period,

93

This work was originally published in London by Preston and was re-issued by Henry Mountain in Dublin around 1790. Many in Britain were concerned about what the next political steps in France might be, and even George III felt obliged to give assurances to the nation. In a speech read at the Cockpit on 20 January 1790, he “lament[ed] the very general distractions which prevail in Europe; notwithstanding which [he] continued to receive assurances of their friendly dispositions to this country.” The King’s speech, which continued with an account of “the flourishing circumstances” of Britain, was printed in the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 21 January 1790. 94 While the Tory government initially greeted the Revolution with some enthusiasm, hoping that a constitutional monarchy would result in France, this soon gave way to grave concern when the groundswell of popular support called for the end of the monarchy altogether. See Ronald Paulson, Representations of Revolution (1789-1820), 37-47. 95 London: Preston and Son, [1790]; text by “Mr. Wolfe.”

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“The Heroes of the British Fleet”96 and “The Wooden Walls of Old England” deal with the British navy, a great fascination for Hook. The latter song proved to be highly popular throughout the decade.97 Henry Green’s four-verse text is a panegyric on England’s strength to fight off all foes, underlining both the strength of the British navy and Britain’s preeminence as a world power. The fourth verse served to remind the audience of past Spanish and French treachery: Thus spake the bearded Seers of Yore, In visions wrapt of BRITAIN’S Fame. Ere yet IBERIA felt her Pow’r, Or GALLIA trembled at her name; Ere yet COLUMBUS dar’d t’explore New Regions rising from the Main; From Sea to Sea, from Shore to Shore, Bear then, ye Winds and solemn Strain! This sacred truth an awe-struck World appalls, BRITAIN’S best Bulwarks are her WOODEN WALLS.

“The Good Ship Britannia” is included in Hook’s 1791 compilation of Vauxhall songs, and its length (eight verses) and use of multiple soloists suggest that it was part of a “Finale” to end an evening at Vauxhall.98 The anonymous text stresses that Britons will keep true to their traditional values in war or peace, and that “Britannia’s our Country, her Captain’s our King, and while she keeps the Sea, and He bears kind Command” the nation will flourish. The text of “The King and Constitution” (1792) contains a more explicit warning: “Warm in the great, the glorious cause, Of our Religion and our Laws, Ye great and good with pious hand, Support your King and save the land.” 99 Composed after the Vauxhall season, the song appears to be a response to the increased sense of threat that was emerging from France. Once war had been declared in 1793, Hook’s popular songs became even more anti-French in their texts. “Hark the Martial Fife and Drum” [1794] with a text by “Mr. Vint” was introduced at the Vauxhall Gardens by Mrs. Mountain. The third verse contains some quite remarkable images: Let Frenchmen exult in their Liberty Tree, With Thorns ‘tis engrafted, and Crabs are its Fruit; 96

London: Longman and Broderip, [1790]. “The Wooden Walls of Old England,” London: S.A. & Thompson, [?1790]. 98 London: Harrison and Co., 1791. 99 London: A. Bland & Weller, [1792]. 97

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But while you are loyal, united and free, Their Anarchy ne’er shall our Order pollute.100

Music Example No. 4 provides the refrain heard at the end of each of the four verses.

Ex. 1 - 4: James Hook, “Hark the Martial Fife and Drum,” refrain.

These examples appear to portray a composer who was staunchly patriotic and royalist in his views. The absence of any songs supporting the popular uprising in France in 1789, or the celebrations surrounding the Oath of Federation in 1790, further supports the view that the idea of mob forces overturning established order was an anathema to the composer. In Hook, Pitt’s government seemingly found an artistic voice guaranteed to provide the desired moral and political message to the country. He continued to fill this role well into the next century. Throughout the century, the musical treatment of symbols proved useful in maintaining a popular culture of British patriotism while at the same time presenting French governmental systems and the Catholic religion as a potent danger to the British way of life. During the final decade of the century, however, some of these traditional symbols used to 100 James Hook, “Hark the Marital Fife and Drum” (London: A. Bland & Weller’s Music Warehouse, [1794]).

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denigrate France had to be altered to fit a changing political climate in that country. Indeed, some were completely inverted.

The French Monarchs The use of symbols as a means of gaining ideological control in the early 1790s became a concern for the King and the Tory government. This was particularly evident in the changing meaning ascribed to the symbols of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette as monarchs of France. NOW Midnight spreads her sable vest With starry rays light tissued o’er; Now from the Desart’s [sic] thistled breast The chilling dews begin to soar; The owl shrieks from the tott’ring tow’r, Dread watch bird of the witching hour! Spectres from their charnel cells Cleave the air with hideous yells! Not a glow-worm ventures forth, To gild his little speck on earth! In wild despair Creation seems to wait, While Horror stalks abroad to deal the shafts of Fate!

Thus begins Mary Robinson’s evocation of regicide called “A FRAGMENT supposed to be written near the TEMPLE, on the night before the MURDER of LOUIS THE SIXTEENTH.”101 It is a remarkable document which demonstrates the great change in British popular opinion concerning the French monarchs. For many years, they had been viewed in Britain as despots who had little concern for their subjects, living only for superficial pleasures. The French Kings, in particular, were useful symbols of the evils of unchecked power. The fall of the Bastille, and the imposition of a Civil Constitution was seen as the means of rehabilitating the French monarchy, and Louis XVI, in particular. On 19 July 1790, the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser commented on Louis XVI’s rehabilitation: “that a King, who but a twelvemonth ago was despotic, and twenty-four millions of people, who were slaves, should in so short a space have undergone such a change–he lowered to the just duty of a Chief magistrate–they elevated to the proper standard of free men.” As will be noted in subsequent chapters, it was convenient for authors to claim that the model for this reformation of both monarch and country was 101

European Magazine (April 1793): 313-14.

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British in origin. Even in November of the previous year, The European Magazine (November 1789, 315) published an account of the French monarchs that concluded with: Should there have been any improprieties in the conduct of the French Sovereigns, their present state and future prospects more than atone for them. The school of adversity, although severe, frequently produces good; and in a case wherein all Europe, and, by connection, all the world may be interested, mankind at large will look with anxiety to the event and hope for a favourable conclusion.

Britannia’s ability to instruct and reform French monarchs became a recurring symbol in the dramatic works and concert music under study. Marie Antoinette’s position in France was controversial, at best, and her plight continues to fascinate scholars. During her childhood in Austria, the young princess had been groomed by her mother to become as French as possible in anticipation of her marriage to the French dauphin. Marie Antoinette was given a thorough French education, and provided with a French confessor and hairstylist, the latter to ensure that even Marie Antoinette’s appearance would please her adopted country. This process was so complete that, as an adult, she lost the ability to speak her mother tongue. In France, however, she was always an outsider, and the representative of a nation that had been mistrusted for generations.102 Poisonous attacks against her character were written just four years after her arrival at the French court in 1774. As Lynn Hunt has demonstrated, the damaging accounts and images of Marie Antoinette circulated throughout Paris had their origins at the French court, and the attacks grew in quantity and virulence with the passing of time.103 Unfortunately, she 102

Desmond Hosford, “The Queen’s Hair: Marie-Antoinette, Politics and DNA,” Eighteenth-Century Studies 38.1 (Fall 2004): 184-87. 103 Lynn Hunt, “The Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette: Political Pornography and the Problem of the Feminine in the French Revolution.” Eroticism and the Body Politic, ed. Lynn Hunt (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 108-30. Frederic Reynolds, a contemporary to the events, records: “But the errors of Marie Antoinette, were of the head, not of the heart; a word or look, inappropriately spoken or placed, were so many crimes, in this scandalizing court. A friend of Sayre, shewed me a copy of a most libellous and infamous song, that before she was eighteen, was circulated sub rosâ, containing a list of her lovers, which beginning with the Duc de Choiseul, included even that little dwarf the Duc de Fonsac. Similar attacks pursued her through the whole of her unfortunate career, and, frivolous as they may appear, conjoined with her dislike of magnificent

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never learned to guard herself from the enemies at her own door. By the time of her trial, the list of her alleged crimes had grown to include having taught her husband the art of dissimulation (thereby eroding the integrity of the throne), having incestuous relationships with her son and brother-inlaw, lesbianism, and having participated in the vilest of orgies at the court. At the heart of these charges was the fear that she had the ability to feminize the men who held the reigns of power. Hunt notes that “the queen, then, was the emblem (and sacrificial victim) of the feared disintegration of gender boundaries that accompanied the Revolution.”104 If the French feared their Queen’s power to feminize the men in her orbit, many in Britain feared the seeming feminizing power of French culture to turn strong British men into weakling fops. However, this fear did not extend to Marie Antoinette. In Britain, sympathy for her plight was strong, although partially divided along gender lines. The men of England were ready to provide financial support to ensure her safety. Horace Walpole writes of the general concern for the French Queen in a letter to Mary Berry following the aborted flight of the Royal family on 20 June, 1791. Of one thing I am certain, of pitying the Queen; which was so generally felt here as soon as the reverse of her escape was known, that I was told that, if money could serve her, an hundred thousand pounds would have been subscribed in a quarter of an hour at Lloyd’s Coffee-House.105

For English women, especially female authors, opinions about Marie Antoinette were more equivocal. Katherine Binhammer has demonstrated that the French Queen was viewed from often conflicting perspectives: for slavery, in a court, and nation, of etiquette, conduced, perhaps, more essentially to her fatal termination, than any other causes.” The Life and Times of Frederick Reynolds. Written by Himself. 2 vols (London: Henry Colburn, 1826), I: 241-42. 104 Lynn Hunt, “The Many Bodies of Marie Antoinette: Political Pornography and the Problem of the Feminine in the French Revolution,” Eroticism and the Body Politic, ed. Lynn Hunt (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 116 & 123. 105 HoraceWalpole, Horace Walpole’s Correspondence with Mary and Agnes Berry and Barbara Cecilia Seton. ed. W.S. Lewis and A.D. Wallace, vol. 11 of The Yale Edition of Horace Walpole’s Correspondence (New Haven, Connecticut, Yale University Press, 1944), 305. The details of Marie Antoinette’s imprisonment, and the various attempts to rescue her are detailed in Evelyne Lever, Marie Antoinette: The Last Queen of France, trans. Catherine Temerson (New York: St. Martin's Griffin, 2000).

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Mary Robinson, she was a heroic, feminist figure who rose above the perceived traditional weakness of her sex; for Mary Wollstonecraft, the Queen was a “sexual and political abomination who was the corrupt head of an oppressive political state.”106 Robinson countered the pamphlet campaign in France against the Queen with her own tract in 1791, Impartial Reflections on the Present Situation of the Queen of France. This tract, along with her poems about the Queen, present Marie Antoinette as a wronged woman caught up in forces over which she had no control. Robinson further uses the image of a caring mother to strengthen the desired emotional response in her readers.107 Other female poets, such as Ann Yearsley (1756-1806) and Anna Maria Jones (17481829) took up Marie Antoinette’s cause in Britain, contributing to a strong sense of sympathy for the plight of the French Queen.108 By comparison, Wollstonecraft’s An Historical and Moral View of the French Revolution (1793) accepts many of the rumours that were spread about Marie Antoinette’s alleged sexual perversity. She refers to the French Queen as lacking the discernment of a common harlot.109 Wollstonecraft’s views 106

Katherine Binhammer, “Marie Antoinette was ‘One of Us’: British Accounts of the Martyred Wicked Queen,” Eighteenth Century 44.2/3 (2003): 234. 107 Robinson’s poem, “Marie Antoinette’s Lamentation, in her Prison of the Temple” (written in March 1793) connects the reader directly with the Queen’s predicament by the use of a first-person narrative which details the dangers facing her suffering children. By creating this relationship between the reader and the children, Robinson achieves her desired effect of gaining further sympathy for their mother. O my poor Innocents! all bath’d in tears, Like with’ring Lilies, wash’d with chilling dew! Sleep on! nor heed a frantic Mother’s fears; The Savage Tigers will not injure You! Your harmless bosoms not a Crime can know, Scarce born to Greatness—ere consign’d to woe! The poem appeared in the May issue of the European Magazine (389-90). A modern edition (with some alteration of the text) can be found in Mary Robinson, Selected Poems, ed. Judith Pasco (Peterborough, Ontario: Boadview Literary Texts, 2000), 136. 108 Jones’ “Stanzas: Marie Antoinette’s Complaint in Prison” is reprinted in Romantic Women Poets, 1770-1838: An Anthology, ed. Andrew Ashfield (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), 108-09. Poems about other aspects of the French Revolution by Anna Seward, Charlotte Smith, Ann Yearsley and Helen Maria Williams can be found in Romantic Women Poets: An Anthology, ed. Duncan Wu (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997), 6, 88, 167 & 252. 109 Janet Todd, ed., Mary Wollstonecraft: Political Writings (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 315.

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appear not to have influenced the composers (all male) of the many works about the French Queen. This is not surprising on several levels. It is unlikely that a song text that described her as being sexually perverse would have had any sales potential in genteel circles. Similarly, songs that called for the abolition of the monarchy in France would have evoked the ire of those in government who feared the rise of republicanism in Britain. Instead, it was more convenient to iconize Marie Antoinette as the unfortunate victim of mob rule in France with works of delicate sentimentality that were in marked contrast to the reality of her situation in Paris. The subsequent executions of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette recast the pair as heroic figures, the ultimate reversal of their original symbolic values in Britain. The treatment of the French monarchs thus became useful symbols in the process of developing a strong patriotic response to the declaration of war from the French Republic in 1793. The need for popular support to rebuild the military and naval defences was strong: Britain’s army was small, badly equipped and organized, and the country’s coastal defences were weak.110 Especially after 1793, theatrical representations at Astley’s Amphitheatre, where actual battles in the war with France were recreated, did much to encourage patriotic responses in London. The importance of traditional conservative values and stable politics was stressed, thereby making political reform seem less attractive. Once started, reform was difficult to stop, and its consequences difficult to predict. In this matter, the example of France and its Revolution once again proved to be symbolic.

110

Macleod, “The Crisis of the French Revolution,” 117.

CHAPTER TWO LONDON THEATRES

Our Bard, long known to you, this night makes up, Of various beverage—a kind of cup; Of Music, Pantomime and graver scenes, Perhaps a dash of terror intervenes; Should not all these sufficient change supply, If you condemn—there will be—Tragedy.1

Some of the most colourful pages in theatrical history emerge from eighteenth-century London. Following the restoration of the theatres there in 1660, a taste for varied theatrical entertainments developed, and recognition that the stage could be used for political and social change. By 1737, the government of the day saw such activities as antithetical to its interests and introduced controls over the content of theatrical productions. While these controls closed the door on topical theatre in the principal theatres, other stages emerged that avoided the legislation and were able to present material that was forbidden elsewhere. The tension between these two groups of theatres became especially strong at the time of the French Revolution, as both tried to capitalize on the great public interest in the events unfolding in Paris. This chapter will examine the principal theatres in London, the attempts by government to impose restrictions on the types of theatrical works which could be performed, and the ways in which some theatres were able to circumvent these restrictions.

Classifications of Theatres in London There were two principal categories of theatres. The King’s Theatre, and the Theatres Royal at Covent Garden and Drury Lane were the venues 1

Miles Peter Andrews and Frederick Reynolds, The Mysteries of the Castle (London: W. Woodfall, 1795), [3]. Prologue written by Captain Topham, lines 1520. This play is also included in The Plays of Frederick Reynolds, ed. and with an introduction by Stanley W. Lindberg, 3 vols (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1983).

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for “high art” where Italian Operas and Shakespeare’s plays were performed. Having received letters of patent from the King, these theatres are often referred to as the patent theatres. The non-patent theatres included the summer theatres, hippodromes and other places that offered variety entertainments, but not spoken plays. These have traditionally been called minor playhouses. Recent studies, such as that by Susan Moody, use legitimate and illegitimate to distinguish the two groups of theatres, based on the idea that, if the standard repertory at the patent theatres was legitimate, all which fell outside of that repertory must be illegitimate.2 That said, none of the terms points to the great rivalry which developed between the two groups of theatres in London during the last decade of the eighteenth century, as they attempted to capitalize on the enormous public interest in the events of the French Revolution. Topical theatre, especially of a political nature, had been denied to the patent theatres for most of the century. That the minor theatre found ways to circumvent the restrictions placed upon the patent theatres resulted in some of the most significant theatrical experiences in London during the last decade of the century.

The Patent Theatres During the reign of Charles I (1625-49), six playhouses in London were licensed for the performance of plays. Following the Restoration (1660), the surviving players grouped into two principal companies: one at the Drury Lane theatre, and the other at the Covent Garden theatre. A third patent was issued for the King’s Theatre, which ultimately became the venue for Italian opera in London.3 New and often unlicensed companies emerged in the early years of the eighteenth century, with popular playhouses establishing themselves at Lincoln’s Inn Fields and Goodman’s Fields. Their repertory consisted of modern and often highly satirical plays by authors such as John Gay and Henry Fielding. John Gay’s ballad opera, The Beggar’s Opera, proved to be enormously popular following its premiere at Lincoln's Inn Fields on 29 January 1728. The work satirized the upper class and members of Parliament in ways that made many 2

Susan Moody, Illegitimate Theatre in London: 1770-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 4. Moody explores these issues in considerable detail in her Prologue and opening chapter. In this study, however, I have preferred to use the older terms, since illegitimate might be perceived as having an undeserved pejorative connotation. 3 Charles Beecher Hogan, The London Stage: 1776-1800, A Critical Introduction (Carbondale and Edwardsville, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press, 1968), cxxviii-ix.

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uncomfortable, as did the success of Henry Fielding’s satirical plays. Political satire was too dangerous to ignore and, in 1737, an Act of Parliament was passed that controlled the content of what could be performed on the stages of the patent theatres. Curiously, this was accomplished as an amendment to the vagrancy law of 1714. The King was given the power to grant letters of patent for the running of playhouses (theatres which presented legitimate plays and operas) and the Lord Chamberlain was invested with statutory powers to examine and censor all plays before they were presented. As George Taylor has pointed out, this system might appear similar to that used in France where all public entertainments were highly regulated. However, there were significant differences between the two systems in that Charles II (reigned 1660-85) had originally granted theatrical patents in the form of property rather than as a performance privilege.4 This arrangement gave the English patent theatres far more autonomy than their French counterparts enjoyed, and it soon became necessary to institute a mechanism to control the content of English plays in the patent theatres. The office of Examiner of Plays was established in 1738 under the aegis of the Lord Chamberlain, to whom a true copy of the text to be acted on stage was to be sent at least two weeks in advance of the performance. Works deemed to be seditious were banned outright, and those which required alterations to fit the demands of the Examiner had to be resubmitted before performances could be presented. Calhoun Winston recounts early attempts to thwart the new restrictions; however, the system was soon accepted, albeit grudgingly.5 Given the practicalities of bringing a new play to the stage, it would seem likely that it was not always the identical text sent to the censor for approval that was presented on stage. As long as the changes were of a minor nature, it appears that the censor did not complain. The one area where theatrical mangers often failed to observe the letter of the law was the requirement to submit the approval text two weeks in advance of the premiere. L.W. Conolly gives the example of Richard Brinsley Sheridan who was not above sending a new work to the Examiner only a day before the scheduled premiere. This was the case of the patriotic work, The Glorious First of June, first heard at 4 George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage: 1789-1805 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 25. 5 Calhoun Winston, “Dramatic Censorship,” London Theatre World: 1660-1800, ed. Robert D. Hume (Carbondale and Edwardsville, Illinois: Southern Illinois Press, 1980), 305-08.

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Covent Garden on 2 July 1794.6 The censor did not complain, given that the patriotic content of the work supported the war effort. As will be shown below, attempts in 1789 to present similarly topical theatre on a patent stage prior to the outbreak of war, met with the censor’s immediate opposition. While there was no provision in the 1737 Licensing Act for the Office of Examiner to retain the submitted manuscript copies of plays, it became the unofficial practice from the outset. Either the manuscript was kept in the form in which it had been submitted, or the amended copies were sent to the Lord Chamberlain’s Office once the playhouse had dealt with the demand for changes. The censor at the time of the present study was John Larpent, who was appointed on 20 November 1778. He died in office on 18 January 1824. Larpent’s decisions concerning which plays could be performed in times of peace, compared to his relaxation of the restrictions on topical political material in times of war, reveal how the performing arts were treated as an expediency by the government. When Larpent was unable to read a work, he entrusted the task to his second wife, Anna Margaretta, whose personal diary reveals that she sometimes fulfilled the role of censor.7 Larpent took the unprecedented step of claiming ownership of the collection of manuscripts that had been submitted between 1737 and 1824. Otherwise, these important manuscripts might have been consigned to oblivion. The approximately 2500 surviving manuscripts passed through various hands after Larpent’s death, before being purchased by the American collector, Henry E. Huntington, in 1917.8 The collection is now housed in the Huntington Library in San Marino, California. Although incomplete, it provides an invaluable guide to the perceptions of what the censors believed appropriate for public consumption over a period of nearly one hundred years.9 6 L.W. Conolly, The Censorship of English Drama: 1737-1832 (San Marino, California: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1976), 20. 7 Anna Margaretta Larpent, A Woman’s View of Drama, 1790-1830: The Diaries of Anna Margaretta Larpent at the Huntington Library (Marlborough, Wiltshire, UK: Adam Matthew Publications, 1995). 8 Conolly, The Censorship of English Drama: 1737-1832, 2-4 and 16-19. 9 Dougald MacMillan, Catalogue of the Larpent Plays in the Huntington Library. Huntington Library Lists 4 (San Marino, California: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1939), v-xii. The Larpent collection was bought by John Payne Collier and Thomas Amyot around 1832. Collier appears to have sold the collection to the Earl of Ellesmere in 1854 where it resided at Bridgewater House before being sold to the Huntington Library.

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L.W. Conolly’s examination of this collection reveals that Larpent was particularly assiduous in suppressing political comment and criticisms of English social institutions throughout his long tenure. Larpent was cautious by nature, and would consult with the Home Secretary if he thought that a work might create diplomatic tensions or result in any kind of political controversy, always taking care to protect Britain’s relationship with political allies or neutral governments. Even historical plots were subject to his closest scrutiny, and he refused Richard Cumberland’s play, Richard the Second, on 8 December 1792 as being ill chosen “at a time when ye Country is full of Alarm.”10 Any work that might be used as a platform for political debates or which questioned the existing political order in favour of republicanism never made it to the stage.11 After 1793, and France’s declaration of war against Britain, Larpent relaxed his restrictions on topical and political subjects, although he remained wary of how royalty were presented on stage.12 While theatre managers became used to dealing with the demands of the censor, his imposed restrictions proved to be too limiting for some authors. Elizabeth Inchbald and Thomas Holcroft, for example, found that the censor’s limitations on what could be presented on stage inhibited their creative instincts too greatly, and they turned to writing novels. The results of the 1737 licensing act were numerous and wide ranging, extending far beyond the censoring of plays. After the act was introduced, the playhouses at Lincoln’s Inn Fields and Goodman’s Fields were quickly silenced, and the “Little” Theatre in the Haymarket was left with no permanent troup, but was rented out as the need arose. Only the Theatres Royal at Drury Lane and Covent Garden, and the King’s Theatre (commonly known as the Italian Opera House) were left to present plays and large-scale musical works. In addition to the significant restrictions on the types of theatrical works available in London, the length of the theatrical season was also reduced. Although the patent theatres had operated all year with only a short holiday break earlier in the eighteenth century, the managers of the surviving companies stopped offering summer seasons after the introduction of the licensing act. The great popularity of the summer pleasure gardens (such as Vauxhall and 10

Cited by George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage, 73. Taylor examines this work in some detail on pages 73-6. 11 Conolly, The Censorship of English Drama: 1737-1832, 93-4 and 106. 12 Jane Moody comments that by 1795 Larpent banned or altered any work with political sentiments. This is not quite true, as will be shown in Chapters 6 and 7. Moody, Illegitimate Theatre in London, 78.

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Raneleigh) during the second quarter of the century, coupled with the summer departure from London by the more prosperous audience members, resulted in smaller audiences during the summer months. A slightly more cynical reason for the change is suggested by William Burling when he writes that “after accomplishing the elimination of their competition, neither manager saw much potential or necessity for summer activity.”13 A consequence of the decision that the managers might not have foreseen was the rise in popularity of the non-patent theatres, such as Sadler’s Wells. The effects of the 1737 bill continued to be felt for over a century, and the monopoly on the performance of plays was not reversed until 1843.14 That the two patent theatres were strictly competitive cannot be denied. Yet each theatre had its own character and, with the passing of time, specialized on aspects of the available repertory which played to their particular strengths, as the following examination of the various theatres will reveal.

Theatre Royal, Drury Lane Following the Restoration, a new theatre on the Drury Lane premises was erected and opened on 8 April 1663. Destroyed by fire in 1672, a new structure was erected and opened to the public on 26 March 1674. The period up to 1714 saw much unrest in the theatre, the result of combining actors from the troupes led by Killigrew and D’Avenant, and the attempts of the new manager, Christopher Rich, to exert greater control over the performers. By mid-century, however, the theatre had become one of most prestigious playhouses in the country, where actors such as David Garrick brought performance standards to new levels of excellence.15 As Allardyce Nicoll has noted, the playhouse was the model for provincial centres desirous of emulating the standards of the metropolis. Garrick also took over the management of the theatre in 1747, initiating both a series of 13

William J. Burling, Summer Theatre in London, 1661-1820, and the Rise of the Haymarket Theatre (Madison, Wisconsin: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2000), 104. Burling examines the history of summer productions in all of the London theatres, prior to the licensing act, in considerable detail, on pages 19-104. 14 David Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England: 1660-1788. Theatre in Europe: A Documentary History, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 205-10 and 266. 15 Edward Wedlake Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts of the Theatres of London (London: J. Taylor, Architectural Library, 1826), 3-7.

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theatrical reforms, and improvements to the aging structure. Originally designed by Sir Christopher Wren, the seventeenth-century theatre appears to have accommodated no more than seven hundred patrons. In 1762, the auditorium was restructured to accommodate around two thousand patrons.16 Garrick’s management of this theatre saw the introduction of many changes to productions (such as the introduction of reflectors on the footlight lamps in 1765), but none was more controversial than the banning of the audience from the stage itself in 1762. This measure was only achieved by legal interventions because the well-to-do audience members who had occupied places on stage for many years objected strenuously to the change. The result was the beginning of the total separation of the actors’ world from that of the audience which became the conventional model until the mid-twentieth century. Given that the Drury Lane theatre did not have stage boxes at the platform level (unlike Covent Garden and the King’s Theatre), the theatrical illusions created on this stage had a better chance of being enjoyed by the general audience without their effects being diluted by the visible intrusion of “select” audience members.17 In 1775, Garrick hired Robert Adam to effect a major reconstruction of the theatre. While the outside walls of the structure were not changed, greater height was achieved within the space which improved the acoustics of the auditorium. Adam also lavished much care on the interior decoration of the building with the result that, when the theatre reopened in September 1775, audiences were favourably impressed by the changes.18 Engravings from the period reveal a rectangular auditorium with parallel sides containing three levels of boxes, and three large, open galleries directly opposite the stage itself. The desire to further update the 16

Allardyce Nicoll, The Garrick Stage: Theatres and Audiences in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Sybil Rosenfeld (Athens, Georgia: The University of Georgia Press, 1980), 36-41. Nicoll includes illustrations of Wren’s original side-view drawing of the first theatre, and reconstructions based on this drawing. 17 Nicoll, The Garrick Stage, 117 and 95. 18 While only engravings remain of the Adam interior at Covent Garden, the Adam style can still be seen in his lavish renovation of the manor house at Osterley Park. Adam began his work for Francis Child, owner of the country estate (now very much a part of London, and near Heathrow Airport), in 1761. The elegance of classical designs is still very much in evidence in the residence which is now a part of the National Trust.

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theatre continued under the management of Richard Sheridan and John Philip Kemble, following Garrick’s retirement in 1776. They introduced changes to the lobby, seating areas and the stage in 1780 and 1785; however, they could do little about the structure which was now over one hundred years old.19 Kemble and Sheridan faced further problems after 1789 when William Pitt’s government perceived them to have Jacobin sympathies, and the Ministerial presses began to attack their productions. This appears to have resulted, in part, from the production of John St. John’s opera, The Island of St. Marguerite, in 1789, a work which was perceived to be sympathetic to the fall of the Bastille. This work is discussed in Chapter 3. The government would have been pleased to see the Drury Lane theatre closed permanently. When it was announced that the Covent Garden theatre was to be rebuilt in 1791, Pitt used the pro-government newspapers to clamour for a similar rebuilding at Drury Lane, knowing full well that the company’s financial resources were precarious, at best.20 The last nail in the theatre’s coffin came that same year when the structure was condemned as being unsafe, and the final performance in the old theatre took place on 4 June. The Ministerial paper, The Diary; or. Woodfall’s Register (6 June 1791, [3]) printed a mock obituary for the building: On Saturday evening died at the advanced age of one hundred and seventeen years, two months and nine days, the Theatre-Royal, in DruryLane, which at no one period during its existence, has fared so well as pending the last nine months. . . At the end of the Comedy, Mr. Palmer came forward; the Performers remaining on the Stage, and address the Audience in the following Speech.

19 Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England: 1660-1788, 267-72. Thomas reproduces engravings made from the perspective of the stage dating from 1775, 1780 and 1783. 20 Lucyle Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of England: 1792-93 (Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1967), 43. Werkmeister writes that “having tried for years to rid itself of this playhouse, the Government had in 1791 given it what appeared to be a push into the abyss.”

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Ladies and Gentlemen, On the part of the Proprietors, the Manager and the company, permit me to express our sincere gratitude for the extraordinary favour and countenance we have experienced throughout this season. When next we have the honour of appearing before you on this spot, we trust it will be in a Theatre superior in accommodation, more worthy of the Royal protection, and better suited to the dignity of this great metropolis.

The company was able to license the new Opera House (King’s Theatre), but the Public Advertiser (23 September 1791, [3]) records that the transition was so poorly accomplished that Kemble had to address the audience directly, and ask their indulgence on opening night. The attack on this theatre by pro-government presses continued, and a typical criticism in the Public Advertiser (30 September, [3]) claimed that the company’s productions lacked scenic interest and were plain.21 Given the company’s advances in the area of realistic stage production at their previous home, the comments demonstrate the degree to which the government resented the attempts in 1789 and 1790 to present topical works which dealt with the political events in France (discussed in Chapters 3 and 4). In spite of the government’s tactics to tarnish the image of the company, the new Drury Lane theatre was opened on 12 March 1793 with a concert, followed by regular dramatic presentations on 21 April of the same year. Until 1801, when the theatre burned, it was one of the largest and best equipped in the country, seating 3,611 patrons.22 A watercolour by Edward Dayes (1795) shows a theatre with an ovoid auditorium space, five levels of stage boxes, and four levels of balcony seating. Although the theatre enjoyed good sight lines, Edward Langhans observes that it was too large for plays, and that it was more like an opera house than a playhouse. This comment seems just: Dayes’ picture shows actors utterly dwarfed by their surroundings.23 The composer, John Marsh, paid a visit to the new theatre on 22 April 1793 to see Mrs. Siddons and 21

Throughout this period, there was much activity on the part of the various managers of the patent houses to gain control over the rights to various types of works. Watson Nicholson examines these issues in considerable detail in The Struggle for a Free Stage in London (New York: Benjamin Blom Inc., 1966), 14174. 22 Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts, 7. 23 Edward Langhans, “Theatres,” The London Theatre World: 1660-1800, ed. Robert D. Hume (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1980), 51-2. The engraving by Dayes is reproduced on page 52.

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John Philip Kemble as the Macbeths. Wishing to be close to the stage, he took a ticket in the front boxes, only to discover that he was “an immense distance from the stage,” and that “it required great exertion in the actors & much attention from their auditors for the former to be heard all over the house.”24 Similarly, Anna Margaretta Larpent found that the great size of the stage diminished both the scenic effects and the acting, although her comments may reflect her following the party line where this theatre was concerned.25 The greatly increased potential for scenic depiction and spectacle became a drawing card for the company, and ultimately served the government’s interests when the restrictions on topical theatre were relaxed in 1793. The success of a patriotic work such as The Glorious First of June (2 July 1794) was largely due to its scenes of spectacle and the theatre’s capacity to depict such scenes convincingly. This work will be discussed in Chapter 5.

Theatre Royal, Covent Garden John Rich oversaw the construction of the first theatre on this site which opened on 7 December 1732. The placement of this theatre was so close to the Drury Lane playhouse that audience members could move from one to the other in a couple of minutes. This concentration of theatrical activity in one section of London gradually led theatres in outlying areas, such as Lincoln’s Inn Fields, to fall into disuse.26 The rivalry between Garrick and Rich was fierce in the late 1740s, although the population of London and interest in theatrical entertainments was sufficient to allow both companies to thrive. Even though the stage at the Covent Garden theatre was said to be the deepest in England in 1732, it was further enlarged in 1740 to make it exceed any Continental theatre.27 The auditorium was not significantly altered again until 1782, an 24

John Marsh, The John Marsh Journals: The Life and Times of a Gentleman Composer (1752-1828), ed. and with an introduction and annotations by Brian Robbins, vol. 9 of Sociology of Music (Stuyvesant, New York: Pendragon Press, 1998), 549. 25 Anna Margaretta Larpent, A Woman’s View of Drama, 1790-1830: The Diaries of Anna Margaretta Larpent at the Huntington Library, journal entry of 26 April 1794. 26 Edward A. Langhans, “The Theatres,” The London Theatre World, 46. Langhans provides an illustration of a reconstruction (by Richard Leacroft) of the original design of 1732 on page 47. 27 Allardyce Nicoll, The Garrick Stage, 54. On page 53, Nicoll reproduces the famous cross-section and ground-plan of the theatre made by Dumont in 1774.

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indication of its enduring utility. By 1782, however, the original seating capacity of fewer than fifteen hundred was deemed insufficient. As a result, a major rebuilding of the auditorium was undertaken.28 The original auditorium had been fan shaped; the rebuilt theatre, designed by J.I. Richards (the theatre’s principal scene painter), introduced parallel sides in the auditorium. In addition, the ceiling was raised some eight feet, and the elevation of the pit and the boxes was altered. Not only did these alterations improve sight lines and acoustics, they also increased the capacity of the theatre.29 Comparison of the theatres in Covent Garden and on Drury Lane as they existed in the 1780s reveals not only differences in their scenic capabilities, but also in their respective repertories. Covent Garden’s fame in the area of scenic effects was unmatched by the Drury Lane company until 1793; however, it was the latter theatre which most often was able to assemble the best dramatic casts. While the Covent Garden company presented the standard repertory of plays, its success also depended upon productions of pantomimes, operas in English, and other musical works. Throughout most of the century, it was the production of musical works, including the premieres of Handel’s operas in 1735-37, that attracted audiences there. Even after Handel returned to the King’s Theatre, musical works continued to play an important role in Covent Garden’s fortunes, especially those by Thomas Arne (1710-78) and John Abraham Fisher (1744-1806). In 1750, Thomas Arne broke with the Drury Lane management and moved to Covent Garden. The 1750-51 season saw a period of intense rivalry between the two theatres, with productions of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliette presented on the same day (28 September). Arne’s music (and the funeral dirge, in particular) for Covent Garden attracted much attention, while that by William Boyce at Drury Lane fell quite flat. For Covent Garden, Arne composed both full-length operas, and shorter, musical plays. Two of his greatest successes there were heard in the next decade: Thomas and Sally, or The Sailors Return (28 November 1760) and Artaxerxes (2 February 1762). The latter work was to remain in the repertory of the theatre until 1827. Following the resolution of conflicts with George Colman, Thomas Harris, the manager of the Covent Garden troupe from 1771 until 1820, 28

This would appear to make Covent Garden’s capacity some five hundred fewer patrons than its rival theatre on Drury Lane, a significant liability to profits. 29 David Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England, 272-75. Thomas reprints Richards’ floor plan for the renovated theatre on page 275.

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not only provided stable management for the theatre during his long tenure, but also achieved a level of government protection. If the Drury Lane enterprise was considered to be “Opposition” by the newspapers, then Covent Garden was “Ministerial.” While this did not protect the theatre from attacks by the Opposition newspapers, which reported any scandals with considerable glee, Harris was not attacked by the Ministerial newspapers when he presented plays by Thomas Holfcroft and others who had questionable political ties.30 In spite of Harris’ loyalty to the government, he faced the same criteria as did the managers of Drury Lane when they submitted their texts to John Larpent in the Office of the Lord Chamberlain. As will be shown in Chapters 3 and 4, this subsequently became a thorn in Harris’ side when he was repeatedly refused permission to present any aspect of the fall of the Bastille on the Covent Garden stage in 1789.

Theatres in the Haymarket Two other theatres were located near Drury Lane and Covent Garden. The Haymarket area was a shabby and poorly-serviced part of London and, as such, an unlikely location for the construction of a theatre that would ultimately become the Italian opera house most often frequented by the nobility. Built in 1705 by Sir John Vanbrugh, the structure was known throughout most of the eighteenth century as the King’s Theatre, although initially called the Queen’s Theatre. It suffered from overly reverberant acoustics because of its large auditorium. Within three years of its opening, it became necessary to make significant alterations to correct the theatre’s numerous defects. A surviving floor plan from 1774 displays a stage of huge proportions suitable for representing scenes of considerable complexity.31 Once Handel became ensconced in this theatre, it became the principal venue in London for Italian opera performances, with the result that the King’s Theatre does not often figure into the works under discussion. That said, however, it was distinguished from either the Covent Garden or Drury Lane theatres in that it was a theatre very much for the aristocracy. Italian opera, usually performed before a socially30

Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of of England, 42. Nicoll, The Garrick Stage, 58. The 1774 floor plan and a section drawing are reproduced by Nicoll on page 59. Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England, 278-81, reproduces floor plans and drawings of the interior of the theatre from 1782 to the early 1790s. The latter incorporates changes made to the theatre following the fire of 1789. Changes to the auditorium do not seem to have improved sight lines and acoustics to any great degree.

31

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diverse audience in continental opera houses, was largely preserved for the nobility at the King’s Theatre. This selectivity was not accomplished solely through high ticket prices, for the theatre had been constructed with limited gallery seating.32 An interesting historical coincidence is that this theatre, so intimately connected with the nobility, burned in 1789 at a time of incendiary revolutionary activity in Paris. The opera company subsequently moved to the Pantheon, in Oxford Street, until the Opera House in the Haymarket was rebuilt in 1791. At that time, the theatre was denied a license, and a period of chaos followed until the Pantheon burned in 1792, and its license was transferred to the Haymarket location. A venue for more popular entertainment in this area was variously called the “New” or “Little” Theatre in the Haymarket. The structure was erected by John Potter in 1720, and Brayley recounts that, during the first decade of its existence, the theatre was home to the widest variety of entertainments. In 1733, Theophilus Cibber attempted to establish a repertory theatre there following a dispute with Drury Lane, but he was found to be in violation of the licensing act. Thereafter, Henry Fielding and his troupe aroused political ire with their farcical satires. Perceived as a centre of opposition propaganda, Fielding and the theatre became one of the targets for the licensing act of 1737.33 Although attempts were made to establish summer burletta performances there between 1759-61, it was the actor and playwright, Samuel Foote, who the Lord Chamberlain ultimately favoured with temporary licenses for the performance of plays.34 A permanent license was granted to Foote in 1766, under circumstances that were less than propitious. Foote was thrown from a horse owned by the Duke of York, and lost a leg because of the accident. The duke felt obligated to Foote, and arranged for the actor to obtain an ongoing patent to open the theatre each summer under his direction.35 The enlarged and 32

William Weber, “London: a City of Unrivalled Riches,” The Classical Era from the 1740s to the end of the 18th century, ed. Neal Zaslaw, vol. 6 of Man & Music/Music and Society (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall Inc., 1989), 303-04. 33 Calhoun Winston, “Dramatic Censorship,” London Theatre World: 1660-1800, 303-05. Winston makes clear that Sir Robert Walpole’s legislation was not only directed at Fielding and the “Little” Theatre, but at all opposition voices, including that of the Prince of Wales whose use of the performing arts to further his own political agenda was highly effective. 34 Burling stresses the importance of the attempts by Stephen Storace to establish a burletta troup at the theatre in 1761. Summer Theatre in London, 1661-1820, 115. 35 Burling, Summer Theatre in London, 1661-1820, 119.

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remodelled theatre was reopened on 14 May 1767 with a license for performances between 15 May and 15 September, although Foote was required to wait until the patent houses closed for the season before he could open. An engraving from 1815 reveals that the audience enjoyed a relatively intimate relationship with a stage of considerable proportions.36 Foote transferred his interest in the theatre to George Colman Sr. in 1776, with his son (George Jr.) taking over the management of the theatre in 1788 after his father suffered a stroke. During the early days of the elder Colman’s management, the theatre remained politically neutral. Matters changed as his son’s plays increasingly dominated the repertoire and, after the father was declared a “lunatic” and placed in an asylum in 1789, the government stepped in to gain financial and political control over the enterprise, and to curb the younger Colman’s social agenda.37 Colman’s earlier plays, such as Inkle and Yarico (1787), had tackled sensitive political and social issues such as slavery in the East Indies.38 Ultimately, he was forced to make a public gesture of support for the Ministerial camp in 1791, with an assurance to the government of his continuing loyalty that was published in the World.39 In spite of government pressure, Colman remained an advocate of political change. In 1794, he daringly dramatized William Godwin’s “Opposition” novel, Things as They Are; or, The Adventures of Caleb Williams in the play, The Iron Chest.40

Minor Theatres The minor theatres continued to operate outside of the City. Some of these, such as the Sadler’s Wells Theatre, had their origins in the summer pleasure gardens that had become highly fashionable once again during the second half of the eighteenth century in London. These theatres were largely left alone as long as they presented vaudeville-type entertainments during the summer months and did not present “legitimate” plays or operas. When Henry Gifford reopened Goodman’s Fields in 1740, however, he attempted to evade the licensing act by charging patrons for 36

The engraving is reproduced by Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England, 276. 37 Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of England, 42-44. 38 George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage: 1789-1805, 17-18. 39 Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of England, 44. 40 John Loftis, “Political and Social Thought in the Drama,” The London Theatre World: 1660-1880, ed. Robert D. Hume (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1980), 281.

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musical performances, and then offering “free” plays after the music. It was a novel approach, but when he engaged David Garrick to present Shakespeare’s Richard III in 1741, he presented a challenge to the patent theatres that could not be ignored. Even at this early stage of his career, Garrick was deemed to be a fine actor, and Shakespeare was a cultural icon whose ownership the patent theatres had claimed. Gifford’s performances were shut down, and a campaign initiated to stigmatize the minor theatres as places of ill repute.41 Complaints that these theatres encouraged anti-social behaviours led to the 1752 “Act for the better preventing thefts and robberies and for regulating places of public entertainment and punishing persons keeping disorderly houses.”42 The edict affected all theatres within a twenty-mile radius of London. While the new legislation did restrict some illicit activities, it also had the effect of legitimizing the minor theatres as places of “publick Entertainment” as long as the management purchased a yearly burletta license from the local magistrates. The nature of the entertainments permitted under a burletta license was diverse and included music and dance, horsemanship, acrobatic displays, exhibits of swordsmanship, and other forms of popular entertainment.43 As the eighteenth century progressed, the managers of the minor theatres became increasingly bold in their attempts to expand their repertory into the domain of the patent theatres. Music was often used to circumvent existing theatrical regulations so that a dramatic work could be designated a burletta as long as the text was in verse and all-sung in either recitative or air.44 Since the licensing act of 1752 did not require the managers of these theatres to submit their texts to the Lord Chamberlain, a work had to be already in performance before a complaint about it could be raised. By the end of the century, these theatres proved to be significant rivals to the patent houses on many levels.45

41

Moody, Illegitimate Theatre in London, 17. Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England, 225-26. 43 Moody, Illegitimate Theatre in London, 17. 44 Taylor makes the valid point that defining a burletta had become impossible when the patent theatres presented works of a similar nature, but without the restrictions of presenting them through music. Such confusion often served the needs of the summer theatres. The French Revolution and the London Stage, 30. 45 A.H. Saxon, Enter Foot and Horse: A History of Hippodrama in England and France (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 4. 42

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Four minor theatres figure in the following commentary: the Royalty Theatre, Sadler’s Wells Theatre, Astley’s Amphitheatre, and the Royal Circus. Technically, the last three theatres fell outside of John Larpent’s control because they were summer theatres which presented variety entertainment that qualified as burlettas. The Royalty Theatre was quite a different situation—a theatre constructed to challenge the hegemony of the patent theatres and the theatrical licensing act.

Royalty Theatre Genest reports that the proposed theatre was much discussed in the newspapers of the day, even before the foundation stone was laid in December of 1785 on Well Street in Wellclose Square (near the Tower of London). The leading force behind the theatre was John Palmer (1744-98), a popular actor from the Drury Lane theatre, whom Genest describes as having been “influenced by ambition and the ill advice of some injudicious friends and flatterers.”46 Palmer and his friend, the Reverend William Jackson, believed that they could evade the licensing act of 1737 by making an agreement with the Governor of the Tower of London and the magistrates of the Tower Hamlets. Their plan was to present the standard repertory of plays as direct opposition to the patent theatres. The Royalty Theatre was scheduled to open on 20 June 1787 with Shakespeare’s As You Like It. This choice proved to be a red flag with the patent theatres since Shakespeare was a symbol of their legitimacy. Even before the opening, extracts from the Vagrant and Vagabond Acts found their way into the press of the day, a signal of what would follow if the theatre opened. Palmer, only slightly deterred, announced that the opening night performance would be a benefit for the London Hospital. The opening night was well attended, but the ruse of presenting legitimate drama under the contrivance of a benefit could not be continued. Palmer closed the theatre for two weeks while he put together programmes of variety acts and burlettas that did not contravene the licensing laws. The patent theatres kept a close scrutiny on these performances, and when Charles Bannister Sr. accidentally spoke some text on stage, he and Palmer were arrested and jailed for two weeks.47 46

John Genest, ed., Some Account of the English Stage from the Restoration in 1660 to 1830, 10 vols (Bath: 1832; reprint ed., New York: Burt Franklin, 1972), VI: 457. 47 Watson Nicholson, The Struggle for a Free Stage in London, 107-15. Palmer’s conviction was overturned by Justices of the Peace for the Tower Hamlets who, in

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Palmer was undeterred. He suffered numerous failures in his career, yet managed to resurface successfully after each. The motto placed above the stage at the Royalty Theatre would seem to describe his career rather well: “Vincit qui patitur” (He conquers who endures).48 An anonymous tract on the theatre, published in 1795, commented on the various gifts that nature had bestowed on him (although noting by that time he was losing his figure), and the polished elegance of his acting “which the pen cannot describe.” At the same time, the author laments that “his private concerns should have been so frequently in such a deranged state as to prevent him from regularly pursuing his profession. Situated as the stage is at present, it would be uncandid in us not to acknowledge him to be one of its greatest and most essential supporters.”49 Palmer was wise enough to realize that the fight over the license for the Royalty Theatre was likely lost in all places but the court of public opinion. His address to the audience at the end of the opening night performance, in which he questioned the morality of the licensing laws, was published (causing a heated exchange of pamphlets and letters), but to little effect.50 Palmer attempted a different route to gain legitimacy in May of 1788 when he petitioned the House of Commons for a license for the Royalty Theatre. It was Parliament’s belief that Palmer, “having trampled upon the law of this country” for some twelve months, showed bad form in

the process, overstepped their authority. These justices were themselves charged, and the matter was not resolved until the following May. 48 Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England, 236. 49 Anonymous, Candid and Impartial Strictures on the Performers belonging to Drury-Lane, Covent-Garden, and the Haymarket Theatres (London: Martin and Bain, 1795), 5-7. 50 The speech is in Edward Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts of the Theatres of London (London: J. Taylor, Architectural Library, 1826), 79-80, and in Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England, 227-28. A source of much greater depth is Theatrical Monopoly: being an Address to the Public on the present alarming Coalition of the Managers of the Winter Theatres (London: Printed for Fielding and Walker, 1789), and A Review of the Present Contest between the Managers of the Winter Theatres, the Little Theatre in the Hay-Market, and the Royalty Theatre in Well-close Square. . . (London: Printed for Charles Stalker, 1787). The latter extends to 79 pages and, if not written by Palmer, was done so by his greatest supporter, and virulently attacks the monopoly enjoyed by the patent theatres. Palmer’s address to the opening-night audience at the Royalty Theatre is reprinted, as are numerous responses to his address.

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applying for a license only “when the arm of the law had reached him.”51 The vote against Palmer was unanimous. Undeterred as usual, Palmer attempted to get his theatre’s name appended to a bill before Parliament to grant the Sadler’s Wells Theatre letters of patent. This time, the Parliamentarians were split in their views; still Palmer’s request was not granted.52 Denied a license for the performance of plays, the Royalty Theatre had to rely on pantomime and burlettas after the initial performance of As You Like It. In this genre, the theatre enjoyed some success. Audiences were treated to more up-to-date accommodation than in some of the older theatres, and the management soon began to attract musical and acting talents that were far from negligible. A press clipping from 9 April 1790 (which may have been a puff) reflects on the “simple elegance” of the structure and the artistic nature of the productions. In particular, Arthur; or, The British Worthy (8 April 1790), a musical work in two acts, was judged to be of “excellent merit.”53 The theatre was fortunate to be able to attract the distinguished composer Samuel Arnold, and his score for the work was well received. Unfortunately, the theatre’s success was not long lasting, and it had a precarious existence under a succession of managers until it was destroyed by fire in 1826.54

51

The Gentleman’s Magazine (May 1788), 415. The Gentleman’s Magazine (October 1788), 887-88. When Palmer pushed his son onto the stage in 1791, complaints of nepotism were raised. The St. James’s Chronicle (18-21 June 1791, [4]) reported that “Mr. PALMER introduced his son on the stage, with a Prologue, in the character of the Prince of Wales in Shakespeare’s Henry the Fourth. The young gentleman is well grown; has a good countenance, and a tolerable voice; but in these democratick times the father should daily inculcate on him, that honours are not to be obtained by inheritance.” For the actor who had made playing Henry Dubois famous in The Bastile, the comment must have rankled. 53 Contained in London Theatre Museum file, “Royalty–Welclose Square, 1790.” 54 In addition to the account provided by Genest, further information concerning Palmer and the Royalty Theatre is found in Philip H. Highfill, K.A. Burnin and E.A. Langhans, A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, Actresses, Musicians, Dancers, Managers & Other Stage Personnel in London: 1660-1800 (Carbondale and Edwardsville, IL: Southern Illinois Press, 1973-93). Thomas (Restoration and Georgian England, 282-83) reproduces two drawings of the theatre which display the well-conceived design. Thomas also reproduces an account from the London Chronicle from 1787 that criticizes the acoustics in the area of the pit (282). 52

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Sadler’s Wells Theatre The emergence of the Sadler’s Wells Theatre (in the Clerkenwell area of London) as a place where “revolutionary” theatre was performed might initially seem unexpected. The area had been known for the abundance of springs and medicinal wells as early as the twelfth century, and the association of entertainment with the various wells appears to have begun at that time. As Dennis Arundell has observed, “all of the Wells had been festival-centres at least” until the Reformation, at which time they were closed.55 One of these wells, on the property owned by a Mr. Dick Sadler, was inadvertently rediscovered in 1683 while gravel was being removed from the property. Once the medicinal qualities of the waters had been assessed, Sadler turned his attention to creating a fashionable spa with formal gardens. A wooden ‘Musik House’ was erected in 1695, with a stage and fixed seating in the form of benches, where the patrons could enjoy food and ale while being entertained by songs, dancing and clowning.56 The success of the spa fluctuated greatly during subsequent years, as did its reputation. In 1699, one source described the audience as “vermin trained up to the gallows.” The Inquisitor labelled the place a “nursery of debauchery” in 1711; however, matters improved later in the century, especially after the Princesses Amelia and Caroline took to drinking the waters there, and the Duke of York’s visit in 1758 again did much to ameliorate another period of disrepute.57 By mid-century, a regular company was in place, a variety of entertainments (musical and otherwise) were presented. What had been a music hall was now a theatre requiring appropriate stage facilities. Accordingly, the old wooden structure was replaced with a stone and brick theatre in 1764. This new structure permitted a greater variety of stage performances, although vaudeville-style acts continued to be played throughout the century.58 When Thomas King took over the management 55 Dennis Arundell, The Story of Sadler’s Wells: 1683-1977, rev. ed. (North Pomfret, Vermont.: David & Charles, 1978), 1. 56 Edwin Fagg, Old “Sadler’s Wells” (London: Vic-Wells Association, 1935), 1. See also, Arundell, The Story of Sadler’s Wells, 2-4. 57 Cited by Fagg, Old “Sadler’s Wells,” 2-3, and Arundell, The Story of Sadler’s Well’s, 8 58 The appendix of illustrations which accompanies volume III of A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, Actresses, Musicians, Dancers, Managers & Other Stage Personnel in London: 1660-1800 includes an illustration of rope dancing in this theatre in 1795.

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of the theatre in 1771, it once again became a fashionable place of entertainment. Pantomimes were regularly mounted, to such success that the management felt secure enough to raise ticket prices. In 1785, Richard Wroughton assumed the management, and he worked hard to achieve an even higher level of respectability for the theatre. On 6 February 1788, Wroughton was informed that certain aspects of the entertainments did not precisely fall within the rules of the licensing act, and that these entertainments would have to be changed. Outraged, he sought legal means to avoid the restrictions of the theatre licensing act. This intervention caused a bill to be presented to Parliament that would have granted letters of patent to the Sadler’s Wells Theatre.59 If granted, the theatre would have been allowed to present “Entertainments of Dancing and Singing as have hitherto been used to be performed there, and for exhibiting any original Pantomimes, and Music Pieces which may not have been performed at the Theatres Royal of Drury Lane or Covent Garden, or at the Little Theatre in the Haymarket.”60 In many ways this bill appears to be simply requesting official sanction of the status quo. The proprietors’ official justification for their bill was that Sadler’s Wells was the oldest theatre of its kind and “the Entertainments, which have for a great Number of Years past been usually performed and exhibited at . . . Sadler’s Wells” gave it a standing equal to that of the patent theatres. Their real reasons were published in an exposition for “the Consideration of the Public in general,” a document which outlines their specific grievances, especially in terms of the hippodromes: Notwithstanding the Resolutions made and proclaimed as abovementioned, Riding Schools have since obtained Musical Licences in the County of Surrey, and under the Sanction of such Licences, the Entertainments of Sadler’s Wells are sometimes forestalled; at others copied and performed. *** Whereas the Royal-Grove and Royal-Circus opened without Licence of any Kind, the Conductors and Performers were repeatedly interrupted by the magistrates, whose Power they sometimes combatted, and from which

59 A Bill to Enable His majesty to grant letters patent for the Licensing of the Performance of certain public Entertainments therein mentioned, to be exhibited at the Place called Sadler’s Wells, in the parish of Saint James, Clerkenwell, in the County of Middlesex, in such Manner as is therein expressed (1788). 60 Ibid., 3.

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they sometimes retreated: till Interest and Perseverance acquired what was at first proclaimed a public Injury to grant.61

Wroughton had certainly hit a nerve with the claim that the hippodromes, in particular, had managed to wear down the resistance of the authorities to the point where they virtually operated with impunity. The proprietors of the other minor theatres were outraged at the possibility of Sadler’s Wells not having to apply for yearly burletta licenses and being made a patent theatre, and they demanded equal protection. The reaction was swift and fierce, and the patent theatres utilized the powerful voice of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, a sitting member of Parliament, as well as manager of the Drury Lane theatre, to ensure that the bill never passed.62

61

British Library, Crach.1.Tab.4.b.4/2 (1.), 2-3. Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts, 53-54. Wroughton was likely disadvantaged by the Royalty Theatre debacle of the previous year. The printed Observations on the Petition to the House of Commons for a Bill to enable His Majesty to grant a Patent for Sadler’s Wells states that Parliament should not give to Wroughton that which had been denied to Palmer. The petition on behalf of the Wells nearly ended with the minor theatres being put into a more tightly-regulated corner. A Bill was subsequently presented to Parliament in 1788 which would have put considerable restrictions on the use of music on the stage of the minor theatres (A Bill Intituled An Act to amend an Act, made in the Tenth Year of the Reign of His late Majesty King George the Second, intituled, An Act to explain and amend so much of an Act, made in the Twelfth year of the Reign of Queen Anne, a reform of the 1737 theatre act). It would have been unlawful to perform “any Pantomimes or Musical Pieces, or parts thereof, but such as shall not have been performed at the Theatres Royal of Drury Lane or Covent Garden, conducted under Royal Patents; at the Theatre Royal, or at the King’s Theatre, in the Hay-market, conducted under Licence from the Lord Chamberlain; and that such respective Pieces or Entertainments shall not consist of more than One Act, nor exceed in the Exhibition there of the Space of Thirty Minutes each; that there shall not be exhibited more than Two such Pieces in the course of one and the same Evening at the said Place; nor any Pieces in dialogue, unless the same be set to Musick: And that in case of Two Musical Pieces being performed in the same Evening, the subject thereof shall not be continued by any Device, or upon any Pretence whatsoever, but that each shall be wholly independent of and unconnected with the other.” The House of Lords amended the bill, removing the restrictions on the length of musical pieces, the number of acts etc., thus preventing any real restrictions on the number and type of musical pieces on one programme. A copy of both the original and amended bills is in the British Library, Crach. 1. Tab.4.b.4/2 (3, 5, & 7.). This whole episode is also examined in detail by Watson Nicholson, The Struggle for a Free Stage, 124-40. 62

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After many exchanges between Parliament and the House of Lords, an enabling motion was passed by Parliament in 1788 that did relax some of the restrictions of the 1737 licensing act (modified in 1752), granting letters of patent to some provincial theatres and allowing magistrates to license “legitimate” drama in minor theatres for a period of sixty days each year, provided that the theatre lay outside the boundaries of Westminster.63 This was a far cry from what had been sought, but Wroughton achieved a revenge of sorts on the theatrical establishment with his series of programmes featuring patriotic works or representations of contemporary political events. As long as they contained the traditional musical settings, these works did not contravene the legislation of 1737 or 1752. They might not prevent the copying of their work at other theatres, but the quality of their offerings (especially with patriotic works) was such that the Sadler’s Wells Theatre achieved both critical acclaim and financial success.64 On 31 August 1789, the Times published its “review of the Public Places of Entertainment,” an overview of the success of the recent offerings presented in the various London theatres, both patent and minor. The discussion of the repertory of Sadler’s Wells demonstrates its ability to capitalize upon topical subject matter in a way that the patent theatres could not. The quote below makes use of a humorous reference to the production of Britannia’s Relief; or, the Gift of Hygeia which had commemorated the recovery of the King from madness, and represented the procession to St. Paul’s on 23 April. The realistic scene painting was greeted with great audience approval: By their Squeeze to St. Paul’s have made a profitable season, and long established in their style of entertainments, have nothing to fear from their rivals on the other side of the Thames. Wroughton’s attention to the management has conduced chiefly to its prosperity, and by seizing first on any popular subject, he finds in that chiefly consists its success.—John Bull with all his want of refined taste, don’t like things at second hand. The crouds that followed the Squeeze to St. Paul’s, if report be true, brought no less a sum than THREE THOUSAND POUNDS to Sadlers Wells, and the entertainment is popular as ever.—In his company Dighton of anacreontic memory stands first, and is not only a good singer, but an excellent actor. In respect to variety of entertainments, the Wells carries away the palm,

63

The legislation is reproduced in Thomas, Restoration and Georgian England, 231-32. 64 Arundell, The Story of Sadler’s Wells, 39.

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and the glass of wine or punch ever will have its relish with honest Jack Spritsail and his land frigate.

Repairs to the theatre in 1792 resulted in greater comfort for the audience.65 These renovations appear to have made the theatre even more welcoming for distinguished visitors, as a report from the same year demonstrates: The Boxes of Sadler’s Wells are now become the resort of Nobility and Fashion every evening. The late Royal visit to that place evinces to the Grand Monde, that there is nothing in the Entertainments of the Wells to prevent the first characters in the kingdom from becoming occasional spectators, in the hour of amusement. Indeed, the ingenious loyalty displayed with so much neat effect in the 4th of June, is of itself sufficient to secure the best commendation of every true Briton, from the August head of the Constitution to the lowest of its honest supporters.66

Given this audience base, the Wells could rightly claim that it was as important during the summer months as were the patent theatres during the winter months. It also gave members of the upper class a stage on which to perform private theatricals during the winter months. The Public Advertiser (28 October 1793, [3]) reports that the theatre had been rented out by a “party of young gentlemen who mean occasionally to present private Theatricals.” Their first performance took place on 25 October with John Home’s Douglas, and the reviewer found much to applaud. Presumably, since these performances were presented to an invited and non-paying audience, they did not require permission from the Office of the Lord Chamberlain. The theatre’s “ingenious loyalty” could hardly have been co-incidental during a time when war with France seemed to be inevitable. Sadler’s Wells proved to be one of the most important locations for stage presentations of the events of the French Revolution prior to the declaration of war with France in 1793. Beginning with their depiction of the fall of the Bastille in August of 1789 (discussed in Chapter 3), the theatre took pride in its attention to detail and the accuracy of their 65

A published report from 1792 states: “The SADLER’S WELLS Summer Theatre has since last season undergone a thorough repair. The audience part in particular is furnished with several new accommodations, and presents a face of neatness and elegance hitherto unequalled at that place.” A Collection of plates, cuttings from newspapers, etc. relating to Sadler’s Well Theatre, from about 1740 to 1866. British Library, Th. Crts. 49, [n. p.]. 66 Ibid.

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presentations. The great success of their offerings not only served to entertain audiences but also brought the restrictions faced by the patent theatres to greater attention and scrutiny. Two other theatres figure in the history of British musical representations of the Revolution, and both were exceptional in that they combined elements of the circus ring along with the expected theatrical stage. Philip Astley, manager of Astley’s Amphitheatre (also known as the Royal Grove), and Charles Hughes, manager of the Royal Circus, proved to be bitter rivals, and the competition between these theatres was particularly fierce.

The Royal Circus Philip Astley likely had good reason to feel resentment towards Charles Hughes, who had worked for him until he deserted ranks to open his own riding school and exhibition area in 1771. In 1782, in partnership with Charles Dibdin the Elder, Hughes opened the Royal Circus and Philharmonic Academy in St. George’s Fields. This new theatre was better situated than his earlier premises, and promised to offer a wide range of entertainments. In particular, it was envisioned that the non-equestrian entertainments would be undertaken by children, making the enterprise a training ground for actors. The great innovation of the physical structure was the inclusion of a stage at one end of the circus ring. Dibdin credits himself with the idea in his memoirs: I therefore proposed to have a stage, on which might be represented spectacles, each to terminate with a joust or a tilting-match, or some other grand object, so managed as to form a novel and striking coup-de-théâtre, and that the business of the stage and the ring might be united.67

The introduction of ballet sequences, pantomimes, acrobatic displays and the like during the intervals of the equestrian exhibitions was highly novel, and the alternation of stage and circus ring permitted uninterrupted entertainment while the scenes were changed in the stage area. The new theatre opened in 1782, only to be closed down by the Surrey Magistrates who had the Riot Act read from the stage. The audience was cleared after the military were called in. The theatre reopened on 15 March 67

Charles Dibdin (the Elder), The Professional Life of Mr. Dibdin, Written by Himself, 4 vols (London: [n.p.], 1803), I: 106.

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1783, this time with a license. Unfortunately, the partnership of Hughes and Dibdin proved uncongenial, and Hughes eventually engineered Dibdin’s ouster by applying for and obtaining a license in his name only.68 The programmes offered in this theatre were highly varied and included ballets and other musical numbers, variety acts and equestrian entertainments (managed by Hughes). The fortunes of the Royal Circus were chequered, at best, and the financial backers of the theatre (Hughes was smart enough to not rely on his own funds) did not always make a profit. Further complicating the situation, Hughes (described by Decastro as being “a man of rather irritable temper”69) was embroiled in a variety of law suits. By the spring of 1789, the position of the theatre was especially precarious owing to Hughes’ refusal to perform. Although that situation was eventually resolved, Thomas Read (the stage manager) saw fit to engage John Palmer (of the Royalty Theatre scandal), once he was released from the King’s Bench. Palmer produced Dent’s The Triumph of Liberty; or, The Destruction of the Bastille during the summer months after his release. As will be shown in Chapter 3, the production was a great success, although Palmer was eventually forced to return to his previous lodging as a guest of His Majesty.70 Hughes died in 1797, and the management of the theatre was taken over by J.C. Cross. A subsequent period of prosperity abruptly ended when the theatre burned in 1803. Undeterred, Cross built an even more lavish structure the following year. The “Review of the Public Places of Entertainment” in the Times (31 August 1789) records aspects of Hughes’ continuing troubles, as well as the success of his depiction of the fall of the Bastille: This year has retrieved itself, and by a well timed idea of getting up the destruction of the Bastile in a military manner, and taking care that the public should know it, the House is crouded on every performance. The words of this piece are said to be by the author of “Too Civil by Half.”71

68

Saxon, Enter Foot and Horse, 12-13. See also, Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts, 67-9. 69 J[acob] Decastro, The Memoirs of J. Decastro, Comedian, ed. R. Humphreys (London: Sherwood, Jones & Co., 1824), 119. This comment appears to be a considerable understatement. 70 Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts, 70-71. 71 Dent’s play, Too Civil by Half, was first heard at the Drury Lane theatre on 3 January 1784 when it served as an afterpiece for a performance of Cymbeline. The work enjoyed success and was revived in the following seasons. At the time of

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Chapter Two The machinery &c. by Palmer—but be it by whom it may be, it has much more than answered every expectation.—The same unhappy law differences which first threw the proprietorship of this place into confusion yet subsist, and Hughes still complains that he is not paid for even the hay that his horses eat, although the Lord Chancellor made an order for their subsistence. The horses however look well and do their duty, and the activity of the boys surpass every idea that can be formed of riding, for though they have not the grace and elegance of young Astley, yet they have a kind of equestrian dexterity, that is really surprizing. What will be the final issue of the law disputes we know not,–but that the House is not getting money every body sees–and that their entertainments are in a superior style, full Houses evince.

Although the Royal Circus managed a coup de théâtre with its production of Dent’s The Triumph of Liberty, Hughes found it difficult to match the productions at Philip Astley’s rival theatre that boasted the same design and had superior equestrian talent in the persons of Philip and John Astley.

Astley’s Amphitheatre As a sergeant-major, Philip Astley (1742-1814) served as a horse trainer for the cavalry (earning himself considerable distinction in the German war) before returning to London in 1768. Shortly thereafter, he began a series of equestrian entertainments at a location near to the present site of the Waterloo Station. This put him in direct competition with rival groups such as Price, Johnson and Sampson, who had been presenting similar shows in the Jubilee Gardens at Islington for several years.72 In 1770, Astley secured property near Westminster Bridge where he continued to give open-air entertainments until he was able to put a roof over the structure (not completed until the 1779-80 season).73 The addition of a roof to the open-air structure was a great benefit to both audiences and performers who had been previously at the mercy of the elements. Lighting was installed, giving the trappings of a permanent theatre, and allowing Astley to be open during the evenings, rather than only during daylight hours. The result was a permanent theatre that could

The Bastille, the play was still a recent memory, having last been played at Drury Lane on 6 May 1788. 72 Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts, 58. 73 Marius Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre and the Early Circus in England: 17681830” (PhD diss., Magdalen College, Oxford, 1994), 37. A.H. Saxon puts the completion of the roof a year earlier in Enter Foot and Horse, 10.

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have remained open all year, except for the restrictions of the theatre licensing acts of 1737 and 1752. As early as 13 March 1779, Astley announced a series of “Winter Evening’s Amusements,” consisting of shadow plays, burlettas, and the young Astley dancing on horseback.74 Charges were soon laid against him by other theatre managers, but luck was on his side; Astley had calmed a restive horse in the presence of George III in 1779 and was duly praised for his efforts. When imprisoned in 1780, Astley claimed that the King had granted him a royal patent. The ruse worked; Astley was released and, through the offices of Lord Chancellor Thurlow, his enterprise received a regular license for exhibitions.75 Astley’s connections gave his enterprise a cachet that Hughes was never able to quite match, although Hughes created something of a sensation in 1782 when he added a stage to his circus ring. Philip Astley saw the need to copy Hughes’ innovation the following year, and the two men remained in bitter competition until Hughes’ death. Both men faced official censure for having converted their arenas into theatres, but after winning their respective lawsuits, their businesses continued as before.76 Astley undertook a general renovation of his theatre in 1786 which enhanced its visual appeal. Foliage decorations were installed in the ceiling around the amphitheatre, giving rise to the name “The Royal Grove.” A well-known illustration shows the theatre from the perspective of the stage.77 At the roof level, shuttered skylights permitted afternoon riding lessons without resorting to artificial lighting while, during evening performances, illumination came from an elaborate chandelier. After the opening of “The Royal Grove,” Astley began to hire a regular orchestra to replace the fifes and drums that had earlier accompanied the exhibitions of horsemanship. It appears that Astley understood little about music, and 74

Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre,” 36-38. Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts, 61. This was not the first time Astley ran foul of the licensing provision. He was closed down during the 1773-74 seasons, pending trial after the Surrey magistrates realized that Astley had neither a royal patent nor magistrate’s license. The trial proved to be so indeterminate in its findings that Astley was able to reopen in 1775. Marius Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre,” 32-33. 76 Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre,” 44. 77 Reproduced in several sources, including Saxon, Enter Foot and Horse, and Jacqueline S. Bratton and Jane Traies, Astley’s Amphitheatre, Theatre in Focus, Richard Allen Cave, gen. ed. (Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healey Ltd., 1980). 75

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believed that “any fool [could] handle a fiddle.”78 The Royal Grove burned in 1794, and a replacement theatre was in place by Easter Monday of 1795, now called the Royal Amphitheatre, that enjoyed the continued patronage of the Duke of York. In 1803, this theatre burned but, by Easter of 1804, Astley was back in business with a new theatre boasting a well equipped stage. The theatre was handsome and comfortable, and the Duke of York presented Astley with an elaborate chandelier with fifty patented lamps.79 Like Hughes, Astley presented mixed programmes of burlettas, ballets of action, and pantomimes, keeping the more dramatic presentations for the stage area.80 Since he was the sole financial backer of his enterprise, Astley had a vested interest in attracting audiences. In this regard, he showed considerable theatrical wisdom, and kept his offerings topical and vivid. Astley was not content with only shows in London, and he opened similar establishments in Dublin and Paris. In 1782, Astley and his fifteenyear-old son, [John] Philip (a noted equestrian referred to in advertisements as “young Astley”), were so successful in Paris that Marie Antoinette gave them her patronage, and even provided them with land to build a new riding school. A further mark of their success in Paris was seen when Louis XVI ordered a command performance by the Astleys in the courtyard of Versailles, and presented young Astley with a valuable gift.81 Unfortunately, the War of American Independence prevented the Astleys from pursuing work in France from 1778-82. Thereafter, Astley and his troupe returned to Paris during his offseason in London. His son was even in Paris at the time of the fall of the Bastille, and sent back detailed information to London that was quickly utilized for performance at the Amphitheatre.82 Thus began Astley’s series of entertainments based on the events in France. The elder Astley certainly had cause to be concerned over these events, for his French properties were seized in 1791 and used as a barracks. He rejoined the army during 78

He often berated the musicians for not playing, even when there were rests in their parts! Crussell’s Old and New London, February 1885, Theatre Museum, London: file: “Astley’s 1770-1827.” 79 J.S. Bratton and J. Traies, Astley’s Amphitheatre, 11-23. 80 Saxon, Enter Foot and Horse, 12-13. Saxon reprints an illustration of the interior of Astley’s first theatre as Figure 1. 81 Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre,” 41; Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts, 61. 82 Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre,” 284.

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the war with France (in spite of being fifty years of age), and sent back descriptions and sketches of battles that his son had dramatized in quick order for presentation on stage in London. In this regard, Astley was akin to a contemporary war correspondent whose reports allowed Londoners to experience recreations of battles found on the Continent. Astley’s representation of the siege of Valenciennes (that featured actors in the attire of Astley’s own regiment) was mounted only a month after the actual battle was fought in 1793. His productions had a propaganda value which must have been prized by the government because they so clearly depicted Britain fighting for national sovereignty against the evil of the Assemblée Nationale in Paris.83 Philip Astley’s impact on the theatrical life of London cannot be overestimated. The Times report on London theatres (31 August 1789) comments on the increased importance given to the stage presentations at Astley’s Amphitheatre, as well as the absurdity of the restrictions placed upon the minor theatres by the burletta licenses: By all accounts [Astley] has netted more money this season than in any preceding one, and to say the truth of him, his industry has been great, and his assiduity unparalleled, and as all entertainments improve by time, so we find that the horsemanship which was the first is now but a second consideration, and the interludes and scenery, much more attended to than riding and vaulting: and were the law to be so generous as to permit the actors on those stages to use their mother tongue as nature and literature direct, the petit pieces of those stages, would tend to the refinement of the public, and serve the purposes of morality as well as the great pieces on the Winter Theatres, but whilst they are clogged with recitative, and sense so basely mangled by order of Law, we laugh at the absurdity of such legislative trammels, and make every excuse for merit working under such great disadvantages. And yet even hampered with this recitative we find genius breaking out, and the public endeavouring by the patronage to give it all the encouragement in their power. What the Squeeze for St. Paul’s has done for Wroughton [at Sadler’s Wells], the Bastile is likely to do both for Astley and Hughes. We must not close the account of this place without mentioning what almost every body will join in affirming—that young Astley is, without exception, the most graceful rider in the universe.

This is extraordinarily strong language for a ministerial paper like the Times, yet it makes clear that the minor theatres were well equipped to present dramatic entertainments that posed strong competition for the 83

Marius Kwint, “The Theatre of War,” History Today 53.6 (June 2003): 36-37.

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patent theatres. That the minor theatres could respond to current events quickly and with great accuracy is revealed by their swift reactions to the fall of the Bastille. The very licensing acts designed to protect the patent theatres (while controlling their offerings) now rendered their offerings far less relevant than those on the minor stages. The earlier disputes between patent and minor theatres in London were fought over perceived ownership of specific repertories and statutory rights in performing styles. After 1789, the desire for both types of theatres to present plays of topical and political significance resulted in increased tensions when the minor theatres found ways to respond to the political climate (while still observing the rule of law) through pantomime, equestrian drama, and entirely-sung works. This was a situation that the patent theatres found increasingly difficult to accept. The concept of the “theatre of war” had multi-layered meanings in London until 1793, when France declared war on Britain. Even with the relaxation of John Larpent’s restrictions on the patent theatres after 1793, the situation remained tense. After 1789, the theatrical scene in London was, in essence, a veritable battle over battles.

CHAPTER THREE THE FALL OF THE BASTILLE

Does it not imply some little inconsistency in a well-regulated state, for one subject to be punished as a rogue and vagabond for doing that in publick, which another, perhaps the first peer of the realm, is proud to do with applause within the walls of his own house!1

The Fall of the Bastille The Bastille had been viewed for many years as a symbol of royal despotism. Associated with the cruellest forms of torture and extreme hardship, the Bastille had a reputation that spread far beyond the borders of France. The assault on this much-feared prison and its subsequent fall on 14 July 1789 were celebrated in both France and Britain. For the British, the positive results of this perceived erosion of the power behind the tyrannical French throne is reflected in the famous comment made by the opposition Whig leader, Charles James Fox: “How much the greatest event that has happened in the history of the world, and how much the best!”2 The visual elements of such an attack on the prison held a strong appeal for the general public and various reproductions of the events were published. A famous print by Chalmers, “The Taking of the Bastile, at Paris, by the Patriotic Party, on the Memorable 14th of July 1789,” was well known, and even provided a numbered list of captions for the various parts of the French prison.3 The picturesque elements of the story lent themselves to stage treatments, a point not lost on the managers of the London theatres. No fewer than five London theatres set out to portray the fall of the Bastille on stage: the Theatres Royal at Covent Garden and Drury Lane, 1

Gentleman’s Magazine (March, 1790) 231. Private theatricals in the homes of the wealthy were very popular at the time. 2 Cited by Mark Philip, “Introduction” to The French Revolution and British Popular Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 3. 3 British Library, Crach.1.Tab.b.4/2. (66).

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Astley’s Amphitheatre, the Royal Circus, and Sadler’s Wells. The managers of the patent theatres appear not to have been deterred by the fact that their seasons opened only after the summer theatres had already pipped them to the post with productions. Frederick Reynolds states in his memoirs that “the loyalist saw the revolution in one light, the democrat, in another; and even, the theatrical manager had also his view of the subject. The Bastile must bring money; that’s a settled point; and a piece of that name must be written.”4 There was a very considerable disparity between the popular view of the conditions in the French prison and the reality of the situation. Frederick Reynolds visited the prison in 1787. His initial forebodings about entering the prison gave way to considerable surprise once he was inside: The exterior of this formidable fortress and prison was so hideous and appalling, that I almost felt, as I passed over the draw-bridge, I beheld the light of day, for the last time. As we advanced, our awe increased; till, at last, expecting not only to hear the groans of the dying, but to see the spectres of the dead, we were agreeably surprised, on entering the courtyard, to find all completely silent and calm. Though we were allowed to see much of the interior, (and, in course, not only of the state prisoners,) the deputy-governor, a most polite, obliging, and apparently a most humane man, politely conducted us into the chamber, where the celebrate personage with the IRON MASK had been confined for so many years.5

Reynolds records that there were only eight prisoners at that time, and that he was assured as to their good treatment. Although it is likely that conditions in British prisons were far worse, it was the popular and “gothic” view of the French prison which prevailed in the ensuing battle to present the fall of the Bastille on stage in London.

4

Frederick Reynolds, The Life and Times of Frederick Reynolds. Written by Himself, 2 vols (London: n.p., 1827), II: 54. 5 Reynolds, Life, I: 341-42.

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Theatrical Music I: Minor Theatres Master Astley forsakes his burlettas and dogs, And deserts English fare for a treat upon frogs. And while English subjects sleep safe in their beds, He’s trotting to France to get models of heads, Derry down. For want of good room he turns hundreds away, His Bastile won’t contain half the people that pay, If you’d make great room, take the hint I here drop, Put your puffs in your pocket and shut up your shop. Derry down. The Circus to tyranny yielded its sway, And built a Bastile on the trick of the day, But their benches had been but a trifle the warmer, Was it not for the efforts of honest Jack Palmer. Derry down. Time vow’d to defeat him, nor could he avail, His acting must cease, or must act in a jail: They forc’d him to lay his Bastile on the shelf, Or they’d send him to prison in earnest himself. Derry down. Sadler’s Wells caught the rage and accouter’d a mob, To raise their Bastile and they compass’d the job; They pictur’d the prison’s sad gloom to a tittle, With the help of Malbrook play’d on Arrowsmith’s fiddle. Derry down.6

Astley’s Amphitheatre, the Royal Circus and the Sadler’s Wells Theatre all had lavish spectacles depicting the fall of the Bastille in performance by the end of August, 1789. The resulting theatrical “Bastile war” provided entertainment choices for Londoners in the late summer and early autumn months.7 All three presentations featured the physical siege 6

Verses 2 - 6 of “The Bastile,” A New Whim of the Day, 56-7. A print entitled “An Amphitheatrical Attack of the Bastile” was released by Bentley and Co. on 1 November 1789. It is a parody of the rivalry between the Royal Circus and Astley’s Amphitheatre. The engraving gives the impression of flimsy scenery and a farcical production. The engraving has been reproduced by David Bindman in The Shadow of the Guillotine: Britain and the French Revolution (London: British Museum, 1989), 90.

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of the Bastille prison, complete with as many crowd scenes and other stage effects as could be managed in the available spaces. In spite of the Bastille’s association with evil and tyranny, these various depictions of a grassroots rebellion successfully rising up against established authority could not have been a comforting vision for the government of William Pitt. Paris in an Uproar; or, The Destruction of the Bastille (Astley’s Amphitheatre, prototype version 3 August 1789; revised version 17 August-29 October 1789). Libretto: author not named Score: anonymous arrangements of existing French Music

Philip Astley was the first to mount a stage production dealing with the fall of the Bastille at his Amphitheatre (the “Royal Grove”) on 3 August 1789. Initially, the presentation consisted of two scenes—one set outside of the prison, and the other inside—that were interpolated into a longrunning pantomime, Harlequin’s Choice of the Beauties of the World.8 These views were judged successful and the Morning Post (8 August, [3]) reported that they were “received with the warmest applause by those spectators who have seen it [the real Bastille] in Paris.” The offering, however, was not dramatic. In this area, it faced direct competition from a production by his rival, Charles Hughes, whose truly dramatic work featuring more than 100 performers opened on 5 August at the Royal Circus. Astley acted quickly to counter the situation with an expanded version of his entertainment. New advertisements were in place by 17 August. PARIS IN AN UPROAR, Or, The DESTRUCTION of the BASTILLE. Displaying one of the grandest and most Extraordinary entertainments that ever appeared, ground on authentic facts. In the above Piece, The following SCENERY, MACHINERY, &c., will be displayed; 8

A.H. Saxon, “Capon, The Royal Circus, and Destruction of the Bastille,” Theatre Notebook 28.3 (1974): 133-34. The Morning Post and Daily Advertiser (5 August, [1]) gives the following description of the two scenes: “The first Scene painted from a copper-plate Print, executed in Paris by a celebrated Artist; the second taken on the spot, a few days ago. The Governor’s House, the Draw-bridge, the Fossée, &c. are included in the above views. The above Scenes painted by Messr. Lupne, Blackmore, Robertson, and others.”

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First, A Grand View of the TUILLERIES GARDEN from Pont Tournant, comprising La Place XV. Second, An Internal View of that magnificent and superb PROMENADE, THE PALAIS ROYAL. Third, external perspective View of the BASTILLE, the DRAW-BRIDGE, the FOSSEE, &c., shewing the Manner of storming and taking the Bastille, by the Military and Citizens. Fourth, A Picturesque View of the INSIDE of the BASTILLE, leading from Mons. de Launay’s, the Governor’s House. Fifth, A Second View of the CAVES, inside the above Building. Sixth, A Third View, inside of the STRONG TOWER, comprising the Dark Dungeon, Remote Cells, &c. The Whole forming an exact Representation of that once tremendous Edifice. And, in order to give a more conspicuous and just Idea of The CITY of PARIS, A GRAND MODEL, ON AN EXTRAORDINARY LARGE SCALE, Including the HEART of that most capital CITY, From LE PONT ROYALE, In a direct Line on the RIVER, To the Isle NOTRE DAME (or St. LOUIS) Exhibiting the RIVER SEINE, &c. 1st, Pont Neuf; 2d, Pont au Change; 3d, Pont st Michael; 4th, Pont Nôtre Dame; 5th, Petit Pont St. Jacques; 6th Pont Charles; 7th Pont du Bois; 8th, Pont Marie; and 9th, Pont de la Tournelle; together with The Churches, Queares, and other Edifices of the CITY OF PARIS, Forming the most extraordinary Exhibition ever displayed on any Stage. The MUSIC compiled from the FRENCH. The Uniform of the Governor, Major, Garde Criminelle, and Garde Françoise; Emblems of Liberty, &c., taken on the spot. (Morning Post and New Daily Advertiser, 17 August, [1])

This description reveals the degree to which the entertainment was revised to now include six scenes and a model of the City of Paris measuring fifty by eight-four feet. The degree of realism in this model appears to have been a significant drawing card for the theatre, and the newspaper advertisements go to considerable lengths in their descriptions of it. Indeed, the model far outlived the theatrical work it accompanied, and was still being used in 1791 at the end of some entertainments.9 9

Diary; or, Woodfall’s REGISTER, 14 June 1791, [1].

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Claims were made about the accuracy of the model, with all “streets, squares, public gardens, places of public amusement, innumerable houses, &c.” given in strict detail. The model was placed on the circus ring so that the audience could inspect it beforehand. As A.H. Saxon notes, Astley’s entertainment appears to have been more in the nature of an exhibit than a true play.10 With the circus ring thus employed, all entertainment had to be given on the stage itself. This limited the number of offerings that could be mounted each evening and, throughout the run of the work, only short burlettas and variety acts such as exhibitions of rope dancing were given before and after the main piece.11 While music would need to play an important role in the production (no speaking parts being allowed), the speed with which the production was mounted likely necessitated that the score consisted of arrangements of existing music. The anonymous arranger appears to have chosen existing songs and other well-known works with French associations. What specific pieces were included are not listed in the newspaper accounts, and the score, itself, is lost. Although the entertainment faced stiff competition from that presented by Charles Hughes at the Royal Circus, Astley’s offering proved to be popular, and it continued to play until the end of the season (29 October). Astley was not afraid to make use of the most ghoulish aspects of the story as the following amusing anecdote recounts: Astley has had such a run with the Head of the Governor of the Bastille, that the gentlemen proprietors of the [Royal] Circus have ordered their under-managers, and they have ordered their confidentials to give orders to their understrappers, to see that the Property-man gives orders to his Black Servant, to procure the body of the late Governor of the Bastille; but as the consultation of each of the above class of Managers, Directors, &c. will take some time to execute, Astley’s Theatre in the mean-while fills every night, so quick is his mode of doing business.12

The Times appears to have greatly preferred the competing production at The Royal Circus, and the only mention of Astley’s entertainment (aside from advertisements) is from 31 August [3]: “It is observed that persons 10

A.H. Saxon, “Capon, The Royal Circus, and Destruction of the Bastille,” 134. Marius Kwint is not quite accurate when he states that Astley’s was the first theatre to present an entire spectacle dedicated to the fall of the Bastille; however, his point that Astley’s presentation was a work of considerable substance is well taken. “Astley’s Amphitheatre and the Early Circus in England: 1768-1830” (PhD diss., Magdalen College, Oxford, 1994), 285. 12 Morning Post and Daily Advertiser, 17 October, [3]. 11

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visit Astley’s Bastile two or three times over, so well pleased are they with it.” The composer, John Marsh, visited the theatre to witness the spectacle. While he does not record his own impressions of the work, he relates that he was seated with two French emigrés who found the presentation to be of great interest.13 The fact that Astley’s show was not a true play, and had been put together in such haste that the scenery was only second best, may have made it seem a “poor sister” compared to Dent’s The Triumph of Liberty; or, The Destruction of the Bastille at the Royal Circus.14 This likely accounts for the reduction of Astley’s offering to an afterpiece in September. The Triumph of Liberty; or, The Destruction of the Bastille (The Royal Circus, prototype version 5 August 1789; revised version 17 August 1789 to end of season on 10 November; revived in 1790 when it ran from 29 June until ?31 September) Libretto: John Dent Composers: Richard Chapman and William Reeve Publications: The Bastille. . . London: n.p., 1789; London: W. More, for the author, 1789 [Reproduction: Readex Micro-opaque and Readex Microfiche]; London: W. Lowndes, 1789; “Second edition” London: W. Lowndes, 1790, [ECCO CW 3313722912; Charlottesville, Va.: Micrographics II, 1990 (Eighteenth century sources for the study of English literature and culture, reel no. 864)] Score: Portions of Richard Chapman’s contributions are found in The Overture & Favorite Airs, selected from the popular Entertainments of the Bastile and Naval Review, as performed at the Royal Circus. London: H. Andrews, [1789]. William Reeve’s subsequent additions to the score appear not to have been published.

The proprietors of the Royal Circus followed Astley’s initial offering by only two days, presenting John Dent’s The Bastille [advertised in the newspapers as The Triumph of Liberty; or, The Destruction of the Bastille] on 5 August 1789.15 The play was presented as a spectacle with a variety of intricately painted scenes depicting aspects of the fall of the famed prison. The author makes the claim in the introduction to the published text that it was written and produced “within seven days after it had been 13

John Marsh, A History of my Private Life, 37 vols (Huntington Library Manuscript, HM 54457), XIII: 16. 14 Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre,” 286. 15 The various spellings of Bastile and Bastille were undertaken somewhat indiscriminately at the time. Chapman’s publication of music uses the first: Dent’s libretto uses the second. Furthermore, Dent’s printed libretto is simply called The Bastille.

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first conceived, and determined on.”16 The result was that the complex work was hurried into production before all aspects were ready. The Morning Post (8 August, [3]) hints that the initial two performances were not completely successful, but that “the performers being more perfect in their parts, the entertainment of course was improved in point of regularity” by the third evening. As with the spectacle given at Astley’s Amphitheatre, changes were introduced after the initial performances, and advertisements found in the London newspapers on 17 August include “With considerable Alteration and Additions.” THE TRIUMPH OF LIBERTY; Or, The DESTRUCTION OF THE BASTILLE Exhibiting one of the most interesting Spectacles that ever engaged the Feelings of Mankind; including, amongst a Variety of other striking Matters incident to the Event, the Whole of the Plan, Attack, Storming, Capture, and Demolition of that horrid Sepulcher of People, the Bastille— The Dreadful Massacre of the Citizens that first past the Drawbridge—the Execution of the Governor and Major—The Whole of the several Military engagements, and Processions on that and other Occasions; together with the Proceedings that gave Freedom to the Empire of France. In the Course of the representation, the following display of Scenery, painted on purpose for the Piece by Mr. Capon:— A grand Perspective View of the Pont Neuf in Paris, with the Equestrian Statue of Henry IV. A View of the Outside of the Bastile and DrawBridge, A Picturesque View of the Inside of the Bastile, With the various Instruments of Torture, The different Gratings, Dungeons, and Cells, from which the several miserable Objects made their emancipation. The Whole to conclude with BRITANNIA seated in her Triumphal Car, supporting two Grand Transparent Portraits of the KING and QUEEN of GREAT BRITAIN.

16

John Dent, The Bastille (London: W. Moore, [1789]), vi. If this statement is taken at face value, it would seem to preclude the conjecture raised by George Taylor that Dent’s play was that denied by John Larpent for presentation at Drury Lane. The French Revolution and the London Stage: 1789-1805 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 43.

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The Music compiled from the most eminent French Masters, and Songs and Recitatives composed by Mr. Chapman. (Morning Post and Daily Advertiser, 17 August, [1])

The level of competition between the managements of the two hippodromes is apparent in the simultaneous announcements of their revised offerings, yet it was Dent’s The Triumph of Liberty that proved to have enduring popularity. The following year, advertisements again appeared in the London papers on 29 June: “At the particular request of several Foreigners of Distinction, the popular Entertainment of the BASTILE will be performed for two Nights only, when it will be totally laid aside.” Two nights passed, and the popularity of the work saw it continue into September.17 That there was sufficient interest in the work a year after the actual fall of the Bastille is remarkable, and the anniversary of the event was further marked by additions to the transparent portraits, including “a striking Likeness of LOUIS XVIth, the FRENCH MONARCH.”18 Dent’s play was lionized by the Times which made many references to its success. On 29 August 1789, the paper records that hundreds of prospective patrons were turned away nightly. While this may have been a puff submitted to the paper, the performances do appear to have been very popular, and Decastro’s memoirs record that the “house overflowed every night throughout the whole of a long season.”19 Even before the work was put into final form, the Times printed extremely laudatory accounts: “the scenery is a masterly performance, and the music delightful, but that which seemed to gain the preference was the fine disposition of the troops, and the view of the forty marching over the Draw-Bridge, with the numerous army that appears at a distance” (7 August, [3]). “The taking out of the dungeons, those unhappy persons so long imprisoned there, and the appearance of the skeleton of a man starved to death in the iron cage, was finely felt by the audience, and had that effect which barbarism always has on the breast of an Englishman” (8 August, [3]). On 21 August, the same 17

Joseph Donohue reports that the work enjoyed seventy-nine consecutive performances. “The London Theatre at the End of the Eighteenth Century,” The London Theatre World: 1660-1800, ed. Robert D. Hume (Carbondale and Edwardsville, Illinois: Southern Illinois Press, 1980), 360. Dent’s published version of the text from 1789 contains this citation; however, this would not include the performances in the next season. 18 Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 17 July 1790 [1]. 19 J. Decastro, The Memoirs of J. Decastro, Comedian, ed. R. Humphreys (London: Sherwood, Jones & Co., 1824), 124.

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newspaper comments that the work had the impact of the “deepest tragedy” and that the presentation was “inimitable.” The reference to tragedy would suggest that it competed directly with the offerings of the patent theatres, and must have sounded a particular warning to the proprietors of Drury Lane and Covent Garden immediately before the start of their fall seasons. A visual reference to the lavish nature of the production was preserved on decorated writing paper from 1789 (presumably marketed for children). The illustration is not credited; however, it was tentatively identified as being that from Astley’s Amphitheatre by M.H. Winter, who subsequently reproduced the engraving. A.H. Saxon provides convincing evidence that the engraving more likely represents the production at the Royal Circus.20 If the engraving is an accurate depiction of one of the scenes in the production, it is easy to understand the work’s success with audiences. Not only is the scenery detailed, with a good sense of perspective, but the number and deployment of the actors on the stage emerges impressively, even in a static engraving. Philip Astley was not happy with the critical claim accorded to his rival’s presentation, and complained that Dent’s plot was entirely fictitious and that aspects of the costuming were not accurate.21 Few people appear to have much cared about these issues. The success of Hughes’ offering was not an unmixed blessing, however, for it brought with it official scrutiny. Dent’s play includes a long spoken passage for the character of Henry Du Bois concerning liberty and the destruction of tyranny near the end of the work. Such a long, unsung passage was in violation of the theatre licensing acts. There was no official reaction for the first fifty-five nights when the actor, Mr. Miel (also known as Miello), performed the part; however, the situation changed after the Times (19 October, [1]) printed an advertisement which promised “an improved representation of the Bastile” in which Mr. William Meadows from the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, was to perform the part of the governor, and Mr. William Chapman of the Haymarket Theatre was to play the part of Matilda’s Father. Furthermore, it was announced that “Mr. PALMER will perform the Part of HENRY, a Character in which Mr. Miel has hitherto derived considerable credit—but 20 Marian-Hannah Winter, “La prise de la Bastille: pantomime de cirque de 1789,” Bulletin de la Société archéologique, historique et artistique, Le Vieux Paper, pour l’étude de la vie et des mœrs d’autrefois 247 (January 1973): 12-14. A.H. Saxon, “Capon, The Royal Circus, and Destruction of the Bastille,” 12-14. 21 Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre,” 287.

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to which Mr. Palmer must give a new and additional lustre.”22 Palmer, a popular actor at the Drury Lane theatre, had already upset the patent theatres over his Royalty Theatre enterprise in 1787, and the threat of actors such as Meadows and Chapman being lured from the patent theatres to the Royal Circus posed a threat that could not be ignored. As a perceived ringleader, Palmer was arrested after his first performance for having spoken prose on stage, and imprisoned as “a rogue and vagrant.”23 Brayley records that Palmer was released after Justice Hyde secured a promise that, in the future, the Royal Circus would not open until after Easter. Palmer returned to Drury Lane where he took part in Sheridan’s The School for Scandal, achieving great success in the part of Joseph Surface.24 The letter of the law had been upheld in Palmer’s arrest, but it begged the question whether or not the interest of the public had been served, a point which the Gentleman’s Magazine pressed even in 1790. [See the head note to this chapter].

The Plot John Palmer and the Royal Circus must have realized early on that the theatre had a veritable “hit” on their hands and decided to improve upon the hastily-contrived offering. Along with the textual additions, the newspaper advertisements for 19 October indicate that new music was added by William Reeve: “Mr. REEVE, of the Haymarket has enriched the Piece with some beautiful additional Music, in which he has introduced two new Chorusses.”25 The degree to which Dent’s original text was 22

Gillian Russell is incorrect when she states the role of Henry Du Bois was first performed by John Palmer. The Theatres of War, Performance, Politics, and Society: 1793-1815 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 67. Similarly, Decastro would appear to make the same mistake, although this may be the result of his rambling prose style. The preface to the printed text of the work (called an “address”) states clearly that Miello played the part of Henry for fifty-five nights. 23 A.H. Saxon, Enter Foot and Horse: A History of Hippodrama in England and France (New York: Yale University Press, 1968), 3. Decastro lays the blame for this incident clearly on the jealousy of the patent theatres. He records that a Mr. Barratt took over the part of Henry Du Bois, only to suffer the same fate as Palmer. The part then passed to Mr. Reid, who seems to have been left alone. The Memoirs of J. Decastro, 125-26. 24 Edward Wedlake Brayley, Historical and Descriptive Accounts of the Theatres of London (London: J. Taylor, Architectural Library, 1826), 71-2. 25 Given that there are only three choruses in the revised text, it is plausible to conjecture that only a final chorus (something needed for a significant ending to the work) was heard prior to the revision of the text.

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revised may never be known. All published sources from 1789 known to this author bear the description “as performed seventy-nine nights successively.” The alleged “second edition” published by Lowndes in 1790 is identical to that published by W. More in 1789 and appears to have been printed from the same plates. This may indicate that the theatre had not bothered to print the text for sale prior to its revision, perhaps because of its rushed genesis. The number of subsequent publications of the text surely reveals its popularity. As Jane Moody has stated, John Dent’s ingenious play utterly transformed the nature of works performed on the minor stage.26 The Bastille is a play of considerable complexity (the published text covers twenty-four pages), complete with eight scene changes. The libretto gives the appearance of conforming to the licensing laws in that each speech that is not listed as a song is clearly marked as being recitative in rhyming couplets (save Henry’s final prose speech which is merely “accompanied” by music). Appearances, in this case, are largely deceptive. The play is not only about a revolution; it is a revolutionary attack on the patent theatres. Not only is it cast as a sentimental romance, much as would be found in a patent theatre, it anticipated the popular taste for melodramatic works within the “Gothic” genre. The plot synopsis follows: [Scene i:] The Pont Neuf at Paris, with the Equestrian Statue of Henry IV. Matilda prays for success in the freedom movement, but wishes that her Henry was with her. (Song: “When love has touch’d a maiden’s heart.”) Henry enters and they discuss the planned attack. England is cited as being the model for a reformed France. Henry loves Matilda, but their match is opposed by her father who is held prisoner. (Song: “For love and liberty adieu.”) [Scene ii:] A View of the Country. Nymphs and swains dance to celebrate the nuptials of a shepherd’s daughter to the steward’s son. Their merrymaking is interrupted by the steward who tells the crowd that the wedding must wait because they must obey the call of freedom and honour. (Song: “No more the harvest now invites.”) [Scene iii:] Courtyard, inside the Bastille. The governor and his men view the threatening mob poised to attack the Bastille. Knowing that it is Henry DuBois who leads them, the governor orders Matilda’s father to be brought forth so that he can command Henry to cease his attack. An officer enters bearing a flag of truce but demands the Bastille “in the name of the people.” The governor promises to surrender the fortress and to let the 26

Jane Moody, Illegitimate Theatre in London: 1770-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 27.

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drawbridge down, but then orders his men to shoot the mob when they cross the drawbridge. (Song and chorus: “Now with loyalty inspir’d.”) Matilda’s father is discovered attempting to escape, but is seized by the guards. [Scene iv:] A View of the Outside of the Bastille, and Draw-Bridge. The mob assembles before the Bastille which flies the flag of truce. The drawbridge is let down, and a party crosses to take possession of the fortress. When shots ring out, bombs are released by the mob. [Scene v:] A View inside the Bastille. Henry attacks his rival and forces the latter to take him to Matilda’s father. They arrive just in time to prevent the governor murdering the old man. (Chorus: “Ev’ry hope give o’er.”) [Scene vi:] A Picturesque View of the Inside of the Bastille. Instruments of torture are revealed, as well as prisoners in sad estate. Henry examines the book that lists the prisoners. A skeleton with a head in an iron mask is brought to the front of the stage. Henry proclaims that England must be the happiest of places because of the Magna Carta. [Scene vii:] A Street. Henry and an officer remark on the success of the assault and they view the governor being led to his execution. [Scene viii:] The Pont Neuf, with the Equestrian Statue of Henry IV. Henry and Matilda are re-united and their union is given blessing by her father. (Song: “O! with love bless the youth.”) [Scene iv:] A View of the Entrance to the Place de Dauphin, near the Pont Neuf. Henry proclaims a new era for France based on English principles. Britannia descends to commend the French for having “caught the Patriot flame.” General rejoicing follows. (Song: “Come ever smiling liberty,” ASong: “May justice ev’ry heart entwine,” Chorus: “Hail! Britannia, >tis to thee.”)

The plot is typical of a romantic play: Henry loves Matilda, but their match is opposed by her father. Henry rescues Matilda’s father from danger, and wins the hand of his beloved in the process. Love and revolutionary fervour combine to create a new political order in which personal happiness can flourish. When Britannia descends (bearing transparent portraits of King George III and Queen Charlotte) she announces that France has “caught the Patriot flame” from England. Matilda’s opening recitative sets a political tone that would have been rare in the patent theatres. Where continental-opera recitatives made use of prose texts, Dent was forced to use rhyme: Matilda [Recitative] May gracious Heav’n aid great Freedom’s cause, And make us happy in our country’s laws. That Patriot shout proclaims the public voice, And Liberty shall make this day her choice; Despotic sway from hence for ever fled,

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Chapter Three Happiness shall on all it’s comforts spread. Nor shall I less the gen’ral blessing share, That bids me hope to hail a parent dear, Long in the Bastille doom’d, thro’ tyrant hate, To pine a wretched pris’ner of the State! To each enjoyment of his life unknown, Perhaps e’er now he given his dying groan! Would my Henry were here to bring relief, And ease this bosom of its load of grief.

Such patriotism was bound to appeal to the audience of the Royal Circus, as would the plot involving common folk who demonstrate valour and courage in the face of adversity. The expected gender roles are honoured: the men of the play respond to the call of duty (“'Tis freedom calls away, all now must aid their country’s rights”) and the women reward them with love (“Each swain with liberty & love his nymph shall doubly bless”). At the same time, English sensibilities in the guise of a regard for the monarchy are demonstrated with lines such as “truth and reason hence combine, and spread around the Gallic name, still ev’ry praise our King we’ll give; the kindest father of our laws.” As late as 1790, Louis XVI was still portrayed as a reformed monarch in the British press, and the comparison with the English system of monarchy was implicit. While Dent achieved a considerable degree of dramatic concision with his text, he was seemingly hampered by the cast initially assembled for the production. Henry has a rival for the hand of Matilda, yet the character is not named, and does not speak when he makes his brief on-stage appearance. It is likely that the actor playing the part could not sing, and thus had to remain mute. In other cases, minor characters are given songs that make their roles out of proportion to those of the major characters. In modern times, perhaps the most incongruous element of the text is the unstinting praise to English traditions by the French. The hope that another all-encompassing European conflict had been avoided is reflected in the Steward’s song. The last verse of this song does not appear in Dent’s published libretto, only in Chapman’s published score, and may be a later addition to the libretto: No more the harvest now invites, ƍTis freedom calls away. All now must aid their country’s rights, And hail the glorious day. Success attend you from above,

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Let all around caress, Each swain with liberty & love, His nymph shall doubly bless! Hence in the field of honor arm’d, Let laurels deck your fame. No more by rural pleasures charm’d, May valour crown your name. Let armour then each breast inspire, Your freedom to maintain. Each one from war shall then retire, And peace for every reign.

Without doubt, much of the success of the work was dependent upon its scenic qualities and the use of spectacle. The eight scenes changes took the spectator from the Pont Neuf in Paris to pastoral views of the French countryside and various views in and around the Bastille itself. The attack on the prison appears to have been a considerable coup de théâtre, especially in the depiction of bomb blasts. The more Gothic elements of the prison’s history captivated the audience, as did other aspects of the spectacle that were less gruesome. Britannia’s descent in her “Triumphal Carr” was hardly novel, but her appearance and the ascent of the “Statue of Liberty trampling on the Figure of Despotism” were warmly welcomed by the audience. Could the appearance of Britannia at the end of the work have been a ruse to deflect attention from Dent’s daring affront to the theatre licensing laws with a speech in prose? Although the published text states “accompanied with Music,” the text was spoken, rather than sung. Whether or not this was an intentional attack on tradition, or simply a case of necessity remains unclear. Certainly, Dent and Chapman appear to have been writing initially for an actor (Miello) with limited musical skills: although Henry is the hero of the work, the character is given no songs. At this dramatic moment, however, something significant in the music was needed. If Miello could not sing a dramatic song, it was likely left to Chapman to create an orchestral passage to underscore the drama of the scene while the actor delivered his speech as forcefully as possible. The resulting contrast would have been significant when Henry’s speech was spoken in prose, while all of the previous text had been sung in rhyming couplets. The fact that the speech was accompanied by music appears to have been sufficient to prevent official sanctions for the first fifty-five performances. When the part was taken over by Palmer, however, the reaction was swift, and the actor was arrested. The famed speech follows:

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Chapter Three Accompanied with Music, H E N R Y. ELECTORS OF PARIS, CITIZENS, FRENCHMEN! The glorious event is now arrived, when France quits her chairs, emerges from her darkness, and is warmed to animation, by the bright beams of the Sun of Liberty. The moment is of vast import, the prize is invaluable; for the noblest rights of mankind, and the happiness of millions, must now or never be asserted and secured. If we succeed, future ages will honor us as HEROES, shall worship us as DEITIES, while our immediate and immense reward is—the salvation of our country! O Godlike enthusiasm! the tear of joy bursts from my eyes; my full heart struggles with extacy, when I behold you all assembled in a cause worthy of yourselves—the CAUSE OF FREEDOM! Then be strenuous, be united, be moderate—yet be unshaken! With minds enlightened, and with hearts sincere, we have long groaned in bondage, and been treated with ignominy. Brave in character, generous in disposition, magnanimous in exertion, we have yet been SLAVES; but even then were PATRIOTS. Rejoice, ye men of virtue! ye men of honour! ye men of wisdom! The patriotism of France is no longer prejudice, it is now founded in reason, it is now fixed on truth. The abominable and inhuman engine of unrelenting despotism—the Bastille is annihilated, and the wretch who governed it, and who was worthy of his trust, is now no more. Yet let the remembrance of the tyranny of that state prison live for ever in your bosoms; recollect that its miserable victims were sacrificed, with a shameless secrecy, at the altar of private malice. Alas! yes; without justice, and without appeal, your fellow creatures, your countrymen, have languished away their lives in horrid dungeons, and through years of solitary sufferance have had no consolation but from frenzyņno hope but death! I must pause; for the idea of such barbarity, and of such endurance, choaks my utterance, and overcomes me. O may it also confirm you in your duty! Advanced so far in the great work of national reformation, powerful and collected as we are, it behoves us to avoid licentiousness and disorder. The enemies of the people deserve punishment; but as MEN, they have a right to a fair trial. The administration of the laws of England is the first boast of the inhabitants of that island. O my dear countrymen, what a rapturous prospect now opens itself to our view, what a fight of glory and exultation! Twenty-four millions of

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inhabitants, in the finest and most fertile country in the world, regaining at once their natural rights, and staring into liberty, unspeakable delight; we shall henceforth share the palm of glory, and the blessings of liberty with the immortal sons of freedom, Englishmen!

On one level, this is jingoism of the highest order. On another, it is a contemporary construction of Enlightenment ideals that paints situations in terms of absolute good and absolute evil. Dramatically, it is a speech that would be difficult to follow up successfully. Spectacle served its purpose here, and Britannia then descended from the heavens in her “Triumphal Carr” supporting transparent portraits of the King and Queen of England. This grand display of patriotism may have been sufficient to avoid the consequences of having violated the theatre licensing acts while the work was performed by actors not associated with the patent theatres. The retribution was swift when three such actors were announced as performing in the work. As Jane Moody has noted, the arrest of Palmer may have been doubly sweet for the patent theatres, for there was strong imagery in jailing this actor. Not only did it serve to put a rebellious actor from their own theatres in his place, but it also put in an English jail someone who was identified with a popular hero of French liberty.27

Music By 1789, the Royal Circus could no longer call upon its most famous composer, Charles Dibdin (1745-1814). The relationship between Dibdin and the Royal Circus ended in acrimony, and Dibdin was left to spend time in debtor’s prison.28 For The Bastille production, the management hired a little-known composer, Richard Chapman (fl. 1787-95), who was the organist of the Paddington Church. Chapman composed the music for the original version of Dent’s play. Within weeks, however, the theatre called upon the services of William Reeve, one of the most prolific theatre composers in London, to expand the existing score. Although Chapman was a well-rounded musician who was a proficient performer on violin and other string instruments, his surviving compositional output is small

27

Moody, Illegitimate Theatre in London, 25. In his preface to the publication of The Bastille, Dent remarks on the theatre’s misfortunes, but without mentioning names. “Its spirits had been cruelly depressed by gross and repeated abuses in the management, by persons without either judgement or principle, and sunk into an habitual supineness by the weight and sense of its misfortunes. . .” (vi).

28

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and largely restricted to vocal music.29 While portions of Chapman’s score were published in 1789 (consisting of the overture in keyboard reduction, and three songs), a better sense of the musical set pieces of the revised work will be found by integrating the indications for music in the published libretto with the published music: Overture, Eb, 44 Song (Matilda): “When love has touch’d a maiden’s heart,” Eb, 34 Song (Matilda): “For love and liberty adieu,” C, 44 Dance [no music mentioned or published] Song (A Steward): “No more the harvest now invites,” F, 44 Song (Governor): “Now with loyalty inspir’d” [not published] Chorus: “Now let death their coming wait” [not published] Chorus: “Ev’ry hope give o’er” [not published] Song (Matilda’s father): “O! with love bless the youth” [not published] “Low Music” [music to cover the descent of Britannia, not published] Song (Britannia): “Come ever smiling liberty” [not published] Song (Officer): “May justice ev’ry heart entwine,” D, 44 Chorus: “Hail! Britannia, ‘tis to thee” [not published].

The placement of the two choruses in the central section of the work served to shift the focus away from the domestic/romantic subplot to the more heroic and revolutionary content. Whether this can be attributed to the theatrical understanding of Dent, Chapman or Reeve cannot be stated with certainty. The absence of songs for the character of Henry (the hero of the work) provides a serious imbalance both musically and dramatically, a situation made worse by the songs given to minor characters such as a steward and an unnamed officer. This imbalance likely reflects the limited musical abilities of members of the cast originally assembled for the production. Three singing actors are listed in the published score: Mrs. [Elizabeth] Leffler (d.1837) in the role of Matilda, Mr. Mallet in the role of the unnamed officer, and Mr. [John] Map[p]les (1752-1802) in the role of the

29

Chapman does not appear to have composed much music for this theatre, and he was replaced by James Sanderson (1769-c.1841) in 1793. He may be the same Richard Chapman who composed A Military Overture, in a Familiar Style (London: J. Balls, [WM 1815]). It is significant that William Reeve was called in to provide addition music for The Bastille, even in 1789. See: Roger Fiske, English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth Century, 565.

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Steward.30 Of the three, only Leffler appears to have had any reputation as a singer, and she is listed in Doane’s Musical Directory as a participant in the Handel concerts at Westminster Abbey. Chapman’s music for her requires a good top range (up to the soprano high Bb) and fast moving coloratura passages. Her subsequent performing career declined (understandably) with the birth of her eleven children. Mapples appears to have been an itinerant actor, who performed throughout England and Scotland. His surviving song in The Bastille does not suggest that he was a skilled musician, given its narrow range and simple rhythms. Given how quickly the work was written and produced, Chapman must have been hard pressed to compose and orchestrate the amount of music necessary for an all-sung production (save the offending final speech for Henry). Only that which was published appears to have survived, leaving but a limited sense of the score as a whole. Further hindering any assessment of the music is the reduction of the orchestral score to a keyboard accompaniment for home use. Chapman appears to have had a full complement of instruments at his disposal (references to flutes, clarinets, trumpets and horns are made in the published reduction), but one can only surmise that the number of strings was likely quite small. The frequent mention of trumpets and drums in the libretto likely did much to underscore the martial atmosphere of the piece. The overture is well constructed and features considerable use of dynamic contrast. There is considerable rhythmic energy and was likely effective (if noisy) in its orchestral guise. Chapman had a good understanding of sonata form, and he made efficient use of dynamic contrast. It is possible that he knew the works of Thomas Erskine, 6th Earl of Kelly, who introduced the Mannheim style to Britain after studies with Stamitz. The melodic materials of Chapman’s overture are not particularly memorable in their own right (nor are the harmonies adventurous), but they lend themselves well to development. Indeed, it is in the central section of the overture that a sense of drama emerges in the music. The effect, however, is that of a concert symphony, rather than an overture which sets the scene for the action which follows.31 [Music Example 3 – 1]. 30

There is something of a mystery in the assumption that “Mrs. Leffler” refers to this individual, since her marriage to James Henry Leffler, a highly competent violinist and woodwind performer, appears to have been celebrated only in July of 1791. 31 The concept of setting the emotional tone in the overture for the work to follow was beginning to be seen with some composers in Britain by 1789. That Chapman

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Similarly, the surviving songs do not have a strong melodic profile, although Chapman’s solid craftsmanship is evident. Those composed for Mrs. Leffler show the composer less constrained by the choice of performer, and the melodies are more ornate and less cautious in their musical demands. “May Justice ev’ry heart entwine” (sung by Mr. Mallet) is a very simple setting but, even here, the repeated trumpet-call figure in the vocal line gives some interest to a piece that was apparently composed for a singer of modest vocal resources. One other piece of music can be conjectured for this work. The text for Britannia, “Come ever smiling liberty,” is taken directly from the Rev. Thomas Morell’s libretto of Handel’s Judas Maccabæus (1747). It is surprising that the surviving press reports do not mention any connection to Handel, given that the oratorio remained in the active repertoire at the time. Whether or not this is any indication that Handel’s musical setting was borrowed remains open to conjecture. Although Handel’s musical style would have been quite different from those of Chapman or Reeve, the use of music by Handel for that most emblematic character of Britannia might have seemed appropriate to those who knew the original, and perhaps not worthy of critical comment. Given how little music has survived, it is difficult to assess the impact of the set musical pieces on the work as a whole. Regardless of Chapman’s abilities as a theatrical composer, he would have been unable to shape the flow of the drama through his music because of the limited singing abilities of all but Mrs. Leffler. His published songs, while pleasant, are brief and some lack a strong melodic profile. Reeve appears to have had no better luck in this regard (even with cast changes), and he concentrated on adding choruses to the piece. At best, the musical setting was supportive, rather than assuming a position of leadership in the unfolding of the drama.

does not attempt this can be attributed to a lack of previous theatrical experience and the possible modeling of his music on earlier composers such as Kelly.

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Ex. 3 - 1: R. Chapman, Overture to The Bastile, mm. 1-16.

The historical value of the production far outweighs the play’s literary or musical value. Notice had been served to the patent theatres that the minor theatres were capable of producing a truly dramatic work. While the patent theatres likely believed that they had scored a victory with the arrest of Palmer, the revival of Dent’s play in 1790 demonstrates that audiences may well have had a different opinion on the subject. Gallic Freedom; or, Vive La Liberté (Sadler’s Wells Theatre, 31 August 8 October 1789, end of season). Author and Composer: not named (“entire new music”)

On 31 August, the Sadler’s Wells Theatre presented Gallic Freedom; or, Vive La Liberté, the last and perhaps the most lavish of the Bastille spectacles to be given in London. As Dennis Arundell observes, the

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manager (Richard Wroughton) had not rushed to cash in on the public euphoria over the fall of the Bastille. Instead, the theatre, “anxious for proper and well grounded information, upon a subject of such general attention, have preferred waiting for authentic drawings and descriptions, which having been recently communicated by Mr. Delcourt, who was on the spot, at the moment: the whole of the picturesque arrangements are now preparing for public inspection, by Mr. Greenwood and others.”32 Wroughton’s wisdom in waiting until the two hippodromes had been in contest over the material did not go unnoticed. The Diary; or, Woodfall’s Register (9 September, [3]) notes that “the old proverbial expression of two dogs quarrelling for a bone while a third runs away with it, is now fully verified in the Bastile business, which Sadler’s Wells having fairly laid hold of, is now crouded every night in Pit, Box and Gallery. . .” The Morning Post and Daily Advertiser (31 August, [1]) printed the following advertisement for the new work: GALLIC FREEDOM; Or, VIVE LA LIBERTE. Comprising the most striking Occurrences which happened during the late Commotions in THE CITY OF PARIS, And particularly of that ever memorable Event, The ATTACK, STORMING, and DEMOLITION of the BASTILLE. In the above Piece will be correctly pourtrayed the manners of the assembled Parisians at the Gate of St. Martin, previous to their Assault of the Bastille—The massacre of those who first passed the Drawbridge— And the sacrifice of the Governor and his Officers; with an authentic, minute, and affecting representations of the SUBTERRANEOUS DUNGEONS. Of that once terrific prison, the situation of the prisoners in that state of confinement, and the actual descent of the Citizens and Soldiers to their release. With entire new Music, Scenery, Dresses, and Decorations: The Drawings for the different scenes of the above interesting performance taken on the spot, and the paintings executed by Mr. Greenwood. 32 Cited by Dennis Arundell, The Story of Sadler’s Wells: 1683-1977, rev. ed. (North Pomfret, Vermont.: David & Charles, 1978), 44.

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By 22 September, additional information was released to the newspapers: Through the whole of the above piece is correctly and uniformly given the manners, humours, and general conduct of a PARISIAN MOB, under the various agitations of that glorious struggle which gave birth to National Freedom. Among other Facts relative to the progress of so important a Revolution, those principally attended to are The first assembling of the Bourgeois in the Fauxbourg St. Martin, with the subsequent junction of the Citizens and Soldiers. The manner of their proceeding to the Assault of the BASTILE and their previous conference with the Governor and his Officers. The massacre of the Citizens who passed the Drawbridge in consequence. The Cannonade and general Attack which immediately followed, with the effecting a Breach, and the intrepid conduct of those who first entered. The Skirmish with the Garde Criminelle and their Officers, in an interior court in the prison. The forcible Entry into the Governor’s House, with the transaction that there took place, previous to the beheading of M. de Launay by the Mob. The actual Descent of the Soldiers and Citizens by Torch Light, into the SUBTERRANEOUS DUNGEONS, with their further proceeding under ground to the discovery of those unfortunate objects confined in the horrid recesses of the place. The affecting and happy restoration of several prisoners to their friends and connections. And the plundering and final Demolition of the Bastile, by an exasperated populace. With an ADDRESS from LIBERTY, Rising out of the Ruins of that once Dreadful Prison.

Sadler’s Wells did not have a circus ring, and the physical presentation of the theatre’s representation of the events in Paris was, of necessity, different from those at the two hippodromes. The review in the Public Advertiser (1 September, [1]) comments that “though differently told from what has been exhibited at other public places, yet it was done with great advantage.” The review in the Times (9 September, [5]) states that the theatre’s offering was “the best representation ever yet produced” and that “added to the fashionable Procession to St. Paul’s, and the excellent Entertainment of the Mandarin, every spectator departs

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wonderfully delighted with the feast he has been partaking of.” The reference to the Procession to St. Paul’s is to Britannia’s Relief, a patriotic work that Gillian Russell believes may have been paired with Gallic Freedom to limit possible negative responses from the patent theatres.33 Wroughton need not have worried, for Gallic Freedom was both a critical and a popular success. The production is reported to have been lavish and well appointed, likely a result of the time the theatre had to prepare the new work. The review in the Public Advertiser pays special attention to the effectiveness of Greenwood’s scenic painting, as well as praising the more “Gothic” elements in the presentation such as the man in the iron cage and the scene in the dungeon.34 The attempts at realism did not go unnoticed, and the review in the Morning Post (2 September, [3]) states that the work was “one of the finest stage spectacles ever produced.” Other reviews maintain a similar tone: “for finer scenes of greater effect has not been produced at any theatre for many years, particularly the dungeons, where the horror created by the cell, the mode of bringing out the different objects, particularly the figure of a supposed starved one, is greater than any thing we ever remember.”35 The conclusion of the piece, with the figure of Liberty rising out of the ashes of the destroyed prison, made a strong impression on the audiences, as did sound effects such as the creaking of bolts, the sound of opening gates etc., all of which seem to have been carefully planned. The popularity of the Sadler’s Wells offering, and the frequent reports of the overflowing audiences, resulted in theatrical jealousies. The Morning Post (10 September, [3]) reports that three men, allegedly from the Royal Circus, attempted to interrupt a performance at the Wells by loud hissing. Their efforts were not appreciated by the other members of the audience, and the two offenders in the gallery were tied back-to-back, and very nearly thrown over the balcony. A certain Captain Stewart “went up and pleaded so effectually for them, that the audience were content with turning them out of the house. Mr. Stewart’s plea was their candid confession of being paid for hissing.”

33

Russell, The Theatres of War, 69. Arundell discusses the attempts at realism in some detail and reproduces the advertisement from the Public Advertiser (28 September, 1) in The Story of Sadler’s Wells, 45. 35 Unidentified clipping at British Library, Crach.1.Tab.4.b.4/2 (65). 34

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Unfortunately, little is known of the musical setting. The newspaper advertisements mention that the score was “entire new,” although wellknown tunes were incorporated into the work. The work balanced the highly serious elements of the story with scenes of comedy, a point praised by contemporary critics. The Morning Post (2 September, [3]) refers to “an excellent comic song” in the score, likely a reference to the lines, “The grand monarch’s a noodle, To fight for Yankee Doodle, Et contre les Angloise,” which were sung to the tune of “Marlbrouk.” Here, Louis XVI’s support of the American War of Independence is referenced, demonstrating that the event was too recent for the British to readily forgive.36 By the time the two patent theatres opened for their fall seasons, tales of the fall of the Bastille were hardly topical. That both the Drury Lane and Covent Garden theatres fought so hard to present works based on the subject indicates just how strong they saw the threat of topical subjects in the minor theatres.

Theatrical Music II: Patent Theatres Old Drury as well as the Garden contriv’d, To profit by that on which others had thriv’d, The Painters were work’d, and engag’d ev’ry hand was, To make iron gates and stone walls upon canvas. Derry down. But see how times change, how vain all our reason, 'Tis a dangerous joke when we play with a prison; The king bids the managers alter their plan, They must give up the name, but may play what they can. Derry down.37

The lyrics of this song reveal just how well known the battle for topical theatrical had become in London. While the minor theatres could present their fares as burlettas, the two patent theatres had to submit their scripts to the Lord Chamberlain’s office. It is possible that neither theatre expected rejection given that the events in France had been so conspicuously celebrated in Britain. This did not prove to be the case, and John Larpent (likely taking direction from the highest levels of government) objected to any work that might encourage Republican ideals. 36

Arundell, The Story of Sadler’s Wells, 45. Verses 7 & 8 of “The Bastile,” in A New Whim of the Day; or, Musical Olio: containing an elegant selection of the most approved songs, now singing at the Theatres Royal. . . (London: J. Barker, 1790), 57. 37

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Theatre Royal, Drury Lane John Philip Kemble, co-manager of the Drury Lane theatre, likely realized that he would never be given permission to stage a work which dealt directly with the fall of the Bastille. Instead, he proposed an operatic adaption of the tale of the man imprisoned in an iron mask taken from Voltaire’s L’Âge de Louis XIV (1751). The story was well known in Britain because an English translation of Voltaire’s book had been published in London the following year.38 The new opera was to be called The Iron Mask, with a text by Hon. John St. John. The subject matter was still very dangerous ground, given that the reference to the iron mask would immediately connect the work with the folklore associated with the Bastille Prison. Accordingly, Kemble tried to keep speculation about the new work to a minimum, with the result that not all of the events of its evolution can be discovered. The Times (17 October, [2]) reports that the “Iron Mask proceeds at Drury Lane with a secrecy suitable to the Subject—the Performers are all gagged.” Four days later (21 October), an application was made to John Larpent for an opera on this subject.39 Here, the original title of The Iron Mask is crossed out, and the revised title of The Island of St. Marguerite is written below. It was not until 13 November that the opera by this name was finally performed. The Island of St. Marguerite (Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, 39 performances between 13 November 1789 and 30 May 1791; comic opera) Author: John St. John Composer and Arranger: Thomas Shaw Libretto Publication: John St. John, Island of St. Marguerite. London: J. Debrett, 1789 [Reproduction: ReadexMicro-opaque; Readex Microfiche; ECCO CW 3316674126. Three subsequent editions were published by Debrett by 1790, the second and forth of which are in ECCO. A libretto published in Dublin in 1790 is also in ECCO.] Larpent manuscripts No. 845 & No. 848 [Reproduction: Readex micoopaque and Readex microfiche] Score: The Overture, Songs, Duets, Trios & Chorusses, in the Comic Opera entitled Island of St. Marguerite. London: A. & Thompson, [1789]. The overture was published in separate parts in London by Thompson [1789].

38

The Age of Lewis XIV (London: printed for R. Dodsley, 1752). The translator’s name is not given. 39 This application is part of the Larpent Manuscript 845, housed at the Huntington Library in San Marino, California.

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There is reason to believe that Larpent MS. 845 does not represent the first version of the work written by St. John. Kemble’s note to the censor states that the author believes that he has already expunged the objectionable words and incidents from the opera. Thus, Larpent MS. 845 appears to be a response to criticism already provided by Larpent, a supposition strengthened by the forceful way in which the new setting of the play is referenced by the character of the Abbess as the Island of St. Marguerite. While the prisoner in Voltaire’s tale was alleged to have been first incarcerated on that island, he was subsequently transferred to the Bastille where much of the lore which surrounds the story is centred. According to John Payne Collier, the original text “was forbidden in the first instance on account, apparently of the free sentiments it inculcates, considered dangerous in 1789.”40 Collier states that all of the corrections in the manuscript are by Kemble, which may indicate that St. John was either unwilling or unable to make the necessary revisions. Larpent MS. 845 reveals that the censor objected to much of the text, especially the chorus, “Generous hearts assert your freedom, Vindicate the Rights of Men.”41 This call to arms to protect liberty was too revolutionary in tone, and the entire text is crossed out; not just individual lines. The new text is far more benign: “Neighbours, friends, with bosoms glowing. . . then join the chorus, lads rejoice.” While the amount of material to which Larpent objected was not seemingly sufficient to warrant the writing of another approval copy, Kemble proceeded with the utmost caution and a new copy of the text was submitted on 4 November (Larpent MS. 848). In the interim, there was continued speculation in the press, and the Times (29 October 3) incorrectly writes that “the performance of the Bastile, is at length licensed for Drury Lane Theatre,” only later referring to original title of the work, The Iron Mask. The newspaper had not yet discovered that the title of the work had been changed; however, this very error links the work irrevocably to the fall of the Bastille in Paris. 40

Manuscript annotation in David Erskine Baker, Isaac Reed and Stephen Jones, Biographia Dramatica; or, A Companion to the Playhouse. . . 4 vols (London: Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees et al., 1812). Copies at the Huntington Library in San Marino, California, preserve the annotations by John Payne Collier (Huntington 13729), II: 335. L.W. Conolly examines this work in some detail in The Censorship of English Drama, 87-8. The author reproduces a portion of the title page which shows The Iron Mask crossed out and Island of St. Marguerite written below it (xii). 41 The wording invites comparison with the publications of Mary Wollstonecraft and Thomas Paine, but predates both authors.

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The text found in Larpent MS. 848 not only responds to the changes indicated in Larpent MS. 845, but demonstrates that either St. John or Kemble had decided to use the opportunity to revise the work by adding some new songs and cutting back on some minor comic characters. Considerable care was given to refining the text into something that would be completely acceptable to the theatrical censor. It is possible that this desire resulted in the inclusion of the Temple of Liberty rising during the finale, an element much ridiculed by critics. The Times continued to show much interest in the proposed work: “Mr. St. John’s Opera is permitted to be performed—but not with the original allusions to the demolition of the Bastile—so that the original design is necessarily obliterated—is not this circumstance something like was passed once at the strollers barn—where the Tragedy of Hamlet was played with an apology for the unavoidable absence of Hamlet, who was unfortunately arrested on his way to the place of exhibition!!!” (7 November, [3]). The critical reports following the premiere on 13 November condemned the censoring of the plot. The European Magazine (November 1789, 379) records: This performance, we are told, was originally designed for a representation of the assault and destruction of the Bastile, with which was blended the story of the Iron Mask; but when it came before the Licencer, every part of the piece that bore immediate resemblance to the late popular events in Paris, was from political considerations forbidden, and therefore is unavoidably brought forward in a maimed and mutilated state. All therefore that can be said of the present performance is, that the scenery is beautiful, the actors did justice to their parts, and the music is well selected.

The World bluntly states that “as for the Story, it is impossible to blame it, for there is not any” (14 November, [3]). St. John felt obliged to respond to the censorship of his work, using the preface to the Debrett publication of the libretto (dated 30 November 1789) as his vehicle. St. John states that he knew “the value of liberty, and, consequently could not withhold his applause from a people struggling for a free constitution.” Although delicacy had required the “pruning hand of authority” to intervene, the

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author opines that “more was lost in spirit, than gained in decency” by Larpent’s interventions.42 The degree to which the revised version of St. John’s libretto differs from its earliest form can only be surmised. The revised versions keep the action on the Mediterranean Island of St. Marguerite (off the coast from Cannes), and makes no mention of the Bastille. The plot concerns a love triangle in which an evil governor keeps a prisoner (only identified as “Mask”) locked in an iron mask so that he can pursue the man’s fiancée. She takes refuge in a convent to escape the unwanted romantic attentions of the governor. Typical of English operas of the period, there is a happy ending in which the loving couple are reunited and the governor repents his evils ways. While the work is about freedom, John Larpent insisted it be more about individual freedom from an unjust imprisonment than it is about rights and freedoms on a larger scale. George Taylor rightly points out the similarities in the use of the iron mask to Dent’s play for the Royal Circus the previous August noting that, while John Larpent did not censor this element at Drury Lane, mention of the rights of mankind and references to the execution of the governor were cut.43 Other elements which might have been seen as encouraging Republican sympathies were also suppressed, such as the destruction of the castle by the mob. In Act II, scene iii, a mob enters determined to release the royal prisoner. The next scene is set in the castle, now ruined, but there is no mention of how this came to pass. To give the work a more universal meaning, St. John introduced the Temple of Liberty in Act II, scene iv in the following speech by the nowunmasked, but still unnamed man: Thus to be blest—my natural form restor’d— My liberty—my love! what further gift Cou’d Heav’n bestow on us? [Temple of Liberty rises from among the Ruins of the Castle. Such are the joys of liberty and love! Oh! may they ever thus triumphant prove: Last unimpair’d thro’ each succeeding age, 42

John St. John, Island of St. Marguerite (London: J. Debrett, 1789), v-vi. L.M. Conolly reprints the text in full in The Censorship of English Drama: 1737-1832, 87. 43 George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage: 1789-1805 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 46.

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Chapter Three And fill the last recording angel’s page.44

The introduction of the Temple of Liberty was deemed a “most daring and ridiculous violation of dramatic propriety” by the Times, whose critic concluded that the work was “beneath criticism” (14 November, [2]). Although a “maimed and mutilated” work, the opera was sufficiently successful to remain in the repertoire from 13 November 1789 until 30 May 1791. While part of the work’s popularity was undeniably the Gothic nature of its subject matter, the musical setting by Thomas Shaw appears to have been a contributory factor.

Music The score was composed by Thomas Shaw (c.1755-1830), who had been born into a musical family in Bath. As a young violinist in Bath, Shaw found himself in direct competition with Thomas Linley, Jr. and, after some early work with the senior Linley’s concert series, Shaw defected to the concerts organized by William Herschel. A period of rivalry ensued between the two groups before Shaw moved to London. There, he found employment in the orchestra of the Drury Lane theatre. Eventually, Shaw was reconciled with Linley, Sr. (who was later put in charge of that theatre’s music) and took over the leadership of the Drury Lane orchestra in 1786. He remained in the leader’s chair until the early 1800s, when financial problems appear to have driven him overseas. Shaw’s surviving compositional output is largely instrumental, and its extent is not completely known. The gaps in the surviving opus numbers given to his published works indicate that some of his works are likely lost. Amongst those which survive are his Violin Concerto in G major,45 and additions to the revival of Garrick’s Cymon in 1791 (original music by Michael Arne), the music for The Island of St. Marguerite, and the overture to The Mariners, the latter heard at Drury Lane in 1793. The music for The Island of St. Marguerite enjoyed sufficient popularity to warrant publishing a piano/vocal score of the complete work, as well as

44

St. John, The Island of St. Marguerite, 31. This work was published in parts in London by Longman and Broderip, c.1785. It has been recorded by Elizabeth Wallfisch (violin), and the Parley of Instruments, under the direction of Peter Holman on Hyperion CDA66865 (The English Orpheus #37).

45

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orchestral parts for the overture.46 The musical contents of the score (based on the revised version of the text) follow: 1) Overture, D, 44/d, 34/ D, C|, 2) Chorus with solo passages for two sopranos, “Join the chorus, raise the Song” [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], C, 38/A, 34 3) Air [Carline], “To thy woods dear Auverge then adieu” [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], Bb, 34 4) Trio [Carline, Nannette & Teresa], “Ah! who knows from this dire prison,” [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], G, 44 5) Song [Mask], “There my last die is thrown” [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], C, 34 6) Song [Jonas], “Oh dear! no hope for Jonas,” two-verse strophic setting [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], A, 68 7) Ensemble and chorus, “Villain who art thou come away,” [not in either both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], G, C| 8) Song, “What a skin not a wrinkle,” two-verse strophic, comic song [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], Bb, 68 9) Song [Jonas], “Here we go up and now we get in,” one-verse comic song [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], A, 68 10) Duet, [Commandant & Carline], “My love from hour to hour,” end of Act 1 [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], a/A, C| 11) Song [Nannette], “There stood Jonas at the window,” three-verse strophic air [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], F, 68 12) Song [Mask], “From dreary dreams, I wake to woe,” [not in Larpent MS. 845], G, 34 13) Duet [Mask & Carline], “Slow, oh Caroline,” [perhaps originally set to “Oh Carline stay” found in Larpent MS. 845], Eb, 38 14) Trio [Mask, Carline & Officer], “Torn from thy Carline must these eyes,” [in both Larpent MS. 845 and 848], Bb, 44 15) Solo and Chorus: “Neighbours, friends with bosoms glowing,” twoverse setting, [not in Larpent MS. 845], Bb, C| 16) March (When the Iron mask is released), F, 44 17) Song [Carline], “Oh! joyous day,”[not in both Larpent MS. 845], E, C| 18) Instrumental movement “For the rising of the Temple of Liberty,” [presumably not part of the original score for The Iron Mask], C, 34 19) Finale [Carline, Nannette & SAB chorus], “Thus at length the Storm blown over,” [in both Larpent MSS. 845 and 848], D, 68

46

Rare copies of the published parts for the overtures to the Island of St. Marguerite and Cymon can be found in the Newberry Library (Chicago) and in the British Library. The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (revised edition, 2000) mistakenly reports that the music for these overtures survive only in piano reduction.

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In the dedication of the score to the Honourable Mrs. St. John, Shaw states that the music was, in part, selected by him. In fact, he borrowed rather heavily.47 The Larpent manuscripts indicate that the opening chorus was taken from an unspecified work by [Francesco] Geminiani, while the song, “There my last die is thrown,” comes from P.-A. Monsigny’s Le Deserteur, and the song, “Oh dear! No hope for Jonas” is set to the tune of “Calpigi.” This appears to be a reference to the well-known Italian folk song, “Ahi! Povero Calpigi.” Less easily identified is the reference to Zamforline for the song, “There stood Jonas at the Window.” But it is the borrowing from the duet, “Crudel! perchè finora,” from Act III/i of Mozart’a Le Nozze di Figaro for part of the Act I finale which proves to have the greatest interest. Roger Fiske conjectures that Shaw’s knowledge of Mozart’s Le Nozze di Figaro likely came from Nancy Storace, the original Susanna, who was back in London and singing at the King’s Theatre in 1789. Given that Nancy Storace had sung in operas by Mozart and Gazzaniga in Vienna, it is entirely possible that Nancy and her brother Stephen had brought manuscript copies of Mozart’s opera with them back to London. Additionally, the music for the duet had been published in full score by Birchall & Andrews that same year in London where it was attributed to Gazzaniga’s opera, La Vendemmia, potentially allowing Shaw the opportunity to discover the music on his own. Mozart was not the only composer of the First Viennese School from whom Shaw borrowed. Part of Haydn’s Menuet al Rovescio from his Piano Sonata in A (Hob. XVI/26) was used as the basis for the song with chorus, “Join the chorus, rise the song.”48 There is no reason to connect this Haydn borrowing to the Storaces, but rather it would seem to be an indication of just how well Haydn’s music was known prior to his first visit to London in 1791. The comparison of the texts of the two Larpent manuscripts demonstrates that most of Shaw’s music for The Iron Mask was retained for The Island of St. Marguerite, leaving him only to compose a new ensemble and chorus, “Villain who art thou,” the song, “From dreary dreams I wake to woe,” the solo and chorus, “Neighbours, friends with bosoms glowing,” and the song, “O joyous day.” It is possible that several of these pieces contained music from the original score, reworked to accommodate the new words. Even if this was not the case, it appears that 47

The account in the World (14 November. [3]) appears to be incorrect when it states that the music taken from the works of Paisiello, Gretry and Sarti. 48 Fiske, English Theatre Music, 506.

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the largest part of the original score was transferred in tact, into the final version of the opera. Shaw’s overture is not particularly long, but is constructed in a novel fashion. The opening Allegro moderato (in D major) is analogous to the exposition of a monothematic sonata form, with the opening theme returning in dominant. The movement ends in the dominant and is followed by a transitional passage which prepares for the d-minor tonality of the Adagio. With the final allegro, there is not only a return to D major, but also the opening theme of the first movement. Fiske sees this movement as the recapitulation of the opening movement (treated almost as a rondo) in the manner of Mozart’s overture to Die Entführung as dem Serail.49 Whether or not Mozart’s music was a direct influence here cannot be stated with certainty, although it is possible that Shaw had been introduced to Mozart’s music through the Storaces. The opening melody appears closer in spirit to J.C. Bach’s rococo style, however, than it is to Mozart’s music in 1780s. [Music Example 3 - 2].

Ex. 3 - 2: Thomas Shaw, The Island of St. Marguerite, Overture, violin 1, mm. 116.

Given the Gothic nature of the plot, Shaw’s tuneful overture might not seem appropriate were it not for the fact that the opening scene of the work is a celebration where a chorus of nuns are about to welcome another member to their midst. The overture serves as an admirable prelude to that scene. It is clear that Shaw’s score was appreciated by audiences. The World (14 November, [3]) states that the music “has much merit” and, two days later, recounts how the song, “There stood Jonas at the window,” was encored twice. While the Island of St. Marguerite hardly qualified as topical theatre in the way that the offerings of the summer theatres had 49

Ibid., 504-05.

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been, it proved at least to be a work of some enduring value. By comparison, Covent Garden’s attempted foray into the “Bastille battles” proved to be far less of a success.

Theatre Royal, Covent Garden There is no doubt that Thomas Harris wanted a piece of the theatrical action, and he may have felt that he would be allowed greater latitude by John Larpent because of the popular belief that his theatre was “Ministerial” in its political inclinations. If so, he must have been deeply disappointed. John O’Keefe recounts in his memoirs how he was “induced to compose a drama in which [he] worked upon the subject of the man in the iron mask “in a regular story with correspondent incidents, local customs, character, dialogue, and song.” O’Keefe claims to have taken the material for the story from “original materials, and genuine anecdotes” supplied by his son and the boy’s French tutor, both of whom had been in Paris at the time of the destruction of the Bastille. The play was called The Grenadier; or, The Man in the Iron Mask and it was already in rehearsal at Covent Garden, with music by Shield, “when the flame of liberty in Paris seemed to be converted into hell-fire and patriotic men into demons, [and] Mr. Harris very prudently thought it advisable not to touch the subject.”50 O’Keefe kindly credits Harris’ patriotic sensibilities in the matter of stopping the production; the memoirs of Frederick Reynolds more likely come closer to the truth: Accordingly, a piece under that title [Bastile] was written, and put into preparation at Covent Garden Theatre. But, when the parts were studied, the scenery completed, and the music composed, the Lord Chamberlain refused his license. In this dilemma, Mr. Harris called on me, requesting to know whether all the magnificent preparations intended for the Bastile, might not be introduced into the opera that I was then writing, called the Crusade. I, author like, calculating on the powerful aid, such auxiliaries would bring to my piece, answered eagerly in the affirmative, never for an instant, reflecting on the horrible incongruity of representing the deeds and manners of the Christians, and Saracens, of the eleventh century, amongst the buildings of the Parisians, of the eighteenth. However, “the art of our necessities being strange,” I finished the Crusade, and the rehearsals

50 John O’Keefe, Recollections of the life of John O’Keefe, written by himself, 2 vols (London: Henry Colburn, 1826), II: 143-44.

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commenced; but during their progress, all the Bastile scenes, excepting two, were discarded.51

While Reynolds refers to a piece called The Bastile, the reference is surely to O’Keefe’s The Grenadier. Unfortunately, no approval copy remains for The Grenadier, making it impossible to know exactly when Harris first sent the text to John Larpent.52 It is likely that the negotiations were protracted, for they attracted the attention of the Times (17 November, [2]) which reported that “the Bastille business is entirely laid aside at Covent Garden.” It would appear that the negotiations with John Larpent had finally come to naught by mid-November, leaving an angry Harris to find some other way to capitalize upon the historic events unfolding in Paris. Harris decided to revive Dibdin’s 1779 pantomime, The Touchstone; or, Harlequin Traveller, and use it as a vehicle to introduce references to the fall of the Bastille. The new material required a fresh application to the censor, and this was done on 19 November, only two days after the Times recorded that “the Bastille business” had been laid aside. The request was again refused by Larpent and, when finally performed on 30 November 1789, the play was set in Rome, and all references to the French Revolution had vanished.53 The revival survived for only two performances, and Harris appears to have nursed a grudge against John Larpent until the following year. The bastardized version of Reynolds’ The Crusade was put on the back burner for quite some time before permission was sought from Larpent on 21 April 1790 for its production. Several conjectures can be made for the delay, including the time necessary to revise Reynold’s original version of the Crusade. More likely, however, is that Harris realized that Larpent would never allow his theatre to present any play which dealt directly with the fall of the Bastille. There was no urgency to perform The Crusade when it did not refer to the events in Paris. The three minor theatres had managed to claim this aspect of contemporary life 51

Reynolds, Life, II: 54-55. O’Keefe included the text for The Grenadier in his self-published The Dramatic Works of John O’Keefe, 2 vols (London: n.d.), I: 185-233. The text is also available as a Readex Microprint in the series Three Centuries of Drama; English: 1751-1800. 53 L.M. Conolly, The Censorship of English Drama: 1737-1832 (San Marino, California: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1976), 91-2. Dougald MacMillan, Catalogue of the Larpent Plays in the Huntington Library, no. 4 of Huntington Library Lists (San Marino, California: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1939), 141. 52

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as their own, and had enjoyed great success with it. Unfortunately for Harris, even The Crusade proved unsuccessful. The music for The Crusade was entrusted to William Shield (17481829), a composer of real talent who contributed significantly to Covent Garden’s reputation for the production of musical works. As was Shield’s want, he borrowed freely from other composers. In the case of The Crusade, choruses by Handel were utilized, as was a burlesque of Arne’s best known aria from his Artaxerxes (1762) “A Soldier Tir’d of Wars Alarms” and the folk song immortalized by Percy Grainger as Country Gardens.54 The music appears to have pleased, and the performance of Mrs. Billington as the heroine merited praise. The poor quality of the Reynold’s libretto, however, was mentioned in the May issue of the European Magazine: The piece has had no expence spared in its representation, and such applause as excellent music and brilliant scenery are entitled to, it may claim. Much cannot be said in favour of the Drama, either respecting the plot of it, or the general composition. The performers, however, are entitled to praise. (390)

Even Reynold’s was forced to admit that “a more mawkish hotch-potch, a more sickening melange, than the Crusade, was never offered to the public.”55 By 1791, The Public Advertiser (5 October, [3]) commented on the fact that the work had been “cut down to a Farce,” although admitting that the “CRUSADE, as far as it includes fine singing, must be entertaining,” the reviewer concluded that “the abstract merit of the Piece remains the same—There is no cutting for the simples.”

Non-Theatrical Music Given the long history of English music designed for home use or for performance in the summer pleasure gardens, there are surprisingly few works about the fall of the Bastille. One work however, proved to be highly popular: Mr. Elfort’s The Bastile, A Favorite SONATA . . . For a composer so obscure that his first name is not known, it is representative of the public interest in the story that this work was given at least five

54

Roger Fiske, English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth Century, 541. Reynolds, Life, II: 57. Reynolds recounts several accidents that befell the production, as well as the King’s pronouncement that it was a “bad opera.”

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different publications.56 The work covers fifteen folio pages and consists of sixteen descriptive movements of varying lengths: The Bastile, A Favorite Sonata for the Harpsichord or Piano Forte Grand March, C, 44 The Parley, C, 128 Andante: “The 40 Deputees going over the Drawbridge,” Eb, 68 Grave: “The Garrison advancing to meet them,” Eb, 44 Allegro: “The Massacre - The Patriots Drum beating to Arms - A Fresh Party joins the Patriots - Another Party joins - Alarm - Bell - Another Party,” Eb, 44 6) Quick Step: “Another Party joins” G, 24 7) Grand Attack of the Bastile and Cannonade, Eb, 44 8) Triumphal entry of the Patriots, C, 68 9) Affettuoso: “They enter the Dungeon,” F, 44 10) Adagio: “Procession of the Governors Head,” Eb, 44 11) Quick March expressing universal Joy, C, 24 12) Trumpet of Victory, C, 24 13) Andante, C, 34 14) Trumpets and Drums, C, 44 15) Go to Bed Tom 3857 [Drum repetition of a single note] 16) Andante Grazioso (Song): “Short be ever the possession,” C, 34.

1) 2) 3) 4) 5)

Elfort’s music is a suite, rather than a sonata in the traditional sense. He was clearly more interested in creating appropriate sound effects than in the development of themes or the creation of large-scale forms. The title page on most of the published versions refers to the work as a sonata for harpsichord. This is curious when the indications for dynamic contrasts on successive notes are a physical impossibility for the action of that instrument. Preston and Son published the work with two different title pagesCone which specifies the harpsichord, and a second which states “Harpsichord or Piano Forte.” The second title page appears to be an attempt to be as inclusive as possible at a time when the pianoforte rivalled the harpsichord as the home keyboard instrument of choice. As an 56

In London, it was published by H. Andrews, Longman & Broderip, and Preston and Son, the latter bringing out two editions, with different title pages. The sonata was also released by John Lee in Dublin and S.R. Bader in Philadelphia. A manuscript copy is held by the Landesbibliothek Mecklenburg Musiksammlung [RISM a/ii/240.001, 466]. 57 This curious annotation is also found in Franz Kotzwara’s Battle of Prague, published in London by Bland in [1790?].

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example of programmatic music and musical depiction, Elfort’s suite reveals much about the popular tastes of the period and home musicmaking. [Music Example 3 - 3].

Ex. 3 - 3: Elfort, The Bastile, “Grand Attack of the Bastile and Cannonade,” mm. 1-13.

There are several curious aspects to Elfort’s episodic work. Other instruments, including trumpets, clarinets, horns, and drums, are mentioned in the score. Much of the writing is awkwardly conceived for the keyboard, thus raising the question of whether or not this work is in part, or whole, a keyboard reduction of an orchestral score. The final movement is a song setting in which England is portrayed as the bastion of liberty. The text of the third verse follows:

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Isle of LIBERTY and BEAUTY ENGLAND still be this they share, Heroes faithful in their duty Females virtuous as they are fair.

Not only is it unusual to find a sung text in a work purporting to be a sonata for keyboard, but this movement would seem to mirror the final scene of Gallic Freedom; or, Vive La Liberté, which ended with “an Address from Liberty, who is represented as rising out of the Ruins of that once dreadful Prison.”58 Other similarities between the outline of the scenes in the Sadler’s Wells performances and Elfort’s sonata can be noted. If Elfort was not the composer for Gallic Freedom, he seems to have been much influenced by it. Surprisingly little independent song literature appears to have survived. An anonymous song, “The French Revolution,” is purported to have been sung at “most convivial societies,” and is cast as a five-verse, strophic setting.59 The publication is somewhat anachronistic for the time in that it includes a figured bass line. That it likely stems from the earliest days of the events is indicated by the text which praises the revolutionary movement in France: “And effulgence so mild with a lustre so bright. All Europe with wonder surveys.” The second verse of the text mentions Burke and denigrates his politics: Let Burke, lie a Bat, from its splendor retire, A splendour too strong for his eyes; Let pedants, and fools his effusions admire, Entrapt in his cobwebs like flies: Shall phrenzy and sophistry hope to prevail, Where reason opposes her weight; When the welfare of millions is hung in the scale, And the balance yet trembles with fate.

Given the extreme rhetoric of the text and its strong support of the revolutionary movement, it is not surprising that neither the composer nor the poet is mentioned in the publication. The melody is effective, without being truly memorable. One brief bit of textual depiction gives the opening verse some interest. On the text, “All Europe with wonder surveys,” the 58

Arundell, Sadler’s Wells, 45. “The French Revolution, a favourite Song, Sung at most Convivial Societies” (London: Preston & Son, [c. 1790]).

59

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melody moves in alternating sixteenth notes, likely meant to indicate the European nations quaking with surprise. [Music Example 3 - 4].

Ex. 3 - 4: Anon, “The French Revolution,” mm. 18-33 of vocal line.

It is quite remarkable how fast both the minor and the patent theatres responded to the events in Paris, and the lengths to which they went in their efforts to portray them on stage. While the patent theatres failed in their attempts, the minor theatres achieved a reputation for presenting topical theatre that they retained until France declared war on Britain in 1793. The very laws that had been enacted earlier in the century to seemingly protect both the government and the patent theatres now inhibited those same theatres while permitting the minor theatres to grow in stature and social significance.

CHAPTER FOUR CHAMP DE MARS

It will be recorded to the eternal honour of the English nation, that, whatever injuries it may have to complain of in the conduct of France, it has not availed itself of an opportunity of assaulting it in its distress; and that whatever be the speculative opinion of Parties and their tools—it is the national sentiment and wish, that France should be free.1

The First Anniversary of the Fall of the Bastille The Fête de la Fédération was held in Paris on 14 July 1790 to celebrate the first anniversary of the fall of the Bastille. On that occasion, Bishop Talleyrand celebrated Mass at the “altar of the fatherland” on the Champ de Mars, the former site of the Bastille. At the same time, approximately 14,000 National Guardsmen took the oath of allegiance to the National Assembly.2 The presence of the bishop encouraged the 400,000 people who were in attendance to believe that the Catholic hierarchy was in sympathy with revolutionary ideals. Even for a country where politics, religion and spectacle had regularly intermingled, this celebration surpassed all antecedents. As a sign of the birth of the new order to France and the rest of the world, it was government by spectacle on the grandest scale. The event was much reported in the London newspapers, and the London Chronicle (17-20 July 1790) provided such a detailed report that Londoners must have felt that they could all but visualize the events. The London theatres were again eager to portray the events on stage, and five different productions were eventually mounted. The advertisements for each stressed the accuracy of its presentation, and claimed to have

1

European Magazine (December 1790), 468. Malcolm Crook, ed., Revolutionary France: 1788-1880, The Short Oxford History of France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 68 and 152. 2

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designs based on creditable eye witnesses to the event. In several instances, the managers of the theatres are stated to have been in attendance.

Theatrical Music I: Minor Theatres Once again, theatrical rivalry over presentations of events in France resulted in great variety for the audiences of the day. The managements of both Sadler’s Wells and the Royal Circus had productions in place by 3 August 1790, yet it was Philip Astley who pipped the other theatres to the post, beating out his rivals by over a week. Confederation at the Champ de Mars (Astley’s Amphitheatre, the “Royal Grove,” 25 July - 10 November 1790) Author and Composer: not named (“Music, entirely new”).

Astley presented his “musical sketch,” Confederation at the Champ de Mars, on 25 July 1790. This was a mere eleven days after the actual event in Paris, thus demonstrating Philip Astley’s amazing ability to mount new productions. He had travelled to Paris to get accurate details, first-hand, and sent them back to London within thirty-seven hours.3 The resulting work was, of necessity, rather brief, and was one of seven items on the programme. The advertisements placed in the London newspapers are particularly detailed: CONFEDERATION AT THE CHAMP DE MARS, On the 14th of July, 1790. Mr. ASTLEY, Sen. most respectfully informs the Nobility, Gentry, and others, that he has been in Paris for two months past, during which, from time to time, he sent over to his Son Plans of the different Preparations which were carrying on for the above Festival; these have been executed with expedition and exactness. He left Paris on Thursday, the 15th of July, and since his arrival the remaining part of the Ceremonies have been, by the exertion of several capital Artists, compleated, so as to enable him to lay before the Public particulars of the Federation on the 14th of July, This Evening. 3

Marius Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre and the Early Circus in England: 17681830" (PhD diss., Magdalen College, Oxford, 1994), 290. Given the presence of other theatrical emissaries from London, the spirit of rivalry must have been strong.

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A new Musical Sketch, founded on the PARIS CONFEDERATION, Which was celebrated on the 14th of July last, in the CHAMP DE MARS. With a View of the TRIUMPHAL ARCH, the manner of consecrating the Colours of the Line, and National Guards; the situations of the King, National Assembly, Deputies of the Provinces, Army, and Inhabitants of PARIS, as they really appeared on the above day. The Scenery, Machinery, and Music, entirely new. The whole to conclude with a favourite Pantomime, called THE DEATH OF GENERAL WOLFE, The Part of General Wolfe, by YOUNG ASTLEY. (Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 9 August 1790, [1]).

Critical reviews of Astley’s offering were very complimentary. The Public Advertiser (28 July, 3) comments on the topicality of the subject matter, stating that “the novelty of the piece drew together a great concourse of spectators, no doubt to see the difference between Gallic and British liberty.” The haste in preparations for the production did not lessen its impact, and the review continues: “The piece, with regard to scenery and machinery, so far as concerns the events of the day. . . were truly copied; and the position of the troops, and amazing groupe of figures, had a very pleasing effect in the last scene—and we make no doubt will have a great run, until the other Theatres take up the subject.” The sentiments were echoed by the critic of the World (27 July, [3]) who also described the various scenes: “an extraordinary internal view of the Palais Royal, with the Arcades, Shops &c. belonging to the former Duke of Orleans— the Bridge of boats, well executed—the Triumphal Arch, a masterly stroke of ingenuity—and the Champ de Mars with Groups of Priests, National Assembly, Deputies, Troops of the Line, and National Guards; together with the inhabitants of Paris. &c. were well represented, considering the short space of time, in which the whole of this business has been accomplished.” It would appear likely that Astley made use of both the stage and the circus ring at his theatre to accomplish so many different aspects of the presentation; however, the critic of the Public Advertiser appears to have realized that Astley’s offering might be eclipsed by other theatres, if their productions were more elaborate. Of the music used in the performance, little is known. The Public Advertiser mentions that “the music was excellent, that Astley is said to have procured from Rochefort,

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through the interest of Young Vestris,” while the advertisements say that the music was “entirely new.” Champ de Mars (Sadler’s Wells Theatre, 30 July - 25 October 1790; revived ?6 June - 3 September 1791) Author and Composer: not named (“a variety of Favourite French chansons, Airs, Marches . . . made use of on that occasion”).

Although the two hippodromes were more naturally suited to the representation of battles, Sadler’s Wells began to stage more military works, in addition to their other patriotic works. Particularly topical was Field of Battle, a work that represented the events of 1 August 1789 on the frontiers of Hungary when a Turkish invasion was thwarted by the combined forces of Austria and Russia. Another work that featured much spectacle was The Guardian Frigate; or, English Heroism in which the Guardian Frigate commanded by Lieutenant Riou was shown in great peril as it tried to successfully navigate huge ice flows in the South Seas. The heroic efforts of officers and crew were depicted in terms designed to induce strong feelings of patriotism in the audience.4 Although a very serious story, comic elements were introduced, and one of the comic songs by Raynor Taylor, “Jack the Guinea Pig,” achieved popular support.5 This six-verse strophic setting tells of the sailor’s life at sea in various weather conditions and the dangerous job of climbing the mast in bad weather. The Guardian Frigate proved to be a popular drawing card for the company, especially when paired with Britannia’s Relief which had enjoyed great success in late April of 1790. These entertainments earned the Sadler’s Wells theatre much praise for its staging abilities and its contemporary relevance. The company also saw the benefits of following up on the success of their 1789 Bastille work with a topical presentation of the Champ de Mars celebrations in Paris. The following description appeared in the London newspapers in 1790: THE CHAMP DE MARS; OR, LOYAL FŒDERATION. Description of the Grand National Fete held at Paris on 14th of July last, which has so universally attracted the attention of all Europe. 4

Theatre Museum of London, file: “Sadler’s Wells, 1773-1812.” Raynor Taylor, “Jack the Guinea Pig” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1790]).

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In the above Piece will be progressively displayed the different operations of the Parisians on the above grand occasion, particularly in their PARADING PARTIES to the CHAMP DE MARS; their zealous Activity in the Preparation of the Ground; their Loyalty and Joy on the King’s previous visit to the Place; and the striking and orderly Manner in which the great Business of the Day was conducted. The whole interspersed with a variety of the most popular Chansons now sung among the Citizens of Paris, and the original French Airs, Marches, and other Music made use of on that occasion. The different Scenes of the above Performance correctly drawn from the actual observation of proper persons appointed to attend at Paris for the purpose. New Scenery, Dresses and Decorations. The Paintings by Mr. Greenwood. (Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 19 August 1790, [1]).

The London Chronicle (31 July-3 August 1790, [5]) reports that the elements of the production were “personified to such effect, as fully gratified every spectator. . . it undoubtedly is by much the best production brought out this season.” Other reviews are more revealing about the contents of the presentation: At this place last night the Champ de Mars made its appearance in a style equal to any thing produced at any of our theatres for many years. No expence has been spared, and an attention paid even to the minutest article of dress to render the spectacle worthy of approbation. The combination was admirable, the French music well selected, and several of the material circumstances were inimitably told, particularly the King’s visit to the Champ de Mars, and his walking among the Citizens. The dance also in which the cockades were presented, with the disposition of the armed citizens, young and old, was the best fancied and the best executed stage manœuvre we ever remember. All the different processions, comic and serious, were so well performed, and so very orderly, which annexed to the impression on our minds from the many things spoke of in the public prints, that an effect was created even to that height as to imagine ourselves really at the Fœderation. Taste, ingenuity and attention mark the progress of the whole business; and the noise this Parisian Fête has excited, will unquestionably repay, in the most ample manner, the proprietors of Sadler’s Wells, for taking such pains to give so true, so just, and so elegant a representation of it. 6 (Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 4 August 1790, [3]). 6

Other reviews were hardly less complimentary: “The air of France breathes through every scene, from the Poste Royale in the village, to the Streets of Paris,

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The introduction of humorous elements into the script was not considered to be incongruous by eighteenth-century audiences: “the Processions are grand and interesting, and the humorous part of the business is properly kept under, and not suffered to lessen the dignity, if we may be allowed the term, of scenes displaying ceremonies, which owed their existence to an event replete with glory and honour.”7 Greenwood’s paintings were given special mention, and the production was deemed to be “unique and complete, and must confirm the credit which [Sadler’s Wells] has so fully established in their productions of this season” (Diary; or, Woodfall’s Register, 3 August, [3]). New items were added to the show on a fairly regular basis to maintain audience interest. In the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (13 September 1790), one reads: “for this Night only, A Characteristic Air on the Violin, By a Lady.” The closure of theatres between 20-29 September because of the death of the Duke of Cumberland gave the company the chance to add yet another element to their presentation. Newspaper ads for 29 September list the following: The whole interspersed with a variety of the most popular Chansons now sung among the Citizens of Paris, and the original French Airs, marches, and other Music, made use of on that occasion. Also an original and complete Divertisement called THE BALLET COQUARDE. The different Scenes of the above Performance correctly drawn from the actual observations of proper Persons appointed to attend at Paris for the purpose. New Scenery, Dresses and Decorations. The Painting by Mr. Greenwood. (Gazatteer, and New Daily Advertiser, 28 September 1790, [1]). and from thence completely to the Champ de Mars. Many of the occurrences were admirably personified, and great taste displayed in the exemplification: particularly the King and Queen’s visit to the Champ de Mars, where the King joins in the labours of the Citizens: great loyalty is here shewn; and the Troop of Boys in their uniforms, heightened one of the best fancied Dances, with the National Cockade, yet introduced on the English stage.” Unidentified newspaper clipping in the British Library, Crach.1. Tab.4.b.4/1. (80.) 7 Unidentified newspaper clipping in the Islington Library and Cultural Services, Islington Local History Centre, Sadler’s Wells Collection, File: “Scenes, Criticism: 1783-1803.”

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Newspaper accounts of the period frequently record how successful the 1790 season proved to be for the Sadler’s Wells Theatre. Indeed, the Champ de Mars production was popular that it was carried over into the 1791 season, playing until mid-June of that year. Although no longer topical, the presentation still garnered critical support. The Diary; or, Woodfall’s Register (18 July 1791, [3]) reported that “the Champ de Mars has been brought forward at other theatres, but has never appeared in so correct a manner as on Saturday night” [at Sadler’s Wells]. Although given in a slightly abbreviated form in 1791, the production introduced another element that was designed to delight audiences—the manoeuvres of the children in military costume. THE CHAMP DE MARS; OR, LOYAL FŒDERATION. Description of the Grand National Fete held at Paris on the 14th of July, 1790, and progressively displaying the different operations of the Parisians on that day; particularly in their parading parties to the Champ de Mars, and the ceremony of the Civic Oath; together with the manoeuvres of the Military Children. The whole interspersed with a variety of Favourite French Chansons, Airs, Marches, and other music made use of on that occasion. (Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 15 June 1791, [1]).

A recurring theme in much of the reporting is the theatre’s concern for accurate details in the presentations, and the degree to which music played a part in the entertainment. Such attention to detail likely contributed greatly to its considerable success: “Sadler’s Wells has now to boast, among its other usual Performances, of the three most capital Exhibitions in one night ever presented to an English Audience, viz. The inimitable Representation of the Guardian Frigate, with Lieutenant Riou and his Crew; the elegant, accurate, and magnificent spectacle of the Champ de Mars, with all the grand ceremonials of Loyal Fœderation; and the new Laughter-abounding Pantomime of the Ceinture.” Other reviews confirm this positive impression: “The Theatre was filled with expecting hundreds, assembled to view as grand a spectacle as ever was exhibited on any stage, which conveys a just picture of the celebration of the late Grand Festival, held in honour of an event destined to adorn the pages of records to come. The music and the subject speak to each other, and produce an effect on

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the mind at once impressive and affecting.”8 The Public Advertiser (3 August 1790, [1]) noted that “the projector has happily blended great spirit of loyalty, as well as liberty, among the mob, and the songs of Paris (anglicised) with the original music, had great effect. The Cockade Ballet, with the presenting of the Armed Citizens and their sons before the King and Queen, after Royalty had assisted in their preparatory labours on the Champ de Mars, is as pleasing a circumstance as could be fancied, and was deservedly crowned with applause.” The musical score was arranged anonymously, and consisted of existing French works alleged to have been actually used in Paris on the occasion. In part, this may have been true, although it would seem unlikely that the theatre would have been able to get the music for the lavish new setting of the Te Deum performed in Paris. Nor could it even begin to recreate the performing forces in Paris (especially in an indoor setting), where three hundred drums were heard with nearly five hundred wind instruments (London Chronicle, 17-20 July,1790). The musical score at the Wells did receive favourable comments: “The Songs introduced into the different Scenes of the Champ de Mars, or Loyal Fœderation, now performing at Sadler’s Wells with so much brilliant eclat, are lucky without a single exception, and in one or two instances produce bursts of applause hitherto unparalleled.–The short Address to Freedom, chaunted at the Altar by Mr. Grey, is, in all its points, one of the best things ever heard in a Theatre.”9 Sadly, the score is lost, as is the composer’s name. While William Reeve had a significant number of shares in the Sadler’s Wells operation, he is known to have contributed the score for the production at the Royal Circus that opened on the same day as the production at Sadler’s Wells. If he did compose the score heard at the Wells, it is not surprising that his name was not mentioned. The French Jubilee; or, Grand Confederation at Paris (Royal Circus, 2 August - ?3 September 1790) Libretto: author not named Composer: William Reeve.

8

Unidentified newspaper clippings in the Theatre Museum, London: “Sadler’s Wells, 1773-1812,” and the Islington Library and Cultural Services, Islington Local History Centre, Sadler’s Wells Collection, File: “Scene, Criticsm: 17831803.” 9 Unidentified newspaper clipping in the British Library, Crach.1. Tab.4.b.4/1. (79).

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Hughes’ presentation at the Royal Circus did not enjoy the same level of success as did the Sadler’s Wells offering, perhaps because there was no opportunity to display horsemanship to any degree. Decastro records that new piece “was successful but the houses began to thin.”10 The advertisements in the newspapers describe the entertainment: THE FRENCH JUBILEE; OR, GRAND CONFEDERATION AT PARIS on the 14th of July. A most striking and beautiful View of THE CHAMP DE MARS, The Place appointed for the Ceremonies of the Day. A correct, minute, and capital Display of The NOBLE and MAJESTTIC ALTAR Prepared for the Purpose, the Whole of the various Apparatus thereof, the Consecration of the Banners, the Manner of administering the Civic Oath, together with other great and important Solemn rites used on the Occasion. A Grand VIEW of the TEMPLE of LIBERTY. The Scenery designed and executed by Mr. CAPON: The Airs composed by Mr. REEVE.

(Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 13 August 1790, [1]). The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (4 August 1790, [3]) offers the following review: ROYAL CIRCUS. THE PARIS JUBILEE. The public were last night highly treated with what may truly be deemed a most splendid and magnificent representation of the late Confederation on the Champ de Mars at Paris. Here indeed we have a true state of the case. Here the people of this country are made to form a proper judgment of the scene; for it is a faithful and correct picture that informs the mind, pleases the eye, and gratifies those who delight in the glorious FEAST OF FREEDOM. Never was any matter got up in a grander style.–Never did any stage exhibition do more credit to Author, Manager, and Composer.–The writing is chaste, and the music divine: it is a piece far beyond the Bastile, and displays what will soon make it the first favourite

10 J. Decastro, The Memoirs of J. Decastro, Comedian . . ., ed. R. Humphreys (London: Sherwood, Jones & Co., 1824), 126.

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Given the competition that Hughes faced, he was likely very happy to read the critic making much of the accuracy of the presentation. Similarly, the review in the World (4 August, [3]) mentions an “amazing superiority” in the production, with “very great attention . . . paid to the minutiæ of this grand affair.” Yet, for all of the seeming magnificence of the various tableaux, the offering did not sustain itself. William Reeve (1757-1815), the composer of the score, was a quintessential creature of the London theatre scene, working as an actor, singer and composer in most of the London theatres at one time or another. He began his London career as a composer for Astley’s Amphitheatre in 1783, but was already composing for the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, by 1786. There, he also took on minor acting parts, sang and composed as required. While it was to the Covent Garden theatre that Reeve returned throughout his career, he was in great demand at the summer theatres as well. Reeve’s music was facile, and popular in style. His intent was to entertain his audiences, and he appears to have succeeded with his vast output of more than one hundred operas, burlettas, pantomimes, ballets, hippodramas and aquadramas, if the large number of publications of his music can serve as an indicator.11 Given the praise that both the visual and musical elements of the production received, it is unfortunate that both the score and the libretto for The French Jubilee are lost, leaving only the newspaper advertisements to give a sense of the production. Fortunately, far more archival materials survive for the third representation of the Fête de la Fédération. Paris Federation (Royalty Theatre, 30 August - ?10 September 1790) Author and Composer: not named Publications: A Sketch of the Entertainment, now Performing at the Royalty Theatre, in Two Parts. Consisting of a Pantomimic Preludio, and the Paris Federation. To which is added, the popular French Music, Adapted to the Harpsichord. London: To be had at the theatre,

11

See A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, Actresses, Musicians, Dancers, Managers & Other Stage Personnel in London: 1660-1800 for information on Reeve’s career. Aquadramas were often staged at the Sadler’s Wells theatre, where a special tank holding some eight thousand gallons of water was installed beneath the stage which, when revealed, permitted aquatic dramas featuring pirates and nautical battles to be performed.

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1790 [Reproduction: Ohio State University Libraries as part of a HEA Title II-C Project, 1991; ECCO CW 3311-62582].

A fourth minor theatre enters the discussion of the Champ de Mars with the production of Paris Federation at the Royalty Theatre. This theatre, situated in Wellclose Square, had been forced to perform burlettas and other musical works after John Palmer’s failed attempt at producing legitimate plays in 1787. The theatre was managed by Ralph Wewitzer (1748-1825), a well-known actor who deputized for Palmer after the latter was jailed for debt in January 1790. Wewitzer experienced many problems getting the 1790-91 season started, as indicated in his press release for the theatre’s production of a Champ de Mars work, released on 17 August 1790: MR. WEWITZER most respectfully informs the PUBLIC, that he is preparing at this Theatre, a Representation of THE FŒDERATION AT PARIS, On the 14th of last Month. Having himself been present at that Ceremony, and employed Artists to make Drawings of this superb temporary Erection in THE CHAMP DE MARS, viz. The Throne, the L’autel de la Patrie, the Triumphal Arches, the Seats for the National Assembly, and the 40,000 Spectators, he flatters himself that he possesses materials undoubtedly adequate to the most perfect Exhibition of that celebrated Event; but he does not depend on himself alone, in order to preserve an uniform excellence of Design and Effect, in the Scenic Department he has engaged Signor MARINARI, of the Opera House, London. From the vast Extent of Preparation, Mr. WEWITZER cannot at present announce the exact Day of opening the Theatre; but of this he hopes very shortly to be able to inform the Public; this Delay, however, Mr. WEWITZER less regrets, as he can pledge himself (without meaning to derogate the exertions of others) that the Exhibition at the Royalty Theatre, will be a most accurate and splendid Representation of the PARIS FŒDERATION.12 12

Unidentified clipping in the London Theatre Museum, file: “Royalty–Welllclose Square, 1790.” Wewitzer did not stay with the Royalty Theatre after this season, and the following summer saw him back at the Little Theatre in the Haymarket.

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Finally, Wewitzer opened his season, but with the following printed apology: The unavoidable delay since his return from Paris, has been occasioned by the vast extent of preparations necessary to represent the PARIS FŒDERATION; but Mr. WEWITZER pledges himself for the accuracy of it, and doubts not but that from the extensive scale of the Royalty Theatre, and from the exertions of Signor MARINARI’s well known abilities, it will be the most splendid exhibition of the Champ de Mars . . .

The work was given pride of place as the final piece in a programme that usually contained four other pieces during its run of performances. The work is described as consisting of two parts: a pantomimic preludio, followed by the Paris Federation. The newspaper advertisements describe the work: PARIS FEDERATION, Being a Representation of the most celebrated Event, the Confirmation of French Liberty, on the 14th of July last, with the Manners of the People, presenting a lively Picture of Vivacity, Resolution, Industry, Unanimity, Mirth, Sobriety, Loyalty, and Patriotism, reused to Exertion, and restrained from Licentiousness, by the Cause of Freedom. The whole to conclude with that magnificent Spectacle, comprising the Triumphal Arches, L’Autel de la Patrie, the Throne, and Populace, and the Military, precisely as it presented itself to View, at the CHAMP DE MARS. The Scenery executed by Signor MARINARI. Books of the Songs, and the popular French Music, to be had at the Theatre.

(Diary; or, Woodfall’s Register, 1 September 1790, [1]).

Plot This description is taken from the published text that was sold at the theatre: Scene i: Pantaloon, Clown, Harlequin, and Columbine, arrive at the door of a French Auberger; and, not being admitted by the innkeeper, because he will not pay beforehand, Harlequin, brings to view the inside of it, and

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there, by his power, obtains refreshment, in spite of the host, whom at last they leave to regret his inhospitality. Scene ii: A view in France, discovering many of the peasantry on their way to Paris. Here the populace, deeming the Clown’s livery a badge of his inequality, deprive him of it in the following dialogue. . . [ending with the people stating: “Be under rule, nor play the fool, upon your exaltation: But, thus equipp’d, of slav’ry stripp’d, Attend the FEDERATION”]. Scene iii: Environs of Paris. The people are seen rejoicing, and join some ballad-singers. (Song: “The cruel Aristocracy ne’er shed a tear at misery.”) Scene iv: A street in Paris. The peasantry join the Parisians; and they dance indiscriminately to the popular French tunes (including “Ça ira,” and “Vive Henri Quatre”). Scene v: As above. They continue parading the streets, and a Savoyard performs a song (Song: “Good people all, attention lend”), after which the invitation to the Champ de Mars is sung by a poissarde. (Song: “Why loit’ring here frier.”) Scene vi: The patriots seen on their way to the Champ de Mars, carrying implements, &c. for the building there. Scene vii: A party of veterans are met by a party of the infant-troop, called Les Élèves Militaries. After various salutations, the little corps greet the veterans. (Song: “Great Cæsar, once renow’d in fame.”) . SCENE the last: CHAMPS de MARS. On the right, the king is seated on the throne, erected by the people; on the left are the three triumphal arches, which formed the entrée of the Champ de mars; and, in the centre, l’autel de la patrie, at which the flags were consecrated . . . [The King swears the oath of allegiance].

The introduction of comic scenes into a serious framework becomes a recurring point in the presentations of the 1790 events in Paris. Presumably, theatres believed that such comic entertainment would be necessary to offset the essentially pageant-like character of their offerings. The Royalty Theatre’s production required a large cast and placed demands on the design department for effective stage representation. In this regard, Wewitzer was fortunate in that the Royalty Theatre was new and boasted superior technical facilities. The text of the final ceremony is worthy of printing in full:

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Frenchmen, attend: Assembled to receive What honors men to take and kings to give; Take Liberty, by no harsh laws consin’d, Great nature’s charter to the free-born mind. The flame of liberty, serene and pure, Swear henceforth to preserve.

King.

_______________________ Je le jure, Je le jure.

People.

Vive la roi, vive la nation, vive le roi; The king’s the guardian of the law.

Bishop.

Frenchmen, attend: Assembled to receive What honors men to take and kings to give; Swear ye the oath which gives to France new life, And ages yet unborn shall bless you patriot strife.

People.

_______________________ Je le jure, Je le jure.

People.

Vive la roi, vive la nation, vive le roi; The king’s the guardian of the law.

The positive tone of the work is typical of the British response to Louis XVI’s agreement to take the oath of Federation and be governed by law similar to British monarchs. This tone is carried over in the texts given to the children, with their references to classical models: Great Cæsar, once renow’d in fame For a mighty arm and a laurell’d brow, With his veni, vidi, vici, came, And conquer’d the world with his row dow dow. An infant Cæsar once was he, And once, like us, undeck’d his brow; If freedom but inspire us, we May not beat in vain with our row dow dow. Cheer up, my lads, a noble cause And great occasion call us now; The king, the nation, and the laws, All depend on our loyal row dow dow. Let Cæsar grac’d with laurels be, For dealing wide the hostile blow:

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We’re the sons of men who will be free; Then sound, my brave boys, freedom’s row, dow dow.

This positive portrayal of events in France would prove to be short-lived.

Music Given critical comments about the music, it is frustrating not to know who composed the score. Samuel Arnold (1740-1802) is a possible candidate, given that he had recently composed the score for Arthur; or, The British Worthy for the Royalty Theatre.13 By 1790, Arnold was a respected theatre composer who ultimately supplied over sixty stage works for the Little Theatre in the Haymarket. If Arnold did compose the music, it is indicative of the status that the theatre had achieved despite its unfortunate start. The published script that was sold at the theatre was a deluxe issue, containing some of the music arranged for keyboard. This was a point much applauded by the critic of the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (31 August, 3). Most of the song texts have multiple verses that would have had strophic settings. One of the songs contains a text about the cruel aristocracy, perhaps a jibe at the patent theatres in London. The melody for this air is cast in the popular style, with a “jolly” sextuple metre and a melody that contains no elements of tragedy. [Music Example 4 - 1].

13

Advertisements in the newspapers for Arthur indicate that the “Overture and the Whole of the Music entirely new, . . . composed by Dr. Arnold.” Unidentified newspaper clipping in the British Library, “Playbills: London, various,” 377. Arnold’s music for Arthur is not listed in RISM or The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians and, unfortunately, appears to be lost.

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2) Their projects now we overturn, And all for gen’ral freedom burn; That causes all their strife; We now possess the rights of man, Our king no longer heads their plan; ‘Tis that which gives us life.

4) In dust are laid the proud Bastille’s Horrific dens and tort’ring wheels, Which caus’d the people’s strife: The throne of Liberty we raise, And loudly sing in Fayette’s praise; He gives the people life.

3) Letters de Cachet once were their’s, 5) Then, while the national cockade In spite of all the people’s pray’rs; Throws o’er their plans a dead’ning shade, ‘Twas that which caus’d our strife: And ends their pow’r of strife; Those cruel instruments of fate Let us but to ourselves be true, Are banish’d from our happy state; Sing, Vive le rouge, le blanc, le bleu, ‘Tis that which gives us life. And quit it but with life. Ex. 4 - 1: Anon, “The cruel Aristocracy,” all verses.

The use of music actually heard in Paris was carefully contrived to give the production a strong sense of authenticity, although the Royalty Theatre was not alone in making use of French songs. The song “Ça ira” proved to be highly popular in France and was featured in the productions at the Royalty Theatre and at Covent Garden.14 The song’s association with the revolutionary movement in France soon was to take on darker tones as events in that country spiralled closer and closer to anarchy. Eventually the performance of the song was banned in Britain. Another piece of music contained in the published script is the song, “Vive Henri IV.” This song was well known in France and became its unofficial anthem during the period of the restoration of the monarchy. Henri IV ruled France from 1584-1610, and was much beloved by his subjects. Known as “le bon roi” for his concern for the welfare of the French public, 14

The Song will be discussed in greater detail below with A Picture of Paris taken in the year 1790, performed at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden.

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and a degree of religious tolerance unusual for the time, he suffered an unhappy end when he was assassinated by a fanatic. Both “Vive Henri IV” and “Ça ira” were used as dance tunes in Paris Federation, and were not sung. In the case of the rather solemn “Vive Henri Quatre,” this is not music that would normally seem appropriate for dance purposes, and it would be interesting to see the musical setting that was given to the tune. [Music Example 4 - 2].

Ex. 4 - 2: The Paris Federation, “Vive Henri Quatre.”

While not all of the song texts are of equal merit, that sung by the poissarde in Scene V is of particular interest since it gives voice to British disdain for French Catholicism: “Exchange your useless beads, your country serve with deeds.” In addition, the text is a subtle reminder that freedom cannot be taken for granted. The published text marks several passages a “dialogue” and takes pains to record them as being set in recitative. Alas, none of this music survives, and no mention of the composer’s name is found in any source. Unfortunately for Wewitzer, the Paris Federation appears not to have drawn an audience, and the Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser on 16 September records that the “Royalty Theatre is shut up for the fourth or fifth time. Those critics John Doe and Richard Roe have no relish for Confederation-liberty.”

Theatrical Music II: Patent Theatres Thomas Harris, manager of the Covent Garden theatre, had good reason to feel piqued with the Office of the Lord Chamberlain, and John Larpent, in particular. In 1789, the theatre had been refused permission by Larpent to present The Bastille, and the carefully planted political references in the revival of Dibdin’s The Touchstone; or, Harlequin Traveller had been similarly forbidden by the censor. Harris, a strong supporter of the Tory government, must have felt that his theatre was being unfairly denied the opportunity to capitalize upon audience interest

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in the political situation in France at a time when the summer theatres had made huge profits from the subject.14 In 1790, Harris proposed another work to John Larpent’s office called the Picture of Paris, Taken in the Year 1790. Given the absence of any apparent content in the approval script that could be deemed offensive or incite Republican sympathies, Larpent approved the script, and the premiere followed on 20 December 1790. On the surface, it may seem remarkable that the theatre was allowed to present any work dealing with recent events in Paris. George Taylor sees this as an affirmation of England’s sympathy with the achievements being celebrated in Paris.15 I suggest that careful analysis of the surviving sources provides evidence that John Larpent was duped by Thomas Harris, and what was sent for script approval only partially represented the work as it appeared on stage. The Picture of Paris, Taken in the Year 1790 (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 20 December 1790 - 25 April 1791) Pantomime devised by: Charles Bonnor Libretto: Robert Merry Composer and compiler: William Shield Publications: Airs, duetts, and chorusses, arrangement of scenery, and sketch of the pantomime entitled The Picture of Paris: Taken in the Year 1790, as performed at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden. London: T. Cadell, 1790. [Reproduction: Readex Microfiche; ECCO CW 107392510]. Three subsequent editions were released by Cadell [4th ed. ECCO CW 114154840]. Larpent MS. No. 886. [Reproduction: Readex Microfiche]. A detailed description of the plot is found in The European Magazine, December 1790, 468. Score: Songs, Duetts, Quartetts, Chorusses &c &.. in the Picture of Paris. . . London: Longman & Broderip, [1790].

The new work was designed as an afterpiece (described as a “pantomime in two parts”) and was performed after John Home’s Douglas on 20 December 1790. The division of duties between Robert Merry and Charles Bonnor was carefully obscured at the time of the premiere, although both the European Magazine (December 1790, 468) and the Public Advertiser (21 December 1790, [2]) gave credit for the lyrics and dialogue to Merry, and the pantomime sections to Bonnor. There is also evidence that the

14

Watson Nicholson, The Struggle for a Free Stage in London (New York: Benjamin Blom, 1966), 128. 15 George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage: 1789-1805 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 61.

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texts for some of the comic songs were composed by singers in the production. The following description was released to the newspapers: The Picture of Paris, Taken in the Year 1790. Interspersed with Dialogue, Airs, Duettos, Chorusses, Dances, &c. &c. &c. The Scenery, Machinery, and Decorations, entirely new, and painted by Mr. RICHARDS, Mr. CARVER, Mr. HODGINGS, Mr. PUGH, and Mr. MALTON, with many Assistants. With an exact Representation of the Banners, Orisflammes, &c. &c. in the Grand Procession to the Champ de Mars. The whole to conclude with a representation of The GRAND ILLUMINATED PLATFORM, As prepared by the City of Paris, on the ruins of the Bastile, for the Entertainment of the Provincial Deputies, and the Public. The MUSIC composed and compiled by Mr. SHIELD. The Dresses all characteristically French and New. (Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 1 January 1791, [1]).

The new afterpiece enjoyed a modicum of audience success, but received very mixed critical responses. It was performed thirty-six times in the 1790-91 season, but was never revived. An examination of the surviving source materials reveals the careful planning that went into this production and unmasks the clever deceptions that the theatre undertook to get the work accepted by John Larpent. Not the least of these deceptions was the suppression of the names of the authors: neither the script sent to the office of the censor nor the published song texts and description of scenery contain the names of Charles Bonnor or Robert Merry. Similarly, the surviving printed handbills from the theatre do not list their names.16 Admittedly, at the time of the production, Charles Bonnor had been absent from the theatrical scene for some five years, and his name was unlikely to be either a drawing card for the audience or pose a concern for 16

Eight surviving handbills are held in the collection of the London Theatre Museum for the dates 21-23, and 27-31 December 1790. These handbills give the full cast list, a detailed listing of the various scenes, and include mention of the “Grand Procession to the Champ de Mars.” That for 29 December is headed “By Command of their Majesties.”

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John Larpent. Bonnor hailed from Bristol, and had enjoyed success with the acting companies in Bristol and Bath (both as author and actor) before making his acting debut at the Covent Garden theatre on 19 September 1783. The managers there appear to have realized that Bonnor’s talents extended beyond those of a thespian, and his first year with the company was interrupted when he was sent to Paris to explore the possibility of establishing an English theatre in that city. The initial prospects for a season of plays to be given at the Tuilleries Palace appeared positive, but the plan came to nought when Queen Marie Antoinette withdrew her patronage. Bonnor returned to London and continued to act at Covent Garden until May 1785, at which time he became involved in the postal system.17 Bonnor’s command of the French language and his knowledge of Paris would seem likely reasons why Covent Garden recalled him for the Picture of Paris. While his political beliefs are less well known that those of Robert Merry, the satirical treatment of the French Assembly devised by Bonnor begs the question of whether or not he had republican sympathies. That Robert Merry’s name was not made known to the Office of the Lord Chamberlain could hardly have been an oversight. While born into comfortable affluence (the son of a governor of the Hudson’s Bay Company, he was educated at Harow and Cambridge), Merry’s poetry proposed a vision of society that was far more universal in its outlook than fit the norms of the day. His early works appeared in anthologies (published in Florence by British exiles in 1784 and 1785) under the name of Della Crusca, and they gave rise to the Della Crusician movement in Britain.18 The publication of his “Adieu and Recall to Love” in 1787 considerably elevated his status in literary London.19 Merry dropped his pseudonym in late 1789 when he travelled to France to witness the events of the Revolution, first hand. Eventually, he became a noted Opposition 17

See A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, Actresses, Musicians, Dancers, Managers & Other Stage Personnel in London: 1660-1800 for Bonnor’s full biography. 18 These poets came under increasing attack as the war with France continued. Simon Bainbridge discusses Wordsworth’s attacks on the members of the society in British Poetry and the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars: Visions of Conflict (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 109-19. 19 John Mee, “‘Reciprocal expressions of kindness’: Robert Merry, Della Cruscianism and the limits of sociability,” Romantic Sociability: Social Networks and Literary Culture in Britain, 1770-1840, ed. Gillian Russell and Clara Tuite (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 104-12.

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journalist (along with James Mackintosh, and Daniel and Charles Stuart), writing for the Morning Post after leaving the World in 1790, a newspaper whose politics Merry could no longer accept.20 Indeed, the events of the French Revolution proved to be a galvanizing force in Merry’s literary vision. His obsession with liberty is seen in the poem, “Laurel of Liberty” (1790), in what amounted to a proclamation of political radicalism. Remarkably for a theatre supposedly “Ministerial,” both Merry and the composer of the score, William Shield, appear to have had republican sympathies. Merry’s politics were likely the more extreme, and his beliefs eventually led to his being ostracized socially. James Boaden speaks of Merry’s being “perfectly rabid with the French revolution” and Merry’s association with the politics of the radical press of the time served to disgust Boaden.21 By the early 1790s, the public perception of Merry was no longer that of a gentlemen with “Whiggish” political leanings, but of someone not fit to be in polite society. Merry’s views were the antithesis of Edmund Burke’s Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790), whose followers saw Merry as an enemy.22 Merry found Britain an uncongenial place and spent much of 1792-3 in Paris, when it was reported by the Ministerial presses in London that Merry was seeking a place in the National Convention of France. The World (12 December 1792) printed a scathing attack on Merry with the comment that “when a Gentleman of talent and manners of Mr. Merry is seen associating with the last dregs of human nature, such as are now assembled at Paris, no feeling Man can help sighing over—a good man that is lost!”23 Merry fled Britain for America, dying there only two years later. It was a different fate from that suffered by the playwright, Thomas Holcroft, but no less unpleasant: Holcroft’s involvement with reformist 20

Lucyle Werkmeister, A Newspaper History of England: 1792-93 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1967), 39 21 James Boaden, Memoirs of the Life of John Philip Kemble Esq. Including A History of the Stage, from the Time of Garrick to the Present Period, 2 vols (London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green,1825), II: 47. 22 Mee, “Reciprocal expressions of kindness,” 110. 23 Cited by Werkmeister, A Newspaper History, 94. Mrs. Piozzi echoes these sentiments when she writes of Merry’s marriage to the actress, Elizabeth Brunton, fearing that it was too late to reform his character. She ends with “poor Girl! I am sorry for her.” Katherine C. Balderson, ed., Thraliana, the Diary of Mrs. Hester Lynch Thrale (later Mrs. Piozzi): 1776-1809, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarenden Press, 1942), II: 821.

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political societies led him to be tried for treason. Although cleared of the charge, Holcroft had to defend his subsequent plays from the never-ending charge of Republicanism.24 Merry was in the full flight of his euphoria following the fall of the Bastille in 1789 when he and Bonnor undertook the Picture of Paris for Covent Garden. Merry enjoyed moving in theatrical circles and likely hoped that the theatre would prove to be a useful venue from which to disseminate his political beliefs. The Covent Garden contract also gave Merry (along with Bonnor) the excuse to visit Paris in the summer of 1790 to experience first-hand the air of excitement that permeated the city. Their new work would not be the first in London to celebrate the Fête de la Fédération, but Harris and its authors knew that it would be the first work dealing with any aspect of the French Revolution to be given in a patent theatre. Although there was general optimism in Britain concerning France’s future as a constitutional monarchy, Harris must have known that John Larpent would never sanction a work that had contemporary political relevance. Comparison of the text sent to Larpent with sources published after the premiere reveals how the theatre avoided official censure. Larpent Ms. No. 886 is written on nineteen pages that contain no annotations or suggestions for revision. Adhering absolutely to the requirements of the theatre licensing acts, Harris sent only the text of the songs (and seemingly not even all of these) and the spoken dialogue to Larpent for review. Since none of the pantomime descriptions was supplied, the result was a very incomplete view of the work as a whole. Larpent must have known that the work would contain mimed sections because the word “pantomime” was contained on the title page.25 Either Larpent sensed no danger, or he was powerless to demand further information. Had he seen the pantomime descriptions, he would have realized that the work contained a great deal of political commentary. Larpent’s approval copy contains nothing more than a romantic farce that ends with the lovers being reunited, followed by a sequence of solo airs and patriotic choruses. There is nothing in the manuscript copy to indicate that this music is a depiction of the Champs de Mars celebrations, or that 24 L.W. Conolly, The Censorship of English Drama: 1737-1824 (San Marino, California: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1976), 84-5. Conolly reminds us that Holcroft died penniless in London in 1809. The charge of Republicanism was seemingly something that few could survive. 25 Perhaps it was the descriptive term “pantomime” that made Theodore Fenner omit this work from his Opera in London; View of the Press: 1785-1830 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1994).

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these celebrations were followed by a lengthy pantomime scene featuring the Mayor of Paris and the President of the National Assembly. From Larpent’s perspective, the work was a comic opera in which the hero rescues his beloved from a convent, followed by a patriotic celebration of Britain in music. While the theatre licensing acts were not contravened outright, it would seem doubtful that the Picture of Paris would have been permitted on the stage of a patent theatre, had all of the facts been presented to the censor.26

Plot The entertainment was of considerable complexity, and contained five speaking parts, ten singing roles, and twenty-one pantomime characters (the latter including Harlequin, Columbine, dancing nymphs, a marquis, a shoe-black, a gardener etc.). It began with a prologue (likely written by Bonnor) spoken by Joseph Holman.27 The somewhat apologetic tone of this prologue (which announced the aim of providing pure entertainment with traditional patriotic gestures) was likely an obfuscation to divert attention away from the underlying political message. Two versions of the prologue survive: one in the Larpent manuscript and another that was published in the European Magazine (January 1791, 72). Comparison of the two reveals that three lines were omitted from the published version. These have been inserted in brackets in the text that follows: AS on his way the trav’ling artist goes, ‘Mongst flow’r-besprinkled vales, and mountain snows, O’er fertile plains, where golden harvests bend, Or where black torrents rush, wide lakes extend, He views with equal, yet observant eyes, The ruin totter, or the palace rise. No thought has he of any casual broil That glooms the cot, or circles o’er the soil; The rich man’s follies in his halls of state, Oppression’s fury, or Contention’s hate; [He comes not to consider, but to see,] A painter, not a satirist is HE.— 26

The question remains as to why Larpent took no further action once the ruse was discovered. Since the licensing act was not contravened, there were likely few legal options open to him. The pro-government papers condemned the work, but the lack of a strong intervention avoided any possible perception of an affront to civil liberty. 27 See The London Stage: 1660-1800, Part 5, II: 1311 for the full cast list.

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To sketch each prospect, causes HIM to roam, And then to bear the mimic scenery home. So we, in all our wandering, seek to find New moral landscapes for the Public mind. Unbiass’d by Design, or Party rage, We wish to please you, and adorn our stage. For this, our PARIS PICTURE we display, In hopes to charm awhile dull Care away: [And join to Mirth perhaps some tender woe, While the true features of the time we show.] But think not we presumptuously pretend [intend] To censure other nations or commend, Whose bold exertions or disastrous zeal, With sad convulsions shake the Commonweal. No: be it ours, those comforts to revere Which Liberty and Justice settled HERE! Where the free heart a genuine tribute brings, And hails with gratitude the best of Kings.

The first omission in the printed text is likely attributable to printer’s error. The second is less easy to explain, although it is possible that the version published in the European Magazine represents cuts made to the text in performance. Larpent MS. No. 886 does not call for their suppression. It is difficult to ascertain what this strange mixture of satirical pantomime and drama was like on the stage since no single surviving source reveals the totality of the work. The Larpent copy lacks the pantomime descriptions, and the Cadell publication (that appears to have been sanctioned by the theatre) lacks the spoken dialogues and becomes quite opaque when describing the bawdier scenes. A case in point is scene 16 when St. Alban arrives at the convent looking for Louisa. The Cadell publication describes the scene: “Next presents itself, where a humorous sketch is given of the effect which the throwing off all restraint from the religious orders has had upon the manners of these hitherto secluded characters.” The does not quite do justice to the dialogue preserved in the Larpent manuscript: Scene 16: A knocking. Enter Catherine, an oldish Nun. She goes to the Door and opens it. Enter St. Alban. [St. Alban]: Madam, may I request to . . .

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[Catherine]: Pray, Sir, walk in! don’t stand at the door, Sir! I beg you’ll not be alarm’d Sir! We are very civil to all Gentlemen now, Sir! They come and go just as they please, nobody asks any Questions . . . O, ‘tis a bless’d Revolution. St. Alban: May I be permitted to address a few words to the Lady Abbess? Catherine: Ha, ha, ha! Why, the Lady Abbess has been married this fortnight to the Major Spine, late Prior of St Anne’s—I saw her yesterday, & she’s so happy. St. Alban: But, Madam, I am in the utmost anxiety. Could you. . . Catherine: Yes, Sir; any thing in my power, I’m sure, Sir. To oblige such a well-made pretty-looking, good natur’d charming Gentleman . . .28

The complexity of the work requires an extended description. The following contains excerpts from the Cadell publication, interleaved with further description taken from the European Magazine (December 1790, 468) indented and bracketed: THE first Scene is a Marquis’s Hall, in which the leading Characters are introduced.—Harlequin disguised as a Silversmith, accompanies a Painter and a Stone Carver to execute the decree of the National Assembly, respecting the disuse of armorial bearings, and the badges of nobility.— Columbine is the Marquis’s daughter, his servant Grotesque, the Clown, and a Petit Maitre is the Lover whom the Marquis recommends. [Harlequin, as a silversmith, accompanies the persons appointed to take down the badges of the Nobility. Columbine is the daughter of a Marquis, destined for a Petit Maitre.] Harlequin, as the Silversmith, produces one of the Assignats in payment of the now useless Coronet, and the female Companion of Columbine sings the following SONG. (“Would you know where gentle love?”). THE second Scene is a faithful representation of the celebrated Convent of the Jacobins, situated in Rue St. Honorè, part of which, according to an inscription on the Gate, is converted by the National Guards into a Guard House, or Rendezvous for the first Battalion of the Division of St. Roch. The Business of this Scene exhibits the relaxed State 28 Reprinted with permission from the Huntington Library where the manuscript is housed.

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Chapter Four of the austerity which formerly characterized the religious Orders, and the unbridled licenciousness of the Poissards. [In the usual flights and pursuits the audience is presented with views and incidents, at the Convent of Jacobins, the very focus of Democratic passions.] THE third Scene lies in the Place de Greve, and takes in the entire front of the Hotel de Ville; the fatal Lanterne appears at the corner, where the Poissards, about to sacrifice a Victim, are dissuaded from the sanguinary purpose by a party of the National Guards, whose Leader advises them to have their proceedings sanctioned by the authority of the Magistrates, and they all repair to the grand Municipality Chamber of the Hotel de Ville. [--at the Hotel de Ville, where the fishwomen display the terrors of the Lanterne—on the two New Bridges—at the Palais de Bourbon-in the National Assembly--at the Champ de Mars, and on a platform covering the ruins of the Bastille.] The Magistrates refusing to pass sentence of death upon the object of the Poissards’ savage resentment, they propose to make the Magistrates themselves the victims of their vengeance, but are frustrated by the success of Columbine’s compassionate entrance with Harlequin to exert his transforming power on the occasion, who converts the three magistrates into emblematical Figures of Justice, Mercy, and Truth. A Scene of a Street and Parisian Public House on the Boulevards, is follow by: A perspective View from Pont Royal of the celebrated New Bridge called Pont Louis Seize, which crosses the River Seine from Place Louis Quinze, to the neighbourhood of the Palais Bourbon. A variety of local Characters and manners is displayed in this Scene, and in the following is introduced a SONG. (“Great Britain is the noblest land”). A Representation of the elegant Fountain which formerly stood at the corner of Rue le Noir,—and is now placed in the centre of the Market des Innocens, Changes to the front of the New Edifice built for the National Guards of that District, on the side of the Market which faces Rue St. Dennis.

Champ de Mars Amongst the Characters in this Scene are a group of Savoyards, who play and sing the following SONG and CHORUS (“Ve be de merry Savoyard”). THIS is followed by a Street Scene, where an Irish Officer and his servant animadvert in dialogue upon the humours of the place, and it terminates with the following SONG. (“The turban’d Turk”). [English and Irish travellers are introduced, who speak and sing their various sentiments; and a pathetic scene takes place at a Convent, on the visit of an English Gentleman who had lost his mistress within the walls.] This is followed by An exact view of a GRAND Assembly, with a representation of the Members in debate, and the Visitors in the several Galleries. By virtue of Harlequin’s mutable power, the whole becomes changed to THE TEMPLE OF CONCORD. Where the Goddess seated on her Throne receives the offerings of her attendant Votaries, and the following Air, Duett and Chorus are performed. (“Silver lutes, and melting lays”). A GRAND DANCE. ACT II. OPENS with a partial view of the Champs de Mars, (including the Pavillion erected before the Ecole Militaire) in its state of preparation for the reception of the King and Members of the National Assembly. (Glee: “We be solders three.”) IN the inside of a Coffee House Harlequin, in order to divert the attention of the Pursuers, causes two candles, which are placed on a table they are reading the Newspapers at, to be extinguished, and at the same instant, one candle which appeared in the middle of a table on the opposite side of the room, becomes three, which are divided at equal distances from each other; after which, the three candles again become one, and the two which were put out on the other table become re-illuminated.—Harlequin escapes himself by a leap through a dial over the fire place, and encloses Grotesque within an iron railing close to the bars of the grate where he is in imminent danger of being burnt to death.

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Chapter Four This is followed by a view of the Gate of St. Antoine. Grotesque escaped from the first place, runs with his clothes in a blaze, followed by the waiters with a pail of water and a wet blanket to extinguish it. In the same Scene a Spying Glass is changed into a Broad Sword, with which Harlequin vanquishes the Pioneer. _____ The next Scene is A Perspective view of the Champ de Mars (taken from the Heights of Chaillot, which is the elegant Village opposite, and just across the River Seine, its altitude, and vicinity affording a compleat survey of the whole Scene of action.) The time is supposed to be immediately preceding the King’s taking the Fœderation Oath, and when the performance of the awful ceremony was celebrated by the general acclamations of the people, and the discharge of the Artillery. ____ INSIDE OF A CONVENT. Next presents itself, where a humorous sketch is given of the effect which the throwing off all restraint from the religious orders has had upon the manners of those hitherto secluded characters. [The Nun comes out to him veiled; affects deep concern that his mistress should not have lived to participate [in] this happy event; and in the act of delivering to him her last bequest, she throws off her veil and delivers up herself.] The Triumphal Arch erected at the entrance of the Champs de Mars, then admits in procession, a selection of the several orders and descriptions of people, who assembled to assist at the ceremony of the grand federation. During the Procession, the following Airs and Chorusses are performed. (Songs: “Onward come in wanton measure,” “Hence, Slavery afar!” “No longer shall war, and tyrannical sway”). ____ Among the various descriptions of Characters which form the Profession are, The provincial Deputies each bearing the Oriflamme, or Standard presented by the Garde Nationale of the City of Paris.

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The Choristers of l’Eglise Notre Dame, of the Royal Choir, and selection of the most admired voices appointed to assist on this occasion in the performance of the Grand Mass, and celebrate honours of the Fete. Separate detachments of the Paris Guard of several Districts, each Detachment headed by its particular distinguishing Banner. The incense bearers, and a train of Vicars-general carrying the sacred books, supported by a body of the Clergy in their canonicals, comprising the several degrees which composed the Assemblage at the Alter, when the Provincial Oriflamme’s were consecrated. The Members of the National Assembly, with the Gentlemen Ushers and the PRESIDENT, followed by the Citizens Electors, the Committee of Citizen, appointed to do the honours of the Fête, and the MAYOR OF PARIS, Supported by a selection of the King’s Body Guard, called the Gens d’Armes. After the Procession, a Scene of various Pantomimical Business, includes the reconciliation of Harlequin with the Marquis, who bestows his daughter upon him in return for the protection his interference afforded against the savage Assaults of the Poissards. From thence the people crowded to the celebrated Fête given by the National Guards of Paris to the provincial Deputies and the Public, upon the decorated and illuminated Platform of the Bastile, which they christened the Gallic Temple of Liberty. The Piece concludes with a POPULAR DANCE.

The complexity of the work is remarkable for an afterpiece, and the theatre must have expended large sums on the production. Distanced by time, however, it appears to be an uneasy mixture of satire, spectacle, singing, and a harlequinade, with other incidents that could have been transplanted into any comic opera of the period. The comedic elements dominate, even in light of the serious events that led up to the

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commemorative celebrations on 14 July. That is the nature of pantomime, however, and the authors may have felt obliged to cloak their offering in comedy in order to mask the political tone of the work. The ruse of trying to “convey the French spirit at the time” appears to have worked in some quarters, for the European Magazine (December, 1790, 468) comments, “whether [France] be in the road to [freedom], is probably as well known to Harlequin, the hero of the present Pantomime, as to Lord Stanhope, Mr. Burke, or Dr. Price.” Others were less amused, and there is considerable divergence in the critical opinion concerning this work. The Times (21 December, [2]), likely stating the “official” view, claimed that theatre “ought ever to steer clear of politics” and further suggested that the serious actors, Holman and Brunton, had been “degraded by the trash of the pantomime.” The reviewer further remarks that audience members were strongly divided on the merits of the piece, and that the work needed “material alterations and curtailments” to be successful. After the royal family attended a performance on 29 December, the Times printed a further damning review that attacks Merry without naming him directly: “We should be glad to be informed what reference the statues of Truth, Mercy, and Justice, exhibited in the new Pantomime of the Picture of Paris, has to the subject of it.—Surely the author of this incoherent jumble of ideas does not mean to affirm that the Revolution in France is founded on any of those godlike virtues” (30 December, [2]). The question of the mixing of harlequinade and drama was examined in other reviews. One critic opined that the work would have been better “had [it] assumed another shape than that of Pantomime. . . and had not been presented in caricature, nor coupled with ridicule.” The dialogue was further damned with the following: “a serious scene was introduced with as little felicity as it was imagined, where the poverty of the dialogue rendered more irksome the misplaced incongruity of the idea, we recommend to them to expunge; and perhaps the spectacle would be rendered more interesting to the friends of freedom if it betrayed less of an aristocratic spirit.–The vulgar calumny on the National Assembly of France, which states that it is a scene of incessant uproar, and belljingling, is no longer credited, even by the fugitives who gave it birth.”29 Without stating it explicitly, the review appears to call for a curtailment of the scene with St. Alban and Louisa at the convent. This suggestion was 29 Unidentified clipping found in the London Theatre Museum (file: GE. 2481). Given these comments, the review would appear to come from a Ministerial paper.

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echoed by both the Public Advertiser (21 December 1790, [ 2]) and the World (21 December, [3]), with the former stating that “if some business is necessary to give time for preparing the following scene, might not O’Leary and his servant be introduced with better effect?” Their wish was granted, and the Public Advertiser (23 December, 5) reports that “the interview between St. Alban and Louisa is a very judicious omission.” The paper also reports that there had been a “shortening [of] some of the least interesting scenes.” Many of the reviews state that the pantomime sections found some favour with the audience, and most reviews praise the lavishness of the production, and the faithfulness of the representations (attributing their success to Bonnor), while also complimenting the composer and scene painter. Some of Robert Merry’s lyrics were deemed to have poetic merit; but others, “when he descends to earth and meaning he grovels.”30 Not surprisingly, the most charitable reviews are found in the Opposition Presses: A new Pantomime, under the title of The Picture of Paris, was last night exhibited at this Theatre. As a magnificent Spectacle, it has every claim to admiration. It consists of a series of beautiful and striking scenes of action of the French Revolution. The dialogue is occasionally humorous and the songs in general well written . . . The music is chiefly original, and it bears evident marks of the genius of Shield. (Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 21 December 1790, [3]).

The mixed nature of the work presented many opportunities for the audience and critics to find fault.31 Some members in the audience took offense at seeing current political content on the stage of a patent theatre, while others complained about the mixture of drama and pantomime. The coarse nature of parts of Merry’s text resulted in the convent scene disappearing within two days of opening night. One cannot blame audiences if they left the theatre somewhat confused by the work. Was it meant to be a satire, or a sympathetic display of events in Paris? The World (27 December, [3]) emphatically stated that “the representation is not a caricature of the French Revolution, and its consequences; it is a 30

Ibid. The Argus (21 December, [2]) reports that the audience was further divided by age, with the older members finding the work too long, while the younger members showed greater patience with it. The critic states that, although the production was grand, there was too little incident in the offering, and even refers to it as a “still life.” 31

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faithful narrative of facts brought forward in a dramatic dress, and cannot fail to please, while it informs the mind.” This is likely a puff released by a theatre that wanted to maintain its standards of presenting serious drama. At the same time, the notice recalls the claims of authenticity made by the summer theatres in their presentations earlier that year. It may well be that the Picture of Paris was appreciated more for its elaborate spectacle and music than its plot. The printing of the scene descriptions by Cadell extended to a fourth edition, and much of the music was released in a vocal score. Some of the comic songs achieved considerable renown, and were given separate publications by presses as far away as Dublin and Boston. The comment about the overly “aristocratic” tone of the work is curious in light of the amount of harlequinade in the piece. Could the criticism have been made by a critic of a ministerial paper just to annoy the revolutionary Merry? History proved to be kinder to the work than its contemporary critics, and the Biographia Dramatica records in 1812 that the work was “ingenious” and had met with great success. It is not surprising that the theatre never revived the piece, however, for it would have been viewed as being unpatriotic once the political situation in France became darker.

Music The musical score was composed and compiled by William Shield (1748-1829), the house composer for the Covent Garden theatre. Many of Shield’s stage works are pasticcios, and even Rosina (1782), his most popular opera, borrows music for nearly half of the work.32 Audiences of the day expected the practice, and Shield usually acknowledged his debt in the printed scores. That for the Picture of Paris indicates that it contains borrowed music from Johann Gottlieb Naumann’s opera, Amphion (1778), although the exact borrowings are not identified.33 Furthermore, there is evidence to show that newly-composed music by other composers was heard in this production. Longman and Broderip released “Paddy Bull’s 32

Robert H.B. Hoskins, “The Theatre Music of William Shield,” Studies in Music 21 (1987): 87. 33 First performed in Stockholm 24 January 1778. A version in short score and German translation was issued in 1784 by Leopold Neumann in Dresden. It appears that this is the score to which Shield had access, since the short-score accompaniments are also “borrowed” in the Picture of Paris score. Shield accepts Naumann’s music, only altering introductions and extending the final cadential passages.

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Expedition,” “a favorite Irish Song Sung by Mr. Rock at the Theatre Royal Covent Garden in the Pantomime Entertainment called A PICTURE OF PARIS.” The song is indicated to have been “written by Mr. Collins, Author of the Evening Brush. Adapted by W. Reeve.” It was not uncommon to leave the composition of comic and specialty songs to a composer whose major talents lay in that area, while the principal composer/arranger concentrated on the more serious moments. With the Picture of Paris, William Reeve appears to have been given the task of creating some of the comic songs, although his exact role in this production remains unknown. “Paddy Bull’s Expedition” is not found in Shield’s published score, strengthening Roger Fiske’s conjecture that there may have been other comic songs performed in the work that have not survived.34 The vocal score was published by Longman & Broderip, and covers thirty-seven pages. The size of the publication is indicative of both Shield’s popularity and the interest in theatre music for home performance. The following outlines the musical contents of Shield’s score, as much as they can be ascertained from the available sources. Page references are given for the published vocal score, the Larpent manuscript and the Cadell description of the afterpiece. Individual character names cannot be given with certainty because they are not indicated in any of the sources: 1) Oh ça ira, Introduction to the Picture of Paris for the Harpsichord or Piano Forte, C major,24, ternary, [not mentioned in Larpent, or Cadell; Shield, 1-3] 2) Sung by Miss Barnett [“Would you know where gentle Love for a sly Concealment goes”] (soprano), C major, 44, ternary, [Larpent,1; Cadell, 6; Shield, 4-5) 3) Sung by Mr. Incledon [“Great Britain is the noblest Land”] (tenor), D major, 44, three-verse strophic air with refrain [Larpent, 2; Cadell, 8; Shield, 6-7) 4) Sung by Mr. Johnstone [“The turban’d Turk who scorns the world,”] (tenor), b minor, C|, three-verse strophic air [Larpent,6; Cadell,10; Shield, 10-11]

34 Fiske, English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth Century. 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 542. Hime (the Dublin publisher) released “None can love like an Irishman,” ca. 1790 which is attributed to William Reeve for the Picture of Paris. The identification of this particular song is easily made—the published song title is merely the repeated refrain of the song, “The turban’d Turk.” Less easily explained is why the publisher attributed the song to Reeve, unless he believed that Reeve had composed all of the comic songs.

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Chapter Four 5) Sung by Mr. Blanchard and Miss Huntley [“We be de merry Savoyard”] (S-T duet), A major, 24, two-verse strophic air [Larpent, 7; Cadell, 9; Shield, 8-9] 6) Glee (“We be soldiers three”) [Larpent, 8; Cadell, 14 where it begins Act II; not published in Shield] 7) Sung by Female Voices [“Silver Flutes in melting Lays,” music by Naumann35] (S-S-A chorus), G major, 24, through composed [Larpent, 9; Cadell,12 with the indication that a dance followed; Shield, 12-13] 8) Duetto Sung by Miss Williams and Miss Barnett [“Why seeks the gentle Bird of Love”] (S-S duet), Bb major, 34, through composed [Larpent, 9; Cadell, 12, as the end of Act I along with a “grand dance”; Shield, 1418] 9) Glee (“When sacred freedom treads the Plain”) [Larpent, 16; not found in Cadell or Shield] 10) Sung by Mrs. Martyr, Mrs. Warrel, Mr. Davis and Mr. Bannister [“Onward come in wanton measure,” music by Naumann36] (SATB quartet), F major, 68, da capo structure [Larpent, 16; Cadell, 17; Shield, 19-23] 11) Sung by Mr. Johnstone [“There was an Irish Lad who lov’d a cloyster’d Nun”] (tenor), d minor, 24, three-verse strophic air [Not in Larpent or Cadell; Shield, 24-25; published by Longman and Broderip as “Smalilou”] 12) Sung by Mr. Bannister [“Hence Slavery afar controul the balefull Star”] (bass), g minor, 44, binary form [Larpent, 17; Cadell, 18; Shield, 26-27] 13) Sung by Mr. Incledon [“No longer shall war and tyrannical sway”] (tenor), Eb major, 34, through composed [Larpent,17; Cadell,18; Shield, 28-29] 14) Finale to the Procession [“Hark to the general voice”] (SATB chorus), Bb major, 24, ternary [Larpent, 17; Cadell, 18; Shield, 30-34] 15) [Song, “Come let us dance,” a setting of the revolutionary French air, “Ça ira,” the French words of which are printed below Merry’s English lyric] (S-A), G major, 24, ternary [not in Larpent; Cadell reads “the Piece concludes with a Popular Dance”; Shield, 35-37] 16) “Paddy Bull’s Expedition,” listed by Longman and Broderip as having been performed in this work.

The score is an odd mix of reduction practices. The overture is given in an idiomatic keyboard version, while the air that follows has only the melody and a bass line. The latter style is most often encountered in the solo vocal airs. The quartet, “Onward come in wanton measure” (by Naumann), provides a full accompaniment for keyboard (but is marked 35 36

“Amphion du Menschen rettet,” in the Naumann published score (1784), 68. “Grosse Segen haben heute,” in the Naumann published score (1784), 153.

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“violini” and “basso”), while the Finale has a written-out accompaniment marked “Cembalo.” In part, this can be attributed to the fact that Shield accepts the musical text of Neumann’s published score at face value. Even so, the other anomalies invite speculation that the published reduction is the result of several hands and/or that Shield did not oversee the publication. The wide range of musical styles cannot be attributed solely to the presence of three (or perhaps more) composers in the afterpiece. Shield’s own music makes use of styles ranging from the sentimental opening air, “Would you know where gentle Love,” to the thoroughly popular style of “The turban’d Turk” and the operatic duet, “Why seeks the gentle Bird of Love.”37 The text of the duet is also quite sentimental, and the testing musical setting could only be accomplished by trained voices. Of particular interest in this work is Shield’s use of the French revolutionary air, “Ça ira,” in the overture and in the finale. The song had appeared on the eve of the Festival of the Federation (14 July 1790) with a text by the street singer, Ladré, set to the dance tune “Le Carillon National” by Bécourt from 1786. It quickly became one of the most popular revolutionary songs, and the virtual theme of the festival as people sang and danced it repeatedly at the event.38 The song’s title can be roughly translated as “it will succeed,” and this is a case where the new lyrics totally transform the original character of the melody. As new verses were added to those initially devised by Ladré, the song took on an even more incendiary tone. Sentiments such as “the clergy well regrets all its wealth,” “string up the aristocrats to the lampposts!” and “we will no longer have nobles or priests,” did much to inspire the bloodbath that was soon to follow in Paris. Bécourt’s tune was already well known by the time of the 1790 celebrations. Ironically, it had been one of Marie Antoinette’s favourite keyboard pieces.39 Ladré’s choice of Bécourt’s tune was sagacious for it is typical of many popular airs in that it has easily-remembered elements; in 37

The opening measure of this duet may also have been inspired by parts of Naumann’s score, where the same melodic and rhythmic figure is found in several places. 38 Cornwell B. Rogers, The Spirit of Revolution in 1789: A Study of Public Opinion as Revealed in Political Songs and Other Popular Literature at the Beginning of the French Revolution (New York: Greenwood Press, 1949), 8. Rogers (347) also examines the possibility of an earlier dating for Ladré’s text. 39 Martine David and Anne-Marie Delrieu, Aux sources des chansons populaires. Le Français retrouvé 9 (Paris: Librairie Classique Eugène Belin, 1984), 143.

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this case, an alternating note figure, followed by scalar passages. The repetition of the alternating figure at the beginning, coupled with the strongly-marked rhythms, made it well suited for the revolutionary mobs of Paris. [Music Example 4 - 3].

Ex. 4 - 3: French Revolutionary Song: “Ça ira!”

Shield’s decision to incorporate the revolutionary song in his score was a canny one: it provides an air of authenticity and immediacy with the events in Paris. The overture (C major, called an Introduction) is cast in one movement and, while marked “rondo,” is actually a ternary movement with a central section in the parallel minor. The keyboard transcription is idiomatic and the music is well crafted, if not adventurous harmonically. Unfortunately, the transcription undercuts his intentions. While we may never know what the piece sounded like in its orchestral guise (that score being lost), the keyboard reduction with its frequent Alberti bass accompaniment patterns dilutes the rhythmic insistence of the original and tames its elemental power. What had been a cry of defiance has been turned into genteel parlour music. [Music Example 4 - 4]. When the tune returns at the end of the work, its original power is again diminished by Merry’s trite text: Come let us dance Happy days have appear’d at last Come let us dance Taste the joys kind fate bestows Hopes delight each Bosom knows And far away drives all our woes Come let us dance Happy days have appear’d at last Come let us dance Taste the joys kind fate bestows Hopes delight each Bosom knows For the danger now is past and never to return again. Come let us dance etc.

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Ex. 4 - 4: Shield, The Picture of Paris, “Introduction,” mm. 1-16.

Although the published score was aimed at the home market, many of the vocal airs are quite sophisticated and would have taxed the skills of all but the most talented amateurs. Furthermore, some of the sentiments would have offended delicate sensibilities. “The turban’d Turk” was likely the worst offender in this regard with the repeated sentiment in each of the three verses that no European can “love like an Irishman.” That said, it also proved to be the most popular tune in the show. The comic song, “We be de merry Savoyard,” demonstrates Merry’s attempt to insert cautious revolutionary sentiments into the work with the text “as we found de living hard we come to de France to get the de bread, de Song and de dance be our reward.”40 The need to create a British perspective on the matter is demonstrated in the martial air given to Charles Incledon, “Great Britain is the noblest Land.” The piano reduction gives cues for orchestral instruments that lead to the conclusion that this was a richly orchestrated number that ended each verse with a chorus. The insistent dotted rhythms evoke trumpet fanfares, and the text is a patriotic anthem for Britain that ends (somewhat incongruously) with a salute to the English King in French: 40 See the discussion of the Roast Beef Cantata in Chapter 1 for a similar view of France.

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Chapter Four Great Britain is the noblest Land That e’er the World could boast, Where freedom regulates command, And her we love the most. The King, the Nation, and the Law, we’re happy to obey, Then Vive le Loi, Vive le Roi and Vive la Libertè.

The ensembles borrowed from Naumann’s Amphion have considerable melodic appeal, especially the quartet, “Onward come in wanton measure.” Here the alternation of male and female voices in answering phrases proves to be most effective, although the dramatic action must have stopped completely at this point. Given that the quartet cast as a da capo movement, the text is dramatically static. In addition to borrowing ensemble music, Shield shows himself capable of composing highly effective ensembles, as is demonstrated in the finale and the extended duet for two sopranos, “Why seeks the gentle Bird of Love.” This duet shows the hand of an experienced theatrical composer who was capable of sustaining longer periods of music within a dramatic structure. The duet requires two trained voices comfortable with sustaining a high tessitura. If the text about the Nightingale’s “tune to the pale blushes of the Moon” is inconsequential, the musical setting is not. The overall tonality of the movement is B-flat major, and Shield’s modulations to the dominant and the relative minor are hardly novel. Yet, Shield uses these expected harmonic moves to help delineate characterization and provide a level of tension through music that is otherwise absent in the text. [Music Example 4 - 5].

Ex. 4 - 5: Shield, The Picture of Paris, “Why seeks the gentle bird of love,” mm. 1-15.

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Ultimately, it was the comic songs in the work that outlived the work as a whole. Four of these survive: one was composed by William Reeve, and another (“The turban’d Turk”) is stylistically so similar to Reeve’s comic style that his music must have served as Shield’s model. There can be little question that “The turban’d Turk” was composed by Shield. It is contained in the published score, and also enjoyed a separate publication by Longman and Broderip, where it is listed as “composed by Mr. Shield.”41 Some contemporaries, such as the publisher Hime in Dublin, questioned the authorship. Yet, when the song was borrowed by Reeve in his pastiche score for the production of British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship in 1794, he was careful to indicate that Shield was the composer. The song’s melody has a simple, but memorable, tune that allows for the clear projection of the text. The song was tailor-made for John Johnstone (1759?-1828), a self-taught Irish tenor who was known for his high falsetto notes. Johnstone made his Covent Garden debut in 1783, at which time he enjoyed an enormous success, both for his voice and his engaging stage personality. His strong Irish accent limited the number of parts available to him; however, Shield tried to find an appropriate part for Johnstone in his works, whenever possible. The actor often played servant roles, in which he excelled, and his role of the servant to an Irish Officer in the Picture of Paris is highly typical.42 Johnstone’s high tenor voice was celebrated in “The turban’d Turk,” which contains repeated notes A2 and a held B2. The song’s foursquare rhythms and b-minor tonality provide the traditional “put upon” servant character with an opportunity for a true comic turn as he imitates various nationalities. [Music Example 4 - 6].

41

The Public Advertiser similarly singles out Shield as the composer of the song in its review, stating that it “was extremely well sung, and very loudly encored.” 42 Fiske, English Theatre Music, 629.

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Ex. 4 - 6: Shield, The Picture of Paris, “The turban’d Turk,” verse 1.

Reeve’s “Paddy Bull’s Expedition” (first line: “When I took my departure from Dublin’s sweet town”) borrows from a folk source, and the issue by John Lee in Dublin (1795?) includes the caption “To the tune of Lango Lee” beneath the title.43 This tune was well known in London, and had been previously used as the basis of concert music. Around 1775, Straight and Skillern published a set of anonymous variations for keyboard based on the tune, and Johannn Christian Fischer’s Concerto No. 8 (published by J. Preston, ca. 1785) also made use of it. The words that were used in the Picture of Paris are attributed to the singer, John Collins (1742-1808), who used the song in his one-man entertainment Evening Brush. First heard in Bath in 1788, this entertainment then transferred to the Royalty Theatre in London. So successful was the offering that Collins continued to perform it during the 1790s.44 No reference is made to Reeve’s setting of the tune in either the Larpent approval script or in the text published by Cadell, leading to the supposition that the song was a late addition to the show to provide greater popular appeal. Certainly, the text is completely extraneous to the action of the Picture of Paris. As found in the Longman and Broderip edition, the song is set as a six-verse, strophic air, with an accompaniment for violin and short score. [Music Example 4 -7].

43

This is not included in the edition published by Longman and Broderip in London, [1790], but each verse contains the reference to the song title. 44 His treatment of the tune must have been quite popular: between 1790-95, it was issued by both John Lee and Hime in Dublin, as well as Longman & Broderip in London.

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Ex. 4 - 7: Reeve, “Paddy Bull’s Expedition,” mm. 1-16.

Shield appears to be the composer of the remaining comic songs. “We be de merry Savoyard” is said to have been sung by Mr. Blanchard and Miss Huntley, although the score presents the music as a simple unison song with two verses. Shield’s musical style is very similar to that of Reeve, with a simple tune and foursquare rhythms. The accompaniment which features an elaborate solo violin accompaniment in the second verse ascends into the stratosphere for comic effect gives the setting provides the musical interest. Similar melodic qualities are present in the song, “There was an Irish Lad,” published separately under the title “Smalilou.” Once again, the words are not printed in the published text by Cadell, nor are they found in the text supplied to the Office of the Lord Chamberlain. If this was a late addition to the score, it proved to be a fortuitous choice. It was one of the most popular pieces in the show, with publications by William Norman in Boston, E. Rhames, and Hime in Dublin, and Longman and Broderip in London. There are more than passing similarities to Shield’s “Turban’d Turk.” Once again, the tonality is minor (here, d minor) and the setting is for high tenor voice (the D above high C is even required). Typical of such songs, it contains multiple verses that are set in a strophic manner.

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Both Cadell’s published description and Larpent’s manuscript copy contain the words for one further comic piece, the music of which was not included in the published score. At the beginning of Act II, a three-part glee was sung by Incledon, Davis and Bannister (“We be soldiers three, Pardonnez moi, je vous en prie”). The four verses all end with a reference to the poverty faced by the French people, poverty resulting from years of aristocratic abuse. Given that this was the only text heard in the entire scene, its Republican message was made doubly strong. Music for this text, however, has not been found, and it is possible that it was never published. The relationship between politics and the performing arts is often fraught with tension. Although Thomas Harris was able to bring the Picture of Paris to the stage, the very means by which he achieved this success presented near-insurmountable difficulties for the creators of the work and did nothing to lower the barriers of theatrical censorship. Segregating the political commentary to the pantomime sections may have been necessary to avoid the censor’s disapproval, but it took the work into the realms of satire and resulted in a lack of coherency. It is not a surprise that the Public Advertiser (21 December 1790, [2]) observed that “Pantomime is not a foil in which Tragedy can flourish.” While the scenic spectacle gave much pleasure, the audience appears to have been divided over the largely comic nature of the work. William Shield was as disadvantaged by the restrictions surrounding the work as were Bonnor and Merry. With few moments of any real drama in the text on which to draw, Shield’s contributions to the pastiche score are melodious and well crafted, but lack strong musical contrasts and dramatic impact. Typical of this situation is “Why seeks the gentle Bird of Love,” which is one of the strongest numbers musically, but has the least dramatic text. Perhaps unfairly, Shield was criticized for the unevenness of his score. The review in the Public Advertiser (21 December 1790, [2]) states that “the music was compiled and composed by Mr. Shield, and was not devoid of merit; though we think it not so happy as some of his other productions.” On many levels, it appears that this tribute to the Fête de la fédération never achieved the popular or critical success given to the productions at the Sadler’s Wells Theatre and Astley’s Amphitheatre. The Picture of Paris played in a venue where audiences were not accustomed to seeing works of contemporary political relevance performed, and the authors were hampered by the need to disguise the political tone of the work to achieve the censor’s approval. Anyone who attended the work expecting

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to see something that represented the actual events of the Paris celebrations (along the lines of that performed at the minor theatres) was bound to be disappointed. This was a no win situation for all concerned, and one is reminded of St. Évremond’s description of opera as the work where poet and musician are equally obstructed by the other. In the case of a Picture of Paris, it would appear that the circumstances surrounding the creation and the need to circumvent legislation resulted in the botched result, leaving the composer, Shield, to do what he could to salvage the work with his music. Although the Picture of Paris did not result in a lessening of the Lord Chamberlain’s restrictions on the patent theatres, the very lengths to which Harris and the Covent Garden theatre went to present topical drama demonstrates the potent nature of the subject matter for London theatres.

CHAPTER FIVE THE CAPTIVITY: AT HOME AND ABROAD

From Austria Mary— then the pride of France! Too soon these gay delusive dreams were o’er, And fled the Palace to return no more. Alas! how awful was the change of scene!— A captive Monarch, and a weeping Queen, Prov’d that Adversity, all nature’s lot, Lowers on the Palace, and o’erhangs the Cot. Unhappy Queen! thy fate is sure severe, And might from Savages extort a tear! Where is the cringing Courtier’s homage now? His honey’d accents, his betraying bow? Where all the suitors of thy splendid hour, Who sought thy favour, or who fear’d thy pow’r? Fled—like the fancy’d land the Sailor spies, That cheers his hopes, but disappoints his eyes!1

On 6 October 1789, the French royal family was forcibly moved to the Tuileries Palace in Paris. Ostensibly there to help bring peace to the nation, they were virtually prisoners in the old and uncomfortable palace. The monarchs were lampooned and caricatured in highly unbecoming ways, even in public places. Frederic Reynolds was shocked to see engravings for sale at the Foire de St. Laurent that portrayed Marie Antoinette as a wolf and Louis XVI as an inversion of natural justice.2 In Britain, the saga of the French royal family proved to have an enduring interest, one which resulted in much newspaper copy and many musical compositions. The focus of the latter was Marie Antoinette and her 1 W.T.F.***G.****D., Esq. [William Thomas Fitzgerald], The Tribute of an Humble Muse to an unfortunate captive Queen, the Widowed Mourner of a Murdered King (London: Hookham and Carpenter, 1793), 2-3. 2 Frederick Reynolds, The Life and Times of Frederick Reynolds. Written by Himself, 2 vols (London: n.p., 1827), I: 229.

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children; the situation of Louis XVI—a Catholic, and a model of absolutist repression decried in England—did not evoke much sympathy or interest until 1791. Louis XVI’s support of the American War of Independence (lost by Britain in 1783) was too recent a memory for the British public to readily forgive. Marie Antoinette, on the other hand, was too fascinating and pathetic a figure to ignore. The years spent in confinement at the Tuileries Palace under close supervision ultimately made the monarchs feel threatened. They had long been secretly counselled by the comte de Mirabeau to flee to a provincial centre and set up the royal standard in a place where revolutionary fervour had not taken hold. Rouen (in Normandy) had been suggested but the Louis XVI, who did not want to be seen as a coward, resisted the idea. Finally, in June of 1791, there seemed to be no other option for the royal family but to flee from Paris.3 The escape plan had been devised by MarieAntoinette’s admirer, Count Axel Fersen of Sweden, and saw the royal family travelling in heavy disguise as the servants of a Russian aristocrat. Metz was ultimately chosen as the destination and, while safely further from Paris than Rouen, the plan required a long journey during which the royal family must not be recognized. While the escape on 20 June was initially successful, the royal family relaxed too quickly in their success, and were recognized by the son-in-law of a village postmaster. Word spread quickly, and the royal family was apprehended in the village of Varennes. Michael Kelly recounts that they returned to Tuilleries Palace in total silence where the large assembled crowd displayed signs of “depression and sorrow.”4 The event was reported in great detail (albeit with much speculation) in Britain, and the Times included extended descriptive articles on 27 and 28 June. Sympathy for the French monarchs increased at this time, and the Times (27 June, 2) condemns the National Assembly of France as a “tyranny of a Democratic Usurpation.” The article (likely reflecting “official” 3

Details of this episode are in Evelyne Lever, Marie Antoinette: The Last Queen of France, trans. Catherine Temerson (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 2000), 25059. The London Chronicle (7-9 July 1791) also published an extensive account of their aborted trip, including directly-quoted conversations (presumably invented). 4 Michael Kelly, Reminiscences of Michael Kelly of the King’s Theatre and Theatre Royal Drury Lane, ed. and with an introduction by A. Hyatt King. 2 vols (1826; reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1968), II: 25. Kelly saw fit to leave France at this point, and had to deal with an unfriendly mob at Ecouen. He was much relieved to return to England.

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government views) supports Louis XVI’s rights as a monarch, regretting his lack of opportunity to “apply to his allies and friends for that assistance, that might enable him to bring back his rebellious subjects to a due sense of their loyalty to their Sovereign, and their duty to their country.” In a volte-face, the French King who, in 1789, had been viewed as a despotic monarch, was now seen as the just ruler of France in official circles.5 The great revolution that had been largely praised was now seen as a movement of Republican evil. The following year saw the French declaration of war against Austria in April, the forced move of the royal family to even less comfortable quarters at the Temple on 13 August, the abolition of the monarchy on 22 September and the trial of Louis XVI in December. The rest of Europe watched in horror at the speed with which France redefined itself as a nation. In London, there was surprisingly little theatrical response to the events in Paris, with only two works dealing directly with the attempted escape of the royal family. Both of these works were performed in the summer theatres.

Theatrical Music: Minor Theatres Philip Astley and the Sadler’s Wells theatre chose to present works dealing directly with the flight of the French monarchs. The potential for high drama was certainly present in the tale, but the lack of a happy ending was an obstacle for theatrical presentation. Sadler’s Wells waited until late in their season before presenting The Royal Prisoners; Or, Les Innocens enfermées on 26 September. The success of this theatre’s patriotic exhibition on 4 July which celebrated the procession of the nobility to the courtyard of St. James’ Palace, where they were received by the English King and Queen, may have induced the producers to portray the highly contrasted state of the French monarchs. On the other hand, Philip Astley presented The Royal Fugitives; or, France in an Uproar 5

An opposing view of the French Monarchs is seen in the satirical song, “a Ballad of the French Revolution,” which, although dated 14 July 1791, does not carry any publisher data. The ballad, meant to be sung to the tune of “Ça ira,” runs to eight pages, and recounts the fall of the Bastille and the events leading up to the failed attempt of Louis XVI and his family to flee Paris. The tone of the work is strongly anti-monarchy, stating that “all Paris caught the holy flame,” and ends with the lines “May wisdom also blow the bellows, if such a fire should happen here.” (?London: 1791), available through Eighteenth Century Collections Online, Gale Document Number CW107139244 (accessed on 26 April 2006).

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over a month before the Sadler’s Wells piece. Ultimately, neither work proved to be particularly successful. The Royal Fugitives; or, France in an Uproar (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 18 July - 27 August 1791) Author and Composer: not named (a “sketch consisting of Music and Dancing”).

With this work, Astley appears to have realized that rushing stories to a stage presentation should, on occasion, be secondary to catering to the public taste for spectacle. As a result, once the details of the attempted escape reached London, this theatre took almost a month to mount a fullscale production in the form of a spectacular play in thirteen scenes. Once again, the authenticity of the offering was promoted in the press, and the opening day advertisements state that “Mr. ASTLEY, sen. being in Paris during the Attempt made by their Majesties of France to escape, begs Leave to lay before the Public an entire new Sketch, consisting of Music and Dancing, &c. called The ROYAL FUGITIVES.”6 This work was a large undertaking for the company, with twenty-three solo parts and well as others needed to portray the various members of the National Assembly and other members of the general populace. The opening-day advertisements describe the entertainment: The ROYAL FUGITIVES; Or, FRANCE in an UPROAR! In the above Sketch will be comprised the following Incidents: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Preparations for the Escape. The Centinel bribed and intoxicated. The Escape from the Thuilleries. The Manner in which it was discovered. General Alarm of the Citizens. The Decree of the National Assembly proclaimed. Their Majesties known by the Post-Master. The Alarm given at Varennes. The Royal Carriage, &c. stopped at the Bridge. The Passport demanded by the Governor. The King discovers himself. The messenger arrives at Paris with the News of their majesties being taken. 13. A View of the National Assembly. 6

The Diary; or, Woodfall’s REGISTER, 18 July 1791, [ 1].

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The whole forming a most interesting Spectacle, as Authentic as Striking. (The Diary; or, Woodfall’s Register, 18 July 1791, [ 1])

The anonymous author of the play appears to have understood the public interest in spectacle and attempted to turn a very personal drama into a suspense-filled, public display similar to that of the fall of the Bastille. The Morning Post (20 July, [3]) mentions a cast of 160 people, and pays special attention to the stage effects and lighting. At the same time, the scene where the royal family flee Paris in disguise appears to have been designed to underscore the emotional content, and Lloyd’s Evening Post (22 July, [8]) records that it “work[ed] forcibly on the feelings of the spectators.” Of the composer of the music, however, no record has been found. In spite of the large cast and lavish production, the work appears not to have caught on and did not enjoy the kind of public support accorded to the 1789 production of Paris in an Uproar; or, the Destruction of the Bastile. Throughout July, the theatre appears to have planted puffs in the London newspapers in an attempt to convince potential audiences that the work was a huge success. Comments such as “a greater overflow was never experienced than the two last nights of [The Royal Fugitives]” certainly run counter to the facts (World 20 July, [3]). The Times first printed a “last night” notice for this work on 6 August (a mere three weeks after its premiere), but then printed a continuation notice on 8 August. The final week notice was again printed on 22 August for a closure on 27 August.7 After the first week of August, the work ceased to receive primary billing in the newspaper advertisements, and was presented as only one of five entertainments. One wonders if the unhappy ending to the story may also have contributed to its lack of success as a spectacle. The Royal Prisoners; or, Les Innocens enfermée (Sadler’s Wells, 26 September -17 October 1793, end of season). Author and composer: not named.

This work was a late addition to the Sadler’s Wells season. The notices for 26 September (a benefit night for Mrs. Parker) state that “Mrs. Parker 7

Marius Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre and the Early Circus in England: 17681830" (PhD diss., Magdalen College, Oxford, 1994), Table 6.1, after 284, states that the work ran until the end of the season on 25 October. Newspaper advertisements, however, indicate that the final night of the season was 24 October, and there is no mention of the piece after 27 August.

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begs leave to present to the public (from a hasty sketch taken on the Continent) an interesting Tale told in Action, as now representing with great applause on the Flemish Theatres, under the title of Les Innocens enfermées . . .” The notice for two days later (on the day of the second performance) gives more details: The Story taken from several well known facts which have recently occurred in Paris, and including the various interesting circumstances which have transpired, relative to the very affecting situation of The QUEEN of FRANCE and her FAMILY, during their confinement in the Temple, by order of the French National Convention. Together with the unparalleled treatment experienced by Marie Antoinette after being separated from her children, and shut up in The PRISON of the CONCERGERIE. The whole offered to a British Audience, as an illustration of the present system of Gallic Liberty, in the unfeeling persecution of an unfortunate woman, who was once the envy and admiration of Europe.

Of particular interest in this notice is the focus on Marie Antoinette and her children, to the exclusion of her husband. The work was totally serious in nature—a departure for this theatre. Mrs. Parker, performing as Marie Antoinette, received high praise in the press for her portrayal and is said to have drawn tears from the entire audience, especially at the end of the work when she was led to her prison cell where she threw herself on a straw bed.8 The curtain fell to the tune of Storace’s “Lullaby” (presumably a reference to “Peaceful slumb’ring on the Ocean,” from The Pirates of 1792), the only surviving reference to the use of music in this work.

Theatrical Music II: Patent Theatres The patent theatres did not forget the relationship between France and Britain, but saw it was necessary to put it into an historical context to 8

“Mrs. Parker certainly stands unrivalled in two very opposite points of view, both in the lively bounds of the Dance, and the more difficult exertions of serious acting, as her animated performances in the Caledonian Lovers, and Les Innocens Enfermées, abundantly testify every evening. The latter piece, in fact, through her exertions, has secured itself an applause seldom witnessed in a Summer Theatre.” Unidentified clipping in the British Library, Crach.1.Tab.4.4/2. (142).

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escape John Larpent’s censure. On 30 July 1791, an historical work called The Surrender of Calais, with a text by George Colman and music by Samuel Arnold, was presented in the Little Theatre in the Haymarket. The work’s hybrid structure is unusual: an opera within a play where the chief characters do not sing, thus leaving the secondary characters to present the musical content. Arnold had previously composed music for a similar hybrid for Colman in 1789, The Battle of Hexham. Roger Fiske notes that the uncommon structure was a result of Colman’s best actors not being trained singers.9 Colman may not have known which singing actors he had at his disposal until quite late since several song texts are absent in Larpent MS. No. 913. Although the unusual structure was not unknown in Britain—Purcell’s semi-operas, The Fairy Queen (1692) and The Indian Queen (1695), have casts that are divided along similar lines—it prevents the composer from taking a more active role in the shaping of the drama through musical means. The published score for The Surrender of Calais contains much attractive music, although the song texts give little sense of the plot.10 The historical plot (taken from a 1739 French novel of the same name) deals with Edward III’s demand that six burghers of Calais present themselves for execution in return for stopping the siege that promised to destroy the city. The planned executions do not take place, for the King is persuaded by his wife to spare the victims after the governor’s daughter makes the courageous gesture of offering to take the place of her lover in the execution. The Biographia Dramatica singles out the characters La Gloire and Madelon as having been especially well drawn by Colman. While the play presents the French citizens as heroic, it ends with praise for Britain’s generous benevolence in sparing the hostages. George Taylor sees parallels here with the plight of the aristocratic émigrés who were now flocking to Britain (and London, in particular) out of fear for their lives.11 Colman’s plot was not exactly topical, but it was likely as close as John Larpent would permit. The Siege of Calais received twenty-eight performances in the summer of 1791 (often alternating with The Battle of Hexham) and remained in the repertoire throughout the decade. The 9 Roger Fiske, English Theatre Music in the Eighteenth Century, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 559. 10 The vocal score was published by Preston & Son in London [1791]. The vocal texts were published as Songs, Duets, choruses, &c., in the Surrender of Calais (London: Printed by W. Woodfall, for T. Cadell, 1791). 11 George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage: 1789-1805 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 66-67.

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work’s success can be partly attributed to its relevance to the political scene, but probably more so to Samuel Arnold’s music which was effective and popular with audiences. The score is published in keyboard reduction (although with references to orchestral instruments), thereby lessening the music’s impact because of the thinness of the textures. The single-movement overture establishes a martial atmosphere with frequent dotted rhythms and figurations suited to trumpets and drums. The overture is followed by a “quick march” that continues the martial atmosphere. The march is as long as the overture itself, but is melodically more memorable. Cast as a rondo with four statements of the principal melody, there is an effective passage for two fifes in the final episode. [Music Example 5 - 1].

Ex. 5 - 1: Arnold, The Surrender of Calais, Overture, beginning of the opening and closing sections.

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The listing of musical movements in the published score of The Surrender of Calais follows: 1) Overture, ternary form, D, 44/C| Quick March, rondo form 2) Song (with chorus) “My Comrades, so famish’d and queer,” (Sung by Mr. Wilson), C, C|. Comic song of a “Serjeannt” who complains that his troops of are dying of starvation; two verses with chorus. 3) Song, “Oh the moment was sad when my Love and I parted,” (Sung by Mr. Johnstone), D, C|, three-verse strophic setting, A swain laments parting from his love. 4) Chorus of English Soldiers, “War, war, war has still its melody,” (SATB) D, 44. This is a stark description of the perils of war, with text such as “when the Soldier marches o’er the crimson field, Knee deep in gore.” End of Act I. 5) Duetto, “Cou’d you to Battle march away,” (Sung by Mr. Bannister and Mrs. Bland), A, 44. This is a duet for tenor and soprano voices, sung by the characters Madelon and La Glorie. Initially a three-verse strophic song which is sung alternately by the two characters, the final section introduces a new melody that is sung in parallel thirds and sixths by the two characters. Madelen laments her lover’s going to war; he comforts her with a promise to remain true. 6) Song “Little think the Townsmans Wife,” (Sung by Mrs. Bland), C, C|. This is a three-verse strophic air with repeated lines of “Lira, Lira.” This was one of the popular hits of the work, and was often reprinted and served as the basis of a set of variations by C. Thomas Carter.12 8) Song, “I tremble to think that my Soldier so bold,” (Sung by Mrs. Bland), F, 44, rondo. Madelon looks forward to the time when she shall be married. 9) March–when the Queen enters, D, 44 10) Chorus by the Inhabitants of Calais, “Sound in solemn strains and flow,” (SSATB chorus), D, 44. End of Act II. 11) Glee “Peace to the Heroes, peace who yield their blood and perish nobly,” (Sung by Mrs. Banister, Iliff, Taylor, Edwards, Mr. Horsfall and Mr. Linton, SSATB), D, 34 12) Song, “When I was at home, I was merry and frisky,” (Sung by Mr. Johnstone), G, 68, three-verse strophic song. This is a comic “Irish” song sung to the tune known as “The Irish Washerwoman.” 12 “Lira, Lira La, A Favorite Air Sung by Mrs. Bland, in the Surrender of Calais, with Variations Composed by T. Carter” (London: J. Dale, [1791]).

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Many of the songs are strophic and in the style of popular ballads. Dotted rhythms and march-like tunes give many of the numbers a strongly martial character. While Arnold’s music serves the various moods of the text well (special attention appears to have been given to the clear projection of the texts), the harmonic idiom is rather restricted. When so many of the songs are in the popular idiom, it is clear that the music was meant to sooth and entertain, rather than challenge. As a dramatist, Colman had to walk a fine line between capitalizing upon current public interests and rousing the ire of John Larpent. Even after war was declared in 1793, Larpent continued to refuse the patent theatres truly topical theatre. In 1794, Edwin Eyre wrote a play, The Death of the Queen of France, and submitted it to John Larpent. It was immediately rejected and forbidden absolutely. Although the work was strongly anti-Jacobin, Larpent (and presumably the government) feared any work that might incite a politicized reaction from the audience.13 Given that the summer theatres were allowed to present their works with impunity, it must have been a considerable bone of contention for those who worked in the area of “legitimate” drama to be so restricted.

Concert Music James Hook ventured into the realms of the unfolding French saga with the greatest caution, and initially avoided direct mention of the royal monarchs. Hook rarely included topical/political songs into his yearly Vauxhall accumulations, preferring to release these as separate entities. Surprisingly, “The Good Ship Britannia. A Favourite Loyal Song” is found in the third volume of the 1791 collection of Vauxhall songs.14 This eight-verse, strophic song was performed in alternatim by the bass singers, William Darley and Peter Duffey. The text (by Mr. Harrison) does not evoke any particular danger, but serves as a reminder that “Britannia’s our Country, her Captain’s our King; And while She Keeps the Sea, and He 13

George Taylor examines this work in considerable detail in The French Revolution and the London Stage, 84-96. 14 London: Harrison & Co., 1791.

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bears kind Command, They deserve all our Hearts, and shall have ev’ry Hand.” Given the recent problems in the New World with Spain (only resolved with the Nootka Sound treaty of 1790), Harrison’s text served to remind Britons of the need to keep the navy strong. The largely syllabic setting is in Hook’s most popular vein and the refrain, with its octave leaps, affirms the popular images of the country.

Works about Louis XVI Only four songs have been discovered that are concerned with the plight of Louis XVI. Three of the works have Irish connections, testimony to how differently the French King was viewed in Catholic Ireland. An anonymous song with a text that was generally believed to have come from the late king, himself, was released by J. Dale in London, with an accompaniment for the “piano forte or harp.”15 The five verses of “Les Adieux de L’infortunè Louis XVI a son Peuple,” were not new, but had been printed in the February 1793 issue of the European Magazine (15354) where they are given in French and in an English translation. The text conjures a picture of a King who admires virtue and justice, and whose reign as a non-absolutist King was only in its infancy, much like the republican movement in France was in its infancy. This picture of Louis XVI would have appealed to the large numbers of émigré readers in Britain, and its publication in French would have been welcomed by them. The declamatory melody, simple rhythms and accompaniments made the song appropriate for amateur use. [Music Example 5 - 2].

Ex. 5 -2: Anon, “Les Adieux de l’infortunè Louis XVI,” mm. 1 - 19. 15 “Les adieux de L’infortunè Louis XVI a son peuple” (London: Dale’s Music and Instrument Warehouse, [1795?]). The British Library’s dating of this piece can be questioned, especially since the text had been published in Britain in 1793. The work may have been reprinted later in the century for another copy has been given the date of [1797].

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A work based on the same text was published four years after the King’s death in the March 1797 issue of the Hibernian Magazine. Such a late publication date is unusual, although this may be a result of Irish-Catholic sympathies. Another song with an Irish connection was composed by Sir John Andrew Stevenson (1761-1833), whose music was sufficiently popular in England to attract several London-based publishers. “Louis the Sixteenth’s Lamentation,” a three-verse strophic song set to words by W.C. Oulton, was issued in London by Preston and Son in 1793.16 The work was clearly designed for the home market, with much of the righthand part of the keyboard accompaniment added in the vocal line, but in a type face of a smaller size. This was likely undertaken to accommodate less skilled keyboard players who might not be able to discern the appropriate harmonies without such assistance.17 Furthermore, the publication includes separately printed parts for guitar and flute to facilitate a variety of accompanying instruments. Oulten’s poem is of some interest, invoking many strong images of the soon-to-be widowed Queen, the royal children, and Louis XVI’s bitterness over his fate (“I’m judg’d, −accus’d,−condemn’d by those who sought my Smiles before”). While such a text might suggest a musical setting of tragic intensity, Stevenson, likely realizing that such seriousness would have been outside the norms of polite society, is careful to write music that is little more than sentimental. Although the musical quality is quite high, the song was never reprinted, perhaps an indication that its subject matter was of limited interest to English audiences.18 [Music Example No. 5 - 3].

16

Stevenson was centred in Dublin where he served as organist at several churches before he was appointed organist and musical director at the Castle Chapel in 1814. Stevenson composed some church music, but is best remembered for his secular songs, catches and glees. 17 By 1793, few composers still used the old, baroque system of indicating harmonies by use of basso continuo figures under the bass line. Without this means of suggesting harmonies, it was necessary to use some other method achieving this end if a satisfying performance by amateurs was to be obtained. By end of the century, many composers were providing fully written-out keyboard accompaniments for their works. Stevenson’s approach represents an interim solution. 18 A further complication is that the second and third verses of the poem fit the melody rather less well than does the first. Typical of many of the song publications of the day, subsequent verses are printed at the end of the music, as opposed to being given in the body of the music.

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Ex. 5 - 3: Stevenson, “Louis the Sixteenth’s Lamentation,” mm. 1-8.

The final song about Louis XVI was truly a one-man effort. Not only did Mr. Bristow (first name unknown) compose “La Guillotine, a New Song Describing the Woes of the Unfortunate Lewis XVI late King of France And his final Exit by that fatal Instrument” in 1793, but he was also his own poet and publisher.19 The sentiments of the sixth verse of the text are typical for the period, and the work ends with sabre rattling against the Revolutionaries: (Verse 6) May the Wretches accursed who caus’d all his Woe And in fair Britain’s Isle foul Rebellion would sow From the Stings of their Conscience meet torture more keen than the AXE can inflict or LA GUILLOTINE.

His text claims a certain sympathy for Louis XVI: (Verse 2) Murder’d Monarch of France, for thee my Heart bleeds, Thy numerous Woes much outweigh’d thy misdeeds, Of every Sin may thy Soul be made clean By thy late cruel Death from LA GUILLOTINE.

Unfortunately, the utterly cheerful melody undercuts any sense of drama or compassion that the text might hope to evoke. Even in an age where there was less concern for text and music matching in mood, this is an example of a remarkable mismatch. [Music Example 5 - 4].

19

Mr. Bristow, “La Guillotine, a New Song Describing the Woes of the Unfortunate Lewis XVI late King of France And his final Exit by that fatal Instrument” (London: Printed for the author, [1793]).

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Ex. 5 - 4: Bristow, “La Guillotine,” mm. 1-8 of the vocal line.

Works about Marie Antoinette Given the sympathy that Marie Antoinette’s plight evoked in Britain, it should not surprise that the majority of concert works dealt with her, rather than her unpopular husband. Vocal music continued to enjoy popularity in Georgian homes, as well the prestigious concert series held in London where songs and cantatas about the plight of Marie Antoinette were often performed. The majority of the texts chosen for these works concentrate on pathetic images of the imprisoned Marie Antoinette, and some invoke those of her children. Most of these works stem from the period following the execution of Louis XVI, when it became clear that regicide was acceptable in France as a means to create political change. Of these, Stephen Storace’s “Captivity, A Ballad,” must have appeared in print prior to Marie Antoinette’s execution in October of 1793. The score contains an annotation that refers to the much discussed change in Marie Antoinette’s hair colour prior to her death: “The Hair of this once lovely Woman WAS of a bright flaxen colour. We say WAS because three years of Sorrow have brought on a premature old age. The unfortunate Antoinette is now grey headed, wan and wrinkled.”20 The four verses to this ballad (attributed to a Rev. Mr. Jeans) begin with this pathetic image and then describe the horrors of the prison, the effects upon her children and her nightmarish visions of her murdered husband. The final verse follows: Then fancy paints my murder’d Lord, I see th’Assassins blood stain’d Sword, The headless Trunk, the Bosom gor’d, Amid this sad Captivity. 20

Stephen Storace, “Captivity, A Ballad” (London: J. Dale, [1793]). I am much indebted to Dr. Leslie Ritchie at Queen’s University (Kingston, Ontario) for bringing this work to my attention. The song appears to have been reprinted around 1800.

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To thee, O King of Kings! I cry, To thee I lift the streaming eye, And heave the Penitential sigh, Amid this sad Captivity.

Storace sets the verses in strophically, alleging that the tune was “supposed to be sung by the Unfortunate Marie Antoinette, During her Imprisonment in the TEMPLE.” In spite of the many bits of information alleged to have been secreted out of the Temple concerning Marie Antoinette, it is unlikely that anyone would have copied down the tunes that she might have sung to herself. Certainly, the music gives every indication of having been composed to fit the English words, rather than the words having been made to fit an existing melody. The sophisticated construction of the melody and the harmonic distinction of its accompaniment further demonstrate the work of a trained composer, and one who was sensitive to the mood of the English text.21 The claim of a direct relationship to Marie Antoinette is likely to have been a publishing ploy to attract sales. Although released as concert music, the piece is known to have been sung at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, by Charles Incledon at the end of Elizabeth Inchbald’s play, Every One has his Fault, on 27 May 1793.22 [Music Example No. 5 - 5].

Ex. 5 - 5: Storace, “Captivity,” mm. 1-9.

Storace followed “Captivity” with a work called “Lamentation of Marie Antoinette . . . on the Morning of her Execution.” Also published in 21

The music is presented on three staves, with the vocal line sandwiched between an unfigured bass on the bottom and an unspecified two-part treble accompaniment that largely duplicates the vocal line. Although no instruments are specified, the style and melodic range of the latter conform to violin writing. 22 The London Stage: 1660-1800, Part 5, III: 1550.

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1793, this song must have been composed after her October execution and rushed into press.23 This publication is somewhat unusual in that it includes parts for two violins, viola, bassoon and keyboard. While a keyboard player with some skill could have improvised an accompaniment from the other instrumental parts, it may be that the interest in the subject matter prompted the composer and publisher to issue something that would be useful in theatres and concert societies, as well as in private homes. The author of the three-verse poem is not named, but the text contains many vivid references to the horror of the Queen’s situation, including “ruthless guards,” “the fatal axe of Death,” and “tears . . for [her] Children flow.” Rather like Stevenson’s music for his song about Louis XVI, Storace’s setting avoids overt tragedy, in favour of a sentimental melody set in a major key. The setting is harmonically sophisticated, and the music for the accompanying instruments is well conceived and elegant. [Music Example 5 – 6].

Ex. 5 - 6: Storace, “Lamentation of Marie Antoinette,” mm. 1-8 of vocal line.

Several other works claimed to have a direct link to Marie Antoinette by setting her actual words (in translation) to music. In all cases, the texts (all different) are presented in rhymed English, making the alleged connections tenuous, at best. One such work is The Captive, a cantata published around 1793 by John Percy (1755-97). Percy was better known as a tenor singer than as a composer, although some of his songs enjoyed popularity at the Vauxhall Gardens. The published score provides a tantalizing indication of the audience to which music of this type was directed: “Sung by Miss Pool at the Oratorios, Master Walsh and Miss Broadhurst at the Ladies Private Subscription Concert.” While the reference to the “Oratorios” is somewhat vague, it likely refers to the performances of oratorios that took place in many of the London theatres during Lent. The Ladies Concert was a private concert series of considerable prestige, given in wealthy private homes, where programmes 23

London: J. Dale, [1793].

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and performances of equal quality to those of the public concerts were presented. That Percy was able to have his music performed in such prestigious circumstances is indicative of the interest by the most aristocratic women of London in Marie Antoinette’s plight, as well as the émigrés in London. Indeed, much of the relief work done on their behalf was undertaken by English gentlewomen. The text deals with Marie Antoinette’s resignation and offers her lament over the downfall of the French monarchy and the loss of her family. The work consists of two arias separated by a recitative. Although there is a wide range of dynamics in the music, it lacks harmonic and rhythmic variety. A far more successful work from a musical perspective is “Reflections of Marie Antoinette”24 composed by Thomas Attwood (1765-1838), who had spent time in Europe (where he studied with Mozart in Vienna), prior to his return to England in 1787.25 Attwood’s song alleges to contain words “found in the Prison of the Conciergerie, conjectured to have been written by the late unfortunate Queen of France the Night before her suffering, after receiving sentence of Death.” No other author is mentioned for the strophic setting of this three-verse poem. The text lends itself well to a lyric setting, especially since it focuses on the Queen’s inner torment, rather than cataloguing the horrors of her surroundings. It ends with a prayer for her children: “O Heav’n receive! O shield from wrong their helpless Age!” Attwood’s music is elegant and well-suited to the words. A fully written-out accompaniment for the “Piano Forte” follows the traditions of Mozart’s songs, unlike much of the English vocal music at this time.26 This results in a song that is well crafted, melodically and harmonically pleasing, and which could easily withstand the scrutiny of modern revival. The publication states that it had been performed by Mrs. [Anna Maria] Crouch “at the Theatre Royal.” The reference must be to the Drury Lane theatre, where she was both a singer and actress. The exact occasion cannot be documented, however, and there is no mention of the song in the pages of The London Stage. [Music Example 5 - 7].

24

Published in London by Preston & Son, 1793. In London, he composed operatic works for Drury Lane before becoming the organist of St. Paul’s Cathedral and composer to the Chapel Royal. 26 Similarly, the self-published Cantata on the Death of the Late Unfortunate Marie-Antoinette, Queen of France [ca. 1794] by Thomas A. Rawlings (17741849) contains a fully written-out keyboard accompaniment. This rather sentimental work contains some interesting effects, although it lacks a strong melodic profile. 25

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Ex. 5 -7: Attwood, “Reflections of Marie Antoinette,” mm. 11-22.

Dr. William Edward Miller (?fl. late 18th century) composed two different cantatas on Marie Antoinette: The Queen of France, her Lamentation before her Execution, and The Queen of France. Both were published by Longman and Broderip in London in 1793, and appear to be

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his only surviving music.27 That such an established publishing house would issue two works from the pen of an otherwise unknown composer in the same year is perhaps indicative of public interest, and the degree to which such music sold. In The Queen of France, her Lamentation before her Execution, Marie Antoinette invokes the spirit of her dead husband to look down on her “wretched state” since she is friendless and “expos’d to savage Tygers hate.” She prays for pity for herself and for angels to guard her children. As with Storace’s setting of Marie Antoinette’s lamentation, Miller’s text claims a direct connection to the French Queen, although it is completely different from that used by Storace. Miller’s work is constructed as a recitative, followed by a four-verse strophic aria. The composer’s strength was in finding striking harmonies to underline the meaning of individual works in the text. Unfortunately, the aria lacks a strong melodic profile. The work has an accompaniment of two violins, viola, bell, and piano forte with the right hand part partially written-out in the non-texted passages. Miller’s The Queen of France (with a text by the composer) is a longer work consisting of a pair of recitatives at the beginning, the second of which is marked as being accompanied. This might suggest that the work was originally accompanied by orchestra; however, this has not been verified in any source. The opening recitative is marked as being in common time, but the number of beats in the bars varies widely and, presumably, this was meant to be performed very freely. The third movement is cast in arioso (with a central section in recitative), followed by another recitative. The cantata ends with a through-composed aria. The text presents a series of vividly dramatic images, as Marie Antoinette vents her rage: Ah! Offspring of sorrow! Ye children of woe! I burn when I think of your Fate; Strike here, strike here ye Assassins! Here glut your fell rage, Let my Blood extermine your hate.

Throughout, Miller paints Marie Antoinette’s predicament in the most intense and realistic terms. The hysterical climax, with its text of “I come, 27

William Miller is listed as a singer in the oratorio concerts at the Drury Lane theatre in the 1793-94 season. It is not known if he is the Dr. Miller who composed these cantatas.

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I mount, I fly, to Louis and IMMORTALITY,” is remarkable for the period. Setting this text would have challenged the finest composers of the period, of which Miller cannot be counted. What makes the work of interest is his willingness to move beyond galant pleasantries and sentimental renderings into true “Gothic” horror through the use of the minor mode and diminished harmonies. Miller lacked the technical ability to achieve his goals consistently, and his vocal lines are usually too declamatory to sustain interest. That said, the cantata stands out from the others of the period as a significant piece of highly dramatic writing. [Music Example 5 - 8].

Ex. 5 - 8: Miller, The Queen of France, final aria, mm. 12-27.

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As might be expected, James Hook provided several works dealing with the situation of the French royal family. “The Captive Queen,” published by A. Bland & Weller in London in 1793, carries the caption “as now Singing at the Principal Concerts with the greatest Applause.” Since Louis XVI is referenced by “his Mangled form,” the work must have been composed after his execution on 21 January 1793, yet likely before the beginning of the summer season at Vauxhall, as that location is not referenced. Hook must have hoped that the song would be taken up by concert societies because it was released in full orchestral score. The home market was not forgotten, and the two violin parts are printed on a single line so that a keyboard player could use this music for the right-hand part in accompanying a singer. The vocal melody spans only a tenth, and the first violin part doubles the vocal line throughout. There is an eightmeasure orchestral introduction that outlines the principal melody, but which Hook (wisely) does not repeat in his strophic setting of the three verses. The song displays Hook’s usual gracious melodic sense and developed craftsmanship, but the music is more suited to the first two stanzas of the text than the third. [Music Example 5 - 9].

Ex. 5 - 9: Hook, “The Captive Queen,” mm. 1-8 of vocal line.

The tune is less appropriate for the sentiments of the final verse: Imprison’d now behold this QUEEN, No Husbands voice to cheer; His Mangled form for ever seen, For ever hov’ring near: Her Childrens fate with dread she views, The pointed dagger sees; She shrinks, she starts, madness ensues, Were ever griefs like these. Ah! well aday, who can forget The sorrows of poor ANTOINETTE.

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Far more significant is the work that Hook composed after the execution of Marie Antoinette. Nearly all of the English cantatas about the French royal family deal with the plight of Marie Antoinette. One work stands apart: James Hook’s The Royal Orphan’s Dream. Written after the execution of the monarchs, William Palmer’s text shifts the listener’s focus to their captive children (and the young Louis XVII, in particular), potentially an even more powerful subject.28 The work consists of an extended recitative, followed by a single aria. Compared to the virtuoso vocal writing that one finds in much of Hook’s music for the Vauxhall Gardens, that in The Royal Orphan’s Dream is restrained in the extreme and contains no vocal display elements. This is both appropriate to the text and in keeping with the expectations of home music-making. In place of vocal virtuosity, Hook substitutes a highly dramatic accompaniment to the vocal line. As published, the work is set for two violins and a figured bass accompaniment, with the possibility of two flutes and a harp being used to supplement this texture.29 The work begins with a twenty-one-measure instrumental introduction that is highly chromatic, filled with urgent and insistent rhythmic figures, and harmonies based on diminished chords. The approach is similar to that used by Miller in The Queen of France, but handled with more skill. Hook’s musical depiction of the horrors faced by the young prince must have been highly novel in the 1790s, although the emphasis upon diminished harmonies will likely be less so today. Hook uses phrases of William Palmer’s Gothic recitative text to punctuate the continuing instrumental tapestry at intervals, rather than setting it to music all at once. Thus, lines such as “What shrieks bespeak the frantic Fiend despair,” and “While mournfull Misery with her hollow Moan, Hangs on the helpless suff’rers dying groan,” are given an immediate musical depiction. This recitative setting is amongst the most dramatic music that Hook penned and, at sixty-five measures in length, is only fourteen measures shorter than the following aria. At the end of the recitative, Palmer invokes the narrative voice of the young prince who envisions the spirit of Marie Antoinette hovering over 28

Only the spirit of Marie Antoinette is introduced who looks down on her unfortunate children. 29 In places, Hook provides a written out keyboard accompaniment. Elsewhere, he makes use of the older traditions of basso continuo writing.

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him: “Hark! what fond accents meet my list’ning Ear. What soothing notes, of love and watchfull care.” The music immediately reflects this change in mood, with lyrical melodic lines replacing the earlier highlycharged rhythmic motives. The text for the aria that follows expresses a resolute belief that the royal children will survive their ordeal, and the work ends with the sentiment “May Patriot love The Crown restore Again to deck a Louis’s Head.” Hook’s setting of this text, a gentle minuet, may at first seem somewhat inconsequential after the drama of the recitative. The calm atmosphere of this aria contrasts effectively with the dramatic recitative, however, and it serves as an effective musical treatment of the prospect of restored social order. Music composed about Marie Antoinette was not restricted to vocal music, although it was left to a foreign-born composer to provide an instrumental work of substance. The Bohemian-born, Jan Ladislav Dussek (1760-1812), had been resident in Paris since 1786, where he had enjoyed the patronage of the French court, and Marie Antoinette, in particular. Fearing for his life at the time of the Revolution, Dussek fled Paris for London, and his next eleven years were spent there as a music publisher, performer and composer. He enjoyed considerable popularity during this time, and his compositions demonstrate a developed sense of form and harmony. Shortly after his departure from France, he published an extended work for piano called The Sufferings of the Queen of France, A Musical Composition Expressing the feelings of the unfortunate Marie Antoinette, During her Imprisonment, Trial, &c., published in Edinburgh by Corri & Co. [1793].30 The suite appears to be Dussek’s first extended work for piano with a detailed programme. He did not repeat this experiment until 1806-07 (after his return to the continent), when he wrote three more programmatic works, including Le Retour à Paris (1807). The publication of The Sufferings of the Queen of France can be seen as a direct response to the English interest in Marie Antoinette. The work is cast in the form of a ten-movement suite that describes her life from the time of her imprisonment to her death. I: II: III: 30

The Queen’s imprisonment, Eb, 44 She reflects on her former Greatness, Eb, 44 The Separation and Farewell to her Children, Eb, C|

The work also received two other issues, one with no opus number, and the other as Op. 44. The French edition (“gravé par Michot”) appears to date from 1795. That the music received so many publications is likely indicative of its popularity.

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Chapter Five They Pronounce the Sentence of Death, Eb, 34 Her Resignation to her Fate, Eb, 34 The Situation and Reflections the Night before Her Execution; The Guards come to conduct her to the place of Execution; They enter the Prison Door, Eb, 34 VII: March, d minor, 44 VIII: The Savage Tumult of the Rabble, Bb, 34 IX: The Queen’s Invocation to the Almighty just before her DEATH; the Guillotine drops, E, 34 X: The Apotheosis, C, 44 .

IV: V: VI:

The popularity of Elfort’s highly descriptive “Bastille” sonata may have convinced Dussek to portray even the guillotine in musical terms, complete with a rapid descending scale, followed by slithering chromatic chords. Compared to the quality of music elsewhere in the suite, this brief section is gratuitous and was likely included to provide a sense of “Gothic” horror, perhaps with an eye to increasing sales of the music.31 Other movements are considerably more effective, demonstrating the composer-pianist’s idiomatic keyboard writing that makes effective use of the bass range of the instrument and frequent dynamic contrasts. The similarity of Dussek’s music to that of early Beethoven has often been remarked, and there are many Beethoven-like passages in this suite. The opening movement makes effective use of crossed hands technique, and the change from flat keys to E major in the ninth movement (when Marie Antoinette invokes the Almighty) is particularly effective, even if the moment is spoiled by the depiction of the guillotine in the next movement. Dussek’s ability to capture shifting moods is strong throughout, and this work stands well above most of the descriptive pieces published for home performance.

31

One other piano work dealing with Marie Antoinette, A favorite Sonata for the Pianoforte or Harpsichord called The Coquette, Compos’d for the late Queen Marie Antoinette of France, by Johann David Hermann and Daniel Steibelt, was published in London by Longman & Broderip, ca. 1795. It consists of two movements: the first by Hermann and the second by Steibelt. Joint authorship of this type is rather rare, although not unknown in the history of music. Other than the title, there is nothing in this work to connect it with Marie Antoinette, and even the title would seem to suggest that it had been composed for her prior to her death, and was not then a description of her during the Revolution. Once again, the mention of harpsichord in the title would seem to be an attempt to attract as large a purchasing audience as possible even thought the work is not suited for the harpsichord.

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The Inevitability of War Let us boldly engage in this glorious Cause, In defense of Religion, of Honour and Laws; To check the designs of this murd’ring band. ƍTis Glory invites us then boldly advance, And crush the attempts of the Tyrants of France.32

In 1792, fear increased in some quarters that the events in France would spin out of control with negative results for Britain. William Pitt’s government proved slow to react, however, even in the face of a military that was seriously eroded in numbers. Pitt’s budget request for 1792 was for only 17,014 men to protect the various British interests spread across several continents, a number that he subsequently reduced to 13,701. As events on the Continent increasingly pointed towards an inevitable European conflict, attempts were made to bring in new recruits, but with little effect.33 Within the military, however, there were those advocating for a general reform and the establishment of a national military academy. A leader amongst these reformers was Colonel David Dundas, author of many manuals on the training of officers. In 1792, Dundas instituted new systems of drills that were publicly demonstrated at a military camp established in the area of Bagshot Heath. A tradition for both the establishment of military camps and royal reviews of military exercises had been established earlier in the eighteenth century. As J.A. Houlding states, the Hanoverian Kings paid close attention to the mock battles and manoeuvres, practised by cavalry and foot soldiers alike in these camps. George I reviewed the cavalry in a camp located in Hyde Park in 1722, and the frequency with which Britain was at war during the century ensured that subsequent monarchs followed suit. George III was particularly interested in such camps, with royal reviews being set up for him in 1774, 1775, 1778, 1792 and 1793-96.34 King George was not the only one who travelled to Bagshot to view Dundas’ new drills, for they attracted throngs from London (seventeen miles away) and the surrounding areas who watched the country’s troops preparing for 32

Verse 4 of the song “The Lillies of France” (London: Printed for H. Andrews, [1793]). 33 John Holland Rose, William Pitt and the Great War (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1912), 124. 34 J.A. Houlding, Fit for Service: The Training of the British Army: 1715-1795 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981), 337-39.

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a war that had not yet been declared. For many in this ad hoc audience, the exercises were simply another form of entertainment, conducted in an area whose unsavoury history made it all the more exciting. The sudden increase in population resulted in a tremendous change in both the economic and social status of the region when compared to the earlier part of the century. When Daniel Defoe made his journey through the heath earlier in the century, it would have seemed a most unlikely location for any kind of future entertainment. Defoe refers to the heath as a “desert” which, when the wind blew, put him “in danger of smothering with the clouds of sand.” So bleak was this stretch of countryside that Defoe states “that it ruins the very soul.”35 Although Defoe’s description makes the area sound more like the Sahara Desert than southern England, there can be little doubt that it was a desolate and dangerous place at that time. The heath bordered a notorious stretch of road between London and Salisbury that was a favourite haunt of highwaymen who were celebrated in John Gay’s The Beggar’s Opera. A safe haven for coaches was the village of Bagshot that, by mid-century, had had become rather prosperous, with a dozen inns servicing the coaching trade. These inns were particularly busy at the time of the Bagshot exercises, providing food and lodging for those who wanted their visit to Bagshot to be more than a day trip. For those who in London could not make the trip, however, there was the possibility of a “virtual” experience at either Astley’s Amphitheatre or Sadler’s Wells.

Theatre Music III: Minor Theatres Bagshot-Heath Camp (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 6 August - 12 October 1792 [end of season]) Author and Composer: not named.

This production is shrouded in mystery. It would appear to have been a typically lavish production by the Astley team, and its success made it popular until the end of the season. The newspaper advertisements described the piece as a “Military Spectacle . . . interspersed with Recitative, Songs, Duets Trios and Chorusses, purposely prepared for the occasion.” This gives the impression that music played a significant part of 35

Daniel Defoe, A Tour through England and Wales, Divided into Circuits or Journies. Introduction by G.D.H. Cole and D.C. Browning. 2 volumes in one (London: J.M. Dent and Sons, 1962), I: 143. Defoe’s account was originally published in 1724-26.

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the production. Unfortunately, the name of the composer/arranger of the score is not given on the one surviving published song, nor does it appear in the advertisement in the Times on the day of the premiere: BAGSHOT-HEATH CAMP; Or, The LINE of MARCH. In which will be introduced an exact Representation of the Line of March from Herford Bridge Flats to Bagshot Heath, with the Baggage Waggons, Park of Artillery, &c.; the Manner of the Armies striking their Tents, loading their Bat Horses on the Signal being given for that Purpose, with a View of the whole GRAND CAMP. Formed for the Purpose of exercising and improving his Majestey’s Forces in new War Manœuvre. Together with a View of the Troop Horses, Breast Line, Picquet Posts, and other Camp Equipage; also the Pavilion on the Right Wing, for the Reception of THEIR MAJESTIES. The Whole taken on the Spot, by an eminent Artist, from the Light Horse Line, being the left Wing of the Encampment in a direct Line to the Artillery Camp, on the Right of the whole Army. This Military Spectacle is interspersed with Recitative, Songs, Duets, Trios, and Chorusses, purposely prepared for the occasion. The Characters as follow: Farmer Sledges, Mr. CONNELL; Corporal, MR. FOX; William, Mr. WHITMORE; Drummer. Mr. DECASTRO: Doctor, Mr. JEFFRIES; Grace, Mrs. DECASTRO; And Pyeman to the Camp, (with Comic Songs, descriptive of the curious Characters on Horse-back and Ass-back, in Chaises, Gigs, and Curricles, at Inns on the Road, and the Catastrophe on the Heath, during the Grand Military Manœuvres) By Mr. Johannot.

Philip Astley provided the four verses to one of the songs in the entertainment (sung by Mr. Johannot, in the character of a Pie Seller) sung to the popular tune, “O my Kitten, my Kitten.” This comic song was sufficiently popular to warrant a separate printing.36 Given that it is based on a popular song, no composer is mentioned. Astley’s satire on the morals of camp life contains references to “ladies swigging on gin” and 36

“Hot Mutton Pies, A favorite New Song Sung by Mr. Johannot in the Entertainment Called Bagshot-Heath Camp” (Dublin and London: Hime, [1800?]). The text was also printed in the Diary (11 August) and the Times (12 August).

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“here is a Lady in clover, and there lies an Alderman’s wig.” The text denigrates the “Maccaroni” set by stating that they are seen swigging gin with the ladies. The militaristic Astley would have had little patience with the affected nature of the Maccaroni generation. The song is set as a fourverse strophic air that is largely set syllabically. Given that the tune was a popular song, there are few vocal difficulties, and the range is only that of a tenth. The publication by Hime gives a drone-like accompaniment (in octaves) in the bass clef. [Music Example 5 - 10.]

Ex. 5 - 10: Anon, “Hot Mutton Pies,” mm. 1-9. Mars’s Holiday; or, A Trip to the Camp (Sadler’s Wells Theatre, 11 August -22 October, 1792, end of season) Libretto: author not named (text found in British Library 117780.23.) Composer: William Reeve.

Sadler’s Wells may not have been the first to present a theatrical work on the preparations of the British military for war, but the theatre enjoyed much success with its offering. The tone of the work was largely comic within a scenic framework of considerable proportions. The following description appeared in the press for 11 August: Mars’s Holiday, or A Trip to the Camp In which is presented through the Medium of Recitative, Song, Dance and Spectacle, a variety of Scenes, Comic and Military, taken from the late Grand Encampment in the Neighbourhood of

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BAGSHOT HEATH. Intended to furnish the Spectator with a comprehensive Idea on those Objects and Occurrences most curious or interesting in a Camp. Among others: A grand perspective display of THE ENCAMPMENT To conclude with military Divertissement and Finale, in which is introduced among other appropriate Exercises THE NEW PRUSSIAN MANUAL.

Later advertisements mentioned other elements such as the “CAMP A Characteristic Scene on the Outskirts of the Heath. A Striking and Whimsical Representation of the Suttling Ground at the rear of the Lines, as seen from the Rear of Demezy’s Tent.”37 This may indicate that the initial success of the offering resulted in its being extended by new sections. Such was the success of the music that the individual performers are also named in the later advertisements: (singers) Mr. Wordsworth, Mr. Dubois, Mr. Percy, Mr. Vincent, Master Grimaldi, and Mr. Dighton, Mrs. Baker, Mrs. Keys, and Mrs. Dighton. Unfortunately, the newspaper lists do not differentiate between the performers of the comic scenes and dancers: Messrs. Durancy, Redige, Bologna, Boismaison, Fialon, Fairbrother, Boyce, Smith, Mme. Marchelini, Mme. Moset, Mrs. Brooker, Mrs. Carne, Miss Daniels, and others. Claims of authenticity are also made: “And the whole of the Scenery painted from correct Drawing, purposely taken on the Spot, By Mr. GREENWOOD.” CARAVAN.

Reviewers were generous in their comments: “when we name Greenwood as the Stage engineer of the Piece, further praise as to scenery and decoration is unnecessary—but the poet and projector of the Wells have an increased claim to our acknowledgements on this occasion, for the happy adoption of subject for song, situation and stage bustle; and the masterly manner in which every thing was executed; made so powerful an impression on the audience, that in no instance within our remembrance has any of the Sadler’s Wells Pieces been more successful” (Public Advertiser, 13 August, [2]). William Reeve’s score (unfortunately lost) was much praised, and the song of the Artillery Driver appears to have become an audience favourite. Its text was printed in the Diary (13

37

Morning Herald, 4 September 1792, [1].

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August, [3]) and the Public Advertiser (13 August, [4]). An unidentified critic says this of the song: Dighton has gained a most capital addition to his fame as a Comic songster, in the last new chaunt of the Artillery Driver. This song is one of the best, in point of whimsical composition, which the Poet of SADLER’S WELLS has ever produced, and would do credit to the abilities of any Lyric Writer whatever.38

The review in the Public Advertiser claims that several of the songs would likely achieve the same popularity as those by Dibdin, and further states that several of them appear to have been modelled on Dibdin’s music. The review in the Diary (mentioned above) provides some further information on one aspect of the presentation: Among the many good points of stage effect noticeable in the Mars’s Holiday at Sadler’s Wells, one of the most whimsically entertaining is Dubois’s camp hornpipe, to the music of the fife, accompanied by a drum, so neatly managed, that the audience never fail to reward the yellow coated musician with a peal of applause at the finish of his work. In truth, it is an exhibition of drum-stick dexterity totally new to the stage.

Such references are tantalizing; unfortunately, the music is lost.

Theatre Music IV: Patent Theatres The patent theatres must have hoped that, should war be declared, there would be a relaxation on the prohibition of topical/political on their stages. If given the chance, the patent theatres could present true drama on the best-equipped stages in London, and pose potent rivals to either of the hippodromes or Sadler’s Wells. These feelings were not likely shared by the directors of the minor theatres who had enjoyed a near monopoly on such material.

Theatre Royal, Covent Garden During the fall season of 1792, the Covent Garden theatre continued its performances of Shakespeare plays: Othello, Romeo and Juliet, As You 38

Unidentified clippings at the Islington Library and Cultural Services, Islington Local History Centre, Sadler’s Wells Collection, file: “Scene, Criticism: 17831803.”

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Like It, King Richard the Third, and Henry the Fifth. The subtitle given in Kemble’s performance of Henry the Fifth must have had a particular resonance with audiences: The Conquest of France. The theatre also produced John O’Keefe’s Love in a Camp; or, Patrick in Prussia, a musical farce that had a military setting, but was not political in nature. The Covent Garden theatre attempted to capitalize on the interest in the Bagshot Heath camp during the late months of 1792 with a new work by William Pearce. Given that John Larpent still imposed restrictions on topical content, the plot referenced the Bagshot exercises, but with the greatest caution. Hartford Bridge; or, The Skirts of the Camp (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 48 performances between 1 November 1792 - 20 May 1800) Libretto: William Pearce Music Composer and Arranger: William Shield Publications: Songs, Duets, Choruses, &c. in the Operatic Farce of Hartford Bridge, or The Skirts of the Camp. London: W. Woodfall, 1792 [Reproduced by Readex Micro-opaque and Readex Microfiche; ECCO CW 109504428]. Hartford Bridge: or The Skirts of the Camp. London: T. Longman, 1793.39 [Reproduction: Readex Micro-opaque and Readex Microfiche; ECCO; Louisville, Kentucky, Falls City Microcards, 1965?; Cambridge, Mass.: General Microfilm Co., n.d.]; London: T.N. Longman, 1793 [Reproduced by Micrographics II, Charlottesville, Va, 1990. (Eighteenth century sources for the study of English literature and culture, reel no. 787)]; Dublin: Byrne, 1793 [Reproduction: New York Public Library, 1992, Microfilm MN*ZZ32,832]. “new ed.” London: G. Woodfall, for T.N. Longman, 1796; Other editions of text: London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1809; London: J. Cumberland, 1832 Larpent MS. No. 960 [Reproduction: Readex Micro-opaque and Readex Microfiche] Score: William Shield, Hartford Bridge, or The Skirts of the Camp. London: Longman & Broderip, [1792], published as a vocal score.

Pearce’s text is cast as a two-act musical farce. It is not known when the approval copy, Larpent MS. No. 960, was sent to John Larpent’s office (the application document has not survived), but the date when it was reviewed by Larpent is contained in Anna Margaretta Larpent’s diary. The entry for 31 October 1792 records far more about this work than was her norm for a comic afterpiece. Script approval was a family matter, with the 39

The Woodfall publication contains only the song texts. The Longman publication of the libretto appears to have been authorized. There is a dedication to Thomas Harris from the author, dated 18 April 1793. The libretto was frequently reprinted throughout the decade.

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proposed work being read aloud to the family by her sister, Clara. This family activity occurred only the day before the premiere, but it does not preclude the possibility of earlier negotiations between Larpent and the theatre. Given the clever end-run with the censor’s office that Harris had managed in 1790 with A Picture of Paris taken in the Year 1790 [see Chapter Four], Larpent was particularly assiduous in his duties with Hartford Bridge. His comments in the approval text reveal that he was taking no chances with the new work: two references to the regiment being encamped are crossed out, as is the mention of the Abyssinian King by the character, Peregrine Forrester. Presumably, it was permissible to mention the military, but to describe an actual encampment had political implications that were not acceptable. Act I is written in a single hand in the manuscript, while several hands are seen in Act II, where many changes to the order of the text are found. Several of the revisions (some written on the backs of pages) appear to have resulted from the rehearsal process. It is also possible that an earlier form of the text had been sent to John Larpent, and that the surviving approval text is actually a response to earlier criticism, now lost. The comparison of the surviving sources (approval text, published libretto and vocal score) reveals differences in the order and contents of the work, especially with the Act I finale. The Hartford Bridge mentioned in the title refers to a town some nine miles southeast of Reading, and about five miles west of the present day site of the Royal Military College at Sandhurst. The picturesque town on the banks of the River Hart is actually closer to the Yately Heath Wood than Bagshot Heath; indeed, none of the military exercises would have been visible from the town. Pearce’s choice of setting, however, would appear to avoid direct military associations while at the same time retaining an authentic location near the army camp. Since all but two scenes are set inside various rooms at the White Lion Inn (only I/iv and II/iii giving a view of the open country), the distance from Bagshot Heath does not pose any significant dramatic problem. That the work refers to the Bagshot Heath manœuvres is seen in Act II/iii when Peter declares “do you all stand to it so much in earnest . . . at Bagshot, when you fight in jest?” Surprisingly, John Larpent did not cut the passage. William Pearce was careful to avoid any political content, but replaced it with much military atmosphere. The theatre was eager to claim an authentic setting for the work, and the published libretto states that a Mr. Wigstead was

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dispatched to the area and “collected every Locality, that could embellish the Subject” ([vii]). Within the confines of a conventional romantic comedy involving the machinations of comic servants to assist young lovers, Pearce’s libretto for this two-act afterpiece is a clever analogue of the nation on the brink of war. The action of the story takes place on the outskirts of Bagshot Heath (where the military was training in earnest) but does not present the actual military exercises. The characters of the story are separated from that reality by the titular Hartford Bridge and the river it spans. The river serves as a metaphor on several levels: a barrier to the presentation of the actual military exercises for the theatre and, on a more distant level, a reminder of the English Channel separating Great Britain from the chaos of French politics.

Plot The plot captivated audiences in 1792 and continued to please them well into the nineteenth century. Especially after the outbreak of war, the comic situations must have been a pleasant diversion from reality. Song titles have not been listed in the brief plot summary because they are discussed in some detail, below. Sir Gregory Forester believes his only son, Captain Forester has died in India. The grieving father now plans to marry off his only surviving child, a daughter named Clara, to a distant relative named Peregrine Forester (whom he has never met) in order to retain the family name and lands. Clara, however, is enamoured of Captain Fieldair, who contrives to meet with her in secret when the family travels to Bagshot Heath to watch the military training exercises and to finalize a marriage contract between Clara and Peregrine. At the White Lion Inn, Cartridge (Fieldair’s servant) and Susan (Clara’s servant) dupe both Sir Gregory and Peregrine, and a general confusion reigns. Sir Gregory mistakes Peregrine for a confederate of Cartridge, and throws him out of the house. A deus ex machina ending is given when the presumed-dead Captain Forester shows up, and the family name and lands are made safe. Because his son’s life had been saved by the efforts of Fieldair, Sir Gregory is now only too pleased to let love take its course between his daughter and Captain Fieldair.

There was considerable propaganda value in Pearce’s text. Not only is the military life portrayed as virtuous, but Peter (a servant) believes himself to have been raised in social rank, and made equal to a gentleman by having enlisted.

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Chapter Five SCENE III. The open country, with a view of the Bridge. PETER, as a Recruit. (CARTRIDGE entering unobserved.) Peter. Ecod, I’m a gentleman now, as well as the best of them. Cart. Peter, my hero!–(Clapping him on the shoulder) Peter. My worthy comrade;–for that’s the name our serjeant calls me by,—I’m obliged to thee for speaking, in my favour, to so noble a gentleman. Cart. What, you like him? Peter. I believe I do:–he treats me just as tho’f I was as good as he; . . .

The audience is reassured as to the valour of the British troops in the following exchange: Peter. Now tell me, when real fighting is going forward, do you all stand to it so much in earnest, as here, at Bagshot, when you fight in jest? Cart. To be sure we do. Peter. Dang it, I can’t stand that:–what no looking out for a good snug dry ditch? Cart. O fie!–Hear me, Peter;–when a sense of military honour is once awakened, you’ll go as chearfully to battle as to a feast; and think no more of danger, than you do of saying grace!40

Past military victories are brought to mind when Captain Forester tells his father that he owes his liberty to “the victorious leader of the British army in India:–the valour of his troops was my ransom, and when they stormed Seringapatam, they rescued me from a dungeon!”41 Given that the country was not yet at war, considerable discretion had to be demonstrated by Pearce so as not to cross the line and actually present any political issue on the stage. When the soldiers (accompanied by their women) are first seen on stage, they sing a very neutral text about having beaten sorrow: In rain and in sunshine, and each change of weather, By beauty up-chear’d we keep firmly together: And since, in our march, we to-day have beat Sorrow, Let’s hope he won’t find where our tents are to-morrow.

40 41

Excerpts drawn for the 1793 printing of the libretto by Longman, 33-34. Ibid., 38.

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A duet between Peter and Cartridge is printed in Act II/iii of the libretto, but is marked “Omitted in the Representation,” perhaps because of its more overt military theme: Cartridge: Peter:

Summon’d to the angry battle, By the drums’ alarming rattle,-On we rush! O worthy comrade Fighting surely is a rum-trade! I hate riot, Give me quiet, So take back this steel. (Offering his side-arms.)

Cartridge:

Swift we march some town to humble! Round the boist’rous cannon rumble! Walls are sapp’d with dreadful crashing! Swords engage with furious clashing!

Peter:

But shou’d frighten’d women kneel, You have softness sure to feel?

Cartridge:

Now we creep upon the slumbers Of a camp ten-fold our numbers; And, tho’ full enough to eat us, Twice as many shall not beat us! —Some are happy in escaping All concern of—further waking: —Others,—panick-struck take flight!—

Peter:

Ecod, I think such blades are right.

The characters are well drawn by Pearce. If both Sir Gregory and Captain Fieldair are presented as models of traditional English rectitude, Cartridge is a Figaro-like creature who really does manage to get things done that his “betters” cannot. Another character of genuine distinction is Peregrine, an eccentric traveller who disdains England and brags of his tours of the Continent. This characterization was likely drawn from real life, for Mrs Larpent’s diary makes the tantalizing comment that Harford Bridge is “a very pretty musical piece with a clever satire on Bruce.” This obscure comment turns out to be a reference to James Bruce (1730-94), the eccentric and quarrelsome Scottish explorer who claimed to have discovered the source of the Blue Nile in 1770. Although his account was accepted by the French, it was rejected in England. Bruce’s five-volume

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Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile in the Years 1768-73, published in 1790, faced a similar rejection by the scientific community in Britain, although it proved to be quite popular with the general readership because of his exciting narrative style.42 Bruce had retired to his home in Scotland by the time Hartford Bridge was staged, but there must have been sufficient interest in his publications for Mrs. Larpent to make the association. Mrs. Larpent was particularly acute in her assessment, for the London Chronicle (6 - 8 November 1792, 447) comments that the “part of Peregrine Forester is the only attempt at novelty of character, and was written in evident illusion to Abyssinian Bruce; it is a compound of egotism, extravagance, and absurdity. A greater miracle-monger hardly ever appeared on the stage.” The reviewer of the Times (5 November, [2]) praises the comic and eccentric character of Peregrine, and suggests that he might become a regular feature of the stage. That said, it was thought that the author had drawn out his part excessively, requiring cuts for future performances. Complaints were raised by the political references in the work (subtle though they may be): “The introduction of some political allusions to Count Macleod and Tippoo Saib, became in those parts objectionable. No doubt the good sense of the author will bring the part within a narrow compass.” Even though the script had passed the scrutiny of John Larpent, it appears that Covent Garden was still paying a price with this Ministerial newspaper for its audacity over A Picture of Paris the previous year. The Times praised the acting and singing, as well as Shield’s music, and commented that the work had “pleased the audience—they testified that pleasure by plaudits and encores, and the piece was given out for Monday.” The Diary (6 November,[3]) reported that for the second performance, the author had made some “most judicious transpositions, curtailments and alterations which operated like a charm.” Thereafter, the work does not appear to have been much altered during the decade. If the 1809 publication of the text by Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme is an accurate indication of it contents by the end of the century, only minor cuts had been inflicted during its various revivals. The abbreviation of the finale to Act II represents the greatest change, although the deletion of Clara’s coloratura aria, “Tho’ by the tempest,” was an unfortunate loss to the music. It is an indication, however, of the degree to which operatic 42

Bruce’s career is documented in earlier editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica such as the 11th edition from 1910. A detailed modern assessment of Bruce’s career was undertaken by Trevor Grove in the Daily Mail, 29 January 2000, and reprinted online at www.electricscotland.com/escgi.

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music had disappeared in the performance of English plays by the end of the century.

Music Unlike many of Shield’s other published scores, that for Hartford Bridge does not clearly indicate his indebtedness to other composers on the title page, although it does state that the work was “Selected & Composed” by him.43 Given that most of the London newspapers reported that music by Sacchini and Haydn had been used in the score, one can only presume that this information had been supplied to them by the theatre. Given the high ratio of spoken text to singing in the work, the published score is surprisingly long, covering forty-nine pages in piano/vocal format. A publication of this length may be an indication of the rising public interest in works on military themes. The contents of the published piano/vocal follow: 1) Preludio: Marcia, D, 44, through composed Quick Step, D, 38, ternary. 2) March, Dialogue song, & Chorus (Cartridge, Soldiers & Women): “Hark, hark the Drum,” G/C/F/Bb/g/G,C| /34/44/68/44/34. 3) Aria (Clara): “Amidst the illusion that o’er the mind flutters,” G/g/G, 6 8, two-verse song with refrain. 4) Duetto (Fieldair & Clara): “One, one short moment,” (Sung by Mr. Incledon and Mrs. Clendining), Eb, 34, through composed. 5) Song (Peregrine): “ƍThro France ƍthro all the German regions,” C/G/C, 4 6 4 3 6 4 | , through composed, although the text is set up as 4/ 8/ 4/ 4/ 8/ 4/C in four verses. 6) Aria, Recitative & Glee (Fieldair): “O with my dearest Clara,” “Ere you pass,” Bb/Eb/g/Bb, 44/34/C|/34, through composed. 7) Song (G. Forester): “Girls shy appear when men first leer,” G, 68, twoverse strophic song with extended vocal melisma at the conclusion of second verse. 8) Song (Susan): “The Pack Horse Bells, A Ballad,” F, 24, three-verse strophic song, but with considerable melodic alterations for verses two and three, indicated in the score.

43

Some of the borrowed materials can be identified and will be discussed below. Theodore Fenner states that others come from Haydn and Sacchini, but he does not mention specific works or give a source for this information. Opera in London, The View of the Press: 1785-1830 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1994), 395.

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Chapter Five 9) Aria (Clara): “Tho’ by the tempest the bark rudely driven,” Bb, 44, ternary. 10) Dialogue Song (Cartridge & Peter): “Summon’d to the angry battle,” D, 44, through composed. 11) Song (Fieldair): “The Heaving of the Lead, A Ballad,” F, C|, three-verse strophic air. 12) FINALE, “The hour with disaster and sorrow o’ercast,” G, 24, fourverse dialogue song with choral refrain.

The music was much praised by the London Chronicle: “it does Mr. Shield the highest credit. The overture is a capital composition, and the airs are selected with infinite taste, and the accompaniments far beyond the style of accompaniment attained by several modern masters” (6 - 8 November, 447). The Morning Chronicle (5 November, [3]) stated that “in the original airs Mr. Shield has been as successful as happy in his adaptation of the compositions of his coadjutors. Several of them were encored by the unanimous call of the audience, particularly Quick’s Dancing Song, which has much characteristic merit, and Incledon’s Heaving of the Lead.” The overture is one of Shield’s better efforts, and it is unfortunate that the orchestral score is lost. Both the opening “Marcia,” with its persistent dotted rhythms, and the subsequent bustling “Quick Step” evoke the appropriate martial atmosphere, but without any sense of menace. The published score contains an indication for a fife solo, only one of several instances where this instrument is mentioned. Throughout the work, Pearce presented Shield ample opportunity to make effective use of fife and drum sounds and even indicates the power of such sounds on the populace. In Act I/i, the potential recruit, Peter, exclaims, “How sweet are their voices!–the drum and the fife! For music so rare I could venture my life!” Although none of the scenes take place on Bagshot Heath, the military atmosphere is reinforced by such comments, as when characters who have returned from the Heath appear on stage in military costume. Furthermore, Shield was given two opportunities in each act to compose music of a martial nature. Both acts have an ensemble scene of considerable proportions [“Hark, the drum” in Act I, and “ Summon’d to the angry Battle” in Act II], as well as two shorter musical numbers [Glee: “Ere you Pass” in Act I, and the ballad, “The Heaving of the Lead” in Act II]. This plan would have resulted in a very balanced structure, had not “Summon’d to the angry Battle” been omitted in the performances, presumably because of its references to actual warfare.

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Elsewhere, Shield borrows tunes that would have been well known to the audiences of the day. The chorus, “In rain and in sunshine,” is set to the tune, “O say, bonny lass,” and the second part of the overture resembles “The Ash Grove.” Shield’s knowledge of European music appears encyclopaedic, likely the result of having spent much of 1792 on the Continent.44 He created a pastiche song for the much travelled character, Peregrine Forester, that borrows the Fandango first heard in Gluck’s Don Juan, “Nel cor più” from Paisiello’s La molinara and a Russian folk song. The composition mixes recitative passages (marked “Chaunt”) with air, and is rather more than the “medley of quotations” described by Roger Fiske.45 Indeed, the entire sequence of music is held together with a recurring theme that introduces the song over an extended drone. The borrowed tunes give local colour, but they do not overwhelm the music. The Paisiello quotation, for example, is used to introduce an Italian locale, but the music that follows is original. Shield’s abilities in both the Italian operatic tradition and that of the more popular ballad tradition well serves the needs of the libretto. The resulting mixture of styles in his scores provided satisfaction for a variety of musical tastes. Two set pieces in the operatic tradition stand out in the published score. The duet, “One, one short moment I embrace,” makes considerable use of the two voices moving in parallel thirds and sixths (as might be expected), and the influence of Italian opera (and perhaps the works of Sacchini) is strong. The aria, “Tho’ by the tempest the bark rudely driven,” was designed to demonstrate the vocal abilities of Mrs. Clendining, a performer in her first season at the theatre. She must have had considerable flexibility, although Shield keeps the aria quite short, so that the demands on the singer do not approach those that James Hook was writing for some of his Vauxhall singers.46 Indeed, there is much musical focus on the first violin part that takes on concertante proportions. Given that the string parts are all-but-complete, a string orchestration can be reconstructed from the published score. This is music well worthy of modern revival. [Music Example 5 - 11]. 44

Robert H.B. Hoskins, “The Theatre Music of William Shield,” Studies in Music 21 (1987): 92-93. 45 Fiske, English Theatre Music, 550-51. 46 Shield wrote more cautiously for her than he did for Incledon, a voice whose technical and dramatic capabilities he knew well. Incledon’s aria, “O with my dearest Clara,” ends with a top Bb held for three measures. Here, the effect is not only vocal, but also dramatic, with Captain Fieldair’s raptures over Clara graphically portrayed.

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Ex. 5 - 11: Shield, “Tho’ by the Tempest,” mm. 1-13 of the vocal line.

The other aria sung by Mrs. Clendining, “Amidst the illusions that o’er the mind flutter,” caught the attention of both the audience and critics, and its text was printed in several of the newspapers. The singer enjoyed much success with both of these arias, and the newspapers report that they were regularly encored. “Amidst the illusions” contains no coloratura passage work, but still places considerable demands on the singer, with staccato notes up to a high B. Shield enjoyed considerable success with the ballads that he composed for this work. “The Heaving of the Lead” must have been expected to become popular since it is given a full, written-out accompaniment in the published score. This song was much issued individually, including releases by Edmund Lee in Dublin, and Carr & Co. in Philadelphia. Pearce recounts in his advertisement to the 1793 libretto publication that the text of this song had been written several years earlier while on ship-board, and “given to Mr. SHIELD previous to his late Visit to Italy.” The author apologizes for assigning a “Sea-Song to a Military Character” but claims that Incledon’s performance of it had made audiences forgive the error. The performance of the song on the opening night did not go well, however. The Times (5 November 1792, [2]) reports that “Incledon who confessedly has the best voice on the stage, sung a most admirable Sea song,—but either through his inattention or the fault of the band, there was a discord in one part of it that should have been avoided.” Incledon’s lack of formal training was often commented on by his critics, so it does not surprise to see blame pointed in his direction. [Music Example 5 - 12].

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Ex. 5 – 12: Shield, “The Heaving of the Lead,” mm. 1-22.

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Other songs in the popular style do not live up to this standard. “The Pack Horse Bells” setting contains many bell effects and has a pleasant tune. It, too, enjoyed a separate publication life, but “Girls shy appear” is of less interest, in spite of the frequency of the “Scotch Snap” rhythm. Shield’s inventiveness comes across more strongly in the highly-varied finales. That for the end of the first scene (“Hark, hark the Drum”) not only contains multiple changes of key and metre but also contrasts of texture: the two male voices in dialogue song, with the trio texture of the female chorus (“Still with you o’er the Seas we go”) and the unison treatment of the folk song, “O bonny lass.” Similarly, the sequence of music beginning with “O my dearest Clara,” which the vocal score indicates to have ended Act I, contains striking musical contrasts and is harmonically richer than Shield’s other music that attempts to emulate popular styles. Here, the style is more operatic and the rousing drinking chorus that ends the scene would have been a fitting end to the act. By comparison, the ending of the second act is less inventive, but is still musically satisfying. Here, the need to unite the strength of the military with traditional pastoral life is recognized: With the pipe of the pastoral swain, Be united the fife’s shriller strain: And may Peace in our Isle fix her throne, And no more by her pinions be known!

That Hartford Bridge enjoyed considerable success is in no small way attributable to Shield’s score which the European Magazine (November 1792, 378) states gave “much satisfaction.” The use of changing metres and keys to underscore the shifting emotions in the scene beginning with “O with my dearest Clara,” and in the finales, demonstrates the composer’s skill with larger musical units. Instrumental cues in the vocal score indicate that the orchestration was colourful, with Shield writing for flutes, oboes, clarinets, bassoons, trumpets, horns, percussion and strings. The music captures well the atmosphere of a romantic farce, and is often strikingly beautiful. The combination of “hit” songs, and the overall quality of the score, ensured the continued popularity of the stage work. Hartford Bridge reached forty-eight performances by the end of the decade. This is significant since many of the later patriotic works received far fewer performances and were rarely, if ever, revived. Here, the very limitations that Pearce and the Covent Garden theatre faced in 1792 ultimately played in their favour. By creating a work that was positive in tone, represented traditional English values, and was not tied to any specific battle, Pearce and Shield moved beyond topicality to timelessness.

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Non-Theatrical Music The interest in the preparations for war and the training of the military at the Bagshot-Heath encampment is reflected in the number of nontheatrical works that were composed. Not surprisingly, the interest in the military brought forth numerous marches. Some were functional march music, while other works were for home use. The outpouring of marches continued throughout the last decade of the century and well into the next. Many of these works were published in keyboard reductions; however, a surprising number were also given in full score. J. McLean appears to have specialized in this type of composition, even before the outbreak of war. He composed a Brighton Camp Quick March and the Brighton Camp March in 1792 and 1793, respectively.47 Both pieces were dedicated to the Prince of Wales. The second of the two has a full orchestration, with parts for two oboes, two clarinets, two horns, trumpet, bassoon and serpent. Longman and Broderip included a keyboard reduction of both pieces, making them useful for home music-making. Later works by McLean contain a dedication (in type almost as large as that of the title) to the Earl of Harrington. McLean, himself, advertises his own connection with the 29th Regiment on each publication. He was quick to compose works associated with the Bagshot exercises such as his The Bagshot Quick March, and The Bagshot Slow March.48 Both works have the same scoring (two fifes, two clarinets, two horns, trumpet and two bassoons) and are constructed out of binary segments within a da capo structure. McLean’s marches are thoroughly competent, if in no way distinguished, and the keyboard reductions given the scores reveal their lack of melodic and harmonic invention. The same cannot be said about The Leeds Volunteer’s March, composed by D. Lawton.49 Once again, the music is brief (sixteen measures) and cast in a binary form. Yet Lawton's melody has a stronger profile and the second section is far more harmonically adventurous than anything achieved by McLean. Typical of so many of the Longman and Broderip publications, a piano transcription follows the orchestral score, set for 2 horns, 2 clarinets, and bassoon. Two aspects of this keyboard reduction set it apart from other examples: the key is changed from the original Eb 47

Both works were published in London by Longman and Broderip. Both were published by Longman and Broderip in London, [1792]. 49 D. Lawton, The Leeds Volunteer’s March (London: Longman and Broderip, [1794]). 48

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major to the easier key of F major, and the transcription is then followed by a variation that adds near-continuous filigree writing to the right hand of the keyboard part. Obviously, the publisher realized that, for home use, more music than sixteen measures would be needed to attract potential customers. [Music Example 5 - 13].

Ex. 5 - 13: Lawton, The Leeds Volunteer’s March (keyboard reduction), mm. 1-8, and corresponding section in the variation.

It was left to the song composers to create a sense of impending danger. An example of this is “The Lillies of France” that was published for Mr. H. Andrews, who likely was both poet and composer.50 The six verses of the text present Britain’s past military defeats of France and calls for the nation to rise up against the possible French threat.

50

The British Library provides the provisional date of 1793.

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Let’s take up our Muskets and gird on our Swords, And Monsieurs you’ll find us as good as our Words; Then come Demourier, with what Troops thou can’st Bring, We’ll shew you how Britons will fight for their King, Huzza! for old England, whose strong pointed Lance, Shall humble the Pride and the Glory of France.

Andrews (if, indeed, he is the composer) achieved a tune that has both melodic and rhythmic interest. [Music Example 5 - 14].

Ex. 5 - 14: Anon, “The Lillies of France,” verse 1.

Other songs used humour to bolster English morale. “The Farce of French Liberty!” is a satiric song written from the perspective the French who are envious of British political security and wealth.51 The text is typical of John Collins’ witty style, and he is likely also the composer of the piece. The use of heavily “accented” English likely had considerable appeal: (verse 6)

51

John Bull be well know you ave Great Deal of Money, And you live in de Land of de Milk and de Honey; So as ve vant to cure all your national Grief, All ve vant in return is, To be in your Beef. Derra Dong, Dong, Derra Dong.

John Collins, “The Farce of French Liberty!” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1793]).

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The musical setting is cast in the minor mode, and is quite effective in a simple, popular style. The extended text of eight verses must have given Collins plenty of opportunity for characterization in his popular one-man stage shows. [Music Example 5 - 15].

Ex. 5 - 15: Collins, “The Farce of French Liberty,” first verse.

Samuel Arnold’s “The British Volunteers,” has a six-verse text by “Mr. Johnstone” that paints France in a highly negative light.52 English liberty is praised, as are the loyalty and patriotism of the British volunteers in the war effort. Arnold’s setting is appropriate to the text, even if the melody does not have a strong profile. Arnold begins with a brief military march, but the single-octave range of the sung passages show that the song was intended for the home market. This song stands apart from many similar works in the period, with a written-out keyboard accompaniment separate from the voice part. Indeed, the right hand of the accompaniment is often an octave higher than the vocal line. This approach results in some intriguing textures which might have been more effective with the softer tone instruments of the late eighteenth century, than with modern pianos. Two naval songs by James Hook also deserve to mention among the non-theatrical works meant to bolster the British troops. Both are dated provisionally as 1790 by the British Library, although their texts might indicate that their composition took place a couple of years later. Each was associated with the concerts at the Vauxhall Gardens: “The Heroes of the British Fleet” was sung by the tenor, Charles Incledon, and “Britons be

52

Samuel Arnold, “The British Volunteers” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1792?]). I suggest that a dating of somewhat later than the “c.1790” suggested by the British Library is likely.

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Valiant” was performed by the bass, William Darley.53 Both were regular singers at the Vauxhall concerts and performed at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, during the winter months. Incledon’s career, however, proved to be far more illustrious than Darley’s. The text of the first of the songs does not mention any particular country as a threat, but boasts of the British superiority on the seas. Incledon was asked to hold A2 for four measures, while the Vauxhall trumpets played fanfare rhythms below and, throughout, the march-like qualities of the song (with dotted rhythms predominating) give great energy to its three-verse strophic setting. The poet of “Britons be Valiant” is identified as Mr. Wolfe. His text is a call to arms for “Britain’s Sons from afar to fight the Armadas of Spain.” Lord Howe (commander of the navy) is named and his sailors are described as “warm with desire” to engage in combat. Once again, Hook captures the martial atmosphere in this three-verse strophic setting, marked “Tempo di Marcia.” The brief refrain is particularly attractive, and even survives its reduction into two-part keyboard score with more success than many of Hook’s published Vauxhall songs. [Music Example 5 - 16]. The period leading up to the declaration of war by France was rich in topical issues that captured the attention of the British public. This interest is reflected in the number of songs and instrumental works that were composed for the various pleasure gardens, concert societies and, ultimately, for home performance. The social and political issues of the period had proved to be a revitalizing force in the minor theatres, whose importance in the area of dramatic presentations (as opposed to mere variety entertainment) began to rival the patent theatres. At the same time, this benefit to the minor theatres proved to be a source of great aggravation for the patent theatres, which were prevented by John Larpent from portraying the events unfolding in Paris on their stages. With the declaration of war in 1793, there was a radical change in the situation as the restrictions on the patent theatres were relaxed, allowing all theatres to compete directly.

53 James Hook, “The Heroes of the British Fleet” (London: Longman & Broderip, [1790]); “Britons be Valiant” (London: Preston & Son, [1790]).

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Ex. 5 - 16: Hook, “Britons be Valiant,” refrain.

CHAPTER SIX 1793: AT WAR WITH FRANCE

Vain Frenchmen pretend to plead Libertys cause, And with Britons the right to dispute, But words by Translation we know loose their force, And Freedoms a true English Root.1

Prior to 1793, William Pitt’s Tory government had been loath to intervene in the events in France. Pitt refused the 1791 invitation of Leopold of Austria (Marie Antoinette’s brother) to take part in a European action to secure the release of his sister and brother-in-law. Without powerful allies, Emperor Leopold then attempted an unsuccessful diplomatic resolution to the situation. On 11 January 1792, the French Government issued an ultimatum to Leopold that forced him into a defensive alliance with Prussia. Leopold’s unexpected death on 1 March and the fall of the Feuillant Government in France on 23 March prevented any subsequent diplomatic resolution, and led to the inevitable war. Francis II, the new Emperor of Austria, was influenced by the French émigrés there who favoured war. At the same time, the Girondin Ministry which succeeded the failed Feuillant Government wanted to expand the French frontiers. Attacks on Mainz and Frankfurt in October were major victories for the French, who now set their sights on capturing neutral territories and taking control of the Scheldt estuary, a major shipping route. The entire United Netherlands were in danger, and Great Britain— as the principal guarantor of the Scheldt treaties—could not remain neutral under the circumstances. The Dutch alliance was key to Pitt’s foreign policy, and preventing an enemy from controlling the Dutch coastline became of paramount importance for Britain.2 1

James Hook, “The Royal Soldier’s Farewell” (London: A. Bland & Weller’s Music Warehouse, [1793]), first verse; poet unknown. 2 Arthur Bryant, The Years of Endurance: 1793-1802 (London: Collins, 1941), 5759; 70-72.

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Louis XVI was executed on 21 January 1793 and France declared war against Britain on 1 February. France had been under attack since the previous year by Austria, Prussia, Spain and Holland and, although the likelihood of conflict between France and Britain was strong, the British military remained in a perilous condition. Britain had been much divided over the merits of military intervention during the War of American Independence, and strong anti-military sentiments and urban violence had forced the government to take strong action against sedition and disorder.3 The army had been reduced in size to around 50,000 during the years of peace, with only 17,013 men stationed in England, and the remainder spread between Ireland, Canada, the West Indies, Gibraltar and India. Recruitment efforts were intensified, and on 11 February 1793, Parliament passed a bill to increase the army by 25,000 men. Most of these were raw recruits, and many were unfit for service. Help ultimately came from German auxiliaries, and the expanded British army in the Low Countries numbered some 37,500 by late 1794. Protecting Holland and Belgium was of the greatest importance to Britain, and Frederick, Duke of York, was charged with this responsibility. Although he was experienced in fighting in this part of the world, he had problems integrating his troops with the established Continental forces who had differing agendas. After initial disappointments, British pride was restored with the successful sieges of Famars, Valenciennes, Linselles and Toulon. These early victories were followed by the disastrous attack on Dunkirk from which the Duke of York was forced to withdraw in early September. He and his troops wintered unhappily in Tournai with the Austrian military.4 With the country at war, any opposition to the King George III or the Tory government was driven underground as patriotic fervour spread throughout the land. Indeed, such opposition was branded as not only unpatriotic, but subversive and dangerous to the welfare of the country. Fear of the enemy at home, the “British Jacobin Republican,” was used by the Tory government to bolster public support at a time when there had been early British military and naval failures in the war against France. The Times (13 August 1793, [2]), sympathetic to Pitt’s Government, reports:

3 H.V. Bowen, War and British Society: 1688-1815 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 52. 4 J.W. Fortescue, A History of the British Army (London: MacMillan and Co., 1906), IV: 80-81. See also: Jeremy Black, Britain as a Military Power: 1688-1815 (London: UCL Press, 1999), 193-94.

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MODERN PATRIOTISM. No events could give great pleasure to the Jacobin Republicans in this country than to hear: That Lord Howe’s fleet was either conquered and made captive by the French, or destroyed by a storm; That the combined armies were cut to pieces, and one general scene of confusion existed in Europe; That there was a war in India which was likely to rob us of all our possessions there; That there was a rebellion in Ireland, which portended the loss of that island to Great Britain; That the Scotch were up in arms, and riper for revolt than in the year 1744; That we had lost all our West India islands, and that our trade to that part of the world was destroyed; That the Jamaica fleet was captured by a French squadron: That France had established her new-fangled one and indivisible Republic; that every loyalist in that country was guillotined; and That there was a General Rebellion in Great-Britain. These, most assuredly, are the heart-felt wishes of all the enemies to the present, just and necessary war against the French Regicides, whether, those enemies are foreign or domestic. They are the sentiments of every Jacobin society in this kingdom; and were it not for the resolute determination of Government to punish every offender against the letter or spirit of our Constitution, those wishes would be publickly avowed by the WOULD-BE REVOLUTIONARY.

The government made use of the politics of fear while, at the same time, bragging about Britain’s military strength to encourage loyalty. Once again, the Times proved to be effective in the latter role. CAMP AT BRIGHTON. August 21. Several of the regiments were manœvred this day on the hills to the rear of the camp, in this same manner as yesterday; considerable pains have been taken, both by the Duke of Richmond, and the Colonels of each regiment, to form close and well dressed lines on this as well as on every other occasion; so much so, that in the marching of the columns, not a rank is ever broken, nor is there the slightest deviation from the position in which they have set out. (Times, 26 August 1793, [4])

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It was useful for William Pitt to mock the attempts by leaders in France to establish a Republic with a strong army. The Times released the following description is couched in terms of plays well-known in London: The Road to Ruin is performing with great applause by the French National Assembly, to which they would wish to add “The Way to grow Rich,” but the original is in Great Britain, and they cannot procure a copy. DUMOURIER is performing the Midnight Wanderer in several little towns and villages on the Continent; and EGALITE in France is performing the Prisoner. Julius Cæsar was lately got up; Madame Corday was the Brutus, and performed her part with universal applause. MARAT was the Cæsar, but Cæsar in him was literally murdered. The Tragedies of Dionysus and Titus Andronicus are preparing by the Revolutionary Tribunal. They have cut down the Confederacy to a Farce. The MOUNTAIN had prepared the Devil to Pay, which is altered into a Tragedy, and was intended for the 10th of August, but some doubts were entertained whether the people would perform it. DANTON has prepared the Banditti for the Sans Culottes, and it is now in rehearsal: to which it is to be hoped that ROBERTSPIERRE (sic) will add the Suicide. (Times, 20 August 1793, [2]).

A theatrical piece did not actually have to contain references to the war with France to be perceived as relating to it. A dramatic sketch called Guy Fawkes; or, The Fifth of November was presented on 5 November 1793 at the Haymarket Theatre. Advertisements describe “the whole to conclude with “GOD SAVE THE KING!”and a Grand Emblematical Transparency.” The review in the Times (6 November 1793, [2]) states that “as a tribute of loyalty to the spirit of the times, it merits commendation.” The Emblematic Transparency was a “Portrait of KING WILLIAM, . . . both brilliant and appropriate, and the Piece very properly began and ended with ‘God Save the KING’.”5 Similarly, the Times (14 November 1793, [3]) comments on the production of Jerningham’s The Siege of Berwick at Covent Garden on the previous evening. The epilogue “concluded by drawing an affecting picture of the situation of France, and our present endeavour to restore her to tranquillity, and LIFT her to her own esteem.” In this environment, the roles of the performing arts and critics were clearly seen by the government as serving the national agenda. Artistic 5

It is not clear why the portrait would have been of King William when James I was the reigning monarch at the time of the gunpowder plot of 1605.

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merit would take second place to the welfare of the nation, and the critic’s function was no longer to assess new works objectively, but to proselytize on behalf of the greater national good. The principal aims of the theatres might well remain to make money, but they would have do so within this revised artistic framework. The Times (13 May 1793, [2]), commenting on the Covent Garden offering called Sprigs of Laurel, likely reports the “party line”: It has this recommendation to public notice, that its subject is the present popular war with the French, and on that account alone, had it not other merit, the public would receive it well. It seems to be written on the spur of the occasion, taking for its outline the March of the Guards to Greenwich, and giving a dramatic representation of their eagerness in the cause they were going to defend, with the remarkable circumstances of the men who concealed themselves on board to be sharers in the glory of defeating the horrid plans and views of those Regicides, their comrades were embarking to meet. In a matter of this kind, the Critic is not to look for the excellence of dramatic merit—it is sufficient that it pleases the ear, and gratifies the mind, for the time being. It is not written for the closet, but to answer the purposes of the day, catching the idea that is popularly afloat, and making the most of a subject in the welfare of which every true Briton is deeply interested. It will please the many, and few will disapprove.

In this view, theatrical works were to have a temporary value and, as long they gratified the mind along the lines approved by the government, they had served their function well. By extension, the public was told to accept uncritically such works in the interest of the nation. Philip Astley proved to be a significant player in the use of theatre as a propaganda tool, and he played an important role in keeping the British public informed of the events as they unfolded on the Continent. Although fifty years of age, Astley re-enlisted in the army when war was declared, but he appears to have been given time to make sketches of the events as they unfolded on the Continent and send back details to his theatre in London. The military (and Pitt’s government) appear to have realized that this was the greatest service that he could provide to his country.6 Furthermore, Astley was favoured by many in the royal family, and Decastro records both these associations, as well as the generosity of

6 Marius Kwint, “Astley’s Amphitheatre and the Early Circus in England: 17681830” (PhD diss. Magdalen College, Oxford, 1994), 293.

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Astley and his theatre’s employees to the troops stationed overseas.7 Because of Astley’s role in war reporting, his theatre figures prominently in the discussion that follows. The Astley performances quickly became demonstrations of the military exploits of the British forces at the front lines, with few concerns about dramaturgy. In general, most of the new, topical works presented on the London stages were designed to encourage patriotic feelings and to give audiences the sense that they were not distanced from the war effort. The military works, in particular, made use of recognizable character types meant to instruct through example. Especially in the performances at the minor theatres, there was little room for subtlety or complex plot developments. The humour was sometimes bawdy, but audiences left the theatre feeling that they had come close to witnessing the actual events.

Theatrical Music I: Minor Theatres The events that led up to the declaration of war and the subsequent preparations were of great interest to the British public, and Astley’s Amphitheatre and the Sadler’s Wells company vied for the most accurate and entertaining productions. Once the war was begun, battles such as the siege of Valenciennes became too important to be restricted to the summer theatres, and the Office of the Lord Chamberlain saw the value of allowing the royal theatres access to topical subjects. (Given the number of presentations and concert words dealing with the siege of Valenciennes, the discussion of these works has been grouped together at the end of this chapter.) Sadler’s Wells pipped Astley to the post, however, with their season opener on 1 April, an allegorical sketch called The Hall of Augusta; or, The Land We Live In.8 The work made use of a large cast, including 7

J. Decastro, The Memoirs of J. Decastro, Comedian. . ., ed. R. Humphreys (London: Sherwood, Jones & Co., 1824), 72-74. 8 “It is much to the credit of Sadler’s Wells, that its loyalty keeps pace with its industry–No visitor to the Hall of Augusta, but must enjoy the exultation of the scene with a relish highly pleasing to Englishmen at this interesting period, when the distracted state of the Continent certainly leaves a large balance of national happiness in favour of ‘The Land we live in.’” Unidentified clipping the British Library, Crach.1.Tab.4.b.4/2 (127). In a similar tone, the Public Advertiser (4 April 1793, [3]) states that the work is “a piece full of loyalty and splendor.” The report goes on to praise the scene with the procession of national flags in particular, and states the performances are “above the usual standard.”

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singers in the parts of a cobler, a blacksmith, a tailor, Egalité, Britannia and Harmony. Allegorical characters in the Temple of Commerce included Thames, Londina, Hibernia, Scotia, Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, all accompanied by various processional characters and supernumeraries. While the song texts were published for sale at the theatre, they do not list the composer(s).9 The texts are often comic in nature, but with underlying serious sentiments. When the cobbler compares various nationalities to different types of footwear (the “Turks have a bear skin binding,” “the Dutch are old fishing boots”), he also gives voice to British perceptions of these nationalities. The tailor introduces the threat that the French plan to launch their revolution to England in the song, “We learn that the terrible Turk, Dumourier, On the First Day of April intends to be here.”10 The chorus of this song follows (which must have been sung to the tune of “Oh dear, what can the matter be?”): Dear! Dear! What’s to become of us, Oh! Dear! they’ll eat crust and crumb of us; Sure! Sure! ‘twill worse be for the some of us. If the sly French are so near!11

The political point is made very clear: republicanism leads to confusion and pain. “Gallic intruders” will be unwelcome. The work ends with a recitative for the character of Harmony that is a call to arms: Britons attend, your treasures here behold, Be Britons still, united, firm and bold, So shall internal broils for ever cease, And glorious wars lead on to smiling peace.

This patriotic work introduced numerous repetitions of “God Save the King,” “Rule Britannia” and “The Wooden Walls.” Arne’s “Rule Britannia” 9

Songs, Duets, Finale, &c. IN THE Hall of Augusta; or, The Land we Live In. An Allegorical Entertainment of Song, Recitative and Spectacle, with Grand commercial Procession (London: n.p., 1793). 10 A reference to Charles-François Dumouriez, one of six ministers of war in France (all in a period of six months in 1792) who resigned because their plans were constantly being turned down by the Assembly. R.P. Dunn-Pattison, “The General War,” The French Revolution, vol. 7 of The Cambridge Modern History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1934), 406. 11 If this is the tune to which the chorus was sung, then James Sanderson likely took this as his inspiration for the duet in the Astley’s Amphitheatre production on the siege of Valenciennes presented in September.

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had already achieved iconic status, and Hook’s song, “The Wooden Walls” had earlier tapped into the patriotic vein and enjoyed great popularity. Within two weeks, theatre had a longer work ready for presentation. The Sans Culotte; and, The Grand Culottes (Sadler’s Wells Theatre, 15 April - ?6 September 1793) Author: lyrics, in part, by Marc Lonsdale Composer: William Reeve Libretto Publication: Songs, Trios, Choruses, &c., in the Sans Culottes and the Grand Culottes; or, The Invasion of Holland, as performed at Sadler’s Wells. [London]: 1793. Advertised as for sale at the theatre.

The British newspapers were full of reports of the Revolution, and the phenomenon of the French sans-culottes soon became a target of English satirists. The name of this group of anarchists resulted from their wearing full trousers instead of the traditional knee breeches. Furthermore, they attracted notoriety by going about on foot as a symbol of their opposition to wealth and ostentation.12 The degree to which the members of the rather amorphous group were truly egalitarian has been questioned, and Alfred Cobban states their “completely contemptible” leaders were “professional revolutionaries on a higher level, interested mainly in power for themselves and the guillotine for their enemies.”13 For the British, the sans-culottes became a metaphor for anarchy. They were often represented visually in the literal meaning of “sans culottes”—without trousers—to ridicule them. This usually required a certain amount of ingenuity on the part of artists to avoid offending public morality, as seen in some of James Gillray’s satirical etchings. His “The Zenith of French Glory: the Pinnacle of Liberty” (1793) brings together a remarkable number of images in one etching. A sans-culotte sits on a lamp bracket, his foot resting on the neck of a hanged priest below, while looking at the scene of Louis XVI’s execution set in front of a church in flames.14 Given the popular visual representations of the sans-culottes, it is remarkable that any attempt was made to portray them on stage. The Sadler’s Wells Theatre saw the defeat of General Dumouriez at the battle 12

Alan Forrest, The French Revolution, vol. 76 of Historical Association Studies (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 1995), 81. 13 Alfred Cobban, A History of Modern France, 3d. ed. (London: Penguin Books, 1963), I: 227-28. 14 Reproduced in The Satirical Etchings of James Gillray, ed., Draper Hill (New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1976), plate 29.

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of Neerwinden in March of 1793 as a topic that fostered British patriotism, especially since British assistance had resulted in the defeat of the French.15 The resulting entertainment, The Sans Culottes, and the Grand Culottes, was presented on 15 April 1793 as a musical work: An entirely New Entertainment, interspersed with Songs, Trios, Chorusses, [sic] &c. called THE SANS CULOTTES; And the Grand CULOTTES, In which is a circumstantial Display of the principal Events during the Invasion of Holland by the French, and subsequent to its failure, viz. The characteristic March of Dumourier’s Troops from Antwerp to attack the Dutch Frontiers.–Their Irruption [sic] into the Provinces of Holland, with the Pillage of the Grand Culottes.–The Siege and gallant Defence of Williamstadt, by General Boetzlaer, and the successful Sortie made by the Garrison, assisted by a Party of English Sailors.–The burning of Maerdyck by the Sans Culottes previous to their Escape by Night.–The final Repulsion and Retreat of the French Army into Tournay.–The Capture of the Commissioners sent to arrest General Dumourier, and his consequent declaring for a KING, at the Head of his Army.–And the Arrival in Holland of the BRITISH GUARDS, previous to their junction with the combined armies of Prussia and Austria. With new Music, Scenery, Dresses and Decorations. (Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser, 4 June 1793, [1]).

The Sans Culottes was sufficiently popular with audiences that it played for nearly five months in the repertoire, and was even used to open the programme on 4 June. By the beginning of July, however, much abbreviated descriptions of the work were published, and it was placed fourth in series of six independent entertainments.16 Playing in repertory with works such as The Hall of Augusta, and The Siege of Valenciennes, the latter work eventually replaced it on the programmes as the audience favourite. The following critical commentary about The Sans Culottes

15

Dumouriez ultimately deserted the Republican cause, and joined the Royalists. Paris became a haven for radicals, as witnessed by the creation of the Revolutionary Tribunal and the Committee of Public Safety. Thereafter, the guillotine was rarely inactive. George Taylor, The French Revolution and the London Stage: 1789-1805 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 79-80. 16 See the Morning Post, 1 July 1793.

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takes pains to stress the realism of the production (Public Advertiser, 16 April 1793, [3]): This Piece is founded on some interesting circumstances which have taken place since the commencement of the present war, and is the complete picture of an army (such as we hope never to see in England) artfully wrought into a very pleasing, grand shewy spectacle. The two best scenes are views taken on the spot where the late attacks have happened, and are delightfully executed. The Piece went off with great applause, and will most likely prove a profitable War to the Proprietors of that Place.

The piece had a large cast divided into French, Dutch and English naval and military officers, as well as supernumeraries of English, French, and Dutch origins. It opened with a catch (“Donder and Blixen, Dutchmens see!”) written in a kind of pigeon Dutch with lines such as “an de Freinchmans come snick snack,” and a chorus that includes “Ich fall loopen! Loopt gy leiden! Laat ous loopen!–Yaw–.” There follows a twoverse song with chorus for a Naval Officer (“Proclaim the Veteran’s renown”) with the verses written in standard English, but the chorus (sung by Dutch and English to the tune of “For He’s a Jolly Good Fellow”) reverting to pseudo-Dutch. The lyrics tend to portray both the French and Dutch as cowards. Reeve’s setting is hardly less obvious than is Marc Lonsdale’s text when the chorus text is set to a tune so well known and so obviously in praise of the British Naval Officer. This is the only song for which music survives.17 [Music Example 6 - 1].

Ex. 6 - 1: Reeve: “The Sans Culotte,” mm. 1 – 12 of chorus.

The remaining verses of the song follow: Mon general si charmant, He cry courage mon enfant; 17 “The Sans Culotte, A Favorite Song” (London: Printed for Geo. Goulding, [1793]).

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But mocquez vous a present De fricassé and rôt. Vat if ten thousand fall, Parblieu! de loss be small; For ‘tis my grand intention To write to the Convention, Two score, I beg to mention, Are kill’d of Sans Culotte. But vat is much de vorse a, To Prusse and Austrian force a, Up come de Dutchman gros a; Diable! Grand Culotte. Yet worse I have to say, Jean Bull he join de fray; Jack Bull wid heart so bold a, Ve know de rogue of old a, And need not now be told a, He bang poor Sans Culotte. We wish’d for to advise a, And hop’d to fraternize a, But Jack he was too wise a, And he would not take de note. He see too plain, mon dieu, De trick we ave in view; And like not de adventure Of Guillotine and Santerre; Such tings no dead e’er enter But hardy Sans Culotte.

Behind Lonsdale’s poking fun at the French tradition of singing the final “e” in words where it would remain mute when spoken, there is the image of Britain wise and ever vigilant, able to unmask French treachery. In this case, the “proof” is that a “Frenchman” actually admits to it on stage. The final song is given to an English officer (“Since discord still rages we’ve cross’d the salt main, For our friends and allies the just war to maintain”), a three-verse setting with a chorus of patriotic fervour: From sea to sea, from east to west, We’ll push the bold campaign, Nor give proud France a moment’s rest, Till all is peace again;

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The use of so much dialect may have weighed against the work to a degree. While it is occasionally humorous, it is not as clever as other scripts presented at the Wells. The principal merits of the work may have been its picturesque qualities, given that only one of Reeve’s songs was published: The Exhibition of Sans Culottes and Grand Culottes at Sadler’s Wells, is at this time a treat highly gratifying to an audience. Almost every body reads of the French soldiery and their outré appearance; but few Englishmen have actually seen a modern Gallic army. The production, there, of such a troop in the full scenic display, with all their tattered pride, pomp and circumstance may be fairly set down as a stage novelty of the most attractive quality.18

That patriotic fervour was in full force during the run of this piece is demonstrated by a report in the Times (4 May, [3]) relating that a “foreigner” had attended a performance and was heard to utter comments in French that revealed his Jacobin sympathies. Members of the audience promptly ejected him from the theatre. Astley’s Amphitheatre was ready with its first patriotic offering only three days after the Sans Culottes at Sadler’s Wells. British Loyalty (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 1 April - 5 May 1793) Author: Philip Astley, Jr. Composer: not named.

British Loyalty was advertized as “an entire New Divertissement, interspersed with Pantomime, Songs, and Recitative.” It was the work of Astley Jr., rather than his father, and it is unfortunate that so little is known about it. The description in the London papers was:

18

Unidentified clipping at the Islington Library and Cultural Services, Islington Local History Centre, Sadler’s Wells Collection, file: “Scene, Criticism: 17831803.”

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BRITISH Loyalty. This Piece will terminate with an entirely new ALLEGORICAL VIEW, Representing Britannia supporting OLD ENGLAND’s GLORY, With the full Chorus of GOD SAVE THE KING In the intervals of the Stage Amusements various EQUESTRIAN EXERCISES. (Star, 4 April 1793, [1]).

This stage work appears to have been very popular with the London audiences. The Star (4 April, [3]) reports that: The entertainments of the royal Saloon gain amazingly on the town, and produce the greatest houses, notwithstanding the badness of the weather. The last Scene of British Loyalty (the production of young Astley) does more credit to the Manager than any thing we ever saw, and forms one of the greatest and most interesting views ever exhibited. The performance of Miss Smith, in her new character, enchants all the lovers of harmony, who are no less enraptured with the abilities of the Musical child, and his wonderful execution on the Violin.—Few Dancers ever gained more applause than Messrs. Lascelles and Merceroy, and few persons more credit than Johannot, Wallack, Connell, and Decastro, and two or three others, who being strangers, are unknown to us.

This report is the only one that gives some idea of the role that music played in the offering. The last scene was often praised in the newspapers, but without giving concrete reasons for the acclaim. The work was likely very general in character, and the fact that it was replaced on 6 May by The Disembarkation of the Light Horse at Ostend should not surprise. For the latter work, Astley Sr. provided “on-the-spot” war reporting of great immediacy. The Disembarkation of the Light Horse at Ostend (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 6 May - 29 June 1793) Author: lyrics by E. Connell, in part Composer: James Sanderson, in part.

Getting British troops and their horses to the mainland required that they travel by boat. This could often be a tedious experience, given the vagaries of the winds in the English Channel, and the arrival at Ostend

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could be highly dangerous in stormy weather.19 In particular, getting horses off the boat at Ostend by the use of slings was a slow and laborious process. The pictorial aspects of the exercise provided Astley with a prime opportunity for his theatre. THIS present Monday, May 6, and every evening, an entire new Spectacle, consisting of Dance, Songs, and Chorus, called The DISEMBARKATION of the LIGHT HORSE From on BOARD the BRITISH TRANSPORTS: With a correct View of the entrance of OSTEND, Pier, Battery, Magazine, &c. &c., Together with a representation of Slinging the Troop Horses, landing them, &c., Preceding the disembarkation of his Majesty[’s] Forces, a sketch of A FLEMISH FETE. The whole to conclude with a characteristic Dance and Chorus. (Public Advertiser, 6 May 1793, [1]).

Although the above description suggests a spectacle of horsemanship, especially in their unloading from the boat, there is also mention of “Dance, songs, and Chorus.” In addition, background music would have been needed, as well as more varied music for the conclusion, the “sketch of a Flemish Fete.” The score appears to have been composed by James Sanderson (1769-c.1841). Sanderson was largely self-taught, but began playing in the orchestra of Astley’s Amphitheatre in 1788. The composition of individual songs soon followed; however, he did not create a full theatrical score for Astley until 1792. Between then and 1820, Sainsbury records that Sanderson composed music for 154 stage works.20 Unfortunately, only one piece of his music for The Disembarkation of the Light Horse at Ostend has survived, a song called “The Pad.”21 This fourverse strophic setting was sung by E. Connell, who also is credited with writing the poetry. Connell was a singer and actor who appeared at the Astley’s theatre for about twenty years, yet his full first name has never 19

An account of one such difficult crossing is found in H.C.B. Rogers, Troopships and their History (London: Seeley Service & Co., 1963), 60-62. 20 Further information on Sanderson’s career is found in A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, Actresses, Musicians, Dancers, Managers & Other Stage Personnel in London: 1660-1800. 21 “The Pad” (London: M. and J. Platts, [1793]).

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been discovered. His humorous text is slightly bawdy in that the pad referred to in the title is a bustle-like attachment to female apparel. The narrative voice in the song is a purveyor of false teeth, wigs and, especially, padding of this sort. Having failed at his trade in London, he hopes for success on the Continent, but is dismayed at what he discovers at Ostend. Your Females all Here, are so comely and Plump, The stand not in need of a Pad or a Rump; Some Ladies in London you’d think they were mad, They are quite of Ton, if they don’t wear a Pad.

Sanderson’s setting of this text is for unnamed solo instrument and keyboard. His march-like melody is popular in style, and poses no difficulties of either range or rhythm, although the tessitura sits very high. [Music Example 6 - 2].

Ex. 6 - 2: Sanderson, “The Pad,” mm. 1-8.

The production appears to have met with considerable favour. E. Johnson’s British Gazette and Sunday Monitor (12 May) reports that it was the chief topic of conversation among “the military, sailors, and travellers; the citizens too, who had no conception of a disembarkation of troops, no idea of a Flemish Festival, nor any knowledge of the customs and manners of the people, inhabitants of Ostend, were highly diverted and frequently expressed their satisfaction.” Following this success, Astley waited until the end of July to introduce a new production. The Surrender of Condé (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 28 July - 31 August 1793) Author: not named Composer: not named (“Pantomime, Song, Recitative, and Chorus”).

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The fortress of Condé was located some seven miles northeast of Valenciennes on the River Scheldt. Resistance to the Allies’ siege was fierce, and lasted some three months. Typical of Astley, he had a theatrical presentation on stage before three weeks were up: An entire new sketch, consisting of Pantomime, Song, Recitative, and Chorus, with new Scenes, &c., founded on facts called, THE SURRENDER OF CONDE, Together with several thousand French Troops, Cannon of different Calibers, Mortars, Ammunition, Wagons, Barges upon the Canal, Colours of the Nations, and, lastly, the Ceremony of the French Governor delivering the Keys of the different gates &c.., to an immense Assemblage of British and Foreign Princes, also the General and other Officers of the Armies. Under the Command of his Serene Highness the Prince of WIRTEMBERG The whole taken on the spot by Mr. ASTLEY, Sen. In the course of this spectacle will be portrayed the sufferings, &c., of the inhabitants during the blockade, from the 9th of April to the 10th of July 1793, the day the Garrison marched the Prisoners of War. (Morning Herald, 29 July 1793, [1]).

The Morning Post (30 July, [3]) reported that the “marching out of the Garrison, is executed in the first style; nor is the entry of the Prince of WIRTEMBERG’S Troops less pleasing and interesting. The sick and wounded formed so piteous a sight, that the feelings of the spectator were sensibly moved; but when the Ox and Cow arrived from his Highness, the house rang with applause. If we were not to consider this spectacle as the grandest ever presented, we should conceive ourselves guilty of a breach of that duty which we owe the Public.” It appears that there was ample opportunity for music to accompany the stage action, but no details appear to have survived. When Astley announced that he would have to suspend the performances of the Surrender of Condé in order that his production of the siege of Valenciennes might be produced, the World (17 August, [4]) lamented that, because of the large quantities of scenery and machinery need for both, the two pieces cold not be given together. The Valenciennes production proved to be a great success, and it was not until much later in the season that Astley presented another depiction of the enemy in defeat.

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The Carmagnols Routed (“near Lannoy”) (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 9 - 29 November 1793 [end of season]) Author: not named Composer: not named.

Astley referred to this equestrian work as an equestrian “Pantomimical Ballet of Action” in the newspaper advertisements, designed to introduce the audience to the outskirts of the British camp: . . . the SKIRTS of the BRITISH CAMP, contrasted with those of the CARMAGNOLS near LANNOI, on the 29th of October last, where a small Detachment of the brave British Troops, dispatched by Order of his royal Highness the DUKE of YORK, totally defeated a Part of the JACOBIN ARMY. Likewise a Representation of the LOYAL FRENCH PEASANTRY flying from their late deplorable situation, seeking an Asylum in the ENGLISH CAMP; and taking up Arms to relieve their Country from those Calamities which at present overwhelm it, and are still increasing to an alarming degree. As the Conclusion of the Ballet will be presented a View of the TOWN of LANNOI, and the gallant GENERAL ABERCROMBIE, leading the heroic British Troops into Action. Also the brave Colonel CHURCHILL, at the Head of only one Squadron of the 15th Light Dragoons, dashing on the Carmagnols, on the great Road between Lannoi and Lisle. Likewise the Honourable. Colonel FOX pursuing the French on the Way to Roubaix, at the Head of a Squadron of the 7th Light Dragoons. Together with the position of the cannon taken at the Moment the French cannoneers were endeavouring [sic] to obtain Possession of a rising ground, in order to sweep General Abercrombie’s left flank. EQUESTRIAN EXERCISES, By the whole Troop of Horsemen. (Public Advertiser, 9 November 1793, [1]).

Astley’s ability to draw people into the war effort is significant. The audience contributed directly to the welfare of the troops on the evening of the premiere, for the “Profits of this Night to be applied in . . . supplying the Army on Foreign Service with FLANNEL WAISTCOATS.” The work was heard on the same programme as The Siege of Valenciennes, and audiences must have felt that they were truly in touch with the war effort. The depiction of the French peasantry as sympathetic to the English invasion likely appealed to the growing number of emigrés in London.

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Although essentially an equestrian ballet, some vocal music appeared in the entertainment. One song in the work attracted attention, and was printed in the press of the day, with footnoted explanations to ensure that the text was understood: A Favourite and much admired Song, founded on Facts, and sung by Mr. Wallack, in the Character of a poor harmless French Cobbler [sic], in a new Ballet, called The Carmagnols Routed. . . . I. Pierre Savetier, behold, is from France just arriv’d, Where 25 years I at Cobling had triv’d, Till one fatal Day I was torn from my Stall, Le Diable tear par Pieces the Democrats all. Derry down, down, &c. II. My Lapstone and Last being chang’d for a gun, With thousands of others aux Frontiers I run; But Messieurs les anglois cause me so much Fright, That I did sham dead, and escap’d the same Night.* Derry down, &c. III. Cou’d fair words the Back and the Belly suffice, We’d have Victuals and clothes, mafois, in a Trice; But when these we ask of our fam’d Democrats, They stop up our Mouths with their damn’s Assignats.† Derry down, &c. IV. I’d rather be a Cobbler, and work in my Stall, Than of the Convention von grand General; One Day he be great Man, he head all the Mob, One two three Days after they cut off his Nob.‡ Derry down, &c. V. La Convention’s like to an old rotten Shoe, That wants both a Sole and a Top-Leather too, What lets Water behind, and the Mud in before, Runs away from the Foot, and returns never more. Derry down, &c. VI. If safe I arrive, I will stick to my Trade,§ In London, where always I’m sure to be paid, Where Law is respected, and that is the Ting,

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What makes the Poor happy, the Rich, and the King. Derry down, &c. * The Cobbler being forced from his Stall, and obliged to join the Jacobin Army and march to the Frontiers, on arriving in the Environs of Lisle, and finding every Thing in Confusion, very prudently made his Escape to the British Army. † All Kinds of Work being totally at a Stand, the different working People and Tradesmen apply to the Municipality Officers for Subsistence: 5 Sols per Day [2½d] is given to buy Bread, notwithstanding the Article is three times that Sum per Pound. ‡ Alludes to the late General Custine, &c.22 § The Cobbler seems to have a thorough Knowledge of the French national Conjures; Grass positively grows in the Streets and publick markets; Famine, Assassination, and other Calamities, daily increasing, and which the tongue of the most florid Orator; nor the Pen of the most ingenious Writer, can possibly describe.23

There can be little doubt that Astley’s theatre provided the kind of “instructive” entertainments that pleased the government. The sentiments placed in the mouth of the French peasants were designed to make the general populace believe that the revolutionary movement was the result of only a handful of radicals, and did not represent the beliefs of the French populace, generally. The cobbler is depicted as being prudent for having faked his own death so that he could escape to the British army. Seemingly, desertion of one’s post was acceptable, so long as it was over to the Royalist, British side! The explanation goes to great lengths to portray France in a state of ruin that only the intervention of Britain can reverse. The header to the song further justifies it by stating “founded on Facts.” Given the service that Astley’s theatre was doing for the country, it should not surprise that Astley senior was given such a free reign to send materials back to London, even though he was a military officer at the time. Unfortunately, none of the music survives.

22

Comte Adam-Philippe de Custine, who was Commander of the army of the North until his recall to Paris by the Committee on Public Safety. The fall of Mainz, Condé, and Valenciennes sealed his fate and he was guillotined on 28 August 1793. 23 Unidentified clipping found in Theatre Museum, London; file: “Astley: 17701827.”

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Theatrical Music II: Patent Theatres The news that Louis XVI had been executed on 21 January 1793 sent shock waves through London. Regicide was not unknown—Gustav II of Sweden had been assassinated the previous year—but the public execution of a reigning monarch, sanctioned by the courts, was an entirely different matter, and almost unfathomable. John Larpent and his wife went to the Covent Garden theatre on 22 January because members of the royal family were expected to be in attendance. Mrs. Larpent records in her journal (the following day) that they had scarcely entered the theatre when it was announced that the royal family had sent their regrets on account of the news that Louis XVI had been executed. Mrs. Larpent is very successful in recording the variety of reactions in the audience—agitation, confusion and numbness—noting that even those who did not feel directly affected by the events in France were distraught by the reactions of others in the audience. The singing of “God Save the King” did little to relieve the feeling of depression, and Mrs. Larpent states that she had never previously experienced such emotions in a public place.

Theatre Royal, Covent Garden The declaration of war with France on 1 February 1793 opened the door for the patent theatres to enter the realm of patriotic theatre. Once the Lenten oratorio performances were over, the Covent Garden theatre quickly added new patriotic works to its repertory. Because these works were topical in nature and were often written in some haste, the vast majority were afterpieces, although some carried the loftier title of opera. Few of these works would have been expected to enjoy a long life in the active repertory, although some of the more generic patriotic works continued in performance throughout the decade. It was often the case that the premiere of a patriotic afterpiece was given on the benefit night of a well-known actor. The first of the 1793 works at the Covent Garden theatre was presented just before the Holy Week closure (25-30 March). The Relief of Williamstadt; or, The Return from Victory (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 21 performances between 23 March - 6 June 1793, interlude in one act) Author: Thomas Goodwin Composer and Arranger: William Shield (music by Shield, Charles Dibdin and Thomas Arne etc.).

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Goodwin’s “interlude” was performed on the benefit night of William Lewis when The Road to Ruin was the main piece. The text was not published, and the approval script does not survive in the Larpent collection at the Huntington Library. The newspaper descriptions record a listing of scenes that read like an offering from Astley’s or Sadler’s Wells. The music, however, selected by Shield, spans nearly one hundred years to include icons of the British stage such as Purcell and Arne. Scene I: A Camp. “How stands the glass around,” sung by Incledon [text attributed to General James Wolfe, composer unknown] “Good subjects with jolly full bottle,” sung by Incledon, Darley, and Gray. Scene II: A View of the Scheldt. “Gentle Soldier, oft you’ve told me” (music by Thomas Arne), sung by Incledon and Mrs. Clendining. Scene III: The French Troops preparing for the Siege. With a View of the Fort. Scene IV: The Storming of the Fort by Figures in Perspective, and the Repulse of the Enemy. “Oh what a charming thing’s a battle,” sung by Incledon [likely Charles Dibdin’s song by the same name from The Recruiting Sarjeant] Scene V: The Temple of Mars, with the Return from Victory. “Great Britain still her charter boasts” (music by Wm. Shield), sung by Incledon.

Although there is no direct reference to this work in Mrs. Larpent’s journal, on April 3 she writes of having seen a new farce that she labels as “tired with repetition.” While she does not mention the work by name, it was The Relief of Williamstadt that was presented at Covent Garden on that evening. Presumably, Mrs. Larpent’s comment refers to the similarity of theme with other theatrical offerings of the day. The work appears to have undergone adjustments after its premiere, for the Morning Herald (2 April, [3]) reports that it had “many additions” following the reopening of the theatres. The paper then describes the spectacle as “truly martial and brilliant. The shew of several hundred foot and horse in battle array, and the contrivance, by which the latter have the appearance of motion in the back-ground, while the front has all the tumult of an action, were admirable.” Shield’s score reveals the degree to which popular song was coming to dominant patriotic offerings. Incledon began with the chestnut, “How stands the glass around,” a piece that was already in song collections such as The Convivial Songster of 1782.24 As printed in that source, the three 24

The Convivial Songster (London: J. Fielding, 1782).

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verses of the text contain no direct references to any previous wars, but generalized comments about the spirit of the military to withstand harsh conditions and privation. [Music Example 6 - 3].

Ex. 6 - 3: Anon, “How stands the glass around?” mm. 1-20.

Shield composed only one new piece for this offering, the finale, “Great Britain still her Charter Boasts.”25 Only a piano/vocal score of the song was published, but this gives cues for trumpets, violins, drums, and oboe. Although Shield’s music is in the martial style, with straightforward rhythms and much melodic movement by step in the four strophic verses, it is a superior piece with effective harmonies and solid craftsmanship. The concluding four-voice chorus makes a strong musical point on the words “good ally” with a wide leap in the top voice and chromatic motion in the tenor. Goodwin’s text praises “Princes [who] take the Lead in War” and “KING, LORDS AND COMMONS joining Hands, [to] Protect our Liberty.” Furthermore, “good allies” will benefit from Britain’s superior political system and be protected from their enemies. The poetry emphasizes patriotic sentiments, and even describes the Magna Carta as having been sanctioned by divine powers. [Music Example 6 - 4].

25

“Great Britain still her Charter Boasts,” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1793]).

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Ex. 6 - 4: Shield, “Great Britain still her Charter boasts,” mm. 1-18.

The Relief of Williamstadt was followed on 8 April by a short work by Frederick Pilon, called The Invasion; or, All Alarm’d at Brighthelmstone. The work had its origins in 1778, but was partially revised for the 1793 performances. The degree to which Harris at Covent Garden saw the virtue (one presumes largely financial) of presenting patriotic works can be seen by the rate at which they begin to show up in the company’s offerings. Given that many of them were afterpieces, it was possible to present several on the same evening. On 13 April, The Relief of Williamstadt and Hartford Bridge were presented on the same programme. When new works were not available, older ones were pressed into service: Tobias Smollett’s The Reprisal; or, The Tars of Old England had not been acted since 15 February 1779 until its revival on 24 April 1793. On 1 May, the advertisement in the Times states that the performance that evening was a benefit for Mrs. Martyr that included a musical prelude called May Day; or, The Little Gypsey, followed by the comedy, Fashionable Levities, and “a new Grand Spectacle, called The SOLDIER’S FESTIVAL; or, The Night before the Battle. After which a new Musical Farce called HARTFORD

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BRIDGE.”26 Hartford Bridge was hardly a “new” work, having been first given on 3 November of the previous year. The Soldier’s Festival (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, “grand spectacle,” 8 performances between 24 April 1793 and 17 May 1800) Author: not named Composer and arranger: ?William Shield.

The Soldier’s Festival was given its premiere on 24 April 1793, but newspaper advertisements mention “an entirely new Military Overture” was to be performed on 1 May, the evening of Mrs. Martyr’s benefit. The Soldier’s Festival was advertised again in the newspapers for 2 May and it continued to be performed until the end of the century, albeit without much frequency. It was an occasional musical work that made use of a pastiche score appropriate to the newly declared state of war with France, seemingly without referencing it directly. Indeed, references to General Wolfe, dead more than thirty years, were a blatant attempt to capitalize upon patriotic feelings by portraying a war hero dying in a French territory. The musical contents of the work on 1 May included: “Entirely new Military Overture” [?Wm. Shield]; “How stands the Glass around?” (General Wolfe’s favorite Song), sung by Incledon [text attributed to James Wolfe, composer unknown]; Irish Drinking Song (“Of the Ancients it’s Speaking”), sung by Johnstone; “How merrily we live that soldiers be,” sung by Darley, Incledon and Johnstone [adapted from Michael East’s seventeenth-century madrigal in three parts, which had recently been heard on stage in Henry Bate Dudley’s The Flitch of Bacon at Covent Garden]; “To Arms” and “Britons strike home,” sung by Incledon, Darley, Follett, Burton, Linton and Rees [both pieces drawn from Purcell’s 1695 incidental music for John Fletcher’s Bonduca]; “The whole to conclude with a View of Quebec, and the Death of General Wolfe.”

Given the absence of either a published libretto or approval script, it is not possible to comment on to what degree this work was dramatic. The absence of scene designations in the newspapers may indicate that it was simply a concert of older songs, thereby not requiring John Larpent’s permission. The need to recycle musical materials for patriotic works quickly likely accounts for the second use of “How stands the glass around” in a matter of months. Similarly, Shield’s arrangement of Michael 26

Times, 1 May 1793, [1].

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East’s glee from ca. 1600 had been heard earlier that season in Dudley’s The Flitch of Bacon. In addition to presenting East’s music in a more upto-date manner, Shield’s arrangement replaces the shepherds in the original text (“How merrily we live that shepherds be”) to soldiers, thus transforming a pastoral piece into a military one. Surprisingly, the arrangement was not new, having already appeared in Domenico Corri’s A select collection of the most admired songs, duetts &c., published in Edinburgh around 1779. In its revised form, the glee is cast as a da capo form of forty-four measures for three voices. This tuneful and rhythmically-active piece would still have entertained its listeners nearly two hundred years after its composition by Michael East. [Music Example 6 - 5].

Ex. 6 - 5: Michael East, arr. Shield, “How merrily we live that Soldiers be,” mm 1-6.

The military was a subject that could be guaranteed to interest audiences, and Harris introduced another work dealing with soldiers two weeks after the premiere of The Soldier’s Festival: To Arms; or, The British Recruit (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, musical interlude in 1 Act; 7 performances between 3 May 1793 - 21 May 1795) Author: Thomas Hurlstone Composer and Compiler: William Shield (includes music by T. Giordani and J.A. Stevenson) Libretto Publication: London: J. Debrett, 1793. [Reproduction: Charlottesville, VA.: Micrographics II, 1990, Eighteenth-century sources for the study of English literature and culture, reel no. 790; ECCO CW 114477616]. 2nd ed. London: n.p., n.d. Larpent MS. No. 981 [Readex Microfiche].

This work was in the nature of a short entertainment, and was the second work on a benefit evening for the celebrated comic actor, Joseph Munden. The programme also contained a play and another short musical work. The advertisement in the text published by Debrett provides an apology:

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Chapter Six The following Interlude is the production of a few hours.—Should it render any advantage to the very respectable Comedian, for whom it was written, by introducing a temporary novelty on his night, and pass without censure, the intentions of the Writer are completely answered.—Whatever its faults may be, it will at least have the merit of introducing to the public some very charming music, by those justly admired Composers Shield and Giordani. [iii]

Occasionally, one finds a printed libretto in the Larpent collection, in place of the manuscript approval score. These libretti are often examples of the text that was sold at the theatre at the time of the premiere. Larpent MS. No. 981 proves to be an exception since it is a printed version of the libretto that is substantially different from the Debrett publication of 1793.27 The following synopsis is drawn from the Debrett publication of 1793 because the Larpent text appears to represent a later revival. Scene i: a cottage. Robin and two other wheelwrights work at their jobs. (Trio: “Hither pamper’d pride and folly.”) Susan exits her cottage, complaining that Robin is making too much noise. He, in turn, complains that she no longer loves him since Capias, the lawyer’s clerk, came to town. They argue until the sound of a hunting party is heard, when they leave. Capias and a party of sportsmen enter. (Glee: “Cease your full toned sprightly horns.”) After the Sportsmen leave Susan enters, and Capias pays her compliments, while Robin listens unobserved. Robin mocks Capias’ flattery, and is upset when Capias suggests that Susan accompany him back to London. Robin decides that he will “hereafter toil in the field of honour for [his] King and Country” (8). (Song: “When I’m become a Lady fine.”) When Susan learns that Capias has no intentions of marrying her, she instantly regrets having given up Robin. (Duet: “Fie, my charmer, with me go.”) Scene ii: another part of the village with a view of the sea. Robin enters with a stick and bundle. (Song: “Let the axis of fortune move round how it may.”) He is determined to come to the aid of his country, but cannot decide between the army or the navy. The Sergeant of the Grenadiers and a 27

Larpent MS. No. 981 does not give the name of the publisher or a publication date. The Dramatis personae [iii] are in a different order and without the names of actors who played the parts, information provided by Debrett. Only pages 6-9 may have been printed from the Debrett plates, and many changes are found in the subsequent pages. A new duet, “Begone, you town rake” [10] replaces “Fie my charmer.” Some of the text has been subtly altered and abbreviated. The two songs, “Huzza-Huzza” and “'Tis honor invites you” [pages 12 & 14 in the Larpent source], are in reversed order. Finally, the text for the final chorus [page 16 in both sources] is much shortened in the Larpent copy.

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Recruiting party enter. The Sergeant attempts to entice Robin to join the Grenadiers, and describes the glorious life of a soldier. (Song: “ƍTis honor invites you—her summons obey.”) “A boat appears, from which the Lieutenant and Crew land.—While the music plays Rule Britannia” (12). The Lieutenant and Sergeant argue over who will get Robin to enlist. (Song: “Prepare—prepare—the foe’s in sight.”) Robin decides that a sailor’s life is for him, but is interrupted in his intentions by the entrance of a third recruiting party. Robin seizes the swords of both the Sergeant and the Lieutenant and stands ready for battle. The Sergeant of the Marines enters. (Song: “Huzza—Huzza—Mars leads the way.”) Robin changes his mind and decides that the life of a marine is for him. He is sad at leaving Susan and his former life, but decides that he will take no money for his services to king and country. Susan and the villagers enter, having heard the beating of drums. Susan offers her apology for her past behaviour. Robin forgives her. Capias is dragged in, protesting that he has been falsely arrested. The Lieutenant salutes the British fleet, and the sounds of guns firing are heard as a fleet of men of war are seen on the ocean. A dance of soldiers, sailors, and country girls takes place during the final chorus. (“May each eve, and dawning day.”)

The Diary; or, Woodfall’s Register (4 May, [3]) refers to the plot as “exceedingly slight and made up of materials not of the most substantial nature,” something of an understatement. Hurlstone’s plot is hardly original, providing little more than a love triangle and procession of differing divisions of the armed forces. The naïvety of Robin and Susan is not without some charm, but the work is too brief for their characters to properly develop. From a modern perspective, the character of Capias is so stereotyped that he loses any interest almost immediately, although the Diary comments that there was “some humour” in his depiction. The lawyer’s use of French phrases separates him socially from the rustic Robin and Susan, and also identifies him as being a villain. The raison d’être of the work appears to have been its spectacular ending “with a Representation of the Grand Fleet under Sail.”28 Throughout, the songs make use of rather obvious patriotic gestures, especially those sung by the military figures. The following is the text of the Sergeant’s song: ƍTis honor invites you—her summons obey, To true martial fame she will lead you the way; Then quick to her standard with courage repair, Your country to fight for—her laurels to share. Old England’s just cause, Her Freedom and Laws, 28

Morning Herald, 3 May 1793, [1].

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Chapter Six So noble in acts and in story; Each bosom should warm, Each Briton should arm, Since right is her aim and her Glory.

The final chorus ends with the words, “God save the King.” The singing of that anthem, along with a performance of the inevitable “Rule Britannia” ensured that the work contained the appropriate patriotic gestures.

Music There is little doubt that it was the music that made the show attractive to audiences. The Diary; or, Woodfall’s Register (4 May, [3]) states emphatically the “musical composition of the airs, and the merit of the performers” gave the work its “force.” The following list of musical set pieces is found in the 1793 libretto published by Debrett: Overture: presumably by Shield Trio: “Hither pamper’d pride and folly” Glee: “Cease your full toned sprightly horns” Song (Susan): “When I’m become a Lady fine,” two-verse, strophic air Duet: Capias: “Fie, my charmer, with me go,” Susan (second verse): “Vile Seducer—I’ll not go” Song (Robin): “Let the axis of fortune move round how it may,” fourverse, strophic air Song (Sergeant): “ƍTis honor invites you—her summons obey,”?throughcomposed air Song (Lieutenant): “Prepare—prepare—the foe’s in sight,”?throughcomposed air Song (Sergeant of the Marines): “Huzza—Huzza—Mars leads the way,” two-verse strophic air Chorus: “May each eve, and dawning day.”

Other references to music in the libretto include, “A boat appears, from which the Lieutenant and crew land.—While the music plays Rule Britannia,” marches to accompany the entrances of the Serjeants [sic] of the Grenadiers and the Marines, and “A fleet of men of war are seen sailing before the wind (Admiral Gardner’s) salute guns fired &c. during which the band play Britons strike home.” Unfortunately, no traces of Shield’s newly-composed music can be found. The ratio between spoken word and song is heavily weighted to the area of speech, and music does not appear to have dominated the work or

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contributed greatly to its forward momentum. Contemporary reports mention the use of a glee by the Dublin-born composer, Sir John A. Stevenson (1761-1833). This reference must be to “Cease your full toned sprightly horns,” the only glee in the work, but the borrowing is not mentioned in the published libretto. Newspaper reports also mention the performance of “The Sea Storm.”29 This reference is rather vague, but one of Charles Incledon’s most successful concert performances was of a setting of a text by the eccentric actor, lecturer, author and manager, George Alexander Stevens (1710-84) called “The Storm.” The musical setting of this text first appeared around 1770 as a nine-verse strophic song that alternates tempo markings (between slow and fast) with the change of verses. The tune is adapted from the song, “Old Hewson the Cobbler.”30 The many verses recount the dangers of the sea, from the “bounding billows first in motion,” the “distant whirlwinds,” the “dreadful Thunder roaring,” to the ship nearly being destroyed while the sailors “for Wives or Children mourn.” All ends happily, but the drama that precedes the resolution is vivid, and must have afforded Incledon many opportunities to act, especially when he performed the piece unaccompanied against a painted backdrop of a boat caught in a storm at sea. The tune is of the utmost simplicity, with a range of only a ninth. But a singing actor of Incledon’s abilities with material of this type could have done much with it. The song was sufficiently popular to warrant publications fifty years after it first appeared. [Music Example 6 - 6]. When To Arms was revived in the 1794-95 season, it was given a different subtitle: To Arms; or, Who’s Afraid? The version of the work found in the Larpent collection may stem from this period, although the title is the same as in the 1793 publication. A work of longer-lasting popularity followed on 11 May 1793 at the Covent Garden theatre.

29

Neither version of the printed libretto mentions this song. Philip H. Highfill, Jr., Kalman A. Burnim and Edward A. Langhans, A Biographical Dictionary of Actors, Actresses, Musicians, Dancers, managers & Other Stage Personnel in London: 1600-1800 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1991), XIV: 277.

30

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Ex. 6 - 6: Stevens, “The Storm,” mm. 1-16.

Sprigs of Laurel; or, Royal Example (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, Comic Opera in 2 Acts. 26 performances between 11 May 1793 - 20 October 1796) Author: John O’Keeffe Composer and Compiler: William Shield Libretto Publication: “Book of the songs to be had at the Theatre.” Sprigs of Laurel, A Comic Opera in Two Acts. London: H. Woodfall, for T. Longman, 1793. [Reproduction: Readex Micro-opaque and Readex Microfiche; D.W. Massey, Keswick, Va., 1984, Eighteenth century sources for the study of English literature and culture, microfilm #538; ECCO CW 110142392]. Dublin: Printed for Messrs. Wogan, Byrne, W. Jones and W. Porter, 1793. [Reproduction: Research Publications, Woodbridge, Conn., 1989, Eighteenth century, microfilm reel 3393, #4; ECCO CW 111539643]. New York: D. Longworth, 1805. [Reproduction: American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Mass, 1967, Early American imprints, second series, microopaque, Early American imprints. Second series, #9058]; second ed. New York: D. Longworth, 1819, [Reproduction: Readex microfiche, Early American imprints. Second series, #48979]; Larpent MS. No. 984 [Readex microfiche] Score: Sprigs of Laurel. A Comic Opera, . . . consisting of German, Scotch, Irish & English Airs, one by a Nobleman, & others by Handel, Anfossi & Shield. London: Longman & Broderip, 1793.

O’Keeffe’s two-act comic opera enjoyed considerable acclaim in its early years. The author later reduced it to one act for the 1796-97 season

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and renamed it The Rival Soldiers. The shortened version received a further seven performances before the end of the 1798-99 season, and was revived as late as 1828 at Covent Garden. As noted above, the reviewer for the Times works hard to recommend the work on the basis of patriotism, alone. In contrast, James Gray in the Morning Chronicle (an Opposition paper) declared: “unfortunately it turns so much upon temporary politics, the most improper of all improper subjects for the Theatre, because [people] wish not to hear the subjects of their serious debates mixed up with their amusements” (13 may, [4]). Similarly, the literary merit of the work was questioned in the Analytic Review, stating that the work owed “its success chiefly to it’s loyalty; of which it possesses a much larger portion than either of wit, of humour, or of poetry.”31 This is a curious reversal of artistic philosophy. On 21 December 1790, the Times had proclaimed that the theatre “ought ever to steer clear of politics.” Now, with the country at war, the Ministerial press encouraged political theatre (as long as it served their needs), leaving the Opposition press to decry it. Larpent MS. No. 984 is undated and does not include the application letter for the work. Larpent appears not to have demanded changes, but the manuscript is incomplete and lacks five lyrics found in either the published score or in the libretto published by Henry Woodfall. Even the finale is different in the Larpent source, where the song “England farewell” is given. Both the published libretto and score have “Till your cliffs we turn our face.”

Plot The published libretto contains a notice (dated 21 May 1793) stating that O’Keeffe based his story on “a Circumstance he had heard of a Centinel [sic] quitting his Post, to follow the Detachment from the Guards when it embarked at Greenwich: But whether a Fact, or Fiction, he is happy if it has afforded any Pleasure from the Popularity of the Occasion.”32 Without stating more fully the source he used, this notice is designed to give plausibility to a story that, while topical, is filled with many of the standard devices of comic opera: a colourful rascal, a love triangle and a long-lost child discovered. The work was dedicated to 31

Cited by Theodore Fenner, Opera in London, Views of the Press: 1785-1830 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1994), 390. 32 John O’Keeffe, Springs of Laurel, A Comic Opera in Two Acts (London: H. Woodfall, for T. Longman, 1793), [vi].

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Queen Charlotte, and O’Keeffe’s inscription in the original publication states that it was meant as a “small tribute of congratulation on the patriotic ardor [sic] displayed by Her Majesty’s Illustrious Son, His Royal Highness the Duke of York.” A description of the plot follows: Act I: Years earlier, Captain Cruizer’s illegitimate infant son had been left in the care of Nipperkin (then the captain’s servant) and his wife, the latter having no interest in raising the child. The child was left on the doorstep of a gentleman who took the child in, but who died penniless soon after. Cruizer lost contact with his child who was ultimately raised in a poor house. When Cruizer meets up with Nipperkin again, the latter promises to help find the lost son, but later reveals his true character when he states his plan to delay the meeting so that he can bilk the captain for as much money as possible. (Song: “Shew me a Lawyer.”) In Green Park, Sinclair muses on his love for Mary Tactic. (Song: “When night and left upon my guard.”33) Lenox enters and they discover that they are both in love with Mary. (Duet: “I like each girl that I come near.”) They decide to let Mary make her choice between them rather than risk their friendship. She enters (Song: “Oh, come away”), and the two men ask her to choose between them. (Song: “When in a garden sweet.”) She gives her hand to Sinclair, and Lenox wishes them happiness. They sing a trio of farewell (“Tap beats the drum”) as the men return to their barracks. Nipperkin enters with news that the troops are to be dispatched to Holland to fight in the war. Mary is distraught and leaves. Her father enters and asks Nipperkin to bring Mary back, but he avoids doing so. (Song: “There was a fine old maiden.”) Nipperkin dupes Captain Tactic into buying him alcohol in return for his promise to join the military. (Duet: “March I before great Justice Laro.”) Nipperkin’s less than sterling character is revealed in his lines “I’m tir’d of kissing old Judy, my wife, I must have a pair of new lips.” In St. James’ Park, Mary meets Lenox who is upset that he has been ordered to home duty and will not fight on the Continent. (Song: “Aspiring thought my breast expand.”) Nipperkin and Tactic return, Nipperkin having reneged on his promise to enlist. Sinclair enters and Lenox is doubly unhappy to learn that his friend will sail for Holland. Sinclair leaves Mary in Lenox’s care, while Nipperkin casts aspersion upon Lenox’s character. Sinclair and Mary bid each other farewell (Duet: “Dear youth”), and the act ends with assembled soldiers and their female followers praising Britannia. (Chorus: “Our Gracious George, and Charlotte’s Son.”) Act II: Lenox serves as a guard near the Queen’s Palace, but wishes that he was fighting in the war. (Song: “A maid I love.”) A very drunken Nipperkin enters and relates that Prince Frederick is returning victorious 33 This song is listed as set by Shield, the only song in the libretto to contain this annotation.

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from the battle. Lenox convinces Nipperkin to exchange clothes so that Lenox can get on board a ship leaving for the Continent. After singing “A glass is good and a lass is good,” the drunken Nipperkin falls asleep in the guard box. Mary enters to bring food to Lenox but does not recognize that a substitution has taken place. The false Lenox is discovered asleep by the Corporal of the guards and is taken into custody. Mary begs for leniency, and the Corporal decides to have the drunk put on a boat for the Continent, rather than have him court marshalled. (Catch: “Rare rolling boys.”) At the wharf, Lenox attempts to board a boat but is stopped by Captain Cruizer. (Song: “The goddess of the mountains.”) Something about Lenox reminds Cruizer of his lost son. Mary enters (Song:” Sing, charming warblers”), and attempts to question Cruizer, but is rebuffed and told to leave. Mary remains behind (Song: “Fragrant chaplets quaintly twining”) and is reunited with Sinclair and her father. (Song: “Parted from thee, my every bliss.”) Mary tries to tell them about Lenox but is prevented by the call to march. (Song: “Sound trumpets.”) Sinclair has a dire foreboding about Lenox’s earlier offer of friendship to Mary, but he is reassured by Major Tactic. (Song: “Midst flaunting shrubs in vernal green.”) The scene changes to the Thames in front of Greenwich Hospital. George Streamer assists the departing soldiers. (Song: “I’m here or there a jolly dog.”) Mary begs her father to get Lenox pardoned, but to no avail. The real Lenox is brought after another failed attempt to get on board one of the boats. His disguise is revealed and Mary is accused of telling lies until Nipperkin is brought in. Lenox is not only pardoned, but is lauded for his patriotism. To escape punishment, Nipperkin finally reveals that Lenox is Cruizer’s longlost son. All ends happily. (Finale: “Till your cliffs we turn our face.”)34

While the exchange of identities is an old dramatic device, it works well here, certainly more so than the contrived plot of the lost son. Most of the characters are rather two-dimensional. Lenox and Sinclair, the rivals in love for Major Tactic’s fair daughter, Mary, display the most gentlemanly manners and a total unwillingness to fight for her love, preserving any combative tendencies for the fight against the French enemy. Both Captain Cruizer and Major Tactic do little more than represent their respective 34 Songs listed in libretto for which there is no published music include: “There was a fine old maiden” (Nipperkin), “Aspiring thoughts my breast expand” (Lenox), “A maid I love who loves not me” (Lenox), “Sing, charming warblers!” (Mary), “Fragrant chaplets quaintly twining” (Mary), and “Midst flaunting shrubs in vernal green” (Major Tactic). Larpent MS. No. 984 gives an entirely different text for the finale to Act II: “England farewell, thou best belov’d.” Missing from Larpent MS. No. 984 are the trio, “Tap beats the drum,” and the songs, “Sing charming warbler,” “Sound the trumpets,” and I’m here or there a jolly dog.” This would appear to indicate that the work was much revised after the approval script was sent to Larpent.

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branches of the armed forces. Only the comic role of Nipperkin, an opportunist of the first order, affords any depth of characterization. Although there was only one solo role for a female (performed by Mrs. Clendining), Mrs. Martyr undertook the small role of George Streamer in Act II/iii and was given a brief speech and a comic song (“I’m here or there a jolly dog”). The absence of female roles may also explain the inclusion of the two gratuitous pastoral airs in Act II/ii (“Sing, charming warbler” and “Fragrant chaplets”) to expand Mary’s role in the drama. The result is a far more even relationship between spoken word and singing in this piece, even if some of the sung texts are often gratuitous to the action. The propaganda value of the work is revealed in Act II/ii when Lenox voices his patriotic credo: Lenox. Humanity. —To stop the ravages of war abroad, secure the blessings of peace, commerce, plenty and happiness at home to Old England, where a good king is the common parent—every man captain of his castle, and the law to protect his property, wife and children. Frenchmen give Britons freedom!—But huzza!—we’ll pluck Sprigs of Laurel from their Tree of Liberty.

This is hardly subtle, but it captures (as does much of the piece) a sense of moral duty to not only protect British values, but also to project them in the Continental countries. The image of the English King as an überparent contrasts strongly with the traditional view of the absolutist French Kings.

Music As usual with Shield, the score borrows from other composers, including Handel and Anfossi, and folk music from Germany and the British Isles. The London Chronicle commented that “Shield had added fresh Sprigs of Laurel to his well-established reputation as an excellent composer and judicious selector. The music . . . is infinitely superior in point of melody and appropriation to any that has been heard on the stage for some time past: it is indeed an exquisite treat for the taste of an amateur, and a capital addition to the production of the science.”35 Surprisingly, few other sources give more than a passing notice to the music, although the Public Advertiser (13 May 1793, [3]) states that the “music of this Opera is very admirably adapted to the words of the 35

Cited by Fenner, English Opera, 390.

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Author” and “the excellent taste of Shield, to whose reputation it adds not a little” had much contributed to the success of the work. Shield and his publisher must have had great expectations for the sale of this score, for it was released in a piano/vocal format covering fifty pages. Unfortunately, few copies of this score have survived.36 The list of the published music follows: Act I 1) Preludio; “Marcia”: D, 44/68 2) “Shew me a Lawyer refusing a good fee,” (Sung by Mr. Munden), G, 44, through-composed 3) “When night, and left upon my guard,” (Sung by Mr. Incledon), Eb, 44, two-verse, strophic song 4) Dialogue [“I like each Girl that I come near”] (Sung by Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Incledon), E, 34, three-verse, strophic song 5) “Oh! come away,” (Sung by Mrs. Clendining), D, C|, two-verse strophic song [five verses given in Larpent Ms. No. 984] 6) “When in a garden sweet,” (Sung by Mrs. Clendining), G, C|, two-verse strophic song 7) “Tap beats the drum upon my aching heart,” (Sung by Mrs. Clendining, Mr. Johnstone and Mr. Incledon), G, 44, through-composed trio 8) “March before great Justice,” (Sung by Mr. Davies and Mr. Munden), A/E/a, C|/68, through-composed duet 9) “Dear youth keep this for Mary’s sake,” (Sung by Mr. Incledon and Mrs. Clendining), G, 44, through-composed duet 10) “Our gracious George & Charlotte’s Son,” (Sung by Mr. Johnstone, Mr. Incledon, Mr. Linton, Mrs. Clendining, and all the Chorus), D, 44, through-composed chorus/trio/chorus structure Act II 11) “The Lamp of Hope by rays of light,” (Sung by Mr. Johnstone), Bb, 44, two-verse strophic song 12 ) “A glass is good, and a lass is good,” (Sung by Mr. Munden), A,68, two-verse strophic song 13) Catch: “Rare rattling Boys,” (Sung by Mr. Munden, Mr. Darley, Mr. Linton and a Party of Soldiers), C, 44, through-composed 14) “The Goddess of Mountains blythe rosy and free,” (Sung by Mr. Johnstone), G, 38, two-verse strophic song 15) “Parted from thee my ev’ry bliss,” (Sung by Mr. Incledon), “Composed by a Nobleman,” G, 44, ternary song 16) “Sound Trumpets for fame to a Briton belongs,” (Sung by Mr. Incledon), D, 68, through-composed song 36

I am much indebted to the Sibley Music Library at the Eastman School of Music in Rochester for supplying me with a copy of their score.

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Chapter Six 17) Chorus: “Sound Trumpets for fame to a Briton belongs,” D, 68, through-composed chorus, based on previous music 18) “I’m here or there a jolly dog,” (Sung by Mrs. Martyr), D, 68, fourverse strophic song 19) Finale: “Till to your Cliffs we turn our face,” (ensemble and chorus), A, 24/68, four-verse strophic song/ternary air, ternary section based on the allegro section of the overture.

Shield may have been hard pressed by the number of scores he was expected to produce for the Covent Garden theatre, and he borrowed music in greater quantity than was even his norm. Only one of these borrowed items is named in the score itself and that, most unhelpfully, is the song by a “Nobleman.” As a pastiche score, there is no single compositional voice, although the very reliance on folk music in this rustic setting likely had a broad appeal. Given the theatre’s new role in popularizing the war with France, it was important to address all segments of the audience, even those with the least sophisticated tastes. This score is far from unsophisticated, however, and while the musical numbers themselves are often rather brief, the score is well crafted, and the repetition of music first heard in the overture for the Act II finale brings a greater sense of unity to the work than otherwise might have been the case. Not all of the surviving documentation agrees in the contents of the work. The song, “The Lamp of Hope,” and the choral setting of the text, “Sound trumpets for fame to a Britain belongs,” do not appear in the published libretto. Similarly, the text of the solo setting of “Sound trumpets for fame to a Britain belongs,” is altered from that found in the published libretto. Several songs were given separate printings, the most successful being the second song in the collection (“When night, and left upon my guard”) published as “Sweet Mary Come to Me.” Not only did Longman and Broderip publish this song in 1793, but also A.J. Heuwekemejier in Amsterdam (1793), E. Rhames (1795) and Hime (1795), the latter two in Dublin. “The Lamp of Hope” was also released by Longman and Broderip (1793), and “Sweet Mary Come to Me,” “O Come away my Soldier Bonny” and “I’m here or there” (as “A Smile and a Tear”) were published in Philadelphia by G. Willig c.1798 after the production of The Rival Soldiers in that city. The D-major overture begins with a military march leading into an extended ternary allegro with a central section in the parallel minor. The unpretentious tunefulness of the music makes it well suited to the nature of the entertainment that follows, and the melody returns at the conclusion of

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Act II during the finale. [Music Example 6 - 7]. The vocal music begins with a curious comic song with a cynical text about professionals who take advantage of those they serve. The text is amusing, and the use of numerous repeated notes underscores the pedantry of such individuals. Many of the songs are brief and strophic, likely reflecting their folk origins. This approach can even be found in the dialogue song (“I like each Girl”) sung by the characters of Lenox and Sinclair. A martial quality is rarely far from the surface in the music, and the patriotic chorus at the end of Act I with its cries of “To Arms” and “‘Tis royal Fred’rick leads us on,” has an extended introduction for “winds instruments only” to heighten the military atmosphere.

Ex. 6 - 7: Shield, Sprigs of Laurel, music from finale that repeats the theme heard in the overture.

Written-out accompaniments are rare, although inner “voices” are often indicated. An exception can be found in “Parted from thee my ev’ry bliss,” composed by the unidentified nobleman. Here, an accompaniment for both pianoforte and harp is given—insufficient compensation for the rather lacklustre melody and rudimentary harmonies in the piece, alas. More attractive is the most popular song in the work, “Sweet Mary Come to Me.” The occasional use of the Scotch-snap rhythms gives this song a folk-like cast, but its two-octave range, leaping melody and repeated high Bb made this song a showpiece for Incledon. The result is an interesting hybrid of concert and popular styles. [Music Example 6 - 8]. O’Keeffe’s work enjoyed considerable acclaim early on, although later productions such as The Rival Soldiers, did not always repeat earlier successes, eventually suffering from the law of diminishing returns with each successive revision to keep the work current.37 In 1793, however, the appetite of the audience for patriotic works seems to have been limitless, and a new work was introduced at Covent Garden in just over two weeks. 37

Fenner, Opera in London, 390-91.

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Ex. 6 - 8: Shield, Sprigs of Laurel, “Sweet Mary come to me,” mm. 1-8. The Shipwreck; or, French Ingratitude (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, Ballet-Pantomime, 2 Acts, 8 performances between 27 May 1793 - 2 June 1796) Author: James Byrn Composer: pastiche score into which new elements appear to have been added over time.

For The Shipwreck, Byrn altered an earlier pantomime work of his, Provocation; or, The Shipwreck. While he inserted new elements, many of the original parts of Provocation were retained. The various scenes listed at the time of the premiere of The Shipwreck include: A representation of an Engagement between an English and French Man of War A Shipwreck The original Allegoric Scene from Provocation A View of an English Camp A Naval and Military Procession.

With the passing of time, further elements were added to the work. On 26 May 1794, newspaper advertisements mention the following: A Grand Military Procession as it pass’d, when the French Colours taken by the British Army were conveyed from St. James’s to St. Paul’s Cathedral. The above Procession is represented by Moving Figures, in which the Horse and Foot Guards, the Band of Music, the French Colours, &c. are seen to pass in the exact order they appeared on the memorable occasion.

This description resembles entertainments given previously at the Sadler’s Wells Theatre, and demonstrates how much the minor theatres had come

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to influence their royal counterparts. Bryn’s text was useful for the theatre since it was seen as something that could be altered as need arose to reflect current events. The score was modified with the subsequent revivals, often making use of well-known patriotic chestnuts. On 10 June, a performance of “Rule Britannia” with “full Chorus” was announced and, although Arne’s name is not mentioned, it would seem likely that his music was used. At the time of the premiere, the European Magazine (June 1793, 467) found the work to be “well conducted, showy, and what might be expected from such kind of Entertainment.”

Theatre Royal, Drury Lane The management of the Drury Lane theatre took a somewhat different tactic from its rival in Covent Garden. Rather that presenting many highly topical works that might not last long in the repertory, the theatre presented patriotic works of a more general nature. The Mariners (Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, Musical Farce in 2 Acts, 15 performances between 10 May 1793 - 15 March 1794) Author: Samuel Birch Composer and Compiler: Thomas Attwood (with music by Mozart, [?Domenico] Ferrari, Martin y Soler, Linley Sr. and Shaw) Libretto Publication: Songs, Duets, Trio and Choruses, in the Mariners. London: C. Lowndes, 1793. [Reproduction: Readex Microopaque, Readex microfiche, ECCO CW 114253103]. Larpent MS. No. 983 [Reproduction: Readex Micro-opaque, Readex microfiche]. Score: London: Longman & Broderip, [1793?]. The Additional Song, Duett and Trio in the Mariners. London: Longman & Broderip, [1794]. [Reproduction: Andover, Mass.: Northeast Document Conservation Center, 1991].

This strongly patriotic work does not directly invoke the war with France. Instead, Samuel Birch’s text glorifies the exploits of the British navy, and gives expression to the nation’s fear of France. This must have had a strong resonance with contemporary audiences who appear to have responded warmly to the patriotic sentiments: The laurel wreath the martial Crown The victor’s Brow that binds Excites a wish for such renown In ever daring minds. But Beauties mild endearing chain

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Chapter Six Will best reward their Toil They brave the Battles rage to gain The glowing soft consenting smile

Kemble’s application in Larpent MS. No. 983 is dated 4 May 1793, six days before the premiere. Larpent appears not to have demanded any changes in the script. The popularity of the work and the success of Attwood’s score ultimately resulted in an expansion of the text submitted to Larpent, so that further musical numbers could be added to the score.

Plot The following plot synopsis is adapted from the European Magazine (May 1793, 387-88), 38 with additions from the Lowndes publication of the libretto. Mr. Indigo, a wealthy old man, has retired to an estate on the Western coast of England. His daughter had been put in the care of Sophia, an orphaned daughter of a relation. When Harry Welling, Indigo’s nephew, took a fancy to Sophia, the uncle sent him to Lisbon to divert his affections. Charles Indigo, his son, is in the army, and is secretly in love with Susan, the daughters of a neighbouring farmer. It is about the time of Harry’s expected return from Lisbon that the piece opens. When the vessel he is on is shipwrecked near his uncle’s house, two seaboys seek assistance at Clover’s house. The latter joins with them, and they save Harry’s life. Mizen, one of the mariners, sought relief at the house of Mr. Indigo, and reveals that all were saved on his nephew’s ship. Indigo goes to his club in the neighbouring village, where there is great anxiety about the possible landing of the French. Act Two opens with the inhabitants practising military exercises. Sophia learns from Mizen that Henry is safe, and waits in the garden for his wonted signal. Mizen intercepts Charles Indigo endeavouring to force Susan Clover to a post-chaise, and rescues her. Henry is scarcely in the garden with Sophia before the return of Mr. Indigo who is feeling the effects of drink. His son Charles surprises him, and Harry avails himself of that situation to come forward. This discovery advances his interest with his uncle, who consents to his union with Sophia, and sends for Clover to organize a dance. Fanny, who had been disguised as a sea-boy to follow her Mizen to sea, now discovers Mizen to be safe, when he returns with Susan to the cottage and, unable to conceal her disguise, discloses the secret to him. Charles, finding his scheme of running off with Susan frustrated, proposes marriage, and thus a triple

38

A near identical text was published in the Public Advertiser, 11 May 1793, [3].

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alliance is concluded, and celebrated by mirth and festivity in Mr. Indigo’s house.

The piece was written for the benefit evening of the actor, Thomas Sedgwick, but the large cast required (five women and eleven men in speaking parts, as well as various “vocal characters”) indicates that the author, Samuel Birch (whose identity was only hinted at in the press of the day), had serious intentions for the work. This was Birch’s first work for the stage, and he was fortunate that the theatre accepted it into their regular repertoire, in spite of the contrived and convoluted plot. Reviews of the work were politely enthusiastic, with the European Magazine (May 1793, 388) stating that the “dialogue [was] easy and pleasant, the moral chaste, approaching in some instances to the sentimental, but on the whole discovering a degree of merit in a first performance, which hereafter may ripen into excellence.”

Music Attwood cast his net rather widely in his choice of borrowed music in this score although, given his previous studies with Mozart, it does not surprise that he turned to his teacher for music to appropriate. The presence of music by Ferrari, Martin y Soler, and Dittersdorf similarly demonstrates Attwood’s time spent in Vienna, where the music of these composers would have been known to him. A song (“When we Sailors Lad first put to Sea”) was composed by a Miss Bannister, presumably a relation of the singer (Mr. Bannister, Jr.). That the overture to the work was composed by Shaw, rather than Attwood, is perhaps the strongest indication that Attwood was pressed for time to get the production before the public. In spite of this, the music was highly regarded, and it was published by Longman & Broderip in 1793, and there was sufficient interest in the music to warrant a subsequent publication of materials omitted from the first. The musical contents of the two published scores follow: 1) Overture in two movements, D, 44/24 [Music by Shaw] 2) Duet (Two Seaboys), “For compassion we implore,” F, 68 thoughcomposed 3) Song (Sophia), “Dear Vale whose green retreats,” F, 34, two-verse strophic air 4) Song (Clover), The true Son of Neptune,” D, 44, ternary air 5) Song (First Seaboy), “As frowning o’er the troubled deep,” Bb, 68, through-composed

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Chapter Six 6) Song (Henry), “Tho’ Fame records the Soldiers deed,” D, 44, threeverse strophic air [four verses given in Larpent MS. No. 983] 7) Finale [to Act I] (Indigo and Chorus), “The Village Steeple tells,” C, 6 2 6 2 8/ 4/ 8/ 4 8) Song (Clover), “Why swells my wavy,” E, 24, two-verse strophic air [Music by Mozart, see below] 9) Song (Mizen), “When we sailors lad first put to sea,” A, 24, [Music by Miss Bannister] 10) Song (Susan), “Fly these humble retreats,” F, 68, ternary air 11) Song (Sophia), “Ah! Why suspect my Maiden truth,” A, 24/68, two-part aria 12) Duet (Meizen & First Seaboy), “O light & joyous,” C, 24, four-verse strophic duet 13) [Act II] Finale Clover and Chorus, “Now we’ll lightly trip,” D, 24.

Additional Items:

1) Song (First Seaboy), “Let landsmen as the Tempest sweeps,” F, 24, two-verse strophic setting 2) Duet (? & ?), “The Storm now subsided,” Bb, 38, two-verse duet, second verse written out in full 3) Trio (Indigo, Charles & Sophia), “Anxious we our fate to know,” G, 44, through-composed. 4) Song, (Second Seaboy), “In Seville fair, ‘tis long ago,” [unpublished] 5) Trio, (Indigo, Henry & Sophia), “Twenty, Twenty,” [unpublished]

Shaw’s overture is vigorous, and makes much use of dynamic contrasts. It is cast in two sections, with the first in sonata form. This movement was likely very effective in its orchestral guise, inevitably losing somewhat in the reduction to keyboard. This is followed by a rondo (in a da capo form) that is rather courtly and galant in style for the nature of the story that follows. Attwood’s choice of borrowed music results in an attractive collection, and the text settings have been well handled considering that many of the texts had to be made to fit existing music. To hear Sarastro’s music sung by a tenor in a different context and to different words would be jarring today; however, few in Britain at that time would have known Mozart’s Die Zauberflöte. Unfortunately, it is coupled with a rather banal text that does not equal the musical inspiration. [Music Example 6 - 9].

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Ex. 6 - 9: Attwood, The Mariners, “Why Swells my Wavy Burnish’d Grain.”

Atwood’s music reveals just how much he learned from Mozart. Like his master, Attwood rarely composed an extraneous note, and his melodic inspirations are often gracious, albeit not ornate. [Music Example 6 - 10].

Ex. 6 - 10: Attwood, The Mariners, “Fly the Humble Retreats,” mm. 1-12.

The Sieges of Valenciennes and Toulon While troops were dispatched to protect the Channel Islands as early as April of 1793 to prevent the French from getting control over the Channel itself, the real fighting took place on Continental soil. The Duke of York’s troops experienced early failures on land and it was not until the successful siege of Valenciennes that British hopes for an early victory appeared possible. The events leading up to the siege and capture of Valenciennes were much reported in the newspapers, and they held readers in rapt attention as the army first won the battle of Tournay, blockaded Condé, and took the fortified camp at Famars. As important as these victories were, the conquest of Valenciennes was crucial to the Allies. Valenciennes was an industrial centre, some 155 miles northeast of Paris. The city had been ceded to France in 1678, and contributed significantly to the French economy in the area of textiles and iron works.

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The assault began by an attack on Famars, some three miles from Valenciennes, on 23 May 1793. Once Famars was secure, the assault on Valenciennes began on 2 June with the digging of trenches. On 25 June, mines were sprung by the Allied troops and damaged the city’s barricades sufficiently for the Duke of York to order a general assault. Valenciennes capitulated on 28 June.39 The London newspapers provided daily coverage of the siege in great detail. Given the previous failures in the continental battle, there was a growing sense of optimism in Britain that resulted in several stage works being mounted in London, and several instrumental concert works composed to celebrate the victory.40 Although the Allied troops were to lose control of the city in 1794, the number of theatrical works and concert pieces that were completed prior to that time indicate just how significant this initial victory was for the British back home.

Theatrical Music V: Minor Theatres The Siege of Valenciennes; or, The Entrance of the British Troops into France. (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 2 September - 29 November 1793 (end of season), revived 7 July-26 August 1794) Author: not named Composer: James Sanderson, [Music not listed in RISM] Libretto Publication: Songs, Duetts, Chorusses &c. With a description of the Scenery and Machinery in a New Military Spectacle, called, The Siege of Valenciennes; or, The Entrance of the British Troops into France. London: H. Pace, 1793. [Reproduction: ECCO CW 114475799].

Philip Astley returned home from the front in the summer of 1793 with much material for a stage show to celebrate the victory at Valenciennes and to demonstrate the prowess of the British army. Called a “grand new military Spectacle, in three Parts interspersed with Songs, Duets, [and] Chorusses,” the resulting spectacle featured staged battle scenes that pushed realism to the greatest heights. Given Astley’s past fame in creating spectacles of this nature, the critic of the Sun (4 September, [3]) feared that disappointment might have resulted because of the general speculation. He was happy to report that “such a spectacle . . . [had] not been witnessed for near a century.” Similar 39

James Grant, British Battles on Land and Sea, 3 vols (London: Cassell, Petter & Galpin, n.d.), II: 212-13. 40 Reginald Clarence records that another burletta (billed as a musical military spectacle) was mounted in Doncaster in November of 1793. The Stage Cyclopædia (London: “The Stage,” 1909), 432.

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sentiments were reported in the St. James’s Chronicle and the Star on 5 September, and the Morning Chronicle (6 September, [3]) reported that the second performance was more successful than the first, with the deployment of scenery being better handled. Realistic effects were attempted, with the destructive power of war on buildings being demonstrated, and the sad effects on the common people.41 The theatre was frequently full, as Decastro’s Memoirs (78-79) record: At this time he had got up the Siege of Valenciennes, in a style of the first excellence, and it brought him great houses, as they overflowed every night during more than a usually long season. It was so popular that his present most gracious Majesty, then Prince of Wales, and his Royal Highness, our adventurer’s beneficent, august, and illustrious patron of this work, in company with the Marquis of Hastings, then Earl Moira, honoured it with their frequent visits: the former of whom came one night by himself, and the theatre was so crowded, that he could not find room any where. Mr. Astley, who (in the seaman’s phrase, if we do not offend by the term) ever kept his weather-eye up, (and on this occasion it penetrated like the eagle’s toward the sun in his flight), was more than anxious to accommodate his Royal Visitor, and used his utmost exertions to shew him his every attention, which his royal Highness the Prince perceiving, declined accepting of it very condescendingly, (and with that suavity of manner which so eminently distinguished his Majesty, as a gentleman of the most elevated rank in society,) with a smile, said “I wish every time I come I may be disappointed in the same kind of way.

Astley’s stage work was of considerable proportions, as evinced by the publication of the libretto by H. Pace in London in 1793. This publication consists of twenty-seven pages and includes the texts of the recitatives and songs, as well as descriptions of the scenery and machinery of what was called a “new military spectacle.” The work was dedicated to “the Armies at this time in actual Service on the continent, under the Command of His Royal Highness The DUKE of YORK,” and contains a laudatory preface by “an old soldier” praising the “brilliant and ever-memorable victories on the Continent; particularly during the siege of Valenciennes; a siege by which [the troops] acquired the more glory. . .” Few would have doubted that the “old soldier” was none other than Astley himself. These sentiments were obviously meant to inspire patriotism as was the work, itself. The cast was large and consisted of thirty-five named actors, as well as unnamed supporting players. Included in the listing are British officers, 41 Astley was soon to publish a book in London dealing with these issues, Places now the Theatre of War. This proved so popular that it went to four editions.

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Hanoverian officers, Hessian officers, French citizens, Sans Culottes, and various members of their troops. The play was structured in twenty-two scenes, and contained nine songs and a concluding grand chorus. A listing of the various scenes and their descriptions follows: Scene i: The Duke of York’s Tent. Head Quarters, The commander in chief, and the adjuttant [sic]-general appear consulting with other officers, on the plan of attacking the enemy’s camp, in Famars, and other operations relative to the blockage of the city of Valenciennes. Scene ii: A Wall and Draw-bridge, and Part of the Ramparts of the City. A noise of cannon is heard, when several peasants (inhabitants of the adjacent villages) are seen flying to the city for safety: here a skirmish takes place. Scene iii: An Apartment in the Citadel. The before-mentioned countrypeople are seen repairing to the governor, carrying him the news of the enemy’s approach—at which he is much alarmed, and gives the necessary orders in consequence. Scene iv: Part of the Entrenchment formed by the Combined Armies. Several sappers are discovered at work, carrying on parallel lines, &c. (Song: “We sap the ground to save our men.”)42 Scene v: Chambers in the Citadel. The governor enters, accompanied by several officers, who appear much embarrassed. A messenger arrives, and informs the commander that a flag of truce is at the gate; the bearers of which is ordered to be admitted, when he produces the following inscription, viz. “His Royal Highness the Duke of York, knowing perfectly well the strength of the garrison, and his own superiority, demands the immediate surrender.” The governor consults with his officers, and returns an answer in the negative. Scene vi: The Duke of York’s Tent. His Royal Highness, upon the receipt of this answer, gives the orders to the major (gallant Congreve) to bombard the city with all speed. Scene vii: The Major’s Battery on the Right of Briquette, and a south View of the City of Valenciennes, Redoubts, Gun and Mortar Batteries, &c., Several of the French batteries, particularly those from the Bason Royal, la Porte de Cambras, and part of the citadel, are seen directing their fire on the English, who return it so vigorously on the assailants, as not only to dismount their guns, but very materially injure their town, by destroying, among other edifices, the church de St. Nicholas, and setting fire to various parts of the city by bombs, the effects of which are theatrically represented, as they appeared on the 22nd day of the siege. (Song, by a 42 “The author’s intent, by this song is principally to give the public an opportunity to judge the consequences and utility of the men termed sappers, whose province is to prepare the parallels prior to the batteries being erected in them; great ingenuity being necessary on the part of the engineer, to mark out such particular ground as may be least affected by the fire of the besieged” (11).

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British Dragoon: “When sent the intrenchments [sic] to cover, Each danger we boldly despise.”)43 Scene viii: The Municipality Chamber. The citizens seen contemplating on the situation they are reduced to, by the loss of property and relatives on the foregoing night, and request the governor, on the retrospect [sic] of the killed and wounded, to surrender the garrison, which request is refused; and to prevent the town being carried by storm, inundates the neighbouring villages. Scene ix: A Cottage nearly inundated, and a distant View of the Hanoverian Batteries on Mount Azin. An aged female is seen in a distressed situation, endeavouring to escape from the upper part of the cot, from which she is at length relieved, by order of the Duke of York. Scene x: A Wood, and the Entrance of a Parallel. (Song, a Gunner: “A Gunner am I, my boys, My trade is powder and noise.”)44 Scene xi: A View by Moonlight of the Austrian Lines, Camp, &c., on the East of Valenciennes. A fop, and Challon O’Chee, an Irish serjeant, surmounted many difficulties, which they experienced in attempting to pass the lines without a counter-sign. (Song, by a French Cook: “O Dear! What consternation is in this mad French nation?”)45) Scene xii: A Wood and Covert-way near the Austrian Camp. (Duett, a Fop and Irish Serjeant: O Dear! What will become of us?”) [See below for text.] Scene xiii: The Duke’s Tent. A letter is sent to the Duke, praying a cessation of hostilities; and farther [sic] requesting, that he would permit a lady, far advanced in pregnancy, to retire to Brussels; to which His Royal Highness agrees. Scene xiv: A Gate and Ramparts. The lady quits Valenciennes, at which time several persons converse with the enemy. The time being expired, the siege is recommenced.

43 “The writer of this spirited air lays particular stress on the excellence of the discipline of a Light Dragoon, by portraying him in the act of cutting his way through every impediment, in defiance of danger, rather than suffer himself to be taken prisoner by the enemy: and more particularly seems to dwell on that fine subordination in the British troops, which constantly reminds them, that the duty of a good solider is not the pursuit of plunder, but such spoil as may fall to their lot by the chance of war, and fairly, and fairly won in the field by the point of the sword” (13). 44 “By the character of a gunner, the author wishes to convey an idea, that a man may rejoice in having an opportunity to serve his country, in the time of danger, in the most essential manner, through the channel of his profession” (14). 45 “In this character, which breathes a spirit of pleasantry, loyalty, and fear, may easily be perceived, that surprizing vivacity, so peculiar to the nature of the French” (17).

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Chapter Six Scene xv: A Landscape. Several French prisoners are seen to pass. (Song, Peg Juniper: “With bon ginnave [geneve] here’s honest Peg, From Brussel’s famous city.”)46 Scene xvi: Duke of York’s Tent. The storming parties form in columns for the purpose of receiving instructions; when each brigade is ordered to the third parallel batteries, &c. And the miners to continue their operations. Scene xvii: A Mine. Several miners are seen at work, rolling barrels of powder to load it [sic]; others preparing the match to spring the mine. (Song, a Miner: “In the bowels of the earth, we miners take our birth.”)47 Scene xviii: Third Parallel, and Batteries of the English, Horn-work, Porte de Mons, and Ramparts of the Enemy. In consequence of order the mines are sprung; the general attack takes place on all sides: the enemy are thrown into confusion, and the horn-work is carried by the point of the bayonet. Scene xix: The Duke’s Tent. The Prince receives the conquerors, and returns them thanks, in the name of his Royal Father, for the courage and bravery they had displayed; directs them to take possession of the porte de Cambrai, and certain out-works; at the same time fixing the 1st of August as the day for the surrender of the whole. Scene xx: The Ruins of the Interior Part of the City, particularly those of the Rue de Mons. Several distressed inhabitants are relieved from cellars, covered and surrounded by ruins of such immense weight, they never could have hoped to have been extricated, had it not been for the humanity of the English. Scene xxi: A Wood. (Song, Challon O’Chee: “Here’s Challon O’Chee, by my soul that’s enough sir, To be sure we han’t [sic] handled monsieur something rough sir.”) Scene xxii: An exact View of the City of Valenciennes, Fortifications, Citadel, &c.&c. With the Triumphal Entry on the 1st of August, by the Gate of Cambrai, of their Royal Highnesses, The Duke of York, Prince Ernest, and, Prince Adolphus, followed by several Personages of Distinction, Officers, and Troops of the British and other Armies amidst the Acclamation of the Inhabitants of Valenciennes, and the peasantry of the neighbouring Villages, &c. (Grand Chorus: “The might Pallas, see descends! And England’s gallant Duke befriends.”)

46 “

The view of the author, by this character, is not to extol the virtue spirits; the dangerous effects arising from the tendency of this pernicious liquor, when taken in extreme, not only endangers the health, but too frequently produces diseases more fatal to the human body than the sword” (20). 47 “Through the whole of this song, the Poet finely preserves the sense of the action, and colours the more striking incidents with that energic [sic] glow, which is sure to discover the penciling of a great master. The well timed compliment in the last stanza, to the gallant officers, who made so conspicuous a figure at the siege, is happily conceived and effected” (23).

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The published libretto follows with a song that is said to have been left out by accident. Unfortunately, the text does not indicate the correct position in the work: Song. An Effusion of Loyalty. “When Frederick, son of England’s King, for us was sent to brave the sea.”48 It is unfortunate that Sanderson’s music for this work has not survived, given the lavish production values accorded it by the theatre. Sanderson’s songs (based on the published lyrics) were likely strophic setting. Sadly, the only song that can be reconstructed was sung to a folk tune. Decastro reprints the text in his memoirs, and records its tune. THE FAVOURITE DUET, Sung by Messrs. JOHANNOT and DECASTRO, in the Characters of the FOP and CHALLON O’SHEE, a Serjeant of the First Regiment of Guards, in the Siege of VALENCIENNES, now performing at ASTLEY’S. Tune—O dear, what can the matter be. FOP. O dear! what will become of us! IRISH SERJEANT. D--n me! how the Frenchmen will run from us! FOP. Dear! dear! they’ll kill every one of us. SER. Let them come on, if they dare. FOP. They’ll take us for certain, and kill us and eat us. Instead of soup-meagre; SER. But first they must beat us. FOP. O I hope, Mr. Serjeant, they’ll never defeat us! SER. O yes, they shall dance in the air. FOP. O dear! what will become of us! SER. O blood, and ounds, don’t bodder us. FOP. O Lord! I’m afraid they’ll halter us! SER. Bad luck to you, what brought you here? FOP. O Lord! do but go, Sir, and I shall be easy. SER. By my soul, hold your tongue, or I’ll tickle you jasy. FOP. O dear, I shall faint, or most surely go crazy. SER. Blood and thunder, what have you to fear? FOP. O dear! what are you saying, Sir? SER. Come, come, don’t you be staying, Sir. FOP. Dear, dear. where are straying, Sir? 48

“As this song breathes throughout a spirit of attachment to the blessings derived from the happy constitution of this country, no other remark will be necessary, than to observe, that the author is one among the many of the most loyal of its votaries” (27).

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Chapter Six SER. To the siege without murmur repair. FOP. To the siege I dare never repair! I wish I was home, and in Tavistock-street again. SER. By my soul, it’s a pity you ever should meet again. FOP. I fear the Monsieurs, Sirs, will never retreat again. SER. We’ll make them, my dear, in a panic retreat again. FOP. O that I had something, dear Sir, but to eat again. SER. By the Lord, how we’ll lather away. FOP. O Lord! let us both run away.

That this work was to have a moral imperative and to provide an objective lesson in courage to the audience is highlighted by Decastro who states “in the delineation of these characters, the contrast is happily preserved, by exhibiting one as the essence of cowardice, and the other a cool, undaunted soldier, whose courage is not to be shaken by danger, when the interest of his country is at stake, and needs his assistance to defend it.”49 The mention of the cowardly Fop’s London address links him to the Covent Garden area of London, and that of the patent theatres. Given the prevailing fear that fashionable centres such as Bath and London contained too many men feminized by the prevailing tastes for luxury, the allusion to the area that housed the two rival patent theatres would hardly seem accidental. Other songs sung by Decastro trod a less moral ground, especially one that dealt with the spoils of war—an apology for the inevitable looting undertaken by the invading army. The texts for some other songs were printed in the London newspapers. The character of Peg Juniper, a purveyor of gin liquor, proved to be an audience favourite, and her song was printed in the Public Advertiser on 14 September. The three verses of the song were structured so that the second part of each verse is an account of a conversation between Peg and an amorous Irish soldier. The third verse follows: Oft the gallant major steals to poor Peg most slily, And his story soon reveals with each art so wily; Yet I smiling bid him go, With a fie, O! no, no. Bon geneve your honour? Nothing else I assure you; I never sell any thing that I am ashamed of.—“Blood and ounds!” says he, “do you take me for a gin-drinker? arrah be aisy, and I’ll not hurt you, child.”–“Bless your honour,” says I, “but consider my virtue.”–“O don’t mention it,” says he, “how old are you, honey?” “Forty-four, your honour,” says I. “O you are a 49

Decastro, Memoirs, 79-80.

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tender kid,” says he, “for the devil to pick: come here, while I give you a bit of a squeeze; do you love an Irishman?”–“Ah, your honour,” say I, “don’t ask me, when you know it’s Lira, Lira, la! Lira, Lira, la! With a jolly soldier.

Another song that proved to be popular with audiences was performed by Mr. Johannot in the character of the Irish sergeant. Printed in the Star (5 October, [4]), a footnote to the text states that “the Writer of this Song, though very whimsically, has pleasingly and happily displayed the loyalty of the Irish Soldier, whose courage, like his attachment to his Prince, . . .is ever ready to shew on all occasion.” Astley’s depiction of British conduct, even in times of battle, is designed to inspire patriotic responses: the Duke permits a pregnant woman to leave the town during a period of truce. French citizens trapped in basements are rescued by the British troops, and an elderly French woman is taken to safety. Typically, English royalist sentiments are put into the mouths of the French: the last verse of the song by the French cook follows: I hope to this confusion Wil [sic] soon be von conclusion; Ne’er be like delusion, Oh! I would dance and sing. May ev’ry Frenchman own Young Louis on the throne; And may we ever cherish Our sovereign–love and nourish! How can a nation flourish? Without von royal king.

The lavish nature of the production prompted even the Times (4 September 1793, [3]) to print a laudatory review: So much was said of this spectacle in the Prints of yesterday, as induced us to visit the Royal Saloon in the evening. Prejudices in some manner operated with us against it before we entered the Theatre, from having read accounts which we looked upon as exaggerated, which now we readily subscribe to, from having witnessed as grand, sublime, and interesting a Drama, as it was possible for human genius and talents to produce.—The Siege of Valenciennes is too recent in the general mind to need any comment at this time from us; the public have from time to time been made acquainted with the principal occurrences, and have now only to pay a visit to the Royal Saloon to witness, by theatrical representation, every

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Astley, the soldier of the text, must have been pleased with this review, especially since it was written to prove that it was not a puff. The scope of Astley’s production was such that the time necessary for preparation gave the Sadler’s Wells Theatre an opportunity to mount a production some three weeks earlier. Honours of War; or, The Siege of Valenciennes (Sadler’s Wells Theatre, 12 August - 17 October, 1793 [end of season]) Author: not named Composer: William Reeve Libretto Publication: Songs &c. In the Honours of War; or, the Siege of Valenciennes. [London]: 1793. [Reproduction: Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University, 1969, and microfilm remastered in 1991 as a part of the HEA Title II-C Project].

This work was one of the theatre’s most successful in the 1793 season, capitalizing upon the great popularity of the Duke of York who had led the allied armies to victory at Valenciennes. The Morning Post (15 August, [3]) reports that the performance of the previous evening had inspired such a spirit of patriotism in one member of the audience that “he impose[d] aloud, three Huzzas for the Duke of York, he was seconded by the whole House in a moment, for every one standing up almost as if by previous agreement, sent forth as hearty an huzza as ever came from the loyal hearts of a British audience.” Initial descriptions in the newspapers gave few details of the work; however, all elements of the work appeared to be in place by early September: An entirely new historical Piece, intermixed with Songs and Spectacles called THE HONOURS OF WAR; Or, The Siege of Valenciennes. Representing a series of interesting Events, in the late operations of the Allied Armies Commanded by His Royal Highness the DUKE of YORK; Whose activity on the occasion has been so highly honourable to the British character. In the course of the piece, is represented by several dispositions on the stage, perfectly new.–the Fascine Batteries, Redoubts &c. covering the approach of the Besiegers in compleating their third Parallel: the interior of Valenciennes in its ruined state, previous to the Surrender–

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and the Trenches and lines of communication thrown up, preparatory to the ATTACK of the OUTWORKS. The several scenes accompanied by machinery and action, giving a comprehensive idea of whatever is most striking, in the progress and termination of siege, particularly The working in the Trenches, The explosion of a mine, And the manner of effecting and entering a Breach. To finish with a general view of the Storming Party; their getting possession of the Horn Work, and the consequent Capitulation, and SURRENDER of the TOWN. (Public Advertiser, 3 September 1793, [1]).

The cast includes a long list of unnamed characters including a British Commander, five officers, two Austrian officers, a Hanoverian General, a Hussar, a visitor, two French officers, a Sans Culotte, a bourgeoisie, and the named characters of Jean de Brie, Cochon, Madelon, and Mme de Metious. The musical numbers include the opening trio for British officers (“How should a Soldier spend his hours?”), a duet for two French women (“Ah pauvre Nicholas! Ah! quel horreur porte la cruelle Guerre”), a song for the Sans Culotte (“He Bien! Messieurs–ha! vat do you tink?”), a song for the citizen visitor (“Having read in the news much of Fortification”), and a song and chorus for British officers (“Since the Children of discord still urge the Campaign”). The political stances portrayed by the various nationalities had become quite predictable by 1793, especially now that the country was at war. The duet for two French women is written entirely in French and paints a sympathetic picture of the sorrows of women who lose their lovers on the battlefield. The song for the Sans Culotte is written in pigeon English and contains strong Royalist sentiment: “Ven de Frenchmen have take Paris!–La Discord den sall be tout a-bas; In spite of Les Patriotes: We sall chaunt,–ma foi! Vive! Vive! Vive le Roi! Dat take care of de Sans Culottes.” The song of the Citizen Visitor is a comic song depicting the sounds of canons, mines and various explosions as seen from the perspective of a British patriot. The final set piece is structured as a song with chorus for the British officers. The British are compared to the French in terms that paint the French as being destructive and the British as saviours: “See the suppliant foe–but ‘tis glory to spare,–Revenge will but tarnish the Laurels you wear, Our Commander’s a Briton–humane as he’s brave, And when Englishmen Conquer, they conquer to save.” Unfortunately, none of Reeve’s music has been found.

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The management of the Wells took pains to underline their patriotism and loyalty in puff pieces inserted in the press of the day. They did not have to lead the critical response, however, for the work gained independent laudatory reviews: “The Siege of Valenciennes is the best of all good things that were ever produced at the Wells.” “Sadler’s Wells has launched a new Grand Spectacle on the late successes of the British Arms, which at once does credit to its Loyalty, its Industry, and its Abilities. The very striking picture of Military Operations which this Piece affords to the eye of the Spectator, is sufficient of itself to bring all the Quidnuncs of the day, as to a school of ocular information on the subject of a Siege, and its various works; yet, added to this, the Manager has contrived so to garnish off the Spectacle with song, incident and Loyal exultation, that if ever Stage Performance enraptured the hearts of an audience, that desirable power belongs to The Honours of War.”50 The Morning Post (2 September, [4]) listed the Honours of War offering as one of the three best in London at that time, along with the productions of Cymon at the Haymarket and Iphigenia in Aulis at the King’s Theatre. Another victory for Britain had rather more significant political ramifications. One month following the capitulation of Valenciennes, the town of Toulon surrendered to Admiral Lord Hood on 28 August 1793. This port city, located on the Mediterranean and west of Nice, had been judged an important area of access to France and a place where Allied forces could be put ashore to assist the Royalist movement in the south. The governors of Toulon were Republican opponents of the National Convention in Paris, but when they surrendered the city to Admiral Hood, they cannily did so in the name of Louis XVII, the imprisoned child king. This forced the Pitt government to declare support for a restoration of the Bourbon monarchy, but one that was a constitutional monarchy along British lines. The Allied success proved to be short-lived, however, and the bombardment of the city by the young Napoléon resulted in its loss to the Allied forces on 19 December of the same year.51 Perhaps because of the temporary success of the siege, there was only one theatrical piece that attempted to portray its events. The revival of Harlequin’s Chaplet by James Wild (the Covent Garden prompter) on 2 October 1793 gave the Covent Garden theatre the opportunity to make a 50

Unidentified newspaper clippings in the British Library, Crach.1.Tab.4.b.4/2 (137 & 142). 51 Jennifer Mori, Britain in the Age of the French Revolution: 1785-1820 (Harlow, UK: Pearson Education Ltd., 2000), 202.

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topical reference without having to create an entirely new work. First heard on 21 December 1789, this revival of Harlequin’s Chaplet presented three new scenes that represented the town and Harbour of Toulon after attacks by the British and Spanish fleets. The Times (3 October 1793, [2]) printed an extended description of the scenes added to Harlequin’s Chaplet: The three new scenes represent in a very striking manner the distressed situation of Toulon, previous to its surrender to the British fleet. In the first scene, the people pressed by hunger, in a tumultuous manner surround a Baker’s shop; but there being no bread to be had, in the distress they apply to the Governor, who distributes amongst them Assignats to a large amount; these they throw away, and represent them as no relief to a people perishing with famine. A Trumpet now announces the arrival of a Messenger from the British Fleet, and a Sailor enters with proposals to the French Governor, who goes out to deliberate upon them. when he is gone, the wretched inhabitant, in a suppliant posture, make known their distress to, and beg relief of the British Sailor, who distributes amongst them his purse, and every thing of value about him, even to his tobacco box. The second scene faithfully represents the cordiality which subsists between the British and Spanish Commanders, who enter with the French Governor, and the latter having acceded to the proposals, supplies of all sorts are sent from the English fleet, for the relief of the starving inhabitants. The third scene exhibits in a very beautiful manner the French White flag flying on the Fort, and the English fleet entering the outer, while that of France retires into the inner harbour, to be dismantled according to agreement, and the inhabitants joyfully receive the English as their deliverers.

The details of this propagandistic plot do well in promoting the government’s official stance on the war effort: a starving French public begging for Britain’s assistance, and British generosity on both a personal and administrative level. The propaganda value of the work was intensified on 6 November when the royal family visited the theatre. One wonders if the visible reactions of Queen Charlotte and Princess Elizabeth to the scenes were not as much staged theatre as was the entertainment, itself.

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Chapter Six The Royal visitors seemed highly delighted with their reception, and paid particular and marked attention to the new scenes of the Surrender of Toulon; though it was easy to perceive that some of the incidents in it very tenderly affected the Queen; who, as well as the Princess Elizabeth, dropped a tear of pity on the sufferings of the starving French. The performance concluded with the glee of “God bless his majesty,” and the song of “God save the King.” (Times, 7 November 1793, [2]).

The music for the new scenes was selected by Thomas Shaw who appears to have secured only one new song—all other music was drawn from earlier sources. That new song was by William Shield, “Return to order and your country save,” sung by Incledon, and its text was considered sufficiently noteworthy to print with the Times description (above).52 While round these tow’rs the British colours wave, Return to Order, and your Country save! For this we’ve landed on your shore; Your best of Friends, your gen’rous Foes: ‘Twill be a conquest to restore Your troubled Nation to repose: (CHORUS) O, while upon these tow’rs our colours wave, Return to Order, and your Country save. O, never may you feel again The galling fetter, slavish oar; But purest Freedom, with you reign, And Fraud assume her name no more! Chorus–Yet while upon, &c. Break, break the spells which now confine, And from the mad delusion start;— Waste lie your field:—“unprun’d the vine, “The merry cheerer of the heart.” Chorus—O, while along, &c. To each assaulted Frontier turn! There, Parents, Widows, Orphans weep! By midnight fires, your proudest Cities burn, And death usurps the reign of sleep! Chorus—But while along, &c. 52

“Return to order and your Country save” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1793]).

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The text borrows from Shakespeare’s Henry V, in verse three. Shield’s setting was obviously tailored to Incledon’s abilities, and the tessitura of the song is particularly high, with frequent ascents to A2. The march-like quality of the song is underscored by the mention of trumpets and drums in the vocal score. The chorus that ends each verse is exactly the kind of music that would remain in the memories of the audience. [Music Example 6 - 11].

Ex. 6 - 11: Shield, “Return to order and your Country save,” chorus.

Other music selected by Shaw includes the song, “When in War on the Ocean.” This celebrated sea song had been performed by John Bannister with great success at the Anacreontic Society eight years earlier.53 The three-verse strophic setting is of the utmost simplicity and the text portrays the magnanimous nature of British sailors who, after sinking the enemy ships, make sure that the enemy sailors are rescued because “they no longer are Foes.” The song ends with the sentiment that to “snatch a brave Fellow from a wa’try Grave, Is worthy a Briton who conquers to save.” The newspaper advertisements state that Shaw drew on music by Pepusch, Thomas Arne, Arnold, J.A. Fisher, Michael Arne, Vincent, Dibdin, Reeve and Shield. The end result could have hardly have been stylistically unified given that Pepusch died in 1752 and his training was of earlier times. Many of these composers had worked closely with the Covent Garden theatre, and it is possible that Shaw simply raided the theatre’s music stores for anything appropriate for these scenes.

Concert and Non-Theatrical Music Patriotic concert music soon found its way into the theatrical offerings of the patent theatres once the restrictions concerning topical subject matter had been relaxed by John Larpent. The Haymarket theatre 53

“When in war on the Ocean” (London: T. Skillern [1785?]).

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presented a concert of vocal works following its Handelian main offering on 6 March 1793 (just over a month after the declaration of war): part 1 of L’Allegro ed il Penseroso, the overture to Esther, and act 1 of Acis and Galatea. Handel may not have been native-born, but he had spent his mature career in London, and only Purcell’s music would likely have been seen as being more “British” in nature. The topical concert that followed featured various arias by Handel, and the premiere of a new song by Luffman Atterbury, “The Undaunted Britons,” sung by the noted tenor, Charles Dignum.54 Atterbury (1740-96) is remembered today primarily as a composer of glees.55 His career path was unusual in that he began as a tradesman (builder or carpenter), but developed subsequently as a singer and composer. He enjoyed the support of the noted organist and composer, John Stanley and, in 1775, Atterbury was appointed a musician-inordinary to George III. “The Undaunted Britons” is listed as “a favorite loyal song” in its published format, no doubt to boost its sales potential in the period immediately following the declaration of war. The setting is noteworthy for its rabidly anti-French text in which the anonymous author captures the sense of outrage that appears to have been felt in the early days of 1793 in Britain with lines such as: “Let’s o’er pow’r the dastard Crew,” and “Let’s unite then, hand in hand to crush the boasting treach’rous band,” and “make Britannia’s foes her slaves.” It is likely that the music for “The Undaunted Britons” was originally scored for an orchestra of strings and winds, given that the composer had the full resources of the theatre at his command, including a chorus. The published version reduces it to short score with parts for two violins and a bass line, although the surviving accompaniment has sufficient independence from the vocal line to be effective. The song is written in diatonic harmonies that follow predictable modulatory patterns through the circle of fifths, although an unexpected visit to the minor mode enriches the second section of the piece. A model for Atterbury’s patriotic song can be found in Thomas Arne’s “Rule Britannia” from Alfred (1740). Not only is the format of a three-verse strophic setting with choral refrain similar, but Atterbury’s setting contains some melodic figuration that recalls the opening of Arne’s celebrated music. What Atterbury did not accomplish, however, is a setting of the chorus (here to the text “Undismay’d we’ll 54 London: J. Dale, [1793]. Atterbury’s music was performed again on 20 March in this theatre. 55 The biography in the second edition of The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (by Nicholas Temperley and Eva Zöllner) indicates that Atterbury also contributed to dramatic works, and composed an oratorio, Goliath (1773).

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fight and sing with heart and voice, God save the King”) that approaches the memorable tune achieved by Arne in “Rule Britannia.” The choice of Arne’s music to emulate certainly makes sense—Alfred was a patriotic opera, and “Rule Britannia” was an audience favourite that was regularly performed to evoke patriotic feelings. [Music Example 6 - 12].

Ex. 6 - 12: Atterbury, “The Undaunted Britons,” mm. 1-10 of vocal line.

In the same year, Atterbury published “Come Mount Your Fleet Coursers Brave Boys,” advertised as having been sung at Harrison & Knyvett’s Concerts in Hanover Square.56 While called a round, the three treble voices are largely non-imitative, although part exchange is indicated so that each singer gets to sing all three vocal parts. An accompaniment for two horns and keyboard (fully written-out) evokes the hunt. While France is not mentioned directly, the line, “with ardor let’s Reynard pursue” would have been understood to refer to the French by audiences of the day. The unassuming and diatonic music is attractive, and it is easy to see how Atterbury achieved a measure of popular success with his work. The need for patriotic materials gave opportunities for many musicians (little remembered today) to produce song material. Matthew Camidge, based in York, composed an anti-French song, “Antigallican Song: The Old British Lion” for “Mr. Meredith and sung by him at Liverpool.”57 The text, by F. Atkinson of York, describes the valour of the British Tars (“Our Sailors rush forward with true British zeal, to prove that the threats of Usurpers are vain, No perils or Paine can their ardor conceal”). The text denigrates the Republican, Thomas Paine, as someone who undermines 56

“Come Mount Your Fleet Coursers Brave Boys” (London: J. Dale, [1793.]). Matthew Camidge, “Antigallican Song: The Old British Lion” (London: Longman and Broderip [1793]).

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true British loyalty. The music is presented with a full keyboard accompaniment (for “Piano Forte or Harpsichord”) that contains much descriptive figuration, frequent changes in dynamics and trumpet-like effects in the right-hand part. By comparison, the vocal line is very straightforward, moving largely in quarter notes, while the accompaniment creates a far greater amount of rhythmic activity. The piece would certainly have created a significant (and noisy) patriotic gesture in performance, and one can imagine that talented amateur bass singers found this publication useful when called upon to perform in convivial settings. [Music Example 6 - 13].

Ex. 6 - 13: Camidge, “Antigallican Song,” mm. 1-8.

In a similar vein is John Coleman’s, “Song performed at a Benefit Concert in Gibralter.”58 The text for the song is listed as having been written “by an Officer.” It extols King George as a “Patriot Monarch [who] wears the Crown,” and denigrates France’s intention of taking over Britain and removing her monarchy (“Does FRANCE project, in wild despair, Our gen’rous Nation’s fall, The subject seas our Fleets shall bear To scourge the savage GAUL”). Coleman’s setting is for solo voice (high baritone or tenor) and three-part chorus. The music is cast as a march and the rhythmically-uncomplicated melody is rather four-square. Not surprisingly, James Hook was quick to contribute to the song literature dealing with Valenciennes. The published score of “The Royal Soldier” bears the notation that it had been sung at the Vauxhall Gardens by Mrs. Franklin, an indication that the song had been performed before the beginning of September when the Vauxhall season ended.59 Given that William Upton’s text is a celebration of the Duke of York, the dedication of the music to the Duchess of York could not have been coincidental 58

John Coleman, “Song performed at a Benefit Concert in Gibraltar” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1793]). 59 James Hook, “The Royal Soldier” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1793]).

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when the final verse of this strophic setting refers to the recent victory at Valenciennes. Hook chose to set Upton’s text in a popular style, rather than creating complex concert music. Although the rhythms of this simple march in G major are uncomplicated, they create a sense of energy and forward movement. As usual, the perceptive Hook realized the need for songs that appealed to the growing patriotic fervour and that posed few musical demands on amateur performers. That said, it is likely that the version heard at Vauxhall was more colourful and striking than the sparse two-part published version indicates. [Music Example 6 - 14].

Ex. 6 - 14: Hook, “The Royal Soldier,” mm. 1-8 of vocal line.

The summer concerts of the Vauxhall Gardens proved to be an ideal place for Hook to introduce both solo songs and more extended works in the nature of finales. The latter ended the “acts” or sections of the concerts at Vauxhall. There was no room to stage operatic scenes in the limited space of the outdoor bandstand at Vauxhall, housing as it did the orchestra, an organ and any soloists in the programme. The finales that Hook composed came as close to operatic compositions as the performing space permitted, and the acting (if any) would have been limited.60 On 25 May 1793 (early in the Vauxhall season), Hook presented a finale called The Soldier’s Adieu. Part of this finale was a glee sung by three men and women in alternation.61 As published, the music is unaccompanied, and 60

Considerable iconographic evidence of the performance of music at the Vauxhall Gardens has survived. Many of the relevant engravings can be seen on the website for the Borough of Lambeth Archives (www.lambethlandmarks.com). The painting by Thomas Rowlandson, “Concert at Vauxhall Gardens,” (ca. 1784) in which the soprano soloist Frederika Weichsell is depicted standing in front of the orchestra in a balcony-like structure (complete with a sound baffle overhead to help project the sound of any soloist) demonstrates how little room there was for movement. A maximum of five soloists would appear to have been possible as long as they remained relatively motionless. 61 James Hook, “The Soldier’s Adieu, A Favorite Glee for Three Voices” (London: A. Bland & Weller, [1793]).

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three pairs of lovers bid each other farewell as the men prepare to go to battle. The sentimental nature of the text reflects current literary interests, but even here the anonymous poet makes the point strongly that the war with France is a just war that had Heaven’s protection: “Heaven will aid our Arms, and waft us back to love and you” and “Heaven disperse their Arms, and heap success and love on you,” being but two examples. Hook’s setting is economical, yet effective, capturing the sense of strong emotions being kept tightly under wraps. Simplicity was a cornerstone of Hook’s art, and the rarefied atmosphere of the work would have been intensified by the moonlit performance venue of the Vauxhall Gardens. [Music Example 6 - 15.] If Hook's effective contrast of textures had been matched with harmonies of greater variety, the work would have even greater impact.

Ex. 6 - 15: Hook, “The Soldier’s Adieu,” mm. 1-8.

Keyboard Music Such was the jubilation over the successful attack on Valenciennes that composers took the opportunity to capitalize upon the descriptive elements of the story in keyboard music.

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Anonymous, The Siege of Valenciennes. A favorite Sonata, for the PianoForte . . . London: Preston & Son, [1793].

This work is a descriptive suite of ten movements of varying lengths. Only the movement describing the actual siege is extended, a result of its many sound effects and descriptive passages. The suite was geared for the home market and poses no real technical challenges beyond scale passages in sixteenth notes. The faster movements are mostly cast in a two-part texture. Alberti bass figurations are frequent; elsewhere, octave doubling in the bass is used to reinforce sound effects. The suite is so much concerned with these effects that there is little attempt at musical development of themes, although there is much repetition of motives. The tonalities of C and F dominate, with few instances of chromatic writing. There is much use of dynamic contrast, however, with indications given ranging from p to ff. The list of movements follows: 1) March of the British Forces, F, 44 2) The Duke of York summons the Garrison to surrender, F, 44 3) The French Governor’s [sic] answer, F, 44 4) Britons strike home, C, 34 5) The Siege (Heavy Cannonade; Bomb, Buildings fall, Bomb, Cannon, Fire from the Garrison, Sortie, Attack with Swords, More Batteries open, Fire of small Arms, Canon, Heavy Cannonade, Mine sprung, Bombs and Cannons, Fire from the Garrison, Parley, Siege recommences, Bomb, Fall of buildings, Bomb, Town on fire, Trumpet, Parley, Attack of the Horn work, Attack with swords, Summons to surrender, French consultation, French agree to surrender, Conclusion of the siege), F, 44 6) The Duke of York enters Valenciennes at the Head of the British Forces. (“See the Conquering Hero comes”), F, 44 7) The Duke of York’s March, F, 44 8) The Austrian’s March, F, 24 9) The French Garrison march out, C, C|. 10) The Carousal of the Military. (Fife and Drums, Discharge of Musquetry [sic], Discharge of Cannon), F, 24

The use of borrowed music is of interest. “See the conquering Hero comes” (also known today as the hymn tune, “Thine is the Glory,”) is taken from Handel’s Judas Maccabaeus (1746), and the two marches that follow were likely very recognizable tunes in 1793. While Handel’s name is not mentioned, both the tune and the text were sufficiently well known in 1793 that the anonymous composer must have assumed the associations from Handel’s 1746 oratorio (where a devout Israelite leader fights off Syrian armies) would be made by his audience. The suite is much

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concerned with description and the portrayal of sound effects. The mine is sprung with a rushing upward scale, which falls back with staccato repeated note figures. The bass range is used for the depiction of canon fire, especially in “The Siege,” and the fire of small arms by staccato chords. Stereotyping of national characteristics is seen in the assignment of the tempo marking, Allegro Pomposo, to the French Governor’s refusal to surrender, and in the patriotic, martial strains of the movement, “Britons strike home,” parts of which bear a strong likeness to “God Save the Queen.” The work achieves its main objective: descriptive music designed to leave the performer and listener with feelings of national pride in the capture of Valenciennes. While its value as pure music may be limited, the score provides an important example of music serving a political and patriotic purpose for the home market. That it remained popular with audiences can be shown by its history of subsequent publication: the suite was reprinted several times during the second decade of the next century.62 Although the nineteenth-century publishers copied the page layout of the 1793 publication by Preston and Sons, careful examination of the copies reveals that the works are newly set, and that they do not make use of the 1793 plates. It would seem likely that the later editions both stem from 1815 (with that by Walker perhaps printed on older paper), a time when Britain claimed complete victory over France and, as Jeremy Black states “Britain was the strongest power on the shores of both the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean, as well as on the oceans themselves.”63 The reissue of this work would appear to celebrate Britain’s ultimate victory in that long struggle against France. An example of this work follows. [Music Example 6 - 16].

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Anonymous, The Siege of Valenciennes. A favorite Sonata, for the Piano-Forte (London: Printed by G. Walker, [WM 1813]). Another edition of the music was published in London and Dublin by Goulding, D’Almaine, Potter & Co., on paper watermarked 1815. The British Library holds identical copy of this publication to which a provisional date of 1816 has been given. 63 Jeremy Black, Britain as a Military Power: 1688-1815 (London: UCL Press, 1999), 266.

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Ex. 6 - 16: Anonymous, The Siege of Valenciennes, excerpt.

Several works were published as piano pieces, but with the addition of “an accompaniment for violin.” This was a tradition in home musicmaking that permitted a piano work to be performed complete in itself, but with a violin obbligato when that instrument was available. The violin becomes a true accompanying instrument, rather than a soloist. In most instances, the violin part filled out textures (sometimes between the two hands of the piano), strengthened harmonies, or added special effects. Since they were not concertante parts, they were not technically demanding. Unfortunately, few of these violin parts have survived because the violin music was usually not printed on the same page as that for the keyboard, but as a separate part, easily lost. This is the case with Natale Corri’s The Siege & Surrender of Valenciennes: no violin part appears to survive in the any of the extant copies. Natale Corri, The Siege & Surrender of Valenciennes for the Piano Forte or Harpsichord, with an Accompt for a Violin . . . Edinburgh: Printed for Corri & Co. [1793].

Natale Corri (1765-1822) was the younger brother of the noted Edinburgh-based publisher, teacher and composer, Domenico Corri. Natale Corri followed his older brother to Edinburgh from Rome in 1785, and took over the Edinburgh family publishing house when Domenico moved to London in 1790. Corri established himself as a noted singing teacher in Edinburgh and, while not a prolific composer, produced songs,

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violin sonatas and piano works. He was an active force in the musical life of Edinburgh until he moved his family back to the Continent in 1821. Corri’s suite is reflective of both the impact that the war with France had on immigrants, as well as the enormous sales potential for music that dealt with the various aspects of that war. Corri should have been ideally placed to respond to this need–he was a composer with his own publishing house. Surprisingly, copies of the score are extremely rare, and the advertised violin part appears not to have survived. The surviving piano music is sufficiently complete in itself to reveal the substance of the work. The music is a complex series of short movements with descriptive titles. Most are very brief, with only the two sections devoted to the actual fighting, the subsequent rejoicing by the victorious troops and the conclusion being of any length. Typical of much descriptive music, Corri’s suite is more notable for its rhythmic activity than its melodic content. The use of the bass range of the piano to indicate bombs detonating (often played by the right hand, cross-handed) was likely effective with audiences of the day. The range of dynamics is wide, from pp to fff. The composer may have known the anonymous work discussed above, since the same figure is used in both to indicate bombings. Otherwise, there are few similarities, and Corri includes descriptions not found in the anonymous work, such as “The Women siezed [sic] by the Municipality,” and “The burial of the dead; lamentation of the wounded; groans of the dying.” In comparison with the anonymous work published by Preston, Corri’s music is segmented and occasionally difficult to play. There are numerous fast scale passages, crossing of hands, and complex rhythms that would have demanded a higher level of execution and preparation than many amateurs may have found convenient. This may have contributed to the seeming lack of popularity, if the survival of a single copy in the British Library is any indication. Giuseppe [Joseph] Dale, The Siege of Valenciennes for the Piano-forte or Harpsichord, with accompaniments for a Violin. Op. 9. London: Printed for the Author [1793].

Joseph Dale (1750-1821) was a member of a family of music publishers, and sellers of sheet music and instruments in London. He was better known in these capacities than he was as a composer, although his compositional output includes concertos, sonatas, and arrangements of vocal airs. He sometimes published under the name of Giuseppe Dale, perhaps attempting to capitalize upon the musical snobbery of the upper classes. His musical depiction of the Siege of Valenciennes differs from

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the others examined above in that it contains texted portions (that could be sung), and concludes with a four-part vocal setting of “God Save the King.” Dale also quotes the Duke of York’s March, but his descriptions fail to mention Austrian or German contingents in the battles. The list of movements follows: 1) Introduction (texted: “Arm, arm ye brave”), Bb, 44 2) General March of the Allied Armies, Bb, 44 3) The Trumpet Call, F, 44 4) General Shout (texted: “May the King live for ever”–could be sung by four-part chorus), F, 34 5) The Attack (The French in confusion; The French despair, Flag of truce; bomb[s]; Horses galloping; Attack with swords), Bb, C|. 6) Trumpet of victory, Bb, 24 7) Quick march at entering Valenciennes, Bb, 24 8) Fife and Drum, F, 22 9) Enter Valenciennes–Duke of York’s March & Trio, F, 22 10) Lamentation of the French, Bb, 34 11) Rondo militaire, Eb, 24 12) God save the King (two versions: the first as accompanied song and the second a setting for a capella SATB chorus), Bb, 34

The composer’s choice of opening is of particular interest, it being a paraphrase of Simon’s aria in Act I of Handel’s Judas Maccabaeus. Only the first two textual phrases of the original are used, and Handel’s music is adjusted to accommodate Dale’s need to cadence at that point. It hardly seems coincidental that this same oratorio would have provided inspiration for two works dealing with the siege of Valenciennes. That both composers used the music of a German-born composer to introduce a patriotic work demonstrates the degree to which Handel and his music had been adopted as being “British” in popular opinion. It is also instructive to see how many of the Handel oratorios were still known to the British public. The London Stage records that, between 15 February and 22 March 1793, the principal London theatres staged oratorio evenings, many of which were presented as “grand selections” drawing upon the most popular airs and choruses from the German composer’s large output. Some works, such as Messiah, were presented complete, but sometimes spread over three evenings. The programme performed at the King’s Theatre (22 February) recreated the concerts given as a part of the Handel commemoration celebrations at Westminster Abbey and the Pantheon on 26 and 27 May 1784, while also adding patriotic songs.

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Dale’s music is descriptive in a more general way than Corri’s highly segmented and detailed account of numerous events. Far more of Dale’s music is cast in standard forms (binary, da capo etc.), with the result that his music has greater structural coherency than Corri’s music, which sounds more like a collection of sound effects. Indeed, Dale composes a set of variation on the “Arm, arm ye brave” movement before the “General March.” Throughout, Dale’s music is well conceived for keyboard, and was clearly written for the most advanced instruments of the day (Dale uses the modern term of piano forte instead of fortepiano) with a wider compass than had previously been the norm. Although the publication mentions the harpsichord as a possible performance medium, the music exceeds the compass of most harpsichords, and the many examples of dynamic contrast (sforzando, crescendo, etc.) would not have been possible. At best, the mention of the harpsichord would seem to be an advertising ploy. Dale’s ability to create an atmosphere, rather than merely recreate a sound effect, is revealed in his depiction of the French in confusion during the attack on the city. [Music Example 6 - 17].

Ex. 6 - 17: Dale, “The Attack: The French in confusion.”

Dale capitalizes upon the different tone colours available in the various registers of the piano to create and sustain different moods. This is best

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seen in the movement “Fife & Drum,” where the single-note melody is heard in the top range over a drone bass in octaves. Generally, his music is of better quality than many such descriptive suites, although there is one rather unusual aspect to it. Dale consistently avoids the minor mode, even in passages such as “Lamentation of the French” where it might have proved effective. Unfortunately, no copies appear to have survived with the separate violin part that, presumably, did not have a strong solo role, but served as an accompaniment to the keyboard writing. Karl Kambra, The Siege of Valenciennes for the Piano Forte or Harpsichord, with an Accompaniment for a Violin . . . London: A. Bland & Weller [1793]; also published in New York by G. Gilfert & Co., n.d.

Kambra (fl. 1793-1800) is one of the more shadowy figures in the musical life of London. Fétis lists him as a German composer (his name looks Germanic) living in London during the late years of the eighteenth century. This information is confirmed by Sainsbury; however, the latter gives the initial of his first name as R., while Fétis gives the name, Charles. Kambra’s published compositions seem to be limited to vocal and piano music. His six piano sonatas appeared in rival editions, and his vocal music included transcriptions of Chinese songs. The dedications on some of these publications lead to the speculation that he enjoyed the protection of the Countess of Newburghe. Kambra’s musical depiction of the Siege of Valenciennes is rather less complex than the work by Dale, and is clearly aimed at the amateur performer. Only the movement describing the actual attack itself poses any rhythmic or technical hurdles, most often in passages that feature repeated patterns. A list of the movements follows: March of the British Troops, D, 44 A Trumpeter sent to Valenciennes, D, unmeasured The Garrison summon’d to surrender, G, 44 Answer of the French General, g/A, C|. Movement of the British Camp, D, 34 Drum and fife, D, 24 The Duke of York to his soldiers, D, 24 Answer of the British Troops, D, 24 Allegro Spiritoso (The Batteries open; the commencement of the siege; bombs; attack with musketry; attack with swords; the French in confusion; the siege continued; bombs; canons; springing of the mine; fall of the buildings; confusion in the town; cries of the inhabitants.) 10) Andante lamentoso (The inhabitants wish to surrender; the Commandant refuses; the siege continued; canons; bombs; the second

1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) 7) 8) 9)

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Chapter Six mine sprung; the fall of the buildings; the inhabitants in despair; agree to surrender), A/D, 24/44 11) French trumpet, D, unmeasured 12) Parley (conclusion of the capitulation), D, 24 13) End of siege, D, 44 14) Duke of York’s entrance to Valenciennes [Duke of York’s March], D, 44 15) The French garrison march out, d, 24 16) Finale rondo, D, 24

Kambra appears less interested in musical depiction than he does in creating musical structures. When he does depict actual events, they are kept very brief. The “springing of the mines” and “fall of the buildings” episode is handled in four measures, by rising and descending scale passages. Bass octave notes suffice for the bombing effects. Kambra appears happiest creating galant-styled melodies (such as in the finale rondo) than in creating graphic depiction through sound. This results in a work with rather more purely musical interest than is the norm in overtly descriptive music of this type. No copy of the violin part seems to have survived; however, the piano writing is quite complete within itself. Kambra also published a brief, separate march movement for keyboard called The Valenciennes March.64 Cast as a twenty-three measure, rounded binary piece, the music is calculated to rouse good spirits in both its executant and any potential audience. The work is given in total below: [Music Example 6 - 18.]

64

Two favorite New Marches (London: A. Bland & Weller’s Music Warehouse, [1794]).

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Ex. 6 - 18: Kambra, The Valenciennes March, complete. Matthew Peter King, The Siege of Valenciennes [by M.P. King] for the Piano-Forte or Harpsichord, with an accompaniment for a Violin . . . London: Longman and Broderip, [1793].

Little is known about the career of Matthew Peter King (c. 1773-1823). He appears to have been billed as a child prodigy in his earliest publications where he is called Master King. His career trajectory appears rather curious today. King’s earliest published works are largely for keyboard but, at the end of century, he turned his attention to writing theoretical treatises, only to begin writing for the stages of Drury Lane and Covent Garden, around his thirtieth birthday.65 If, indeed, King was born in 1773, he was still quite a young man when The Siege of Valenciennes for the Piano-Forte or Harpsichord, with an accompaniment for a Violin, was published in London by Longman and Broderip. A rare copy of the separate violin part survives in the British Library, permitting an assessment of the work with the accompanying instrument. Throughout, 65

A complete list of King’s dramatic works is found in the article in the second edition of The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, by Charles Cudworth and Bruce Carr.

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the violin plays an obbligato role, doubling aspects of the piano part, enforcing harmonies, and adding independent lines that enrich the texture. Although there are double stops in the part, the writing is never high, and only very rarely does it have any true melodic function. The violin is tacet in some movements and, throughout, the writing poses few demands on the performer. Similar to the work by Kambra, King appears less interested in creating sound effects than he does in creating movements in set forms. During the description of the siege, there are the expected depictions of bombs (octave bass notes), the springing of the mines (chromatic upward scales followed by diatonic downward scales) and trumpet calls. Elsewhere, King composes pure music in a galant style, most often in binary forms. The concluding military rondo is a movement of some complexity, and contains a minore section within its numerous repeats. The list of movements follows: March of the British troops, Eb, 44 The Garison summon’d to surrender, Eb, 44 Answer of the French General, Eb, 44 The Siege (The batteries open; bomb; fall of buildings; bomb[s]; more buildings are destroyed; heavy cannonade; bomb; fire from the garrison; sortie; attack with swords; flag of truce; trumpet; parley; trumpet returns; siege recommences, bombs and canons, the town of fire; springing the mines, attack of the horn work; summons to surrender; the French General consults with the Municipality; they agree to surrender; conclusion of siege), Eb, 44 5) The British forces enter Valenciennes, Eb, 44 6) The French Garrison march out with the honors of War, Bb, 44 7) Military rondo, Eb, 24 1) 2) 3) 4)

The similarity of outlines and the conclusions based on military rondos points to either King or Kambra knowing the other’s work. It is likely that the absence of greater variety in both key and mode in each work reflects assumptions made about the needs of amateur performers of the time. The following music example demonstrates the way that King integrated the violin writing into the keyboard texture, without making the music dependent upon the presence of the violin. [Music Example 6 - 19].

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Ex. 6 - 19: King, “The British Forces Enter Valenciennes” from The Siege of Valenciennes.

King’s music was deemed by Longman and Broderip to have sufficient importance to issue in another format. The opening and closing movements were issued in military band score, with parts for two clarinets in Eb, two horns in Eb, trumpet in Eb, and bassoons.66 Neither of these movements contain musical depiction of actual fighting, and either King or the publisher must have realized that they were better suited for instrumental arrangement than the more descriptive movements.

Siege of Toulon The siege of Toulon appears to have resulted in only one non-theatrical work, a descriptive keyboard suite by John Watlen called The Surrender of

66

M.P. King, The Siege of Valenciennes for a Military Band . . . (London: Longman and Broderip, [1793]).

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Toulon, that extends to thirteen pages in folio score.67 Watlen states that he was “late of the Royal Navy” on the title page, presumably to give his musical description an aura of verisimilitude. The publication claims that the music can be played on either piano or harpsichord, although the music is hardly suited for the latter instrument since contrasts of dynamics are indicated. Watlen’s music is carefully considered for home performance. The music is not technically demanding, and there are several sung passages integrated into the score that serve to create atmosphere and relate plot elements. A listing of the movements follows: 1) Shipping stores from the Yards, at Portsmouth for Lord Hood’s Fleet, F, 44 2) Sentinel on Deck (sung text, “O the Boat a Hoy”); Answer from the Boat’s Crew (sung text “Stores from the Yard”), C, 44 3) Sailors busy taking in Stores, F, 22 4) Signal for Sailing, Boatswains Whistle (sung text “All hands unmoor ship Hoy”), Boatswains Mate (sung text, “all hands unmoor ship Hoy”), F, 44 5) Manning the Capstan, Bb, 44 6) Ladies leaving the Ship (sung text, “Farewell dear Jack”), Bb, 34 7) The fifer plays while the men are heaving up the Anchor, F, 24 8) The Ship sailing down Channel (sung texts, “By the deep seven. . .By the mark eight. . .By the deep Nine”), Bb, 34 9) Quartermaster at the Helmn [sic] (sung text, “Steady she goes Boy Steady”), Bb, 44 10) The Storm, Eb, 44 11) Wind Changes, [Storm at sea], Bb, 24 12) A Fall of Rain, Bb, 44 13) Toulon in Sight, Bb, 34 14) A French Boat comes off, with Terms of the Surrender, Bb, 34 15) His Excellency the Governor going ashore, F, 44 16) Keys of the Garrison deliver’d to the British Governor, Bb, 34 17) The Finali. A Dance by English & French Sailors, F, 24

Watlen attempts to introduce authenticity into his score by quoting “Britons strike home,” “Rule Britannia” and “God save the King.” Unfortunately, the musical descriptions are rather clichéd, and the lack of harmonic sophistication coupled with the over-reliance on octaves and alternating note repetition undermines any sense of urgency in the music that remains steadfastly in the keys of C, F and Bb. “A Fall of Rain” is typical of the composer’s music in this work. [Music Example 6 -20]. 67

John Watlen, The Surrender of Toulon, With a Descriptive view in Music of a Ship weighing anchor . . . Edinburgh: by the author, [1795?].

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Ex. 6 - 20: Watlen, The Surrender of Toulon, “A Fall of Rain,” mm. 1-5.

The first year of the war with France resulted in a rich and varied bounty of musical offerings for the public. This is particularly true of the theatrical works, although the number of keyboard works designed for home use demonstrate the interest in descriptive music at this time. With the patent theatres now allowed to present stage works based on patriotic and military themes, there was a significant increase in the amount of theatrical music that was produced, most especially that by William Shield at the Covent Garden venue. Sanderson and Reeve continued to furnish scores for the summer theatres, while Hook and others produced numerous patriotic songs. This is a clear demonstration of the degree to which British composers rallied to the patriotic call when Britain was threatened by France.

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“the present, just and necessary war against the French Regicides, whether, those enemies are foreign or domestic . . . ”1

The French troops proved to be more resilient than had been expected, causing the Austrians to retreat to the Rhine and the British to fall back to Holland in 1794. To the great disappointment of the Allied troops, the French reoccupied Brussels in July of that year. Good news was rather thin on the ground for the Allies until mid-summer when it was learned that Robespierre was to be executed. John Marsh’s journal (15 August 1794) records his belief that Robespierre’s execution would end the tyranny and cruelty that had overtaken Paris.2 Such hopes were soon dashed and Mrs. Piozzi records in her diary only five days later that “153 Persons guillotined the very day after him [Robespierre] show plainly that his successors love the Sport as well as did he.”3 In London, theatrical works of a patriotic character were needed ever more than before to bolster public spirits, and the playhouses responded accordingly. Even if the works had no direct reference to the war with France, they must reassure the public that they were in safe hands. Typical of this show of confidence is the following exchange from J.C. Cross’ The Purse; or, Benevolent Tar, first performed at the Drury Lane theatre on 8 February 1794: Edmund: To be shipwreck’d!—a captive! Will: Aye, down she went!—our messmates buried in a watery grave, left us puffing and swimming away like two Newfoundland whelps after a tarbarrel; to be taken up by a kind Castilian!—next morning an Algerine hove in sight— 1

Times, 13 August 1793, [2]. John Marsh, A History of my Private Life, 37 vols (Huntington Library manuscript, HM 54457), XVI: 71. 3 Katherine C. Balderson, ed., Thraliana, the Diary of Mrs. Hester Lynch Thrale (later Mrs. Piozzi): 1776-1809, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarenden Press, 1942), II: 885.

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Chapter Seven Edmund: And captivity was the consequence. Will: Aye, that was grievous!—cut me to the heart, damme!—a British Sailor loves native freedom too well, ever willingly to let a foreigner interfere with it. Edmund: True, William; and— Will: Had but a score of our countrymen been on board, she’d ne’er ha’ yielded, for an Englishman never strikes his colours, while he’s able to strike another stroke.4

The Glorious First of June There was cause for celebration in early June when Britain secured a decisive naval victory against France. On 1 June 1794, the British fleet, under Lord Howe, came into direct action against the French navy at Ushant. The resulting naval victory for Britain left the country in a position of supremacy on the seas for the next century. One French boat was sunk, and six were captured, while others were badly damaged. French losses in manpower were significant, amounting to about ten percent of the French navy. Finally, there was cause for rejoicing in Britain.5 News did not reach London until 10 June, at which time even the theatres interrupted their planned entertainments to perform patriotic songs and choruses.6 Richard Sheridan announced an impromptu entertainment for 13 June at the Covent Garden theatre dealing with the naval victory “on the Glorious First of June.” Not only did this become the title of his subsequent stage work, the naval victory was soon generally known in Britain by that name.7 The King and Queen paid a visit to Portsmouth on 4

J.C. Cross, The Purse; or, Benevolent Tar, 2nd ed. (London: J. Cartwright, [1794]), 11-12. [Reproduction: ECCO CW 307748280]. The plot of this “musical drama” does not relate directly to the war with France, and thus does not figure in the discussion that follows. 5 The French fleet had been attempting to protect a convoy carrying American flour and products of the West Indies. The convoy made harbour safely, even if its protectors were badly battered. 6 Michael Duffy and Roger Morriss, “Introduction: The Battle of the Glorious First of June 1794,” The Glorious First of June 1794: A Naval Battle and its Aftermath (London: University of Exeter Press, 2001), 1-3. 7 Ibid., 158. Mrs. Larpent records that she and her husband had spent the evening at the pleasure garden of Ranelagh, but came home to discover London illuminated and a general rejoicing over Howe’s victory spilling over into the streets (11 June 1794).

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26 June to personally congratulate Lord Howe on the victory, and see the captured French ships. The events of the royal visit included a public lever on the 27th and the launching of a new man-of-war vessel on the 28th. There was much interest in this royal trip, and the city quickly swelled with visitors.8 The events of the royal visit were soon dramatized. The tremendous national pride resulted in some thirty-three prints of various aspects of the battle being reproduced.9 The battle at sea lent itself to pictorial representation, one of the most successful being presented at the Panorama, a theatre in Leicester Square that mounted the events on ten thousand square feet of canvas that travelled the perimeter of a circular auditorium.10 Theatrical presentations, songs and instrumental pieces all attest to the popular interest in this victory, with the patent theatres losing no time to stage these events, in addition to other patriotic tales.

Theatre Music I: Minor Theatres During the early summer months of 1794, the Sadler’s Wells Theatre introduced several works which lacked immediate relevance to the war with France, but were guaranteed to resonate with the spirit of the time. William Tell; or, The Origin of Swiss Liberty (beginning 12 May) was much praised for its perceived authenticity and dramatic content. Other works had Welsh or Celtic themes (Harlequin Glendower; Irish Courtship; and The Village Ghost) that tended to focus attention back to the British Isles. Sadler’s Wells did not give up its earlier leadership in revolutionary theatre, however, and it mounted four productions dealing with the war effort in quick order.

8

John Marsh was one of the many visitors to Portsmouth, and he recounts his time there in some detail in A History of my Private Life, XVI: 53-55. See also: The John Marsh Journals: The Life and Times of a Gentleman Composer (1752-1828), ed. and with an introduction and annotations by Brian Robbins. Vol. 9 of Sociology of Music (Stuyvesant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1998), 556-57. 9 Ten of these are reproduced by Pieter van der Merwe, “The Glorious First of June: A Battle of Art and Theatre,” The Glorious First of June 1794, 135-51. 10 Ibid., 150-52. Mrs. Larpent records a visit to this place of exhibition in her journal (22 August 1793) when the display was the depiction of a Grand Fleet at Portsmouth in 1791. She was very impressed with the presentation, calling it a “wonderful deception.” John Marsh paid a visit to the exhibition in September 1793, proclaiming himself “much pleased” by what he saw. A History of my Private Life, XV: 110-11.

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Chapter Seven The Sons of Britannia; or, George for England (Sadler’s Wells, 4 June - 20 October 1794, end of season) Author: not named Composer: not named (described as burletta with an allegorical ballet).

Produced on the King’s birthday, the newspaper advertisements for 4 June indicate that the exterior of the theatre was illuminated in his honour. Initial assessments of the work were favourable, and the Sun (7 June 1794, [3]) writes that: The Sons of Britannia—the last Birthday present to the Public at Sadlers Wells, is a Piece likely to wear well, and do the State some service—unlike the usual flimsy Compositions hastily spun and put together on such occasions, it opens a wide field of pleasing amusement through the medium of sound taste and true loyalty, aided by the occasional whim and humour of Dance and Song; and the Supplemental Procession and Spectacle, instead of an unmeaning display of the Theatrical wardrobe on Walking Figures, comprehends a beautiful allegory in which every spectator, as in a mirror, may see the genuine features, the very age and body of the times.

The work disappeared from the advertisements after late June, but reappeared in late September when it was brought back for Richer’s benefit performance. By that time, it had been revised with new “comic and Loyal Songs, Recitatives, &c. expressly written and prepared for the occasion.” All newspaper advertisements indicate that the work ended with an allegorical ballet, forming “a contrasted Picture of Modern France and Old England; With the Triumph of British Loyalty over Gallic Madness.” Few references to the musical components of the work survive. An unidentified clipping in the British Library states that the selection of works “was happily calculated to hit all degrees of National taste—a Scotch Burletta—an Irish Dance—a Welsh Pantomime, and English Rope Dancing . . .”11 For the performance of 6 October (the evening of Mrs. Parker’s benefit), the newspaper advertisements record that a new dance was introduced, “the much admired Allemande à Trois,” danced by Mr. Holland, Miss Parker and Mrs. Parker. Once the defeat of the French navy was known, Philip Astley was quick to stage it. This could hardly have been an easy task with its naval theme. 11

British Library: Crach.1.Tab.4./2 (165).

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Old England for ever; or, Lord Howe, and the Glorious 1st of June (Astley’s Amphitheatre, 19 June - ?13 August 1794), “A) Author: Philip Astley, senior, and [John] Philip Astley, junior Composer: not named.

The critics were impressed not only by the speed with which Astley mounted his “grand naval spectacle,” but also the complexity of the presentation. The critic of the Courier and Evening Gazette (21 June, [3]) commented that Astley had “done every thing invention could devise.” The newspaper accounts record that the presentation consisted of five scenes, with the first two representing events on the sea, and the remaining three dealing with the triumphant return of the British fleet to Portsmouth. The newspaper advertisements are consistent throughout the run of the piece, leading to the conclusion that it did not undergo significant changes after its premiere: In Scene I. will be presented the British and French Fleets in real Action. In Scene II. will be exhibited the Deck of the Admiral’s Ship, &c. &c. In Scene III. will be portrayed the manner of conveying the French Prisoners to Hilsey Barracks. In Scene IV. will be given a Representation of the Officers, Artificers, &c. &c. of the Dockyards, marching in Procession, with their proper emblems, to congratulate Earl Howe on his important Victory over the French. In Scene V. will be displayed an exact View (taken from Portsmouth Point) of the French Prizes at Anchor, together with a View of the British Fleet, as they appeared on Friday the 13th, Saturday the 14th, and Sunday the 15th of June.12

If the dates in the description of scene five are accurate, Astley had only four days to create this part of the entertainment before its premiere. It is likely that the processions might have been staged in the circus ring, but the opening scenes appear to have been staged. The Sun (21 June, [3]) records that “suffice it to say, that from the time of the curtain rising and discovering the whole of the British and French Fleets in close Action, with the incidents attending the same, until the final close, produces one of the best Views we ever remember to have seen.” Other newspaper accounts record the success of the sections set on the ocean. The Oracle and Public Advertiser (24 June, [3]) quotes an unnamed “Naval Correspondent” who claimed to have seen “many Theatrical Representations 12

Whitehall Evening Post, 3 July 1794, [1].

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of a Battle at various Theatres, but never did [he] behold a Scenic Representation of a Sea Engagement so truly descriptive and natural as the one” at Astley’s theatre. The Morning Post review echoed these comments on the following day. It is a pity that so little of the music is known. Newspaper accounts tell of the usual duets, choruses and songs, all newly composed, and the ending of the piece with a grand chorus. Two of the song texts were printed in the Whitehall Evening Post (1770) (5 July, [3]), one each by Astley senior and junior. The first is a comic song called “The Loyal Nutman,” while the second, “The Glorious First of June,” is more traditionally patriotic in tone. Both make use of “fal lal de ral” choruses, and it is possible that they were sung to existing tunes, although no such tunes are listed in the newspaper. Reviews say little of the music, beyond making the claim that it was of similar excellence to the offering as a whole: “The working of the ships, Processions, Chorusses, Songs, and in short the whole of this important business, forms the most lively idea of Naval Tactics, and is got up in a stile of great perfection” (Morning Post, 20 June, [3]). Astley’s success may have persuaded Sadler’s Wells to wait until July to mount its tribute to the British naval victory. Naval Triumph; or, The Tars of Old England (Sadler’s Wells, 1 July-15 September 1794) Author: not named Composer: William Reeve (described as “consisting of Song, Recitative, and Spectacle, in Two Parts”).

Naval Triumph was a large-scale production in two parts. The newspaper advertisements were initially very brief; however, a more detailed description of the various elements in the work was released to the press by 14 July. A novel innovation in the work was the use of historical costuming for the procession of Part 2, where the seamen were represented in appropriate dress ranging from 1588 to 1794. Unfortunately, the music has not survived. NAVAL TRIUMPH; Or, THE TARS OF OLD ENGLAND. Respectfully offered to the Public as a Stage Commemoration of that Glorious Victory over the French Fleet which has so justly elated the hearts of Englishmen, and so nobly manifested the Powers of the British Nation at Sea.

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In the several scenes of Part I. will be given, a lively Picture of the METROPOLIS, as it appeared to a Spectator, during the first operations of Loyalty, and Joy, in the late REJOICINGS and ILLUMINATIONS. Part II. to consist of various new arrangements in Scenery, Machinery, and Action, forming A GRAND NAVAL SPECTACLE; Particularly descriptive of the Engagement between the English and French fleets, on the 1st of June; and the towing the captured Ships of the enemy into Portsmouth Harbour. Including an Historical and Scenic Display of the most renowned British Admirals, from Lord Howard of Effingham, who defeated the Spanish Armada, to that brave Defender of his Country’s fame, EARL HOWE Attended by a Characteristic Procession of English Seamen, dressed in the Habits of the times, from the year 1588, to the present day. (True Briton (1793), 14 July 1794, [1]).

Naval Triumph did not live up to its name, and did not draw audiences. The theatre attempted to lure audiences with puff pieces in the press in late August claiming that the great demand for the work would result in a continued run, but it was dropped from the repertory as an independent work shortly thereafter. Not all aspects of the production disappeared, however, as parts were reused in two subsequent patriotic works. The Glorious First of June made its initial appearance at the end of July, while The Dauntless Volunteers followed in the middle of August, but as a prelude to the earlier entertainment.13 The latter work also incorporated portions of the earlier Naval Triumph. Such procedures were rather unusual for this theatre, and may indicate that it was struggling to find the right mix of ingredients that would result in a balanced entertainment. The following description was released to the papers in late August: And a Manœuvre en Militaire, called The DAUNTLESS VOLUNTEERS. In which the whole Troop will perform the Manual Exercise and fire a Feu de Joie Attendant Buffo Caricato, by Sig. PETRO BOLOGNA. A New Entertainment of Song, Recitative and Spectacle, descriptive of the Engagement between the English and French Fleets on the GLORIOUS FIRST OF JUNE;

13

The Dauntless Volunteers (Sadler’s Wells, ?19 August - ?September 1794); Glorious First of June (Sadler’s Wells, ?28 July - ?6 September 1794).

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Chapter Seven Giving also a lively PICTURE of the METROPOLIS during the late REJOICINGS and ILLUMINATIONS, and naval Procession of British Admiralty from Lord Howard of Effingham, to the brave EARL HOWE; Concluding with a View of Spithead, the towing the captured Ships of the Enemy into Portsmouth Harbour. To the above favourite Spectacle will be added TWO NEW SCENES

Accompanied by additional Songs, Characters and Machinery, descriptive of the late successful operations in the West Indies under Sir CHARLES GREY and Sir JOHN JERVIS, particularly the remarkable Attack on FORT BIZZOTTON, When that place was carried by Assault, at the point of the Bayonet, during a violent Thunder Storm; and the subsequent Surrender of PORT AU PRINCE, At which time Commodore FORD and General WHYTE took possession of the Town and Harbour, with Forty-five Sail of valuable French Merchantmen.–The whole of the Scenery, shipping, Decorations, Illuminations, Banners, and Marine Accompaniments entirely new, from correct Drawings and observations of the several objects represented. (Sun, 29 August 1794)

While no composer is named for this work, the presence of part of Naval Triumph in the offering means that some (if not all) of the music was by William Reeve. Once again, critical commentary appears rather mute about this hybrid offering. France’s control over the rich Caribbean islands of Martinique, St. Dominque and Guadeloupe gave the country both wealth and maritime power. Although Henry Dundas in Pitt’s cabinet advocated the removal of these islands from France, Pitt had refused to accept Martinique and St. Dominque as part of an alliance offer from France in 1792 against the German-speaking countries and Russia. Partly in retaliation and to secure sympathetic support for the Revolutionary cause and the defence of the French West Indies, the French government emancipated all slaves on 4 February 1794.14 This spurred Pitt’s government into action because it was feared there would be a slave uprising in the British islands of Grenada and St. Vincent. There were some early victories for the British, and the island of Martinique fell to the British early in 1794. The Martinique 14

Jennifer Mori, Britain in the Age of the French Revolution: 1785-1820 (Harlow: Pearson Education Ltd., 2000), 176.

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victory was significant because the island contained a naval base that had previously permitted France to maintain a large fleet of ships that posed a serious threat to the British-controlled islands.15 Astley presented his version of the fall of Martinique in early May, but little is known of the work beyond the newspaper advertisements for it. The Times (2 May 1794, [1]) contains the following advertisement for Astley’s Amphitheatre: FALL OF MARTINICO. ROYAL SALOON—ASTLEY’S , WESTMINSTER BRIDGE. THIS EVENING, will be presented a pantomimical Sketch called THE ENSUING CAMPAIGN in which will be exhibited A PANORAMA of the GRAND ARMIES ........ . . . an entirely new naval Entertainment consisting of 7 Scenes, founded on the storming and surrender of forts Royal and Bourbon, on the Island of Martinico.

Almost nothing is known of the role that music may have played in this “naval entertainment.” It is likely that it was presented on the stage of the theatre, as opposed to the circus ring. Given Astley’s record of producing accurate presentations of the events in Europe, it would also seem likely that it afforded many opportunities for spectacle. As the number of British victories dwindled in the war against France, fewer topical dramas were attempted. The following offering by the Sadler’s Wells company is representative of the difficulty faced by authors attempting to write patriotic theatre. England’s Glory; or, Britons best Bulwarks are her Wooden Walls (Sadler’s Wells, 31 August - 6 October 1795) Author: not named Composer: one work by J.W. Callcott used in the performance; other music not identified.

The Oracle, Public Advertiser provides the following description of the work as advertised on the day of its premiere:

15

Clive Emsley, Britain and the French Revolution (Harlow: Pearson Education Ltd., 2000), 55.

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Chapter Seven For the 1st time, a Serio Comic Interlude, consisting of Recitative, Song, and Spectacle, called ENGLAND’S GLORY; Or, Briton’s best Bulwarks are her Wooden Walls. In the course of the Interlude will be given as exact a representation as the stage will admit, of the most Brilliant Naval Actions that have taken place since the year 1793; and which have done immortal honour to the already established reputation of our brave British Tars. During the spectacle, a Medly [sic] of Naval Airs will be introduced, concluding with Calcot’s celebrated Glee of “Ye Gentlemen of England.”

This work appears to have been a retrospective of British naval successes, rather than portraying any specific new event. This sets it apart from earlier patriotic works given in this theatre. Given the number of setbacks in the war on land against France, perhaps it was felt that a reminder of past naval successes would help maintain patriotic fervour. The use of Callcott’s glee represents an unusual transference of music from a patent theatre to a minor one. (See below for a discussion of this music as used in the Naval Volunteers; or, Britain’s Bulwark presented at the Covent Garden theatre on 28 April 1795.)

Theatre Music II: Patent Theatres Many of the new patriotic afterpieces acted in the patent theatres were written specifically for the benefit nights of well-known actors. This practice was beneficial to both the actor (a new work tailor-made to his/her talents) and the author (the new work would be performed by a “star” performer which might increase the work’s chances of being taken into the active repertory). Examples of this practice include the staging of British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship for the benefit evening of John Johnstone, Naples Bay for Charles Incledon, Love and Honour for Margaret Martyr and The Fall of Martinico for John Bernard. The popularity of this type of entertainment caused theatre mangers to overplay their hand in some instances. Their calculated use of these afterpieces did not escape the critic of the European Magazine (September 1794, 210), who condemned the Haymarket Theatre, in particular, for putting three such works on the same bill: Both pieces [Rule Britannia, and Britain’s Glory] having been introduced on benefit nights, might have been passed over in silence, as too unimportant to engage attention. But as they have since been adopted by the Manager, and performed on his account, we think ourselves bound to

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point out this shameful degradation of a Theatre Royal. During the greater part of the present season, the Public has been nightly insulted by the representation of a series of old and new Farces, which have composed the entire evening’s entertainment, and most of them such ribaldry, as a few years ago would have been properly consigned to oblivion by the just resentment of the Town. From the experience of this season it may be surmised that the Manager, sympathizing with the quondom frequenters of Bartholomew and Southwark Fairs, which used to be open at this season of the year, has determined for their entertainment, to convert a Theatre Royal into a Smithfield booth. Many of the pieces intruded on the Public this year, have no more claims to approbation than the drolls we have heretofore seen on the temporary Stages of Messrs. Shutter, Yates, &c. &c. At a future time we shall investigate the Manager’s claim to full prices at this Theatre, and especially for such paultry entertainment as three farces in an evening.

During the first four months of 1794, Covent Garden presented its standard repertoire of Shakespeare plays and romantic comedies, including a revival of Frederick Pilon's comic He Would be a Soldier on 6 March 1794. First heard in 1786, the play was now reduced to three acts for the occasion. Revivals of The Soldier's Festival, Sprigs of Laurel and Hartford Bridge (all from 1793) were undertaken in May. Three new patriotic works were presented before the end of the 1793-94 season: British Fortitude And Hibernian Friendship, The Siege of Meaux, and The Fall of Martinico. The Siege of Meaux was not a musical work and will receive but a passing mention herein. Henry Pye's historical tragedy was first presented on 19 May 1794; four subsequent performances followed, but the work was never revived. 16 Mrs. Larpent records in her journal (24 June 1794) that the work was quite poetic and interesting, but perhaps better suited for reading at home than for theatrical presentation. Its relevance to the current political situation did not pass unnoticed, and the European Magazine (June 1794, 466) comments that “the sentiments . . . as were applicable to the moment, met with the most rapturous applause.” Among these were the following: Douglas: 'Tis your Nation's curse; ye know not The happy medium between savage licence And abject slavery. 16 Henry James Pye, The Siege of Meaux (London: G. Nichol, 1794), 71. Reprint eds.: Charlottesville, Virgina: Micrographics II, 1989, as a part of the series Eighteenth century sources for the study of English literature and culture, reel no. 151, no. 2. New Canaan, Connecticut: Readex Microprint, 1989, as a part of the series Three Centuries of Drama. English: 1751-1800.

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The Times (20 May 1794, [3]) similarly applauded the patriotic elements: “Many of the sentiments in the first Act happily according with the times, were felt and warmly applauded, particularly the elegant as well as just compliment to the Public Faith of the English; and the allusion to the fatal error of France, still confounding freedom with anarchy.” Following his earlier success with Hartford Bridge, William Pearce presented a new work on 10 April that, on paper, must have appeared to have had considerable potential. Netley Abbey (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, Operatic Farce in 2 acts, 32 performances between 10 April 1794 and 2 May 1800) Libretto: William Pearce Music Composer and Arranger: William Shield, with selections from C.F. Baumgarten, William Parke, William Howard, and Giovanni Paisiello. Publications: Songs, Duets, Choruses, and other Compositions, In the Operatic Farce of Netley Abbey. London: J.S. Barr, 1794. [Reproduced by Readex Micro-opaque and Readex Microfiche; ECCO CW 114021672]; Netley Abbey, an Operatic Farce. London: Printed by W. Woodfall, for T.N. Longman, 1794. [Reproduction: Readex Microopaque and Readex Microfiche; Micrographics II, Charlottesville, Virginia, 1990. [Eighteenth century sources for the study of English literature and culture, reel no. 809.] Other editions of text: Dublin: George Follingsby, 1799; London: Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1809; London: J. Cumberland, 1832. Larpent MS. 1016 [Reproduction: Readex Micro-opaque and Readex Microfiche] Score: William Shield, Nettley Abbey, A Comic Opera . . . . London: Longman & Broderip, [1794]. Published as a vocal score.

In 1794, William Pearce introduced a new operatic farce containing strong patriotic content while masquerading as a romantic comedy. The work predates the celebrations attendant to the Glorious First of June victory, but the subsequent portrayal of those events on stage and the patriotic fervour that resulted from that victory likely contributed to the subsequent success of Netley Abbey. The title is taken from the name of a Gothic ruin of a Cistercian Abbey on the Southampton waters. Founded in 1239, the Abbey buildings passed into private hands following the Dissolution, and were converted into a lavish private palace. By 1700, however, the house was considered to be unfashionable, and parts of it were ultimately sold off for building materials. This left the remainder as a ruin that attracted the attention of artists and writers. At the time of Pearce’s farce, the ruins of Netley Abbey were well known, and the desire to view such ruins, as well as recreate ruins as follies on the estates of

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wealthy landowners, is satirized in Pearce’s text. The portrayal of the Netley Abbey ruins on stage in the final scene was highly evocative and gained much audience approval. The Larpent manuscript contains the application letter from Harris that is dated 26 March 1794 and, for once, the theatre appears to have submitted its text in a timely fashion. The manuscript text is very clean, with only pages 35-36 containing a revision on a cover slip. Although there is no indication that the censor had any problems with the content, there are significant differences between the Larpent manuscript and the script that was published eight months later by Longman.17 This is especially true in Act II, where a different song text is found at one point, the plot sequences are rearranged and the dialogue is rewritten to provide better characterizations and stronger motivations for the actions. The shorter published text results in an improvement over the manuscript version. This may indicate that Pearce took to heart some of the criticism that came his way after the premiere of the work. The following plot synopsis is taken from the published text from 1794:

Plot Act I, Scene i: A Room in Oakland’s House. Lucy Oakland and her father debate the wisdom of clearing the land between their house and the ruins of Netley Abbey. Lucy fears that this will result in a desolated landscape and disrupt the lives of local inhabitants. Oakland, however, is resolved to continue. M‘Scrape is announced by the servant, Jeffrey, who has been preoccupied by M‘Scrape’s fiddling. (Song: “At the wake, at the fair.”) M‘Scrape, who has been reading Oakland’s mail, comments negatively on the various follies that Oakland has constructed on the property. After discussing England’s superiority in war, M‘Scrape unsuccessfully attempts to warn Oakland about Rapine, Oakland’s agent. M‘Scrape prepares to take his leave so that he can shave the local rector when Catherine, Lucy’s maid, enters and suggests that she join M‘Scrape on his rounds. (Duet: “Half the pleasures of the day.”) Scene ii: The Garden. Lucy and Ellen Woodbine (the goddaughter of Oakland) discuss the possibility that Rapine was responsible for the fire that destroyed the Woodbine estate. They fear Rapine is defrauding both Oakland and the widowed Mrs. Woodbine. Rapine has since released himself from his former obligations to Mrs. Woodbine because the 17 The dedication in the Longman publication is dated 22 November 1794 by Pearce.

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Chapter Seven documents that bound him financially were lost in the fire. (Song: “Stript of fortune’s gay profusion.”) Oakland tells Ellen that he intends to pull down the house in which the Woodbines reside. She tells Oakland that she fears that his son, Captain Oakland, has romantic intentions towards her of which she feels unworthy because of her impoverished state. She asks Oakland to dissuade his son in this matter, and the father threatens to disinherit his son if he marries Ellen. They both leave. Captain Oakland enters and, having observed his father’s temper, decides to delay paying his respects. Captain Oakland is distressed to learn from M‘Scrape that Ellen’s family are now victims of Rapine. (Song: “Her image ever rose to View.”) Gunnel, Captain Oakland’s coxswain, enters and discusses the ongoing battles of the French fleet with M‘Scrape. Gunnel soliloquizes over the valour of the British fleet. (Song: “Blue Peter at the mast head flew.”) Scene iii: Oakland’s Parlour. During a discussion of financial matter between Oakland and Rapine, it is revealed that Rapine should have made a large payment to the Woodbines before their house burned. Rapine claims to have made this payment to Mr. Woodbine, prior to his death. M‘Scrape, Ellen, Lucy and Gunnel enter. M‘Scrape banters with Rapine, while the two women remain distressed over the earlier events. Oakland instructs Ellen to remain with Lucy so that she can avoid his son. (Finale: “Still, still may Britain’s Thunder.”) Act II, Scene i: A Room in Oakland’s house. Oakland expresses his fears to Jeffrey over his son’s attachment to Ellen. Captain Oakland enters and Jeffrey withdraws. Father and son argue over Ellen Woodbine whom the father advises does not welcome his son’s attentions. Oakland restates his promise to disinherit his son should he persist. Personal quarrels are laid to rest when the conversation turns to war, and Captain Oakland sings of his patriotism. (Song: “Should dangers e’er approach our coast.”) Scene ii. The Pleasure Grounds. Catherine (dressed in sailor’s garb) brings Ellen a letter from Captain Oakland asking her for a rendezvous. Knowing the parental objections, she asks Gunnel to find Captain Oakland’s sister Lucy, so that she can seek her counsel. Catherine bemoans her lot because she has too many beaus, and decides to go to sea herself. (Song: “A Jock I am, from Shield—I hail.”) She exits and Oakland, M‘Scrape and Gunnel enter in sequence. Gunnel tells the men the events of the recent encounter with the French, but his inability to express a thought coherently leaves the other two confused. Gunnel exits, leaving M‘Scrape to pretend he has understood every word that Oakland did not. Scene iii: A Woodland Scene. Captain Oakland finds Ellen and convinces her to agree to a rendezvous at Netley Abbey that evening. (Glee: “That beach, which the wild billows lave.”)

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Scene iv: Netley Abbey. Oakland, having been warned of his son’s rendezvous with Ellen, comes to the Abbey grounds. There, he sees Ellen in the distance, but confuses Catherine, who is still wearing sailor’s garb, for his son. He hides to spy on what transpires. When Ellen and Catharine enter, Oakland upbraids Ellen for seeing his son against his wishes. Ellen tells Oakland that her purpose is to make a final parting from Captain Oakland. Catherine leaves to fetch Lucy. Captain Oakland, M‘Scrape and Gunnel enter, bringing with them Oakland’s neighbour, Stirling. Gunnel reveals that two sailors plundered Mrs. Woodbine’s mansion, before setting it on fire. The looted treasure is brought forth from the ruined Abbey. Oakland suddenly finds Ellen to be a much more attractive potential daughter-in-law. Gunnel’s honesty is much praised. (Finale: “To mirth—O to mirth, let us join in full chorus.”)

Although Pearce attempted to duplicate the formula that had produced success with Hartford Bridge, the results are far less convincing. Many of the characters are stereotypes that never develop, and the villain, Rapine, appears but briefly in the story. Oakland is hardly an attractive character, being both money-grubbing and mean-spirited. Nor is the supposed heroine, Ellen, a character of much interest—she is too willing to submit to social pressures, rather than follow her heart. Pearce states that the part of Gunnel, the gibberish-spouting sailor, could be attributed to the actor, John Fawcett, “as animated and characteristic colouring, as ever assisted a Scene.”18 Elsewhere, however, patriotic sentiments appear to have taken priority over characterization, as evinced in the first verse of the finale. The mention of Ireland’s support at this point in the war with France was hardly accidental: Still, still may BRITAIN’S Thunder, Make all her foes knock under: And where can be the wonder, With IRELAND at her side? CHORUS: The Harp set a ringing, And ravish’d by its sound, We’ll all unite in singing, And lightly trip around.

Much of the charm in Hartford Bridge stemmed from the machinations of the wily servant character, Cartridge, who helps unite the young lovers. If Cartridge can be seen as a Figaro-like character, his parallel in Netley 18 William Pearce, Netley Abbey, an Operatic Farce (London: Printed by W. Woodfall for T.N. Longman, 1794), [v].

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Abbey is M‘Scrape. The latter is even more like the character in Beaumarchais’ Il barbière de Seville in that he serves as barber to the various members of the gentry. All similarities end there, however. M‘Scrape does little to bring Netley Abbey to a satisfactory conclusion and his appearances do little more than provide comic relief. The work also gave Mrs. Martyr another “trouser role” to play as Catherine, the would-be sailor. The Times (11 April 1794, [3]) found the drama to be “infinitely inferior in every respect” to Hartford Bridge, excepting only the music and scenery of the work. The critic found “the attempts at wit as coarse as they are stale” and the satire on “the young Lady’s rage for novels, gave great disgust.” “Warmly opposed” at the end of the performance, the Times concluded that the work “must improve greatly indeed on repetition ever to become a favourite with the public.” The European Magazine (April 1794, 310-11) report much the same (although less harshly), stating that “this piece did not find the audience in a very good humour. It met with considerable opposition.” Other reviews were more positive, and that found in the Oracle, Public Advertiser (12 April 1794, [3]) reports that “Mr. PEARCE is avowedly the author; and his reputation will by no means suffer, when the retrenchments that are necessary come to be made. He has one well-drawn character, a Sailor acted by FAWCETT and the description of a Sea-fight in the true technical language, gave the most genuine pleasure of the whole.” Several factors appear to have contributed to the work’s continued presence in the repertoire. Pearce drew special attention in the libretto publication to the efforts of Inigo Richards (“of the Royal Academy”) who provided “one of the most picturesque Portraits of a Gothic Ruin, that the hand of Science ever produced.”19 The cost of this scenic element, alone, may have made the theatre think twice about dropping the work, especially when it proved to have some audience appeal. The victory against the French in June of that year likely contributed to the work’s popularity, and its lack of topical references allowed it to be presented every season at the Covent Garden theatre until 1800. Given the problems with the play, it is not surprising that changes would have been introduced over a period of time. If the 1809 publication of the text reproduces a reliable version of the text as it was played after the turn of the century, numerous cuts had been introduced. Not only have entire scenes and characters disappeared, but 19

Ibid.

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several musical set pieces are not listed in the 1809 printing. Most remarkable is the cutting of the villain of the piece, Rapine, who is mentioned but is otherwise removed from the text. Other scenes that touch upon the former relationship between Oakland and the family of Ellen Woodbine are similarly missing in the 1809 printing. Such cuts do little for the continuity of the plot, and characters that were stereotypes to begin with are pushed closer to caricatures.

Music The role that music played in this work appears to have changed considerably from the time that the theatre submitted the manuscript text to John Larpent’s office until the text was published some eight months later. These changes can be documented by comparing the references to songs in Larpent MS. 1016 with the published song texts (presumably published in time for the opening of the show) and the printed libretto, published eight months later. Netley Abbey: References to Songs Larpent Manuscript

Published Song Texts

Published Libretto

M‘Scrape:“At the Wake, at the Fair”

p. 7

p. 4

M‘Scrape & Catherine: “Half the Pleasures of the Day”

p. 8

p. 8

Ellen: “Stript of fortune’s gay possessions”

p. 9

p. 10

Gunnel: “Blue Peter at the Mast”

p. 10

p. 15

Captain Oakland: “Her image ever rose”

p. 11

p. 13

Finale to Act I: “Still may Britain’s Thunder”

p. 12

p. 18

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Netley Abbey: References to Songs Larpent Manuscript

Published Song Texts

Published Libretto

Captain Oakland: “Shou’d dangers e’er approach our coast”

p. 14

p. 23

Catherine: “Before the playful hours of youth”

p. 15

Changed to “A Jock I am from Shield’s” p. 26

Glee: “That Beach which the white billows”

p. 16

p. 32

Catherine: “A Jock I am from Shields” p. 16 M‘Scrape: “In these Cloisters of old,” p. 17

Not found.

Oakland: “When crosses have vex’d me”

p. 9

Not found.

Ellen: “The Sky made brilliant by the Sun”

Not found.

Not found.

Finale to Act II: “To Mirth”

p. 19

p. 35

Much of the music must have been changed, along with changes to the text of Act II. The character of Catherine was given an extra song (“A Jock I am”) at the time of the premiere, but her “Before the playful hours of youth” was dropped before the printing of the full libretto, and is not contained in the vocal score (see below). Oakland’s “When crosses have vex’d me” was likely moved to Act I by the time of the premiere, only to be dropped later in the run. This song was, however, included in the vocal score. Ellen’s “The Sky made brilliant by the Sun” must have been an early casualty, and was not heard at the premiere. M‘Scrape’s “ In these Cloisters of old” appears to have been an attempt to capitalize upon the success of the scenery for the final scene, but the song disappeared during

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the run, and is not included in the vocal score. The result is a first act that is over-weighted musically compared to the second act, an imbalance that can hardly have improved the weak dramaturgy of the piece. Although William Shield was ostensibly in charge of the music for this work, he farmed out sections of the work to other composers: Carl Friedrich Baumgarten (c1740-1824), William Howard (?the younger, of London), and William Parke (1761-1847). Paisiello’s name is also listed on the title page, but which selection is based on his music is not indicated. The following lists the contents of the vocal score: 1) Overture: Allegro (C major, 44, sonata form), by William Parke Rondo (C/c/C, 68, rondo with two episodes), by William Parke 2) Song (M‘Scrape), “At the Wake, at the Fair,” D major, 34/98/34/98/ 68/34/68, through-composed, three-verse song, by ?Shield 3) Dialogue Song by (M‘Scrape and Catherine), “Half the pleasures of the Day,” C major, C|, two-verse, through-composed song, by ?Shield 4) Song (Ellen), “Stript of Fortune’s gay profusion,” Eb major, 24, rondo, by ?Shield 5) Song (Oakland), “When Crosses have vex’d me,” A major, 68, threeverse strophic air, by ?Shield 6) Song (Gunnel), “Blue Peter at the mast head flew,” F major, 24, written out four-verse strophic song, by ?Shield. The last verse contains a list of compass points, declaimed “with the Tone of C,” followed by a repetition of the opening stanza. 7) Song (Capt. Oakland), “Her Image ever rose to view,” E major, 34, twoverse, through-composed song, by Baumgarten 8) Finale (End of Act I) “Still may Britain Thunder make” F major, 24, four-verse, strophic air with chorus, by ?Shield. Sung by Mr. Incledon, Johnstone, Fawcet and Linton; Mrs. Mountain, Mrs. Martyr and Miss Hopkins. 9) Song (Capt. Okland), “Should dangers e’er approach our Coast,” D major, C|, two-verse strophic air, ?Shield 10) Glee (Sung by Mr. Incledon, Mr. Blanchard, Mr. Linton and Mrs. Mountain), “That Beach which the white Billows,” A major [but given the key signature of E], 34, SATB, by ?Shield 11) Song (Catherine), “A Jock I am,” F major, 44, two-verse strophic song, by W. Parke 12) Finale (to Act II), “To mirth, O to mirth let us join,” C major, 24, rondo with four episodes, by Wm. Howard.

The printing of the vocal score must have been undertaken around the time of the premiere, but before the publication of the full libretto, since the score contains the song “When Crosses have vex’d,” a piece dropped

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sometime after the premiere. Not only is there an inequity in the amount of music in the two acts, but its quality also varies considerably. Shield, it is often reported, did not like composing overtures, and he entrusted the composition of the Netley Abbey overture to William Thomas Parke, principal oboist of the Covent Garden orchestra for forty years.20 Parke’s overture, like a concert symphony without a slow movement, is well crafted and shows a good sense of sonata form. There is effective use of dynamic contrasts (including crescendi), and the use of motivic development gives the music a serious tone. Thematically, however, the music is not consistently distinguished. [Music Example 7 - 1]. The second movement, a rondo cast as a light-hearted dance in sextuple metre, contains an extended minore section that again gives the music a sense of gravity. “A Jock I am” (by Parke) is a rollicking sea song designed to display the talents of Mrs. Martyr (to whom he was romantically attached) whose energetic acting of “trouser roles” had gained her earlier acclaim. Baumgarten’s sole contribution (“Her image ever rose to view”), however, only serves to confirm posterity’s harsh judgement on his compositions, for the text setting is awkward and the melody unmemorable. Somewhat better is Howard’s finale for Act II, with its attractive recurring melody and bountiful rhythmic energy. Apart from the opening drone effect, however, the music lacks harmonic sophistication. Pearce’s text appears not to have engaged Shield’s creative instincts consistently, and his most interesting contributions to the score are the songs “At the Wake, at the Fair,” and “Blue Peter at the Mast head flew”. The first is an action song for the character of M‘Scrape in which the singer is asked to hold A2 for three measures while tuning his violin in the first verse. In the third verse, the singer must play the violin and dance while singing the refrain “in a quicker time.” John Johnstone (appearing in another “Irish part”) was given every opportunity by Shield to display his comic talents, and the result was one of the highlights of the evening.

20

Shield admired Parke’s playing and frequently composed oboes solos for him. Parke studied composition with Carl Friedrich Baumgarten, leader of the Covent Garden orchestra. Details of his musical life and those of composers such as Shield and Hook is found in W.T. Parke, Musical Memoirs; comprising an Account of the General State o f Music in England . . . 2 vols (London: Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 1830).

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Ex. 7 - 1: Parke, Netley Abbey, Overture, excerpts from opening movement.

“Blue Peter at the Mast head flew” appears to be the only song to be published separately.21 It is described as the “admired Ballad of BOXING the COMPASS,” a reference to the declaiming the various compass points on the note C. This action song (in “Hornpipe time”) has a footnote in the vocal score which states that “GUNNEL finishes each stanza with a Sailors Hornpipe step while he is singing, Lara lar.” [Music Example 7 - 2].

Ex. 7 - 2: Shield, Netley Abbey: “Blue Peter at the Mast head,” mm. 1-14.

21

London: Longman and Broderip, [1794?].

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Another fine air is Shield’s, “Stript of Fortune’s gay profusion” (sung by Mrs. Mountain). This music would not have been out of place in the composer’s Rosina and, while posing no particular vocal difficulties, it is sophisticated and charming. Other contributions by Shield are often too brief to make much effect. A case in point is the finale to Act I, where the harp writing is effective but the brevity (even with four verses of text) undercuts its impact. The reception given to the score for this play was, at best, mixed. W.T. Parke, writing thirty-six years after the fact, speaks warmly of the piece. His memory may have played him false, or he was thinking of later revivals when he wrote that Arne’s music was heard in the performances.22 In this piece Facet has a sea song, ‘Blue Peter,’ in which was introduced ‘the boxing of the compass’ which, from the merit of the music (by Shield) and the effective manner in which it was sung, was loudly encored. Mrs. Martyr, as a sailor boy, in the song ‘Yo! Heave ho!’ composed by me, was greatly applauded; and Incledon sang the old song, ‘On board the Arethusa,’ admirably. The music of this piece, composed by Paesiello, Baumgarten, Dr. Arne, myself and Shield was very effective, and had a long run.

Contemporary criticism of the score was less effusive, although parts of it were judged to be good. The Times (11 April 1794, [3]) proved to be more generous in its comments on the score, than on the libretto: “JOHNSTONE as a fiddling barber—a kind of Irish TULLY at second hand, had an Hibernian air, deservedly encored, in which the accompaniments were very happily adapted to the “tune of his fiddle.” Nor must we deny the credit so justly due to FAWCETT’S whimsical description of a sea fight.” Shield may not have been happy to read in The Oracle (12 April 1794, [3]) that “a GLEE may be spared from the second act; and the finale of the first might be better managed,” given how little music he had composed for the work. But such comments were well deserved, for the score, as a whole, is patchy at best, and hardly representative of Shield’s best efforts. That Netley Abbey remained in the repertoire for as long as it did is surprising; that its text was pruned quite drastically with the passing of time is not. While its passing references to the ongoing war effort made subsequent repetition possible, it is likely that the most popular aspect of 22

Parke, Musical Memoirs, I: 188.

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this stage work was its scene painting. The first of the truly relevant works to the current political scene followed on 29 April. British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship; or, An Escape from France (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 29 April 1794. Eight performances given before the end of the season; revived with some regularity until the end of the decade) Author: John Cartwright Cross Composer: Overture and new music supplied by William Reeve; other music selected from the works of Shield Publications: British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship; or, An Escape from France, a musical drama in one act. London: J. Roach, 1974. [Reproduction: Readex micro-opaque; Readex Microfiche; Charlottesville, Va.: Micrographics II, 1989, as a part of the series Eighteenth century sources for the study of English literature and culture, reel no. 775]. Larpent Manuscript 1019 [Reproduction: Readex microfiche]. Score: British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship; or, An Escape from France, A Musical Entertainment. London: Longman and Broderip, 1794.

Cross wrote this “musical drama” for the benefit evening of the actor, John Johnstone. The European Magazine (May 1794, 386) reports that it “derived every advantage from [Johnstone’s] performance.” With only five songs and the finale as musical set pieces, the work is heavily balanced to spoken text. Using an Irishman to embody anti-French sympathies played well to countering fears that France would make an ally of Ireland because of its Catholic ties. There were grounds for these fears, given the anger that had resulted from the Catholic Relief Act of 1793.23

Plot Sedgely and his daughter, Annette, have lived in France for many years, after fleeing Britain because of debts. They have learned French and their “poverty and humility have hitherto shielded [them] from suspicion.” Annette fell in love with Edward when she and her father gave him refuge after he was shipwrecked, but they been separated for a long period. Now in the navy, Edward returned in secret, along with an Irish friend, to tell Sedgely that he has inherited a fortune in England. Unfortunately, Edward was captured and imprisoned in the local castle. Annette enlists the help of Sedgely’s servant, Joey, to save Edward. Joey believes that he might gain access to the castle because of his friendship with the servants who work 23

Emsley, Britain and the French Revolution, 49.

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there. (Song: “I was call'd knowing Joe.”) Annette reflects upon her love for Edward. (Song: “At dawn of life our vows were plighted.”) At the coast, Captain O’Leary reminisces about his native Ireland. He and Patrick discuss the best way to avoid the sans culottes (who Patrick refers to as “sans cutlets”) in their search of Edward. (Song: “The turban’d Turk.”) Inside the prison, Edward is interrogated by the Commandant. The latter offers Edward freedom, in return for becoming a spy for the French. Edward refuses, saying he “can't brave death in a more glorious cause— England!” (Song: “When foaming waves contrary beat.”) Outside the castle, Joey and Captain O’Leary make plans to rescue Edward. (Song: “To be sure I don’t love in my heart now.”) Joey, Patrick and Sedgely meet to discuss the planned escape. O’Leary and Annette enter and the former proclaims that the war against France has made him “true-hearted.” During the rescue, Joey gains entrance to the castle, and opens the door for the others who lead Edward out to a waiting boat. When they are discovered, Edward shoots the Commandant, and O’Leary and Patrick shoot the sentinels. O’Leary carries off Annette, who has fainted. Edward and Annette are reunited, and Edward thanks O’Leary for his great act of friendship. All prepare to leave for “true Liberty and Old England.” (Finale: “Our simple tale thus ended.”)

The libretto appears to have passed by John Larpent’s scrutiny with no requests for changes. Larpent MS.1019 reveals that the musical components of the work had not been settled when the manuscript was copied. A ballad text for Annette, “Tho my dad I must own is but poor,” is found only in the manuscript. The three-verse setting is essentially decorative to the plot, although it does give some sense of Annette’s character. Another song is indicated by its title, “There was an honest Lad,” but no text is given. After the copying of this manuscript, several new songs were composed and Shield’s popular “The turban’d Turk” was imported into the production. “I was called knowing Joe” was moved to the first scene, and other songs are in a different order than is found in the published text. At best, the text in the Larpent manuscript is a prototype of the final work. The play can hardly be claimed to have great literary merit, although the dramatic rescue with the shooting of muskets on stage would have thrilled audiences, and likely contributed to the work’s survival in the repertory. The play is somewhat unusual in having two comic roles (Joey and Patrick) and, while the piece ostensibly is in praise of Hibernian friendship and support, it is clear that the servant characters (in particular, the Englishman Joey) are the ones who make Edward’s escape possible.

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Captain O’Leary praises Joey with “by my soul, well said little one, you’re a mighty great creature in this business!” and to Patrick, he offers “thanks to St. Patrick, we have stumbled over a true friend at the moment we stand in need of him.” Seemingly, the truth of such sentiments about the common man could no longer be repressed in Britain, in light of what was happening on the continent.

Music The score was the first given to William Reeve after Shield’s return to Covent Garden, following his dispute with management in 1791-92. Reeve had a facile talent for writing strophic songs in the ballad style (especially comic songs) and the ability to imitate Scottish and Irish folk song. It may have been his talents in the latter area that prompted the theatre to assign him this piece. Unfortunately, Reeve’s music lacks emotional depth and harmonic sophistication, and sounds thin when compared to the works of Shield, Attwood and Storace. A vocal score, containing all of the set pieces listed in the published libretto, was published by Longman and Broderip in 1794, although few copies of it have survived.24 Some form of melodrama music was likely played during the dramatic rescue scene, but it not mentioned in either the Larpent manuscript or in the published script. In addition, there is little sung music in the work, even though the cast included the talented Incledon in the role of Edward. The role of Captain O’Leary was given to Johnstone on his benefit evening. Cross states in his preface to the libretto that “the songs introduced by Mr. JOHNSTONE, are the production of Gentlemen well known in the literary world, and had been sung by him with universal approbation, previous to their introduction in British Fortitude, &c.” As a result, the score is largely pastiche, without much newly composed music by Reeve. Only the first air and the arrangement of the Irish tune, “The Row,” in the published score actually mention Reeve. Elsewhere, Shield’s name is mentioned once. Given the stylistic similarity of the remaining songs to Reeve, they are discussed below as having come from his pen. The musical contents of the work follow: 1) Overture (two-part) D, 44/68, the first section is through-composed; the second section is an extended rondo 24

I have found only one such copy, located in the Wighton Heritage Centre of the Dundee Public Library. I am indebted to Mr. David Kett for the reproduction he provided.

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2) Song (Joey): “Knowing Joe and the Shew Folk,” Bb, 44, three-verse strophic air for tenor voice, each verse interrupted by a spoken passage 3) Song (Annette): “At dawn of life,” Bb, 68, two-verse strophic air for soprano voice 4) Song (O’Leary): “The turban’d Turk,” [The celebrated Ballad of THE IRISHMAN], D, C|, three-verse strophic air for tenor voice; music by Shield 5) Song (Edward): “When foaming waves contrary beat,” A, 44, two-verse strophic air for tenor voice 6) Song (O’Leary): “To be sure I don’t love in my heart now,” [The Row, A favourite Irish Song], G, 98, three-verse strophic air for tenor voice 7) Finale: “Our simple tale thus ended,” (parts for three solo tenors and one soprano, and unison chorus), A, 68, rondo.

The score has some appeal, although the music is more charming than dramatic in nature. The absence of any set pieces during the daring rescue results in a musical imbalance, although it would have been difficult to introduce solo songs at this point in the play. Music of a strongly dramatic nature was not Reeve’s forte, as evinced by the opening strains of the overture. Cast in two pars, the overture begins with an Andante maestoso that lacks the harmonic sophistication to sound imposing. The extended rondo in sextuple metre which follows is jolly, with a lively, folk-like principal tune and an interlude for horns that is striking. Unfortunately, the music quickly wears out its welcome through repetition. [Music Example 7 - 3].

Ex. 7 - 3: Reeve, British Fortitude, rondo theme in overture.

Reeve’s skill with comic airs is demonstrated in “Knowing Joe and the Shew Folk.” The entertaining text is about a young chap’s misfortunes after joining a theatrical troop. Reeve’s setting, in which every verse interrupted by spoken asides, gave Joseph Munden a tremendous acting opportunity. The music is typical of much of Reeve’s work in the popular vein, with strongly-marked rhythms and a largely syllabic text setting. [Music Example 7 - 4].

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Ex. 7 - 4: Reeve, British Fortitude, “Knowing Joe,” mm. 1-10 of vocal line.

Miss Poole’s air, “At dawn of life,” also makes use of sextuple metre, and is given an accompaniment of harp figuration. Rather like the music of the overture, the setting unfortunately plumbs no emotional depths, and lacks harmonic variety. Shield’s highly popular setting of “The turban’d Turk” has already been discussed under the 1790 production of A Picture of Paris (See Chapter Four), and the song’s inclusion in Hibernian Fortitude was likely a calculated move to capitalize upon past successes as well as demonstrate the Irish character. Similarly, giving Incledon a song about tempests tearing the sails of a ship could hardly have been coincidental. Here, Reeve attempts a more dramatic setting, even visiting the parallel minor to illustrate the “whirlwinds whistl[ing] thro’ the Shrouds.” The setting of the rollicking Irish ballad, “The Row,” is more typical of the composer, with text set in a largely syllabic manner that keeps the focus clearly on the text. The finale is cast as a rondo, and the use of sextuple metre again recalls the overture, although the results are more successful. The opening verse (“Our simple tale thus ended”) addresses the audience directly, while the contrasting episodes refer to the successful resolution of plot elements. The result is playful, charming and an effective. [Music Example 7 - 5].

Ex. 7 - 5: Reeve, British Fortitude, finale, opening theme.

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The success of Cross’ British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship likely owed more to the strongly dramatic events in the second act than to Reeve’s musical setting. It is a pity that the work was not entrusted to Shield, who had the talent to create the kind of ensemble music that would have made that act both musically and dramatically compelling. That said, British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship enjoyed greater success than subsequent patriotic afterpieces at Covent Garden. Naples Bay; or, the British Sailors at Anchor (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 2 May 1794. A further performance planned for the benefit evening of Middleton [James Magan] on 28 May was cancelled.25) Author: ascribed to John Cross Composer: Pastiche score Publications: This work was never published in the eighteenth century. Larpent Manuscript No. 1021 [Reproduction: Readex microopaque; Readex microfiche].

Larpent MS.1021 is entitled At Anchor in the Bay of Naples, and contains no subtitle. Labelled an interlude, the theatre used some of the best musical and dramatic talent it had in the work: Bowden, Incledon, Johnstone, Munden, Townsend, Cubitt, Thompson, and Miss Poole. Although this “trifle,” written for the benefit of Incledon (who sang the role of Platoon), is said to have “met with applause” by the European Magazine (May 1794, 386), it was not repeated on the evening of Middleton’s benefit at the end of the month, when it had been slated to begin the programme.

Plot Captain Cable, Platoon and Quadrant complain about the hot climate in Naples, and discuss the superiority of the British Isles. Michael, who had been assigned to serve Signor Legato, the manager of the Opera House, complains about being underfed. He reveals that Caroline, a young lady who had been liberated from the boat of a French privateer by the English men, goes daily to the Opera House to sing for Signor Legato. Platoon observes that he may have been mistaken about Caroline’s fortunes and social class, but Michael scoffs at this and takes his leave. Cable announces that he will sail around Naples Bay to search for a suspicious ship, but Rattling announces that the ship is a Neapolitan Frigate. Quadrant yearns

25 Charles Beecher Hogan, ed., London Stage: 1660-1800 . . . (Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press, 1968),V: 1653-54.

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The manuscript copy of the libretto−consisting of only nine pages−is surprisingly incomplete, lacking many references to the songs listed in the newspapers. It seems likely that the opening scene contained the first five musical items listed below, but their location in the libretto can only be conjectured. There is little room for plot incidents, let alone character development. There are few direct references to the war with France, save Caroline’s rescue from a French Frigate. The relevance to the current political situation hangs on the audience’s knowledge that the English navy was stationed in that part of the world. Even so, the result is a conventional love story with a mildly exotic locale. Sailors who show up in disguise at an Italian opera house and sing arias would seem to be far removed from the realities of war. While the occasional use of Italian in spoken dialogue and sung text helps to support this locale, the work was merely a framework on which to attach well-known pieces of music.

Music The score was a pastiche that borrowed from divergent sources. The following list of musical numbers is drawn from newspaper advertisements and Larpent MS. 1021: Grand March (Giovanni Paisiello) “May our Navy Old England for ever protect,” (William Shield) “Stand to your Guns, my Heart of Oak,” (Thomas Carter) “No good without an exception,” (Charles Dibdin) “When on board our trim vessel,” (Thomas Carter)

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“Beviamo tutti tre,” (Tommaso Giordani) ? “Saper bramante . . . Non dubitar, O Figaro,” (G. Paisiello, Il Barbiere di Siviglia) “Water Parted from the Sea,” (Thomas Arne) “God preserve his Majesty.”

The music was chosen to appeal to patriotic sentiments, from composers who were either well-known British theatre composers or Italians whose operas had enjoyed success at the King’s Theatre. Four of the works survive in published form. Shield’s “May our Navy for ever Old England protect Our Laws, Constitution and King” was eventually published as a duet, and the title page indicates that it was sung by Incledon and Bowden.26 The author of the text for this two-verse duet is not listed, but the lyrics praise the navy for its role in protecting the nation and its values. Given the nature of the text, it is possible that the duet was written especially for the performances of Naples Bay. Shield’s setting is quite elaborate, with the second verse written out in a different arrangement and given a new ending. There is a fair amount of independence in the vocal writing, and the piano accompaniment in the published version is indicative of an elaborate orchestral accompaniment in the original. [Music Example 7 - 6]. “Water Parted from the Sea” is taken from Act III of Arne’s Artaxerxes (1762) where it was assigned to the character Arbaces, sung originally by the soprano castrato, Tenducci. The ternary aria quickly became one of the most popular in the opera, and was much published on its own. Given the absence of a castrato singer at the theatre, it became necessary to make use of an octave transposition in the vocal line to accommodate a tenor voice.27 The orchestration is particularly rich and rather dense, consisting of parts for two clarinets, two bassoons (separate from the bass line), two horns, strings and continuo.

26

London: Longman and Broderip, [1795]. This music is heard on the complete recording of Artaxerxes, Hyperion CDA 67051/2, with soloists and The Parley of Instruments conducted by Roy Goodman. A facsimile of the score published by John Johnson in 1762 has been released in five volumes by King’s Music.

27

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Ex. 7 - 6: Shield, “May our Navy for ever Old England Protect,” mm. 1-20.

Carter’s “Stand to your guns” was also known as “The Sea Fight” in Isaac Jackman’s The Milesian from 1777.28 The song contains a dramatically-active text in which the character of George admonishes the sailors under him to be ready for battle. The text that follows describes the preparations for the battle and the ensuing victory as the enemy ship sinks to the bottom of the sea. The latter incident is graphically described in Carter’s music, following an opening section that contains military fanfares. Even though this work was written to describe an earlier period of war, it still was highly topical in 1794, and the highly dramatic text would have helped to compensate for the general weakness of the plot for Naples Bay. [Music Example 7 - 7].

28

Thomas Carter, “The Sea Fight, Sung by Mr Bannister in the Milesian” (London: Printed for A.A.& P. Thompson, [1780]).

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Ex. 7 - 7: Thomas Carter, “The Sea Fight” from The Milesian, excerpts.

By contrast, the inclusion of Dibdin’s “No good without an exception” would appear to have diluted the already thin plot. Dibdin’s comic song was of recent vintage, coming from his entertainment, Castles in the Air, of 1793.29 Each of the four verses in this strophic setting mentions some of the good things in life (wines, wives, the law, fame, friends, etc.), but ends with cynical exceptions (wives are unfaithful, friends want money, fame is useless in the grave, etc.). The words are witty and the tune matches the text well, but both the subject matter and the musical style seems out of step with the mood of the piece, and its inclusion may reflect the recognition that Naples Bay was inherently flawed. Towards the end of the work, the Larpent manuscript contains the cryptic annotation “they sing Bassiello’s [sic] duet which Mara sung as a song.” The character of Basilio appears in Giovanni Paisiello’s Il Barbiere di Siviglia (1782), and the singer referenced is Gertrud Elisabeth Mara (1749-1833), the German-born soprano whose first London appearances took place in 1784. Some of her greatest operatic and concert successes were enjoyed in that city. Paisiello’s opera was first heard in London in 1789 (and revived in the 1792-93 season), although an aria from the opera had been interpolated in the performances of the same composer’s Il Marchese Tulipano, given in London in 1786.30 A problem arises with this annotation in that there is no duet for Basilio and Rosina (the later role sung by Mara) in the opera, while there are duets for Rosina and Bartolo, and Rosina and Count Almaviva. The role of Bartolo in the opera is 29

Charles Dibdin, “No Good Without an Exception” (London: by the Author, [1793]). 30 Frederick C. Petty, Italian Opera in London: 1760-1800. No. 16 of Studies in Musicology (Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Research Press, 198), 230-31 & 263.

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written for the bass voice, while that of the count is a tenor role. Given that Miss Poole (in the role of Caroline) was at this point singing with the tenor, Incledon, leads to the conclusion that they performed the duet that ends Act I of the opera, “Saper bramante . . . Non dubitar, O Figaro.” It is likely that Pierce confused the names of the two male characters in the opera when writing the Larpent manuscript. Exactly when Mara sang this duet as a solo item has not been identified. Even in an era when pastiche scores were common, the presence of so many composers (Paisiello, Shield, Carter, Dibdin, Giordani and Arne) and so many different styles results in a less than satisfying confection. As good as the individual pieces may be, they make strange bedfellows in a work that attempts to transform the political situation of the day into a drawing room comedy, but with limited success. Love and Honour; or Britannia in Full Glory at Spithead (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 9 May 1794, one performance only) Author: R.B. Sheridan, in part Composer: Pastiche score, likely arranged by William Shield Publication: This work was never published in the eighteenth century. Larpent Manuscript No. 1022 [Reproduction: Readex micro-opaque; Readex microfiche].

The European Magazine (May 1794, 388) indicates that this musical interlude in one act (the third of four short pieces on a programme that also included Hartford Bridge) was written for the benefit evening of Margaret Martyr and that it was “favourably received.” Given the long description of the plot, it is possible that the publication expected that it would enter the repertory. This did not come to pass and, in spite of its seeming success on 9 May, the work was not performed again. While the Grand Naval Review that ended the work (with the “Firing and Manoeuvring of the Spanish and English Fleets at Spithead”) was deemed to be highly impressive, one can begin to appreciate the European Magazine’s criticism of programming multiple afterpieces.

Plot The manuscript shows considerable amounts of rewriting and revision, with several cover sheets pasted over the original text. None of these appear to result from objections from John Larpent, although it is not possible to know when the script was sent for approval because no application to Larpent survives. Plot summaries were printed in both the

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Morning Post and the European Magazine. The following description is taken from the European Magazine (May 1794, 388): The subject of this little piece may be given in a few words. Mary understanding that her sweetheart William (a sailor) was stationed in India, resolves, instead of staying at home, moping and lamenting his absence, to enter on shipboard (under the disguise of a sailor) in pursuit of him. For this purpose she sets off for Portsmouth, accompanied by her brother Dick, who endeavours to persuade her to drop the enterprize, and return back— striving at the same time, to alarm her fears of being taken and carried to France, or of what she may suffer on shipboard for her idle pranks.—In the mean time, William appears to have landed, having just escaped from shipwreck, but saved his property; and on his return to see his father, and sweetheart Mary, is taken by a press-gang, a division of which having also taken in Mary, is the means of an interview being effected between the lovers, at the critical moment when they might have been separated forever.—The Lieutenant of the press-gang, who appears also to have felt the shafts of love, dismisses William on Mary’s discovering herself, and permits the lovers to return home happy.

This work is far more concerned with personal struggles than political issues. The role of Mary was tailor-made for Mrs. Martyr, who specialized in playing spirited women, often in male disguise. She was the sole female in the cast, and was given significant acting opportunities. Her song, “Maidens listen,” encourages women to take an active approach to wooing men (“For have courage to go for your love the world o’er”). Mary is revealed as the archetypal “modern” heroine, and it is her valour that results in a happy conclusion, not the traditional qualities of beauty, obedience or social graces. The character says early in the piece “I verily believe it is the Petticoat only that makes most women Cowards.” After Mary’s identity is revealed, the Lieutenant remarks: “Brave Girl! You deserve your William & shall return home with him, happy. ƍTwould be cruel of me to separate you.” Although the plot provided her with some picturesque opportunities, the obvious weakness of the denouement likely contributed to the work not entering the regular repertoire.

Music The Morning Post (10 May, [3]) reports that the music was “flatteringly received,” and the audience does not seem to have been disturbed by the presence of music by five composers. Indeed, the presence of Shield as the composer/arranger prompted the Oracle and Public Advertiser (10 May, [3]) to report “SHIELD is the Composer. When

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we say this, it informs our Readers of infinite taste and sweetness.” Much of the score was newly composed, perhaps indicating that considerable time and preparation had gone into the production. The newspapers carried extensive listings of the musical contents of the work: *“The Wand’ring Tar,” (words from the epilogue of Sheridan’s The Rivals, newly set by William Shield), two verses “A Sea Storm,” (premiere of song; composer not named) *“The British Salute,” (newly composed by Wm. Reeve), three verses *“The Sailor’s Lullaby,” (new words adapted to Stephen Storace’s “Lullaby”) “A Dozen at the Gangway,” (newly composed by Wm. Parke) *“The Pride of the Sea,” (newly composed by Wm. Parke), four verses “I’ll bless my King and cheerily sing,” (newly composed by William Shield) *“Maidens listen,” (newly composed by William Parke) *“Rule Britannia,” (Thomas Arne).

Only the songs marked with an asterisk can be identified in the Larpent manuscript, while the others were advertised in the newspapers. It appears that the text was still a prototype when sent to the censor’s office. Furthermore, the manuscript text contains indications for songs (“Ere a fortnight be gone” and “I’ll learn apace to slice and brace”) that were not performed in the final version of the work. Unfortunately, none of the newly-composed songs were published or, if they were, they have not survived. This is particularly unfortunate in the case of “The Wand’ring Tar,” a song that was not only praised in the press, but the text of which was printed. Storace’s celebrated lullaby from his opera, The Pirates, survives in both its original form and in various arrangements.31 This tune and Arne’s chestnut from his Alfred (1740) are the only musical relics from this production. [Music Example 7 - 8]. Examination of the surviving song texts reveals that most have numerous verses, inviting the supposition that they were treated in a strophic manner. The exceptions are Parke’s setting of “Maidens listen,” the resetting of Storace’s lullaby, and “Ere a fortnight be gone.” The presence of Incledon in the cast may have occasioned the writing of the new song, “A Sea Storm,” if indeed this was a new song, and not another performance by Incledon of the ballad, “The Storm,” a capella. If truly a premiere of a similar song, it was likely an attempt to capitalize upon the singer’s past successes. 31

“Peaceful slumb’ring on the Ocean” (London: Printed for J. Dale, [c. 1795]).

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Ex. 7 - 8: Storace: “Lullaby,” from The Pirates, mm. 1-12.

The British naval victory and control of the Caribbean island of Martinique gave the Covent Garden theatre another attempt at topical theatre in the form of an afterpiece. The Fall of Martinico; or, Britannia Triumphant (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 24 May 1794; one performance only) Author: anon Composer: pastiche score of unknown authorship Publications: The text was not published, nor does the censor’s copy survive.

Little is known of the provenance of this “musical prelude,” and no copy of the text survives in the Larpent collection of plays. The description of the work (found in the Morning Herald for the day of the performance) reads more like an offering from Astley’s than is the norm for Covent Garden: With the Storming of the Fort, and a View of the Fleet and Harbour. In which will be introduced the Grand Ceremony of the Enemy’s Surrendering the Colours, and marching out before the British Troops. The whole (including Dances) got up entirely under the direction of Byrn.

The reference to “Byrn” is likely to the dancer, James Byrne. Of the music used in the production, only “Hark! the Drum beats to Arms” by John Worgan has been identified. The King’s Theatre does not often appear in this study by nature of its repertory. The events of the Glorious First of June were too significant to the country for even this theatre to ignore. On 23 June 1794, following the performance of Giovanni Paisiello’s La Serva Padrona, and a violin

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concerto by Giornovichi, the celebratory cantata, la Vittoria, was performed by the house musicians and the soprano, Mme Brigitta Banti (c.1756-1806), a reigning star in the 1790s. The Morning Chronicle (24 June, [3]) reports that the cantata was by Paisiello and that, in its original form, had been performed fifteen times in Naples. Banti brought the music to the attention of the managers of the King’s Theatre, and suggested that, revised, it could serve to celebrate the recent naval victory. The task of adapting the words to suit the celebrations fell to the house poet, Lorenzo da Ponte. Banti supervised the production, and her efforts appear to have been warmly regarded. In the role of the Goddess of Victory, her singing was described as having “enchanted taste,” and her descent into the temple was much applauded. The evening concluded with a grand allegorical ballet, in which Mme del Caro appeared. Banti reappeared at the end of the programme to sing the inevitable “Rule Britannia” by Arne, but in English so accented that the effect was comic. The Drury Lane theatre was rather slow to mount its tribute to Howe’s victory, waiting until five months had elapsed from the actual events portrayed. It is possible that the earlier failures of so many patriotic afterpieces at Covent Garden encouraged some caution. The Glorious First of June (Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, 2, 4 & 5 July, 14 & 18 October 1794) Authors: Joseph Richardson [prologue], John Cobb, and Richard Sheridan; lyrics by the Duke of Leeds, the Earl of Mulgrave, Colonel Phipps, Mary Robinson, Joseph Richardson and others Composer: Stephen Storace, with one song each by William Reeve, Thomas Linley Sr., and Michael Kelly and other possible borrowing Publications: Songs, duetts, choruses, &c. in a new . . . entertainment, called the Glorious First of June. London: C. Lowndes, [1794]. Modern critical edition: The Dramatic Works of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, ed. Cecil Price, 2 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), II: 759-74. This text represents the copy sent to John Larpent, but enlarged to include materials found in the published score and from newspaper reports. Larpent Manuscript No. 1032 [Reproduction: Readex microfiche] Score: The Favourite Airs, Duetts, Glees, & Chorusses in the new Musical Entertainment, call’d The Glorious First of June . . . London: J. Dale, [1794].

The Glorious First of June is an afterpiece in one act, the text by John Cobb and Richard Sheridan. The work was an occasional piece, with the result that it enjoyed only five performances (at the end of the 1793-94 and

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the beginning of the 1794-95 seasons) before being considered no longer topical. Sheridan, however, thought sufficiently of the work to revise it as Cape St. Vincent; or, British Valour Triumphant, in 1797. At the time of the premiere, the work was known to have been written quickly, and the European Magazine (July 1794, 60) records that “this piece is a sort of continuation of No Song No Supper. . . hastily put together for the occasion.”32 The theatre only decided to present the work in late June, precipitating the haste in writing.33 The actor, Dicky Suett, reprised the character of the lawyer, Endless, first seen in Prince Hoare’s farce, No Song No Supper. The work contained both singing and dancing, and the ballets were choreographed by James D’Egville for a troop of five dancers. The singers included Nancy Storace, then a reigning singer in London who had earlier given the premiere of the role of Sussana in le Nozze di Figaro in Vienna, and Michael Kelly, the noted tenor singer and composer, who had also taken part in the premiere of Mozart’s opera. Documents record that Kemble made application to John Larpent on 1 July, only a day before the work was performed. There is evidence of much revision in the examination manuscript, and the various descriptions of the scenes differ from those in the published text.34 The song texts, in particular, appear to have been afterthoughts, and several of them were written on dissimilar pages inserted into the existing dialogue. There are only eight references to music in the manuscript, of which six have their full texts. This compares to the eleven numbers in the published score. Given that Michael Kelly states that the entire work was got up within three days, it is possible that the libretto was not finalized until after the first performance, and that the approval script was already out of date by the time it reached Larpent.35 As shown below, it was altered again for 32

No Song No Supper was an afterpiece by Prince Hoare that had been first presented on 20 September 1792 by the Drury Lane troupe, but at the King’s Theatre. 33 Jane Girdham, English Opera in Late Eighteenth-Century London: Stephen Storace at Drury Lane (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997), 216. 34 Dougald MacMillan, Catalogue of the Larpent Plays in the Huntington Library. No. 4 of Huntington Library Lists (San Marino, California: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, 1939), 1032. 35 Michael Kelly, Reminiscences of Michael Kelly of the King’s Theatre and Theatre Royal Drury Lane, ed. and with an introduction by A. Hyatt King. 2 vols (1826; reprint, New York: Da Capo Press, 1968), II: 63-64. Jane Girdham comments on the lateness of the submission of the approval script and the fact that Larpent appears to have read it only on the day of the premiere. English Opera in Late Eighteenth-Century London, 217.

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subsequent performances. The Times’ review from the day after the premiere states “the new Piece, which may be fairly exempted from passing the ordeal of criticism, as having been written so much on the spur of the occasion, that the copy, we understand, was not delivered to the Prompter till Monday morning, comes from the pen of Mr. Cobb, who has the merit at least of keeping pace with the original idea of Mr. Sheridan by making it perfectly appropriate to the transaction it is to celebrate.” Storace’s music appears to have been overshadowed by the spectacular nature of the stage sea fight that the Times (3 July) refers to as “the most complicated, as well as striking spectacle ever exhibited.” The occasional nature of the work results from its being given as a benefit (in conjunction with Lloyd’s Coffee House) for the relief of the Widows and Orphans who had lost their husbands and fathers during the naval engagement between the British and French fleets on the previous 1 June. The opening night was a glittering affair, with many members of the nobility present. The critical acclaim and the box office receipts prompted the theatre’s management to mount the work four more times, and to later salvage it in a revised form. The text appears to have changed with subsequent representations: for the performance of 14 October 1794, choruses and other music were added to the work by [?Benjamin] Cooke, [John] Danby, [William] Lyons, [Walter] Maddocks, and [?Thomas] Welsh. Furthermore, fireworks in honour of Howe were added to round off the occasion. A book of lyrics was issued by Cadel, perhaps because of the presence of examples written by members of the nobility. It was a canny ploy on the part of Richard Sheridan to have the Duke of Leeds; John Montagu, 4th Earl of Sandwich; and the Earl of Mulgrave to contribute lyrics.36 Their efforts are certainly no worse than those often heard at the theatres of the day, and they were also printed in the newspapers of the day, indicating a strong interest in the work.

Plot There must have been many problems associated with reproducing a naval battle on stage, something more likely to have been attempted by Astley or the managers of Sadler’s Wells. This may explain why the sentimental plot takes place on land, leaving the sea pageant as a separate entity. 36 The Biographia Dramatica states that other lyrics came from the pens of Mrs. Mary Robinson, and Mr. Richardson.

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Scene i: An Orchard before a Cottage on the Coast of Devonshire. A family laments the death of the son, Henry, a sailor, whose earnings had supported them. Henry’s friend, William, now gives aid to the family because he loves the daughter, Susan. (Glee: “Adieu to the village delights.”) A young boy pretends that he is at war with the French. (Song: “When ‘tis night and the mid watch is come.”) William, who has taken up “the habit of a Labourer, that he may be near to watch over, defend, and sustain them” enters and learns that sailors are in the vicinity.37 Susan fears that he will be called back to active duty. (Song: “Oh stay, my love—my William dear.”) William is torn between patriotic duty and concern for Susan and her family. (Song: “When in War on the Ocean.”) Margaretta extols the virtues of Robin. (Song: “What a silly fool is woman.”) Scene ii: The Park belonging to Commodore Chace’s home. The attorney, Endless, has harassed Susan with unwanted romantic attention. When the Commodore and Tom Oakum enter (?Song “The Old Commodore”), he attempts to poison the Commodore against Susan and her family in the hope of getting their farm for himself. Sailors enter. (Song: “O’er the vast surface of the deep.”) The Commodore criticizes Mary and Susan for being proud and lazy when they complain about Endless who has set the Press Gang after William. The girls tell the Commodore that William is a willing volunteer, and he agrees to stop Endless. (Duet: “Our hearts with joy expanding.”) Scene iii: The Sea Fight. Scene iv: The Orchard before the Cottage. Margaretta tells Cicely that she fears Robin is unfaithful to her after she has witnessed him giving money to Susan. In reality, Robin is William’s friend and has decided to help the family, and take William’s place in battle. (Song: “Never, never, when you’ve won us.”) When Susan enters, Margaretta offers to tell her fortune. (Duet: “Of lovers you’ll have plenty.”) Margaretta wants the money that Robin gave to Susan, but is interrupted by the news that the battle has been won and Robin is safe. (Song: “Our line was form’d, the French lay to.”) Scene v: Enter Robin with a crutch and his Arm in a sling and Patch on his face. Following the British victory, Robin and William are reunited, both having served in the naval engagement. The family go to see the Commodore who upbraids Endless for his oppressive treatment of the family, and Tom suggests that Endless be dunked in punishment. A general Fete follows.

37 Unidentified newspaper clipping in the Theatre Museum of London, file: “Drury Lane, July 3, 1794.”

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Although hastily written, the work appears to have been well staged, and much appreciated by the audience. The technical resources of this large theatre must have been to good use in the spectacular pageant featuring model ships recreating aspects of the battle: We then come to The Glorious First of June, and such a scene the Theatre never exhibited. The immense stage of Drury is turned into a sea, and the two Fleets are seen manœuvring. Nothing can surpass the enchantment of this prospect. It is not the usual trifle of pasteboard ships. The Vessels are large, perfect models of the real Ships they represent, and made with such minute beauty, as to be worthy of a place in the most curious collection. All the manœuvres of the day are executed with nautical skill;–the lines are formed;–they bear down on each other; the firing is well managed, and kept up warmly for some time on both sides; at length, the French line is broken, several of their ships are dismasted–boarded–taken, and two sunk, as on the real occasion, . . .38

The European Magazine (July 1794, 60) comments that this “sea-fight in particular was one of the most beautiful ever exhibited on the stage” although it refrains from making any criticism of the work as a whole because of its being “hastily put together for the occasion.” Not all of the press was so charitable, and the Oracle, Public Advertiser (4 July 1794, [3]) claimed that “it is not our good fortune to discern [Sheridan’s] genius in the dialogue,” and denigrated the collaborative efforts of Cobb and Sheridan (but without mentioning Cobb).

Music The score was advertised as being by Stephen Storace, although Michael Kelly asserts that there was little original music by Storace in the score. Furthermore, Kelly claims that he was so “much employed in writing the music” that he asked for only a short speaking part.39 The pastiche score appears to have been appreciated, although it may have been somewhat overshadowed by the spectacle of the lavish stage presentation. A vocal score was released under Storace’s name by J. Dale 38

The Salopian Journal, 9 July 1794. This has been cited by Cecil Price, ed., The Dramatic Works of Richard Brinsley Sheridan. 2 vols (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), 756-57. A nearly identical wording is found in an unidentified review in the Theatre Museum of London, file: “Drury Lane, July 3, 1794.” 39 Kelly, Reminiscences, II: 63. Kelly relates that his speaking part consisted solely of “There stands my Louisa’s cottage; she must be either in it or out of it.” One is reminded of the old adage about answered prayers.

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in 1794. While the work does contain original music by Storace, it also shows that he freely borrowed from other composers: one song each by William Reeve, Thomas Linley Sr., Michael Kelly, Joseph Baildon, and a chorus by Thomas Arne. The title page of the score presents a lavish illustration of the naval battle, as well as the details of the performance at Drury Lane. The absence of the overture in the publication can be explained by the comment in the advertisement on the day of the premiere that the “overture will be a Concerto by Mr. Giornovichi in which he will perform.” It appears that Storace’s response to having to compile and compose the score in such hurry was to bring in the noted Italian/Russian violinist, Giovanni Mane Giornovichi, to play one of his extremely popular violin concerti. Storace did eventually compose an overture that was published as a separate issue by Dale, as were several of the favourite songs from the work.40 The following lists the contents of the vocal score: Glee (Mary, Susan, Boy and Country Man): “Adieu to the Village delights which lately my fancy enjoy’d,” (SATB quartet), Eb major, 34; originally a three-voice glee by the French composer, J. Baildon, expanded to four voices by Storace.41 Song (Boy):“When ‘tis Night and the mid-watch is come,” (boy soprano), G major, 44, two-verse strophic song; the music by Th. Linley, Sr., Song (Susan): “Oh stay, my Love, my William dear,” C major, 34, threeverse strophic song for soprano voice Song (William): “When in War on the Ocean,” Bb major, 34, four-verse strophic song for tenor voice [also published under the title of “He Lives but to Conquer & Conquers to Save”] Quintet: “Th’eventful hour is near at hand,” (SATTB), D major, 44, through-composed Song (Tom): “O’er the vast surface of the deep,” G major, 44, four-verse strophic song for baritone voice Duet (Mary & Susan): “Our hearts with Joy expanding” (SA duet), D major, 68, two-verse strophic duet (second verse written out in full) Song (Margaretta): “Never when you’ve won us,” A major, 24, throughcomposed air for soprano voice; adapted from Mengossi’s aria “Donne, donne chi vi crede” inserted into Paisiello’s Gli schiavi per amore during the London performances of 1787.42 Dialogue Duet (Margaretta & Susan): “Of Lovers you’ll have plenty,” (SS duet), Bb major, 24, through-composed duet

40

Dale published a reduction of the opera adapted for the German flute in 1795. Girdham, English Opera, 217. The author examines Storace’s changes to the music that he borrowed in some detail. 42 Ibid. 41

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Chapter Seven Song (Ben): “The line was form’d,” C major, 34, three-verse strophic air for bass voice; the text is ascribed to Lord Mulgrave in the British Library copy Ensemble, “Rule Britannia” (four male and three female voices), C major, 4 4, six-verse strophic air; the music by Thomas Arne.

Other songs are mentioned in the libretto and reviews, but not found in the published vocal score. No music has been located for the air, “What a silly fool is woman,” sung by Margaretta at the end of scene one. A review in the Times (5 July 1794, [2]) refers to Michael Kelly’s performance “He lives but to Conquer.” This song is the same as “When in War on the Ocean,” but was published under Storace’s name as a separate song by J. Dale with its popular title.43 That this stage work had commercial viability for the publisher Dale can be seen in the separate publication of “Oh, stay my love,” “O’er the vast surface,” “When in War on the Ocean,” “The line was form’d,” and “When ‘tis night” in a folio format. Given that the published vocal score is in oblong folio format, these separate releases had to be made from new plates. Similarly, Reeve’s contribution, “The Old Commodore,” is not found in the vocal score, but was published separately, without publisher attribution. Since Reeve’s sole surviving contribution to the stage work does not figure in the libretto, it is possible that he contributed others after the premiere, and that they were not published. The text for “The Old Commodore” presents the elderly gentleman regretting his inability to go back to sea and fight the enemy, stating that “this batt’d Old Hulk can’t be rigg’d out for Sea once more.” He complains “Bullets and the Gout have so knock’d his Hull about that he’ll never more be fit for Sea.” This threeverse strophic song is cast very much in Reeve’s popular style with the colourful and colloquial words set in a predominantly syllabic fashion. [Music Example 7 - 9].

43 Copy in the British Library. A note, signed “J.O.” in the score of the copy found in the British Library (G. 250.(42.) attributes the text to [John] Cobb.

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Ex. 7 - 9: Reeve, “The Old Commodore,” mm. 1-8.

Storace’s original music is cast in the popular style, and its foursquare simplicity is even more apparent in the reduction from orchestral score. The score (as a whole) is successful in capturing the mood of optimism resulting from Britain’s naval victory. The overture (published separately) is constructed as a rondo in five sections, with the opening strain cast as a march. The second episode (heavily dependent upon sequences) offers a certain amount of rhythmic and harmonic contrast, but the emphasis throughout is on simple melody, as the examples from the piano reduction demonstrate.44 [Music Example 7 -10, opening and 2nd episode].

44

Overture to The Glorious First of June (London: J. Dale, [1794]).

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Ex. 7 - 10: Storace, Overture to The Glorious First of June, mm.1-15, and 60-64.

Given the popular nature of the music, the presence of so many composers did not necessarily result in stylistic conflict. Thomas Linley, Sr. was given the task of creating a song for the boy soprano, Master Welsh, who would have been about fourteen years of age at this time.45 The resulting “When ‘tis Night and the mid-watch is come” proved to be so popular that it enjoyed numerous separate publications in both Dublin and London. The song was reprinted as late as 1850.46 [Music Example 7 11]. One song (or at least the text thereof) appears to have been reused from the previous year. “When in war on the ocean” (not included in the published libretto) had been heard on 2 October 1793 as a part of new scenes dealing with the siege of Toulon inserted into Harlequin’s Chaplet. The text has been attributed to John Montagu, 4th Earl of Sandwich, but the composer was not listed at that time.

45

Presumably this is Thomas Welsh (c. 1780-1848), the noted boy soprano who achieved fame both as concert singer (especially at the Vauxhall Gardens) and in theatrical productions at Drury Lane and the King’s Theatre. He continued to sing as a soprano until around his seventeenth year, when his voice finally broke. Thereafter, he enjoyed considerably less success as a bass singer. 46 Sheridan’s text was far from new, for it had been heard in the revival of Henry Woodward’s pantomime, Fortunatus, on 3 January 1780. Price, Dramatic Works of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, 764.

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Ex. 7 - 11: Thomas Linley, Sr., The Glorious First of June, “When ‘tis Night,” mm. 1-17.

Reviews following the second performance note that there had been some “judicious improvements . . . made in the dialogue” and that the whole performance went more smoothly than the first, with both machinists and performers more perfect in their execution.47 Such was the success of the work that the Times printed a second review (5 July 1794, [2]): This grand and interesting spectacle—a national tribute to national heroism—having received the full varnish of rehearsals, shown on Thursday night with a glow of lustre, as at once to dazzle and captivate. KELLY’S “Conquer to Save,” was such animated harmony that it electrified the feelings. The shipping was managed with so much skill, that an honest tar in the gallery, fired at this deception, exclaimed, “Dowse my lights, how I should like to be among them.”

The review in the Oracle, Public Advertiser describes the scenery as “more brilliant that we have been accustomed to see,” but Storace’s score merited nothing stronger than he “provided the Music with his usual taste and Science.” Public interest in the work ran high, and the Times (26 July 47

Unidentified review in the Theatre Museum of London, file: “Drury Lane, July 3, 1794.”

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1794, [2]) printed the lyrics for three new songs (called Probationary songs) written by Captain Morris, the Duke of Norfolk, and Mr. Grey for possible inclusion in The Glorious First of June. The copy given to the newspaper was allegedly provided by the prompter at the theatre. Each song was meant to be sung to existing tunes: “Bow, wow, wow,” “Could I trace back the Time,” and “How stands the Glass around?” However, there is no record of these songs being accepted into performances of piece. That they were constructed to be sung to existing tunes furthers the perception that audiences saw patriotic works as largely relying upon popular music idioms, rather than concert music. Rule Britannia! A Loyal Sketch (Theatre Royal, Haymarket, 18 August 1794; played five times in the month of August before the end of the season) Author: James Roberts Composer and compiler: Samuel Arnold (other music by Lord Mornington, Handel, Arne, Boyce, Pleyel, etc.) Publications: Rule Britannia! A Loyal Sketch. London: Hookham and Carpenter, 1794. Larpent MS. 1035 [Reproduction: Readex microopaque; Readex microfiche].

This afterpiece in two acts was presented on the evening of Maria Gibbs’ benefit, and was the third work on the programme. In essence, Rule Britannia is a picturesque love story with strong patriotic overtones centring on the glory of the British fleet and the captured French boats at Portsmouth. The third scene of the first act portrayed a procession in which the British flag waved triumphantly over that of the French. The work concluded with a representation of Portsmouth, as illuminated for the occasion. The hero of the day, Earl Howe, was represented on a specially painted transparency, and the printed version of the text contains a lavish dedication to Howe by James Roberts. The work contains a wide of range of recognizable character types such as ineffectual aristocrats and brave sailors etc. The chorus consists of gipsies, sailors, and undifferentiated townspeople.

Plot Act I, scene i: Sir Tremor and Lady Hectic are discovered at breakfast. She complains about provincial Portsmouth, while he describes himself as “a true Britain” who longs “to hail the arrival of our glorious naval commanders, and brave seamen” (10). He sings (Songs: “Britons Strike Home,” and “Hearts of Oak are our Ships”) to his wife’s consternation. A waiter introduces M. Barleduc, an émigré. Lady Tremor asks him to sing

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the love song that that was “so very characteristic of both nations.” (Song “Ven de Englis genteeman goes a for to make a love.”) Lady Hectic is enraptured by Barleduc. Act I, scene ii: Gipsy Huts. Sophia, Anna and several gipsies come forward. (Song and Chorus: “O’er hills and dales we lightly rove.”) Sophia consults the gipsy about the return of her beloved, William. Anna reveals that she was high born, but was reduced to becoming a gipsy. (Song: “Take this wreath, this pledge of love.”) The girls pray for peace when they hear gun shots. (Song: “Hope, thou balm and source of pleasure.”) They hide in a copse of trees when Lady Hectic and M. Barleduc approach. Lady Hectic fears that Barleduc will take advantage of her extreme susceptibility, but he is convinced to leave. Sophia enters, and Lady Hectic chastises her for being unchaperoned in public. Since they are both guilty of the same error, they break off their dispute at the approach of Sir Tremor. When Barleduc returns, the two men argue over Barleduc’s attentions to Lady Hectic. Act I, scene iii: A View of Spithead, with the British Fleet bringing the French Prizes. Enter a Procession of Sailors, &c. bearing Banners, Naval Trophies, &c. Two Sailors enter, one bearing the royal Standard, the other dragging the French tri-coloured Flag. (Song and chorus: “Now, my lads, let us drink, for our foes are no more—Heart of oak.”) Act II, scene i: The Gipsy huts. (Glee: “Here, in cool grot and mossy cell.”) Anna is reunited with Thomas. (Song: “Now we have beat the foe.”) Captain Anchor is assured by Anna and Thomas that Sophia will soon arrive. Thomas extols Anchor’s patriotism. (Song: “Oh, how my bosom expands.”) Thomas relates how Anchor had saved his life on several occasions. Anna is revealed to be the captain’s sister; Thomas fears that she is above his station, but Anchor assures him that “an honest man is an honour to any family” (34). Sophia is reunited with the captain. Act II, scene ii: An illuminated street. Peals of Bells are heard, Marrowbones and Cleavers. Several Persons cross the Stage singing and dancing. Boys with newspapers run about crying “Great and bloody News.” Sir Tremor reveals that Barleduc has been taken as a spy. Sophia and Anchor receive Sir Tremor’s blessing. The quartet of lovers are invited back to the inn with Sir Tremor and Lady Hectic. A transparency of Earl Howe is lowered onto the stage. (Song and Chorus: “Rule, Britannia.”)

There is little in the story by James Roberts to distinguish his work from other romantic comedies where lovers are reunited after a difficult time apart, and the revelation of their true parentage. Larpent did not demand any changes to the text, but one wonders if the reference to a “stupid farce” in Mrs. Larpent’s journal (13 August 1794) is not a

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reference to this work. The piece played well to two elements then much in favour: sentimentality and patriotism. Although heavily balanced to spoken text, the author realized that patriotism was strongly associated with music even when music itself was not present. This is demonstrated in the speech by Sir Tremor Hectic: “They are come!—“See the conquering Hero comes.” Huzza!—“Britons strike home.”—“Rule Britannia”! Here, the mention of song titles, alone, was sufficient to invoke a patriotic response. Unfortunately, James Roberts played the scene for comic effect. The approval script reveals the musical components for the work to have been more settled than was often the norm in other patriotic offerings. All but one of the set pieces (“Now we have beat the foe”) are found in Larpent MS.1035.

Music The following music is listed as having been performed in the work: Act I Naval Overture. Snatches of the songs “Britons strike home,” [likely a reference to The Sailor’s Rehearsal of 1780] and “Hearts of Oak are our Ships,” [William Boyce, Harlequin’s Invasion, 1759] sung by Sir Tremor Song (Barleduc): “Ven de Englis genteeman goes a for to make a love,” two verses Song and Chorus (Anna, Sophia and gipsies): “O’er hills and dales we lightly rove,” four verses; only two verses given in Larpent MS. 1035 Song (Anna): “Take this wreath, this pledge of love,” [listed as being by Ignace J. Pleyel], two verses Rondeau (Sophie): “Hope, thou balm and source of pleasure,” [listed as by Sarti in the Larpent manuscript], seemingly through-composed Song (1st Sailor and chorus): “Now, my lads, let us drink,” and chorus, “Heart of Oak,” two verses; four verses given in Larpent MS. 1035 Act II Glee (gipsies): “Here, in cool grot and mossy cell,” [Lord Mornington] Song (Thomas): “Now we have beat the foe,” three verses, not in Larpent MS. 1035 Song (Captain Anchor): “Oh, how my bosom expands,” two verses Hornpipe and Sailors’ Dance [from Larpent manuscript:] Song and Chorus (Captain Anchor and assembled people): “Rule, Britannia, rule the waves,” [Thomas Arne, Alfred, three verses]. Set pieces in the Larpent manuscript not found in the published script: Song (Thomas): “Oh, she’s a sweet pretty creature”

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Duet (Anne &Thomas, and chorus): “Is Annette here?”

Arnold chose some very familiar music by Lord Mornington and Arne to insert into the score. The reference to Sarti is likely to Giuseppe Sarti (1729-1802), several of whose Italian operas had been performed in London since 1784, and whose Le Nozze di Dorina was revived during the 1794-95 season in London.48 Unfortunately, Arnold’s own music appears lost. That the work played only five times can be explained, in part, by its topical nature, and the presence of another “Portsmouth” work, with music by Arnold, presented by the same theatre only two days later. Neither work really had much time to make a great impact in the Haymarket’s 1994 season as it closed less than a month later on 15 September. Britain’s Glory; or, A Trip to Portsmouth (Little Theatre in the Haymarket, 20 August 1794; four performances before 3 June 1795) Author: Robert Benson Composer: Samuel Arnold Publications: Britain’s Glory; or A Trip to Portsmouth. London: J. Barker, 1794 Reproduction: Readex micro-opaque, Readex microfiche; Micrographics II (Charlottesville, Virginia) in the series English Literature and Culture, microfilm reel no. 764. ECCO CW 106672949. Other editions of text: “new ed.” London: J. Barker, 1795; London: J. Wallis, [1798]. Larpent MS. 1036 [Reproduction: Readex Microfiche].

In one act, this afterpiece concluded with a representation of the Grand Naval Review held in Portsmouth in honour of George III’s visit to the city on 28 June. The royal visit was still very topical, given that it had happened only seven weeks earlier. Benson’s work required a fairly large cast of eleven men and six women. The work was staged on the evening of Mrs. Kemble’s benefit, with Benson playing the role of Cabin.

Plot Scene i: A street in Portsmouth. After landing, sailors inquire after their ladies. Freeman, is advised against Miss Montague, whose guardian wishes her to marry for wealth. The impending visit of the King is discussed, as is the duplicity of the French and their treatment of English prisoners. (Song: “Ye true sons of Britain!”) The men leave, and Deborah rails against her niece, Peggy, for her interest in a sailor. Peggy states that she admires his 48

See Theodore Fenner, Opera in London, Views of the Press: 1785-1830 (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1994), 101-03, for an assessment of Sarti’s London career.

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Chapter Seven patriotism, and the two conspire to go off in search of Richard, the object of her love. (Song: “ƍTwas within a mile of Edinburgh town.”) Harriet Montague enters, dressed in boy’s clothing, searching for Freeman, and hoping to escape a forced marriage to an older man. (Song: “Hope, doubt and fear.”) She learns from a sailor that Freeman is alive and well. Sailors insult Flimsey, a male milliner, for being unmanly and for not serving in the British cause. (Song: “ƍTwas on the twenty-eighth of May.”) A Corporal and a Sergeant encourage two young men to join the Army. All set off to see the naval review. (Song: “The bells are begun and the music folks play.”) Scene ii: A Room at a Tavern. Freeman, Heartly and other sailors salute the King’s health, and discuss British patriotism. (Song: “Ye free born sons, Britannia’s boast.”) The men leave to greet the King’s arrival. Harriet and Captain Freeman are reunited and express their love. A review of the ships in the port follows. (Song: “Great Britain still her charter boasts.”)

The very few deletions in the approval text (dated 16 August 1794) appear to have come from the theatre, rather than John Larpent, and there are few differences between this and the published text. Only two verses of Harriet’s song, “Hope, doubt and fear,” are found in Larpent MS. 1036, and the finale there was to have been a performance of Arne’s “Rule Britannia.” The work is very much a spoken play with incidental music, as opposed to even those English operas with spoken dialogue where the proportion between dialogue and music is more nearly even. Benson may not have been comfortable writing lyrics, for he borrowed from two other authors, even taking one text from a newspaper. The poet of “Ye true sons of Britain!” was Mrs. Mary Robinson, who is acknowledged in the printed text. That for “ƍTwas on the twenty-eighth of May” is said to have been “written by an officer on board the Bellerophon, the day after the action. It has been printed in the True Briton.”49 The original being too long for lyric purposes, Benson states that he only borrowed two stanzas. Although Benson’s work was strongly patriotic, it did not enter the standard repertory, and received only four performances. The characters have no particular interest and the incidents of the plot are less well developed than even in Rule Britannia! A Loyal Sketch, a work that, itself, played only five times. Even the portrayal of cowardly Flimsey lacks dramatic interest when his appearance is so brief. While Genest was prepared to forgive the lack of plot interest because of “its loyal and 49

Robert Benson, Britain’s Glory; 1794), 22.

OR,

A Trip to Portsmouth (London: J. Barker,

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patriotic sentiments,” the work was not strong enough dramatically to survive once the interest in Lord Howe’s victory had subsided.50 For a work that received only four performances, however, it is remarkable that it received so many publications during the eighteenth century.

Music The following indications for music can be cited: 1) Overture 2) Song (Freeman): “Ye true sons of Britain! whose valour and zeal,” four verses 3) Song (Peggy): “ƍTwas within a mile of Edinburgh town,” by ?James Hook, three verses 4) Song (Harriet): “Hope, doubt and fear are winds and waves,” one verse 5) Chorus (sailors): “ƍTwas on the twenty-eighth of May,” listed as a song for Rudder in Larpent MS. 1036, two verses 6) Song (Susan): “The bells are begun and the music folks play,” three verses 7) Chorus (sailors): “Ye free born sons, Britannia’s boast,” listed as a song for the Captain in Larpent MS.1036, three verses 8) Song (Captain Freeman, Susan, Peggy and Harriet, in turn): “Great Britain still her charter boasts,” not in Larpent MS.1036.

The number of set pieces is not large, and it is unfortunate that Arnold’s overture and all but two of his songs have disappeared. The text for “ƍTwas within a mile” invites the speculation that Hook’s famous setting was used. The published script states that the text “was not written by the author, but introduced by Mrs. Kemble, at the particular request of her friends.”51 Hook’s music had already been heard in a production of Harlequin and Faustus at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, on 19 December 1793, when it was sung by Mrs. Mountain. It was subsequently published in 1794. At some point after the script was sent to John Larpent for approval, the decision was made to conclude the work with Shield’s “Great Britain still her charter boasts.” The four-verse song had been first heard in The Relief of Williamstadt on 23 March 1793. (Discussion of this music is contained in Chapter Six.) Three of Arnold’s songs were published as separately entities, but only one, “The bells are begun and the music folks play,” survives. This 50

John Genest, ed., Some Account of the English Stage from the Restoration in 1660 to 1830 (New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.), VII: 174. 51 Robert Benson, Britains Glory, 14.

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was the most popular song in the work, and Arnold’s setting has resonances of a sea shanty. The tune is memorable, and the use of echo effects makes the work attractive.52 [Music Example 7 - 12].

Ex. 7 - 12: Arnold, Britain’s Glory, “The Bells are begun,” mm. 1-20.

What little can said about the remaining songs−where patriotism sometimes borders on jingoism−is based on their surviving texts. All are multi-verse, and were likely set in a strophic fashion. This might invite the speculation that much of the music in the work tended towards the popular vein, as with the song, “The bells are begun.” The exception here may have been “Hope, doubt and fear are winds and waves,” the text of which suggests a possible concert setting. Critical reception of the new work appears to have been favourable, if the sole review is to be believed. The True Briton (1 September 1794, [3]) records that “Britain’s Glory was also repeated on this occasion, with such success, that it will probably number with the stock pieces of the House.” That prophecy proved true, insofar as the work receiving four performances. A stage work of greater proportions (if not more stature) was Pierce’s Arrived at Portsmouth, given at Covent Garden. As with

52

Published by Preston & Son in London, presumably in 1794.

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Sheridan’s work on the subject of the Glorious First of June, this theatre’s offering contained many elements of a conventional love story. Arrived at Portsmouth (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 30 October 1794. Played three times until 12 November; revived in the 1795-96 season as a piece in one act, when it played five times between 13 January and 28 May 1796) Author: William Pearce Composer and Arranger: William Shield Publications: Songs, Duets, Glees, and other Compositions in The Operatic Drama of Arrived at Portsmouth. London: J.S. Barr, 1794. London: G. Woodfall, 1794. [Reproduction: Readex micro-opaque; Readex Microfiche; Charlottesville, Virginia: Micrographics II, 1989, as a part of the series Eighteenth century sources for the study of English literature and culture, reel no. 808]. Larpent MS. 1043 [Reproduction: Readex microfiche].

Once again, John Larpent appears to have requested no changes to the approval text. Remarkably, for a work of an occasional nature, Arrived at Portsmouth received two publications of the text. Less surprising is that they do not agree in the musical contents, perhaps indicating that the score was still being finalized at the time of the premiere. The Woodfall publication may represent the definitive version of the text in that it contains a dedication by the author dated 22 November 1794, ten days after the last performance in1794. Pearce refers to the work as “a temporary DRAMA, which slight relates to a VICTORY, as brilliant as ever was obtained by the English Fleet.”53 His “operatic drama” calls for a cast of twelve men, three women, and chorus. Yet, with only eleven vocal set numbers in a long text, the term “operatic drama” is rather a misnomer.

Plot Act I, scene i: The Platform and Battery, commanding the Entrance to Portsmouth Harbour. Sailors discuss their delight to be back on British soil. (Song and chorus: “We’ve bade the restless seas adieu.”) Wildfire and Tropic discuss the former’s half-brother, Pendant, who has shown great valour in the battle. The two are delighted to learn that Fanny and Louisa have come to Portsmouth. They discuss the hospitable treatment that French prisoners received in Britain. (Song: “O bring me Wine, bright source of mirth!”) 53 The Biographia Dramatica says of this patriotic work that “with much loyalty and some humour; it answered the purpose for which it was produced.”

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Chapter Seven Act I, scene ii: A room at the Fountain [Inn]. The landlord and Mat argue over boosting the prices at the inn. Louisa, Fanny and Wildfire discuss the death in battle of Louisa’s relative, Captain Seaforth. Pendant joins in the discussion. [The Barr publication indicates that a song was performed by Magnet: “Tho’ seldom I that form can view.”] Ferret, a lawyer, has been engaged by Pendant to check into his potential inheritance, and to place funds (anonymously) at the disposal of Louisa, who has lost her guardian, Colonel Bowers. (Song: “Each flattering promise of Fancy ends here.”) Drummond offers his thanks to Pendant for having rescued him from a French warship. (Song: “With Rosabel, what joy to stray.”) [The Barr publication indicates that Mr. Munden sang “Signal Trumpets, with their clangor,” before the previous song.] Act I, scene iii: The Platform. Wildfire (who secretly dislikes his halfbrother) asks embarrassing questions of Pendant about his success in battles. Piccaroon (a mercenary soldier), Magnet, Tropic, and an Officer discuss the hardships of life at sea. (Glee: “O why to be happy a moment forbear.” The Barr publication indicates that Incledon, Johnstone Bowden, and chorus performed “Hail to the brave.”) Act II, scene i: The old Anchor Forge in Portsmouth Dock Yard. (Chorus: “Here we laugh and work together.”) The wives of the smithies enter with refreshments. (Chorus: “Hark, hark to the Anvil’s ringing.”) Drummond and Magnet survey the works. (Song: “With Pride we steer’d for England’s coast.”) Act II, scene ii: A Room at the Fountain [Inn]. Mr and Mrs Ferret discuss his service to Pendant. She tells her husband that she has seen Piccaroon, who owes them money. Louisa laments Pendant’s reserved attitude towards her. Drummond questions Louisa on her relationship with the late Colonel Bowers. He tells Louisa that Pendant has asked to be shipped out, and that Pendant will be absent from England for four or six years. Louisa is distressed at this news. Drummond pays Louisa court. (Song: “When Love was a stranger.”) Act II, scene iii: A View of the Governor’s House. Wildfire, Tropic, Piccaroon and Somers discuss battles; Tropic and Somers begin to believe that Piccaroon is a fraud. (Song: “Signal Trumpets, with their clangour.”) Act II, scene iv: A Room at the Fountain [Inn]. Fanny and Pendant discuss his going to sea. He believes that Louisa will be better off without him; they exit, unhappily. Wildfire and Tropic discuss Ferret’s attempt to have Piccaroon arrested. Magnet describes the special First of June celebrations. (Duet: “The Seaman, who of wars may tell,”) Wildfire discovers that Piccaroon has made off with all of his belongings and cash. Even his horses have been taken so that he cannot give chase. Ferret enters and tells

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Wildfire that his uncle has died, changing his will at the last minute so that the estate is divided equally between Wildfire, Captain Pendant, and Fanny. Wildfire, who had hoped to inherit the entire estate, is disconsolate. Drummond encourages Pendant to give up the sea, and to stay home and court Fanny. All is resolved happily for the lovers. Act II, scene v: A View of High-street illuminated, including the Markethall, taken from the extremity of the Parade near the Governor’s House. Bells ringing, &c. (Air and chorus: “When next we dare the restless Deep.”)

By the time Covent Garden staged its “Portsmouth” play, other theatres had existing productions of long standing. Perhaps because of this, Covent Garden and William Pearce decided to present a work that was less topical in nature. While patriotic in tone, the events of the first of June are quite incidental to the action, the nature of which centres around filial rivalry, and a potential love triangle. While these themes are universal, Pearce’s poor handling of them did not give great audience satisfaction. Consequently, the work played only eight times between 30 October 1794 and 28 May 1796. All did not go well at the first performance, and there was displeasure over a scene in which a funeral procession had been introduced. This was judged to be in poor taste, and was dropped after the first performance, according to the European Magazine (November 1794, 364).54 The Morning Post and Fashionable World (8 November 1794, [3]) comments on the success of the “judicious alterations,” and generally gives the new work a favourable review. Others were less charitable, and even the European Magazine excuses the poor quality of the work by stating that “in a Drama of this kind loyalty must be admitted as a substitute for plot and invention.” Pearce’s dialogue is often as laboured as is his plot development, and even Shield’s alleged lavish score (only parts of which can be reconstructed) and the attractive scenery could not save the work. The most interesting characters are the villain, Piccaroon, the lawyer, Ferret, and Drummond, all secondary roles. The principals are entirely two-dimensional and lack interest. The review in the Times (1 November, [3]) is particularly negative: “the present production by no means enables us to compliment either the genius or talents of that gentleman [Mr. Pearce], since neither plot, character, incident, or diction, can entitle it to a 54

See also: Michael Winesanker, “Musico-Dramatic Criticism of English Comic Opera. 1750-1800,” Journal of the American Musicological Society II/ii (1949): 88.

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permanent situation on the list of Dramatic Amusements. . . The piece, which is much too long, is enriched with some charming melodies from SHIELD, and several beautiful views of Portsmouth and its environs. The concluding scene of an Illumination, may be deemed the chef d’œuvre of scenic brilliancy and taste.”

Music It seems certain that the choice and order of songs was changed in the days leading up to the premiere, and may have remained fluid during the early days of the theatrical run. Not only are there discrepancies in the order of the songs between the published scripts and the Larpent manuscript, there are songs in The Death of Captain Faulkner (see below), which are attributed to the Arrived at Portsmouth score but that are not listed in the published libretto. The following individual set pieces are identified in the two published scripts. Those marked with an asterisk are found in Larpent MS. 1043: 1) *2)

Overture (Shield) Dialogue Air with chorus (Magnet, Tropic, and Chorus): “We’ve bade the restless seas adieu” [Barr publication indicates *(Magnet): “Tho’ seldom I that form can view”] *3) Song (Tropic): “O bring me WINE, bright source of mirth!” [Barr publication indicates that *“Signal Trumpets, with their clangor” followed] 4) Song (Pendant): “Each flattering promise of Fancy ends here” *5) Song (Drummond): “With Rosabel, what joy to stray” *6) Glee (Magnet, Tropic, and Sea Officer): “O why to be happy a moment forbear” [The Barr publication indicates that Incledon, Johnstone Bowden, and chorus performed *“Hail to the brave”] *7) Chorus: “Here we laugh and work together” and “Hark, hark, to the Anvil’s ringing” *8) Song (Magnet): “With Pride we steer’d for England’s coast” *9) Song (Louisa): “When Love was a stranger” *10) Song (Piccaroon): “Signal trumpets, with their clangor” *11) Duet ( Magnet and Tropic): “The Seaman, who of wars may tell” *12) Final (Song with chorus): “When next we dare the restless Deep,” and “O let your gentle wishes rise.” Songs in Larpent MS. No. 1043, but not in the published texts: Air (Pendant): “To the soft scenes of tender delights” Song (Ferret): “Each one puts the side that’s best out.”

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Only the song “Each flattering promise of Fancy,” absent in the Larpent manuscript, is found in both published texts. This must have been a late addition to the work, and it likely was meant to replace “To the soft scenes of tender delight.” Only some of the songs were published, but most contain multiple verses, inviting the speculation that they were strophic.55 Shield’s “O bring me wine” appears to have been used to replace “Hail to the brave, who conq’ring bled” at some point in the production. The former work enjoyed considerable renown and multiple publications over a sixty year period.56 This through-composed celebration of the joys of drinking wine provides the singing actor the greatest opportunities for vocal acting. The same publication indicates that Mr. Bowden was the first to sing it on the stage, but it was soon taken up by Sedgewick, Meredith and Incledon. Although the range is not wide, there are numerous octave leaps, passages of consecutive trills, and the work’s length to challenge the singer. [Music Example 7 - 13]. The glee, “O why to be happy,” was published in 1795. If a note on the bottom of the publication can be believed, the work became so popular that manuscript copies began to circulate: “This glee (which may be sung either by Ladies or Gentlemen) was meant to form a part of a Miscellaneous work, but the Author found it necessary to Publish it Immediately to prevent the encreasing circulation of manuscript copies.”57 It is written in three parts and contains a contrasting section in the minor. The frequent use of syncopation gives the work considerable rhythmic interest, and Shield’s vocal writing is gracious and attractive throughout. One can appreciate that the theatre found it useful for The Death of Captain Faulkner following the less-than-successful first run of performances of Arrived at Portsmouth. [Music Example 7 - 14].

55

This possible list of strophic works includes: “Oh Bring me Wine, bright source of mirth,” “Tho’ seldom I that form can view,” “Each flattering promise of fancy ends here,” “With Rosabel, what joy to stray,” “Hail to the brave,” “With Pride we steer’d for England’s coast,” “The Seaman, who of wars may tell” and “When next we dare the restless Deep.” 56 “O Bring Me Wine” (London: Preston, for the Author, [c.1805]). The British Library also has publications from 1856 and 1869. The text for this song (and that for “Here, we laugh and work together”) were published in St. James’s Chronicle 20 October - 1 November 1794, [4.]. 57 William Shield, “O Why to be Happy” (London: Preston & Son, for the author, [WM 1795]).

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Ex. 7 - 13: Shield, Arrived at Portsmouth, “O bring me wine,” mm. 1-24.

Ex. 7 - 14: Shield, Arrived at Portsmouth, “O Why to be Happy,” mm. 1-8.

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The text for Drummond’s air, “With Rosabel, what joy to stray,” introduces a reference to the old Scottish folk song, “O thou Broom! Thou Bonnie Bush o’ Broom,” with the text “O the broom, the bonny, bonny broom!” The original song was very old, and had appeared in print as early as 1651 in Playford’s Dancing Master. Given that Shield’s song for the character Drummond seems not to have survived, one can only surmise whether or not the composer reused any of the folk melody in it. At best, Arrived at Portsmouth received a mixed critical reaction. Other reviews were more complimentary than that found in the Times. The Oracle, Public Advertiser (1 November, [4]) provided a detailed synopsis of the work and a complete cast list. Claiming that it was “with the warmest applause,” the review praised the dialogue for being “neat and spirited” and Shield’s music as “delightful throughout.” The Courier and Evening Gazette (31 October, [4.]) suggests that the songs possessed “superior poetical merit” and that Shield “lost none of his former fame” by composing this score. This is hardly the rhetoric of the highest praise. On 16 March 1795, Covent Garden revived their 1793 afterpiece, To Arms; or, The British Recruit, but giving it a new name, The British Recruit; or, Who’s Afraid? Thereafter, the theatre presented no less than six new patriotic works, some in the nature of musical entr’actes, while others were true theatrical pieces. The first fell into the former category. The Naval Volunteers; or, Britain’s Bulwark (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 28 April & 7 May 1795; musical interlude in one act.) “O why to be happy,” music by Shield (sung by Incledon, Bowden and Linton) “Blow high, blow low,” music by Dibdin (sung by Bowden) “The Little Soldier Boy,” (sung by Fawcett) “Our Laws, Constitution and King” [“May our Navy for ever Old England protect,”] music by Shield (sung by Bowden and Incledon) “The Land of Potatoes,” (sung by Johnstone) “The Death of Admiral Benbow,” (sung by Incledon) “Ye Gentlemen of England,” music by Calcott (sung by Incledon, Townshend and Linton) “Rule Britannia,” music by Arne (sung by Incledon).

The evening was Incledon’s benefit and he was given pride of place in this offering with the performance of “Rule Britannia.” This was merely a concert of songs, and not even an attempt at a theatrical work. There are

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no scene descriptions in the press releases, and no application to John Larpent was made. Few of the songs were newly composed. Dibdin’s “Blow high, blow low” had appeared in Domenico Corri’s three-volume A Select Collection of the Most Admired Songs, duetts &c., published nearly two decades earlier.58 Dibdin always knew how to conjure an effect in his music, and this melody is liberally sprinkled with grace-note figures that begin as much as five notes below the principal note. [Music Example 7 15].

Ex. 7 - 15: Dibdin, “Blow high, blow low,” mm. 1-8.

John Wall Calcott’s glee, “Ye Gentlemen of England,” was of recent vintage, and it became so popular that it was still being issued in the midnineteenth century.59 The text implores the gentlemen of England who live in comfort to think of the hardships faced by the sailors who keep the English shores safe. The glee was first heard in Shield’s opera, The Travellers in Switzerland (1794). The music (also known as “The New Mariners”) is composed in three voices (presumably TTB), with a text in three verses. One can only assume that the popularity of this rather trifling piece is a result of the musical depiction of the blowing winds that dominates the conclusion of the music. If Reeve’s adaptation of the Irish song, “The Land of Potatoes,” was undertaken specifically for The Naval Volunteers, it would seem an odd choice. The text is merely a reflection of an Irishman’s desire to leave England and return to his native land, and it would seem to have no

58

Domenico Corri, ed., A Select Collection of the Most Admired Songs, Duetts &c., 3 vols (Edinburgh: John Corri, [1779]), III: 43. 59 “Ye Gentlemen of England. . . with a new additional verse by J. Oliver” (London: [1854]). The original was published as “The New Mariners” London: J. Dale in [1794]. Dale also released the music as a solo song the same year, but under the title of “You Gentlemen of England.”

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relationship to the war effort.60 John Watlen’s harmonization of “The Death of Admiral Benbow” (c. 1785) was republished around the same time.61 Given the lack of documentary evidence about The Naval Volunteers, it is difficult to know if the theatre was simply capitalizing upon new or recently-published works, or if the theatrical offering instigated their publication. The former possibility seems likely, especially since Shield’s “May our Navy for ever Old England protect, our laws, constitution and King” had been first heard in Naples Bay on 2 May 1794. The Covent Garden theatre followed The Naval Volunteers less than two weeks later with a short work that was cast as a musical play. The Death of Captain Faulknor; or, British Heroism62 (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 6 & 19 May, 2 June 1795) Author: likely by William Pearce Composers: music by William Reeve and William Shield. The overture is by Samuel Arnold Publications: London: Glindon and Co., 1795. [Reproduction: Readex microfiche]. Larpent MS. 1079 [Reproduction: Readex micro-opaque; Readex microfiche].

This musical interlude in one act was presented on the evening of Margaret Martyr’s benefit, and the programme appears to have been compiled “by special desire” of the Turkish Ambassador (Yussuf Adijah Effendi).63 The text is based upon the real-life Captain Robert Faulknor who fell in action off Guadeloupe on 5 January 1795 during a battle between the English Frigate, the Blanche, and the French Frigate, La Pique. Within four months, his story was portrayed on stage. 60

“The Land of Potatoes A favourite Irish Song. . . Adapted by W. Reeve” (London: Longman and Broderip, [c.1795]) 61 “The Death of Admiral Benbow” (Edinburgh: J. Watlen, [c. 1795]). This sevenverse strophic song may have been performed by Incledon, a capella, in the manner of his famed performances of the “Sea Storm.” The publication gives two different melodies for the text, with only the first being harmonized by Watlen. It is not known which melody was used in The Naval Volunteers. The text, with its references to Virginia, must refer to the War of American Independence. 62 Larpent’s copy of the script gives “Faulkner,” while the advertisements for the work give “Faulknor.” The published libretto follows that of the advertisements, and has been adopted here. 63 Charles Beecher Hogan, ed., The London Stage: 1660-1800, 1753. The advertisement in the Oracle, Public Advertiser for the day of the premiere states “SECOND TIME, By Special Desire of His Excellency the TURKISH AMBASSADOR.” There is no surviving record of a performance prior to 6 May, however.

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Plot Faulknor, Oakley and O’Connor are stationed on an Island in the West Indies. (Glee: ‘Why to be happy.”) There is a good deal of boasting about British fortitude, and how the enemy will be treated in combat. (Songs: “With pride we steer’d for Britain’s coast” and “Wine, give me more.”)64 Conversation turns to O’Connor’s background and the way that quarrels are settled in Ireland. (Song: “At wake when assembled.”) A boatswain reveals that the French frigate which has troubled the port has been spotted, and the sailors leave to prepare for battle. Scene ii is set on “another part of the island where Negroes—Men and women [are] discovered dancing.” Pounce and other sailors enter. Pounce begins a conversation with the native, Mora, propositions her, and offers her a cheap beaded necklace. When she refuses, Pounce tries to convince her of his personal qualities. (Song: “A Cockney is a tastey Lad.”) Pounce offers to take Mora to England where she shall enjoy liberty. Mora questions his true intentions. (Song: “In Afric once my heart beat chearly.”) The scene changes to a view of the sea. The firing of guns is heard as the English and French frigates come into view and the battle is fought. Scene iv is set at the port where several island merchants discuss the English victory. Oakely and O’Connor enter with the news that Captain Faulknor has been slain while bravely defending his ship. After extolling Faulknor’s virtues, the men form a part of the funeral procession accompanied by a dirge. (Song: “Hail to the brave.”)

The work is not only lacking in plot elements of particular interest, but contains some that are distasteful. John Larpent, however, made no criticism of the work. The advertisement in the published libretto states that the work was “purposely written to introduce SONGS, for the most part selected on the occasion.”65 Because many of these songs had been previously published, their texts are not included in either the Larpent manuscript or the Glindon publication where only the newly-composed song texts are presented. One can imagine that the theatre saw the work as principally an opportunity to exhibit its scenic capabilities in the display of the sea battle, but did not think enough of the work to order a completely new score. It is not surprising that the work did not receive more than three performances. 64

The text is not cited in the Larpent manuscript and only “Song by Faulkner” is given. 65 The Death of Captain Faulknor; or, British Heroism (London: Glindon & Co., 1795), [iii]. The advertisement in the printed libretto is dated “London, May 6, 1795.”

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Music The pastiche score made use of several songs already heard in Pearce’s Arrived at Portsmouth, which had played at Covent Garden from 30 October to 12 November 1794. It is possible that the theatre thought a revival of Arrived at Portsmouth unlikely, and decided to recycle the score. The failure of The Death of Captain Faulknor, however, may have spurred the theatre to revive Arrived at Portsmouth in the 1795-96 season. The following music has been identified in The Death of Captain Faulknor: 1) Naval Medley Overture (Samuel Arnold) 2) Glee: “O why to be happy a moment forbear,” (Shield) 3) Air: “With pride we steer’d for Britain’s coast,” (Shield) [listed only as “Song - by Faulkner” in the Larpent manuscript.] 4) Air: “O bring me wine,” (Shield) [listed in the Larpent MS. as “Wine, give me more, Bright source of mirth”] 5) “A Description of the Irish way of settling a Quarrel,” (Reeve) [listed in the Larpent MS. as “At wake, when assembled old quarrels to settle”] three verses given. [Published libretto states that the song, “The Row,” was substituted.] 6) “A Cockney is a tastey Lad,” (?Reeve) [not found in Arrived at Portsmouth, 3 verses of text given] 7) “Negro Song,” (?Reeve) [listed in the Larpent MS. as “In Afric once my [heart] beat cheerly”; not found in Arrived at Portsmouth; seven verses given the Larpent MS. and eight in the published libretto] 8) Trio: “Hail to the Brave,” (Shield) [listed in the Larpent MS. as sung in Arrived at Portsmouth, but the text does not appear in the published libretto for that work.] 9) Dead March, (Shield) Larpent MS.1079 states “Procession of Interment with suitable Dirge.” 10) “Rule Britannia,” (Arne), listed in the published libretto but not in the Larpent manuscript that has “Hail to the Brave” as sung in Arrived at Portsmouth.

Unfortunately, much of this score cannot be reconstructed, including Shield’s Dead March that the newspaper advertisements describe as choreographed by Mr. Byrne. Shield’s glee, “O why to be happy, a moment forbear,” and the air, “O bring me wine,” were published, and have been discussed under Arrived at Portsmouth (above). It would seem that not all of the newly-composed songs arrived in time for the production, and the published libretto states that “The Row” had to be substituted for “At wake when assembled.” Given that Reeve’s setting of this Irish song had already been used in his score for British Fortitude and

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Hibernian Friendship in April of the previous year, it would seem logical to assume that his setting was reused. No copy of the “Negro Song” attributed to Reeve has been found. The theatre followed this offering with an entr’acte that copied its 1793 success, The Soldier’s Festival, a work that remained in the active repertory throughout the decade. The Sailor’s Festival; or, All Alive at Portsmouth (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 13 May 1795, entr’acte [musical entertainment in 3 scenes])

This musical entr’acte did not prove to have the success of its model. No Larpent manuscript survives for either, and neither work is listed in the Biographia Dramatica. These are likely indications that neither work was considered to be true drama, even though The Sailor’s Festival was given scene designations. The following list of songs was released to the London newspapers: Scene i: The Deck of a Man of War “The Mid-Watch,” (sung by Incledon) “We be three poor mariners,” (sung by Johnstone, Incledon and Linton) “Jack at theWindlass,” (sung by Fawcett) “O bring me wine,” music by ?Shield (sung by Bowden) “The Good subjects of England,” (sung by Incledon, Richardson and Townshend) Scene ii: A Landscape—The Disconsolate Sailor “When my money was gone,” (sung by Mrs. Martyr, “in character”) “The Storm,” (sung by Incledon) Scene iii: “Irish Song,” (sung by Johnstone) “Dance: Triple Hornpipe (danced by Burn, Holland and Mme Rossi) “Rule Britannia,” music by Arne (sung by Incledon).

The music assembled for this offering was a mixture of new and old. The number of works that had become audience favourites in time of war continued to grow. The glee, “The Good Subjects of Old England” (also known as “With a jolly full Bottle”) had been published in 1779.66 Similarly, “We be three poor Mariners,” a glee by Thomas Ravenscroft which praises for the valour of sailors, would have been familiar to many in the audience since it had been published in his Deuteromelia (1609). Of more recent vintage was Dibdin’s “Jack at the Windlass” from The

66

London: J. Bland, 1779.

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Quizzes, first heard on 13 October 1792.67 Dibdin was not known for his patriotic songs, but the inclusion of a comic song in an offering such as this was quite commonplace. The text is cast in Dibdin’s ironic style in which each member of a naval crew is described in the six verses, but always ending with their faults (“the master can’t steer if he’s aft”). [Music Example 7 - 16].

Ex. 7 - 16: Dibdin, “Jack at the Windlass,” mm. 1-10.

The reference to a song called “The Mid-Watch” may refer to one of two different works. Michael Arne published a song by that name in 1785 which enjoyed some popularity at the Vauxhall Gardens when it was performed by Mr. Arrowsmith. More likely, however, is that the title refers to Thomas Linley’s “When ‘tis night and the Mid-Watch is come” that had enjoyed a far greater success when it was performed in The Glorious First of June (1794). Mrs. Martyr continued to portray male characters successfully, and her scene (presumably played before a seascape) included the singing of the ballad, “The Disconsolate Sailor,” the first line of which was printed in the advertisements. The text to this ballad was by George Saville Carey and the music by James Hook. The work was hardly new, and had been published in 1784.68 Incledon’s performance of “The Storm” followed. One wonders how many times London audiences heard him perform this 67

London: the author, [1793]. Perhaps a more logical choice from this stage work would have been “The Compact of Freedom” that praises the British system of constitutional monarchy (“Britons be loyal so shall ye be free”). Although the French are not named directly, the Magna Carta is once again referred to as having a divine blessing 68 London: J. Preston, 1784, reprinted [?1790].

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piece a capella, or if they ever grew tired of it. It is odd that the newspaper reports give only one performer for “O bring me wine” if it was Shield’s three-part glee that was sung.69 The recycling of music continued with Covent Garden’s next offering, England’s Glory. England’s Glory (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, entr’acte, 16 May 1795) Author: not named Composer: not named (presumably score arranged by William Shield).

The similarity in structure and scenic description between this work and The Sailor’s Festival is striking, as is the carrying over of several pieces of music. The contents of this musical entertainment were advertised in the newspapers as follows: Scene i: The Deck of a Ship. “How shall we mortals spend our hours?” (sung by Incledon, Steet and Bowden) “O bring me wine,” music by ?Shield (sung by Bowden) “There was an Irish lad,” music by Shield (sung by Johnstone) “The Storm,” (sung by Incledon) “Ye Gentleman of England,” music by Calcott. Scene ii: A Seascape. “My name’s Tippy Bob,” (sung by Munden). Scene iii: A View of the British Fleet. Dance performed by Byrn, Mlle St. Amand and Mme Rossi “Sea Song,” (sung by Townsend) “Tho’ Hurricanes rattle,” [“May our Navy for ever Old England protect”] (sung by Incledon and Bowden), music by William Shield.

This list of songs reveals the recycling of music which had become the norm at this theatre, especially Incledon’s ubiquitous performance of “The Storm.” The presentation of “There was an Irish lad” took the audience back to Shield’s music for A Picture of Paris taken in the Year 1790, and the song had enjoyed a considerable separate publication history under the name of “Smalilou.” Its text, however, would seem to have little relevance to a depiction of England’s glory during a time of war. Given the number of comic songs on the programme, pure entertainment values appear to have dominated this particular offering. The presence of “Tippy Bob” may have raised some eyebrows in the audience, for its three verses contain sexual innuendo that is only barely disguised. To present this song at a 69

See Arrived at Portsmouth for a discussion of this music.

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patent theatre that was hardly sophisticated in style, and was best known from its performances at a hippodrome, is very telling in the degree to which popular song had come to dominate the Covent Garden stage.70 Only Shield’s “May our Navy for ever Old England protect” (with its opening lines of “Tho’ hurricanes rattle, tho’ tempests appear”), would have introduced a more serious tone. England’s Glory was performed on the evening of Mr. Bowden’s benefit, thus explaining his prominence in the performance. This entertainment was never repeated, but the theatre enjoyed greater success with an afterpiece that was first heard on the benefit evening of John Bernard on 29 May. The Poor Sailor; or, Little Ben and Little Bob (Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, 19 performances between 29 May 1795 and 7 December 1799) Author: John Bernard Composer: Thomas Attwood Publications: Songs in the Poor Sailor; or, Little Ben and Little Bob. A Musical Drama. London: n.p., 1795 [Reproduction: ECCO CW 3314829003]. Larpent MS. 1084 [Reproduction: Readex microfiche]. Score: London: Longman and Broderip, [1795]. [Reproduction: Andover, Massachusetts: Northeast Document Conservation Centre, 1991].

The Biographia Dramatica records that Bernard wrote this musical farce in two acts for his own benefit, originally scheduled for 12 May, but delayed until the 29th of that month. Given the state of the manuscript sent to John Larpent, the delay can well be appreciated. Not only is the handwriting often indeterminate, but there are many paste-overs and other insertions that make even deciphering the continuity of the story a trial. The title of the work on the manuscript copy is Little Ben and Little Bob; or, Huzza for Old England, but it played as The Poor Sailor; or Little Ben and Little Bob. It is evident that revisions continued for some time prior to its delayed premiere.

Plot Bernard’s plot is the usual mix of romantic misadventures and heroism, although the state of the manuscript makes it difficult to tell their 70

“Tippy Bob, A favourite New Song sung by Mr. Johannot at the Royal Ampitheatre, Peter St.” (Dublin: Hime, n.d.). The song was first heard in performances of Blackbird; or, The Flight of Harlequin at the Theatre Royal Drury Lane, 21 December 1791, but was soon taken up in the hippodromes.

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precise order. The following is drawn from Larpent manuscript, with the songs listed as in that source. The surname of Battledor has been changed to Battledore as found in the print sources: Act I: A group of watermen are heard singing. (Glee: “Over a hoy.”) Lieutenant Battledore returns home to discover that his father, Captain Bob Battledore (retired from the Navy), has disowned him because he believes him to have dishonoured his country by taking up with a French privateer. (Song: “Toss’d on the Ocean of Despair.”) Bob’s wife, Eliza, enters and commiserates with her husband, telling him that she has fled from the rumours spreading about him, leaving their young son with a nurse. She offers to take a letter of explanation to her father-in-law on her husband’s behalf. When she returns, she has donned her disguise of the sailor, Little Ben. (Song: “Ye Pretty Maids and Loving Wives.”) At the Captain’s home, Compass discusses Bob’s plight with the Captain, and also expresses an interest in the Captain’s sister, Anne. The Captain attempts to discourage Compass, by telling him that she is far too old for marriage. The servant, Bumbo, enters and collects money for a widow and members of the press gang. Compass reflects upon the need for press gangs in a time of war. Little Ben enters and gives the letter to her father-in-law (whom she has never met previously). They argue over Bob’s merits, and Little Ben swears that “he” has been at sea with Bob, and attests to his valour. Captain Battledore finally gives his permission for Bob to visit his family home for the annual fair. In the cottage of Freakish (brother of Eliza), the Irish painter, Daniel O’Daub, plots with Freakish how they can resolve the problems faced by Bob and Eliza while realizing their own romantic dreams—Freakish with Nancy and O’Daub with Anne. (Song: “When an Infant I’m told.”) The plan is to use Eliza’s son, Little Bob, to soften Captain Battledore’s hardened heart. Act II: Nancy and Anne discuss the problems faced by young lovers. (Song: “The Savoyard Song.”) O’Daub enters with the news that Captain Bob and Eliza are expected at the fair. Nancy leaves, and O’Daub pays court to Anne. At the fair, Freakish reveals to Nancy his plan to make use of Little Bob to help break down the resistance of Captain Battledore. (Song: “At the fair of Oldhams, I first met my jewel.”) The Nurse enters and relates that she has dressed up Little Bob as a sailor as she was instructed. Captain Battledore and Compass enter. The captain has softened his stance where his son is concerned to the point that he will forgive him if he discovers proof that he is a true Briton. Little Bob enters and tells his tale of a cruel grandfather who mistreats his family, but that he is a little sailor and true to King George, and planning to go to sea, himself. The Captain is moved to tears, although he does not realize that the grandfather with the heart of stone is himself. Little Bob announces his intention of going to London to seek his fortune in life because his nurse can no longer look after him. (Song: “My daddy is a sailor bold.”) The

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captain orders Compass to take the boy to his home and to have him cared for. (Song: “Good morrow to the day so fair.”) Eliza is spotted in the distance and Compass says to the captain that he fears she has lost her reason because of the cruel treatment she has received. (Dance of the Country Lads and Lasses.) Captain Battledore is reconciled with his son after a fellow officer attests to his character. (Song: “A sail on our Lee now appears.”) The scene shifts to the Captain’s home where the general happiness is disturbed upon learning that Anne has eloped with O’Daub. Nancy has an altercation with Captain Battledore. In the final scene (the Inn at Gosprey), Anne tells Eliza of her intention to be a good wife to O’Daub. Bob, Compass and the Captain enter and a general reconciliation follows. Little Bob is brought forward to meet his father; the lad offers to go to sea with his father to help in the fight against the French. After a dance, the work ends with everybody praising the “Land of Liberty & Love.” (Finale: “Gently touch the thrilling Lyre.”)

The plot is hardly novel, but there are several elements in it that must have played well to the audiences of the day: a wife who was willing to take on a man’s job to protect her family, a child willing to fight for his country like his elders, and a hard-hearted and stubborn old man humbled. The fact that the plot elements do not refer to any specific battle with France made it possible to keep the work in the repertory until 1799. The advertisement in the Times on the day of the premiere ([2]) gives little information about the piece other than stating that Incledon would portray Bob Battledore and that Miss Poole would portray Eliza (Little Ben) “for that night only.” She was subsequently replaced by Mrs. Martyr, whose name is listed in the publication of song texts.

Music Indications for music are erratic in the Larpent manuscript, and full song texts are not always present, an omission corrected in the published materials. Considerable emphasis is made in the publication of the songs that Attwood’s music is entirely new. The bracketed page references in the following list refer to the published vocal score: Overture, C, 24 Introduction and Glee (Watermen), “Over a hoy,” C, 44, ensemble for four voices [10-11]: Song (Bob Battledore), “To fortune lost, my native shore,” F, 34, two-verse strophic air [Larpent MS. 1084 has “Toss’d on the Ocean of Despair”] [12-13]: Song (Little Ben), “Ye Pretty Maids and Loving Wives,” Bb, 24, three-verse strophic air, with refrain. [1-5]: [6-9]:

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Songs listed in Larpent MS. 1084 for which music does not survive: (Bob Battledore): “Toss’d on the Ocean of Despair” (Anne): “The Savoyard Song” (O’Daub): “At the fair of Oldhams, I first met my jewel (Compass): “Good morrow to the day so fair.”

Attwood’s score must be counted as one of the finest of the period, with a unity of style that is not only the result of a strong compositional voice, but also the absence of pastiche. That he had learned much from his lessons with Mozart in Vienna is evident throughout. While Attwood does not borrow directly from his master, there are many turns of phrase and harmonies that immediately bring him to mind. Throughout, Attwood’s command over chromatically altered chords gives his music a richness not often matched by his contemporaries. Melodically, the music is somewhat less distinctive. While Attwood is always sensitive to the needs of his texts, his attractive melodies do not always have a strong profile. A case in point is the large-scale overture that, after an opening Adagio maestoso (the dotted rhythms of which recall French overtures), has an extended Allegro section in sonata form. The two principal themes of this movement are rather unassuming, although they lend themselves well to development. [Music Example 7 - 17]. The proportions of the movement (111 mm., 49 mm., and 58 mm.) are strongly weighted to the exposition

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where Attwood’s bridge to the dominant and codetta are both extended and developmental in style. Unexpected, perhaps, is the slightly oldfashioned repetition of the opening theme in the dominant to begin the development section. The music is organically conceived and highly satisfying in the nature of concert symphony, and it is unfortunate that the full score does not appear to have survived. It is easy to conjecture that the music was particularly pleasing when played by orchestra.

Ex. 7 -17: Attwood, The Poor Sailor, principal themes from overture.

Of the songs, most are brief, strophic settings and largely syllabic. The absence of coloratura writing is striking when compared to earlier works such as Shield’s Hartford Bridge. Even Mrs. Martyr’s song, “Midst Rocks and Quicksands,” with its references to “ midnight tempests” and “rude storms,” do not evoke virtuoso vocal writing from Attwood, as they likely would have from other composers only a few years earlier. [Music Example 7 - 18].

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Ex. 7 - 18: Attwood, The Poor Sailor, “‘Midst Rocks and Quicksands,” mm. 1-9.

The comparison of Attwood’s syllabic writing with that of William Reeve is revealing. Although Attwood avoids the musical gestures of virtuoso concert vocal music, he rarely attempts to copy the style of popular ballads. Only the brief song sung by Nancy (“My William is the blythest youth”) might be considered in ballad style, and it is not clear that this piece was even performed since it is not included in the published song texts or mentioned in the Larpent manuscript. The song, “When an Infant,” sung by the Irish character, Daniel O’Daub, attempts to emulate folk song, with its “tol de rol” chorus; however, the setting has a sophistication that Reeve only rarely achieved. The new work was warmly received by both audience members and critics. The Oracle, Public Advertiser (30 May 1795, [3]) reports that Bernard’s benefit had been well attended and applauded. As to The Poor Soldier, the newspaper reports that it was “well received, and deserves many repetitions.” In that, the reviewer proved to be prophetic. On 10 June, the same newspaper reported that the “POOR SAILOR is a very beautiful little Farce, with some very light pleasant music, and the whole is calculated to keep up the naval spirit of the country. INCLEDON and Mrs. MARTYR distinguished themselves greatly.” The comments about Attwood’s score are particularly telling—the composer had judged the interests of the Covent Garden audiences who had been much influenced in the use of popular songs in the recent theatrical offerings there, and created a score that avoids an overtly operatic style.

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Non-Theatrical Music dealing with the Glorious First of June Much non-theatrical music was composed about the English victory. James Hook’s contributions are particularly significant: “Lord Howe’s Victory, or the Glorious First of June” exists both in published forms in short score, and an autograph orchestral manuscript used at the Vauxhall Gardens. There are two published versions of the song. The authorized version of the song is contained in the third volume of Hook’s 1794 Vauxhall songs, where it is called “The Glorious First of June.” The other publication lacks both Hook’s name and that of the publisher, and may be a pirated edition.71 The three-verse strophic setting is in the popular style. The introduction is given the marking of “Tempo di marcia” and the character of a march is carried throughout. The melodic range is a twelfth (A–e2), but the tessitura is fairly low, making it well-suited to the bass voice. The text extols the virtues of both Lord Howe and the British navy, and the final verse ends with “Proclaim that British Tars know Howe, To Conquer as before.” The martial qualities of the text are echoed in Hook’s orchestration which makes much of brass instruments. [Music Example 7 19].

Ex. 7 - 19: Hook, “Lord Howe’s Victory,” mm. 1-8 of the first verse.

Hook’s, “Britons Struck home, Led the Way by Lord Howe,” is another vivid evocation of France’s naval defeat at the hands of Lord Howe and his “stout Wooden Castles” on the seas.72 The song is set as a three-verse, strophic air, with a brief refrain. The use of suspension dissonance gives this work a stronger harmonic profile than many of Hook’s songs in the popular idiom. Unlike many two-part reductions of 71

“The Glorious First of June” in The Favourite Songs Sung at Vauxhall. . . Bk II, 1794 (London: Preston & Son, 1794), 12-13. The manuscript score is located in the Archives and Local History Centre of Hammersmith and Fulham, MS. DD/570/1, 319-26. 72 James Hook, “Britons Struck home, Led the Way by Lord Howe” (London: A. Bland & Weller’s Music Warehouse, [1794]).

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orchestral scores, this setting includes an inner voice in smaller notes so that the texture is a minimum of three lines, as wells as an indication for two oboe parts at one point. [Music Example 7 - 20].

Ex. 7 - 20: Hook, “Britons Struck Home, Led the Way by Lord Howe,” chorus.

Hook’s published music likely provided models for a host of other composers of far less renown, including John Bailey, R. Burbidge, James Mathews and Ambrose Pitman. Little is known of either Bailey or Burbidge, and even Burbidge’s first name appears to have been forgotten. Bailey’s surviving published output is very small, consisting of two songs and a hymn. Of the songs, “Victory” was set to the patriotic poetry of Mary Robinson.73 This is essentially a four-verse strophic setting with a four-part chorus that concludes each verse. The music of the chorus is a harmonized version of the last six measures of the solo melody. Mrs. Robinson’s poetry extols Lord Howe’s victory on the Glorious First of June, but says little other than waving the flag of victory over France. Bailey’s march-like setting is appropriate to the mood of the text, without being particularly memorable. The published version gives melody and bass lines only, but writes out the music continuously, rather than only printing one verse with the text and giving the remaining text at the end. This extravagance of printing is likely indicative of the great popular excitement that Howe’s victory created. Burbidge’s surviving published output is also small, and consists of two songs and three rondos for piano. The title page of “The Engagement, A New Sea Song,” gives the composer’s name as “Burbridge,” but this 73

J. Bailey, “Victory” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1794]).

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appears be a misprint.74 The publication states “Sung by Mr. Incledon at the Theatre Royal Covent Garden,” but it has not proved possible to identify when the song was performed. The poem (by J. Day) contains the usual stereotyped images of valiant British seamen struggling to save the crew of a sinking French ship. In spite of portraying French sailors as heroic, Day consigns them all to the ocean’s depths. Perhaps it is not too cynical to suggest that it is easy to praise your enemy as long as they are dead. The publication reflects the theatrical origins of the music with a reduced scoring for two violins and figured bass. Given that Incledon was the tenor soloist, it is not surprising to see that the tessitura is high. [Music Example 7 - 21].

Ex. 7 -21: Burbidge, “The Engagement,” mm. 1-8.

“Our line was formed” (text by the Earl of Mulgrave) had been set previously by Storace in The Glorious First of June at Drury Lane. A new melodic setting was undertaken by James Mathews, and the whole arranged for keyboard by R. Peck.75 This text is somewhat unusual in that it is written in the first person and expresses the fear that Mulgrave will never see his love again, and the pain of having a limb blown off during the attack. The three verses are set strophically, and are followed by a three-voice chorus. Mathews’ tune appears rather four-square, yet it deals well with the rhythmical challenges of the poetry. The comparison of the approaches taken to the challenges of this text by Mathews and Storace reveals Mathews to be closer to the traditions of popular song with a 74

R. Burbridge [sic], “The Engagement, A New Sea Song” (London: A Bland & Weller’s Music Warehouse, [1795]). 75 James Mathews, “Howe and the Glorious First of June. A new Song, written by Earl Mulgrave. The Air composed ... by J. Mathews. Arranged for the Harpsichord or Piano Forte by R. Peck, etc.” (Bath: J. Mathews, [1794]).

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narrower melody range, simpler rhythms and more repeated notes. [Music Example 7 - 22.]

Ex. 7 - 22: Comparison of text settings by Storace and Mathews.

Peck’s keyboard setting, with its active bass line and Alberti figurations, gives Matthews’ music considerable rhythmic interest. There are also rapidly ascending scale passages that depict the flight of the canon balls. One final work in celebration of Lord Howe is seen in Ambrose Pitman’s “Lo Triumphe!”76 There are four verses in this strophic setting of the anonymous text that extol Howe’s virtue and leadership abilities. The keyboard accompaniment is written in full during the introduction and postlude, but not during the texted passages. In addition, the composer makes use of the older baroque traditions of basso continuo writing, and even includes indications for “Tasto solo.” This may signify that the work was a reduction from an orchestral original. As in 1793, James Hook composed a finale for the Vauxhall Gardens in 1794, this time to a patriotic text by William Upton called Great Britain Triumphant. Upton’s text was obviously composed to meet the restrictions of the Vauxhall performances. It requires no stage action, but merely comments on situations and invites patriotic responses from the audience. Typical of many other texts of the period, young men are promised the undying love of their sweethearts if they join in the fight against the enemy. A larger number of soloists took part in this work than might otherwise have been expected given the available space: Charles Dignum, Mrs Franklin, Master Phelps, Mrs [Rosemund] Mountain, Mr [Charles] Taylor (in his first year of singing at Vauxhall) and Miss Milne. The veteran singers, especially Dignum and Mrs. Mountain, had achieved a 76

Ambrose Pitman, “Lo! Triumphe!” (London: J. Dale, [1794]).

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considerable degree of popularity at the gardens. Of the others, Miss Milne enjoyed acclaim at Vauxhall in the period of 1791-95, before disappearing from the scene. Mrs. Franklin had been known as Miss Leary in the period of 1787-92 at Vauxhall, and she continued to perform well into the next century under her married name. The boy soprano, Phelps (originally from Wells), made some significant concert appearances in London in the period of 1793-94. He disappeared from the scene after this time, leading to the conjecture that his voice had changed. Given the restricted space for the soloists in the Vauxhall outdoor stage, the choral parts would have been performed by the soloists. The work begins with a paean of praise to England (“No Pow’r shall thee subdue”) and continues with the sentiment that England is great and free, and that all countries will bend to her. A soldier bids farewell to his girlfriend and prepares to leave for battle. He states that she will be his compass and guiding star. A young man proclaims that his youth should not prevent him from defending his country and protecting his beloved. The two young lovers look forward to being reunited in times of peace. France is depicted as a usurper with the sentiment that “Justice is true Liberty.” The work ends with a rousing hymn of praise to King and country, and words of encouragement for the soldiers. A listing of the movements of the score with bracketed page numbers follows: [1-10]: [11-17]: [18-22]: [23-26]: [29-31]: [32-36]: [37-44]: [44-54]: [54-60]:

Orchestral introduction C major, 44, full orchestra with oboes rather than flutes, rondo form Recitative [Mr. Dignum], “When fame’s shrill trumpet,” C major, 44, lightly scored Chorus, “Hail, hail, hail Britannia [sic],” C major, 44, two soprano and bass, full orchestra with oboes, rather than flutes Dialogue Air [Mr. Dignum and Mrs. Franklin], “For England’s peace I quit ignoble ease,” C major, 44, two ob., two hn., and strings Recitative [Master Phelps], “What then shall I, this young, remain behind!” C major/ G major, 44 Dialogue Air [Master Phelps and Mrs. Mountain], “For thee my fair, I’ll brave the field,” (G major, C|, two fl, two hn, and strings, three-verse strophic setting Duet [Master Phelps and Mrs. Mountain], “O never will we part,” (G major, C|, two fl., two hn, and strings Air [Mr. Taylor], “When England’s invaded, her sons shall advance,” C major, 44, two bsn, two tpt, and strings, binary setting Air [Miss Milne], “Arm valiant heroes, arm in Britain’s cause,” C major, 34, two ob., two bsn, two tpt, two hn., and strings.

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Hook’s score covers sixty pages in manuscript, and provides a good example of Hook’s scoring practices in an outdoor situation.77 He makes use of two flutes, two oboes (likely playing the flutes as well since the instruments are never heard simultaneously), two bassoons, two trumpets, two horns, tympani, and strings. The two bassoon parts are frequently independent of the general bass line, with the first part written in a high register, creating something akin to a secondary viola line. Given the military nature of the text, the trumpets, horns and drums often dominate the texture. The writing for the brass instruments is high-pitched, and Hook often scores the first horn higher than the first trumpet. The result is a bright sound which likely had an acoustic advantage for outdoor use, although Hook is forced to lighten his scoring during sung passages so as not to overwhelm his singers. The work opens with an extended orchestral introduction of seventy measures that contains far more chromatic writing than was Hook’s norm. The martial nature of the piece is instantly established with prominent brass and percussion parts that must have echoed throughout the Vauxhall Gardens to grand effect, even if some of the musical gestures could have a higher melodic profile. Two of the songs from the work were published by A. Bland & Weller in 1794 with parts for two violins (in short score): “For England’s peace I quit Ignoble Ease” [published as “Sweet Girl Adieu ‘tis Glory Calls afar”] and “For thee my fair.” “For England’s peace” poses few technical problems, but audiences of the day would have found the swaggering martial qualities of the rhythms quite irresistible. [Music Example 7 - 23].

Ex. 7 - 23: Hook, Great Britain Triumphant, “Sweet Girl Adieu, ‘tis Glory Calls afar”, mm. 1-8. 77

The autograph manuscript for this work and numerous other works by Hook, not otherwise available in either published form or manuscript copy, can be found in the Archives and Local History Centre of Hammersmith and Fulham: MS. DD/570/1.

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“For thee my fair” (sung by Mrs. Mountain and Master Phelps) demonstrates the wealth of vocal talent that Hook had at his disposal. Mrs. Mountain’s music extends to high B, and both parts have coloratura passage work. Here, Hook enlarges upon his usual harmonic vocabulary to indulge in some secondary dominant chords, but it is the elegant vocal writing that is most memorable. Upton’s text for Mr. Taylor’s air, “When England’s invaded, her sons shall advance,” is demonstrative of the depth of emotion felt in Britain at this time, with references to vengeance and threats to teach “the usurpers of France that Justice is true Liberty.” Taylor would have needed a strong voice to project over the busy, albeit highly effective orchestration. [Music Example 7 - 24].

Ex. 7 - 24: Hook, Great Britain Triumphant, “When England’s Invaded,” mm. 112.

Vocal Works of a General Nature Some of Hook’s songs were longer compositions, drawing upon the considerable vocal resources available to him at the Vauxhall Gardens. “British Loyalty, or Kings, Lords, & Commons” contains five verses (sung by different soloists) with a three-part chorus (likely sung by the soloists) after each verse.78 This setting may have been a part of a finale, although it is not listed as such. The anonymous text is really quite remarkable for its 78

James Hook, “British Loyalty, or Kings, Lords, & Commons” (London: A. Bland & Weller’s Music Warehouse, [1794].

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strong images. When France is compared unfavourably to Nero’s Rome, the audience is not only encouraged, but brow-beaten, along the path of patriotism. Fear was used to obtain the necessary ends of persuading the audience to believe that “when Loyalty calls, we like Britons obey.” The repeated cries of “Huzza” in the chorus must have worked up the spirits of the audience considerably. Hook uses simple means to create expression, with a simple, march-like melody. His harmonies are far more adventurous than in many of his popular songs, with not only the expected move to the dominant, but also visits to the minor mediant and to the submediant in the central section of this ternary setting. [Music Example 7 - 25].

Ex. 7 - 25: Hook, “British Loyalty,” mm. 1-31.

Henry Francis Offley was much concerned with the trials (and pleasures) of a soldier’s life, and he composed two songs on the subject. The first, “The Gallant Solider,” is a setting of his own text. The second, “The True British Soldier, King George & Old England for Ever” sets poetry by Thomas Jones. Although the first verse of the latter song is comic, the remaining verses praise King and Country.79 The indication for orchestral instruments may indicate that the song had been performed in one of the public gardens or in a theatre. Offley’s strophic setting has a 79

Henry F. Offley, “The Gallant Soldier” (London: W. Cope, [1794]). “The True British soldier, King George & Old England for Ever” (London: Printed for the author and sold by W. Cope, [1795]).

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good military swagger about it, and he poses considerable demands upon the singer who must live in a generally high tessitura and have ease up to B2. [Music Example 7 – 26].

Ex. 7 - 26: Offley, “The True British Soldier,” mm. 1-8.

Similar attention is given to British sailors in “The British Tar, or Peace and Loyalty,” written and composed by “a young gentleman.”80 The indications for orchestral instruments (horns and flutes are named in particular) again indicate that the song had been performed at a theatre or a pleasure garden. The presence of the “Scotch-snap” rhythm evokes folk song, and only the absence of more varied underlying harmonies detracts from the effectiveness of the piece. [Music Example 7 – 27].

Ex. 7 - 27: Anon, “The British Tar,” mm. 1-8.

“Hail Britannia!” was dedicated to the Worshipful Company of Ironmongers by James Peck.81 The text of this glee contains generalized patriotic sentiments that extol the virtues of Britannia as the “native Land of Freedom and her chosen Band.” The audience is encouraged to remember that “in Freedoms cause your foes subdue and with your lives defend your right.” The forthright melodies and strong rhythms certainly 80

Anonymous, “The British Tar, or Peace and Loyalty” (London: Printed for the Author and sold by Longman and Broderip, [1794]). 81 James Peck, “Hail Britannia! A Glee for Three Voices” (London: Printed and Sold by J. Peck, [1794]).

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have their attractions, and Peck’s use of contrapuntal writing provides good contrast to the more chordal sections. [Music Example 7 – 28].

Ex. 7 - 28: Peck, “Hail Britannia,” mm. 1-4.

Fighting the perceived enemy on the home front continued to interest poets and musicians, as the following anti-Jacobin songs demonstrate. Robert Hudson’s “Church, King, and Old England for ever,” is listed in the publication as a “favourite Constitutional Song.”82 Not surprisingly, England’s traditions are treated emblematically, while France is referred to as a “bleeding corpse” where the female fiends of wild anarchy dance “with fatal Lamp Chords in their hands.” This last image would seem to refer to Charlotte Corday. Old enemies at home are revisited in the line “PRIESTLY may Write, and PAYNE Conspire.” The music is most curiously presented, with an opening recitative that contains basso continuo figures (rare for this period), followed by eight measures of air, and a chorus written in octaves. The metre alternates between cut time and duple throughout. As published, however, the spareness of the texture and the lack of melodic interest in the chorus mitigate against its effectiveness. A song in a similar vein is the anonymous, “The Loyalist, Wrote by a Friend to the King and Constitution.”83 This five-verse strophic song (with refrain) refers to “Gallic perfidy we owe the loss of vast dominions” and how “fair Freedom ever on us smiles, and honest hearts are blended.” The 82

Robert Hudson, “Church, King, and Old England for ever” (London: Longman and Broderip, [1794]). 83 Anon,“The Loyalist, Wrote by a Friend to the King and Constitution” (London: Printed for Thompson & Co., [1795?]).

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song praises the leadership of King George and ends with the belief that “nor France, or her Equality” would be adopted to fool the British nation. The largely syllabic setting would have posed few problems for amateur singers, remaining largely within an octave’s range and with very straightforward rhythms. Some of the political ballads from 1795 take on a more general tone, as there were fewer victories to celebrate. Typical is Thomas Carter’s “The Loyal Tar”84 that had been performed by Mr. Sedgewick at the Ad Libitum Club. The text deals with a sailor who scolds his lady love for trying to dissuade him from going to sea in the war effort. The sailor asks “Can you for this your Jack reprove, his King he must prefer to Love.” Although Carter’s setting has strong rhythms and a rich harmonic palette, the melody is not distinctive. Raynor Taylor’s song, “The British Soldier,” is a longer and more complex piece than many popular songs of the period, and even contains a change of tempo.85 Cast as a three-verse, strophic song, the text (by Mr. Lambert) does not mention France specifically, but maintains that the British “soldier brave without alarms to distant Regions cheerful goes.” The music is harmonically sophisticated, and the written-in drum effects do much to underscore the military nature of the song. Humour was in rather short supply in Britain by 1794; however, an anonymous arranger managed to take Edward Nairne’s comic text of Satan’s visit to a Jacobin club, and fit it to the music of J.S. Smith’s “To Anacreon in Heaven.”86 Described as being a “new loyal and constitutional song,” the nine verses relate that Satan proposed to the Jacobin club that “he be their Inspirer and Patron” so that he can “spread mischief extensively wide.” Britannia, however, “looks of ineffable scorn” and protected by Howe, Hood, and Macbride, undermines not only Satan’s plans, but also those of the Jacobins. Smith’s original music is treated very simply in this strophic setting, with no introduction or postlude. With fewer victories to represent on stage after the success of the “Glorious First of June,” all London theatres found it increasingly more difficult to present topical drama. That Sadler’s Wells would have presented a retrospective of past naval successes is telling of the problems 84

Thomas Carter, “The Loyal Tar” (London: Lewis, Houston and Hyde, [1795]). [Raynor] Taylor, “The British Soldier” (London: W. Hodsoll, [1795]). 86 Anon, “Satan’s Visit to the Jacobin Club,” or “Britannia Triumphant” (London: Printed for the Author by Longman and Broderip, [1794]). 85

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that faced dramatists and musicians when dealing with topical theatre. It is also remarkable that Pearce’s Hartford Bridge (1793), a work that no longer had any relevance to the current political situation, continued in the active repertoire until the end of the century, while few of the political works from 1794-95 achieved more than a handful of performances. Theatres appear to have learned that truly topical materials risked having a short lifespan on stage. At the same time, the patent theatres saw the value of larding their offerings with popular songs or works composed in the ballad style. The absence of any pieces in Attwood’s The Poor Sailor that are in the operatic tradition is telling. Even more telling is the reappearance of William Reeve at the Covent Garden theatre, and the presence of his music on that stage until the early years of the next century.

EPILOGUE

Why could not France reform her mould’ring State, By means as noble as the end was Great? Why was the dark Assassin’s steel employ’d And what might well be mended quite destroy’d? The plant of Liberty had surely thriv’n, Unbathed with Blood, fann’d by the breath of Heav’n! That genial Plant in ev’ry soil may grow, But where the stem is strong, the growth is slow; Matur’d by Time, its branches nobly spread, And whirlwinds rage in vain around its head.1

The events of the French Revolution had a significant impact on British life. The Revolution was initially greeted with enthusiasm in Britain where it was expected that the absolutist rule of Louis XVI would be transformed into a constitutional monarchy similar to that in Britain. The British government was eager to act as a role model for France, and saw the fall of the Bastille as a positive step, only to grow increasing wary of the overt Republican ideals that developed in Paris. All enthusiasm for these changes came to an end in Britain when the “student” offered to impose its reformed definition of itself on the “teacher.” Not only do the British plays and musical works created about these events demonstrate this change of official view, but they also offer a window on public sentiments and tastes. The desire for authenticity in theatrical presentations is reflected by the many newspaper advertisements which claimed complete accuracy in the depiction of events in Paris, such as the anniversary of the fall of the Bastille and the early battles fought on the Continent. Initially, this taste for accuracy extended even to the importation of French music associated with specific events. The use of French musical materials was deemed appropriate until events in France became increasingly darker and culminated in the declaration of war against Britain. After 1793, a composer would have been viewed as 1

W.T.F. ***G.****D., Esq. [William Thomas Fitzgerald], The Tribute of an Humble Muse to an unfortunate captive Queen (London: Hookham & Carpenter, 1793), 8.

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unpatriotic (or worse) if he composed a movement based on a French revolutionary song, as had Shield in his overture to A Picture of Paris taken in the Year 1790. Not surprisingly, it was the predicaments of individuals that attracted the greatest public interest during the early years. If the plight of Marie Antoinette and her children struck a strong sympathetic chord with the British public, it was one that composers, poets and publishers, alike, were eager to “play.” While it seems that the political implications of the Revolution in France were not completely set aside in such works, poets were most often content to make generalized comments on the superiority of the English political system while recounting the horrors bravely faced by the French Queen. The true public interest emerges in the personal tragedy of Marie Antoinette and her children. That the change in Marie Antoinette’s hair colour would be mentioned in the publication of music reveals a degree of this personal interest. Ultimately, it is this concern on the personal level which gives much of this music its humanity, and that makes some of the vocal works, in particular, worthy candidates for revival. The demand for political reform in Britain posed a possible threat to British traditions that the government of William Pitt could not ignore. The Office of the Lord Chamberlain was called upon to prevent, as much as could be justified by the existing legislation, the performance of stage works that might lead to republican ideals developing in Britain. What the Lord Chamberlain could not prevent was the popular interest in the spectacle of war, human tragedy and great heroism. These were convenient concerns for the minor theatres which were able to develop a repertoire of topical plays that helped define the theatrical experience in London during the last decade of the century, and ultimately lessened any ideological distinction between the two systems of theatres. Ultimately, the topical nature of the minor theatres’ repertoires became a useful tool for government during a time of war. Patriotism was a convenient symbol for the minor theatres to invoke as a means of justifying their assault on the primacy of drama in the patent theatres. Music was also a very convenient tool for enhancing this officiallysanctioned propaganda. The use of readily-digestible symbols (as most extravagantly found in Dent’s The Bastille at the Royal Circus) did not always prevent official censure, but it was guaranteed to encourage popular support among a large portion of the audience. The government appears to have understood the advantage of turning audience fascination to its own needs following the public executions of the French King and

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Queen and the declaration of war against Great Britain. Here, Philip Astley played a willing role, with his numerous stage works that detailed the events of the war against French and encouraged patriotic support for the war effort. The patent theatres were allowed to join in this process once war had been declared on Britain. While they had been previously prevented from enjoying the financial rewards of the British interest in the early years of the Revolution, they made up for lost time in the period of 1793-95, with numerous patriotic productions that benefited from their well-established stage facilities and access to the finest machinists, painters and musicians. During this period, there were various “revolutionary” wars being fought in London: those between the patent and minor theatres over who might be the first to present a new story on the stage, and those between the patent theatres, themselves, over whose productions were the most lavish and the most patriotic in tone. In the process, their offerings went beyond invoking tacit approval for the existing social and governmental systems to outright propaganda on behalf of the Tory government, and the crown. The Ministerial presses that had previously decried political material on the stage (Cf. A Picture of Paris taken in the Year 1790) reversed their stand, and it became the Opposition press that denigrated the overtly political and patriotic tone of many of the theatrical works. A similar change is to be noted with Sprigs of Laurel from 1793 when the Times, a Ministerial Press, commended the work on the basis of its patriotic content alone, and instructed its readers to follow suit. The European Magazine (November 1794, 364) makes similar comments about Pearce’s Arrived at Portsmouth, stating that “loyalty must be admitted as a substitute for plot and invention.” One is reminded of Elizabeth Cooper’s comment from 1735 that the “stage was meant to be a Looking-Glass for the Times.”2 In this instance, however, the looking glass had been much tempered by convenience and politics. The move towards a popularization of patriotic gestures in the country also had a pronounced influence on musical styles. That composers toiling in the area of patriotic song would increasingly turn to popular styles, with largely syllabic settings and restricted ranges, should not surprise, given that the sale of such songs to amateur singers was an important commercial consideration. But even here, a change in direction can be noted. The music of James Hook plays an important part of the present study. Hook composed more cantatas for solo voice than any other British 2

Elizabeth Cooper, The Rival Widows, or Fair Libertine, edited and with a preface by Tiffany Potter (Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Co., 2007), 29.

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composer during the second half of the eighteenth century, most often performed by professional soloists at the concerts of the summer pleasure gardens. His output in this field came to a virtual standstill after 1789. Hook’s final published cantata is The Royal Orphan’s Dream (1793), a work that deals with the children of the late Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette. Unlike many of Hook’s earlier cantatas that featured elaborate coloratura and required virtuoso singing techniques, The Royal Orphan’s Dream has no coloratura demands and has a restricted vocal compass. This would hardly seem coincidental, given that Hook was composing so many patriotic songs that could be sung by amateurs at the same time. A similar trend can also be noted in the realms of theatrical music, especially at the patent theatres. Once war was declared in 1793, these theatres were competing directly for the first time with the offerings found at the hippodromes and Sadler’s Wells. This appears to have had a pronounced effect on the scores that were subsequently composed. Both the Drury Lane and Covent Garden theatres could call upon singers of considerable skill and training in their productions. In spite of that, Shield, Attwood and Storace increasingly turned to a style more readily identified with that of William Reeve for their patriotic offerings. This is indicative of a change in the perceived role that theatrical music should play. While one might have expected that popular song tunes would have been heard at Astley’s and the Royal Circus (Cf. the use of the song “Oh Dear, what can the matter be” in The Siege of Valenciennes at Astley’s Amphitheatre in 1793), the increased use of materials cast in a popular style at the patent theatres and a move away from a more operatic style represents a departure from earlier practice. There can be little doubt that this trend was audience-driven. Charles Beecher Hogan has noted that the audiences at the Theatre Royal, Covent Garden, clamoured for popular songs. The 1793-94 season saw 76 popular songs performed a total of 179 times. In the 1794-95 season, there were 72 such songs, totalling 236 performances. “And so it went season after season: in 1799-1800, 91 songs for a total of 297 times.”3 The songs to which Hogan refers were existing popular or folk songs. These statistics do not take into account the newly-composed songs in the popular style that composers felt obliged to compose to appeal to audience tastes.

3

The London Stage: 1660-1800; A Calendar of Plays, Entertainments & Afterpieces, Together with Casts, Box-Receipts and Contemporary Comment, Part 5: 1776-1800 (Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press, 1968), V.5.3: 1676.

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The effect on composers who were trained in Italianate opera styles must have been disheartening in the extreme. While William Shield had a command over both ballad styles and Italianate opera (his opera, Rosina, is a prime example of his abilities in both), it must have been distressing for him to see the importance of the operatic styles diminished during the final decade of the century at the Covent Garden theatre. This is also reflected in the music that Thomas Attwood composed for the Covent Garden production of The Poor Sailor in 1795. The operatically-inspired singing that previously had been a part of the musical tradition in the patent theatres cannot be found in his score, leaving a sparer and more populist style. The more elaborate and virtuoso styles of singing were perceived as being foreign in their origins. It seems not to have mattered that these origins were Italian rather than French.4 All of this is indicative of the levels of unease and uncertainty experienced by the patent theatres which is also revealed in the number of absolute failures accorded to some of their new patriotic pieces during 1794 and 1795. The frequent recycling of older music that had strong patriotic overtones (and not only the ubiquitous “Rule Britannia” by Arne) into each new patriotic stage work at the patent theatres reflects a potential crisis facing composers who were uncertain of the direction in which they should be going. The French Revolution helped define the political identities of two nations. For France, it was republicanism and a near-total rejection of its past. For England, the events in France served to entrench the conservative values of the status quo in both government and social structure. In the worlds of music and theatre, however, enormous changes took place in London. While the events of the French Revolution were never fought on British soil, their re-enactments on the British stage had a profound effect on the future of the performing arts in that country. As the previously separate worlds of patent and minor theatres converged on similar topics, there was not only a breaking down of their traditional borders, but also a considerable change in the type of music that was performed in the patent theatres. In this regard, British musical reactions to the events in France were truly “revolutionary.”

4

The fortunes of the King’s Theatre-where Italian opera was performed-fluctuated during this time quite dramatically, with much reduced seasons between 1790-94. See: Frederick C. Petty, Italian Opera in London: 1760-1800, Studies in Musicology, No. 16 (Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Research Press, 1980) for full details of this period.

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INDEX Adam, Robert, 55 American War of Independence, 163 Andrews, H. “The Lillies of France,” 206-07. Anonymous. Les Adieux de l’infortunè Louis XVI,” 173. “The British Tar, or Peace and Loyalty,” 369. “The French Revolution,” 11718. “The Loyalist,” 370-71 A New Dialogue between Monsieur Francois and John English, on the French Revolution, 33-34. “The Pay Master,” 17. The Roast Beef Cantata, 18-25. “Satan’s Visit to the Jacobin Club,” 371. The Siege of Valenciennes. A favorite Sonata, 273-75. “The Soldier’s Song,” 14-15. Arne, Michael, 267. “The Mid-Watch,” 353. Arne, Thomas, 59, 267, 309, 329. Alfred, 217, 268, 284. Artaxerxes, 59, 114, 317, 324, 336, 347, 352. Thomas and Sally, 59. Arnold, Samuel, 267, 351. Arthur; or, The British Worthy, 66, 133. The Battle of Hexham, 169. Britain’s Glory; or, A Trip to Portsmouth, 339-40. “The British Volunteers,” 208. Rule Britannia! A Loyal Sketch, 336-37.

The Surrender of Calais, 16972. Astley, (the elder), Philip, ix, 72, 74-78, 165, 189, 215-16, 254. Old England forever; or, Lord Howe, and the Glorious 1st of June, 291-92. Astley, (the younger), [John] Philip, 76-77. British Loyalty, 222-23. Old England forever; or, Lord Howe, and the Glorious 1st of June, 290-91. Astley’s Ampitheatre (Royal Grove), 231, 326. Bagshot-Heath Camp,188-90. British Loyalty, 222-23. The Carmaagnols Routed (“near Lanny”), 227-29. Confederation at the Champ de Mars, 120-22, 160. The Disembarkation of the Light Horse at Ostend, 223-25. The Fall of Martinico, 295. Harlequin’s Choice of the Beauties of the World, 8283. Old England forever; or, Lord Howe, and the Glorious 1st of June, 291-92. Paris in an Uproar; or, The Destruction of the Bastille, 82-85, 167. The Royal Fugitives; or, France in an Uproar, 165-67. The Siege of Valenciennes; or, The Entrance of the British Troops into France, 10, 254-62, 376. The Surrender of Condé, 225-26.

392 Atkinson, F, 269. Atterbury, Luffman. “The Undaunted Britons,” 26869. Attwood, Thomas, 312, 376. The Mariners, 251- 53. The Poor Sailor; or, Little Ben and Little Bob, 357-60, 377. “Reflections of Marie Antoinette,” 179-80. Bagshot Heath, 187-88. Baildon, Joseph, 329. Bailey, John. “Victory,” 362. Banti, Brigitta, 324. Baumgarten, C.F., 305. Beaumarchais, P.A..C. Il barbière de Seville , 302. Benson, Robert, Britain’s Glory; or, A Trip to Portsmouth, 337-39. Bernard, John, 296, 355. The Poor Sailor; or, Little Ben and Little Bob, 355-57, 360. Birch, Samuel. The Mariners, 249-51. Bonaparte, Napoléon; see, Napoléon. Bonner, Charles. The Picture of Paris, Taken in the Year 1790, 136-50. Bowden, Wright, 315, 347, 355. Boyce, Henry, Harlequin’s Invasion, 336. Boyer, Abel, 7. Bristow, Mr. “La Guillotine,” 175-76. Brown, Rev. John, 5. Bruce, James. Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile in the Years, 1768-73, 197-98. Burbidge, J., “The Engagement, A New Sea Song,” 362-63.

Index Burke, Edmund. Reflections on the Revolution in France, viii, 26, 27, 36, 141, 148. Byrn (also spelled as Burn, etc.), James (dancer), 352. The Shipwreck; or, French Ingratitude, 248-49, 354. Callcott, J.W., “Ye Gentlemen of England,” 296, 347. Camidge, Matthew. “Antigallican Song: The Old British Lion,” 269-70. Carter, Thomas. “The Loyal Tar,” 371. “Stand to your Guns “[ “The Sea Fight,”] 316, 318-19. “When on board a trim vessel,” 316. Chapman, Richard, 38. The Triumph of Liberty, or The Destruction of the Bastille, 93, 95-99. Chapman, William, 88-89. Charles I, King of England, 50. Charles II, King of England, 51. Charles Edward, the Young Pretender, 3. Charlotte, Queen of England, 289. Cibber, Theophilus, 61. Clendining, Mrs., 201-02. Cobb, John. The Glorious First of June, 32428. Coleman, John. “Song Performed at a Benefit concert in Gibralter,” 270. Collins, John. The Evening Brush, 151, 158. “The Farce of French Liberty!” 207-08. Colman (the younger), George, 59, 172. Inkle and Yarico, 62. The Iron Chest, 62.

British Music and the French Revolution The Surrender of Calais, 164. Colman (the elder), George, 62. Connell, E. The Disembarkation of the Light Horse at Ostend, 223-25. Cook, Benjamin, 326. Cooper, Elizabeth, 375. Corday, Charlotte, 370. Corri, Natale. The Siege & Surrender of Valenciennes, 275-76. Cowley, Hannah. A Day in Turkey; or, The Russian Slaves, 36. Cross, J. C. British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship; or, An Escape from France, 310-12. Naples Bay; or, The British Sailors at Anchor, 315-16. The Purse; or, Benevolent Tar, 287-88. Crouch, Anna Maria, 179. Cubitt, William, 315. Cumberland, Richard. Richard the Second, 53. Cumberland, William, Duke of, 3, 4, 12-13, 124. Dale, Giuseppe [Joseph]. The Siege of Valenciennes, 27679. Danby, John, 326. Da Ponte, Lorenzo, 324. Davis, Thomas. A Cantata in praise of Victory gain’d by the English at Dettingen, 16. Day, J., 363. Decaastro. J., 259. Defoe, Daniel, 188. D’Egville, James, 325. Del Caro, Mme. (dancer), 324-25. Dent, John. The Triumph of Liberty, or The Destruction of the Bastille,73-74, 85-95, 374.

393

Dibdin, (the elder), Charles, 72-73, Dibdin, (the younger),Charles, 95. Blow high, blow low,” 347-48. “Jack at the Windlass,” 352-53. Liberty, 16. “No Good without and Exception,” 316, 319. The Touchstone; or, Harlequin Traveller, 113, 135. Dignum, Charles, 268, 364. Dudley, Henry Bate. The Flitch of Bacon, 235. Dundas, Colonel David, 187. Dussek, Jan Ladislav. The Sufferings of the Queen of France, 185-86. Elfort, Mr. The Bastile, A Favorite Sonata, 114-17, 186. Erskine, Thomas, 6th Early of Kelly, 97. Etherege, George. The Man of Mode, 8. Eyre, Edwin. The Death of the Queen of France, 172. Ferrari, [?Domenico], 251. Fersen, Count Axel, 164. Fête de la Fédération (Champ de Mars), 119. Fielding, Henry, 50- 61. Fischer, Johnann Christian, 158. Fisher, John Abraham, 59, 267. Foote, Samuel, 61-62. Fop, 8, 10, 11. Forrest, Ebenezer, 19. Forrest, Theodosius, 19. Fox, Charles James, 79. Fox, Henry, 26. Francis II, Emperor of Austria, 211. Franklin, Mrs., 270, 364-65. Frederick, Duke of York, 212, 253, 255. Frost, John, 32. Garrick, David, 4, 54-55, 58, 63. Cymon, 108, 264.

394 Gay, John. The Beggar’s Opera, 50. Gazzaniga, Giuseppe. La Vendemmia, 110. George I, King of England, 187. George III, King of England, 187, 289. Gibbs, Maria, 334. Giordani, Tomasso, 317. Giornovichi, Giovanni Mane, 324, 329. Gluck, Christoph Willibald von. Don Juan, 201. Iphigenia in Aulis, 264. Godwin, William, 28, 38. Caleb Williams, 9, 62. Enquiry Concerning Political Justice, 32. Goodwin, Thomas. The Relief of Williamstadt; or, The Return from Victory, 230-31. Goodwin’s Fields, 50, 62. Greene, Maruice, 12-13. Gustav II, King of Sweden, 230. Handel, George Frederick, 59, 114. Acis and Galatea, 268. L’Allegro ed il Penseroso, 268. Esther, 268. Judas Maccabeus, 98, 277. Messiah, 277. Harris, Thomas, 59, 60, 112, 13536, 140. Hawker, Robert, 1. Haydn, Franz Joseph, 110. Hermann, Johann David, and Daniel Steibelt, A Favorite Sonata for the Pianoforte or Harpsichord called The Coquette, Compos’d for the late Queen Marie Antoinette, 186. Heron, Henry. “Immortal Jove from thy blest seat,” 17.

Index Herschel, William, 108. Hillingsburg, Mme (dancer), 325. Hoadly, John. The Trophy, 12. Hoare, Prince. No Song, No Supper, 325. Hogarth, William. Henry, 18-19, 21. Holcraft, Thomas, 28, 37, 38, 53, 60. The Road to Ruin, 231. Holland, Mr. (dancer), 290, 352. Hollis, Thomas Brand, 28. Home, John. Douglas, 71. Hood, Admiral Samuel, 1st Vicount Hood, 264. Hook, James, x, 39-41, 201, 285, 375-76. “British Loyalty, or Kings, Lords, & Commons,” 36768. “Britons be Valiant,” 41, 20810. “Britons Struck Home, Led the Way by Lord Howe,” 36163. “The Captive Queen,” 183. “The Disconsolate Sailor,” 40, 353. “The Glorious First of June; or, Lord Howe’s Victory,” 361. “The Good ship Britannia,” 42, 172. Great Britain Triumphant, 36467. “Hark, the Dreadful Din of War,” 41. “Hark, the Martial Fife and Drum,” 42-43. “The Heroes of the British Fleet,” 42, 208. “The King and Constitution,” 42. The Royal Orphan’s Dream, 184-85, 376. “The Royal Soldier,” 270-71.

British Music and the French Revolution “The Royal Soldier’s Farewell,” 211. “The Soldier’s Adieu,” 271-72. “'Twas within a Mile of Edinboro Town,” 40, 336. “The Wooden Walls of Old England,” 42, 218. Howard, William, 305. Howe, Richard, 1st Earl Howe, 289, 334. Hudson, Robert. “Church, King, and Old England for Ever,” 370. Hurlstone, Thomas. To Arms; or, The British Recruit, 235-38. Hughes, Charles, ix, 72-75. Inchbald, Elizabeth, 53. Every One has his Fault, 177. Incledon, Charles, 155, 200, 202, 208-09. 239, 315, 347, 352, 353, 360. Jackman, Isaac. The Milesian, 318-19. Jackson, Revered William, 64. Jerningham, Edward. The Siege of Berwick, 214. Johannot, Richard, 259. Johnstone, John, 157, 296, 309, 310, 312, 315, 347, 352, 354. Jones, Anna Maria, 47. Kambra, Karl. The Siege of Valenciennes for the Piano Forte, 279-81. Kelly, Michael, 39, 164, 325, 32830. Kemble, Maria Theresa, 337. Kemble, John Philip, 56, 58, 106, 250. King, Matthew Peter. The Siege of Valenciennes, 28183. King, Thomas, 67. King’s Theatre, 6, 49, 60-61. Larpent, Anna Margaretta, 35, 52, 58, 197-98, 230-31, 297.

395

Larpent, John, 35, 52-54, 60, 64, 203, 113, 136, 140-41, 172, 193, 230, 250, 267, 338, 341, 355. Lawton, D. The Leeds Volunteer’s March, 205-06. Leopold, Emperor of Austria, 211. Lewis, William, 231. Linley (the elder), Thomas, 108. “When ‘tis night and the MidWatch is come,” 329, 353. Linley (the younger), Thomas, 108. Lonsdale, Marc. The Sans Culottes, and The Grand Culottes, 218-22. Louis XVI, King of France, 44, 48, 163-65, 173-76, 211, 230, 373, 376. Louis XVII, son of the above, 264. Lyons, William, 326. Mably, Abbé de. Observations sur l’histoire de France, 35. Macaroni, 9, 190. Macintosh, James. Vindiciae Gallicae: defence of the French Revolution and its English admirers, against the accusations of the Right Hon. Edmund Burke, 35. Maddocks, Walter, 326. Mara, Gertrud Elisabeth, 319. Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, 38, 44-48, 138, 153, 163-65, 176-86, 211, 374, 376. Marsh, John, 31, 36, 37, 57, 85, 287. Martin y Soler, Vincente, 251. Matthews, James. “Our line was formed,” 363. Martyr, Margaret, 233, 296, 302, 306, 320, 321, 352, 353, 359, 360. Mazzinghi, Joseph, 36. McLean, J. Bagshot Quick March, 205.

396 Bagshot Slow March, 205. Brighton Camp March, 205. Brighton Camp Quick March, 205. Meadows, William, 88-89. Merry, Robert, 35-36. The Picture of Paris, Taken in the Year 1790, 136-50, 155. Middleton, James, 315. Miel (Miello), William, 88, 93. Miller, William Edward. The Queen of France, 180-82. The Queen of France, her Lamentation before her Execution, 180-81. Milne, Miss, 364-65. Monsigny, P.-A. Le Deserteur, 110. Montagu, John, 4th Earl of Sandwich, 326, 332. Mornington, Garrett Colley Wellesley, Earl of, “In Cool Grot,” 336. Mountain, Mrs., 309, 339, 364. Mozart, Wolgang Amadeus. Die Entführung aus dem Serail, 111. Le Nozze di Figaro, 110, 325. Die Zauberflöte, 252. Munden, Joseph, 235, 313, 315. Nairne, Edward, 371. Napoléon, 34. Naumann, Johann Gottlieb, 152. Amphion, 150, 156. Offey, Henry Francis. “The Gallant Soldier,” 368. “The True British Soldier; King George & Old England for Ever,” 368-69. O’Keefe, John, 7, 8. The Grenadier; or, The Man in the Iron Mask, 112-13. Love in a Camp; or, Patrick in Prussia, 193. Sprigs of Laurel; or, Royal Example, 240-44.

Index Paine, Thomas, 31, 38, 269. Rights of Man, 27-28, 35, 36. Paisiello, Giovanni, 305, 316. Il Barbiere di Siviglia, 317, 31920. Il Marchese Tulipano, 319. La Molinara, 201. La Serva Padrona, 323. La Vittoria, 324. Palmer, John, 64-66, 73, 88-89, 93, 129. Palmer, William. The Royal Orphan’s Dream,184. Parke, William, 39, 305-08. Parker, Miss, 290. Parker, Mrs.(dancer), 167-68, 290 Pearce, William, 298. Arrived at Portsmouth, 341-44, 375. The Death of Captain Faulknor; or, British Heroism, 349-50. Hartford Bridge; or, The Skirts of the Camp, 193-99, 233, 301, 372. Netley Abbey, 298-303. Peck, James. “Hail Britannia!,” 369-70. Peck, R., 363-64. Pepusch, Johann Christoph, 267. Percy, John. The Captive, 178-79. Phelps, Master, 364-65. Phipps, Henry, 1st Earl Mulgrave, 326. Pilon, Frederick. He Would be a Soldier, 297. The Invasion; or, all Alarm’d at Brighthelmstone, 233. Piozzi, Mrs; See, Thrale, Hester Lynch. Pitt, William, ix, 31, 32, 38, 43, 56, 187, 211, 212, 264, 294, 374. Pittman, Ambrose. “Lo Triomphe,” 362. Pleyel, Ignaz, 336.

British Music and the French Revolution Poole, Miss, 314, 315, 319. Price, Richard, 148. Discourse on the Love of our Country, 25. Purcell, Henry. The Fairy Queen, 169. The Indian Queen, 169. Pye, Henry. The Siege of Meaux, 297. Reeve, William, 38, 89, 96, 151, 157, 267, 285, 329, 330, 351, 376. British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship, 312-15. The French Jubilee; or, Grand Confederation at Paris, 128. Honours of War; or, The Siege of Valenciennes, 262-63. “The Land of Potatoes,” 347. Mars’s Holiday; or, A Trip to the Camp, 191. Naval Triumph; or, The Tars of Old England, 294. “Paddy Bull’s Expedition,” 158. “The Row,” 315. The Sans Culottes, and The Grand Culottes, 220-22. Reynolds, Frederick, 80, 163. The Crusade, 1112-14. Rich, Christopher, 54. Rich, John, 58. Ritson, Joseph, 38. Roberts, James, Rule Britannia! A Loyal Sketch, 334-36. Robespierre, Maximilien-FrançoisIsidore, 31, 287. Robinson, Mary, 47, 338. Impartial Reflections on the Present Situation of the Queen of France, 47. Royal Circus, 120. The French Jubilee; or, Grand Confederation at Paris, 126-28. Royalty Theatre, 64-66, 158.

397

Paris Federation, 128-35. Sadler’s Wells Theatre, ix, 67-72, 120, 165, 231, 326. Britannia’s Relief, 70, 122. Champ de Mars, 122-26. The Dauntless Volunteers, 293. England’s Glory; or, Britons best Bulwarks are her Wooden Walls, 295-96. Field of Battle, 122. Gallic Freedom; or, Vive La Liberté, 99-103, 117, 160. The Glorious First of June, 293. The Guardian Frigate; or, English Heroism, 122. Hall of Augusta; or, The Land We Live In, 216-19. Harlequin Glendower, 289. Honours of War; or, The Siege of Valenciennes, 219, 26267. Irish Courtship, 289. Mars’s Holiday; or, A Trip to the Camp, 190-92. Naval Triumph; or, The Tars of Old England, 292. The Royal Prisoners; or, Les Innocens enfermées, 165, 167-68. The Sans Culottes, and The Grand Culottes, 218-22. The Sons of Britannia; or, George for England, 29095. The Village Ghost, 289. William Tell; or, The Origin of Swiss Liberty, 289. St. John, John. The Island of St. Marguerite, 56, 104-08. Sanderson, James, 38, 285. The Disembarkation of the Light Horse at Ostend, 223-25. The Siege of Valenciennes; or, The Entrance of the British Troops into France, 259-60.

398 Sarti, Giuseppe. Le Nozze di Dorina, 337. Sedgewick, Thomas, 251, 371. Shakespeare, William. As You Like It, 64, 66, 192. Henry V, 193. Othello, 192. Richard III, 63, 193. Romeo and Juliet, 59, 192. Shaw, Thomas, 266. The Island of St. Marguerite, 108-112. The Mariners, 108, 251-52. Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, 56, 69. Cape St. Vincent, 325. The Glorious First of June, 51, 58, 288, 324-28. Love and Honour; or Britannia in Full Glory at Spithead, 320-21. Shield, William, 37, 38, 267, 315, 318, 347, 354, 376. Arrived at Portsmouth, 344-47. British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship; or, An Escape from France, 312-15. The Crusade, 114. The Death of Captain Faulknor; or, British Heroism, 351-52 England’s Glory, 354-55. Hartford Bridge; or, The Skirts of the Camp, 199-204, 359. Love and Honour; or Britannia in Full Glory at Spithead, 321-23. Netley Abbey, 303-10. The Picture of Paris, Taken in the Year 1790, 150-61, 354, 374, 375. The Relief of Williamstadt; or, The Return from Victory, 231-32, 338. Rosina, 309, 376. The Soldier’s Festival, 234-35.

Index Sprigs of Laurel; or, Royal Example, 244-48. To Arms; or, The British Recruit, 238-40. The Travellers in Switzerland, 348. Siddons, Mrs. 57. Smith, J.S. “To Anacreon in Heaven,” 371. Smollett, Tobias. Travels Through France and Italy, vii-viii. Stevens, George Alexander. “The Storm,” 239, 353. Stevenson, Sir John Andrew. “Cease your full toned sprightly horns,” 239. “Louis the Sixteenth’s Lamentation,” 174. Storace, Nancy, 38, 110, 111, 325. Storace, Stephen, 38, 110, 111, 312, 376. “Captivity, A Ballad,” xi, 17677. The Glorious First of June, 32833, 363. “Lamentation of Marie Antoinette. . . on the Morning of her Execution,” 177-78. The Pirates, 168, 322. Taylor, Mr, 364. Taylor, Raynor. “The British Soldier,” 371. “Jack the Guinea Pig,” 122. Theatre, Royal, Covent Garden, 49, 58-60. Arrived at Portsmouth,341-47. British Fortitude and Hibernian Friendship, 297, 310-15. The British Recruit; or, Who’s Afraid?, 347. The Death of Captain Faulknor; or, British Heroism,344-45, 349-52.

British Music and the French Revolution England’s Glory, 354-55. The Fall of Martinico; or, Britannia Triumphant, 296, 297, 323-24. The Flitch of Bacon, 234. Hartford Bridge; or, The Skirts of the Camp, 193-204, 297. He Would be a Soldier, 297. Love and Honour; or Britannia in Full Glory at Spithead, 320-23. Naples Bay; or, The British Sailors at Anchor, 286, 31520. Naval Volunteers; or, Britain’s Bulwark, 296, 347-49. Netley Abbey, 298-310. The Picture of Paris, Taken in the Year 1790, 136-61. The Poor Sailor; or, Little Ben and Little Bob, 355-60. The Relief of Williamstadt; or, The Return from Victory, 230-33. The Sailor’s Festival; or, All Alive at Portsmouth, 23435. The Shipwreck; or, French Ingratitude, 248-49. The Siege of Berwick, 214. The Siege of Meaux, 297. The Soldier’s Festival, 297, 352-54. Sprigs of Laurel; or, Royal Example, 215, 240-48, 297, 375. To Arms; or, The British Recruit, 235-40. Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, 49, 5458, 376.

399

The Glorious First of June, 32434. The Island of St. Marguerite, 104-12. The Mariners, 249-53. Theatre Royal, Haymarket (“Little”), 61-62. The Battle of Hexham, 169. Britain’s Glory; or, A Trip to Portsmouth, 337-41. Guy Fawkes; or, The Fifth of November, 214. Rule Britannia! A Loyal Sketch, 334-37. Surrender of Calais, 169. Thelwall, John, 38. Thompson, George, 315. Thrale, Hester Lynch (later Mrs. Piozzi), 287. Townsend, Edward Evans, 365. Walpole, Horace, 46. Watlen, John, 349. The Surrender of Toulon, 28385. Welsh, Master, 332. Welsh, Thomas, 326. Wewitzer, Ralph, 129, 131, 135. Wild, James. Harlequin’s Chaplet, 264. Wollstonecraft, Mary, 47. An Historical and Moral View of the French Revolution (1793), 47. A Vindication of the Rights of Man (1790), 27. A Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), 27. Worgan , John. Awak’d by the Horn, 16. Wroughton, Richard, 68, 69, 100, 102. Yearsley, Ann, 47.