Brill's Encyclopedia of Buddhism [1] 9789004283435

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HANDBOOK OF ORIENTAL STUDIES

Brill's Encyclopedia of Buddhism

HANDBUCH DER ORIENTALISTIK Volume I: Literature and Languages SECTION TWO

INDIA edited by

J. Bronkhorst A. Malinar

Editor-in-chief Jonathan A. Silk Consulting Editors Oskar von Hiniiber Vincent Eltschinger Editorial Advisory Board Lucia Dolce Johan Elverskog Harunaga Isaacson Christian Lammerts Robert Mayer JuhyungRhi Francesco Sferra Stefano Zacchetti

VOLUMEzg/1

BRILL

LEIDEN · BOSTON 2015

Table of Contents, Volume I

Prelims List of Contributors .......................................................................................................... ;.................... . Prim my Source (Collection) Abbreviations ................................................................................... . Journals and Series ................................................................................................................................ . General Abbreviations ......................................................................................................................... . Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... .

ix xxii xxiv xxxvii xxxix

Scriptural General ......................................................................................................................................................... . Canonicity ............................................................. ;................................................................................. . Tripitaka .............................................................. ,.................................................................................... . Agama/Nikaya ....................................................................................................................................... .. Vinayas .................................................................................................................................................... .. Abhidharma ............................................................................................................................................ . Dazangjing .............................................................................................................................................. . Kanjur ...................................................................................................................................................... .. Tanjur ....................................................................................................................................................... .

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual "Brill" typeface. With over 5,100 charaGters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 0169-9377 ISBN 978-90-04-28343-5 Copyright 2015 by Koninldijke Brill NV; Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Rodopi and Hotei Publishing. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.

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3 5 38 so 6o 88 forthcoming

103 forthcoming

Mahayana Siitra Literature ·······································~········ .................................................................... . Mahayana Siitra Literature: Overview ............................................................................................. . Buddhavatmf1sakasiitra ....................................................................................................................... . Dharm;1I Siitras ....................................................................................................................................... .. Lailkavatarasiitra ........................................................................................................................ ············ Lotus Siitra .............................................................................................................................................. . Mahaparinirva1,1amahasiitra .............................................................................................................. . Prajnaparamita Siitras .......................................................................................................................... . Pure Land Siitras .................................................................................................................................... . Samadhirajasiitra .................................................................................................................................. . Sa1pdhinirmocanasi.Itra ....................................................................................................................... . Suvar1,1abhasottamasiitra .................................................................................................................... . Tathagatagarbha Siitras ....................................................................................................................... . Vimalakirtinirdesa ............................................................................................................................... .. Chinese Buddhist Apoc1ypha ............................................................................................................ . SutraAnthologies .................................................................................................................................. .

113 forthcoming

Tantric Literature ...................................................................................................................................... . Tantric Literature: Overview South Asia ......................................................................................... . Catu:;;pitha ............................................................................................................................................... . Guhyasamaja ......................................................................................................................................... .. Hevajratantra ......................................................................................................................................... . Kalacakra ................................................................................................................................................. . Maftjusrinamasa111giti .......................................................................................................................... . Samvara .................................................................................................................................................... . Sarvabuddhasamayoga~~l/s:; Mahisii.saka Pre- with Lamotte's [(1958) 1g88, 168] *Kusaliidhyiiya cept Book). This translation is also attributed to and Chung's [zoos, 1] *Kusalaparivarta). The shanBuddhaJiva and his translation team. However, not song, however, contains unmistakable parallels to only does the translation terminology not match the Uttaragrantha of the Mulasarvastiviidavinaya, that ofBuddhajiva, but the number of rules and their a text which, at least judging from the Tibetan order of presentation also differ from the Wufen-lil. translation, may also have been called the UttamaThis blzik$upriitimok$a is closest to the textual tradi- grantlza (Vogel, 1985, non6o ). It is possible that shan tion of the Sarvii.stivii.dins. (See also Hirakawa, vol. I, (~;good; Lamotte's kusala) translates Uttama and [1g6o ]1ggg-zooo, z35, Z44-Z45i Yuyama, 1979, § 1.41.) that song (~iff; recitation [i.e. adlzyaya]) translates grantha. If this proposal is accepted, the Sanskrit Wzifen biqiunijieben title of this Vinaya - if it had one - may have been This bhik$WJtpriitimok$a, titled Wufen biqiunijieben ''Dasagrantlzavinaya, although this is unattested. (115ttt£i:Jb~l/s:; Five-Part Blzik$u~zl Precept Book; The Shisong-lil contains an important list of 18 T. 14z3 [XXII]; one fasc.), was compiled from the siitras known as the Mahasiitras (see Hirakawa, vibhmiga of the Wufen-lil by Shi Minghui (f1!BJl~) vol. II, [1g6o] 1ggg-zooo, 369-371; Sldlling, 1997, in szz CE (English translation in Kabilsingh, 1998, 4-6, zo-z4; for a survey of Sanskrit fragments cor83-1zs). (See also Hirakawa, vol. I, [1g6o ]1ggg-zooo, responding to the Slzisong-lil, see, with caution as z45-z46; vol. II, [1g6o ]1ggg-zooo, 76; Yuyama, 1979, to the identifications, since parallels in Tibetan § 14z; Prebish, 1994, 66.) generally have been overlooked, Chung, zooz; on Sarvastivii.din Vinaya fragments in Tocharian, see, among others, Ogihara, zoog; zon; z013; for Uighur Sarvastivadins fragments, see Elverskog, 1997, 3z). The title of the text reflects its division into ten Shisong-lil recitations or sections as follows: The Shisong-lii (+tiifi{f; Ten-Recitation Vinaya; Recitations 1-3 (T. 1435 [XXIII] 1aZ-147b16; T. 1435 [XXIII]; 61 fasc.) is iliought to belong to the fasc. 1-zo ): bhik$uviblzmiga. (On Sanskrit fragments Sarvii.stivii.dins. Nothing in the title or the content of the blzik$uvibhmiga preserved in the Turfan of the text, however, confirms this sectarian affili- collection, see Rosen, 1959; for listings of identiation. Following the problematic practice of using fied Sanskrit fragments, see Hartmann & Wille, Sanskrit words for Chinese Buddhist terms even Z014b, ZI6.) when unattested and without presenting a case Recitation 4 (T. 1435 [XXIII] 148ru-zo6bz6; for their adoption, the Shisong-lil is often referred fasc. z1-z8): chapters from ordination (1) down to as the Dasiidlzyayavinaya (Nanjio, 1883, z46) or to robes (7)- traditionally known as the 7 fa()~). DasabhalJavaravinaya (Hirakawa, 1g8z, 7). (For listings of identified Sanskrit fragments from The Slzisong-lii was translated into Chinese recitations 4 and 5, see Hartmann & Wille, zo14b, between the years 404 and 409 CE by Kumii.rajiva Z14-z16, z1g; z014c, zs1; Wille, z014a, 193-195; z014b, (Luoshi [rtl!ft]) in collaboration with the North z3z; for an edition of Sanskrit fragments from the Indian *Pul).yatii.ra (Furuoduoluo ['*~O))Jli;~l'l/li.:-.:B~t -3 7 :of A O)@C-)10/1~/¥)," Bg zo, 19S6, 1-10. Elverskog,J., UygurBuddhistLiterature, SRS 1, Turnhout, 1997. Enomoto, F., '"Miilasarvastivadin' and 'Sarvastivadin,'" in: C. Chojnacki, J.-U. Hartmann & V.M. Tschannerl, eds., Vividharatnakara~u;laka. Festgabe jiir Adellzeid Mette, leT 37, Swisttal-Odendorf, zooo, 239-250. Falk, H., & I. Strauch, "The Bajaur and Split Collections of Kharo~thl Manuscripts within the Context of Buddhist Gandharl Literature," in: P. Harrison & J.-U. Hartmann, eds., From Birch Bark to Digital Data: Recent Advances in Buddhist Manuscript Research (Papers Presented at the Coriference Indic Buddhist Manuscripts: The State of the Field, Stmiford, june 15-19 2009), OAW Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 46o; BKGA So, Vienna, 2014, 51-7S. Finot, 1., "I.e Pratimok~asiitra des Sarvastivadins: Texte sanskrit: Avec Ia version chinoise de Kumarajlva traduite en fraw;ais par M. Edouard Huber," fA z, 1913, 465-557. Frauwallner, E., The Earliest Vinaya and the Beginnings of Buddhist Literature, SOR S, Rome, 1956. Harrison, P., "In Search of the Source of the Tibetan Bka' 'gyur: A Reconnaissance Report," in: P. Kvaerne, ed., Tibetan Studies: Proceedings ofthe 6th Seminar ofthe International Associationfor Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992, vol. I, ICRHCOP 1, Oslo, 1994, 295-317. Hartmann, J.-U., & K. Wille, "The Manuscript of the Dlrghagama and the Private Collection in Virginia," in: P. Harrison & J.-U. Hartmann, eds., From Birch Bark to Digital Data: Recent Advances in Buddhist Manuscript Research (Papers Presented at the Conference Indic Buddhist Manuscripts: The State of the Field, Stariford, june 15-19 2009 ), OAW Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 460; BKGA So, Vienna, 2014a, 137-155. Hartmann,J.-U., & K. Wille, "The Central Asian Sanskrit Fragments in the Pelliot Collection (Paris)," in: P. Harrison & J.-U. Hartmann, eds., From Birch Bark to Digital Data: Recent Advances in Buddhist Manuscript Research (Papers Presented at the Conference Indic Buddhist Manuscripts: The State of the Field, Stmiford, june 15-19 2009), OAW Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 460; BKGA So, Vienna, 2014b, 213-222. Hartmann, J.-U., & K. Wille, "Further Collections of Sanskrit Manuscripts From Central Asia,'' in: P. Harrison & J.-U. Hartmann, eds., From Birch Bark to Digital Data: Recent Advances in Buddhist Manuscript Research (Papers Presented at the Coriference Indic Buddhist Manuscripts: The State of the Field, Stmiford, june 15-19 2009), OAW Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, Denkschriften 460; BKGA So, Vienna, 2014c, 247-255. Heirman, A., " Vinaya: From India to China," in: A. Heirman & S.P. Bumbacher, eds., The Spread ofBuddhism, HdO SectionS, vol. XVI, Leiden, 2007, 167-202. Heirman, A., "The Discipline in Four Parts": Rules for Nuns according to the Dharmaguptakavinaya, BTS 47-49, Delhi, 2002.

r

VINAYAS

Hiniiber, 0. von, A Handbook ofPiili Literature, IPSAS z, Berlin, 1996. Hiniiber, 0. von, "A Fragment of the MahasaqtghikaLokottaravada-Vinaya from Bamiyan," BEl 4, 19S6, 295-303, Hirakawa Aldra (.IJZJII~), Ritsuza no kenkya (~~O)liff }'E; A Study of the Vinayapi(aka), z vols., Tokyo, 196o, 2:!999-zooo. Hirakawa Akira, Monastic Discipline for the Buddhist Nuns: An English Translation of the Chinese Text of the Mahiisii111ghika-Bhik~u~zi-vinaya, TSWS 21, Patna, 19S2. Hiraoka Satoshi (.IJZilill~~), Budda no ainaru monogatari: Bonbun "Mahiivasutu" zen'yaku (f'Y )7'0)j(PI;t-3¥!Jiffi. jt)( w7 J \ - r'f 7 A '7 ~ -;£~; The Buddha's Great Story: A Complete Translation of the Sanskrit Text of the Mahiivastu), z vols., Tokyo, 2010. Hoernle, A.F.R., Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature Found in Eastern Turkestan, Oxford, 1916, repr. Amsterdam,1970. Honj6 Yoshifumi (2f>:J± f!:X:), Kusharon-chzl Upiiikii 110 kenkya: Yakucha-hen (~i'!riiJiliitt'/ J \-1;:!] -O)liff J'E • ~ittili; A Study of the Upiiyikii Commentmy to the Abhidhamzakosa: An Annotated Translation), z vols., Tokyo, 2014. Hu-von Hiniiber, H., Das Bhiksu-Priitimoksasiltra der Mzilasarviistiviidins. Anhand de; Sanskrlt-Handschriften aus Tibet zmd Gilgit sowie unter Beriicksichtigwzg der tibetischen und der chinesischen Obersetzzmgen kritisclz herausgegeben, 2003, http:/ /www.freidok.uni-freiburg.de/ volltexte/9535· Ikeda On ()if';B3).fiii), Chzigoku kodai shahon shikigo shziroku (tp~[j{-\:Jiib2f>:~lm:$~!J':fW§.ll.; An Analysis of the Ten-Recitation Bhik~u~zipriitimok~asitb·a Discovered at Dunhuang), Kyoto, 1929. Nishimoto Ryiizan (J7§2f>:_ij~Ll.J), "Rajii-yaku]iiju bikwziharadaimokusha kailwn no shutsugen narabi ni shobu soni kaihon no taisho kenkyii" (rtfft~+~i!irc£i}b)~rtft:ll!:;;J;:.X. )Jli;:~j

(T. z8o [X] 445a5-446a15)

{i)j7g)t:g:ilfi+{±~

(T. 284)

{i)j7g)t:g:jlfi:~~

(T.28o [X] 446a15-bg)

l?#§)t:g:jlfi:)~~¥~!;

T. 264) by Jnanagupta and Dharmagupta, produced in 601 CE; and 4· Satanfentuolijing (i®HI::5:1-W8fU~!; T. 265), may belong to the Western Jin (JlS-]!lf; 265-316 CE; corresponding to ch. n only, see below). Although the Zhengfalzua jing, the oldest translation, had an impact on developing Chinese Buddhist traditions, it is rather the Miaofa lianlzuajing that was to have the most lasting importance for all of East Asian Buddhism, down to the present day. The Tanpin miaofa lianlzua jing is a sort of revision of the translation of Kumarajiva, with commentarial notes. Finally, the Satanfentuolijing (the title is a phonetic transcription of Saddlzarmapw:u/arika) is a rendering of a single chapter, corresponding to chaptern (see below). Karashima (1992, 253-260) argued that the Zlzengfahua jing and Miaofa lianhua jing are more closely related to the Sanskrit recension found in the Central Asian manuscripts than to that represented by the Gilgit-Nepalese manuscripts, while in contrast the Tianpin miao falianlzua jing corresponds more closely to the Gilgit-Nepalese recension. The Zlzengfalzua jing is particularly important for the light it sheds on stages of development of the sfttra even older than the oldest evidence provided by Sanskrit manuscripts. Although the text circulated widely in China in manuscripts and later xylograph form, we can get some notion of its earlier popularity from the Dunhuang collections. S.F. Teiser calculates that there are something like 4,500 separate manuscript copies (complete or partial) of the Chinese Lotus Sfttl-a- mostly the Miaofa lianlzua jing- in the main Dunhuang collections, but surely many more once existed. One manuscript (Pelliot chinois 3788) is a single smviving example of 3000 that were copied in the 68os CE "on behalf of the posthumous fate of the parents of Empress Wu" (Teiser, 2014, 67, 6711131). The text was, moreover, frequently engraved on stone at a number of sites in various areas of China between 6oo and 840 CE (Teiser, 2014, 67-68).

Three additional Chinese translations are in catalogues as having been produced, but they not known to exist: 1. (Zizeng) Falzua sanmeijing ([IE])~¥-=.~~) translated by Zhi Jianglangsha (:3Z:51EH~) in 255 CE (T. 2154 [LV)628C21-22); 2. Sayunfentuolijing (@ii:BfW8fU~), translated by Dharmarak~a in 265 CE (T. 2154 [LV] 628c23-26). (Although this is the cited title, it is certainly an old enor of :g: [yun] for !I; [tan], matching the title of the Satarifentuali, above.); and 3· Fangdeng fahua jing (:1J~$¥~!) by Daogen (JZ:lli;f~) in 335 CE (T. 2034 [XLIX) 69a26-b2; T. 2154 [LV) 628c27-629a2 ). The sfttra was also translated into Central Asian languages, including fragments in Uigur (Elverskog, 1997, 59ff.; Zieme, 2005; Yalcup, 2on; a translation of a Chinese commentary is also known, Kudara, 1988), and the complete text in Tan gut (from Kumarajiva's Chinese translation; Nishida, 2005). Although the text as such was apparently never translated into Khotanese, one quoted verse and a metrical summmy are known (Bailey, 1971; 1972; Emme1ick, 1992, 27ff. ). As for East Asian vernaculars, although it is perhaps not correct to spealc of a "translation" as such, there are records of Kumarajiva's translation of the Lotus Sfttra being read out in Japanese in a way that was apparently understandable as early as the nth or 12th century (Apple, 2on). The date of the first translation of the Chinese into Japanese is unknown, but the oldest complete manuscript ofthe text in which the Chinese is presented in Japanese reading order- again, not a translation- appears to be that dated to 1330, the Bannaji-bon Kana Hokekyo (~~lloJ'¥4:111Ji'J)~¥~!; Kabutogi, 1955; Kawamura, 1979). The first Korean version dates to 1463, a work which combines a Korean rendering ofKumarajiva's Chinese text, MyobOb lyonlzlzwa'gyong (conventionally Boplzwa'gyong onlzae) with a commentmy, the Miaofalianlzuajingyaojie (frj.>)~¥~.¥!?!JW; ZZ 602 ), by the Chan monkJiehuan (:W;$; ?-1129?; Kim Kyongkon, 2014 ). However, the text was apparently never of great importance in Korea (Groner & Stone, 2014, 3). In some East Asian traditions, Kumarajiva's text is joined together with the Wuliangyijing (fAA £~~; Innumerable Meanings Sfttra; T. 276) and the Puxian jing (trfji~; Sfttl-a of [Meditation on] Samantabhadra; T. 277) to form the "Threefold Lotus Sftn·a" (Falzua sanbujing [$¥-=:'I'm&¥]; Jpn. Hokke sambukyo); the latter of the two additional texts, the Puxianjing, is important in Tiantai (:7(15') repentance rituals.

LOTUSSUTRA

147

tradition, but for the authors of the Lotus, and for its followers, the result is instead a world in which not just buddhahood as a potential but the Buddha himself is eternally present and accessible. This powerful vision has permeated the reception of the Lotus Sftn·a down to today, and its theology has had ;11~~~:~"{i)/tl;j;~~i';, *Saddlzarmapw:zrjarikopadesa; a profound impact on virtually all ofMahayana Bud519; study and trans. in Abbott, 1985; T. 1520 may 1 closer to the original than T. 1519). Although not dhism, directly or indirectly. The text presents itself in a form rather more narin Tibet as such, there is an apparent referto tllis commentary in Bu stan's 14th-century rative and poetical than is common in Mahayana scriptures. The narratives, and especially para.Leu~~,,-~ in his Chos 'byung (History of Buddhism), nothing else is known of this translation (Nish- bles, which populate the text convey the diverse 1981, #667, pad ma dkar po'i 'grel pa dbying themes and messages of the sfttra in a sometimes mdzad pa; see also #664, pad ma dkar po'i quite dramatic fashion, which is underscored by bsdus pa wo sloka ). These may, however, repre- the huge audience of human and celestial beings, translations from Chinese, in which there are the frequent display of cosmic miracles of illumilarge number of Lotus commentaries. One such nation, and the apparition of myriads of buddhas , the Miaofa lianhuajing xuanzan (fr'J>)~ and bodhisattvas. These doctrinal and thematic emphases of the different parts of the sftn·a - pos~~~!1-:Ji:; T.1723) by [Kui]ji ([~]~),was indeed in Tibet, and partially translated as the Dam sibly related to its historical phases of compositionare reflected in certain key terms. One of the most pa'i clzos pw:zr/arika'i 'grel pa (D 4017 /P 5518). A series of indices (Sanskrit-Tibetan-Chinese; important is upayakausalya (Chn. fangbian, Jpn. Tibetan-Sanskrit) was prepared h6ben [7J~]), the "sldllful means" used by the Budbased on the Kern-Nanjio edition (Asano eta[., 2003; dha to explain the dharma in ways appropriate to et al., 1985-1993; 1998). Very valuable glossa- his audience (Pye, 2004). Also central is the notion of the two Chinese translations ofDharmarak~a of the ekayana (Chn. yislzeng [-*]), "one/single/ Kumarajiva have also appeared (Karashima, unique vehicle.". The authors of the text faced the challenge of explaining why, if the Buddha is omni2oma). scient, and moreover infinitely compassionate, he should nevertheless teach paths which are anything less than perfect. In other words, why, alongside the buddhayana, or as it is sometimes called the mahayana or bodlzisattvayana, did he deign to uuoLu''"~ Sfttl-a is renowned not only for its doctrinal contents, which put forth a striking vision of a time- teach the path of the auditors (sravakayana) and less Buddha and his salvific intent, but for its style. of the lone buddhas (pratyekabuddlzayana), in all Some of this reputation is based on an appreciation the triyana, the "three vehicles"? The sftn·a answers of fue beauty of the language ofKumarajiva's trans- that the path of the auditor and of the lone buddha lation, but the structure of the sftn·a is also esteemed. are none other than skillful means propounded in The presentation of Siilcyamuni as transcending the order to save beings in a fashion appropriate to their bounds of time is central to the Lotus's vision. The individual (limited) levels of spiritual maturity: the Buddhist communities which followed the genera- ultimate teaching is indeed nothing other than that tions after the deafu of the Buddha obviously faced of the Lotus itself. The sftn·a, moreover, emphatically a problem: how to maintain the charisma and power promotes itself as a Vaipulyasfttra, a term which of the Buddha in a world from which he was now may be synonymous with Mahayana, but which the absent. One solution is that promoted by the Lotus text contrasts with other varieties of teaching (such Sutra: drawing on ideas found elsewhere (on some as [mere] sfttras, gatlza, etc.; Karashima, 2015, 124). of fue background, see Tsukamoto, 2007; and from All of these examples illustrate the intention of its a different perspective, Hiraoka, 2012 ), such as the authors to raise the Lotus above all other exprescontingency of our ordinary ideas, the empty real- sions ofBuddhist scripture, placing it into a category ity of selflessness and so on, the authors of the Lotus beyond, an attempt which the history of the text offer a Buddha who is now every bit as present in the demonstrates to have succeeded admirably. The notion of the ekayana and the existence of World as he ever was. One way of understanding this solution is the via negativa, as in the Prajfiaparamita the eternal Buddha were reinforced by the vision The text is quoted, though infrequently, by Indian (Silk, 2001; Mochizuld, 2011). However, a of probable Indian provenance, attribto Vasubandhu, is preserved only in Chinese """'·~···~--, the Miaofa lianhuajing youbotislze (fr'j>

LOTUSSUTRA

of bodhisattvas emerging from the earth to keep, recite and copy the siltra, and propagate its teaching in the future (ch. 14; Kumarajiva 15). These bodhisattvas hand down one and the same ekayiina teaching for the eternal Buddha generation after generation, and are portrayed as preachers of the teaching (dharmabhiilJ-aka). The most important example of such a figure is chapter 19's bodhisattva Sadaparibhiita, the Buddha in a previous life, who proclaims to eve1yone he meets: "I do not insult you worthy persons! I do not despise you. Why? You all follow the bodhisattva-path, and will become Tathagatas, Arhats, Perfect Buddhas!" (Kern & Nanjio, 378,1-3; for the corresponding passage in Kumarajiva's translation, see Hurvitz, 1976, 280 ). While resting entirely within the Mahayana project, the Lotus Siitra sees itself, however, in line with this theme of self-promotion, as transcending a number of traditional modes of Mahayana bodhisattva practice, such as the gradual cultivation of virtues enumerated in the six perfections (piiramitii). Instead, it offers as a recurring theme a reflexive focus on the siltra itself, and a central role for the preacher. The text repeatedly asks its audience to preserve, recite and copy or transcribe it, even if they may be slandered and persecuted (a feature some modern scholars have interpreted as indicating that the siltra's authors operated in an environment hostile to their innovative ideas [e.g. Karashima, 2omb]). This is meant to underscore the text's universal salvific power. Just as in other Mahayana siltras, the ultimate soteriological goal for an individual who has set out on the bodhisattva path is to achieve the "unsurpassable perfect awakening" (Skt. anuttarasamyaksarrtbodhi). However, here this awalcening is universal in the sense that evmy living being striving on the path of bodhisattvahood can achieve it. The presentation of this idea is underlined by the cosmological range of the siltra, which spans myriads of Buddha worlds and countless eons of time. Since it is difficult to reach the unsurpassable perfect awakening, the text seeks to assure its audience that the goal can indeed be accomplished by having the Buddha offer a prediction (Skt. vyiikara~w) of the realization of this awakening to a huge number of bodhisattvas, who are present mostly in the latter half of the text. The Lotus itself promises awakening to each and every being. The preacher of the siltra is to be esteemed just as the siltra itself is esteemed; he is the living representative in every generation of the expounders of the text, iliat is, the living representative of the Buddha himself in the world. It additionally should

be noted that, with the influential stmy of the niiga (dragon) girl who attains buddhahood, the sutra seems to advocate a revolutionary idea that women may attain buddhahood directly (see below; this story is not found in all versions of the text, Nattier 2009, 97). ' In all, it may be that talcen individually elements of the rhetoric and doctrine of the Lotus are indeed found elsewhere as well. However, the way these elements are innovatively woven together in the Lotus Siitra proved to be the key to its success.

Chapter Outline Although it cannot begin to capture the richness of the text overall, the following overview of the content of the siltra is based on the Sanskrit version and Kumarajiva's (K) translation, with the basic differences between them noted. Note, however, that the Central Asian Kashgar manuscripts agree in some key respects with K, against the other Sanskrit lineages. (For a simple table comparing the chapter divisions in the Nepalese Sanskrit and three Chinese translations, see Tsukamoto, 2007, 430-431.) The siltra opens with a grandiose display of ilie Buddha in deep contemplation (samiidhi), emitting light from the tuft ofhair between his eyebrows (ilr1J-ii) and illuminating the whole universe in the midst of a huge audience (ch. 1: Nidiina; Introduction; Xu pin [ffJ"p] ). In chapter two, Upiiyakausafya (Skillfu1Means;Fangbianpin [JJ@!£]), the Buddha explains that through sldllful means he teaches the three vehicles as actually one, a key idea developed throughout the text. In chapter three, Aupamya (Parable; Piyu pln ['ifiiJltr£]), the theme of skillful means is furilier developed when the Buddha malces a prophecy of future buddhahood to his disciple Sariputra, and recounts the parable (upamii) of the burning house. Often depicted visually in very dramatic fashion, this illustrates how and why he preaches the dharma differently. The image is presented of the children of a merchant trapped in a burning house; their father knows that the children, intent on their play, will not hear his pleas that they flee the danger they face, but he accomplishes his aim of saving them by luring the children out of the house through the promise to give each of them the toy cart he particularly desires. However, when the children are free of the conflagration, each is rewarded not differentially but with the very best of carts. The message is tl1at while there may appear to be distinct vehicles, in

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the end the father (Buddha) presents his beloved children only the ve1y best one. In making explicit the metaphor, the siltra itselfhas the Buddha reflect that all beings are his children, and the best of carts is explicitly homologized to nothing other than the buddha vehicle (buddhayiina), through which those beings are brought to nirvaJ!a. In the chosen imagery there is an obvious link with the early Buddhist "Fire Sermon," (SN 35.28), in which the Buddha proclaims iliat the entire world is ablaze with desire, and so on. Here the Lotus Siitra transforms this earlier Buddhist ascetic vision into one of universal salvation. It is notable that the Buddha is here clearly homologized to the father; the implications of this are profound for developing "theistic" elements in Mahayana Buddhism. Regarding the father's actions and the application of skillful means, the siltra itself asks whether he lied to his children, to which it replies emphatically that he did not: skillful means appear dishonest only to those who do not understand the intention behind the salvific tactic. In chapter four,Adhimukti (Conviction;Xinjie pin [fl§fW£]), anoilier of the Buddha's great disciples, Mahakasyapa, presents the parable of the prodigal son in order to stress that the Buddha's message has been presented to all his disciples, but they were not able to realize its true intent. A run-away son, search of employment, stumbles into his rich father's estate without realizing who the owner is, or their relationship. The father recognizes his son, but fails to convince him of his true identity. He ilien lmows that revealing to the son his patrimony will be fruitless. Instead, he has his son work on the estate as a common laborer. Only years later, after ilie son has become a diligent and responsible man, does the father again reveal to him that he is heir to all his father's wealth. In the same way, the Buddha only seems to have disciples who did not inherit the tme riches ofhis ultimate teaching. In the end, however, these disciples too will share in the Mahayana treasures, even though they may seem to be stuck in the poverty of the Hinayana, the "inferior vehicle." This term is of some importance for this siltra, and plays a role in many later Mahayana Buddhist doctrinal developments, but neither in this siltra nor elsewhere does it ever have any sociologically real referent; it points, instead in a generic way to those who might hold views considered wrong by Mahayana authors. The Lotus Siitra, that is, disparages ideas it finds objectionable, not communities. On the contrary, the siltra's message is universalistic: even those on the wrong, limited path are, and

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have been all along, embraced by the Buddha's true teaching. Chapter five, Aw~adhi (Herbs; Yaocao yu pin [~]j[Oil'iJJ"p]), presents another parable, in which a cloud rains on different plants, including medical herbs, without distinction between their different functions and qualities, and each herb is nourished according to its needs. This demonstrates that the Buddha offers only one vehicle to the different kinds of living beings without distinction, and his teachings are received in individually appropriate ways. In chapter six, VyiikaralJ-a (Prediction; Shouji pin [tltiic£]), the Buddha predicts buddhahood for four of his followers. Chapter seven, Pilrvayoga, (Former Striving; Huacheng yu pin [1t):JtZOJltr&"P]; Parable of the Magically Created Citadel), describes at length the career of a buddha of the past (as suggested by the Sanskrit tftle ), Mahabhijftajftanabhibhil. Here the Buddha recounts the stmy of the past buddha who preaches to the 16 sons of a ldng. After the passage of huge periods of cosmic time, this buddha again preaches to these young men, this time the Lotus Siltra itself, which they memorize. Practicing again for very long ages, the 16th of these princes, like his brothers, becomes a buddha himself, none other than Salcyamuni, who in this self-same Lotus Siltra recounts iliis very story. In this fashion the sfitra effectively lifts its own revelation out of the limits of time, rendering it both timeless/eternal and authorless. All Buddhist truth is true without the contingencies of time; that is, buddhas realize the truth, they do not create it. But the Lotus differs here in explicitly declaring itself, as a specific articulation of that truth, to also transcend temporality. The chapter ends with the parable of the magic city (as suggested by the Chinese title), which describes the Buddha's skillful means in leading living beings to salvation: a caravan guide leads a party of men who are expecting to find a treasure at the other side of a desert. (Metaphors of trade are very common in much Indian Buddhist literature.) In order to inspire them, he conjures a city in which they can rest until they are able to resume their journey. Thus, nirvaJ!a, as imagined by the earlier dispensation which the Lotus seeks to supersede, is presented as of only provisional meaning. The goal of the earlier teaching is thus reinterpreted as only a skillful means to encourage beings onward to the true goal of perfect awalcening, buddhahood. In chapters eight, Paficabhik!JusatavyiikaralJ-a (Prediction to Five Hundred Monks; Wubai dizi shouji pin

LOTUSSUTRA [.lia~r:JJZ"iicrfln]), and nine, Anandtidivyakara7Ja (Prediction to Ananda and Others; Shouxue wuxueren ji pin ['~~11\li~_A§c£); Prediction to Those Who Have Completed and Those Still on the Path), the Buddha again predicts buddhahood for others of his disciples. In the former, the Buddha teaches the parable of a drunken man whose friend secretly sews into his garment a jewel of great price. The man proceeds to live in poverty for years, unaware that he is actually all along fantastically wealthy. After some time his friend meets him again, and is astonished that the man has continued to live in penury, unaware of what had been bestowed upon him just as the disciples of the Buddha are unaware, in their doctrinal poverty, that the Buddha had actually given them the priceless gift of his Mahayana teaching all along. Chapter ten, DhamzabhtiJJaka (Preachers of the Dharma; Fashi pin [)~§iff£]), praises the merits of those who preach arid uphold the siitra (dharmabhtiJJaka). Chapter eleven, StiipasaiJldarsana (Apparition of the Stiipa;jian baota pin [_5'l~Jfj::§:£] ), presents the appearance from beneath the ground of the huge stiipa of the buddha Prabhiitaratna, who invites the Buddha Sakyamuni to share his seat within the stiipa. Long ago Prabhiitaratna had himself preached the Lotus Sutra, and vowed to appear again whenever it was taught. Along with the story ofMahabhijiiajiianabhibhii, this argues for the eternality and omnipresence of the Lotus Sutra on a truly cosmic scale. Most Sanskrit versions continue with the prophecy of buddhahood to Sakyamuni's archenemy and cousin, Devadatta, which forms a separate 12th chapter in Kumarajlva's translation, Tipodatuo pin (:j;lj!?f:~~Jln; Devadatta), and in the Kashgar recension of the Sanskrit. This chapter was evidently not present in the original version translated by Kumarajlva, but was supplemented in the text, in Chinese, when it was revised by Faxian ()~i¥1*) and Fayi ()~~) less than a century after its translation (Yuyama, 1996). The sutra performs a rhetorically powerful move in casting Devadatta, the archetypical foe of the Buddha in earlier normative tradition, as a preacher of the Lotus Sutra in a previous age. It was none other than Devadatta, in fact, who preached the Lotus Sutra to the Buddha himself in one of his past lives. After recounting this tale, the Buddha predicts Devadatta to future buddhahood. This chapter also contains, in some versions (see above), the oft-quoted episode of the transformation of a young ntiga girl into a male, who then immediately achieves buddhahood. The text here responds to orthodox Buddhist cosmology,

which sees female rebirth as inferior to male status, and to the otherwise virtually unanimously tradition that holds that in order to achieve buddhahood, a woman must be reborn as a male. While the ntiga girl does, albeit instantly, become a male, and only thereafter become a buddha (Nattier, 2009, 96-97), ilie East Asian exegetical tradition, in particular in Japan, used this episode as textual evidence to promote the possibility for women to attain buddhahood (Yoshida, zooz; Groner, 1989). In the Tendai interpretation, it also became the scriptural source for the notion that enlightenment can be attained instantly in one's own body (sokushinjobutsu [!,!PJ!t fflZ{~]), without undergoing multiple rebirths, and this by all sentient beings, since the ntiga girl is also considered to belong to the realm of animals, rather ilian humans (Groner,1989,1992). More prophecies are given in chapter twelve, Utstiha (Encouragment; K: 13, Quanchi pin [IM~ rfln) ). Chapter thirteen, Sukhavihtira (Blissful Condition; K: 14, Ante xing pin [9~:f=r£]), explains the proper conduct, the proper sphere of relationships and blissful ways (sukhavihtira) of a bodhisattva in order to preach the sutra in the age of decay of the dharma. This chapter would acquire liturgical importance in East Asia as the textual basis for the repentance rituals known as fahua chanfa (Jpn. hokke senbo [5~¥'tJit)~]), drawing on the Fahuajing ante xingyi ()~¥~9~11'~; T.1926) by Huisi (~}iS\; 515-577 CE), the teacher of the de facto Tiantai patriarch Zhiyi (9§'\IJl; 538-597 CE). In ilie next chapter, 14, Bodhisattvap,thivlvivarasamudgama (Emerging of Bodhisattvas from Gaps in the Earth; K: 15, Congdi yongchu pin [f;EJ:ili@jtf:lrfln]), the Buddha causes multitudes of bodhisattvas of his own retinue to come forth from the earth to praise him. The future buddha, Maitreya, then asks him how, in his short period oflife, he could have led so many bodhisattvas on the light path, the answer to which comes in the next chapter. In the Tiantai interpretation, based on Kumarajlva's translation, which has been dominant in East Asian Buddhist philosophy, the text is divided between the trace teaching (jimen [illF~]) and the origin, or the essential teaching (benmen [~F~]), with the latter beginning from this chapter, the halfway point in the text. According to this analysis, then, there is a fundamental transition in the sutra at this point. A further subdivision sees the two halves correspondingly subdivided into three sections. For the "trace teaching," chapter 1 is the "preface" (xufen [J=f5:1-] ); chapters 2-9 are the "main preaching" (zhengshuo [IH~]), on "skillful means,"

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and chapters 10-14 (following here Kumarajlva's the Buddha had seemed to die. This is difficult to divisions, upon which the Tiantai doctrine is understand, and may be the reason that the text based) constituted the "circulation" (liutong fen next presents a series of chapters highlighting the [)f,Llm5:1-] ), demonstrating how the teaching of sldll- tremendous benefits to be gained by accepting the ful means was legitimated. The same was applied to sutra itself, as inconceivable as its teachings may the "essential teaching": the former part of chapter be: chapters. 16-19, PuJJyaparyaya (Enumeration of Merits; K: 17, Fenbie gongde pin [5:1-.8UJ1J1J~,\Jln]); 15 is the preface; the latter half of chapter 15, chapter 16, and the former part of chapter 17 constitute AnumodantipuiJyanirdesa (Instruction in the Merit ilie main preaching, and the latter half of chapter 17 of Sympathetic] oy; K: 18, Suixi gong de pin [l\li%J1J through chapter z8 teach how the Buddha's merits ~£]); DhmmabhtiJJaktinusaiJlsti (The Blessings of were witnessed and the sutra spread. (For a useful the Dharma Preacher; K: 19, Fashi gong de pin [)~gffl J}J~£]); SadaparibhUta ([The Bodhisattva] Never chart, see Tsukamoto, 2007, 428-429). In the next chapter, 15, Tathtigatayw;pramtiiJa Disparaging; K: zo, Changbuqing pusa pin ['ffi'::f~~ (Duration of the Lifespan of the Tathagata; K: 16, i§'~db]). These portions of the sutra expound the Rutai shouliang pin [~D?K~;£]), the Buddha merits to be gained by compassionate veneration begins to reply to Maitreya's question, explaining and upholding of the sutl-a, even against threats of the limitless lifespan of a buddha, and illustrating violence and slander. Perhaps most notably, the the function of the seeming extinction (nirvaJ:.la) of Buddha relates how he himself had experienced such a buddha by means of the parable of a physi- persecution in a former existence as the bodhisatcian. This man causes his sons, reluctant to take the tva Sadaparibhiita ("Never Disparaging"; Kanno, medicine he procured for them, to finally partake of zooz ). It is also important to remark that the sufl·a it by spreading the rumor of his own death. Doctrin- itself, persisting in the world, comes to be seen as ally speaking, the sutra here addresses the question a relic of the Buddha and of his teaching, and thus why, if the Buddha is so powerful, and indeed eter- as a sort of substitute for the Buddha. Chapter zo, nal, or ever-abiding, as this chapter proclaims him to TathtigatarddhyabhisaiJlsktira (Accomplishment of be, he seemed to die. It answers by appealing again the Tathii.gata's Magical Power; K: 21, Rutai shenli pin to the notion of "skillful means," suggesting that [~D?Kt$1Jdb]), portrays the miracle of the buddhas the Buddha only pretended to die in order to spur Sakyamuni and Prabhiitaratna stretching out their beings toward serious pursuit of awakening. The tongues up to the heavenly Brahma world, which psychology is quite clear: something always freely serves as a conclusion to the central event, namely available is valued much less (if at all) than some- the depiction of the entrustment of the teachthing rare. Buddhist traditions speal< of the possibil- ing to the Buddha's followers. Chapter 21, DhtiraiJI ity of obtaining rebirth in the time of a buddha as (K: z6, Tuotuoni pin [~'8/JU'brfln]), contains spells the rarest of rare chances, and thus encourage the (dhtiraiJI) for the preachers of the sutra. Chapter exploitation of this chance to practice the Buddha's zz, Bhai$ajyartija (Medicine King; K: 23, Yaowang salvific path. The Lotus Sutra contextualizes this rar- pus a benshi pin [~£i§'~~.)Jdb]) is devoted to the ity within its frame of the Buddha's eternality, both deeds of the bodhisattva Bhail)ajyaraja, and chapretaining the traditional emphasis on rarity, and ter 23, Gadgadasvara (K: 24, Miaoyin pusa pin [fr'Y protecting the omnipresence of the Buddha as well. 'l§'i§'~rfln]; on the Sanskrit version of the name see Sii.kyamuni attained awakening in the remote past, Toda, zooz, 75-77) to the deeds of the bodhisattva and has since been preaching the Lotus Sutra in the Gadgadasvara. Bhail)ajyaraja out of devotion offered world (Dolce, zooza). This chapter was also funda- his own body in fireyworship, an act which, in various mental for the esoteric interpretations of the Lotus forms, was emulated by later devotees, who would burn parts of their body as offerings (Benn, 2009). Sun·a, in which the "eternal" assembly of the Vulture Peak was called upon to substantiate the absolute Chapter 24, Samantamukha ([On the Bodhisattva] dimension of Sakyamuni and his identity with the Facing Every Direction [i.e. Avaloldtesvara]; K: 25, Guanshiyin pusa pwnen pin [!mtlt'l§'i§'~~F~rfln]; buddha Mahavairocana (Dolce, zoozb; zoo6; 2014). The Universal Gate of the Bodhisattva Who Regards One should note the internal contradiction the Sounds of the World) describes the benefits implied here in the text: the Lotus Sutra is preached gained from venerating and involdng ilie bodhisattva by the Buddha, and so within the narrative frame of Avalokitesvara (Yi.i, zom). This chapter gained wide the text he is, of course, not yet dead. But the text circulation as an independent text, renowned espewas clearly composed centuries after his lifetime, cially for its promise of divine protection by the and thus its authors had to explain how it was that

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bodhisattva for any being who calls upon him in any circumstance of need; Avalokitesvara promises to appear in a form appropriate to the needs of the being who entreats him. Thirty-three such forms are individually enumerated, the listing plainly meant to indicate the infinity of forms Avalokitesvara might assume in order to aid beings in distress. (Note that Avalokitesvara, or Guan[ shi]yin, is depicted as a male bodhisattva in the siitra, only later coming to be charactelized as female.) The independence of a portion of this chapter as a separate text seems to have tal)~~~~!t:"~; T. 1716), an interpretation ofits meaning and purpose, focused on its title. The monumental treatise on meditation, Maize zhiguan {~~iiJJI::.d, T. 1gn), is often considered a third Lotus Slltra commentary. Drawing on the slltra, Zhiyi elaborated the important and very influential concepts of the threefold truili (sandi [--=:.li\l¥]) and the 3000 realms in a single thought-moment (yinian sanqian [-~--=:.=f]; Kanno, 1992 ). His scriptural source was Kumarajiva's Chinese rendering zlzufa shixiang (~)~'tff§), the "true aspect of the dharmas," found in chapter 2, which is explained in the following passage as the "ten suchnesses" (shirushi [+~D~]; Robert, 2on). Zhiyi read this passage in three different ways and understood the truth in three aspects, namely, emptiness (kong [~]), conventional existence (jia [®]) and the middle (zhang [r:ft]; Swanson, 1g8g). The concept of the "3ooo realms in a single thought moment" indicates that every element in the universe can be found in the single moment's vision of one's mind. Zhiyi formulated his meditative practice with this understanding (Teiser & Stone, 2oogb, 36). In addition to Zhiyi, and before him, a number of other scholars offered very influential interpretations of the slltra (Kanno, 2007), among whom at least Daosheng (.ili:~, 355-434 CE; Miaofa lianlzua jing shu [*'))~~~~!~fit]; ZZ 577; Kim, 1990) should be mentioned. With its narrative, doctrinal and cosmological iliemes, the Lotus Slltra not only had a strong impact on literary production in East Asian Buddhism and beyond, for instance in poetry, but also informed the visual arts, probably more than did any other Buddhist source. The influence of the slltra on visual arts is seen already in an inscribed Buddha image from North India (von Hiniiber, 2012), and richly reflected in the art of Buddhist China

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(Davidson, 1954; Wang, zoos) and Japan (Tanabe, 1988, 1g8g). Among the most prominent examples are images found in the Dunhuang caves, in Yungang (~~~from the Northern Wei [jcft], 386-534 cE) and in the contemporaneous Longmen site (i~ F~). In Dunhuang are found unique paintings and images based on the slltra's nth chapter, depicting Sakyamuni and Prabhiltaratna sitting side by side (for example in caves 23, 38, 133, 159, 303, 331). The dual clay images of the two buddhas in cave 259 are thought to date to the Northern Wei, making them among the oldest examples in Dunhuang. The two buddhas are worshipped together with an image of the future buddha Maitreya, in front of whom one could be reborn by keeping and reciting the sutJ·a in one's last moments. The devotion due to the text is evident in wall paintings representing subjects or themes from the slltJ·a, as well as in uncountable artistically embellished copies of the text. Copying of the text was especially popular in the Sui (589-618 cE) and Tang (618-907 CE) periods in China, and in the Heian period in Japan. This was done with calligraphic features, such as the use of gold or silver ink, or artistic ones, visible in the Japanese Kinji h0ti5 mandara (3fi:'¥Jff.fr~~*f), in which text is written in gold in the shape of a pagoda, the Ichiji butsuHokekyo (-'¥{~)~~~~),in which each character of the Lotus Slltra is accompanied by a buddha, or the Ichiji rendai Hokekyi5 (-'j>:~'EJ'$~~!), in which each character perches on a lotus flower (O'Neal, 2012; Kuruta & Tamura, 1987). Activities of worship of the slitra resulted from exhortations in the scripture itself about how it should be treated. In the Sanskrit text the description differs, but based on Kumarajiva's translation they are eventually formulated into five merit-making practices with regard to the text, namely, upholding, reading, reciting, explaining, and copying. The slitra's stories and anecdotes also led to the production of popular narratives, demonstrating the miraculous salvific power of the text as well as of the Buddha and Guanyin, in particular (Dykstra, 1983; Stevenson, 1995; 2oog). Scholastically speal' 7" !v)¥.!:f:!: l C') ,)~). "Heian jida~ ni okeru bunka to Bukkyo no sogo bunmyakuka: Hokekyo 0 chiishin ni" (-'JZ'#:'Ili'f{~I;:BH6:X1ci:11'1~0i1Ei:X IJ*{b ~-~,£~ t:p,L,,i;:; Text and the Contextualization: Socio-Cultural Appreciation of the Lotus Sutra during the Heian Period (794 -nBs) inJ a pan), ITKK 27, 2011, 302-280 [sic]. Asano Morinobu et a/., eds. Chinese-Sanskrit Index to the Saddhannapzqz¢ari:kasiitra, Tokyo, 2003. Bailey, H.W., "The Khotanese Summary of the SaddharmapmJc.larika-siitra," TDKK 57,1972, 530-526. . Bailey, H.W., Sad-dharma-pu~z¢arlka-siitra: The Summary m Klwtan Saka, ANUFASOP 10, Canberra, 1971. Baruch, W., Beitriige zum Saddhannapu~z¢arlkasiitra, Leiden, 1938. Bechert, H., Uber die "Marburger Fragmente" des Saddhannapu~z¢arlka, mit einem Beitrag von jongchay Rinpoche. Ernst Waldschmidt zwn 75· Geburtstag am 15·7·1972, Giittingen, 1972. Benn,J. "The Lotus Siitra and Self-Immolation," in: S.F. Teiser & J. Stone, eds, Readings of the Lotus Sutra, New York, 2009, 107-131. Bumouf, E., Le Lotus de La Bonne Loi, traduit du Sanscrit, accompagne d'wz commentaire et de vingt et wz mbnoires refat!fo au Buddhisme (Nouvelle edition avec wze Preface de Sylvain Levi), Paris, 1852; repr. 1925. Davidson, J.L., The Lotus Sutra in Chinese Art: A Study in Buddhist Art to the Year woo, New Haven, 1954. Deeg, M., "From Scholarly Object to Religious Text - the Story of the Lotus-siitra in the West,"jOS 22,2012,138-158. Deeg, M., Das Lotus-Siitra, Darmstadt, 2 2009. Dolce, L.D., "Hokekyo to mikkyo" ()~-~!: ~~; The Lotus Sutra and Tantric Buddhism), in: Komatsu Hosho (!N,1;}f~lji;) & Hanano Jiido ({tJlfJEm), eds., Hokeky~ to Nichiren ()~-~ ,1: B W!), Shirizu Nichiren ( / 1) -A B W!), vol. I, Tokyo, 2014, 268-293. Dolce, L.D., "Reconsidering the Taxonomy of the 'Esoteric': Taimitsu Hermeneutical and Ritual Practices," in: M. Teeuwen & B. Scheid, eds., The Culture of Secrecy in japanese Religion, London, 2006, 130-171. Dolce, L.D., "Between Duration and Eternity: Hermeneutics of the "Ancient Buddha" of the Lotus Sutra in Chih-i and Nichiren," in: G. Reeves, ed., A Buddhist Kaleidoscope: Essays on the Lotus Sutra, Tokyo, 2002a, 223-239. Dolce, L.D., "Esoteric Patterns in Nichiren's Interpretation of the Lotus Sutra," diss., Leiden University, 2002b. Dykstra, Y.K., Miraculous Tales of the Lotus Szltra .fimn Ancient japan: The ''Dabzihon Hokekyokenki" of Priest Chingen, Honolulu, 1983.

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Ejima Yasunori, Tibetan-Sanskrit Word Index to the SaddharmapuF¢ari:kas!ltra, Tokyo, 1998. Ejima Yasunori et aL, eds., Index to the Saddlzamzapu~z¢wfkas!ltra: Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese, fasc. I-XI, Tokyo, 1985-1993. Elverskog, J., Uygur Buddhist Literature, Turnhout, 1997· Emmerick, R.E., A Guide to the Literature of Klwtan, Tokyo, 21992. Groner, P., "Shortening the Path: Early Tendai Interpretations of the Realization of Buddhahood with This Very Body (Sokushin ]Obutsu)," in: R. Buswell & R. Gimello, Paths to Liberation: The Marga and Its Transfonnations in Buddhist Thought, Honolulu, 1992, 439- 473· Groner, P., "The Lotus Sutra and Saicho's interpretation of the Realization of Buddhahood with This Very Body," in: G.J. Tanabe & W.J. Tanabe, eds., The Lotus Sutra in japanese Culture, Honolulu, 1989, 53-74· Groner, P., & J.l. Stone, "Editors' Introduction: The Lotus Sutra inJapan,"JTRS 41/1,2014,1-23. Habito, R.L.F., "The Uses of Nichiren in Modern Japanese History,"JTRS 26/3-4, 1999, 423-439. Habito, R.L.F., & J.l. Stone, "Revisiting Nichiren: Editor's Introduction,"JTRS 26/3-4,1999, 223-236. Hiniiber, 0. von., "The Saddharmapu~z¢arlkasiitra at Gilgit: Manuscripts, Worshippers, and Artists,"jOS 22,2012,52-67. Hiniiber, 0. von, A New Fragmentmy Gilgit Manuscript of the Saddharmapzqz¢arlkasutra, Tokyo, 1982. Hiraoka Satoshi (4'fli1l~~), Hokekyo seiritsuno slzinkaishaku: Butsuden toshite Hokekyo o yomitoku (~-~Jj)(;:Lz: 0M'/W ~R: {bfi I: l'l)~-~lH'i\:o>IE~*) in China, Wonhyo (:51;1l#l;; 617-686 cE) in Korea, and Shinran (*Jl;i;; 1173-1263) in Japan. In addition to the above mentioned translations, which were rendered directly from Indic versions of MahiiparinirviilJamahiisiitra-common, there exists another Tibetan version, translated from T. 374, which includes T. 374-unique. This texts bears a title identical to iliat of the other Tibetan translation (Yongs su mya ngan las 'das pa chen po'i mdo; D 119/ p 787 ). In terms of Tibetan hermeneutics, it is interesting that when Bu stan rin chen gmb (1290-1364) wrote an influential thesis on tathiigatagarbha theory (De bzhin gshegs pa'i snying po gsa[ zhing mdzes par byed pa'i rgyan; Seyfort Ruegg, 1973), he deliberately relied on this translation from T. 374, and not on the translation oflndian origin (Shimada, 1986). Two other texts should be mentioned. A revision ofT. 374, also titled Dabanniepanjing (*flll:5!E ~~!; T. 375; 36 fascicles), was compiled with reference to the Dabanniehuanjing under the Liu Song (\WIJ*) dynasty by Huiyan (~/®; 363-443 CE), Huiguan (~11.; c. 5th cent. CE), and Xie Lingyun (iltf]i~; 385-433 CE). In China this is traditionally called the "Southern version" (nanben [J¥i *J), to differentiate it from the original Dabanniepanjing, which is known as the "Northern version" (beiben [:it*]). In addition, there also exists in Chinese a sort of appendix in two fascicles (Dabanniepanjing houfen [*fllb!E~~Ht5t];T. 377), attached to the last chapter of T. 374, apparently designed to close off the voluminous MahiiparinirviilJamahiisiitra proper, which even in T. 374's version leaves key issues dangling. This text was also translated into Tibetan (Yongs su mya ngan las 'das pa chen po'i mdo; D 122/P 789). No Sanskrit equivalent is lmown. The Central Asian Sanskrit fragments, although limited in quantity compared to the vast extent of the siitra as a whole, provide invaluable information that would otherwise be inaccessible, such as the Sanskrit equivalents of doctrinally significant terms, and they manifest linguistic or grammatical characteristics and stylistic features which provide hints to their history (Habata, 2007). It is worth noting the situation in which the manuscript of the MahiiparinirviilJamahiisiitra was

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obtained in India, as reported in detail in ilie Chu sanzangjiji. The Chinese monk Faxian was presented with a manuscript of the text that had been installed in a stiipa in the house of a layman, not in a monastery (Shimada, 1993, xxv-xxvi). This report agrees with the scenario of a sort of home-based book cult attested in early medieval India (Schopen, 2010 ). Key resources for the scholarly study of the text are H. Habata's editions of the Sanskrit fragments (Habata, zoo7; reviewed by Baums, 2015) and the Tibetan translation (Habata, 2013). H. Habata is currently preparing a second volume of Sanskrit fragments. The most detailed monographic treatments to date of aspects of the text are by Shimada Masahiro (1997) and M. Radich (2015); the text is also treated in considerable detail by Talcasald Jikido (see esp. 1974). Also worthy of note is Mochizuld Ryoko (1988). The text was rendered into English by K. Yamamoto (1973-1975), but this version is hardly serviceable, being a ve1y rough translation of a Japanese kakikudashi rendeling (in which the Chinese text is rearranged in Japanese grammatical order supplied with the information of part of speech, case, tense, mood, etc. in a classical Japanese). A Japanese translation of the Northern version in this style, accompanied by a detailed compendium of this huge text, has been available since 1929 (Tokiwa, 1929; 1935). An attempt to revise this translation (on the basis of the Southern version) provided with richly informative notes has produced an invaluable result, now accessible in the series Shin Kokuyalcu Daizokyo (Tsukamoto & Isoda, zoo8-zoo9). Recently M. Blum (2014) has published the first volume of a projected fourvolume complete English translation of the Northern version. Shimada Masahiro (1993) produced an annotated Japanese translation of one-third of the Tibetan text. A complete modern Japanese translation of theN orthern version in a rather free manner is Tagami Taishii (1996-1997 ).

Structure and Setting The body ofT. 374 comprises 40 fascicles, including T. 374-unique (chapter 6 onward). InT. 374, this material is divided into the following 13 chapters: 1. *Ayus (Lifespan; ji$r'f'p); z. *Vajriibhedakiiya (The Adamantine Body; ~!rol~~r'f'p);

3· *Siitraniimadheya (The Name of the Siitra; ~'=f::r}Jj!\r'f'p);

-~

! i

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4· *Tathagatagarbha (The Essence of the Tathiigata; 3 53-75· Tucci, G., Minor Buddhist Texts- Part I, SOR g, Rome, 1956. Tucci, G., The Commentaries on the Prajliiipiiramitii, volumen 1st: The Abhisamayiilat?lkiiriilokii of Haribhadra, Baroda, 1932. Tucci, G., "Sapta 203-218. Yuyama Akira, Prajt1ii-piiramitii-rahza-gu~za-saqzcaya-giithii (Sanskrit Recension A): Edited with an Inh·oduction, Bibliographical Notes and a Tibetan Versionfi·om Tun/wang, Cambridge UK, 1976. Yuyama Aldra, A Grammar of the Prajz1ii-piiramitii-rahzagu~za-sm?zcaya-giithii (Sanskrit Recension A), Canberra, 1973· Zacchetti, S., In Praise of the Light: A Critical Synoptic Edition with an Annotated Translation of Chapters 1-3 of

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Dlzarmarak~a's Guang zanjing :JY;iiJ!l:~, Being the Earliest

Chinese Translation ofthe Larger Prajiiiipiiramitii, BPPB 8, Tokyo, zoos. Zacchetti, S., 1gg6. "Dharmagupta's unfinished translation of the Diamond-cleaver (Vajracchedikii-prajt1iipiiramitiisiitra)," TP 82, 1gg6, 137-152. Zhang Yang (i/R~), Fu dashi ymyiu (if*±liff~) Taipei, 1999· ZUrcher, E., The Buddhist Conquest ofChina: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China, SL 11, Leiden, 3 2007. STEFANO ZA.CCHETTI

PURE LAND SUTRAS

Pure Land Siitras Buddhism focused on Pure Land faith and practice can be defined as the set of all ideas and practices related to Buddhas who are presently living in world-systems other than our own ... , [of] all Buddhist teachings that look forward to the possibility of rebirth in another world-system [lokadhiitu] or Buddha-field [buddhak'}etra; foguo ({:!!;~)], where a Buddha is presently teaching the Dharma. (Nattier, 2ooo, 74-75) Let it be emphasized from the outset that a "pure land" is a paradise-like universe of its own and not, stricto sensu, a heaven (svarga), an expression that must be reserved for the blissful and increasingly ethereal abodes of the gods of a given world system within smpsara - ideas about which most certainly influenced the early representations of the pure lands (Nattier, 2ooo, 75, 75n9, 81, 99, 99n78). In the strict sense just defined, Pure Land Buddhism originated in India around the turn of the 1st millenium. However, the expression "pure land" (jingtu [)¥±]) used as a label lacks any clear Indic equivalent (but camp. Nattier, 2ooo, 73, 74n6; Fujita, 1996a, 20) and likely was first coined in China. In Kumarajiva's (344-413 CE) terminology, the expression refers to a purified/pure (Skt. parisuddha) buddha field in contrast to an impure/defiled one (huitu [f~±); on this distinction, see Lamotte, 1962, 397-399; Fujita, 1996a, 24-25). According to Fujita Ki:itatsu (1996b, 36),jingtu ()¥±)probably derives, by way of compression, from expressions such as jing foguotu ()@!(:!!;~±; purifying the/purified buddha field), rendering the Sansluit buddhak'}etraparisuddhi ("purification of the/a buddha field"), parisuddhabuddlzak'}etra ("purified buddha field"), and so fortll. In Chinese as well as in modern usage, both academic and nonacademic, the expression has come to refer predominantly to Amitabha's Sukhavati ("Land of Bliss"), the pure buddha field par excellence (Fujita, 1996b, 36), first transcribed as Xuhemati (;~DliJ[~liJ)~:f:.:!l!:; Gan. Suhamadi[?)) and then translated as joy (anyang [9:fl ]), peaceful bliss (anle [9~]), and supreme/ultimate bliss (jile [1ill35\'i!]; Fujita, 1996a, 20-21; 1996b, 33i Ducor, 2004, 373-374, 374n94).

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In terms of Indic religious history, Pure Land Buddhism refers to beliefs and practices centered on the buddhas "of the ten directions," more specifically to Alc~obhya and Amitabha ("Limitless Light"; also known as Amitayus ["Limitless Length of Life"]) and their world systems Abhirati ("Extremely Joyful") and Sukhavati, respectively located to the east and to the west of our own impure Saba universe. In terms of literary history, Indic Pure Land Buddhism includes texts such as the Ak'}oblzyavyuhasutra, the Bajaur Mahayana siltra, the so-called Pratyutpannasanziidhisutra, and the two Suklziivattvyulzasiltras, along with somewhat later dogmatic treatises such as the (pseudo-) Nagarjuna's Dasablzamikaviblzii'}ii and (tile pseudo-) Vasubandhu's *Sukhiivatfvytihopadesa, which the present entry covers for the sake of completeness in spite of their non-sutra (but widely authoritative) character. A few words are also devoted to the CentralAsian/Chinese "Visualization Siitra" as well as to the Anantamuklzanirlziiradlziira(7t(slltra), although tile latter is not Sukhavati related, in view of the importance of these texts in East Asian Pure Land traditions. It is important to stress at the outset that the conceptual grouping of such materials is a retrospective phenomenon, and thus to speak of"Indian Pure Land Buddhism" is a sort of anachronism, although a sometimes helpful one. It is really only in Japan that we find the overt conceptualization of a "Pure Land Buddhism," but even then, not all the texts treated here have been considered under this umbrella (a case in point being the historically unknown Bajaur Mahayana szitra). Pure Land Buddhism is believed, by some, to have originated in Kushana northwest India, around 100 CE (Fujita, 1996a, 10; Halkias, 2013, 20-24), a chronology that makes it roughly contemporary with the earliest extant epigraphic attestation ofAmitabha in the Govindnagar inscribed-image pedestal (153 or 104 CE), with no connection to Sukhavati (Schopen, 1987; Fussman, 1999, 540-543; Salomon & Schopen, 2002). The once widespread belief in non-Indic, mainly Iranian influences on the formation of the cult and the representation of Amitabha has now been generally abandoned (Fujita, 1996a, 13-14, 23-24; 1996b, 39-44; 1985; Fussman, 1999, 552-563;

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Ducor, 2004, 399i for a qualified acceptance of such influences, see Halldas, 2013, 20-24). Whatever the case may be, 2nd-3rd-century Chinese translations testify to the existence of Pure Land Buddhism in India lata sensu before the late 2nd century CE (Harrison, 1978; Nattier, 2000, 78-79; Ducor, 2004, 395i Sati:i, 2004). Alc~obhya's Abhirati world system is dealt with in some detail in the A'Jtasiilzasrikii Prajniipiiramitii (Daoxing bore jing [.illJrmlt:£~]; T. 224; translated in 179 CE by Lokak~ema [Zhi Loujiachan (y~}l))!iii'l\;);jl. 170-190 ]; Lamotte, 1962,360362, 362n9) and in the Ak'}obhyavyuhaszitra (see below; maybe translated by Lokak~ema's disciples) as well as in Zhi Qian's (;Z:fJ,f.; fl. 220-250) translation of the Vimalakfrtinirdesa (Weimojie jing [ ~fE~ j';S~~]; T. 474i 223-228 CE; Lamotte, 1962, 360-370 ). As for Amitabha's Sukhavatl, it is alluded to in Lokal~ema's translation of tile Pratyutpannabuddhasanzmukhiivasthitasamiidhiszitra (Banzlzou sanmei jing [mlt:~·=i!t~!); T. 418; translated in 179 CE; Harrison, 1990) and in Zhi Qian's version of the larger Suklziivattvyulzaszitra. According to J. Nattier,

etc." (Schopen, 1977, 199/177). Such popularity of Amitabha and Sukhavati - but not necessarily of a related cult (Schopen, 1987; Fussman, 1999) might be reflected in mid-3rd- to early 5th-century Gandharan art-historical materials. According to P. Harrison and C. Luczanits (2012), the Muhammad Nari sculptured panel (in Lahore Museum; G-155) and several related "complex steles" can be analysed as representations of Amitabha preaching in Sukhavatl flanked by the bodhisattvas Avalokitesvara and Mahasthamaprapta (Huntington, 1980; Fussman, 1987, 73i Quagliotti, 1996). Archaeological records testify to a "significant concentration [of these steles] in the Peshawar Basin north of the Kabul River" and "a thriving artistic milieu with high levels of patronage" (Harrison & Luczanits, 2012, 107 ).

tllese early translations demonstrate with certainty that the cult of ~obhya (to a significant degree) and the cult of Amitiibha (perhaps to a lesser degree) were already well established in India by this time. In scriptures translated from the late tllird century onward, however, the relationship between Alc~obhya and Amitiibha is reversed, for no new scripture devoted wholly to Alc~obhya is ever translated (though the Ak'}obhyavyulza is retranslated once), while works extolling Amitabha (including several re-translations of the larger Suklziivatlvyulza, two translations of the shorter Sukhiivattvyalza, and one version of the apocryphal Kuan Wu-liangslwufo ching wm;;,~{:ll;~!) appear with considerable frequency. (Nattier, 2ooo, 79-8o; see also Fnjita, 1gg6a, g-10)

Before turning to the Ak'}oblzyavyalzasCitra, a few words should be said of the Vimalaktrtinirdesa, for a significant part of chapter n of the Vimalaktrtinirdesa is devoted to Al:X±{L,:jgli)'i:~1~ iiR)±; An Annotated Hakushi Kanreki Kinen Ronshii, 1 / F'&"f:!:: {L,'J&: ~83 Japanese Translation of the Hsliiintsang's Version of the 'e~iW±~Mtic~li@$, Kyoto, 1989, 373-394. Smaller Sukhavatlvyziha), SBKN 30,1999, S3-99·

PURE LAND SUTRAS

Nonin Masaaki (~51=IE!m), "Chibetto ni okeru Amidakyo no juyo: yakkyo no shiten kara" ( 7- ''Z 'Y ~ (~;f)~ t 0 /liiJ~IJ; /l'8~10J)'i:'@:: iiR~OJ~J!.J?:iJ; G; On the Reception of the Smaller Sukhavativyiihaszltra in Tibet: A Study Based on Its Tibetan Translation), BgKe 69, z013, z7-49. Onoda Shunzo (;j\tl!fffi{3;'~), "The Sukhavatlvyiihasiitra of the Ulaanbaatar Manuscript Kagyur," in: D. Bryant & S. B1yant, eds., Mahayana Buddhism Hist01y and Culture, New Delhi, zoo8, 61-70. Onoda Shunzo (;j\tl!fffi(3;'~), "Zoyaku Muryojukyo Uranbiitoru shahon" (~iiR~;ll%~1'7 7/1\- ~ lv~ :zj>:; The Ulan Bator Manuscript of the Tibetan Translation of the Sukhavativyziha), IBK sz/1, zoo3, 1-7. Onoda Shunzo (!j\tl!fH3{3;'~), "Zoyaku Amidakyo kogohyo" (~"ilR/liiJ~IJ;p'8~1t)({?!~; Some Variants in the Texts of the Tibetan Smaller Sukhavatlvyiihaszitra), in: Kagawa Takao Sensei Kold Kinenkai (i!l'JI/~H:IE)IG'Etlf:ffltic~~), ed,, Bukkyogaku jodogaku Kenkyzi: Kagawa Takao Hakushi Koki Kinen Ronshzi ((L,'J&"f:!¥±"f:liff~: Wii/~H:ftfl,l]± tlf:ffl§c~iiifU$; Festschrift for Dr Takao Kagawa), Kyoto, Z001, 6S-93· Payne, R.K., "The Five Contemplative Gates ofVasubandhu's Rebirth Treatise as a Ritualized Visualization Practice," in: J. Foard, M. Solomon & R.K. Payne, eds., The Pure Land Tradition: Histmy and Development, Berkeley, 1996, z33-z66. Quagliotti, A.M., "Another Look at the Mohammad Nari Stele with the So-called 'Miracle of Sravastl,"' AIUON s6, 1996, Z74-Z89. Salomon, R., & G. Schopen, "On an Alleged Reference to Amitabha in a Kharo~thi Inscription on a Gandhiirian Relief,"]IABS zs/1-z, zooz, 3-31. Sato Naomi ({6:~11.~), Zo-Kanyaku Ashuku bukkokukyo kenkyzi (~)iiiR r /liif/m(l-00~1~ liff~; A Study of the Tibetan and Chinese Translations of the Ak~obhyavyziha­ szitra), Tokyo, zoo8. Sato Naomi ( (ie.~1f.~), "Some Aspects of the Cult of Ak~obhya in Mahayana Scriptures," IBK sz/z, zoo4, 93793z (18-z3). Sato Naomi ({6:~11.~), "Zo-Kan yaku Ashuku bukkokukyo kenkyfl" (~)iiiR WI'"Jrh~{L,/II~1~ liff~; A Study of the Tibetan and Chinese Translations of the Ak~obhyavyziha­ siitra), diss., Kyoto University, zooza. Sato Naomi ({ir:if~J[~), "The Bodhisattva and the Sravaka in the Ak~obhya Buddha-field," IBK s1/1, zoozb, 469-46s (s6-6o). Schopen, G., Figments and Fragments of Mahayana Buddhism in India: More Collected Papers, Honolulu, zoos. Schopen, G., "The Inscription on the Ku~an Image of Amitabha and the Character of the Early Mahayana in India," ]JABS 10/z, 1987, 99-134; repr. in: G. Schopen, Figments and Fragments ofMahayana Buddhism in India: More Collected Papers, Honolulu, zoos, z47-z77, Schopen, G., "Sukhavatl as a Generalized Religious Goal in Sanshit Mahayana Siitra Literature," llj 19, 1977, 177-z10; repr. in: G. Schopen, Figments and Fragments ofMahayana Buddhism in India: More Collected Papers, Honolulu, zoos, 1S4-189,

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Silk, J., "The Composition of the Guan Wuliangslwufo-jing: Some Buddhist andJaina Parallels to Its Narrative Frame," ]!Ph zs/z, 1997, 181-zs6. Strauch, 1., "More Missing Pieces of Early Pure Land Buddhism: New Evidence for Ak~obhya and Abhirati in an Early Mahayana Sutra from Gandhara," EB.NS 41/1, zo10, z3-66. Strauch, 1., The Bajaur Collection: A New Collection of Kharo~thl Manuscripts: A Preliminary Catalogue and Survey, Berlin, zoo7-zoo8. Takakusu Junjiro, "The Amitaynr-dhyana-siitra," in: F.M. Miiller, Buddhist Mahayana Texts, SBE 49, London, 1894. Tanaka, K.K., The Dawn of Chinese Buddhist Pure Land Doctrine: Ching-ying Hui-yiian's Commentmy on the Visualization Sun·a, Albany, 1990. Thomas, F.W., "Bhadrapala Siitra," in: A.F.R. Hoernle, Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature Found in Eastem Turkestan, Oxford, 1916, 88-93. Thomas, F,W., & G.L.M. Clauson, "A Second Chinese Buddhist Text in Tibetan Characters," ]RAS z81-306, 19z7, 8s8-86o. Tsukinowa Kenryu (fli/!.9llfiri), Bonzokamva Gappeki Bussetsu Amidakyo (~~)i;f[lil"m: ('!11~5?./liiJ~rffl>t~~; The Smaller Suklzavatllyziha in Sanshit, Tibetan, Chinese, and Japanese), Kyoto, 19SS· Vimalakirtinirdesa: A Sanskrit Edition Based upon the Manuscript Newly Found at the Po tala Palace, pub!. Study Group on Buddhist Sanskrit Literature, Tokyo, zoo6. Wille, K., "Survey of the Identified Sanshit Manuscripts in the Hoernle, Stein, and Skrine Collections of the British Library (London)," in: P. Harrison &J.-U, Hartmann, eds., From Birch Bark to Digital Data: Recent Advances in Buddhist Manuscript Research: Papers Presented at the Conference Indic Buddhist Manuscripts: The State of the Field, Stanford,jwze 15-19, 2009, Vienna, z014, zz3-z46. Wogihara Unrai (:f;i(m'(~*) et al., Bonzo waei gappeki jodo-sambukyo (~~;f[J~{?j-Ji)¥±:=::$~~; A SanskritTibetan-Japanese-English Edition of the Three Pure Land Szitras ), Tokyo, 11931, 197z. Yamabe Nobuyoshi, "Practice of Visualization and the Visualization Szifl·a: An Examination of Mural Paintings at Toyok, Turfan," PW 4, zooz, 1z3-15z. Yamabe Nobuyoshi, "An Examination of the Mural Paintings of Toyok Cave zo in Conjunction with the Origin of the Amitayus Visualization Sub-a," Orientations 30/4, 1999, 38-44. Yamada, I., Karzqzapuw,larika: Edited with Introduction and Notes, z vols., London, 1968. Yamada Meiji (LlJffiSJlr:m), "Kangyoko: Mmyojubutsu to Amidabutsu" (W!~7ft -~:il:"l.f(b!:: /liiJ~IJ;iJ'8 (L, -;The Guanjbzg: Wuliangshou-fo and Amitou-fo ), RDR 408, 1976, 76-9s. Yamada Meiji et a/., The Szibn of Contemplation on the Buddha ofImmeasurable Life as Expounded by Sakyamzmi Buddha, Kyoto, 1984. Yamaguchi Susumu (LIJD:ful:), Seshinnojodoron (tJ!:Jf,5l,(l))'j> ±iiifU; A Study of Vasubandhu's Suklziivativyzihopadesa), Kyoto, 11966, zon.

PURE LAND SUTRAS Ye Shaoyong, "The Sanskrit Fragments Or. 15009.1-50 in the Hoernle Collection," in: S. Karashima & K. Wille, eds., The British Librwy Sanskrit Fragments, vol. II/1: Texts, Tokyo, 2009, 105-127.

Zieme, P., "Uigurische Sukhiivattvyilha-Fragmente," AoF 12, 1985, 129 -149 .

Zieme, P., & K. Kudara, Guanwuliangshoz!}ing in Uigur, Kyoto, 1985.

Zayaku Mwyajukya ihon kagahya (kalwn) (~1lR1fitli~~IJ'i 2fs::t.J(:§'&[ff.li2js::]; An Edition of the Sukhiivativyi.ihasiitra

in Tib~tan C~mparing Various Versions [Draft Edition]), pub!. Jodokyo no S6g6teki Kenkyii Kenkyiihan (5~±~0) il\t'iS-trlliff~liff~f)I), Kyoto, 1999. Zurcher, E., "A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts," in: K. Shinohara & G. Schopen, eds., From Benares

to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion in Honour ofProf ]an Yiln-hoa, Oakville, 1991, 277-304; repr. in: ].A. Silk, ed., Buddhism in China: Collected Papers of Erik Zurcher, Leiden, 2013, 419-445. VINCENT ELTSCHINGER

Samadhirajasiitra The Samiidhirajasiltra (Discourse on the King of Samadhis) is a mid-length Mahayana scripture showing some affinities with the Prajftaparamita corpus through its emphasis on silnyata (emptiness) and samata (sameness). It was in existence in the znd century CE and shows some concerns, such as the forest vocation and the permitted asceticisms, in common with other early Mahayana texts. It was quoted readily by Buddhist commentators. Despite its title it does not expound a specific meditation technique, and the nature of the samadhi to which it refers is disputable. The text is constructed from a variety of textual units from genres to be found in other Mahayana scriptures, including the didactic, narrative,jataka, (self-)laudatory, and listing materials in prose and verse.

Sources The Samadhirajasiltra is known from a variety of manuscripts, the greatest number of which come from Nepal, where its status as one of the navadharma ("nine dharmas") texts has ensured its scribal reproduction for ritual purposes. While the earliest of these is probably from the 12th century, the bulle of Nepalese witnesses (38 in total known to date) are paper manuscripts made between the late 17th and early zoth centuries, most of which cany a complete text. In addition to these, there are two probably nth-12th-century Indian or Nepalese palm-leaf manuscripts prese1ved in Tibet, an almost complete 6th-century birchbark manuscript from Gilgit, and a variety of manuscript fragments ranging in putative dates from the 5th to the gth century: from Afghanistan (5th-6th cents., mainly now in the Schoyen collection; Sldlton, zooza) and Central Asia (5th-gth cents., in collections in Saint Petersburg, Paris, and London; Skilton, 1gggb; Karashima & Wille, zoo6; zoog). In addition to these sources in Sanskrit, the language ofthe text's original composition (there being no evidence of any earlier Prakrit precursor), there exist canonical translations, one into Tibetan, Ting nge 'dzin gyi rgyal po zhes bya ba

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theg pa chen po'i mdo (Mahayana Discourse Known as the King of Samadhis), made by Sllendrabodhi and DharmataSi:la in the early gth centmy (P 31, 32 ), and several into Chinese. A late 7th(?)-century catalogue, the Da zhou kan ding zhongjing mu lu (::kfE\l flj/E;;r!~ §~*iT. 2153), compiled by Ming Quan (BJl {~),lists a now lost one-volume juan [scroll]) translation by An Shigao ('ft'tf:l:!% ), which may correspond to the single-volume translation mentioned in Seng You's ({'ii{;b) early 6th-centmy catalogue Chu san zangjiji (tf:l-'=J~§G~i T. 2145). Othe1wise the Chinese canon preserves three extant translations of the Samadhirajasiltra: a complete translation made by Narendrayasas (Na lian ti ye she [tl~:i!!H:ll':l1~~]) entitled *Candraprad!pasamadhisiltra (Yuedeng sanmeijing [ J=l i;§l'.=:.!tUllf]; T. 639 ), finished in 557 CE, two sections of a translation with the same name by Xian Gong (:$'G0;T. 640, 641), made between420 and 479 CE, and a translation of chapter 34 treated as an independent siltra, *Candraprabhabodhisattvasiltra (Yueming pusajing [J=l BJli?f]i)i~!]; T. 16g), made by Zhi Qian (y~) between 223 and 253 CE (for the latter, see Nattier, zooS, 142). The editio princeps of the complete Sanskrit text of the Gilgit manusclipt was published by N. Dutt and V.S.N. Sharma (1941; 1953i 1954) and republished with editorial changes by P.L. Vaidya (1961 ). This was based on a reading of the Gilgit manuscript, supplemented freely, especially for the many lacunae in that manuscript, by material from two Nepalese manuscripts and the Tibetan translation. A facsimile edition of the Gilgit manuscript was published by R. Vira and L. Chandra (1974). This functions as an invaluable corrective to the editio princeps, which fails to fully differentiate recensions, which are conflated at will, and omits structural features of the Gilgit text. This criticism applies even more to P.L. Vaidya's reedition (Skilton, zooob, 13-15). Reliable critical editions of individual chapters have been made by various authors: C. Regamey (1938, chs. 8, 19, and 22; this was completed prior to the discovery of the Gilgit manuscript), S. Matsunami (1975, chs.1-7), C. Ciippers (1ggo, ch. g), and A. Sldlton (1997, ch.17).

BEB,vol.l

sAMADHIAAJASUTRA

Titles, Recensions, and Date

therefore lacks a colophon to indicate the title, the discove1y of a fragment of the colophon of the manThe Samiidhirajaslltra was widely known under at uscript found in Mghanistan (see above) suggests least two titles, and the textual evidence analyzed to that this recension may also have gone under the date suggests that there was a total of four distinct title ( *Candrapradlpa )samadhir Mahayana( slltra ). recensions in circulation (Sldlton, 1gggb ). Hereafter In the final chapter of the Samadhirajaslltra, and Samadhiriijaslltra is used as a portmanteau term also significantly in chapter 3 (see below), the Budfor the text ignoring its specific recensions. Two dha entrusts ilie discourse to a disciple and explicclosely related recensions (Samadhiriijaslltra I and itly instructs him that ilie slltra should be known as Samadhirajaslltra II) are transmitted in ilie Nepalese Mahakaru~ziivatara (The Embodiment/Introduction manuscripts, which call their text Samadhiriijaslltra. to Great Compassion). This title is only recognized This is also the title of the Tibetan translation. The in citations made by Santaralq;ita and Kamalasila text of these recensions is cited under variants of the (Gomez & Silk,1g8g,35-36). name (A1ya)samadhiraja by Indian Buddhist scholAny attempt to date the scripture must necessarars. These recensions are primarily characterized by ily take account of its distinct recensions (Sldlton, the presence of an additional15% or so of material Iggga). Extant physical evidence gives an earliest not found in the others. This consists of prose and date of nth centmy for manuscripts of recensions verse material that supplements the existing chap- Samadhirajaslltra I and II, although Candrakirti's ters. This often appears as part of the prose intro- 7th-century quotation of iliis recension, ilie redacting duction to a chapter and is distributed fairly evenly of material from its chapter 1in the Pra8antaviniScayaacross the Samadhirajaslltra as a whole, although pratiharyasamadhislltra (jizhaoshenbian sanmodi a significant number of chapters, as many as 14, have jing [;m~~H$~:=:}lf~HlM_llf]; T. 648), translated in ilie none of these additions, while others, for example 6th century, and reference by the 4th-5th-century chapters 10 and 35, have several. Samadhirajaslltra II scholar Asanga to a text of this name in his appears to be a linguistically improved recension Mahayanasarrzgraha possibly takes it back to the of Samadhirajaslltra I but with other significant 4th centmy (Sldlton, Iggga). The Gilgit recension differences. The material that forms chapter 38 in is dated by its manuscript witnesses to the 6th Samadhirajaslltra I is divided into three separate centmy at the earliest. The earliest !mown date named and numbered chapters in Samadhiriijaslltra for the title Candraprad[pasamadhislltra is estabII, giving a total of 42 chapters for this recension, lished by Xian Gong's 5th-century translation. whereas Samadhirajaszltra I has 40. (This ignores citations under the same name in The two remaining recensions are shorter than the Sfltrasamuccaya, an anthology problematithose recorded by the Nepalese and Tibetan wit- cally attributed to Nagaljuna.) An early 3rd-century nesses. They have the same general coverage, date for some version of ilie text is confi1med through but individual chapters lack the sometimes sub- the translation by Zhi Qian made between 223 stantial prose and verse insertions present in and 253 CE. While Zhi Qian treats this as a comSamadhiriijaslltra I and II. They also both include plete slltra, internal evidence suggests that it material that is not found in the Samadhirajaslltra I is extracted from a larger text, presumably one and II recensions. The first of these recensions is wit- or another recension of the Samadhirajaslltra/ nessed by the Chinese translation ofNarendrayasas Candrapradlpasamadhislltra. Beyond Zhi Qian, the and several Central Asian manuscripts. While these single-volume translation attributed to An Shigao manuscript fragments are too small to indicate offers the possibility that a much abbreviated or the title of their text, the Chinese title is translated partial translation of one recension of this text was from the Sanskrit *CandrapradTpasamadhisfltra. made between 148 and 170 CE. This name is known in its variant form Following this discussion, we should make two Candrapradipa( slltra) to Indian scholars and is also important observations: all four recensions were mentioned in the Mai'ijusrTmlllakalpa (GaiJapati in circulation in the broader Buddhist world simulSastri, 1920, 38, wg). The fourth recension was at taneously; and we should not assume a linear relaone time that of the Gilgit manuscript alone, until tionship among recensions. The diversity of the analysis of manuscript fragments from Mghanistan recensions that we now know as literary texts may revealed a second witness (Sldlton, 20o2b ). While have emerged independently in a mixed oral-literary ilie Gilgit manuscript has lost its final leaves and environment, such that none has precedence over

the others. The exception to this is Samadlziriijaslla·a II, which appears to be an intentional redaction of Samadlzirajaslla·a I.

Structure and Chapters Tl1e shorter recension of the Samadhirajasfltra ft·om Gilgit is, to use the traditional measure, aImos t dI h exactly 8,500 slokas in length. Like other mi - engt Mahayana scriptures, it is subdivided into chapters, although these divisions are not consistent across recensl·ons and are in themselves evidence of the recel1sional divergence in the history of this text. The dl.visions of the Gilgit recension cannot b e determined with finality due to loss of some folios and significant damage to others. Despite t h ~s I oss of material, the manuscript indicates some 42 mternal

233

divisions, only 27 of which correspond with those in other recensions. There are no chapter colohans and therefore no chapter titles. The complete translation (T. 639) has no chapter divisions and is divided into ten volumes. The longer recensions (transmitting at least another I,300 sloka of material distributed unequally across mos: chapters) are divided into named chapters h h (par·t·v d t art~), but they diverge in places (althoug t. e e. ) h d t bt to. t prm-f ceps conflates all recensions . T e IS n u IOn o the variations only partly corresponds to the recensions Samadhirajaslltra I and II discussed ab~ve, since a subset of Samadhirajasfltra I manuscnpts dh. . -,__ h av e the same chapter titles as SamaI trajasu)If~; pure conversation) and xuanxue (1,:~; dark learning; Zurcher, 2007, 132; Mather, 1968, 67 ). The early reception of the text in the north has not been studied in equal depth. On a related topic, R. Mather (1968, 66-67) suggests that Vimalakfrtinirdesa's integration into the Sinitic literary patrimony was facilitated by "the flexibility of the siltra's outlook," established through its description of the Buddha as teaching the dharma with a single voice (ch. 1, §§ 10-n). However, at least early on, the single-voice passage could not have played any role as it is missing from the Zhi Qian translation. Moreover, its frequent assertions of the superiority of the bodhisattva path over the srtivakaytina (srtivaka path) prompted some Chinese exegetes to see the text as anything but conciliatory: for instance, in the earliest system of doctrinal classification (panjiao [#'U~]), Huiguan (~flm) in the 5th century CE classified the Vimalakfrtinirde8a as yiyang jiao (:!:film~: "teaching that disparages [the srtivakaytina ] and extols [the bodhisattvaytina (bodhisattva path)]"; see e.g. T. 1736 [XXXVI] 43a5-8), an evaluation that was taken up later in Tiantai (x'B') dogmatics. Another factor in the success of the Vimalakfrtinirdesa in East Asia is often said to have been its embrace of the ideal of the householder bodhisattva (see esp. Whitehead, 1976; 1978; Nakamura, 1962). On this reading, the Vimalakfrtinirdesa endorses a mode of withdrawal from the world enacted not through retreat into the monastery but through the cultivation of a special frame of mind. In this connection, scholars note Zhi Qian's and Kumaraj!va's translation of araJ;~yavtisa (ascetic wilderness-dwelling) as xianju (~@; leisure-dwelling) and kongxianclzu (~~J!}&; empty leisurely place), respectively, both terms that likely appealed to the cultivated gentry (camp. Nattier, 2008, 245-246). However, any reading of the Vimalakfrtinirdesa must account for the robustly pro-monastic thrust of the text as a whole. Furthermore, to view Vimalaldrti simply as a householder is problematic (see Silk, 2014, 173ff.). As a corrective to this view, some scholars insist that "really" Vimalak!rti is an advanced bodhisattva from Abhirati (Sangharalcshita, 1995, 57) or even a tathagata (Fussman, 2009, 647-648), his identity as

a layman from Vaisall being nothing but a display of uptiya, the extraordinary teaching skill ofbodhisattvas that allows them to manifest in any form that they deem best suited to the needs and capacities of beings. ].A. Silk (2014) opines that even this does not go far enough: instead of trying to explain away the tension between Vimalaldrti's two identities, we should take it seriously as a concretization of the paradoxical philosophy of emptiness iliat defines ilie text in both its doctrinal and its magical dimensions.

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R

zooS, Z95-337· _ H ' !· -sho no ' . . (t'"W**I:3) "Jiku D6sho-sen Olte ryo Och6 E mchi 'l!'tltQm;; ' u-m s d f Zhu ~ ~~~Hm J C')un 'tt.i tu Y o ItenIryu-" ("'fill~t!!ll ~ ' KN 16 -z 6· repr. Daosheng's Fahuajillg shu), OD 5· 195Z, 7 7 '- ,+. _ _ , . h' (t""~~ 8 ), Hokke shiso no kenkyu (,z:>. in: Ocho E me 1 !'tl "' ' . h of the Lotus ~JGI,;tJ]IC')lJffj'G; Studies on the Ph1losop Y

Szltra ), 1975, Kyoto, m-z3o. . -, , , :sc cttcf;>',. His- _ , . . (*"'"7;~ 8) "Shakkyosluko (liRhy.._ "O' Ocho E me1u 'l!'tll2, ·, ' KU 165t of Scriptural Commentary), CHUGO 3• 1979' ory first publ'ISh e d 111 . Shin a Bukkyo Shigaku (5z:!:l~ ~~~5£ zo6;

"ji:) 1/1, 1937, 75-no. ~,, .. 6 o'i Eon no chosaku zengo 1

Okamoto Ippei ([lill:2js: ."¥)., (,Y~~~mC')~('FMI&~{~ l f l(ankei ni kansuru simon . /J>l!'v'D'·~·1 f the W01 6.S.S

Tanemura, zoo4

Cakrasaq7variiblzisamayatlkii

Prajil.iirak~ita

complete

Sakurai, zoos; Dhlb 53 (with attribution to Siisvatavajra)

Catu:;pTthapalyikii

KalyiiDavarman

Mitapadii ( Catu:;plthatantra)

Dmjayacandra

incomplete

Szanto, zooS

$atsiihasrikii (Hevajratantra)

Vajragarbha

chapter 1

Sferra, zoo9

$atsiihasrikii (Hevajratantra)

Vajragarbha

chapterw

Sferra, 2009

Abhayapaddhati (Buddhakapiilatantra)

Ab hayiikaragupta

complete

Chog,zoo9

Guhyiivallvivrti

Ghanadeva

complete

Dhlb 46, zooS

Padminl ( Sart1Varodayatantra)

Ratnaralq;ita

chapters 13 (incomplete), zz

Kuranishi zo14, Tanemura z014

Sekanirdesapmyikii

Riimapiila

complete

Isaacson & Sferra, z014

Sahajiilokapmyikii (Kr:;JJayamiiritantra)

Sridhara

incomplete

Kuranishi, published online

Published Subcommentaries Title of the comm. (and of the text

Author

Part published

Editor( s) & Date of editio princeps

Amrtaka(Iikoddyotanibandha (Am rtaka(Iikii)

Vibhuticandra

complete

La!, 1994

Published Commentaries ofindependent Treatises/Works Title of the comm. (and of the text)

Author

Part published

Editor(s) & Date of editio princeps

Pm'icakramatippa!JT

Parahitaralc;dta

complete

La Vallee Poussin, 1S96

Kudr:;tinirghiitiidiviikyatippinikii

Advayavajra

complete

Shastri, 19z7

Dohiikosapafijikii (Dohiikosa by Saraha)

Advayavajra (?)

complete

Bagchi, 193S

Mekhaliitikii (Dolziikosa by Kiii)ha)

(anonymous)

complete

Bagchi, 193S

Siiriirthapwyikii (Dolziikosa by Tillopada)

(anonymous)

complete

Bagchi, 193S

Cmyiigltikosavrtti

Munidatta

complete

Mahiisuklzaprakiisikii ( Tattvajfiiinasal?lsiddhi)

Jfianacandra/ Dhyanacandra

Gu(wbhara!J[ ($ar;langayoga) Kriyiisal?lgrahapmyikii

Commentaries and Subcommentaries extant in manuscripts but not published Editor(s) & Date of editio princeps

Title of the comm. (and ofthe text)

Author

Part published

Advayasiddhitlkii

(unknown)

complete (?) TAR

Bagchi, 1956

Aniivilatantrapmyikii

Kumiiracandra

complete

TAR

complete

The Dharmodaya Sabha, 1956

Amrtadharii (Vajramrtatantra)

Sribhiinu

complete

TAR (ed. under preparation)

Ravisrijfiana

complete

Gri:inbold, 1969

Ekavrk:;iidipm1jikii

[an JAryadeva

incomplete

Kuladatta

chapter6.5

Sakurai, 19SS-1996

Kathmandu, National Archives; Asiatic Society, Calcutta

474

(cont.)

(cont.) Title ofthe comm. (and of the text)

Author

Part published

Editor(s) & Date of editio princeps

Title ofthe comm. (and of the text)

Comm. on Ka/yii(wkiimadhenu

Nagarjuna

complete

Kathmandu, National Archives; TAR

Pradlpoddyotanoddyota *Mahiimiiyiipaiijikii

Kramakaumudt (Pm1cakrama)

Abhayakaragupta

complete

TAR

Comm. on Guhyasamiijanidiina

Lilavajra

incomplete

TAR

Gulzyii valltlkii

(unknown)

incomplete

Kathmandu, National Archives London, Royal Asiatic Society

(Advayavajra [evidently different from the well-known author of that name])

complete

Catu$plthama(lc)alopiiyikiiyiiscaturthapatalabhii$itamantroddhiiralak$a(lasyapwljikii

anonymous

incomplete

Candraprabhii (Guhyasamiijatantra)

*Pramuditiikaravarman

incomplete

TAR

{Jiikinlvajrapanjaratippati

(anonymous)

complete

Kathmandu, Kaiser Librmy

Tattvajniinasw?lsiddhitippa(lt

Dasabalasrimitra

complete

London, Royal Asiatic Society; TAR

TattvaVi$adii (J;Jiikinlvajrapaiijaratantra)

Mahiimatideva

incomplete

Kathmandu, National Archives & Kaiser Library (ed. under preparation)

Gucjhapadii (Niimasmigfti)

475

TANTRIC COMMENTARIES: SOUTH ASIA

TANTRIC COMMENTARIES: SOUTH ASIA

Part published

of editio princeps

*Karm~asri

complete

TAR

*Sribhii~ar,m/

incomplete

University of Tokyo

Author

*Alm'lkaras ri (?) Ratniivalf (Hevajra tantra)

Kamalaniitha

complete

Kathmandu, Kaiser Librmy

Vajrapradlpa tippanl (Hevajrasiidhanopiiyikii)

Jalandhari pada

complete

Kathmandu, National Archives; TAR

Vajrasattvasya tlkii ( ?)

(?)

(?)

Kathmandu (see Tsukamoto, et al. 1g8g, 510)

Kathmandu, National Archives

Tattvavi$adii (Laglzusm!lvaratantra)

Sasvatavajra

complete(?) TAR

Trisamayariijatlkii

(unknown)

incomplete

Kathmandu, National Archives; TAR

Trivajraratnii.valtmiilikii (Hevajratantra)

Kelikulisa

complete

TAR

Pancakramapaiijikii

Samayavajra

incomplete

TAR

Padmiinkuranibandlza (Hevajratanlra ?)

Padmiirikura

incomplete (?)

TAR

Padmiivatl (Ca(lc)amahiiro$a(wtan tra)

Mahiisukhavajrapiida

complete

Kathmandu, National Archives

Prakara(liirthanir(laya (Sanzputatantra)

(unknown)

incomplete

Kathmandu, Kaiser Libra1y

Vajramrtaparyilcii

*Vimalabhadra

complete (?) TAR

Vohitii (J;Jiikiir(wvatantra)

*Padmavajra

incomplete

Kathmandu, National Archives

Vyavastholinibandha

Liliivajra

complete

TAR

Sadiimniiyiinusiiri(lt (Sanzvarodayatantra)

(unknown)

incomplete

Kathmandu, National Archives

Sarvaralzasyanibandlza (Sarvarahasyatantra)

Ratnakarasanti

complete

TAR (ed. under preparation)

Siidlzananidlzi (Laghusanzvaratantra)

Kambala

complete

Kathmandu, National Archives; TAR

Siiramaiijarl Caturangasiidlzanatlkii

Samantabhadra

complete (severely damaged)

TAR

Sutakameliipakanibandlza

Lilavajra

complete

TAR

Sutakameliipakavivrti ( ?)

Kuloka (?)

complete

TAR (NB that this work has been wrongly identified by Sankrtyayana [1937, 38] and others who followed him as Pm'icakramavivrti)

Sviidlzi$tlziinakramavivrti

TAR

TANTRIC COMMENTARIES: SOUTH ASIA

Influential Commentators and Their Work Like many tantric scriptures, many commentaries can now only be studied in Tibetan translation. This loss affects not only minor works, but also those written by celebrated authors, for instance, the works by Vajrapal)i (nth cent.), one of the main disciples ofAdvayavajra (also known as Maitreyanatha, Maitrlpa, etc.), which were certainly influential in his time and also important for the later Blca' brgyud school. The original Sanskrit of none of his works (e.g. D 2255, D 2299, D 3716) has been identified in library collections to date. Important commentaries lost in their original language are, just to quote a few examples, the commentary by *Buddhaguhya/*Buddhagupta (late 8th cent. cE) on the Mahiivairocaniibhisambodhitantra; the numerous exegeses by Anandagarbha (9th cent. CE), including two commentaries, a shorter and a longer, on the Paramiidyatantra (his commentarial works include also exegeses on Sarvatathiigatatattvasarrzgraha, Sarvadurgatiparisodhanatantra, Miiyiijiilatantra, Sarvabuddhasamiiyoga [lost, but known to have existed from a reference in Mahamatideva's commentary Tattvavi$adii on the J)iikincvajrapafijaratantra ], Sarvakalpasamuccaya, and Guhyasamiijatantra ); the exegetical works belonging to the cycle of the Sarvabuddhasamiiyogatantra, among which the pmljikii by Sakyamitra (D 1661/ P 2533) and the pmljikii by '"Prasantamitra (D 1663/ P 2535), both likely composed in the 9th century CE; the two commentaries on the Hevajratantra written by '·'Tankadasa/*Kayastha (10th-nth cent.) and Dhannaklrti (nth cent. [?]), the Suvi$adasaqzputaheva)ratlkii (translated twice in Tibetan: D n84/ P 2314, D n9o /P 2321) and the *Netrodghiitanapmljikii (D n91/P 2320) respectively; the commentarial works by *Smrtijfianaklrti (10th-nth cent. [?]), for instance the *Bodlzicittavivara(wtlkii (D 1829/ P 2694), the '"Guhyasamcljavrtti (D 1914/P 2777), the *Caturdevlpariprcchiivyiikhyiina (D 1915/P 2778), and two commentaries on theMmljusr/niimasmigW (D 2538/P 3361, D 2584/P 3411). Such commentaries, extant now only in translation, will not be considered here, nor will commentaries on Indian tantric scriptures composed in other languages such as Tibetan or Chinese. Of course we have cases of masters whose commentarial production is partly or completely available in Sanskrit. In this case, the study of the commentaries can be extended to, for example, the authors' style, their use of the language, the peculiarities of

their terminology, and other aspects which are hard or impossible to study if texts are only available in translation. A thorough analysis of the tantric commentarial works extant in Sanskrit from these perspectives would go beyond the limits of this article. Here only a few words are said about some of the authors and works, in chronological order, that have been most influential. One of the earliest commentators is Vilasavajra, who probably lived in the 8th century CE (Tribe, 1994, 9-23). At the ve1y beginning of his voluminous commentary on the Mafljusrlniimsmiglti, the Niimamantriirthiivalokinl (D 2533/P 3356), perhaps the oldest of the Buddhist tantric commentaries presently available in Sanskrit, he states that he writes this text after having studied Buddhist works and keeping in mind the teachings of his guru lineage. Actually he does not mention specific texts, but lists the main categories to which they belong, which include the kriyiitantras, the cmyiitantras, the yogatantras, the Paramitanaya, the Sutra and Abhidharma collections, and other Buddhist and even worldly, that is non-Buddhist, works (Tribe, 1994, 66, 210 ). Among the yogatantras he "evidently includes texts such as the Guhyasamiija, Vajrabhairava, and Sarvabuddhasamiiyoga, since he quotes these and other related works" (Sanderson, 2009, 146). The names ofMafijusrl are interpreted from a Yogacara perspective in a quite sophisticated ritual framework with Mafijusrl as the main deity of the ma(u)ala. Because of his early date, Vilasav~ra's quotations have proved important for establishing a terminus ante quem for the composition of a number of texts, both tantric (see above) and non-tantric, such as the Alokamiilii by Kambala. Candraklrti (10th cent.[?]), one of the more important exponents of the A1ya school, not to be confused with the Madhyamaka master of the 7th century CE, composed a famous commentary on the Guhyasanuijatantra, the Pradipoddyotanatlkii $atkotil~yiikhyii. This commentary is perhaps the most large-scale attempt to apply the exegetical system of the seven-fold alaqzkiira and, in particular, the "six points" (see above). After the Vimalaprabhii and the currently almost inaccessible Anmiiyammljar/ (Abhayakaragupta's . commentmy on the Samputatantra, see below), the Pradipoddyotana is probably the largest Indian commentary on a Buddhist tantra extant in Sanskrit. It is also a difficult work, and it is not surprising that it received several subcommentaries, of which one at least survives in Sanskrit manuscripts. The Pradipoddyotana contains a wealth of material

TANTRIC COMMENTARIES: SOUTH ASIA

on a wide range of tantric topics, out of which only one may be mentioned here: the commenta1y on the 14th chapter of the Guhyasamiijatantra is particularly rich in infonnation on mantras and their exegesis. This draws in part on the Va)ro$(1L$atantra, a work which has come down to us neither in Sanskrit nor in Tibetan, and is just one of the many rare works quoted in the Pradlpoddyotana. The text certainly deserves much more study. The only monograph-length study is J.R.B. Campbell, 2009. A project to translate the entire work into English is apparently underway, at Columbia University. Another commentator worth mentioning is Bhavabhatta (around 1000 CE; variant forms of his name include *Bhavabhadra and Bhavabhata [?]), a Bengali master who was active in Vikramasila and who wrote at least four commentaries, the Cakrasm?IVaravivrti and the Catu$plthanibandha, which are luckily preserved in Sanskrit, and the *Hevajratantravivrti (D n82/P 2312) and the *Vajrai)iikavivrti (D 1415/P 2131), which are presently available only in Tibetan. The manuscript transmission shows Bhavabhatta's Catu$plthanibandha to have been important in Nepal; and about two centuries after his time, when commenting on the Samputatantra (a tantra which has borrowed considerably from the Catu$plthatantra ), Abhayakaragupta made extensive use of Bhavabhatta's work (see Szanto, 2012, 9-10 ). His commentary on the Laghusarrzvaratantra is relatively rich in doctrinal material, especially because of a lengthy and apparently rather original digression on causality in the commentary on the first chapter. This interesting passage is rendered harder for the reader by the fact that both of the published editions are in need of correction at many points. No doubt important for the later developments of tantric Buddhism in India are the works of three masters belonging to the Kalacakra tradition, that is, Vajrapat,li, Vajragarbha, and Pm,lc,larlka, who were likely active around the beginning of the nth century and whose exegeses on the Laghusw?zvaratantra, the Hevajratantra, and the Laghukiilacalcratantra respectively were later conceived as a "corpus" (skor) by some Tibetan authors. Pm,lc,larika, the most influential among iliose iliree, also wrote a commentary on the Mafljusrlniimasaziglti, lost in Sanskrit (D 1398/P 2n4). His Laghukiilacalcratantratlkii Vimalaprabhii reflects the encyclopedic character of the Laghulciilacalcratantra. It is a rather long and elaborate exegesis; in some of its parts the doxographical intent is preeminent and more than in other works one receives

477

the impression that the audience to whom it is addressed (directly or indirectly) is not composed solely of Buddhists, but may include also Hindus, with the intention, presumably, to warn them against the common Islamic "enemy." The text, which includes numerous technical digressions, notably on astronomy and physiology, is wTitten in a relatively uncomplicated style, although the sometimes complex doctrines and practices of the Kalacakra, abounding in detailed correspondences between the extemal and the intemal world, can make the exposition less than perspicuous. The author was certainly an educated person, at ease with the Indian grammatical tradition (both Pal)inian and Buddhist) and knew many major works of Brahminical culture (e.g. Matsyapurii(W and Manusmrti), as evidenced by short citations and references in various parts of the work. Most of the quotations, as might be expected, however, comes from Buddhist tantric texts (e.g. Adibuddha, the miilatantra of the Laghukiilacakratantra, which is the most frequently quoted, Gulzyasamiijatantra, and Hevajratantra), although there are some from dhiirct(lt literature (a stanza of the Mahiivajramerusilcharalaitiigiiradhiira(zt is cited twice) and from other non-tantric Mahayana works, including passages from the Prajfiaparamita literature and the Abhisamayiilazikiiralciirikii. Among other influential masters who have also composed commentaries and who were active in the nth century is the Mahasiddha Naropa (first half of the nth cent.), who spent his religious life in the two famous monastelies of Nalanda and Pullahari. He wrote works connected to various tantric cycles (for a list ofhis compositions see Naudou, 1968,150 ). In Tibetan we have the *Vajrapadasiirasmigrahapafljikii (D n86/P 2316), an exegesis of the Hevajratantra, and the *Sarvaguhyapradipatlkii (D 1787/P 2652), dedicated to the Samiijottara. Both are attributed to a certain '"Yasobhadra from Kashmir, which, along with Nac,lapada and Naro, is most likely simply another name of Naropa. His only commenta1y presently available in Sanskrit is the Paramiirthasmigraha, a quite detailed exegesis of the Selcoddesa. As the author himself states in the introductory stanzas, the text relies heavily on the Vimalaprabhii by PLU,lc,larlka, from which he quotes numerous passages verbatim. A significant part of the Paramiirthasmigraha is dedicated to the explanation of the sixfold yoga ($ai)migayoga ). In a long introduction to the commentary on stanzas 24-92 of the Sekoddesa, which are those in which, in this scripture, the yoga practice is dealt with, although

TANTRIC COMMENTARIES: SOUTH ASIA

in a rather cryptic way, Naropa quotes in full three of Among the four scriptural commentaries the major expositions of the topic: the locus classicus accessible in Sanskrit, the commentmy on the Samiijottara 133-157ab, Laghukiilacakra 4.n5-n7, Hevajratantra, called Muktiivali (String of Pearls) 120, 5·n5-n6, and the pages dedicated to this subject is vmy noticeably the longest and most elaborate. by VajrapiiT,Ji in his Laghutantratlkii (ed. pages 137- It seems that this is not merely because the scrip143). While the stanzas of the Laghukiilacakratantra ture itself is longer than the others commented on, and the words by VajrapaT,Ji are simply repro- but rather because the commentator regarded the duced with only a few words of introduction (the Hevajratantra as at the pinnacle of Buddhist teachsources are explicitly mentioned), in the first case ings. He has, it seems, written almost a whole cycle together with the commentmy by PuT,J__ii!_; The Movement for the Publication of Buddhist Scriptures of the 1850s and Buddhist Kasa), HMY 14, zoo4a, 109-140. Kim, Chongjin, "'Kwangdae moyon'ga' (Ii ch'angjak paegyonggwa munhakchok t'ttksong" (%rJ].2_'?'!7}~1 %'3)-ll~/'(ij i!J- ~ ~"'l ~-"a; The Background of the Composition of "Kwangdae moyon'ga" and Its Literary Characteristics), HSY 16, 2004b, 219-248. Kim, Chongjin, Pulgyo kasa zli yonhaeng-gwa ch6nszlng (~_lll7}A}2j '?'! "ni!J- ~15-; The Performance and Transmission ofBuddhistKasa), Seoul, 2002. Kim, Daeyeol, "The Social and Cultural Presence of Buddhism in the Lives of Confucian Literati in Late Choson: The Case ofTasan," S]KS zs/z, 2012, 213-241.

KOREAN BUDDHIST LITERATURE IN KOREAN Kim, Hunggyu, Understanding Korean Literahtre, Armonk, 1997· Kim Manjung (Kim Man-Choong), The Cloud Dream of the Nine, London, 19zz; http:/ /www.eldritchpress.org/lctm/cloud9 · .html. Kim, Pyongguk, Sop'o Kim Mmyung ui saengae wa munhak (l·l¥. 7J '11%-91 J.~ 0R9} -lf:- "§")-;Life and Literature ofSop'o KimManjung), Seoul, zo01. Ko, Un, What?wB Zen Poems, Berkeley, zooS. Ko, Un, Little Pilgrim: A Buddhist Novel, Berkeley, zoos. Ko, Yongsop, Han'guk pulgyosa yon'gu c~~~ JRJ-}'?1 T; Studies in Korean Buddhist History), Paju, z01z. Ko, Young-seop, & Hwang Nam-Ju, eds., Korean-English Buddhist Dictionmy with Sanskrit and English Equivalents, Seoul, z01o. Lancaster, L.R., "Maitreya in Korea," K] z9/11, 1989, 4-17. Lancaster, L.R., The Korean Buddhist Canon: A Descriptive Catalogue, Berkeley, 1979· Ledyard, G., The Korean Language Reform of 1446, Seoul, 1998. Lee, Jung-Shim, "Buddhist Writers in Colonial Korea: Rethinking Korean Literature, Religion and Histmy during the Colonial Period, 1910-1945,'' diss., Leiden University, z013. Lee, Peter H., ed., A Hist01y ofKorean Literature, Cambridge UK,zoo3. Lee, Peter H., Studies in the Saenaemwrae, Rome, 1959. Lee, Younghee, "A Buddhist Reconquest of Korea? Namho Yonggi and 'Changan kolsikka,'"]KR 3/1, z01z, 85-103. Lee, Younghee, "Hell and Other Karmic Consequences: A Buddhist Vernacular Song," in: R.E. Buswell Jr., ed., Religions ofKorea in Practice, Princeton, zoo7a, 100-111. Lee, Younghee, 'Waiting for the Sun to Rise: Ch'imgoeng and Late Choson Buddhism," S]EAS 7/1, zoo7b, 69-86. Lee, Younghee, "Gender Specificity in Late-Choson Buddhist Kasa," SJEAS 6/I, zoo6, 61-88. Mair, V., Paintings and Pe1jormance: Chinese Pichtre Recitation and Its Indian Genesis, Honolulu, 1998. Myongyon (B):jj)j'), Yombul pogwonmun (~{~ifH!ffi)Z:), eds. & trans. ChOng Uyong (Ail -9-':'l) & Kim Chongjin (7J %:d), HHPC 9, Seoul, z01z. Oh, Bonnie B.C., "Kim Iryop's Conflicting Worlds," in: YoungKey Kim-Renaud, ed., Creative Women of Korea, London, Z004, 175-191. Olof, A.M., trans. & ed., The Worinclz'on'gangjigok: Song ofthe Moon Reflected on a Thousand Rivers, London, zoo9. Olof, A.M., "The Stmy of Prince Golden Calf and Tale Type 707: A Translation and Comparison," in: R.E. Breuker, ed., Korea in the Middle: Korean Studies and Area Studies: Essays in Honour of Boudewijn Walraven, Leiden, zooS, z6o-z86.

Olof, A.M.," 'Boddhisattva Never Despise': Chapter zo of the Lotus Sutra in the Sokpo-sangjol and the Worin sokpo," in: E. de Poorter, ed., As the Twig is Bent . .. Essays in Honour ofFrits Vos, Amsterdam, 1990, IZ7-I53· Olof, A.M., "Sokka Yorae sipchi haengnok: An Attempt to Find Its Place in Buddhist Literature," in: D. Bouchez et al., eds., Twenty Papers on Korean Studies Offered to Professor W.E. Skillend, CEC 5,1989, zo1-Z17. Olof, A.M., "The Story of Prince Allakkuk: Worin Sokpo vol. 8," K] Z3/I, 1983, 13-ZO. Orzech, C.D., et al., eds., Esoteric Buddhism and the Tantras in East Asia, HOS 4/Z4, Leiden, zo11. Park, Jin Y., "Gendered Response to Modernity: Kim Iryop and Buddhism," in: Jin Y. Park, ed., Makers of Modem Korean Buddhism, Albany, z01o. Rutt, R., & K. Chong-un, trans., Virtuous Women: Three Masterpieces ofTraditional Korean Fiction, Seoul, 1974· Sasse, W., &J.-H. Ahn, Der Mondgespiegelt in tausendFliisse. Das Leben des Buddha Gautama in Verse gesetzt im]ahre 1447 von Konig Sejong, Seoul, zooz. Son, Chint'ae, ChOsen shinka ihen (lj!Jjf~'M$iif1:m~Ji; Remnants of Korean Sacred Songs), Tokyo, 1930. Skillend, W.E., Kodae sosOl: A Survey of Korean Traditional Style Popular Novels, London, 1986. Walraven, B., "The Creation of the World and Human Suffering," in: R.E. Buswell Jr., ed., Religions ofKorea in Practice, Princeton, zoo7a, Z44-z58. Walraven, B., "A Re-examination of the Social Basis of Buddhism in Late Choson Korea," S]KS zo/z, zoo7b, 1-zo. Walraven, B., "Eighteenth-century Buddhist Beliefs and Practice in Yombul pogwonmun," in: Proceedings 2007 AKSE Coriference, Dourdan, zoo7c. Walraven, B., Songs of the Shaman: The Ritual Chants of the Korean Mudang, London, 1994· Walraven, B., "The Root of Evil: As Explained in Korean Shaman Songs,'' in: D. Bouchez et al., eds., Twenty Papers on Korean Studies Offered to Professor W.E. Skillend, CEC 5, Paris, 1989, 351-369. Walraven, B., De redder der ann en, Amsterdam, 1980 (Dut.). Yi, Chino ('$W:ef), Han'guk pulgyo munhag-ui yon'gu (f&\~ {~~)Z:!$':2"! liff~; A Study of Korean Buddhist Literature), Seoul, 1997. Yi, Sangbo, Han'guk pulgyo kasa chonjip, Seoul, 1980. Yu, Hoson (-fi-.:Q:_-{-:1_), Chason hugi kyonglzwa sajog-zli pulgyo insik-kwapulgyo munhak (3'::-{-:!+71 /cl~J-}~~1 ~JR ~ -6J :uj- ~ J11. -lf:- "§")-; Late Choson Perceptions of Buddhism by Members of the Capital Elite and Buddhist Literature), Paju, zoo6. BOUDEWlJNWALRAVEN YOUNGHEE LEE

Korean Buddhist Literature in Chinese In Korea before the 2oth century, literary Chinese had a prestige that far surpassed the Korean vernacular. This was because only literary Chinese counted as literature, because literary Chinese was the lingua .franca of East Asia, and because all the source texts for Korean Buddhism were in Chinese. Most genres were also imported from China.

Short Poetry Virtually no short KoreanBuddhistpoetryin Chinese survives from before the poems of Ch'oe Ch'iwon O~¥Jim; b. 857), which were mostly occasional pieces sent to monks or about the beauty of Buddhist sites (Ch'oe Chun'ok, val. I, 1982, 636; val. II, 1982,46-55,61-62 ). These inspiredKoryo (~Ill; 9181392) monks and laymen to write Buddhist poetry. The first poetry initially composed in Chinese to survive in numbers was the poetry written by Uich'on {~:1(; 1055-1101). They were mostly occasional, doctrinal, or lyrical poems. This tendency was followed by his pupils, as well as by several monks of the Ch'ont'ae (::RIS'; Chn. Tiantai) school, such as Yose ( Tl:!t; 1163-1245) and Ch'onin (::RIZSI; 1205-1248; Lee, 2012, g). These poems appeared mainly in munjip (:X~), literary collections of verse and prose (incl. Son/ Chan [tll'!] 6rok/Chn.yulu [§fi*'f;J, collected sayings), of which just over a hundred are known from the Taegak kuksa munjip of Uich'on until the Ky6ngh6 chip ofKyongh6 Song'u (1849-1912; Lee, 2012, 23-51). Of these collections, 10 come from the Koryo period, 4 from the early Chason (lj!Jj~; 1392 to the Japanese invasion of1592), 13 from the invasion period and its immediate aftermath, and 74 from the period 1592-1910. This increasing production of munjip, which includes much poetry and "teaching literature," is related to the growing dominance of Son in Korea. Of the ten munjip of the Koryo, three are Ch'ont'ae, and seven are Son in origin, but virtually all of the later collections were by Son monks. The inspiration for the writing of Son poetly was the massive S6nmun yomsong chip (t!i!F%!l~.i'l) by Chin'gak © Koninklijke Brill NV; Leiden, 2015 Also available online- www.brill

Hyesim (ii:I':J~!Hil; 1178-1234) and its commentary by his disciple Kagun (:~':~), the Sonmun yomsong s6rhwa (t!i!F~tr'i~.i'l§Jt~jli). Hyesim was a disciple of Pojo Chinul (llif~~ili*J; 1158~1210 ), who introduced kanhwa (Chn. kanhua [;g~jli]), the Son meditation on the point or key word of a kong an (Chn. gong'an [ 0~]) from Song-dynasty China. The kong an or "public case" is a short, puzzling dialogue meant to halt conceptualization. The most famous kong an is the short form of the reply by Zhaozhou, "No (mu [11\li])," to the question, "Does a dog have the buddha nature?" These kongan and their evaluations often took poetic form (Kim, 2012 ). Hyesim, the first Korean monk to leave an 6rok, also left a collection of Son poems. The characteristics of Son poetry are the themes of enlightenment, of contemplating nature as one with oneself, and of nature as the dhannakaya. Typical symbols are the mountain for the dhannakaya, water for ilie purity of the mind, and the moon for the enlightened mind. Such poetry continues to be written till the present (In, 1983, 269-270; Lee, 2012, 14-18).

Long Verse The most common form of long verse is made up of a series of linked quatrains on a topic or to a set rhyme, or in response to another poet, or praises of a siltra. The praises began with Wonhyo (51;~; 617-686) and Uisang (~>t§; 625-702) and were continued by Kyunyo (t~~D; 923-973), Ch'onin, Hyesim, and Kihwa (C.T-0; 1376-1433; Lee, 2012, 83-84). Long Son poems celebrate the life of the author in an isolated hermitage where he is not bound by monastic rules. The first was by Hyesim, and it was soon followed by similar poems by Ch'ungji (;q:t ll::.; 1226-1292), Paegun Kyonghan (B~~I3Kj; 1299-1375), and his contemporaries. In the Chason period, Chii:in (9§'~; fl. 1481), Kihwa, H6lmg Pou (lll[JJ!']lifffi; 1515-1565), and Sosan Hyujong (J§LlJ 1*~¥; 1520-1604) also wrote such songs. T'aenung (:t:flli; 1562-1649) wrote about the enlightenment process of a mountain monk. Hyonp'yon (~f.;i; 1616-1684) wrote a number of long, sometimes irregular poems on topics such as rebuilding monastery halls. Uisun (~'rtv; 1786-1866) wrote on topics like planting bamboo as a teaching means. The last such long poem is the Sun'gye S6nsa nanga ka BEB, vol. I

s66

KOREAN BUDDHIST LITERATURE IN CHINESE

()¥5~~1\'l.ffiPWilt~X; Songs of Son Master Sun'gye Playing with the Self), written in 1927 (Whitfield & Park, 2012, 85-86, 117-118; Han'guk Pulgyo Chonso [HPC], vol. XII, 1979-zooo, 83o-85o ). The third theme of long verse was devotion to a buddha or bodhisattva. The Yogacara monk Hyeyong (/1:7}(>!Jlt::liL~vl~a-s-J!¥11>1'11J.ll{!§:· xugaosengz huan Sljt nvlf.\l'!.IPllsl"l' "*'' New . Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks m Four Volumes) compiled in the late Qing and early Republican periods (Yu, 1967) are major sources for the study of Chinese Buddhist historiography (Chen Yuan, 199z, 317-35z, 364-374). The compilations listed above were designe~ not merely to record historical facts, but to set up ~deal models for members of the Buddhist commumty to follow, as well as to make new converts. It is. thus n~t surprising to find them saturated with religw-poetic imagination: deeds supposed to h~ve be~n .performed by the Buddha or by his duect disciples reappear in novel garb, mingled with the elements of the medieval Chinese socio-cultural conte:'t, miracle stories are inserted into larger biogr~phies to demonstrate the divine powers of Bu.ddhist figures (Ji, Z009, Z79-3ZZ ). The genre of Chmes~ Buddhist biography, though not simply pseudo-histmy, does function as more than history (Shinohara, 1994i Kieschnick, zou).

Catalogues _ . d all Catalogues, orjinglu (~~~:~/(), gene.rally I~c~~de the minute details of the translatiOn actiVIties pertaining to a Buddhist scripture, including the titles divine wonders (shenyi [t$J';], or tha~matur~es); of the text, the name(s) of the translator(s), the practitioners of meditation (xichan [~t-'!l ]); elucid~­ number of scrolls, the time( s) and place( s) of transtors of regulations (minglil [8Jlif] ); those who sacnlation; whether the text is extant or not, expanded. or ficed themselves (wangshen [L~ ], i.e. those who bridged· its authenticity; and so on. Over 70 scnpsacrificed their bodies to feed animals as a ~leans ;ural were produced in the Chinese Budof spiritual self-advancement); chanters of scrTture dhist tradition, the majority of which date from the (songjing [~iM~]), benefactors (xinafu [~taiJ.'. or period up to theN orthern Song. A~ong them, some sponsors of Buddhist projects); hymnodJsts s~mg­ particular translator recorded only the works of a shi [~Sffi]); and proselytizers (chan~dao ~Os~]). (~A~f;; yirenlu), those from a partic~lar monasTo each category there is attached a dJscu.sswn (!un tery (:cy:~.f{(; situ), or those from a specific dynasty [~]) and a poem of praise (zan [WJ; Kieschmck, (f~~.f{(; dailu), while some focused on scriptures to 1997, S-10; Chen, zooz, 17-Z1;Ji, zoo9, 117-1ZZ ). be included in the canon (ruzanglu ). O~erall, ~he Huijiao's masterpiece set a model for future gen. cuculatwn • erations, and directly inspired subsequent collec- catalogues VI'VI'dly I·eflect the historical of Buddhist writings in China at a particular tlme or tions such as the Xu gaoseng zhuan and the Song gaoseng zhuan. Their authors, Daoxuan and Zan- place (for studies of the genre, see Hayashiya, 1941i . respective . 1y, on1Y ma d e m 1' nor adJ'ustments Storch, 1995; z014). mng Sengyou's Chu sanzang jiji is one of the. mo.st to Huijiao's ten categories format. For examp~e, important examples of this genre. Followmg 111 Daoxuan combined hymnodists and proselytizers into one category, changed the names of three Dao'an's footsteps, Sengyou's main p~rpos~ w~s categories, an d add e d a new category of "Dharma to record all historical information avmlable m hls protectors" (hufa (ii_l5~]) for monks who defend~d day regarding Buddhist texts introduced from the Buddhism from opponents at court and from hostile Indian subcontinent, taking great care to determine the authorship of the translations (Chen Daoists (Kieschnick, 1997, S-9). These three biographical collections, together Shiqiang, 199Z, 15-zS; Chen Yuan, zooz, 1-4), and to with the Bu xu gaoseng zhuan (:fffi~j{~{j!j{)#.;.Sup­ reject attempted infiltrations by apoclyphal texts. plement to the Continued Biographies of Em111ent For this purpose, in addition to the lists of titles of

cat~ogues

HISTORIOGRAPHY: CHINA

translations, Sengyou included in his text prefaces (xu [f'f]) to the translations documenting the circumstances of their production, as well as substantial biographies of monks involved in this work. All this material is indispensable for the study the early stages of Buddhist translation in China (Link, 196o; ]i, 2009, 234-252). The afore-mentioned Kaiyuan shijiaolu by Zhisheng listed 2,278 Buddhist translations and indigenous works produced by 176 individuals between 67 and 730 CE. It can roughly be divided into two parts. The first part arranges in chronological order works from each dynasty, with brief biographies attached of the translators or authors, all of which is followed by a discussion of previous catalogues. The second part lists dubious and definitely spurious scriptures, and includes a ruzang lu. This catalogues' accuracy and high standards of textual criticism make it the perhaps most important catalogue in Chinese Buddhist historiography (Cao, 1999, ch. 2o; Chen Yuan, 2002, 10-14; Chen Shiqiang, 1992, 74-84; Chao, 2012).

Travelogues Chinese pilgrims played a key role in the exchanges between the Indian subcontinent and China. They were nonnally monks, occasionally lay persons, who journeyed west seeking the dharma (qiufa [:>)()~]). Their travelogues (youji [~~~)) preserve the pilgrims' rich observations from their journeys, and constitute an important genre ofhistoriographical writing in China. The most famous text of this sort is the Datang xiyuji (::kll!fl§t~~~; Records of the Western Regions of the Great Tang Dynasty; T. 2087) by Xuanzang. It provides a comprehensive overview of the geographical, social and religious environment of the Indian subcontinent and Central Asia in the mid-7th century. Its great value for scholarship became apparent soon after its first translation into English more than one century ago, as historians and archaeologists relied on it to in their attempts to locate important Buddhist historical sites (Beal, 1884; 1911;]i, 2ooo; Chen, 1992, 1210-1219). Yijing's (~;!]i; 635-713 CE) Nanhai jigui neifa zhuan (!¥I5ifi'fif~r:kJ$(~; Account of Buddhism Sent from the South Seas; T. 2125) highlights the differences in the adoption of monastic mles between Chinese and Indian Buddhists (Chen, 1992, 901- 912 ; Wang, 1995; Takakusu, 1986). However, it is not strictly spealdng a record, since it incorporates extensive material directly from the Mulasarviistiviida Vinaya, and thus it must be used a historical source

o~ly with great care. The same author's Datang xiyu qaifa gaoseng zhuan (::k!l!f®t~:>J($i'§j{'il/{~; Biographies of Eminent Monks from the Great Tang Dynasty in S~ar~h of Dharma in the West; T. 2066) records 56 p1lgnms who went to India during the early Tang Dynasty (Lahiri, 1986; Wang, 2000 ). It was also during the Tang Dynasty that China became an important Buddhist center in its own right. In this context, the Chinese tradition of recording pilgrimages influenced Japanese Buddhists who travelled to sacred sites in China, such as Ennin (II] 1=; 793/794-864 CE) who visited Tang China in 340 CE and wrote the Nitta guho junrei koki (A./l!f:>J()~%« tL:f':f~~; Record of a Pilgrimage to China in Search of the Dharma). From this work we learn first-hand, among others, .of Emperor Wuzong's anti-Buddhist persecution in the years 842-846 CE (Ono, 1989a; Reischauer, 1955). About two centuries later, Jojin (P'•Annt,•rt in official historiography and replicated locally produced riijavafzs - production of of this type in provincial towns ofUpper continued as late as 187os and 188os. Chronicles based on court annals represent the historiography of the Nyaungyan (1597-1752) Konbaung (1752-1885) dynasties. The earliest work that belongs to this categmy is known the Mahiirajavafz kri~z (pron. Mahaya;zawin-gyi; gxtensive Great Chronicle) or the Mahiiriijavaytzsa Mahaya;zawuntha; Great Chronicle; Lieber!llan,1986). Written in circa172o,itis attributed to Dl;t , lJj::f-f*cpitt 17 /~Y::If:1t ~."Orienta z8/z, 1985b, so-6s. Yoshida, Y., "Sogudugo no Kukyo dailzi kyo ni tsuite '/ 17 I" in§ C') ~ '.f'EJ'i::krl~~~ (~ ":Jv' T ," AAGBK 27,1984,76-94. Yoshida Yutaka (aEB:\!!1:), "Sogdian Miscellany," Sir 13, 1983, 145-149· YUTAKA YoSHIDA

LOCAL LITERATURES: TANGUT/XIXIA

Local Literatures: Tangut/Xixia In1038, Nangxiao (A1!f) of the Weiming (5ll,:g;JYwe2 mjil [J&EJ~t]) clan of the Dangxiang (Jli:JJ':[) tribe, otherwise known as Li Yuanhao (:$:TC~; 1003-1048), officially accepted the imperial insignia and proclaimed the establishment of the Tangut Empire. "The Great State of White and High" (Phiow 1 bj(p /hjip tlza2 [ ~f !~AUt]; Da baigao guo [::*::8 rE\1~]; or Great Xja/ Daxia [::*::~]) as the Tanguts themselves called their empire, or the Western Xja (Xixia [E§'~]) as it emerges from the Chinese sources, existed until 1227, when Tangut power was overwhelmed by the Mongols during the second Tangut raid of Genghis In\~llirt"ii' o l tyy mar . ) and a ritual manna Hevajratantra; Kych 354• 355 The Ritual rtle is tentatively translated as l w1ose t a'ra Mandala of the .1. 2 '"lb'ul of Consecration on the Hev J . Buddhas (Lhjul ojP njij2 gjiP tha gU, > tsj( IJ h Nme ;o t-uc;J· *li zt.-'ilt~it]' Kyc . z l/•iy" tsjP (1J\U[t.~MtJ-r-r•rlt!lwiL}'•I J~ M , dz'JU ~ al d the commentary h ) Both the ritual manu an 3~7 . rovisionally identified as belonging to t. e . n o Chos rclor (w36-11oz; Solonm, are ~. tradrtwn ot R g gel D Martin's suggestion). a variety of subjects). . . · g· base on · h _dl _ was identified within l l'1t . ical scnptures . m_ fort comm • . . Th e Sinitic segment oft 1e ., ..urg ·2 ' 1re'jr 211IfOOI 1 One more HevaJra sa wnae Li ht of Amrita: Two is dominated by the l'I.JIJ WjlW . the collection known as Th g ·h S ".(Tsal bjil rewr2 tsjiir1 (~t!iW-flt tft. mJHtJt~rt; i.e. the Rep~~-. b tl1e "Vajra Born from t e ea . . Y . .... 2 (w!lJt.tii #-~t~R Texts Ritual oifLiang Wudi (Cibei daochang .cllwnJ'la, . 2 h "'2 7riP njij2jwa·2 gu 2 IIJIJ J.A~ '111 • 6) whrc1 a so wow ts IJIJ :; 'b cl t s roruhavaJra ~;:?t;}it~·i~)!]; T. 1909; Kych 307-31 • . cl J"' "oftheBuddhavatm!1SWcasutw e d Zengwen (·l~s (·f"""'~KilPI'""' 2002, 486-487; see also Bailey, vol. III, 1945-1985, and several invocations from Dunhuang. A complete folio from Khotan preserves part an early Khotanese text that is known from the Chinese versions Dafangguangfo huayanjing bliSi;yi fa jingjie fen (:.*::JJJJ'I\It¥1M~~/f,IG',!ii{~:!j!Jf.)t; T. 300) and Da fangguang fa /wayan rulai busi;yt jingjiejing (:.*::JJflfrD.:*/f,IG',!ii:!j!J'f.~~; T. 301) lated by the IPrand Chronologist ofTibet, Calcutta, 1908. 1., The Mongolian Tmyur Version of the oiPoon>wtt:IL" lute, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai, 1986. Carbine,]., "Burmese Buddhist Literature," in: R. Buswell, Encyclopedia ofBuddhism, New York, zoo4, 101-103. Carrison, M., & Kong Chhean, trans., Cambodian Folk from the Gatiloke, Rutland, 1987. Carter, J.R., & M. Palihawadana, The Dhammapada: A English Translation, Oxford, 1987. Chamberlain, J.R., ed., The Ram Khamhaeng Collected Papers, Bangkok, 1991. Chandler, D., A History ofCambodia, Chiang Mai, 1996. Chigas, G., Tum Teav:A Translation and Analysis ofa dian Litermy Classic, Phnom Penh, zoos. Chitakasem, M., ed., ThaiLitermy Traditions, Coedes, G., The IndianizedStates ofSoutheastAsia, 1968. Collins, S., "Bral;l Maleyyadevattheravattlmrp: Text (with E. Denis), Translation,"]PTS 18,1993,1-96. Cone, M., & R. Gombrich, The Perfect Generosity of Vessantara: A Buddhist Epic, Oxford, 1977. Cooke, J., "The Thai Khlong Poem: Description and pies," jAGS 100, 1g8o, 4z1-437. Crosby, K., "Tantric Theravada: A Bibliographic Essay Writings of Fran srlh ~ Sanskrit/Pali devata > dewataw, and puja > By the 13th centmy in northern Thailand, first evidence of shifts in final consonants /-s/ > with subsequent changes in final palatals f-c -)1/ liquids /-r -1/ by the mid-14th century in a text Twante township, near Yangon, marking the begilr ning of Middle Mon. .. , Additional changes affect medioclusters, whichin turn leads to restructuring and mergers of affixes in Mon morphology. By the late 16th centmy, the com~ plete breakdown of voicing distinctions in the initial

sri

series had led to two different phonation types, voice and breathy voice, sometimes known "register distinctions" (Middle Mon /te? / "that )" ~ /de?/ "younger sibling" > modern Mon ~ /t£,!7 !). These changes were followed around 18th centmy by further simplifications of initial clusters leading to a contrast between voiced voiceless nasals /IJ-, J1-, n-, m-/ and /~-, Jh IJ-, respectively, still attested in modern speech. of /cw-/, /sw-/, and /Jw-/ clusters gave rise to abial fricative /rp-/, while /sl-/ > /l-/. Contrasvowel length is absent in Mon. Mon dialects Burma today are highly diverse and can be phocomplex, such as possessing prestopped in final position or three different phonation (modal, breathy, and pharyngealized vowels

,y,V"/). with most affixes being reconstructat AA level. Inflections include the verbal prefix for the "irrealis," a homorganic nasal infix -N- for "frequentative," and the infix -m- to form nonattributive verbs. Derivational affixes p- for the "causative," -n- for nouns marktvttuvJH.u,

935

ing the "instmmental," and -r- and -w- (< AA *-p-) for forming nouns and a vocalic infix in complementary distribution. Inflections disappear with Middle Mon, while modem varieties show a completely restructured and leveled derivational system including syllabic prefixes such as /ha-, lea-, ta-, pa- I and complex substitutions of base initials. Old Mon requires stringent morphophonemic rules, reminiscent of those attested in Aslian languages of the Malay Peninsula. Some derivational infixes, such as -r-, are actually put in front of the base initial, and the base initial is then copied in initial position of the derived word, as in das (to exist)> dirdas (existence); if the base initial belongs to a glottal class(/?-, cf-, 6-/), then it is being replaced by an /r-/ initial in its derived form, as in c)uk (to have completed)> rinc)uk(to complete, perfect), byway of the infix -n-. Word order in Mon syntax conforms to a verbmedial pattern, with the subject initial position. Unusual for MSEA languages, Mon has no classifiers (descriptive nouns in quantified expressions), which, however, is to be expected given that plurality is marked in addition to definiteness. Equally

LANGUAGES: MAINLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA (MON, KHMER, AND THAI)

Fig. 2: Late Old Man inscription fi"om Sen Khao Ho Monaste1y, Lamphun, Thailand, early 13th century CE, now on display at Haribufijaya National Museum Lamphun (©Christian Bauer, 1983).

LANGUAGES: MAINLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA (MON, KHMER, AND THAI)

937

unusual is a four-term demonstrative system, two of Innovations in the writing system, such as notawhich may occur as sentence initial predicates as tion of vowels, occur by the Middle Khmer period are a set of noun-focus particles. from the 14th century onward and are due to Thai A special feature in Mon textual tradition influence, which grew increasingly strong, adding attested since the 12th centmy, which was to be bor- /m 161-165. Shintani, T., "Le vocabulaire sino-thai et son arriere-plan d'apres le Hua Yi Yi Yu," diss., Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Section VI, Paris, 1974. Shmto, H.L., A Mon-Kizmer Comparative Dictionmy, Canberra, 2006. Shorto, I-I.L., A Dictionmy of tlze Mon Inscriptions .fiwn the Sixth to the Sixteenth Centuries, London, 1971. Taw Sein Ko, The Kalya~zl Inscriptions Erected by King Dhanunacetl at Pegu i111476A.D., Rangoon, 1892. Uraisi Varasarin, Carilc naganviitsamiiy lzla1i bra~magarga. sa. 1556- ga.sa. 1747 (Middle Khmer Inscriptions at Angkor Wat, 1556-1747 CE), Bangkok, 1999a. Uraisi Varasarin, Bacananukram sdbd carik nagarwiit samdy lzla11 bra!z nagar (A Glossa1y of Middle Khmer Inscriptions at Angkor Wat), Bangkok, 1999b.

Physical Bases

Manuscripts and Printing: South, Southeast, and Central Asia The writing material traditionally used in India and consequently also by Buddhists is palm leaf (Skt. talapatra ), which is prepared in a complicated process from the leaves of the talipot palm tree (bot. Corypha umbraculifera ). The form of the palm leaves determines the oblong shape and the measurement of the books (see fig. 2, 3, and fig. 4). Only in the northwest are texts copied also on birchbark (Skt. bhiitjapatra; Janert, 1995, after Hoernle, 1901). Birchbark manuscripts (see fig. 5 and fig. 6) are either scrolls or imitate the shape of palm-leaf books, and even modern printed books can stick to this traditional format. Small formats like "pocket books" mentioned occasionally in Buddhist literature are rare but exist, for example, a Pratimolc~asiitra manuscript in about 166 folios measuring 4 x 9 em (Karashima, 2007, 71). The script is either scratched into palm leaf with the help of a sharp pointed metal stylus (Pal. araka(Jtaka) in South India and Southeast Asia or written by using ink made from lampblack and a pen made of bamboo, the latter method being preferred in North India and beyond. After being made with a stylus, the grooves in the palm leaves must be filled with lampblack in order to make the script visible. This process has to be repeated after a while, because the lampblack disappears in the course of time. Moreover, oil must be applied regularly to palm leaf to prevent it from becoming brittle. The structure ofbirchbark allows only the use of pen and ink. The ink, which is kept as a liquid or in dried form as pellets (earliest reference can be found in the Mrcchakatika [1938, 63]), is usually made from lamp black (Gode, 1946). Occasionally, red ink is used to highlight certain parts of the text. Palm leaves can be and were reused as palimpsests after the script in ink was removed (Lliders, 1940, 192 ). A so far unique palimpsest with erased Kharoshthi script overwritten by a text in Brahmi is fragment MS 2376/99 in the Schoyen collection (personal communication by K. Matsuda). Paper as a writing material was introduced in India only during the Muslim period (Gode, 1944). However, a unique "protopaper" was used already Fig. 1: Practicing the alphabet (Shunga, Ahicchatra, 1st cent. nell).

The Buddhist text tradition begins at the end of the period of orality in India. Once script was introduced by the time of Asoka, it seems that the Buddhists were keen to avail themselves of the new medium, quite in contrast to the followers of the equally oral vedic tradition, who remained reluctant to use script (von Hiniiber, 1989, 71). The following chronological survey describes major collections of extant manuscripts beginning in the northern periphety of India including Central Asia with the exception of Tibetan and Chinese manuscripts and then proceeding to Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, and Cambodia. (A handbook on Indic Buddhist manuscripts is provided by Harrison & Hartmann, 2013; comp. Berkwitz, Schober & Brown, 2009.) It is impossible to know when the first Buddhist texts were written down. Only the Theraviida tradition -which preserves the oldest extant history of the Buddhist order in two chronicles, the Dlpaval]lSa (Chronicle of the Island [Ceylon (Sri Lanka)]) and the somewhat later MahaYm!lsa (Great Chronicle)mentions the 1st centmy BCE as the approximate date at which the Tipitaka was committed to writing. The reason was the fear of losing the texts during politically unstable times (Bechert, 1992). According to later traditions, however, which had forgotten all about the early orality, the Bodhisattva learned how to read and to write in school, and the Buddha himself even writes using his own blood (von Hiniiber,1989, 72).

© Koninldijkc Brill NV; Leiden,

BEB,vol. I 2015

Also available online- 'tvww.brill

944

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

Fig. z: Closed palm-leaf manuscript (de Silva, 1938, plate III).

Fig. 3: Opened palm-leaf manuscript, with tools for copying (Museum flir Indische Kunst, Berlin, I C 42 205 a-c; Bechert & Bidoli, val. I, 1969).

Fig. 4: Palm-leaf manuscript li·01n Central Asia, (ca. 3rd cent my) (Waldschmidt & Wille w/1, 1965, Tafelz ).

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASli\

during the 6th and 7th centuries when the Gilgit manuscripts (see below) were copied (Kishore, g6g-1964). Moreover, Nepalese Buddhist manu1 scripts are written on a local variety of paper (Trier, 1972), and so are the folding books, which are called parabaik (or pura puik) in Burma and samut khoi in Thailand, where also black paper may be used, with the texts copied in white chalk. In Central Asia, Buddhist texts were in rare cases written also on wood or leather (see below). Occasionally, other materials such as precious metals or ivory are mentioned in Buddhist literature as a writing material besides cloth (Skt. pata; Diskalkar, 1979; Sarma, 1985; Konishi, zoos-zoo6). Rarely, texts on costly materials are preserved such as the gold folios containing the Paticcasamuppada and other short texts, which were recovered from Pro me (Pyay [Prm1fi]; see fig. n) and Maunggun in Burma (Falk, 1997 ). Of a later date is a fragmentary manuscript of a large text, tl1e Paficavirrzsatisahasrilca Prajfiaparamita (seven folios extant), also written on gold leaves and found during excavations in thejetavana Monastery in Anuradhapura (Sri Lanka) in 1982 (von Hini.iber, 1983; see fig. 12 ). On the special occasion of the celebration of the beginning of the year woo of the CulasaldmrEija era (i.e. Mar 31, 1638 CE), the king of Burma ordered the Tripitaka to be written on 1,oo8,ooo folios of palm leaf and on 10,oo8 tablets each of ivory, gold, and silver (Tun, 1983, gz, g6, gS). In Burma, moreover, it is usual to present to monks richly decorated lacquer manuscripts containing kammavacti formulas - formulas used in formal acts of the sal'lgha - and written in special ornamental script. The individual folios of palm leaf, birchbark, or paper are held together by a string, rarely wooden pegs, running through one or two holes pierced into each individual folio and through the wooden book covers that protect these piles ofloose folios on the upper and lower sides. Very often, these loosely "bound" books fall apart, because the strings tend to break in the course of time. Losses affect mostly the first and last folios, and consequently particularly the colophons (see below). Sometimes, individual folios are illuminated and book covers richly decorated. Consequently, both are an important source for book painting. When the book is closed, the cotton strings are pulled and wrapped around the wooden book covers, thus forming a tightly closed package (see fig. z ). This again is wrapped in cloth and again secured by a second string from the outside. To identify the content, a wooden peg (Tha. chalak) bearing the

945

title of the book can be fastened to the outside of such a bundle in Thailand. In Burma, a ribbon (Bur. cti cafifi(z krui(z [or sazigyo]) with the name of the owner and the aspiration for meiit worked into it may be wrapped around the book (Peters, zoo6). There is no typically "Buddhist" script, with one possible exception, the bhaik$uk!lipi ("script of the bhik$us"; also called "arrow-headed script") found only in Buddhist texts of the Siirpmitiya school (Hanisch, zooS). Otherwise, the manuscripts are written in a large variety of scripts differing according to time and place, all of which, with the exception of Kharoshthi which is based on the Semitic

Fig.

s:

Birchbark scroll, Kharoshthi script (Salomon, 1999,

frontispiece).

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

Fig. 6: Birchbark scroll unscrolled (Salomon, 1999, plate 6).

Aramaic alphabet and consequently written from right to left, are ultimately derived from the Brahmi script used in the inscriptions of Asoka. The texts are usually written without word division, but occasionally groups of words are united and this unit is separated in manuscripts (Renou, 1957, 16n45; camp. Scharfe, 1967 ). Sometimes, verses are numbered (von Hiniiber, 2013, xviii). Mistakes are occasionally corrected, and words or sentences omitted are added in the margin or between the lines by using different markers in the text (Einecke, 2009; Laut, 1992 [for Uighur manuscripts, see below]). The titles can be found either on a cover leaf or more often only in the colophon, a brief text at the end, which may contain a date as well as the name of the author and the title of the text (Vogel, 1974), the name of a scribe, donor, patron, monastery, and the like. Occasionally, colophons were copied and consequently the date of the exemplar that the scribe used is thus preserved besides that of the copy itself (von Hiniiber, 2014b, no; camp. Buescher, zon, nos. 6-7 in the catalogue). These colophons are at the same time important, but so far little-used sources for Buddhist and Indian cultural history (von Hiniiber, forthcoming). How books in manuscript form (Skt. pustaka) were produced in India can be learned from a mediaeval legal Hindu text, the Diinasiigara, composed in Bengal by the Sena king Ballalasena (c. 1158-u79) with the help of his teacher Aniruddhabhatta (Ballalasena, 1956, ch. 43). Manuscripts were and are highly estimated as objects of worship (Kim, 2013), while books containing "heretical" scriptures were occasionally burnt (Collins, 1990, 98). Special stands used for reading or worshipping books are known from Thailand and India (von Hiniiber, 2013, xxivn34; Kim, 2013, z6). There is some faint evidence that, like in Tibetan prayer wheels, manuscripts were put into revolving cases to "mechanize" recitation also in India (Schopen, zoos). Old and worn manuscripts con-

taining Buddhist texts could be ritually interred in pots (Salomon, 2009). In Thailand, they were and are sometimes burnt and the ashes are incorporated into Buddha images. Hardly anything is known about Buddhist libraries in ancient India. Only the holdings of the library ofGilgit (see below) survive. There is, however, some evidence from Southeast Asia (von Hiniiber, 2013, xxivff.) and library buildings are common in present day Thai Buddhist monasteries (see fig. 7). The oldest extant Buddhist (and Indian) manuscripts stem from the northwestern comer of the Indian cultural area, Gandhara. The very oldest manuscript was for many decades a version of the Dlzammapada written on birchbark in Kharoshthi script and Gandhari language, which was bought by the French explorer Jules Leon Dutreuil du Rhins (1846-1894) in about 1892 near Khotan in Central Asia (Brough, 1962, z). Since 1993, however, a still growing number of even older Buddhist manuscripts of the same type have become available. The exact provenance of these manuscripts is unknown, but Afghanistan or the northwestern provinces of Pakistan are a likely guess (Salomon, 1999, 68). According to carbon dating, the oldest among these manuscripts might date back to before the start of the Common Era. These dates are partly confirmed by paleographywhen the script of the manuscripts is compared to that of dated Kharoshthi inscriptions. These Kharoshthi manuscripts are preserved today in the various collections: the British Library fragments (Salomon, 1999), the Schoyen collection

Fig. 7: Libnuy Building in a Thai monastety (Vat Phra Singh, Chiang Mai).

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

(Kharoshthi texts written on palm leaf; Braarvig, the Senior manuscripts (Salomon, 2003; A]lon, 2009), the Bajaur collection (Falk & Strauch, 2o13), the "split" collection (Falk & Strauch, 2013), and some few but important fragments in the Fond pelliot of the Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris (Salomon, 1998). Texts from the British Librmy and Senior collections have been and are published in Seattle in the series Gandharan Buddhist Texts (Jongeward eta/., zo1z, 310). Following the exploration of Buddhist Central Asia during the first quarter of the zoth century, numerous mostly fragmenta1y manuscripts on paper but rarely also on palm leaf imported from India, or on birchbark but rarely on wood (Nakatani, 1987), or even on leather (Sims-Williams, zooo, 275), were recovered by British, French, German, Japanese and Russian expeditions. The manuscripts thus collected are preserved in London, Paris, Berlin, Kyoto, and Saint Petersburg. Only the Sanskrit texts of the Turfan collection in Berlin are almost completely catalogued (Waldschmidt et al., 1965-zoo8; with copious facsimiles in X/1-3), while there is a survey of the Hoemle collection in the holdings of the British Libra1y (Hartmann & Wille, 1992; Sims-Williams, zoo6). A substantial part 2 ooo-zoo6),

947

of the fragments from all collections is edited in a large number of various publications. Texts from the Turfan Collection began to appear in the series Kleinere Sanskrittexte (1-5; 19u-1939; Hoffmann & Sander, 1987) continued as Sanskrittexte a us den Turfanfunden (1-13; 1955-1990) with selected manuscripts also published as facsimiles (Waldschmidt, 1963). The palaeography of these Sanskrit manuscripts is described in great detail by L. Sander (1968). Fragments from the Hoernle Collection in the British Library are published together with facsimiles (Karashima & Wille, zoo6-zoo9). The manuscripts brought back by the Otani Mission (1902-1913), led by Kozui Otani (1876-1948) and kept today in Kyoto, are briefly described by Y. Wakahara (2010 ). Numerous Sanskrit manuscripts are kept in the Institut vostokovedenija (Oriental Institute) in Saint Petersburg. These were also acquired from Central Asia partly by the Russian consul Nikolaj Fedorovic Petrovski (1837-1908) in Kashgar (from 1882 onward). Others were found during excavations, among them the Bairam Ali manuscript discovered near Merv in Turkmenistan in 1966, which is the westernmost findspot of any Buddhist manuscript (Bongard-Levin, 1975-1976, 78). It contains among other texts part of the Sarviistiviidavinaya,

Fig. 8: Sorting out the holdings of a monastic librmy (Vat Lai Hin, north Thailand).

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

which is confirmed by the colophon mentioning the scribe Mitrasre~thl, a Vinaya expert (Skt. vinayadhara) and Sarvastivadin; such information on school affiliation is extremely rare in colophons. The holdings of the Institut Vostokovedenija are partly published in three volumes of the series Pamatniki indijskoj pis'mennosti iz Central'noj Azii (Monuments in Indian Script from Central Asia; Bongard-Levin & Vorob'eva-Desatovskaa, 1985, 1990, 2004), which form at the same time part of the Bibliotheca Buddhica (see below). At the turn of the millennium, numerous (about sooo) fragmentary Buddhist texts from Afghanistan were acquired by the Norwegian collector Martin Schoyen as part of his huge manuscript collection. These fragments, which are being edited since zooo in the series Manuscripts from the Schoyen Collection: Buddhist Manuscripts (Braarvig, zooo, zooz, zoo6; Braarvig & Liland, 2010 ), contain texts dating from Kushana times to approximately the 7th century. Some of them can be attributed to the Mahasarpghika school. The palaeography of this collection is investigated by L. Sander (2010 ). Together with this Buddhist Sanskrit literature found in Central Asia, manuscripts containing texts in a variety of languages other than Sanslait and in various scripts (Maue, 1997) were discovered since the early zoth century, among them the Iranian languages Khotanese (or Saka; Emmeliclc, 1992), Sogdian (Utz, 1978; Yoshida, 1991), and very rarely even Bactrian (Sims-Williams, zooo ). Khotanese manuscripts, written in a variety ofthe Indian Brahmi sclipt between the 7th and the wth centuries (Sander, 1984; 1988; for facsimiles, see Leumann, 1934; Bailey, 1938; and Vorob'ev-Desatovskij & Vorob'eva-Desatovskaa, 1965), were found mostly in the Khotan area as well as in Tumshuq on the northern branch of the Silk Road (Emmerick, 1985; comp. Schmidt, 1988). Sogdian manuscripts, which are written in a script that was derived from Aramaic like Kharoshthi (see above) and can be written either vertically or horizontally (Yoshida, 2013), are to be dated to the 8th and nth centuries (Henning, 1958, 54ff. ). They were found at Turfan in Xinjiang and Dunhuang in Gansu (McKenzie, 1976). Collections ofKhotanese manuscripts are listed by P.O. Skj1erv0 (zooz, xxxiv) and those of Sogdian manuscripts by X. Tremblay (zom, 203-206). An unusual paper manuscript discovered in Dunhuang contains a fragment ofKumarajlva's Chinese version of the Vajracchedikiipra)Hiipiiramitii not in Chinese characters but transcribed into the variety oflndian Brahmi script otherwise used for late Khotanese texts (Emmerick & Pulleyblank, 1993).

Buddhist manuscripts, which were also written in a variety of the Brahmi script (Schmidt, 1997; Tamai, zon, comp. Pinault, 2012; for facsimiles, see Sieg & Siegling, 1921) but in an unknown Indo-European language named Tocharian after its decipherment (Durldn-Meisterernst, 2013), and which were copied between the sth(?) and 8th century, began to surface on the northern Silk Route in the Tarim Basin in the early zoth century. They are preserved today mostly in Berlin (for the catalogue, see Schaefer, 2013), London, Saint Petersburg, and Paris and in the Otani collection in Tokyo and Kyoto (Pinault, 1991, 234ff.; 1994). Furthermore, there are Buddhist manuscripts found in Turfan in a non-Indo-European language, the old Turkic Uighur (Elverskog, 1997). Uighur manuscripts and block prints dating from the 9th to the 14th century are written either in a variety of the Indian Brahmi script, or mostly in a script derived from the Sogdian, or, very rarely, even in Tibetan script. The larger part of the holdings or Uighur manuscripts and block prints in Germany preserved mainly in the Turfan Collection at Berlin are catalogued by D. Maue, among others (Maue,

Fig. g: Cupboard for manuscripts (Vat Sung Men, Phrae, north Thailand).

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

1996; Raschmann, 2012 ). The colophons of these manuscripts are investigated by P. Zieme (1992) and Y. Kasai (zooS). Occasionally, new finds are recorded from Xinjiang, such as the spectacular discove1y in 1959 of 293 fragments of the Uighur Maitrisimit (The Encounter with Maitreya), followed by the discovery of about 450 fragments of this text in a cave near Hami in Xinjiang in 2012, as well as of zo folios of tlle Uighur version of a lost Sanshit original entitled Dasakarmapatlziivadiinamiilii (Collection of Great Deeds (Called] Ten Courses of Action; Laut, 1996) and 44 folios of the Tocharian Maitreyasamitiniita!ca (The Drama (Called] the Encounter with Maitreya) at the Buddhist ruins at Sorcuq ( Chn. Qigexing) near Yanqi (Karashahr; the ancient Tocharian city Agni) in 1974 (Geng, Laut & Pinault, 2004, 349). The most spectacular single find of Indic Buddhist manuscripts occurred by chance in the small village Naupur near Gilgit (today northern Pakistan) in 1931. Subsequent excavations conducted at the site in 1938 brought to light a few more partly complete texts. At present, it is impossible to exactly count the Buddhist and other manuscripts or texts once preserved in the Gilgit library, because after discovery many manuscripts were split up, the folios confi.Ised and never sorted out or rearranged. By way of an estimate, there were approximately so manuscripts containing about 57 titles, and in addition 17 avadiina texts, which perhaps formed parts of one or more collections. The largest manuscript is a voluminous, though incomplete, Mulasarviistiviidavinaya. Exceptionally well-documented are the otherwise little-lrnown Saqzglzataszltra (eight mss. ), besides the Bhai$a)yagurusuhn (five mss.) and the Saddhannapu~z¢arlfcasuh·a (four mss. ). Furthermore, there are various srttra, abhidharma, and other texts as well as texts on Indian logic (von Hiniiber, 2012; 2014). This material allows a rare glimpse into the structure of an ancient Buddhist library, because no comparable collection from ancient India has come down to us (see above). It is important to note that this librmy comprised not only Buddhist texts, but also a grammar, small fragments of various medical texts such as the Caralcasaqzhitii and Ravigupta's Siddhasiira, and non-Buddhist narrative literature (the Tantriilchyayika). Most of the manuscripts discovered in 1931 are published as facsimiles. The first editions were prepared by Nalinaksha Dutt (1893-1973) and published in the series Gilgit Manuscripts in three volumes

949

comprising nine parts from Srinagar and later from Calcutta between 1939 and 1959. A comprehensive survey of the Gilgit manuscripts, of editions and facsimiles is given by 0. von Hinliber (zo13b ). The majolity of complete Buddhist texts in different varieties of Sanskrit is preserved inN epal, where, in contrast to India (with the exception of the deserts in Rajasthan), the climate allows for a longer life of books. Therefore the once extremely rich Buddhist manuscript tradition of India was lost almost completely after the decline and final disappearance of Buddhism during the Muslim period, when the necessary replacement of worn out manuscripts by recopying ceased. An exception are a few fairly old manuscripts, which are extant because they were either brought to Tibet and survived (Steinkellner, 2004; Krasser, 2013), or were taken from Bengal to Nepallater at the time ofthe Muslim conquest of eastern India during the 13th centmy. Moreover, there is one single Buddhist Sanskrit manuscript containing the Maiijusrlnnllakalpa found in Kerala and copied perhaps in the 16th or 17th centmy by a scribe coming from North India (Ganapati Sastri, 1920-1925; comp. also Vaidya, 1964), and manuscripts of three Buddhist texts in Tamil. The Vasudhiiriidhara~i (also known as the Sucandriivadiina ), a Buddhist text also found among the Gilgit Manuscripts (see above), is prese1ved and used by the Svetambara Jaina community (Jaini, 1968). The first Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts were sent from Nepal to Europe by Brian Houghton Hodgson (18oo-1894 ), the second British resident in

Fig. w: Discussing a text on a birch bark scroll (Baums, 2013, 23).

950

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

Kathmandu in accordance with the Sagauli Treaty (1S16). Brian Houghton Hodgson, who stayed in the countty from 1Szo to 1S43, provided manuscripts for Eugene Burnouf (1S01-1S5z), professor at the College de France in Paris and one of the pioneers of Buclclhology in Europe. On the basis of these manuscripts, Eugene Bumouf prepared his famous Introduction l'histoire du Bouddhisme indien in 1S44 and his still invaluable translation of the SaddharmapU(I(iarlkasfitra in 1S5z (Yuyama, zooo; Kotsuld, zooS). Other manuscripts were procured for Cambridge University by Daniel Wright, surgeon to the Kathmandu Residency between 1S66 ancl1S76. C. Bendall (1S56-19o6) described them in a catalogue with a groundbreaking historical introduction (Bendall, 1SS3). Later, in 1SS4-1SS5 and in 1S9S-1S99, C. Bendall himself traveled to Kathmandu and discovered among others the oldest manuscript preserved inN epal, a copy of the Dasabhtlmikasfitra elating back perhaps to about 500 CE (Matsuda, 1996), and, strangely enough, a fragment of the Theravacla Vinayapitaka written in Pali and in a local northern script, which is approximately two or three centuries younger (von Hiniiber, 1991). A second important early catalogue of Nepalese Buddhist manuscripts in the Durbar Library in Kathmandu was prepared by H.P. Shastri (1905; 1915; 19S9). The heritage of Buddhist manuscripts preserved in Kathmandu, which is still very rich, suffered much from negligence particularly during the 19th centmy, when centuries-old manuscripts as well as coins and copperplates, some elating back to late Gupta times, were carelessly discarded, once a Buddhist monastety fell into disuse (Bendall, 1SS3, xxxix). Buddhist manuscripts from public and private collections in the Kathmandu valley were preserved in the form of microfilms by the Nepal German Manuscript Preservation Project from 1970 to 1999 (Griinenclahl, 19S9 ). One copy each of this microfilm collection which also contains a large number of Buddhist manuscripts, for instance old manuscripts of the Maluivastu (Yuyama, zo01) - is preserved in the National Library of Nepal in Kathmandu, and in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin-Preugischer Kulturbesitz. At present, the texts on microfilms are being catalogued in Hamburg. A similar project, restricted to Buddhist manuscripts in Nepal, was carried out in Japan (Takaoka, 19S1). Holdings of Buddhist manuscripts from Nepal are also catalogued by S. Lienhard (19SS) and H. Buescher (zon). It was only during the 1930s that Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts from Tibet became available (Steinkellner, zoo4). During three journeys (in 1934, 1936,

a

and 193S), the Indian scholar Rahula Sankrityayana (1S93-1963) was able to trace and to photograph Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts in different monasteries. These photographs are preserved in the Kashi Prasad Jayaswal Research Institute in Patna and at the Seminar fiir Inclologie unci Tibetologie in Gi:ittingen (Banclurski,1994; Bretfelcl, 1997 ). They are edited in the Tibetan Sanskrit Works Series published in Patna since 1953, including the Bhila;u(Itvinaya, the Patna Dhammapada, the Bodhisattvabhitmi, and the Sriivakablulmi. Almost simultaneously the Italian scholar Giuseppe Tucci (1S94-19S4) traveled widely in Tibet and Nepal and photographed or collected Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts, which are held in the library of the Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e !'Oriente in Rome (Sferra, zooS). In the late zoth century, more Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts from Tibet became accessible. The varied fate of these Sanskrit manuscripts during the difficult period between 1960 and 1995 is traced in H. Hu-von Hiniiber (zoo6; contains a survey of publications). In spite of a handlist of Z59 titles prepared by Wang Sen (Hu-von Hiniiber, zoo6, Z97-334), the content of the Tibetan collection is far from being lmown in detail. A small number of texts such as the Vimalakirtinirdesa, theAbhisamiicarikadharma, and the Sriivakabhilmi are available as facsimile edi~ tions, usually prepared in cooperation with Jap!!,~ nese scholars (Hu-von Hiniiber, zoo6, Z94f.). editions are being published systematically frort! Vienna since E. Steinkellner signed a memorandum for a joint venture of the Osterreichische Akadem.ie der Wissenschaften (Austrian Academy ofScienceG) and the Chinese Center for Tibetan Studies in Beijing in 1996 (Steinkellner,zoo4,35f.). So far, volumes1~8, n and 14 have appeared in the series Sanskrit Texts from the Tibetan Autonomous Region betweenzoo9 and zo13. Current Chinese activities to edit Budclhisr texts within various projects are described by H. Lud (2013) and Saetji (2013). In a vety early period, Buddhist Sanskrit scripts dating back to the second half of the lennium were brought from China to Japan, some folios survive in various temples. Around they attracted much attention in Europe as the est Buddhist manuscripts then known to be Some of them were published immediately in Anecdota Oxoniensia (MiHler, 1SS1). A copy of Mahiiparinirvii(wmahiislltra was brought backt~ Japan by the founder of the Shingon sect, Kiiklllr. who stayed in China from So4 to So6 and who l$ supposed to have copied the text himself, of which

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

only the Koyasan Fragment smvives ( Yuyama, 19S1 ). Besides temples, several universities in Japan hold important collections of Buddhist Sanskrit manuscripts (e.g. Matsunami, 1965). Of course many Buddhist Sanskrit texts are found in different libraries all over the world. These are described in a large number of catalogues mostly together with other manuscripts from India (Janert, 1965). A comprehensive survey of titles of texts is provided by the yet uncompleted New Catalogus Catalogorum published in Madras in a revised edition since 196S. The journal Dhlb: journal of Rare Buddhist Texts Research reports regularly on manuscripts and texts since 19S6 (thus far 53 issues). Editions of Buddhist texts have appeared as individual volumes or in various series such as the Bibliotheca Buclclhica, the Sobranie bucldijskih tekstov izdavaemyh lmperatorskoj Alcademieju Nauk published in Saint Petersburg since 1902, and the Buddhist Sanskrit Texts published in Darbhanga, Bihar, since 195S.

951

In contrast to India, where Buddhism disappeared, an unbroken and old tradition of Pali texts belonging to the Theravada school survives in Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia. However, the manuscripts actually preserved (for a smvey of catalogues, see von Hiniiber, 2013a, 252-z5S) in these areas are considerably younger than those found in the north. With the exception of the gold-leaf manuscripts from Burma and Sri Lanka and the Vinayapitaka fragment found in Nepal (see above), these manuscripts elate from late 15th century onward. Of course this does not mean that this tradition as such is more recent, because there is obviously no connection at all between the age of a manuscript and the date of the text that it conveys. All Pali manuscripts are ultimately based on the texts of only one monastery, the Mahavihara in Anuradhapura, with the exception of faint traces of a South Indian text tradition in some Burmese jiitaka manuscripts (von Hiniiber, 199S, 1S1). The texts of the Mahavihara might be based ultimately

Fig. n: Gold folios from Pro me (Report of the Superintendent, Archaeological Survey of Burma, 1938-1939; Rangoon, 1940, plate Va ).

952

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

953

Fig. 13: Reading and writing palm-leaf manuscripts, with manuscript stand (book case, Vat Chang Kham, Nan, north Thailand).

Fig. 12: Pwkaviqzsatisiihasrikclpraj11iipiiramitii on gold leaves from Anuradhapura (lose sheet of paper published in Sri Lanka Jn about 1g8o ).

on the ones of the 1st century BC. However, nothing can be known about the development of the wording before it was consolidated by the commentaries of Buddhaghosa, Dhammapiila, and others from about 400 CE. A comparison of the Nepalese Vinayapitaka fragment and the ancient manuscripts from north Thailand with modern editions shows that the text was vety stable, quite in contrast to the northern tradition in which almost evety manuscript of the same text found at Gilgit shows at times considerable differences in wording. But that the Theraviida manuscript tradition stands out as particularly careful and well preserved may be an illusion due to the fact that canonical texts are better protected against changes than their northern counterparts, which existed as separate texts outside the canon. During a crisis of Buddhism in Ceylon during the late 18th centmy, some Pali texts were completely lost and had to be reintroduced from Siam (today Thailand; Supaphan,1988; von Hiniiber, 1988b ). The exact extent of the rich manuscript tradition of Ceylon is not known at present, despite different surveys (Somadasa, 1959, 1964; Blackburn, 2002; Niit)atusita 2013; comp. de Silva, 1938). Important collections of Buddhist manuscripts from

Ceylon include the voluminous Nevill Collection in the British Librmy (Somadasa, 1987-1995) and the Royal Library in Copenhagen, which holds comparatively old Pali manuscripts acquired by Rasmus Rask (1787-1832) in 1821-1822 in Ceylon. Buddhist manuscripts from Sri Lanka preserved in German libraries are listed by H. Bechert and M. Bidoli (1969-1997; for the holdings of the Royal Library in Copenhagen, see Godakumbura, 1980 ). While manuscripts from Sri Lanka contain mostly a rather conservative text, the monks in Burma tended toward innovation in the wording, follow· ing the teaching of the highly influential grammar composed by the Burmese grammarian Aggava111sa, completed in 1154 CE (von Hiniiber, 1g88a). Hardly anything is known about the Pali tradition of the Mon, which was, it seems, ultimately absorbed the Burmese tradition. The important collection of manuscripts in possession of the last ldng ofBurma was split up after' the British annexation of Upper Burma in 1886, witli approximately one quarter acquired by the Indi~J Office Librmy (now British Librmy) and the rest by the Bernard Free Libra1y (now National Library) in Yangon (Rangoon). A catalogue ofthis royallibrary,

bt

the Pitakatthamain (Pitakat-to-sa-mub'l:), was compiled from memory in 1888 by the former librarian to King Mindon (1808-1878; r. from 1852) and to his successor Thibaw (1859-1916; r. 1878-1885), U Yan (Ma1'1:-kri: Mahiisiriteya-sfi [= U Yan] 2012 ). The manuscripts actually extant and now in London are listed by V. Fausboll (1894), and those in Yangon in the Catalogue ofPali and Bunnese Books and Manuscripts Belonging to the Library of the Late King of Burma Found in the Palace at Mandalay in 1886 (1910 ). The holdings of German libraries are catalogued by H. Bechert (1979ff.) and those in the Royal Library in Copenhagen by C.E. Godakumbura (1983). Manuscripts from monasteries in Burma are occasionally offered for sale as antiquities, particularly in Thailand. To protect them from being dispersed and lost, a substantial number has been acquired by the Fragile Palm Leaves Foundation initiated in the mid-1990s by P. Sldlling in Bangkok (Skilling, 1997-2002 ). The manuscript tradition of Thailand is split into two branches, which use different scripts: in the north, characters similar to the Burmese script are written, while in the south, Khmer script prevails. The much older northern branch begins with a fragment of the jataka copied by the scribe NiiQaraq1si in 1471 CE (von Hiniiber, 2013, ms. no. 108). Some undated fragmentary manuscripts may be contemporary but hardly older. A substantial number ofPali manuscripts of high quality was copied during the late 15th and 16th centuries in monasteries of the village Tha Soy, which is submerged today by the Bhumibol Reservoir. For the most part, they are preserved in the Vat Lai Hin, a monastery near Lampang in northern Thailand (Lanna), while a few of the same lot found their way into the National Library of Thailand or the

Siam Society Library, both in Bangkok. These manuscripts preserve an excellent text tradition, which is sometimes even superior to the one in Sri Lanka or Burma. The tradition in central Thailand is considerably younger because Buddhist manuscripts in both Pali and Thai suffered heavy losses during the wars with Burma in the 18th century, particularly after the destruction of the old capital Ayutthaya in 1756. A new set of the Tipitaka was compiled as the first Royal Edition in Bangkok in the late 18th centmy on the basis of Pali manuscripts in Mon, Lao, and Khmer scripts. The royal editions issued during the Rattanakosin era (since 1782) and preserved at Vat Phra Kaew, a temple in the royal palace in Bangkok, are not accessible. Besides numerous libraries in individual monasteries, manuscripts are collected by the National Library in Bangkok. The holdings of the this library were catalogued during the beginning of the 2oth centmy. However, these catalogues were virtually inaccessible before they were reissued in a revised form (Skilling & Pakdeekham, 2002; 2004). There does not seem to be any published catalogue or list of acquisitions since 1925. Important collections of Southeast Asian Buddhist Pali manuscripts from Thailand are preserved at the Otani University Librmy (catalogue 1995) and in the Royal Library in Copenhagen (Ccedes,1966). Palm-leaf manuscripts from Lanna are available in two substantial microfilm collections. During the years 1978-1990, the Social Research Institute at the University of Chiang Mai built up one collection, while the other one was brought together at the initiative of H. Hundius between 1986 and 1991. These microfilms are deposited at the library of the University of Chiang Mai and at the Akademie

954

MANUSCRIPTS AND PRINTING: SOUTH, SOUTHEAST, AND CENTRAL ASIA

der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz (von Hiniiber, 2013, xff.). At present, they are being digitized. A similar project, also initiated by H. Hundius, was conducted in Laos between 1992 and 2004. The results are accessible electronically and can be consulted in the Digital Library of Lao Manuscripts (see Web site). Lao manuscripts preserved in Germany are listed by K. Wenk (1976). In Cambodia, efforts are being made to rebuild the manuscript tradition, which was almost completely destroyed dming the Khmer Rouge regime (de Bern on, 2004; comp. Godakumbura, 1983). The first Theravada texts to reach Europe were a present by the Thai king Narai (1656-1688) to King Louis XN of France (Filliozat, 2009). They were incorporated into the Bibliotheque Royale in Paris and served as the basis for the first Pali grammar (Burnout' & Lassen, 1826). The first complete Pali Buddhist text ever printed in Roman characters was theMahdvaq1sa, edited and translated by G. Tumour (1799-1843) in Ceylonim837· The first critical edition was the Dhammapada by V. Fausb0ll (1821-1908) in 1855. In 1881 T.W. Rhys Davids (1843-1922) founded the Pali Text Society, which has continued to publish Pali texts to the present (on the histmy of the Pali Text Society, see von Hiniiber, 2007). Besides these editions, which are considered standard, there are excellent publications from the Theravada countries. An unusual edition of the Tipitaka was ordered by the Burmese king Mindon, who had the complete text transferred from palm leaf to stone and engraved on 729 slabs between 1861 and 1868. This edition was checked and corrected during the fifth council (Pal. palicaml dhammasmiglti) between 1868 and 1871 (Bollee, 1968). The (almost) complete canon was printed for the first time in Thailand in 1893 to commemorate the 25th jubilee of King Chulalongkorn (1853-1910; r. from 1868; von Hiniiber, 1997). Moreover, it is a custom in Thailand to print Buddhist texts on the occasion of the cremation of a high-ranking person. These "cremation books" are distributed as gifts to those attending the ceremony. Part of the Sinhala manuscript tradition is available in the 49 volumes of the Simon Hewavitarne Bequest Series printed between 1917 and 1940, which comprises all commentaries (atfhakathd) to the Theravada Tipitaka including Buddhaghosa's Visuddhimagga. The commentaries have also been published on the basis of Thai manuscripts by the Mahamakut Buddhist University in Bangkok since 1920. The last comprehensive edition of the Tipitalca,

with all commentaries and subcommentaries inu7 volumes (digitized as Dhammagiripaliganthamala of the Vipassana Research Institute [see Web site]) was prepared on the basis of the Burmese manuscript tradition in Yangon on the occasion of the sixth council (Pal. clzatthasmigdyana) in 1956 to mark the 25ooth anniversa1y of Buddha's nirval)a.

Bibliography All on, M.," The Senior Kharo~~hl Manuscripts" in: P. Harrison & j.-U. Hartmann, eds., From Birch Bark to Digital Data: Recent Advances in Buddhist Manuscript Research, 2014, 19-34· All on, M., "Recent Discoveries of Buddhist Manuscripts from Afghanistan and Paldstan and Their Significance," in: K. Parry, eel., Art, Architecture and Religion along the Silk Road, SRS 12, Tnrnhout, 2009, 153-178. Bailey, H.W., Codices Khotanenses: India Office Library CH. ii oo2, CH. ii 003, CH. oo274: Reproduced in Facsimile with an Introduction, MLAM 2, Copenhagen, 1938. Ballalasena, Danasagara, ed. B. Bhattachmya, Bibliotheca Indica WN 274, fasc. 4; IN 1573, Calcutta, 1956. Bandursld, F., "Ubersicht Uber die Giittinger Sammlungen der von Riihula Siinkrtyayana in Tibet aufgefunclenen buddhistischen Sanskrit-Texte," in: F. Bandursld et aL, eds., Untersuchungen zur buddhistischen Literatur, SWTF Sup pl. 5, Giittingen, 1994, 12-126. Baums, S., "Die Schriftkultur Gandharas," AAZBAW 1, 2013, 20-23. Bcchert, H., "The Writing Down of the Tripi~aka in Pall," WZKS 36, 1992, 45-53. Bechert, H., & M. Bidoli, Singhalesische Handschriften, 2 vols., VOHD 22/1-2, Wiesbaclen, 1969, 1997. Bechert, H., & H. Braun, A. Peters et al., Burmese Manuscripts, 8 vols., VOHD 23/1-8, Wiesbaden/Stuttgart, 1979-2014. Bendall, C., Catalogue ofBuddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts in the University Librwy, Cambridge, Cambridge, 1883. Berkwitz, S.C., j. Schober & C. Brown, eds., Buddhist Manuscript Cultures: Knowledge, Ritual, and Art, Abingdon, 2009. Bernon, 0. de, K. Sop heap & L. Kok-An, Inventaire provisaire des manuscrits du Cambodge. Premiere partie: Bibllotheques monastiques de Phnom Penh et de Ia province de Kanda/, MST 3, Paris, 2004. Blackburn, A.M., "Notes on Sri Lankan Temple Manuscript Collections,"JPTS 27, 2002, 1-59. Bollee, W.B., "Some Less Known Burmese Piili Texts," in: J.C. Heestennan, G.H. Schokker & V.I. Subramoniam, Pratidanam: Indian, Iranian and Indo-Europcun Studies Presented to Frmzciscus Bemardus Jacobus Kuiper on His Sixlielh Birihday, The Hague, 19G8, 493-499. Bongard-Levin, G.M., "New Sanskrit and Prakrit Texts from Central Asia," IT 3/4, 1975-1976, 73-8o. Bongard-Levin, G.M., & M.l. Vorob'eva-Desjatovskaja, "Paul' jatniki indijskoj pis'mennosti iz Central'noj Azii: Izclanie tekstov, issledovanie, (perevod) i kommentarij,'' Vypusk 1-3, Pamjatniki pis'memzosti vostoka 73/1, 2, 3 = BBU 33• 34• 40, Moscow, 1985, 1990, 2004.

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