Border Communities at the Edge of the Roman Empire: Processes of Change in the Civitas Cananefatium 904854386X, 9789048543861

Citation preview

S t u d i e s A r c h a e o l o g i c a l

Jasper de Bruin

Border Communities at the Edge of the Roman Empire

A m s t e r d a m

28

Amsterdam University Press

processes of change in the civitas cananefatium

Border Communities at the Edge of the Roman Empire

a m st er dam a rchaeo logical s tu d ies Editorial Board: Prof. dr. N. Roymans Prof. dr. P.A.J. Attema Prof. dr. E.M. Moormann

28

14. T. D. Stek: Cult places and cultural change in Republican Italy. A contextual approach to religious aspects of rural society after the Roman conquest ISBN 978 90 8964 177 9

Other titles in the AAS series:

15. P. A.J. Attema / G.-J. L.M. Burgers / P. M. van Leusen: Regional Pathways to Complexity. Settlement and land-use dynamics in early italy from the bronze age to therepublican period ISBN 978 90 8964 276 9

1. N. Roymans (ed.): From the Sword to the Plough. Three Studies on the Earliest Romanisation of Northern Gaul Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/record/19675

16. E.M. Moormann: Divine Interiors. Mural paintings in Greek and Roman sanctuaries ISBN 978 90 8964 261 5

2. T. Derks: Gods, Temples and Ritual Practices. The Transformation of Religious Ideas and Values in Roman Gaul Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172370

17. N. Roymans / T. Derks (eds): Villa Landscapes in the Roman North. Economy, Culture and Lifestyles ISBN 978 90 8964 348 3

3. A. Verhoeven: Middeleeuws gebruiksaardewerk in Nederland (8e – 13e eeuw) Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172373

18. N. Roymans / G. Creemers / S. Scheers: Late Iron Age Gold Hoards from the Low Countries and the Caesarian Conquest of Northern Gaul ISBN 978 90 8964 349 0

4.  F. Theuws / N. Roymans (eds): Land and Ancestors. Cultural Dynamics in the Urnfield Period and the Middle Ages in the Southern Netherlands Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172372

19. D. S. Habermehl: Settling in a Changing World. Villa development in the northern provinces of the Roman Empire. ISBN 978 90 8964 506 7

5. J. Bazelmans: By Weapons made Worthy. Lords, Retainers and their Relationship in Beowulf Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172337

20. D. G. Yntema: The Archaeology of South-East Italy in the first millenium BC. Greek and native societies of Apulia and Lucania between the 10th and the 1st century BC. ISBN 978 90 8964 579 1

6. R. Corbey / W. Roebroeks (eds): Studying Human Origins. Disciplinary History and Epistemology Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172272 7. M. Diepeveen-Jansen: People, Ideas and Goods. New Perspectives on ‘Celtic barbarians’ in Western and Central Europe (500-250 BC) Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172273

21. M. Fernández-Götz: Identity and Power. The Transformation of Iron Age Societies in Northeast Gaul. ISBN 978 90 8964 597 5 22. N. Roymans / T. Derks / H. Hiddink (eds): The Roman Villa of Hoogeloon and the Archaeology of the Periphery. ISBN 978 90 8964 836 5

8. G. J. van Wijngaarden: Use and Appreciation of Mycenean Pottery in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy (ca. 1600-1200 BC). The Significance of Context Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172274

23. A . Van Oyen: How Things Make History. The Roman Empire and its Terra Sigillata Pottery. ISBN 978 94 6298 054 9

9. F.A. Gerritsen: Local Identities. Landscape and community in the late prehistoric Meuse-Demer-Scheldt region Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172820

24. M. Groot: Livestock for Sale: Animal Husbandry in a Roman Frontier Zone. ISBN 978 94 6298 080 8

10. N. Roymans: Ethnic Identity and Imperial Power. The Batavians in the Early Roman Empire Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/172930

25. D. Lentjes: Landscape and Landuse in First Millennium BC Southeast Italy. Planting the Seeds of Change. ISBN 978 90 8964 794 8

11. J.A.W. Nicolay: Armed Batavians. Use and significance of weaponry and horse gear from non-military contexts in the Rhine delta (50 BC to AD 450) Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/nl/record/397232

26. N. Roymans / S. Heeren / W. De Clerq: Social Dynamics in the Northwest Frontiers of the Late Roman Empire. Beyond Decline or Transformation. ISBN 978 94 6298 360 1

12. M. Groot: Animals in ritual and economy in a Roman frontier community. Excavations in Tiel-Passewaaij Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/301888

27. M. Pitts: The Roman Object Revolution. Objectscapes and Intra-cultural Connectivity in Northwest Europe. ISBN 978 94 6372 820 1

13. T. Derks & N. Roymans (eds): Ethnic Constructs in Antiquity. The role of power and tradition Open Access edition: http://dare.uva.nl/aup/en/record/301890

Border Communities at the Edge of the Roman Empire p r o c e s s e s o f c h a n g e i n t h e c i v i ta s c a na n e fat i u m

jasper

de

b ruin

am s t e r da m un i v e r s i ty pr e s s

This book meets the requirements of ISO 9706: 1994, Information and documentation – Paper for documents – Requirements for permanence. Cover illustration: Image top: Places in the civitas Cananefatium identified on the Peutinger map (© Österreichische Nationalbibliothek/Vienna Codex 324, segment 1 (section)). Image bottom: Milestone ascribed to emperor Decius and dated to 250. The second line from the bottom mentions the Cananefates (© Municipality of The Hague, Department of Archaeology). Cover design: Kok Korpershoek, Amsterdam Lay-out: Bert Brouwenstijn, VU Amsterdam ISBN 978 94 6372 810 2 e-ISBN 978 90 4854 386 1 (pdf ) NUR 682 © J. de Bruin / Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 2019 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the editors of this book.

contents a c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s

ix

1 . i n t r o d u c t i o n

1 2 4 6 6 7 8 12 13 14

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 1.9

The Cananefates Theme, aims and main research questions Rural versus Roman Migration and ethnogenesis Becoming Roman? Returning auxiliary veterans Community Research history and strategy Structure of the text

2 . l a n d s c a p e a n d h a b i t a t i o n 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8

Brief geological history of the area from the iron age to the beginning of the roman period The landscape according to historical sources The landscape according to geological and archaeological sources The ‘woudgronden’ (‘forest soils’) Post-roman erosion and disturbances Perception of the landscape The settlements Administrative division of the area

3 . t h e r o m a n m i l i t a r y c o m m u n i t y 3.1 Development of the limes 3.1.1 Introduction 3.1.2 Military developments in the research area until 70 3.1.3 The period 70-238 3.1.4 The period 238-400 3.2 Military structures along the limes 3.2.1 Castella 3.2.2 Other military fortifications 3.3 Secondary military structures along the limes 3.3.1 Vici 3.3.2 Bathhouses 3.3.3 Cult places 3.3.4 Cemeteries 3.3.5 Synthesis of secondary military structures 3.4  Military infrastructure 3.4.1 The corbulo canal 3.4.2 The limes road 3.4.3 Quay constructions 3.4.4 Boats 3.4.5 Synthesis of infrastructure 3.5 Rural settlements in the limes zone

17 17 19 19 23 24 25 25 29 31 31 31 34 39 42 45 45 60 68 69 71 72 76 77 78 78 84 88 89 93 94

3.6 Military structures in the coastal area south of the limes 3.6.1 Den Haag-Ockenburgh 3.6.2 Den Haag-Scheveningseweg 3.6.3 Voorburg 3.6.4 Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf and its surroundings 3.6.5 De Lier-Leehove 3.6.6 A coastal limes? 3.7 The military economy 3.8 The military community: a synthesis

97 98 103 105 105 109 109 111 114

4 . t h e u r b a n c o m m u n i t y 4.1 Roads 4.1.1 Milestones 4.1.2 The appearance of the road 4.1.3 Other roads 4.1.4 Tributary paths of the main road? 4.1.5 Roads in the allotment system of the countryside 4.2 The administrative center in Voorburg 4.2.1 Choice of location 4.2.2 Problematic nature of interpreting the archaeological evidence 4.2.3 Development of the settlement 4.2.5 The economy of the town 4.2.6 The town in Voorburg 4.3 The urban community

115 115 115 118 120 121 122 122 123 123 125 136 137 139

5 . t h e r u r a l c o m m u n i t y 5.1 Introduction 5.2 The late iron age (250 bc – 1ad) 5.3 A habitation hiatus? 5.4 New inhabitants in the 1st century 5.4.1 Starting date of the habitation 5.4.2 Origin of the inhabitants 5.5 The rural settlements between 50 and 275/300 5.5.1 Rural settlements in the micro-region Schiedam 5.5.2 Rural settlements in the micro-region Naaldwijk 5.5.3 Rural settlements in The Hague region 5.5.4 The micro-regions 5.6 Burials and cemeteries 5.6.1 The burial ritual 5.6.2 ‘Individual’ burials 5.6.3 Small clusters of graves 5.6.4 Graves along the Roman road 5.6.5 Inhumations and single skeleton parts in settlements 5.6.6 Burial rituals 5.7 Religion 5.7.1 Rural cult places 5.7.2 Depositions 5.7.3 Religion in the rural area

143 143 143 145 147 148 149 156 156 162 169 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 191

5.8 Ditch systems, dams, and culverts 5.8.1 Ditch systems 5.8.2 Dams and culverts 5.8.3 Cultivation and water control 5.9 The rural economy 5.9.1. Arable farming 5.9.2 Horticulture 5.9.3 Wood 5.9.4 Animal husbandry 5.9.5 Fishing 5.9.6 Hunting 5.9.7 Surplus production 5.9.8 Craft activities 5.9.9 Salt refining 5.9.10 Synthesis rural economy 5.10 The end of the rural habitation 5.10.1 Settlements that end around the beginning of the 3rd century 5.10.2 Settlements that end after 250 5.10.3 Reasons for the abandonment of the sites in the 3rd century 5.10.4 Habitation in the 4th century 5.11 Continuity into the early middle ages 5.12 The rural community

192 192 196 197 198 198 199 200 203 203 204 205 208 210 211 213 213 215 218 219 221 221

6 . s y n t h e s i s The first half of the 1st century The second half of the 1st century The first half of the 2nd century The second half of the 2nd century The first half of the 3rd century The second half of the 3rd century The 4th century and later Synopsis

223 223 224 225 228 234 237 239 240

7 . c o n c l u s i o n s

243

Bibliography References Appendix 1. Roman period settlements in the research area

247 249 289

Maps Map 1: Settlements, plotted onto a topographical map Map 2: Detail of the south-western part of the research area, with a cluster of settlements, plotted onto a topographical map of the research area

295 296

6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8

297

Acknowledgements This book is an updated version of my PhD dissertation, that was accepted on 21 November 2017 at Leiden University. I would like to express my gratitude to the editorial board of Amsterdam Archaeological Studies for the opportunity to publish the results of my research in their series. Thanks to the remarks by Nico Roymans, Eric Moormann and the two anonymous reviewers, the original text was improved. The editing of the English text was supported by Leiden University and was carried out by Mark Locicero, whilst the editing of the book was the responsibility of Bert Brouwenstijn. This publication would not have been completed without my PhD supervisors Willem Willems (†), Frans Theuws and Carol van Driel-Murray, who meticulously read and commented on the draft versions. I think back with great pleasure to the debates with them and thank them for the trust they gave me. Various aspects of this study benefitted from the intensive discussions with many colleagues. I thank them for their intellectual generosity. Amongst them are especially Jean Paul Bakx, Tom Bloemers, Epko Bult, Wim De Clercq, Ton Derks, Mark Driessen, David Fontijn, Erik Graafstal, Stijn Heeren, Marcel IJsselstein, Tatiana Ivleva, Esther Jansma, Fleur Kemmers, Luuk de Ligt, Rien Polak, Miguel John Versluys, Wouter Vos and Ab Waasdorp. Archaeological research is not a one-man activity and cannot be based on data created exclusively by a single scholar. It is for that reason self-evident that the persons and institutions who shared their information (in many cases unpublished) should be mentioned with gratitude here. Thanks to: Dienke van Baardewijk, Martien Bakhuizen, Paul Beliën, Ronald Bijl, Mathias Böhm, Chrystel Brandenburgh, Marijke Brouwer, Jeroen ter Brugge, Julia Chorus, Collection HEK, Menno Dijkstra, Marieke van Dinter, Ernst Elling, Lourens van der Feijst, Foto Afdeling Rijksmuseum van Oudheden te Leiden, Paul Franzen, Pepijn van de Geer, Coen Geerdink, Roderick Geerts, Michiel Goddijn, Tiziano Goossens, Rob de Graad (†), Svenja Hagedoorn, Sander Hakvoort, Ruurd Halbertsma, Tom Hazenberg, Erica van Hees, Joep Hendriks, Suzanne Hoeve, Oscar Holthausen, Eric Hoogstraat, Ton Immerzeel, Loe Jacobs, Anne Johnson, Mirella de Jong, Steven Jongma, Jo Kempkes (†), Eric Ketelaar, Julie van Kerckhove, Frits Kleinhuis, Ruurd Kok, Jochem Koopman, Hans Koot, Kathelijne Kruidhof, Eric van der Kuijl, Wim Kuijper, Walter Laan, Lara Laken, Silke Lange, Maurice Langeveld, Kirsten Leijnse, Ester van der Linden, Femke Lippok, Ton Lupak, Jacques Moerman, Jaap Morel, Hilbrand Noordhof, Olav Odé, Andelko Pavlovic, Tim de Ridder, Inge Riemersma, Tom de Rijk, Gert-Jan van Rijn, Pauline van Rijn (†), Julius van Roemburg, Stephanie Rompa, Hans Siemons, Arend Slot, Daniël Stiller, Peter Stokkel, Louis Swinkels, Alain Vanderhoeven, Monique van Veen, Caroline Vermeeren, Linda Verniers, Marlies van Vuuren, Ivo van Wijk, Yardeni Vorst, Peter Vos, Annette de Vries, Toon Vugts, Marco Zander and Jeroen van Zoolingen. Finally, I am grateful for the support of my friends and family, especially my partner Cécile and my children Kato and Maas.

ix

1.

Introduction

B

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A

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A

This study explores the long-term development of the rural community of the Cananefates, who lived in the most north-western, continental part of the Roman Empire. To study this community a wide range of archaeological data are used, which were collected during excavations in the research area that roughly corresponds to the civitas of the Cananefates. This civitas was located between the Lower Rhine and the river Meuse in the present day province of South-Holland, the Netherlands (fig. 1.1).

Fig. 1.1. The research area within the Netherlands.

1

1 . 1 t h e c a na n e fat e s Several classical authors refer to Cananefates.1 In 28,2 an Ala Canninefas is mentioned by Tacitus.3 This cavalry unit (ala) was active at this time in an area north of the Rhine river, possibly in the vicinity of the Roman fort at Velsen. During the Batavian revolt in 69-70, the Cananefates are named as instigators of the rebellion and as one of the eight mutinous Batavian cohorts.4 If these references are interpreted literally, a Cananafatian group existed from the 1st century onwards: they were identified as such and described by Romans authors, and were incorporated in the Roman army. After 69-70, no literary sources refer to the Cananefates. However, it is clear that the Romans perceived there to be a distinct Cananefatian identity. Interestingly, there is an large time gap between when Roman authors wrote about the Cananafates (the 1st century) and when the Cananefates appear in epigraphic documents (from the 2nd century onwards). A military diploma discovered in 1970-1971 near The Hague, mentions a veteran, who was the son of the Cananefatian Amandus. The diploma can be dated to 164 (table 1.1).5 This might indicate that already around the middle of the 2nd century, the name Cananefates still existed and was used in the research area. Outside this area, thirteen inscriptions refer to the Cananefates (table 1.1). Most of these are inscriptions of (discharged) soldiers, indicating a strong link between the Cananefates and the Roman military. Some of the members of the imperial horse guard in 2nd century Rome identified themselves as natione Can(n) onefas.6 These soldiers clearly felt the need to refer to the group of people from which they originated. Apparently, the need to express one’s origin was strong in the Roman military; for example almost all inscriptions referring to the Batavian community are set up by (former) soldiers as well.7 Find spot

Type

The Hague

Name

Origo

Context

Literature

Monument (milestone)

Cananefates

Civilian

Waasdorp 2003, 37

Rijswijk

Monument (milestone)

Civitas (?) Cananefatum

Civilian

Waasdorp 2003, 41-42

Poeldijk

Military diploma

Koblenz

Epitaph? Honourific/votive column

Pföring (Raetia)

Epitaph

[----] Amandi F(ilio)

L(ucio) Octavio L(uci)

Cannanefati

Military

Bogaers 1979, 359

civis Cananefas

Civilian?

CIL XII, 07628

civi Cananefati

Civilian?

Byvanck 1935-1947, 514-515, nr. 1369

Rome

Epitaph

natione Caninefas

Civilian?

Byvanck 1935-1947, 515, nr. 1370

Rome

Epitaph

T(ito) Aur(elio) Felici

natione Canonefas

Military

Byvanck 1935-1947, 515, nr. 1371; Speidel 1994, 226, nr. 326

Rome

Epitaph

[----] Vindici

natione Cannonefas

Military

Speidel 1994, 191-192, nr. 239

Rome

Epitaph

[----] Aprili

natione Cannonefas

Military

Speidel 1994, 199-194, nr. 245

Keulen

Epitaph

[----] Lepidi

Cannanefas

Military

Byvanck 1935-1947, 393, nr. 918

Keulen

Epitaph

Hemilius Lascius

civis Cannanefas

Military

Byvanck 1935-1947, 398, nr. 938

Adamklissi (Tropaeum Traiani)

Monument

Cannanefas

Military

Byvanck 1935-1947, 461, nr. 1138

Környe

Epitaph

domu Foro Hadrianensi

Military

CIL III, 4279

Victoriae Verinae

Table 1.1. Inscriptions that mention a (probable) Cananefatian origo. 1

Ancient authors and contemporary inscriptions spell the

3

name Cananefates in various ways. To avoid confusion, in

4

this work, the name Cananefates is used.

5

2

All dates mentioned in this study are AD, unless stated otherwise.

2

Tacitus Ann. 4.73. Tacitus Hist. 4.15; 4.19. Bogaers 1979, 357-371; Migliorati 2011, 24.

6

Speidel 1994, 191, 193-194, 226.

7

Derks 2009, 277-280, table B; Roymans 2004, 5.

Fig. 1.2. Milestone ascribed to emperor Decius and dated to 250. The second line from the bottom mentions the Cananefates. Image: Municipality of The Hague, Department of Archaeology.

The last mention referring to the Cananefates comes from two milestones that were ascribed to the emperor Decius, and dated to 250 (fig. 1.2).8 Although Cananefates were the name of a certain group of people, the name itself provides little information regarding the nature of this group. Itcould designate a local community, a tribe, or even an aristocratic group or leaders of a larger group. Yet, we can accept that the name refers to a specific social group. The military diploma of a Cananefatian son, the milestones mentioning the Cananefates, and the abbreviation MAC (Municipium Aelium Cananefat(i)um) on two other milestones were all found in the region between the Rhine and the Meuse rivers. This area comprises the research area for this study and lies within the modern Province of Zuid-Holland, the Netherlands. It must have been the heartland of a Cananefatian community in the 2nd and 3rd centuries.9 Despite the lacuna in literary sources, the Cananefatian identity continued to exist after the 1st century. The fact that even average soldiers mentioned their Cananefatian background (table 1.1), indicates that the term Cananefates did not refer to a small aristocratic group or leaders of a larger group, but to a larger (ethnic) community. The name Cananefates, thus, points to a specific social group or community, that lived in the research area at least in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. As written texts do not provide much insight into the Cananefatian society, archaeological material can provide data to better understand the social fabric of this community. Numerous excavations in the Cananefatian area have yielded huge amounts of information about its rural settlements. The earliest habitation in these settlements can be dated to around 40, but the majority of the sites can be dated from 50 onwards or may be even later. Since there is no evidence of continuity between the later Iron Age habitation and the settlements that postdate the Roman conquest, the region appears to be newly settled by immigrant communities (sections 5.3 and 5.4). The Cananefates were probably settled in the study area under Roman military control (section 5.4). It can be assumed that the establishment of the Roman province of Germania Inferior around 8510 stimulated the formation of the Cananefatian administrative district, the so-called civitas Cananefatium.11 During the 2nd century the area was parcelled, meaning that rural sites were incorporated into a designed landscape, in which the possession of land might have played a significant role. From the middle of the 2nd century onwards, this landscape was made accessible by a Roman road. Around that time the market place near present day Voorburg was granted the Municipium status, transforming it into the civic center of the region. This change in the town’s official urban status was probably related to infrastructural developments in the countryside, such as the building of the road. From the late 2nd century onwards, Roman-style buildings were erected in the countryside and the 8

Waasdorp 2003, 34-37, 42.

10

9

Bloemers 1978, 79.

11

Heeren 2009, 248. Van Es 1981, 137, 217.

3

material culture in the settlements shows an increase of imported objects. Some settlements were abandoned around the start of the 3rd century, because of the rising water table in the area. In the 3rd century the area seems to be at the heart of an important, supra-regional exchange network.12 The material culture at rural sites in this period consists almost exclusively of imported goods. This is an indication that the rural world of the Cananefates was intimately connected to the wider Roman world, and might additionally suggest a high degree of prosperity for a substantial part of the population. However, this condition soon ended. From 275 onwards, the number of rural settlements in the study area drops dramatically, although traces of military activities still can be found. The Roman city remained inhabited during the 3rd century and the Roman road was maintained until the middle of this century. From the late third to early 4th century habitation in the military settlements and the Roman town near Voorburg seems to end. During the 4th century some earlier settlement locations were visited by groups with a material culture that is comparable to find assemblages from north of the river Rhine. After the middle of the 4th century, there is no longer any evidence for habitation in the area and there seems to be no continuity of habitation until the early medieval period.

1.2 theme, aims and main research questions The subject of this study is the rural community of the Cananefates and the main goal is to synthesize all archaeological sources pertaining to this community. The central research question addresses how the Cananefatian community formed and how it changed over time. As the formation of rural groups within the Roman Empire likely fell under Rome’s influence, a secondary research question investigates the exact role of the Roman state in the formation of the Cananefates. Finally, the results and insights derived from the Cananefatian case study are themselves interrogated to see whether they can be applied to other border communities of the Roman Empire. Studying a rural group along the Lower Rhine during the Roman period is not possible without referring to the research carried out on the Batavian civitas. The Batavian area lies directly to the east of the research area, making it suitable for a direct comparison with developments in the study area. Past research on the Batavian community has produced models of how to study such frontier groups, which have already been applied to other groups in frontier regions, like the Cananefates.13 No other rural frontier group has had as much scholarly attention as the Batavi.14 Therefore, it is not known to what extent the developments in the Batavian area are specific to its own region. By making comparisons between the data from the Cananefatian area, it is possible to gain insight into these issues. Other well-researched north-western frontier regions, like the Kromme-Rijn area, the (eastern) River Area, the Meuse-DemerScheldt area, and the northern part of the civitas Menapiorum, can be used in this comparison as well.15 Studies concerning rural communities in the north-western provinces of Rome and their relation with the Roman Empire traditionally have concentrated on the changes they underwent just before and immediately after the arrival of Roman troops or in the century afterwards. Yet, this approach neglects developments within these communities in the centuries after this period.16 This has also been observed by Louise Revell, who states that “There has been less work on the variation within communities and the way in which the people of the empire might have experienced Rome, after the initial period of annexation.”17 The present study applies a wider temporal framework to the research area, namely the whole period of rural habitation under Roman rule, from around 50 until around 350. 12

De Bruin 2012c, Driessen 2012e.

15

De Clercq 2009; Heeren 2009; Roymans et al. 2015; Vos

13

Bazelmans/De Jonge 2006, 35-49; Siemons 2009, 373375.

14

Willems 2007, 554.

4

2009, Willems 1981, 1983. 16

See for example Roymans 2004, about the Batavians.

17

Revell 2009, ix.

An important element of current research in the field of Roman Archaeology is to explore the selfimages of peoples in the past. A range of different sources have been used to find out if people considered themselves as Batavian, Menapian, or otherwise. Perhaps the most important source in this debate is epigraphic evidence, because inscriptions were often created or commissioned by the person involved. Besides epigraphy, literary sources have provided insight into the identities of groups of people.Yet, these texts are mostly written from an ‘outsider’ perspective by (Roman) writers, who never visited the area or met the peoples they described. To make this question more difficult to answer, texts written by native authors from provincial societies are largely absent. Very few literary sources have survived mentioning the Cananefates and the surviving texts date only to the 1st century. Past archaeological research in the Cananefatian area did not yield more than a dozen inscriptions, of which most can be ascribed to military officials from outside the region. Even these only date to the 2nd and 3rd centuries. Graffiti on pottery sherds that name individuals are relatively scarce in the region. Thus, studying this community relies heavily on archaeological sources. This also applies to other rural communities along Rome’s north-western frontier.18 Archaeology can indeed present an alternative point of view to the study of communities for which almost no literary sources are available.19 However, taking archaeological data as a point of departure for research can be problematic, since it is almost impossible to detect an individual.20 Apart from graves containing one person (and these are mostly lacking in the study area), the most detailed level that can be observed by archaeological research is that of the singular house and its household. However, problems arise even at this level of interpretation. A good example from the research area is the problematic relationship between a houseplan and material from the vicinity of the house. The latter could have been dumped there by other households, and in a number of cases there is evidence that deserted house sites were used as vegetable gardens. These were fertilized with waste from other households, which included high amounts of material culture. It is therefore difficult to assign finds to individual households. Instead of focusing on the individual household, whole settlements and settlement systems are the main targets of this research. Given the relatively low resolution of the information, the region as a whole is studied instead of focussing onindividual sites and objects. The development of the Cananefates as a group and changes to its identities did not occur in a vacuum, but through interaction with other communities in the surrounding area, like the military. For Roman Britain, David Mattingly distinguished three broad communities, namely the military community, town dwellers, and rural communities. He suggests that these communities did not share a single common culture, and that “...there were significant differences between them (and indeed further levels of divergence within each of these major communities).”21 However, the fact that these communities all lived in the Roman Empire does not exclude them from sharing several aspects, such as certain norms, values, and cosmologies. Mattingly’s approach offers a useful framework and has been followed in the present research area, because there are clear examples of each of his three types of communities. All archaeological remains from the three kinds of communities were studied and will be presented in this study, in order to get an overview of them.22 Moreover, insight will be gained into the interaction between the area’s rural inhabitants, the military, and urban communities. The following sections introduce several concepts relevant to this study. 18

official (territory of the) civitas structure, their presence

19

must have had a profound influence on the rural inhabit-

20

Haynes 2013, 369-370; Ivleva 2012, 12. “Individual” in

ants. Therefore, a description of the military community

the sense of a singular person, not a person with our

was included in this study. Because of the abundant data

modern concepts of individuality.

that were available about the military, the description of

Roymans 2015, 2. Wells 1999, 22-27.

21

Mattingly 2006, 18.

this community is rather extensive (chapter 3).

22

Although the military community was no part of the

5

1.3 rural versus roman Rural communities, especially those in the Roman provinces, have sometimes been characterized as ‘native’ or ‘indigenous’,23 implying a dichotomy between native/indigenous and ‘Roman’. This supposed contrast is based on modern dichotomies like bad-good, uncivilised-civilised, illiterate-literate,.24 On the other hand, ‘Roman’ does not imply a homogenous identity, as Roman-ness could be “...viewed as a discourse which could encapsulate numerous different experiences.”25 The use of modern concepts like ‘native’ or ’indigenous’ also implies that the rural communities were there before the Roman army arrived. As we shall see, this was not the case in research area, and there is almost no archaeological evidence for habitation in the area before the arrival of the Roman army. So the ‘natives’ were in fact not native to this region, nor were they Roman (at least not in the legal sense). Identities are complex constructs and often develop according to context, because (ethnic) identities are dynamic situational constructs.26 So, labels such as ‘native’, ‘indigenous’, or ‘Roman’ are too simplistic to cover the complex cultural mixtures resulting from processes of cultural contact.27 To avoid these normative concepts, this work uses the neutral term ‘rural’ to designate the inhabitants of the settlements in the countryside. Military and urban communities also can be distinguished. All communities can show “...regional, chronological and social variance...”,28 and all kinds of different identities can diagonally intersect these communities.

1 . 4 m i g r at i o n a n d e t h n o g e n e s i s As stated above (section 1.1), there is no evidence of a continuity of habitation between the later Iron Age and the early Roman period in the research area. Almost all excavated settlements were newly built, indicating that the majority of the inhabitants in the Roman period came from somewhere else. Therefore, they can be seen as immigrants who moved into the area. Most migrants, however, settle in already inhabited regions, making it difficult to distinguish the migrant groups from the original population. The research area differs from this respect and this is why the question of the origin of the migrant group(s) is as important as establishing where they eventually settled. Studying the origin of migrants can be a difficult task, especially when lacking epigraphic sources, which is the case for the research area. Historical sources for this period are not very informative and sometimes contradict the archaeological evidence. These caveats make the material remains found at excavations in the research area the most important source for answering the question of the origin of the rural communities in the civitas Cananefatium. Portable artefacts are especially of interest in this case, because “objects move with humans.”29 At the same time, locally made pottery was inspired by pre-existing traditions, making it possible to compare the pottery from surrounding regions with that of the research area. The ceramic evidence could then determine the area of the immigrant groups’ origin.The immigrating groups in the research area found an almost uninhabited territory, indicating there was little to no integration with existing groups possible. However, several immigrating groups integrated with each other after settling in the research area, most likely through a process comparable to the ethnogenesis model. For the formation of the Batavian community in the 1st century BC, this model has been proposed.30 In this model, a leading Traditionskern (or nucleus of tradition) of immigrants, in the Batavian case possibly of Chattian descent, amalgamated with existing rural groups in the Dutch River area to form a new, Batavian community.31 This process 23

28

24

29

25

30

26

31

Mattingly 2011, 63; Van Londen 2006a, 9. Heeren 2009, 8. Revell 2009, 9, with references. Geary 2012, 1-18.

27

Heeren 2009, 8.

6

Mattingly 2006, 520. Ivleva 2012, 31. Roymans 2004. Roymans 2004, 251.

did not take place in a vacuum, but in the wider context of the political and military development of the Roman Empire,32 or, as Roymans puts it: “... we should regard the Batavians to a large extent as a creation of the Roman Frontier.”33 In the past, attempts were made to fit the development of the Cananefatian community into the Batavian model of ethnogenesis.34 However, the Cananefatian community evolved out of several immigrant communities that arrived at different moments in an almost uninhabited area. Possibly, a nucleus of tradition, on which the new emigrants based their communal and material expressions, was already formed at an earlier stage. This hypothesis remains highly speculative, because archaeological evidence for central places or elite settlements is lacking. Moreover, this does not mean that a nucleus of tradition can be detected archaeologically. For example, an elite group could distinguish themselves based on the age of the leading members, or be based on which people had lived the longest in the area. Since the immigrating groups were allowed to settle on land that was under direct(?) Roman military control, the army or even the Roman state may have played a role in the shaping of the Cananefatian community. It is quite possible that the presence of such a political authority in the region fostered the integration of the various immigrant groups, so that separate groups felt obliged to operate as one and to appear as a well-recognizable community. The fact that rural groups did indeed respond to the presence of the Roman army could also be deduced from the introduction of central burial grounds in the Batavian area. These are dated from 40, and it seems to be no coincidence that this is also the period in which the first forts along the Rhine were constructed.35 So, the ethnogenesis of the Cananefates took place in an equal dialogue between several, multi-ethnic, social groups, in which no (archaeologically attestable) nucleus of tradition was present. The role of the Roman State (or military) in this process remains unclear, but should not be underestimated.

1 . 5 b e c o m i n g r o m a n ? 36 One of the most important theoretical discussions in Roman archaeology today pertains to how local communities became ‘Roman’, a process called Romanization. This paradigm has received a great deal of criticism in the last two decades, and new concepts have been suggested to replace it,37 in addition to continuing efforts to rehabilitate the concept.38 Stijn Heeren responded to this criticism by reformulating the core definition of the concept of Romanization.39 He stated that Romanization is “...a process that took place in any contact situation between representatives of the Roman society and actors (groups or individuals) of other identities or ethnicities.”40 Furthermore, he adds that Romanization “... included the acquisition and adaptation of original Roman ideas, customs and objects, by actors from all sectors of society, in its own way that suits their self-image (identity), that was situational determined. Romanization thus, is not a linear process with a uniform result, but a process of cultural adaptation that may vary by group (or person) or situation. Romanization is a process term; it implies a chronological study of at least two checkpoints. Depending on the chosen source material one can study a trajectory of Romanization for any individual or group.”41

32

Van Driel-Murray 2003, 200-217.

Versluys 2014, 1-20; Webster 2001, 209-225; Wells 1999;

33

Roymans 2004, 251.

34

Bazelmans/De Jonge 2006, 35-49.

Woolf 1998. 38

Heeren 2009, 14-16; Heeren 2014, 159-173; Roymans

35

Heeren 2009, 233, 260.

36

The title for this paragraph is courtesy of Greg Woolf ’s book ‘Becoming Roman’ (Woolf 1998).

37

Hingley 1996, 35-48 and Hingley 2005; Mattingly 2011;

2015, 12; Slofstra 2002, 16-38. 39

Heeren 2009, 14-16; Heeren 2014, 159-173.

40

Heeren 2009, 14.

41

Heeren 2009, 14.

7

The process of Romanization thus, would always lead to the appropriation of the heterogeneous ‘Roman’ identity. This suggests also that at a certain point, Romanization reaches its ‘peak’, after which the process ‘ends’ and the Romanization has been ‘completed’. This means that the concept of Romanization cannot be applied to changes in (group) identity after the transition from a non-Roman to Roman identity. Yet, “...a Roman identity is not a fixed point to be reached, but rather a more fluid concept which needs to be continuously worked through the routines of everyday life.”42 In the research area, the archaeological data suggest that the rural community here did not become ‘Roman’, but developed a provincial or even local identity. Thus, instead of pursuing a “...holistic, conceptual/explanatory framework...”43 to study changes in the identities of smaller social groups in the Roman Empire, “...a series of less grand (or less grandiose) theories, each one directed more precisely at a smaller target.”44 should be devised. A good example of this approach is the so-called veteran model, which will be discussed in the next section.

1 . 6 r e t u r n i n g au x i l i a ry v e t e r a n s Changes in rural communities in the Roman empire are often explained by the influence of auxiliary veterans. After 25 years of service, these men returned to their homelands and became transcultural mediators between the Roman army and the rural inhabitants.45 As part of the Roman army, young men from rural communities dressed and ate like soldiers, slept in barracks, visited bathhouses, and “… assisted in building infrastructural works involving measurement and often learned to write in Latin.”46 Presumably, these practices were taken home by discharged soldiers when they returned to their region of origin, to be subsequently passed on to the local communities. In turn, this would generate a whole range of changes in rural society. This ‘veteran model’ was developed especially for the Batavian rural community, because they were subjected to heavy recruitment during the Roman period and provided a relatively large number of soldiers to the Roman army.47 Researchers have tried to locate the Batavian veterans in the archaeological record. Veterans in the Batavian countryside could be identified not only by epigraphic evidence and military diplomas, but also by studying small finds that could point to literacy, such as seal-boxes, writing-tablets, styli, inkpots. Additional traces of veterans may come from the occurrence of pieces of military equipment and horse gear, which veterans might have taken home after being discharged from the army.48 Houses with porticoes (the so-called porticus houses)49 constructed in the Batavian area, resemble in a sense military barracks, which also had such porticoes. Veterans might have been responsible for the introduction of this new architectural style.50 Stone buildings in the countryside were presumably erected by veterans as well, but, in this particular case, by discharged officers; only soldiers of this rank had the social networks and financial abilities to obtain the building materials.51 The creation of army camps in the Batavian region created a demand for food, resulting in surplus production on the rural settlements that could be used “…to acquire new foodstuffs and items connected with dress, taste and body care. Joining the Roman army or producing an agrarian surplus were the Batavian ways of being Roman. At the same time, the

42

Revell 2009, 8.

Nicolay 2003, 414-435; Nicolay 2007; Roymans 2009,

43

Stek 2014, 33.

44

Woolf 2014, 48.

85-98; Roymans 2011, 139-160; Vos 2015, 453. 49

Van Enckevort/Hendriks 2014, 254-261; see also section

45

Derks/Roymans 2006, 133; Heeren 2009, 256.

5.5.2.

46

50

47

51

Heeren 2014, 167. Derks/Roymans 2006, 122-123.

48

Derks/Roymans 2006, 121-135; Nicolay 2002, 53-66;

8

Vos 2009, 240-251; Vos 2015, 453-454. Vos 2015, 454.

burial ritual and settlement architecture remained conservative.”52 The current picture, is that the Roman army was the catalyst of change in the Batavian area.53 However, the image of the veterans as transcultural mediators above outlined is predominantly positive. In reality, veterans were not always successful people, and might have suffered from all kinds of psychological issues,54 or were wounded, ill, or simply old. Other veterans or soldiers who were dismissed before the end of their official service, or even dishonourably discharged, could have turned to banditry, like the infamous Maternus, who was a deserter.55 So, the Roman army “...did not automatically generate turbo-charged agents of ‘Roman’ culture.”56 How many veterans wanted to return to their homeland is another matter for debate. Military diplomas found in Thrace indicate that Thracian veterans returned quite often to their land of origin, whilst others remained in the region where they were previously stationed.57 With an average life expectancy of 45, not many veterans survived their 25 years of military service. Even if they did, they probably did not have many years left, and were not eager to engage in farming.58 Identifying veterans amongst provincial populations through epigraphic sources is difficult because the (stone) monuments that bore inscriptions might have been reused in other buildings or at other locations. The distribution of epigraphic finds along the Lower Rhine, however, seems to coincide with the presence of army camps or towns; only 11 out of 73 inscriptions have been found in the countryside.59 Apparently, most veterans stayed in the immediate vicinity of their former army comrades or settled in urban centers. The identification of veterans through the distribution of military diplomas is not without its problems either, because the find spot of a diploma does not always match with the location where a veteran was present. Many diplomas are fragmented and were obviously regarded as scrap metal.60 However, the diploma of Elst, found in the Batavian area, did in fact belong to a Batavian veteran.61 Another diploma belonged to the son of the Cananefatian Amandus (fig. 1.3).62 This diploma was found in Poeldijk within one of the few buildings with stone foundations in the research area (section 5.5.3). It is likely that these diplomas belonged to veterans that did return to their homeland. However, their exact location remains unknown, even though it is tempting to connect the Poeldijk diploma to the building with stone foundations there. At Hoogeloon, diploma fragments were also found in the vicinity of a villa with stone foundations, but the fragments equally could be associated with one of the inhabitants of the wooden houses built next to the villa.63 Another limiting factor in using this kind of evidence is the fact that not all military diplomas were made of bronze, but of perishable material, like wood.64 The use of small finds to pinpoint veterans should be done with caution as well. Seal-boxes, for example, could have been used for a range of different purposes. There is convincing evidence that they were mostly used for sealing bags of money or other small valuables,65 instead of sealing letters or wooden writing tablets, as was suggested by previous research.66 Thus seal-boxes are not direct evidence for Latin literacy in the rural countryside. Wooden writing tablets are known from the Batavian area, but only four have been found to date. Two were found together in a 1st century military context in Utrecht, and the fragmented seal-box found next to them was not attached to the tablets.67 From the research area, three wooden writing tablets are known, and were found at three different rural settlements (section 5.9.3). If 52

61

53

62

54

63

55

64

56

65

57

66

Heeren 2014, 169. Heeren 2014, 169-170. Melchior 2011, 209-223; Vos 2009, 264. Haynes 2013, 363-366. Herodian 1.10. Haynes 2013, 340. Haynes 2013, 343-347.

Derks/Roymans 2006, 127, table 1. Bogaers 1979, 357-371. Derks 2014b, 463-471; Hiddink 2014. Haynes 2013, 345-346. Andrews 2012, 93-98, 108-109; Andrews 2013, 437. Derks/Swinkels 1994, 147; Derks/Roymans 2002, 89-90,

58

Haynes 2013, 360.

59

Derks/Roymans 2006, 124-125, fig. 2.

101-102; Hingley 2005, 98. 67

Hendriksen 2009a, 99.

60

Haynes 2013, 343.

9

0

5 cm

Fig. 1.3. Military diploma found in Poeldijk. Image after Bogaers 1979, 361 Abb. 4; 363 Abb. 6. Left: inside of the diploma, right: outside of the same diploma.

these writing tablets demonstrate the presence of literate rural inhabitants or even veterans, the number of such literate people is the same in the research area and in the Batavian civitas. More likely, these wooden tablets were legal documents, orders of some kind, or other official documents (e.g. wills, loans, and money transfers), which could have been used in economic transactions.68 Associated styli are regularly found at rural settlements, and might indicate the use of now-lost writing tablets.69 While no complete examples have been discovered yet, the regular occurrence of fragments of ink pots does point to the use of such writing practices in the Batavian and Cananefatian regions. It is plausible that letters were sent to family and friends who were far away and only one group of people fits this profile: Batavians and Cananefatians who served in the Roman army. Based on the tablets found at the Roman fort of Vindolanda in England, people at home received mail back from the soldiers: the Vindolanda letters were written drafts by the soldiers themselves.70 It is no coincidence that most tablets at Vindolanda were found in phases 2 and 3, dated between 92 and 105; in these phases the garrison of the fort consisted of the Ninth Cohort of the Batavians.71 The only way to communicate with family members who were in the army was by writing letters. This would inevitably stimulate knowledge of Latin, also by relatives in the Batavian and Cananefatian rural areas. This might be the most important contribution of the Roman army to provincial society: the spreading of writing materials (or even writing itself) to the countryside.72 The occurrence of pieces of military equipment and horse gear at rural settlement has been used in the past as a way to identify veterans in the rural, Batavian settlements.73 However, horse gear was also used by civilians,74 and Nicolay stated that some pieces were brought to the Batavian area by veterans only in the 1st century,75 implying that other 1st century and most 2nd and 3rd century horse gear was not used exclusively by the military or veterans.Yet, most published distribution maps of militaria76 do not 68

72

69

73

Derks/Vos 2015, 16-17; Meyer 2004, 176. Yet, it is not known what topics were written with the

Haynes 2013, 367. Derks/Roymans 2006, 121-135; Nicolay 2002, 53-66;

styli; they could have been used for calculations, which

Nicolay 2003, 414-435; Nicolay 2007; Vos 2015, 453.

were written down on the (reusable!) writing tablets.

74

However, in the Roman period, most letters were writ-

75

ten with ink on thin, wooden leaves

76

Nicolay 2007, 44. Nicolay 2007, 217.  Small finds, mainly metal objects, that can be associated

70

with the Roman army, like fragments of armour, military

71

equipment, weapons and so on.

Bowman 1994/2003, 84-85; Heeren 2014, 167. Bowman 1994/2003, 18-19.

10

Fig. 1.4. Distribution of military equipment and horse gear at rural settlements in the civitas Cananefatium (left) and the Batavian area (right). Image after Van Roemburg 2011, 110, fig. 5.1 and 5.2.

distinguish between actual military equipment and horse gear, producing a somewhat distorted picture of the quantities and distribution of metal finds associated with the Roman army in the Batavian area.77 These distribution maps are even more problematic, because they seem to suggest that the Batavian area was exceptional in terms of the distribution of artefacts related to the Roman military. This image changes radically when one considers that until recently, the distribution of military equipment and horse gear was not as comprehensively studied for other areas.78 One explanation for the abundant occurrence of military equipment and horse gear in the Batavian area is based on the good soil conditions for the conservation of metal finds.79 Another comes from the fact that the majority of the area is made up of easily accessible arable land; this is plowed regularly in the modern period, and tend to be where Roman settlements are located. Combining these elements together with the tolerant attitude of Dutch law towards metal detecting, it is not surprising that large private collections of ancient metalfinds now exist;80 half of the data from the Batavian area consist of items found by amateur metal detectorists.81 These aspects challenge the exceptional position of the Batavian area when it comes to the distribution of military equipment and horse gear. Nicolay had already noted that the number of finds for regions to the south and west were probably underrepresented.82 In 2011, the distribution of military equipment and horse gear at rural settlements in the civitas Cananefatium was studied.83 The results of this study were compared to the data from the Batavian area.84 Due to many different find circumstances, fewer artefacts emerged from the Cananefatian area than the Batavian area , but there were relatively more similarities than differences (fig. 1.4).85 In the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century, there are differences in the absolute numbers, which can be explained by the late starting dates of the Cananefatian settlements after 50/70. Before these dates, no military equipment circulated in the civitas Cananefatium. If this issue is taken into account, the differences are actually quite small. In the Cananefatian area, armour is even better represented than in the Batavian area, especially plate armor, which is mostly ascribed to legionary soldiers.86 In the later 2nd and 3rd century, weapons and fragments of military (sword) belts are better represented in the Cananefatian area.

77

lished in the context of a Master’s thesis, which is avail-

78

able through the digital repository of Leiden University,

Roymans 2009, 87, Abb. 2; Roymans 2011, 144, fig. 4. Haynes 2013, 362.

79

Van Roemburg 2011, 102-103.

https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/.

80

84

81

85

82

86

Vos 2009, 203. Nicolay 2007, 74. Nicolay 2007, 81.

Van Roemburg 2011, 109-128. Van Roemburg 2011, 110, fig. 5.1 and 5.2. Van Roemburg 2011, 111.

83

Van Roemburg 2011. This important study was pub-

11

Horse gear is better represented overall in the Batavian area. This might point to horse breeding activities in this area.87 The main result from comparing the two civitates, is that the occurrence of military equipment and horse gear in the Batavian area is not as exceptional as it seems. The Batavians were not the only rural community in whose settlements these objects were found, indicating that this phenomenon might be observed in other rural areas as well. It is worth while to expand this study to other regions. In the Batavian area, houses with porticoes traditionally have been interpreted as the houses of veterans, and houses with stone foundations were connected to discharged officers from the Roman army.88 However, the portico houses do not necessarily have to be introduced by veterans. This interpretation is based on the rows of wooden posts found outside such houses, but these do not directly imply the existence of a portico. They might have been added to construct a larger attic, for instance, for storage purposes (see also section 5.5.2). Small finds that might indicate the presence of veterans were not always found in the context of these houses, arguing against the portico interpretation.89 Houses with stone buildings could have been financed by revenues from agriculture or trade. Several attempts to support the veteran model have been advanced, for example, by grouping together different indicators to identify veterans,90 or to add other types of find material, like early Roman terra sigillata.91 Nevertheless, the presence of discharged soldiers on the countryside cannot be proven sufficiently. Military equipment could have been distributed around the countryside by different mechanisms, like war booty (during the Batavian Revolt?), or by the creation of civilian militias in crisis situations.92 The occurrence of military diplomas does give at least a baseline indication that veterans were indeed present in the rural areas of the Batavi and the Cananefates. As their presence does not seem to be in great numbers, veterans were probably not the main catalysts of processes of change in the countryside. However, it is clear that the rural communities along the Lower Rhine changed during the Roman period. It is likely that these changes were instigated from within the communities, as well as being triggered by the close contact with other social groups, such as neighboring tribes, townspeople and soldiers. The Roman State was probably always present in the background, as a powerful agent orchestrating the wider social context by imposing taxes and a governmental system, as well as by focusing on other imperial interests. The theoretical concept of community,93 very helpful to grasp the development and changes within social groups, is therefore an appropriate model to study the rural groups within the Cananefatian civitas.

1.7 community Section 1.2 already explained how it is difficult to determine the identity of individuals on the basis of archaeological research. Another issue is that a person’s identity consists of numerous different elements, such as gender, age, or ethnic background; the significance and expression of these elements could vary over time and space.94 However, group identities, or the identity of communities, can be detected by archaeological research.95 The concept of community has been used in several previous archaeological case studies. An important example is the study of local communities in the first millennium BC in the southern Netherlands.The long-term development and identity of local groups was studied using a range of archaeological data collected during archaeological research at several settlements from the Bronze and Iron Age.96 This study used concepts from landscape studies and household archaeology to better define 87

Van Roemburg 2011, 111.

215.

88

93

89

94

90

95

91

96

Vos 2009, 240-251; Vos 2015, 453-454. Vos 2015, 454. Vos 2015, 455. Roymans 2011, 148-153.

92

Bakker 1993, 377; Erdrich 2004, 159; Nicolay 2007, 211-

12

Cohen 1985. Ivleva 2012, 1-8; Revell 2009, 8-9. Gerritsen 2006, 145. Gerritsen 2003.

communal identities. These concepts were studied from a long-term, diachronic perspective that emphasised social and cultural change. They demonstated that communities should be seen as rather dynamic entities, who are influenced both by the agency of its members and by external factors.97 Communities are often symbolically constructed, and symbols are used to define boundaries or the core of the community, in order to distinguish one social group from another.98 The symbols themselves may vary, but can be physically manifested and leave material traces that can be found by archaeological research. However, there is a problematic relationship between material culture and identity. As for the Cananefatian case study, there is almost no other source of information for the local community than archaeological finds and features. To overcome this problem, material culture has to be studied in a contextual way and in a diachronic perspective.99 Using the same hand-shaped pottery, the same method of house construction, and the same food practices for fifty years or more, can be seen as the symbolic building blocks of a community. Although these longer-term practices might not have been consciously experienced, the visual similiarities within these different practices may have provided a sense of belonging and unity to those who used them. A community is not a static entity, but is subject to changes due to an agent’s practices and thoughts within the community, but also due to influences from outside, by social interactions with other groups and, as for the Cananefatian community, the broader social and political developments in the Roman Empire. Processes of change that can be observed at every rural settlement of the Cananefates are indications of the presence of a shared identity of a community that was well-integrated into larger networks. The same kinds of changes occur simultaneously on different contemporary sites.100 However, such changes can cause tensions or be seen as a threat, to which communities tend to react by “...articulating a habitus that communicated a high degree of collective identity.”101 The Cananefatian community might have redefined itself in reaction to broader socio-political changes, and might have created a new symbolic core, with new symbolic boundaries, thus creating a new community. This community was large enough that nobody likely knew all its members, and was imagined.102 Still, to the people who felt they belonged to this community, it must have felt real, despite regional variances, such as different ways of house construction. The concept of community seems to be the most suitable tool to study the development and changes of the Cananefatian group identity.

1 . 8 r e s e a rc h h i s t o ry a n d s t r at e g y The most recent and comprehensive synthesis of the civitas Cananefatium and its rural inhabitants was published in 1978.103 On a theoretical level, the community of the Cananefates also played a central role in wider discussions about rural groups in the periphery of the Roman empire.104 After these publications, the region did not receive much attention for quite some time. Most publications dealing with the military settlements were written before the 1980s. Publications increased only from around the year 2000 and onwards, mainly because the Roman fort of Alphen aan den Rijn was excavated.105 A research project focusing on the Roman frontier also began at this time.106 Previous research on the Roman town in Voorburg (Forum Hadriani) was more or less synthesized by De Jonge and others in 2006, and in a PhD research project.107 Remarkably, complete new insights in this settlement were obtained at the same time because of rescue excavations on this site.108 97

103

98

104

99

105

Gerritsen 2006, 150. Cohen 1985, Wanner 2009, 159. De Clercq 2009, 35; Jones 2007, 53-55.

Bloemers 1978. Bloemers 1980; 1983. Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000; Polak et al. 2004.

100

106

101

107

102

108

De Bruin 2014a, 40. Roymans 2015, 14. Anderson 2006, 6.

Erdrich et al. 2008, 29-35. Buijtendorp 2010. Bink/Franzen 2009; Driessen/Besselsen 2014.

13

In 2006, an overview of the habitation evidence from a small part of the rural Cananefatian area was published,109 as was a detailed report about the sites in the Harnaschpolder near Delft.110 Before 2000, many excavations were only reported in brief, because there was no legal obligation to do so. However, this stimulated many archaeology students to write their theses about these sites. Other important contributions were made by amateur archaeologists, who excavated and wrote reports about the rural habitation in the Cananefatian civitas. All these actions were beneficial, but led inevitably to a fragmentation of the data, causing difficulties for anyone who wanted to get an overview of past habitation in the area. The economic prosperity in the 1990s fostered a great deal of building activities in the research area, which is the most urbanised part of the Netherlands. Together with the emergence of new heritage legislation, an archaeological market was created, and private companies were allowed to carry out archaeological research. In order to excavate, companies had to report the basic results of all excavations within two years after the end of the fieldwork. This rule became obligatory after 2007, when the Valetta convention was implemented into Dutch heritage legislation. This led to an influx of mostly superficial reports, that were difficult to access or synthesize. Information became increasingly more dispersed and fragmented, and it was feared, that a ‘report cemetery’ would emerge. The efforts of the staff of DANS EASY (an online repository of archaeological reports) to digitize these reports have been the most important action in opening up these sources of information. The start of the present research was to collect all publications, student theses and unpublished data. Basic excavation reports, written by various archaeological companies, could be collected from DANS EASY. Some municipal archaeological services (mainly from The Hague and Delft) published more than average reports; it is thanks to them that the last decade has seen an increase in knowledge regarding the Cananefatian community. Another important resource were some inventories of material culture that were not published in any form: Marijke Brouwer wrote an inventory of all wheel thrown pottery found within the Province of Zuid-Holland until 1990; Lourens van der Feijst and Stijn Heeren made an inventory of Roman period brooches. Coin finds, mainly collected by amateur detectorists, were identified using Numis, an online database of coins, of De Nederlandsche Bank (the Dutch National Bank). The author of this work has been studying a vast body of ceramics from 1998 onwards. In some cases, older material was studied again. New finds were analysed if necessary, but to a limited degree. The collection of data ended on January 1st, 2015, although some exceptions were made, like the publication about the important site of Naaldwijk-Mars;111 the synthesis about the military vicus in Ockenburgh in The Hague;112 and the study of brooches from the Netherlands and the immediate surroundings.113

1.9 structure of the text After the introduction and the discussion of relevant theoretical concepts (chapter one), two elements are discussed in the second chapter: the natural landscape and the location of the Roman period settlements. The natural landscape was a key factor in affecting settlement choices. Due to the vicinity of the sea and the wetland character of the majority of the area, the possibilities for use by man were limited, but these challenges also provided opportunities for shipping, trade, fishing, and the collection of salt. By describing the dynamics of the landscape, as well as the location and chronology of the different settlement types, insight can be obtained into the dwelling patterns of the different communities. The chapter ends with a discussion of the administrative division of the civitas Cananefatium, and the borders of the Roman province Germania Inferior. Chapters three, four, and five deal with the archaeological remains of 109

112

110

113

Van Londen 2006a. Goossens 2006a.

111

Leijnse et al. 2015.

14

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015a. Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017.

the three communities in the research area, as introduced in sections 1.2 and 1.3. In chapter three, the military communities are presented, those situated in the Frontier zone along the Lower Rhine, and those along the North Sea coast. Chapter four deals with the civil roads and the Roman town in Voorburg, and chapter five provides insight into rural habitation. In chapter six, a spatial and diachronic overview of habitation in the area is presented. This chapter discusses the relevant archaeological data collected in chapters three, four, and five. It ends by comparing this material with other, well-researched regions in Northwestern Europe and with broader developments in the north-western part of the Roman Empire. Finally, in chapter seven, the conclusions are formulated.

15

2.

Landscape and habitation

The habitation of the research area had been heavily influenced by the dynamic natural landscape. This chapter presents the formation and morphology of the landscape, as well as the activities (in particular habitation) that took place there. Previous research into the landscape of the Cananefatian region in the Roman period only focused on sub-sections, usually within (regional) archaeological research projects.114 The requirement for municipalities to make archaeological policy maps led to a renewed research into the local geology in some cases.115 At a larger perspective, new attention was given to the development of the broader landscape.116 A new palaeogeographical map of the research area in Roman times has been made (fig. 2.1) on the basis of all these sources. Based on this map, the different landscape units will be described (section 2.3). Also relevant to this discussion are the erosive processes that took place after Roman times. These will be discussed in section 2.5. The second part of this chapter (sections 2.6-2.8) will deal with the settlements and their location in the landscape.

2 . 1 b r i e f g e o l o g i c a l h i s t o r y o f t h e a r e a f r o m the iron age to the beginning of the roman p e r i o d 117 At the beginning of the Iron Age, around 800 BC, the coastline of the research area was closed off by a series of beach ridges that had formed already since 3850 BC.118 Together with the blockage of the estuaries, the draining of the land lying behind these ridges stagnated, bringing about the growth of peat. Saltmarshes only occurred near the mouths of the Lower Rhine and Meuse rivers. Sphagnum peat domes were formed in the bog areas between these river systems, which often were several meters in height. Reed and sedge peat occurred along the edges of the bog area, near the tidal basins. From 800-600 BC the tidal inlet system of the Gantel formed, which supplied salt water far inland starting from the mouth of the Meuse.119 Other tidal inlets, such as the Lier and Schie near the Meuse estuary, were probably created in the same period. These tidal inlets enabled the bogs to drain further, resulting in a lower ground level. The inlets were thus given more space to further clear the bog area and to deposit clay sediments. Especially around the mouth of the Meuse, this process created large salt marsh areas, which were transected by tidal inlets and their numerous tributary creeks and narrow channels. A part of the beach ridges was washed away in this area. At the end of the Iron Age only the higher-lying peat domes were left of the bog. No large salt marshes were formed in the surroundings of the mouth of the Lower Rhine in this period. This was probably because the Lower Rhine outlet in the research area remained the largest Rhine branch. However, other branches were formed in this period for discharging the waters of the Rhine,

114

Bult et al. 2006; Van Dinter 2013, 11-32; Vos/Eijskoot 2011, 69-146; Zuidhoff et al. 2006, 79-96.

et al. 2002. 117

The information in this section is based on Theunissen et

115

Kerkhof et al. 2010; Van Meerten/Bult 2004, 1-8; Vos et al. 2007a.

116

De Groot et al. 2011, 62-65; IJsselstijn/Van Mil 2016;Vos

al. 2011, 58-61. 118

Peeters et al. 2011, 46.

119

Bulten 2009, 25; Kooistra 2014a, 32-33.

17

North Sea Lower Rhine

H el

Hollandsche IJssel

ini

u

m

0

10 km

Fig. 2.1. Palaeogeographical map of the research area, with a reconstruction of the ancient watercourses. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies, rivers and the North Sea), light yellow are the coastal barriers and other sandy soils, dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. Important waternames are indicated.

such as the Hollandsche IJssel, which joined the sea via the mouth of the Meuse. Further upstream, near Lobith, the river Waal also became more important for discharging the Rhine; this river also flowed into the sea via the mouth of the Meuse. Due to the relatively high deposition of sediment via the Lower Rhine outlet in the research area, the sea was given limited opportunity to break into the area of the mouth of the Lower Rhine. The activities of the Gantel system seem to extend to the period around the beginning of the first millennium AD. Due to the silting up of the salt marshes, the area gained in elevation, and consequently obstructed the tidal channels from expanding further. The channels in turn silted up and the natural landscape became a freshwater environment. At the beginning of the Roman period the environment in the surroundings of the tidal channels was probably still brackish. The tidal channels could occasionally still trasnport sea water, for instance during tidal floods. On the other hand, the tidal channels now also discharged fresh water in the direction of the sea.

18

2.2 the landscape according to historical sources Various classical authors decribed the landscape of the research area. The names of the two most important rivers, the R(h)enus (Rhine or Lower Rhine)120 and the Mosa (Meuse)121 are known. The relatively wide estuary of the Meuse was called the Helinium or Os Immensium (immense mouth).122 However, the name Helinium could also refer to the entire estuary of the Meuse and Scheldt.123 Yet, this interpretation is contradicted by the settlement Flenio, known from the Medieval Peutinger map, of which Brunsting supposed on good grounds that the name was originally Helinio; this place was located south of Voorburg (Forum Hadriani), in the surroundings of the Meuse estuary.124 The area between the Rhine and the Meuse was regarded as an island, that started near Nijmegen and continued up to the North Sea, and was inhabited by the Batavians and Cananefatians.125 The coastal landscape in the wider region around the research area also created the impression with the Roman authors of an archipelago.126 The sea was indicated as the Oceanus Germanicus by Pliny the Elder.127 His descriptions are probably pretty accurate for the end of the first half of the 1st century, as he was present in the area under Domitius Corbulo.128

2 . 3 t h e l a n d s c a p e a c c o r d i n g t o g e o l o g i c a l a n d archaeological sources In the Roman period, the landscape can be largely characterised as a wetland, with the exception of the beach ridge area along the coast that was more elevated. To the north, the research area was bounded by the river delta of the Lower Rhine; the southern part was bounded by the Meuse and Waal estuary, which will simply be called Helinium. Different landscape zones can be distinguished within these boundaries. The eastern boundary is formed by the Hollandsche IJssel, although this river probably didn’t exist in the 1st and 2nd century.129 The central and eastern part of the research area consists of a peat area, whereas a large sea-clay area is present in the south-west. A brief characterisation will be given below of each landscape zone. The southwest of the research area had good conditions for habitation and a great deal of archaeological research has been carried out here. So, the description of this zone will be more extensive than that of the other landscapes. The Lower Rhine entered the research area in the east, where the river was about forty to eighty meters wide and had a depth between four and six meters.130 More towards the west, the river split into two channels that regularly crossed each other. In the vicinity of the coast, the Lower Rhine widened to a funnel-shaped estuary with a maximum width of two and a half kilometers. The estuary of the river had channels separated by sandbanks. There were salt marshes along the banks. The alluvial ridge of the Lower Rhine, consisting of sand and sandy clay, formed a relatively narrow corridor of higher ground levels in this predominantly wetland area and was suitable for habitation. This corridor had a width of about two kilometers in the eastern part of the research area, while the width was about eight hundred meters in the central part. Thereafter this zone widened again. River floods regularly broke through the natural levees along the Lower Rhine, creating so-called crevasse channels (breakthrough channels). Sandy sediments were deposited around these channels, form120

127

121

128

Pliny, N.H. 4.101; Tacitus, Ann. 2.6. Caesar, BG 6.31; 6.34; Cassius Dio 44.42.

Ptolemy, Geogr. 2.2.1. Buijtendorp 2006a, 63-64; Galestin 2008, 689; Polak/

122

Pliny, N.H. 4.101; Tacitus, Ann. 2.6.

Kooistra 2013, 388.

123

129

124

130

Bloemers 1978, 79. Brunsting 1936, 291-292.

125

Pliny, N.H. 4.101; Tacitus, Hist. 4.15.

 Pierik et al. 2018. The description of the Lower Rhine delta is taken from Van Dinter 2013, 16-19.

126

Caesar, BG 6.31-6.34; Pliny, N.H. 4.101; 4.106.

19

ing areas of a higher elevation behind the natural levees, offering good conditions for habitation. The floods also promoted the formation of small natural levees along the tributary channels and small bog rivers further upstream. In the surroundings of the Lower Rhine estuary, salt and fresh water conditions alternated, depending on the tides, storms, and the discharge of river water.The influence of the salt water reached about fifteen kilometers inland. At high tide the drainage of the Lower Rhine was blocked, creating so-called perimarine crevasses, which were often smaller than those formed by river flooding. These perimarine crevasses occur up to the eastern edge of the research area, which leads to the assumption that the tidal activities exerted an influence from the Lower Rhine estuary up to this point. The resulting deposits also formed a good substratum for habitation. The alluvial ridge of the Lower Rhine was one to one and a half meters above the water level and was initially covered by a forest. It had mainly disappeared by around 70, probably due to large-scale felling for the construction of various Roman military structures in this area.131 Behind this alluvial ridge were flood basins consisting of clay soils, where there were grasslands and open water. Particularly in the western part of the stream area of the Lower Rhine, these flood basins existed on a large scale, and were transected by various channels and creeks. The flood basins were not suitable for habitation but did support the grazing of cattle. At the transition zone between the flood basins and the bog area lying behind it were extensive fen woodlands, where the surface level was regularly under water. These woodlands were not present in the surrounding areas where salt water could occur; in its place were marshes, mainly consisting of sedges. Due to the decrease of nutrient-rich water further from the river, the bog area initially consisted of reed and sedge peat, while behind it were nutrient-poor peat marshes. These marshes, which can be characterised as peat domes, had an area of a few kilometers and extended about four to five meters above the surrounding area. Given the mainly acidic conditions, few trees grew there.132 Various small streams and bog rivers drained the peat domes. These bog rivers came together north of the Lower Rhine and formed a network of waterways, which linked the Lower Rhine to the Vecht river to the north. Given the presence of marsh woods to the south, it can be assumed that a network of small rivers also existed here, and that there was a connection between the Lower Rhine and the small streams that later became the Hollandsche IJssel. Such connections are lacking near the estuary of the Lower Rhine; this was possibly a reason for digging the Corbulo Canal (section 3.4.1). Several lakes in the peat area did drain into the Lower Rhine via a small river. Although this area was systematically excavated for peat extraction from the late Middle Ages onwards, there are hardly any archaeological finds known from Roman times.133 There was apparently no habitation in these bogs. Around 50, the Hollandsche IJssel started to form along the eastern boundary of the research area. Hardly any findspots from Roman times are known along the upstream course of this river, which adds another argument for the relatively late formation of this river channel.134 In the south, the Meuse and Waal rivers merged closer to the coast. From here on, the river courses formed an estuary that could have been over ten kilometers wide at the mouth, the so-called Helinium. Due to post-Roman erosion, little is known about the nature and extent of the riverbank deposits along the Helinium and Meuse. Yet, it is clear that the area near the Helinium was a fresh-water tidal area in Roman times, with incidental brackish water influences.135 This means that the beginning of the estuary was located further to the west. Like the estuary of the Lower Rhine, the estuary of the Meuse consisted of several channels and sandbanks, with salt marshes along its banks. The proximity of salty marshes is known for the sites of NaaldwijkHoogwerf and Naaldwijk-Zandheultje;136 both settlements were located near the Meuse estuary.

131

135

132

136

Kooistra et al. 2013, 11-12. Zuidhoff et al. 2006, 92.

133

Kok 2004, 48-63.

134

Pierik et al. 2018.

20

Goossens/Van Zon 2015, 123; Vos/Eijskoot 2011, 145. Kuijper 2012, 514; Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 163. See also section 5.5.2.

Prior to or around the beginning of the first millennium AD, the coastal barrier of Naaldwijk formed along the northern bank of the Helinium. This ridge is an elongated body of sand, situated along an estuary that was created by the influence of the wind. The formation of the coastal barrier in Naaldwijk could be studied during archaeological research between 2004-2008.137 The sand level of the coastal barrier rose one to one and a half meters above the surrounding area,138 and was thus very suitable for habitation. From the beginning of the Roman period, a second coastal barrier probably formed in front of the Naaldwijk coastal barrier. This second coastal barrier made the Meuse estuary narrower and hampered the drainage of the Gantel system, which flowed into the Meuse estuary north of the Naaldwijk coastal barrier. This reduction in drainage likely provoked the creation of a new drainage canal, which drained south of the Naaldwijk coastal barrier. Perhaps this watercourse was (partially) dug out and formed a part of the Corbulo Canal (section 3.4.1). Nevertheless, this new channel improved the drainage of the hinterland. It is quite possible that this human intervention in local hydrodynamics allowed this area became habitable from the middle of the 1st century onwards.139 To the north of the Naaldwijk coastal barrier was an extensive area of marine clay deposits. This area is characterised by the occurrence of (fossil) creek systems, mudflats, and salt marshes.The latter two kinds of deposits are also known as flood basins. The creek sediments contained relatively much sand or very silty clay. These sediments were calcareous and contained enough oxygen for them to be used as arable land. Thanks to further (natural or human) draining, the soil subsided here less than in the clay-on-bog area, producing very suitable locations for habitation. Further away from the channel sediments, the soil became more and more clayey. Where the clay sediments reached the edge of the bog, water percolated from the higher lying peat cushion down to the clayey backswamp area. These areas were therefore very wet140 and were drained by ditches in Roman times. The landscape consisted of alternating open woods and bushes, which mainly occurred on natural levees, as well as a relatively open grass landscape in the backswamps. Grass lands were nonetheless the dominant type of landscape,141 and were very suitable for keeping livestock. The Gantel channel system present in the area is formed by a wide channel with a number of tributaries. Further inland, the main channel split into several branches. Four branches turned southwards, whereas a fifth channel branched off towards the north. This latter channel was possibly used to construct the Corbulo Canal (section 3.4.1). Excavations in Voorburg, near the Roman city of Forum Hadriani, seem to show that the activities of this Gantel channel extended up to there.142 On the basis of geological data, the sediments of this channel continued further up to the north. An investigation of the channel sediments of the Gantel system indicates that it experienced very complex forces of ever shifting channels, creeks, and narrow channels. When this area became dry land at the beginning of the Roman period, many of these watercourses were still visible as remnants of channels and depressions in the landscape. Initially it still contained brackish water, but after some time the environment became fresh.143 Other examples of channels in this area are the tidal inlets of the Lier, the Vlaarding, and the Schie, which also flowed to north from the Meuse river. These creek systems were relatively limited in size, but they left behind thin clayey deposits covering the surrounding bog area. The natural levees of the main channel and tributary creeks of these systems offered good locations for habitation. The upper reaches of the Schie system run through a clay-on-bog area, though peat also surfaced here. At the time of the formation of the Schie system, this area was probably relatively high-lying and was drained relatively quickly by the Schie, resulting in the subsidence of the land at the time of habitation. This process can be clearly

137

Bult et al. 2006, 36-49; De Boer 2008, 17-19; Hamburg 2012, 23-26.

140

Kooistra 2006, 409.

141

Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 162-163.

138

142

139

143

Goossens 2012, 27, fig. 5.1. Bulten/Siemons 2014, 556.

Kooistra 2014b, 46. Kooistra 2006, 410.

21

followed at the settlement of Schiedam-Polderweg (section 5.5.1). Whereas the oldest buildings were still at the edge of the bog area, later houses sought locations upon the clayey natural levee. It is also possible that the subsidence was caused by human drainage measures (section 5.5.1). Subsidence and flooding in this freshwater tidal area have also been shown at the settlement of Rotterdam-Overschie, which was located on a peat cushion and existed for a maximum of 75 years.144 The Schie system makes contact in the north with one of the branches of the Gantel system. These channels were probably navigable during the Roman period;145 together with the Corbulo Canal they formed a network of waterways through the sea-clay area. Water in the Schie system was influenced by the tides but was mainly fresh,146 while water in the Corbulo Canal was mainly brackish, as is shown from excavations of the channel itself147 and in the port in Voorburg. The brackish water probably ended up in the area after travelling up from the mouth of the Meuse.148 Open channels connected with the Meuse estuary also existed in the surrounding area. This statement is based on indications of salt production or refining identified at one of the rural settlements in this region (see also section 5.9.9).149 An excavation carried out at another rural settlement has shown that a flood took place in the region around 130 and that it left behind a 40 cm thick layer of clay.150 Apparently, there were still a few channels active in this area. Less well known is the Lier system, although several roof tile stamps of the Classis Germanica were found near its probable mouth (section 3.6.5).151 Indications have also been found here of the production or refining of salt (section 5.9.9).These activities could indicate that the Lier system also carried water during Roman times, and that it was connected to the estuary of the Meuse. There are also indications in the marine-clay area for the supply of salt or brackish water during Roman times.152 In the marine-clay area there are also some peat domes, which are the remnants of an earlier bog area that was eroded by the sea in the Iron Age. However, in large parts of this area, the bog was covered by a layer of clay (the Gantel layer), whose thickness varied between 10 cm and more than 2 m. In the latter case, a large part of the top of the peat layer was washed away by the activities of the Gantel system. A settlement was found on one of the peat domes.153 It is noticeable that the inhabitants of this settlement had to raise their dwelling places over time. This implies that this peat dome became increasingly more wet. This was possibly caused by the parcellation of the surrounding clay area, which accelerated the draining of the bog area. It is possible that not all peat domes were inhabited.154 It should be noted that this bog area was largely dug out for peat from the late Middle Ages onwards. In other peat or clay-onbog areas there are also indications that (parts of) the settlements were raised during the Roman period (section 5.5.1). Beach ridges occur along the coast. A beach ridge is an elongated ridge, usually of sand, that runs more or less parallel to the coast. Beach ridges are formed by the current and surf of the sea which agglomerates the sand.155 Low dunes (up to about 4 m high) had formed onto the beach ridges. In addition, the area contained damp soils (the so-called dune valleys), where there are both bog areas and small dune lakes. At the higher parts, the vegetation consisted of a relatively open landscape with bushes that were suitable for agriculture.156 Other parts of the beach ridges had an acidic soil, supporting the development of deciduous woods,157 containing species such as oak, ash, juniper, alder, willow and hazel, and 144

151

145

152

Goossens/Van Zon 2015, 122-126. Bult 1996, 10; Modderman 1975, 150;Van Londen 1996, 13.

De Bruin 2012, 152, table 2. Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 163.

153

Van Londen 2006a, 142-161.

146

154

147

155

148

156

149

157

Van Zon 2015, 60. De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2008, 28. Kooistra 2014b, 46. Besselsen 2004, 30.

150

Rieffe 2014, 17.

22

Kooistra 2006, 418. Vos et al. 2011, 89. Kooistra 2008, 67. Kooistra 2014a, 45.

Fig. 2.2. Intact layers and a Roman stone wall under a greenhouse in Poeldijk. Photo Westlands Museum.

dune thickets.158 Between the beach ridges are beach plains, consisting of marsh woods and reed-sedge marshes, and sometimes also peat marshes.159 Small lakes sometimes occur there too.Yet, the beach plains were also regularly covered by drifting sand, which would have minimised the difference between the beach plains and the surrounding beach ridges. Dune formation could occasionally take place in the beach plains. This seems to be the case at the site of Scheveningseweg.160 An important element was the relatively high and dry position of the beach ridge area. This substratum provided a stable soil for both settlements and roads. Sand drifts in this area were mainly caused by felling trees and using the beach ridge area for pasture and agriculture.161

2.4 the ‘woudgronden’ (‘forest soils’) An interesting pedological phenomenon exists in the deposition area of the Gantel. Van Liere surveyed an extensive vegetation horizon in 1948, and named it the ‘Woudgronden’ (Forest soils).162 Micromorphological investigations of this layer showed that it is not an oxidised peat layer, but “... a layer of weak sandy clay that can have been deposited here originally in a natural way.”163 Moreover, this layer contained rather a lot of evidence of human activities. This is undoubtedly the case because the analysed sample was taken from a context next to a settlement. So, this is a find layer or arable layer and not the natural vegetation horizon as interpreted by Van Liere. Recent research reveals that this layer is the remainder of 158

161

159

162

160

163

Van Beurden et al. 2015, 375-376. Van Dinter 2013, 18. Waasdorp 1999, 11-12.

Van Zijverden 2008, 49; Waasdorp 1999, 14. Van Liere 1948, 24, 38-39, 48, 65-66. Exaltus 2009, 210.

23

a peat layer that formed due to the stagnation of the water discharged from the hinterland to the sea.164 The landscape possibly became more wet in the course of the 2nd and 3rd centuries due to the silting up of the drainage channels, and the concomitant stagnating discharge of the parcellation system dug in the area. These processes caused the landscape to drown in a freshwater environment, which in turn led to peat formation. Although the date and extent of this process is not fully known yet, these changing environmental conditions could be one of the causes for the reduction in the size of the habitation in this area at the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century.

2.5 post-roman erosion and disturbances After the Roman period, the landscape underwent several changes. Firstly, parts of the area along the Lower Rhine were eroded by the river, though the river did not meander much after the Roman period.165 Along the Meuse, parts of the banks were washed away by the rivers and the sea, as were areas along its tributaries.166 An important part of the beach-ridge area was eroded by the sea after the Roman period. For instance, in Roman times the coastline in the vicinity of the mouth of the Lower Rhine extended about 400 m further than the present-day coast.167 Around 1000, the westernmost beach ridges were largely covered by a layer of drift sand several meters in thickness, which are the present-day dunes along the coast. In the southern part of the research area, in the surroundings of the Meuse estuary, is a covering layer of clay deposited in the late Middles Ages. In many cases this clay layer covered the Roman landscape, although parts could also have been eroded by the creeks and channels that were created by this new phase of sedimentation. By far the greatest disturbance to the natural landscape was caused by human intervention. In Medieval and later periods, extensive areas along the Lower Rhine were dug up for clay extraction for the brick industry. The beach ridges were also dug out on a large scale for sand extraction, which was used to raise the ground level in cities and horticultural land (the so-called shipped-up (elevated) soils).168 These ground level raisings also covered large parts of the Roman landscape. The clay layers from the Medieval period and the shipped-up soils provided a good deal of protection of the surface levels from the Roman period. On the other hand, there is also less known about the habitation in Roman times, which has been made more difficult by the building of green houses across the research area (fig. 2.2). Reclamation from the beginning of the first millennium led to large-scale subsidence in the bog areas, causing a loss of the original relief of these areas.169 Finally, large-scale peat extraction led to the disappearance of the bog areas in the central and eastern parts of the research area. Due to the increasing urbanisation and industrialisation of the research area from the late 19th century onwards, large areas were covered by housing districts and industrial estates. Thus, large areas were covered or were dug out to a great depth. Levelling activities in the 20th century sliced the top levels of many settlement sites from the Roman period. So both natural processes and human interventions have eroded and disturbed the Roman landscape. On the other hand, because of the generally high groundwater level and characteristics of the underlying geology such as peat and clay, archaeological remains are often relatively well preserved. Therefore, the research area has great potential in the field of researching organic material.170

164

Jongma 2010, 19; Vos 2015, 281 and proposition 4; Vos/ Eijskoot 2011, 78, fig. 3.4f, 145.

167

Van Dinter 2013, 18, with references.

168

Van Liere 1948, 25-26, 31.

165

169

166

170

Van Dinter 2013, 15, with references. Carmiggelt/Guiran 1997, 83.

24

Van Dinter 2013, 15. Van Dinter 2013, 11-12.

2.6 perception of the landscape In general, this is a wet landscape (wetland). There were many watercourses present, such as the rivers the Lower Rhine, and Meuse, and their many tributaries and creeks. The presence of lakes, submerged depressions, and flood basins in the landscape also would have contributed to the experience of a wet environment. The estuaries of the Lower Rhine and Meuse had the appearance of a mudflat area, while the sea was only a short distance away. The beach ridge area also had areas with marshes, bogs, and small lakes. Finally, there was an extensive bog area in the center and along the eastern boundary of the research area that was not inhabited, as supported by the lack of archaeological finds from Roman times; there was possibly even limited access across this area. Floods and storm surges would have contributed to the ‘wet’ perception of the area. In the western part of the research area, the water in the various watercourses would have been mainly brackish or saline, with fresh water more present in the east. However, the influence of sea tides would have been noticeable up to the eastern boundary of the research area. The many watercourses made the area easily navigable by vessels with a shallow draught, as many channels and creeks were rather shallow. The watercourses should therefore not be seen as barriers but as transport and communication lines, for people and for transport of animals and goods. Between the wet zones there were only a few places of dry land that had favourable conditions for habitation. These were the natural levees of the large rivers and creek systems. In particular, the banks of large rivers formed a kind of corridor through the wet environments of the central and eastern parts of the research area. The Lower Rhine corridor was bounded to the north and south by zones of marshes and flood basins. These limits created a kind of isolated zone that could only be reached by water, from the Lower Rhine via the tributaries and bog rivers. This would have somewhat impeded the interaction between the inhabitants along the Lower Rhine and communities situated further to the north and south. The same situation applied to the beach ridges and the marine-clay areas in the south-west of the research area. The large bog area here was a natural barrier between the coast and the river area. As a result, human interaction with more eastern regions would have been possible mainly via water. The beach ridges themselves were the highest lying parts of the landscape and would have made a relatively dry impression on the area’s inhabitants. Moreover, these were the only areas that stayed dry from storm surges and river floods, and where there was a continuous deciduous forest at some places. The landscape was otherwise open nearly everywhere, with only some occasional bushes and trees. However, mainly grass land occurred there, as a result of which there was an unimpeded view of the horizon. Another aspect of this open landscape was the dominant presence of the canopy of the sky. It is in this perspective not surprising that among the few dedications to Roman gods known from the Roman town in Voorburg, those to Jupiter occur most often.171 Jupiter was amongst others the god of the sky and thunder.172 Jupiter also seems to have been an important deity for the ala I Cananefatium.173

2.7 the settlements Settlement areas or sites can be defined as: “…places where artifacts, features, structures, and organic and environmental remains are found together.”174 Different criteria have been formulated in the past for archaeologically recognising a settlement area. Wouter Vos considers an area to be a settlement if there is a relatively large number of finds of a different nature (with a lower limit of ten pieces), the presence of a cultural layer, old habitation levels, or patches of phosphate.175 According to Vos, the way in which 171

174

172

175

Bink/Franzen 2009, 251-253; Hees 2006b, 343-347. Hornblower et al. 2012.

Renfrew/Bahn 1991/2012, 50. Vos 2009, 21.

173

Bink/Franzen 2009, 252-253.

25

0

10 km

Fig. 2.3. Settlements in the research area, plotted onto the palaeogeographical reconstruction. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies, rivers, and the North Sea), light yellow are the coastal barriers and other sandy soils, dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. The square symbols are military settlements, the large circle is the Roman town and the red dots are rural settlements.

observations of a possible settlement area have been collected can play a role in identifying sites, such as the distance between find spots.176 One problem with having a relatively small number of finds as a criterion for allocating settlement areas is the displacement of soil after Roman times. This issue is shown by the case of a site at which twenty-five sherds were collected from the surface during a field survey:177 in the end it was realized that the surface soil had been transported from the surroundings.178 A limited number of sherds is therefore not a direct criterion for determining the location of a settlement area. However, larger concentrations of find material can indicate the actual presence of habitation from the Roman period. Little to no find material has been found outside settlement areas in the south-western marine-clay area. However, if the findspot has not been excavated, it is not possible to determine the character of the settlement. 176

Vos 2009, 21.

177

Bult/De Bruin 2006, 46, appendix 2.

26

178

Bult/De Bruin 2006, 33; De Bruin et al. 2010, 24.

To solve this issue, settlements were classified as locations where find material occurs (in particular pottery) in conjunction with features from the Roman period. This approach follows Renfrew and Bahn’s definition of the concept of a site.179 The database of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands was used as the basis for identifying settlement areas in the research area. Existing errors present in this system have already been discussed by Vos.180 In the first instance, all reports of finds and observations of a Roman nature were plotted onto a general map. Next, this map was analysed by using policy documents formulated by various local authorities in the framework of the New Monuments Act, in which the Treaty of Malta has been implemented.181 Use was also made of archaeological reports that had been published recently. These data were also placed alongside maps of Van Liere, who also documented many Roman settlement sites during his investigation into the soil composition of the marine-clay area.182 Finally, the observations from the database of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands were supplemented by the knowledge acquired by the author between 1998-2016. The resulting picture of the settlement distribution could be somewhat distorted, for instance, due to erosion or the covering of the Roman landscape (see section 2.5). On the basis of the above criteria, 191 settlement sites were identified from the Roman period in the research area (fig. 2.3; see also appendix 1 and map 1 and 2). Classification of the settlements Several past researchers have made classifications of the sites studied by them.183 In the framework of this research, such a classification for the research area is not very meaningful. A distinction is made between military settlements, the Roman city, and rural sites (table 2.1; fig. 2.3). The extra-mural settlements near the Roman forts along the Lower Rhine, the so-called vici, are also considered as military settlements. The majority of the settlement areas are rural. This category comprises the rural settlements along the Lower Rhine (i.e. within the military zone), and the settlements in the southern part of the research area. A further discussion and breakdown of these categories are described in chapters three, four, and five. Nature of the settlement Military City

Number

Percentage

18

9.4%

1

0.5%

Rural

172

90.1%

Total

191

100%

Table 2.1. Numbers of military settlements, the Roman city, and rural settlements in the research area.

Distribution of the settlements Most of the 191 settlements are in the south-western clay area (fig. 2.4). Settlements cluster here on the natural levees, both in the vicinity of the Gantel system and in the Schiedam region. Sites occur at distances of 100 to 500 meters from each other. Some of the settlements in this area form a noticeably linear pattern.Van Liere supposed there to be a Roman road already in 1948.184 This road was first attested archaeologically in 1997.185 It is possible that there was a navigable channel (as part of the Corbulo Canal) to the south of this road.186 Here the settlements seem to be oriented towards the Roman road, though a connection with the channel cannot be excluded.

179

183

180

184

181

185

182

186

Renfrew/Bahn 1991/2012, 50. Vos 2009, 21-22. For example Kerkhof 2012; Kerkhof et al. 2010.

Van Liere 1948.

Vos 2009, 36; Willems 1981, 91. Van Liere 1948, 15-16. Waasdorp 2003, 9-11. Waasdorp 2003, 48-49.

27

Fig. 2.4. Places in the research area identified on the Peutinger map. Image: Österreichische Nationalbibliothek/Vienna Codex 324, segment 1 (section).

Along the banks of the Lower Rhine and along its tributary channels there is also a cluster of sites. The majority of the settlements in this area are military sites, though also a few rural settlements do occur (see section 3.5). The population along the Lower Rhine was mainly concentrated in a few large settlements in the vicinity of the Roman fortresses. It is remarkable that few settlements are known in the beach ridge zone in the western part of the research area, given the fact that the highest grounds were in this area.Yet, the Roman city of Forum Hadriani did in fact lie in this area. Disturbances after the Roman period possibly can be blamed for the minimal preservation of the many remnants of habitation in the beach ridge zone. As mentioned above, large parts of this landscape were covered by dunes after the Roman period. On the other hand, it is also possible that this area was deliberately kept free of habitation. Another remarkably empty area is the banks of the Hollandsche IJssel. In view of the importance of this river for shipping, the absence of habitation here is difficult to explain. Perhaps the natural conditions were so poor that habitation was not possible. The bog area in the center and east of the research area was also uninhabited (section 2.3). Names of the settlements according to the classical sources The names of the Roman fortresses along the Lower Rhine are mentioned on the Peutinger map (fig. 2.4).Valkenburg was called Praetorium Agrippinae, Leiden-Roomburg was Matilo(ne), Alphen aan den Rijn was Albaniana, Zwammerdam was Nigrum Pullum, and Woerden was called Laur(i)um. No Roman name is known for the fort at Bodegraven. The Roman names of Alphen aan den Rijn (Albaniana), and Katwijk are also mentioned in the Itinerarium Antonini.187 As many as three names have passed down for Katwijk; Lugdunum (on the Peutinger map), Lugdunum Batavorum (by Ptolemaeus),188 and caput germaniarum (finishing point of the Germanic provinces).189 The names of the settlements in Voorburg and Naaldwijk are also known from the Peutinger map.Voorburg was called Forum Hadriani (on the Peutinger map Foro Adriani). The name of this place is also known from a sarcophagus from Környe (Hungary),190 whose inscription dates between 170-250.191 On the milestones found in the Wateringse Veld in The Hague, the place is called Municipium Aelium Cananefat(i)um (see section 4.1.1). The probable name of Naaldwijk is the one mentioned on the Peutinger map as Flenio. Brunsting made a reasonable case that this name should be read as Helinio, named after the Helinium, the same name as that of the Meuse estuary that was located directly south of Naaldwijk.192 187

190

188

191

189

192

Cuntz 1929/1990 (eds), Itineraria Romana, 56. Ptolemy, Geogr. 2.9.1; 2.9.2.  Cuntz 1929/1990 (Eds), Itineraria Romana, 56; Van Es 1981, 106.

28

CIL III, 4279. Waasdorp 2006, 91. Brunsting 1936, 289-304.

2 . 8 a d m i n i s t r at i v e d i v i s i o n o f t h e a r e a The civitas Cananefatium was part of the Roman province of Germania Inferior. The northern and eastern boundaries of this province were formed by the river Rhine, up to the small stream of the Vinxtbach in Germany. Here three altars were found, dedicated to the gods of the boundaries.193 Apparently, the Vinxtbach formed the border between Germania Inferior and Germania Superior. Likely, the large civitas Tungrorum (this area was located in the south of the Netherlands and comprissing a large part of interior Belgium) was part of Germania Inferior.194 To the west, the river Scheldt formed the boundary of the province, until this river drained into the North Sea.195 The boundaries of the civitas Cananefatium are not attested in archaeological or epigraphic sources. However, it can be assumed that the Lower Rhine was the northern boundary of the civitas. The large peat area in the east forms a distinct natural barrier between the Cananefatian civitas and the more eastward lying Dutch River Area, which was part of the civitas Batavorum. The location of the civitas’ border along the Lower Rhine is unknown. Wouter Vos assumes that the area around the Roman fortress of Utrecht was the border between the civitates of the Cananefatians and Batavians.196 Yet, in this study, the area around the fort in Woerden was chosen as the eastern boundary, because this is the area where the riverine sediments begin to broaden to the east. The peat area surrounding the later Hollandsche IJssel river and the Meuse river, and the latter’s large estuary (the Helinium), probably formed the natural southern barriers of the civitas. The North Sea formed the western boundary. Now that the landscape has been outlined and some general aspects of the settlements in the civitas Cananefatium have been introduced, the following chapters discuss the archaeological remains of the various communities in the area.

193

 CIL XIII, 07713, 07731, 07732.

194

Roymans/Derks 2015, 29, with references.

saet-Charlier 2014, 220. 196

Vos 2009, 28.

195

De Clercq 2009, 17; Derks 2014a, 217; Raepsaet/Raep-

29

3.

t h e ro m a n m i l i ta ry co m m u n i ty

Along the Lower Rhine, on the northern side of the civitas Cananefatium, lay the northern boundary of the Roman Empire. This boundary consisted of a chain of forts, smaller fortifications, and watchtowers, as well as civilian settlements and military infrastructure. This chain of Roman military structures has been defined by modern scholars using the Latin term limes. Between the 1st to the 3rd centuries, the concept of limes indicated a defined border of the Roman Empire, without referring explicitly to military structures. Only in the 4th century did the term mean a border area that was under the command of an army chief.197 Although the word limes is sensu stricto not a term from Roman times, it will be employed here within Whittaker’s definition: “…a region within which military buildings were constructed both in advance of and behind the line of administered frontiers.”198 The research area was within a sector of these limes, containing no fewer than seven forts. On the western side of the research area, along the North Sea and the Helinium, was also a zone of military installations that were part of the coastal defences. These installations were located on the beach ridges and the coastal barrier of Naaldwijk. In addition to the (small) fortifications, civil settlements also developed here. All these settlements were inhabited by the Roman military community. Within these communities were not only Roman soldiers, but also civilians who lived in the vicinity of the encampments. Along the Lower Rhine, this community also included inhabitants of rural settlements, so we are dealing here with a heterogeneous group of people. This chapter first presents a brief review of the creation, functioning, and cessation of the military occupation along the Lower Rhine. It is followed by a discussion of the structures built by the Roman military communities along the Lower Rhine and elsewhere in the area (table 3.1 and fig. 3.1). These data are supported by a wide range of retrieved material remains. Therefore, this chapter concludes with a characterisation of the military communities in the area based on the collected archaeological data.

3.1 development of the limes In this section de development of the limes in the research area is discussed, based on archaeological data.

3.1.1 introduction The earliest traces of Roman military activities in the Netherlands are in Nijmegen, where there was an encampment between 19-16 and 12 BC that could accommodate two to three legions.199 However, the presence of the Roman army in the vicinity of the Dutch delta dates from a slightly later period, namely around the beginning of the first millennium AD. In this time, the fort in Vechten began to be used,200 that was occupied almost continually until 70.201 This fort was located near the spot where the Lower

197

200

198

201

Isaac 1988, 146. Whittaker 1994, 201.

Zandstra/Polak 2012, 249. Zandstra/Polak 2012, 248-256.

199

Kemmers 2005, 235-236.

31

0

10 km

Fig. 3.1. Military settlements with associated infrastructure in the research area, plotted onto the palaeogeographical reconstruction. The numbers refer to table 3.1; rural settlements are not shown on the map. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies, rivers, and the North Sea), light yellow are the coastal barriers and other sandy soils, dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. The square symbols are military settlements, the continuous black line is the limes road and the continuous dark blue line is the Corbulo Canal.

Rhine splits into a western branch that after it passes Woerden, forms the boundary of the research area. The other branch runs to the north and flows into the Flevo Lake. From this Flevo Lake it was probably possible to reach the North Sea via the Oer-IJ tidal system. Several Roman fortifications are located on this Oer-IJ (near Velsen), that were used almost continuously between 15 and 50.202 In the last few years, extensive research has been carried out on the development of the limes in Leidsche Rijn near Utrecht, which is located about 10 kilometers from the eastern boundary of the research area.203 Around the beginning of the first millennium AD, new settlements were founded in this area that can be

202

Bosman 1997, 321.

32

Context

Classification

Elements

Number

Modern names

Limes Lower Rhine

Militairy structures

Castella

7

Katwijk (1), Valkenburg-Dorp (2), Leiden-Roomburg (3), Alphen aan den Rijn (4), Zwammerdam (5), Bodegraven (6), Woerden (7)

Fortlet

1

Valkenburg-Marktveld (8)

Watchtowers

2

Valkenburg-Marktveld (8)

Undefined

5

Katwijk-Klein Duin (9), Valkenburg-Vliegveld (10), Valkenburg-De Woerd (11), Leiden-Meerburg (12)

Other possible military sites

3

Alphen aan den Rijn-Lemkes (13), Alphen aan den Rijn-De Schans (14), Alphen aan den Rijn-Goudse Rijpad (15)

Vici

8

Katwijk-Uitwateringssluizen (16), Valkenburg-Veldzicht (2), Valkenburg-De Woerd (11), Leiden-Roomburg (3), Alphen aan den Rijn (4), Zwammerdam (5), Bodegraven (6), Woerden (7)

Bathhouses

4

Valkenburg-Dorp (2), Leiden-Roomburg (3), Alphen aan den Rijn (4), Zwammerdam (5)

Burial fields

3

Valkenburg-Marktveld (8), Leiden-Roomburg (3), Alphen aan den Rijn (4)

Corbulo Canal

1

From Leiden-Roomburg to Naaldwijk

Limes road

1

From Katwijk to Woerden

Ports

5

Valkenburg-Marktveld (8), Valkenburg-De Woerd (11), Leiden-Roomburg (3), Alphen aan den Rijn (4), Zwammerdam (5)

Boats

16

Valkenburg-Dorp (2), Valkenburg-Marktveld (8), Leiden-Roomburg (2), Zwammerdam (5), Woerden (7)

Rural settlement

5

Katwijk-Zanderij, Valkenburg-Vliegveld, Valkenburg-Marktveld, Leiden-Haagweg, Alphen aan den Rijn-Goudse Rijpad, Woerden-Barwoutswaarder

Cemeteries

2

Katwijk-Zanderij, Woerden-Barwoutswaarder

Temporary camp

1

Den Haag-Ockenburgh (17)

Fortlet

1

Den Haag-Ockenburgh (17)

Undefined

3

Voorburg (18), Den Haag-Scheveningseweg (19), Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf (20), De Lier-Leehove (21)

Vici

2

Den Haag-Scheveningseweg (19), Den Haag-Ockenburgh (17)

Burial field

1

Den Haag-Ockenburgh (17)

Limes Lower Rhine

Limes Lower Rhine

Limes Lower Rhine

Hinterland/coast

Hinterland/coast

Secondary military structures

Military infrastructure

Rural

Military structures

Secondary military structures

Table 3.1 Military structures in the civitas Cananefatium. The numbers refer to fig. 3.1. Rural settlements along the Lower Rhine are not numbered.

33

characterised as indigenous.204 Moreover, these settlements yielded, apart from hand-thrown pottery, Roman pottery and metal finds that can be dated between 14 and 25.205 Noticeable among the metal finds are in particular the coins and fragments of military equipment. The inhabitants of the settlements possibly had a connection with the Roman army, though there are no indications of the presence of Roman military structures in the first quarter of the 1st century.These settlements could indicate an “... active Roman policy to control the border areas through the positioning of friendly tribes.”206 This pattern seems to be evident also in several other places along the borders of the Roman Empire.207 When the metal finds of two of these early indigenous sites in Leidsche Rijn208 are compared with the metal finds of Velserbroek B6,209 it is noticeable that both the images of the coins and the militaria show some similarities.Velserbroek B6 is interpreted as a ritual site where the local population deposited objects of metal and other materials at a place where there was an overland route connecting two beach ridges. The metal objects could have been collected by the local population at the Roman fortifications three kilometers away, possibly after having been used by the Roman army. But, it is also conceivable that there were political alliances with local groups in the vicinity of Velsen. The similarities between the coins and militaria collected in Velsen and Leidsche Rijn could support this interpretation. At Velserbroek B6 we should also bear in mind that although it was a local cult place, it might also have been used by the soldiers stationed in Velsen. 3 . 1 . 2 m i l i ta ry d ev e lo p m e n t s i n t h e r e s e a rc h a r e a u n t i l 7 0 At Katwijk-Zanderij 1st century military equipment occurs, as well as large numbers of 1st century coins.210 The earliest coins here date to around 40, more or less simultaneous with the construction of the oldest military structures along the Lower Rhine. Like at Velsen, we could be dealing with a group of people with a local background, playing an important role in the Roman military strategy of deploying friendly tribes to guard the periphery of the activity zone of the Roman army. At the former airfield of Valkenburg, the recently discovered early rural settlements possibly also fit into this buffer-model, though these barely have been investigated at present. The findspots in Valkenburg seem exclusively to date in the (early?) 1st century,211 contrary to the settlement in Katwijk-Zanderij, where habitation continues until the end of the 2nd century.212 The indigenous settlements in Leidsche Rijn cease to exist in the course of the 1st century. The settlement of Hoge Weide (LR41-42), located north of the Lower Rhine, ceases around 40. It is assumed that the inhabitants of this site were moved south of the Lower Rhine under Roman control when the military structures were built in Leidsche Rijn.213 People were also relocated away from the Roman border zone in the north of England. The settlement north of Hadrian’s Wall (in the Northumberland coastal plain) ceased in the 2nd century, probably not long after the construction of the wall. However, it remains unclear in this case whether this exodus resulted from a conscious Roman policy or from other factors.214 Although the findspots immediately north of the Lower Rhine (outside the research area) have been investigated relatively poorly, it is noticeable that they yielded very little wheel-thrown pottery or

203

Graafstal 2002, 2-27; Graafstal 2008, 19-30.

204

Langeveld 2010a, 324.

and 7.7. 210

Beliën 2008, 256-258, table 12.8 and fig. 12.9; 263; De

205

Langeveld 2010a, 324.

Bruin 2008c, 249.

206

211

207

212

208

213

Langeveld 2010a, 326. Langeveld 2010a, 326. Sites LR 41-42 (Den Hartog 2009) and LR46 (Langeveld et al. 2010b).

209

Bosman 1995, 89-98; Bosman 1997, 284-291, figs. 7.6

34

Tol 2012, 341. Van der Velde/Dijkstra 2008, 386. Langeveld 2010a, 326.

214

Hodgson 2014, 24-25.

other Roman finds. The material that is present dates mostly from the 1st century. Perhaps this area along the northern bank of the Lower Rhine was also evacuated in the 1st century, possibly also around 40, in view of the starting date of Katwijk-Zanderij. That the terrain in the vicinity of the Rhine was kept vacant already prior to 70 is also supported by the statements of Tacitus.215 Another settlement area in Leidsche Rijn was abandoned around 70; the inhabitants possibly established themselves in the vicus near to the castellum at De Meern.216 Whether this latter phenomenon also occurred in the reseach area is not clear. Yet, it is conceivable that the abandonment of the settlements north of the Lower Rhine resulted from the conscious relocation of rural groups to the southern bank. The fort in De Meern was founded in 40.217 Probably simultaneously, or not long after, wooden watchtowers were built at points “... where an entire bend of the river could be overlooked ...”.218 One of the excavated watchtowers at Leidsche Rijn was probably rebuilt facing the shifting river.219 It is plausible that the towers primarily guarded the Lower Rhine and not the limes road, as this thoroughfare can only be dated to 89 or earlier.220 De Weerd though did suppose a passable overland route in the form of a cleared path.221 The watchtowers at Leidsche Rijn probably functioned until around 70, and have been interpreted as elements for guarding an important transport route, namely the Lower Rhine.222 In addition, they probably served as a means of communication, whereby messages could be passed on by means of fires.223 The earliest indication of Roman military activities in the research area was traditionally formed by a hoard of coins found in 1987 in Valkenburg (Marktveld), with a date before 30.224 Although this hoard probably dates to the years 15-20, it could be a collection of ‘old money’ that ended up in the ground at a later date, possibly still in the first half of the 1st century.225 The coin hoard does not directly indicate the presence of a fortification from the first two decades of the 1st century.226 Near to the hoard’s find location in Valkenburg, structures have been found that may be related to the military. Although, the date of these buildings could not be determined (due to a lack of find material),227 they could date to the period around the middle of the 1st century. It is of course also possible that the coin hoard is the result of a short-lived event, like a military campaign. It is assumed that the first initiative for constructing forts along the Lower Rhine began under the reign of Emperor Caligula (37-41).The forts guarded the river, which formed an important supply artery for the forthcoming invasion of Britannia.228 The involvement of the Emperor himself can be inferred from the occurrence of stamps carrying his official titles pressed onto the staves of barrels found in Valkenburg and Vechten.229 Whether the Emperor was actually present at these two castella, as Wynia and De Weerd suppose,230 cannot be proven convincingly on the basis of these finds as such barrels could have been re-used. They could point to a connection between the construction of the forts along the Lower Rhine and the Caligula’s visit to his troops in 39.231 Tangible indications of a military presence in the shape of archaeological features are known only from 39/41 onwards, based on the dates of the castella in Valkenburg and Alphen aan den Rijn,232 and the

215

225

216

226

Tacitus Ann. 13.54. Langeveld 2010a, 327.

Personal comment Prof. dr. F. Kemmers, Frankfurt. Bosman/De Weerd 2004, 31-62; Polak/Kooistra 2013,

217

Langeveld 2010a, 326.

429.

218

227

219

228

Graafstal 2008, 26. Langeveld et al. 2010a, 201.

Bult/Hallewas 1990, 5-8. De Weerd 1977, 255; Glasbergen 1972, 12; Polak 2009a,

220

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 82.

949.

221

229

222

230

223

231

224

232

De Weerd 2006, 22. Graafstal 2008, 26-27. Graafstal 2002, 14-18. Bult/Vons 1990, 57-71.

Wynia 1999, 145-147. De Weerd 2006, 21; Wynia 1999, 146. De Weerd 2006, 21. Kemmers 2007, 28; Polak et al. 2004, 255.

35

military structure on the airfield of Valkenburg.233 Indications have been found at the Valkenburg airfield of a military installation that has roughly the same date as the castellum in the center of Valkenburg.234 As there are indications that the oldest fort in Valkenburg experienced flooding problems,235 it is tempting to see the military structures on the Valkenburg airfield as a temporary encampment; in this scenario, the structure was built at a safe distance from the river and would be the place where the garrison remained while the fort in Valkenburg was rebuilt. It is also possible that in the period around 40 there were several forts in Valkenburg. This would help to explain the early pottery finds at Valkenburg-De Woerd, where a fortification also can be assumed (see section 3.2.2). If several camps did indeed exist side by side, Valkenburg was possibly a collection point for the troops that were going to play a role in the conquest of Britannia. In this period, the campaign of Corbulo against the Chauci236 resulted in an end to threats from the north; this situation could also have caused an increase in military activity. According to historical sources, the Corbulo Canal, which connects the Lower Rhine with the Meuse, was dug in 47.237 The canal has been attested archaeologically in more than ten places, and while its construction can be dated between 47 and 50, an earlier date is certainly a possibility (see section 3.4.1). The occupation of the forts in Velsen ceased in this period and the Roman military exertions north of the Lower Rhine came to an end. South of the castellum in Valkenburg, a few horrea (granaries) were excavated on the Marktveld, which could be dated to the third quarter of the 1st century.238 These horrea, measuring 30 by 9 meters, could contain enough grain for 1000 men for a year and were probably destroyed by fire.239 According to Van Dierendonck, this fire possibly could be linked to the Batavian revolt.240 The military structures situated outside the castellum of Valkenburg on the Marktveld, including the two horrea, can possibly be linked to Corbulo’s campaigns.241 This possibly also applies to Valkenburg-De Woerd, where contemporary storage buildings were found, among which a horreum measuring 9 by 5.75 meters.242 A double horreum that was covered by a burnt layer was also found in Vechten, about which was noted that it “... was probably related to the Batavian revolt.”.243 The dimensions of the Vechten double horreum are 15.2 by 12.9 meters, but may have been longer.244 As part of the line of fortifications along the Lower Rhine,Valkenburg and Vechten probably played an important (logistical) role in the period prior to 70.245 Given the scale of the military activities outside the castellum in Valkenburg, it can be assumed that this was a large militarylogistical complex dating from the middle of the 1st century. To contextualize these finds, it should be noted that such large-scale archaeological research in the vicinity of a fort occurred nowhere else in the research area. A remarkable inscription from Katwijk is shown in the well-known engraving of the Brittenburg (fig. 3.2).246 With some deal of confidence it can be assumed that the inscriptions in the engraving were collected along the Lower Rhine in the research area. The inscription concerned reads: Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Britannicus Germanicus Pius Felix Augustus [Caracalla], high priest, for the eighteenth time tribune of the people, for the fourth time imperator, has (erected anew) this altar, that was (erected) by the divine Claudius, and was restored by the divine Severus, his father [Caracalla’s father, emperor Septimius

233

241

234

242

235

243

236

244

Goddijn et al. 2012, 171-175. Goddijn et al. 2012, 171-175. Groenman-Van Waateringe/Van Beek 1988, 59.  A tribe living in the coastal areas of the northeastern part of the Netherlands and northern Germany.

237

Cassius Dio 61.30.6; Tac. Ann. 11.20.

238

Bult/Hallewas 1986, 19.

239

Bult/Hallewas 1986, 19-22.

240

Van Dierendonck 1997, 548.

36

Van Dierendonck 1997, 548. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 136; 169-170. Zandstra/Polak 2012, 71, structure nr. G1c. Zandstra/Polak 2012, 70.

245

Graafstal 2009, 186-193.

246

Dijkstra/Ketelaar 1965, I; it concerns the engraving by Abraham Ortelius from 1566, fig. 3.2.

Fig. 3.2. Engraving of the Brittenburg on the beach near Katwijk, by Abraham Ortelius, 1566. The inscription that records the altar of Claudius (aram a divo Claudio) is at the bottom center. Image: collection HEK, the Netherlands.

37

Severus]. The inscription was dated to 215.247 Although it is not certain that the inscription really comes from Katwijk, it is tempting to consider that an altar was erected at the mouth of the Lower Rhine at the direct instigation of Emperor Claudius (41-54), perhaps as part of the conquest of Britannia. After all, it can be assumed that part of the troops that were involved with the military operations on the other side of the North Sea were recruited from the Rhineland, and went to sea via the river mouth in Katwijk. The name of the place where the altar was erected, namely Lugdunum, was perhaps not chosen at random; Emperor Claudius was born in a place with the same name (present-day Lyon in France).248 That this place had a special meaning for the Romans can be inferred from the name caput germaniarum (terminus of the German provinces).249 The sculptures represented on the engraving by Ortelius could possibly originate from this altar. In later times, the monument was restored at least twice (see below). It is notable that various building activities took place around 60/61 along the Lower Rhine; this was possibly a reaction to the Boudicca revolt in Britannia.250 In 69-70 the historically well-known Batavian Revolt took place, whereby the Cananefates were the first to revolt.251 In many castella, such as Valkenburg,252 Alphen aan den Rijn,253 Zwammerdam,254 Bodegraven,255 and Woerden,256 there is a burnt layer that can be dated to around this time.257 A contemporary burnt layer is also present in the legionary camps of Xanten, Neuss, and Bonn.258 This burnt layer may have been caused by the destructions of the rebels but it is more likely that the forts were burnt down by the retreating Roman army to render the fortifications useless.259 The occupation of the forts until 70 probably consisted of a mix of contingents of legions and auxiliary troops (auxiliarii), that probably did not originate from (the vicinity of) the research area.260 The castella were probably occupied discontinuously until 70,261 though it cannot be excluded that the Lower Rhine was permanently guarded in the form of watchtowers, as can be seen in Leidsche Rijn.262 The discontinuity of the occupation of the forts can be explained by their function as “...clearly visible outposts of the power base in the hinterland, where troops were sometimes stationed.”263 This supposition is supported by the lack of vici around the castella prior to 70.264 The different building phases found in the castella are possibly “... to be linked to incidental, short-lived punitive expeditions, though we will certainly not always find these in the historical sources, and sometimes a castellum burnt to the ground without us having a record of it.”265

247

Bloemers/De Weerd 1984, 48. This inscription was long

255

seen as a forgery but was rehabilitated by Dijkstra and

256

Van der Kooij et al. 2005, 280. Blom/Vos (eds.) 2007, 54; Bogaers/Haalebos 1975, 223; Bogaers/Haalebos 1983, 304.

Ketelaar (1965, 122, footnote 22). Bloemers and De Weerd (1984, 48) also regard the inscription as authentic,

257

despite the fact that it is mentioned in the CIL among

258

the non-authentic inscriptions; see CIL XIII 1339.

259

Haalebos 1997, 60. Schönberger 1969, 152. Tacitus, Hist. 4.15.

248

260

249

261

Buijtendorp 2006a, 64.  Cuntz 1929/1990 (ed.), Itineraria Romana, 56; Van Es 1981, 106.

De Weerd 2006, 22. De Weerd 2006, 21-22.

262

Graafstal 2008, 26-27.

250

263

251

264

252

265

Graafstal 2009, 186-193. Tacitus, Hist. 4.15. Glasbergen 1972, 64.

253

Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 39.

254

Haalebos 1977, 48.

38

De Weerd 2006, 21. Kooistra et al. 2013, 13. De Weerd 2006, 22.

3.1.3 the period 70-238 Most forts in the research area were rebuilt after the Batavian Revolt. Zwammerdam only acquired a rampart and ditches around 70,266 and a fortlet was built on the Marktveld in Valkenburg, perhaps to guard the zone directly south of the castellum (see section 3.2.2). From 70 onwards, vici were probably created outside the fortifications.267 Around 85 the province of Germania Inferior was formed, after which large-scale investments were made in the military zone along the Lower Rhine. Dendrochronological dating has shown that the construction of the limes road could have begun in or prior to 89.268 In 93, work was carried out on revetments in the vicinity of the castella and sporadically on the limes road.269 A second construction phase of the Roman road seems to occur in 99-100, and this is thought to be a renovation phase under Trajan.270 These activities are mirrored by the erection of milestones, one of which was found in Beek (near Nijmegen) and a second one discovered in Xanten; both can be dated to 98-99.271 A revetment in Woerden is dated to 99-100, which could indicate that other structures along the Lower Rhine were repaired in addition to the road.272 Luksen-IJtsma observed continuous repairs and maintenance on the limes road in the period 89-123.273 Most probably, no extensive renovation works were necessary in the castella in this period, as these had been completely reconstructed around 70 (table 3.3). For the period 100-120, previous scholars have assumed that the number of troops in Germania Inferior was greatly reduced.274 Against this, Polak has recently argued that this troop reduction cannot be substantiated on archaeological grounds.275 The numismatic evidence from the castella shows an almost continuous development during the 2nd century.276 However, a relatively short-lived vacancy of (some of) the castella is difficult to prove archaeologically. Indications of building activities in the forts during this time period come from building inscriptions from Leiden-Roomburg (103-111), and Valkenburg (116-117; table 3.2).277 Perhaps these building inscriptions point to stone construction in this period, but that is no more than an assumption.278 In general, the garrisons consisted of originally non-local auxiliary troops and mixed units. Besides, not all castella will have had a permanent and complete occupation. For instance, few activities can be perceived in the castellum in Valkenburg in the period 100/117-170/174 (Valkenburg castellum 5).279 In the period 70-160, few activities also occur in Alphen aan den Rijn.280 We should therefore consider the castella as experiencing discontinuous periods of occupation. The renovation with stone of the walls around the fort and the headquarters is an additional argument for this: by erecting more permanent, stone buildings, the amount of maintenance decreased and each castella only required a small maintenance team.

266

274

267

275

Haalebos 1977, 20-21. Blom/Vos (eds.) 2007, 73, 414; Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 44; Kooistra et al. 2013, 12.

Alföldy 1968, 149-152. Polak 2009a, 949-951.

276

Kemmers 2008, 95.

268

277

269

278

270

279

271

280

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 82. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 87. Hessing 1999, 151-153. Haalebos/Willems 1999, 258.

Bogaers 1990, 53-56; Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 30. Zandstra/Polak 2012, 257. De Weerd 1972, 124. Polak et al. 2004, 252.

272

Hessing 1999, 152, 155 table 1.

273

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 86-87.

39

Findspot

Reason

Unit

Date

Literature

Katwijk?

Not recorded

Cohors I Raetorum Pia Fidelis

From Hadrian (117-138) / Unknown (Antonine/ Severan?)

Bogaers/Rüger 1977, 38; Dijkstra/Ketelaar 1965, 46 and footnote 23; Hessing 1997, 97; CIL XIII, 8827

Valkenburg

Not recorded

Cohors IIII Thracum

116-117

Bogaers 1990, 53-56

LeidenRoomburg

Not recorded

Cohors I Lucensium

103-111

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 30

LeidenRoomburg

Restoration of arse- Cohors XV Voluntariorum nal (had collapsed Civium Romanorum Pia with age) Fidelis

196/198

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 30

LeidenRoomburg

Building activities

Numerus exploratorum Batavorum Antoninianorum

198-205: 205?

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 30-31

LeidenRoomburg?

Building activities

Legio I Minervia Pia Fidelis

205

Bogaers 1976a, 229-240

Alphen aan den Rijn

Repairs to gate

Unknown

208-211

Franzen 2004, 210-212

Woerden

Not recorded

Unknown

Unknown

Blom/Vos 2007, 71

Table 3.2. Building inscriptions from the castella in the research area.

In 124/125 the limes road was reconstructed and new revetments were added at several places in the research area (e.g. Leiden-Roomburg, Woerden, and Alphen aan den Rijn), as is shown from dendrochronological dating.281 It is possible that in the beginning of the 2nd century a watchtower was built at the spot of the (former) fortlet in Valkenburg-Marktveld (see section 3.2.2). After 168 and from 193 to around 235 repairs took place on the limes road.282 Building in stone only took place on a large scale after the middle of the 2nd century. However, the chronology of this change in building practice differs per castellum. At Alphen aan den Rijn it dates from 160,283 although we should bear in mind here a gradual changing to stone, with the gates first remade in stone, and the walls remade only afterwards. So,the conversion of the wall from wood to stone in Alphen aan den Rijn dates to the last quarter of the second or the beginning of the 3rd century.284 In Valkenburg the headquarters first were built in stone, possibly around 180,285 although a building inscription is known here from 117.286 The armamentarium (arsenal) in Leiden-Roomburg was rebuilt between 196 and 198; this also implies a stone construction phase before that time.287 The construction of the stone walls in Leiden-Roomburg can possibly be dated to 243, but some problems are still attached to this date.288

281

Hessing 1999, 155, Table 1; Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 87-91; Polak 2004, 280.

285

Glasbergen 1972, 10 and 13.

286

Bogaers 1990, 53-56.

282

287

283

288

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 91-95. Polak et al. 2004, 68-69.

284

Polak 2004, 69-70.

40

Polak 2004, 67. Polak 2005, 39-40; 67.

The moment at which the first stone construction took place in the research area and what was then first built in stone (the gates, the wall or the headquarters) is not very clear. Despite having building phases dated by dendrochronology to Trajan and Hadrian, it is not precisely known under whose auspices later work occurred. The find of brick stamps with the inscriptions SVBIVNMACRCOS and SVBDIDIOIVLCOS makes it likely that the building activities were instigated by the governors of Germania Inferior. These were Junius Macr (it is unclear where the abbreviation MACR stands for; he was governor from 175 to 178),289 and Didius Julianus (governor from 180 to 185),290 although it has not been proven convincingly whether Didius Julianus was actually the successor of Junius Macr.291 The actual work was probably carried out by contingents of both legions of Germania Inferior, namely the Legio I Minervia from Bonn, and the Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix from Xanten: both legions were directly under the authority of the governor. Therefore, it is not surprising that rooftile stamps of both governors, as well as of the first and thirtieth legions, have been found in relatively large numbers in excavations near the principia (the headquarters) of a fort (period 6) in Valkenburg.292 Or as Polak and others293 state: “The building in stone of the Dutch castella is generally dated in the period around 160-200, based on circumstantial evidence: rooftile stamps of Didius Julianus from around 180, (re)building inscriptions from the time of Septimus Severus (r. 193-211) from Leiden-Roomburg and Alphen aan den Rijn and rooftile stamps of the legio I Minervia Antoniniana that are usually dated to Caracalla (r. 211-217) and Elagabalus (r. 218-222), but were probably already used in the time of Septimus Severus.” At the end of the second and the beginning of the 3rd century, new renovation activities took place, as is evident from building inscriptions from Leiden-Roomburg and Alphen aan den Rijn (table 3.2). At Leiden-Roomburg, the arsenal (armamentarium) was renovated, while at Alphen aan den Rijn the gate was repaired. These building activities seem to be incidental renovations and not a complete building programme, though it is remarkable that the inscriptions all fall in the period of the Severan dynasty and can perhaps be linked with the military campaigns of Septimius Severus in Scotland. It is also possible that the repairs were the result of a period of absence of the troops, for instance as part of the internal struggle for power between Clodius Albinus and Septimius Severus between 192 and 197.294 Of the third building inscription from this period, mentioning the Legio I Minervia, its original context is unknown: Katwijk, Leiden-Roomburg, and Scheveningen all qualify as possible locations.295 In table 3.2 it is included with the inscriptions of Leiden-Roomburg, as this is the most likely place of origin.296 Under Septimius Severus and under Caracalla, an altar was renovated that was erected by Claudius around the middle of the 1st century (see also above). The inscription is dated to 215.297 This inscription points to the direct involvement of both Septimius Severus and Caracalla in the maintenance of an altar erected by Claudius (r. 41-54). It is perhaps no coincidence that both Claudius and Septimius Severus were militarily active in Britannia and that Caracalla stayed in Britannia after his father died. It is likely that the transportation of the Roman soldiers for the campaigns of Septimus Severus, probably originating partly from the garrisons along the Lower Rhine, would have gone via Katwijk. Do these activities indicate that Katwijk was an important point of departure for military expeditions to Britannia? Can the renovation by Caracalla be seen in the light of his activities in Germania Superior in 213?298 Did he sail from Britannia in 212 via Katwijk in the direction of the German Rhineland?

289

Bogaers 1965, 103.

295

 Bogaers 1976a, 229-240; Dijkstra/Ketelaar 1965, 44;

290

Eck 1985, 185; Polak 2004, 209

Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 143-145.

291

296

292

297

293

298

Eck 1985, 183; Haalebos 1977, 180-181. Glasbergen et al. 1968, 87-88. Polak et al. 2004b, 67, with reference to Haalebos/Fran-

Bogaers 1976a, 238. Bloemers/De Weerd 1984, 48. Waasdorp 2003, 30.

zen et al. 2000, 42-43. 294

Van Enckevort/Hendriks 2015, 125.

41

3.1.4 the period 238-400 In most castella, the number of coins decreases drastically after Severus Alexander (r. 222-238).299 This reduction is a phenomenon that can be observed well outside the research area.300 Even at findspots where a continuation could be shown during the 3rd century, coins are rare between 240 and 260.301 The castella and corresponding structures probably remained in use during the first half of the 3rd century. This is also demonstrated by a concentration of metal finds, with a date around 225, which was found along the limes road in Leidsche Rijn.302 These finds were covered by two raised layers, with a combined thickness of 40 cm, and can be associated with the road. Thus, it is possible that the road was maintained until approximately the middle of the 3rd century.303 Whether this applies to the whole trajectory of the limes road is not clear.The possible building or rebuilding of the castellum wall in Leiden-Roomburg from 243 also fits into this picture, though the date was obtained via an experimental method (see above).304 It is not clear how long and whether the military structures remained in use after the middle of the 3rd century. A well-dated pottery group from this period are the Trier motto beakers (fig. 3.3). These are generally dated around or even after 250.305 If this is correct, the following sites would still be functioning in the second half of the 3rd century: Valkenburg-Marktveld, Valkenburg-De Woerd, Leiden-Meerburg, Alphen aan den Rijn306 and Zwammerdam.307 To the limes zone applies the statement that “... the absence of coins from the time of the Gaulish Empire (260-275) is remarkable.”.308 An exception to this pattern is formed by five coins from the period 260-296 that were collected in the surroundings of the assumed castellum in Katwijk.309 Coins from the same period were found also near the terrain of the castellum in De Meern, located just east of the research area in Leidsche Rijn (Utrecht).310 So, coins do occur but only in small quantities. In all, little can be said about the definitive end of the occupation of the castella in the 3rd century. Large-scale renovations no longer take place after the early decades of this century. Occasional maintenance does occur, like (possibly) in Leiden-Roomburg, if we assume that the dating of the piles of the castellum wall concern a renovation (see above). Perhaps new and large-scale construction was no longer necessary as the most important structures in the forts had been converted to stone. Moreover, occasional maintenance leaves fewer traces behind.311 Another issue arises from the fact that features from the youngest castella in the research area are preserved poorly. There is a considerable possibility that much evidence has disappeared. Perhaps the castella were largely no longer used after the middle of the 3rd century. Indications of a complete re-occupation of the castella in the research area in the 4th century are lacking almost everywhere.312 In Valkenburg, three sherds of terra sigillata and a few fragments of coarse299

Kemmers 2008, 95.

when it was offered for identification. Presently the sherd

300

Aarts 2000, 216; Peter 2001, 128; Prins/Polak 2009, 29; Van Heesch 1998, 109.

301

Personal comment Prof. Dr. F. Kemmers, Frankfurt. She

is probably in a private collection. 307

Haalebos 1977, 68.

308

Prins/Polak 2009, 29, with reference to Kemmers 2000,

supposes that the reduction in coins in the western part

17, 20.

of the Roman Empire was possibly caused by a shift of

309

the military’s focus to the Balkan/Danube area.

310

302

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 95; Van der Kamp 2009, 93.

311

303

312

Van der Kamp 2009, 93.

Beliën 2008, 262, fig. 12.14. Kemmers 2009a, 30. De Weerd 2006, 21. After recent calibration, the 4th century dating for the

304

headquarters and the granaries of the fort in Valkenburg

305

(Groenman-Van Waateringe/Van Beek 1988, 32-34)

Polak 2004, 67; Polak 2005, 39-40. Van Enckevort 2001, 389-390;Van Kerckhove 2014, 335.

306

A small sherd of Trier black-slipped ware with a stripe of

now appear to be incorrect (Presentation by E. Jansma

white paint, very probably originates from the riverbed

and M. Polak for the Lower Rhine Limes working group

of the Lower Rhine next to the castellum in Alphen aan

meeting on January 25, 2018).

den Rijn. The sherd was seen by the author in 2004,

42

5 cm

0

Fig. 3.3. Fragments of Trier motto beakers, found in Valkenburg-De Woerd and Leiden-Meerburg. Images: author.

0

3 cm

Fig. 3.4. 4th century crossbow brooch from Leiden-Roomburg. Drawing by B. Donker.

walled pottery indicate activities in the 4th century.313 The almost complete absence of 4th century coins in Valkenburg can be explained by the idea that barter became more prevalent in this period.314 As many 4th century coins are relatively small and the excavations in Valkenburg were carried out without metal detectors, it is very likely that a good number of 4th century coins were missed. From Leiden-Roomburg a crossbow brooch dating to the first half of the 4th century is known (fig. 3.4),315 as well as three 4th century coins.316 Seven 4th century coins are known from Woerden, which could perhaps indicate that the castellum was used in this period.317 Some thirty coins are known from the castellum terrain in De Meern, located just east of the research area in Leidsche Rijn (Utrecht); these coins date to the first half of the 4th century and could indicate a military occupation in this period.318 The stone structure exposed in the 16th century on the beach near Katwijk could perhaps be identified as a 4th century fortification. Although the groundplan is a-typical, it strongly resembles one of the last phases of the Roman fort in Krefeld-Gellep, the construction of which is dated in 388-389 (fig. 3.5).319 That activities still took place in Katwijk in the 4th century can also be deduced from the finding of three coins from the period 330348 in the vicinity of the assumed fort.320

313

Glasbergen 1972, 125; Groenman-Van Waateringe/Van Beek 1988, 56.

314

Baart 1990, 41; Groenman-Van Waateringe 1986.

318

Kemmers 2009a, 45-46.

319

Reichmann 1998, 30-31, Abb. 7.

320

Beliën 2008, 262, Afb. 12.14.

315

Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 179-181, type 68b and Type Van Buchem II/Keller 1a.

316

Numis nrs. 1035283, 1042547, and 1042548.

317

Kemmers 2007, 281.

43

0

50 m

Fig. 3.5. Groundplan of the Brittenburg according to the engraving by Ortelius (left), and the groundplan of the late 4th century castellum of Krefeld-Gellep in Germany (right).321

Just north of the Lower Rhine and outside the research area, a coin hoard of 12,389 coins was discovered in 1920, near the hamlet of Huigsloot (municipality of Haarlemmermeer).322 A small part of the hoard consists of coins dating from the first to the 3rd century (248 pieces), but the largest part consists of 4th century coins. Although it has been assumed that the coins ended up in the ground around 400, the 522 coins of Honorius (r. 393-423) do suggest that the deposition could have happened at a later date. Evers proposed that the coins were transported aboard a boat, based on the mention of a few pieces of wood that were found in the vicinity, and that the boat sank in the Ade river. He indicates however that these data can no longer be verified.323 Kemmers assumes the hoard might have been packed in a money chest.324 Apparently the coins were packed in textile bags and were accompanied by a few grindstones, lumps of iron rust, a piece of a bronze sheet, and a part of a millefiori disc fibula.325 How the coin hoard should be interpreted is difficult to say. It could be loot but it is also possible that it represents the transport of money to the north. Several fibulae found in North Holland, which can be dated to the (late) 4th century, could be associated with the Roman army.326 There were possibly allies of the Roman Empire here. The coins could also have been meant for another area; the shipment of the money could have drifted off course while it was on its way from Trier or Cologne to Britannia.327

321

After Dijkstra/Ketelaar 1965, 37 and Reichmann 1998, 30-31, Abb. 7.

322

Evers 1966, 31-101.

323

Evers 1966, 36.

324

Kemmers 2005, 180.

44

325

Type Böhme 41/Riha 7.14.

326

Wezop/Van Eerden 2011, 86-87.

327

Kemmers 2005, 180-181, footnote 625.

To what extent there were still activities along the limes in the late 4th and early 5th centuries is difficult to say. With the exception of Katwijk, no typical Late Roman fortifications were built, but this is also the case in northern England, in the vicinity of Hadrian’s Wall. Extensive studies of the material culture and features from the highest levels of the Dutch forts are lacking, in contrast with studies in northern England and Scotland.328 There is clearly a task here for future research; in the fort in Valkenburg for example, the floor levels of the headquarters belonging to the latest phase of the fort were still present at the excavation in 1940. It is quite likely that a detailed study of the find material collected here could provide insights into which activities took place in the fort in the later periods, and possibly how and when these came to an end.

3 . 2 m i l i ta ry st ruc t u r e s a lo n g t h e l i m e s Now that the broader development of the limes along the Lower Rhine has been discussed, the military structures themselves will now be discussed. By these structures are meant castella, a fortlet and watchtowers. Also a few undefined military sites are discussed.

3.2.1 castella With the term castellum is meant a camp for auxiliary troops (auxilia) of the Roman army. Traces of seven Roman castella are known in the research area: at Katwijk (Lugdunum Batavorum),Valkenburg (Praetorium Agrippinae), Leiden-Roomburg (Matilo), Alphen aan den Rijn (Albaniana), Zwammerdam (Nigrum Pullum), Bodegraven and Woerden (Laur(i)um). The Latin names of most castella can be traced to the Peutinger map, with the exception of Bodegraven. Perhaps this absence comes from the fact that there was only a complete castellum in Bodegraven for a short time between 61 and 69 (section 3.2.1). The westernmost castellum in the research area is in Katwijk, but this disappeared into the sea due to coastal erosion. Excavations have taken place at the six remaining castella, with the best investigations occurring at the castella in Valkenburg, Alphen aan den Rijn, and Zwammerdam.329 Characteristics of the castella The starting date of the different forts in the research area varies (table 3.3). The castella in Valkenburg and Alphen aan den Rijn are dated earliest, namely around 40. Woerden was probably built slightly later, sometime between 40 and 45. Zwammerdam follows in 47, whereas the castella of Leiden-Roomburg and Bodegraven came into use from 55-61 onwards. However, the castellum of Bodegraven could have existed earlier, possibly from “... the 50s or 40s ...”.330 Hardly any traces have survived of the first phase in Zwammerdam; it is unclear whether there was a castellum here from the start.331 It possibly was just an “... unfortified military post ...“,332 and clear traces of ditches and walls have survived only from the period after 70. This also applies to the fort in Leiden-Roomburg.333 The oldest identified pottery were collected in the vicus of Leiden-Roomburg, but they indicate a starting date in the pre-Flavian period.334 An inscription in Katwijk could indicate a starting date under Hadrian but this is not certain.335

328

331

329

Glasbergen 1972; Glasbergen/Groenman-Van Waaterin-

332

ge 1974; Haalebos 1977; Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000;

333

Polak 2004; Van Giffen 1948; Van Giffen 1955.

334

Collins/Allason-Jones (eds.) 2010.

330

 Vos et al. 2016, 50.

Haalebos 1977, 20-21. Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 15. De Bruin 2015b, 186. Polak 2009b, 12.

335

Dhaeze 2011, 161.

45

Castellum

Date

Size

Unit/units

Katwijk-Brittenburg

From Hadrian (r. 117-138)?336 211222?337

X

Cohors I Raetorum (equitata Civium Romanorum) Pia Fidelis.338

Katwijk-Brittenburg

Unknown

X

Classis Augusta Germanica Pia Fidelis.339

Valkenburg 1

39/40-41/42340

1.4 ha

Cohors III Gallorum equitata341

Valkenburg 1a

41/42-47342

X

Unknown

Valkenburg 2/3

47-69343

1.5 ha

Unknown

Valkenburg 4

70-100/117344

1.6 ha

Cohors IIII Thracum equitata (Pia Fidelis (Domitiana)345

Valkenburg 5

100/117-170/174346

1.6 ha

Cohors IIII Thracum equitata (Pia Fidelis)347

Valkenburg 6

178-240348

1.7 ha

Unknown

Valkenburg 7

250-400349

1.7 ha

Unknown

Leiden-Roomburg 1

c. 70-c. 100350

1.1 ha

Unknown

Leiden-Roomburg 2

100-200

1.5 ha

Cohors I Lucensium352/ Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis 353

Leiden-Roomburg 3

End of 2nd-3rd century354

1.5 ha

Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis / Numerus exploratorum Batavorum Antoninianorum 355

Alphen aan den Rijn 1

41-69356

0.8 ha

Alphen aan den Rijn 2

70 (?)-160357

X

Cohors VI Breucorum/ Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis 358

Alphen aan den Rijn 3

160-270/275359

1.0 ha (?)

Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis 360

Zwammerdam 1

47-69/70361

X

Zwammerdam 2

70 (or slightly later)-175362

1.1 ha

Zwammerdam 3

175-260363

1.2 ha

Bodegraven I

61-69364 or 40s-50s365

0.8 ha

Bodegraven II

70(?) - 3rd century(?)

X

Woerden I

From c. 40-45 onwards366

X

Woerden II

Until c. 69/70367

X

Woerden III

70-c. 175

1.3 ha

Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis, replaced between 138 and 161 by Cohors III Breucorum 369

Woerden IV

c. 175-260/270370

1.3 ha (?)

Cohors III Breucorum371

351

368

Table 3.3: The different castella in the research area with their phases, size and occupations.

336

343

337

344

338

 Alföldy 1968, 69; Bogaers/Rüger 1977, 38; Byvanck

345

1935-1947 II, 244-245; CIL XIII, 8827; Dijkstra/Kete-

346

laar 1965, 46 and footnote 23; Hessing 1997, 97.

347

Bogaers/Rüger 1977, 38; Hessing 1997, 97. Byvanck 1935-1947 II, 245.

De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 115. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 115.

339

348

340

349

341

350

342

351

De Bruin 2012c, 152. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108; De Weerd 1977. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 115. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108.

46

De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108. De Bruin 2015b, 186. De Bruin 2015b, 186.

One of the phases of the castellum in Bodegraven has been clearly identified.372 Although it has been stated that there was only a smaller fortification in Bodegraven,373 there are several arguments that draw this statement into question. It has been assumed that there was a peat river here in the Roman period that ran near the Oude Bodegraafseweg that was crossed by a bridge or dam.374 On the basis of the published data, it can however not be excluded that the peat river formed only after the Roman period.375 The bridge or dam present could also have been part of the wall of the fort. That we are dealing here with a complete fort and not a smaller fortification can also be inferred from the size of the excavated gate that is comparable in size to the gates of Valkenburg, Alphen aan den Rijn and Zwammerdam.376 In excavations on the western side of the assumed castellum terrain, the possible remains of barracks have been excavated.377 There is also find material from the 2nd and 3rd centuries.378 An exceptional find are sixty wooden tent pegs.379 It is possible that the soldiers who had to carry out the construction of the castellum had been housed temporarily in tents, as can also be supposed for Valkenburg.380 At a certain time the tent pegs were discarded in Bodegraven, as they were found together in a dump. The other castella were used until approximately the middle of the 3rd century, although later dates cannot be excluded. Lay-out of the castella In the following description of the castella, reference is regularly made to its different parts, as much as possible to the Latin names. For an explanation of these terms see fig. 3.6.The castella are surrounded by a wall with one or two ditches. In the first phases of the forts, the walls were made of wood and embanked soil. There are clear differences in how the wooden walls of the castella were built. Chorus381 supposed that the origin of the troops stationed in the forts played an important role in the construction method of the walls. In the course of the 2nd century, these walls were replaced by a stone wall, behind which is situated an earth wall. On the inside of the earth wall was a road, the so-called intervallum. The space within the wall of the fort was divided into two strips, namely the praetentura and the latera praetorii. The retentura is absent in the castella in the research area, thus giving them a characteristic shape that so far has only been found in the Dutch part of Germania Inferior.382

352

370

353

371

354

372

355

373

356

374

357

375

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 35. Van Driel-Murray 2009a, 28. De Bruin 2015b, 186-187. Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 30-31. Polak 2004, 122-124. Polak 2004, 124-125.

Blom/Vos 2007, 69-72. Blom/Vos 2007, 71-72. Van der Kooij et al. 2005, 280. Van der Kooij et al.2005, 298-299. Beunder 1980, 8-9 and 11.  Habraken/Van Mousch 2004, 15. During excavations

358

in 2017 no clear evidence for a peat river was observed.

359

However, revetments or wooden reinforcements seem to

360

indicate a depression that was slowly silted up (Goossens/

Polak 2004, 254. Polak 2004, 125-127. Polak 2004, 254.

361

Haalebos 1977, 20.

Van der Leije 2017, 10).

362

376

363

377

364

378

365

379

366

380

367

381

368

382

Haalebos 1977, 20. Haalebos 1977, 20. Van der Kooij et al.2005, 280. Vos et al.2016, 50. Blom/Vos 2007, 409-412. Blom/Vos 2007, 413. Blom/Vos 2007, 69.

369

Blom/Vos 2007, 413.

Van der Kooij et al. 2005, 280, Table 1. Vos et al. 2016, 55-67. Van der Kooij et al. 2005, 283-284. Van der Kooij 1997, 397; Van der Kooij et al.2013, 87. Groenman-Van Waateringe 1967, 104. Chorus 2008, 13-14. This type of fort is also called the ‘delta type’ (Polak/De Bruin 2016, 16).

47

Fig. 3.6. Left: an idealised castellum groundplan, right: the groundplan of Valkenburg Phase 6, with the different Latin terms. Image left after Johnson 1987, 46, Abb. 19 and Polak et al. 2004, 40, afb. 9. Image right after Groenman-Van Waateringe/Van Beek 1988, 55, fig. 1.40.

In the castella in the research area, the praetentura was always the side next to the Lower Rhine. There were mainly barracks here (centuriae), but traces have also been found of other buildings, such as stables, a workshop (fabrica), possibly the commander’s house (praetorium), and a hospital (valetudinarium). The praetentura was divided into two halves by the via praetoria. The praetentura and the latera praetorii were separated from each other by the via principalis, the through road that ran transversely through the castellum. Centrally located in the latera praetorii was the principia, the headquarters of the fortification. The principia consisted of an inner courtyard surrounded by columns, with a transverse hall behind it. Behind this transverse hall were a number of rooms, among which was the shrine of the regimental colours, the treasury for keeping the payments, and the armoury (armamentarium). The principia in Valkenburg is the only one in the research area that had an exercise hall at the front of the courtyard, which was built over the via principalis. The inner buildings of the castella were generally made of wood. In the course of the 2nd century most forts were constructed of stone (see section 3.1). The forts were in all cases enlarged to a surface area of more than 1 ha. The fort in Valkenburg reached ultimately a size of 1.7 ha (see table 3.3). In contrast to the castella in other regions along the Rhine, there are no indications in the forts in the research area of the presence of a praetorium in the latera praetorii. Instead, this zone seems to be built over with barracks, stables, and workshops. Noticeable is the absence of storage places (horrea) in many of the castella in the research area. Only in Alphen aan den Rijn was a horreum found in the latera praetorii, dating to the 1st century or slightly later.383 Other possible horrea were only present in Valkenburg.384 Thus, it is unclear where the supplies of the soldiers were usually stored. This was possibly outside the camp, although the discovery of burnt grain at Valkenburg may suggest supplies were stored in the principia.385 There could also have been a general storage place from where the castella were supplied. Lastly, the lack of horrea can be explained by the absence of a permanent occupation force in the forts, as a result of which there was no need for a large grain storage place (see section 3.2.1).

383

Chorus 2004, 97-98.

384

Groenman-Van Waateringe/Van Beek 1988, 32-34.

48

385

Glasbergen et al.1968, 88.

The groundplans of the excavated castella in the research area have an important morphological similarity: the lack of the retentura. It is necessary to mention here that the presence or absence of a retentura has not been established for the castella of Leiden-Roomburg and Bodegraven, as this could not be determined during excavations. However, it is likely that these two would have had a similar groundplan as the other castella in the research area.386 The absence of the retentura implies that the forts were relatively small compared to those in the German Rhineland. The castella were slowly enlarged during their occupation (table 3.3). The reason given for the lack of retentura in the castella in the research area is the limited space along the Lower Rhine.387 The natural levee on which the forts were built was often relatively narrow. On the other hand, if they had really wanted to build larger castella, this would certainly have been possible. There are actually better areas for construction available in the vicinity of the forts, as in Alphen aan den Rijn: to the west of this fort there is certainly space to build a larger castellum.388 In Valkenburg, Leiden-Roomburg, and Zwammerdam the vicus has been built at the spot where the retentura could have been constructed. This indicates that omitting the retentura was a conscious decision.389 The forts are therefore considerably smaller than the castella in the German Rhineland, such as at Krefeld-Gellep,390 and Dormagen.391 The only castellum within the Dutch borders that was similar in size to the German castella is at Vechten, which is the largest castellum along the Lower Rhine.392 There was an ala (cavalry unit) stationed there. The reason for the smaller design of the castella in the research area is that there was a desire to build multiple fortifications in several locations. This was probably dictated by the specific landscape situation. Site location preferences The choice of where to build the forts was in all cases directly based on the active channel of the Lower Rhine, with the wide front of the fort facing the river. This implies that the castella were located in relatively wet places in the landscape. It is known that in its oldest phase, the castellum in Valkenburg was regularly flooded by water that contained mainly of marine diatoms.393 Similar wet conditions also occurred at Alphen aan den Rijn. Palaeobotanical investigations indicate that the plants growing in the vicinity of the castellum preferred moist to wet habitats.394 Two ancient floods are known to have occurred at Alphen aan den Rijn. The first flood occurred shortly before 160. Coarse sand was deposited in the fort’s northern ditches by water that must have moved through with great speed. A quantity of driftwood was deposited in the southern ditches, among which parts of buildings, such as fragmentas of a wall and a door.395 Apparently the flood caused quite some damage, which then had to be repaired. The second flood occurred in the period 180-190 and led to the fortifications, which had already been built partly in stone, being washed away. Rushing water cleared a way through the ditches that belonged to the castellum.396 This second flood left traces not only in Alphen aan den Rijn; also in LeidenRoomburg part of the natural levee along the fort was eroded in the late second or 3rd century.397 The flood’s impact left traces at other places along the Lower Rhine, and its cause has been suggested to be the result of “... large-scale timber felling along the upper course of the Rhine, so that rainwater could be less well retained and more water drained off in a short time than before.”398 However, different places along the limes already were prepared against the wet circumstances. This was done in several ways,

386

393

387

394

388

395

389

396

390

397

391

398

Polak 2009a, 948. Enckevort/Vos 2006, 12. Mulder 2004, 36. Van Dinter 2017, 50. Bechert /Willems 1997, 44-47. Bechert/Willems 1997, 38-40.

Groenman-Van Waateringe/Van Beek 1988, 59. Kooistra 2004, 245. Polak et al.2004, 253. Polak et al.. 2004, 253. De Bruin 2015b, 185. Polak et al.2004, 253.

392

Zandstra/Polak 2012, 259.

49

including by raising the land on which buildings were constructed. For instance, the terrain of De Woerd in Valkenburg was raised systematically.399 The reason for placing the castella so close to the river had probably to do with their primary function, namely to guard and monitor the navigation route along the river. This interpretation is supported by the absence of the limes road before the second half of the 80s in the 1st century,400 and the placing of watchtowers in Leidsche Rijn; these were orientated towards the river and not towards the later road.401 From the towers, placed in the rampart on the side of the castella that faced the river, soldiers could easily observe passing water traffic. Perhaps every fort had artillery (ballistae) at its disposal, so that it was possible to shoot at possible hostile boats from the towers.402 With regard to the use of artillery, an important observation was made near the castellum of De Meern in Utrecht, some ten kilometers east of the fort in Woerden. Based on the distribution of 62 artillery bullets in the bed of the former Lower Rhine, it can be suggested that we are dealing here with fired bullets.403 The distance between the bullets and the north-west corner of the castellum in De Meern is between 150 to 160 m, which indicates that the artillery, placed on the towers of the castella, could reach the width of the river and even part of the embankment on the other side.404 Similar artillery bullets were also found in relatively large numbers in the castella of Valkenburg, Leiden-Roomburg, Alphen aan den Rijn, and Bodegraven.405 The bullets at Alphen aan den Rijn had mainly a biconical shape, while those from the other castella were mainly round bullets. Artillery bullets were also found near one of the watchtowers in Leidsche Rijn,406 which could mean that such towers could also be equipped with artillery. The fact that bullets also occur at the site of Valkenburg-De Woerd407 could indicate a systematic deployment of artillery, thus ensuring that the entire Lower Rhine could be covered from regular positions. On the other hand, the occurrence of bullets at De Woerd could indicate the presence of a military fortification at that location (see section 3.2.2). The safeguarding of overland routes was therefore not the primary function of the forts. The castellum of Valkenburg was built at the entry to the Lower Rhine estuary, at the spot with the least risk of flooding.408 The function of this fort was therefore probably to guard the entry to the mouth of the Lower Rhine. All other castella also lie directly along the Lower Rhine, guarding the mouths of smaller watercourses that formed natural links between the Lower Rhine and other rivers to the north and south.409 This function explains the relative density of fortifications along this part of the limes. As the line of forts was built already before 70, it can be assumed that the Roman army in this region faced threats from the water, possibly in the form of small-scale piracy. The area north of the Lower Rhine consisted of a system of small creeks and small rivers that ran through a largely uninhabited and probably densely wooded area (section 2.3). In these surroundings, small bands of hostile warriors could easily hide after ambushing a boat. According to Pliny, the boats of Germanic pirates were made of logs and could hold about thirty persons.410 The density of the castella in this region, compared to contemporary fortifications in the river area and the German Rhineland (fig. 3.7), shows the importance of guarding the Lower Rhine as navigation route.

399

406

400

407

401

408

402

409

403

410

Vos/Van der Linden (eds.) 2011, 158-161. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 77-83. Graafstal 2008, 46-47. De Bruin 2015b, 187-188. Dielemans 2012, 260-261, fig. 3.7.

404

Dielemans 2012, 260; for the reconstruction of the width of the Lower Rhine, see Van Dinter 2012, 44.

405

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 35; Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 51; Polak 2004, 160;Van Giffen 1948, 82, 88;Vos et al. 2016, 84.

50

Langeveld 2010b, 65. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 88-90. Van Dinter 2013, 20. Van Dinter 2013, 25. Pliny N.H. 16.76.206.

0

100 km

Fig. 3.7. Legionary fortresses (castra, large square symbols) en castella (small square symbols) along the Rhine in the pre-Flavian period. Image M. Polak.

Monumentality It has long been suggested that the exterior of the castella was not monumental.Yet, especially the buildings executed in stone in the forts, like the principia and the gates, appeared to actually have had a monumental appearance.This is shown by the building inscriptions found at several places, such as at Katwijk,Valkenburg, Leiden-Roomburg, Alphen aan den Rijn, and Woerden (table 3.2 and fig. 3.8). Monumental inscriptions on bronze plaques, as found at Alphen aan den Rijn,411 could have adorned the buildings. Excavations of the inner courtyard of the principia at Valkenburg (period 6), yielded a limestone pedestal, on which a statue (perhaps of the emperor) was placed.412 That such statues did occur in the castella along the Lower Rhine is shown by the find in Leiden-Roomburg of a bronze left underarm of a more than life-size statue.413 Given that the statue, had a lead plug on the inside of the hand, it likely held a staff or spear, similar to the statue of Augustus of Prima Porta.414 The Valkenburg principia probably also held a monumental building inscription, in view of the find of a few limestone blocks inscribed with the letters ... ]XIMV[ ..., to be completed as MAXIMVS. Perhaps the word maximus was part of the official imperial forms of address.415 Based on the groundplans of most principia in the research area, these principia would almost always have been representative buildings, with a pronounced monumental aspect.

411

413

412

414

Polak 2004, 198, fig. 91, 1. Van Giffen 1948, figs. 6-9; for the position of the pedestal, see fig. 22.

Polak et al.2005, 87-89. Polak et al. 2005, 88.

415

Van Giffen 1948, 190-191, figs. 5, 23a.

51

0

Fig. 3.8 Building inscriptions. Nrs. 1-4: found in Leiden-Roomburg; nr. 5 found in Alphen aan den Rijn; nr. 6 found in Woerden and nrs. 7-8 found in Valkenburg.416

The discovery of other building fragments at Valkenburg point to the monumentality of some of the buildings. For instance, various sculpted blocks of stone have been found here, as were stucco layers that likely covered a brick column.417 These columns were located on the inner courtyard of the principia,418 but the streets in the fort could also have been fitted partly with colonnades. Fragments of frescoes have been found at Valkenburg, Leiden-Roomburg, Alphen aan den Rijn, Zwammerdam, and Woerden, which could indicate that there were also buildings in the castella with internal decorations.419 There are also indications that the stone gates of the castella could have had a monumental appearance. This is substantiated by the find of worked blocks of tuff stone at Alphen aan den Rijn. Most fragments show profiles “... that show differences between them and would have been fitted – if they were from one and the same building – at different heights. The stones have all been carefully worked and apparently cut according to consciously chosen measurements, which can be converted into Roman feet without much trouble.”420 At some distance from this find, two other worked tuff stone blocks were found: a piece of a half-column and a block with a half-arched niche.421 Haalebos suggests that the Alphen gate perhaps was more abundantly decorated, with the towers having blind windows. However, he makes the caveat that the two latter blocks were part of the façade of the bathhouse, as these blocks had been found there.422 Finally,

416

 Nrs. 1-2 photos courtesy of the Duivenvoorde Castle

52

Giffen 1948, 190-191; afb. 23,4.

Foundation (Stichting Kasteel Duivenvoorde); nr. 3

417

photo courtesy of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the

418

Netherlands; nr. 4 photo courtesy of the National Muse-

419

um of Antiquities, Leiden; nr. 5 Franzen 2004, 210-212;

420

nr. 6 photo courtesy of Provincial Archaeological Depot

421

Utrecht/F. Lippok; nr. 7 Bogaers 1990, 53-56; nr. 8 Van

422

Van Giffen 1948, fig. 23. Van Giffen 1948, 87. Laken et al. 2010, 534-535. Haalebos 2000a, 107. Haalebos 2000a, 106-112. Haalebos 2000a, 107.

50 cm

Fig. 3.9. Large limestone block from Alphen aan den Rijn. The scalebar on the block measures 50 cm. Photo by P. Franzen.

Fig. 3.10. Jug with graffito of the act(u)arius Lucius of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum (Bogaers/Haalebos 1981, 0

5 cm

109-110, drawing E.J. Ponten).

during construction work near the former Lower Rhine bed in Alphen aan den Rijn, a large limestone block was recovered (fig. 3.9). It is conceivable that this block also was brought here to be used in a monumental construction. The seven castella present in the research area probably all had a monumental aspect, especially at their gates and the principia. These visual elements communicated the magnificence of the Roman army and/or state to the passersby.

53

The occupation of the castella At present, not all units stationed in the castella have been identified. The brick stamps in the forts have been investigated in the past (table 3.4). However, these stamps more often denote the one who commissioned the manufacturing of these bricks,423 and they form no direct proof of the presence or activities of a certain unit.424 Whether the bricks subsequently all ended up with the units concerned is not clear.Yet, based on these stamps, it is possible to link units to individual forts in the research area, since additional epigraphic sources confirm the presence of these units. For instance, the presence of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum (Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis) in Woerden is confirmed by brick stamps and by a graffito on a smooth-walled jug, type Stuart 107/109: the act(u)arius (clerk) Lucius of the Cohors XV wrote his name on this jug probably around 100 (fig. 3.10).425 On the other hand, the absence of brick stamps does not always indicate the absence of a certain unit. Also at Woerden, for instance, an altar is known, dedicated by a signifer (standard bearer) of the Cohors III Breucorum (see also section 3.3.3),426 although no stamps of this unit are known from Woerden. Perhaps the signifer of the Cohors III came especially to Woerden to place an altar at a specific cult place, but this is not likely. It is possible though that the unit was only stationed in Woerden for a short time, with the result that, apart from the altar, few traces have been left behind. Unit

KatwijkBrittenburg

Valkenburg

Woerden

Total

1

25

3

27

1

6

1

1

1

9

44

95

Legio XXX?

3

3

Legio XXXI

1

1

1

6

70

433

9

50

Legio I Minervia

2

Legio I Minervia Antoniniana

4

Legio I Minervia?

3

LeidenRoomburg

Alphen aan den Rijn

Zwammerdam

Bodegraven

22 1

14

5

2

Legio VI Victrix (PF) Legio X Gemina

4

Legio XIIPR Legio XXX

23

3

2

13

9 11

VEXEXGERINF

9

76

41

164

71

7

7

18

7

2

4

4

Tegularia Transrhenana

6

Cohors XV CR PF

6

SVBIVNMACRCOS SVBDIDIOIVLCOS

1

1

Civilian producers

7

3

11

1

1

1

18

25

5

3

8

5

1

15

3

Other

3 6

Indeterminable Total

1

7

3

Cohors VI Breucorum

CGPF

2

1 5

Legio?

EXGERINF

2

23

4

32

27

121

91

290

6 3

111

8

66 160

804

Table 3.4. Brick stamps in the castella in the research area.427 Katwijk (Bloemers/De Weerd 1984, 45);Valkenburg (Brunsting 1948, 193-200; Brunsting 1955, 122-126; Glasbergen 1972, 65-67); Leiden-Roomburg428 (Gazenbeek 2016, 169-173); Alphen aan den Rijn (Kop 2013, 31-32; Polak et al. 2004, 204); Zwammerdam (Bloemers/De Weerd 1984, 45); Bodegraven (Beunder 1980, 17-18); 7: Woerden (Blom/Vos 2007, 413; Haalebos/Lanzing 2000, 16; Van Pruissen et al. 2007, 197-203).

54

Fig. 3.11 Partly reconstructed brick stamps of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum, found in Woerden (Willems/Haalebos 1999b, 251, fig. 6; drawing E.J. Ponten).

0

5 cm

Because of their limited size, it is difficult to imagine that a castella could accomodate complete cohorts. This might have caused the available troops to be ‘spread out’ over the various forts. Examples of a distributed cohort is the Cohors XV Voluntariorum, that in the second and 3rd century was stationed simultaneously at LeidenRoomburg, Alphen aan den Rijn, and Woerden (see table 3.3). This cohort was also spread out to the castellum at De Meern just outside the research area, on the basis of brick stamps of these units (fig. 3.11).429 The soldiers of this cohort possibly shared the castella with members of other units, as in Leiden-Roomburg, where at the beginning of the 2nd century the fort was shared with (soldiers of) the Cohors I Lucensium. In the 3rd century, Leiden-Roomburg was shared with (soldiers of) the Numerus exploratorum Batavorum Antoninianorum. The distribution of soldiers of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum (Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis) can also be inferred from the retrieved militaria. It is notable that in the castella in Leiden-Roomburg,

0

50 cm

Fig. 3.12. Leather shield-cover with the emblem of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum. On the left the original object, to the right a reconstruction. Left image:Van Driel-Murray 1999, 46, fig. 2; right image drawing by C. van Driel-Murray. 423

Gentenaar 2004, 204.

428

 The stamps of Leiden-Roomburg largely originate

424

from the excavations in the Corbulo Canal, directly

425

north of the castellum. By means of photos, these stamps

426

were digitally available at the Provincial Archaeologi-

Ivleva 2012, 39; Malone 2006, 18. Bogaers/Haalebos 1981, 109-110. Bogaers 1994, 153-159.

427

The stamps from the vici have not been included, with

cal Depot Zuid-Holland, see http://www.archeologie.

the exception of Katwijk, as no other information is

zuid-holland.nl/. Due to the transfer of these finds to

available here. The origin of the stamps of Dijkstra/Ket-

the archaeological depot of the municipality of Leiden

elaar (1965, 52-54) cannot be ascertained in an objective way as it is not clear whether all these finds did actually come from Katwijk.

in 2015, these photos are now no longer available online. 429

Haalebos 1997, 56; Willems and Haalebos 1999a, 78-79; Willems and Haalebos 1999b, 250-251.

55

Alphen aan den Rijn, Zwammerdam, and Woerden parts of armour (lorica segmentata), weapons (pila), and the characteristic rectangular shields of legionnaires were found.430 This is not expected in forts where auxiliarii were stationed. However, Polak mentions that members of units with the addition of the Civium Romanorum, such as Cohors XV, possibly wore legionary outfits.431 This assumption is supported by the discovery, in Leiden-Roomburg, of a leather shield-cover that belonged to a rectangular shield. The shield-cover had an emblem of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum (fig. 3.12).432 It is conceivable that the ‘legionnaire’ outfit pieces were worn by soldiers of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum, who were stationed simultaneously in the different castella.The fragments of the legion’s outfit found in Zwammerdam could perhaps also have been worn by members of the thirtieth legion, as there are indications of this.433 The presence of members of the thirtieth legion in castella in the research area can also be inferred from the find of a votive altar from Leiden-Roomburg: its text […] LEG X[XX] VS[LM] points to the dedication of a soldier of the thirtieth legion.434 The presence of rooftile stamps of both the thirtieth legion and the first legion Minervia in many castella also points to the active involvement of the legions stationed in Xanten and Bonn. It is conceivable that soldiers from these units were also present in the castella in the research area, perhaps as benificiarii (a kind of National Police Force, see section 3.2.2), or as members of a construction team, as attested by a building inscription from LeidenRoomburg (table 3.2). The brick stamps of the two legions date from after 150.435 Apart from the occurrence of legionary soldiers, rooftile stamps found in Katwijk indicate the stationing of soldiers of the fleet, the Classis Augusta Germanica Pia Fidelis.436 This fleet unit took care of transport of various army goods, but probably also patrolled the Lower Rhine and the tributaries and creeks.437 From the above data, it can be inferred that the forts were often occupied by mixed units, consisting of parts of regular units, supplemented by smaller (local?) units, and (a few?) legionary soldiers. After the thirtieth legion, most of the brick stamps in the research area are from the Vexilarii Exercitus Germanici Inferioris/Exercitus Germanicus Inferior, the umbrella name for all army units stationed in Lower Germania. The tile works that supplied this production used soldiers, the so-called vexilarii, from the different army units they supplied.438 The stamps of type VEXEXGERINF date from the middle of the 2nd century, the EXGERINF stamps from 175 onwards.439 The large-scale production of bricks by the Exercitus Germanicus Inferior probably led to the end of small-scale, local production by the units themselves.440 This is why we know less about the units occupying the castella along the Lower Rhine from the middle of the 2nd century, or if there were troops of any size present. The relatively poor representation of the VEXEXGERINF stamps, compared with those of the EXGERINF, perhaps points to important building activities after 175. The occupation of the forts in the research area consisted mainly of infantry units, like the Cohors I Lucensium, the Cohors XV Voluntariorum, the Cohors III Breucorum, and the Cohors VI Breucorum. An additional indication of the presence of infantry soldiers is the find of a bronze, tin-plated musical instrument at Alphen aan den Rijn. It is a so-called cornu, a wind instrument shaped like a letter G, which is associated with infantrymen.441 Equestrian units were probably already stationed in Valkenburg, such as the Cohors III Gallorum equitata and the Cohors IIII Thracum equitata. The presence of equestrians in this fort is confirmed by the find of leather saddles.442 This could be the reason why the castellum of Valkenburg 430

 De Bruin 2000; Haalebos 1977, 217-221; Hoss 2007,

436

242-244; Rodenburg 2000; Zee 2004, 190-194,202-203.

437

De Bruin 2012c, 152. De Bruin 2012c, 152-154.

431

438

432

439

433

440

434

441

Polak 2009d, 636-641. Van Driel-Murray 2009a, 19-21. Haalebos 1977, 78; 196. 24; 197. 7 and 35a.  Brandenburgh/Domburg 2008, 36-37; Brandenburgh/ Hessing 2014, 44.

435

Gentenaar 2004, 206-207.

56

Gentenaar 2004, 207. Haalebos 1977, 178. Haalebos 2000b, 121. Besuijen et al. 2009, 22.

442

Groenman-Van Waateringe 1967, 106-121.

is larger than the other forts in the research area (see table 3.3). The Cohors I Raetorum (equitata Civium Romanorum) Pia Fidelis, that was probably stationed in Katwijk, could also have been a cavalry unit.443 Origin of the troops Until 70, the occupation of the forts mainly consisted of a mixture of units from legions and auxiliary troops (auxiliarii), neither of which originated from (the vicinity of) the research area.444 One argument in favour of the non-local origin of the troops in the castella within the research area is the ways in which the walls of the forts were constructed. Research reveals that different Gallic construction methods have been used here.445 Another indication of the presence of soldiers from Gaul is the find of a bronze votive plaque n Alphen aan den Rijn, that points to the veneration of the god Cicollus: this deity originates from the territory of the Lingones in Central France.446 A comparable plaque has been found in Vindonissa.447 An altar from Xanten, dedicated to the same deity, also mentions the origin of the dedicators, namely ‘/ CIVES · LINGONVM ...’. The altar is dedicated to Emperor Nero, which justifies a date between 54 and 68.448 It is tempting to place the dedication in Alphen aan den Rijn also in this period. In the oldest castellum in Valkenburg were found two writing tablets that mention the Cohors III Gallorum,449 pointing to a unit originating from Gaul. The clearest indication of a direct link with the Gallic motherland is a writing tablet that has the address of a doctor Albanus from Tullum Loucorum, the capital of the Gallic tribal area of the Leuci.450 That soldiers from the surrounding areas were also stationed in the castella along the Lower Rhine would appear from the graffiti BATAVI and MARSACI VICTORIS that were found in Zwammerdam and Woerden.451 An unpublished votive inscription from Valkenburg was probably also erected by a Batavian (see also table 3.8).452 The lack of texts of Cananefatian soldiers in the research area could indicate that these were not present, but it is equally possible that they were stationed in the castella in large numbers, and did not have to distinguish themselves (ethnically). The occurrence of the names Batavus and Marsacus could imply that persons with this ethnic background were in the minority in the camps. However, these tribal names could also have been given as nickname to people with, for instance, a ‘Batavian’ appearance or behaviour. After the Flavian period, there are no indications of the stationing of locally conscripted units, with the exception of the Numerus exploratorum Batavorum Antoninianorum in Leiden-Roomburg in the 3rd century.453 After the beginning of the 2nd century, whether the units that had an ethnic name did indeed consist entirely of soldiers from the area of origin is doubtful. For instance, a Cananefatian served in the Ala I Noricum Civium Romanorum in 160/167.454 Nonetheless, there are enough indications that a part of these units were indeed recruted from the area after which the unit was named, even in the 3rd century.455 A graffito in Greek (AΘΗΝ[---, or Athen[---; the Athenian?), found in Leiden-Roomburg, makes it likely that also people from more distant parts of the Roman Empire were present in the castella.456 The same applies to a number of brooches from Alphen aan den Rijn, that could be related to soldiers from Britannia.457 Finally, people with a Germanic background also seem to be stationed in the forts along the Lower Rhine, such as Hahucus from Zwammerdam.458 The presence of Germanic or other, northern sol-

443

451

444

452

445

453

446

454

447

455

448

456

449

457

450

458

Alföldy 1968, 68-69. De Weerd 2006, 22; Polak 2009d, 636-641. Chorus 2008, 14. Nieuwenkamp 2013, 165, 12.121. Simonett 1948, 20-27. Bogaers 1984, 33-39. Bogaers 1972b, 70-72. Bogaers 1976b, 123-126.

Haalebos 1997, 54. Haalebos 1977, 190 and footnote 19. Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 30-31. Bogaers 1979, 357-371. Birley 2008, 171-187;Van Driel-Murray 2009b, 814-815. Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 53, fig. 50b. Ivleva 2012, 266-267. Haalebos 1977, 200-201.

57

0

100 m

Fig. 3.13. The groundplans of Valkenburg and Zwammerdam by building phase. Above Valkenburg phase 1 until 6, below Zwammerdam phase 2 and 3. Image after Glasbergen/Groenman-van Waateringe, 1974, 21, fig. 9, Groenman-Van Waateringe/ Van Beek 1988, Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 18-19, afb. 4 and 5.

diers could be inferred from three typical shield bosses from the castellum in Valkenburg.459 A remarkable sword from Woerden also supports this view, as it may originate from the Baltic area.460 However, these objects could have ended up in the forts along the Lower Rhine as war booty. Synthesis of forts In the research area along the Lower Rhine were seven castella, which were occupied roughly from 40 to the second half of the 4th century. The groundplans of the forts are very comparable, although no (complete) groundplans are known from Katwijk, Leiden-Roomburg, and Bodegraven (fig. 3.13). The absence of the retentura with the castella gives these forts a charateristic form that seems to be restricted to the Dutch part of the Lower Germanic limes. Contrary to the forts in other parts of the Roman Empire, the commanders’ houses and the horrea are lacking in most cases. The castella are all situated on the embankment of the Lower Rhine, at points where tributaries, that ran both north and south, flowed into this river. This location had to do with the function of the forts, namely to guard and monitor navigation routes over the rivers and its tributaries. This was probably done mainly with (the threat of)

459

Glasbergen 1972, 114-116.

58

460

Hazenberg/Vos 2010, 217-221.

Fig. 3.14. Ratios of the areas of origin of the stamps on terra sigillata pottery from three castellum contexts along the Lower Rhine, in absolute numbers (y-axis) and in chronological order (x-axis). Blue are South Gaulish stamps, red are Central Gaulish stamps, and green are East Gaulish stamps. After Bijl 2013, 133, fig. 56.

artillery placed on the towers on the river side of the castella. Stone constructions were built in the forts from the beginning of the 2nd century. The gates and the principia of the castella were regularly built in a monumental manner, with the constructions communicating the magnificence of the Roman army and/or state. Mainly infantry units were stationed in the castella, except in Valkenburg (and possibly also at Katwijk), where cavalry units also were stationed. The occupying force consisted of auxiliary troops, as part of the Lower Germanic army, as well as the Cohors XV Voluntariorum Civium Romanorum Pia Fidelis, and soldiers of the first and third legions. At various forts rooftile stamps of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum twere found (table 3.4); the presence of this cohort has also been demonstrated both at Leiden-Roomburg and Woerden on the basis of other find material.461 Perhaps this cohort, in the form of vexillations, was stationed in various places. However, it is quite possible that this army unit in particular was responsible for the maintenance of the castella, especially when these had not been used for some time. There are several indications of the discontinuous occupation of the castella along the Lower Rhine. For instance, the absence of horrea in the forts indicate that there was no need for the large-scale storage of food supplies; this is difficult to imagine with a complete occupation of the castella, which is assumed to be 500 men.The presence of a horreum at Alphen aan den Rijn in the first phase,462 is thus an argument in favour of a permanent or at least intended permanent occupation. Moreover, there are no commanders’ houses in the castella. Such buildings absolutely would be present when the forts were completely or even permanently occupied. The number of units mentioned on known brick stamps is limited (table 3.4). Apart from the stamps of legions and the (VEX)EXGERINF stamps, which mainly date from after 150, there are only very few other stamps preserved. This could mean that, prior to the use of these stamps, many forts were rather empty. However, the absence of brick stamps can be explained by the fact that roofs were only covered with ceramic rooftiles after the middle of the 2nd century. But, this is at odds with the information that constructions in stone were erected in the castella already in the beginning of the 2nd century: it is assumed that these had a stone roof. In terms of ceramics, mainly 1st century terra sigillata from Southern Gaul has been found in many castella, with fewer examples of later Central and Eastern Gaulish products. This could indicate a less intensive occupation of the forts in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. An investigation of the stamps on terra sigillata from the castella at Valkenburg, Alphen aan den Rijn, and Zwammerdam showed that the proportion of Central and Eastern Gaulish terra sigillata increases proportionally if finds are collected from the Lower Rhine riverbed next to the fort (fig. 3.14).463 Based on this evidence it could be argued that more 461

Haalebos 1997, 55-57; Van Driel-Murray 2009a, 19-21.

463

Bijl 2013, 160-161.

462

Chorus 2004, 97-98.

59

activities took place in the 2nd century castella than was thought initially. At Alphen aan den Rijn, fibulae were also collected from the riverbed, but these seem to indicate a less intensive use of the fort during a large part of the 2nd century.464 The same picture emerges from the investigation of the numismatic evidence from the castella along the Lower Rhine (also beyond the research area).465 But this could be the result of post-depositional processes,466 similar to the poor preservation of the highest habitation levels in the castella. The ways in which coins were collected during excavations also plays a role in their quantification (see also section 3.7). Nevertheless, it does not seem that the castella along the Lower Rhine were especially meant for the permanent stationing of full units, but were used occasionally, perhaps linked to military operations. In the meantime, units of the legions and soldiers of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum took care of maintenance at the forts; they probably also manned the artillery that was present on the towers in the forts, thus ensuring that a permanent threat was posed by the forts. The guarding of the Lower Rhine transport corridor was in this way secured.

3 . 2 . 2 o t h e r m i l i ta ry f o rt i f i c at i o n s The forts along the Lower Rhine were part of a wider military landscape in which other fortifications can also be distinguished. There were also various places at which we can assume that soldiers were stationed. These fortifications are the focus of this section. Fortlet On the Marktveld in Valkenburg, about 500 m south of the castellum, lies a fortlet with a surface area of 0.17 ha (fig. 3.15). In the center of the fort is a U-shaped building, around which, at a distance of 8 m, lies a ditch that was 1.5 m wide and 1.80 m deep. At the original surface level, the ditch was probably about 2 m wide.467 The ditch was interrupted on its eastern side by a structure with six-posts that has been interpreted as a gate, with a width of 2.5 m.468 The gate was orientated towards the road that ran along the eastern side of the fortlet: the Lower Rhine lay on the other side of this road. There probably was an earthen rampart between the building and the surrounding ditch. A few horizontal wooden stakes of the foundation of this rampart were discovered in the western corner of the fort. Outside the ditch was a second ditch that has a few rows of wooden stakes on its north side. It is unclear whether these structures are part of a second line of defence or that they functioned as part of the drainage system, or to secure the soil around the fort. The internal area of the fort consisted, as said above, of a wooden U-shaped building, measuring 26.2 by 20.7 m.469 The roof of this building was probably covered with sheets of slate, and on the inside was a porticus.470 According to Hallewas and Van Dierendonck, this building initially consisted of two barracks placed opposite each other; at a later stage a new wing was added on to the western side that joining them together, and creating a U-shaped building.471 This interpretation can not be substantiated with certainty based on the the published plans; it is possible that there was a U-shaped design from the outset. The soldiers were probably housed in the two barrack wings of the building, and the (added?) western wing could have been for the accommodation of the officer.472 It is possible that a smaller unit

464

Zander 2013, 93-103.

1993, 21.

465

469

466

470

467

471

468

472

Kemmers 2007, 287; Kemmers 2008, 96, fig. 2. Kemmers 2007, 287. Bult/Hallewas 1986, 23.  Bult/Hallewas 1986, 23; Hallewas/Van Dierendonck

60

Bult/Hallewas 1986, 23. Bult/Hallewas 1986, 23. Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 21-22. Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 22.

0

25 km

Fig. 3.15 Fortlet at Valkenburg-Marktveld. The central U-shaped building is surrounded by a ditch that has an opening on the east side; here is a gate. Outside the ditch a second ditch is located that has been preserved fragmentarily. On the north side there are also all kinds of rows of stakes. Image after a drawing by G. van Haaff/Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands.

also was housed in the fort, or part of the soldiers of the garrison from the castellum in Valkenburg. At that time this garrison consisted of the Cohors IIII Thracum equitata.473 In that case, it could concern a (partly) mounted group of soldiers, something that is also assumed for the occupation of the fortlet of Den Haag-Ockenburgh.474 The fortlet at Valkenburg-Marktveld is similar in size and layout to the one at Den Haag-Ockenburgh (section 3.6.1).475 The number of soldiers in the fort may have varied, but given the available space, it is doubtful whether the fort had space for a complete centuria of 80 men.476 The fortlet was probably built not long after 70 and used until the beginning of the 2nd century.477 A layer of clay covering the features of the fortlet implies that the terrain was subsequently temporarily flooded.478 The second road on the Marktveld, which is dated dendrochronologically to 123/124,479 cuts across the north-western corner of the fortlet’s ditch. At the location of the fortlet, a possible watchtower was built around this period (section 3.2.2). The fortlet of Valkenburg-Marktveld seems to have been built to guard the Roman road lying next to it, but also the Lower Rhine. The fort may have been used for about 30-40 years, and thus was used simultaneously with the fourth phase of the castellum in Valkenburg itself.

473

477

474

478

475

479

De Hingh/Vos 2005, 108. Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 130-131. Lanzing/Siemons 2012, 40.

Van Dierendonck 2004, 91. Bult/Hallewas 1986, 28. Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 19.

476

Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 22.

61

0

25 km

Fig. 3.16. (Suspected) military structures on the Marktveld in Valkenburg; top left is the oldest watchtower, in the middle the square ditch of the youngest watchtower, built at the location of the minicastellum, and at the bottom a ditch system that is connected to a possible later guard post. In red the oldest watchtower, light blue is a well and dark blue are the various ditches. The gray areas have not been excavated. Image after a drawing by G. van Haaff/Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands.

Watchtowers So far only two watchtowers have been excavated within the research area along the Lower Rhine, in contrast to the area east of Woerden. The reason for this small number is probably that past archaeological investigations in this region have concentrated mainly on the forts and their direct surroundings. Large-scale research in the “…unpromising inter-fort zone”480 is lacking here. The two watchtowers in the research area are both located on the Marktveld in Valkenburg. The first watchtower was extensively described by Van Dierendonck and was dated by him to around 80-90 (fig. 3.16, nr. 1).481 The watchtower shows an a-typical groundplan, consisting of four corner-posts with a centrally placed fifth post. Although

480

Graafstal 2009, 186-193.

481

Van Dierendonck 2004, 73-102.

62

five-post watchtowers are relatively rare,482 the arguments for interpreting this structure as a watchtower are convincing.483 The date proposed by Van Dierendonck can be debated as it is based on relatively little find material.484 A fragment of a South Gaulish terra sigillata bowl of the type Dragendorff 27 can be dated between 60 and 80, which is both prior to and during the use phase of the tower. This could point to a pre-Flavian date for the watchtower.485 Find material was also collected from the surrounding ditch. Three nondatable sherds486 come from the lowest fill that can be associated with the use phase. Only the highest fill of the ditch, the so-called ‘after fill’, has yielded datable find material. This material was dated between 90/100 and 110/115,487 although we should bear in mind a wider margin. The watchtower was cut by the Roman road that can be dated in 123 or 124,488 thus forming a clear terminus ante quem for the watchtower. Traces have been found in the surrounding ditch of a flood that should be dated to before the construction of the road in 123/124.489 The same flood has also covered the nearby Flavian fortlet.This fortlet was also cut by the road in 123/124. However, it is not likely that the watchtower and the fortlet were in use simultaneously. As the fortlet was succeeded by a second(?) watchtower and a possible military structure (see below, this section), it is likely that the five-post watchtower dates from before the construction of the fortlet and thus prior to the Flavian period. The argument that the absence of traces of burning of the watchtower points to a date after 69/70490 can be refuted if we assume that the tower was already demolished before that period.There are no indications that the posts of the tower were removed, but this may have been caused by the relatively poor conservation of the features. The posts were lying directly below the surface, and possible Roman period excavation pits have not been preserved. However, the posts may also have been sawn off at ground level, as has been suggested for the western watchtower of De Balije.491 Generally, watchtowers may have been in use for a relatively short period.492 In all, it is conceivable that the watchtower on the Marktveld in Valkenburg was built in the preFlavian period. If the terra sigillata sherd found dates from the use phase of the tower, then we can possibly establish the starting date around 60. This tallies with the foundation dates of the castellum in Bodegraven in 61,493 the second phase of the watchtower on the Zandweg in Leidsche Rijn,494 and the eastern watchtower of De Balije in Leidsche Rijn.495 Although the (re)construction of watchtowers could have been a local affair, apparently, a large-scale renovation of these structures took place in the beginning of the 60s of the 1st century. There is possibly a connection with the outcome of the Boudiccan Revolt in Britannia.496 The Valkenburg watchtower could have been dismantled already before 69, and the horrea, located close to the tower, were burned down in 69.497 However, convincing evidence is lacking for the destruction of these structures during the Batavian Revolt. Also, the second phase of the watchtower on the Zandweg in Leidsche Rijn was likely destroyed by fire; the conscious burning down of military installations did occur quite regularly.498 So the watchtower on the Marktveld could have been used until after 69/70 and might not have been destroyed during the Batavian Revolt.

482

492

483

493

484

494

Langeveld 2007, 23. Van Dierendonck 2004, 76. Graafstal 2007, 22.

Langeveld 2010b, 68. Van der Kooij et al.2005, 280.  Van der Kamp 2007, 172. The construction of this

485

Van Dierendonck 2004, 86.

watchtower was dendrochronologically dated to the

486

Van Dierendonck 2004, 86.

487

Van Dierendonck 2004, 89.

autumn of 61 or the spring of 62. 495

Langeveld 2010b, 68. Its construction was dated between

488

Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 19.

55 and 62 based on a dendrochronological date.

489

496

490

497

491

498

Van Dierendonck 2004, 85. Van Dierendonck 2004, 90. Langeveld 2010b, 54.

Graafstal 2009, 186-193. Van Dierendonck 2004, 90. Langeveld 2010b, 68.

63

A possible second watchtower was also situated on the Marktveld (fig. 3.16, nr. 2). Only the square surrounding ditch has been preserved of this watchtower, and traces of posts have not been found.499 The watchtower was built at the location of the former Flavian fortlet after this structure was not existing anymore (section 3.2.2) and seems thus to have assumed the monitoring function of this fort. The surrounding ditch of the watchtower seems to be orientated towards the new limes road, built in 123/124.500 Both watchtowers are located about 550 m south of the castellum in Valkenburg.501 This distance is comparable to the distance between the watchtowers of Hadrian’s Wall in England.502 It is possible that the second watchtower in Valkenburg was replaced at a later time by a new guard post. There is a square surrounding ditch just south of the second watchtower, within which is located a second, roughly rectangular ditch (fig. 3.16, nr. 3). There is a well on the north-west side of the smaller ditch. These structures are dated between 150 and 200.503 The rectangular ditch shows some resemblance to an oval ditch that was excavated in 2001 in Utrecht,504 which initially was interpreted as a ditch surrounding a stone watchtower. Later research into the Utrecht ditch has shown that it is unlikely that it concerns a surrounding ditch of a stone watchtower,505 but it is still possible that in Valkenburg we are indeed dealing with the remains of a stone watchtower. The description of the features in Valkenburg is too meagre to further explore this interpretation. Moreover, the corresponding find material has not yet been analysed. It does seem as if we are dealing with a more or less continuous military presence on the Marktveld in Valkenburg until the second half of the 2nd century. Possible watchtowers/guard posts Four sites along the Lower Rhine have yielded indications of the possible stationing of troops, yet these lack convincing traces of a fortification. The criteria to indicate the presence of the military differ by site. The sites are located at Katwijk-Klein Duin, Valkenburg-Vliegveld, Valkenburg-De Woerd, and Leiden-Meerburg. The possible fortification at the former train station of Zwammerdam was interpreted by Haalebos as a possible Statio benificiariorum,506 but is probably not a military base. Haalebos recorded the find of a sherd at this location with graffito of the thirtieth legion,507 which were collected together with a few fragments of motto beakers.508 However, the find circumstances are poorly documented and it cannot be excluded that the soil was brought in from the neighbouring castellum terrain to construct the railway embankment. Nevertheless, it is not unlikely that benificiarii were stationed near or even in castella, as proven by the presence of two graffiti from the vicinity of the castellum of Zwammerdam.509 It cannot be excluded that there are more findspots in the research area where Roman military activities have taken place, but these are generally difficult to trace.510 Katwijk-Klein Duin The site of Katwijk-Klein Duin is only known from reports of finds. The finds were collected during dune levelling activities in 1906 and subsequent years.511 The pottery was analysed by Marijke Brouwer and the relatively large amount of decorated terra sigillata collected at this findspot is notable.512 There

499

Bult/Hallewas 1990, 5. It is also possible that traces of the

505

posts will still be recognised in a renewed analysis of the

506

field drawings (pers. comm. E.J. Bult, former head of the

507

Marktveld excavations).

508

Dielemans 2013, 170. Haalebos 1977, 291. Haalebos 1977, 78 and 197, 35a. Haalebos 1977, 68.

500

509

501

510

502

511

Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 19. Van Dierendonck 2004, 80. Graafstal/Langeveld 2010, 29.

503

Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 39-40.

504

Graafstal 2002, 14-16.

64

 Haalebos 1977, 197, nr. 7; 196, nr. 24. Graafstal 2002, 20. Van der Velde et al. 2008a, 15.

is also a clear, relatively well represented pre-Flavian component present within the pottery. In view of the very limited distribution of larger quantities of pre-Flavian pottery outside military contexts in the research area, it can be assumed that there must have been a military watch post near Katwijk-Klein Duin. Quite a lot of decorated terra sigillata from later periods also was collected, especially when compared to the nearby rural settlement of Katwijk-Zanderij. In addition, rather a lot of building material, in the form of tuffstone, sandstone, and grauwacke, has been found here. This material could point to the presence of a stone building. The date of the pottery continues into the first quarter of the 3rd century. Little can be said about the nature and size of the site on the basis of the scant excavation data. In fact, the quantity of pottery does not immediately point to a watchtower but rather to a slightly larger fortification, perhaps comparable with the fortlet of Valkenburg (section 3.2.2) or Den Haag-Ockenburgh (section 3.6.1). Valkenburg-Vliegveld When investigating the former airbase of Valkenburg, an area located about 500 m southeast of the Valkenburg castellum was found to contain a few probably military structures.513 It concerns two parallel V-shaped ditches and a building structure with a possible military function. The two V-shaped ditches are likely not contemporary to each other, but both are orientated in a north-west to south-east direction, with an interval of about 200 m. The western ditch contained sods in two places that point to the presence of an earthen rampart on the eastern side of the ditch; this ditch is possibly part of a (temporary) Roman fort. Support for this is a structure that was found immediately to the east of this western ditch.514 The structure consists of four large post holes, three of which were excavated.Wooden foundation blocks were found in two out of three post holes, upon which heavy posts likely rested. In addition to these four large post holes, there are also two smaller post holes that might belong to the same structure. The structure possibly consisted of two parallel rows of three posts, but it cannot be excluded that the building was even larger. The way of construction indicates a military function. One of the wooden foundation blocks could be dated dendrochronologically in 39 (± 6 AD).515 The building can perhaps be interpreted as a tower or gate that belonged to a military fortification. Further to the east was a concentration of ceramics that could point to activities on this part of the terrain from the period around 40.516 The eastern V-shaped ditch517 also could have been part of a military fortification. In this case, it could be a temporary encampment from the period around the middle of the 2nd century. Valkenburg-De Woerd The site of Valkenburg-De Woerd is located at a distance of one kilometer from the castellum in Valkenburg. The oldest structural features here date from approximately the middle of the 1st century.518 First, the site consisted of a storage or trans-shipment facility, equipped with quays. Several storage buildings have been found here. The characteristics of the structures in the earliest phase strongly resemble those at Valkenburg-Marktveld and Vechten, where storage buildings also played an important role.519 The buildings in Valkenburg-Marktveld and Vechten are situated in a military context, so this may also be assumed for Valkenburg-De Woerd.

512

The unpublished inventory of Marijke Brouwer includes

513

20 fragments of decorated bowls of South Gaulish terra

514

sigillata, and 36 fragments of decorated East Gaulish terra

515

sigillata bowls. This number is much higher as the 14

516

fragments of decorated terra sigillata that were found on

517

the neighbouring rural settlement of Katwijk-Zanderij

518

(Van der Velde et al. 2008b, 223, table 10.5).

519

Goddijn et al. 2012, 160-176. Site W7, Goddijn et al. 2012, 171-175. RING’s dendrocode VKB00010. Site W5, De Bruin 2012d, 242; Goddijn et al. 2012, 170. Site W3, Goddijn et al. 2012, 164-166. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 169-170. Bult/Hallewas 1986, 19-22; Zandstra/Polak 2012, 71.

65

From 80-90 onwards the settlement developed into a typical vicus with densely built striphouses (section 3.3.1). Although not found, there are indeed indications that the vicus of De Woerd was located near a fortification. Arguments in favour of this interpretation are the rather sudden construction of the vicus in the period 80-90. The dense buildings and the efforts apparently put into raising the ground level point to a special reason for the construction of the vicus; it had to be in that spot. Also the supposed size of the vicus, about 5 ha, supports the presence of a military fortification here, as the vici found at other castella have a roughly similar size (section 3.3). Therefore, it can not be excluded that there was a complete castellum at De Woerd. Besides, there are also direct indications of the presence of soldiers, like a greave, dating from the end of the 2nd century,520 and a military graffito on a 2nd century terra sigillata plate.521 The occurrence of (relatively speaking) many artillery bullets here also supports the presence of Roman soldiers.522 Quite a number of brick stamps have been collected here, of which the majority are military ones (table 3.5). Unit

Number of brick stamps

Legio X Gemina

1

Legio X Gemina PFD

1

Legio XXX

2

Legio?

2

EXGERINF

14

VEXEXGERINF

2

SVBIVNMACRCOS

1

Civil producers

2

Indeterminable

3

Total

28

Table 3.5: Brick stamps from Valkenburg-De Woerd. After Vermeulen 2003, 115, table 6.

A final reason to assume a fortification existed near Valkenburg-De Woerd is the strategic position of the terrain. Not only does a wide gully flow into the Lower Rhine here, but the beach ridges of Oegstgeest are nearby, and these also are situated close to the river. The gully in the hinterland likely linked to other watercourses and perhaps even to the Corbulo Canal (section 3.4.1). At the same time, the nearby beach ridges formed an important land route north. Leiden-Meerburg North of the castellum in Leiden-Roomburg and opposite the mouth of the Corbulo Canal, excavations identified a harbour basin and a possible military watch post (see also section 3.4.3).523 A 2 m wide sod rampart may indicate the presence of an encampment, although the width is much less than the walls of other fortifications.524 Since the pottery almost exclusively consists of wheel-thrown ceramics, and given large quantities of brick stamps, the data point to a possible military fortification here (table 3.6).525 520

Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 83-86.

525

The stamps of Leiden-Meerburg have been made accessi-

521

ble online by the Provincial Archaeological Depot Zuid-

522

Holland, see http://www.archeologie.zuid-holland.nl/.

523

Due to the transfer of these finds to the archaeological

524

depot of the municipality of Leiden in 2015, these pho-

Hazenberg 2011, 76; >CAT SANCTI. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 88-90. Van Tent 1973, 125-127. Lanzing/Siemons 2012, 47.

66

Although it has been stated that the date of the complex should be placed between the middle of the first and the middle of the 3rd century, mainly material from the late second and 3rd century has been found.526 Unit

Number of brick stamps

Legio I Minervia

1

Legio I Minervia?

1

Legio XXX

1

EXGERINF

29

(VEX)EXGERINF (round)

5

CGPF

1

SVBIVNMACRCOS

1

Indeterminable

8

Total

48

Table 3.6. Brick stamps from Leiden-Meerburg.

Synthesis of other military fortifications Besides the castella, so far a fortlet and two watchtowers, as well as a possible third watchtower (or otherwise military structure) are known in the research area. All of these structures have been excavated at Valkenburg-Marktveld. It is no coincidence that this is one of the few locations where large-scale investigations have taken place outside the fort itself. This observation indicates that there are probably many more unidentified military installations present between the castella in the research area. Four other findspots point to the presence of these structures. Katwijk-Klein Duin could have been a watch post of the size of a fortlet, whereas Valkenburg-Vliegveld could have been an actual, though briefly occupied, fort. Leiden-Meerburg lies so close to the castellum of Leiden-Roomburg that the possible fortification had perhaps a direct connection with the fort intself.Yet, there may also have been civil habitation there. The size of the vicus at Valkenburg-De Woerd justifies the assumption that there was perhaps a larger fort here, possibly even the same size as the other castella (table 3.5). Further research into this is urgently required. The zone between Leiden-Roomburg and Katwijk seems to be rather crowded with military installations, and these fortifications possibly indicate the importance of guarding the mouth of the Lower Rhine for the Roman army. It is quite possible that there were also military bases between Leiden and Woerden. In the first place it is to be expected that the chain of watchtowers known from Leidsche Rijn would continue westward. The watchtowers in Valkenburg seem to be an indication of this. At Alphen aan den RijnGoudse Rijpad527 and Alphen aan den Rijn-Lemkes (fig. 3.17),528 a great deal of handmade pottery and some remarkable finds of a military signature were found, which could point to the locations of other watchtowers. The nature of the settlement near Alphen aan den Rijn-De Schans is unclear, but it possibly also had a military character.529 It is also not clear whether there would have been other fortlets,

tos are no longer available online. Some of the stamps

527

originate from a private collection that was donated to

528

the municipality of Leiden; the author has investigated

529

Vos/Blom 2004. Kok 2001, 145-146. Brouwer 1988, 326-327.

them. 526

 Van Tent 1973, 127.

67

Fig. 3.17. Jug with graffiti > SVPIIRIS MIILI (from Melus, from the centuria of Super), found in Alphen aan den Rijn-Lemkes (Van der Kuijl 1994, appendices, 113).

with the exception of (possibly) Katwijk-Klein Duin. If there really was a fortlet present here, then it could be for smaller cavalry units that guarded the area. Here the beach ridges that give access to the important north-south overland routes are closest to the Lower Rhine, and would be a preferable location from which to deploy cavalry units. Perhaps the ability to deploy a calvalry unit from the castellum of Leiden-Roomburg in the third century (the Numerus Exploratorum Batavorum Antoninianorum), can also be seen in this light (section 3.2.1). Although quite a deal of informa0 5 cm tion is known about other fortifications, it is notable that the larger military complexes have drawn the attention of archaeological research. Smaller (possible) fortifications outside the castella and possible watchtower locations in the outlying area are less well known. A different research strategy, as for instance applied in Utrecht, whereby the limes “ ... is interpreted as an evolving system with the landscape as connecting framework”,530 could perhaps bring a change here.

3 . 3 s e co n da ry m i l i ta ry s t ruc t u r e s a lo n g t h e l i m e s Immediately around the castella are various secondary military structures (table 3.7). As research in the past has mainly focused on the forts, these structures are often less well known, like the military structures in the outlying area described above. Around the castella are vici, the civil settlements belonging to the forts, as well as the bathhouses which could be used by the soldiers and the occupants of the vici, the so-called vicani. No temples have been found in the vicinity of the castella in the research area, though there are in fact indirect indications of these (see section 3.3.3). Burials occur at the edge of and outside the inhabited area. Findspot

Size vicus

Bathhouse

Zones with burials

Katwijk

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

Valkenburg

8-9 ha

Yes

2

Valkenburg-De Woerd

5-6 ha

Unknown

Unknown

Leiden-Roomburg

5 ha

Possibly

2

Alphen aan den Rijn

4 ha

Yes

2

Zwammerdam

4.5-5 ha

Yes

Unknown

Bodegraven

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

Woerden

5 ha

Possibly

Unknown

Table 3.7 Overview of the secondary military structures in the research area.531 530

Graafstal 2008, 30.

68

3.3.1 vici Military vici are consistently present near the castella along the Lower Rhine (table 3.7). Most vici have a surface area of about 5 ha, and only Valkenburg’s vici was larger.Yet, the areas inside the vici were probably not all densely built up and there were zones where building was absent due to the presence of roads, depressions, and tributary gullies of the Lower Rhine. The area covered by the vici changed over time, in reaction to the fluctuating number of troops in the castella. Near the excavations of Valkenburg-Veldzicht, Valkenburg-De Woerd, and Zwammerdam, the constructions consist of buildings closely placed together. The buildings in Valkenburg-Veldzicht and De Woerd were clearly orientated towards the roads. The groundplans of the buildings at Veldzicht have been preserved relatively poorly, but they seem to concern mainly one-aisled buildings, with “... an average length of 15 meters and a width of 6 meters.”532 At De Woerd in Valkenburg, houses have been excavated of the so-called striphouse or Streifenhaus type,533 that were spread over three blocks of houses (fig. 3.18). The buildings can be described as “... elongated, rather narrow buildings, consisting of a combination of shop-workshop-house.”534 The date of the vicus here falls into six phases, dating between 50 and 250.535 In the oldest phase, dating between 50 and 80, there were probably only structures at De Woerd that were connected with storage and the trans-shipment of goods; this is proven by the presence of a horreum, various silos, and a quay and landing places.536 In the subsequent period, the terrain was raised with layers of sod secured by rows of posts,537 and the areas was now used as vicus. It now had a compact construction of striphouses, which spread over a few blocks of houses. The houses abut each other along their long sides, although narrow alleys are known between some of the buildings. Latrines were regularly present behind the houses. A part of the terrain within the vicus in Woerden also seems to have been raised before it could be built upon. A direct indication of this are the numerous rows of posts that have been excavated immediately south of the castellum, though these have been interpreted by the excavators as substructures of buildings.538 The resemblance to the rows of posts identified at De Woerd in Valkenburg and at Woerden is so similar that it indicates a comparable system of raising. In the case of Woerden, this ground raising was either to build the vicus on, or to protect the castellum and the surrounding buildings against flooding of the nearby Lower Rhine. A large building was erected on this raised part of the terrain, measuring 6 by 25 m and founded on ten pairs of pits, filled with concentrations of rubble.539 This building was interpreted a boathouse but another function cannot be excluded.540 A second structure, consisting of a wooden foundation for a half-timbered house,541 could have been a workshop. And finally, another structure was found in worktrench 50 that was not described by the researchers.542 It comprises about seven parallel foundation trenches, each with a length of about 4 m and variable intervening distances of 1-2 m. It is possible that we are dealing here with a horreum. No other buildings have been found but in view of the location of the excavation trenches, the center of the vicus has not yet been investigated.

531

The size of the vici has been calculated on the basis of

533

the maximum size of the habitation features known

534

from archaeological investigations. The surface area of

535

the vicus of Valkenburg excludes Valkenburg-Marktveld,

536

as there was sensu stricto no vicus habitation present there;

537

it concerns only the habitation around the fort itself,

538

with Valkenburg-Veldzicht seen as part of this vicus. The

539

surface area of Leiden-Roomburg has been calculated

540

excluding the terrain of Leiden-Meerburg, which lies

541

north of the Corbulo Canal.

542

Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 120-157. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 121. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 169 (fig. 7.1). Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 169-170. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 158-160. Blom/Vos 2007, 89. Blom/Vos 2007, 81. Blom/Vos 2007, 90. Blom/Vos 2007, 81-82. Blom/Vos 2007, 31, fig. 3.1; 84, fig. 4.51.

532

Vos/Lanzing 2000, 29.

69

0

25 m

Fig. 3.18. Overview of the vicus of Valkenburg-De Woerd. Based on Vos/Van der Linden 2011, appendix 3. In red the houseplans, yellow is a Roman road. The gray areas have not been excavated.

Buildings of striphouses have been found to the south of the castellum in Zwammerdam.543 However, there are also buildings here with a more complex groundplan. A combination of striphouses and buildings with a complex ground plan seem to be a general feature of the vici that are located near the castella in the research area but also outside of it.544 Hardly any structures could be recognised during excava543

Haalebos 1977, 28-30.

70

544

Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 124.

tions in the vicus in Leiden-Roomburg, though many ditches were found.545 This was possibly caused by the fact that only the edge of the vicus was investigated. There are clear indications of metalworking, the production and working of leather, and the production of rooftiles.546 In Valkenburg-Veldzicht, a large concentration of butchering waste around the buildings points to a possible function as slaughterhouse or activities connected with meat packing.547 Research also was carried out across several locations in the vicus of Alphen aan den Rijn. Among others, two buildings were excavated with a possible storage function, which based on dendrochronological analyses can be dated to 114.548 Parallel to the northern building in Alphen ran a wooden drainage channel flowing into a well that was lined with a barrel; the bottom of this barrel was still present allowing the interpretation for this structure as a water reservoir. The function of the buildings is unclear, but they possibly had a storage function for this part of the vicus, as a storage building with similar features can also be recognised at Woerden. The vici in the research area all seem to have been built only after 70.549

3 . 3 . 2 bat h h o u s e s Outside the southern gate of all known castella (i.e. the area located most upstream), remains have been found of bathhouses (thermae). At Alphen aan den Rijn and Zwammerdam, (partial) groundplans are known, while the location of the bathhouses is only known approximately at Valkenburg and LeidenRoomburg. The presence of thermae in Woerden can be inferred from the finds of specific wall paintings that were put in a bath building.550 The location of this bathhouse is not known. About half of the bathhouse at Alphen aan den Rijn has been excavated and consists of three rooms situated behind each other. The westernmost of these rooms had an extension on its north side, and had an apse on its west side.551 The building has a length of over 30 meters but its width is unknown. Nothing has been preserved of the wall construction, only the posts that supported the walls were still in situ. The wall on the east side of the building was interrupted, likely by an entrance.552 There was a large well on the north-eastern side of the building. The building dates from 175.553 There are no direct indications that the bathhouse had a wooden predecessor. Wooden bathhouses are not known in the research area, but a wooden bathhouse might have been found in Velsen.554 It is possible that the bathhouse at Alphen had an older, stone predecessor. During research in 1978 carried out to the south-east of the castellum, remains of a stone building were identified that stood on piles.555 In view of the presence of a “... 30 centimeters thick slab of mortar and fragments of flat rooftiles or tegulae, that were sometimes stacked on top of each other in three layers.”,556 we could be dealing here with a bathhouse. This building possibly fell into disuse by erosion of the bank of the Lower Rhine in Roman times,557 though the erosion could also date after the Roman period. A complete bathhouse was found at Zwammerdam. Again, no standing walls of the bathhouse were preserved. In an area 15 by 20 m, a gravel layer of around 20 cm in thickness was found that rested on alderwood piles; these piles were more than 1.5 m long, and had a diameter of 10-11 cm.558 The piles formed a more or less rectangular pattern, with an extension on the south-east and north-west sides that

545

552

546

553

547

554

548

555

549

556

550

557

551

558

Hazenberg 2000, 28-34. Hazenberg 2000, 45-48. Vos/Lanzing 2000, 31. Sprey 1994, 58-59. Kooistra et al. 2013, 13-14. Laken 2007, 232-233. Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 74.

Haalebos/Franzen et al.2000, 74. Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 75. Bosman 1997, 37-38. Bogaers/Haalebos 1979, 313-314. Bogaers/Haalebos 1979, 313. Bogaers/Haalebos 1979, 313 Haalebos 1977, 30.

71

is comparable to the distribution of piles at Alphen aan den Rijn. The width of the building, including this extension, is 16.50 m, while the recorded length is 18.50 m; the southern part of the building was disturbed by a modern ditch.559 The finds in the well, lying near the bathhouse, point to a date from 175 onwards.560 The possible bathhouse in Valkenburg lies south-west of the fort. On the basis of the presence of a heavy concrete floor and heavy wall construction, this building can be regarded as a possible bathhouse.561 No features have been found of a bathhouse at the castellum in Leiden-Roomburg. Indirect indications that there was a bathhouse south-west of this castellum come from re-used building material that was found in the robber trench of the southern wall of the castellum; among them are fragments that are connected with a heating system.562 Perhaps (a part of) the bathhouse was demolished with the extension. Foundations, presumably of the Leiden bathhouse, were observed in 1969.563

3 . 3 . 3 c u lt p lac e s No temples or cult places have so far been excavated in the military zone along the Lower Rhine. A building was excavated at Valkenburg-Marktveld and has been interpreted as small temple. It could have had a different function, as the finds in the surrounding ditch do not point to sacral activities here.564 The possible sacrificial place found at Leiden-Roomburg565 can on closer inspection be interpreted as an ustrinum (burning place for cremations), as three cremation graves have been found nearby.566 However, cult places and/or temples were apparently present. The first indication of this is the fragment of a freestanding statue of the god Hercules that was found in Valkenburg and was about 1 m tall.567 The statue, modelled on the Farnese Hercules now exhibited in Naples, was found north of the castellum. This statue was most likely in a cult place or cult building. The second indication are (fragments of) altars that have been found at several sites (table 3.8). The altars indicate that apart from the official gods of the Roman pantheon, ‘Eastern’ gods were worshipped. The mention of Sol Elagabalus from Woerden is the earliest record of this deity across the Roman Empire (fig. 3.19).568 The altars were probably placed at shrines in (the surroundings of) the army base. Besides these altars, different finds can be interpreted as intentional votive depositions. These depositions are regularly found in rivers and creeks. A special category within these depositions is formed by the small sheets of lead with inscribed text, which have been found in both Leiden-Roomburg569 and Bodegraven.570 The actual function of these small lead sheets can differ by situation; for instance there can be curses on them (defixiones), or ‘judicial prayers’.571 Such lead plates are often found in water, “… since anthropologically water often appears as an element in flux, and through its own ever-changing state, able to effect transformation in other objects or people.”572 Both above mentioned lead sheets can be regarded as defixiones. A small inscribed lead plate from Woerden was interpreted as curse tablet,573 but further research showed that it was in fact a lead ‘label’, that was attached to goods.574

559

567

560

568

561

569

562

570

563

571

564

572

565

573

566

574

Haalebos 1977, 30. Haalebos 1977, 30. De Hingh/Vos 2005, 163. Brandenburgh/De Bruin 2016, 221-222. Polak et al. 2005, 13, nr. 2. Bult/Hallewas 1990, 11-12. Hazenberg 2000, 28-29. Van Domburg/Brandenburgh 2006, 28 and 44.

72

De Hingh/Vos 2005, 151-152. Bogaers 1994, 154. Hessing/Brandenburgh 2014, 54. Haalebos/Polak 2007, 114-122. Cousins 2014, 57, with references. Cousins 2014, 58, with references. Vos et al. 2010, 119. Božič /Feugère 2004, 27-28.

Findspot

Text

Complete text

Deity

Date

Valkenburg

IOM

IVPITER OPTIMVS MAXIMVS / IOVI OPTIMO MAXIMO

Jupiter

Van Giffen 1948, 192, number 10 and fig. 23, 113 and 113a

Valkenburg

[---] MIL [---] TAVS [V S] L M

MILES BATAVVS (?) VOTVM SOLVIT LIBER MERITO

Unknown

Haalebos 1977, 190 and footnote 19

Leiden-Roomburg

[…] LEGX[XX] VS[LM]

LEGIO XXX VOTVM SOLVIT LIBER MERITO

Unknown

Alphen aan den Rijn

[--- I] NVICT[O---] [---]CATV[---]

INVICTO CATV[…]

Sol Invictus (Mithras)

Woerden

P·S·I·C·T·A·HA A·A·P SOLI·HELAGA BALO ET MINER L·TERENTIVS BASSVS S COH· III·BREVCOR

PRO SALVTE IMPERATORIS CAESARIS TITI AELII HADRIANI ANTONINI AVGVSTI PII SOLI HELAGABALO ET MINERVAE LVCIVS TERENTIVS BASSVS SIGNIFER/ CENTVRIO COHORTIS III BREVCORVM

Sol Elagabalus and Minerva

150200

Literature

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 44; Brandenburgh/Domburg 2008, 36-37 Polak et al. 2004, 212-213

138161

Bogaers 1994, 153-161

Table 3.8: Altars from the research area.

0

25 cm

Fig. 3.19 Altar for Sol Elagabalus from Woerden. Image after photo by F. Lippok.

73

Fig. 3.20. Bronze face mask from Leiden-Roomburg. Photo courtesy of the National Museum of Antiquities, Leiden.

A bronze face mask was found in Leiden-Roomburg during excavations in 1996, belonging to a cavalry helmet (fig. 3.20).575 The mask, of the Silistra type, dates from 75-125,576 and was in the embankment zone of a wide gully that formed the mouth of the Corbulo Canal at this point. From the same excavation trench came unworn coins and horse bones with many unexplainable chip and cut marks.577 In addition, large quantities of metal finds were retrieved here, which do not all date from the same period as the mask.578 An inventory of the finds, together with contextual data, has made it clear that it indeed was an intentional deposition.579 A fragment of a second mask is known from Zwammerdam.580 Possibly this part of the face mask was discarded, as happened to comparable finds outside the research area, like the mask fragments from De Meern,581 and from Vechten.582 Also other parts of helmets were apparently discarded by their ancient owners, such as the cheekpieces at Alphen aan den Rijn.583 From Bodegraven-Wierickerschans584 and Woerden585 two complete cavalry helmets are known that can be dated from the end of the 2nd or the 3rd centuries (fig. 3.21). Both helmets originate from the former Lower Rhine riverbed and were most likely intentionally deposited. 575

Hazenberg 2000, 50-51; Van Enckevort/Hazenberg 1997, 38-39.

581

Kalee 1981, 66-69.

582

Kalee 1989, 193-226.

576

583

577

584

578

585

Born/Junkelmann 1997, 34-41; Kohlert 1978, 21, 26-27. Lauwerier/Robeerst 1998, 21-24. De Bruin 2000, 68.

579

De Rijk 2016, 20.

580

Haalebos 1981, 115-117.

74

Hagedoorn 2013, 51, rr. 3.1; Zee 2004, 190. Braat 1939, 29-32. Kempkes/Lupak 2014; Nicolay et al. 2008, 2-8; Vos et al. 2010, 113-115.

Fig. 3.21 Cavalry helmets from Bodegraven and Woerden. Left photo: courtesy of the National Museum of Antiquities, Leiden. Right photo courtesy of Restaura BV.

Apart from helmets, also armaments were deposited in areas with abundant water. Both at Alphen aan den Rijn586 and at Zwammerdam complete swords were found in former watercourses.587 The collection of metal finds from the embankment zone of the Lower Rhine at Alphen aan den Rijn also contains a large number of daggers and spearheads.588 Comparable depositions are also known from the vicinity of the castellum at De Meern, just east of the research area.589 From the castellum in Valkenburg, a deposition is known of three umbones (shield bosses).590 Another umbo was found in the embankment zone of the castellum in Zwammerdam.591 It is noticeable that almost all of these finds were discovered in embankment zones or other wet contexts; it probably concerns intentional depositions at these locations in the landscape. And finally, an aberrant burial should be mentioned. It regards the discovery of three beheaded bodies that were buried with care under the oldest building phase of the castellum in Valkenburg; they are interpreted as a construction offering.592 Also within the ceramic evidence are types that can be associated with a certain cult, such as a fragment of a painted rhyton (drinking horn) in the shape of the god Priapus.593 This object was found in the 586

by the excavators to the Hooge Burg, now Ipse De

587

In the Provincial Archaeological Depot Zuid-Holland

Bruggen in Zwammerdam. Also this collection now

three swords are kept, one of which was found in the

has been handed over to the province of Zuid-Holland.

embankment zone of the Lower Rhine outside the cas-

To this collection belongs also the bronze umbo with

tellum in Alphen aan den Rijn (nr. 2367; these numbers

several inscriptions of its owners. Correspondence with

refer to the object’s inventory number in the provincial

Mr. F. Kleinhuis, curator of the Provincial Archaeological

Bakker 2013b, 68, 4.23.

depot). Two other swords come from Zwammerdam; the

Depot Zuid-Holland, dated 23-10-2014.

first (nr. 9171) is a sword found by Mr. Beunder. This

588

specimen originates most probably from the excava-

589

tions of the Roman ships in Zwammerdam. At the time,

590

Mr. Beunder sold his collection to the municipality of

591

Bakker 2013, 63-78; Bron 2013b, 145. Dielemans 2012, 261. Glasbergen 1972, 114-116. Haalebos 1977, 86; Haalebos 1977, 200 nr. 67; Haalebos 1977, 218-219, fig. 16, nr. 17.

Alphen, which in its turn donated it to the province of Zuid-Holland. The second sword (nr. 28807), was also

592

found at Zwammerdam and was at that time donated

593

Van Giffen 1955, 100 and footnote 1. Polak et al.2004, 141-142.

75

Findspot

Representation

Valkenburg

Amor?/Personification? Epona? Fortuna (2x) Mother goddess (2x) Venus Goddess? (3x) Bust Cockerel? Horse or Epona Mask (2x)

castellum of Alphen aan den Rijn. From the vicinity of the castellum in Zwammerdam comes fragments of a so-called snake vase, which can be associated with the Mithras cult.594 Few terracotta figurines have been found in military settlements but this accords well with the prevailing image that these objects occur more often in civil contexts.595 The good representation of female gods in terracotta sculpture is mainly caused by the preference of the producers of these representations.596 Only one metal statue of a god has been found, namely of Isis or Isis Fortuna, originating from the castellum in Valkenburg and dating from the second half of the 2nd century.597

Statue? Statue? / Lantern? LeidenRoomburg

Water nymph/ Venus Wheel Mask Mask Mother goddess Goddess

Alphen aan den Rijn

Venus

Zwammerdam

Isis Mother goddess Venus Bust of a boy

Bodegraven

Mask

Woerden

Fortuna? Mercury Bust (fragment) Human figure or bust Masks (3x) Human figure or bust Leg Goddess (Cybele?)

Table 3.9. Terracotta figurines in military contexts along the Lower Rhine.598

3.3.4 cemeteries Near a number of castella along the Lower Rhine, traces have been found of cemeteries. The cemetery of Valkenburg-Marktveld, about 400 meters south of the castellum, has almost completely been excavated. It contained 520 cremation graves and 134 inhumations that date between 40 and 200.599 This cemetery is representative of the broader pattern for cemeteries in the limes zone. There is a wide diversity in burial forms,600 the occurrence of mixed cremation/ inhumation graves, and the interment of animals (e.g. horses and dogs).601 The diversity in grave forms can point to a different ethnic background of the deceased people, indicating persons of local origin but also beyond, from the Gallic area and the Balkans.602 A noticeable feature of the cemeteries along the limes in general is the absence of specific depositional practices and/or funerary assemblages that point to the burying of soldiers; mainly inhabitants of the vici were interred.603 Some exceptions come from the occurrence of a cluster of graffiti on pottery in the cemetery in ValkenburgMarktveld; these are associated with interred Roman soldiers.604 A remarkable element of the cemetery in Valkenburg is the occurrence of 84 inhumations of infants. These posibly died of lead poisioning that was passed on to the unborn children by their mother.605 Besides

594

Bodegraven: Van Boekel 2000, 174-178. Woerden: Van

595

Boekel 1983, 243, table 1; Van Boekel 1985, 19, table 3;

596

Van Boekel 1986, 31, table 7; Van Boekel 1986, 34, table

597

7; Van Boekel 1986, 287, table 12; Van der Linden 2007,

Haalebos 1977, 237-238. Van Boekel 1993, 85; table 3.9. Van Boekel 1990, 103. Zadoks-Josephus Jitta 1972, 116-121.

598

 Valkenburg:Van Boekel 1993, 87, table 1. Leiden-Room-

76

171, fig. 6.19.

burg: Van Boekel 1986, 29, table 7; Van Boekel 1986, 34,

599

table 7;Van Boekel 1986, 287, table 12; Hazenberg 2000,

600

52, fig. 32; Hazenberg 2000, 72, plate 12; Brandenburgh/

601

Hessing 2014, 52, fig. 45b. Alphen aan den Rijn: Van

602

Boekel 1985, 21, table 3. Zwammerdam: Van Boekel

603

1985, 19, table 3; Van Boekel 1985, 20, table 3; Van

604

Boekel 1985, 21, table 3; Van Boekel 1986, 31, table 7.

605

Smits 2006, 36. Smits 2006, 38, table 2-1. Waugh 1993, 31. Smits 2006, 163-164. Smits 2006, 163. Brouwer 1987, 27. Smits 2006, 55-60.

inhumated children, also 34 adults were buried there. It is noticeable here that they were buried rather ‘carelessly’.606 Isotope research has shown that these adults could be of local origin or from regions further away, so that we cannot state that this specific burial ritual was only reserved for a certain ethnic group.607 The burials in Valkenburg are situated to the north, east, and south of the vicus that itself was located around the fort.608 Burials were found also at Leiden-Meerburg,609 Leiden-Roomburg,610 and Alphen aan den Rijn611; whether these belong to larger cemeteries is not completely clear. At Valkenburg, the burials are located around the vicus of the fort, and it is not clear whether the graves were marked above ground. These burials were surrounded both by circular ditches and four to six post structures, but this was not done very consistently.612 No tomb stones have been found in the area, with the exception of a piece of tuff stone found near the cemetery north of the castellum in Valkenburg, which carries the inscription: [---] IBVS / [---] ORVM.613 Indeed, this could be a fragment of a tomb stone.

3 . 3 . 5 s y n t h e s i s o f s e co n da ry m i l i ta ry s t ruc t u r e s Around the castella are the vici, which in general have a surface area of about 5 ha. Buildings within these vici were probably rather compact but there were also zones with less dense building, and the size of the vici in proportion to the changing number of soldiers in the castella. Buildings in the vici consisted of striphouses, which, insofar as they have been excavated, are very comparable with vicus houses in England and Germany. In general, the vici have been poorly investigated, with the exception of the one at Valkenburg-De Woerd. Bathhouses, when present, are consistently located on the upstream side of the castella, but still within the vicus. These bathhouses were primarily military facilities, but the vicani will also have used them. No temples or cult places have been found outside the castella, though there are indications they existed, such as the statue of Hercules from Valkenburg, and the altars found in different locations in the research area. A systematic inventory of all altar fragments has not been made yet, so it is possible that new research into these objects will produce more insights into the locations of possible cult places. In any case, these altars point to a typical ‘Roman’ way of worshipping the gods. The two lead tablets also represent ’Roman’ ritual practices. More local rituals are the deposition of (face) helmets and weapons. The burial fields have been investigated sparingly, with the exception of the burial field in ValkenburgMarktveld, which has not yet been published completely. However, it is clear that a great diversity in burial rituals occurred here, which can be explained by the likely multi-ethnic background of the buried persons. It seems that soldiers were interred with their families in the burial field, and a further analysis of the burials can generate still much information on the composition of the military community there. The vici in the research area all seem to have been built after 70.614 The inhabitants were people with a relationship with the army, namely craftsmen, tradesmen, and family members of the soldiers.615 Veterans also lived there.616 Together with the soldiers from the fort, these diverse groups of people formed the military community along the Lower Rhine. While there seem to be indications of a discontinuous occupation in the castella, the vici were probably permanently inhabited, as can be shown from the known terra sigillata stamps (fig. 3.22). The vici could probably also exist without the presence of large numbers

606

612

607

613

608

614

609

615

610

616

Smits 2006, 36. Geerdink 2011, 38. Polak/Gazenbeek 2007; Vos/Lanzing 2000. Van der Klei 1964, 99-100. Van Domburg/Brandenburgh 2006, 27-28.

611

Van der Most 1989, 16-22; Weterings 2010, 29-31.

Bult/Hallewas 1986, 47. Polak/Gazenbeek 2007, 23-24. Kooistra et al.2013, 13-14. Kooistra et al.2013, 14. Van Enckevort/Vos 2006, 15; Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 190.

77

Fig. 3.22. Ratios of the areas of origin of the stamps on terra sigillata pottery from three vicus contexts along the Lower Rhine, in absolute numbers (y-axis) and in chronological order (x-axis). Blue are South Gaulish stamps, red are Central Gaulish stamps, and green are East Gaulish stamps. After Bijl 2013, 133, fig. 56.

of soldiers. This had probably something to do with their favourable position along the Lower Rhine, whereby earnings could also be obtained with trade and transport.

3.4 m  i l i ta ry i n f ra st ruc ture Military infrastructure refers to the Corbulo Canal, the limes road, and other similar structures. This includes the various identified ports and boats.

3.4.1 the corbulo canal According to Tacitus, the Corbulo Canal was dug in 47 to avoid the dangers of the sea.617 Cassius Dio gives as reason for the digging of the canal the occurrence of river floods at the same time as high tides from the sea.618 The canal has been archaeologically identified in more than ten places (table 3.10; fig. 3.23), and the reasons for its construction will be discussed below. The canal was dug by excavating a natural tributary channel of the Lower Rhine in a southerly direction, and it is assumed that this channel was the one known near the castellum Matilo (Leiden-Roomburg). However, it is notable that the numismatic and ceramic evidence do not support the assumption that we are dealing with military activities already in 47-50 in Leiden-Roomburg.619 Moreover, the connection between the excavated parts of the canal in Leidschendam and the section in Leiden-Roomburg has not yet been established.620 We should therefore consider that the earliest mouth of the canal was perhaps not near Leiden-Roomburg. Prior to that, the channel perhaps flowed through the Leidse Vliet or even via the 20 m wide channel near Valkenburg-De Woerd to the Lower Rhine;621 at the latter there are clear indications of activities around 50.622 It is also possbile that the canal had several mouths and that the use of the 40 m wide channel in Leiden-Roomburg was only made at a later phase623 The known section of channel narrowed as it extended away from the Lower Rhine and reaches the peat area. From that point onwards, a canal was dug into the peat, a few dozens of meters east of the easternmost beach ridge (fig. 3.24). The canal was nowhere dug through the peat into the underlying sand layer. This was probably 617

621

618

622

619

623

Tacitus Ann. 11.20. Cassius Dio 60.30.6. Polak 2009b, 12; Prins/Polak 2009, 28-31.

620

Jansen 2012, 24.

78

Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 14. Vos/Van der Linden 2011, 169. Hazenberg 2000, 34.

0

10 km

Fig. 3.23. Military infrastructure in the research area, plotted onto the palaeogeographical reconstruction. The numbers refer to table 3.1; rural settlements are not shown on the map. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies, rivers, and the North Sea), light yellow are the coastal barriers and other sandy soils, dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. The square symbols are military settlements, the continuous black line is the limes road and the continuous dark blue line is the Corbulo Canal.

done on purpose, as water would otherwise percolate upwards through the sand and the canal would ‘silt up’ with sand rather quickly.624 Recent, but unpublished research has shown that at Leidschendam the canal was dug through the beach ridge, and was possibly strengthened there with peat sods. Subsequently, the canal continues through the peat between the beach ridges. Further south, near the Roman town at Voorburg, the canal connects with a channel of the Gantel system, which was probably made deeper again for this purpose. The port of Voorburg was constructed in a tributary channel (that was made deeper by human hands) of the Gantel system (see section 4.2.3).

624

De Kort 2013, 239.

79

Fig. 3.24 Cross-section of the Corbulo Canal in Leidschendam. Photo by M. van Veen.

In Rijswijk,625 The Hague,626 and Kwintsheul,627 a watercourse has been found that was carrying water in Roman times, though only the western side of this channel could be documented by archaeological investigations. All these observations lead to the assumption that the Corbulo Canal was found here, or at least, this artificially deepened channel was part of its trajectory. Further to the south, the canal ran parallel to the present-day Middelbroekweg in the municipality of Westland. It is unknown if the canal was natural or excavated at this point, but it seems to bend to the south-west at the end of the Middelbroekweg. Here is the modern road the Vlietweg, of which we can assume that also in Roman times there was a watercourse here.628 This watercourse has a strikingly straight course according to the map created by Van Liere (fig. 3.25, left),629 and could have been part of the Corbulo Canal.630 A similar hypothesis was formulated already in 1936 by Holwerda, though without recording a clear argumentation.631 The channel mapped by Van Liere runs in the direction of the site De Lier-Leehove. As can be seen on the map by Kruikius from 1712 there was a watercourse present near the Vlietweg that, with a small bend, ran clearly in the direction of De Lier-Leehove (fig. 3.25, right).632 Medieval ditches are known to have been dug in many places in the research area, which were already low-lying in Roman times. Therefore, it is conceivable that the water along the Vlietweg was also dug up at such a location. And finally, during excavations in 2014 at the site of De Lier-Leehove an originally natural, but probably anthropogenically 625

Dorenbos et al. 2009a, 37-40; Dorenbos et al. 2009b, 116117.

628

Brijker 2012, 24.

629

Van Liere 1948, map appendix 3.

626

630

627

631

Waasdorp 2003, 47-48. Klooster/Dorenbos 2002, 8.

80

Van der Feijst 2012b, 185. Holwerda 1936, 19, figs. 9 and 34.

Fig. 3.25. Left: strikingly straight watercourse near the Vlietweg in Naaldwijk. Figure after Van Liere 1948, map appendix 3. Right: watercourse along the Vlietweg in Naaldwijk, running in the direction of De Lier-Leehove. Figure after Kruikius and Kruikius 1977 (1712), map page 7.

deepened, watercourse was found; it had a north-west to south-east orientation, and its eastern bank was reinforced with posts and wattle.633 The channel had a width of about 12 m and was a continuation of the Vlietweg, which makes it possible that a part of the Corbulo Canal was also cut here. The finds on the spot point to a base of the Classis Germanica, the Roman fleet, in this vicinity (section 3.6.5). It cannot be excluded therefore that quite nearby was the mouth of the canal that flowed into the Helinium. The width of the canal is between 9 and 14 m (table 3.10). At some places revetments were added to the canal, but this was not normally the case.634 Where revetments did occur, the canal’s banks may have been reinforced on both sides; at other places it was only timbered on the eastern side. The revetments consisted mainly of locally cut oak.635 In 1995, a series of dendrochronological dates for the wood used in the revetments of the canal were published. These show that most of the timber can be dated to 49, while there are also dates in 46, 48, and 50.636 Dendrochronological dates of the revetments from recent excavations of the canal can be placed more precisely, in the spring of 50.637 According to De Kort, the canal was constructed in this period, though he alleges that the revetments could have been installed a few years after the construction of the canal.638 In Rijswijk, a fragment of a coarse-ware beaker of the type Hofheim 79 points to a date in the first half of the 1st century.639 On the basis of the available dates, we will adhere here to the year 50 for the completion of the Corbulo Canal.640 It was shown in 2006 that the canal experienced two phases.641 The canal phase dated in 50 by dendrochronology proved to cut an older silted-up watercourse. A smooth-walled sherd that can be dated in the Roman period was found in one of the lowest fills of this older watercourse.642 De Kort regularly suggested 632

Kruikius/Kruikius 1977 (1712), map p. 7.

spring/summer 50.

633

638

634

639

635

640

636

 Jansma 1995, 129. Hessing (1993, 337) mentions that

641

possibly three years should be added to the date of 48.

642

De Geer/Van Wijk 2015, 11-15. Hessing 1993b, 337. De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2008, 26.

De Kort 2009, 24. Dorenbos et al. 2009a, 26. De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2014, 63. De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2008, 32. De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2008, 23.

637

Visser 2006, 171. In Vos et al. 2007b, 9, is mentioned

81

that perhaps this oldest canal phase could already have been constructed under Caligula (r. 37-41) or possibly even earlier.643 The speed with which the Corbulo Canal could have silted up has been investigated during another excavation of the canal.644 It was posited there that the second phase of the canal was lying open for a time ranging between a few dozen years to a maximum of 175 to 200 years.645 Arguments in favour are an AMS date of a piece of bone from the highest fill of the canal and the speed of the clayey sedimentation, which has been set here at a few centimeters per year.646 If is assumed that the canal silted up at a rate of 3 cm per year, then the oldest phase of the canal silted up in fifty years, which would place the construction of that canal around the beginning of our era. It cannot be excluded that the oldest canal phase silted up quicker. It is after all quite conceivable that the Roman engineers, who probably did not know the area very well, would have made a mistake in the construction, resulting in the canal silting up quicker. A large flood from the sea, during which a lot of clay was deposited in a short time, is also one of the possibilities for the filling of the oldest canal. A starting date of the oldest canal around 39/40 cannot be excluded in that case. The fact that the oldest phase has not been found at other locations could simply be the consequence of the later canal being constructed at the same spot as the oldest canal. It is also possible that the second phase of the canal was constructed parallel to the first phase, but at some distance from it. That several channels and therefore possibly other phases of the canal may be present is shown by the remark by Hessing that within the research location of Leidschendam-Rietvink the fill of the natural watercourses hardly differs from the fill of the canal.647 The fact that this situation has not been found at other locations is due to the dimensions of the excavated area. For instance, the research at the canal’s section at Leidschendam-Veursestraatweg 118 was limited to (one phase of) the canal and no attempt was made to further investigate the vicinity with trial trenches.648 Number research location

Location

Minimum Minimum width depth

Depth below Timbering mean sea level

Several phases?

Source

1

Leiden-Roomburg

40 m

5-7 m

-5 to -7 m

north and south no

Hazenberg 2000, 35, fig. 19

2

LeidschendamVeursestraatweg 118

14.5 m

2m

-3.5 m

east

no

Vos et al. 2007b, Appendix 1

3

LeidschendamRietvink trench 9

13 m

Unknown

Unknown

east

no

Hessing 1990, 342-343

4

LeidschendamRietvinklaan 5

10 m

1.5 m

-3.17 m

east

yes

De Kort /Raczynski-Henk 2008, 23

5

LeidschendamRietvink trench 4

12 m

1.3 m

-2.5 m

No

no

Hessing 1990, 342-343

6

LeidschendamRietvink trial trench

>2.75 m

0.8 m

Unknown

east and west

no

Hessing 1993b, 336-338

7

LeidschendamRietvink trench 10

4.6 m

1m

-3.2 m

east and west

no

Hessing 1993b, 336-338

8

LeidschendamRietvink trench 11-II

>5.5 m

0.9 m

Unknown

east and west

no

Hessing 1993b, 336-338

9

LeidschendamRietvink trench 11-I

>5.8 m

1m

-2.81 m

No

no

Hessing 1993b, 336-338

10

LeidschendamRietvink trench 7-I

14 m

1.1 m

-2.65 m

No

no

Hessing 1992, 366-367

11

LeidschendamRietvink trench 7-II

12.5 m

1.3 m

-2.9 m

No

no

Hessing 1992, 366-367

12

LeidschendamRietvink trench 5

12.5 m

1.2 m

-2.3 m

No

no

Hessing 1992, 366-367

13

LeidschendamRietvink trench 4

>9.5 m

1.25 m

-2.2 m

No

no

Hessing 1992, 366-367

14

Rijswijk-Churchilllaan

>4 m

1.3 m

-2.3 m

No

no

Dorenbos et al. 2009a, 23

15

Kwintsheul

>8 m

1.5 m

-2 m

No

no

Klooster/Dorenbos 2002, fig. 6.1

Table 3.10. Measurements of known sections of the Corbulo Canal.649

82

The depth of the canal near Leidschendam is approximately 1.5 m and south of Voorburg probably also is the same depth. This shows that this would have been the desired depth of the canal. This corresponds with the maximum draught of the boats found in the region. If we look at the depth of the canal compared to the mean sea level,650 it is notable that this fluctuates (table 3.10). The canal clearly slopes down towards the north from research locations 6, 7, and 8 onwards. At these locations, a revetment narrowing has been found in the canal, resulting in the canal becoming about 6 m wide here. The revetment has been recorded on both sides for over a length of about 30 meters and it is clear that we are dealing here with a local phenomenon, as further on the canal widens again to 13 -14 m.651 The posts of this revetment have been dated dendrochronologically to 50.652 This narrowing may indicate a possible entrance to a lock or portage.653 A watercourse has been found at various research locations, which initially was regarded as part of the canal, but has proven to be a natural watercourse from the Iron Age.654 It is however striking that towards the south the canal seems to become continually more shallow. The bottom of the port in Voorburg, which was dug into a natural watercourse, lies between 1.80-2.10 meters below the mean sea level.655 However, it is conceivable that this port was located in a tributary channel of the natural watercourse of research locations 14 and 15. The relatively limited depth of this channel at Rijswijk and Kwintsheul can be explained by the fact that only the edge of the watercourse was excavated. This watercourse formed the northernmost branch of the Gantel system (section 2.3), and was probably a rather wide channel. The part of the canal north of Voorburg was constructed around 50 but possibly earlier, and was used until the middle of the 2nd century.656 The part lying south of Voorburg was probably used much longer.657 No indications were found for dredging operations in the canal during the various excavations in the northern part of the route.658 By installing the possible port near research locations 6 to 8, silting up of the canal was probably also prevented.659 The sediments found in the canal indicate that the water running through it had a brackish character; there was “... tidal movement present in the canal from the river mouths ...”660 The canal itself points to the existence of rather complicated system of water management, whereby use was made of specialised installations. The construction and maintenance of the canal would have been a considerable investment. The canal was probably dug to offer safe navigational route behind the coast that could be used year round, avoiding the unpredictable sea. It also shortened the exsting transport routes, which moreover became less vulnerable to piracy.661 A perhaps unintentional effect of the construction of the canal was the better drainage of the wider area (section 3.4.5). Towpaths along the canal Indications have been found at three locations along the Corbulo Canal of possible towpaths. The principle of towing boats was already known in Roman times, amongst others by a relief found in the

643

De Kort 2009, 27-28; De Kort 2013, 237; De Kort 2014, 59.

652

Visser 2006, 171.

653

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 11-12; De Kort 2013, 235-

644

Vos et al. 2007b.

236; Van Heeringen 1997, 406.

645

654

646

655

647

656

648

657

649

658

650

 In the Netherlands, this level is called NAP, Nor-

659

maal Amsterdams Peil, in English Amsterdam Ordnance

660

Datum.

661

Vos et al. 2007b, 9. Vos et al. 2007b, 9. Hessing 1991, 344. Vos et al. 2007b. The table is based on De Kort 2013, 238, table 1.

De Kort 2013, 240; Griffioen/Hoogendijk 2011. Driessen 2014a, 99. Vos et al.2007b, 9. De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2014, 61. De Kort 2009, 26; De Kort 2013, 236;Vos et al.2007b, 19. De Kort 2013, 239. De Kort 2009, 26. Van Dinter 2013, 26.

651

Hessing 1993b, 337.

83

Fig. 3.26. Towing a boat on the monument of Igel. Picture after Dragendorff/Krüger 1924, 46, Abb. 27.

Roman grave monument of Igel (Germany, Rheinland-Pfalz; fig. 3.26). Near Leidschendam-Rietvink trench 4 (1989), a clayey ground raising layer was found on the east side of the canal, which contained find material. We are probably dealing here with the trajectory of some kind of road. Excavations at Leidschendam-Veursestraatweg 118 indicate that a probable towpath was present on the east side of the canal. Some horizontally laid branches and some gravel were found here that were certainly man-made.662 During the excavation near Rietvinklaan 5 in Leidschendam, the west side of the canal revealed a raised part with clay sods.663 Rather a lot of horizontal reeds were found in this layer. A roadside ditch was found to the west of the raised area. Remains of road paving have not been found.664 Perhaps no paving of the road was necessary as long as the traction was done by animals (cattle and/or horses). There is a chance that the canal had a towpath on both sides as the cross-section in the excavation of Veurstestraatweg 118 did not continue to the west. In the excavation of Rietvinklaan 5, the east side of the cross-section was disturbed where the possible towpath would be located. The occurrence of possible towpaths along the canal points to at least a partial towing of the boats that navigated the canal. This was probably necessary as it would have been cumbersome to sail a fully laden boat in a southerly direction against the south-west prevailing wind.

3 . 4 . 2 t h e l i m e s roa d The Peutinger map depicts the road that connects the castella, the so-called limes road. In the research area, this road runs from Katwijk to Woerden and further eastwards. A distinction is made in the Roman period between various types of road.665 The main road system consisted of viae publicae and viae miliares, the public and military roads.666 These roads were constructed at the orders of (members of) the senate or the emperor. The second type of road consists of the so-called viae vicinales (local roads). These roads were maintained by the council of the civitas that generally had its seat in the principal town of the civitas. The maintenance of these roads was usually transferred to the owners of the land over which the road ran. The third category is the viae privatae, or private roads. These roads were the property of private persons and were not always open to other traffic. The limes road in the research area is an example of a via miliaris, whereas the road from Voorburg to Naaldwijk can be identified as a via publica or via vicinalis (see section 4.1). An overview on the trajectory of the limes road between Vechten and Katwijk was published in the past.667 In this section the trajectory between Woerden and Katwijk will be discussed. First the physical characteristics of the road will be described, followed by the choice of location and its chronology.668 662

Vos et al.2007b, 19.

1999, 58-62.

663

667

664

668

De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2008, 21-22. De Kort 2009, 27.

665

A part of the information in this paragraph has been taken from Vermeulen 2003, 18-22.

666

 Classification after Chevallier 1997, 65-66; Laurence

84

Luksen-IJtsma 2010. The data in this section derive from Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 121-130. The observation numbers mentioned in the footnotes in this and the next section refer to LuksenIJtsma 2010, appendix 2.

Type 1

Type 2

Gravel layer

Agger or raised earthen bank

Type 3

Reinforced agger

Fig. 3.27. Different types of limes road (after Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 15, afb. 2.1).

The characteristics of the limes road At nearly every location where the limes road has been found, the road was constructed in a different way. The local aspect of the landscape at each spot was probably taken into account in its construction. Nonetheless, a few general characteristics can be recognised in the road’s construction, thus making it possible to distinguish different types (fig. 3.27). The first type concerns an absent or hardly raised gravel layer which had one or several road ditches. The second type concerns a raised earthen bank or agger with a paved surface. One or more road ditches may have been dug next to it. A third type is comparable with the second, only in this case the earthen bank was reinforced with rows of wooden posts or even elaborate revetments. The width of the body of the earthen bank of the road measures between 11 and 15 m. The slope of the bank has been strengthened in a few places with lumps of natural stone, often basalt. The road itself has a width of between 4.5 and 8 m. The paving consisted mainly of gravel, but an admixture of shell(dust), ceramic building material, pottery and/or fragments of natural stone also occur. In an occasional case only shell dust has been used, like at Alphen aan den Rijn669, and Valkenburg-Veldzicht phase 3.670 Occasionally, traces of road ditches have been found along the sides of the road. The possible indication of a secondary road ditch was found only in one location, at Alphen aan den Rijn.671 Such road ditches are situated a short distance from the primary road ditches and can be interpreted as cattle drift (that is a trackway for hooved animals, see section 4.1), based on the imprints of hooves found in excavations in De Meern. This zone could also have been used for the “... relocation of a cavalry unit ...” as these activities “... could cause a lot of damage to the road surface and the body of the road.”672 The raw materials, with which the limes road was constructed,673 consist mainly of locally obtained building material, such as wood from the marshy woods along the river, and sand, clay, gravel and sods. Yet there are also clear indications of a supply of shell grit and fragmented ceramic building material. The blocks of basalt that were used for the strengthening of the road slopes were supplied from a greater distance, namely from the Siebengebirge south-east of Bonn in Germany.674 The oak that was used in one 669

672

670

673

671

674

Observation numbers 55 and 56. Observation number 69. Observation number 53.

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 124. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 73. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 8.

85

of the renovation phases of the road was probably supplied from Brabant or other sandy environments in the central part of the Netherlands.675 The diversity in the covers of the road surface likely were caused by the paving material having been brought in by boat. Since the covering material was brought to the road construction by boats, and the material in each boat differed slightly, the resulting road composition differs along its trajectory. The material first may have been used as ballast in the boats, also altering the composition of each boat-load. It is also possible that occasional repairs were carried out, with a different load of paving material used in each instance.676 Site location preferences These large differences in the road’s construction methods can largely be traced back to the natural surroundings. The road was mainly constructed on high and middle-high natural levees. Here the construction of a road body was in many cases less necessary. However, the road also runs across low-lying landscapes, amongst others to get nearer to the river. In De Meern a landing quay was found in such a location, where trans-shipment could take place, but also where material for the road’s maintenance could be unloaded. The road was also consciously constructed in flood plains as many castella were situated close to the river, often in relatively unfavourable landscape positions, but these positions were of great strategic importance (see section 3.2.1). At these locations, the construction of a higher lying road body was necessary, as can be seen from the lined road trajectories in Valkenburg. The road often follows a straight course, whereby the bends in the river were cut off as much as possible. This way “... a short and fast through land route was realised that opened up the limes zone.”677 The trajectory of the limes road was regularly relocated in a number of specific locations.The dynamic activity of the Lower Rhine was the most important reason for this. For instance,Valkenburg contains at least three separate road trajectories. Other measures could be taken if the road was threatened by actions of the water. The slope of the road was regularly strengthened on the riverside with blocks of basalt. According to Luksen-IJtsma, finding basalt blocks is always an indication of measures against erosion from the Lower Rhine.678 This implies that the basalt was consciously brought in for this purpose. Blocks of basalt are known for example, at Alphen aan den Rijn,679 and Valkenburg-Marktveld Phase 2.680 In Valkenburg, the road did in fact erode, despite the application of basalt blocks.681 Outside the research area, in De Meern, in 100 a wedge-shaped dam or groyne was constructed in the river, combined with basalt blocks.682 This was apparently not enough, and a boat was sunken between 100 and 125 to strengthen the groyne.683 Chronology of the limes road Due to the good conservation circumstances in the research area, wood has been well preserved in many cases (fig. 3.28). It is therefore possible to date accurately the various construction phases of the limes road via dendrochronology. Table 3.11 provides the road works dated so far. The initial construction of the limes road can be placed prior to 89.684 This means that before that year the castella were not linked with an official road but rather by a path, or just by the river. In any case, the road was maintained until around 225.685 Notable are the similarities in the dates of the different building phases of the road, which possibly point to a central planning of the activities. Apparently, large-scale investment in the military

675

681

676

682

677

683

678

684

679

685

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 9.  Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 53-58. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 129. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 130. Observation numbers 52 and 53.

680

Observation number 68.

86

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 70. Langeveld et al. 2010a, 202; Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 70. Langeveld et al. 2010a, 202. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 82. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 95; Van der Kamp 2009, 93.

Fig. 3.28 A well-preserved part of the limes road (type 3, at the site ValkenburgWeerdkampen). Photo by the author.

infrastructure was quite regularly undertaken. Several dendrochronological dates indicate building phases in 99/100 and in 124/125.686 Further analysis showed that the building phase of 99/100 occurred as a series of repairs, which can be dated between 89 and 123.687 Based on dendrochronological research, the wood of the road construction of 124/125 originates from the area between Xanten and Venlo. This is an indication of a large-scale military building campaign, whereby the entire limes road was constructed anew.688 Maintenance also took place during the Severan period (193-235). The road was probably subject to large-scale maintenance every twenty to thirty years.689 Occasional maintenance also occurred, like in De Meern, where the road trajectory was repositioned in 168.690 Activities

Date

Literature

Construction of the limes road

In or before 89

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 82

Repairs to the limes road

93

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 87

Repairs to the limes road

89-123

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 86-87

Construction of the new limes road

124/125

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 87-91

Repairs to the limes road

After 168

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 91

Repairs to the limes road

193-235

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 91-95

Table 3.11. Dates of constructions and repairs of the limes road between Katwijk and Utrecht. This overview is based on several dendrochronological analyses. 686

689

687

690

Hessing 1999, 155. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 86-87.

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 83. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 127.

688

Visser 2014, 252-253.

87

3 . 4 . 3 q u ay c o n s t r u c t i o n s Quays have been found at various places along the Lower Rhine, such as near the castella in LeidenRoomburg,691 Alphen aan den Rijn,692 Zwammerdam,693 and Woerden.694 These quays were situated along the banks of the Lower Rhine, with the exception of the one at Leiden-Roomburg, where the quay was in a tributary channel of the river. Typical of these structures are the successive revetments, which usually consisted of closely placed round timber posts. The revetments have a different phasing at Leiden-Roomburg, with the result that there was no closed port front there.695 At a few places here, the revetments were built slightly into the channel. It is possible that there were piers here. Indications have been found in Alphen aan den Rijn and Woerden of a heavy quay construction with wooden tie beams;696 both constructions were probably installed at the same time, namely the (late) 80s of the 1st century. Thus, they fit into the period of the construction of the limes road (section 3.4.2). Six boats have been discovered against the quays in Zwammerdam. These were probably sunk on purpose to protect the bank against erosion (see section 3.4.4). This seems to be the case also in Woerden. In LeidenRoomburg, a harbour basin was found in the 1960s during excavations.697 This harbour, measuring 33 by 10 m, was lying near the possible military post to the north of the castellum (section 3.2.2). The harbour’s banks were reinforced with a double row of closely placed posts. Given the find material (e.g. military rooftile stamps and characteristic ceramic assemblages), this was a military port construction. The quays next to the castella were probably generally used for the supply of goods for the army, such as building material. The transportation of people will also have played an important role. The find of large fragments of five decorated terra sigillata bowls by the relatively rare producers Satto and Saturninus in Alpen aan den Rijn caused the excavators to suggest that amongst other objects, pottery was transported.698 However, the percentage of amphorae from the bank zone of the Lower Rhine is “... lower than one (...) would expect.”699 It is not entirely clear whether pottery was also transported in LeidenRoomburg.700 Apart from quays near the castella, quay constructions also have been found at a slightly greater distance from the fort. During the archaeological investigation at Valkenburg-Marktveld, a north-east to south-west orientated tributary channel of the Lower Rhine was found. The maximum width of the water was 25 meters.701 The channel was reinforced with revetments only on the northern side, since the southern bank had been eroded by the displacement of the channel in a southerly direction. Buildings were present on both the northern and southern bank. The northern building was interpreted as a harbour warehouse based on its internal division, and the presence of a breakwater that protruded into the channel near the building.702 As the channel moved ever more in a southerly direction, new revetments were installed. The revetments, consisting of round posts closely placed together, were arranged in rectangular blocks in the silted-up bank, with sods dumped in behind them. The sod layer was covered in two places with planks, beams, and tree trunks, which have been interpreted as a landing stage.703 In addition, wickerwork employed for revetting has been encountered in a few cases.704 All of these measures justify the idea that great care was taken to be able to get quite near to the water in a more or less dry way. It is unclear whether both of the landing stages were protruding piers between which boats could 691

699

692

700

693

701

Hazenberg 2000, 34-36. Polak et al. 2004, 113-122. Haalebos 1977, 41-46.

Polak et al. 2004, 121. Polak 2009b, 9.  Bult/Hallewas 1987, 1. The information in this para-

694

Bogaers/Haalebos 1981, 106-111.

graph largely originates from Bult/Hallewas 1987, 1-8.

695

702

696

703

697

704

Hazenberg 2000, 34. Bogaers/Haalebos 1981, 106-109; Polak et al. 2004, 119. Van Tent 1973, 125-127.

698

Polak et al. 2004, 121.

88

Bult/Hallewas 1986, 22. Bult/Hallewas 1987, 3. Bult/Hallewas 1987, 5, fig. 5.

moor, or whether the extension of the timberings formed a closed port front. The period in which the port was used is before 70 until after 220.705 At well over 550 m to the south of the channel of Valkenburg-Marktveld lies the channel of Valkenburg-De Woerd. Only the mouth of it has been excavated, which had a maximum width of 20 m. Both banks of the channel were reinforced with closely placed round timber posts.These revetments continued from the mouth of the channel some way into the Lower Rhine, as a result of which they “... could have had the character of breakwaters.”706 The channel itself was probably suitable as mooring place for boats.707 Large quantities of finds have in fact been collected in both contexts. As the analysis of the data of both channels has not yet been carried out, little more can be said about the accompanying find material.

3 . 4 . 4 b oat s Transport by water is an efficient and cheap way of moving people and goods. The remains of fifteen boats from the Roman period have been found in the research area at several places (table 3.12; fig. 3.31). This relatively large number of discovered boats underlines the importance of transportation by water in this region.With the exception of the boat from Leiden-Roomburg, all boats were found along the banks of the former Lower Rhine streambed, usually in the immediate surroundings of the nearby castellum. This justifies the assumption that the boats were sunk to protect the river bank and thereby the castella against the river’s erosive force.708 This way the boat could get a second life as protection for the bank. Exceptions to this are the boat Woerden 1, where both the cargo and the boats’s inventory were still on board, and the boat from Leiden-Roomburg, which was found at some distance from the inhabited area in Leiden-Roomburg. However, the Woerden 1 was lying on the bank of the Lower Rhine in the vicinity of the fort: perhaps it was a sunken boat that was later towed some distance in the direction of the bank, as it was hampering the other shipping traffic. Nearly a third of the discovered boats originates from a so-called trunk boat. In addition, several plank boats have been excavated. Little can be said of the boat discovered at Leiden-Roomburg, other than that it probably dates from the Roman period.709 Trunk boats and trunk board boats It is remarkable that tree-trunk boats are so well represented (table 3.12 and fig. 3.29). This type of boat was apparently used a lot.This has probably to do with the natural conditions of the area; the many creeks provided access to otherwise inaccessible terrain. Instead of on horse, transportation with small boats is preferred, and the country roads would clearly have been of secondary importance in this area.The trunk boats have a relatively low draught and are not very long, making them suitable for use also in smaller water courses. Perhaps we can assume that every household in the research area would have at least one trunk boat at its disposal. Mainly people and a small quantity of goods would have been transported in these boats. They could also have been used when catching fish or hunting waterbirds. The retrieved specimens have all been re-used, for the timbering of a well, as guttering, as a culvert or as a fish corf.

705

Starting date Bult/Hallewas 1987, 1; end date Hallewas et al. 1993, 16.

706

Bult/Hallewas 1990, 17.

707

Hallewas et al. 1993, 16.

708

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 20.

709

Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 20.

89

Findspot

Kind of boat

Length

Width

Height

Valkenburg-Castellum

Tree trunk

c. 6.4 m

c. 65 cm

More than 47-69 30 cm Various

Valkenburg-Marktveld Plank

Various

Various

Leiden-Roomburg

Unknown

Unknown Unknown c. 80 cm

Unknown

45 cm

Date

Remarks

Drain

Date castellum phase

120-225

No

Date channel infill

Unknown

Unknown

Reported in 1912

Zwammerdam Boat 1

Tree trunk

6.9 m

Zwammerdam Boat 2

Plank

c. 22.75 m c. 325 cm c. 95 cm

Zwammerdam Boat 3

Tree-trunk plank

10.35 m

c. 100 cm More than Roman 45 cm

Zwammerdam Boat 4

Plank

34 m

440 cm

120 cm

Secondary use

Roman

Fish corf

150-225

No Fish corf

97 (year of No construction)

Zwammerdam Boat 5

Tree trunk

c. 5.45 m

c. 70 cm

c. 90 cm

Roman

Fish corf

Zwammerdam Boat 6

Plank

20.40 m

355 cm

90 cm

150-225

No

Woerden 1

Plank

25 m

300 cm

c. 150 cm

169

Bank reinforcement?

Woerden 2/6

Plank

20 m

310 cm

120 cm

After 190

No

Woerden 3

Tree-trunk plank

12 m

125 cm

c. 50 cm

Roman

No

Woerden 4

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown Unknown

Roman?

Unknown

Woerden 5

Tree trunk

Unknown

Unknown Unknown

Trier TS bowl Fish corf by Maiiaaus

Woerden 7

Plank

29.60 m

470 cm

162/163

125 cm

Bank reinforcement

Sunk 150-225

Sunk beginning of 3rd century

Possibly Roman

Sunk prior to 200

Table 3.12: Remains of boats in the research area.710 The measurements mentioned are the maximum dimensions.

In the latter case, small holes were drilled through the skin of the boat. The boats likely were rowed with oars and paddles, many of which were found in Valkenburg (Marktveld and De Woerd) .711 Apart from trunk boats, also trunk board boats have been found (the Zwammerdam 3 and Woerden 3, see table 3.12 and fig. 3.31). By adding planks, the volume of the boat was enlarged, with the result that more cargo could be carried. In addition to its added cargo space, this boat type could also pass through relatively shallow creeks. As both examples of this type of boat were fitted out with a place for a mast, they could also have had a sail, or were perhaps towed. These boats also could have been rowed, attested by the occurrence of a rowing construction or oarlock on the Zwammerdam 3.712 Plank boats The third category of boats comprises the plank boats. A number of rather complete specimens of these have been excavated in the research area, in particular at Zwammerdam and Woerden (fig. 3.30). These boats have a length between 20 and 34 m, and a width between 3 to 4.70 m. The height of these boats lies between 0.90 and 1.50 meters. They were used to transport large quantities of goods. As most boats were re-used or sunk without cargo, it is not clear what exactly they transported. The belief is that it was building material for the castella, based on the presence of slate and brick dust in the boats.713 Calculations show that 180 shiploads of tuff stone and 20 shiploads of rooftiles were required for the stone construction of the Woerden castellum.714 If we accept these figures, then the stone construction of the seven castella 710

Valkenburg-Castellum: Van Giffen 1948, fig. 46 and 711

Leiden-Roomburg: Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 20;

712

Zwammerdam: Brouwers et al. 2013, 21; De Weerd 1988;

713

Norde 2006, 150; Woerden: Brouwers et al. 2013, 21;

714

Haalebos 1996, 475-509; Vos et al. 2010, 151-160, 167,

90

and 184.

plate 18; Valkenburg-Marktveld: Hulst 1993, 137-145;

Van Rijn 1993, 165-179. Brouwers et al. 2013, 15. Brouwers et al. 2013, 16. Blom/Vos 2007, 419.

0

2,5 m

Fig. 3.29. Tree-trunk boats (upper two, the boats Zwammerdam 5 and 1) and trunk board boats (lower two, the boats Zwammerdam 3 and Woerden 3). Image after De Weerd 1988; Hallewas 1989b, 338, afb. 16.

0

5m

Fig. 3.30. Plank boats. From top to bottom: the boats Zwammerdam 4, Woerden 7, Zwammerdam 2, Zwammerdam 6 and Woerden 1. Image after De Weerd 1988; Haalebos 1996, 475-509; the image of the boat Zwammerdam 4 was provided by J. Morel en Y. Vorst.

91

Fig. 3.31. The poling of a boat, loaded with barrels, on one of the Nehalennia altars. Photo courtesy of the National Museum of Antiquities, Leiden.

in the research area would require a total of 1400 shiploads, which means that a lot of shipping traffic took place on the Lower Rhine. Other kinds of material could also be shipped. From this perspective, the find of a boat in Woerden is interesting. The boat, the ‘Woerden 1’, sunk with its cargo still on board.715 The load of this boat consisted of grain. Blom and Vos also assume that it carried food, packed or otherwise in containers of some kind.716 They also advanced the suggestion that soldiers, their weaponry, and necessary tools could have been transported, as could ‘live cargo’ such as cattle.717 Of course also groups of people could have been transported with these boats. An important discussion concerning the plank boats is the way in which they were propelled. There are several possibilities for this, namely sailing, towing, poling, and rowing.718 It is possible that these ways of driving were also used in combination. Based on consistent presence of mast traces and holes, it can be said that all plank boats from the research area were fitted with a mast. This means that the boats could move with the use of sails. When sailing was not possible, the same mast could be used to pull the boat with a towline. The towing of boats was done by both people and animals. The discovery of a tow path along the Corbulo Canal points to this way of driving boats in the research area (see section 3.4.1).719 Towing along the canal was probably necessary due to the prevailing south-westerly wind, as a result of which the boats could hardly use a sail from the Lower Rhine onwards. Perhaps the masts could also be used to pull boats over a portage. Another way of driving a boat is by poling or punting. Here the boat is driven with a long barge pole. A relief on one of the Nehalennia altars of Colijnsplaat indicates the use of this way of navigating in Roman times (fig. 3.31).720 The last way in which a boat could be driven is by rowing. During the excavation of the ‘Woerden 7’ in Woerden, a rowing installation was discovered on the stern.721 Based on the similarities between the Woerden 7 and the Zwammerdam 6, both boats were probably built on the 715

Haalebos 1996.

719

De Kort/Raczynski-Henk 2008, 21-22; Vos et al. 2007b,

716

Blom/Vos 2007, 393.

19.

717

720

718

721

Blom/Vos 2007, 393. Data regarding the driving of plank boats were partly taken from Norde 2006, 152-153.

92

Stuart/Bogaers 2001, table 7, A8. Blom/Vos 2007, 366-367.

same wharf, presumably in the western part of the Netherlands.722 It is in any case clear that the Zwammerdam 6 was fitted with a rowing installation. Perhaps also the other plank boats had rowing oars. Initially, it was thought that the flat-bottomed boats were built in Germany and were used only, to transport a cargo of building material for the stone constructions in the castella.Yet, dendrochronological analyses, as well as evidence for wear and repair on the boats indicate that they were used over a much longer period.723 It is assumed that the boats were built in the Scheldt area and the Lower Rhine/Meuse delta;724 research of comparable boats in Utrecht showed that the Scheldt area occupied an important place in the construction of this type of boat.725 Who built these boats is not readily clear, but “In view of the used mixture of mediterranean and indigenous techniques, the construction could have been carried out under Roman auspices by native (...) and Roman shipbuilders or carpenters, possibly commissioned by the Roman army.”726

3.4.5 synthesis of infrastructure The military infrastructure consists of the Corbulo Canal, the Roman road along the Lower Rhine, quay constructions, and boats. Research in Utrecht has shown that a whole range of other infrastructural constructions were built along the Lower Rhine, such as a wedge-shaped construction that protruded into the river (a groyne) to prevent erosion of the limes road; at a later time even a flat-bottomed boat was sunk here to slow the erosion.727 In addition, also a landing quay was found, meant for unloading building material for the limes road, as well as a swamp bridge that allowed water from the hinterland to flow into the river.728 This infrastructure is characterised as “... a never completed building project, that gradually took shape in correlation with a dynamic landscape.”729 Also the infrastructure found in the research area along the Lower Rhine can be regarded as such, the more so as it is the western continuation of the structures observed in Utrecht. The Corbulo Canal is an example of a complicated hydraulic construction that in the first place would have been meant to link the Lower Rhine mouth with the Helinium. The advantage was that a waterway was thus created that formed an alternative route instead of by sea or over land. As there were probably different water levels in the Lower Rhine and the mouth of the Meuse, facilities had to be made for this in the canal, presumably in the form of a portage or such like. The canal thus offered a way to open up the hinterland, perhaps as a prelude to the conquest of Britannia. Yet, it also had the (unintentional?) result that the area directly north of the Helinium was drained and could therefore become inhabited (see also section 5.4.2).730 The boats found in the area were not only suitable for navigation on the Lower Rhine but also could be towed along the canal. The large numbers of boats found along the Lower Rhine underline the importance of transporting goods this way, though smaller vessels have also been found besides cargo boats. This latter category of vessels excelled at shipping small cargoes, but perhaps also could transport people; due to the wet character of the area, water transport would have been preferred. The plank boats seem to have been built in the Lower Rhine/Meuse delta, but more specifically in the Scheldt area, by people with a local or more Roman (military?) background. The cargo of these boats would have been primarily delivered to the army, like building material, but also other goods such as provisions and perhaps luxury products. This way, it would also have been easy for (groups of) people to travel. The 722

727

723

728

724

729

725

730

Blom/Vos 2007, 391. Brouwers et al. 2013, 20.

Brouwers et al. 2013, 20. Jansma et al. 2014, 495.

Graafstal 2010, 115; Langeveld 2010c, 97. Graafstal 2002, 9-14. Graafstal 2002, 19. Bulten/Siemons 2014, 556.

726

Brouwers et al. 2013, 19-20.

93

Fig. 3.32. Inscription mentioning the prata aureliana from Menden (Nordrhein-Westphalia), found around 3 kilometers east of the Rhine, opposite Bonn, where the first legion Minervia was stationed. The inscription reads: [L]egio prim[a] / Minerv[ia] / [p]ia fideli[s] / prata / [A]urelian[a] / [a]dampliav[it]: “The first legion Minervia Pia Fidelis has enlarged the meadow land that was named after Aurelius.” (Von Petrikovits 1974, 28). Image: Von Petrikovits 1974, 27, Bild 1.

intensity of the shipping traffic must have been very high and would have reached its peak in periods of heightened military activity. Despite the availability of good waterways, an overland road was also built, the so-called limes road. Analogous to the Corbulo Canal, the construction of this road also had to adapt to the natural landscape. The limes road in ValkenburgMarktveld, with the heavy timber construction, is a striking example (fig. 3.30). It is remarkable, that in an area easily 0 50 cm aaccessible by water, such trouble was taken to build a road, as the construction must have required a serious investment and the road required regular maintenance. It is therefore not surprising that no overland road was constructed in the beginning, as the oldest building phase of the road is at present dated in 89.731 The military infrastructure in the area attests to a large degree of investment from the Roman military service, which is reflected in the clear dates of the different building campaigns of the limes road. During the construction of these works people learned to deal with the dynamic landscape in which this infrastructure was situated, not least through the application of “... an intelligent system of water management, ...”732

3.5 rural settlements in the limes zone Among the military structures along the Lower Rhine are also settlements with a rural character. Although it concerns here only a small number of findspots, it is remarkable given that the limes zone can be regarded as a military operations area (prata legionis).733 Such areas also existed in broader parts of north-west Europe and these could extend also onto the other side of the Rhine. This is attested by the find of a marker stone from Menden (Nordrhein-Westphalia, Germany), which was found about three kilometers east of the Rhine (fig. 3.32).734 Tacitus also mentions lands north of the Rhine and in the possession of the Roman army.735 For the zone just north of the Lower Rhine, just outside the research area, it can be posited that there were indications here of a zone purposely kept empty. The fact that the Lower Rhine was the boundary of the Roman Empire, and that this area was rather thinly populated supports this interpretation: “Vielleicht wurde deshalb der Limes am Oude Rijn entlang geplant, so dass 731

734

732

735

Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 82. Graafstal 2002, 19.

733

Langeveld 2010a, 319.

94

Von Petrikovits, 1974, 9-29. Tacitus Ann. 13, 54.

0

25 m

Fig. 3.33 The rural settlement of Valkenburg-Marktveld. In red the houseplans. The gray areas have not been excavated. The settlement was surrounded by fences. Image after a drawing by G. van Haaff/Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands.

auch das Freimachen dieser Zone kein grosses Problem bedeutete.”736 The rural settlements along the Lower Rhine are discussed here with the military structures and not with the other rural settlements in the research area, as they play a role in the limes zone along the Lower Rhine. Many of these sites have not or only for a small part been investigated. The presence of rural findspots shows that the limes zone was not a purely military area,737 although this probably was the legal definition of this zone. The rural sites seem to develop independently of the military sites, at least regarding the layout of the settlement and the architecture of the buildings, both of which seem to follow a local pattern. Good examples of such settlements have been excavated in Katwijk-Zanderij and on the Marktveld in Valkenburg (fig. 3.33).738 The settlement in Katwijk consisted of three-aisled byre-houses, which fit well into the regional house types, surrounded by a ditch.739 The habitation starts in 40 and ends at the end of the 2nd century.740 One of the houses was possibly furnished with wall paintings, as evidenced by the find of a few fragments of mortar with red paint.741 At a distance of around 80 meters from the settlement, in an easterly direction, lies a possible road.742 This may have been the limes road, although it may have been another road. The settlement in Valkenburg-Marktveld is located close to the military structures present there and can be dated from 122/123, though a much

736

“Perhaps therefore the limes was planned along the Oude

(ed.) 2008.

Rijn, so that freeing this also didn’t cause too many prob-

739

lems” (Bloemers 1978, 97).

740

Kodde 4 and 5; Kodde 2014, 299-307. Beliën 2008, 256-258, table 12.8 and fig. 12.9; 263; Van

737

Vos/Blom 2004, 58.

738

Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 27-28; Van der Velde

der Velde/Dijkstra 2008, 386. 741

Van der Velde/Dijkstra 2008, 387.

95

earlier starting date cannot be excluded.743 The settlement probably consists of two simultaneous yards and was used into the 3rd century.744 Also here the buildings consist of byre-houses. The handmade pottery in Katwijk shows similarities with the pottery from the northern Netherlands and to a lesser degree with the typology of pottery from Rijswijk-De Bult, although the pottery complex from Katwijk has not been studied in detail.745 The handmade pottery from the sites of ValkenburgMarktveld, Leiden-Haagweg, and Alphen aan den Rijn-Goudse Rijpad was not or only superficially studied.746 An extensive study from 1994 of the handmade pottery from rural contexts between Leiden and Alphen aan den Rijn showed that there are similarities with the Assendelver polders in NoordHolland and with Rijswijk-De Bult; but, the comparison of the different pottery complexes is hampered by the different names and typologies that are used for this pottery.747 In spite of all previous studies, it is so far not clear with which typology the handmade pottery of the rural settlements in the limes zone fits in best and whether this typology developed locally. A new study of this find group is therefore urgently required. The function of the settlements would presumably have been mainly to supply food to the military settlements. The rural population would have concentrated in particular on the supply of grains such as emmer and barley and to providing alder wood, but the army would have been partially dependent on supplies from outside the limes zone for their meat.748 At the site of Katwijk-Zanderij, flax could have been soaked that was used for textiles,749 but also for the fabrication of ropes. When vici developed next to the castella, that is at the end of the 1st century, the supply capabilities of the areas directly around the castella were stretched to their limit. This forced the army to procure emmer and barley also from other regions; wheat and spelt were imported already from the outset.750 At the settlement of Katwijk-Zanderij, the large numbers of metal finds point to a strong link with the Roman army.751 The discovery of rural habitation near the limes road, at the findspot of Alphen aan den Rijn-Goudse Rijpad,752 could indicate that the local population was involved in supplying food and in helping to maintain the road. Especially during periods with a reduced military presence, the local population could have played an important role. An appeal could also have been made to the expertise of the local groups regarding living in a relatively wet landscape. The discovery on the Marktveld in Valkenburg,753 of a culvert connected with the rural settlement, can point to the involvement of local ‘knowhow’ for solving problems. Indications of rituals have rarely been found, with the exception of the deposition of three complete pots in the remainder of a water channel bed near the edge of a rural settlement in Leiden-Haagweg.754 Complete pots were also deposited in a pit in the rural settlement of Alphen aan den Rijn-Goudse Rijpad.755 Burial fields of the local population have been discovered at two locations in the limes zone. In Katwijk-Zanderij, the burial field lies around 100 meters away from the settlement.756 It is possible that the burials are lying along a Roman road but this remains uncertain.757 The depositions were found in two artificial mounds and though there are various contemporary burial rituals known in other parts of the research area, exclusively cremation graves were found here. Based on the find material, the graves can be dated between 40/70 and 150, while a small part of the graves date possibly from the Iron Age.758 Four cremation graves have been found in Woerden-Barwoutswaarder that mainly date from the end of 742

751

743

752

744

753

Hessing 2008, 93-94. Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 37. Hallewas/Van Dierendonck 1993, 42.

De Bruin 2008c, 249-250. Vos/Blom 2004. Bult/Hallewas 1990, 16-17;Van Rijn 1993, 159-162. See

745

Van der Velde et al. 2008b, 220.

also section 5.8.3.

746

754

747

755

748

756

749

757

750

758

Niemeijer 2004, 31; Wiepking 2010, 38-41. Van der Kuijl 1994, 39-59. Van Dinter et al.2014, 32. Bakels 2008, 349. Van Dinter et al. 2014, 32.

96

Goossens 2010, 58. Vos/Blom 2004, 24-25. Hessing 2008, 93-106. Hessing 2008, 95. Hessing 2008, 103.

the second and the beginning of the 3rd century.759 As there are no indications of a military presence in the vicinity, the burials can be attributed to the local population. The graves are located in the vicinity of the limes road and indicate that the rural habitation in the limes zone continued into the 3rd century. Although only a number of sites in this region have been investigated in detail, it is clear that there are rural settlement areas between the Roman military settlements and other structures that are connected with the limes. These seem to develop independently of the military sites, at least regarding the layout of the settlement and the architecture of the buildings. In Katwijk-Zanderij though, wooden barrels were used to line the inner wall of several wells.760 These have presumably ended up in the settlement via Roman military exchange networks. Also the occurrence in the settlements along the Lower Rhine of relatively early datable, wheel-thrown pottery and metal objects points to some interaction with the Roman soldiers. A possible example of the relationship between the rural population and the soldiers in the castella is the find of a Celtic coin from the Leuci, a Gallic tribe that lived in present-day Lorraine in France. The coin was found on the settlement in Katwijk-Zanderij, which was located around 1.5 km from the fort in Valkenburg.761 However, hardly any Celtic coins have been found in the research area, which makes this coin rather special (section 5.2). As habitation from the Late Iron Age is lacking on the Zanderij, the coin would have ended up in Katwijk only in the Roman period. The oldest fort of Valkenburg contained the address of a doctor engraved on a writing tablet, who was based in the capital of the Leuci (section 3.2.1). Perhaps this concurrence was no coincidence and the coin did end up in Katwijk via the local soldiers stationed in the castellum, though it cannot be excluded that soldiers from Valkenburg also visited the rural settlements in the vicinity of the fort. The most important function of the rural settlements would have lain in provisioning the Roman army, and “…the local population was probably much more involved in the provisioning of the Roman army in the Lower Rhine delta between fort Vechten and the North Sea, especially for cereals, than hitherto assumed.”762

3 . 6 m i l i t a r y s t r u c t u r e s i n t h e c o a s t a l a r e a s o u t h of the limes The Romany army was active in the area along the Lower Rhine as well as in the coastal area behind the limes zone. The first indications of the presence of Roman soldiers in this vicinity come from the distribution of military rooftile stamps, graffiiti on pottery, and militaria.763 In particular, the often occurring brick stamps of the fleet points to the presence of the Roman navy in the coastal area.764 With the publication of the finds from Ockenburgh and the Scheveningseweg in The Hague it became clear that Roman soldiers were present at different locations in the beach ridge area.765 Combined with the more recent discoveries in Naaldwijk,766 and the publication of the temporary camp, the fortlet and the vicus of Ockenburgh, it has been suggested that we are dealing here with a coastal defence system.767 Dhaeze also supposed a preconceived plan to extend the system of coastal defence, namely from the middle of the 2nd century.768 The activities and possible fortifications of the fleet in the hinterland can be more or less reconstructed based on the collected brick stamps of this unit.769

759

Blom 2005, 22-23.

1988.

760

766

761

767

Van der Velde 2008, 70-76. NUMIS nr. 1054186.

Goossens 2012; Van der Feijst et al. 2008. Van Zoolingen 2014, 30-31; Waasdorp 2003, 62; Waas-

762

Van Dinter et al. 2014, 32.

dorp (ed.) 2012, 139-148; Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen

763

Bogaers 1974, 70-78; Haalebos 1974, 78-82.

2015b, 407-432.

764

768

765

769

Beunder 1987, 207-212. Waasdorp 1989, 157-166;Waasdorp 1999;Waasdorp/Zee

Dhaeze 2011, 163. De Bruin 2012c, 152.

97

0

20 m

Fig. 3.34. The fortlet in Den Haag-Ockenburgh. Image after Lanzing/Siemons 2012, 34, afb. 2.1.

Four locations in the hinterland of the limes have indications of the possible stationing of soldiers, such as militaria,770 brick stamps that can be associated with the army, graffiti,771 inscriptions, and a specific pottery assemblage that clearly differs from that of the rural settlements.772 Following these criteria, the site near the Kleine Pan in Wassenaar, which also is assumed to have had a military character,773 cannot be regarded as such, because it lacks this specific assemblage of material culture. The other findspots, Den Haag-Ockenburgh, Den Haag-Scheveningseweg,Voorburg, Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf and De Lier-Leehove do meet the above criteria. These (possible) military settlements in the coastal area south of the limes will be discussed individually in the following sections.

3.6.1 den haag-ockenburgh The settlement of Ockenburgh is located in the beach ridge area, to the south-west of the municipality of The Hague. Excavations have been carried out on the site at different times, and although the analysis of the excavations from the 1930s created problems for later researchers, it was possible in the end to interpret the nature of the settlement.774 Military installations, a vicus, and an accompanying burial field were identified here from the 2nd century onwards. The complex seems to have been used until the end of the third, possibly even until the beginning of the 4th century. The separate structures will be discussed in more detail below. 770

773

771

774

Waasdorp 2015b, 264. Van der Linden/Waasdorp 2015, 190.

772

Van der Linden 2015, 186-188.

98

Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 138. Waasdorp 2015a, 8-41.

Temporary camp The oldest activities on the site consist of the laying of a layer of clay sods, which perhaps was meant to stabilise the loose dune sand and/or to level the terrain.775 This preparatory work was immediately followed by the building of a temporary camp, measuring over 0.7 ha.776 This size corresponds more or less with the first phase of the castellum in Alphen aan den Rijn (table 3.3), and this size was large enough to provide accommodation for a cohort of about 500 men. No clear traces of buildings have been found within the camp, with the exception of the traces of posts of a storage building (storage structure 901). Little more can be said regarding this building, other than that it could date from the same period as the camp’s surrounding ditch.777 The structures could also belong to the later habitation of the area. Given the absence of features, the soldiers could have been housed in tents. That these tents were available in the vicinity is shown by finds of leather tent parts from Valkenburg and Leiden-Roomburg; traces even seem present in Valkenburg where the tents were placed.778 Wooden tent pegs are known from Bodegraven.779 The fort, which has been interpreted as a construction camp (to build the fortlet mentioned below), is dated around the middle of the 2nd century,780 but a slightly earlier date in the first half of the 2nd century is more likely, in view of the dates of the material found in the ditch.781 Therefore, the camp can be regarded as a temporary camp dating from the first half of the 2nd century, and was probably used for only a short time.782 Fortlet A fortlet was excavated at the same site as the temporary camp described above (fig. 3.34). The fortlet is located on a small sandy ridge in the beach ridge area, about 20 km south of the Lower Rhine and probably 2 km away from the Roman shoreline.783 The fort has a surface area of 0.19 ha, and contains a U-shaped building measuring 26.2 by 11.4 m.784 The wooden building was probably covered with brick rooftiles.785 The building was encircled by a V-shaped ditch with a maximum width of 3.5 m and a depth of 1.15 m.786 The ditch was probably lined with wooden planks to prevent it from silting up with airborne dune sand.787 A comparable lining with planks was found in Woerden, where water flowing in the canal was probably an issue.788 Most likely there was an earthen rampart between the U-shaped building and the ditch.789 A gate was not found, as this part of the fortlet was located outside the limit of excavation. Based on the orientation of the U-shaped building, this would have been located on the eastern side of the fort. The fort probably could house a mounted unit that consisted of sixteen horsemen, or half a turma.790 This is based on the division of the building within the fort, but also on the burials of three large horses that were found around the fortlet.791 The fortlet was used between 150 and 180792 and probably

775

of Frankfurt am Main-Nied (Rupp 1987, 25). In the

776

Netherlands, this pottery was only found on military sites

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 408, 410. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 410.

777

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 414.

778

 Groenman-Van

Waateringe

1967,

(Rupp 1987, 37-40), further strengthening the military 79-105; Van

Driel-Murray 2009a, 21-26.

character of the earliest habitation in Ockenburgh. 782

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 415.

779

783

780

784

Van der Kooij 1997, 397.  Van Zoolingen 2014, 30; Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 412.

781

Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 141. Lanzing/Siemons 2012, 40.

785

Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 127.

Van Zoolingen 2014, 25-26;Van Zoolingen 2015, 51-54.

786

Especially a fragment of Wetterauer Ware, that is dated

787

between 100 and (latest) 140 (Rupp 1987, 56), points to

788

an earlier date for this fort (the fragment is discussed in

789

Van Zoolingen 2014, 24-26; figs. 3.12-3.13). This type of

790

pottery was produced in Germania Superior, in the area

791

Lanzing/Siemons 2012, 37. Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 126. Vos/Blom 2008, 42-45. Lanzing/Siemons 2012, 47. Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 128. Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 130.

99

guarded the land routes through the beach ridge area, although the responsibilities of the soldiers could have been more extensive.793 In terms of its size and layout, the fort looks like the fortlet of Valkenburg, which dates from the period between 70 and the beginning of the 2nd century (see also section 3.2.2).794 Vicus Features of a military vicus have been excavated west and south of the fortlet.The vicus measured approximately 4 ha.795 Although the the site was only partly excavated, limiting the wider understanding of the layout and the chronology, some general statements can be made about the different habitation features.796 The buildings of the vicus consisted of a row of seven to ten striphouses, along a probably north-south orientated road. Behind these houses were backyards, on which were found one-aisled outhouses, “... wells and cesspits, waste pits and sometimes also drains ...“.797 The remainder of the site was investigated too marginally to be able to identify other divisions of the settlement. The impression created from the other traces on the site is that of a dispersed habitation with more isolated houses. Striphouses seem to be lacking. We could however be dealing here with back yards, implying that the associated houses have not been excavated yet. Buildings with a stone foundation have not been found; there are suggestions though that minimally one building may have been covered with rooftiles.798 The distribution of 3rd-century pottery shows that the settlement expanded in that period.799 Part of the area would also have been used as road, of which few traces can be recognised due to the sandy substratum.800 Indications have been found in the vicus of metal working.801 The vicus was used from 150 to 250,802 but the find material clearly points to a use of the site in the 4th century.803 Religion No indications have been found within the settlement Ockenburgh of a cult place or temple building. The only structure that could qualify as such,804 cannot be securely identified as a temple due to the lack of accompanying find material that would indicate unambiguously a sacred function. Spread over the settlement area were twenty identifiable terracotta figurines (table 3.13). As in the military settlements along the Lower Rhine, statues of female gods are also popular in Ockenburgh (see section 3.3.3). Apart from the statues, two depositions have been found.805 The first deposition, already found during excavations in the 1930s, consists of a dolium (storage pot) that was entirely buried and in which were placed a set of pottery, a glass aryballos (small oil or ointment bottle),806 metal finds (among which iron utensils), and a bone ring. The find complex is dated in the 3rd century. It clearly belongs to an intentional burial but in which context is not entirely clear due to the poor information about the find circumstances. This does not apply to a comparable deposition that was excavated at the site in 1997. This contained also a set of crockery, made of both pottery and metal, as well as iron utensils and building materials, two grindstones and two fragments of red deer antler. A storage pot, part of this deposition, was filled with daub and covered with a layer of ash. The deposition was found in a pit in a building (building 103). This deposition also dates from the 3rd century. Both depositions (fig. 3.35) have in common that they consist of kitchenware, metal and stone utensils, and objects of antler and bone. It has recently been proposed that the depositions can be linked to a ritual related to the use, rebuilding, or leaving of the house.807 792

800

793

801

794

802

795

803

796

804

797

805

798

806

799

807

Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 133. Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 142. Lanzing/Siemons 2012, 40. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015a, appendix map B. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 419-420. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 417. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 418. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 429.

100

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 422. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 425. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 416. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 432. Building 113; Van Zoolingen 2015, 79-81. Van Zoolingen 2015, 125-128. Vanderhoeven 2015, 239. Van Zoolingen 2015, 128.

Fig. 3.35. Depositions in Den Haag-Ockenburgh. Photos Municipality of The Hague, Department of Archaeology.

Representation

Number

Bacchus

1

Mother goddess

2

Wild boar

1

Horse

1

Diana

1

Epona?

1

Fortuna

1

Mercury

1

Venus

1

Goddess

4

Bust

1

Horse or bull

1

Animal?

1

Mask

3

Table 3.13. Terracotta figurines found at Den Haag-Ockenburgh. After Waasdorp 2015b, 329; Waasdorp/Zee 1988, 41.

Cemetery In the military settlement at Den Haag-Ockenburgh, burials were revealed during the 1931 excavations.808 Eight cremation graves were found, although a number of these were already disturbed. Although the description of the burial gifts was not very clear in the initial publication, it looks as if unburnt pottery also was included. Notable here is the occurrence of sherds of decorated terra sigillata bowls of the type Dragendorff 37. These are usually lacking in graves from Roman times in the research area, but also outside it.809 This bowl possibly indicates a local burial custom. In other graves, the cremated remains were probably placed into a container, which had already disappeared in the investigation in 1996; in a number of cases it was an urn that was placed in a pit.810 The pits were covered with clean sand or the unselected funeral pyre remains. The other graves were assumed to be pits in which all the remains of the funeral pyre were gathered and buried, without selection of the cremation remains. There are presumably more graves present in this part of the site, although a part is likely to have disappeared through wind erosion.811

808

810

809

811

Holwerda 1938, 40-41. Willis 2004, Chapter 9; Hiddink 2005, 32.

Van Zoolingen 2015, 131-132. Van Zoolingen 2015, 134.

101

Relevant military units and occupants of the vicus It is not yet clear which units were stationed in Den Haag-Ockenburgh, except that it is likely that it was a mounted unit.812 On a fragment of a mortarium is inscribed the graffito …]VI·BRI·>TINIL CAE[…, which can be read as cohors sexta Brittonum centuria Tinilus Caelianus, or:Caelianus, belonging to the centuria of Tinilus of the sixth cohors Brittonum, a unit originally from Britannia.813 It is quite possible that (a part of) this unit, that perhaps consisted of horsemen, was stationed in Den Haag-Ockenburgh.814 It is also posible that a unit of the cohorts stationed on the Lower Rhine limes was stationed in the fort.815 The military brick stamps do not give any direct clues as to the stationing of units in The Hague (table 3.14). The two Primacort stamps are remarkable though; as the stamps were mainly found along the coast, Waasdorp supposed that this unit formed perhaps a contingent of the fleet, the Classis Germanica.816 Dhaeze suggested that it concerns an infantry unit.817 For the time being it can be said that the background of these stamps remains unknown. A Primacort stamp is also known from Voorburg (section 3.6.3). In addition, these stamps are known from Aardenburg and Wijk bij Duurstede.818 Unit

Number

Legio X Gemina

2

Exercitus Germanicus Inferior

2

Vexilarii Exercitus Germanici Inferioris

6

Classis Germanica Pia Fidelis

2

Primacort

2

Table 3.14: Military stamps on bricks from Den Haag-Ockenburgh. After Waasdorp 2015b, 347.

The graffiti at the vicus suggests that mainly people with Latin names lived here, like Victor and Verina. The latter graffito implies the presence of women in the vicus, which in itself is not surprising. Both names were perhaps popular in the region, as can be seen from the grave inscription for Victoria Verina from Forum Hadriani (Voorburg), found in Hungary (see section 2.7).820 Another graffito mentions an amphora that was intended for communal use by occupants of the vicus or soldiers, or perhaps for use in a ritual sphere.821 819

The military complex at Ockenburgh It is clear that in the first half of the 2nd century in the beach ridge area near Den Haag-Ockenburgh, the area was developed and a temporary camp was erected. Subsequently a small military fortification, a fortlet, was built on the same area, in which a small mounted unit likely was stationed. The systematic development and the presence of a temporary fort point to a systematic build-up of a military base in this area. The fortlet was used between 150 and 180. Also at that time a vicus was set up on the site, consisting of a series of striphouses and a zone with more dispersed buildings. These latter structures could concern back yards of not-yet discovered houses. Next to the settlement is a cemetery. It is remarkable that the vicus was used longer than the fortlet, and that its size increased further in the 3rd century. The current explanation for this is that the vicus could have served several installations in the vicinity.822 Given the 812

818

813

819

814

820

815

821

816

822

817

823

Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 130-132. Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 131. Ivleva 2012, 133-135. Jilek/Breeze 2007, 210. Waasdorp 2015b, 348. Dhaeze 2011, 129.

102

Dhaeze 2011, 129, note 71, with references. Van der Linden/Waasdorp 2015, 198-199. CIL III, 4279. Van der Linden/Waasdorp 2015, 191. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 429. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 425-427.

distribution of objects like the militaria and the graffiti on pottery from the vicus (fig. 5.7),823 combined with the fragmentary character of the research on the spot, the presence of a miltary fortification or the lodging of irregular units in the vicus also seems a possibility. The habitation of the area ends in the beginning of the 4th century.

3.6.2 den haag-scheveningseweg At the Scheveningseweg in The Hague, an excavation was carried out from 1984 to 1987, identifying two habitation levels from the Roman period.824 The lowest layer could be associated with a ‘normal’ rural settlement, while the higher level belonged to a settlement with a Roman military character. About 10 to 15% of the surface area of the Roman period site could be investigated, whereby the total size of the settlement could be calculated at about 2.5 ha. The settlement The identified structures consist of relatively small, one-aisled buildings, with a maximum length of 15 m and a maximum width of 4. 5 m. The buildings lie quite close together and could have been orientated along a road (fig. 3.36).825 They look like the one-aisled groundplans of the settlement at Den Haag-Ockenburgh, which there seem to be mainly on the backyards. Perhaps mainly the backyards of houses were also excavated on the Scheveningsweg.826 The settlement can be dated between 190 and 240, with a revival around 270,827 but it is also quite possible that the site was occupied continuously. Coins from the period 240-270 are very rare (section 3.1), and only a small part of the settlement has been excavated. Regarding the material composition, the pottery is very comparable with that of Den Haag-Ockenburgh.828 Large quantities of militaria have been found, as well as casting moulds to make these militaria.829 These objects suggest that a military guard post was present in the immediate vicinity of the settlement, which guarded a route through the beach ridge area.830 The fortification itself remains unidentified. Only two brick stamps have been found, namely of the Legio I Minervia Antoniniana and the Classis Germanica Pia Fidelis.831 Religion It is remarkable that the small investigated part of the military settlement on the Scheveningseweg produced around 100 fragments of terracotta figurines.832 The sieving of the excavated soil excavation undoubtedly contributed to the fact that many small fragments were, thus making the total number so large.833 However, as the investigated surface area was only 250 square meters,834 the number of statue fragments is comparatively large, certainly when compared with the larger excavations in Den Haag-Ockenburgh.835 This high concentration is explained by the presence of a sanctuary in the vicinity of the excavation.836 Nineteen of the statues could be further identified (table 3.15). The composition of the identifiable terracotta figurines from the Scheveningsweg fits well with the general characteristics of these objects, namely that many goddesses occur (section 3.3.3). In additon, two other depositions have been found on the site. The first deposition concerns a complete buried coarse-walled pot, of the type Brunsting 4B, which was found in 824

831

825

832

826

833

827

834

828

835

829

836

Waasdorp 1999, 12-18. Waasdorp 1999, 173; Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 145. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 418. Waasdorp 1999, 171. Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 426. Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 135-137.

Waasdorp 1986, 312. Van Boekel 1989, 39. Van Boekel 1989, 45, note 3. Waasdorp 1999, 12. Waasdorp 2015b, 325; Waasdorp/Zee 1988, 41. Van Boekel 1989, 39.

830

Waasdorp 1999, 173.

103

Fig. 3.36. Groundplan of the settlement at Den Haag-Scheveningseweg. Image: Municipality of The Hague, Department of Archaeology.

0

25 m

the features of a building and was filled with ceramic building material.837 The second deposition consists of a pewter plate, two complete painted beakers, two fragments of horsegear with vulva decoration, and a prehistoric jadeite axe, which were buried together in a small pit.838

Representation

Number

Mother goddess

4

Venus

3

Fortuna

2

Minerva

1

Cybele

1

Bust

3

Dwarf

1

Cockerel

2

Horse

1

Bull

1

Table 3.15. Terracotta figurines from Den Haag-Scheveningseweg. After Van Boekel 1989, 45, note 12.

837

Van Zoolingen 2015, 128.

104

838

Waasdorp 1999, 156-158.

Den Haag-Scheveningseweg: a military vicus Overall, the military vicus excavated at the Scheveningseweg in The Hague shows a strong resemblance with that of Den Haag-Ockenburgh. A noticeable difference is that at the Scheveningsweg militaria were actually made and there are strong indications of a cult place. The military use of the terrain at the Scheveningsweg dated from 190 to 250, though a later date, perhaps comparable to that of Ockenburgh,839 might be possible as well.

3.6.3 voorburg The most recent excavations in Voorburg produced a number of pieces of military equipment.840 Their quantities are very small, certainly when compared with assemblages collected in or near the castella along the Lower Rhine. However, the militaria found in Voorburg could have belonged to soldiers, although the presence of such objects in an urban context are not direct proxies of the presence of soldiers.841 As Voorburg played an important role in the shipping of goods, for military bases and other nearby settlements,842 the occurrence of militaria is not surprising. The similarities in the pottery assemblage between Voorburg and Den Haag-Ockenburgh are substantial.843 Haalebos supposes the presence of Benificiarii in Voorburg, based on two votive inscriptions dedicated to the Genius Loci;844 such votive inscriptions are mainly known from Benificiarii.845 Given artillery bullets have been found at its port,846 some soldiers may have been present to operate artillery pieces that presumably guarded this key facility. The soldiers could in addition carry out police and customs tasks. The large quantity of military rooftile stamps in Voorburg (table 3.16) implies perhaps an active part of the army in building activities in the town, but again, these data do not point directly to the military’s presence.847 Unit

Number

Legio X Gemina

8

Legio XXX (Ulpia Victrix)

17

Legio I Minervia (Antoniniana)

11

Exercitus Germanicus Inferior

139

Vexilarii Exercitus Germanici Inferioris

39

Classis Germanica Pia Fidelis

25

Table 3.16: Military stamps on bricks from Voorburg. After Van Diepen 2014, 526, Table II-2.10, supplemented with Holwerda 1923, 140 and fig. 103, 48.

3 . 6 . 4 na a l dw i j k - h oog w e r f a n d i t s s u r ro u n d i n g s And finally, near Naaldwijk, located along the Meuse, is a likely military fortification, probably of the fleet, the Classis Augusta Germanica Pia Fidelis.848 Naaldwijk is situated on a high-lying sandy ridge, a

839

844

840

845

841

846

842

847

843

848

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 432. Hendriksen 2009b, 297-298; Hoss 2014, 628-629. Nicolay 2007, 190; Van Roemburg 2011, 87-91. Van Kerckhove 2014, 467-472. Van der Linden 2015, 187.

CIL XIII 1337 and 8809. Haalebos 1977, 76. Gazenbeek 2014a, 505-545; Gazenbeek 2014b, 546-588. Van Diepen 2014, 526-527. De Bruin 2014b, 122; De Bruin 2015a, 122.

105

Fig. 3.37 V-shaped ditch, excavated on the settlement Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf. Photo: Archol BV.

so-called coastal barrier (section 2.3), in the vicinity of the possible mouth of the Corbulo Canal in the Helinium. There was likely a Roman road in the vicinity of this strategic place.849 A possible identifying characteristic of a fortification is a V-shaped ditch, consisting of several phases (fig. 3.37), located in the south-east corner of the excavation in Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf. Especially in the earliest phase, the ditch shows a clear V-shaped cross-section, equipped with an ankle breaker or cleaning slot. As ditches were dug in the Middle Ages near the feature, the exact course of the ancient ditch is not very clear. The date is also not clear as relatively little diagnostic material was collected.850 It is not certain whether the V-shaped ditch signifies a military context, especially since other finds on the site seem to point to a rural settlement. Clearer indications of a military presence in the vicinity of Naaldwijk are the relatively large numbers of collected fragments of military equipment on the site.851 Macroscopic analysis has shown that the ceramic building material on this site originates from two varieties of the same batch. This is why it can be assumed that these bricks represent a commissioned quantity of bricks for a building project in the vicinity of the findspot.852 Moreover, these bricks contained 28 stamps of the Classis Germanica, apart from a few other military stamps (table 3.17; fig. 3.38).853 The concentration of stamps of the fleet in Naaldwijk is thus the largest in the Netherlands. Remarkable here is a stamp from an unknown unit Primcors, which is similarto the Primacort stamps, and could also be from a contingent of the fleet or an infantry unit. However, this attribution requires further research (see section 3.6.1). Comparable stamps were also found on the Maasvlakte near Rotterdam, in Antwerpen (Belgium), and possibly also in Aardenburg.854 Unit

Number

Legio X Gemina

1

Exercitus Germanicus Inferior

2

Primcors

1

Classis Germanica Pia Fidelis

28

Table 3.17: Military stamps on bricks from Naaldwijk.

849

De Bruin 2012c, 150, fig. 9.

853

De Bruin 2012c, 152, table 2; Gazenbeek 2015a, 107,

850

Goossens 2012 (ed.), 82.

851

De Bruin 2012b, 290; Van der Feijst 2008b, 137.

852

Brakman/Van Pruissen 2008, 169-170.

106

table 8.10; Holwerda 1936, 34. 854

Dhaeze 2011, 129, note 71, with references.

2,5 cm

0

Fig. 3.38. Stamps on bricks of the Classis Germanica Pia Fidelis, found in Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf. Photos ADC Archeoprojecten, author.

0

5 cm

Fig. 3.39. Bronze plaque with an inscription of the Classis Augusta Germanica, Photo ADC Archeoprojecten.

107

0

10 cm

Fig. 3.40. Arm of a bronze statue from Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf. Photo Museum Valkhof, Nijmegen.

In the 4th century metal objects were smelted down at Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf. Given the careless handling of the relatively valuable material, the objects probably originated from the immediate vicinity. Among them are fragments of various statues, luxury furniture fittings, many coins and fibulae, and fragments of incriptions on bronze plaques. Conspicuous is a plaque with an inscription that can be ascribed to the Classis Augusta Germanica (fig. 3.39).855 The plaque, which was probably on the base of a life-size statue of an emperor, is dated by Derks to 130 of 131, during the reign of Emperor Hadrian.856 Excavations in 2011 on the same site in Naaldwijk revealed a possible second fragment of the same plaque ,857 though the letters found on this fragment do not fit into the reconstruction of the inscription proposed by Derks;858 the font does not seem to fit the size of the letters on the upper line of the Classis plaque. Combined with the large numbers of stamps of the Classis Germanica on brick material from Naaldijk, this strongly suggests that the base of the fleet must have been in the vicinity. A statue of an emperor would then have been in the naval base, provided with an inscription of honour, and erected by the Classis Augusta Germanica. More fragments of bronze plaques with inscriptions have been found in Naaldwijk. These come from a decree issued by the governor or the emperor himself and give a list of names of an army unit or members of another organisation.859 Unfortunately, parts of two other inscriptions cannot be interpreted any further.860 It is difficult to imagine that these plaques, which were probably affixed in a public place and seem more at home in a military or civic administrative scene, come from a rural settlement. This also applies to the fragments of bronze from life-sized statues of emperors.861 The fragments of furniture fittings and the arm of a bronze statue (fig. 3.40) originate from a luxury house inventory (the commanding officers’ house?).These are all indications of the presence of a military fortification in Naaldwijk, presumably of the fleet. The exact location of the fortification has not yet been determined. 855

859

856

860

857

861

Derks 2008, 149-157; Derks 2010, 283. Derks 2010, 286-287. Van der Feijst/Aarts 2015, 91, fig. 7.13.

858

Derks 2010, 287.

108

Derks 2010, 289-291. De Bruin 2012b, 297; Derks 2010, 290-291. De Bruin 2014b, 120-122; De Bruin 2015a, 120-122.

3 . 6 . 5 d e l i e r - l e e h ov e De Lier-Leehove lies one kilometer south-east of Naaldwijk.The settlement terrain is located on a sandy levee, next to an originally natural but presumably deepened watercourse. The channel has a north-west to south-east orientation, with its banks timbered with posts and wattle.862 The channel had a width of about 12 m and was probably part of the Corbulo Canal (see section 3.4.1). Along the embankment zone of the channel is a zone with traces of digging and levelling activities. The settlement traces consist of ditches and the remains of a building with a foundation on sleeper-beams, which was perhaps constructed with mortise and tenon joints.863 Moreover, there was a possible cremation grave here as well.864 Part of the find material differs from what is found at a common rural settlement in the region.865 For instance, rather a lot of building rubble was collected, and some fragments still had attached pieces of cement or Roman concrete. Fragments of hypocaust tiles and tubuli are striking among this rubble, as are the finds of stucco work and rather large pieces of tuff stone. Several brick fragments had a stamp of the Classis Germanica;866 the number of these stamped brick fragments is high, considering that only a small part of the settlement was investigated. Also found was a large piece of carved limestone that would have been part of a monument or monumental building. This interpretation also applies to a second piece of limestone that was possibly part of an altar or gravestone. The site also contained a fragment of an inscribed bronze plaque .867 This plaque measures about 10 by 10 cm, and has a fragmentary text of minimally five lines. Although the text on the plaque has not yet been interpreted, it can be said that this plaque also originates from a monumental inscription. At present it is not clear whether all the rubble in De Lier comes exclusively from the Roman layers or from the context of the later Carolingian settlement at this location. It is obvious though that the material originates from the surroundings. This rubble could of course have been collected on the nearby settlement Naaldwijk-Mars (section 5.5.2), where there was a stone building, but in that case it is remarkable that not a single stamp of the fleet originates from this site. A source nearer to De Lier-Leehove itself seems more likely. It is striking that the combination of many brick stamps of the fleet and an inscription on bronze also occurs at the site of Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf (see above, section 3.6.4). However, De Lier-Leehove differs from that site in the location of the settlement, namely on open water (a waterway?), on a terrain lying slightly lower. Although the current state of the investigation does not support any clear interpretations, it is tempting to see the remains of a possible military base in the traces and finds.

3 . 6 . 6 a coa sta l l i m e s ? Now that the military structures in the coastal area south of the limes have been discussed, we can investigate whether the military installations were part of a preconceived system, or rather that they were constructed at different times and for ad hoc reasons. In his synthesis of the Roman coastal defences along the North Sea and the Channel, Dhaeze posits that the set-up of military structures along the coast in the research area was a gradual process, and that it mainly took place from the middle of the 2nd century onward.868 But, the Classis inscription from Naaldwijk, with a date in 130 or 131,869 and the date of the construction camp in Den Haag-Ockenburgh in the first half of the 2nd century point to an earlier

862

866

863

867

864

868

865

869

De Geer/Van Wijk 2015, 11-15. Bult 2002, 63-64. De Geer/Van Wijk 2015, 12. De Geer/Van Wijk 2015, 20-22.

De Bruin 2012c, 152, table 2; De Geer/Van Wijk 2015, 21. De Geer/Van Wijk 2015, 20-21. Dhaeze 2011, 162-164; 169. Derks 2010, 287.

109

start date, perhaps already in the later years of the reign of Emperor Hadrian. If the Naaldwijk plaque was indeed dedicated to this emperor, then the creation of the military structures along the coast could perhaps be the result of the visit of Hadrian to Germania Inferior in 121 or 122.870 Extensive infrastructural activities also occur along the Lower Rhine limes in 124/125 (see section 3.1), and it is possible that not all activities ordered by the emperor were carried out immediately. This hypothesis would have far-reaching implications, as fortifications were also built along the west coast at the same time as the construction of Hadrian’s Wall in northern England.871 In the research area, we are possibly dealing with a similar extension of the fortified zone along the Lower Rhine, as if it were a coastal limes. This points to a deliberate strategy that was applied not only in the research area but also in northern England. The construction of the fortlet of Den Haag-Ockenburgh after 150 fits into a further extension of this system, as such fortifications seem to form an essential part of the first building phase of the new line.872 At the end of the 2nd century, another base was subsequently added at the Scheveningseweg in The Hague; this also fits into the wider picture of military activities under the Severan dynasty. These activities are reflected in the peaks in the coin diagrams of Den Haag-Ockenburgh, Den Haag-Scheveningseweg, and Forum Hadriani.873 The same high number of coins is lacking in the coin diagram of Naaldwijk.874 The supposed military presence in Voorburg can be seen in the light of these developments, as its port played an important part in supplying goods to the other military sites in the vicinity. The troops in Voorburg also may have had tasks as Benificiarius or customs officials, or even policemen. The sites at Den HaagOckenburgh and Scheveningseweg can both be regarded as small military bases, manned by a unit that was distributed over different locations. In these bases, the units perhaps originated from the forts of the Lower Rhine limes or the fleet. The fleet itself played a prominent role in guarding the coastal zone and the Lower Rhine and Meuse rivers, as they were important transport arteries.875 The fleet also had an important logistical role.876 For instance, there probably was a unit of the fleet at the mouth of the Lower Rhine, in Katwijk.877 In the vicinity of Naaldwijk, and possibly in De Lier-Leehove, was an important base of the Classis Germanica. In view of the many metal finds mainly from Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf, this would have been a rather large fort. The fragments of the bronze statues found in Naaldwijk point to at least one life-sized statue of an emperor, which logically would have been placed in the principia of the fortification.878 Such buildings are lacking in the fortlets. The other metal finds also point to the presence of an important place that was adorned by bronze statues and monumental inscriptions on bronze plaques. Little is known about which specific units manned the other fortifications. The Primacort and Primcors brick stamps could point to a contingent of the fleet but also to infantry units, and the stamps could also have a civil background. Dhaeze interpreted the extension of the coastal defences in the second half of the 2nd century as reaction to raids by pirates, in addition to the role that the fortifications played in the logistical support of the military and civil administration.879 Against this interpretation can be proposed the idea that the building of military installations along the coast in the research area seems to be a preconceived plan. Perhaps this began during the reign of Emperor Hadrian and that the initial military set-up was slowly extended during the 2nd century. Due to the lack of archaeological evidence for raids by pirates in the research area during this period, it seems that the reason for the construction of these military installations rather lies in the guarding of the western transport routes over water. These had become more important in the 2nd century for the supply of goods from and to the Lower Rhine and Britannia.880 870

875

871

876

Hessing 1999, 153-154.  Bidwell/Hodgson 2009, 15-16; Breeze 2006, 93-97; Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 139-140.

De Bruin 2012c, 154-155. De Bruin 2012c, 152; Dhaeze 2011, 164.

877

De Bruin 2012c, 152.

872

878

873

879

874

880

Jilek/Breeze 2007, 207. Aarts 2015c, 247, fig. 3.64. Aarts 2015b, 86-87.

110

Dhaeze 2011, 165, note 38. Dhaeze 2011, 225-227. De Bruin 2012c, 153.

At all hinterland sites with a military character, habitation seems to continue into the beginning of the 4th century. It is unclear whether the military activities also continued during this period, or that the habitation in the vici was primarily civil, and that troops were present in the settlements only occasionally. The sites did continue to receive goods that had been transported from a long distance, such as the Trier motto beakers, found in Den Haag-Ockenburgh881 and Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf,882 and glass.883 The numismatic evidence from the settlements show that some coins date from the period of the Gallic Empire (260-275), but nowhere as much as in Naaldwijk; the number of coins at Naaldwijk increases strongly from this period onwards.884 Thus, we can assume for this area that the military activities were in fact continuous during the second half of the 3rd century. On the military sites in the hinterland, habitation ceases not long after the year 300, perhaps except at Naaldwijk where hand-formed pottery seems to point to new inhabitants of the area (section 5.10.4).

3 . 7 t h e m i l i ta ry e co n o m y Now that the military structures in the research area have been discussed, we will turn our attention to a last aspect, namely the economy of the military communities. Settlements in the limes zone along the Lower Rhine and the military settlements along the coast were for a large part dependent on the supply of external goods. Apart from food and drink, pots and pans, wool, textiles and leather, items such as wood and stone building materials (including bricks) and metal objects were of vital importance for the maintenance of the military communities. In the research area, a large part of the demand for food and wood could be satisfied locally.885 The wood for the boats did come from other areas, but this is due to the fact that these vessels were built somewhere else (see section 3.4.4).886 Cereals like spelt and wheat, which were not cultivated in the research area, would have been import887 ed. It seems that for the 1st century, apart from these cereals, also exotic garden herbs and fruit were supplied, though this last group was more reserved for the officers.888 Olive oil, wine, and to a lesser degree fish sauce (garum) were sometimes brought in over long distances.889 Also in the 2nd century, grain came from outside the research area, as can be seen from the boat De Woerden 1. The boat sunk with its cargo and boat’s inventory. The cargo of the boat consisted of grain, which had apparently been stored for at least a year before it was shipped. Based on the field weeds found between the grain it has been suggested that this grain originated from a loess area.890 Loess areas occur from the German Rhineland to northern France and central Belgium. However, the boat’s inventory offers a more precise clue for the origin of this grain. A set of pottery was found in the crew quarters next to a fireplace on board. Of the five types present, four originate from the Flemish coastal plain in Belgium. This is notable, as this category of pottery is relatively rare in the limes zone.891 The pots were possibly purchased during the voyage, to cook in, or perhaps because of the contents (a local delicacy?). This could mean that the Woerden 1 sailed via the Scheldt to the Lower Rhine and that the grain originates from northern France.892 The occurrence of the weed Corn cockle (Agrostemma githago L.) points also to a supply of grain from more distant regions.893 For meat, but also wool, textiles and leather, an appeal could primarily be made to the local population along the Lower Rhine.Yet, a part of the livestock could have been brought in from the hinterland, 881

888

882

889

883

890

884

891

885

892

886

893

Van der Linden 2015, 160-161. De Bruin 2012a, 207, fig. 6.9. Vanderhoeven 2015, 218-219. Aarts 2015a, 86-87. Kooistra et al. 2013, 11-13; Van Dinter et al. 2014, 32.

Jansma et al. 2014, 493.

Kooistra 2004, 243-244; Kuijper/Turner 1992, 203. Van den Berg 2012, 216-220; Van der Linden 2004, 151. Pals/Hakbijl 1992, 294-295. Haalebos 1996, 485. Haalebos 1996, 490. Bakels 2010, 13-20.

887

Van Beurden et al. 2015, 375; Van Dinter et al.2014, 32.

111

where the local population was perhaps able to create a surplus of livestock (section 5.9.7). The smoked beef shoulders could have been imported from the Roman town of Forum Hadriani, the perforated shoulder blades of which were found in large numbers in the castella of Valkenburg and Zwammerdam (see also section 4.2.5).894 A part of the brick production could presumably be carried out at a local level, as indicated by the wasters of rooftiles in the vicus of Leiden-Roomburg.895 Natural stone, such as limestone, sandstone, tuff stone, slate, grauwacke, basalt, and tephrite had to be imported from a larger distance and originated mainly from Germany, Belgium and France.896 These bulk goods would have been brought in by boat, just like food and pottery (section 3.4.4). The pottery assemblages from the different military contexts along the Lower Rhine show more or less the same composition: terra sigillata is well-represented and handmade pottery is represented poorly.897 Coarseware pottery is represented best, while Low Lands Ware is less well represented than expected.898 This picture also applies to the pottery from the site of Den Haag-Ockenburgh.899 On the military settlement near the Scheveningsweg in The Hague, only 10 % of the pottery is handmade and terra sigillata occurs frequently.900 It is clear that much pottery was brought in from a large distance, as the production centers of terra sigillata and coarse-walled pottery are mainly outside present-day Netherlands. Moreover, pottery fragments of different amphorae point to the supply of wine, olive oil and fish sauce from the Mediterranean area and the Iberian Peninsula.901 In general, many Roman coins have been found at the military settlements (table 3.18), although the number of coins varies by site.This is caused by the different extents of the excavations on the sites, but in particular by the systematic deployment of metal detectors,902 as is clearly shown by the large quantity of coins identified at Alphen aan den Rijn and Woerden. The castellum terrain just outside the research area (in De Meern in Utrecht) has also yielded a large quantity of coins with the use of a metal detector (745 pieces).The majority of these coins were not collected during regular archaeological investigations.903 The small number of coins from Den Haag-Ockenburgh is probably caused due to the furrow on the terrain not having been systematically investigated (with a metal detector), and only the soil from the find layer and the features was sieved.904 In any case, many coins circulated through the military settlements, which could point to a monetary economy with goods and services paid for with money. Findspot

Number of coins Rough size of excavation Collection method

Literature /source

Valkenburg

111

1 ha

By hand

Gerritsen 1948, 273-275; Gerritsen 1955, 166; Glasbergen 1972, 62; Vons 1988, 86

Valkenburg-Marktveld

161

6 ha

By hand

Dans Easy905

Leiden-Roomburg

118

0.6 ha

Sieve, metal detector De Bruin 2000, 71-72

Alphen aan den Rijn

1108

1 ha

Metal detector

Kemmers 2004, 165; Reijnen 2000, 143; Schaap 2013, 34

Zwammerdam

114

3 ha

By hand

Haalebos 1977, 203

Woerden

393

0.3 ha

Metal detector

Kemmers 2007, 269

Den Haag-Ockenburgh

109

2.5 ha

By hand, sieve

Aarts 2015c, 245

Den Haag-Scheveningseweg 41

0.3 ha

Sieve

Waasdorp 1999, 30

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

1.3 ha

Metal detector

Aarts 2015b, 85

124

Table 3.18. Number of coins from several military settlements in the research area. 894

899

895

900

896

901

897

902

Van Mensch/IJzereef 1977, 146-149. Hazenberg 2000, 47. Linthout 2014, 51-60; Van Pruissen/Kars 2007, 217-220. Polak et al. 2004, 126;Van der Linden 2000, 105;Van der Linden 2007, 147.

898

Polak 2009, 9.

112

Van der Linden 2015, 186-187. Waasdorp 1999, 15-16. Polak 2009b, 16-17; Van der Linden 2007, 162. Kemmers 2004, 166.

903

Kemmers 2009a, 1-3.

904

Aarts 2015c, 251.

A reliable administration is of vital importance to organize such a monetary economy.To have a thorough command of Latin was thus an essential element of the identity of the military communities.906 The military settlements in the research area contain many indications of literacy among the inhabitants (table 3.19), such as the numerous names inscribed as graffiti on pottery. Names were also scratched or punched into other implements, such as utensils, parts of military equipment, and tabulae ansatae.907 In addition, styli, wooden writing tablets, and inkpots occur (of both terra sigillata and bronze). One hundred specimens of wooden writing tablets were collected in Vechten near Utrecht in the 1970s.908 The 96 styli from Alphen aan den Rijn also point in the same direction. Of the military sites along the coast, especially Den Haag-Ockenburgh has yielded indications of literacy. However, the settlement of Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf hardly has any, but it was already certain that this was a rural site, where metal was introduced only at a later time from a nearby fort of the fleet (section 3.6.4). Thus, the people in the military communities in the research area “…lived in a world of words, used to convey information, to denote possession and to promote a literate identity.”909 Findspot

Styli Writing Ink GrafLiterature tablets pots fiti on pottery (names)

Valkenburg

20

1

40

Brunsting 1948b, 201-205; De Hingh/Vos 2005, 165, left; Glasbergen 1972, 67

Valkenburg-Marktveld

2

X

66

Brouwer1987, 21; Van Rijn 1993, 181, 186 figs. 27, 51 and 52

X

Brandenburgh/Domburg 2006, 167, fig. 5a and b; inventory by author

24

Bron 2013a, 106 and 113-114; Haalebos/Franzen et al. 2000, 119-120; Kop 2013, 28-29; Nieuwenkamp 2013, 167; Polak et al. 2004, 303-304; Van Rijn 2004, 231; Zee 2004, 191 table 27; 194

Leiden-Roomburg

20

1

Alphen aan den Rijn

96

4

4

Zwammerdam

3

65

Haalebos 1977, 187; 226, numbers 90-92 and 229, fig. 21, numbers 90-92

Woerden

3

1

1

94

Hazenberg/Wynia 2007; Hoss 2007, 250; Vos et al. 2010, 119 a and d

1

66

Van der Linden 2015, 142; Van der Linden/Waasdorp 2015, 190; Waasdorp/ Zee 1988, 51-54

X

Waasdorp 1999, 162, number 12.10

Den Haag-Ockenburgh Den Haag-Scheveningseweg

1?

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

2

4

De Bruin 2008a, 101; Reigersman-Van Lith de Jeude 2015, 57, table 5.4

Table 3.19. Styli, wooden writing tablets, ink pots and graffiti of the military settlements in the research area. X denotes presence, yet number unknown.

It is clear that the economy of the military communities was characterised by the large-scale import of all kinds of goods. For this, the Roman army made contracts with traders, but was also itself active in bringing together the necessary supply.910 The fleet played an important role as transporter of building blocks (see also section 4.2.7).911 A great deal of money was required for the supply of all these goods, and this would have been obtained from the state funds of the Roman Empire. In addition, an important part of the provisioning was completed locally, amongst others by the efforts of the rural population, mainly along the Lower Rhine, but posssibly also from the more distant hinterland. And finally, some production also took place directly in the military vici. The military economy was thus independent from its environment for a large part, whereby the interaction with local communities at a slightly larger distance from the military installations was presumably reduced to a minimum.

https://easy.dans.knaw.nl/ui/datasets/id/easy-data-

907

set:34176, consulted on 29 July 2015, 10:18; persistent identifier on Dans Easy: DOI: 10.17026/ dans-xb5-ngrq; URN: urn:nbn:nl:ui:13-f7v-awe

908

905

906

Mattingly 2006, 199.

Haalebos 1977, 200-201, nr. 67; Zee 2004, 198-203. Derks/Vos 2015, 14-22.

909

Mattingly 2006, 204.

910

De Bruin 2012c, 146-148.

911

De Bruin 2012c, 152; Konen 2000, 393.

113

3 . 8 t h e m i l i ta ry co m m u n i ty: a s y n t h e s i s The Roman military community existed in different settlement forms. Along the Lower Rhine, the soldiers mainly lived in forts (castella), fortlets, watchtowers and other, non-defined fortifications; a varied group of people lived outside, in the vici, which was connected with the army.The archaeological remains point to close ties between both groups. In the field of material culture there are no clear differences noticeable; from the forts come as many indications of literacy as in the vici (section 3.7), and this applies also to the religious expressions and the burial rituals. In particular, the latter phenomenon shows that both groups felt themselves to be one community; soldiers and vicani are ususally buried in the same cemetery, as at Valkenburg (section 3.3.4).The burials in the cemetery near the Roman fort in Birdoswald in northern England has a similar composition, and it was clear “…just how close the military body of each auxiliary soldier often was to other non-soldiers who lived alongside him.”912 Economicaly, the military sites and the vici seem to form one entity; trade, trans-shipment, distribution, and production are all carried out collectively. Port installations are not restricted only to zones along the forts; several quay constructions were also found in the vici, as at Valkenburg-De Woerd (section 3.4.3). In the periods when the castella were not or hardly occupied by regular soliders, the surrounding vici perhaps took on this task, by maintaining the fort and perhaps also its occupation. It is not inconceivable that the guarding of the Lower Rhine was also carried out by the inhabitants of the vici, but it is also possible that it concerned a small group of soldiers who lived in (a part of) the fort. In any case, the inhabitants of the forts so closely resembled the inhabitants of the surrounding vici along the Lower Rhine that we can rightly speak of one community. The military fortifications along the coast comply with this image. Sites like those at Den Haag-Ockenburgh can reveal the close ties between the fortification(s) and the vicus. The rural setlements along the Lower Rhine differ from this situation, as this community seems to develop more or less parallel to the military community. Although the material culture of these sites is a reflection of what circulated in the military fortifications and the accompanying vici, housing construction methods at these settlements remain strongly orientated towards the older tradition of the byre-houses. The economic activities here remained mostly pastoral, although the settlements probably had an important role in provisioning the Roman army. Thus, this population group lived among the military settlements, but sensu stricto, they were not part of it. Although we are dealing with a group of people with different backgrounds, who lived in different kinds of settlements, we can certainly speak of a military community with a clearly defined, shared material culture. The rural settlements in the zone along the Lower Rhine played presumably a supporting role within the military system.

912

Haynes 2013, 371.

114

4.

The urban community

Besides the military structures along the Lower Rhine, further to the south exists the Roman town in Voorburg. The town was located on the Corbulo Canal (section 3.4.1) and was also connected to the surrounding area via roads (fig. 4.1). We will first discuss in this chapter the evidence of Roman roads, followed by the town itself. The combination of archaeological structures and material remains of the urban community will eventually provide an insight into the character of the urban community.

4 . 1 roa d s The discovery of four milestones in The Hague in 1997913 made it clear that an important road ran straight through the Cananefatian area. This road was a via publica, (i.e. a public road), constructed and maintained by (members of) the senate or the emperor, or a via vicinalis, a road maintained from the capital of the civitas (see also section 3.4.2). The trajectory of the road is also depicted on the Peutinger map; it concerns the road between Lugdunum (Katwijk), via Forum Hadriani (Voorburg) to Flenio/Helinio (section 2.7). First the differences will be described between the milestones found in the research area, after which we discuss the appearance of the road along which these milestones stood. And finally, other (possible) roads will be discussed.

4.1.1 milestones In the research area, a total of nine (fragments of) milestones have been found between the end of the 15th or the beginning of the 16th century and 2007 (table 4.1). Of one milestone it is unclear whether it is in fact a milestone. The oldest milestone dates from 151 and it is assumed that this is the period when the Roman road between Voorburg and Naaldwijk was constructed, also because older milestones are lacking.914 It is of course possible that there was already a simpler road before this period, but the erection of the first milestone indicates that the road came into use as an official route in 151.915 On the milestone is mentioned the distance to the place MAC, which means Municipium Aelium Cananefat(i)um. The road can be seen as part of the upgrading of the civil infrastructure in the area, in connection with the foundation or extension of the new town in Voorburg. However, work on the road could have started already under Emperor Hadrian and only completed under his successor.916 The last milestone dates from 250 and probably indicates the end of the official maintenance of the road, while the trajectory of the road will have been used also after 250. Yet, milestones might also have been erected for a political reason.917

913

916

914

917

Waasdorp 2003, 17. Waasdorp 2003, 21-24.

Rathmann 2004, 6.  Sauer 2014, 281-282.

915

Waasdorp 2012, 142.

115

0

10 km

Fig. 4.1. Location of the urban center in Voorburg and the trajectory of the road from Voorburg to Naaldwijk in the research area. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies, rivers, and the North Sea), light yellow are the coastal barriers and other sandy soils, dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. The red circle is the town and the continuous black line is the road. Number

Findspot

Emperor(s)

Emperor: dedication to Date or commissioner

Stone

Diameter (cm)

Circumference (cm)

1

Wassenaar

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

c. 50

Unknown

2

Rijswijk

Caracalla

Commissioner

211/212

Sandstone

45

141

3

Rijswijk

Decius

Dedication to

250

Sandstone

43.5

136

4

Den Haag

Antoninus Pius

Dedication to

151

Sandstone

46

145

5

Den Haag

Caracalla

Commissioner

212/217

Sandstone

46

145

6

Den Haag

Gordian

Dedication to

242/244

Sandstone

47

147

7

Den Haag

Decius

Dedication to

250

Sandstone

46.5

146

8

Naaldwijk?

Marcus Aurelius/ Lucius Verus

Dedication to

162

Limestone

46

145

9

Naaldwijk

Unknown

Unknown

Unknown

Limestone

30

94

Table 4.1. Milestones identified in the research area.918

116

In Den Haag-Wateringsveld, four milestones were found together.919 These milestones were found in the northern roadside ditch and seem to have been deposited there on purpose (see section 6.6). At a distance of two Roman miles from these, two milestones were found at Rijswijk.920 These milestones possibly occurred along the road at every mile; as it concerns the same road, there were probably also always four similar posts next to each other, as milestones were always placed in series. It is possible to determine the locations of these milestones, and since the trajectory of the road is known, it is perhaps possible to locate other milestones. The emperor is mentioned on all six milestones from The Hague and Rijkswijk (table 4.1). It is striking that all milestones, with the exception of the two of Caracalla, are so-called dedication posts: the name of the emperor is mentioned in the dativus, indicating that the milestones were erected by a commissioner for the emperor.921 The commissioner is mentioned in two cases, namely on the milestones of Decius. These are the Cananefates, though the Rijswijk milestone does not mention the Cananefates in a wider sense, but the civitas of the Cananefates. However, the reading of the Rijswijk milestone remains problematic regarding this sentence,922 indicating that the Cananefates also might have been the sponsors of this milestone. The milestones of Caracalla indicate that the emperor was the commissioner for the maintenance of the road.923 Another milestone is dedicated to Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. The find circumstances of this milestone are unclear, though the distance on the milestone implies a location in the surroundings of Naaldwijk.924 The commissioner is not mentioned on this milestone. A fragment of another milestone was found in 2007 during excavations on the site Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf, in a ditch that was probably open until around 225.925 Only a few letters have been preserved on the Naaldwijk fragment, which unfortunately do not provide much of a decisive answer regarding its original text. It is remarkable that the diameter of this milestone is much smaller than the other specimens from the region. Also the type of stone differs; based on a visual inspection of the milestone of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, the present author proposed that both milestones were made of limestone. This differs from the type of stone used for the milestones from The Hague and Rijswijk. The Naaldwijk milestones were therefore possibly placed along a different road,926 or used for a local renovation of a part of the road. A possible milestone is known from Wassenaar. The find circumstances, that can be found in the database of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands, are described as follows: “During the First World War digging for peat under the sand took place on the terrain concerned. At a depth of one meter, lying on the peat, a round stone post with inscription was found, accompanied by field boulders. The diameter of the fragment is around 50 centimeters, the height about one meter. It possibly concerns a Roman milestone. The column was left in situ and was covered again. Later the terrain was lowered around 60 centimeters, so the stone should now be at a depth of 40 centimeters.”927 It is not clear whether this statement actually pertains to a Roman-period milestone, or whether it is in primary or secondary position. If it is indeed a milestone, then this find offers insight into the trajectory of the road between Voorburg and Katwijk.

918

With thanks to Michiel Goddijn, who made an inven-

921

tory of milestones as part of his studies. The data are

922

derived from Dorenbos et al. 2009, 45-48; Goossens et al.

923

2012, 93-94; Knippenberg 2012, 371-373 and Waasdorp

924

2003, 17-43. Supplements by the author.

925

Waasdorp 2003, 19. Waasdorp 2003, 42. Waasdorp 2003, 19. Waasdorp 2003, 40. Knippenberg 2012, 371-373.

919

926

920

927

Waasdorp 2003. Dorenbos et al. 2009; Waasdorp 2003, 43.

Waasdorp 2003, 53. Archis observation nr. 22782.

117

The milestones in the province of Germania Inferior always occur along the official roads, which are known from the Peutinger map and the Itinerarium Antonini.928 Compared to other areas in Germania Inferior, many milestones were present in the research area,929 namely eight (or nine) of the 31 for the whole province. Apart from the fragment from Naaldwijk, all other milestones ended up buried in the ground more or less complete. In The Hague, the four milestones found together were lying in the roadside ditch of the Roman road, with two of the post having been broken off of their pedestals.930 The two milestones from Rijswijk probably also originate from the ditch of the Roman road. This can also be assumed for the complete milestone from Naaldwijk. As the posts were no longer upright in the Middle Ages, and the ditches in which they were lying had been filled or were covered by later sediments, they could not be re-used and were thus preserved.

4 . 1 . 2 t h e a p p e a ra n c e o f t h e roa d The Roman road ran through different landscapes. From Katwijk onwards, the road ran mainly through the beach ridge area, although no traces of the road have been retrieved in this area. The first part of the road was found near the Winston Churchilllaan in Rijswijk (table 4.2). A milestone fragment came to light during dredging work (milestone 2, table 4.1), provoking additional research here. Earlier research had already shown that the milestone found in Rijswijk in 1963 also originated from this area (milestone 3, table 4.1).931 The trajectory could be determined here for more than 300 m.932 The road was bounded on the north side by a roadside ditch. A natural watercourse formed the boundary on the south side: the width of the road was 6 m. It is highly likely that this natural watercourse was part of the Corbulo Canal. The road lies here on a natural levee. Neither a raised layer nor the remains of road paving have been identified here. Findspot

Height of the road (all below mean sea level)

Width of the road

Raised with

Paving

Literature

Rijswijk-Churchilllaan

c. -1.00 m

Unknown

Not demonstrated Not found Koot 2009, 117

Den Haag-Wateringsveld RUY01, profile F

-0.75 m

7.00 m

Unclear

Not found Siemons 2014b, 342, Tabel 5.2

Den Haag-Wateringseveld OOS07, profile E

-0.80 m

7.00 m

Unclear

Not found Siemons 2014b, 342, Tabel 5.2

Den Haag-Wateringseveld TNK02, profile D

-1.10 m

8.30 m

Unclear

Not found Siemons 2014b, 342, Tabel 5.2

Den Haag-Wateringseveld TNK02, profile C

-1.15 m

Unknown

Unclear

Not found Siemons 2014b, 342, Tabel 5.2

Den Haag-Wateringsveld VEL97, profile B

-1.00 m

7.50 m

Unclear

Not found Siemons 2014b, 342, Tabel 5.2

Den Haag-Wateringsveld VEL97, profile A

-0.90 m

8.50 m

Unclear

Not found Siemons 2014b, 342, Tabel 5.2

Kwintsheul

c. -0.50 m

6.00 m

c. 0.50 m

Shells

Naaldijk-’t Zand Heultje

c. -0.75 m

6.00 m

c. 0.50 m

Not found Bakx 2013, 27, figure 4.9; Van der Feijst 2012a, 29, 31-33

Klooster/Dorenbos 2002, 8 and figure 6.1

Table 4.2. Heights and widths of the road surface of the Roman road.

928

931

929

932

Rathmann 2004, 21. Rathmann 2004, 20.

930

Waasdorp 2003, 17-18.

118

Waasdorp 2003, 42-43. Dorenbos et al. 2009, 18.

Further to the south, the Roman road was found in Den Haag-Wateringse Veld, and extensive observations could be made here.933 The road was traced over a length of 750 m and has a more or less straight course, though there are a few gentle bends.934 The road has a ditch on the north side and a natural watercourse on the south side that presumably also was part of the trajectory of the Corbulo Canal. However, a roadside ditch is also known on the south side at several places.935 At two points along this section of road was a raised layer with a maximum thickness of about 1 m and a width of around 6 m.936 Other parts were not raised, probably because the natural circumstances did not necessitate this.937 No remains of road paving were observed on or around the road trajectory in The Hague. Remains of a wooden culvert were found in the northern roadside ditch,938 which was a so-called connecting culvert.939 There was presumably a tributary path here that ran toward the settlement at Den Haag-Hoge Veld,940 although no other traces have been found of this tributary path during the excavations of the settlement of Hoge Veld.941 Four milestones were found a few meters north-west of the place where the tributary path links up with the Roman road (milestones 4 to 7, table 4.1). In the direction of Naaldwijk, the road was found at two locations. The first trace of it was discovered in a trial trench in Kwintsheul.942 Here, the road lies on a raised layer that is around 7 m wide, with a maximum thickness of 40 cm. Both sides of the road have roadside ditches. About 10 m to the south was a natural watercourse. This was possibly also part of the Corbulo Canal. It is remarkable that the road here was paved with a layer of shells. Although these shells were not found on the road sections in The Hague and Rijswijk, this does not mean that they were absent. Shells often mineralise in clay soils with a fluctuating groundwater level, amongst others as a result of pumping and drainage, resulting in their poor preservation. However, it is also quite possible that parts of the road were never covered. The limes road was not paved at some places.943 The paving could also have been omitted as the road was mainly used for driving livestock or by horsemen and experienced little or no cart traffic. Boats travelling along the Corbulo Canal were mainly used for the bulk transport of goods. The road could also have functioned as a towpath.944 Already in 1948 it was observed that the distribution of Roman sites lay in a remarkably straight line along the modern road from Wateringen to Naaldwijk. So, it was thought that a Roman road may be present along a similar trajectory (section 2.7). During investigations in 2010 and 2011, the road was discovered again, next to the settlement of Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje.945 Here, the trajectory of the road could be identified over a length of approximately 60 m. The road consists of a raised layer of about 50 cm thick and with a width of 6 m, and was bounded on the north side by a cluster of parallel ditches and rows of posts. The road body was secured on the south side by two parallel rows of posts, 1.2 m apart, with the southern row constructed slightly sturdier. A possible ditch was found south of the rows of posts. No indications have been found of a road paving. The reason for the rows of wooden posts on the south side of the road comes from the fact that the area of ’t Zand Heultje was part of a tidal marsh area that might have submerged regularly with high tide. To prevent the southern slope of the road from eroding, the rows of posts were added. It is in any case remarkable that the road was constructed on the slope of a levee. This was possibly selected as there was already a settlement on the levee itself, thus necessitating a ‘bypass’.

933

940

934

941

935

942

936

943

937

944

938

945

Siemons 2014b, 340, fig. 5.21. Siemons 2014b, 343. Waasdorp 2003, 45. Waasdorp 2003, 13, fig. 8; 45. Siemons 2014b, 342-343. Siemons 2014b, 343.

Siemons 2009, 368; Siemons 2014b, 343. Siemons 2009. Klooster/Dorenbos 2002. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 53. Siemons 2014b, 346. Bakx 2013; Van der Feijst (ed.) 2012.

939

Ter Brugge 2002, 76-77. See also section 5.8.2.

119

It is likely that the road ran in the direction of the site at Hoogwerf, as the finds point to an important settlement here (see also section 3.6.4).946 Moreover, a fragment of a milestone was also found on this site (number 9, see table 4.1). How the road continued after Naaldwijk is unclear, but presumably it ran to the hamlet of Westerlee near De Lier, over the northern levee of the Meuse. In 1954, P.J.R. Modderman remarked: “On a parcel of land near De Lier a layer of shells (saltwater) of varying thickness can be found in the profile at a depth of around 40 centimeters, in which are many sherds, gravel, etcetra.”947 Modderman’s observation is in the vicinity of the possible military settlement of De Lier-Leehove (section 3.6.5). In principle, the road always followed the northern levee of an important (remainder of a) gully of the Gantel system. The Corbulo Canal was constructed in this gully. In the vicinity of Naaldwijk (at ’t Zand Heultje), the road continues over a fossil levee; no watercourse was found here along the road.948 So the watercourse possibly veered off in a southerly direction. The road ends on the coastal barrier of Naaldwijk, near the settlement of Hoogwerf and continued to the south-east .949 The road was thus constructed on slightly higher parts of the landscape, and the body of the road was raised where necessary. Initially the road was a via publica, with the commissions for the construction and maintenance given by the emperor. Despite the fact that most milestones are dedication stones, it seems that an official policy is involved,950 whereby the milestones played an important role in imperial propaganda. By putting a dedication to the emperor on the stones, the impression was created that they enjoyed wide support among the population, while in the end the stone was placed at the command of the emperor himself.951 Remarkable is the milestone to Caracalla, which did mention the emperor as commissioner. This points to a specific unified activity of the Roman government, as all milestones of Caracalla from Western Europe have the same date.952 The Cananefates are mentioned as commissioners on the milestones of Decius. This points to the changed status of the road; it was no longer maintained by the emperors but by the civitas and the road can thus be regarded as a via vicinalis. This change in status could have started earlier.953 The careless character of the inscription on the milestone of Decius954 also indicates a local initiative for the erection of the stone. That this stone in particular is dedicated to Decius is in itself not remarkable; it is possible that he still enjoyed the wide support of the local population at his ascension to the throne, as he was governor of Germania Inferior in the thirties of the 3rd century.955

4 . 1 . 3 ot h e r roa d s Waasdorp proposed that several possible roads had run in the area, with two parallel routes running over the beach ridges, and one route in between, in the vicinity of Poeldijk.956 In Poeldijk a ditch with a south-west to north-east orientation was discovered.957 To the north of this ditch, an approximately 8 m wide raised earthen bank was located, and behind this bank a depression was present.958 Roughly to the south of the raised earthen bank were the remains of two burial mounds dating to the Roman period. The presence of these burial mounds combined with the raised earthen bank led to the assumption that the raised area was part of a Roman road. During the re-evaluation of the research data from Poeldijk it appeared that the raised earthen bank was presumably a natural levee, as no convincing antropogenically

946

953

947

954

948

955

949

956

950

957

951

958

Goossens (ed.) 2012; Van der Feijst et al.2008. Archis observation nr. 24367. Van der Feijst 2012c, 194. Waasdorp 2003, 62. Waasdorp 2003, 24.  Sauer 2014, 262.

952

Waasdorp 2003, 30.

120

Waasdorp 2003, 33. Waasdorp 2003, 35. Mennen 2011, 25. Waasdorp 2003, 51-55. Vos 2000a, Vos 2000b. Vos 2000a, 18.

applied layers have been observed. The depression next to it is probably part of a residual creek. The ditch found on the south side of the bank body, which dates to Roman times, follows the natural levee. Another important indication that we are not dealing here with a road section comes from the presence of one of the burial mounds, nearly half of which is lying on top of the supposed road trajectory. So, the discovered structures in Poeldijk can be classified as a natural levee, with a ditch along its south side. Waasdorp also proposed the existence of two other routes over the beach ridges.959 Given the orientation of excavated Roman buildings at the site of Den Haag-Scheveningseweg, a route might have been present here (section 3.6.2).960 This can also be assumed for the settlement in Den Haag-Ockenburgh.961 Roman soldiers were probably stationed at both settlements. This is a second argument Waasdorp uses to suggest the presence of roads close to these locations; the soldiers were there to guard the infrastructure.962 Nevertheless, no clear indications of roads were found at Scheveningseweg or Ockenburgh. The same applies to the vicinity of the findspot of the milestone of Wassenaar (section 4.1.2). Based on the Peutinger map, a route can be assumed from Voorburg to Katwijk. Perhaps this road ran north from Voorburg via the Scheveningseweg. For the beach ridge area, it remains unclear whether the routes there were indeed formal Roman roads or that there were many local paths and natural routes, because of the dry subsoil here. Finally, it is probable that a route ran from the Roman castellum in Leiden-Roomburg along the natural gully (that formed part of the Corbulo Canal) to the easternmost beach ridge and Voorburg. The road probably ran over the northern levee, but is is also possible that there was a road on the southern levee, as the vicus in Leiden-Roomburg has an elongated shape here.963 However, both ‘roads’ could have been no more than a towpad (section 3.4.1).

4 . 1 . 4 t r i bu ta ry pat h s o f t h e m a i n r oa d ? Above we already discussed a tributary path found in Den Haag-Wateringseveld (section 4.1.2). A second presumable tributary path was found in Rijswijk. The excavations of the site at Rijswijk-De Bult in the 1960s revealed two ditches that ran from the settlement toward the present-day street of Winston Churchilllaan in Rijswijk. Research carried out in 2007 at the Klaroenstraat in Rijswijk, north of De Bult, yielded two parallel ditches that were 5 m apart and could be connected with those from De Bult.964 The ditches from De Bult neared each other in the direction of the observation at the Klaroenstraat and got closer together up to a distance of 2.5 meters.965 Therefore, it can not be excluded that the ditches at the Klaroenstraat do not in fact belong to the ditches of De Bult. It is also possible that the width of the road varied widely. Maybe the parallel ditches did not form a road but were rather a way to drive cattle, as a so-called cattle drift. The narrowing may have been meant to reduce the speed with which the herd was moving, as the narrowing implied that it was more difficult for the animals to pass each other. The tributary path, if it is indeed a tributary path, and if it had a directly straight course, would end up at the spot where the Rijswijk milestones were found. Koot suggested that there could be a relationship between the presence of milestones and tributary paths from the main road.966 However, two points can be put forward against this. Firstly, the milestones of Rijswijk were found two Roman miles away from the milestones of Den Haag-Wateringseveld. The placing of the milestones seems to be determined by the distance between them, and not by the presence of tributary paths. Secondly, between the Roman road and the possible tributary path at De Bult there was still the Corbulo Canal. It is not very probable 959

963

960

964

961

965

962

966

Waasdorp 2003, 55. Waasdorp 1999, 173. Waasdorp 1999, 173. Waasdorp 2003, 55.

Brandenburgh and Hessing 2005, 40, fig. 33. Koot 2009, 118. Bloemers 1978, appendix 1a. Koot 2009, 118.

121

that there was a fixed cross-river connection here in the shape of a bridge, but there may have been some kind of ferry crossing. Although a tributary path can indeed be assumed in Den Haag-Wateringseveld near the milestones, this is not clear in Rijswijk. Therefore, there is no justification for making a connection between the presence of milestones and tributary paths.

4 . 1 . 5 roa d s i n t h e a l lot m e n t s yst e m o f t h e co u n t rys i d e Possible road trajectories were discovered at two other places in the research area. These ‘roads’ may also be traces of cattle drifts.The first location is in Poeldijk, very near to the possible road trajectory discussed in section 4.1.3. It comprises two parallel ditches that are about 5 m apart from each other and sharply bend to the north.967 There was no indication of a raised area between the ditches. It does look though as if the ditches were re-dug at a few places. Slightly problematic with the interpretation of this structure as a road is the fact that the ditches end at the north side of the excavated section.968 If it was a through road, the ditches likely would continue, though it is also possible that the excavations reached the end of the feature. Without further research of this assumed road, it cannot be determined conclusively that it actually was a road. The second possible road was found in the Voordijkshoornsepolder in Delft, where two parallel ditches were found, with an intervening distance of 6.5 m.969 Again, there were no indications that there was a raised area between the ditches. The ditches could be measured over a length of over 300 meters and seem to run towards Rijswijk-De Bult, on the basis of their orientation. It may be a path from this settlement southward. If the possible road from Rijswijk-De Bult (section 4.1.4), did indeed run towards the Roman road, then the settlement near De Bult functioned as a kind of ‘hinge’ in this route. Although speculative, these ‘roads’ could perhaps also be interpreted as cattle drifts (see also sections 5.8.1 and 5.9.7). In that case, the settlement of Rijswijk-De Bult could have played an important role in the distribution of livestock. The large storage buildings at this settlement (section 5.5.3) could have played a role in the food supply of the (many?) passing livestock. It cannot be excluded that the double ditch in Delft had a function in “... the regulation of the drainage of the allotment area.”970 Neither of the possible road trajectories can be identified with certainty. Moreover, it remains to be seen whether roads and paths between the farmlands in the countryside were in fact all provided with ditches. Surely on the higher lying parts of the landscape, such constructions were not necessary. Perhaps it was not desirable to construct such raised road bodies directly across an allotted area, where drainage ditches were very important. If the above structures do indeed concern cattle drifts, then the ditches would be necessary to prevent livestock from spreading too much during transport ‘on the hoof ’.

4 . 2 t h e a d m i n i s t r at i v e c e n t e r i n vo o r bu r g In the center of the research area was the administrative center of the Cananefatian civitas, called Forum Hadriani and Municipium Aelium Cananefat(i)um. Both names were presumably used side by side.971 The name Forum Hadriani is known from the Peutinger map, where it is called Foro Adriani.972 A grave inscription is known in Környe, Bulgaria, dating from the period 170-250, which mentions a place named Forum Hadrianensis in the province of Germania Inferior.973 The second, probably more official name of 967

971

968

972

969

973

Hazen 2010, 49. Hazen 2010, 53. Bakx 2011, 38-39.

970

Bakx 2011, 39.

122

Waasdorp 2003, 59. Waasdorp 2006, 91. CIL III, 4279; Waasdorp 2006, 91, see also section 1.1.

the town, Municipium Aelium Cananefat(i)um, is attested on milestones from the research area.974 The settlement area lies to the west of the present-day village of Voorburg.

4 . 2 . 1 c h o i c e o f lo c at i o n The settlement was at the spot where a branch of a Gantel gully flowed into the slope of the beach ridge.975 Next to the beach ridge, this approximately 30 m wide gully had deposited a 1.5 m thick layer of clay.976 Already in the Iron Age this clay layer was used for arable farming, and the location was well chosen for this town.977 There was a natural harbour in the shape of a gully, though it is not certain whether the gully still had a connection with the Meuse estuary at the beginning of the Roman period or whether this was the case only after the construction of the Corbulo Canal.978 North of the gully was the higher lying beach ridge, which apart from providing a high and dry settlement place, contained a considerable supply of freshwater.979 By digging wells through the beach ridge, drinking water could be obtained here. In addition, the clay layer directly south of the beach ridge formed a good substratum for laying out arable fields, at least in the Iron Age. There was indication of arable fields from the Roman period in the immediate vicinity of the gully.980 Slightly further west, this relatively low lying terrain seems indeed to have been suitable for agriculture.981

4 . 2 . 2 p r o b l e m a t i c n a t u r e o f i n t e r p r e t i n g t h e a r c h a e o l o g i c a l evidence Although over the years about 4 ha of the settlement were excavated,982 the documented features prove difficult to interpret. The reason for this is that most research took place during two excavation campaigns in 1827-1834 and 1910-1915.983 During the first campaign, only buildings with stone foundations were documented; features were not recorded. Not even all of the observed stone foundations dated from the Roman period.984 The investigation of 1910-1915 shows that only one level was documented consistently, and was recorded at a fixed height. The layers above it were not investigated, or documented,985 and later traces of buildings were not recognised.986 Thus,the groundplans of this excavation mainly show traces of the earliest habitation phase on the terrain. The excavation method followed in 1910-1915 was also applied to the investigation of the settlement at Den Haag-Ockenburgh between 1930-1936. Fieldwork carried out here in the 1990s demonstrated that also here only one level was excavated, namely in the clean subsoil, thus providing a better picture of the features.987 Here also the higher levels were not investigated. In addition, the 1990s excavations showed that the different work trenches had not been measured in proper relation to each other; not all of the features had been drawn or had been represented only in a very stylised way (fig. 4.2).988 The structures excavated in the 1930s were also often not present.989 Similar practices would certainly have

974

982

975

983

976

984

977

985

978

986

979

987

980

988

981

989

Waasdorp 2003, 57-58. Kooistra 2014b, 46. Van der Valk 2006, 25. Kooistra 2014b, 45. Kooistra 2014b, 46. Kooistra 2014b, 45. Kooistra 2014b, 46. Kooistra/Kubiak-Martens 2009, 408.

Buijtendorp 2010, 97. Buijtendorp 2010, 66-71; 79-87; Holwerda 1923. Bink/Franzen 2009, 437; Driessen 2014b, 176. Buijtendorp 2012, 85-86. Bink/Franzen 2009, 418-419. Waasdorp 2012, 14. Waasdorp 2012, 19; Waasdorp 2015a, 24. Waasdorp 2015a, 26.

123

0

10 m

Fig. 4.2. Differences between the excavation plans of the site of Den Haag-Ockenburgh published by Holwerda and the plans of the same part of the site, excavated by the Municipality of The Hague, Department of Archaeology in 1995. Image after Kersing/ Waasdorp 1996, 8, Afb. 2 and Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015a, appendices map A.

occurred also in Voorburg.990 An important conclusion of the recent investigation in Den Haag-Ockenburgh is that the features were not or hardly excavated in the older excavations.991 This means that many structures revealed by the 1910-1915 excavations at Voorburg also are still present in the soil, but this area is located largely outside the legally protected archaeological monument. The above examples show that the interpretation of the traces of the settlement documented in the past are not without risk. An extensive study was published in 2010 about the settlement in Voorburg,992 in which the retrieved building features and other elements of the town were analysed in detail. However, the most important conclusions of this study were based on a relatively uncritical adoption of the data of the older excavations. Thus, information for the following sections will be mainly drawn from two recent excavations made to the south of the settlement in Voorburg.993 Where meaningful, references will be made to the study from 2010.

990

992

991

993

Bink/Franzen 2009, 412; Buijtendorp 2010, 86. Waasdorp 2015a, 24.

124

Buijtendorp 2010. Bink/Franzen 2009; Driessen/Besselsen (eds.) 2014.

4.2.3 development of the settlement Although there is habitation at the location of the town already from the period around the beginning of our era, the settlement reaches its full development only in the beginning of the 2nd century. During this and the 3rd century, the town seems to grow, after which the habitation seems to end sometime in the 4th century. As the development of the town was a complex process, we have opted for describing it per period. The end of the 1st century and the first half of the 2nd century Find material from the settlement in Voorburg does not point to large-scale habitation for the period around 100, as is shown by the extremely poor representation of decorated South Gaulish terra sigillata.994 Of the 4143 sherds of decorated sigillata only 20 originate from the South Gaulish production sites; this is 0.5 % of the total number of decorated terra sigillata sherds.995 The pottery sherds from the middle of the 1st century, mentioned by Bink and Franzen,996 should on closer inspection to be dated later.997 The Spoonbow brooch of the type Haalebos 2.III (Spoonbow brooch of the type Bozum)998 mentioned by Buijtendorp, can be dated to the period after 40. Therefore, it is not an argument in favour of an earlier starting date of the habitation in Voorburg (see also section 5.4.1).999 A layer with mainly hand-shaped pottery was covered by a layer of driftsand; the Roman levels lie above this sand layer. It is possible that this lower layer with locally handmade pottery dates to the Roman period, but it is also possible that the brick fragments and wheel-thrown pottery sherds1000 have sunk into the lower Iron Age layer through bioturbation. The terra nigra bottle from this layer, mentioned by Buijtendorp1001 is, based on the picture, executed in the firing technique of Low Lands Ware: the oily patches that are typical of this kind of pottery can clearly be seen on the depicted sherd.1002 However, Low Lands Ware only occurs from the late 1st century and afterwards.1003 Recent research indicates that hardly any coins were used in the Flavian period in Voorburg, because many of them were quite worn.1004 During the excavations in the southern part of the settlement, ditches and two groundplans of buildings were found that can be associated with the oldest habitation in this part of the settlement.1005 The structures may be byre-houses, although both groundplans could not be investigated fully; they probably date from the period around 100.1006 The infill of the most completely excavated building can be dated to the first half of the 2nd century.1007 The oldest infills of the Voorburg gully, in which a harbour was constructed after the middle of the 2nd century, have also yielded pottery from the end of the first or the beginning of the 2nd century. These show great similarities with the pottery from contemporaneous settlements in the vicinity of Voorburg.1008 In all, the habitation in this part

994

Driessen 2014a, 124.

998

 Haalebos 1986, 16-23; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017,

995

49-51, type 11f.

Driessen 2014c, 473.

996

Bink/Franzen 2009, 54.

999

997

Bink/Franzen (2009, 54) mention a sherd that can be

1000

dated early, depicted in Holwerda 1923, fig. 97 nr. 376.

1001

However, it concerns here a fragment of the pot type Bk3

1002

in North Menapian Ware, with a date between the middle

1003

of the second and third quarter of the 3rd century (De

1004

Clercq 2009, 440-442). The pre-Flavian stamp on terra

1005

Buijtendorp 1988, 107; Buijtendorp 2010, 163. Buijtendorp 2010, 161. Buijtendorp 2010, 161. See Buijtendorp 2006b, 67, bottom. De Clercq/Degryse 2008, 456. Kemmers 2014, 592 and 608. Bink/Franzen 2009, 81-82; Van den Brink et al. 2014,

sigillata of the South Gaul potter BILICATVS (Holwerda

124.

1923, 34 nr. 22, and fig. 68/69 nr. 21) mentioned by them

1006

cannot have come from this potter as these stamps are

1007

spelled differently (Polak 2000, 184-186).

1008

Van den Brink et al. 2014, 111-114. Van Kerckhove 2014, 450. Van Kerckhove 2014, 469.

125

of Voorburg seems to have had a rural character initially. Although the starting date of the habitation is not totally clear, it can be assumed that this would not have been much before the year 100. Emperor

Number

Republic

4

Augustus

14

Tiberius

5

Caligula

6

Claudius

9

Nero Year of 4 Emperors Vespasianus Titus

10 6 39 5

Domitianus

41

Nerva

11

Trajanus

96

Hadrianus

146

Antoninus Pius

103

Marcus Aurelius

88

Commodus

37

Septimius Severus

57

Geta

3

Caracalla

15

Macrinus

1

Elagabalus

8

Severus Alexander

43

Maximinus Thrax

5

Gordianus III

8

Philippus Arabs

1

Volusianus

1

Valerianus

1

Gallienus

2

Postumus

5

Victorinus

1

Claudius II/Tetricus

2

4th century

8

Table 4.3 Coin finds from Voorburg.1009

1009

The data in the table are based on Van der Vin/Buijtendorp 2006, 311, table 3; Kemmers 2009b, 263-279, and Kemmers 2014, 591-610. A database of the coins from

126

Voorburg was provided by Prof. Dr. F. Kemmers, Frankfurt.

0

5 cm

Fig. 4.3. Cretan wine amphora of the type Dressel 43 (Dressel 1879) from Voorburg, with its wooden stopper still in place. Image after Driessen 2014b, 151, fig. 8.1a; photo A. Dekker.

It is not fully clear how long habitation existed here. Based on the infill of one of the above-mentioned buildings, this came to an end prior to 150. It can generally be assumed that Emperor Hadrian granted the right to hold markets and to give the name of Forum Hadriani to the settlement, between 120 and 122, during his visit to the Germanic provinces.1010 Waasdorp1011 and Hessing1012 moreover assume that the settlement in Voorburg was simultaneously promoted to municipium with the name Municipium Aelium Cananefat(i)um, though newly founded cities were apparently never immediately elevated to municipium.1013 However, Haalebos also asumes a simultaneous granting of rights to hold a market and elevation to municipium of the Roman settlement in Nijmegen-West.1014 Whether this also applies to the settlement in Voorburg cannot be shown conclusively, but the coins (table 4.3) in any case point to noticeable activities around 120: “The beginning of noticeable activity seems to actually fall at the end of the reign of Trajanus or at the beginning of that of Hadrianus.”1015 Besides, there are indications in this period that also special imports arrived in Voorburg, like the three Cretan wine amphora of the type Dressel 43, which date to the middle of the 2nd century (fig. 4.3).1016 Habitation in the northern part of the settlement was situated on the highest part of the beach ridge; it remains unclear how to characterise this settlement in the first half of the 2nd century. The only infor-

1010

Bogaers 1971, 128; Buijtendorp 2010, 241; Hessing 1999, 154; Waasdorp 2003, 57-59.

1011

Waasdorp 2003, 59.

1012

Hessing 1999, 155.

1014

Haalebos 2000c, 35-39.

1015

Kemmers 2014, 608.

1016

Holwerda 1923, PL. LXII, nrs. 346 and 347;Van den Berg 2012, 220; Van Kerckhove 2014, 469, fig. 4.3.

1013

Laurence et al. 2011, 66.

127

mation about this must be inferred from the excavations between 1910 and 1915.1017 Despite the fact that they do indeed presumably represent the oldest habitation phase, these features are difficult to interpret. It cannot be excluded that there was a habitation center here which was oriented towards one or two of the roughly east-west roads over the beach ridge. If the plans of the excavation of 1910-1915 have been relatively faithfully drawn, the structures can be interpreted as striphouses.1018 There were possibly monumental structures here already prior to 170. A piece of worked limestone came from the raised layer from the southern part of the town and was dated to the period after 170. However, the block seems to belong to another worked piece from the northern part of the town.1019 It is tempting to suppose that a market developed on the relatively high and dry beach ridge, perhaps stimulated by the granting of market rights and/or town charter by Emperor Hadrian. In the period between 120 and 170 the low-lying clay area south of the beach ridge was organised by ditches that divided the land into parcels.1020 The bank of a depression in this area was reinforced with a row of posts. This depression was possibly a natural drainage of the beach ridge,1021 though it cannot be excluded that it was a (smaller) tributary of the Gantel gully.While the parcels were further subdivided in this period, the depression was filled in, a process that was completed by the middle of the 2nd century. The distances between the ditches can be expressed in lengths that, converted into Roman feet, indicate round measures. The contemporary buildings consisted mainly of sheds, stables, and fences. Two wells were also found. A deposition was found in one of these wells, consisting of two cart wheels and a string of amber beads.1022 In the oldest phase of the habitation, between 120 and 150, the terrain seems to have been used for vegetable gardens.1023 Based on the relatively good representation of handmade pottery in this period, it is assumed that the inhabitants of the land had a Cananefatian background.1024 As many vegetable gardens were excavated at the rural settlements in the vicinity of Voorburg (section 5.9.2), it is quite possible that people from the surrounding area were deployed to cultivate the low-lying clay area south of the beach ridge. It is also possible that the local population moved to the vicinity of Voorburg and pursued agrarian activities with which they not only had experience but with which they were also able to support themselves. The second half of the 2nd century Around 160, the tributary of the large Gantel gully was dredged and provided with a heavy oak quay construction, resulting in the creation of a harbour with a minimum length of 110 m.1025 The port is orientated in a north-west to south-east and tapers northwards. The boundary of the port was also found here, which was still 28 m wide. The largest observed width in the south is 41 m, but it is probable that the harbour widened even more to the south, where it connected with the Gantel gully. The oak posts used in the quay construction were felled between 157 and 159, and originate from the southeastern Netherlands and south Germany.1026 The professionally executed dredging and construction of the quay indicate the planning and involvement of a central authority.1027 From the period around 170 onwards, the relatively low lying clay area south of the beach ridge was raised and reorganised, and the orientation clearly deviates from the preceding period.1028 The raising material originates from elsewhere in the town. A building now appears on the land which has partially stone foundations. It possibly concerns a house with an inner courtyard but this is not certain. The house was constructed according to a Roman

1017

1023

1018

1024

1019

1025

1020

1026

1021

1027

1022

1028

Holwerda 1923. Holwerda 1923, fig. 1. Bink/Franzen 2009, 415. Bink/Franzen 2009, 410-440. Bink/Franzen 2009, 85, 422. Bink/Franzen 2009, 93-95.

128

Bink/Franzen 2009, 410-412. Bink/Franzen 2009, 432. Driessen 2014b, 152-164. Domíngues-Delmás et al. 2014, 647, 651. Driessen 2014a, 125. Bink/Franzen 2009, 410-440.

Fig. 4.4. Inscription with the mention of the ordo decurionum from Voorburg. The length of the stone is 26,5 cm. Photo courtesy of the National Museum of Antiquities, Leiden.

system of measurements (i.e. Roman feet). A possible road ran along the side of the house, and around it several wells were dug. These features indicate the actual presence of houses in this part of the settlement. The construction of the port with its quay constructions, and the raising and reorganisation of a part of the area point to large-scale interventions in the southern part of the settlement in Voorburg.Various building activities also occurred in the vicinity of Voorburg between 150 and 160.1029 For instance, the road from Voorburg to Naaldwijk was provided with the first milestone, dedicated to Emperor Antoninus Pius and dates to 151.1030 A fortlet was built in Den Haag-Ockenburgh in 150,1031 and a vicus constructed here too.1032 An inscription found in the northern part of the town points to the occurrence of an ordo decurionum (town council) in Voorburg, an organisation that only occurred in coloniae and municipia (fig. 4.4).1033 Together with the milestone from The Hague, this inscription forms the archaeological evidence that the settlement in Voorburg was elevated to municipium status, which took place between 120 and 151. Another remarkable development in the vicinity of Voorburg is the construction of a regional ditch system that can be dated to the first half of the 2nd century (see section 5.8.1). It is possible that the date of the construction of this parcellation coincides with the granting of the status of municipium to the settlement in Voorburg. Although the parcellation in the vicinity of Voorburg does not resemble the classical centuriatio, it can be seen as such. Contrary to what has been thought, Roman land divisions occur not only around coloniae, but also around municipia.1034 1029

Domíngues-Delmás et al. 2014, 652-653; Driessen 2014b, 154-155.

1030

Waasdorp 2003, 21.

1032

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 416.

1033

Bogaers 1971, 133; Waasdorp 2003, 59.

1034

Bonnie 2009, 5.

1031

Waasdorp (ed.) 2012, 133.

129

The northern part of the settlement in Voorburg probably formed the urban center. Stone foundations of a town wall with gates were documented here, as well as a bathhouse and the remains of other buildings with both stone and wooden foundations. The buildings were probably divided into blocks of houses, the so-called insulae, but this cannot be said with certainty with the current state of knowledge. The locations of the two gates in the western town wall indicate the presence of two approximately eastwest orientated roads. The southernmost of these two roads, which links up with the largest gate, was the main east-west connection, the so-called decumanus maximus. There was a drain in the road, in the shape of a ditch, around which was a wooden construction.1035 This wooden construction, consisting of double rows of wooden posts, kept the road body together and protected the underlying drain. Comparable road constructions have been found in Roman towns like Nijmegen, Amiens, and Tongeren.1036 The decumanus maximus at Nijmegen also had this kind of construction.1037 West of the bathhouse, Bink and Franzen reconstructed a roughly north-south orientated road, as the remains of a possible town gate would be located in line with the road.1038 However, no clear traces have been found of this road, and the remains of the town gate were observed in the early 19th century by Reuvens, whose interpretations were not always reliable.1039 The northern east-west road is conspicuous by its relatively large width of 19 m, excluding the pavements on either side.1040 The road was lying on one of the highest parts of the beach ridge and was probably already an existing through road. The width of the road can be explained by the fact that it functioned as supply route for cattle or as a market square.1041 The wide road in the Roman town in Nijmegen might have had a comparable function.1042 If the east-west road in Voorburg did indeed have the function of a market square, then the forum could now also have been traced. It cannot be excluded that Voorburg actually had an official forum. As Vitruvius1043 states that a forum, if the town walls are located near the sea, should be situated near the port, then there could have been a possible forum situated in that vicinity, though within the town walls. The building complex south of the bathhouse excavated by Reuvens could possibly have belonged to a forum, but this cannot be said with certainty due to the quality of the surviving excavation documentation.The position of the forum close to the port would be a logical choice, as goods unloaded here from the boats would only need to be transported a short distance. It can be assumed for Nijmegen that the large building complex near the Waal River is part of its forum, despite the fact that several alternative interpretations of the evidence are possible; the fora of Xanten and Cologne are more orientated towards the river (and harbours).1044 The bathhouse is of the so-called row type and was furnished with wall paintings. From the vicinity comes an arm fragment of a more than 2.5 m tall marble statue.1045 Also a large bronze hand, probably belonging to a statue of an emperor, came from this vicinity.1046 A large well lying west of the bathhouse could be re-examined in 1988.1047 The square well measures 210 by 177 cm was probably constructed after 161, based on a coin from the construction pit of the well.1048 Around the well construction was a square of heavy oak beams which sagged slightly in the center.1049 The sagging of these beams is linked to the presence of a (not preserved) stone structure, but we could also think of the foundation of a pump installation.1050 By means of dendrochronology, the beams could be dated to 219 (± 6 years).1051 In view of the size, the well could have supplied water to the bathhouse that was equipped with a water tower.1052 1035

1044

1036

1045

1037

1046

1038

1047

1039

1048

1040

1049

1041

1050

1042

1051

1043

1052

Buijtendorp 2010, 226-227. Heirbaut 2013, 42-44. Heirbaut 2013, 41-42. Bink/Franzen 2009, 437. Bink/Franzen 2009, 437. Buijtendorp 2010, 214. Buijtendorp 2010, 219. Heirbaut 2013, 127. Vitruvius De Arch. 1.7.1.

130

Driessen 2007, 155-156. Buijtendorp 2010, 553-556. Buijtendorp 2010, 63. Koot 2006, 265-270. Koot 2006, 268-269. Koot 2006, 267. Buijtendorp 2010, 625; Koot 2006, 267. Hallewas 1989a, 337. Buijtendorp 2010, 622-626.

Fig. 4.5. Wooden pile foundations under the town wall in Voorburg. Photo courtesy of the National Museum of Antiquities, Leiden/Holwerda 1923, 10.

A bronze element, depicted with the finds from the well by Reuvens, could have been a part of a water pump.1053 A similar object was found in the harbour.1054 It is possible that water was pumped up from the well, though many handles of buckets have also been found there. The well was used until around the middle of the 3rd century.1055 In its first phase, the Voorburg settlement was surrounded by a ditch and a palisade.1056 At a later time, this palisade was replaced by a stone town wall. Two parallel ditches ran outside this town wall.1057 The town wall was particularly well investigated on the north and west side of the settlement. Here about 300 linear meters of the town wall could be excavated, revealing the north-western part of the settlement, where the wall has a sharp angle. It is notable that the town wall of Voorburg has a different orientation

1053

1056

1054

1057

Buijtendorp 2010, 623. Driessen 2014b, 173.

Buijtendorp 2010, 251-255. Buijtendorp 2010, 394-397.

1055

Koot 2006, 269.

131

0

100 m

Fig. 4.6. Plan of the town of Voorburg, after Bink/Franzen 2009, 439 and Driessen 2014a, 98, fig. 6.1. Indicated in purple the ditches of the town and wells, in dark red walls, in pink stone floors, in yellow pits and in blue small streams and the harbour. The trajectory of the town wall on the east and south side remains hypothetical.

than the buildings found inside the town. An explanation could be that the wall was built on the higher parts of the terrain, as can be assumed also for the south-western corner of the Nijmegen town wall.1058 At the Voorburg settlement, the wall’s foundation was 1.30 m wide and probably had an earthen rampart on the inner face.1059 At the highest part of the beach ridge, the foundation was dug into the sand, whereas piles were used under the foundation at the lower parts; these piles were timbered on the outer sides (fig. 4.5).1060

132

There was probably a small tower in the north-west corner of the wall.1061 There were two gates on the west side. The largest gate, measuring 13.4 by 6.4 m, consisted of two rectangular rooms separated by a space about 3.5 m in width.1062 At a later time, the foundation was extended on the outside of the gate, with the result that the towers protruded and probably had a semi-circular extension. This conclusion contradicts Buijtendorp’s1063 interpretation that an earlier phase of the town gate was shaped like a triumphal arch. However, additional evidence is lacking for this proposition, such as the find of architectural fragments. In view of the size of the construction, it is likely that this gate gave access to one of the most important streets of the town, the so-called decumanus maximus. There was a second gate about 90 m to the north of the largest gate. The size of the rectangular gatehouse was 7.6 by 5.3 m.1064 It is possible that this gate gave access to a road that was parallel to the street with the largest gate; it may be a later addition, or a replacement of the other gate. The date of the construction of the town wall has in the past been discussed by various authors. Bogaers assumes a date at the end of the second or in the first decades of the 3rd century,1065 whereas Buijtendorp dates it from 161 to the beginning of the 3rd century.1066 Waasdorp places the construction in the last quarter of the 2nd century.1067 Although the construction of the town wall cannot be dated on the basis of the current archaeological data, it is likely that it was built only after the construction of the harbour with the quays, which would facilitate the supply and unloading of building material.This would mean that the wall’s construction dates after 160. As the construction of the wall would have taken some considerable time and the building was possibly carried out in phases, the building activities could have extended to the beginning of the 3rd century. A sharp date for the construction of (a part of) the town wall could be obtained by again excavating a small part of the wall that had foundation piles underneath, as the wooden piles have been well-preserved. This approach would offer the option of obtaining a date by means of dendrochronology.1068 The construction of the town walls required the consent of the provincial governor and the emperor. The modern explanations for the construction of such a wall can vary, from an item of defence to a status symbol, or an item of propaganda.1069 For Voorburg, the most important explanation for the construction of the town wall is a reaction to the increasing dangers along the North Sea coast.1070 It is noticeable that all towns in Germania Inferior were walled in the 1st and 2nd centuries, while this was not the case in the Gallic hinterland.1071 It is possible that the walls around the towns in Germania Inferior can indeed be interpreted as defensive measures, as most towns were located only a short distance from the border zone of the Roman Empire. Whether the wall in Voorburg was erected due to immediate threats cannot be verified on the basis of the existing data, despite the arguments put forward by Buijtendorp. However, his conclusions are based on the difficult to interpret excavation data of Holwerda.1072 As the harbour would not have been located inside the walled town and, since, the course of the wall can be determined more or less on three sides of the town, the surface area of the urban center of Voorburg would have been about 5.5 ha (fig. 4.6).1073 Almost all of the buildings with stone foundations fall within the town wall. However, the features excavated near the supposed north-west corner of the town cannot be interpreted unequivocally as the town’s boundary.1074 To the east of the supposed limit of 1058

1067

1059

1068

1060

1069

1061

1070

Van der Weyden 2013, 110-112. Buijtendorp 2010, 397-398, 403; Holwerda 1923, 8. Holwerda 1923, 10. Buijtendorp 2010, 397.

Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 146. Buijtendorp 2010, 256. Van der Weyden 2013, 93. Buijtendorp 2010, 256-261; Kropff 2008, 2; Waasdorp

1062

Buijtendorp 2010, 408-409.

2012 (ed.), 146.

1063

1071

1064

1072

1065

1073

1066

1074

Buijtendorp 2010, 408-409. Buijtendorp 2010, 414. Bogaers 1972a, 326. Buijtendorp 2010, 406.

Van der Weyden 2013, 93. Buijtendorp 2006c, 116. Bink/Franzen 2009, 439; Driessen 2014b, 179. De Jager 2006, 272-273.

133

the town are wells and Roman find material.1075 However, the area on which these wells and finds were found was levelled after the Roman period too, and the traces of the habitation have largely disappeared here.1076 Finding features from the Roman period to the east of the supposed town boundary could indicate habitation also outside the walled settlement, as was attested to the south, in the vicinity of the port. The buildings could however also have been cut off from the town by the construction of the wall or the town might even have been bigger. The 3rd century and the beginning of the 4th century A part of the harbour was dredged again at the beginning of the 3rd century.1077 This dredging was likely the reason for the subsiding of the quay constructions on the eastern side of the port, as there are no indications that the wearing away of the quay was caused by tidal activity.1078 In or shortly after 205 the quays in the port were renovated, with the required oak imported from Central Germany and/ or the Mosel area.1079 The port was now dredged again but this time in its entirety. Large quantities of finds have been retrieved from the port basin. These finds point to the role that the port played in the provisioning of military bases in the vicinity of Voorburg, and the port functioned “… not only as port of entry for own use but also as port for transshipments ...“.1080 The port had a connection with a gully (the Corbulo canal), which in its turn was connected to the open sea. This has led to the idea that the settlement in Voorburg also played a role as a sea port, since its harbour had the same depth as the port in Roman London, where a sea-going vessel was also found.1081 Two parts of trunk boats made of oak and secondarily used in a well from 190/200,1082 point to shipping activities directed more at the immediate surroundings. Both fragments, which had a length of 1 m, were 80 cm wide. The height of one fragment was around 55 cm, and the other was 65 cm in height. These boat fragments indicate that the inhabitants of Voorburg, like the people in the military community, used this type of vessel (see also section 3.4.4). The port was in use from 160 until at least 230, and there are indications that the southern part was still open after 250; in this period the northern part had already silted up.1083 As no traces have been found of dredging, the silting up of the port points to its (partial) disuse, a process that was completed between 275 and the beginning of the 4th century.1084 How the habitation in Voorburg developed in the second half of the second and 3rd century is not entirely clear. Between 180 and 185, the relatively low-lying clay cover south of the beach ridge was (again) reorganised and ditches, pits and wells were filled in with waste.1085 Although building structures were no longer found, the existing wells point to the presence of habitation in the vicinity. On the terrain next to the port, eight wells were found that were filled with waste that dated between the middle of the second and the beginning of the 4th century.1086 The terrain here was severely disturbed, with the result that remains of buildings have not been preserved. However, it is also possible that both of the excavated areas actually represent the back yards of the houses. The habitation of the relatively low-lying clay cover south of the beach ridge probably continued into the third quarter of the 3rd century, though two 4th century coins have also been found here.1087 Unfortunately, the highest levels of this area were disturbed after the Roman period. Buildings with stone foundations have left clear indications, but it is also quite possible that due to the use of building techniques that left few traces in the soil, some buildings have not been recognised.1088 Although the ceramic 1075

1082

1076

1083

1077

1084

1078

1085

1079

1086

1080

1087

1081

1088

Bogaers 1966, 6. Bogaers 1966, 6. Driessen 2014a, 126. Driessen 2014e, 218. Domíngues-Delmás et al. 2014, 651. Driessen 2014b, 158. Driessen 2014e, 219.

134

Bink/Franzen 2009, 104-106 and 339-341. Driessen 2014b, 163. Driessen 2014a, 127. Bink/Franzen 415-417. Van den Brink et al. 2014, 115-123. Bink/Franzen 2009, 417. Bink/Franzen 2009, 115-116.

assemblage points to ‘Roman’ eating habits, it is noticeable that a very high percentage of cooking pots was dated to the 3rd century; this could point to a different eating habit or a change in the consumption pattern.1089 Whereas the supply of coins in the direction of the Dutch river area came nearly to a standstill between 235 and 275, 26 coins from this period were found in Voorburg, which would indicate continuing activities in the settlement.1090 On the basis of the numismatic evidence, the end of the habitation in Voorburg is dated around 275.1091 The same evidence indicates that no more large-scale activities seem to have occurred in the settlement in the 4th century; almost all coins date from the first half of this century.1092 And yet the number of coins is rather high, certainly when compared with the surrounding area. The pottery finds also seem to point to a possible continuation of habitation into the beginning of the 4th century.1093 The fact that these 4th century finds came from a well next to the port that was largely silted-up at that time could indicate that the area within the walls also was inhabited until that time. How long habitation continued into the 4th century and what its nature was remains unclear. A few people were buried in the part of the settlement inside the walls in the 4th or 5th century.1094 A number of fibulae were found in one of these graves, among which a so-called Hrušica variant fibula, which mainly occur in the Alpine region and in the Balkan Peninsula; in those areas, this kind of fibula is dated to the late 3rd and early 4th centuries. The burials are thus possibly from the 4th century.

4 . 2 . 4 r e l i g i o n i n t h e tow n Indications have been found in the town of the worship of traditional Roman gods. This comes from the presence of a small home altar and small statues of gods, which could also have had a function in the house. In addition, there are numerous indications of intentional depositions, in particular in wells and the harbour basin. Object

Dedicated to

Dedicant(s)

Origin dedicant(s)

Date

Literature

Altar

Diana

Junianius Amabilis, sevir Augustalis

Xanten (Colonia Ulpia Traiana)

100-270

Hees 2006b, 343

Altar

Jupiter Serapis, Isis, Fortuna, the Good Outcome, the Good Fortune, the protector of the road and the protective spirit of the place

Lucius Lucretius Faustinianus, centurio of the first legion Minervia

Bonn?

89-212

Hees 2006b, 343-345

Altar

The divine imperial house and the protective spirit of the society of the peregrini

Ulpius December and Verecundus Cornutus

0-212

Hees 2006b, 346-347

Altar

Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, the protective spirit of the place

Titus Flavius Peregrinus, centurio of the first legion Minervia

190

Hees 2006b, 347

Altar

Jupiter

Bonn?

Bink and Franzen 2009, 251-253

Table 4.4. Dedications on altars from Voorburg.

1089

Bink/Franzen 2009, 432.

1092

Kemmers 2009b, 269, Tabel 8.8; Kemmers 2014, 598;Van

1090

Kemmers 2009b, 269; Kemmers 2014, 598; 601; Van der Vin/Buijtendorp 2006, 311, table 3.

1091

Kemmers 2014, 608.

der Vin/Buijtendorp 2006, 311, table 3. 1093

Van Kerckhove 2014, 466.

1094

Hees 2006a, 327-330.

135

Three of the five retrieved altars are dedicated to multiple gods (table 4.4). It concerns dedications to the classical Roman gods like Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Diana and Fortuna, to the protective spirit of the place but also to eastern gods like Jupiter Serapis and Isis are mentioned. Also the imperial house is mentioned especially, which indicates a publicly avowed loyalty to the Roman state.1095 The small (house?) altar, dedicated to Jupiter, could also point to the veneration of the established gods in the family circle (table 4.4).1096 The loyalty to the Roman state was probably also widely shared among the inhabitants of Voorburg, which can be inferred from the retrieved terracotta figurines (table 4.5). Apart from the very popular female gods, also male gods were clearly worshipped. This points to a more prominent role of the official Roman state religion in the town. So worshipping took place in Voorburg within a more official Roman framework, though a part of the dedicants of the altars came from elsewhere (table 4.4). In addition, there were depositions in wells1097 and the port.1098 Representation

Number

Apollo

3 to 5

Mercury

4 to 5

Bacchus

1

Priapus

1

Cybele

2

Venus

7

Diana

2

Minerva

1

Matronae

9

Boy with thorn (spinario)

1

Risus

1

Child

1

Goat/billy goat

2

Cockerel

1

Bull

1 to 3

Bear/lion Mask

1 10 to 14

Total (min.)

48

Total (max.)

57

Table 4.5. Terracotta figurines from Voorburg. After Driessen 2014d, 497, Tabel II-1.8.1.

4 . 2 . 5 t h e e co n o m y o f t h e tow n Nowadays there is a more nuanced view1099 of the concept that the Roman town is the place that simply consumes the yields of the surrounding countryside.1100 In fact, the production of goods also occurred in many towns, which in heir turn ended up in the surrounding countryside. The degree of urbanisation depended on the place that the town could claim in larger exchange networks and the possibility of the town to use part of the goods from these networks for maintaining the urban standard. When a town was disconnected from these networks, it was doomed to fail, or the town shrank to a level of urbanisation depending on the surplus production of the surrounding countryside.1101

1095

1098

1096

1099

1097

1100

De Beenhouwer 2014, 125. Bink/Franzen 2009, 432. Bink/Franzen 2009, 107-108, 417; Driessen 2014b, 176178.

136

Driessen 2014b, 167-171. Laurence et al. 2011, 7-9. Finley 1999 (1973), 191-196.

1101

Laurence et al. 2011, 9.

In Voorburg, the most important economic activities were oriented towards the port. Products were brought to the port for the inhabitants of the town, but they were also shipped further to supply other settlements in the vicinity, such as the military bases.1102 Not only pottery but also fish, shells and wood were brought in via the port.1103 The market in Voorburg also had an important economic function for the region. The exact location of this market is unknown, but the northern road running east-west within the walled part of the town could have had a market function, though it may also have been a supply route for cattle. Animals were clearly slaughtered for meat consumption here and there are also indications of horn and leather working.1104 Meat was probably also smoked on a large scale, as many cattle shoulder blades have been found with holes from which the shoulders could be hung for smoking. These smoked beef shoulders could have been sent, possibly to the rural settlements, but possibly also to the castella along the Lower Rhine (section 3.7).1105 The heads of cattle were also roasted and consumed. Slaughtering was carried out by specialised skilled workers. Most likely, the livestock was brought in ‘on the hoof ’ from the surrounding area. Another economic activity connected with food was the exploitation of vegetable gardens in the south of the settlement, which was located outside the town walls.1106 It is probable that fishing was also undertaken in and around the port. Metal working was done on a modest scale.1107 Further indications are lacking of artisanal production, such as the fabrication of pottery or bricks. The town functioned as a collection point of taxes. However, a monetarised society never developed completely; mainly silver coins circulated and scarcely any small coins of bronze.1108 The economic basis of Voorburg thus consisted mainly of shipping goods and the possibility of organising a market. Yet, the town does give the impression that it leaned heavily on the investments of the Roman state. As the town in Voorburg did not develop on its own accord but was founded, this is not surprising. After this support and the military bases in the vicinity disappeared, at the end of the 3rd century, the transhipment function of Voorburg expired. As the habitation of the surrounding countryside had already been reduced, the town could no longer function economically.

4 . 2 . 6 t h e tow n i n voo r bu r g The urban area within the town walls comprised probably not more than 5.5 ha and is thus by far the smallest town in Germania Inferior (table 4.6). However, if the habitation outside the walls is also included, at least 1 ha can be added. Even then, the town still is not larger than the military vici with some castella along the Lower Rhine (section 3.3, table 3.7). The importance of the urban center in Voorburg should therefore not be overestimated. Kemmers posits: “Perhaps the Roman town at Voorburg-Arentsburg, in the rather marginal Cananefatian area, was in fact hardly more than a judicial-administrative central place. Tax revenues did indeed come in, but the large-scale circulation of small coins, the pre-eminent lifeblood of a monetarised society, did not develop properly.”1109 The center of this central place was probably inside the town wall.1110 Here, a public bath was discovered, but other civic amenities, like a forum complex with basilica, temples, and a theatre or amphitheatre were not found.1111

1102

1108

1103

1109

Van Kerckhove 2014, 467-472.  Beerenhout 2014, 819-820; Kuijper et al. 2014, 831; Lange 2012, 31-32; Lange 2014, 861.

1104

Cavallo/Slopsma 2014, 765-766.

Kemmers 2014, 608. Kemmers 2014, 608.

1110

Driessen 2014b, 178.

1111

Despite arguments by Buijtendorp (2010, 568-591), no

1105

verifyable traces of temples and an amophitheatre were

1106

discovered in Voorburg.

Van Mensch/IJzereef 1977, 146-149. Kooistra/Kubiak-Martens 2009, 408.

1107

Hoss 2014, 676; Stolk 2014, 701.

137

Place

Roman name

Legal form

Granting legal form

Surface area inside the walls

Literature

Cologne

Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium

Colonia

c. 50

96 ha

Kunow 1992, 149-150

Xanten

Colonia Ulpia Traiana

Colonia

c. 100

73 ha

Kunow 1992, 149

Nijmegen

Ulpia Noviomagus / Municipium Batavorum

Municipium

Around 100

well over 30 ha

Zee 2009, 6, fig. 2

Voorburg

Forum Hadriani / Municipium Aelium Cananefat(i)um

Municipium

Between 120 and 151

5.5 ha

Bink/Franzen 2009, 439; Driessen 2014b, 179

Tongeren

Atuatuca Tungrorum / Municipium Tungrorum

Municipium

100-200

c. 136 ha

Stuart/De Grooth 1987, 19

Table 4.6. Towns in Germania Inferior with their legal status and size, in hectares. Information on the legal status is based on Van der Weyden 2013, 97, Tabel 7.1. In Xanten, the entire area inside the town walls was not built up (Müller 2008, 274 and Abb. 159). This probably also applies to Tongeren.

It is remarkable that a small town like Voorburg obtained the relatively important town status of municipium, though it is assumed that the inhabitants only acquired the Latin civil right.1112 The settlement in Nijmegen-West was elevated to municipium around 100.1113 This place, with a surface area of well over 30 ha, was nearly six times larger than Voorburg. The town in Tongeren was also elevated to municipium in the 2nd century, with an intramural area of 136 ha. So, the municipium elevation of Voorburg should not be seen in the light of the size of the town but rather as a stimulus for the development of Voorburg as a central place and the economic-administrative center of the region. Judging by the flourishing of the settlement in the second half of the second and the 3rd century, this impulse seems to have worked. Another reason could have been that at the administrative level of the province there was a need to decentralise a number of tasks. An example could have been the management of the road network in Germania Inferior, which was probably executed by the towns at the end of the 2nd century;1114 the milestone of Caracalla indicates that here the role of the central authority had not completely finished at the beginning of the 3rd century (section 4.1.1). And finally, the municipium elevation of Voorburg can be seen in the light of a policy to integrate the area of the Cananefates into the Roman Empire, as is assumed also for the town in Nijmegen.1115 Apparently this need to integrate the area of Germania Inferior was so great that all towns had acquired an official status at the end of the 2nd century, either as municipium, or as colonia (table 4.6). The towns can thus be regarded as important catalysts for this process and from that perspective they can be considered special-purpose sites. This increase of the inhabited area of Voorburg coincides with a revival in the number of coins at the beginning of the 3rd century, associated by Kemmers with local developments.1116 The port in Voorburg acquires a new quay in or shortly after 205, though this renovation could be just the reaction to a slightly too rigorously executed dredging of the port (section 4.2.3). However, in the castella along the Lower Rhine there are also building activities in this period (section 3.1). These phenomena could also have been caused by the Severan military campaigns in Britannia. There is possibly also a link with the decrease in the number of rural settlements in the region; here the inhabitants of the countryside would have (partially?) moved to the town, with the result that the inhabited area would have increased further.

1112

1115

1113

1116

Van Es 1981, 131. Haalebos 2000c, 35-39; Heirbaut 2013, 126.

1114

Rathmann 2004, 9.

138

Heirbaut 2013, 126; Willems et al. 2009, 77. Kemmers 2014, 601.

4.3 the urban community On the basis of find material and building features, the first occupants of the terrain in Voorburg had a local background. In the course of the 2nd century the composition of the population became more heterogeneous. As already described in section 3.6.3, a few benificiarii could have been present in Voorburg. This can be inferred from two altars (table 4.4). There were possibly also a few soldiers in the settlement, to carry out police and customs tasks, if necessary also to deploy the artillery that was set up near the port. So the town was not entirely without soldiers, but whether it concerns larger numbers, as Kropff1117 suggests, is doubtful. The settlement certainly did not have a primary military function.1118 This is also supported by the poor representation of finds that can be associated with literacy, certainly when compared to the military settlement Den Haag-Ockenburgh.1119 Based on the 239 military roof-tile stamps, 214 of which were collected inside the walled part of the town, a military involvement with the construction of the town can be considered, but this cannot be determined with certainty.1120 The stationing of entire military units in Voorburg is not likely given the lack of larger numbers of militaria (section 3.6.3). The army could have played a role in the supply of building material, as is shown from an inscription from Bonn indicating that the fleet was responsible for the supply of building material for the new forum of Xanten.1121 There were possibly former soldiers among the inhabitants of Voorburg. A graffito mentions the text veterani,1122 which means: of the veteran or of Veteranus. However,Veteranus was also a personal name; a decurion from the ala I Cannanefatium had this name.1123 The presence of veterans in the town thus cannot be proven unequivocally. One of the altars of Voorburg is dedicated by Junianius Amabilis, who originated from Xanten (table 4.4). According to the inscription, he was a sevir Augustalis. “The sevires Augustales formed a collegium of priests who were responsible for the local imperial cult. The function was often held by liberated slaves who wanted to move up in society.”1124 The severi Augustales were often connected with trading activities,1125 which is not surprising in a trading place like Voorburg. The question remains whether Junianius Amabilis was in Voorburg in his function as priest, thus implying that there was a center of dedication of the imperial house present in Voorburg, or whether he came to supervise his trading activities. Another altar mentions the society of the peregrini. This group of people were free persons, but without citizenship and with limited civil rights according to Roman or Latin law.1126 Those who dedicated the altar, Ulpius December and Verecundus Cornutus, were also clearly not Roman citizens, as they did not have the usual three names associated with citizenship.1127 Apparently, there was a society of these people in Voorburg, which is not surprising in view of the location of the town in a province at the fringe of the empire. The fact that it was necessary to organise themselves, indicates that there were also Roman citizens in Voorburg. The altar is dedicated to the protective spirit of the society of the peregrini, but also to the divine imperial house. By their choice to dedicate to the imperial house, the dedicants tried to openly show their loyalty to the Roman Empire.1128 This loyalty is also shown by the small altar and the terracotta figurines (section 4.2.4). The urban elite would probably have consisted of people with Roman civil rights. Often members of the elite were part of the council of the town, the so-called ordo decurionum. An inscription is known from Voorburg that mentions a decurio municipii, that is one of the town councillors.1129 This inscription 1117

1124

1118

1125

1119

1126

1120

1127

1121

1128

1122

1129

Kropff 2008, 13. Driessen 2014b, 179. Van der Linden/Waasdorp 2015, 190. Van Diepen 2014, 526-527. Konen 2000, 400-401; Pferdehirt 1995, 69-70. Holwerda 1923, 137, nr. 8 , Pl. LXVI. Afb. 101, nr. 8.

Hees 2006b, 343. Morris 2010, 55. Bloemers 1983, 163. Bloemers 1983, 164. De Beenhouwer 2014, 125. Waasdorp 2006, 93.

1123

Haynes 2013, 344, footnote 38; Speidel 1987, 61-62.

139

was originally on a building or pedestal of a statue, and it cannot be excluded that one of the more prosperous inhabitants of Voorburg, who also played a role in the administration of the town, donated and paid for the building or statue. In view of the presence of a port in Voorburg, a part of the population would have found employment as traders, but also as dockworkers, rowers, and pilots. Also a part of the inhabitants would have earned a living by fishing, either in the surrounding waters, but possibly also in the port itself.1130 Women’s and children’s shoes point to the presence of families in the settlement, which is not surprising.1131 The footwear also shows that individualistic fashion expressions and self-expression started to play a prominent role with the population in Voorburg from the late 2nd century onward. These demonstrate rapid changes in fashion and the social sphere, as well as uncertainty and social mobility.1132 The many depositions in wells and also in the harbour basin possibly point to social dynamics, which made it necessary to propitiate the gods with each important change in the function of the design of an area in the town. A part of the inhabitants of Voorburg could write but it is noticeable that the indications for this are not very numerous;1133 the lack of wooden writing tablets from the well-preserved, wet contexts in the port is even remarkable, as these regularly occur in the military settlements along the Lower Rhine.Three are even known from the surrounding countryside. In addition, names written as graffiti on pottery are rather rare,1134 certainly compared to the Roman town in Nijmegen.1135 An indication that there was some degree of literacy present in Voorburg is the find of a terra sigillata inkwell that still contained traces of ink.1136 Graffiti made post cocturam have been found with some regularity on the amphorae, and can be seen as an indication of literacy of the inhabitants of Voorburg.1137 However, these do not necessarily come from Voorburg but may have been engraved in the sherds along the way in another location. We can therefore state that a high degree of literacy was not widespread in Voorburg. During the habitation of the settlement, people of local origin were always present in the town. Archaeozoological material points to local eating habits,1138 besides which also a Roman eating pattern occurred.1139 So we are dealing here with a mixed population. Regarding the general prosperity of the town, both ‘average’ citizens, and the top of the middle classes are represented in Voorburg.1140 However, luxury goods appear to be less well-represented than in military contexts; compared to the rural settlements many more imported goods occur in Voorburg.1141 Indications of great or widespread wealth among the inhabitants of Voorburg are so far lacking. The graffiti found on fragments of pottery in Voorburg provide an insight into the names of the inhabitants. Above was mentioned the possibility that a person with the name of Veteranus lived in the town. Other names are Felix1142, Victor and Secundus.1143 And we also mentioned earlier the burial inscription from Környe, Bulgaria,1144 which mentioned a Victoria Verina: for the time being she is the only woman known by name from Voorburg. More information about the identity of the town’s inhabitants could be obtained by studying their graves. However, no clear indications of cemeteries have been found in the surroundings of the Roman town at present. It is possible that the burial fields were covered by later sediments or heightening after Roman times, with the result that they were not noticed earlier. This could mean that the burials of the inhabitants of the town are still in a good condition.1145 1130

Driessen 2014b, 171-172; Dütting/Hoss 2014, 430, table 1.

1137

Van Kerckhove 2014, 470.

1138

Bink/Franzen 2009, 431; Driessen 2014b, 179.

1131

1139

1132

1140

1133

1141

1134

Bink/Franzen 2009, 181-183; Holwerda 1923, 137-138,

1142

Pl. LXVI, Afb. 101; Van Kerckhove 2014, 332, 377, 470.

1143

Driessen 2014b, 179. Van Driel-Murray et al. 2014, 732-733. Driessen 2014b, 180.

Bink/Franzen 2009, 431. Driessen 2014b, 180. Bink/Franzen 2009, 432. Bink/Franzen 2009, 181. Van Kerckhove 2014, 332, fig. II-1.11.

1135

1144

1136

1145

Visser 2013, 7-8. Driessen 2014b, 187.

140

CIL III, 4279; Waasdorp 2006, 91. Buijtendorp 2010, 591.

In summary, it can be stated that the urban community consisted of an amalgam of different people with different backgrounds. The population probably came (mainly) from the immediate vicinity, but there were also people with a military background as well as a society of free people with limited civil rights. The existence of this group indicates that Roman subjects also were present in Voorburg, in any case within the town council, the ordo decurionum. The religious practices indicate a population group that associated itself clearly with the official state religion and can therefore perhaps be seen as a stronghold for the Roman authorities in the area. The many depositions in the wells and the port, as well as the increasingly individualistic fashion choices and self-expression in the use of footwear indicate that we are dealing here with a dynamic social situation within the town population. Although the inhabitants were more prosperous than in the countryside, there are no indications of great wealth in the town. In addition, an important part of the population seems to be uneducated or even illiterate. Besides a public bath, no other civic amenities are known from Voorburg. However, the altars from the town do suggest the presence of at least one cult building. Other buildings, like a forum, a basilica and a theatre or amphitheatre were not discovered and it remains unclear of these structures were present at all.1146 Often, these forms of public architecture helped to shape urban communities, because “… the monumentality of the towns formed part of the reproduction of an urban ideology, …”1147 Communal use of buildings like a bath house, a forum or a temple enhanced a (daily) confrontation with urbanism and, in a sense, with the broader imperial idea of Rome. The fact that in Voorburg, as far as we know now, not many of these public buildings were present, might indicate a lower level of urbanisation and therefore an underdeveloped urban lifestyle of the town’s inhabitants. Nevertheless, the Voorburg community had a distinct identity. They were a heterogeneous group of people, who were loyal to the Roman authorities, lived in reasonable prosperity, and operated in a larger supra-national network with a clear outward look. Presumably, the community consisted mainly of people with a local background, although also people from outside the civitas were present, such as military officials and tradesmen.

1146

Yet, markets could have been held on one of the streets (section 4.2.5) and not on a regular forum and gladiato-

demann 1992, 18-23; Revell 2009, 55). 1147

Revell 2009, 56.

rial shows didn’t need a permanent amphitheatre (Wie-

141

5.

The rural community

In this chapter, the numerous rural settlements in the vicinity of the Roman town in Voorburg will be discussed, as well as the habitation history and possible origin of the inhabitants of the area. The chapter concludes with an overview of the rural community in the area.

5.1 introduction The subject of this section is rural habitation in the Cananefatian civitas from c. 250 BC to the middle of the 4th century. This period of six centuries is characterised by a dynamic intensity in the degree of habitation in the research area. In the Late Iron Age, it concerns relatively many sites, dispersed over the landscape. However, at the end of the Iron Age, in the course of the 1st century BC, the habitation declines to such an extent that it is hardly traceable in the archaeological record. Clearly demonstrable traces of habitation are present only around 50 AD in the research area.The degree of habitation increases further in the following century, but it slowly decreases at the end of the 2nd or beginning of the 3rd century. Most sites were abandoned by the second half of the 3rd century. This process continues until the beginning of the 4th century. Thereafter, habitation occurs sporadically in the area, but seems to disappear again around the middle of the 4th century. Only after about a century and a half are there any clear traces of habitation in the research area.

5. 2 t h e lat e i r o n ag e ( 25 0 b c – 1 a d ) In the Late Iron Age, settlements were dispersed across the research area. In general, settlements consisted of one farmstead and seem to have a permanent character. They were only abandoned when the environmetal conditions prevented further habitation. Clear concentrations of sites are known in a few places, such as along the Lower Rhine, on the beach ridges near The Hague, and in the clay-on-bog area of Midden Delfland and Vlaardingen/Schiedam. Local environmental factors strongly influenced the habitation of these areas (see chapter 2). Van Heeringen posits that “...the coastal region was inhabited by groups of people whose essentially self-sufficient economy was based largely on agriculture. These people lived in scattered settlements, each comprising of a single farmstead.”1148 Parts of the area were quite intensively inhabited, like the beach ridges in The Hague 1149 and the peat area around Vlaardingen.1150 Local communities modified the landscape only on a relatively small scale, like in Vlaardingen, where a dam was constructed in a creek around 175 BC.1151 A similar dam is present also in The Hague but as this dam also forms a link between the beach ridge and the peat bog, it may also have acted as a causeway.1152 This dam can be dated to the beginning of the Late Iron Age, so around 200 BC, although a collected 14C date does not exclude a younger date.1153 Only two cemeteries are known, both from The

1148

1151

1149

1152

1150

1153

Van Heeringen 1992, 244. Stokkel 2012, 155. Van den Broeke 1993, 59-82.

De Ridder 1999/2003, 11. Lanzing/Siemons 2014, 204-207. Lanzing/Siemons 2014, 204.

143

Hague.1154 Society seems to have had an egalitarian character, in which few changes occurred. This is in contrast with the Dutch River Area, where a number of important socio-cultural developments can be observed archaeologically, such as the emergence of regional sanctuaries, as well as the massive circulation of so-called glass La Tène bracelets1155 and ‘Celtic’ coins.1156 All of these data indicate an increasing complexity of society. The absence of such changes in the research area may indicate that it was situated at the periphery of these Late Iron Age developments. It is also possible that there was really no clearly defined community at this time, or that it was a loose conglomerate of various small groups. Findspot

Object

Type

Rotterdam-Spoortunnel

Fibula

Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 33, type 4c 150/100 – 60/30 Carmiggelt/Guiran 1997, 86-88

Midden-Delfland Foppenpolder

Fibula

Feugère 1a2

220-80 BC

Feugère 1985; Van den Broeke/ Van Londen 1995, 33

Rotterdam-Terbregge

Fibula

Metzler 3a-b; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 43, type 8b

120-50 BC

Metzler 1995; Moree et al. 2002, 101

Den Haag-Oude Waalsdorperweg

Needle

Unknown

Late Iron Age

Opbroek 2007, 68

Wateringen-Provinciale Weg

Fibula

Late-La Tène fibula Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 43, type 8b; Metzler 3a-b

120-50 BC

Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 43; Metzler 1995

Date

Literature

Table 5.1. Late Iron Age metal finds in the research area.

Late Iron Age metal finds are rare in the research area and they all date well before the beginning of our era (table 5.1). ‘Celtic’ coins are also almost completely lacking in the research area, despite the intensive use of metal detectors at archaeological excavations. Eight glass La Tène bracelets are known, though these originate from only four findspots (table 5.2).This is a very small number compared with the Dutch River Area, in which several thousand fragments of these bracelets are known.1157 Although this could point to a different (cultural) background or ethnic identity of the inhabitants of the research area, as supposed by Roymans and Verniers,1158 there may be two other causes for this small number of bracelets. First, it is quite possible that large parts of the research area were uninhabited at the time of the peak of the circulation of these bracelets, namely between 130 and 15 BC.1159 The dates of the bracelets found in the research area fall largely in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC (table 5.2). Findspot

Type

Literature

Date

Den Haag-Ockenburgh

type 7d

Pers. comm. J.A. Waasdorp

175-80 BC

Wassenaar Waalsdorpervlakte

type 3b

Pers. comm. J.A. Waasdorp

130-50 BC

Schiedam Hargpolder

type 3a

Peddemors 1975, 118, nr. 189

130-80 BC

Vlaardingen Breeweg

type 3b

Van den Broeke/Van Londen 1995

130-50 BC

Vlaardingen Breeweg

type 3b

Van den Broeke/Van Londen 1995

130-50 BC

Vlaardingen Breeweg

type 3b

Van den Broeke/Van Londen 1995

130-50 BC

Vlaardingen Breeweg

type 3b

Van den Broeke/Van Londen 1995

130-50 BC

Vlaardingen Breeweg

type 6a

Van den Broeke/Van Londen 1995

250-130 BC

Table 5.2. Fragments of La Tène bracelets in the research area. Type classification following Haevernick 1960.

1154

Opbroek 2007, 56-69; Waasdorp 1998, 139-145.

379-380.

1155

1158

1156

1159

Roymans 2004, 9-22. Roymans 2004, 31-53; 67-101.

1157

 Roymans/Verniers 2009, 22; Polak/Kooistra 2013,

144

Roymans/Verniers 2009, 28. Verniers 2006, 33.

The second cause for the relatively poor representation of glass bracelets in the western Netherlands is the way in which the fragments have been collected. Contrary to the Dutch River Area, Late Iron Age sites do not surface here, thus extensive amateur collections are lacking. In the western Netherlands, fragments are almost exclusively collected at excavations, which generally cover a small area. Despite these limitations, it is significant that one site has yielded several specimens; five fragments come from the Holiërhoekse polder in Vlaardingen.1160 Sites on the beach ridges are often covered over by younger dune deposits, or have been dug-out for sand extraction or levelled. Nevertheless, it can be argued that the relatively poor representation of La Tène bracelets in the research area is likely a result of the minimal degree of habitation here during the peak of the circulation of these objects.

5. 3 a h a b i tat i o n h i at u s ? Based on the metal finds, habitation in the Iron Age seems to end in the 1st century BC. The remarkable lack of ‘Celtic’ coins in the research area also supports the idea of a sparsely inhabited landscape at the end of the Late Iron Age. The handmade pottery cannot be dated more accurately than roughly in the Late Iron Age. Looking at the available 14C dates, it is striking that the habitation in the vicinity of Vlaardingen seems to end already at the beginning of the 2nd century BC.1161 The same applies to the 14C dates from the vicinity of The Hague,1162 and from some of the sites along the Lower Rhine.1163 Changes in the local environment may have driven this decline in habitation. For example, many sites in the vicinity of Vlaardingen were situated on peat, which is vulnerable to subsidence and flooding. At settlements where wheelthrown pottery from the Roman period has been found, handmade pottery of the typologies ascribed to the Late Iron Age is absent. Moreover, there are large differences between the handmade pottery of the Iron Age and that from the Roman period.1164 In the few cases where Roman and Late Iron Age habitation exists at roughly the same location, the habitation levels are without exception separated by a layer of clay or drift sand. House types from the Late Iron Age do not occur in the Roman period, which points to a break in the development of the local building tradition. The impression that these data provide is of an almost empty area, in which habitation has declined to such a degree that it is hardly traceable archaeologically. However, demonstrable traces of human activities have been found at three sites in the research area, dating to the end of the 1st century BC and in one case even in the 1st century AD. Therefore, the study area was not completely empty. At the site of Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf, a layer of drift sand covered a plowed agricultural layer and archaeological features. The pottery from these contexts showed similarities with types that can be dated securely to the Late Iron Age, although these could not be assigned to a clear style group.1165 The habitation period associated with these features and finds can be dated “... in the final stage of the Late Iron Age, around the begininning of our era.”1166 In Vlaardingen-De Vergulde HandWest, archaeological evidence of the Late Iron Age comes from several posts that yielded a date of 35 BC.1167 These posts would point to use of the area but not necessarily to habitation. However, habitation could have been present in the vicinity of Vlaardingen, for example on the levees of the Meuse which were subsequently eroded. Yet, as long as find material and features are lacking, this hypothesis remains unclear. In Voorburg, near the later urban settlement, features of a house wall from the Late Iron Age were found, together with other indications of human activities, such as traces of plowing, ditches, and the

1160

1164

1161

1165

1162

1166

1163

1167

Koot 1996, 342-343. Van Heeringen 2011, table 17.3, 414 and 418. Van Heeringen 1992, 175. Van Heeringen 1992, 179.

Van Ginkel/Waasdorp 1992, 9; De Bruin 2005, 27. De Bruin 2012a, 194. Goossens 2012, 520. Eijskoot et al. 2011, 41 and 53.

145

possible remains of a second building.1168 Dendrochronological dating of two wooden posts of the house have produced a date between summer-winter 5 AD and summer-winter 6 AD.1169 It is possible that the habitation withdrew in the Late Iron Age from lower parts of the area to the higher beach ridges, on a spot that later was also chosen as location for the Roman town. There are no indications of a relationship between the two habitation phases. So it seems that the large-scale habitation of the area in the Iron Age came to an end in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC. There is no monocausal explanation for this. Renewed periods of flooding by encroaching channels from the sea may certainly have been a reason to leave parts of the research area. For instance, in Wateringseveld in The Hague, archaeological features from the period 200-100 BC are covered by a 50 cm thick layer of clay that suggests “ ...far-reaching inundations ...“.1170 It is possible that an important part of the south-western sea-clay area was formed in this period and that this formation caused the end of habitation here. Regular floods would have made habitation of Den Haag-Wateringseveld and it surroundings difficult, leading to a break in the habitation between the Late Iron Age and the Roman period.1171 The water in the area became only slowly sweeter in the 1st century AD.1172 From a location in the estuary of the Lower Rhine comes direct evidence that the saltmarsh landscape flooded in the Late Iron Age or the beginning of the Roman period. These floods created layers of covering deposits.1173 Whether this scenario applies to the whole region around the Lower Rhine estuary is not clear at present. At the same time, the floods in fact resulted in many cases in better conditions for habitation; due to the newly created channels, the area was better drained. The issue of flooding does not apply to the beach ridges, which were high enough to remain dry. Despite this fact, no settlements are known from the beach ridges at the end of the Late Iron Age, with the exception of the habitation in Voorburg. Drift sand was found above the layer of Iron Age habitation in a number of cases.1174 These drifts may have been caused by the large-scale cultivation of the beach ridges at this time. Yet, drifts are not always a determining factor in abandoning an area. Excavations of the Roman period settlement at the Scheveningseweg in The Hague, and at the nearby settlement of Den Haag-Ockenburgh both show that habitation continued after a period of sand drifts.1175 In general, the sand on the beach ridges was rather acidic in the Roman period, as indicated by the presence of acidic-loving beech and holly trees.1176 It is possible that the soil was exhausted or washed out to such an extent that it was no longer possible to practise agriculture, and habitation dependant on farming was also no longer possible. However, there would have remained enough spots where the beach ridges were situated near clay sediments and where it was possible to farm. Here, it would have been possible to build or maintain an existence. Although there are certainly environmental reasons behind some of the reduced amount of habitation in the 1st century BC, these cannot explain the entire exodus from the area. The same phenomenon of abandonment also occurred outside the research area, in the Dutch River Area. This area only became more densely occupied after the middle of the 1st century BC.1177 Further to the south, in the MeuseDemer-Scheldt (MDS) area, there is also a possible discontinuity in habitation between the Late Iron Age and the Roman period: “And yet in our view here there are archaeological indications that a discontinuity of habitation is a distinct possibility in the MDS area in the 1st century BC.”1178 The discontinuity in

1168

1174

1169

1175

Buikema/Driessen 2014, 91-95. Buikema/Driessen 2014, 92.

Goossens 2012, 36; Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 407. Waasdorp 1999, 13-14; Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b,

1170

Kooistra 2014a, 38; Siemons 2014a, 287.

416.

1171

1176

1172

1177

1173

1178

Siemons 2014a, 287. Kooistra 2006, 410. Tol 2012, 331.

146

Kooistra 2014a, 45. Heeren 2009, 258. Hiddink/Roymans 2015, 84.

habitation between the Late Iron Age and the Roman period is present also in large parts of the civitas of the Menapii in the western part of Belgium and the south of the province of Zeeland.1179 Population decline in the late Iron Age was also attested in Essex (United Kingdom),1180 and in regions in France and Germany.1181 Despite these examples, some prudence is called for with the phenomenon of discontinuity. For the region around the Vecht river in Overijssel, Van Beek and Groenewoudt posit that “In general Roman-period settlements seem to have had no Iron Age predecessors on exactly the same location. In several microregions, however, Iron Age settlement sites have been found that were situated only a few hundred meters away from a Roman-period site. This may point towards a general shift in site location, rather than a radical break.”1182 However, this region was less intensively researched than the MDS area, and a discontinuity of the habitation cannot be excluded also for this area. For the research area, the Iron Age sites are well dated and there is little or no relation with the later Roman habitation. A large part of the habitation evidence in the research area and some nearby regions may have disappeared in the 1st century BC due to contemporary socio-political circumstances. Although the chronological resolution of the find material from the Late Iron Age is very low, it is tempting to associate the depopulation of the research area in the 1st century BC with the campaigns of Julius Caesar in northern Gaul. In the period prior to the middle of the 1st century, Caesar executed campaigns in the territories of the Aduatuci and the Eburones, but also against inhabitants of the coastal area.1183 In the vicinity of Namur in Belgium, in the small town of Thuin, archaeological finds support the claim that the oppidum1184 situated here was besieged by Roman troops, perhaps in 57 BC.1185 In addition, finds of hoards possibly indicate the activity of the Roman army further to the north; these finds date to the period of Caesar’s military campagins against the Eburones in 54 and 53 BC.1186 For the MDS area, the supposed habitation discontinuity between the Late Iron Age and Roman periods has also been associated with the period of the Gallic wars of Caesar.1187 In the research area there is a clear break between the amount and distribution of habitation in the Late Iron Age and in the Roman period. The stark reduction of the population in the Late Iron Age was partly caused by changing environmental conditions, such as floods. However, the entire area was not susceptible to this danger, and not every flood formed a severe problem for the habitability of the area. The reason for the end of the habitation in the 1st century BC should therefore be sought more in the socio-political sphere. The advance of the Roman army from the south could provide such an explanation. Around the beginning of our era the research area is practically empty, and there appears to be a clear hiatus in the habitation of the area.

5. 4 n ew i n h a b i ta n t s i n t h e 1 st c e n t u ry As stated in the previous section, all settlements from Roman times in the research area are foundations ex novo, and a new group of people colonised the area in the 1st century. From 28 onwards, historical sources identify these people as the Cananefates. Three questions are important in discussing this new period of habitation, namely: when did it start, what is the origin of the new inhabitants, and how was the name of this group created.

1179

defensive structures and a size of about 20 to more than

De Clercq 2009, 498-499.

1180

Sealey 2016.

100 hectares (Roymans, 1990,200).

1181

1185

1182

1186

1183

1187

Sealey 2016, 50, with references. Van Beek/Groenewoudt 2011, 177. Caesar De Bello Gallico, Book II-VI; Bloemers 1978, 76.

Roymans/Scheers 2012, 23; 29. Roymans/Scheers 2012, 20. Hiddink/Roymans 2015, 84.

1184

An oppidum is defined as a settlement with large-scale

147

5. 4 . 1 s ta rt i n g dat e o f t h e h a b i tat i o n The oldest date of a settlement in the research area was previously established by Bloemers, who dated the settlement of Rijswijk-De Bult from 10 BC onwards.1188 However, this early date was based mainly on the presence of spoonbow brooches.1189 These fibulae, of the type Haalebos 2.III (spoonbow brooch of the type Bozum),1190 can still occur until 40; the solid construction of these brooches makes it also possible that they circulated for longer, for example as heirlooms.1191 It is also possible that such fibulae were used much later than has been assumed. A spoonbow brooch was found in Naaldwijk near a byre-house with a dendrochronologically established construction date of 97. This farmyard represents the first habitation phase on this site.1192 Apparently, this brooch was still worn at the end of the 1st century or even later. Based on the terra sigillata, the starting date of Rijswijk-De Bult could be 60-70/75,1193 but a group of lavishly decorated handmade pottery1194 shows that a slightly earlier date of the settlement in Rijswijk, around 50, cannot be excluded. The assumed start of the habitation of two other sites, from the early 1st century onwards, does not correspond with the data presented by these previous studies.1195 Of the first site (MD 01.17), the early date is only based on the high (99%) percentage of handmade pottery.1196 Such percentages can however also be found on settlements later in the 1st century.1197 At the second site (MD 03.01), four possible house ditches (so-called wall-ditch structures) were identified; Van Londen dated these to the earliest habitation phase.1198 Yet, a look at the general groundplan of this site shows that it could be two crosscutting ditch structures.1199 Moreover, there are no other indications that the ditches belong to houses and there is no accompanying domestic find material. It is therefore improbable that these ditch structures were used for a longer period, let alone that they served as housing, as Van Londen assumed.1200 The indications for an early starting date are thus scant and it seems that both settlements date from after the middle of the 1st century. This probably also applies to many other sites, which in the past were often ‘reasoned’ to have an older date.1201 However, as at Rijswijk, early 1st-century fibulae do occur on many other sites in the region.1202 Wheel-thrown pottery from the first half of the 1st century is lacking at these sites and there are no indications of older habitation, so we are dealing in these cases also with heirlooms. On the other hand, it is quite possible that many early fibula types were worn for a longer period than has been assumed thus far. If we look at the coins, it is noticeable that they are almost completely absent until the Flavian period; pre-Flavian coins have been encountered in military settlements along the Rhine.1203 One coin, that is not yet included in the recent overview by Kemmers,1204 deserves further attention. It concerns a so-called AVAUCIA coin, with a date range between 25/20 BC until AD 9 that was found in excavations in the Wateringseveld in The Hague.1205 However, the ceramic evidence from this site indicates that

1188

1198

1189

1199

1190

1200

Bloemers 1979, 12. Bloemers 1978, 305-306, Abb. 125, 21, 133, 288.  Haalebos 1986, 16-23; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 49-51, type 11f.

1191

Blom/Van der Feijst 2007, 98; Van der Feijst/Laan 2011,

Van Londen 2006a, 60-62. Van Londen 2006a, 61-62 Figs. 35 and 36. Van Londen 2006a, 62.

1201

Wiepking 1997, 161; Siemons 2009, 355.

1202

Van der Feijst 2007, 62-63; Laan 2009a, 257-258; Lange-

262.

veld 2009, 121-122; Van der Feijst/Laan 2011, 233-238;

1192

Goossens 2012, 62-63.

De Bruin 2012b, 288-289; Van der Feijst 2012b, 96-98;

1193

Bloemers 1978, 34.

Waasdorp 2014, 70-71.

1194

1203

1195

1204

1196

1205

Bloemers 1978, 349, Abb. 158, type IF. Van Londen 2006a, 171-172. Van Londen 2006a, 32.

1197

Van Kerckhove 2011, 226.

148

Kemmers 2008, 97. Kemmers 2014. Vos 2014, 418-419.

it was inhabited only from the early Flavian period onwards.1206 Indications of an earlier date are lacking in this site. On the basis of the wheelthrown pottery, most settlements in the research area can be dated after 50. At sites where a more precise date is available, the dates generally cluster around the Flavian period.1207 Other sites seem to have been founded even later. Two roof-bearing posts from a byre-house in Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf were subjected to dendrochronological tests. The resulting dates proved that the settlement was founded or extended here in 97.1208 The soil filling these post-holes lacked cultural material, supporting the idea that this was one of the first buildings constructed at this spot.The two settlements in the northern part of the Harnaschpolder can probably be dated earlier than 125/150,1209 as both contain material that can be dated around 100 or slightly earlier.1210 Some identified settlements date to a slightly later period, as shown from the dendrochronological date of one of the posts from the first phase of the house at Rotterdam-Kandelaar, which was felled in the spring of 153.1211 Most settlements came into use from the Flavian period onwards, though a few may have been founded some time before that. There are no convincing indications for habitation in the research area prior to 50 (with the exception of some of the sites along the Lower Rhine, see section 3.5). The majority of the sites were founded in a relatively short period and were consistently new settlements. The strong increase in the number of sites in the Flavian period cannot be the result of the natural expansion of the population. It looks as if the area was colonised slowly from 50 onwards, with the largest part of the population introduced only between 70 and 100. The slow rate of colonisation prior to 70 is shown most clearly by the oldest habitation in Rijswijk-De Bult, where there seems to be a kind of pioneer settlement consisting of small houses.1212

5. 4 . 2 o r i g i n o f t h e i n h a b i ta n t s The preceding section demonstrated that settlement in the research area commenced after 50, and that this appeared quite suddenly. The new inhabitants of this area were labelled as the Cananefates by Roman authors. The problem with this identification comes from the uncertain origin of the Cananefatian community. Two sources are important here, namely the written (historical and epigraphic) sources, and the archaeological find material. Historical and epigraphic sources dealing with the origin of the Cananefates The first time the Cananefates are mentioned1213 is in 28, when Tacitus mentions an ‘ala Canninefas’ , a cavalry unit of the Roman army.1214 They were active during the revolt of the Frisii (or Frisians, a local community living in the coastal area to the north of the Lower Rhine), during which they suffered heavy losses. This took place in the vicinity of the Roman fort Flevum, which can now be identified with military sites in Velsen, to the north of the Lower Rhine.1215 The Chauci, a tribe from northern Germany, invade parts of

1206

1212

1207

1213

Van der Linden/Huijben 2014, 394. Blom and Van der Feijst 2007, 98; Goossens 2012, 522;

Bloemers 1978, 46-47; 163, houses 14 and 15. Before, the idea was that the Cananefates were first mentioned by Velleius Paterculus (Velleius Paterculus Res

Bakx 2013, 299. 1208

Gestae Divi Augusti 5.105; De Bruin 2017, 198). However,

1209

the surviving text of Velleius’ Res Gestae makes different

Goossens 2012, 62-63. Goossens 2006c, 426-427.

1210

Driesen et al. 2006, 21-27 and 128-144; Driesen/De

readings possible, of which Cananefates is not really a

Winter 2006, 235-255 and 363-368. 1211

 RING’s dendro code RKW00020, RING Internal Report number 2008079, 2008.

plausible option (Kehne 2008, 257). 1214

Tacitus Ann. 4.73.

1215

De Weerd 2006, 21; Polak/Kooistra 2013, 438-439.

149

Germania Inferior and the coastal area of Gallia in 47.1216 The Chauci are commanded by the Cananefatian Gannascus, who is mentioned as having deserted from the Roman army. Perhaps Gannascus served in the ala Canninefas mentioned in 28.1217 Although his previous military experience in the Roman army and possible knowledge of the Lower Rhine area may have been important reasons to incorporate him in the Chauci armed groups, it remains remarkable that the Cananefatian Gannascus commanded the Chauci.This perhaps points to a collaboration between the Chauci and (a part of) the Cananefates.1218 It is also possible that there were family ties between the two groups or that they spoke a related language. Whatever their relation, the Romans responded to the Chauci invasions with military actions commanded by Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo. The deployment of this general, who was called one of the most successful strategists of the Empire, points to the seriousness of the threat.1219 The reaction of the Roman army under Corbulo was not limited to ousting of the Chauci and sinking their boats, but campaigns were also launched into the area north of the Lower Rhine, where the local community of the Frisians (the Frisii) lived. Tacitus1220 mentions that after the Frisians provided hostages to the Roman army in 47, they were restricted to an area indicated by Corbulo. In addition, he set up a senate, civil servants, and laws. A fort was built in the Frisian area to keep the region under control, at which Corbulo requested the Chauci to surrender themselves. He also has Gannascus killed, much to the dismay of the Chauci. While Corbulo was establishing a camp in the enemy’s territory, he was recalled by the emperor Claudius,1221 probably toward the Lower Rhine area in the western Netherlands. Here he ordered the excavation of the Corbulo Canal that linked the mouths of the Lower Rhine and Meuse.1222 It is quite possible that Corbulo took with him a part of the Frisii or the Frisian hostages, as they had placed themselves under his command at the start of his military campaigns. In 55-58, the Frisii settled along the banks of the Rhine, at locations that were reserved for the Roman army.1223 The Roman authorities demanded they leave the area or face armed action, but Verritus and Malorix, who reigned as ‘kings’ over their people, undertook a diplomatic mission to Rome. Apparently this negotiation had little effect; they both received Roman citizenship but were ordered by Nero to leave the area near the Rhine. After ignoring this order, the Frisians were ousted by auxiliary troops, consisting of cavalry. In 69 the Cananefates are named as those that started the Batavian Revolt against the Romans.1224 According to Tacitus they are in origin, language and courage equal to the Batavians and they inhabit the same island, referring to the area between the Lower Rhine and Meuse rivers.1225 Thus, Tacitus suggests that the Cananefates, just like the Batavians, are a group that split off the Chatti tribe, from Hessen in Germany. However, apart from this mention, other historical indications are lacking to substantiate a strong (cultural) link between the Batavians and the Cananefates.1226 The Cananefates and other groups in the coastal area were probably client tribes of the Batavians, and it is likely that they were part of the Batavian administrative district prior to 70.1227 Most of the able-bodied men of the Cananefates served in the Roman army. In 69, they were part of the eight Batavian cohorts1228 that marched to Rome with Vitellius, but they returned as soon as they were informed of the uprising and joined the rebels. The Revolt itself was already started by the Cananefates that remained at home, who were commanded by their fellow tribesman Brinno. Tacitus notes that Brinno’s father had dared to undertake several hostile actions against the Romans and had even shown

1216

1223

1217

1224

1218

1225

1219

1226

1220

1227

1221

1228

Tacitus Ann. 11.18-19. Alföldy 1968, 14. Tausend 2009, 33. Tausend 2009, 33. Tacitus Ann. 11.19. Tacitus Ann. 11.20.

1222

Cassius Dio 61.30.4 to 61.30.6.

150

Tacitus Ann. 13.54. Tacitus Hist. 4.15. Tacitus Hist. 4.15. Bink/Franzen 2009, 50-51. Bloemers 1978, 83; Roymans 2004, 205-208. Tacitus Hist. 4.19; Roymans 2004, 207.

his contempt for the ‘absurd’ expeditions of the emperor Caligula.1229 At the start of the revolt, Brinno appealed for help to the Frisii, who lived on the other side of the Rhine.1230 This remark by Tacitus seems to suggest that at least a part of the Cananefates already lived south of the Lower Rhine, in the Roman territory. There were probably friendly connections or even family ties between the Cananefates and the Frisii. The Frisians started the Revolt by attacking a Roman fort. During the course of the subsequent military actions, the Cananefates are mentioned several more times. The most important mention is that they, together with the Marsaci who probably lived nearby, were attacked by Claudius Labeo, a Batavian loyal to Rome.1231 The Cananefates also managed to sink the Roman fleet for a large part,1232 implying that they could also do battle on water and that they had boats from which to carry out such naval attacks. In the end they beat a force of Nervii, a tribe from Gallia Belgica that tried to end the Batavian Revolt.1233 After the Revolt, the Cananefates kept delivering soldiers to the Roman army, despite their active role in the uprising. They provided an ala and a cohort. The Ala I Cananefatium (civium Romanorum) is mentioned on several military diplomata as part of the Roman army in Germania Superior; these date between 74 and 90.1234 A dozen military diplomas are known from this time, of which the name of the Cananefatian ala appears on the list of army units. The oldest mention of this ala is from 74, and led Bloemers to suggest that the Cananefatian area broke away from the Batavian administrative unit at this time.1235 It is assumed that this ala was moved to Gerulata in Slovakia at the beginning of the 2nd century. The cohors I Cananefatium was stationed in Tihau in Romania and is first mentioned in military diplomas from 164.1236 It is not known whether this unit had already been in existence for some time, nor where it was stationed previously. Some Cananefatians served in the imperial bodyguard in Rome in the 2nd century.1237 The Roman sources consequently place the Cananefates in the western Netherlands, first as a cavalry unit but also as population group.1238 In origin, language and courage, they were thought to be similar to the Batavians, albeit smaller in number.1239 The historical sources speak of the Cananefates as auxiliaries of the Roman army. During the Batavian Revolt they rebelled against the Romans. Clearly, a part of the community was permanently in the army, which is also shown by their request for support from the Frisii at the start of the Batavian Uprising. There were evidently too few fighting men among the Cananefates who could cope with the confrontation with the Roman army units in the western Netherlands. This could indicate that the Cananefatian group was relatively small and that it concerned a community that was strongly linked to the Roman army. Archaeological sources on the origin of the Cananefatians The archaeological data show that the research area became inhabited rather suddenly in the second half of the 1st century. Houses spring up in the newly founded settlements and handmade pottery and fibulae circulate: evidently these practices were already rooted in an existing tradition that was brought in from elsewhere. A clear burial ritual is lacking. These commonly occurring and archaeologically traceable phenomena have generally been investigated well both within and beyond the research area. Thus, it is possible to study its geographical and chronological distribution, and can provide insight into the possible origin of the Cananefates.

1229

Tacitus Hist. 4.15. These expeditions took place around

1233

the year 40, probably at the North Sea coast in the

1234

research area, see Suetonius De vita Caesarum 46 and

1235

Tacitus, Agricola 13.

1236

Tacitus Hist. 4.79. Bloemers 1978, 82. Bloemers 1978, 84 Bloemers 1978, 82; Haalebos 1999, 204.

1230

1237

1231

1238

1232

1239

Tacitus Hist. 4.15. Tacitus Hist. 4.56. Tacitus Hist. 4.79.

Speidel 1994, 191, 193, 226. Plinius N.H. 4.101.15; Tacitus Hist. 4.15. Tacitus Hist. 4.15.

151

If we look at the distribution of the house types, it is then evident that the dominant type is known mainly within the research area.1240 This points to a local type that could have developed in the research area; these house plans are thus not a good indicator of the determination of origin of the rural population. An exception to this are the houses in the vicinity of Schiedam, the roof construction and lay-out of which more frequently occur along the coastal area south of the Helinium, as far as Walcheren in Zeeland (see also section 5.5.1).1241 The different construction methods can be explained by the composition of the local soil in Schiedam. It consists of a thin layer of clay above peat, and such a substratum would require this different type of house construction.1242 However, buildings with a similar construction have also been found on the more solid clay soils, and it may be that this construction method is (partly) culturally determined, as the building of houses almost always fits into a cultural sphere (see also section 5.12).1243 On the basis of these observations, it seems that a group of people settled in the vicinity of Schiedam, who were inspired to construct their houses following examples common in the region south of the Helinium. A clear burial ritual is lacking in the research area in the 1st century. This is common along the Dutch North Sea coast,1244 but does not apply to the areas south of the Helinium, where contemporary burials and cemeteries are regularly encountered.1245 The possible origin of the inhabitants of the research area can also be inferred on the basis of the handmade pottery. This material was published by Bloemers in a typology that remains eminently suitable for the research area.1246 A comparison between the handmade pottery of other areas indicates that it looks most like the pottery found at the Roman fort Velsen I.1247 A part of the handmade pottery from the 1946-1947 excavations in another Roman fort, located in Vechten near Utrecht, also shows parallels with the pottery in the research area. However, this material can be dated only to the entire 1st century,1248 including the end of that century. Pottery from the fort at Velsen can be dated accurately, namely to the first half of the 1st century.1249 Thus, the Velsen fort material generally dates earlier than or is slightly contemporaneous with the first settlements in the research area. It is not inconceivable that the pottery from Velsen formed the typological basis for the handmade pottery that occurs in the research area after 50. Extensive collections of handmade pottery have been gathered from many forts from the 1st century but the assemblage always contains a mixture of various pottery styles.This has been recorded for instance at Velsen I1250 and Vechten,1251 but it is also the case at Nijmegen1252 and Köln-Alteburg.1253 Such a diversity in styles is lacking in rural settlements from the same period. Handmade pottery can be an indication of the presence of soldiers with a local background.1254 It certainly seems that the Roman forts in the 1st century functioned as a kind of melting pots, in which different local traditions interacted and possibly mixed. This mixing is also manifested in a hearth that was found in the commander’s house of the first phase of the castellum in Valkenburg. This phase of the castellum is dated between 39 and 42 (section 3.2.1, table 3.3). The hearth was lined with handmade pottery,1255 which stylistically belonged to two different typologies: it is a mix between pottery from the area of the Lower Rhine estuary and pottery from Rijswijk-De Bult. Due to the melting pot effect in Roman forts, it is difficult to assign handmade pottery to one area of origin. After all, it cannot be excluded that this material ended up in the research 1240

1248

1241

1249

1242

1250

1243

1251

1244

1252

Kodde 2014, 308. Kodde 2014, 301-303. Kodde 2014, 302. Van Hoof 2007, 265. Hessing 1993a, 17-18; Meffert 1998, 110-111; Hiddink 1999, 50; Nieuwhof 2015, 270.

1245

Stoop-Greijer 2012, 193. Driessen 2014e, 211-213. Diederik 2013. Stoop-Greijer 2014, 179-193. Stoffels 2009, 143-155.

1253

Carroll 2001, 310-324.

Döbken 1992, 145-222; Goossens 1997, 23-42; Vossen

1254

2007; Kruidhof 2009; Meirsman and Van der Roest 2010.

1255

1246

Bloemers 1978, 344-392.

1247

Diederik 2013, 83; 85-90; 94-97.

152

Stoffels 2009, 153.  Glasbergen/Groenman-Van Waateringe 1974, 34 and plate 9.

0

2 cm

Fig. 5.1. Examples of a simple Gallic brooch, an arched bow brooch, a Knickfibel, a spoonbow brooch (Bozum variant), and an eye brooch, all found in the research area. Drawings B. Donker; Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel erfgoed; L.M.B. van der Feijst.

area via Roman military channels. The appearance of handmade pottery can in this case be an indication of a close relationship between the origin of the Cananefates and the modus operandi of the Roman army. A last find category that can provide insight into the origin of the inhabitants of the research area are fibulae. Fibulae were personal possessions that were used to fasten and adorn clothing; these everyday objects travelled with the owner.1256 At the moment when groups of people moved from one region to another, they likely took their fibulae with them.Yet, the finding of a certain type of fibula, with a clearly defined area of origin, does not directly indicate that people came from that specific region, because brooches could have been obtained along the way. It is also possible that there were all kinds of exchange relationships that also determined the distribution of these objects. Moreover, fibulae could also have been lost by people travelling; a thorough investigation of the context in which the fibula is found is therefore important to form final interpretations.1257 For most of the fibulae discussed here it is clear that they occur regularly in rural settlements and that they are not incidental finds. If we look at the origin of the earliest fibula types, it is noticeable that the distribution of a number of types is mainly limited to the area south of the Rhine, like the simple Gallic- and arched bow brooches (fig. 5.1).1258 This applies to an important extent also to the Knickfibeln, which also occur in the vicinity of Velsen.1259 Furthermore, Knickfibeln were mainly worn in northern Gaul,1260 but also in the Roman army. The majority of the spoonbow brooches from the research area consist of the Bozum variant.1261 These fibulae largely occur in the northern Netherlands and in the vicinity of Velsen, as well as at places along the Lower Rhine where Roman troops were stationed at the beginning of the 1st century, like in Vechten.1262 However, spoonbow brooches of this type can also occur later in time (section 5.4.1). This type of fibula was probably manufactured in the northern Netherlands.1263 The eye brooches, which are well represented in the research area around the middle of the 1st century, were mainly worn at military settlements. In particular they are known at sites where auxiliary troops were stationed,1264 just like the Knickfibeln and arched bow brooches.1265

1256

1261

1257

1262

1258

1263

Ivleva 2012, 44. Ivleva 2012, 49 Haalebos 1986, 23-30; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 62 and 69.

1259

Haalebos 1986, 32; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 65.

Haalebos 1986, 17. Haalebos 1986, 18; 39. Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 52.

1264

Haalebos 1986, 37.

1265

Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 281.

1260

Haalebos 1986, 10.

153

Although the brooches do not give a clear picture of the origin of the inhabitants in the research area, the early fibulae in the research area are widely present across the northern Netherlands and in military contexts. In addition, there are fibulae in the research area that originate from the area south of the Lower Rhine, within the Roman sphere of influence. It is remarkable that during the 2nd and 3rd centuries certain types of fibulae are worn that are also common in the area between the Lower Rhine and the Ems river in north-west Germany.1266 This could indicate continuing contacts between the two areas well into later periods. Perhaps these contacts existed from the 1st century, and perhaps there were also relationships between the different groups along the Dutch North Sea coast and communities even further to the north. Based on the archaeological material, the research area probably became inhabited already around 40, first along the Lower Rhine (section 3.5) and from 50 to 100 also in the southern part. In view of the large number of setlements that appear in a short time, especially between 70 and 100, we are dealing here with a large group of immigrants. As the forts along the Lower Rhine were garrisoned already from the period around 40 (section 3.1.2), this colonisation must have taken place with the consent of the Roman authorities. It is possible that groups loyal to the Roman army were invited to settle in the research area. The construction of the Corbulo Canal in the period 47/50, or possibly even earlier (section 3.4.1), coincides with the earliest habitation in the area. It is possible that auxiliary troops were called in to dig the Canal and that their relatives settled in the vicinity, or that other local groups were called in for the digging activities. Moreover, because of the construction of this waterway, the area’s drainage improved, which made large-scale habitation and agriculture possible.1267 For the determination of the origin of the inhabitants of the research area, we have looked at housebuilding traditions, burial rituals, handmade pottery, and fibulae. The house-building tradition seems to have developed locally, with the exception of the houses in the vicinity of Schiedam, which were constructed similar to many houses south of the Helinium. As the habitation south of the Meuse estuary dates earlier than those in the vicinity of Schiedam (mainly from 100 onwards; see section 5.5.1),1268 the new inhabitants arriving to Schiedam likely had direct experience with this alternative form of house construction. A clear burial ritual is lacking in the research area in the first phase of the habitation. This phenomenon is shared with the coastal areas of the western and northern Netherlands. The handmade pottery is clearly rooted in the pottery typologies originating from the coastal areas of the northern Netherlands, but the inspiration for the pottery in the research area could also have been drawn from Roman military contexts. The fibulae point to the northern Netherlands and/or military background of the inhabitants, though such fibulae are very common in the wider region in the 1st century. Fibulae from the late 2nd and 3rd centuries point to contacts between inhabitants of the research area and groups living to the north of the Lower Rhine. These observations make it difficult to determine the origin of the inhabitants in the reseach area on the basis of archaeological data. It is clear though that the archaeological materials in the area are part of a distribution pattern that extends both to the north and south of this area, along the coast. Thus, it seems promising to seek the origin of the new inhabitants of the research area in the coastal area of the western Netherlands. Some types of fibulae indicate a realtionship with the Roman army, as does the strong link between the typology of the handmade pottery and the types circulating in the Roman forts. The origin of the Cananefates Contemporary written sources (section 5.4.2), state that the Cananefates were present along the coast in the western part of the Netherlands. They were thought to have the same origin as the Batavians, with whom they took part in the Batavian Revolt. However, on the basis of the archaeological material (section 5.4.2), the material culture of the Cananefatian area fits well in the framework of the coastal area 1266

Erdrich 2003, 8-9.

154

1267

Bulten/Siemons 2014, 556.

of the western Netherlands. In addition, a few find categories fit into the kind of material culture that circulated among the auxiliary troops in the Roman camps. No relationship with the Batavians can be determined on the basis of these finds. A hypothetical scenario The research area can be regarded as the living area of the Cananefates from the 1st century onwards. However, the question remains as to how the name Cananefates, known from an auxiliary unit, ended up attached to this area. As archaeological sources are generally lacking for this, only an hypothetical scenario can be outlined here. The Cananefates provided a cavalry unit for the Roman army during the Frisian uprising, and suffered heavy losses in conflicts near the fort at Velsen I in 28.1269 Where the Cananefatian ala was levied is unclear, but if the unit indeed lost a great number of troops, it could have been supplemented with new recruits from the fort at Velsen and from the immediate vicinity. So, as a result of ad hoc recruitment, the basis for a new community was created, with a material culture that was formed within a Roman military context.This newly created community formed around a cultural input of locals from Velsen and the Roman army. It was commanded from 40 onwards to go to the surroundings of the Lower Rhine mouth, where the first castella were built. Archaeological data and historical sources From an archaeological pespective, the oldest datable habitation in the research area was found in the area of the Lower Rhine estuary. Habitation begun here from 40 onwards, possibly after the northern bank of the Lower Rhine had been evacuated by the Roman army (section 3.5). Perhaps the new inhabitants also originated from other parts of the western coastal area of the Netherlands. Based on the finds from Katwijk-Zanderij, there was a relationship between the inhabitants of this settlement and the Roman army. It is possible that the inhabitants of Katwijk-Zanderij served in the Roman army, perhaps even as part of the Cananefatian cavalry unit known from historical sources. Rural settlements were only founded in the southern part of the research area after 50. This second group of people entered the area, probably under control of the Roman general Corbulo, who according to Tacitus did indeed resettle the ‘Frisians’.1270 Perhaps these people were involved with the construction of the Corbulo Canal. The interest of groups of ‘Frisians’ to settle in the research area could possibly be supported by the account of Verritus and Malorix and their attempts to settle along the Rhine around 55-58.1271 Whether the inhabitants who settled around 50 in the southern part of the research area did indeed have a ‘Frisian’ identity, cannot be shown archaeologically. Yet, the handmade pottery collected on the sites strongly resembles types from the Lower Rhine estuary and from Velsen. A third wave of people settled in the area between 70 and 100. From the beginning of the 2nd century, the settlements in the marshy area in the vicinity of Velsen decreases further, though this process is mainly attributed to the increasingly wet environmental conditions.1272 However, it is also possible that people from the vicinity of Velsen settled in the research area. If house typology can point to the origin of a certain group, then a fourth group may have entered the vicinity of Schiedam from the period around 100, perhaps originating from more southerly regions (see section 5.4.2). The naming of the civitas Through the influx of different groups of people into the research area during the end of the 1st century, the population consisted of an amalgam of peoples. All of them originated from along the western coast of the Netherlands and perhaps spoke the same language (section 5.4.2). When the research area had to 1268

From the period 50-70 onwards; see Döbken 1992, 180;

1270

Van Trierum 1992, 88; Sier/Van den Berg 2003, 180-183.

1271

1269

Tacitus Ann. 4.73.

Tacitus Ann. 11.19. Tacitus Ann. 13.54.

1272

Meffert 1998, 73.

155

be organised as Roman civitas, this diversity of peoples would have produced a problem for the Roman authorities, namely in how to call the area. Assuming that the Romans viewed this entire area primarily through a military lens (e.g. with the auxiliary troops and other loyal groups), it is not surprising that the whole area came to be known as civitas Cananefatium.These people were already living on the south bank of the Lower Rhine and perhaps also slightly further into the hinterland. The rather loose groups in the later Cananefatian area were forced into a new (administrative) structure and subsequently formed a new community. Similarities in farmyard layout, house construction methods, handmade pottery styles, as well as eating patterns (sections 5.5.3 and 5.12), are the most archaeologically observable traces of this new community. The rural settlements in the Cananefatian region will be discussed in the following sections.

5.5 the rural settlements between 50 and 275/300 Now that the general developments for the 1st century have been discussed, more detailed attention can be given to the rural habitation after 50. The majority of the rural settlements are located in the southwest of the research area, on marine clay deposits, and a number of clusters or micro-regions have been investigated intensively. These clusters will be dealt with here individually, namely the micro-regions in Schiedam, Naaldwijk, and The Hague (fig. 5.2). The rural settlements along the Lower Rhine will in general not be considered here as they served a specific purpose within the military system (section 3.5). Moreover, research into many of these sites is limited.

5. 5. 1 ru ra l s et t l e m e n t s i n t h e m i c ro - r e g i o n s c h i e da m Most excavations carried out here have taken place in a small area near Schiedam, whereas the settlements further to the east (in Rotterdam Center and Capelle aan den IJssel), could only be investigated partly. This also applies to the sites in Vlaardingen. Most settlements in the Schiedam micro-region are located on relatively narrow levees of creek, in a mainly clay-on-peat area (fig. 5.3 and 5.4). The settlements are not surrounded by ditches, with the exception of the site of Rotterdam-Overschie (fig. 5.3, site 5 and 5.4).1273 At sites in Schiedam the pattern of evidence is consistent in showing yards with one farm house and associated outbuildings (table 5.3; fig. 5.4). The houses are wooden byre-houses, which are farmhouses with the domestic rooms and animal stables under one roof. They were often renovated or rebuilt several times, and the houses became increasingly larger over time. The houses in Schiedam belong to the western Netherlands type Kodde 3A, which mainly occurs on the islands of Zuid-Holland and on Walcheren.1274 The roofs of the houses in the micro-region Schiedam were supported by means of a so-called A-frame construction, whereby obliquely placed posts supported the roof (fig. 5.5). In addition to the houses, several outbuildings also were found on the farmyards, the function of which could not always be ascertained. A small granary was found in the settlement of Schiedam-Kethel that probably served to store crops, perhaps for the livestock. Revetments also regularly occur along creek. No wells have been found in excavations in this micro-region. Some of the sites in the micro-region Schiedam are situated at a relatively short distance from each other. It cannot be excluded that these separate farmyards formed one larger settlement. There are clear indications that the levees outside the settlements were also used, as is shown by the features that were found outside the farmyard of Schiedam-Polderweg.1275 The zones between the different house yards were not likely empty. The settlements in this area seem to have been founded only around 100 or even 1273

Van Zon/Goossens 2015, 68-70.

1274

Kodde 2014, 301-303.

156

1275

Van Londen 1996, 4.

0

10 km

Fig. 5.2. Location of micro-regions in the research area (framed in black), plotted onto the palaeogeographical reconstructon. A is the micro-region Schiedam, B the micro-region Naaldwijk, and C in The Hague region. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies, rivers and the North Sea), light yellow are the coastal barriers and other sandy soils, dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. The square symbols are military settlements, the large circle is the Roman town, and the red dots are rural settlements.

later and were abandoned at the beginning of the 3rd century. One plausible explanation for this is the increased subsidence of the soil due to draining of the area (see section 5.10.1). One of the sites in Schiedam deserves further attention, namely Schiedam-Polderweg, which was situated on a levee of a creek (fig. 5.4).This creek flowed through an area that was characterised by relatively high-lying peat cushions that were partly covered with clay sediments. The levee was relatively narrow, about six meters wide. Due to the high level of the groundwater, organic remains were exceptionally well preserved at the time of the excavation. Wooden objects were generally well preserved, with the result that much information could be obtained about the construction of the houses. For instance, several bundles of cut reed plumes and loops of twigs were found.1276 They show that the roofs of the buildings 1276

De Graad 1991, 311.

157

Number Settlement

Maximum num- House ber of contempo- type(s) rary houses

1

SchiedamKethel

1

2

Schiedam-Nieuwlandse Polder

3

4

Farm houses

Date

Remarks

Literature

Kodde 2A, Granary and Kodde 3A, outhouse Kodde 4B

100-200

Rebuilding of the same house

Modderman 1975

1

Kodde 3A

None

125-150

SchiedamPolderweg

1

Kodde 3A

Various farm 100-220 houses, 1 possible granary

RotterdamKandelaar

1

Kodde 3A

None

Apon 1960, 42-51; Kodde 2007, 191192 House has De Graad 1991; Van Londen 1996 several phases

153-200

Meirsman/Moree 2004; RING’s dendro code RKW00020, RING Internal Report number 2008079, 2008

Table 5.3. Settlement sites in the micro-region Schiedam.

0

2 km

Fig. 5.3. Rural settlements in the micro-region Schiedam. The numbers refer to table 5.3 and the sites mentioned in the text. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies and rivers), dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. The red dots are the rural settlements.

158

25 m

0

214 m

106 m

104 m

231 m

246 m

Fig. 5.4. Examples of rural settlements in the micro-region of Schiedam. Top left: Schiedam-Kethel (after Modderman 1975, 151, fig. 2); top right: Schiedam-Polderweg (after Van Londen 1996, 9, fig. 5); bottom: Rotterdam-Overschie (after Van Zon/Goossens 2015, 65, fig. 6.2). Legend: Indicated in black are buildings, dotted lines are wooden fences, dark gray are ditches, medium gray are creeks and light gray are areas that have not been excavated.

159

0

5m

Fig. 5.5. A few house plans from the micro-region Schiedam. Drawing after Hallewas 1986, 49-50, figs. 4, 5 and 6; Meirsman/ Moree 2004, 62, fig. 22. Inset: the A-construction: A is the traditional reconstruction and B, C, and D are alternative reconstructions (figure and description after Kodde 2014, 302, fig. 5).

were covered with reed, that was collected in the vicinity of the settlement. Also, various paths made of branches and other structures were also found, which in general have not been preserved in other areas. The creek bordered the south side of the settlement, while the clay-on-peat area lay on the north side. The oldest building of the settlement, which was built just next to the levee on the clay-on-peat, can be regarded as a temporary accommodation for the inhabitants as they constructed the larger house. Inside this first house was a hearth. The location to build the first house was probably chosen as this part of the terrain originally was slightly higher than the levee of the creek. The ground here was less suitable for heavy constructions. This is the reason why a new house was built on the levee, possibly soon after the oldest building had started to be used. This second house was subsequently completely rebuilt at the same spot, but slightly larger. Finally, a fourth house was built at the same spot. This house, measuring about 27 by 6.5 meters,1277 had obliquely placed roof-bearing posts of the so-called A-frame construction type.1278 The house was erected with ash wood posts that must have been selected especially for this purpose.1279 Dendrochronologically, the house can be dated in the period 130-132, with a renovation possibly occurring in 142.1280 Furthermore, the hearth of the house was covered with Roman roof tiles (fig. 5.6). Various farm houses were located in the farmyard. 1277

Van Londen 1996, 10.

1280

With thanks to Prof. Dr. E. Jansma (Utrecht University/

1278

Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands) who cali-

1279

brated the dates again on 4th December 2013.

De Graad 1991, 309. Van Londen 1996, 10.

160

Fig. 5.6. Hearth covered with Roman roof tiles in the settlement Schiedam-Polderweg. Photo R. de Graad.

During the habitation in Schiedam-Polderweg, the clay-on-peat area started to subside. This was possibly caused by the draining measures executed by the inhabitants, such as digging ditches and constructing dams and culverts (section 5.8.2). The subsiding soil forced the people also to raise the sites, resulting in the heightening of the farmyard by about one meter. Inside the three successive houses on the levee, the floors were raised several times, to a total thickness of around 50 centimeters. A comparable process took place at other sites in Schiedam.1281 At Schiedam-Polderweg the location of the hearth was “... raised more than 80 centimeters in at least four steps.”1282 The site of Schiedam-Polderweg can be dated on the basis of the numerous terra sigillata sherds from 100 to 220.1283 The settlement of Schiedam-Polderweg is closely comparable to the site of Schiedam-Kethel.1284 It seems that the settlements in the micro-region Schiedam followed a similar development. The occurrence of a uniform construction method of the houses (the A-construction) in Schiedam can perhaps be explained in light of the relatively weak peaty soil. However, this construction method was not only used on peat, and has a remarkable geographical distribution, mainly among the islands of Zuid-Holland and in Zeeland.1285 It is possible that there was a population group in the micro-region Schiedam that had cultural connections with areas to the south of the Helinium.

1281

Modderman 1975, 150-151; Bloemers 1978, 96.

Also near the site of Rotterdam-Overschie was estab-

1282

lished that the area was slowly drowning due to subsid-

1283

ence (Van Zon/Goossens 2015, 77).

1284

Bloemers et al. 1986, 76, figure at the bottom. See also

Gerritsen 1998, 12. Modderman 1975, 149-158.

1285

Kodde 2007, 41-45.

161

5. 5. 2 ru ra l s e t t l e m e n t s i n t h e m i c ro - r e g i o n na a l dw i j k The settlements in the vicinity of Naaldwijk are mainly located on a levee of a channel running from the north-east toward the sandy coastal barrier along the Meuse estuary, the Helinium (fig. 5.7). This channel was probably part of the Corbulo Canal (sections 2.3 and 3.4.1). Three settlements have been extensively explored through excavation, one of which is located on the sandy coastal barrier of Naaldwijk (the settlement of Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf, table 5.4). The other two sites are located in a wet, partly still active salt-marsh area (section 2.3). All three settlements consist of two to three contemporary houses with farm houses (fig. 5.8). Wooden byre-houses are present in the farmyards of the different settlements, and have two and three-aisled supporting constructions, or a combination thereof. The houses are of the west Netherlands types Kodde 2A, 5A/B and 6.1286 In addition, there are buildings with a different construction method, such as a building with a so-called porticus (at Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje), and a building with stone foundations at Naaldwijk-Mars. The different building plans are represented in figure 5.9. As said, the the oldest farms at Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf were situated on a relatively high-lying, sandy terrain. At the end of the 1st century, a new house yard was constructed on the slope of the coastal barrier in Naaldwijk. Based on two preserved central posts, the house could be dated dendrochronologically to 97.1287 In addition, a ditch system was found that seems to be connected to horticultural activities. A second house was located further to the east of this house. In the course of the 2nd century, the settlement was developed further by means of a ditch system. Several house-yards continue to be used and various wells were dug. Habitation seems to continue into the 3rd century. The picture of the later phases of the rural settlement of Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf is limited because features of the Middle Ages have disturbed a part of the earlier Roman features. Fortunately, this applies less to the settlement of Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje, which is situated on the levee of a silted-up channel in a rather wet landscape, just east of the Naaldwijk coastal barrier.1288 This settlement consists of at least two contemporary houses, located within two farmyards (fig. 5.8). The yards are surrounded by fences and ditches. The houses were rebuilt several times. One of the houses was a so-called porticus house.1289 In addition, farm houses were built and wells dug here. The habitation continues into the 3rd century. The settlement was probably situated on the road from Voorburg to Naaldwijk, based on the find of a probable road trajectory running along this settlement (section 4.1.2). The porticus house was discussed above.1290 This term denotes houses with posts that have been placed outside the actual house plan. According to Vos,1291 the reason for placing these posts could be a roof construction with a less steep angle, which created an extra space between the walls of the house and the outside posts, forming a veranda or porticus. According to Vos, the application of this building technique could derive from the barracks in military camps; the inhabitants of the porticus houses could perhaps have been veterans of the Roman army.1292 The space under the porticus could be used for storage, but the porticus could also have functioned as an expression of a certain identity, symbolism, status, or social custom.1293 Based on the limited spatial distribution of this type of house, Vos presumes that it mainly concerns a Batavian invention and that a large number of these houses were inhabited by veterans of the Roman army.1294

1286

Enckevort/Hendriks 2014, 254-261. See also section 1.6.

Kodde 2014, 301-306.

1287

1291

1288

1292

1289

1293

1290

An overview of the creation and development of the

1294

concept of a porticus house is described extensively in Van

1295

Goossens (ed.) 2012, 59-63. Van der Feijst (ed.) 2012. House plan NZH-1003; Van der Feijst 2012a, 43-45.

162

Vos 2009, 240-242. Vos 2009, 243-244. Vos 2009, 246. Vos 2009, 247. Vos 2009, 242, fig. 6.9.

0

1 km

Fig. 5.7. Rural settlements in the micro-region Naaldwijk. The numbers refer to table 5.4 and the sites mentioned in the text. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks, gullies, and the Helinium): the thin blue line is the possible course of the Corbulo Canal, light yellow is the Naaldwijk coastal barriers, dark green are levees, and light green are flood basins. The square symbol is a possible military settlement and the red dots are rural settlements.

Number

Settlement

Maximum number House type(s) of contemporary houses

Farm houses

Date

Remarks

Literature

1

Naaldwijk-Mars

1-2

Kodde 5B, stone building

1 granary

70-250

Stone building in the 3rd century

Leijnse et al. 2015

2

Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje

2

Kodde 2A, Kodde 5A, house with porticus

1 granary, 3 farm houses

70-250

Van der Feijst (ed.) 2012

3

Naaldwijk-Hoog- 2/3 werf

Kodde 2A, Kodde 5A/B, Kodde 6

Various farm houses

70/80-225

Goossens (ed.) 2012

Table 5.4. Settlements in the micro-region Naaldwijk.

163

100 m

0

A

0

B

C

25 m

Fig. 5.8. Examples of rural settlements in the micro-region Naaldwijk. Left: Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje (image L.M.B. van der Feijst, with modifications); right: Naaldwijk-Mars (after Leijnse et al. 2015, map appendix 4 and an image provided by J.P. Bakx). Legend: Indicated in black are buildings, dotted lines are wooden fences, dark gray are ditches, medium gray are creeks and light gray are areas that have not been excavated.

However, as shown in the example of the house at Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje, but also in other buildings with a comparable groundplan in the research area (fig. 5.10), these porticus houses also occured outside the Batavian area. Moreover, the reconstruction of such groundplans as suggested by Vos1295 can be questioned. Vos illustrated a reconstruction, in which these posts had to extend a meter and a half above ground level to allow an adult to stand under the roof of the porticus; this is not the only possible reconstruction.1296 If the outside posts were shorter, it was perhaps not possible to walk under the porticus, but this does not exclude the creation of extra storage space along the two sides of the house. Vos mentions the find of a dolium (storage vessel) in a porticus in Wijk bij Duurstede-De Horden.1297 If the space under the porticus was indeed used for storage in the shape of dolia, then it is not necessary to create a porticus with a height of one and a half meters, especially since dolia are most often buried into the ground up to their necks to keep their contents cool. However, it seems more likely that the outside posts made it possible to raise the roof of the farm, resulting in a larger storage attic. Perhaps the porticus houses should be seen as buildings in which a larger storage capacity was possible. The social implications that such an enlargement of the storage capabilities had for the inhabitants of these houses remains unclear. But, these people possibly had large quantities of food crops at their disposal, as a result of which they occupied a central place within the local community. However, fodder and/or hay could also have been stored there as well. The enlarged attics of the porticus houses would have been clearly visible from the outside, by which these houses would indeed have communicated a certain status. The settlement at Mars (fig. 5.8) is located about 500 meters to the north of the settlement Naaldwijk’t Zand Heultje. It lies on a levee in a wet landscape, as sedimentation has taken place there during the habitation of the site.1298 A natural channel flowed along the north side of the settlement, which was part 1296

Vos 2009, 241, fig. 6.8B.

1297

Vos 2009, 246.

164

1298

Jansen 2015a, 54.

0

10 m

Fig. 5.9. Some house plans from the micro-region Naaldwijk. After Goossens 2012, 38, fig. 5.9; Leijnse et al. 2015, map appendix 4; Van der Feijst 2012a, 27, fig. 4.1.

of the waterway to Voorburg, perhaps as part of the Corbulo Canal (section 3.4.1). The site was excavated in various phases in the past years, which has rather fragmented the image of the settlement. The description in this section is mainly based on the report of the first excavation campaign.1299The oldest habitation seems to be located just next to the channel, on the highest part of the levee. The lower part of the levee 1299

Leijnse/Verhelst 2015.

165

0

10 m

Fig. 5.10. Porticus houses from the research area. The upper plan was found in the settlement Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje (after Van der Feijst 2012a, 27, fig. 4.1), the middle plan was found in the settlement Den Haag-Hoge Veld (after Siemons/Laan 2009, 60, fig. 3.8). The bottom plan is from the settlement Harnaschpolder-Zuid (after Goossens 2006b, 185, fig. 4.3.1).

is subdivided into ditches that drained the area. After the middle of the 2nd century, but before 160, a part of the site was raised; subsequently a three-aisled byre-house was built on the raised part, measuring 25 by 7 meters.1300 The north-east side of the house was fitted with eight heavy, wooden posts made of ash that were placed on wooden staddle foundations. The building was possibly open on this side and may have functioned as a shop or stopping place.1301 However, the building could also have had a larger storage attic on this side. One of the posts of the house could be dated by means of dendrochronology between October 159 and March 160;1302 two other posts that could be dated fit well within this range, as a result of which we can assume that the house was built in 159-160. At the end of the second or beginning of the 3rd century, the area around the house was raised further. During the excavation, a large pit measuring 4 by 5 m across, was found in this raised area; the pit was completely filled with rubble (fig. 5.11). This feature can be identified as the remains of a stone cellar. The cellar’s construction consisted of a stone foundation supported with many small wooden stakes of alder

1300

is grateful to Prof. Dr. E. Jansma (Utrecht University/

1301

Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands) for sharp-

1302

ening up this date.

Leijnse/Verhelst 2015, 270. Leijnse/Verhelst 2015, 271. Van Daalen 2015, 239, table 56, 12.008.004. The author

166

Fig. 5.11. Cross-section of a large pit, filled with rubble, at the settlement Naaldwijk-Mars. Photo by the author.

Fig. 5.12. The hypocaust at the settlement Naaldwijk-Mars, supported by wooden stakes. Three pieces of Grauwacke were still in situ in the northwestern corner. After Leijnse et al. 2015, map appendix 4.

0

2m

and ash wood (fig. 5.12).1303 Upon the stone (Grauwacke) foundation, a wall of tuff was placed, which was completely robbed after the Roman period. Although some doubt was expressed in the excavation report about the use of the cellar as hypocaustum,1304 the many fragments of hypocaust tiles and tubuli seem to point in this direction. The lack of mortar recorded among the building rubble is due to the fact that not all of it was collected in the field but that only a selection had taken place. The absence of a praefurnium (firing place) for the hypocaustum can be explained by the fact that not the enitre structure was excavated. There was a tiled roof on the building and fragments of window glass in the rubble, indicating that there would also have been windows. Although the pattern of the wooden stakes might indicate that the structure had an apse on the south-eastern side, this image seems to have been the result of the excavation strategy. The apsidal shape was in fact caused by the limit of the trench being on the east side of the structure. A part of the stakes would have continued there but they were not noticed. It cannot be excluded that these stakes are still present in the soil as they were driven deep into the natural subsoil and as the excavation trenches that were generally not dug out to this depth. The hypocaustum would not have been isolated but part of a larger building. Only the deepest features of this structure were recognised in the excavation; however, large quantities of baked clay were found in the highest level of the excavation.1305 Unfortunately, this highest level was not recorded in detail. Some traces of rubble, ditches, and postholes can be linked with this building though.1306 However, it is not possible to form a clear picture of the groundplan of this building. A ditch associated with this structure contained a large quantity of pottery from the 3rd century. Among these were a number of vessels unique to the region, such as a terra sigillata mortarium of the type Dragendorff 431307 with an exceptionally large 1303

1306

1304

1307

Leijnse 2015a, 62. Gazenbeek 2015b, 177-178.

Leijnse 2015a, 68. Dragendorff 1895.

1305

Leijnse 2015a, 68.

167

0

10 cm

Fig. 5.13. Terra sigillata mortarium of the type Dragendorff 43 with an exceptionally large diameter of 45 cm. Image after Van Roemburg 2015, 95, fig. 42.

diameter of 45 cm (fig. 5.13), but also wooden furniture parts and a wooden writing tablet (see also figs. 5.18 and 5.29).1308 The Naaldwijk settlements at Mars and ’t Zand Heultje show many similarities, although no stone construction was ever built in ’t Zand Heultje. Excavations directly to the north of Mars identified comparable raising and house building activities,1309 and so it can be inferred that all sites in this micro-region were raised. This was probably caused by the permanently wet circumstances in this partly still-active salt marsh area. It is clear that despite the wet circumstanstances the area was attractive enough to inhabit. It is possible that the marshes could be used for tending cattle, or for small-scale fishing and fowling. There is however a second reason why settlements would be situated here: the presence of the wide channel that was perhaps part of the waterway in the direction of Forum Hadriani and part of the Corbulo Canal. The Roman road also ran along this channel, probably on the northern bank. The relatively rich material culture and the appearance of a building with a hypocaustum in Naaldwijk can be explained in this context; the inhabitants of the area profited from the shipping traffic to the Roman town in Voorburg.

1308

Leijnse 2015a, 80.

1309

 It concerns the settlements Honselersdijk-Venus (Van Klaveren (ed.) 2005) and Honselersdijk-Veilingroute,

168

excavated in 2016.

5.5.3 rural settlement s in the hague region For the previous regions a rather complete overview of the excavated settlements could be presented, but the same was not possible for this region (fig. 5.14). The amount of information is so large that a complete analysis of all farmyards and house plans would form a separate study. Therefore, the description of the settlements in this region is based on four sites that were almost completely excavated and for which an extensive analysis of (a part of) the find material was published (table 5.5 , three of these are shown in fig. 5.15). These four settlements serve as point of departure for understandingthe other sites. Generally speaking, the data of the less completely or even fragmentarily excavated settelements do not deviate from the picture that emerges from the analysis of the four sites that were excavated completely.Where necessary, the results of the other excavations will be used to nuance the image of the habitation in this region. Most of the settlements in this micro-region are located on sandy levees in an area with predominantly clay deposits. Number

Settlement

Max. number of contemporary houses

House types

Farm houses

Date

1

LeidschendamLeeuwenbergh

3

Kodde 5A Kodde 5B Three-aisled

Three granaries

60-250

2

Den HaagUithofslaan

2

Kodde 3A Kodde 5 Kodde 5A Kodde 5B

One large stor- 60-240 age building, several farm houses and granaries

One large storage building with deviating construction

Van Zoolingen 2011

3

Den Haag-Hoge Veld

3

Kodde 1C Kodde 5A Kodde 5B

Various farm houses

70-225

One house plan with porticus

Siemons/Lanzing (eds.) 2009

4

Rijswijk-De Bult

3

Kodde 1B Kodde 1C Kodde 4B Kodde 5A Kodde 5B Three-aisled

Two large stor- 50-270 age buildings, various granaries and farm houses

Stone construction in the 3rd century, two large storage buildings

Bloemers 1978; Bloemers 1979

Remarks

Literature

Wiepking 1997; De Bruin/Koot 2006, 140-145

Table 5.5. Four almost completely excavated settlements in The Hague region.

The settlements on the levees were consistently surrounded by fences and ditches. In general, they have two to three contemporary houses, but settlements with only one house also occur. The sites often cover a substantial surface area, and separate farmsteads could be distinguished in some cases even, like at the site of Den Haag-Hoge Veld (fig. 5.15).1310 Yet, this settlement consisted of a maximum of three contemporary farms. The large number of farmyards can be explained by the fact that the houses were not always fixed to one spot, and that a different yard was regularly used when rebuilding the house. So, as it were, the farmsteads roamed over the levees. Once the habitation had moved, the former yards were often used as horticultural spaces. Waste was also dumped on these former yards as a kind of fertiliser, so that the find material of the yard became mixed together with finds from neighbouring farmyards. This complicates the determination of the dates of the different yards in the settlements. In one case, two burials were found in a disused yard (section 5.6.3). These graves date from after the last house was built here. Perhaps one of the inhabitants of this former farmyard was interred here (see section 5.6.3). In the settlement at Leidschendam-Leeuwenberg, another farmyard seems to have been used as cult place;1311 it

1310

Siemons/Lanzing (eds) 2009.

1311

Wiepking 1997, 40-42.

169

0

2 km

Fig. 5.14. Rural settlements in the The Hague region. The numbers refer to table 5.5 and the sites in the text. Legend: Indicated in blue is water (creeks and gullies), light yellow are the beach ridges, dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. The large circle is the Roman town and the red dots are rural settlements.

cannot be excluded that possible traces of a building here have disappeared as a result of later levelling of the site. Apart from these ‘roaming yards’, there are also yards within the settlements where the house has been rebuilt several times in the same spot, like at Leidschendam-Leeuwenberg,1312 Den Haag-Uithofslaan,1313 Rijswijk-De Bult,1314 and Wateringen-Juliahof (number 5 in fig. 5.14).1315 It is noticeable that both the fixed and ‘roaming’ yards occur side by side. During rebuilding at the same location, the inhabitants must have had temporary accommodation elsewhere. Perhaps they lived temporarily in one of the other houses in the settlement, but it is also possible that there was actually some time between the successive rebuildings of farmsteads in the same spot. The chronological resolution of the find material of the yards

1312

Wiepking 1997.

1314

Pavlović (ed.) 2011.

1315

1313

170

Bloemers 1978. Eimermann (ed.) 2009.

0

0

50 m

50 m

0

50 m

Fig. 5.15. Examples of rural settlements in The Hague region. Top left: Den Haag-Uithofslaan (after Van Zoolingen 2011, Afb.3.1B); top right: Rijswijk-De Bult (after Bloemers 1978, Beilage 2); bottom: Den Haag-Hoge Veld (after Siemons/Lanzing (eds.) 2009, map 1). Legend: Indicated in black are buildings, dotted lines are wooden fences, dark gray are ditches and light gray are areas that have not been excavated.

171

0

10 m

Fig. 5.16. Great similarity in the house plans in Den Haag-Hoge Veld. Image Siemons/Laan 2009, 42, fig. 3.1.

with houses rebuilt in the same spot supports this interpretation. As concerns the building method, the majority of the houses in this micro-region fall within house type Kodde 5.1316 At Den Haag-Hoge Veld, for example, the houses were all constructed in a very similar way (fig. 5.16). In addition to the often occurring byre-houses, there are also buildings that have been constructed in a different way. A one-aisled house plan was found at the Harnaschpolder-Zuid settlement, which had a row of posts around the house that were placed two meters outside the long sides of the house (number 6 in fig. 5.14).1317 On the short side of the house, the distance to the outer posts measured two and a half 1316

Kodde 2014, 305-306.

172

1317

Goossens 2006, 181-192.

Fig. 5.17. Terra sigillata barbotine beaker of the type Ludowici Vwa (Ludowici 1927), found in the settlement HarnaschpolderZuid. Driesen/De Winter 2006, 238, fig. 4.3.2-9.

meters. This is a porticus house that dates from 150 to 225. Mortar remnants have been found in two post holes of the house and in two nearby wells, which could indicate that the house was plastered. It is not clear whether this plaster had been applied to the outside or to the inside of the house. Prior to placing the posts, a hand-shaped pot was buried as a building offering in the south-easternmost post hole of the outer posts. In addition, this site has yielded a number of remarkable finds, such as a 3rd century terra sigillata beaker of the type Ludowici Vwa,1318 which carries a barbotine decoration that is rare for this region (fig. 5.17).1319 A house plan was found in Den Haag-Hoge Veld that had a row of rather heavy posts at a distance of 1.8 m from the southern long side.1320 Here also the row of posts were interpreted as belonging to a porticus house. A few fragments of burnt clay, which were found in the vicinity of this 0 2 cm building, had scratched-in lines in a zigzag or herringbone motif. The application of such lines was generally done to make plastering adhere better; this house possibly also had layer of plaster.1321 Remains of buildings with stone foundations have been found in two places in this micro-region. The first building was in the rural settlement Rijswijk-De Bult, where a stone room was added between 180 and 210 onto the western narrow side of a byre-house of the type Kodde 5B.1322 Between 210 and 240, the byre-house was replaced by an 18.2 meters long and 7.6 meters wide building. It was founded above construction trenches about half a meter deep that were filled with a very compact layer of loam and brick material. A wooden structure would have been placed above this, probably executed in timber framing. It is notable that this timber framing seems to be a rendering of the original byre-house, as the three-aisled division can still be recognised here. It is uncertain whether the building still functioned as a farm building, as a hearth measuring 1.10 by 1.35 meters was found in the center of the house plan.1323 This hearth implies a domestic function for an important part of the building, and more likely indicates a large house rather than a large farm building. Yet, in view of the location of the hearth, the building could have been one large space, with possible dividing walls now destroyed or consisted of wooden room dividers. A mobile, wooden dividing door is known from Herculaneum, in the House of the Wooden Partition.1324

1318

Ludowici 1927.

Hendriks 2014, 260, footnote 140.

1319

1322

1320

1323

1321

1324

Driesen/De Winter 2006, 238-239. Siemons/Laan 2009, 60-63. Siemons/Laan 2009, 46, figs. 3.3 and 47;Van Enckevort/

Bloemers 1978, 184-188; Kodde 2007, 171-173. Bloemers 1978, 173. Roberts 2013, 103.

173

Fig. 5.18. Reconstruction of the wall paintings from RijswijkDe Bult. After Bloemers 1978, 338.

A construction offering was found in the foundation trench in the south-eastern corner of the 3rd-century Rijswijk building; it concerns a coarse-walled bowl of the type Oelmann 104.1325 A second room was added in this phase onto the building’s stone extension. In the last building phase, dated between 240 and 270, the two stone rooms on the western side of the building were replaced by three new stone rooms. One of these had wall paintings and a hypocaust (Raum 19.II. Ba; fig. 5.18). A drainage ditch, running north from this room, possibly points to the presence of a bath here. In this last phase the complex developed into one architectural entity, resembling a rural house plan that was (partially) ‘translated’ into stone, using ‘Roman’ building methods (fig. 5.19). The addition of the stone rooms indicates a certain degree of wealth; all the building material had to be brought in and firing the hypocaustum required a lot of wood. These stone rooms are also an indication that the inhabitants of the building appreciated Roman bathing customs and that they wanted to associate themselves with a Roman lifestyle. A second building with stone foundation was discovered in Poeldijk-Wateringseweg in 1970 (number 7 in fig. 5.14).1326 Although only one corner of the foundation was excavated, which still had a height of 70 centimeters (fig. 5.20, left), it could be established that the building measured 15 by 7.8 m. The wall consisted of tuff masonry on a foundation of natural stone. A tuff reservoir was found on the south-west side of the foundation (fig. 5.20, right). A tuff drain, covered with complete tegulae, ran from the southeast corner of this reservoir in the direction of the building. The size of only one side of the reservoir could be determined, which was 1.2 m. Its foundation is located on a terrain that was raised in Roman times. Traces of posts in the vicinity of the reservoir’s foundation suggest that there also was a wooden building phase at this settlement, but it is unclear to when this stone construction can be dated. Near the tuff wall, three fragments of a militairy diploma were found (see section 1.1). In 1993 and 1994, an excavation was carried out to the west of the stone building, where a Roman era farmyard was discovered.1327 No stone buildings were identified here. After examination of the excavation drawings, the present study found that a byre-house was present here, most likely of the type Kodde 5.Various borehole surveys have taken place in the vicinity of this settlement as well.1328 These prove that the stone building at Poeldijk-Wateringseweg was situated within a much larger settlement with wooden byre-houses, like in Rijswijk-De Bult. There is no clear image of the material composition of the interiors of the houses in the The Hague micro-region. They are often rather empty in reconstructions, with just an open hearth in the living area. At some sites in the research area, parts of wooden furniture have been found that indicate the presence

1325

1327

1326

1328

Oelmann 1914; Bloemers 1978, 183. Sarfatij 1971, 61.

174

Hessing et al. 1994, 77. Bult et al. 2005; Hessing et al. 1994, 77.

0

10 m

Fig. 5.19. Building with a stone foundation in Rijswijk-De Bult. After Bloemers 1978, Beilage 1a.

Fig. 5.20. Stone foundation and reservoir with drain in the settlement at Poeldijk-Wateringseweg. Photos E.J. Bult; Westlands Museum.

175

0

5 cm

Fig. 5.21. Wooden furniture pieces from rural settlements in the research area. Leijnse 2015b, 189-191; leg of furniture to the right, with thanks to S. Lange.

of furniture in the houses similar to Roman examples (fig. 5.21).1329 Keeping a fire in a largely open hearth in a wooden building makes for a hazardous situation. However, at the site of Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan, fragments have been found of a brazier on which handmade pots could be placed for heating.1330 The closed shape of the brazier prevented the fire from spreading to the flammable interior of the house. The fragments of two so-called fire-screens (or mobile hearths) from the site of Den Haag-Uithofslaan were probably also used to shield the hearth from the surroundings, or they could be used as brazier as well.1331 The hearth found at another settlement shows a clearly round structure, with a circle of pottery sherds placed around the firing surface of the hearth.1332 A brazier or another kind of guard could have been placed on this circle. The characteristic soot marks on the shoulder of a large number of the handmade pots indicate the use of braziers at almost every site in the research area. The pots were placed up to three-quarters in the brazier, which is why the soot formed only at the spot where the smoke of the fire first reached the pot; at this point the shoulder of the pot just touched the top of the brazier. This observation implies a large similarity in the preparation of food between the various settlements. In summary, we can state that the houses were not empty but contained furniture and other objects, such as braziers or fire screens to protect the interior from the fire. It is quite possible that the houses also were furnished with carpets and paintings but so far there are no indications for this. The yards around the houses were regularly subdivided by (foundation) trenches into smaller plots. Various out buildings existed in the farmyards. In Den Haag-Uithofslaan and Rijswijk-De Bult large storage buildings have been found in which large quantities of food could be stored (section 5.9.7). At other sites rather small storage buildings occurred or they were absent altogether. It is quite possible that crops 1329

Leijnse 2015b, 189-191;Van Londen 2006a, 144-147; Fig.

1331

 Van Kerckhove 2011, 158-161; Van Zoolingen 2018,

106. 1330

Bakx 2012, 25-26.

176

65-73. 1332

Van Londen 2006a, 153.

could also be stored in the attics of the byre-houses. Also present in various yards in this micro-region are open spaces surrounded by a row of posts, which can be interpreted as cattle pens. Wells were found at nearly every site. When the soil was very clayey, these wells were not lined as the wall of the pit was strong enough not to collapse. In sandier soils these wells were lined with wickerwork, but square frames and barrel wells are also known. A recurring element in the yards are systems of narrow, parallel ditches that probably represent flower beds or some sort of vegetable plots. Also present in the yards are refuse pits, though never in large numbers. The majority of the refuse was dumped into the ditches along the sides of the houses or yards. In the earliest phase, the yards were sometimes surrounded by fences, which in a later stage were replaced by ditches. Rows of posts were also regularly placed in the yard ditches.1333 Perhaps these served to keep the cattle inside or even outside the settlement during the summer when the ditches contained little water. It is also possible that the rows of posts were erected when the ditches had already mainly silted up, more to the end of the habitation of the settlements.1334 Pits were regularly found at the bottom of the ditches that probably served as well pits, to guarantee at least some supply of water in dry periods. In addition, these pits could be used as drinking-water for the cattle.1335 In a number of cases, a wooden post was driven into such pits that pierced into the peat layer lying under the clay. Water could then percolate upwards from the peat layer. Many settlements were lying a short distance from each other, between 50-200m. A good example is the settlements of Wateringen-Juliahof, Den Haag-Kwaklaan, and Den Haag-Hoge Veld (numbers 5, 8, and 3 in fig. 5.14). The levee on which these settlements were located was almost completely inhabited, but due to the shifting of the habitation over the separate yards, there will always have been space between the various habitation cores.

5.5.4 the micro-regions The settlements in the research area were almost all located on levees, next to creeks that regularly had flowing water. There were also settlements on the peat, but these form only a small group. The bog area lying in the center of the research area was not inhabited at all. Habitation in the beach ridge zone occurred only in a few isolated cases. The lay-out of the settlements is different in every micro-region. In the micro-region of Schiedam, the settlements are on narrow levees in a clay-on-peat area, next to creeks. Without exception the settlements consist of one houseyard with one byre-house. Most of the sites are not enclosed by a ditch. No wells were found in the Schiedam micro-region. The roofs of the farms are supported by means of an A-frame construction. The distribution of this type of house is limited to the mirco-region of Schiedam and to the area south of it, the Zuid-Holland islands and Zeeland (type Kodde 3).1336 The regional distribution of this type of house partly can be explained by the conditons of the landscape in which these houses were built, namely a rather soft soil such as peat: “The A-construction offered supplementary strength on an unstable soil.”1337 However, as not all A-construction houses were built on an unstable soil, the uniformity of this building method could have been motivated culturally, as house building can also be regarded a social-cultural phenomenon.1338 In the region of Naaldwijk, settlements are often fixed to one spot and use was made of the highest parts of the site in the salt-marsh landscape. Settlements usually are small sites with two contemporary houses. Larger settlements were only possible on the Naaldwijk coastal barrier. The sites in the salt-marsh area were all enclosed by ditches and were all raised over time. In the micro-region of The Hague, the settlements were located in a clay area with wide levees. Farm yards were located a short distance from Pavlović (ed.) 2011, 372.

1333

1336

1334

1337

1335

1338

Siemons 2014b, 331. Bakx 2013, 48.

Kodde 2014, 308. Kodde 2014, 309. Van Hoof 2007, 265.

177

each other, they “moved” around these levees, and house yards were used discontinuously. Yet, there are also house yards where habitation continued for some time. The settlements are all enclosed by ditches. The building plans in the micro-region of Naaldwijk and the The Hague region show some diversity but the majority of the houses match Kodde’s types 5A and B.1339 In general, three-aisled houses do not occur south of the research area; this building method dominates the coastal area north of the Helinium.1340 Farm houses are found in the yards in the three micro-regions. Most of these wooden houses were east-west oriented and supposedly covered with straw roofs. In all micro-regions, iron nails were used in the construction of the houses. The micro-region of The Hague has yielded the biggest storage buildings, as in the sites of Rijswijk-De Bult and Uithofslaan.1341 Apparently there was demand for a larger storage of food crops in this micro-region. Buildings with stone foundations, which mainly date to the 3rd century, were only found in the micro-regions of Naaldwijk and The Hague. Although they are rare, these constructions show a strong inspiration from Roman buildings. It is possible that the inhabitants of these stone houses communicated their integration into the Roman Empire in this way, though it could also have been a way of showing off their acquired wealth, presumably gained through association with the empire as well. Concerning their lay-out and architecture, the majority of the settlements were not influenced by Roman architecture. The settlements developed mainly independently. However, there is a far-reaching adaptation to the environment and soil type.

5.6 burials and cemeteries Remains of burials have been found at several sites (table 5.6). Most graves are cremations, though some inhumations have also been found. Usually only single graves are found, situated at the edge of the farmyards; these graves can be found both inside and outside the yard. Some small clusters of graves also occur. Site

Number of graves

Grave types according to Hiddink 2003, 112-122

Date

Leidschendam-Leeuwenbergh

6

B, A, D, D, D, D

100-200

Wateringse Veld-Vellekoop 1997

8

C, C, A?, A, A, D, D, A

100-250

Wateringse Veld-Kwaklaan 2006

3

C, C, C

150-300

Wateringen-Juliahof

3

C, C, B

150-250

Wateringen-Juliahof Hollandia

1

D

150-250

Wateringse Veld-Tanke 2002

2

D, D

Mid-2nd century

Harnaschpolder-MDHP-07

1

C

200-225

Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan

1

C

150-200

Monster-Poeldijk

2

B, D

140-250

Honselersdijk-Venus

1

D

Roman period

Naaldwijk-Tiendweg

1

C

200-300

Rotterdam-Kandelaar

3

A, A, A

Roman period

Rotterdam-Centrum Hoogstraat

1

D

150-200

Table 5.6. Overview of the burials in a rural context in the research area.1342

1339

Kodde 2014, 308-309.

1340

Kodde 2007, 41.

178

1341

Bloemers 1978, 189-191; number 5;Van Zoolingen 2011, 75-78; horreum 3002.

5. 6 . 1 t h e bu r i a l r i t ua l The burials as well as associated structures and objects found in excavations are the archaeological evidence of burial rituals. These burial rituals can be arranged in a number of phases, comparible to burial rituals in other regions adjacent to the research area.1343 The first one is the preparatory phase. In this phase, the body of the deceased person might be placed on display and various rituals can be performed, such as a procession, a meal or feast, or any combination of these preparatory actions. This preparatory phase is rarely archaeologically detectable. In the next phase, the body is placed on a wooden pyre and burned. The body can be dressed or not and accompanied by objects, like ceramics or glass tableware, wooden boxes with bone or metal fittings, and food (meat and/or vegetables). These objects, if placed on the pyre, are called primary gifts. In a few cases, the burnt bones of the cremated person are selected and washed. In other cases, no selection takes place. Next, the burial takes place, usually in a pit or under an elevated structure, like a platform or a barrow and finally a ritual meal or feast may take place. Often various objects are placed within the grave. These are called secondary grave gifts. After the interment, a (ritual) re-opening of the graves may take place, but this may also be a time to place tertiary grave gifts. Graves in the research area can be covered by a barrow, but it is not always clear whether there was an above-ground marker. Sometimes ditches can be found around burials, that are interpreted as the boundary of a mound. Part of the archaeological deposit of these burial rituals can be found in excavations. An important factor here are the post-depositional processes, in which parts of the burials can be affected. In these specific cases it is difficult to reconstruct the burial ritual. As the largest cluster of burials in the research area, in Den Haag-Wateringseveld,1344 is classified according to the typology of Hiddink,1345 this grouping is also followed here. This typology defines burial types according to four categories, named A to D. Burial type A concerns the burial of selected, burnt bones in a grave that is filled with clean soil. The burnt bones can be put in a cloth or some other container of organic material, but they can also be deposited in an urn. Between the bones, fragments of primary grave gifts can be found. In type B, the selected, burned skeletal remains, whether or not concentrated, are buried in a grave, sometimes in a container. After some gifts might be added, the grave is filled with the remains of the pyre. Type C concerns a context that contains all the remains of the pyre without any selection of the burnt skeletal remains. Burial type D encompasses all other graves that cannot be classified as A, B or C. The graves (table 5.6) are distributed over the research area.Yet, three categories can be distinguished, namely ‘individual’ burials, small cemeteries, and burials along the Roman road. These are discussed below.

1342

 Leidschendam-Leeuwenbergh: Wiepking 1997, 82-83;

ster-Poeldijk: Vos 2000a, 18-24; Vos 2000b, 14-18; Wiep-

De Bruin/Koot 2006, 140-141. Wateringse Veld-Vel-

king 2000, 32, footnote 27. Honselersdijk-Venus: Smits

lekoop 1997: Siemons 2014b, 346-363. Wateringse

2005, appendix 5; Tump 2005, 52. Naaldwijk-Tiendweg:

Veld-Kwaklaan 2006: Siemons 2006, 14-15; Siemons

Bult/Immerzeel 1988, 118-125. Rotterdam-Kandelaar:

2014b, 360-362. Wateringen-Juliahof: Eimermann 2009,

Meirsman/Moree 2006, 41-48. Rotterdam-Centrum

65-69. Wateringen-Juliahof Hollandia: Gerritsen/Duur-

Hoogstraat: Carmiggelt/Guiran 1997, 77-83.

land 2006, 30-31. Wateringse Veld-Tanke 2002: Siemons

1343

2014b, 363. Harnaschpolder-MDHP-07: Bakx 2008, 4-6.

1344

Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan: Bakx 2013, 110. Mon-

1345

Hiddink 2003, 21-25; Aarts/Heeren 2011, 19-44. Siemons 2014b, 347-350. Hiddink 2003, 112-122.

179

5. 6 . 2 ‘ i n d i v i d ua l ’ bu r i a l s The first group concerns ‘individual’ burials. These graves seem to be located ‘independently’ in the landscape, but often this isolation is only the result of the extent of the excavation, or the disturbance of the direct surroundings of the grave. It is therefore questionable whether we are actually dealing here with individual graves in every case. Only the cremation grave from the Harnaschpolder,1346 as far as it is archaeologically detectable, seems not to be accompanied by other graves. The likeliness that this case does represent an isolated ‘individual’ burial is supported by the few pieces of Roman pottery found around the grave. Although these come from a medieval context, they do not show traces of secondary burning, like the pottery from the grave. The grave seems to have been lying on a separate parcel of land in the large-scale ditch system, and was possibly covered by a layer of soil.1347 It was also located on a slightly elevated levee, which made it clearly visible from the settlement that was a few hundred meters away. Besides charcoal and burnt and unburnt pottery in the grave, only a small quantity of burnt human bone material was found. The grave can be dated to the first quarter of the 3rd century.1348 A circular ditch with a diameter of 13 m was found in Rijswijk-Sion, in which there was a layer of soil with charcoal, burnt bone, and wheelthrown pottery.1349 The pottery mainly came from plates and jugs. In the circular ditch was a rectangular feature which contained the possible remnants of a small wooden box: inside this box were the remains of a pyre. Outside the circular ditch was a pit with burnt human bones. This circular ditch was found about 250 meters east of a rural settlement. Although it seems that we are dealing here with two graves, it is quite possible that it concerns only one burial structure, with a rather complicated burial ritual. There are clear comparisons with the grave from the Harnaschpolder, discussed above. It is possible that some people were interred individually in this area, at a considerable distance from the settlement. Other individual burials were usually found at the edge of the farmyards of the rural settlements, and the graves could be both in and outside the yard. Such burials are often poorly preserved and consist of small pits with some burnt human skeletal material, charcoal, some ceramic shards, and sometimes metal finds.1350 Presumably the graves were dug in relatively shallow pits or even not dug in at all. Indications for the limited depth of the grave pits were collected at the excavation of Wateringen-Juliahof, where burials were found “... above the readable feature level and in the vegetation horizon, ...”.1351 There are no indications that these graves had been covered with soil or that they were otherwise marked above the ground. These burials also contained a mix of charcoal, cremation remains, and burnt pottery. The same probably applies to a disturbed grave found on the site of Wateringen-Juliahof.1352 This grave was also probably not too far below the Roman surface level. And finally, another individual grave was found in Rotterdam.1353 Together with charcoal, ash, burnt and unburnt pottery and an unburnt wire brooch, this grave contained the cremated remains of four individuals: a man, a woman, and two children. It is remarkable that not all of the burnt bones were retrieved during the excavation. This could mean that a part of the cremation remains was buried somewhere else, but the grave can also have been partially affected by water erosion, as it was dug not very deeply. 1346

Bakx 2008, 4-6.

3rd century. In that case, the presence of a burial mound

1347

It is notable that the grave, which was found directly

cannot be excluded.

under and even partly within the surface level, was

1348

indeed preserved. This probably happened because the

1349

location of the grave was raised in the late Middle Ages

1350

as the location for a house. Although this cannot be

1351

ascertained with certainty, it is an attractive hypothesis

1352

to imagine that the medieval choice of location perhaps

1353

was determined by the presence of the grave from the

180

Bakx 2008, 6. Koot 2014b, 43-44. Wiepking 1997, 82-84. Eimermann 2009, 65. Gerritsen/Duurland 2006, 30. Carmiggelt/Guiran 1997, 77-83.

5 . 6 . 3 s m a l l c l u s t e r s o f g r av e s Apart from the individual graves, also small clusters of graves are known.These usually comprise only two to three graves together. There is a great diversity in the burial ritual. Two graves were found together in Wateringen-Juliahof, on what seems to be separate plots in the allotment system.1354 This situation is somewhat comparable to the location of the grave from the Harnaschpolder. As the excavation was limited here, it cannot be excluded that there were more burials in this location. Three graves were found a few hundred meters from these burials, two of which were located within an abandoned house yard. There may be additional burials in this area, as only a part of the site was excavated. Another small cluster of burials was excavated at Monster-Poeldijk.1355 Here two, but possibly even three, circular ditches were found. Two circular ditches were excavated, revealing that a part of the body of the mound inside the ditches was still intact. Both circular ditches were broken through at the western side. The second break of the ditches, on the south-eastern side, was probably caused by erosion of this part of the terrain. The first circular ditch still contained remains of a grave, type C, with a diameter of about 12.5 m. The central burial was dug into the body of the mound, above the contemporary surface level, and contained burnt pottery, metal and charcoal.The largest cremation remains were found together in a concentration, giving the impression that they had been sorted and grouped together.1356 The second circular ditch had a diameter of 10 m, but its center was disturbed by a medieval ditch. Still, some possible grave goods were collected by the excavators.1357 Although the excavators suspected that the graves were located next to a Roman road, this remains debatable (see section 4.1.3). The graves seem to have been dug at the edge of a levee, where they were clearly visibile. Near the Tiendweg in Naaldwijk, there was also a small cluster of graves.1358 Only one grave could be investigated partially during this research. It is possible that there were at least three graves present here. Notable in particular is the large quantity of pottery, which was no longer found in context. The material, dating to the 3rd century, probably originated from several graves. The burials possibly belonged to the nearby located settlements of Naaldwijk-Mars, or Naaldwijk-’t Zandheultje. Another cluster of graves was identified at the site of Rotterdam-Kandelaar.1359 A fire place was found here, located on a platform especially made for it, and three type A burials. Neither the fire place, nor the graves contained any find material. Also no burnt bone material was found within the fire place. Perhaps this was very carefully collected after the cremation, or perhaps the fire place had another function. The cremation remains of the burials seem to have been selected with care, as hardly any charcoal was found with the burnt bone. No gifts had been placed in the graves either, unless these were of perishable material that was not preserved in the excavation. Here also the graves were found at the Roman surface level. Although relatively few graves were found here, it should be mentioned that only a small part of the cemetery was investigated. It cannot be excluded that we are dealing here with a much larger cemetery. The small clusters of graves and possibly the largest part of the individual graves discussed here seem to be burials that can be related to one or a few households. It is therefore conceivable that people were cremated and buried in the vicinity of each settlement. It is remarkable that many burials ware found in farmyards. Whether these yards were inhabited during the construction of the graves is not clear, except in the case of the burials at the site of Wateringse Veld-Kwaklaan, which are clearly dated later than the habitation.1360

1354

1358

1355

1359

1356

1360

Eimermann 2009, 69. Vos 2000a, 18-24; Vos 2000b, 14-18. Vos 2000b, 14.

Bult et al. 1988, 118-125. Meirsman/Moree 2006, 41-48. Siemons 2009, 361-363.

1357

Vos 2000b, 16.

181

5 . 6 . 4 g r av e s a l o n g t h e r o m a n r oa d A third group of burials was found along the Roman road, in particular in The Hague, Rijswijk, and in Naaldwijk. Although these graves seem to lie ‘separately’ and sometimes in small groups together, they all lie along the Roman road: together they might have formed a kind of elongated cemetery. Recent finds support this image. Burying along roads is a custom that is known in particular from Roman urban contexts.1361 Graves were identified at two locations in Den Haag-Wateringsveld.1362 They were situated on the northern side of the road, on an area that was too low for habitation in Roman times, as there was “... the silted-up channel of the original Gantel ...”.1363 The easternmost location yielded traces of two circular ditches.The diameter of the western circular ditch measured about 13.5 m, and the eastern one measured about 11 m.1364 The western circular ditch had a small opening at its south-eastern side, in the direction of the road. No graves or any remains of a mound were found inside the ditches, but this can probably be atrributed to natural erosion after the Roman period. A remarkable find from the western circular ditch is an as or sestertius of Diva Faustina Augusta from around the middle of the 2nd century.1365 It is likely that two burial mounds existed here. The western location did not yield any circular ditches but did have two clusters that each contained four graves. The graves consisted of small pits in which the cremated remains were buried. The cremated bones were selected in three cases; they were possibly wrapped in a cloth or a different kind of container of perishable material.1366 However, the majority of the graves consisted of pits in which all remains of the pyre, including the cremated remains, were deposited non-selected.1367 Men, women, and children were buried in the cemetery. One remarkable burial is that of two adult men, the cremated remains of whom were buried in a storage pot of the type Holwerda 141/142.1368 Remains of molten glass were found among the cremation remains in this burial. This indicates that a part of the primary gifts was burned on the pyre. The zone in which in the burials occur at Den Haag-Wateringsveld had a length of at least 150 m. It is quite possible that these are simply parts of a relatively large, communal burial field. Strikingly, graves were also found near the settlements north of the Roman road. Apparently, part of the population of the rural settlements in the vicinity of the road preferred a burial in or near the settlement. In Rijswijk, a minimum of five cremation graves and one inhumation were found along the Roman road; fibulae were found on the shoulder of the skeleton (of a young teenager).1369 Further south, at the the site of Honselersdijk-Venus, a cremation burial was found in the large fragment of the bottom of a handmade vessel.1370 It belonged to an adult person between 20 and 60 years old.1371 Burnt remains of a sheep were also found here. The quantity of cremated remains is very small (275 grams), and the grave has no clear date. Although handmade pottery was increasingly used less in rural settlements from the middle of the 2nd century, it is possible that a handmade pot was chosen deliberatly as a container for the cremated remains in a later period.

1361

1367

1362

1368

1363

1369

1364

1370

1365

1371

Carroll 2006, 1. Waasdorp 2003, 10, 15; 46-47. Waasdorp 2003, 46. Siemons 2014b, 363, fig. 5.29 and footnote 552. Vos 2014, 418.

1366

Siemons 2014b, 348.

182

Siemons 2014b, 348-349. Siemons 2014b, 355-356. Koot 2014a, 41-42. Tump 2006, 74. Smits 2005, 6.

5. 6 . 5 i n h u m at i o n s a n d s i n g l e s k e l e t o n pa rt s i n s e t t l e m e n t s Although cremation is the dominant burial type in the research area, inhumations have been found in various settlements (table 5.7). These burials are often located at prominent places inside a settlement, such as at the corners of farmyards and near buildings. For the inhumation burial identified at the settlement of Rijswijk-Wilhelminapark, Bloemers suggested that there was a relationship between the burial and the building of a nearby house.1372 Hessing also assumes this to be a construction offering or founder’s graves.1373 The burials in the research area can be interpreted as the reflection of a ritual that is linked with the abandonment or re-inhabitation of a farmyard or house.1374 The burial of premature or newborn children is a phenomenon that is not limited to the research area. At the settlement of HarnaschpolderWoudselaan a very young individual was cremated.1375 Settlement

No.

Position body

Age and sex

Date

Remarks

Literature

Den Haag-Lozerlaan

1

On its back, legs slightly pulled up

Younger than 1 year, neonate

130160

Rijswijk-De Bult

1

On her back, arms in her lap

Female, about 60 years

Knip 1978, 416-419

Rijswijk-De Bult

1

Stretched out?

Female, adult

Knip 1978, 419

Rijswijk-De Bult

1

With knees pulled up

Male, about 45 years

Rijswijk-De Bult

1

With knees pulled up

Female, about 30 years

Knip 1978, 419

Rijswijk-Wilhelminapark

1

With knees pulled up

Male, about 17 years

Bloemers 1985, 353

HarnaschpolderWoudselaan

1

With knees pulled up

Male, 18-20 years

Bakx 2013, 110-111

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

1

Unknown

34-36 weeks

Baetsen 2012, 444

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

1

Unknown

38-40 weeks

Baetsen 2012, 444

Van der Jagt 2010, 130-133; Van Zoolingen 2010a, 44-45

Eight posts around the burial pit

Knip 1978, 419

Table 5.7. Inhumation graves in a rural context in the research area.

Besides complete inhumations, single human bones occur in many settlements. In many cases it concerns fragments of the skull of an adult individual, like in Rijswijk-De Bult,1376 Schiedam-Polderweg, and Vlaardingen.1377 Also in Naaldwijk we are dealing with two skull fragments of an adult and a part of a long bone of a child.1378 It is possible that the human skeletal material originates from disturbed inhumation graves, but it is also possible that the bone material was intentionally deposited in ditches surrounding the settlement. Skull fragments may indicate the exhibiting of human heads or skulls in or near the settlements.1379

1372

1376

1373

A founder grave is the burial of the person who was seen

1377

as the founder of the settlement. Hessing 1993a, 28-30.

1378

Bloemers 1985, 353.

1374

Bakx 2013, 303.

Knip 1978, 422. Van Londen 1996, 14. Baetsen 2012, 444-445.

1379

Baetsen 2012, 445-446.

1375

Bakx 2013, 54-55.

183

5. 6 . 6 bu r i a l r i t ua l s A variety of burial rituals is encountered in the research area, including both cremation and inhumation. Inhumation was restricted to neonates, and the buried (young) adults can be associated with the first use or abandonment of a house or farmyard. The cremation ritiual was used for unselected burials of pyre remains (burial type C). This ritual can also be assumed for the many graves in which it is not totally clear how the burial ritual occurred (burial type D). However, all these graves contain very few cremation remains, so it is possible that these parts of the burial ritual were separated and buried in a different spot. As burial type C dominates, it is clear that the cremation ritual consisted of the burning of the dead, with or without grave goods, after which the remains of the pyre were collected and buried in shallow pits or even scattered over the ground. This was followed by a covering of a thin layer of soil. It is also possible that these pyre remains were not covered at all. The places where the dead were burned have not been retrieved in archaeological excavations, and the number of burials found is also rather small. This could be caused by the practice of burying individuals in shallow pits, the non-existent covering of the burials, the scant clustering of the graves, or even by the absence of any demarcations of the burials.1380 Graves are usually only discovered after the occurrence of concentrations of burnt pottery fragments, whether or not in combination with charcoal. Since this usually concerns wheelthrown pottery,1381 which is easily recognizable during the excavation, it is questionable whether burials without these pottery finds are even noticed. It is also possible that the cremated remains were deposited in a different way, like being scattered over land or water. There are therefore several reasons to assume that many burials were missed during archaeological research and that the number of graves should reflect the number of inhabitants of the area. Yet, large, centralized cemeteries seem to be absent in the area. In the central Dutch River area there are cemeteries present,1382 just as south of the Helinium in Spijkenisse1383 and Zuidland.1384 Yet also here smaller burial fields are found.1385 In the northern part of the civitas Menapiorum, apart from a few large cemeteries, there are mainly small burial fields. The burial places are however all situated on the higher-lying Pleistocene soils, whereas the clay and peat aeas near the mouth of the Scheldt do not preserve any burials.1386 There are several central cemeteries in the Meuse-DemerScheldt area, the adjoining basin of the Meuse, and the surroundings of Nijmegen. They are especially present in the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt area itself, but the number of burial sites is rather small compared to the number of settlements; this has been explained by the few number of graves recognized in the past or by the disruption of the graves by post-depositional processes.1387 The nature of the burials in the research area can best be compared to the area between the Rhine and Weser rivers, so outside the Roman Empire, where large cemeteries are also lacking. The degree of archaeological visibility may also be a reason for the present picture.1388 The burial evidence in the research area is closely comparable to the material found along the Dutch North Sea coast.1389 When these areas are compared, there seems to be a zone along the Dutch, Belgian, and German coasts where there are a few central cemeteries (with some exceptions), as well as the interior where larger cemeteries are the norm. The latter are regarded as a communal claim on the land,1390 but they can also be linked with the start of larger and/or more complex social links.

1380

1386

1381

1387

1382

1388

1383

1389

Siemons 2014b, 352. Siemons 2014b, 352, table 5.4. Veldman 2013, 15-21. Döbken 1992, 145-222; Moree et al. 2002,118-123.

De Clercq 2009, 344-351. Hiddink 2003, 14-20. Hiddink 1999, 45-51. Hessing 1993a, 17-18; Hiddink 1999, 50; Meffert 1998,

1384

Vossen 2007; Kruidhof 2009.

1385

 Goossens 1997, 23-42, 65; Meirsman/Van der Roest 2010.

184

110-111; Nieuwhof 2015, 270. 1390

Heeren 2014, 169.

Most of the graves found in the research area date from after the middle of the 2nd century and later. The burial ritual seems to have developed over time. In the earlier period, prior to the 2nd century, burials occurred along the edges of the yards, without providing primary and/or secondary grave goods, either on the pyre or during the burial. After the middle of the 2nd century pottery was regularly placed on the pyre, and in the 3rd century this grew to include very large assemblages.The circular ditches found in the research area can be dated to after the middle of the 2nd century. It is possible that the raising of a burial mound with a demarcation, like a ditch, was not a common practice prior to the middle of the 2nd century. Although burying along the road can be seen as typical Roman practice in an urban context, the burials rather seem to indicate a local background of the inhabitants. This local practice is indicated by the applied burial ritual, which is very similar to the other burials in the area, and by the use of an indigenous pot. Although not all of the graves in the research area can be dated clearly, burying along the road seems to have started from the period around the middle of the 2nd century. Perhaps the fact that at a certain time local groups changed their burial practice to burying people along the road is an indication of an increasing integration into Roman society. However, the road was probably only built in 151,1391 so it is logical that many graves only date to after this time. Moreover, the burials in The Hague and Honselersdijk-Venus lie in a relatively low part of the landscape. It can therefore not be excluded that the burials along the road partly date to before the construction of the road. Also after 150, some of the inhabitants of the region were buried in or near the settlements, although these settlements are located in the vicinity of the road, like Den Haag-Kwaklaan and Wateringen-Juliahof. This in any case indicates that a part of the population continued to prefer a burial in the surroundings of the settlement where household members spent the largest part of their lives. This reflects a strongly individual burial ritual, in which persons or family connections were the main determining factor in the type and location of a burial, as was the relationship with the individual yard and/or settlement. New burial practices arose from the middle of the 2nd century, such as an increase in the number of (burnt) grave goods, the appearance of burial mounds, and perhaps also choosing to bury people along the road.

5.7 religion Apart from one exception, there are no indications for the presence of temples in the Cananefatian countryside. The exception to this statement is the find of several sandstone altar fragments in the excavation of the rural settlement at Den Haag-Uithofslaan.1392 The date of the context in which the altar fragments were found is after 180.1393 The altar is possibly dedicated to Hercules but this is far from certain.1394 It could have been erected near a temple that was situated in the vicinity of the rural settlement of Den Haag-Uithofslaan. The temple possibly fell into disuse and the altar, together with other rubble, was transported to the rural settlement. A fragment of a limestone column,1395 which was also found at the settlement, is a second supporting argument for the presence of a monumental temple building in the vicinity of the site.

1391

Waasdorp 2003, 61.

1392

Van Pruissen et al. 2011, 290-291;Van Zoolingen 2011, 11.

1393

The fragments originate from ditch 4026 (pers. comm.

R.J. van Zoolingen). 1394

Van Pruissen et al. 2011, 290.

1395

Van Pruissen 2011, 290.

185

5. 7. 1 r u r a l c u lt p lac e s Other indications for religious activities in the research area are the rural cult places in the Cananefatian region, presented by Van Zoolingen.1396 These most often comprise square, rectangular, or U-shaped encirling ditches. Fibulae are regularly found at these encircling ditches, as well as handmade pots fragmented in large pieces.Yet, the interpretation of these structures as cult places is not without debate. For instance, it is not clear in the case of this cult place in Midden-Delfland (MD 21.15), discussed by Van Zoolingen, whether it is a U-shaped ditch or a part of a house plan.1397 The lack of clarity is also caused by the way the features are described, as the excavator strongly stated that it was just a U-shaped ditch.1398 However, in an illustration in the same publication, a house plan is in fact reconstructed at the spot of the U-shaped ditch.1399 In view of the size of the structure and the degree of conservation of the site, it is likely indeed that we are dealing here with a structure consistent with a house plan and not with an isolated U-shaped ditch. At the Lozerlaan in The Hague, a bronze jug was found in the vicinity of a square ditch that was interpreted as a cult place.1400 However, the jug originates from the intersection of two ditches and not from the square ditch itself. It can therefore not be excluded that the jug represents an isolated offering. In view of the presence of all kinds of other metal finds and metal slags near the jug,1401 it is possible that this deposition is the result of dumping activities of a smith. Although the occurrence of handmade pots fragmented in large pieces in the vicinity of the square ditch of the Lozerlaan is remarkable, the phenomenon does have parallels in ‘normal’ settlement contexts (fig. 5.22).1402 Such dumps can also be interpreted as so-called primary dumps of pottery, simply because the ditch was situated near the entrance of a house. Soon after falling to pieces, the pottery was deposited in the ditch, as a result of which the degree of fragmentation is rather low. The pottery that was found in the Lozerlaan was not in the square ditch interpreted as a cult place but in a nearby ditch. Overall, there is no clear relationship between the finds from the ditches surrounding the square enclosure and the cult place itself. Moreover, the square ditch at the Lozerlaan has no parallels in the surrounding area. The parallel mentioned by Van Zoolingen, the square ditch at the site of Den Haag-Hoge Veld, can be dated only to the Middle Ages on the basis of its fill, finds, and the stratigraphy.1403 The square ditch at the Lozerlaan can therefore not be interpreted unambiguously as cult place. It is however a structure for which there are no parallels. A configuration of ditches were excavated in 2008 at the settlement of Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan that can be interpreted as a cult place on the basis of the finds.1404 The use of this cult place falls in a period in which there evidently was no habitation at this part of the settlement, raising the assumption that the site gained a different meaning.1405 Possibly this structure is comparable to the one at Leidschendam-Leeuwenbergh, where a U-shaped ditch on a separate yard was interpreted as cult place.1406 However, there are some objections to this interpretation (see section 5.3.3). In all, these are the two locations where the presence of a cult place can be assumed. Which rituals were carried out on the (possible) cult places or which deities were worshipped is not clear.

1396

Van Zoolingen 2011.

1397

Van Zoolingen 2011, 14, figure 5D;Van Zoolingen 2011, 21.

15-17. 1401

Van Zoolingen 2011, 17.

1402

Bakx 2013, 51.

1398

1403

1399

1404

1400

1405

Van Londen 2006a, 134-136. Van Londen 2006a, 184, fig. 121, bottom. Van Zoolingen (ed.) 2010, 95-96; Van Zoolingen 2011,

186

Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 138-139. Bakx 2013, 49-54. Bakx 2013, 67.

Fig. 5.22. Primary dump of handmade pots fragmented in large pieces in a settlement context (Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan; photo by the author).

5. 7. 2 d e p o s i t i o n s Besides cult places, Van Zoolingen also identified places with isolated depositions.1407 These are divided into house offerings and depositions of animal skeletons and/or pottery and metal. House offerings, which can possibly be seen as construction or indeed as abandonment offerings, have been found at various settlements. It often concerns handmade miniature pottery, like at Den Haag-Hoge Veld.1408 Apart from miniature pottery, standard-sized vessels also are found, such as a handmade pot in a post hole of a house on the settlement of Harnaschpolder-Zuid (fig. 5.23), and a coarseware bowl from Rijswijk-De Bult (see also section 5.3.3). In the northern wall ditch of a house on one of the rural settlements, an iron plow share was recovered.1409 Other isolated depositions occur in pits and ditches in and around the settlements. A noticeable group of depositions involves the burial of animal remains. In the review of depositions of animal remains and skeletons in the Dutch river area published by Groot, she clearly states that

1406

1408

1407

1409

Wiepking 1997, 40-42. Van Zoolingen 2011, 21-24.

Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 238-239, fig. 6.15. Van Londen 2006a, 36.

187

0

5 cm

Fig. 5.23. Handmade pot, found in a post hole of a house at the settlement of Harnaschpolder-Zuid. Driesen and De Winter 2006, 245, fig. 4.3.2-14.

there are different types of animal burials.1410 These can be the burial of complete animals, the depositon of skulls (whether or not with lower jaws and (lower) limbs in anatomical order), or mixed up animal remains. There are also combinations of animal remains in anatomical order together with isolated skeleton parts. Although it is not always clear whether a certain ritual is behind the deposition of animal remains, in a number of cases it can be assumed that we are dealing with a recurring pattern.1411 In the research area there is evidence for the deposition of (parts of) animals, such as a cow, horse, sheep/goat, pig, and dog.1412 The depositions of some animal remains in the latest features at some settlements, it has been assumed that these are abandonment offerings, when the site was abandoned for the final time.1413 A remarkable deposition was found in the settlement of Woudselaan in the Harnaschpolder near Delft: here a skeleton of a dog was covered with 79 loom weights (fig. 5.25).1414

1410

307-311; Van Dijk 2011, 304-306; Van Dijk 2012, 171-

Groot 2009, 56-59.

1411

Groot 2009, 77.

1412

172; Bakx 2013, 58-61.

Bloemers 1978, 219; fig. 5.24; Van Dijk 2006, 281-282;

1413

Groot 2007, 84-86; Groot 2008, 184-188; Nieweg 2009,

1414

188

Nieweg 2009, 310. Bakx 2013, 60-61.

Fig. 5.24. Animal burials at the settlement of Den Haag-Hoge Veld; after Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 307-309. The find material associated with the animal burials is not necessarily part of the deposition process of these animals.

Other kinds of depositions consist of pottery, metal objects, or a string of beads, like in the settlement of Den Haag-Uithofslaan.1415 In Rotterdam and Schiedam-Polderweg, shield bosses were deposited in active watercourses.1416 And finally, at various settlements, fragments of terracotta figurines occur, that mainly represent goddesses from the Roman pantheon, like mother goddesses, Juno/Fortuna, and Venus (table 5.8). This corresponds with the distribution of the terracotta figurines from the civitas Tungrorum.1417 Probably, these figurines played a sacred role in a rural context just as they did in a the private sphere, in which they were placed on house altars.1418

1415

1417

1416

1418

Vanderhoeven 2011, 297.  Carmiggelt/Guiran 1997, 86-87, fig. 15; Van Londen

De Beenhouwer 2014, 124. Siemons/Bulten (eds.) 2014, 434.

1996, 17; 21.

189

Site

Representation

Den Haag-Erasmusweg

Mother goddess

Den Haag-Nikkelwerf

Mother goddess

Den Haag-Nikkelwerf

Horse

Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan

Unknown

Rijswijk-De Bult

Human figure or deity

Rijswijk-De Bult

Cockerel?

Rijswijk-De Bult

Pigeon?

Rijswijk-De Bult

Human figure or bust

Schipluiden-Woudse Polder

Unknown

Schiedam-Kethel

Horse

Den Haag-Wateringseveld WEL96

Mother goddess

Den Haag-Wateringseveld WEL96

Mother goddess

Den Haag-Wateringseveld WEL96

Probably goddess

Den Haag-Wateringseveld WEL96

Probably goddess

Den Haag-Wateringseveld WEL96

Probably goddess

Den Haag-Wateringseveld WEL96

Probably goddess

Den Haag-Wateringseveld VIS98

Unknown

Wateringen-Juliahof

Bust?

Wateringen-Juliahof

Unknown

Wateringen-Juliahof

Juno/Fortuna

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

Mask

Harnaschpolder-Noord

Venus/mother goddess

Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje

Venus

Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje

Human figure

Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje

Mask

Naaldwijk-Mars

Mask

Naaldwijk-Mars

Unknown

Delft-Crommelinlaan

Mask

Table 5.8. Terracotta figurines in a rural context in the research area.1419

1419

 Den Haag-Erasmusweg: Van Boekel 1985, 140. Den

Wateringen-Juliahof: Van der Meij/Reigersman-Van

Haag-Nikkelwerf: Van Zoolingen 2011, 46-47. Har-

Lith de Jeude 2009, 107-108. Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf:

naschpolder-Woudselaan: De Bruin 2013, 125-126.

De Bruin 2012a, 209. Harnaschpolder-Noord: Drie-

Rijswijk-De Bult: Van Boekel 1986, 93; 194; 208; 264.

sen et al. 2006, 146. Naaldwijk-’t Zand Heultje: Geerts

Schipluiden-Woudse Polder: Van Boekel 1993, 84-85.

2012, 87-88. Naaldwijk-Mars:Van Roemburg 2015, 104.

Schiedam-Kethel:Van Boekel 1986, 226. Den Haag-Wa-

Delft-Crommelinlaan: Bult 1996, 14-15.

teringseveld WEL96: Siemons/Bulten (eds) 2014, 434.

190

Fig. 5.25. Dog, covered with 79 loom weights, and several pottery and brick fragments, in the settlement of HarnaschpolderWoudselaan. Photo Archeologie Delft.

5. 7. 3 r e l i g i o n i n t h e r u r a l a r e a The main difference with other regions in the north-western part of the Roman Empire is the absence of temples or other cult buildings. Rural cult places are also rare. The research area is moreover the region with the least votive inscriptions in all of Germania inferior.1420 Ritual practices, such as the burying of animals and the deposition of pottery and metal objects point to individual ritual practices that were an integral part of domestic life. Also, the initial use or final abandonment of a homestead and settlement involved several ritual practices. This practice also is known across large parts of north-western Europe.1421 The terracotta figurines show that ancestral mothers were probably important. The only bronze statuette of a deity from the research area, depicts Isis, and was found in The Hague.1422 It could indicate the adoration of this originally Egyptian goddess, but this is far from certain as the statuette was found out of context. Moreover, a different meaning could have been attributed to the statuettes. The discovery of

1420

Derks 1998, 82, fig. 3.2.

1422

Brunsting 1964, 121-126.

1421

Nieuwhof 2015, 56.

191

an altar fragment at the Uithofslaan in The Hague indicates however that the gods were also worshipped through public dedications, and the fragment of a column found at this site strengthens the idea that a monumental cult building could in fact have been present in the countryside.

5. 8 d i tc h s y s t e m s, da m s, a n d c u lv e rt s Besides traces of rural settlements, indications have been found in the research area of division made to the landscape. Indications have also been found of active water management systems. In this section we will discuss the various elements of the land modification around the settlements.

5.8.1 ditch systems Outside the rural settlements, ditch systems were found that divided the land or drained it. At the start of systematic archaeological study in the research area in 1967-1969, additional research was carried out into ditches outside the settlement.1423 By digging long trenches with the help of a mechanical digger it was possible to map the development and extent of the ditches. By digging extra trenches it was possible to also excavate important intersections of the various ditches. Research into these ditch systems was followed up by Van Londen, who published extensively on this subject.1424 This methodology was also applied in the later excavations in the Harnaschpolder, where important insights were gained into the scale and nature of the ditch systems.1425 The research demonstrated that almost the entire south-western marine-clay area was organised by means of ditches. Development of the ditch system Narrow, twisting and shallow depressions have been found in many excavations which are probably the remains of small creeks. These would have been open still at the beginning of the habitation. In addition, residual gullies were identified in the area that would have provided drainage. In the first instance ditches seem to have been dug in and around the settlements only to supplement the natural drainage of the area. The deepening of the residual gullies also belongs to this first phase. In this period, the farmyards were probably (partially) enclosed by fences made by rows of wooden stakes.1426 In a few cases there were also yard ditches, like at the sites of Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan, Den Haag-Uithofslaan, and Den Haag-Wateringsveld.1427 A large-scale ditch or allotment system was constructed from the middle of the 2nd century, although Bakx and Goossens propose an earlier date, from 120/125, whereby they leave room for the construction of the system in the subsequent decades.1428 Siemons proposes a date ‘sometime’ in the first half of the 2nd century.1429 The ditches of this sytem are in general rather wide and deep and form elongated strips.1430 Transverse ditches were dug near the settlements, so that the settlements were framed into square or rectanguar blocks.1431 Existing settlements were incorporated into this large-scale system. It is therefore quite possible that the system came into existence in consultation with the rural community. Transverse

1423

1428

1424

1429

1425

Bakx 2011, 2013; Goossens 2006.

1430

Pavlović (ed.) 2011, 362.

1431

Bloemers 1978, 234-238. Van Londen 2001, 2006a, 2006b, 2008.

1426

 Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 361-362; Pavlović (ed.) 2011,

1427

366-370; Bakx 2013, 40.

192

Goossens 2006, 425-429; Bakx 2013, 40. Siemons 2014b, 333. Siemons 2014b, 331.  Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 365-369; Pavlović (ed.) 2011, 370-372; Bakx 2013, 40-41.

0

500 m

Fig. 5.26. Overview of the land allotment in the vicinity of the Harnaschpolder and Rijswijk. Legend: Indicated in dark green are levees, light green are flood basins, and brown are the peat areas. Dark blue lines are ditches (partially reconstructed) and red polygons are rural settlements. The most northern settlement is Rijswijk-De Bult. Data for this image was provided by J.P. Bakx.

193

ditches were also dug outside the settlements, but it is not clear whether these were constructed at the same time or if they are later adjustments and/or subdivisions of the strips. In the vicinity of the Harnaschpolder, Rijswijk, and in the Wateringse Veld in The Hague, the ditches of the allotment system can be followed for many hundreds of meters, with them having a very straight course (fig. 5.26). Both in The Hague and in Rijswijk/Midden-Delfland, the allotment seems to extend to the course of the Corbulo Canal and the road between Voorburg and Naaldwijk,1432 and was possibly plotted from these major features. The orientation of the system is not the same everywhere. It seems to have adapted partially to the landscape situation, whereby old residual gullies and natural depressions did not determine the direction, but the ditches partially followed the natural drainage of the area. For example, the system ‘tilts’ near the settlement of Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan. The ditch system seems to have been used into the first half of the 3rd century. The ditch system in the surroundings of the Roman road and in the vicinity of The Hague closely resemble each other; the systems in the direction of the lower-lying flood plains deviate from each other, like in the Abtswoudse Polder, south of Delft.1433 This can possibly be explained by the fact that the drainage in the surroundings of the flood plains had to be carried out in a different way. It is however also possible that the large-scale subdivision of the land was mainly limited to the good, higher-lying soils and that the smaller systems were simply a continuation of the large system. In this case, the land division was mainly directed at the opening up of the best soils. The areas outside it were perhaps organised by the local population itself, whereby drainage of water was the primary aim. These local systems had to be linked properly to the large system, as the drainage of the larger system otherwise would not be guaranteed. Because of this, it may seem like there was one large regional system, whereas there were in fact two different systems. System of measurement In her PhD thesis Heleen van Londen attempted to demonstrate that there is a regional system of land division and that the ditch systems were organized according to the geometric principle of the Golden Section. She applied this measurement ratio to some settlement ditches and ditch systems outside the settlements.1434 As the Golden Section is a measurement ratio that was applied mainly to military camps, Van Londen presumes that the Roman army was responsible for the design of the ditch system. The construction of the ditch system could also be related to the development of the Roman town in Voorburg. The local population later extended the system.1435 The use of the Golden Section can however not be demonstrated for the entire region.1436 Moreover, this geometric principle cannot be applied to ditch systems in the central Dutch River area.1437 On closer consideration, both Heeren and Vos reach the conclusion that the Golden Section was not used as system of measurement for the ditch system; instead it was based on the actus, a longitudinal measurement of 35.5 meters, that was often used by surveyors in Roman times.1438 Van Londen also recognised the use of the actus as a unit of measurement in a study of the landscape in the Harnaschpolder. She applied this measurement also to other sites investigated in the research area, yet without abandoning completely the model of the Golden Section.1439 Also with the settlements of Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan, Den Haag-Uithofslaan, and Den HaagHoge Veld is it assumed that the actus was used to divide the area.1440 The actus was also used as the basis for

1432

Dorenbos et al. 2009, 119, fig. 9; Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 367-368.

1437

Heeren 2009, 219; Vos 2009, 102.

1438

Van Londen 2008, 197; Heeren 2009, 217, 245-246; Vos

1433

Van Londen 2006a, 75-81.

2009, 115.

1434

1439

1435

1440

Van Londen 2006a, 186-221. Van Londen 2006a, 220.

1436

Heeren 2009, 218-219.

194

Van Londen 2008, 210-212.  Siemons/Laan 2009, 118-120; Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 367; Pavlović (ed.) 2011, 370-372; Bakx 2013, 40-41.

plotting the ditch system elsewhere in the Wateringseveld.1441 The use of the actus was however nowhere imperative but was applied flexibly to “... take into consideration as much as possible the natural levees and residual ditches within the system and to use optimally the natural watercourses present.”1442 This observation explains the deviations in the orientation of the system. Another important observation is that the surveyors who plotted the system had detailed knowledge of the terrain. It is natural to assume that they obtained their information from the local population. These local groups were also responsible for the maintenance of the system and where necessary they extended and adapted it. Functions Prior to the construction of the ditch system, the higher parts of the natural levees were usually not used for habitation. These terrains were possibly first kept free for arable farming purposes. In the course of the second century, habitation does move in the direction of these higher parts.1443 This may be a result of the construction of the ditch system, which enlarged the area available for arable farming by better draining the land. The ground water under the levees was also lowered, making it possible to cultivate other cereal species than before. That the flow of the water in the ditches was very important is shown by the construction of a wooden culvert in the ditch of the Roman road in Den Haag-Wateringse Veld; this ditch linked up with the ditches in the land surrounding it.1444 Also the presence of bridges in the Harnaschpolder near Delft and in Den Haag-Wateringseveld point to the importance of keeping the ditch system open.1445 Near the Harnaschpolder-Zuid settlement, a part of a levee that was located within the ditch system was subdivided into strips by narrow ditches; this area was probably used for arable farming.The relatively shallow ditches of this area were not required for keeping livestock, as the animals could also be put out to pasture in a moist or wet landscape.1446 An extra indication that we are dealing with arable farming in the case of the Harnaschpolder is shown by pollen studies, which indicate that barley, oat, and wheat were cultivated here.1447 All the same, the drainage of the area would have made more backswamps suitable for keeping livestock. Parallel ditches occur in many places in the ditch systems, and were first interpreted by researchers as roads or paths.1448 However, it is more likely to see these double ditches as marked out cattle drifts (see sections 4.1.4, 4.1.5, and 5.9.4). An increase in the number of cattle due to this system could have led to an extension in the stable parts of the houses in the research area in the second half of the 2nd century.1449 Drainage and the concomitant larger availability of (arable) land was an important motive for constructing the ditch systems. Another important reason for subdividing the territory where the local population lived could be connected with the desire to inscribe these farmlands in Roman records.1450 An indication for this is the supposed involvement of offical surveyors during the plotting of the system, as the length and intervening distances of many ditches can be converted into round numbers of the actus. The actual construction can however have been carried out by the local population. If the dimensions and the ownerships of the farmlands were actually recorded by the Roman administration, this information could have been used for levying taxes.The allotment was possibly also carried out in the framework of restructuring the territory in the civitas of the Cananefates.

1441

Siemons 2014b, 333-336.

1446

1442

Pavlović (ed.) 2011, 372.

1447

1443

1448

1444

1449

Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 352; Bakx 2013, 304. Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 368.

Kooistra 2006, 416. Kooistra 2006, 416. Van Londen 2006a, 75-76. Kodde 2007, 44; Siemons/Laan 2009, 50.

1445

Goossens 2006, 206-207; Siemons 2014b, 333; 337-338.

195

Summary The large ditch systems that were marked out in the research area around the middle of the 2nd century seem to have been planned more or less centrally. There is no evidence for the use of the Golden Section as a system of measurement when plotting the ditches. The actual system was possibly established from the Roman road and/or the Corbulo Canal. The system of measurement used was most likely the actus, which implies the involvement of professional surveyors. The fexible use of this unit of measurement and the fact that the orientation of the system changed regularly, points to an adaptation to local circumstances, which probably involved the knowledge of the local population. Possibly at first only arable lands were included in the system. The extensions of the system may have been carried out by the local population, whereby also less arably productive land could be drained. The reasons for the construction of the ditch systems were probably drainage and the concomitant availability of agricultural land. With these measures the area also became more suitable for grazing. The double ditches in the ditch systems may have been cattle drifts; an increase in livestock seems to be reflected in the ever increasing size of houses and thus larger stables in the second half of the 2nd century. The (compulsory?) recording in the Roman land registers for the sake of levying taxes or restructuring of the area may also have been reason for the construction of the ditch systems. Ditch systems have also been found in other areas in the surroundings of the Cananefatian civitas. For instance, Stijn Heeren mentions ditch systems in Tiel-Passewaaij and Wijk bij Duurstede-De Horden, but also in the Hambach area in Germany.1451 It is noticeable that the dates of the construction of all the ditch sysems can be placed around the middle of the 2nd century, though individual dates may in reality have been a few decades apart.1452 This could point to a supra-regional framework that would have resulted in the construction of the ditches, whereby the actual completion of the ditches would not be simultaneous.1453 The aim of the construction of the ditch systems could have been to enable the registration of land surface area, land ownership, and the number of inhabitants of a certain region, whereby the division of the land “... has changed thoroughly the face and perception of the entire countryside.”1454 It is possible that the (re)division of the land is also linked to the granting of certain rights to cities, like the municipium elevation of the settlement in Voorburg (section 4.2.3). A Roman land division can after all occur around cities of this status and it is not reserved for coloniae.1455

5. 8 . 2 da m s a n d c u lv e rt s The large ditch system drained into different natural water courses which then discharged into the large rivers like the Lower Rhine and the Meuse. Indications have been found in various places that the local population took measures to control the discharge of water from the hinterland and in particular to regulate the influence of external water. In a creek in Vlaardingen, six dams were found that partly succeeded each other and that date between 70 and 175.1456 The dams moved (as it were) in the direction of the Helinium. Only one dam was meant to block a branch of the creek, and the other dams all contained culverts. Culverts “... were wooden tubes made of hollowed-out tree trunks. They are lying in a dam or dike and connect two bodies of water. They sometimes functioned as sluices: with high outside water, they were closed off and as such played a role in regulating the water level.”1457

1450

1454

1451

1455

1452

1456

1453

1457

Heeren 2009, 249-250. Heeren 2009, 246-247. Heeren 2009, 247. Heeren 2009, 247.

196

Heeren 2009, 250. Bonnie 2009, 5. De Ridder 1999/2003, 10-16. Ter Brugge 2002, 63.

Fig. 5.27. Types of culverts (after Ter Brugge 2002, 65-66, Afb. 3). It concerns a discharge culvert, placed in a dam in a gully (1), or ditch (2). Culverts can also have been used as connecting culvert (3).

Two kinds of culverts can be distinguished depending on their function, namely the discharge culvert and the connecting culvert (fig. 5.27).1458 At the side of the “outside” water (often the river), the tube of the discharge culvert was provided with a wooden valve that opened outwards. When the water on the outside of the dam became higher, the water pressure closed the valve, with the result that the water could not flow under the dam in the direction of the hinterland. When the water was lower on the outside of the dike, then the inside water (the creek draining into the river) pushed the valve open and this water could flow in the direction of the water with a lower level (fig. 5.28). The connecting culvert was a wooden tube that had not been provided with a valve. These culverts often only served to conduct the water underneath a dam that had been built to improve the accessibility. This kind of culvert did not have a damming function but functioned as a kind of ‘bridge’. It is possible that a number of connecting culverts were also discharge culverts, as the culverts could easily be closed off with a wooden valve. Culverts have been found in particular along the banks of the Helinium and the Hollandsche IJssel (table 5.9). Exceptions are the connecting culvert excavated in the ditch of the Roman road in the Wateringseveld in The Hague, and a discharge culvert excavated next to the rural settlement on the Marktveld in Valkenburg, along the Lower Rhine (see section 3.5). By constructing dams with culverts, a stable level was created in the creeks compared to the fluctuating water levels in the rivers. This way, the local population actively interfered in the natural water balance of the wider area. The natural balance was disturbed between the water flowing in and out, and more water disappeared from the hinterland than flowed in. Thus, the clay-on-peat areas were drained, for instance in the vicinity of Schiedam, which resulted in the oxidation of the peat. As a consequence the peat subsided and the surface level dropped, resulting in the groundwater level rising much nearer to the surface. This was possibly the main cause for the disappearance of the habitation in this region at the beginning of the 3rd century (see section 5.5.1).

5 . 8 . 3 c u l t i vat i o n a n d wat e r c o n t r o l The digging of ditches in the research area aided in redistributing land and helped to drain the wider landscape. Lower-lying flood basins were thus made suitable for grazing, and the higher-lying natural levees could also be used for arable farming. The discharge of water was regulated by means of dams and culverts along the banks of the large rivers. These measures point to the desire to manage the natural hydrology of the area and they show that water control was an essential part of daily life in the region. However, these interventions in the landscape did in the long run lead to other parts of the area becoming increasingly wet, which as a result became unsuited to habitabion. 1458

Ter Brugge 2002, 65-66.

197

Location

Culvert type

Re-used wood

Date

Literature

Vlaardingen-Hoogstad I

Discharge culvert

No

75-125

Ter Brugge 2002, 72-79

Vlaardingen-Hoogstad II

Discharge culvert (probably)

No

75-125

Ter Brugge 2002, 72-79

Vlaardingen-Hoogstad III

Discharge culvert (probably)

Yes, one half is a treetrunk boat

75-125 (?)

Ter Brugge 2002, 72-79

Schiedam-Westabtspolder

Discharge culvert

No

0-200

Ter Brugge 2002, 72-79

Capelle aan den IJssel I

Discharge culvert

No

After 150 (?)

Jacobs and Pavlovic 2001

Capelle aan den IJssel II

Unknown

No

After 150 (?)

Jacobs and Pavlovic 2001

Capelle aan den IJssel III

Unknown

No

After 150 (?)

Jacobs and Pavlovic 2001

Den Haag-Wateringseveld

Connecting culvert

No

151-250

Ter Brugge 2002, 72-79

Valkenburg-Marktveld

Discharge culvert

No

150-250

Ter Brugge 2002, 72-79

Table 5.9. Culverts in the research area.

5.9 the rural economy This section discusses the ways in which agriculture was practised in the region and which other economic activities were practiced. This range of activities comprises mixed farming, in which arable farming, horticulture, keeping cattle, and incidental hunting and fishing played a role. There are many similarities in these activities between the various settlements. Apart from yields from their own agriculture, there was some (modest) importing of foodstuffs. Other activities also took place in the settlements, such as craft activities and salt refining.

5 . 9 . 1 . a r a b l e f a r m i n g There is evidence in several parts of the research area that plots of land in the ditch system were used as arable land, like in Rijswijk-De Bult and in the Harnaschpolder near Delft.1459 The plow share that was found as a house offering,1460 shows that agricultural fields were present in the area and indicates the importance of agriculture to the inhabitants of the region. It is unclear how widespread arable farming was in the research area, but it is likely that not all plots in the ditch system were equally suitable for growing crops. The most important source of flour at the the rural settlements was barley. Seeds and pollen analysis showed that this crop was grown locally.1461 Barley thrives at slightly higher lying salt marshes and natural levees. Other kinds of grain, like emmer wheat, spelt, and bread wheat, were largely imported. Incidental attempts were made to grow spelt, which were not ultimately successful.1462 Oats probably grew as weeds on the fields.1463 Rye has only been found at three sites and therefore arrived at the settlements as field weeds mixed in with other kinds of grain. It was not imported or grown locally. Other crops that were been grown in the fields are oil-producers. Of these, linseed/flax occurs in par1459

 Groenman-Van Waateringe 1978, 455; Kooistra 2006, 418.

1460

Van Londen 2006a, 36.

1461

Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 163-164.

198

1462

Kooistra 2006, 421-422.

1463

Hänninen/Van der Linden 2011, 350; Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 164.

Fig. 5.28. Discharge culvert in Valkenburg-Marktveld. Also visible is the valve on the side of the “outside” water. Photos Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands/E.J. Bult.

ticular. Flax could also be used as the raw material for textiles. Other oleaginous crops that were grown are gold-of-pleasure, charlock mustard, poppy seed, hemp, rape seed, and black mustard.1464

5. 9. 2 h o rt i c u lt u r e A regularly recurring pattern on the settlements are ditch systems, consisting of rather narrow ditches, which are interpreted as evidence of vegetable gardens. A number of these features were compared and although there are clear differences, in particular the vegetable gardens from Den Haag-Uithofslaan and Wateringen-Juliahof are closely comparable (fig. 5.29).1465 At these locations, narrow ditches lie parallel to each other, thus forming a kind of elongated ‘bed’ on which plants could be grown. A pit was always found near to the vegetable gardens, which can be interpreted as water pit, or a shallow well to obtain water for the plants.The use of vegetable gardens has also been attested by means of botanical research.1466 Fruit was grown in the vegetable gardens, such as common dogwood and possibly also apples and pears. Other fruit, like elderberry, blackberry, and wild strawberry also occurred in the wild but may also have been grown in the gardens. Melon, grapes and figs were imported. Of the cultivated vegetables in particular the faba/field bean is well represented. This legume served as a basic food, similar to grain.1467 Celtic bean, lentils, celery, beet, carrot, and lamb’s lettuce could also be grown in the vegetable gardens, although celery, beet, and carrot may also have been collected in the wild.1468 The edible parts of vegetables and garden herbs are often not preserved in the soil and they are morphologically difficult to distinguish, with the result that their role in local diet has often been underestimated; it is not known which ‘wild’ crops were eaten or to what degree.1469 Hazelnuts and sloe were collected in the wild, and in the beach ridge area also blackberry, berries of the elder and buckthorn could be picked.1470 A walnut found in Den Haag-Hoge Veld, was only introduced in Roman times and was possibly imported.1471 On the 1464

1468

1465

1469

1466

1470

1467

1471

Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 165. Van der Mijle Meijer 2014, 28-31, fig. 3.13. Kooistra 2006, 413; Brinkkemper et al. 2009, 345. Kooistra 2006, 408.

Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 165. Kooistra 2006, 408. Van Beurden et al. 2015, 375. Brinkkemper et al. 2009, 325-326.

199

0

5m

Fig. 5.29. Vegetable gardens. Dark gray are ditches that are part of the vegetable gardens, light gray are other features such as ditches and pits (after Van der Mijle Meijer 2014, 28-31, fig. 3.13).

basis of pollen analyses, a walnut tree was growing in the surroundings of Harnaschpolder-Zuid.1472 Herbs were grown in the kitchen gardens, with coriander probably also being imported in first instance; in addition, dill and cress occur.1473 Kitchen gardens may have played an important part in supplementing the diet of the inhabitants, in lowering the risk of food shortages due to crop failures, but also in the rural economies where products like fruits, nuts and herbs represented a certain value.1474 Archaeobotanical research demonstrates that the period after the incorporation of north-western Europe into the Roman Empire is characterised by an increase in the diversity of crops.1475 There was probably a market for this diversity in this period.

5.9.3 wood Archaeobotanical research has shown that the landscape in the research area consisted of an alternation of open forests and groves of trees that mainly occurred on the levees.1476 These resembled the landscape of some modern parks , with trees like alder, common ash, hazel, oak, willow, birch and apple.1477 On the beach ridges, there also grew closed deciduous forests, with trees like beech and shrubs such as holly.1478 From the woods situated on the levees it was possible to obtain construction wood: especially ash was used. In those places where parts of the wooden building materials have been preserved, it is possible to get some insight into the method of collecting the wood. In Schiedam-Polderweg, it was noticeable that the ash posts of the youngest farm building all had almost comparable diameters, leading to the assumption that the builders of the house had access to a special production forest.1479 The wood construction of the well dating from 247 in the Harnaschpolder shows that ash trees were still available and that they were between 90 and 200 years old when they were felled.1480 Evidently the inhabitants of the area had production forests at their disposal where trees were grown that were specifically meant for building houses and other constrctions. These woods would have mainly consisted of ash, as the retrieved wooden central posts of farm buildings were almost all executed in ash. Alder wood was mostly used as firewood.1481 1472

1477

1473

1478

1474

1479

1475

1480

Kooistra 2006, 408. Van Beurden 2013, 269. Van Driel-Murray 2008, 88-89. Van der Veen 2008, 83-110; Van der Veen et al. 2008, 11-36; Bakels 2014, 105.

1476

Verbruggen/Brijker 2012, 162-163.

200

Kooistra 2014a, 42. Kooistra 2014a, 45. Van Londen 1996, 15. Kooistra 2006, 417.

1481

Brinkkemper et al. 2009, 340-342.

Fig. 5.30. Wooden barrel, re-used as lining of a well in the settlement of Harnaschpolder-Zuid, seen during the excavation. Photo J. Zorgman.

Hardly any building wood was imported into the rural settlements. Parts of wooden wine barrels, which were re-used to line some of the wells, occur in several rural settlements.1482 Although one of the excavated barrels was made of oak, these barrels generally were made of silver fir, a kind of tree that grew in the upper reaches of the Rhine, Bavaria, the Danube countries, and the French Pyrenees.1483 The barrels were probably filled with wine and shipped northwards. To make them impermeable, the barrels were coated with wood tar made of the bark of coniferous trees.1484 Marks and graffiti are found often on these barrels. It is unlikely that the barrels arrived filled at the settlements, rather they were empty when obtained.1485 They could be used for a variety of purposes, such as collection vat for rain water, or perhaps for brewing beer.1486 Apart from barrels, combs made of box wood were imported, which originated in south-western Europe.1487 One specimen is known from Harnaschpolder-Noord.1488 A birch wood comb was found in Vlaardingen, with lice found between the teeth: this is the oldest such specimen known in the Netherlands.1489 And finally, a comb was also found in Schiedam-Polderweg, made from an unknown wood

1482

 Bloemers 1978, 208-215; Hänninen/Van der Linden

1484

2011, 345, 350; Van Rijn 2006b, 289-294; Wiepking

1485

1997, 74; Fig. 5.30. Moreover, on the basis of the profile

1486

in the excavation trench, well 8004 in Den Haag-Uithof-

1487

slaan also was lined with a barrel (Van Zoolingen 2011,

1488

113).

1489

Van Rijn 2006b, 294. Goossens 2006, 434. Van Driel-Murray 2008, 89. Kooistra 2006, 414. Van Rijn 2006a, 172-173. Schelvis 2003, 29-31.

1483

Kooistra 1993, 111; Van Rijn 2006b, 294.

201

0

5 cm

Fig. 5.31. Front- and backside of a wooden writing tablet, found in the settlement of Naaldwijk-Mars. Image after Leijnse 2015b, 189, fig. 62b.

species.1490 Other wooden objects that were probably brought in from elsewhere are wooden writing tablets, fragments of which have been found in Midden-Delfland (MD 21.23), Schiedam-Polderweg, and Naaldwijk-Mars (fig. 5.31).1491 Other known wooden objects are large spoons, found at Den HaagHoge Veld (made of field maple), and at Rotterdam-Kandelaarweg (made of alder),1492 and a possible plate (made of oak).1493 The objects were made locally, like the ash steps that were found in a well on the settlement of Den Haag-Uithofslaan.1494 Likely, reed collection for roofing and basketry took place (section 5.5.1), as well as hurdle making from coppiced woods.

1490

This comb was found by the author in the early 1990s

identification was executed by E. van Hees BA (Leiden

during the excavation of this site. It is not known where the object is now. 1491

 The writing tablets have the following object num-

University, Faculty of Archaeology). 1492

Brinkkemper et al. 2012, 338-33.

1493

Brinkkemper/Vermeeren 2012, 452-453. The plate was found in Naaldwijk and has a dendrochronological termi-

bers: MD 21.23, OB97H2541; Schiedam-Polderweg,

nus post quem dating of 209.

SP95H113; Naaldwijk-Mars: find number 201. The wood species could only be determined for the Naaldwijk specimen: namely silver fir (cf. Abies alba). The

202

1494

Hänninen/Van der Linden 2011, 343-345.

5. 9. 4 a n i m a l h u s ba n d ry Livestock was kept on almost all rural settlements in the research area. This can be inferred from the houses that nearly all have a stable. Cattle pens also occur on rural settlements and large quantities of animal bones have been found. It is also possible that the double ditches in the allotment system can be interpreted as cattle drifts (sections 4.1.4, 4.1.5, and 5.8.1). Most important were cattle that were kept for both meat and milk production. Besides, the cattle could provide traction for agricultural or other work.1495 Meat was probably the most important product of the cattle. It is possible that part of the cattle was transported on the hoof to be sold elsewhere, but this requires further research.1496 Cattle shoulder blades with a secondary hole have been retrieved from a few sites; the shoulders were possibly dried or smoked.1497 In the port of the Roman town in Voorburg, the majority of the shoulder blades of cattle had such a secondary hole; some of these shoulder blades also preserved traces of heating,1498 indicating local smoking of shoulder blades. It is possible that these shoulder blades were traded as a local speciality with the rural settlements. However, the smoking could also have taken place in the rural settlements, although there are no direct indications of this. Besides meat (products), the animals also yielded hides, as is shown by cut marks on lower legs and an underrepresentation of horn-cores and phalanxes at the site of Den Haag-Uithofslaan; the hides were probably worked at a different location, for instance into leather.1499 The cattle probably also produced horn, manure, and possibly also glue. Manure has been found in excavations, like Schiedam-Polderweg, in the stables of the buildings and in the raised layers of the farmyard; whether the manure was also spread over the soil as fertilzer is not known. Horn objects have not been found in the research area, probably because the material is not preserved. Indications of glue production, from bones for instance, are also not known. Apart from cattle, sheep and/or goats were also important in the research area. In particular sheep were most common, as is shown in the analysis of the bone material of the settlement at Den HaagUithofslaan.1500 Archaeozoological research indicates that sheep were mainly kept for their meat.1501 Only in a few places can wool production be assumed.1502 Horse, pig, and chicken occur less frequently. Horses were also eaten in a few sites, but there are also sites where no butchering marks have been found on equine bones.1503 For instance, the skeleton of a mare from the settlement Poeldijk- site B has no butchering marks.1504 Horses were probably used as beasts of burden, riding animals, or as draught animals.1505 An indirect indication of their use as riding animal is the occurrence of horse gear at sites in the research area.1506 There are no clear indications of horse breeding. Pigs were kept at several settlements.1507 It is possible that the pigs were sold as almost no bones of adult pigs have been found in most sites. Chickens, which were introduced into the area in the Roman period, were kept at a few settlements.1508 Bones of dogs have been found at almost all sites. After death, they were often buried respectably, which indicates that these animals had an important position at the settlements. Cats as pets are not represented.1509

5.9.5 fishing In general, fish remains have not been found in rural sites, in contrast to the Roman military sites and to the urban settlement in Voorburg. This may be due to the research strategy: at many excavations only a few contexts get sieved and thus the usually small fragments of fish bones can easily be missed. On the other hand, no fish remains were found at the site of Hoge Veld in The Hague, where many soil samples were sieved over a small mesh width.1510 At the site of Den Haag-Uithofslaan, the osteological material 1495

1498

1496

1499

1497

1500

Van Dijk 2011, 324-325. Van Dijk 2011, 325. Nieweg 2009, 304; Van der Jagt 2013, 201.

Cavallo/Slopsma 2014, 747-748. Van Dijk 2011, 323. Van Dijk 2011, 303.

203

was collected by hand; only four fragments of sturgeon gill were found, which probably originate from the same sturgeon.1511 At the site of Wateringen-Juliahof, a rib fragment of a cypriniform was found; also here the material was mainly collected by hand.1512 The settlement of ’t Zandheultje in Naaldwijk preserved only isolated fragments of sturgeon, eel, and bream.1513 That fishing did in fact take place is shown by the occurrence in Naaldwijk of two fishing-net repair needles. However, such nets could also have been used for catching waterfowl, birds, or fur-bearing animals. The first fishing-net repair needle was found during the excavation of 2004.1514 The second specimen was found in a 3rd century context in 2007 (fig. 5.32).1515 At the site of Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf, in addition to fishing-net repair needles also four lead fishing-net sinkers were found.1516 Another six emerged from the excavations of 2007 and 2008. Evidently, the settlement in Naaldwijk played a role in the catching of fish. This is not surprising in view of the location of the site, beside the mouth of the Helinium. Four other lead fishing-net sinkers were found at Poeldijk-Westhof site B.1517 Fish traps are not known from rural areas, in contrast to the three fish traps and two fish tanks found in the military zone at the Marktveld in Valkenburg. Although fish remains have not been found at many sites, the lead fishing-net sinkers and fishing-net repair needles do point to some rural fishing activities.Whether fish was consumed on a large scale on rural settlements remains unknown. As far as the shells are concerned, it can be stated “... that the oysters and other molluscs are usually lacking in native Roman settlements.” 1518 However, at most sites there are a few shells, such as the mussel, the whelk, the cockle, the periwinkle, and the oyster. However, the numbers are quite small. In places where specific samples were taken for research on shells, the number is much larger, such as in Vlaardingen-Hoogstad 6.036,1519 and Naaldwijk-’t Zandheultje. 1520 The collection method is therefore one of the reasons that shells are poorly represented in such research. Other factors may be a different deposition pattern: shells were deposited in for example depressions in the landscape, which are not always excavated. Also the preservation conditions might play a role here. For example, at the site Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan it appeared that many mussel shells fell apart during excavation. Therefore, the number of mussels that was ultimately reported seems to be much smaller than was actually the case.1521 So, mussels regularly occur at the rural settlements in the research area. It is clear in any case that the consumption of molluscs was much more widespread than previously thought. It can therefore be recommended that a separate sample program for collecting shells in future excavations should be part of the excavation strategy.

5.9.6 hunting In addition to keeping animals, wild mammals and birds were hunted on a modest scale. Antler fragments of red deer and moose, but also other bones of these species were found at rural settlements.They indicate that these animals actually lived in the region.Yet, antler can also be imported. 1522 Other wild mammals present in the research area were roe deer, wild boar and gray seal, and animals like otter, beaver, fox, 1501

1512

1502

1513

1503

1514

1504

1515

1505

1516

1506

1517

1507

1518

1508

1519

1509

1520

1510

1521

1511

1522

Van der Jagt 2013, 203; Van Dijk 2011, 325. Van Dijk 2012, 175. Van Dijk 2011, 326. Groot 2007, 84. Van der Jagt 2013, 220. Van Roemburg 2011, 63-66. Van Dijk 2012, 175. Van Dijk 2011, 327. Groot 2007, 86. Nieweg 2009, 315. Van Dijk 2011, 315.

204

Van Dijk 2009, 156. Van Dijk 2012, 173. Van der Feijst 2008b, 139. De Bruin 2012b, 293. Dütting/Hoss 2014, 430, table 1. Van der Feijst 2007, 67; Dütting/Hoss 2014, 430, table 1; Kuijper et al. 2014, 831. Kuijper 2003, 16. Van Dijk 2012, 173. Kuijper 2013, 221-222. Rijkelijkhuizen 2012, 174-175.

0

5 cm

Fig. 5.32. Fishing-net repair needle, found at Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf. Photo Restaura BV.

wildcat, and ermine were probably caught for their fur.1523 Among the birds are various types of geese, common teal/garganey, mute swan, Dalmatian pelican, sea eagle and crane, which complemented the menu. 1524 How the animals were hunted is not immediately apparent from the finds on the settlements. In theory, spearheads, some of which have been found, may have been used for large game hunting. However, these objects may also have had alternative functions. Evidence for the use of bow and arrow are missing.The fishing-net repair needles discussed in the previous section could be used for the production of nets with which (water) birds and fur animals could be caught. In Vlaardingen a wooden boomerang has been found, which could have been used for hunting birds. 1525

5.9.7 surplus production The concept of surplus denotes the part of agricultural production that remains after a farm has deducted its own consumption and sowing seed for the next harvest. 1526 When defining possible surplus production on rural settlements, three different datasets can be used.1527 These are information about the settlements themselves and their surroundings, as well as botanical and archaeozoological data. In the absence of extensive information about the latter two, the archaeological features of the settlements and their immediate surroundings are mainly examined here. Where possible, use is made of available archaeo-botanical and -zoological reports.This section divides the surplus production into the surplus production of cereals and the surplus production of animal products. Surplus production of cereals Around the middle of the 2nd century, the research area was parcelled on a large scale (section 5.8.1). As a result, the area was better drained and more land was available for arable farming. At the site at Den Haag-Hoge Veld, for example, the available arable land was increased from 3 to 15-20 ha due to the allotment; this made it possible to produce a considerable surplus.1528 Whether all parcels within the allotment were used as a arable land is doubtful (see section 5.8.1). No large storage buildings were found at the Den Haag-Hoge Veld settlement.1529 This may have been caused by the fact that the farmyards of this site have not all been fully excavated. The surplus of cereals from Den Haag-Hoge Veld might also have been transferred to another settlement.1530 On the other hand, it is also possible that cattle were kept mainly within the parceled land.

1523

Van Dijk et al. 2003, 39; Van Dijk 2012, 169.

1526

http://www.encyclo.nl/begrip/surplus; consulted on 13

1524

Van der Jagt 2013, 214.

1525

July 13 2016 at 12h29.

 Ter Brugge 1996, 332. Two other boomerangs were

1527

found in the Netherlands, one from Velsen-Hoogovens,

1528

dating between 470 and 300 BC, and a second one from

1529

the Roman fort Velsen I, dating in the first half of the 1st

1530

Groot et al. 2009, 232-234. Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 352-353. Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 352. Siemons/Lanzing 2009, 353.

century AD (Ter Bruggen 1996, 326).

205

0

5 cm

Fig. 5.33. Large storage buildings in Rijswijk-De Bult and Den Haag-Uithofslaan. Image left: after Bloemers 1978, Beilage 1a; right: Municipality of The Hague, Department of Archaeology.

Nevertheless, due to the allotment, a wider availability of dry areas occured, which resulted in increased opportunities for farming. Barley was mainly cultivated in the research area; of the other grains found in botanical samples it can not be determined whether these were actually cultivated locally. An exception to this is evidence of an unsuccessful attempt to cultivate spelt wheat. 1531 If the harvests did indeed increase, it should also be expected that the settlements would have built increasing numbers of storage buildings for the crop yields. However, this is not the case. Such buildings do not occur in many settlements and if present they are relatively small. The storage buildings of the various (fragmentarily) excavated settlements in Wateringse Veld in The Hague have a surface of around 30 m²,1532 the one in Den Haag-Uithofslaan has a surface area of just ​​ under 29 m².1533 A storage building in Schiedam-Kethel, belonging to a single farm, has an area of ​​more than 14 m².1534 If this last storage building can serve as a model for the storage needs of one household, then the storage buildings in Wateringse Veld and the Uithofslaan are suitable for at least two households, which fits well with the assumed size of the settlements in this area. The storage buildings therefore mainly indicate a production that meets their own needs. It should be noted that it might also be possible to store food crops in the byre-houses, which may have been fitted with an attic. In that case, the possibility of obtaining a surplus was more widespread than can now be demonstrated. On the other hand, the attics of the byre-houses may also have been used to store hay. Larger storage buildings were constructed from the second half of the 2nd century at Rijswijk-De Bult and at Den Haag-Uithofslaan. In Rijswijk, evidence for the building comes from four parallel trenches filled with brick rubble, which acted as a foundation. These could be dated in period IIa (150180), and result in a building with an area of over ​​ 56 m².1535 The settlement in Rijswijk consisted of three contemporary farms at this stage, so a storage facility with a surface of at least 45 square meters would be needed to satisfy the storage needs of this settlement. The remaining square meters of storage capacity could have been used for any surplus. The storage building of Den Haag-Uithofslaan had a surface area 1531

1534

1532

1535

Kooistra 2006, 421-422. Siemons 2014b, 328-330.

1533

Van Zoolingen 2011, 85.

206

Modderman 1975, 158. Bloemers 1978, 68; 193-194, storage building nr. 26.

of ​​76 m² and dates between 150 and 210.1536 This building consisted of a more or less rectangular floor plan of foundation trenches. There are oblong pits in which wooden beams were placed at right angles to the walls of the building, indicating that it seems to be constructed in the same way as a structure that was excavated in the Hoeksche Waard to the south of the research area.1537 The building at the Uithofslaan may therefore also have been supported with beams, and could have had a raised floor (fig. 5.33). The building belonged to a single farmhouse and is therefore far too large for the storage needs of one household. The larger storage buildings from Rijswijk and The Hague both date after the creation of the land division and it is tempting to see a connection here. After all, a better drained area would facilitate the surplus production of cereals. Two storage buildings were in use in Rijswijk-De Bult in the 3rd century.The first one was a building with a surface area of almost 44 m², consisting of three parallel rows of foundation trenches, in which concentrations of brick rubble were found.1538 The second building was significantly larger. The excavators called it ‘Temple nr. 5’,1539 As it was initially interpreted as a temple, but now it is considered to be a storage building.1540 This building had a surface area of 100 m² (fig. 5.33). Both storage buildings were dated in the same phase (phase IIIa, with a date range from 210 to 240) and together formed a storage capacity of 144 m². In the 3rd century, the settlement in Rijswijk consisted of four contemporary farms. These farms needed at least 60 m² of storage capacity. The remaining square meters were used to store any agrictultural surplus. It is conceivable that the largest storage building mainly contained the surplus, while the smaller one mainly stored food crops for the use of the individual farms of the settlement. The uneven distribution of large storage buildings shows that the settlements at Rijswijk-De Bult and Den Haag-Uithofslaan either had a larger arable land surface than other farms, or that these settlements served as collection sites for agricultural surplus. The lack or even small size of storage buildings in other settlements may indicate the second option, whereby any surplus of cereals was taken to a central site for storage. In that case these central sites would have fulfilled a function in the redistribution of the surplus, for example through markets, but possibly also as a central point for the payment of tax in kind, the so-called annona.1541 A similar picture emerges from the Kromme-Rijn area near Utrecht, where storage buildings also do not occur at all on settlements.1542 However, it is also possible that many lands were owned by people who did not live in rural areas and that the surplus from these settlements were transported direct to other places, for example to the city in Voorburg or the army camps along the Lower Rhine. Surplus production of animal products There is no direct evidence for the surplus production of animal products in the research area.1543 The allotment of the area, with the accompanying improved accessibility of the area, increased the quantity and quality of the available meadow land.1544 The cattle drifts located in between the allotments may indicate the movement of herds of animals, which were brought to the market on the hoof (see sections 4.1.4, 4.1.5 and 5.8.1). One of these drifts runs from the settlement Rijswijk-De Bult towards the Roman road. The settlement in Rijswijk possibly played an important role in transporting livestock to the market(s). The stables in the byre-houses in the area increased in size (or in number?) in the course of the 2nd century.1545 This may indicate an increase in the number of livestock or the protection of more cattle during the winter. Presumably a part of the livestock was transported elsewhere, to be traded.1546 From this perspective, it is remarkable that the bovine bone material in the Roman city in Voorburg “... Siemons 2009, 369; Pavlović 2011, 356.

1536

1541

1537

1542

1538

1543

1539

1544

1540

1545

Van Zoolingen 2011, 79-81, horreum 3002. Van Heeringen et al. 1998, 24-26. Bloemers 1978, 68; 193, storage building nr. 27. Bloemers 1978, 189-191. Derks 1998, 152, note 96, Heeren 2009, 217.

Vos 2009, 256-257. Van Dijk 2012, 177. Siemons 2009, 352-353; Pavlović 2011, 357. Kodde 2007, 44; Siemons/Laan 2009, 50.

207

comes from a homogeneous and potentially local population. For example from the surrounding area of Midden-Delfland.”1547 The cattle were likely driven to the city to be consumed or further processed. A similar image is available for the Roman town in Tongeren (Belgium).1548 In Voorburg, for example, the perforated bovine shoulder blades indicate the smoking of these shoulders (section 4.2.5). Possibly also skins from the countryside were brought to locations where they could be processed into leather,1549 although this is not very efficient as the animals had to be slaughtered first and the meat was difficult to transport. Surplus production on rural settlements In the rural areas, surplus production of cereals was possible, but not everywhere. This surplus was brought together on a number of sites, such as Rijswijk-De Bult and Den Haag-Uithofslaan. The quantities that could be stored in Rijswijk, however, were much larger than at Uithofslaan. It is therefore plausible that there is a link between this larger storage capacity and the presence of a building with stone foundations in Rijswijk. The possible role that this settlement played in moving cattle on the hoof may have contributed to the prosperity and growth of this settlement. Clear indications for surplus production of animal products are lacking, but the indirect indications show that this must certainly be taken into account. Whether the storage of any surplus in central settlements such as Rijswijk-De Bult and Den Haag-Uithofslaan constitutes proof of tax payment in kind, the so-called annona, is not apparent from the archaeological data, but this cannot be excluded.

5.9.8 craft activities Various craft activities took place in the settlements. At the Lozerlaan in The Hague, metal objects and metal slags have been found, which indicate smithying activities.1550 The melting of bronze and the production of lead objects took place at the settlement of Den Haag-Uithofslaan.1551 However, there was no large-scale metalworking. The evidence point to incidental repair work of metal vessels and tools, or the melting down of bronze objects to make other new objects. Evidence for this small-scale metalworking have been found on most settlements. It is possible that blacksmiths were moving around the area. The manufacture of fibulae can not be demonstrated anywhere in the research area; people used common types that were supplied from the surrounding regions. There is therefore no typical regional variant of fibulae. At most sites, wool was processed and spun, since both loomweights and spindle whorls are regularly found. There are also some bone weaving pins, which point to the weaving of textiles,cloths, or clothing.1552 In the Harnaschpolder, on the settlement Woudselaan, 79 complete loomweights were found in a single deposition; spread across the site were fragments of another 15 weights (section 5.7.2).1553 The deposition of the 79 loomweights dates from the period 100-120.1554 The weights could have originated from a single loom and could have been used to make various fabrics, resulting in a piece of textile with minimal dimensions of one by two meters. It is striking that the recovered sheep bones in many settlements seem to show that the sheep were raised for their meat.1555 However, some settlements in

1546

Van Dijk 2011, 328.

1552

Van Dijk 2006a, 167; Van Dijk 2011, 314-315; Van der

1547

Cavallo/Slopsma 2014, 764.

Jagt 2013, 219; Rijkelijkhuizen 2014, 428.

1548

1553

1549

1554

1550

1555

Vanderhoeven 2015, 194-195. Van Dijk 2011, 323. Van Zoolingen 2011, 17.

1551

Van der Feijst/Laan 2011, 248.

208

Bakx 2013, 145-153. Bakx 2013, 64, Afbeelding 3.22. Van Dijk 2011, 325; Van der Jagt 2013, 203.

0

5 cm

Fig. 5.34. Leather shoes from rural settlements in the research area. Drawings by C. van Driel-Murray.

the region were probably specialized in raising sheep for their wool.1556 The loomweights and spindle whorls are mainly found in contexts that can be dated to the middle of the 2nd century. Possibly after this period, spun wool was imported. In the 3rd century, spindle whorls are again produced in the research area, now made of lead.They were possibly manufactured in the Den Haag-Uithofslaan settlement,1557 but they could also have been made in other places, such as at the site Naaldwijk-’t Zandheultje.1558 In the rural settlements no indications have been found for the tanning and/or processing of leather. However, leather shoes, possibly originating from workshops in the city in Voorburg or in the military settlements along the Lower Rhine, are regularly found. They point to the appreciation of Roman shoe fashion in the countryside, although it is striking that most shoes date from the middle of the 2nd century onwards (fig. 5.34).1559 Handmade pottery was massively produced and therefore occurs in large numbers in most settlements. Whether it was made at every settlement or that there were some central production sites remains unclear at present. In various places, fire-damaged sherds have been found, although these do not necessarily point to misfired pieces from pottery activities.1560 These burnt sherds, and also the secondary burnt brick fragments recovered regularly from the rural settlements, can also point to the firing of pottery on the ground level. This method could be recorded on the island of St. Lucia in the Caribbean in 2004 (fig. 5.35).1561 The advantage of this baking process is that it does not require the digging of a pit into the moist soil, nor does it require the construction of an oven. However, the burnt sherds do not occur on all the settlements in the research area. Misfires of handmade pots are difficult to recognize, since the misfired pieces, once fragmented, resemble fragments of well-baked pots.1562 It is therefore not easy to identify the baking process of pottery archaeologically. The lack of ovens, however, seems to point to the baking of pottery on the ground level, in the same way as could be recorded on St. Lucia. Finally, the great uniformity of 1556

Van Dijk 2012, 175. Pavlović 2011, 379.

Bruin 2008, 155.

1557

1560

1558

1561

Van der Feijst 2012b, 101.

De Bruin 2008a, 115; Bakx 2012, 26. Many thanks to Lou Jacobs (Faculty of Archaeology,

1559

Wiepking 1997, 39;Van Driel-Murray/De Ridder 1998, 23-27; Van Londen 2006, 149-154; Van Driel-Murray

Leiden University) for sharing this information. 1562

Bitter et al. 1996, 90.

2015a, 98-100; Van Driel-Murray 2015b, 193-194; De

209

the pottery is striking; the rims of the pots from the whole research area can easily be fitted into one typology, which has been published by Bloemers.1563 This points to strong cultural and linguistic connections between the makers of the pots, but also indicates some degree of centralized production, where not every settlement manufactured its own pottery. The pots may also have been made by traveling potters who also were part of this shared ceramic tradition. The use of handmade pottery decreases slowly in the 2nd century and seems to end abruptly around 150, 1564 when it is replaced by wheelthrown vessels. Although handmade pottery is found in much higher quantities in most excavation contexts of rural sites in the research area, a higher degree of fragmentation, stronger weathering, and the small number of rim fragments often point to upcast. So, contexts dating after 150 often contain a considerable amount of handmade pottery fragments, which, however, clearly date from an earlier period. The process of replacing handmade with wheelthrown pottery can be closely followed by studying the pottery from well-dated contexts (table 5.10). This applies in all three cases to the dendrochronological dating of the construction of houses: the ceramic objects lost their function after the house was abandoned. It should be noted that these are terminus post quem dates, because the associated pottery assemblage circulated in the household in the thirty years after the starting date of the house. The use of handmade pottery thus stops quite abruptly around the middle of the 2nd century. In the period thereafter, people switch to wheelthrown pottery, which comes from outside the research area. An important role within the wheelthrown pottery of the rural settlements is reserved for the Low Lands Ware. This is a distinct pottery group that was probably manufactured in the surroundings of Bergen op Zoom in the south-western part of the Netherlands.1565 This pottery group consists of a reduced fabric and an oxidized fabric. The shapes of the reduced fabric mainly include large pots and bowls, while the oxidized fabric consists mainly of plates, bowls, cups, as well as mortaria and jugs. Site

Dating (dendrochronology)

Number of sherds

Percentage handmade

Percentage wheelthrown

Literature

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

97

724

96%

4%

RING Internal Report 2010061

Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan

133

765

85%

15%

RING Internal Report 2007048

Rotterdam-Kandelaar

153

3137

20%

80%

RING Internal Report 2008079; De Bruin 2004b, 18

Table 5.10. Dendrochronologically dated contexts with percentages of handmade and wheelthrown pottery, based on the number of sherds.1566

5. 9. 9 s a lt r e f i n i n g At two sites in the research area, ceramic objects, so-called briquetage,1567 may indicate salt refining (the purification of salt). On the site Poeldijk-Site B this possible refining can be dated in the 2nd century.1568 It may coincide with a flood around 130, for which indications have been found during the excavations in Den Haag-Erasmushove.1569 It should be stated that salt refining does not have to indicate the presence of a salt extraction site in the immediate vicinity.The raw salt may also have been supplied, for example in

1563

Bloemers 1978, 344-392.

1567

“Briquetage: the coarse ceramic specifically produced for

1564

Van Kerckhove 2011, 143-144.

the boiling of salt.” (Harding 2013, 10, footnote 2).

1565

1568

1566

1569

De Clercq/Degryse 2008, 448-458. De Bruin 2017, appendix 7.

210

Besselsen 2004, 30; De Bruin 2004a, 5. Rieffe 2014, 17; Stokkel/Van der Mijle Meier 2014, 94.

Fig. 5.35. The baking of pottery above ground level on St. Lucia in the Caribbean in 2004. Photos by L.F.H.C. Jacobs.

the characteristic cylindrical pots that likely originate from the area south of the Roman Scheldt estuary, from the civitas Menapiorum.1570 It is striking, however, that in addition to the settlement in Poeldijk, briquetage was found only near the De Lier-Leehove site. De Lier-Leehove was located close to the Helinium, where salt water was available. A relationship between the location of salt extraction and the location of the refining of salt is then obvious in this case. In De Lier there is a small amount of briquetage, just like in Poeldijk. At both sites, however, only a small part of the settlement has been uncovered, so it can not be ruled out that more briquetage is present. Nevertheless, there is not much evidence for salt refining. Partially, this might be related to the way meat was cured in the research area. There is evidence that some beef was routinely dried or smoked (sections 3.7, 4.2.5 and 5.9.4), so there would be less use of salt.

5.9.10 synthesis rural economy Initially, the rural settlements were producing for their own needs. Farming took place on a modest level and the local crops were supplemented with crops from vegetable gardens, meat from own cattle and some fruit, which was collected in the vicinity of the settlements. Lava querns were imported from Germany, and possibly also whetstones, but these items were already imported to the region from the Middle Iron Age onwards, indicating a continuity in the availability of these stone tools. Craft activities 1570

Van den Broeke 2007, 70.

211

0

2 cm

Fig. 5.36. Small coin hoard, found at the site Harnaschpolder-Zuid. After Hensen 2006, 275, fig. 4.3.6-7a-c.

and salt refining took place on a modest scale, as did fishing and hunting. There was a broad spectrum economy, with a risk-averse strategy. Using multiple food sources ensured that the chance of famine was minimized, resulting in a varied and healthy diet. Use was made of the opportunities offered by the landscape. However, the construction of the large ditch systems in the first half of the 2nd century modified the landscape and created more arable and pasture land. This led to the possibility to produce surplus crops and to export goods outside the region, although there are no direct indications for the latter. This also made it possible for the central government to levy taxes in this agriculturally marginal area. As far as craft activities are concerned, from the middle of the 2nd century onwards, it is perceptible that the handmade, locally produced pottery was quickly replaced by wheelthrown pottery that originated from production centers outside the research area. The importing of various other products from outside the area increased from the beginning of the 2nd century.Yet metal objects and glass remain rare on the settlements. Preservation for metal, especially bronze and iron, is rather poor in the research area, presumably due to the presence of salt residues in the soil.1571 As a result, small metal objects can easily decay and any preserved larger objects are often heavily corroded. Evidence for Roman glass was collected for a limited part of the research area, yet there were only minor amounts of glass and an absence of luxury table ware.1572 Despite the careful collection method, only 13 determinable glass fragments could be collected.1573 Nevertheless, the accuracy of past collection methods can be doubted, since intensive sieving of promising features on the rural settlement of Naaldwijk-Hoogeland have yielded fragments of 30 glass objects, including luxurious tableware.1574 This location was perhaps situated near transport routes towards the town in Voorburg and could therefore have better access to glass objects. Yet, the numbers of glass finds in Naaldwijk indicate that at locations where no clear sieving strategy is applied, many glass fragments may have been missed. It can be concluded that some of the imported goods at the settlements were missed by post-depositional processes, as well as by the applied excavation methods. Finally, the question whether coins played a role in the economy of rural communities remains to be addressed. Coins are generally poorly represented at rural sites in the research area.1575 Only two coin hoards are known, of which the one from The Hague is the largest. This hoard of 107 silver coins was buried in a ceramic beaker together with six silver bracelets, a large silvered disc fibula, and some glass beads.1576 A smaller hoard consists of three silver coins, and was found at the settlement of Harnaschpolder-Zuid (table 5.11, fig. 5.36).1577 To date, this was not interpreted as a hoard, but because the coins have been found close together, just to the east of the ditch that borders the settlement, this interpretation is 1571

quarter of the 2nd century) might be later than was

1572

suggested before, based on the fibula that was found in

1573

the hoard that can be dated in the late 3rd century (pers.

Van Roemburg 2011, 102-103. Catz/Van Lith 2003, 23; Laan 2009b, 288-289. Catz/Van Lith 2003, 20.

1574

Vanderhoeven 2008, 377-378.

1575

Aarts 2009a, 262.

1576

Stokkel 2014, 8-9. The dating of this coin hoard (last

212

comm. S. Heeren). See also Kemmers 2008, 64-65. 1577

Hensen 2006, 274-275.

justified. The coin hoard can be dated in the beginning of the 3rd century. Coin type

Mint

Depiction

Dating

Remarks

Denarius

-

Vespasian

69-79

Worn

Denarius

Rome

Septimius Severus

197-198

Mint state

Denarius

Rome

Geta

200-202

Mint state

Table 5.11. Coins from the hoard found at the site Harnaschpolder-Zuid. After Hensen 2006, 274, table 4.3.6-2.

Aarts suggests that the rapid adaptation of coins in the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt region has to do with changes in the Roman tax system, whereby surplus production became necessary to meet the tax demands.1578 The taxes were then paid in money or goods, but part of the surplus production could also have been sold at markets, so that inhabitants of rural settlements came into possession of Roman coins. These in turn could be spent on the purchase of all kinds of (imported) goods. This does not mean that goods and services in the rural settlements were paid with money; this is not likely because of the social ties between the residents.1579 A relationship between surplus production, taxes, and the increase of coins in rural settlements can also be assumed for the research area. The coinage of the rural settlements is very similar to that of the Roman city in Voorburg, which functioned as a center for tax collection (see also section 4.2.6).1580 The emergence and use of the coins in the research area thus seems to have been boosted mainly by the foundation of the civil-administrative center in Voorburg,1581 which led to further economic development of the area.

5 . 1 0 t h e e n d o f t h e r u r a l h a b i t a t i o n At the end of the 2nd century, almost all rural sites in the research area were in use, and the amount ofthe habitation reaches its maximum. After this period, however, the habitation gradually declined. The first sites were abandoned shortly after 200. In the course of the 3rd century, the rest followed the same trend, although the majority of the sites remained in use until the second half of the 3rd century. Only a few sites were inhabited in the 4th century, after which traces of human activities seem to have disappeared from the area.

5 . 1 0 . 1 s e t t l e m e n t s t h a t e n d a r o u n d t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e 3 r d c e n t u ry The end of the habitation at rural sites in the research area is placed in the course of the 3rd century (table 5.12). Trier black-slipped ware beakers, of the type Oelmann 33,1582 occur on all settlement sites in the research area.1583 The fact that these beakers date from 190 onwards, suggests that all sites were still inhabited at the beginning of the 3rd century. A number of settlements cease to exist in the early decades of the 3rd century; yet, this number is smaller than has been suggested before.1584 A dump of pottery and metal finds dating from the beginning of the 3rd century was found in the Harnaschpolder, in a ditch at 1578

1582

1579

1583

1580

1584

Aarts 2015a, 226-227. Aarts 2009b, 299. Kemmers 2014, 608.

Oelmann 1914. De Bruin 2008b, 229, tabel 9.4; 231. De Bruin 2005, 28-32; Heeren 2015, 288.

1581

Kemmers 2008, 99; Kemmers 2014, 610.

213

the settlement of Woudselaan. The find of a juvenile cow skeleton from the same dump indicates that the ditch system around the settlement went out of use during this period.1585 The silting-up of the ditches, in combination with animal burials, has also been demonstrated at the site of Harnaschpolder-Noord, where a dog and a horse were buried in two pits that were dug out in an almost completely silted-up ditch.1586 In Den Haag-Hoge Veld these animal burials, which have also been found in one of the top fillings of ditches, are regarded as an abandonment ritual of the farmyard.1587 Site

Final date

Literature

Rotterdam-Kandelaar

End 2nd-early 3rd century

De Bruin 2004a

Harnaschpolder-Noord

Around 200

Goossens 2006, 428

Harnaschpolder-Woudselaan

Start 3rd century

Bakx 2013, 303

Den Haag-Hoge Veld

220

Siemons 2009, 371-376

Den Haag-Uithofslaan

240

Pavlović 2011, 376

Wateringen-Juliahof

Until 250

Eimermann 2009, 194

Harnaschpolder-Zuid

After 247

Van Rijn 2006, 296-297

Leidschendam-Leeuwenbergh

250

De Bruin/Koot 2006, 141, Tabel 1

Den Haag-Kwaklaan

Burial around 250

Siemons 2014b, 360-361

Poeldijk-site B

250

Based on 4 antoniniani, including one ascribed to Gordian III (r. 238-244; Van der Feijst 2007, 67)

Naaldwijk-Mars

250

Leijnse/Verhelst 2015, 271

Den Haag-Uithofslaan site 1

255-270

Trier motto beaker Künzl Gruppe II (Künzl 1997); identification R.C.A. Geerts

Naaldwijk-‘t Zandheultje

Second half 3rd century

Van der Feijst 2012c, 192

Rijswijk-De Bult

Late 3rd-early 4th century

Heeren 2015, 287

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

Late 3rd-first half 4th century

Van der Feijst 2015, 212-213

Table 5.12. Final dates of some rural settlements in the research area.

So, both settlements in the Harnaschpolder that were mentioned in the previous section seem to have been abandoned in the beginning of the 3rd century. A nearby, not yet published settlement (Harnaschpolder-Harnaskade), produced an almost complete beaker in Trier black-slipped ware. This can be regarded as the primary dump in the final habitation phase, dating also to the end of the second or the beginning of the 3rd century. Due to the large-scale allotment of parts of the research area, subsidence of the subsoil has occurred, so the water from these lower parts of the landscape could no longer flow away. Since the abandoned settlement sites from the period around the beginning of the 3rd century lie at the lower parts of the landscape, they may have been abandoned because of the increase in stagnant water. The same cause can be assumed for the settlements in the micro-region of Schiedam, which were also abandoned around the beginning of the 3rd century, such as Rotterdam-Kandelaar, SchiedamPolderweg, and Rotterdam-Overschie. The population may have settled in neighboring settlements, such as in Harnaschpolder-Zuid, which remained inhabited for much longer and is located on a higher part of the landscape. It is also possible that a part of the population settled in the Roman town in Voorburg, 1585

Bakx 2013, 97.

1586

Goossens 2006, 428.

214

1587

Nieweg 2009, 310.

Fig. 5.37. Fragment of a Trier motto beaker, found at Den Haag-Uithofslaan, site 1. Photo Municipality of The Hague, Department of Archaeology.

where the habitation seems to increase in the 3rd century.Precisely during this period, the composition of the pottery in one of the research areas could point to an increase in local eating habits (see section 4.2.6).1588 The size of the vicus in Den Haag-Ockenburgh also increases in the 3rd century (section 3.6.1), which may have been caused by an increase in the number of inhabitants who may have come from the lower parts of the surrounding area.

5. 1 0 . 2 s e t t l e m e n t s t h at e n d a f t e r 25 0 The settlement sites that remain inhabited after the beginning of the 3rd century often continue until the second half of this century, contrary to the conclusions of previous research.1589 Establishing the final date of these settlements is difficult due to the lack of properly dated pottery in the 3rd century, a problem that was also observed in the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt area.1590 An exception are the Trier motto beakers, which can be dated after the middle of the 3rd century. However, only one fragment of such a cup was found at a rural settlement in the research area, namely at Den Haag-Uithofslaan (fig. 5.37). Beakers of this specific type and fabric are generally rare.1591 Future study of pottery assemblages from the 3rd century can offer a solution here, especially if these assemblages occur in contexts with coins from the second half of the 3rd century.1592 One assemblage from this period has been published in the research area, namely the contents of a well from Naaldwijk Hoogwerf, of which the fill, based on an antoninianus1593 of Postumus, dated to after 259.1594 The dating of the filling of this well without the coin find would otherwise be placed from 1588

1592

1589

1593

Bink/Franzen 2009, 432. De Bruin 2005, 32.

1590

Heeren 2005, 54; Hiddink 2009, 165-166; Heeren 2015, 278-280.

Heeren 2015, 280. An antoninianus or radiate is a silver coin that was introduced by emperor Caracalla in 215; the value was probably two denarii (Abdy 2012, 507).

1591

Heeren 2015, 280.

215

150 until the 3rd century.1595 A careful study of other 3rd century pottery assemblages will in the future contribute to a more accurate end-date for the sites in the research area. Another problem in relation to the pottery is the small quantities of ceramics present in the 3rd century. At the end of the first and in the first half of the 2nd century, large-scale use is made of handmade pottery. This manifests itself in large numbers of fragments collected at the settlements in the research area during archaeological excavations. For example, 39,563 pieces of pottery were recovered at the site Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf, with a long-lasting 3rd century habitation phase: more than 30,000 fragments were of handmade pottery.1596 Other sites show the same picture, and the handmade pottery circulates en masse among the settlements between 50 and 150. The pottery that can be dated in the 3rd century is often no more than a few thousand sherds, which, as in Naaldwijk, must represent the entire 3rd century. This small quantity may be explained by the presence of vessels in other materials, for example of wood or bronze. Wooden vessels, however, are hardly known from the research area, with the exception of a possible dish, with a dendrochronological terminus post quem of 209.1597 Bronze vessels are found regularly,1598 such as in a well in Leidschendam-Leeuwenbergh, where a casserole and wine sieve were found.1599 The vessels were often melted after use, as shown by finds in Den Haag-Uithofslaan.1600 The fact that more extensive bronze vessels were available on rural settlements is evident from the deposition found in NistelrodeMortel, in the south-eastern part of the Netherlands. A set of 30 bronze vessels, covered with a tin dish, was discovered here, but this set of vessels was collected over a longer period.1601 It is therefore quite possible that in the research area in the 3rd century people were in possession of metal vessels, which may or may not have been collected in the preceding period. In that case, ceramic vessels will have played a subordinate role. Dendrochronological dates from the later 3rd century are often not available, with the exception of the construction of a well of the Harnaschpolder-Zuid. The ash wood for this well was felled in 247.1602 Since the construction of the well comprised a wooden barrel with a square casing on top it would have been rather robust, and certainly remained in use for some time after 247. Antoniniani, which can be dated after 250, were found at several sites in the research area (Den HaagHoge Veld, Den Haag-Uithofslaan, Rijswijk-De Bult, Poeldijk-site B and Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf).1603These are mostly antoniniani of the Gallic Empire (260-275) and imitations of these coins, which can be dated to the end of the 3rd century,1604 but they possibly also circulated in the (early) 4th century. Antoniniani are well represented in the research area and indicate a continuity in habitation of the area until the end of the 3rd century. It is striking that these coins are less well represented in the Roman city in Voorburg than in the countryside.1605 The large amount of antoniniani from the period 260-300 in NaaldwijkHoogwerf1606 suggests that a settlement with a central function was nearby. It is possible that Naaldwijk took over the central port function of Voorburg: while the harbour in Voorburg silts up from 230, the number of coins starts to increase in Naaldwijk from 240 onwards. 1607 Moreover, Naaldwijk was located closer to the Helinium and would not have had any problems with the silting-up of waterways. Finally, fibulae that can be dated after 250 have also been found on several sites (table 5.13 and fig. 5.38).

1594

Well ROM-6. Van der Feijst 2008a, 47; Van der Feijst et al. 2008, appendix II, table II-1 and plates 1-3.

1602

Van Rijn 2006, 296-297.

1603

Bloemers 1978, 302;Van der Feijst 2007, 67; Aarts 2009a,

1595

De Bruin 2008a, 120.

262-264;Van der Feijst/Laan 2011, 246; De Bruin 2012b,

1596

De Bruin 2008a, 97; 114; De Bruin 2012a, 195; 218.

291-293; De Bruin 2012c, 154.

1597

1604

1598

1605

1599

1606

1600

1607

Brinkkemper/Vermeeren 2012, 452-453. Van Zoolingen 2010b, 95. Wiepking 1997, 39. Van der Feijst/Laan 2011, 250.

1601

Jansen 2007, 153-155; Koster 2007, 439-486.

216

Kropff/Van der Vin 2003, 77-78; 83-84. Kemmers 2014, 610, fig.II-4.8. De Bruin 2012b, 292-293. De Bruin 2012c, 154.

Site

Fibula

Type

Number

Dating

Literature

Den Haag-Hoge Veld

Two-piece Armbrust brooch

Böhme 37e

1

250-400

Laan 2009a, 260; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 187188, type 71a

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

Two-piece Armbrust brooch

Böhme 37e

5

250-400

Van der Feijst 2008b, 134; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 187-188, type 71a

Naaldwijk-’t Zandheultje

Two-piece Armbrust brooch

Böhme 37e

1

250-400

Van der Feijst 2012b, 98; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 187-188, type 71a

Wateringen-Juliahof

Two-piece Armbrust brooch

Böhme 37e

1

250-400

Langeveld 2009, 123-124; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 187-188, type 71a

Poeldijk-site B

Penannular brooch

Böhme 51b

1

250-450

Van der Feijst 2007, 64; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 185-186, type 70b

Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf

Wire brooch, Oudenburg variant

Vanhoutte 2009

3

270300/320

Van der Feijst 2008b, 275, plate 1, A1.13; Van der Feijst/Aarts 2015, 77; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 124-125, type 45a8

Den Haag-Uithofslaan

Crossbow brooch

Haalebos 16

1

270-310

Van der Feijst/Laan 2011, 235-237; Heeren/Van der Feijst 2017, 178-181, type 68a

Table 5.13. Fibulae dating after 250, found at rural sites in the research area. An example of each type is shown in fig. 5.38. The indicated types refer to the typologies of Böhme 1972 and Vanhoutte 2009.

The state of habitation in the 3rd-century phases on the settlements is not entirely clear. In a number of cases, byre-houses were found, such as house 1 in Leidschendam-Leeuwenbergh,1608 and building 3 from Harnaschpolder-Zuid.1609 It is possible that the building in Leidschendam is succeeded later in the 3rd century by a building with stone foundations; a great deal of building rubble has been found in this area,1610 including a concentration of 45 complete rooftiles (fig. 5.39).1611 Research in 2015 confirmed this picture; more than 300 complete roof tiles were found, as well as fragments of wall paintings.1612 In Rijswijk-De Bult and Naaldwijk-Mars, buildings with stone foundations also arise during this period. In Den Haag-Uithofslaan, metalworking activities were carried out in a small building in the last phase of the site, dated around the middle of the 3rd century.1613 This building is the only existing building structure in this phase1614 and is too small to have served as a house. Possibly more buildings were present in this phase, but these have disappeared due to damage suffered by the highest levels of the site.1615 It is also possible, given the large quantities of building material at this site, that there was a building with a different foundation method here. In many other places, the 3rd-century phase is only represented by pits, such as in Poeldijk-site B and Wateringen-Juliahof.1616 These pits, however, can point to the extraction of clay, to use in half-timbered constructions or buildings with walls of rammed earth. It can therefore be assumed that a change in building methods of the houses during this period has ensured that house plans have not been preserved. Alternatively, in view of the shallow foundations associated with these construction methods, they have been overlooked in archaeological research. It is clear that many settlements were still inhabited in the second half of the 3rd century and that it is likely that Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf became an important center for the region from the middle of the 3rd century onwards. The surrounding settlements in the micro-region of Naaldwijk also show a clear 1608

1613

1609

1614

1610

1615

1611

1616

Wiepking 1997, 36. Goossens 2006, 233. Wiepking 1997, 39. Koot 1998, 370-371.

Van Zoolingen 2011, 92-93. Pavlović 2011, 376. Van Zoolingen 2011, 60. Blom/Van der Feijst 2007, 44; Eimermann 2009, 85.

1612

Stokkel 2015, 13-14.

217

0

2,5 cm

Fig. 5.38. Fibulae dating to the second half of the third and early 4th century, found on rural settlements in the research area. Drawings by L.M.B. van der Feijst.

3rd-century habitation phase. In the vicinity of The Hague, several sites were also inhabited in the late 3rd century. Only in the vicinity of the Harnaschpolder and in the micro-region of Schiedam did the number of settlements decrease. A rising groundwater level may be responsible for this, since these settlements were more vulnerable to flooding due to their low location. The population may have moved to other, higher-situated settlements, but also to the vicinity of the Roman town in Voorburg, which increased in size and flourished during the first half of the 3rd century. There are no indications on settlements from this period that habitation has come to an end due to political or social unrest.

5 . 1 0 . 3 r e a s o n s f o r t h e a b a n d o n m e n t o f t h e s i t e s i n t h e 3 r d c e n t u ry In the second half of the 3rd century, the large-scale rural habitation in the research area comes to an end. For this phenomenon (section 5.10.1), one reason has already been advanced, namely a rising water table, as a result of which lower parts of the area became increasingly saturated and unsuitable for agricultural purposes and therefore also for habitation. The increase in stagnant water may have been caused by the construction of the ditch system and the dams and culverts installed in the lower reaches of the drainage gullies and creeks (section 4.6). Due to these landscape modifications, the soil subsided further and the area (partly) sunk to a lower level in comparison with the watertable in the surrounding rivers and the sea. As a result, flooding occurred and the area became increasingly wet. It is therefore only logical that the lower parts of the landscape, such as in the Harnaschpolder, were abandoned. The subsoil of the micro-region of Schiedam consisted of clay-on-peat; as a result of the landscape modifications, this area in particular will have been very sensitive to the subsidence of the soil. At the Schiedam-Polderweg settlement, the part of the farmyard on the clay-on-peat subsided during the habitation, and it was artificially raised by more than a meter of soil, while the levee on which the houses were built, was raised less dramatically.1617 Due to land subsidence the area became increasingly wet and this certainly was a reason for the end of the habitation in the lower-lying parts of the research area.These processes occurred mainly around the beginning of the 3rd century and resulted in a decrease in the number of settlements. So the rising water table was a problem in the lower-lying parts of the research area, but this does not explain why the other sites in the area were abandoned later in the 3rd century. Although the final

1617

Van Londen 1996, 7.

218

Fig. 5.39. Concentration of 45 complete rooftiles at the site of Leidschendam-Leeuwenbergh. Photo Municipality of Rijswijk, Bureau Preservation of Monuments and Archaeology.

dates of the settlements might have a margin of a few decades, the depopulation of the area seems to date between 250 and 300. This dating corresponds to the observations in the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt area, where political-military measures, such as the relocation of the remaining population, is a realistic scenario for the abandonment of that area.1618 A similar explanation is also plausible for the research area, as here too there are no indications for degradation of the soil, military conflicts, raids from groups outside the Roman Empire, and epidemics.1619 Whether it concerns “... Postumus’ drastic measures in the 260s or Aurelian’s policy of strategic withdrawals around 274”,1620 a voluntary departure of the population from the area where so much was invested in is not very likely. From this perspective, the find context of the four milestones along the Roman road in Den Haag-Wateringseveld is interesting. The milestones seem to have been deliberately broken off their pedestals, or have been pushed in their entirety into the roadside ditch, as if the expressions of the central authority had to be erased.1621 This must have taken place after 250, because that is the date of the latest milestone.1622 In any case, the milestones were no longer visible in later periods, because then they would have been reused. This act may indicate unrest during this turbulent period. In any case, the rise and disintegration of the Gallic Empire1623 seems to have had important consequences for large areas in north-western Europe, including the research area.

5. 1 0 . 4 h a b i tat i o n i n t h e 4 t h c e n t u ry Three rural settlements have yielded artefacts that can be dated in the 4th century. Most indications for habitation in this period were collected at the Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf site. First of all, a coin hoard 1618

1621

1619

1622

1620

1623

Heeren 2015, 294. Heeren 2015, 294. Heeren 2015, 294.

Kemmers 2000, 4; De Bruin 2005, 32. Waasdorp 2003, 37. See section 6.6 for a description of the Gallic Empire.

219

(or lost purse) from the beginning of the 4th century was discovered here; it contained eight imitations of antoniniani with a very low value.1624 Furthermore, a fairly extensive pottery complex was excavated in Naaldwijk, consisting of handmade and wheelthrown vessels. These Naaldwijk assemblages are very similar to a few published contexts at the Castricum-Oosterbuurt site in Noord-Holland, to the north of the Lower Rhine.1625 Moreover, the handmade vessels can easily be fitted into the Noord-Holland typology published by Frans Diederik;1626 the material dates to the first half of the 4th century.1627 The wheelthrown vessels in Naaldwijk consist mainly of foot vessels, but there are also colour-coated and rough walled wares,1628 as well as a fragment of a late Trier motto beaker.1629 Foot vessels, comparable to those found at Naaldwijk-Hoogwerf, were also found at the site of Rijswijk-De Bult.1630 Here, also handmade vessels were found that fit within the spectrum of Naaldwijk pottery complex.1631 On the basis of fabrics and rim types, the foot vessels of Naaldwijk and Rijswijk are comparable to those of Castricum-Oosterbuurt,1632 Schagen,1633 Leeuwarden,1634 and Wijnaldum.1635 This foot vessel type seems to be only distributed along the western and northern Dutch coastal area. Other types occur in the east of the Netherlands, with a different fabric and typology.1636 The third settlement where material from this period was found is at Poeldijk-Wateringseweg, which preserved a few sherds of at least two handmade vessels from this period.1637 One of the vessels is a fragment of a pot of the type Diederik L-IVf, which dates to the first half of the 4th century.1638 Since the 3rd century pottery on the settlements in the research area consists solely of wheelthrown vessels, it is striking to suddenly witness the occurrence of handmade pottery that matches a ‘northern’ typology from the late 3rd century. The wheelthrown vessels from the research area also have clear similarities with the material found in areas to the north of the Lower Rhine. So there seems to be a strong ‘northern’ influence on the pottery during this period. However, it is also possible that a new group of people appeared in the research area together with this northern pottery. These people mainly settled in places where buildings with stone foundations were present in the 3rd century, such as in Poeldijk and Rijswijk, or in places where metal was available that could be melted, as in Naaldwijk. It is unclear whether the original population still lived on the settlements during this period or whether the area was completely deserted. The material evidence seems to indicate the migration of people from the coastal area north of the Lower Rhine into the research area. From this perspective, the discovery of the so-called Housesteads Ware, found at Roman forts along the Hadrian’s Wall in northern England, is interesting. This handmade pottery shows great similarities with the material from Noord-Holland and dates from the middle to the end of the 3rd century.1639 Here too, it is assumed that a group of people from Noord-Holland settled in the vicinity of Hadrian’s Wall, and even that “Perhaps this 3rd century crossing of the North Sea was one of the earliest movements of the Migration period…”.1640 A pottery complex found in Flanders in 1624

1635

1625

1636

1626

1637

1627

1638

Van der Feijst/Aarts 2015, 86-87. Sier 1999a, 76-81. Diederik 2002. De Bruin 2008a, 116-117; De Bruin 2012a, 220.

Galestin 1999, 157-159, Fig. 1. Hermsen 2007, 128-131. Diederik 2002. The fragments are stored with the finds from the exca-

1628

De Bruin 2008a, 103-107; 109; De Bruin 2012a, 204-

vation at Monster-Van Leeuwen in box number 9791,

205; 211.

bag 10, find number 19. In the same box, in bag 10, is

1629

another fragment of the same fabric. This fragment has

1630

find number 5. The finds are located in the Provincial

1631

Archaeological Depot Zuid-Holland in Alphen aan den

De Bruin 2012a, 207; figuur 6.9. Bloemers 1978, 260, Abb. 102.  Bloemers 1978, Abb. 160, fragments 719/5810 en 644/5143.

Rijn.

1632

1639

1633

1640

Sier 1999b, 97-99. Diederik 2002, 52, Afb. 30.

1634

Van Es/Miedema 1971, 96-97, Fig. 8.

220

Peeters 2003, 56, Wilmott/Evans 2009, 272-275. Peeters 2003, 56.

Belgium also shows strong similarities with vessels from Noord-Holland.1641 These finds may indicate the migration of groups of people from Noord-Holland, through the research area and Flanders to England, dating in the late 3rd century. Features have only been sporadically discovered on the sites from this period. In Naaldijk-Hoogwerf a smithing hearth, ditches, and several wells were excavated. Moreover, there are clear indications that the inhabitants of the site melted large quantities of metal from a neighboring Roman settlement.1642 No clear traces of this period were found in Rijswijk-De Bult and Poeldijk-Wateringseweg. How long the habitation in the 4th century has been maintained can not be determined. The amount of find material and the absence of indications of continuity into the 5th century suggests that this habitation had already come to an end before the end of the 4th century, possibly even before the middle of this century. However, it is also possible that the habitation was short-lived and incidental.1643 This would fit well with the image of groups passing through, on their way south or towards England.

5 . 1 1 c o n t i n u i t y i n t o t h e e a r l y m i d d l e a g e s After the abandonment of the settlements in the 4th century, habitation only took place in the research area from the middle of the 5th century onwards.1644 Evidence for settlements between 350 and 450 is missing in the research area to date, and it seems to be a period of discontinuity.1645

5 . 1 2 t h e r u r a l c o m m u n i t y At first glance, the rural settlements group into three clusters, one in the region around Schiedam, one in the vicinity of Naaldwijk and one in a large area in the region near The Hague. These micro-regions are separated by different landscape types, such as peat areas and lower parts of the landscape. There are also differences in the archaeological remains; for example, the house plans from the Schiedam microregion are clearly constructed in a different way than in the other two micro-regions, and the settlements in the Naaldwijk area are mostly raised. These differences seem to have been caused mainly by landscape factors. After all, the house plans from Schiedam are constructed using the A-construction, of which it is assumed that this construction is better suited for the peaty underground in Schiedam and the surrounding area.1646 Uniformity in the construction method in this region can however also be a cultural phenomenon (section 5.4.2).1647 In that case, perhaps another group of people was living in the region around Schiedam. The surroundings of Naaldwijk are an active salt marsh area, where raising the settlements was necessary to cope with occasional floods. The fact that people dwelled in these kinds of difficult landscapes indicates that it was indeed possible to support an existence here. At the NaaldwijkMars site this had even led to enough prosperity to be able to construct a (partly) stone building with hypocaust heating. In other areas it is mainly the similarities that stand out: similar residential houses and farm buildings are found on rural settlements, stone construction is rare, most settlements are surrounded by ditches, and the surrounding landscape is parcelled. The material culture is comparable, with the uniformity in handmade pottery particularly striking. According to the traces on the shoulders of handmade pottery, braziers or similar constructions were used, which were found during various excavations. This indicates 1641

1645

1642

1646

1643

1647

De Clercq/Taayke 2004, 57-71. De Bruin 2012c, 151. Heeren 2015, 288.

Dijkstra 2011, 83. Kodde 2014, 309. Van Hoof 2007, 265.

1644

Dijkstra 2011, 84-88.

221

that the method of food preparation, certainly for the period before 150, was very similar. Settlements with a 3rd-century habitation phase show a clear prosperity, which can be seen in the fairly rich material culture. The buildings on the settlements from this period consist partly of half-timbered constructions. Mixed farming, with an emphasis on animal husbandry and vegetable gardens, was practices everywhere in the research area. Fishing, hunting, and craft activities take place on a modest scale. Concerning​​ ritual practices, the lack of central sanctuaries is a striking feature. ‘Faith’ can best be described as very local and associated with individual houses and farmyards. Although archaeologically invisible for a long time, the burial ritual is also very similar between the different micro-regions. Cremation predominates, central burial grounds are lacking and the graves are found in small clusters, presumably in family cemeteries, which are in use for a short time. There are burial mounds, but most cremations were probably placed on the ground level and covered with a thin layer of soil. Most sites were first inhabited from the late 1st century. The differences in starting date may indicate various groups of people who entered the area at different times. The moment of the abandonment of the sites is similar, although the fact that the area became increasingly wet was the reason why many settlements were abandoned at the beginning of the 3rd century. The simultaneous replacement of the handmade pottery with wheelthrown vessels on almost all settlements in the research area at more or less the same time is striking. This indicates that transformation processes were not limited to individual settlements but that the entire community participated in this.

222

6.

Synthesis

In the previous chapters, the archaeological remains of the military, the urban, and the rural communities that lived in the research area during the Roman period were described. This chapter summarizes these data, and the habitation history of the research area is discussed chronologically. Here, events that have been archaeologically observed in the research area are analyzed in the context of larger historical events in the Roman period in north-west Europe.Where relevant, archaeological data from surrounding regions are incorporated as well.

6 . 1 t h e f i r st h a l f o f t h e 1 st c e n t u ry An important observation with regard to the habitation history of the research area is the gap in habitation between the late Iron Age and the period around 50.This discontinuity can be explained by changes in the natural landscape, such as the stronger influence of channels from the sea, subsidence, increased water in the peat area, sand drifts and soil degradation of the beach ridges. However, these environmental conditions will not have had such an influence in the entire area that habitation on a larger scale was no longer possible. Another reason for the discontinuity may be the military operations of Julius Caesar in the more southern Gallic area, which certainly impacted neighboring regions. This can be seen from the fact that the gap in the habitation is not only present for the research area, but also applies to the central Dutch river area,1648 the northern part of the Menapian civitas,1649 and the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt area.1650 In all these areas there is a break in the habitation record in the 1st century BC. So, Caesar’s campaigns may have contributed to the disappearance of the habitation in the research area in the 1st century BC. Nevertheless, there are indications that the area between 100 BC and 50 may not have been completely empty. People probably lived locally in the area although it may not have been many people. This means that in addition to the sparse rural habitation, which can be regarded as a remnant of the late Iron Age, the oldest features that were found in the research area are of ​​Roman-military signature. These include some castella and the remains of a possible fort at the former airport in Valkenburg, all dating from the period 39-41.1651 The forts themselves were probably not in continuous use, but only if they were needed, such as during military campaigns.1652 Such campaigns took place around 39/40 with the construction of the monitoring sites along the Lower Rhine and the preparation for the conquest of Britannia. Another occurred in 47 with the campaigns of Corbulo the start of the conquest of Britannia and possibly also in 60/61, in response to the Boudican uprising in Britannia (section 3.1.2). Although to date hardly any have been found in the research area, it is clear that watchtowers were present between the castella from the very beginning, such as in Leidsche Rijn near Utrecht.1653 In 50 the Corbulo Canal was completed. With the construction of this canal, the army began to modify the natural landscape; from the end of the 1st century this develops to an even greater degree with the construction of the limes road and other infrastructure projects along the Lower Rhine.1654 However, the military efforts were 1648

2012, 171-175.

Heeren 2009, 258.

1649

1652

1650

1653

1651

1654

De Clercq 2009, 130; De Clercq 2009, 498-499. Hiddink/Roymans 2015, 84. Polak et al. 2004, 255; Kemmers 2007, 284; Goddijn et al.

De Weerd 2006, 21-22; Kooistra et al. 2013, 13. Graafstal 2008, 26-27. Graafstal 2002, 2-27.

223

not aimed at gaining control of the research area, but must be seen as guarding a vital supply route (the Lower Rhine) towards Britannia, which in this period was conquered by the Roman army. The creation by Emperor Claudius of an altar in Katwijk also fits into this historical framework (section 3.1.2). The Lower Rhine estuary would have been an important starting point for Roman military operations. It can not be excluded that the boats with the troops made the crossing directly and did not cross the sea via Boulogne-sur-Mer only. A possible indication that the Roman sailors did indeed venture further from the coast and perhaps crossed the North Sea directly, is the discovery of a terracotta figurine of a mother goddess, which was collected at the Galloper sandbank in the North Sea, 50 kilometers from the English coast.1655

6 . 2 t h e s e co n d h a l f o f t h e 1 st c e n t u ry Besides the rural settlements along the Lower Rhine, which are founded more or less contemporary with the military installations in this area around 40, the rural habitation in the southern part of the research area can not be dated earlier than 50. This early start date can be determined with any certainty only for the site Rijswijk-De Bult (section 5.5.3). The other settlements seem to date from the Flavian period, while another group was founded around 100. Since all settlements are new foundations, it must have been a new group of residents who settled in the area. The dramatic increase in the number of settlements during this period can not be explained by natural population growth. On the basis of the different starting dates of the settlements, it may even concern different groups that entered the area in subsequent waves, or the same group that has migrated into different parts to the research area. Due to the presence of existing Roman fortifications along the Lower Rhine, these migrations could not have taken place without the permission of the Roman army. It is not inconceivable that there was a conscious Roman policy of repopulation of a previously empty border area. Based on historical and epigraphic sources, similar examples are also known of this practice at other locations along the border of the Roman empire (section 5.3). The origin of the migrants, who formed the later Cananefatian community, must be sought in the western coastal area of the Netherlands. It is clear that the Cananefates in any case do not resemble the Chatti and/or the Batavians, as suggested by Tacitus.1656 According to the historical sources, the Cananefatian community first emerged within the context of the Roman army. However, archaeological sources point to the emergence of the community in the research area itself (section 5.4.2). When designing the province of Germania inferior in 85,1657 the region and thus the civitas was named after the group that was in the area. This was the case even though settlements were largely concentrated along the Lower Rhine and consisted of a loyal group of people that supplied soldiers to the Roman army. The fact that the other inhabitants of the area, such as the rural population in the southern part of the research area, also received the same ethnic label, was apparently of secondary importance from the Roman perspective. The ‘tribal community’ of the Cananefates can therefore, just like that of the Batavians, be regarded as a Roman construction (section 5.4.2).1658 The starting date from 40/50 as well as the period after 70 for most of the settlements outside the limes zone, has important consequences for the interpretation of the historical sources about the Cananefates. Tacitus,1659 for example, mentions that the Cananefates would have instigated the Batavian Uprising, despite the fact that the area where they lived in the 2nd and 3rd centuries would have been relatively

1655

1658

1656

1659

Van Doorselaer 1973, 275-280. Tacitus Hist. 4, 15.

1657

Raepsaet/Raepsaet-Charlier 2013, 218.

224

Roymans 2004, 251. Tacitus Hist. 4, 15.

sparsely populated by about 70. This would not have been a large group of people and it is therefore logical that the Cananefates called in the help of the Frisians at the start of the uprising (section 5.4.2).1660 Moreover, an important part of the able-bodied Cananefatian men, as part of the eight Batavian cohorts, was with Vitellius heading to Rome.1661 The role of the Cananefates at the start of the Batavian Uprising should therefore not be overestimated. It is even possible that the beginning of the Revolt actually unfolded in a different way. It is possible that Tacitus wanted to frame the Batavians in a more positive light, and did not want to label them as direct instigators of the uprising. This may be because (most likely) his father was the imperial legate for Gallia Belgica in the 70s of the 1st century.1662 Tacitus may have experienced the Batavian Rebellion closely or came to this information through his father and was likely biased. From the outset, the rural population in the limes area had a strong bond with the Roman military apparatus, as is evident from the find material from Katwijk-Zanderij. However, the material culture in the rural settlements in the southern part of the research area indicates a limited interaction with the military community. For example, the 1st century coins1663 circulating in military contexts and certain types of brooches, such as the Aucissafibulae, are lacking. Militaria from the period before 70 are absent or barely represented on rural sites.1664 To a large extent, this image is caused by the absence of habitation in the southern part of the research area during this period. Nevertheless, at one of the few sites that can be dated from 50, namely Rijswijk-De Bult, these finds are also lacking. Perhaps this is an indication that there was little interaction between the army and the rural settlements in the southern part of the research area in the 1st century. In the period between 70 and 100 the countryside becomes inhabited at a higher rate, and most rural settlements can be dated from this period. The area was officially transformed in 85 into the province of Germania inferior.1665 Around the beginning of the 2nd century habitation begins at a rural site that later would become the city of Voorburg. Along the Lower Rhine the military installations were rebuilt and vici were founded near the castella. In or before 89 the construction of the limes road is started.1666 In 99-100, the infrastructure along the Lower Rhine was renewed and renovated on a larger scale. This renovation must have been centrally planned and may be considered as preparations for the military campaigns in the Danube area a few years later.1667 After all, with a newly renovated infrastructure, it was possible to guard the area with a smaller number of troops, since army units could travel more quickly over land and water. This allowed large numbers of soldiers to be withdrawn from the Lower Rhine frontier towards the military concentration in the Danube region.1668

6 . 3 t h e f i r st h a l f o f t h e 2 n d c e n t u ry In some castella there are clear indications for the absence of full occupation from the start of the 2nd century, such as in Valkenburg and Alphen aan den Rijn (section 3.2.1).1669 A building inscription from Leiden-Roomburg, dating between 103 and 111, indicates a possible stone built construction in this castellum during this period. Stone constructions require less maintenance than timber constructions, and can be seen as a solution to reduce the occupation of the forts. The focus of the Roman army in the beginning of the 2nd century rested mainly on the Danube region, when Dacia was added to the Roman

1660

1665

1661

1666

1662

1667

1663

1668

1664

1669

Tacitus Hist. 4, 15. Tacitus, Hist. 4, 19; Roymans 2004, 207. Pliny N.H. 7, 36; Martin 1981, 26; Birley 1999a, xx. Kemmers 2008, 101. Van Roemburg 2011, 107.

Raepsaet/Raepsaet-Charlier 2013, 218. Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 82. Hessing 1999, 153. Hessing 1999, 153. De Weerd 1972, 124; Polak et al. 2004, 252.

225

empire. Apparently even after these campaigns (which ended in 107) there was no (direct) increase in the occupation of the castella. A building inscription from Valkenburg, dated between 116 and 117, may indicate additional stone buildings in the castella, and might be an strategy to maintain the low occupancy rate of the forts in the area. The presumed distribution of soldiers of the Cohors XV Voluntariorum among the different castella in the research area (section 3.2.1),1670 seems to indicate that this unit was primarily responsible for the maintenance of the castella in periods when these forts were largely empty (section 3.2.1). Also, detachments of the closest legions, namely the Thirtieth and First Legions, could have been involved in construction and maintenance activities. Finally, the residents of the vici located next to the castella could also have played a role in the maintenance and possibly even in the habitation and monitoring of the forts (section 3.8). On the basis of dendrochronological data, large-scale maintenance of the infrastructure along the Lower Rhine, such as on the limes road and various quay works, occurred again in 124/125.1671 These construction activities can be associated with the visit of Emperor Hadrian to the Germanic provinces between 120 and 122,1672 and are traditionally seen as a restoration measure after a period of neglect of the military infrastructure. This neglect began after the reduction of the number of troops in Germania inferior from the beginning of the 2nd century under Trajan.1673 However, the decrease in the number of soldiers in this period is difficult to attest archaeologically.1674 The renovation of the infrastructure along the Lower Rhine can also be linked to a military campaign in Britannia, the expeditio Britannica, which probably took place in 128-130.1675 Fronto also mentions military operations in Britannia at the time, as he wrote to emperor Marcus Aurelius in 162: “Again under the rule of your grandfather Hadrian what a number of soldiers were killed by the Jews, what a number by the Britons!”.1676 The renovation of the infrastructure along the Lower Rhine fits into this scenario of the preparation of a military operation, and it is not excluded that the construction of Hadrian’s Wall in northern England can also be seen in this context, since the Wall’s primarily function was not defensive.1677 Along the Lower Rhine, the various military structures were renovated and may have accommodated units on their way to Britannia. At the same time, military activities can be detected in the beach ridge area and at the Meuse estuary, the Helinium. The Classis inscription in Naaldwijk, with a date of 130 or 131,1678 may indicate the construction of a fortification of the fleet in this area. The dating of the temporary camp in Den HaagOckenburgh in the first half of the 2nd century may also point to military activities during this period, similar to the construction of forts along the west coast in northern England,1679 which is dated between 123 and 128.1680 Under Hadrian, the Cohors I Raetorum was possibly delegated to Katwijk. It is by no means certain that the assumed fort there was only founded at this point, although the Katwijk inscription on which this assumption is based can also date from a later period (section 3.2.1 and table 3.3).1681 All these activities may be related to the development of a military presence along the coast under Hadrian, who apparently invested in the military build-up along the coast, not only in the research area but also in the bases of the Classis Britannica at Boulogne-sur-Mer in France and Dover in England.1682 However, these military efforts also can be seen as preparation for the aforementioned expeditio Britannica. In the first half of the 2nd century, the image of the limes along the Lower Rhine is that of a series of barracks (castella), which are mainly used when there is a military need, such as the expeditio Britannica. In the intervening periods, a small maintenance team was responsible for maintaining the buildings. 1670

Willems en Haalebos, 1999b, 251.

1671

Hessing 1999, 155, table 1; Polak 2004, 280; Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 87-91.

Breeze 2011, 68. 1676

Fronto, De Bello Parthico, 2.

1677

Dobson 1986, 5-30; Breeze 2011, 65.

1672

1678

1673

1679

Hessing 1999, 153-155. Polak 2009c, 15.

Derks 2010, 287. Breeze 2006, 93-97; Bidwell en Hodgson 2009, 15-16;

1674

Kemmers 2008, 95; Polak 2009a, 949-951.

1675

 Frere 2000, 25-26; Mattingly 2006, 119-120; table 3;

226

Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 139-140. 1680

Frere 2000, 26.

New in this period were the military activities in the hinterland of the limes, for example along the coast in the beach ridge area and near the estuaries, such as the Helinium and perhaps also the Scheldt more to the south.1683 There may even have been a build-up of a line of forts along the coast, not only in the Netherlands, but also in France and England. The activities at these places may also ‘peak’ during supraprovincial military activities, but further research into this is required. The same applies to the castella along the Lower Rhine. In the 120s, a market place was founded in Voorburg with the name Forum Hadriani; this place had been inhabited by people with a rural background since the beginning of the 2nd century, or perhaps even a little earlier. Given the name of the place, market rights were granted under Hadrian (section 4.2.3). Likely, the market place itself was located along the main road over the beach ridge, and consisted of a row of strip houses. To the south east of the beach ridge was a gully that could have functioned as a natural harbour from the beginning of the habitation. In the vicinity of Voorburg, the construction of a large parcellation system started in this period, although its construction could also be dated around the middle of the 2nd century (section 5.8.1 and below). Coins and imported pottery suggest that the Voorburg market place may have experienced some flourishing in the initial phase, but the numismatic evidence seems to point to a state-sponsored financing of the construction and layout of the settlement.1684 Perhaps the functional change of the settlement in Voorburg to a market place is also associated with the construction of the first military installations along the coast. The number of rural settlements in the southern part of the research area increases from the start of the 2nd century onwards. What stands out are the similarities among the settlements: they all consist of one to two wooden byre-houses, are accompanied by other farm buildings, wells, and vegetable gardens, and are all located on homesteads that were fenced and/or surrounded by ditches. On the edge of the farmyards or just outside, in the area that has already been parcelled with ditches, the deceased are buried, sometimes in small clusters. Ritual practices, such as the burying of animals and the deposition of pottery and metal objects point to ritual practices being an integral part of household living. Also, the initial use or final abandonment of a homestead involved several ritual practices. Animal husbandry, small-scale farming, and horticulture were the most important means of subsistence, and many quotidian objects were made by the people themselves. Rarely were objects imported from other regions of the Roman Empire. Locally handmade pottery was massively produced and fits into one typology,1685 which can be applied to subsequent pottery studies at every settlement in the civitas Cananefatium. Pottery with the same shapes and decorations are found at the various rural settlements and their neighbouring sites, but also elsewhere in the area.The presence of similar soot traces on the pots also suggests that people cooked on braziers at all settlements in this area; several fragments of these braziers were found during excavations, and archaeobotanical research shows that people prepared food in the same manner at all rural settlements. Despite the fact that the ritual focus of the inhabitants lay more at the individual homestead level, these and other similarities suggest a strong mutual bond between the various local groups. The Cananefatian community provided soldiers for the Roman army from the 1st century.1686 For the rural sites along the Lower Rhine, such as Katwijk-Zanderij, this is clear; there are are firm indications of a strong bond with the army (section 5.4.2). This is different on the settlements outside the limes zone. Here, militaria has indeed been found regularly, but these generally do not date until after 120.1687 Other find material, such as wheelthrown pottery and coins frequently found within the military communities along the Lower Rhine, are almost completely absent. The only clear indication of the participation of

1681

1685

1682

1686

Dhaeze 2011, 161. Dhaeze 2011, 161.

Bloemers 1978, 344-392.  Bloemers 1978, 82 en 111; Van Driel-Murray 2008,

1683

De Bruin 2012c, 152.

1684

Kemmers 2014, 601.

83-84. 1687

Van Roemburg 2011, 122-123.

227

members of the rural community outside the limes zone in the Roman army is the military diploma discovered at Poeldijk dated in 164 (see also sections 1.1 and 1.6). This diploma shows that the son of the Cananefate Amandus has, remarkably enough, completed his years of service in the ala I Noricum and not in the Cananefatian ala. However, the location of the diploma does not have to be the location where the veteran actually lived, although there is a stone building present here (section 1.6).1688 From an archaeological point of view, the rural settlements within the limes zone had close relationships from the start with the Roman army and they probably also provided soldiers. At the rural settlements located outside the military zone along the Lower Rhine, hardly any indications have been found of a strong link with the military, despite the Poeldijk diploma.The relationship of the rural population in the southern part of the research area with the inhabitants of the new settlement in Voorburg is discussed below (section 6.4).

6 . 4 t h e s e co n d h a l f o f t h e 2 n d c e n t u ry Although in the twenties of the 2nd century there are indications of state-directed construction work in Voorburg, large-scale developments can only be observed archaeologically after the middle of the 2nd century. An example of this is the raising of the southern part of the settlement and the dredging of the gully, after which quay works are constructed. The wooden poles for these quay works were cut down between 157 and 159 in the south-east Netherlands and southern Germany.1689 The port construction can thus be dated around 1601690 and points to the planning and involvement of a central authority.1691 From this period, the construction of the city wall might have been started as well. In the vicinity of the city a Roman road was constructed, which can be dated to 151 on the basis of the oldest milestone of Antoninus Pius.1692 Interestingly, this milestone is dedicated to the emperor. However, it is questionable whether there were sufficiently wealthy persons and/or organizations in the civitas Cananefatium at that time to make such a large expense. This is especially the case since the settlement in Voorburg was still barely developed and the main economic and social focus of the rural settlements was still inward facing. It is therefore conceivable that the construction of the road was indeed financed by the imperial court; by pretending that the road was paid for by local groups, the impression was created that there was a well-organized, law-abiding civitas structure.1693 Be that as it may, the archaeologically observable activities and their dating may indicate that Voorburg was officially elevated to municipium only after the middle of the 2nd century. It would be the final piece of Hadrian’s policy that was continued by Antoninus Pius.1694 The short time that lies between the road construction and the construction activities in the city points to a larger, coherent plan of urban development. Incidentally, the elevation of Voorburg to municipium can also be seen as a form of propaganda: such an elevation was normally based on an already more-developed settlement that deserved to be promoted as an official city. However, this was not the case in Voorburg, with its limited size and minor urban development. Perhaps it is therefore a conscious policy to frame the state-led development of a governing structure in the civitas Cananefatium as a local development formed by the population itself. The impetus for the urban development of Voorburg around the middle of the 2nd century could have been motivated by a large-scale reorganization of the administrative system in the provinces. After all, cities that control their own civitas more or less independently put less pressure on the governors in the provincial capitals. For example, the roads around the cities were probably maintained from the cities.1695 With the transformation of Voorburg into the central place and economic-administrative center of the area, matters such as tax collection and the organization of the province were decentralized. The 1688

1692

1689

1693

1690

1694

1691

1695

Bogaers 1979, 357-371. Domíngues-Delmás et al. 2014, 647; 651. Driessen 2014b, 152. Driessen 2014a, 125.

228

Waasdorp 2003, 21. Sauer 2014, 262. For more examples, see Eck 2017, 223. Rathmann 2004, 9.

allotment of the countryside and the construction of a road are examples of the increased influence of urban governance on the surrounding region. This allotment is a phenomenon that can be observed in the whole of Germania inferior and is the archaeological manifestation of the relationship between the reform of the legal status of cities and population groups, and the registration of land ownership and other rural matters.1696 These developments led to a further integration of the countryside and, in this case, the area of ​​the Cananefates in the Roman Empire. This policy is also assumed for the Roman town in Nijmegen,1697 the civitas capital of the Batavians. The development of cities was therefore deliberately used by the Roman government as a catalyst for the political integration of the different civitates. The development of the city and port in Voorburg around the middle of the 2nd century, can also be linked to military activities. In 160 a new gate, and probably also a (part of) the defensive stone wall, were built in the castellum in Alphen aan den Rijn; these building activities can also be seen as a response to a local flood.1698 Yet, the first fort in South Shields in England was also built around 160.1699 The urban development of Voorburg could also be related to the military activities in the immediate vicinity of the town. The fortlet with a vicus in Den Haag-Ockenburgh was founded in the middle of the 2nd century.1700 The role of Voorburg in this military build-up could have been that of a transhipment port of goods on behalf of the military bases along the coast, as is evident from the pottery found in the harbour of the town.1701 However, the relationship between military developments and the development of the city in Voorburg is indirect and the reason for this urban development must also be sought within the civilian sphere. An indication of this is the fact that there is a big difference in Roman coin finds between the castella and the town.1702 Important changes take place in the rural settlements around the middle of the 2nd century. The most far-reaching is undoubtedly the construction of a large-scale ditch system that is laid-out over the entire area, and in which the individual rural settlements are incorporated. This allotment enabled the formal registration of the rural communities and created a different perception of the landscape for the rural inhabitants.1703 The ditch system also ensured a better drainage of the land and thus offered a larger available area for farming and animal husbandry. This provided subsequent opportunities for creating a surplus. It is no coincidence that the failed experiment to cultivate spelt wheat, which was very popular in Roman-military contexts, can be dated in the second half of the 2nd century.1704 Nevertheless, barley remained the most important crop. In the same period, large storage buildings appear in Rijswijk-De Bult and Den Haag-Uithofslaan, which were apparently intended to store agricultural surplus (likely a surplus of barley, based on the botaniocal evidence, see also section 5.9.7). The allotment of the countryside also ensured that the area suitable for grazing animals was increased. In the course of the 2nd century, the space for stabling animals in many byre-houses and the size of the individual farmhouses increases.1705 Apparently, the allotment facilitated an increase in livestock in the settlements. Both the surplus of farming and animal husbandry could be conveyed in the form of tax in kind, the annona. Some of it may have been exported as well, to the market in Voorburg or to military settlements in the area.1706 Finally, important changes in the burial ritual can be observed in this time. The burial ritual becomes archaeologically more visible, the number of (burnt) ceramics in the graves increases, burial mounds are raised, and people are buried along the Roman road (section 5.6.6). In particular, the last two aspects point to a more pronounced claim on the landscape, with the increased visibility and monumentalization of the 1696

Heeren 2009, 249.

1703

 Van Londen 2006, 220-221; Courbot-Dewerdt 2009,

1697

Heirbaut 2013, 126; Willems et al. 2009, 77.

13-23; Heeren 2009, 250.

1698

1704

1699

1705

1700

1706

Polak et al. 2004, 68; 253 Hodgson/Bidwell 2009, 62.  Waasdorp (red.) 2012, 133; Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 416.

Kooistra 2006, 421-422. Kodde 2007, 44; Siemons/Laan 2009, 50. Based on historical sources, barley was not very popular amongst Roman soldiers. However, there is evidence for

1701

the consumption of barley in many military contexts

1702

(Zerl et al. 2018, 116-117).

Van Kerckhove 2014, 469-472. Kemmers 2008, 100; Kemmers 2014, 610, fig. II-4.8.

229

graves emphasizing the ownership of the area by the local community. Perhaps this increasing claim on the landscape was a reaction to the allotment of the area. From the middle of the 2nd century, a radical change took place in the material culture within the rural communities, namely with the disappearance of handmade pottery. This is evident from a contextual analysis of the pottery from the settlement at Den Haag-Uithofslaan,1707 but also from the decrease of handmade vessels in contexts that can be dated using dendrochronology (section 5.9.8). On the basis of these data, it can be stated that the use of handmade pottery ended at the same time and quite abruptly across the entire research area. From that moment onwards, wheelthrown vessels were used, which were imported from outside the research area. These wheelthrown vessels seem to be available quite suddenly and in large quantities; the question remains as to how the wheelthrown pottery was introduced and why the rural population so quickly abandoned their local ceramic traditions. An explanation of this phenomenon can be found in the striking resemblance in the the coin diagrams from the rural settlements and the town in Voorburg.1708 The establishment of Voorburg as the central place for the area, for example in the context of tax collection in money, apparently stimulated the use of coins within the rural communities. Voorburg developed further in the second half of the 2nd century, including the construction of the harbour, where goods like wheelthrown vessels could be traversed, by the construction of a road, and by a large-scale allotment of the area.Thanks to these, the population in the surrounding countryside was evidently so strongly influenced that existing traditions were abandoned or significantly modified. Despite the large-scale introduction of wheelthrown pottery to the rural sites, several studies show that there were still differences between the composition of the (wheelthrown) pottery assemblages in the settlements of the various communities.These differences may point to clearly distinguishable cultural units, but also to the ways in which goods were exchanged between these communities. For example, the pottery assemblages of the city in Voorburg and the military settlement at Den Haag-Ockenburgh closely resemble each other.1709 Some minor differences in the composition of the pottery from these sites are mainly caused by differences in the dating of the sites. The Low Lands Ware, very well represented on the rural settlements, is found less in Voorburg and Den Haag-Ockenburgh, and is very rare in the military settlements along the Lower Rhine.1710 Based on these observations it can be stated that there was direct contact between the city in Voorburg and the military settlement of Den Haag-Ockenburgh. The city could actually have supplied the surrounding military installations during this period.1711 In the absence of thorough pottery studies focusing on the second half of the 2nd century (and later) along the limes, it is not possible to reconstruct the contacts between the military communities along the Lower Rhine and the other groups in the research area. The rural communities actually maintained contacts with the city, based among other things on the numismatic evidence. The pottery assemblages from the different communities, however, show that there were indeed differences between the rural settlements and the military and urban contexts.1712 The processes of change in the rural settlements in the southern part of the research area are mainly caused by the development of the city in Voorburg. Thus, they are not primarily caused by the return of veterans from the Roman auxilia. Nevertheless, a military diploma was found at the settlement with a building with a stone foundation at Poeldijk-Wateringseweg.1713 The diploma, which dates from 164,1714 belonged to a veteran of the ala I Noricum who was stationed in Remagen in Germany. The military

1707

represented than in Voorburg, where Low Lands Ware is

1708

as good represented as the coarse ware pottery; in rural

1709

settlements the Low Lands ware is the most dominant

Van Kerckhove 2011, 143-144. Kemmers 2008, 99; Kemmers 2014, 608-610. Van der Linden 2015, 186-187.

1710

Polak 2009, 9.

(Van der Linden 2015, 187).

1711

1713

1712

1714

Van Kerckhove 2014, 469-472. Coarse ware vessels are in military contexts much better

230

Bogaers 1979, 357-371. See section 1.1.

diploma of Poeldijk is the oldest archaeological indication of the existence of a Cananefatian community in the research area. The development of the infrastructure of the area led to the region playing a role in larger exchange networks. The ports of Voorburg, Leiden-Roomburg, and perhaps also those of Naaldwijk formed the main gateways to the area. There were also many smaller landing sites, especially near settlements along navigable channels, such as along the Corbulo Canal. From the last quarter of the 2nd century onwards, water transport is booming, as witnessed by the hundreds of altars found at Colijnsplaat and Domburg,1715 indicating that there was a busy trade between the German Rhineland and Britannia.1716 The research area, well accessible by waterways, played an important role in this larger trade network.1717 The archaeological reflection of this increased connectivity can be seen in, among other things, pottery1718 and fibulae from Britannia,1719 which are regularly found in the research area, also on rural sites. In addition, grain was also imported, which was shipped to Woerden via waterways in the research area.1720 It is quite possible that the local population actively participated in the transport of the various goods as a new source of income. In the castella along the Lower Rhine, more constructions were gradually built in stone in the second half of the 2nd century. For example, in Alphen aan den Rijn, in 160, at least one of the gates was rebuilt in stone,1721 followed by the construction of (a part of) the defensive stone wall in the last quarter of the second or the beginning of the 3rd century.1722 In this period, also in Valkenburg and perhaps in Leiden-Roomburg, stone building activities can be observed (section 3.1.3). After 168 and from 193 to around 235, maintenance occurred on the limes road, but these seem to be rather small repairs and not large, centrally organized construction campaigns. The building activities in the military zone along the Lower Rhine in the second half of the 2nd century therefore seem to point to regular maintenance of buildings and infrastructure. An exception to this is the evidence of the direct interference of the governors of Germania inferior with the limes zone. The first indication is the altar dedicated by governor Quintus Antistius Adventus (governor around 171/172?) in Vechten.1723 This governor, whose career is well-known from an inscription from Thibilis (Algeria),1724 was an important person within the Roman aristocracy who had earned his spurs in the Roman army; his presence in Vechten might be connected with his direct involvement in military affairs. His successors Junius Macr. and Didius Julianus, who were governors of Germania inferior between 175 and 185, initiated construction activities along the Lower Rhine, based on brick stamps that mention their name. This appears to be a supra-regionally organized construction campaign carried out by units of the Legio I Minervia and the Legio XXX Ulpia Victrix, which were stationed in the German Rhineland. They also fell under the authority of the governors of Germania inferior (section 3.1.3). The direct interference of the governors of Germania inferior in the military zone along the Lower Rhine between 171 and 185 may have been caused by unrest in the north-western part of the Roman Empire. Roman sources mention various factors that may have contributed to this unrest. For example, there was a plague epidemic (from 166),1725 raids of Chaucic pirates (between 171/172 and 174),1726 and an uprising of deserters under a certain Maternus (in 185/186).1727 In the background, the Marcomannic

1715

1722

1716

1723

1717

1724

1718

1725

1719

1726

Hondius-Crone 1955; Stuart/Bogaers 2001. De Bruin 2012c, 154-155. Driessen 2014e, 225. Van Kerckhove 2011, 153; Van Kerckhove 2014, 328. Ivleva 2012, 591-601; Heeren en Van der Feijst 2017, 386.

1720

De Bruin 2012c, 153.

Polak 2004, 69-70. Stuart 1986, 31-32. ILS 8977. Van Enckevort/Hendriks 2015, 124. De Clercq 2009, 491.

1727

Alföldy 1971, 367-376; De Clercq 2009, 492; Van Enckevort/Hendriks 2015, 125.

1721

Polak 2004, 68-69.

231

Wars in the Danube region from 166 to 175 and from 177 to 180 play an important role; these wars were won by the Romans with the greatest difficulty and presumably led to a higher tax burden in the provinces of the Roman Empire.1728 It is no coincidence that senator Gaius Vettius Sabinianus Julius Hospes, a highly placed person in the immediate vicinity of the emperor, was sent to Gallia as a special envoy for finance under the reign of Marcus Aurelius. This may indicate financial problems in Gaul, such as the stagnation of tax payments, or even an acute shortage in the state treasury, which had to be solved by increasing the taxes in the (Gallic) provinces.1729 The archaeologically proven activities of the governors of Germania inferior in the limes zone may indicate the (military) reaction of the Roman state apparatus to the unrest. Not only along the limes, but also in other places, the archaeological deposits of this apparently turbulent period have been found. Before this is discussed, it must be stated that, to date, convincing archaeological data are lacking for an alleged plague epidemic, despite the widespread recognition that such an epidemic has occurred. 1730 The incursions of the Chauci were addressed by Didius Julianus, according to a written source, named Historia Augusta, in his function as governor of Gallia Belgica, before he became governor of Germania inferior. 1731 However, Burgersdijk reports about the Historia Augusta that “… apart from being a problematical source of historical knowledge, the Historia Augusta is partly a work of fiction with literary pretentions …”.1732 So, the Historia Augusta is not a reliable written source.Yet, it is striking that Didius Julianus is mentioned as governor who also was active on the military front.This fits well with the recovered brick stamps that mention his name. However, there is no clear archaeological evidence for invasions of the Chauci.1733 The Maternus uprising is also handed down through the untrustworthy Historia Augusta and the correctness of the reporting on this bellum desertorum1734 can therefore also be debated. Archaeologically, however, there are clear indications of unrest from the second half of the 2nd century. Especially the widespread burning layers present in cities in Gaul, Germania inferior and Britannia appeal to the imagination.1735 More in the vicinity of the research area, fires are documented in Nijmegen1736 and in the temple complex of Empel, in the southern part of the Netherlands.1737 On the basis of the archaeological data it is, however, difficult to imagine that a relatively small invading group such as the Chauci is responsible for the devastation of several large Roman cities, which are also located at quite a distance from the sea.1738 There must therefore be another cause for these archaeological phenomena. In the research area, only indirect indications have been found for possible unrest in the second half of the 2nd century, such as the rapid filling of the features of habitation phase 2a in the southern part of the settlement in Voorburg; this phase is dated between 165 and 185.1739 In the filling of the features a fragment of sculpture was found that closely resembles a fragment that was collected elsewhere in the city at the earlier excavations of Reuvens.1740 Both pieces may originate from the same building. A substantial fragment of a column base from the same context led the researchers to assume that these pieces of sculpture come from a “... extensively decorated public (?) building, with columns, that was demolished in the third quarter of the 2nd century.”1741 Other features from phase 2a contain a homogeneous pottery complex that seems to have been dumped all at once.1742 The abrupt end of habitation phase 2a in Voorburg could have been caused by unrest of some kind. An extensively decorated building was destroyed and 1728

1736

1729

1737

Bloemers 1978, 85; De Clercq 2009, 491-492. AE 1920, 45; Drinkwater 1983, 76-77; De Clercq 2009, 492.

1730

McCormick 2015, 326; 330-333.

Willems et al. 2009, 79. Roymans/Derks 1994, 25.

1738

Erdrich 2004, 159-161.

1739

Bink/Franzen 2009, 97-104; Bink/Franzen 2009, 415;

1731

Dhaeze 2011, 63.

419.

1732

1740

1733

1741

1734

1742

Burgersdijk 2010, 10. De Bruin 2012c, 153. Alföldy 1971, 367-376; De Clercq 2009, 492-494.

1735

Dhaeze 2011, 79-80.

232

Bink/Franzen 2009, 246-247. Bink/Franzen 2009, 248. Bink/Franzen 2009, 196.

the inventory of households was damaged, which were then deposited all at once. In the southern part of the Batavian civitas capital Ulpia Noviomagus (Nijmegen), a ditch filled in at one time was found, with a similar find assemblage as the quickly filled features in Voorburg. Yet, a fire is known to have burned in Nijmegen in the late 2nd century.1743 Archaeologically attested military reactions to the unrest are the above mentioned governor’s stamps from the castella, but also the construction of temporary camps at Maldegem-Vake (dating from 170/171), and the possible Antonine fort in Aalter-Loveld. Both of these were located in the northern part of the civitas Menapiorum.1744 The temporary Ermelo camp, some thirty kilometers north of the Lower Rhine, can be roughly dated between 140 and 180. The camp, which could accommodate six to eight thousand men, may have been used for military action in this area.1745 Whether Aardenburg is already a military camp in this period is a matter for debate. It is only at the end of the 2nd century that the features point to a military function of the site.1746 It is remarkable that all archaeological evidence of devastation in the second half of the 2nd century was found in north-western Europe within civilian or rural settlements, while these are lacking on the military sites. Indeed, there are indications that activities in the castella are increasing during this period and new (temporary) camps were constructed in the hinterland. The most obvious explanation for these phenomena is therefore an uprising of the local population,1747 possibly as a result of the increased tax burden caused by the Marcomannic Wars.1748 There may, however, have been other causes for social unrest, such as the struggle for the throne between Clodius Albinus and Septimius Severus,1749 and related problems, such as the underpayment of and looting by soldiers who supported a certain pretender to the throne. Whether the alleged uprising extended to the research area remains uncertain. Possible devastations were caused in Voorburg during this period, but the evidence remains indirect. Whatever the cause of the suspected devastation in Voorburg, the settlement flourished after this incident. In the rural settlements in the research area, there are no indications for problems, and settlements seems to develop undisturbed. For example, in Rijswijk-De Bult between 180 and 210, the central farmhouse was built in stone (section 5.5.3).1750 The second and early 3rd-century renovations in the castella along the Lower Rhine, known from epigraphic sources, may indicate a period of vacancy as a result of the fighting operations between Clodius Albinus and Septimius Severus (section 3.1.3). However, these renovations can also be seen as preparation for a military operation (see below). At the end of the 2nd century, a second vicus was constructed in the beach ridge area, namely at Den Haag-Scheveningseweg.1751 On the basis of large numbers of militaria, and their casting moulds,1752 a guard post or small fort in the area can be proposed.1753 It seems that with the construction of the site at Den Haag-Scheveningseweg, a series of military bases were created that protected the coastal zone of the research area, including the supposed fortifications of the fleet at the mouths of the major rivers (section 3.6.6). Security initially focused on monitoring the vital supply routes for the Roman army,1754 but it can not be ruled out that the military installations also were constructed to control the research area itself.

1743

1750

1744

1751

1745

1752

1746

1753

1747

1754

Heirbaut (ed.) 2013, 88-92. De Clercq 2009, 382-388. Hulst 2007, 49-50. Van Dierendonck et al. 2013, 323-335. Erdrich 2004, 159-161.

Bloemers 1978, 184-188; Kodde 2007, 171-173. Waasdorp 1999, 171. Waasdorp 2012 (ed.), 135-137. Waasdorp 1999, 173. De Bruin 2012c, 153.

1748

Alföldy 1971, 372.

1749

Birley 1999b, 121-128; Drinkwater 1987, 19; Van Enckevort/Hendriks 2015, 125.

233

6 . 5 t h e f i r st h a l f o f t h e 3 r d c e n t u ry In 201 the amount of coins in Voorburg suddenly increased sharply. According to Kemmers,1755 this points to local developments, such as payments from the Roman state for civil construction programs and rewards for local administrators.1756 Possibly this increase in coins in Voorburg has to do with the work in the harbour that was initiated by the Roman state; at the beginning of the 3rd century it is dredged, after which the quay works on the east side of the harbor have subsided.1757 In 205 a new quay was constructed, with wood imported from central Germany and/or the Moselle region.1758 After this, the port was again dredged on a large scale. It is possible that the renovation of the port of Voorburg could not be carried out by the local city council and that this was the reason why the state sponsored this work. However, the renewed interest of the Roman state in this port can also be closely connected with the preparations for the military campaigns of Septimius Severus in Britannia in 208-211,1759 in which Voorburg might have played a role in provisioning and possibly relocating the troops. In connection with the dating of the new quay works in Voorburg, two building inscriptions from the castellum of LeidenRoomburg can be mentioned.1760 Both of these inscriptions can be dated in 205 and are thus remarkably contemporary. The building inscription from Alphen aan den Rijn (dated 208-211), which is to be dated a little later, is probably more related to a necessary renovation of the castellum gate after a flood,1761 than to activities associated with the Severan campaigns. In Katwijk, the altar of Claudius was renovated on behalf of Septimius Severus. In Boulogne-sur-Mer, various construction works also took place in the first decade of the 3rd century.1762 Construction work was therefore carried out both within the military contexts and in the port of Voorburg in the beginning of the 3rd century. The latter may have had a military purpose, but it could also indicate that the city, despite the obtained municipium status, was (still) unable to maintain its own infrastructure. A second indication of the need for state support is the milestones of Caracalla that were found along the road connecting Voorburg with the Helinium (dated in 212-213).1763 These mention the emperor as the impetus behind the the maintenance of the road1764 and this can be seen as a form of state support to the responsible authority, namely the town. Another activity of Caracalla in the research area is the renovation of the altar of Claudius in Katwijk, which had also been renovated by his father (the restoration of the altar is dated in 215, see section 3.1.3).1765 Neither the renovation of the road nor the restoration of the Katwijk monument exclude the possibility that the emperor had a special interest in the area. The distribution of his milestones demonstrates that Caracalla was generally involved in the administration of the western part of the Roman empire; these activities may also be related to Caracalla’s military campaigns in the Upper Germanic area during this period.1766 In 212, Caracalla granted all free inhabitants of the empire Roman civil rights.1767 Due to a rising groundwater table, caused by the land drainage and soil subsidence created by the land division of the area, parts of the research area were abandoned. In particular, the micro-region of Schiedam and part of what is now Midden-Delfland were depopulated in a short time (section 5.10.1). Possibly, the inhabitants of these areas settled in the immediate vicinity of Voorburg in the course of the 3rd century, since the size of the city grew. Archaeological material indicates an increase in local eat-

1755

1761

1756

1762

1757

1763

1758

1764

1759

1765

1760

1766

Kemmers 2014, 601. Kemmers 2009c, 156. Driessen 2014a, 126; Driessen 2014e, 218. Domíngues-Delmás et al. 2014, 651. Mattingly 2006, 123-124. Bogaers 1976a, 229-240; Brandenburgh/Hessing 2014, 30-31.

234

Polak et al. 2004, 70. Dhaeze 2011, 183. Waasdorp 2003, 30; Dorenbos et al. 2009, 45-48. Waasdorp 2003, 19. Bloemers/De Weerd 1984, 48. Waasdorp 2003, 30.

1767

Van Es 1981, 131.

ing habits during this period (see section 4.2.6).1768 People may also have settled in the military vicus at Den Haag-Ockenburgh, which increased in size during this period. However, on the higher levees in the landscape, the rural settlements were kept free from flooding and rural habitation was maintained. Pottery complexes from this period point to a fairly rich material culture, with a high percentage of tableware.1769 In a way, these pottery assemblages are also very similar to find complexes from the same period in Barendrecht, south of the Helinium,1770 in Tiel-Passewaaij1771 in the Batavian civitas, and in the eastern part of the Meuse-Demer-Scheldt area.1772 On the basis of the composition of the pottery, the research area seems to be part of a more general ‘pottery province’, in which regionally produced pottery played an increasingly prominent role.The same regionalization in the pottery repertoire, dating from the 3rd century, was observed in Tienen,1773 in the northern part of the civitas Tungrorum. The same trend also could be identified in the northern part of the civitas Menapiorum,1774 and thus appears to be part of a broader pattern. In studies of both these areas this regionalization was attributed to the disruption of trade networks, or the termination of the production of certain types of pottery. However, this development can also be seen in the light of an increased emancipation of the provincial societies, where people became less dependent on a centralized supply of pottery and started to focus more on local production, as is also assumed for England in this period.1775 The 3rd century can be regarded as a period of prosperity for the research area.1776 The increased prosperity of the inhabitants of the northern provinces of the Roman empire could have been the cause of this increased regionalization: it created a greater demand for products that were initially manufactured in centralized workshops. This demand made it interesting for smaller entrepreneurs to also manufacture these products. On the basis of 3rd century coin finds, Drinkwater suggests that “… the north-western provinces formed a distinct bloc within the Empire; this suggests a community of interest and attitude which might well help to explain the continuing general prosperity of the area, which on this view might have been to a significant degree economically self-contained …”1777 By regionalization, the local communities became (economically) less dependent on the Roman state. Perhaps these developments contributed to the rise of separatist thoughts, culminating in the emergence of the Gallic Empire in 260, which is also seen as “... a first expression of a separate identity of the western part of the Roman Empire.”1778 (see also section 6.6). In the first half of the 3rd century, stone buildings that are equipped with underfloor heating start to appear in Naaldwijk-Mars and Rijswijk-De Bult; the latter site also yielded fragments of wall painting (section 5.5.3 and 5.10.2). This points to further investments by the inhabitants of these settlements and can be seen as an expression of prosperity in a period traditionally regarded as a time of crisis.The distinct lack of 3rd century house plans at other contemporary settlements can be explained by the increasing use of other house construction methods. These include half-timbered construction and walls built from rammed earth, which may or may not involve a masonry base (section 5.10. 2).The pit clusters characteristic of the 3rd century are found on various sites and provide a strong indication that clay was collected on a fairly large scale for use in the walls of the houses. These methods of construction generally leave only shallow traces in the ground and are therefore hardly recognized by archaeological research. On the other hand, many settlements from Roman times have been leveled in later periods, so that shallow traces have disappeared. In summary, it can be said that there are many indications that new types of buildings

1768

1773

1769

1774

Bink/Franzen 2009, 432. De Bruin 2012a, 209; 223; Van Roemburg 2015, 123126.

Martens 2012, 298-301. De Clercq 2009, 452-453.

1775

Fulford 1984, 137.

1770

1776

1771

1777

1772

1778

De Bruin 2007, 65-80. Van Kerckhove 2006, 133-137. Hiddink 2009, 149-170.

Drinkwater 1983, 221. Drinkwater 1987, 20. Kemmers 2000, 55.

235

appear in the rural settlements in the course of the 3rd century. At first sight, these likely had a much more ‘Roman’ appearance than the more common byre-houses from the previous one hundred and fifty years.The reason why the rural population switched to another type of home construction is not entirely clear, but may be the result of a shortage of building timber in the area and a better availability of stone and/or ceramic building materials. However, it is also possible that this change had a cultural background, whereby a house with a ‘Roman’ appearance was more highly valued. As mentioned above, the area of the settlement in Voorburg expanded in the course of the 3rd century. At the moment it is still unclear whether this expansion was also formalized by surrounding the enlarged city with new ditches or even a new town wall, as has been demonstrated in Nijmegen for its 3rd century urban expansion.1779 In view of the ‘state support’ that the city in Voorburg needed from its foundation onwards, it is doubtful whether the city itself had enough resources to finance such an expense. Numismatic indications for a new cash flow towards the city are lacking in any case; the larger amount of coins from Severus Alexander fits in with the general picture.1780 The port was no longer maintained or dredged after the last renovation at the beginning of the 3rd century and even started to silt up from 230 onwards.1781 However, even after the peak under Severus Alexander, the series of coins runs up to 275, an indication that the activities in the city continued uninterrupted.1782 Nevertheless, the first decades of the 3rd century must have been a flourishing period for the city. This is reflected in the milestones along the road from Voorburg to Naaldwijk that were erected during this period. Those of Gordian III and Decius were certainly financed by the civitas and therefore perhaps also by the city itself (sections 4.1.1 and 6.1.6). About a century after the foundation of Voorburg as the central place of the area, perhaps only now was it possible that the city could finance such infrastructure projects, and these milestones can also be seen as loyalty statements to the emperors.1783 The forts along the Lower Rhine probably remained in use throughout the first half of the 3rd century, but there are no indications for large-scale renovations after the first decade of this century (section 3.1.3). It is not excluded that the forts in this period, just as before, were only used if there was a military need. However, maintenance was carried out, as shown by work on the limes road in Leidsche Rijn near Utrecht after 225.1784 Around 220 there are indications that both legions stationed along the Rhine in Germany (the first legion Minervia and the thirtieth legion) were active in Vechten near Utrecht. Two inscriptions were found here that are dedicated by the legati1785 of these legions and that, due to their dedications to Neptune, Oceanus, and Rhenus, were probably also involved in military operations on water. These operations may have extended to the research area, although it could also have involved a large troop transport to another region.1786 On the basis of a dedication from Bonn, the first legion Minervia was also involved in combat operations in 231.1787 This military campaign probably did not occur in the research area, but the inscription from Bonn clearly mentions the use of auxiliarii, which may have come from other parts of Germania inferior.1788 Thus, it could have concerned troops from the Lower Rhine limes.The same applies to the military campaigns of Severus Alexander (222-235) in the vicinity of Germania superior, which are reflected in an increased number of coins of this emperor in the research area and beyond.1789 For these campaigns, soldiers from Germania inferior were also deployed. After the death of Severus Alexander, the Roman army undertook a campaign in free Germania, as supported by the discovery of a battlefield from 235 (or 236) 1779

Heirbaut (ed.) 2013, 141-142.

1786

CIL XIII 8810; CIL XIII 8811; Alföldy 1967, 54-55;

1780

Kemmers 2014, 601.

Bloemers 1978, 85; Dhaeze 2011, 185; Konen 2000, 443;

1781

Driessen 2014b, 163.

Driessen 2014b, 156.

1782

1787

1783

1788

1784

1789

Kemmers 2014, 601. Sauer 2014, 281. Van der Kamp 2009, 93; Luksen-IJtsma 2010, 95.

1785

Plural of legatus, the officer in command of a legion.

236

Alföldy 1967, 56; Bloemers 1978, 85; Konen 2000, 443. CIL XIII 8017. Kemmers 2009a, 45; Kemmers 2014, 601.

in Harzhorn in Germany, more than 150 kilometers to the east of the limes.1790 Also for this campaign, an appeal could be made to soldiers who were stationed along the Lower Rhine. In most castella, the number of coins decreased strongly after the reign of Severus Alexander, which could indicate that after this period no major military operations took place anymore. Forts then could be maintained for a large part of the time with a minimal force. The decrease in the number of coins during this period is however a common phenomenon that exists across many other places and is not an argument for an interruption in the use of the castella (section 3.1.4). Work on the castellum wall in Leiden-Roomburg, which may date to 243 (at the time of the reign of Gordian III), also might indicate some maintenance (section 3.1.4).1791 Coins of this emperor have been found in several places along the Lower Rhine limes.1792 The military settlements along the coast probably remained in use throughout the 3rd century. However, in the settlements at Ockenburgh and Scheveningseweg in The Hague, a striking peak in the coin diagrams can be seen in the Severan period (193-235).1793 Since in both complexes the coins from the beginning of the reign of Septimius Severus are well represented, the coin supply seems to have started immediately after the throne ascension of this emperor.1794 This may indicate the beginning of an intensified phase of military activities here. In the Den Haag-Scheveningseweg settlement, almost as many Severus Alexander coins have been found as ones belonging to Septimius Severus.1795 This peak of coins of Severus Alexander occurs in more places and is associated with the campaigns of this emperor in the vicinity of Germania superior (see the previous paragraph).The continuous coin series breaks down in Den Haag-Scheveningseweg after Severus Alexander; in Den Haag-Ockenburgh one coin from Gordian III was found, dating from 241 until 243.1796 However, coins from the period after 260 have also been found in both areas and these suggest that both sites were also inhabited during the intervening period, since coins from the period 240-260 are rare (section 3.1.4).

6 . 6 t h e s e co n d h a l f o f t h e 3 r d c e n t u ry A part of the rural settlements was still inhabited during the second half of the 3rd century, but how many settlements can not be determined on the basis of the poor chronological resolution of the find material. The indications for this late occupation are mainly coins, some late fibula types, and incidental pottery finds (section 5.10.2). A part of the pottery, which is generally dated in the 3rd century, is thought to be in use until the second half of the 3rd century. The construction of a well in the Harnaschpolder-Zuid settlement in 2471797 is one of the few structures which were clearly used for some time in the second half of the 3rd century (section 5.10.2). It seems that people continued to live in some settlements after 300 (see below, section 6.7). However, most of the sites were abandoned between 275 and 300. A possible explanation for this phenomenon is discussed below. In 250, new milestones dedicated to the emperor Decius are placed in The Hague and Rijswijk along the Roman road from Voorburg to Naaldwijk. The milestones, which are seen as an exceptional tribute to this emperor, were erected as a token of loyalty on behalf of the Cananefates, or on behalf of the eponymous civitas.1798 These two names probably both related to the Cananefatian community as a whole, which paid for the milestones. Decius probably owed this tribute to his earlier position as governor of Germania inferior in the thirties of the 3rd century (section 4.1.2). However, it is also possible that the 1790

Geschwinde et al. 2009, 228-232; Berger et al. 2010, 313402; Berger et al. 2013, 66-70.

450-453. 1795

Waasdorp 1999, 31.

1791

1796

1792

1797

1793

1798

Polak 2004, 67; Polak 2005, 39-40. Kemmers 2009a, 30. Aarts 2015c, 247-250.

Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b, 452-453. Van Rijn 2006, 296-297. Waasdorp 2003, 34-37; 41-43.

1794

 Waasdorp 1999, 31; Waasdorp/Van Zoolingen 2015b,

237

milestones were set up in connection with military activities in the area.1799 Additional evidence for this could be the text victoria Germanica on one of the coin types of Decius, although it may also relate to Decius’ military campaigns against the Goths.1800 Finally, there was a civil war in Gallia that was suppressed by Decius, although the scale of this event must not be overestimated.1801 The placement of the milestones can therefore be seen as a local statement of loyalty in a politically turbulent period.1802 In the city in Voorburg, coins point to a continuous use of the settlement up to 275,1803 while pottery evidence places the end of the habitation in the beginning of the 4th century.1804 The city is in any case still inhabited in the second half of the 3rd century. However, the lack of coins from after 275 in Voorburg is striking. A large number of coins was circulating in Naaldwijk during this period, including not only imitations of late 3rd century antoniniani, but also official emissions from, among others, Diocletian and Maximian.1805 Therefore, it is assumed that in (the vicinity of) Naaldwijk was a place that played an important role in the monetary network of the civitas Cananefatium.1806 It is not inconceivable that Naaldwijk took over the port function of the city in Voorburg at the end of the 3rd century (section 5.10.2). Moreover, it is not excluded that Naaldwijk also was the location of a fortification of the fleet, which could have been in use until the late 3rd century. In the castella along the Lower Rhine, the indications for activities after 250 are scarce. For example, there are few coins,1807 but the fact that these occur again after a period of absence is perhaps significant. The occurrence of fragments of Trier motto beakers also indicates activities in the limes zone after 250 (section 3.1.4). All in all, the military fortifications along the Lower Rhine seem to have been maintained until at least the second half of the 3rd century. An important historical event in this period is the breaking away of the western part of the Roman empire.1808 In 260,Valerian, father and co-emperor of Gallienus, was captured by the Persian king Shapur I. This event fostered an unstable situation in the Roman empire, leading to various usurpations and uprisings. Along the Rhine, Marcus Cassianius Latinius Postumus, at that time possibly governor of Germania inferior,1809 was proclaimed emperor by his troops. Instead of moving to Rome, Postumus bundled the western provinces (Gallia, Britannia, the two Germaniae and the Iberian Peninsula) into a separate empire, known in modern literature as the Gallic Empire. This empire, which has a strongly Romanbased system of governance, remained in existence until 274, after which it is placed under the authority of Rome by the central emperor Aurelian. The Gallic Empire has left few archaeological traces in the research area. It is clear that coins of the Gallic emperors appear both on military sites and in the city in Voorburg, but generally in small numbers. However, the rural settlements show a peak in the number of coins during this period, certainly when compared to the military and urban contexts.1810 Also at Naaldwijk, quite a number of coins from the Gallic Empire were found.1811 Why more coins from this period are found in the countryside is not clear. However, the coins clearly indicate that the area had indeed joined the Gallic Empire. However, this connection was accompanied by social unrest in other parts of Germania inferior, as shown by an inscription from Krefeld-Gellep (Germany), which states that the bathhouse was destroyed by the ‘betrayal’ of ‘state enemies’ around 265.1812 In this case, state enemies clearly refer to people who oppose the new Gallic authority.

1799

1807

1800

1808

Kemmers 2000, 51-52. Manders 2009, 26.

Kemmers 2009a, 45. The information in this section is based on Drinkwater

1801

Drinkwater 1987, 21.

1987, 19-44, unless stated otherwise.

1802

1809

1803

1810

1804

1811

1805

1812

Sauer 2014, 279, 281. Kemmers 2014, 601, 608. Van Kerckhove 2014, 466. Van der Feijst et al. 2008, 263.

1806

Van der Feijst/Aarts 2015, 87.

238

Eck 1985, 222-224; Drinkwater 1987, 25-26. Kemmers 2008, 96-97, Kemmers 2014, 610, fig. II-4.8. Van der Feijst/Aarts 2015, 86-87. Eck 2009, 190.

Similar indications are lacking in the research area. It is striking, that the four milestones were found in the roadside ditch of the Roman road in The Hague seem to have been broken off their pedestals deliberately or even seem to have been overturned. Perhaps someone wanted to remove the expressions of the central authority (section 5.10.3).1813 This must have taken place at least after 250, because that is the date recorded on the youngest milestone.1814 However, it is also possible that this action took place earlier, but still after 250; in that case it would be expected that replacement milestones of a later date would be present as well. The possibility that the milestones were overturned in the Middle Ages is unlikely, since in a low-stone environment such as the research area, natural stone was reused. This is attested by the robbery of almost all Roman stone foundations existing in the region up to the present. Moreover, the Rijswijk milestones probably also come from the roadside ditch of the Roman road. This is most probably also the case for the complete milestone that originates from the Naaldwijk area (section 4.1.1.), so that it can not be excluded that the removal of the milestones from the landscape throughout the whole of the civitas Cananefatium has taken place. In 274, the Gallic Empire was conquered by emperor Aurelian,1815and coins in the city in Voorburg point to the continuous use of the settlement until around this period.1816 Pottery, however, signals the end of the habitation in Voorbrug at the beginning of the 4th century.1817 The military settlements of Den Haag-Ockenburgh and Naaldwijk also appear to be inhabited until the end of the 3rd century, and possibly even were in use in the early 4th century (section 3.6.5). The same may apply to some rural settlements, but it is not clear whether these sites all were abandoned at the same time or whether it was a more gradual process (section 5.10.3). The number of rural settlements that actually remained in use until around 300 was not very large, although here too the chronological resolution of the find material does not allow for more accurate dating. The ultimate depopulation of the region may have been caused by a conscious population policy, as has been suggested as the reason for the depopulation of the MeuseDemer-Scheldt area in about the same period.1818 For the research area, a comparable scenario can be assumed for now, due to the lack of archaeologically attestable reasons for the large-scale abandonment of the area around 300.

6 . 7 t h e 4 t h c e n t u ry a n d lat e r Habitation in the 4th century in the research area is scarce. In the castella, incidental finds such as coins, pottery, and the occassional fibula indicate (short-term) activities (section 3.2). As the highest levels of most castellum sites are disturbed, it is possible that the image of the use of the castella in the 4th century can no longer be traced. Based on its appearance, the Brittenburg, which was found on the beach of Katwijk in the 16th century, can be interpreted as a (late) 4th century fortress, similar to the final phase of the Krefeld-Gellep fort (section 3.2). This proposition can unfortunately no longer be verified due to the complete erosion of the Brittenburg. Other military bases along the coast, such as Den HaagScheveningseweg and Den Haag-Ockenburgh, probably ceased to exist in the beginning of the 4th century (section 3.6.5). The coin hoard of the Haarlemmermeer, which ended up in the ground (or the water) in the beginning of the 5th century, could have been a cash transfer to a group of allies (foederati) in Noord-Holland.This hoard has probably no relation with military activities in the research area, unless it was a cash transfer to Britannia (section 3.1.4). In that case, the discovery could mean that the Lower Rhine was still important for Roman authorities at the beginning of the 5th century.

1813

1816

1814

1817

1815

1818

Kemmers 2000, 48; De Bruin 2005, 32. Waasdorp 2003, 37. Drinkwater 1987, 42-44.

Kemmers 2014, 601, 608. Van Kerckhove 2014, 466. Heeren 2015, 293-294.

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In Voorburg, pottery and seven coins, almost all of which can be dated to the first half of the 4th century, indicate the end of the habitation in this period (section 4.2.3). Burials found within the walls of the (former) city that date to the late third and possibly also in the 4th century point to the dismantling of large parts of the town (section 4.2.3). 4th century coins are virtually absent in the countryside, with the exception of the early 4th century coin hoard (or lost purse) from Naaldwijk.1819 At the Naaldwijk-’t Zandheultje site, a follis1820 from the first half of the 4th century was found, which can be considered as a stray find.1821 Moreover, separate coins do not directly indicate habitation, as they may have been lost by travelers or used in the early Middle Ages.1822 Nevertheless, in three places (Naaldwijk, Rijswijk-De Bult, and Poeldijk-Wateringseweg), actual habitation still occurs in the course of the 4th century. The material culture is characterized by handmade pottery and wheelthrown vessels, which are very similar to pottery complexes in the coastal area north of the Lower Rhine (section 5.10.4). It can not be ruled out that these objects belonged to a new group of people who, after the original population left the settlements in the research area, traveled through the region and settled briefly in interesting locations. They may have chosen the remains of stone buildings or places where valuable objects could be collected, such as metal objects (section 5.10.4). It is still unclear when exactly in the 4th century this occupation took place, but this could still have been in the first half of the 4th century. The residents of these settlements were possibly in transit towards the south and possibly also towards England (section 5.10.4). Between the second half of the 4th century and 450 there are no indications that people lived in the research area (section 5.11).

6.8 synopsis Between 39-40 and the middle of the 4th century, the research area was inhabited by communities with a military, urban, and rural background. The oldest features are of a military nature and there are clear indications for contacts between the army and the rural settlements along the Lower Rhine. However, the landscape corridor along the Lower Rhine, the limes, remained an isolated entity in the area, with its own supply and own long-distance contacts. Local groups played a modest role in this zone. As time went by, the number of soldiers permanently stationed in the castella decreased and the forts were only fully occupied in the event of a military campaign. Although the indications for the occupation of the castella become more scarce after the middle of the 3rd century, it can be assumed that the limes still functioned until the end of the fourth or the beginning of the 5th century, albeit with (long) interruptions. The military presence in the hinterland starts in the second quarter of the 2nd century. A temporary camp was set up in the beach ridge area and a fleet base was built at the mouth of the Helinium. These military structures were expanded during the later 2nd and 3rd centuries, to be abandoned in the beginning of the 4th century. The urban settlement in Voorburg was founded in the twenties of the 2nd century and was inhabited until the end of the third or possibly the beginning of the 4th century. The settlement seems to have arisen primarily from the Roman authority’s desire to create a civitas capital in an area that has no urban structures, to decentralize governmental tasks, to promote the political integration of the rural population, and perhaps also to create a logistics hub for the army. As a result, the city had a large port and was therefore important as a transfer point for the immediate vicinity, but also for nearby military installations. In the course of the 4th century, people continued to live within the walls of the city, but this habitation can be characterized as a meagre reflection of the old urban settlement. This is also evident from the

1819

1821

1820

1822

Van der Feijst/Aarts 2015, 83-84. 4th-century coin type.

240

Van der Feijst 2012b, 100-101. Bult 1998, 15; Dijkstra 2011, 75-76.

contemporary burials found within the city walls. From the middle of the 3rd century, the port function of Voorburg was gradually taken over by Naaldwijk, which was closer to the mouth of the Helinium. The rural habitation in the vicinity of the city, in the southern part of the research area, dates from 50. Most settlements, however, date from the period 70 to 100. From the end of the second or the beginning of the 3rd century, the first sites were abandoned, probably due to a rising watertable as a result of the drainage of the area and a stagnant flow of the water through the gullies, that had silted up. Most of the settlements end in the second half of the 3rd century or in the beginning of the 4th century. Possibly, the population was deliberately removed from the area. In the period thereafter, some abandoned settlements were visited again by people with a background in the coastal area north of the Lower Rhine.They swept the region in search of valuable materials, such as metal objects, which were then melted down.This kind of habitation seems to end around the middle of the 4th century and may also have been short-lived. There is no clear continuity with the habitation in the early Middle Ages. Now that the habitation history of the region has been described, it is time to address the research questions, as formulated in section 1.2.

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7. Conclusions Chapter 1 presented several concepts to explain the processes of change that occurred in rural communities in border areas of the Roman empire. As the level of archaeological data at the rural sites in the research area make it virtually impossible to identify individuals, it was decided to study rural habitation at the level of the entire community, which in the Roman period was referred to as the Cananefates. In this respect, regional differences were taken into account. The formation of this community and the changes that took place within this group during the first three centuries of our era formed the central theme of this research, as did the role of the Roman state in these processes. In the preceding chapters, a detailed description has been given of all the archaeological remains present in the research area and its wider history. The aim of this was to reconstruct the interaction between the Cananefates and the Roman-military and urban communities. Finally, this study focused on the question to what extent the case study of the Cananefates could be applied to other communities in the border areas of the Roman empire.

The community of the Cananefates Evidence concerning the formation of the community of the Cananefates before the middle of the 1st century is known only from historical sources, which are difficult to interpret. Therefore, the reconstruction of the early history of the Cananefates remains hypothetical. The fact that the written sources report the existence of a population called Cananefates before any archaeological traces indicate a Cananefatian community, proves that the name of the group is Roman in origin. On the basis of the archaeological evidence, the research area was populated between 40 and 100, with the earliest Roman forts along the Rhine were constructed in 39/40 AD. The vast majority of the rural settlements were newly built and had no relation with the previous late Iron Age habitation. This suggests that the founders of the new settlements were immigrants from another place. Based on (slightly) different dates for the first phase of settlements, this process likely took place in several waves. The distribution of certain categories of material culture, like pottery styles and brooches, suggests that the immigrants came from the western coastal area of the Netherlands, more specifically from the area north of the Lower Rhine. The presence of military equipment and coins indicate a relationship with the Roman army, although these are more evident in the vicinity of the Lower Rhine compared to the southern part of the research area. So, a diverse group of people started to settle in the area, contemporary with or shortly after the establishment of the Roman forts along the Lower Rhine. This suggests that the movement of people into the area took place under the direction of, or with the permission of the Roman army. Soon after the founding of the first settlements, a uniform (material) culture developed, with numerous archaeologically observable elements, such as: consistency in the arrangement of the homestead, traditions of house building and handmade pottery, and similar patterns in food production and consumption. Such elements can be seen as the archaeological record of a set of symbols, with which the rural groups shaped their community during the occupation of the research area. These symbols also distinguished them from other groups in the area, including the military communities along the Lower Rhine, and the (later) proto-urban community in Voorburg. The absence of monumental tombs and other interventions in the landscape, emphasise the lack of an explicit claim over the land by the local groups. No elite that

243

could be considered as a carrier of a Cananefatian ethnic identity is archaeologically attestable. Despite the fact that the ritual focus was on the individual homestead, the similarities in the archaeological material show a strong bond between the rural communities, as well as a series of shared ritual repertoires and ideas about how to live. The reason for the creation of this unified community may lie in the fact that it was deemed necessary by the presence of another, external and dominant factor (the Roman army). The primary engine for the development of the uniform rural culture in the civitas Cananefatium may have been the military, yet other activities may have formed the concrete grounds for the formation of a fairly homogeneous culture. These could include the exchange of marriage partners, the small distances between settlements, exchange networks, and other occasions in which people gathered. Furthermore, there appears to be a rural society which is built up of relatively autonomous local units or groups that interacted intensively with each other. However, there are few traces of communal activities. What they share is a set of practices and beliefs, but these do not seem to be imposed by an elite group. Around the middle of the 2nd century, the Roman government invested in the construction of a road in the area. At the same time, it is likely that the settlement in Voorburg was raised to a municipium status and that the surrounding area was parceled, with the aim of recording the local groups and levying taxes. These measures took place in the context of an administrative reorganization and a (deliberate?) attempt to further integrate the rural communities into the Roman Empire. These actions led to significant changes in the countryside. For example, the stable space – and hence the size of the individual farms - increased, while on some settlements large storage buildings appear, where crop yields could be collected in the service of the annona. At the rural settlements, handmade pottery disappeared in favor of imported, wheel thrown vessels. Also, the first monumental burial mounds appear in the area, through which the local community imposed a clear claim on the land. However, the byre-house remained in most settlements. The short period in which these changes occur and the fact that handmade pottery disappeared from all settlements in the area points to a strongly connected rural community. In the communal response to these changes, the community of the Cananefates remains clearly recognizable, as it does by sticking to the tradition of the byre-house and the (renewed?) claim on the land. In the beginning of the 3rd century, the byre-house disappeared and, increasingly, half-timbered buildings were constructed. Buildings with stone foundations also start to appear. The pottery assemblages of rural settlements from the research area are comparable to other regions of Germania inferior, indicating the growing emancipation of the rural communities in the province, forming an identity that transcends the region. This process was likely accelerated by increased exchanges through expanding trade and transport networks; these led to increasing wealth in the north-western provinces of the Roman Empire. Nevertheless, despite the emergence of a provincial group identity, milestones in The Hague and Rijswijk are erected in the name of the Cananefates in 250. These milestones indicate that within the larger provincial identity, the articulation of a local, Cananefatian identity was still important. Thus, although the Cananefates were largely integrated in the broader provincial society by the 3rd century, the local community is maintained. The habitation at the rural settlements disappeared around 300, perhaps as a result of a deliberate depopulation policy of the Roman government. As a result, the community of the Cananefates vanishes. In (the course of) the first half of the 4th century, several deserted settlements were visited by groups of a cultural background shared with the coastal area north of the Lower Rhine. However, it is clear that this is a new group of people, meaning that continuity with the preceding habitation cannot be proven. Between 350 and 450, evidence for habitation is absent in the research area.

244

The Cananefates Essentially, like many other rural groups along Rome’s frontiers, the community of the Cananefates came into being through Roman initiatives. This goes not only for the name of the community but also for the ability of people to settle in the research area under Roman military control. It may be concluded that an evolving Cananefatian community was mirrored on a Roman reference framework, perhaps even a Roman military reference framework. However, this does not exclude the results of another dynamic mechanism: community formation. This could be formed and strengthened through increased internal exchange, like the exchange of marital partners and other ceremonial gatherings and ritual practices outside the army. The development of a specific set of symbols and shared ideas for dealing with the material world as well as the communal changes that took place within the community, point to independent agency.Yet this was always linked to wider socio-political and military developments within the Roman Empire. Despite the increasing integration of provincial society, a specific Cananefatian community was maintained. Furthermore, the Cananefatian group shared their ‘own’ civitas with military and urban communities. However, despite the proximity of these groups, clear differences can be observed between the different groups until the 3rd century. The rural population thus maintained relationships with the other communities in the research area, but they also lived separately from each other.

The case study of the Cananefates The consequences of the incorporation of rural groups in the Roman empire can be optimally studied in the Cananefatian area, a region without a clearly developed elite or central authority and with a minimal degree of urbanization. In this region, any and all actions of the Roman authorities have drastic consequences for the local communities. These consequences can be detected by studying archaeological materials and, in combination with the fine-grained chronological resolution in the research area, offer detailed information about the politics, urbanization, or military actions of the Roman empire. Remarkably, the ‘Batavian model’ was not applicable to the research area. This probably also applies to other border regions of the Roman empire: they all followed their own development. Studying these ‘marginal border areas’, based on carefully collected archaeological data, can ultimately provide the building blocks to a better understanding of the functioning of society under Rome.

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Bibliography Abbreviations AAC: Amsterdam Archaeological Center, University of Amsterdam AD: Anno Domini, after Christ ADC: Archeologisch Diensten Centrum, commercial excavation company in the Netherlands AE: Année Epigraphique Archis: Archaeological information systeem of the Cultural Heritage Agency of the Netherlands Archol: Archeologisch onderzoek Leiden, commercial excavation company in the Netherlands AWN: Archeologische Werkgemeenschap voor Nederland, cooperation of volunteers in Dutch archeology BAAC: Bouwhistorie, Archeologie, Architectuurhistorie en Cultuurhistorie, commercial excavation company in the Netherlands BC: Before Christ BIAX: Biology archaeology x, a cross-over between biology and archaeology, commercial company for the analysis if wood, seeds and pollen in the Netherlands BOOR: Bureau Oudheidkundig Onderzoek van de gemeentewerken Rotterdam, municipal archaeological service of Rotterdam BV: Besloten vennootschap (private company) CIL: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum DANS EASY: Data Archiving and Networked Services Electronic Archiving System Et al.: Et alii I.e.: Id est ILS: Dessau, Hermann. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. Berlin 1892-1916, 3 vols, vol. 3 (1914/16) [ILS 8884 to 9522 + index] Berolini Apud Weidmannos. Numis: Numismatisch Informatie Systeem, Numismatic Information System, an online database of coins, of De Nederlandsche Bank (the Dutch National Bank) RAAP: Regionaal Archeologisch Archiverings Project, commercial excavation company in the Netherlands SOJA: Symposium Onderzoek Jonge Archeologen, Symposium Research Young Archaeologists VLAK: Vlaardings Archeologisch Kantoor, municipal archaeological service of Vlaardingen VOM: Verkeer en Vervoer, Openbare Ruimte en Monumentenzorg, former department of the Municipality of The Hague

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288

Appendix 1. Roman period settlements in the research area the numbers refer to map 1 and 2 Site

Municipality

Site name

Location

X

Y

1

Alphen aan den Rijn

Hooge Burch

Zwammerdam

109050

457640

2

Alphen aan den Rijn

Castellumstraat

Alphen aan den Rijn

105275

460375

3

Alphen aan den Rijn

Lemkes

Alphen aan den Rijn

102790

460810

4

Alphen aan den Rijn

Goudse Rijpad

Alphen aan den Rijn

107350

458300

5

Alphen aan den Rijn

Compierekade

Alphen aan den Rijn

103050

459960

6

Alphen aan den Rijn

Alphen De Schans

Alphen aan den Rijn

105845

458835

7

Bodegraven-Reeuwijk

Oud Bodegraafseweg

Bodegraven

111000

455250

8

Capelle aan den IJssel

Middelwatering-West

Capelle aan den IJssel

99550

437410

9

Delft

Rotterdamse Weg 5.01/5.02

Delft

86660

443980

10

Delft

Abtswoudse Polder 4.23

Abtswoude

85350

443900

11

Delft

Rotterdamse Weg 5.03

Delft

86250

443900

12

Delft

Madeburcht

Delft

83790

446610

13

Delft

TNO complex

Delft

86000

446360

14

Delft

Rotterdamse Weg

Delft

85480

445000

15

Delft

Abtswoude 40

Delft

83900

444015

16

Delft

Delftse Schie DB048

Delft

85750

443940

17

Delft

Lage Abtswoudse Polder DB026

Delft

85180

444790

18

Delft

Koningsveld DB034

Delft

84709

446488

19

Delft

Crommelinlaan DB012

Delft

84420

446630

20

Delft

Buitenhof DB015

Delft

82950

445250

21

Delft

Centrum DC022 DC029 DC033

Delft

84218

447484

22

Delft

IHE

Delft

84275

447270

23

Gouda

Gouderaksedijk 75

Gouda

108771

446491

24

Katwijk

Uitwateringssluizen

Katwijk aan Zee

87520

469700

25

Katwijk

Klein Duin

Katwijk aan Zee

88430

468840

26

Katwijk

Valkenburg-Dorp

Valkenburg

89770

466170

27

Katwijk

Valkenburg-De Woerd

Valkenburg

90150

465260

28

Katwijk

Brittenburg

Katwijk aan Zee

87000

470000

29

Katwijk

Zanderij

Katwijk

88678

467474

30

Katwijk

Vliegveld

Valkenburg

89658

465362

31

Katwijk

Marktveld

Valkenburg

89800

465668

289

32

Katwijk

Marktveld Minicastellum

Valkenburg

89959

465596

33

Leiden

Koenesteeg

Leiden

94000

463425

34

Leiden

Roomburg

Leiden

95550

462750

35

Leiden

Oostvlietpolder

Leiden

92460

460950

36

Leiden

Oostvlietpolder

Leiden

92300

460750

37

Leiden

Haagweg

Leiden

92890

463150

38

Leiden

Oostvlietpolder zone 7

Leiden

92300

460725

39

Leiden

Meerburg

Leiden

95389

462879

40

Leidschendam-Voorburg

Arentsburg

Voorburg

83750

452880

41

Midden-Delfland

Harnaschpolder MDHP07

Schipluiden

81480

446640

42

Midden-Delfland

Dorppolder

Schipluiden

78940

442870

43

Midden-Delfland

Groeneveldse Polder

Schipluiden

79100

445400

44

Midden-Delfland

Aalkeet-Buitenpolder 16.40

Vlaardingen

80500

439000

45

Midden-Delfland

Woudse polder 1.23

‘t Woudt

81130

446510

46

Midden-Delfland

Tramkade 3.01

Schipluiden

82040

444520

47

Midden-Delfland

Duifpolder

Maasland

80150

440500

48

Midden-Delfland

Harnaschpolder Noord

Schipluiden

81590

448270

49

Midden-Delfland

Lookwatering

Schipluiden

81734

447486

50

Midden-Delfland

Woudseweg

t Woudt

80967

446134

51

Midden-Delfland

Het Woudt

t Woudt

80047

445463

52

Midden-Delfland

Veilingpad

Maasland

78243

438006

53

Midden-Delfland

Zundert 02

Schipluiden

80360

443350

54

Midden-Delfland

Woudse Polder

Onbekend

79630

445570

55

Midden-Delfland

Rozemarijn

Schipluiden

81250

443700

56

Midden-Delfland

Foppenpolder 09

Maasland

78500

438100

57

Midden-Delfland

Dijkpolder 11

Maasland

76480

439990

58

Midden-Delfland

Dijkpolder 14

Maasland

77000

439300

59

Midden-Delfland

Dorppolder 13

Maasland

79200

442450

60

Midden-Delfland

Dorppolder 08

Schipluiden

80720

443460

61

Midden-Delfland

Harnaschpolder Zuid

Schipluiden

81900

447900

62

Midden-Delfland

Woudse Polder 1.17

Schipluiden

81429

446187

63

Pijnacker-Nootdorp

Rijksstraatweg (Tracedeel AHR-Y9)

Delft

86996

445299

64

Rijswijk

Hoekpolder

Rijswijk

81650

448700

65

Rijswijk

Wilhelminapark

Rijswijk

82800

449180

66

Rijswijk

Kleiweg

Rijswijk

80870

449810

67

Rijswijk

De Bult

Rijswijk

82300

449650

68

Rijswijk

Van Mooklaan

Rijswijk

81100

449800

69

Rijswijk

Beatrixlaan

Rijswijk

81650

449750

70

Rijswijk

De Schilp

Rijswijk

80140

450830

290

71

Rijswijk

Treubstraat

Rijswijk

82750

451150

72

Rijswijk

Mgr Willekenslaan

Rijswijk

81412

451164

73

Rijswijk

Eikelenburg

Rijswijk

80346

449576

74

Rotterdam

Kandelaarweg

Rotterdam

86586

440640

75

Rotterdam

Binnenrotte

Rotterdam

93023

437500

76

Rotterdam

Overschie

Rotterdam

88220

439865

77

Rotterdam

Kandelaar

Rotterdam

86550

440387

78

Schiedam

Nieuwlandse Polder

Schiedam

86920

438085

79

Schiedam

Hargpolder

Schiedam

85420

437870

80

Schiedam

‘s-Gravenlandsepolder

Schiedam

87598

437798

81

Schiedam

Polderweg 120

Schiedam

87133

439309

82

Schiedam

Hargpolder

Schiedam

84980

437960

83

Schiedam

Thurlede

Schiedam

86420

439140

84

Schiedam

Noordkethelpolder

Kethel

85970

439950

85

Schiedam

Zouteveense Polder

Kethel

84770

439160

86

Schiedam

Babberspolder

Schiedam

84700

437730

87

Schiedam

Nieuwlandse Polder

Schiedam

87890

437980

88

Schiedam

Harga

Schiedam

85175

437250

89

Schiedam

Polderweg

Schiedam

86971

439321

90

The Hague

Meppelweg

Den Haag

76720

450900

91

The Hague

Zichtenburg

Den Haag

76800

451800

92

The Hague

Orberlaan

Den Haag

74300

450130

93

The Hague

Kwaklaan

Den Haag

79056

449580

94

The Hague

Moerwijk-Oost

Den Haag

80670

451780

95

The Hague

Loevesteinlaan (AHR33)

Den Haag

79203

451890

96

The Hague

Lozerlaan

Den Haag

77650

449810

97

The Hague

De Uithof

Den Haag

76520

450200

98

The Hague

Beresteinlaan

Den Haag

77950

450100

99

The Hague

Balsemienlaan

Den Haag

75950

454100

100

The Hague

Steenwijklaan

Den Haag

78930

451040

101

The Hague

Ockenburgh

Loosduinen

74320

452680

102

The Hague

Madepolderweg

Loosduinen

75250

450500

103

The Hague

Scheveningseweg

Den Haag

79300

457280

104

The Hague

Leeuwenbergh Noord

Onbekend

84320

452460

105

The Hague

Leeuwenbergh Zuid

Onbekend

84310

451923

106

The Hague

OVE96

Wateringen

79870

449380

107

The Hague

Zevenwoudenlaan

Den Haag

79640

450485

108

The Hague

Esdo

Den Haag

78765

450362

109

The Hague

Nikkelwerf

Den Haag

76749

451048

291

110

The Hague

Han Stijkelplein

Den Haag

80802

458151

111

The Hague

Jan Willem Frisolaan

Den Haag

79570

456831

112

The Hague

Uithofslaan 3

Den Haag

76567

449823

113

The Hague

Uithofslaan 1

Den Haag

76703

449682

114

The Hague

Uithofslaan 4

Den Haag

76838

449478

115

The Hague

Hertenrade

Den Haag

77779

451551

116

The Hague

Hoge Veld

Den Haag

79350

449720

117

The Hague

Noordhof

Den Haag

79520

450300

118

The Hague

OLS96

Den Haag

79547

449166

119

The Hague

VIS98

Den Haag

79682

449287

120

The Hague

RHY99

Den Haag

78890

450060

121

Vlaardingen

Holy

Vlaardingen

83222

437769

122

Vlaardingen

Aalkeet-Buitenpolder

Vlaardingen

82470

436870

123

Vlaardingen

Aalkeet-Buitenpolder 16.97

Vlaardingen

80340

436326

124

Vlaardingen

Veerplein/Fransenstraat

Vlaardingen

82914

436122

125

Vlaardingen

Hoogstad 1

Vlaardingen

82545

437052

126

Vlaardingen

Hoogstad 2

Vlaardingen

82908

437256

127

Vlaardingen

Rijskade

Vlaardingen

80846

438127

128

Vlaardingen

Holy Zuid-Oost

Vlaardingen

84035

438460

129

Vlaardingen

Ex Libris

Vlaardingen

82728

436309

130

Vlaardingen

Van de Driftstraat

Vlaardingen

82759

436537

131

Vlaardingen

Aalkeet Buitenpolder

Vlaardingen

80678

437152

132

Vlaardingen

Broekpolder

Vlaardingen

81990

438360

133

Vlaardingen

Broekpolder

Vlaardingen

81255

438463

134

Vlaardingen

Broekpolderweg

Vlaardingen

84620

437450

135

Vlaardingen

Vergulde Hand West 1

Vlaardingen

80267

435694

136

Voorschoten

De Donk

Voorschoten

90100

460900

137

Wassenaar

Amerikaanse School

Wassenaar

89022

462488

138

Wassenaar

Rijksstraatweg 275

Wassenaar

89000

461500

139

Wassenaar

De Piek

Wassenaar

84150

460650

140

Westland

Monsterse Geestje

Monster

72380

450340

141

Westland

Van Elswijkbaan

Poeldijk

75250

450060

142

Westland

Oostheullaan

Honselersdijk

75960

446540

143

Westland

Zwethlaan

Honselersdijk

76180

446820

144

Westland

Middelbroekweg

Kwintsheul

76790

447620

145

Westland

Regulierenpad

Poeldijk

74920

448360

146

Westland

Dijkpolder

Monster

75410

449200

147

Westland

Mariendijk

Kwintsheul

76630

447940

148

Westland

Kerkstraat

Kwintsheul

76980

447740

292

149

Westland

Nieuwe Broekpolder 1

Honselersdijk

77000

446850

150

Westland

Lange Broekweg

Naaldwijk

75000

445000

151

Westland

Oude Campspolder 9.29

Onbekend

75630

440070

152

Westland

S11

Wateringen

77660

449450

153

Westland

Veilingroute-Harteveldlaan

Honselersdijk

75000

447000

154

Westland

Oude Campsweg 19.07

Maasdijk

76060

441800

155

Westland

Oostbuurtse Weg 21.23

Schipluiden

78830

443670

156

Westland

Scheeweg 20.17 & 20.35

Maasland

78400

442600

157

Westland

Oosterbuurtse Weg 21.28

Oostbuurt

79455

443374

158

Westland

Hoogwerf

Naaldwijk

73890

444810

159

Westland

Holle Watering

Naaldwijk

76922

449123

160

Westland

Westhof Vindplaats B

Poeldijk

75725

449400

161

Westland

Vlietpolder

Naaldwijk

75498

444565

162

Westland

Leehove

De Lier

74876

443320

163

Westland

Juliahof

Wateringen

78900

449500

164

Westland

Westhof

Poeldijk

75368

449551

165

Westland

Mars

Naaldwijk

75157

445565

166

Westland

Nieuwe Broekpolder 2

Honselersdijk

76830

446800

167

Westland

Oude Broekpolder Kerkhof

Onbekend

78170

446200

168

Westland

Sportterrein

Wateringen

78400

449800

169

Westland

Groene Laan

Honselersdijk

75400

447400

170

Westland

Harteveldlaan 52

Honselersdijk

78400

446240

171

Westland

Erasmusweg

Den Haag

78400

450200

172

Westland

Heulweg 61

Kwintsheul

77670

448470

173

Westland

Proefstation

Naaldwijk

73880

445140

174

Westland

Verlengde Vogelaar

Honselersdijk

76670

447520

175

Westland

Kralingerpolder 20.35

Onbekend

77950

442510

176

Westland

Bloemenveiling

Onbekend

74980

446530

177

Westland

Dr. Weitjenslaan

Onbekend

74820

449380

178

Westland

Veilingroute

Honselersdijk

75400

445900

179

Westland

Venus

Honselersdijk

75850

446350

180

Westland

Gantellaan

Honselersdijk

76280

447620

181

Westland

De Meibloem

Wateringen

78030

449200

182

Westland

Korte Noordweg

Wateringen

78400

449400

183

Westland

Laan Boerham

Poeldijk

75800

448970

184

Westland

Poeldijk Wateringseweg

Poeldijk

76720

448950

185

Westland

Oude Broekpolder

Honselersdijk

76400

447800

186

Westland

Groentenveiling Westerlee

De Lier

74760

443600

187

Westland

Zandheultje

Naaldwijk

74695

444962

293

188

Westland

De Gouw

Kwintsheul

77221

448347

189

Woerden

Barwoutswaarder

Woerden

118440

455388

190

Woerden

Castellum

Woerden

120451

455441

191

Zoeterwoude

Zwieten

Zoeterwoude-Rijndijk

96700

461180

294

Maps

295

296

Map 1: Settlements, plotted onto a topographical map. The numbers refer to appendix 1.

297

Map 2: Detail of the south-western part of the research area, with a cluster of settlements, plotted onto a topographical map of the research area. The numbers refer to appendix 1.