Biography of An Lu-Shan [Reprint 2020 ed.] 9780520320154

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East Asia Studies Institute of International Studies University of California CHINESE DYNASTIC HISTORIES TRANSLATIONS No. 8

BIOGRAPHY OF A N LU-SHAN Translated and Annotated By H O W A R D S. LEVY

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS Berkeley and Los Angeles

•

1960

Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations: No. 8 Editors: S. H. Chen, Woodbridge Bingham, Wolfram Eberhard, H. H. Frankel, C. S. Goodrich, Elizabeth Huff, O. J. Maenchen, M. C. Rogers

University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles Cambridge University Press, London, England

Printed in the United States of America

Contents Introduction

1

Notes to Introduction

21

Translation (Chiu T'ang-shu 200A.la-5b)

31

Notes to Translation

50

Appendix: Reign Styles, A.D. 713-760

93

Bibliography of Principal Works Cited and Used

95

Chinese Text (Chiu T'ang-shu 200A.la-5b)

105

Index

115

Abbreviations ALSSC

An Lu-shan shih-chi

CCSLCT

Chih-chai shu-lu chieh-t'i

ch.

chiian

CTS

Chiù T'ang-shu

CTSCKC

Chiù T'ang-shu chiao-k'an chi

CTW

Ch'iian T'ang-wen

FSWCC

Feng-shih wen-chien chi

HHS

Hou-Han shu ^

HTS

Hsin T'ang-shu

NESCC STSL

Nien-erh-shih cha-chi Su-tsung shih-lu

TC

T'ang chien fêt

TCTC

Tzu-chih t'ung-chien

TCTCKI

Tgu-chih t'ung-chien k'ao-i

TYL

T'ang yu-lin

YTCWC

Yang T'ai-chen wai-chuan

^r ^ ^

f"^

J_ ^

±

^ %

^ |t

^

J^ ^

^

^

v | | i|-

fë

^

fa ^

^

Throughout this series, Chinese dynastic histories are translated and cited from the edition in Po-na pen erh-shih-ssu shih U

^ — ^"OO

(Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1930-37),

unless otherwise indicated.

Introduction A. Sources for the Biography of An Lu-shan 1. I n t r o d u c t o r y

Remarks

An Lu-shan"^ t ^ . 1 ^ (703-757) has achieved a permanent niche in Chinese history as the Sogdian-Turk general whose rebellion undermined the foundations of the T'ang dynasty (618-907). His biography in chiian 200A of the Chiu T'ang-shu (Old History of the T'ang Dynasty)/ translated and annotated below, is one of the main sources for his life, but there are several others. A revised version of the CTS biography is to be found in ch. 225A of the Hsin T'ang-shu (New History of the T'ang Dynasty). Both of the T'ang standard histories, CTS and HTS, also contain pertinent material about the rebellion in the imperial annals and in the biographies of contemporaries. The earliest extant record of An's life is the ninth-century work An Lu-shan shih-chi (Traces of Events Concerning An Lu-shan). In his general history of China entitled Tzu-chih t'ung-chien, the Sung historian Ssu-ma Kuang (1019-86) gives a detailed account of the rebellion. Finally, there o is much relevant information in T'ang poetry and prose works. Professor Edwin G. Pulleyblank of the University of Cambridge recently published the first monograph in a Western language dealing with An Lu-shan, entitled The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan. I have found this book an invaluable aid for better understanding the man and the period in which he lived. Professor Pulleyblank has investigated, among other things, the causes of 3 the rebellion from the standpoint of a modern historian, a subject which I do not intend to take up in this study. (Below I shall merely examine some traditional Chinese views of the rebellion - 1 -

- 2-

- Introduction -

and its causes.) The great modern authority on the T'ang, Professor Ch'en Y i n - k ' o l ^ W " ^ , has published three studies in Chinese which give us a clear picture of T'ang social structure and of the racial origins of An Lu-shan and his non-Chinese associates. The most important reference for the critical examination of primary sources on the life of An Lu-shan is the Tzu-chih t'ungchienk'ao-i, Ssu-maKuang's "criticalappendix" (k'ao-i, literally "examination of discrepancies") to his TCTC. It is not only a valuable critique but an important repository of quotations from many T'ang works which are no longer extant. Another commentary to TCTC is that composed by Hu San-hsing in the late Sung dynasty, which furnishes data on geography, rites, and astronomy, and gives the readings for difficult characters. 2. T h e Two T ' a n g D y n a s t i c

Histories

The first of the T'ang dynastic histories, which later generations calledChiu T'ang shu (Old History of the T'ang Dynasty) to distinguish it from its successor, the Hsin T'ang-shu (New History of the T'ang Dynasty), was completed during the period of political division known as the Five Dynasties (907-960). It was presented in 945 to the last ruler of the Later Chin Dynasty. Although CTS bears the name of Liu HsuH'] flS} as its chief compiler, there is 4 ample evidence to prove that the actual work was done by others. The other T'ang dynastic history, HTS, came into being because CTS was considered unsatisfactory in various respects. For one thing, the CTS editors operated under a bibliographical handicap, since many important historical records were either destroyed or scattered as a result of both the An Lu-shan rebellion and that of Huang Ch'ao ^

which followed it more than a century later.

- Introduction -

- 3 -

However, the majority of the records lost were concerned with the closing years of the dynasty and therefore do not affect the present study. A revision of CTS was first ordered toward the middle of the eleventh century, but itwas not completed. In about 1054, therefore, the Sung Emperor Jen-tsung j z ^

ordered others to finish

this revision. He instructed Ou-yang Hsiu|=4y

to compile

the imperial annals, charts, and monographs, and Sung Ch'i ^ ^

to compile the biographies. They were assisted by many

prominent scholars, and Ou-yang Hsiu was able to present the completed history, HTS, in 1060. According to an imperial edict, the total work took seventeen years. The Emperor explained that the purpose of the revision was to remedy the defects of its predecessor (CTS), a history written during a period of cultural 7 decline. Both dynastic histories have their merits, and these must be understood in order to use them properly. CTS is most dependable for the seventh and eighth centuries, because court records were available for gthis period. These records were often preserved intact in CTS. Many important documents which were lost during the last eighty years of the T'ang remained largely undis9

covered at the time when CTS was compiled. The principal achievement of HTS is that it added details and clarification to the events which occurred during the last third of the T'ang and were only partly covered in CTS. 3. T h e T r e a t m e n t of An L u - s h a n in t h e I m p e r i a l A n n a l s of

T'ang

The section of HTS containing the imperial annals has received severe criticism for being extremely terse and giving only thirty

- 4-

- Introduction -

percent as much information as the CTS a n n a l s . H o w e v e r , some of its information is not found in the older work. In dealing with the rebellion of An Lu-shan, the annals of the two histories are similar in content but different in approach. The presentation in the CTS annals is much clearer than in HTS. The clarity is largely due to a more explicit method of writing about rebel military actions. The CTS annals bring out the individual roles played by subordinate rebel leaders. Each was assigned a specific military task, and charged with carrying out one phase of the overall rebel strategy in the vast area controlled by An Lu-shan. In the HTS annals, on the other hand, subordinate rebel leaders are sometimes ignored and their actions are attributed to their chiefs. For example, Ts'ai H s i - t e ^ ^ - ^ , was the rebel general who originally captured C h ' a n g - s h a n ^ ^ state that An Lu-shan captured it.

12

but the HTS annals

At battles by the Chih River

V^T » rebel forces commanded by General Wu Ling-hsun ^ 13 ^ defeated imperial soldiers led by Lu Kuei ^ ^ , but according to the HTS annals it was An Lu-shan who defeated Lu Kuei.*^ At the battles of Ling-pao^p ^

and Hsi-yiian

, Imperial Commander Ko-shu Han

the rebel general Ts'uiCh'ien-yu"^!-^.^ ,

was defeated by 15

but the HTS annals

credit AnLu-shan with these victories.*® While the rebel A-shihna Ch'eng-ch'ing f T ^ ^ T ^ ^

originally captured Ying-ch'uan

, 1 7 the HTS annals state that An Lu-shan captured it. 1 8 The HTS annals follow the same pattern in dealing with An Ching-hsu ^ c ) ^ ^ , A11 Lu-shan's son and successor.

They

credit him with battles which were actually fought by his followers. For example, we know that AnCh'ing-hsii, like his father, did not

- Introduction -

- 5-

leave Lo-yang until he was forced to do so in the face of Impending imperial attack. Toward the end of 757, the Prince of Kuang-p 'ing and subsequent Emperor Tai-tsung ^ ^

recaptured

Ch'ang-an.19 AnCh'ing-hsii issued orders from Lo-yang for his troops to resist, and had Yen ChuangjfSr

join forces with other

20

rebel leaders.

Soon after, when imperial troops were threaten-

ing Lo-yang, AnCh'ing-hsu fled from the city and regrouped his forces at Hsiang Prefecture ^ ^ , then known as Yeh Com21

mandery.

Thus it is certain that he remained in Lo-yang until

forced evacuate it, and the HTS are misleading inimplyoo ing thattohe personally fought nearannals Ch'ang-an and elsewhere." In some cases Ou-yang Hsiu specifically acknowledged the roles played by subordinate commanders. For example, the HTS annals state that when Kuo Tzu-i

^ ^ a n d Li Kuang-pi-^-^^§^

recaptured Ch'ang-an, _ Q Q they defeated An Lu-shan's general Shih Ssu-ming^^. . They also note that An Lu-shan's generals Ling-huCh'ao-^^§a , YuanChih-t'ai^cr^ > andChai Po-yii were routed in different battles. 24 The defeats of AnShou. 05 chung-^f and Li Kuei-jen jf^-fxare similarly described. Even in these passages the HTS annals usually identify the rebel officers as "generals of An Lu-shan" (or "Ch'ing-hsii"). Thus, the historian emphasizes the responsibility of the over-all rebel leader. In so doing he was probably expressing the ancient tradition according to which the Chinese historian pronounced judgment upon the protagonists in the historical drama. Similar techniques are found in an earlier dynastic history, the Hou-Han shu (History of the Later Han Dynasty). For example, Tung Cho'sig Jp biography states that when his forces went to Lo-yang in A. D. 190, he "released his soldiers who then

- 6-

- Introduction 26

attacked homes, violated women, and divided the wealth."

This

event is also described in the annals of the Emperor Hsien-ti ^

, but in these words:

. . Tung Cho burned the palaces and 27

temples of Lo-yang and the peoples' homes."

The responsibility

for the misconduct of the troops is thus placed solely on the shoulders of their commander. According to the same HHS, Liang Shangl^ ^ Emperor Shun-ti»l§

, an official of

(126-144), pleaded in a memorial for the

lives of his own enemies, discovered plotting to kill two of Liang's friends: "The meaning of the Spring and Autumn Annals is that merit resides with the highest 28 commander(s) and guilt is limited to the principal evildoer(s)."

This tenet, based on the Confucian

classic Spring and Autumn Annals, may be the underlying rationale for the special technique we have observed in the HTS annals. We know in fact that the Confucian Ou-yang Hsiu, who was in charge of compiling the HTS annals, wished to harmonize his way of writing history with that found in the Spring and Autumn Annals. 29 4. T h e B i o g r a p h i e s of An L u - s h a n in t h e T ' a n g Dynastic

Histories

HTS generally offers more information in the biographies than it does in the annals. Most of the HTS biographies are revisions of CTS biographies rather than completely new presentations. But they often add information from sources other than CTS. Some of these additional sources were not available at the time when CTS was compiled, and many of them are no longer extant today. The biography of An Lu-shan in HTS is no exception. It closely follows the CTS biography but occasionally adds to it. The add-

- Introduction -

- 7 -

itions include trustworthy historical information as well as mythological material of questionable reliability. 30 We know that the compilers of JITS had at their disposal hundreds of books which 31 had not been available to the compilers of CTS, including many 32 works dealing specifically with An Lu-shan and his time. Since many of these works are not extant today, they may have provided what Professor Pulleyblank describes as 33 "matter not found elsewhere of whose origin we have no clue." One instance of more complete documentation in the HTS biography concerns the official titles held by An Lu-shan: 34 HTS lists more than twice as many as the CTS biography, and usually cites them in more complete form. On the other hand, the HTS biography omits the dates of occurrences in more than ten cases, which include official promotions, military actions, and the return of An Lu-shan to his stronghold at Fan-yang before 35 the rebellion. HTS does not provide dates lacking in the CTS account. The most serious factual error in HTS is the statement, both in An Lu-shan's biography and the annals, that he entered Ch'angan, the Western Capital, after it had been occupied by his troops. These are the facts ofasLo-yang we knowonthem today: Lu-shan entered oo and usurped the Eastern Capital January 18,An 756, 37 the title of emperor there less than a month later. When the defenses to Ch'ang-an eventually were shown to be inadequate, Emperor Hsiian-tsung abandoned the Western Capital oo early in the summer of 756 and withdrew toward Ch'eng-tu. An Lu-shan sent his officials to administer Ch'ang-an after his forces captured it, but he never went there in person.^ The imperial officials whom the rebels captured at this time were sent to Lo-

- 8 -

- Introduction -

yang,^0 probably to be examined by An Lu-shan. Further proof that he was not in Ch'ang-an is afforded by the case of Ts 'ui Kuangyiian

, who was then imperial Intendant of Ch'ang-an

(ching-yin ^

^

). He feigned allegiance to the rebels and p r e -

tended that he was going to order his son to see An Lu-shan. An therefore permitted Ts'ui to remain in his post. However, when Ts'ui later left Ch'ang-an and joined the imperial evacuees at Ling-wu^^?

, An appointed the rebel T'ien Ch'ien-chen 41

j ^ J L a s T s ' u i ' s replacement.

Ts'ui Kung-yiian could neither

have attempted nor succeeded in this strategem if An Lu-shan had actually been in Ch'ang-an. Another indication that An Lu-shan remained in Lo-yang from his coronation to his death is the fact 42 that he was murdered there.

Finally, there is the negative evi-

dence of the CTS biography, which makes no mention of his ever having been in Ch'ang-an after the inception of his rebellion. By contrast, the HTS biography alleges that there was great looting in the Western Capital by the townspeople, before An Lu-shan's arrival, which so enraged him that for three days he had the r e s i dents searched, and those found with wealth and valuables were stripped of everything they p o s s e s s e d . ^ Ssu-maKuang discusses this discrepancy between CTS and 44 HTS, and concludes that An Lu-shan did not go to Ch'ang-an. 5. T h e

An

Lu-shan

shih-chi

ALSSC is the earliest and most complete of the extant records about the An Lu-shan rebellion. But it is a collection of source materials rather than a developed biography such as we have in the standard histories. Contradictory accounts of the same incidents are included in it, which enhances its value as a repository of T'ang records of the rebellion. It cites memorials, imperial

- Introduction -

- 9 -

proclamations, dubious anecdotes, and poems, without discrim45 inating as to their relative reliability. Its main source was the Su-tsung shih-lu.46 It may have been this lack of discernment which led the Ssu-k'u editors to criticize ALSSC as trivial.47 While the exact date of ALSSC remains uncertain, the work 48 probably was composed between the years 805 and 907. Its compiler, Yao Ju-neng-^fe. ^ , was a Magistrate (wei%^~ ) of Hua-yin-^-

^ By the Sung dynasty, details about his life were

5n

unknown.

It is improbable that there are statements about ALSSC

or its author in late T'ang or Five-Dynasty works. Because of the high feeling against the rebels, scholars probably tended to ignore a book which dealt exclusively with rebel activities. B. Traditional Interpretations of the Biography of An Lu-shan 1. S s u - m a of An

Kuang and the M o r a l

Condemnation

Lu-shan

In compiling TCTC, Ssu-ma Kuang had many sources at his disposal. These included ALSSC and other works covering the period of the An Lu-shan rebellion which are no longer extant. A study of his TCTCKI reveals that he also had access to the original Hsuan-tsung shih-lu and Su-tsung shih-lu. and that he sometimes 51

followed their interpretations.

The arrangement of TCTC is

strictly chronological. (There is a topical rearrangement of it, the T'ung-chien chi-shihpen-mo, which has a 52 long chapter on the An Lu-shan and Shih Ssu-ming rebellions.) Ssu-ma Kuang, a younger contemporary of Ou-yang Hsiu, published his monumental history after HTS had appeared, but he depended on CTS rather than HTS in dealing with T'ang history. (Professor Pulleyblank has shown, however, that there are cases in which he quotes HTS as his ultimate source.) 53 He may have given preference to the

- 10 -

- Introduction -

older history because it was considered primary material in his time, while HTS was by contrast a secondary source. Other factors may have been the much fuller development of the imperial annals in CTS and the tendency in CTS to preserve the original court records for the first two-thirds of the T'ang. Ssu-ma Kuang presents An Lu-shan as a lifelong scoundrel. It is well to remember that his moral condemnation of An Lu-shan generally agrees with the views expressed and implied in ALSSC and the CTS and HTS biographies. For example, Ssu-ma Kuang's statement that, at an early stage in An Lu-shan's career, Minister Chang Chiu-ling took one look at him and knew from his face that he would someday rebel derives from ALSSC.54 Ssu-ma Kuang later tells of other mind readers who predicted An Lu-shan's 55 rebellion. Ssu-ma Kuang follows the CTS biography in characterizing An as a cunning manipulator 56 who became influential at court by bribing trusted ministers. In two instances he cites dreams which An Lu-shan told the Emperor he had experienced and which were intended to prove his loyalty. Ssu-ma Kuang's commentator Hu San-hsing theorizes that the rational historian recorded these dream sequences only in order to expose the fraudulence of An Lu-shanand the muddle-headedness of Hsiiantsung.®^ Ssu-ma Kuang explains that An was able to enjoy continued success because his outward appearance as an honest simpleton concealed his real craftiness.®® He then presents anecdotes to support his contention that the rebel ingratiated himself with the Emperor by flattering him.®® He repeats the CTS tale of how An deceitfully invited Kitan tribe members to banquets and poisoned them, and instead of the modest figure of "several tens" of Kitan dead in CTS, he records "several thousands." fío In his records

- Introduction -

- 11 -

for 751, Ssu-ma Kuang accuses An of acting rudely towards the fii princes and of becoming increasingly arrogant. Ssu-ma Kuang further reports that An feared only one person at court, Chief MinisterCOLi Lin-fu , because Li was even craftier than he was; and that shortly before he rebelled, An Lu-shan heavily bribed one envoy who was sent to investigate him and turned away 63 others under the pretext of illness. The technique of vilifying An Lu-shan and of stressing his perfidious nature is repeated with minor variations in the other sources at our disposal. The very similarity of the charges makes it apparent that they were taken from one original record. 2. T h e A c c e p t e d the S u - t s u n g

A c c o u n t of t h e R e b e l l i o n

and

shih-lu

I believe that the original record of the rebellion was in the STSL, and that its didactic approach set the pattern for the later analyses of An Lu-shan. It is no longer extant, but fortunately many passages from it are quoted by Ssu-ma Kuang in his TCTCKI. Professor Pulleyblankhas examined this evidence, and from it concluded that the editors of CTS produced their biography of An Lu-shan largely by condensing material in the STSL, and that in fi4

many places this material was more fully copied into ALSSC. Since the HTS biography of An Lu-shan closely follows CTS with some amplification, and Ssu-ma Kuang repeats the characterization of the rebel in CTS with minor variations, one may assume that the STSL is the source of our present knowledge of the rebellion. It is therefore important that we know the circumstances under which this shih-lu was written. It was composed in thirty chapters during the reign of Emperor Tai-tsung (r. 762-779) under the supervision of Chief Minister Yuan T s a i ^ J

, but the names of

- 12 -

- Introduction -

65 the historians who produced this work are unknown. The term shih-lu has been often translated as either "true record" or "veritable record," but such translations in this case would be misnomers, since the STSL was written only shortly after the suppression of the rebellion, when feeling against the rebels was still very high.®® The composers had all the court records at their disposal, but using hindsight, they selected only those records which tended to show why, in their opinions, it had come about. Yuan Tsai served as Chief Minister from 762 to 777. He enjoyed the support of Emperor Su-tsung, who "delighted" in his memorials.®^ Since he supervised the STSL, which waS composed after the Emperor's death, we may expect that the actions of Su-tsung before and after the rebellion of An Lu-shan received sympathetic treatment. ALSSC, which must have relied on this shih-lu as one of its main sources, tends to corroborate this hypothesis. In ALSSC we are told, for example, that Su-tsung remonstrated with his father Hsiian-tsung when the latter rolled up his hangingscreen before An Lu-shan, insisting that this gesture of intimacy towards An would make him arrogant.®** ALSSC also states that Su-tsung predicted the rebellion more than a year before it happened, butHsuan-tsung refused to listen to him.69 Both imperial annals of Su-tsung repeat this allegation, stating that Su-tsung asked his father to execute An Lu-shan when he came to court, 70 but to no avail. After the massacre of the Yang clique at Mawei, Su-tsung, according to ALSSC, was urged to remain behind at Ling-wu&j^ and continue military actions against the rebels, by popular request.71 According to Ssu-ma Kuang, Hsuan-tsung offered to abdicate at Ma-wei, but the Heir Apparent refused to accept, and did not ascend the throne until he reached Ling-wu.72

- Introduction -

- 13 -

This version agrees with almost all extant works, but there is reason to believe that it may represent only one of two possible interpretations of Su-tsung's actions in relation to his father Hsiian-tsung. A different interpretation, favoring Hsiian-tsung rather than Su-tsung, may have been contained in the writings of the historian Liu Fang

, who served as an official under both emperors.

He was the last compiler of a kuo-shih g j ^

("national history")

which described the years from the start of the T'ang to shortly after the end of the An Lu-shan rebellion. His biographers criticized this work because " . . . he was absolutely without right principles. He selected and rejected unskilfully.""^ But these biographers later praised him for being diligent in his notations, which might indicate that their criticism of his method of writing was directed at his lacking the moralistic approach expected of the historians of his time. Liu Fang may have been suspected of being sympathetic toward the rebels, for he served as an official under An Lu-shan during his short-lived rebellion, and was later 74 sentenced and exiled. He happened to meet fellow exile Kao Lishih ¡§j £ - t

, the former high court eunuch and intimate of

Hsiian-tsung, and Kao revealed to him secrets of the Inner Palace. Liu arranged these statements chronologically, and published them in 40 chiian under the title T'ang li J% Jf^ . A similar criticism against this work is lodged in Liu Fang's biography in HTS, which Professor Pulleyblank translates as follows: "Although it recorded much different information, it did not establish a proper standard of praise and blame and was censured by all true 75 scholars." The official objection to this work no longer extant may have been that it gave too sympathetic a picture of Hsiian-

- Introduction -

- 14 -

tsung by recording without comment the personal remembrances of his most trusted eunuch, a eunuch who also suffered a sentence of exile under Su-tsung. Ssu-maKuang did not share this objection to the T'ang li, for he frequently quoted passages from it in his TCTCKI. Liu Fang's nephew Liu Ch'eng ^ p

supplemented the writings

of his uncle with a very short work in six chapters, published under the title Ch'ang-shih y e n - c h i h ^ ^ ^ ^

and preserved

in the T'ang-tai ts'ung-shu.*^ It also reveals a favorable picture of Hsiian- tsung, as shown in the following translation of one of its passages by Dr. E. D. Edwards: "While the deposed emperor Ming Huang (i. e. Hsiian-tsung) was living in the Hsing-ch'ing Palace, one day when the sky had cleared after a long spell of rain he ascended one of the towers and was seen by the populace in the market-place. The crowd was delighted and cheered him till the very earth rocked. 'Now we again see our peaceful Emperor,' they cried. Su-tsungwas displeased and Li Fu-kuo memorialized the throne, falsely implicating the late emperor's partisans, and followed this with a forged command to remove the ex-emperor into Shan-si. His retinue was abolished and his body-guard r e 77 duced to a score or so of decrepit soldiers." This version, which implies that Hsiian-tsung was a virtual prisoner of his son and the influential eunuch Li F u - k u o ^ f $ j jgj , may have been the one copied into HTS. HTS further states that Su-tsung's eunuch and Chief Minister Li Fu-kuo told him that his father's supporters were communicating with outsiders, and that the troops who mutinied at Ma-wei were uneasy. Thus, perhaps in order toavoid a counterrevolution by a clique loyal to the ex-emperor, he had 78 Hsuan-tsung incarcerated within the forbidden palace area.

- Introduction -

- 15 -

Hsiian-tsung did not go to Shansi, as. alleged in Dr. Edwards' translation, but was transferred from a palace in plebeian Ch'ang79 an to one in the imperial section of the city. A Sung historian asserts that the way in which Su-tsung declared himself emperor at Ling-wu was tantamount to rebelling against his father, and that "there was no greater crime" he could have committed against his father than to transfer him to the H s i - n e i ^ ^

Palace.®®

These allegations that Su-tsung usurped the throne and incarcerated his father also introduce a possibility that Su-tsung and Li Fu-kuo plotted the troop uprising and massacre of the Yang clique at Ma-wei, and forced Hsiian-tsung from power. In considering the relations between Hsiian-tsung and Su-tsung, it must be r e membered that the latter could not count on succeeding his father by following normal procedures. The succession to the throne in the T'ang dynasty was very insecure. At the time Su-tsung usurped the throne, there had not been one example of an elder son being nominated as Heir Apparent and being able to enjoy a peaceful succession. The trouble began with the second T'ang emperor T'ai-tsung ^^T" • He killed his elder brother (the Heir Apparent) and his younger brother, leaving his father Kao-tsu with no choice but to select him, the only surviving son, 81

as his successor. T'ai-tsung made his eldest son and child of the empress the Heir Apparent, but then he deposed him and r e placed him with a younger son. He also considered naming a 82

different successor.

His behavior established a pattern ofun-

certainty and intrigue concerning the royal inheritance. The next emperor K a o - t s u n g ^ ^

was under the influence of his empress

WuTse-t'ienT^fNj-^ . She had absolute control over the selection of an Heir Apparent, and this rendered the succession even

- 16

- Introduction -

-

more irregular. The eldest son of Kao-tsung became the first Heir Apparent, but he was deposed. He was replaced by a son who ascended the throne in 684 and is known by the temple name of Chung-tsung

^

. Chung-tsung was deposed and replaced

by Emperor J u i - t s u n g ^ ^ - , the father of Hsiian-tsung. Empress Wu then forced Jui-tsung from the throne and demoted him by making him the Heir Apparent. She carried out a palace revolu83 tion and ruled in the name of the Chou dynasty. A coup restored Chung-tsung to the throne in 705, but he fell under the influence of a clique led by the Empress Weij^ ^

. His son the Heir Ap-

parent tried to seize power, and committed suicide after his at84 tempt failed.

Jui-tsung was restored to the throne as the result

of a successful palace coup carried out by his third son Lung-chi . Jui-tsung's eldest son was the Heir Apparent, but he stepped aside because of his younger brother's military exploits. Jui-tsung retired in favor of Lung-chi, who succeeded him to the throne and became known to posterity by the temple name of Hsiian-tsung.®® During the first part of his lengthy reign Hsiian-tsung killed three of his sons, including his first Heir 86 Apparent, because he suspectedthem of revolutionary designs. Su-tsung became the next Heir Apparent, but his position was imperiled. He took advantage of the An Lu-shan rebellion and the imperial flight from Ch'ang-an in order to divide the troops, go north, and usurp the throne. He was closely advised throughout by the eunuch Li Fu87 kuo, who as his Chief Minister wielded great power. There was a clique which wanted to depose Su-tsung's son as the Heir Apparent, but eunuchs led by Li Fu-kuo protected him and killed his enemies. Therefore, he was able to ascend the throne to

- Introduction -

- 17 -

become known as Emperor Tai-tsung. From this time on, the imperial succession came to be in the hands of the eunuchs, and emperors were manipulated by one or another of their cliques. In the words of a Sung historian, "The T'ang [rulers], from Hsüan-tsung and Su-tsung onward, revered and favored the eunuchs. Te-tsung for the first time entrusted them [with control of] the palace troops. After the time of W e n - t s u n g ^ t ^

, the

88

Son of Heaven was set up by them."

In conclusion, we might

state that while the succession in the first half of the T'ang was decided mainly by aggressive pretenders and their military supporters, the latter half of the dynasty was characterized by the reigns of more pliable rulers under the manipulation of influential eunuchs. Su-tsung stands at the point of transition from the former to the latter pattern. 3. T r a d i t i o n a l

V i e w s of t h e R e b e l l i o n a n d I t s

Causes The Chinese of the T'ang dynasty did not regard the rebellion of AnLu-shanasacivil war waged between a local warlord and the central government, but rather as a conflict between a barbarian and the Chinese. Shih Ssu-ming's uprising which followed the An OQ

Lu-shan rebellion was regarded in the same way.

Chinese his-

torians maintained that the rebellion occurred because An Lushan and other barbarians were given important military and political offices. The blame for this was placed on Chief Minister Li Lin-fu, who persuaded Hsüan-tsung to appoint 90 barbarians in place of Chinese as generals along the frontiers. These barbarian generals commanded large military establishments, and the expenses incurred by their troops allegedly impoverished the common people for the first time.91 Another contributory factor,

- 18 -

- Introduction -

in the traditional view, was the treasonable behavior of officials and eunuchs in the imperial trust, since they accepted bribes and deceived the Emperor by insisting that An Lu-shan was loyal to the throne.^ Li Lin-fu's successor Yang Kuo-chung ^ i f i } ^ also received a large share of the blame because, like Li, he intimidated his critics into silence, and he misled the Emperor 03 by falsifying military and economic reports. There is considerable unanimity among Chinese historians of T'ang and later times that the above were some of the causes of the rebellion, but a divergence of opinion exists as to the culpability of Emperor Hsuan-tsung. One of his chief detractors is Ou-yang Hsiu, who attributes the disaster which befell the Emperor to his uncontrollable lechery. He points out that Hsiiantsung should have known about the way in which feminine intrigue could destroy a dynasty, since he had to pacify the conniving Empress Wei in order to reign. "And yet he was ruined by women," states Ou-yang Hsiu. This Sung historian theorizes that the peace and prosperity which Hsuan-tsung enjoyed in the K'ai-yiian era (713-742) came to an end because his carnal lust became insatiable. Captivated by his concubine Yang Kuei-fei, we are told, he forgot the bounds of decency and lost his empire without a pang 94 of regret.

Other critics found fault with Hsuan-tsung because

he was credulous, and let An Lu-shan and Yang Kuei-fei spend the night together in the harem without suspecting irregularities

He was accused of destroying three essential Confucian

relations: that of ruler to minister, since he followed the counsels of Li Lin-fu; father to son, since he killed three of his sons; and husband to wife, since he took Yang Kuei-fei when she was the wife of his eighteenth son.96 Perhaps the most serious accusation

- Introduction -

- 19 -

against Hsuan-tsung is that he favored the barbarian An Lu-shan, thereby violating the cardinal Confucian tradition that the first duty of a Chinese ruler was to drive out the barbarians.97 Hsuan-tsung is eloquently defended in the CTS critique appended to the imperial annals of his reign, which may have been composed 98 by Liu Fang. At the start of his reign, we are reminded, Hsuantsung was compassionate towards the people, frugal in his expenditures, wise in his choice of ministers, and strict in his control of the military. This exemplary rule lasted only through the K'aiyvian era, because of his inability to employ the right officials. The annals state: "Alas! if a nation lacks virtuous ministers, even a sage finds it difficult to rule." The pernicious influences of Buddhism and Taoism are introduced by the annalist, to show that the Emperor came to believe and practice their doctrine of inaction (wuweiJ&.J^ ). Even though he spent less time in administrative affairs and more in religious worship, it is alleged that disaster could still have been avoided if he had employed trustworthy ministers. "With falseness coming from a hundred mouths and hearts, he had only the ability to clarify with two eyes and two ears. Even with iron intestines and a stone heart, how could he 99 fail to be deluded?" A Ming commentator states that while three things destroyed the T'ang, namely women, eunuchs, and rapacious ministers, only Hsiian-tsung suffered from all three of them. With Yang Kuei-fei and Kao Li-shih inside the palace, Li Lin-fu and Yang Kuo-chung outside of it, and An Lu-shan planning to rebel, he concludes that the Emperor was fortunate in escaping death at their hands. The traditional Confucian-directed historians tended to analyze the rebellion of An Lu-shan in personal terms, and to view it

- 20

-

- Introduction -

primarily as a question of ministerial and imperial responsibility. They minimized the abilities of An Lu-shan, and conveniently ignored the fact that Hsuan-tsung had given him important posts in the periphery not merely on the advice of Li Lin-fu, but because he was trusted and could ably administer regions largely inhabited by non-Chinese.*^* They also overlooked the possibility that An Lu-shan was able to challenge the throne because of his personal magnetism, military genius, and popular regional support. We know that his influence in the Hopei region was widespread and survived his death, for more than sixty years later he and his fellow rebel Shih Ssu-mingwere still commonly referred to as 102

"sage," a term usually reserved for the emperor.

The bio-

graphers of An Lu-shan attributed his accomplishments to devious manipulations, and his temporary usurpation to ministerial treachery and imperial mis judgment. His biography in CTS is no exception to this generalization. Therefore, while its statements of fact are generally reliable, its value judgments of An Lu-shan should be examined critically as possible examples of court bias against a rebel who failed to legitimize a new dynasty.

Notes to Introduction 1. For information on this and other texts, see the Bibliography below. The title of this and other books mentioned more than three times are abbreviated upon second mention. A list of abbreviations precedes the Introduction. The characters for proper and place names are written only once, upon first mention. 2. An important source is the Ch'ii-chiang chi, the collected works of An's contemporary, Chang Chiu-ling 3. In brief, Professor Pulleyblank includes the following as some of the factors which encouraged the rebellion: conflict within the court bureaucracy; financial policies which enriched the court and led to increasing corruption; the large frontier armies; and the way in which An Lu-shan's stronghold in Hopei served as a focal point for subversion and separatism. 4. The question of authorship is fully discussed in Ssu-k'u t'i-yao pien-cheng, Vol. I, foil. 6b-7b. The conclusion reached there is that while Liu Hsu presented the history in his capacity as Chief Minister, he did not help with the compilation. The Sung historian Wu C h e n f i r s t stated this in the memorial which accompanied his corrective work to HTS, the Hsin T'ang-shu chiu-miu. He credited Chao Ying*^J

with having done the most

in editing and compiling CTS (see Chiu wu-tai shih 89.10a). 5. For remarks on the bibliographical situation after the Huang Ch'ao rebellion, see two prefaces in the Five-Dynasty compilation Pei-meng so-yen. 6. Chih-chai shu-lu chieh-t'i 4.9a-b. 7. CCSLCT4.10a-b. Sung Ch'i spent 17 years on his part of the HTS compilation, Ou-yang Hsiu six to seven years. See Chin -

21

-

- 22 -

- Notes to pp. 3-5 -

Y u - f u ^ a S ^ J j i t , Chung-kuo shih-hsiieh shih, p. 109. 8. See Chin Yu-fu, p. 110. 9. Nlen-erh-shihcha-chi, pp. 213-214; Chin Yii-fu, p. 109. This paucity of documents extended to the shih-lu, which were lacking for the last five T'ang emperors. 10. Shih-ch'i shih shang-ch'iieh 70.1a. 11. CTS 9.12b. 12. HTS 5.16b. The reference is to An Lu-shan's capture of Heng-shan')•>£.-»U , an alternate name for Ch'ang-shan. 13. CTS 9.13a; 200A.3a-b. 14. HTS 5.17a. 15. C I S 9.13a; 200A.3b. 16. HTS 5.17a. 17. CTS 200A.3b. 18. HTS 6.2a. 19. CTS 9.15a; l l . l a - b . 20. CTS 200A.4a-b. 21. ALSSC 3.9b, 10a. 22. For example, HTS 6.2b states that An Ch'ing-hsu fought against Kuo Y i n g - y u ^ J a t W u - k u n g ^ ^ , but was defeated there. The impression is given that An Ch'ing-hsu fought unsuccessfully against Kuo Tzu-i at T'ung-kuan and Yung-fengts'ang^ s ^ e d . ; this text, 1.4b in the Ou-hsiang ling-shihed., omits the three titles). They all lived in beautiful mansions in Ch'ang-an (Feng-shih wen-chien chi 5.6a; K'ai-yüanT'ien-pao i-shih,fol. 26b; YTCWC, foil. 5a, 6b). 42. An Lu-shan was appointed President of the Tribunate of Censors on April 16, 747 (TCTC TP 6/3/wu-yin). At that time both of his wives, Lady K'ang ^

and Lady Chia ^

feoffed as Ladies of State (kuo fu-jen Probably the Tuan

^ )

, were en(ALSSC 1.4b.

of this text is a graphic corruption of Chia;

cf. the same text in the Hsiieh-hailei-pien ed., 1.6band HTS 225A. lb. The Ou-hsiang ling-shih ed. of ALSSC obviously requires occasional correction; seen. 41 to Translation above and Pulleyblank, Background, p. 110). 43. Liu Lo-ku reportedly adopted the following ruse so that he could comply with An Lu-shan's order to spy and report on all court movements. When an official had to draft a memorandum, he would offer to compose it and circulate it in court (TCTC TP 6/3/wu-yin). Other references agree that Liu Lo-ku remained behind in Ch'ang-an as a spy for An Lu-shan when the latter was

- Notes to pp. 33-34 -

- 59 -

away f r o m the capital on military campaigns. 44. For further information on Wang Hung, see his biographies i n C T S 105.8a-10b; HTS 134.4a-5b. See also TC_ 10.1b-2b, CTW 346.2a-4b, FSWCC 5.6a. 45. The contrasting behavior of Wang Hung and An Lu-shan is described in detail in ALSSC 1.3b-4a. Despite the e r r o n e o u s a s sertion in our text, Wang Hung did not become P r e s i d e n t of the Tribunate of Censors until 750, or three y e a r s a f t e r An Lu-shan was so appointed (Pulleyblank, Background, p. 96). In the s u m m e r of 750, An Lu-shan was enfeoffed as P r i n c e of Tung-p'ing Commander y ^ - ^ -

. The practice of enfeoffing legates a s princes

began at this time. The imperial proclamation i s cited in ALSSC 1.6b, 7a. In a recent book, Fu Lo-ch'eng states that this was the f i r s t time a non-Chinese received this type of enfeoffment (Sui T'ang wu-tai shih, p. 114). 46. An Lu-shan called Li Lin-fu "The Tenth One" because Li was the tenth male in his generation (TCTC T P 10/2/ping-ch'en). This f o r m of a d d r e s s , which probably implied intimacy, may have been widespread. Hsuan-tsung's eighteenth son, for example, was frequently called "The Eighteenth One" (CTS 107.6b). 47. This famous actor is not to be confused with the Li Kueinien^

who

l a t e r a s s i s t e d E m p e r o r Hsi-tsung

(reigned 874-889) in his dealings with the Nan-chao

. (See

Hsin wu-tai shih, ch. 74.) 48. For this incident, see also CTW 329.11a. 49. Statements from s e v e r a l sources testify to the increasing obesity of An Lu-shan and tell of h o r s e s collapsing under his weight. (See HTS 225A.2a, ALSSC 1.5a.) Hsiian-tsung once asked him: "What is there inside your barbarian stomach to make it so

- 60 -

- Notes to p. 34 -

large?" He is said to have replied: "A loyal heart and nothing more" (HTS225A.2a; cf. K'ai-T'iench'uan-hsin chi, fol. 28b, for what may be the original of this anecdote, and TYL 5.30b for a slight variation of it). 50. Ch'enYin-k'o states that the Dance of the Barbarian Whirl came to China from Central Asia, was extremely popular in the T'ang, and was probably also part of the repertoire of Yang Kueifei (Yuan Po shih chien-chengkao, pp. 37,159). A brief and rather cryptic description of the dance occurs in the Yiieh-fu tsa-lu ^i^^^of

Tuan An-chieh

(fl. 895). See E. D. Ed-

wards, Chinese Prose Literature, I, 67. 51. Because Hsiian-tsung disliked the rusticity of An Lu-shan's home, situated in the T a o - c h e n g ^ f ^ section of Ch'ang-an, he ordered that a splendid mansion be erected for him on spacious grounds in the Ch'in-jen

section. It was financed with funds

from the royal treasury (ALSSC 1.5a; TC 10.1a), and was the most beautiful home in Ch'ang-an (FSWCC 5.6a). Thus An moved from a section east and partly north of the Eastern Market to one southwest of it (Chien-ming Chung-kuo yen-ko ti-t'u, 4th map enclosure, and Adachi, Choan shiseki no kenkyu, pp. 135136 and map facing p. 136). His new home was located near the Hsuan-yiian

-rt* Temple (incorrectly listed in Ch'ang-an chih

8.5b-6a as the Hui-yiian \sj f f j T e m p l e ; see ALSSC 1.5a). The splendor of the mansion Hsiian-tsung built for An Lu-shan and its interior furnishings are described in detail in ALSSC 1.5a-6a. The day he moved into his new home, An invited officials of ministerial rank to join him in celebration. The Emperor, who was playing ball at the time, halted the game and ordered his ministers to attend the housewarming (TCTC TP 10/1/keng-tzu; HTS 225A.2b).

- Notes to p. 35 -

- 61 -

52. The Heir Apparent remonstrated with his father for rolling up his hanging screen before An Lu-shan, explaining that this gesture of intimacy might induce the barbarian to become arrogant in his behavior towards the throne (HTS 225A.2a; cf. ALSSC 1.6a; Tz'uLiu-shihchiu-wen, fol. 5b; K'ai-yiian T'ien-pao i-shih, fol. 26b; and Nan-pu hsin-shu, Sec. 10, foil. 10b-lla, for minor variations). The antipathy that the Heir Apparent and later Emperor Sutsung felt towards An Lu-shan may be traced back to an earlier incident. In the late winter of 747, An was ordered to see the Heir Apparent. At the audience, An failed to perform the kowtow. When court officials criticized him, An replied: "This subject is unfamiliar with court etiquette. What sort of official is the Heir Apparent?" WhenHsiian-tsung informed him that he was the one who would inherit the throne, An said: "This subject is stupid. He knew of Your Majesty, but was unaware of the Heir Apparent. For this crime, he [deserves] death ten thousandfold." He then performed the kowtow as required (HTS 225A.lb; cf. T'ai-p'ing kuang-chl 239.26a, following T'an-pin l u t f / ably the work of Hu Chiiifi

presum-

listed in HTS 59.12a). Su-tsung is

said to have foreseen An Lu'shan's rebellion and to have requested his execution (HTS 6.1a). 53. An Lu-shan became Legate of Ho-tung on Mar. 4, 751, r e placing Han Hsiu-min-ff Afc J ^ (TCTC TP 10/2/ping-ch'en; also see HTS 225A.2b). 54. AnLu-shan'selevensonsallreceivedrevised given names from Hsüan-tsung as follows: Ch'ing-tsung ^ ^ , Ch'ing-en)^

, Ch'ing-hsii

, Ch'ing-hoj^^ ,Ch'ing-yu^^,

C h ' i n g - t s e j ^ f ^ , Ch'ing-kuang j«. ^

, Ch'ing-hsi ¡ ^ ^

,

- 62 C h ' i n g - y u ^ ^ : , Ch'ing-ch'ang

- Notes to p. 35 , and Ch'ing- ? J ^

(ALSSC 1.9b lists the sons but lacks the second element of the last son's given name.) Cf. HTS 225A.2b and FSWCC 9.3b. Early in 754, Hsiian-tsung bestowed ranks either of third and fifth grade (ALSSC 2.1b) or of third and fourth grade (TCTC TP 13/l/chiaeh'en) on two of An Lu-shan's sons. 55. On Ch'ing-tsung see n. 57 below. 56. For further information on An Ch'ing-hsii, see Translation, pp. 42-49 above; also HTS 225A.5b-7a. 57. The text here anticipates an event that occurred in 755, probably in the fifth month. See ALSSC 2.4a which gives this chronology, TCTC TP/14, between the 4th and 6th months, and HTS 225A.3a-b. This marriage is doubtless the one referred to further on in our text; see p. 38 above. A chiin-chu jgpiÈ. was a particular kind of princess, a daughter of the heir to the throne. While this designation does mean "Princess of a Commandery" (des Rotours, Traité des fonctionnaires, p. 46), the complete title did not necessarily refer to an actual commandery. The title of the princess in question was Jung-i chiin-chu

-Up i

(ALSSC and TCTC, both loc. cit.). She was presumably the daughter of Su-tsung. After his marriage Ch'ing-tsung remained in the capital, where he was put to death shortly after the rebellion started (ALSSC 2.8b); for the effect of this event on An Lu-shan see p. 39 above. 58. Hsiung-wu was strategically located north of Fan-yang, along the Chi,%M Prefectural boundary. An Lu-shan built this city in 747 (Tu-shih fang-yu chi-yao, ch. 11, p. 520). There he trained over 8,000 Tongra (T'ung-lo ¡^ f p , ), Hsi and Kitan who had surrendered (TCTC TP 10/2/ping-ch'en). Ssu-ma Kuang

- Notes to p. 35 -

- 63 -

denies the assertion of ALSSC 1.10a (found also in HTS 225A.2a) that he adopted them all as foster sons, on the basis of improbability (TCTCKI TP 10/2). Nevertheless, a modern Japanese scholar accepts this statement in ALSSC as referring to a special type of military adoption (Hori Toshikazu, "Tomatsu shohanran no seikaku, " p. 65). 59. There were 30,000 horses and 50,000 cattle and sheep, according to HTS 225A.2a. 60. An Lu-shan held legateships over P'ing-lu, Fan-yang (in modern Hopei) and Ho-tung (in modern Shansi), as mentioned in our text. Cf. ALSSC 1.10a and HTS 225A.la, 2b. 61. For information on Chang T'ung-ju, see ALSSC 2.6a-b and 3.1b; TCTC TP 10, between the 2nd and 4th months. 62. ALSSC 1.10a and TCTC loc. cit. read Li T'ing-wang where our text and HTS 225A 2a read Li T'ing-chien

^

63. I have no further information on P'ing Lieh and LiShih-yu. 64. Tu-kuWen-su's official title was restored after the rebellion, because he had delayed carrying out an order by An Lu-shan to destroy the imperial ancestral temple, which thus escaped destruction (ALSSC 3.1b). 65. For information on Kao Shang, see CTS 200A.5b-6b; HTS 225A.7a-b; TYL 2.3b-4a. 66. The Western Capital was Ch'ang-an (in modern Shensi). 67. AnShou-chung, originally surnamed Wang ^

, was a fos-

ter son of An Lu-shan (ALSSC 1.8b; Hori, p. 65). 68. HTS 225A.2a reads give the graph

where our text and ALSSC 1.10a

for T'ing in Niu T'ing-chieh.

69. HTS 225A.2a andK'ai-ming edition of our text have Hsiang

- 64 Jun-k'o »5}

- Notes to pp. 35-36 ^ in place of the Hsiang Jun-jung ¡ ^ g j j ^ w h i c h

appears in the Po-na edition of our text, in ALSSC 1.10a, and in TCTC TP 10, between the 2nd and 4th months. (Note CTSCKC 66.23a where the validity of the jung of Ssu-ma Kuang's text is questioned). 70. I have no further biographical information on Li Kuei-jen, Ts'ai Hsi-te, Ts'ui Ch'ien-yu, Yin Tzu-ch'i, Ho Ch'ien-nien, and Wu Ling-hsun. 71. Hu San-hsing's commentary to TCTC loc. cit. indicates a reading of nai for

.

72. For information on the career of T'ien Ch'eng-ssu, who alternately served the rebels and the imperial forces, see CTS 141.1a-6a; HTS 210.2a-4a; Ming-huang tsa-lu, fol. 35a. 73. The Po-na edition of our text erroneously has yiian f^ in place of chen j|L . The correct name T'ien Ch'ien-chen is recorded in HTS 225A.2a, ALSSC 1.10a, TCTC loc. cit., and the K'ai-ming edition of our text. 74. According to HTS 225A.2a, these men were all given the rank of Grand General ( t a - c h i a n g ^ ^ - ). ALSSC 1.10a states that they and others became commanders (chiang shuai ^ g i j r ) , referring presumably to function rather than to rank. 75. According to ALSSC 1.10b, the endless herds of cows, sheep, camels, and horses which he sent to Hsiian-tsung, in addition to rare birds, unusual animals, and treasured objects, brought economic exhaustion to the commanderies and districts concerned. HTS 225A.2b adds that these objects were offered in order to poison the mind Of the emperor. 76. He deceived the Hsi as well as the Kitan, according to ALSSC 1.10b and TCTC TP 9/10/keng-shen.

- Notes to p. 36 -

- 65 -

77. The number of persons killed was several thousand according to both HTS 225A.2b and TCTC loc. cit. This figure is undoubtedly exaggerated. According to ALSSC 1.10b and TCTC loc. cit., An Lu-shan encased the decapitated heads and had them presented to Hsiian-tsung as a visible token of victory over the Hsi and Kitan. This prompted the Emperor to make further bestowals upon An Lu-shan (HTS 225A.2b). 78. According to TCTC TP 10/8/ping-ch'en, the campaign against the Kitan started in the eighth month of the tenth year of T'ien-pao (Aug. 26-Sept. 23, 751). Hu San-hsing's commentary to this passage adds that the troops came from the northern prefectures of Yu, P'ing-lu, and Ho-tung. 79. Adachi (Ch5an shiseki no kenkyu, p. 149) gives 1,800 feet for the_li of the T'ang dynasty. However, Ennin, who traveled in China in the ninth century, stated that use of this term was inconsistent (E. O. Reischauer, Ennin's Diary, p. 38. See also Adachi, preface, p. 12 for a shorter standard li also used in the T'an^. 80. Later known simply as the T'u^fc- River, it is now called the L a o - h a o r Lao

River. It flows NE through Jehol

to its juncture with the Sira (Sara) muren, which continues eastward forming the western branch of the Liao. The expression "Huang-ho of the North* (pei-Huang-ho

) should prob-

ably have been applied only to the Sira muren (Mong. "yellow river," called Huang-ho

/

^

in Chinese sources); use

of this epithet to designate the tributary T'u-hu-chen appears to be an error. The mistake may have reflected the confusion about these and adjacent rivers in the earlier sources; or it may be that the words chi f j? and pei See Ch'eng-te fu-chih

of our text were transposed. 17.9a-12a; Fang-yii k'ao-cheng

_ 66 -

- Notes to p. 36 12.29a-31a; J. Mullie, "La riviere Jao-lo,"

T'oung

Pao, XXX (1933), 183-223 (esp. pp. 219-223). 81. TheHsihad been allies on this expedition as requested by An late in 751 or early in 752. After enduring many hardships, the Hsi commander requested a respite. He was killed by An's troops. The Hsi thereupon went over to the Kitan and wounded orkilledalmostalloftheir former allies. See ALSSC 1.1 Ob-11a, probably based on STSL and followed by HTS 225A.2b and TCTC TP 10/8/ping-ch'en. 82. According to ALSSC 1.11a, he lost his footgear and hairpin, and abandoned his saddle, horsewhip, and bow. 83. If this account is correct, An Lu-shan may have taken the Hsi children with him as hostages to minimize the danger of retaliation by his erstwhile Hsi allies. But ALSSC 1.11a and TCTC TP 10/8/ping-ch'en assert that he fled with 20 cavalrymen. 84. AnCh'ing-hsiiandSunHsiao-che are said to have rescued him (HTS 225A.2b) with his 20 cavalrymen (ALSSC 1.11a). 85. I. e., the capital of Ying Prefecture, headquarters of the P'ing-lu Army District. But it was from here that the expedition had set out. TCTC's version (TP 10/8/ping-ch'en) is more plausible; with nightfall An took refuge in Shihfei^ Prefecture (NE of Ying). "P'ing-lu" occurred in the title of the officer who came to An's aid; this may have been reduplicated, giving rise to the "P 'ing-lu ch'eng* of CTS and ALSSC (cf. versions in TCTC,ALSSC 1.11a, HTS 225A.2b). See also Pulleyblank, Background, p. 98. 86. The Emperor may have been trying to use An Lu-shan to check the power of the Yang clique at the capital, and to balance one clique against the other (cf. Eberhard, Conquerors and Rulers [Leiden, 1952], p. 15).

- Notes to p. 37 -

- 67 -

87. I have no further information on Fu Ch'iu-lin. 88. ALSSC 2.3a adds details: Fu Ch'iu-lin was sent to spy on AnLu-shanat Fan-yang. The bribed eunuch put the

Emperor

at ease by declaring that An was undeviating in his loyalty to the throne. Hsiian-tsung then summoned his ministers and told them: "Lu-shan is definitely not double-dealing." However, when the facts came to light Hsiian-tsung had the eunuch killed. He then first began to question the loyalty of An Lu-shan (HTS 225A.3a). 89. The visit took place on Jan. 31, 754 (ALSSC 2.1a). According to TCTC TP 13/1/chi-hai, An entered the court on Jan. 30, 754, and spoke to Hsiian-tsung on the following day. 90. ALSSC 2.1a adds these words to An Lu-shan's speech: "Yang Kuo-chung is jealous and envious, and is on the point of plotting to kill your subject. Your subject will die any day [now]." See also HTS 225A.3a and TCTC TP 13/1/keng-tzu. This conversation appears authentic, and was probably most accurately cited in ALSSC. 91. An Lu-shan received this title on Feb. 5, 754 (ALSSC 2.1b), and was at the same time granteda revenue-producing fief of 1,000 households and a number of female servants (HTS 225A.3a). Hsiian-tsung originally wanted to appoint him as Titular Prime Minister (t'ung p'ing-chang-shih

^ ), and ordered a r e -

script drafted to that effect. Yang Kuo-chung strongly objected, saying: "Although Lu-shan possesses military merit, he is illiterate. How could he become a minister? If the rescript is sent down, I fear that barbarians everywhere will slight the T'ang." Hsiian-tsung desisted from his original plan, and entitled An instead as stated above (TCTC TP 13/l/chia-ch'en; TC 10.4b).

- 68 -

- Notes to p. 37 -

92. An Lu-shan received this title on Feb. 20, 754 (TCTC TP 13/1/keng-shen; ALSSC 2.1b). Both in this period and prior to it, the Commissioner of Horse Pastures and Stables apparently had the right to expropriate arbitrarily land and horses in the area assigned to him. Wang Mao-chung

i^* , who in 713 was ap-

pointed Commissioner of Horse Pastures and Stables in the Capital and Beyond, "in twelve years.. .almost doubled the number of horses under his control." (J. K. Rideout, "The Rise of the Eunuchs During the T'angDynasty," Asia Major, N. S., IH [1952], 57.) 93. Chi Wen, who was Assistant Commissioner of Horse Pastures and Stables (hsien-chiu fu-shih

fi^fm*]^),

was accused

in 755 of illegally expropriating horses, and was sentenced to exile. (See CTS 186.2b-4b, HTS 209.7b-9a, for his biographies.) 94. Chi Wen already held this position when he became An Lushan's assistant (ALSSC 2.1b; TCTC TP 13/1/jen-hsu). 95. The General Overseer was in charge of securing horses from a particular area. Forty-eight General Overseer posts were created during the T'ang dynasty; their function may have been identical with that of the General Overseer of Parks (yuan tsungchien shih

^ s e e

Hu San-hsing's commentary to

TCTC TP 13/1/keng-shen.) 96. AnLu-shansecretlyhadhis trusted intimates select strong, battleworthy horses. Several thousand were thus secured and given special care (TCTC TP 13/l/jen-hsii). These horses were kept at Fan-yang (HTS 225A.3a). 97. The seizure of Chang Wen-yen's horses and flocks is cited by HTS 225A.3a as evidence that An Lu-shan intended to subvert the throne. This source adds that if anyone spoke to this effect,

- Notes to pp. 37-38 -

- 69 -

Hsiian-tsung had the informer bound and handed over to An Lushan. I have no further information on Chang Wen-yen. 98. Before An Lu-shan left Ch'ang-an, the Emperor gave a banquet for him. At this banquet Hsiian-tsung found fault with An. Frightened by this criticism, An hastily sped from the capital (HTS 225A.3a). TCTC TP 13/3/ting-yu attributes his swift departure to a fear that Yang Kuo-chung would have him forcibly detained in Ch'ang-an. 99. Upon leaving the passes, An Lu-shan traveled by boat. He ordered the sailors to stand on the river banks with ropes, whenever necessary, so as to pull his boat forward against the current. In this way, he covered 15_li_every two hours (TCTC loc. cit.). 100. Cf. another case of enforcing silence by fear of reprisal, when flood and famine occurred in the Kuan-chung ^

area

in the summer of 754 (TCTC TP 13/9). (Note in this connection Professor Pulleyblank's demonstration that agrarian hardship was not a factor in the rebellion of An Lu-shan [Background, pp. 24-26]). 100a. This was presumably the wedding of An Ch'ing-tsung to a T'ang princess which is referred to on p. 35 above. It probably occurred in the fifth month; see n. 57 above. An Lu-shan's unwillingness to come to court is borne out by TCTC TP 14, between the 4th and 6th months. At this time Yang Kuo-chung was proceeding against An Lu-shan's associates in the belief that his rebellion was imminent; see texts adduced by Pulleyblank, "The Tzyjyh Tongjiann Kaoyih," pp. 468-469. Probably this wedding was at least in part a ruse devised by Yang to induce An to appear in the capital. 101. The An Lu-shan rebellion began at Fan-yang (in the vicin-

- 70 -

- Notes to p. 38 -

ity of Peking) on December 16, 755 (ALSSC 2.5a; TCTC TP 14/ 11/chia-tzu). An Lu-shan may have originally planned not to rebel until after the death of the aging Hsiian-tsung. However, the open enmity of Chief Minister Yang Kuo-chung may have prompted him to stage an uprising while he still possessed formidable military forces. (See Fu Lo-ch'eng, p. 115.) Hori Toshikazu believes that Yang Kuo-chung's rise to power and An Lu-shan's consequent loss of influence were the direct causes of the rebellion ("TSmatsu shohanran no seikaku," p. 64). 102. An Lu-shanmay have made his slogan the eradication of Yang Kuo-chung in order to take advantage of the popular feeling against the Yang clique at the capital. Before the rebellion, the Yang clique was accused of carrying out a reign of terror against political enemies (Kao Li-shih chuan, fol. 6a). YTCWC, fol. 7a, states that everyone spoke about the crimes committed by Yang Kuo-chung, YangKuei-fei, and the Lady of Kuo State, while CTS 10.1b informs us that the people and troops "gnashed their teeth" in hatred of the Yang clan. 103. According to CTS 9.12a, An had over 100,000 troops of Chinese and non-Chinese extraction under his command. They constituted an excellent fighting force, unmatched for its time (Ch'en Yin-k'o, T'ang-tai cheng-chih-shih shu-lun kao, p. 21). A few days before the rebellion, officers were thoroughly briefed on combat strategy and familiarized with topographical information (Yu-hsienku-ch/ui, fol. 2b). According to HTS 225A.3b,An commanded 150,000 men at the start of the rebellion, but said that they numbered 200,000. The non-Chinese rebels, represented by the Kitan, Tongra, S h i h - w e i ^

, and I-lo-ho ^

^ , were

joined by the residents of Fan-yang, P'ing-lu, andHo-tung, as well

- Notes to p. 38 -

- 71 -

as those from Yu and Chi i f ) Prefectures (ALSSC 2.5a). TCTC TP 14/11/chia-tzu adds the Hsi to the list of non-Chinese rebels, but their inclusion is doubtful, since An Lu-shan had caused the death of their leader Ho-ssu-te. (See n. 81 above.) 104. On the important rebel adviser Yen Chuang, see ALSSC 2.5a-6a. 105. On the Kitan rebel Sun Hsiao-che, see his biographies in CTS 200A.6b, HTS 225A.7b. 106. For further details on General Kao Mo see ALSSC 2.7b, HTS 225A.3b, and TCTC TP 14/ll/chia-tzu. 107. The court first learned of the rebellion on Dec. 22, 755, six days after it had begun. The news was reported earlier from T'ai-yiian ^ Jff* , but dismissed by the Emperor as malicious slander. The panic at court was not shared by Chief Minister YangKuo-chung. He remarked that the rebellion could be crushed in ten days, since the imperial troops would be unwilling to join An Lu-shan (ALSSC 2.5a; TCTC TP 14/ll/keng-wu). 108. At the same time, it was announced that the penalty for insubordination would be decapitation (HTS 225A.3b). 109. For further information on the Korean Kao Hsien-chih, see his biographies in CTS 104.1a-3b; HTS 135.4a-5b; also TC 9.12b, 13a. 110. Feng Ch'ang-ch'ing entered the court on Dec. 23, 755, and asked the emperor's permission to go to Loyang where he could mobilize and equip troops for an expedition against An Lu-shan. He proposed to deliver the latter's head to Hsuan-tsung within a short time (TCTC TP 14/11/hsin-wei). Feng was then appointed to the Legateships of Fan-yang and P'ing-lu in place of the renegade An Lu-shan. There are anecdotes about him in Kao Li-

- 72 -

- Notes to pp. 38-39 -

shihchuan, fol. 6b, and prose specimens in CTW 330.9b-lla. His biographies are in CTS 104.3b-6b; HTS 135.5b-6b. 111. The forces of An Lu-shan crossed the Yellow River at a time when it was frozen over. They hurled uprooted trees into the river to break up the ice formations, and pulled their boats through the freezing waters with long ropes, but the ice would reform in one night (HTS 225A.4a). An's troops are also said to have slaughtered the inhabitants wherever they passed (TCTC TP 14/12/ting-hai). 112. The rebels descended on Ch'en-liu Commandery three days after capturing Ling-ch'ang CommanderyH? j^jlff (HTS 225A.4a). 113. See CTS 187B.4a-b and HTS 191.13a-b for biographies of Chang Chieh-jan; also Kao Li-shih chuan, fol. 6b, and Nan-pu hsin-shu, Sec. 1, fol. 12a for anecdotes. 114. According to TCTC TP 14/12/keng-yin, An Lu-shan ordered almost ten thousand official troops who had surrendered to be killed at Ch'en-liu. 115. Kuo Na surrendered the city of Ch'en-liu to the rebels on Jan. 11, 756 (ibid.). I have no further information on him. 116. According to TCTC TP 14/12/kuei-ssu, the forces of An Lu-shan captured Jung-yang on Jan. 14, 756. CTS 9.12b dates the capture of Ch'en-liu on Jan. 12, 756, and the fall of Jungyang on Jan. 15, 756. HTS 5.16a agrees with the CTS annals regarding the day Ch'en-liu fell, and with TCTC regarding the date for the capture of Jung-yang. 117. His name is written Ts'ui Yiian-pi ^

i

n

the Hsiieh-

hai lei-pien edition of ALSSC (2.11b), probably an error. His biography is in CTS 187B.4b. After the fall of Jung-yang, he was

- Notes to pp. 39-40 -

- 73 -

decapitated on Jan. 14, 756, the date adopted by Ssu-tna Kuang following the shih-lu (TCTCKI TP 14/l2/kuei-ssu, q. v. for other sources which give Jan. 15). His place as governor was taken by the rebel leader Wu Ling-hsiin (TCTC TP 14/l2/kuei-ssu). 118. The reading Ni-shui vf^^K in the Po-na edition is to be rejected in favor of Ssu-shui

, found in the K'ai-mingedi-

tion andT'ai-p'ing yii-lan 111.9b. This error is noted in CTSCKC 66.23b. Ssu-shui was one of three districts formed in 734 from land adjacent to the Pien River in order to facilitate grain transportation (Yuan-ho chiin-hsien t'u-chih 5.21b-22b). 119. Cf. TCTC TP 14/11/chia-tzu, where An Lu-shan is described as "riding in an iron palanquin" ( t ' i e h - y u ^ j ^ ^ ) . Our text reads

for the second graph. The K'ai-ming ed. of our

text (CTS 200A.3620b) here reads, "the arrows reached Lu-shan's palanquin," a version which may have been affected by the nearly identical language in HTS 225A.4a. Presumably the iron was not structural; itprobably took the form of plates added to the body of the vehicle for protection, thus providing An with an armored car. 120. According to CTS 9.12b, it was Feng Ch'ang-ch'ing and notLi-fei Shou-yiiwho fought several times against the forces of An Lu-shan at Ying-tzu Valley. ALSSC 2.7b states that Li-fei Shou-yiidiedatCh'en-liu, in which eventhe could not have participated in these battles. (I have no other information on him.) The imperial troops led by Feng Ch'ang-ch'ing were repeatedly defeated (TCTC TP 14/12/kuei-ssu). 121. On Li Ch'eng see CTS 187B.lb-4a and HTS 191.7a-b; also prose specimens in CTW 330.15a-16a. 122. On Lu I see CTS 187B.5a-b and HTS 191.12b-13a. 123. OnChiangCh'ing see CTS 187B.5b. The Po-na text prob-

- 74 -

- Notes to p. 40 -

ably transposed the shih of ts 'ai-fang-shih

, a defect

found also in T'ai-p'ing yu-lan 111 .9b. See comment on the latter case in CTSCKC 66.23b and cf. the K'ai-ming text (CTS 2Q0A. 3620b). 124. FengCh'ang-ch'ingfled westward after suffering several defeats at the hands of the rebels. He was defeated at Ssu-shui on Jan. 17, 756 (CTS 104.3a). 125. An Lu-shan captured the Eastern Capital of Lo-yang on Jan. 18, 756 (CTS 9.12b, HTS 5.16a). The rebels entered from four gates and were supposedly allowed to kill and plunder freely (TCTC TP 14/12/ting-yu). The last statement may represent an exaggeration of the facts ultimately attributable to biased court historians. 126. Ta-hsi Hsiin surrendered to the rebels voluntarily (HTS 225A.4a; TCTC TP 14/12/ting-yu). He was rewarded with an appointment, possibly that of rebel Secretary in the Imperial Chancellery (shih-chung ^ the Yen

), after An Lu-shan established

dynasty on Feb. 5, 756 (TCTC Chih-te

^

1/1/

i-mao). Ta-hsi Hsiin was later tried for treason and executed, but the death sentence levied against his son was commuted (ALSSC 3.1b). Much of his prose is preserved in CTW 345.4b-13a. 127. T'ung-kuan is a strategic pass just south of the Yellow River near the point where the boundaries of Honan, Shensi, and Shansi converge. According to HTS 225A.4a, Kao Hsien-chih abandoned his weapons and fled from Shan to T'ung-kuan when he heard of the defeats suffered by Feng Ch'ang-ch'ing. Ssu-ma Kuang, on the other hand, asserts that Kao fled west to T'ungkuan as the result of a conversation he held with Feng in Shan City. Feng arrived in Shan with troop remnants, only to find that

- Notes to p. 40 -

- 75 -

the local officials and the populace had scattered. Seeing KaoHsien-chih there, he said to him: "I have fought bloody battles against the bandit vanguard for several days, but to no avail. Since T'ung-kuan lacks troops, Ch'ang-an will indeed be imperiled if the bandit swine penetrate the passes in depth. As Shan cannot be defended, it is better to withdraw our troops and occupy T'ung-kuan first in order to resist them Kao Hsien-chih took this advice (TCTC TP 14/12/ting-yu). Ssu-ma Kuang followed the biographies of An Lu-shan here in preference to another account in STSL(TCTCKI TP 14/12/ting-yu). 128. His name is written

in HTS 225A.4a and TCTC

TP 14/12/ting-yu. I have no further information on him. 129. On Wei Pin see his biographies in CTS 92.12a-b, HTS 122.10a. 130. Fifteen commanderies in Ho-pei successfully rose up against their newly installed rebel officials and returned their allegiance to the throne (ALSSC 2.8b). Ssu-ma Kuang places the number at 17, and states that only six commanderies in Ho-pei remained under rebel control (TCTC TP 14/12/ping-wu). 131. AnLu-shandidnotmarchwestwardwithhis troops toward Ch'ang-an, but instead remained in Lo-yang, where he completed formal preparations to assume imperial authority. He ascended the throne at Lo-yang on Feb. 5, 756 (CTS 9.12b; ALSSC 3.1a). He was then entitled Heroically Martial Emperor (hsiung-wu huang-tilfesR,! ^

; HTS 225A.4b and ALSSC 3.1a). The title

Divinely Martial Emperor (sheng-wu huang-ti

^ J ? ^f" ), which

appears in the Hsueh-hai lei-pien ed. of ALSSC (3.1a), may have resulted from confusion with An's new reign style. His failure personally to lead the march on Ch'ang-an gave the imperial

- 76 -

- Notes to pp. 40-41 -

forces an opportunity to make further preparations, including the recruitment of additional troops (TCTC TP 14/12/ting-yu). Trouble in Ho-pei deterred An from leading the attack on T'ung-kuan in person, according to TCTC TP 14/12/ping-wu. 132. AnLu-shan appointed Ta-hsi Hsiin either as Minister on the Left (tso hsiang £

; HTS 225A.4b) or as Secretary in the

Imperial Chancellery (shih chung ^ ^

; ALSSC 3.1a and TCTC

CT l/l/i-mao). Chang T'ung-ju became Minister on the Right (yu hsiang

; HTS225A.4b), or President (shang-shu

)

[of some organ of government]; ALSSC 3.1a), or President of the Grand Imperial Secretariat (chung-shu ling ^ ^ ^

; TCTC loc.

cit.). In TCTCKI CT 1/1, Ssu-ma Kuang notes that he followed STSL in recording these titles received by Ta-hsi Hsiin and Chang T'ung-ju. HTS probably took its information from Ming-huang hsing Shu chi, a work no longer extant which Ssu-ma Kuang cited but did not follow in this instance. (See above, Introduction, n. 32.) 133. OnLuKueisee CTS114.la-2b; HTS 147.2a-3a; and TCTC CT 1/5/ting-ssu. The reading Kuei is based on Hu San-hsing's phonetic gloss (ibid.). 134. The Chih River, now called the ShaRiver eastward through Honan Province. The graph

-sj- , flows of CTS should

be emended t o ^ ; see HTS 5.17a and 147.2a; CTS 114.1a; and TCTC CT 1/4/ping-wu. 135. Lu Kuei stationed his troops at She District in early February of 756 (HTS^ 5.16b), and erected barricades south of the Chih River. When these were breached by An Lu-shan's generals, Lu Kuei's routed forces fled back to Nan-yang, on June 6, 756 (HTS 5.17aand 147.2a; CTS 114.1a; TCTC CT l/4/ping-wuand 5/tingssu).

- Notes to p . 41 -

- 77 -

136. This defeat o c c u r r e d on e i t h e r June 6 (HTS 5.17a) or June 7 (CTS 9.13a), 756. The l a t t e r s o u r c e s t a t e s that Lu Kuei w a s Governor of Nan-yang at the time, while according to HTS 5.16b he had previously been p r o m o t e d to be Legate of Nan-yang, on Feb. 14, 756. T h e s e w e r e c o n c u r r e n t appointments (CTS 114.1a). 137. On Li Kuang-pi, s e e CTS 110.1a-6b, HTS 136.1a-4b, and CTW 345.3a-4b. 138. On Kuo T z u - i , s e e CTS 120.la-12b, HTS I37.1a-7b, and Ying-hsiung chuan, fol. 25b. 139. The name T ' u - m e n w a s applied, in T ' a n g t i m e s , to c e r t a i n topographic f e a t u r e s in the neighborhood of Ching-hsing

f^ ,

south and slightly w e s t of Mt. Heng -^.JI) in Hopei. See Yuan-ho chiin-hsien t ' u - c h i h 21.5a and 6a; a l s o HTS 39.8b, s . v . H u o - l u Jf^ . The p a r a l l e l p a s s a g e in HTS 225A.4b r e a d s , "At this j u n c ture L i Kuang-pi d e p a r t e d f r o m T ' u - m e n and went to the r e s c u e of C h ' a n g - s h a n 1 ^ ii^

. " The r o a d r e f e r r e d to may have led f r o m

the south through the defile a t Ching-hsing (or T ' u - m e n ) into the valley of t h e H u - t ' o ^ f ^ R i v e r ; o r i t m a y have led d i r e c t l y e a s t to the s e a t of C h ' a n g - s h a n C o m m a n d e r y , roughly p a r a l l e l i n g the r i v e r . Cf. n. 140 below. 140. Mt. Chia w a s a minor eminence slightly SE of Mt. Heng and a few 11 e a s t of the townof Ch'ii-yang

^

in Cliii-yang

D i s t r i c t . See TCTC C T l / 5 / w u - c h ' e n . Yang S h o u - c h i n g ( P e i - C h ' i chiang-yu t'u

^ 1 7 a ; inLi-taiyil-tiyen-ko hsien-yao

t'u) shows it slightly e a s t , but mainly north, of the s e a t of C h ' a n g shan C o m m a n d e r y . P r o b a b l y "the r e s c u e of C h ' a n g - s h a n * r e f e r r e d to in HTS (see n. 139 above) c o n c e r n s the g e n e r a l a r e a , not the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e s e a t of C h ' a n g - s h a n C o m m a n d e r y . A n o r t h e a s t e r l y route f r o m T ' u - m e n to Mt. Chia would p a s s through

- 78 -

- Notes to p. 41 -

sections of Ch'ang-shan Commandery. Cf. CTS 9.13a where Mt. Chia is also called "east of Ch'ang-shan." 141. The battle at Chia Mountain supposedly resulted in the seizure or decapitation of several tens of thousands of the rebels (CTS 9.13a). Ssu-maKuangismore specific, stating that40,000 were decapitated and 1,000 taken prisoner. (These numbers are undoubtedly exaggerated.) Shih-Ssu-ming himself fell from his horse, and escaped in flight to Po-ling ^L ^

(TCTCCT l/5/jen-

wu). The battle, which may have lasted several days, started June 31 (ibid.), July 5 (HTS 5.17a), or July 9 (CTS 9.13a), 756. 142. Thirteen, according to HTS 225A.4b. 143. An Lu-shan berated his advisers Kao Shang and Yen Chuang for having falsely predicteda mass response to his rebellion. Instead, he said, his forces had been unable to reach T'ungkuan, the gateway to Ch'ang-an, and rebel control was now limited to a few prefectures. T'ien Ch'ien-chen comforted An by reminding him that the inexperienced imperial forces could never be a match for his valiant veterans. The relieved rebel leader then gave a feast for Kao Shang, Yen Chuang, and T'ien Ch'ienchen (HTS 225A.4b-5a; TCTC CT l/5/jen-wu). 144. On Ko-shu Han, see CTS 104.6b-9b, HTS 135.1a-4a; TC 10.9b, 10a. 145. The battle for Ling-pao took place on July 9, 756 (CTS 9.13a). An Lu-shan's troops captured the undefended Western Capital of Ch'ang-an on July 18, 756 (HTS 5.17a). 146. After the defeat of Ko-shu Han, a council of ministers was hastily assembled on July 11, 756. It was decided that the Emperor should depart for Shu (inmodern Szechwan Province) to the southwest. The royal entourage left Ch'ang-an three days later

- Notes to p. 41 -

- 79 -

(CTS 9.l3a-b; TCTC CT 1/6/jen-chen, chia-wu, i-wei). There are some discrepancies in regard to dates. TCTC (loc. cit.) gives the most detailed chronology. Its date for the council of ministers is corroborated by ALSSC 3.5a (cyclical day jen-ch'en) while its date of departure agrees with that furnished by CTS 9.13b (i-wei). The date chia-wu given by the latter source for the council (ibid.) was probably affected by the fact that the resulting official order was issued on that day (TCTC CT 1/6/chia-wu; HTS 5.17a). The date of departure given by ALSSC cannot be reconciled with those appearing in the other sources; the available editions of the text differ in regard to the cyclical sign; and in any case this text is internally contradictory in that its "16th day" (of the 6th month) does not cor respond with either cyclical sign given (ALSSC 3.5a; Hsiieh-hai lei-pien ed., 3.7b). 147. Ling-wu was the name of both a district and a commandery ontheNW frontier, occupying virtually the same site as modern Ling-wu (eastern Ninghsia). The Heir Apparent and his followers reached this point August 9, 756 (HTS 6.1b; CTS 10.2b). He proclaimedhimself Emperor there three days later (HTS 6.1b; CTS 10.2b-3a; CTS 9.15a; TC 11.1a). He is known in history by his temple name of Su-tsung. For various opinions concerning his accession at Ling-wu see Introduction, pp. 12-17 above. 148. T'ienCh'ien-chen was appointed Intendant of Ching-chao because Ts'ui K u a n g - y i i a n ^ . - ^ ^ , the former Intendant, had deserted the rebels, joined the Emperor's forces at Ling-wu, and received an imperial appointment as Intendant of Ching-chao and President of the Tribunate of Censors on Aug. 27, 756 (TCTC CT 1/7/chi-mao; see also Introduction, p. 7 above). 149. A-shih-na Ch'eng-ch'ing was a Turk of the royal clan.

- 80 -

- Notes to pp. 41-42 -

For more on his role at this time see HTS 225A.6b. In the late summer of 756, many of his brethren left Ch'ang-an and returned their allegiance to the T'ang (TCTC CT l/7/chia-hsii). 150. The assault on Ying-ch'uan did not begin until the twelfth month of the first year of Chih-te (Dec. 26, 756-Jan. 24, 757). The undermanned city fell to the rebels after a two-week siege. HsiiehYuangf ^

andP'ang Chien^tjg.. , the two men charged

with defending Ying-ch'uan, were delivered to An Lu-shan at Loyang, where he ordered them to be bound and left to freeze to death (TCTC CT l/12/hsin-yu). 151. The sick An Lu-shan would fly into a rage and flog or kill his subordinates without provocation. YenChuangand Li Chu-erh were severely maltreated (HTS 225A.5b). He was quick to whip anyone who contradicted his wishes, and dismembered with battleaxes and halberds those found guilty of minor infractions (ALSSC 3.8b). Yen Chuang secured Li Chu-erh as an accomplice by warning him that his death at the hands of the irascible rebel leader was imminent (HTS 225A.5b). See also TCTC CT 2/1 (beginning). These accounts, differing only in details, were probably all taken from STSL. 152. An Ch'ing-hsii acquiesced in this plot to kill his father because he feared that otherwise he would be replaced as Heir Apparent by An Ch'ing-en^

, the son of Lady Chia £^ ,

the consort especially favored by An Lu-shan (ALSSC 3.8b, cf. also 1.4b). On the variant readings Chia/Tuan ^ / s e e

n. 42

to Translation, above. In this case the Hsueh-hai lei-pien ed. of ALSSC (3.8b) reads Tuan. HTS 225A.5b gives Chia, as in the earlier case, 225A.lb. Editions of TCTC vary; the Ssu-pu ts'ungk'an text (219.7a) reads Chia.

- Notes to pp. 42-44 -

- 81 -

153. On the Kitan Li Chu-erh, see ALSSC 3.9a-b. 154. The reading wo^

J L t t . (abbreviated FSWCC).

(fl- 800). In Ya-yii t'ang ts'ung-shu -^jt

1756. Fu Lo-ch'eng ^ ^ ^ .

Sui T'ang wu-tai shih ^ j|t

.

Taipei: Chung-huawen-hua ch'u-pan shih-yeh wei-yiian-hui , 1957. HanCh'ang-li ch'uan-chi ^

B

g

yHan

YiI

^

(768"

824). 2 vols. Taipei: Hsin-hsing s h u - c h i i % ^ i ^ , 1956. Hori Toshikaza — , "T5matsu shohanran no seikaku ifitk^v 52-94. Hou-Han shu

v n

. " T5y5 bunka ft

( 1 9 5 1 )-

(abbreviated Jfflg). By Fan Yeh

(398-445). Po-na ed. Hsin-chiu T'ang-shu hu-cheng

• By ChaoShao-

tsu%fc&49. (1752-1833). In Kuang-ya ts'ung-shu ^

^

, 1920.

Hsin-chiu T'ang-shu t

s

a

-

l

u

n

•

By Li Tung-yang

(1447-1516). In Hsiieh-hai lei-pien ^ j f g ^ . Hsin T ' a n g - s h u ^ (abbreviated HTS). By Ou-yang Hsiu ^ $ 1 1 ^ ( 1 0 0 7 - 7 2 ) , S u n g C h ' i ^ f l (998-1061), and others. Po-na ed. Hsin wu-tai s h i h ^ . r ^ - ^ ^ . By Ou-yang Hsiu (1007-72). Po-na ed.

- 98 -

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(fl. 889). In T'ang-tai ts 'ung-shu (see Ch'ang-shih yen-chih). K'ai-yiian T'ien-pao i-shih i

j-

^

. By Wang Jen-yii

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yen-chih). Kao Li-shih chuan ^

• By Kuo Shih^I ^

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l l j • By

Yang S h o u - c h i n g - ^ ^ % (1839-1915). Kuan-hai t'ang \ , 1906-11. Li Tsung-t'ung ^ ^ ^ . ^

^

Chung-kuo shih-hstieh shih ^

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Kuang ^ ^ -s^ (1019-86). In Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an. Tzu-chih t'ung-chien. By Ssu-ma Kuang, with commentary by HuSan-hsing shu-kuan ^

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Index A-lo-shan,

An Hsiung-chiin,

50 11. 3

45, 79 n. 149, 84 n. 174, 86 n. 181 A-shlh-na clan,

50 n. 4

85 n. 180,

87 n. 188

A-shih-na Ch'eng-ch'ing, 4, 41,

animals, offerings of, by An, 35-36, 64 n. 75

A-shih-te clan, 31, 50 n. 4

An Jen-chih (see An Ch'ing-hsii)

Adachi Kiroku,

An Po-chih (see An Po-chu),

29 n. 79, 60 n. 51

adoption (family relationship), 33, 57 n. 38, 63 n. 58, n. 67 An Chen-chieh,

31, 52 n . l l

An Ch'ing-ch'ang, An Ch'ing-en,

62 n. 54

61 n. 54, 80 n. 152

An Ch'ing-ho,

61 n. 54, 87 n. 188

An Ch'lng-hsi,

61 n. 54

An Ch'ing-hsii,

4-5, 22-23 n. 22,

An Po-chu,

51 n. 8, 52 n. 12

An Shou-chung,

5, 23 n. 22, 25 n. 39,

35, 41, 44, 63 n. 67, 82 n. 161, n. 165, 84 n. 174, 86 n. 181 An Ssu-shun,

31, 52 n. 12

An T'ai-ch'ing,

45, 47, 48, 85 n. 180,

87 n. 188, 90-91 n. 203 An Tao-mai,

31, 51 n. 9, n. 10

35, 36, 39, 42, 43-48, 61 n. 54,

An-yang River,

62 n. 56, 66 n. 84, 80 n. 152,

An Yen-yen,

81 n. 156, 84 n. 172, n. 173,

Bingham, W.,

84-85 n. 175, 86 n. 181, n. 182,

bribery of officials by An,

n. 183, n. 184, 87 n. 188, 88 n. 190,

43

31

88 n. 193

31, 51 n. 6 29 n. 81

10, 11, 18, 32, 33, 37, 67 n. 88

n. 191, 90 n. 200, n. 202, 90-91

Chai Po-yii,

n. 203, 91-92 n. 204, 93

Chang, Su-tsung's consort née, 28 n. 78

5

An Ch'ing-kuang, 61 n. 54

Chang Chieh-jan, 39, 72 n. 113

An Ch'ing-tse,

Chang Chiu-ling,

61 n. 54

An Ch'ing-tsung, 35, 39, 61 n. 54, 62 n. 55, n. 57, 69 n. 100a An Ch'ing-?

62 n. 54

An Ch'ing-yu, An Hsiao-chieh,

62 n. 54 51 n. 9

10, 21 n. 2, 26 n. 54,

54 n. 22 Chang Hsiin, 44, 82-83 n. 167 Chang Li-chen, Chang Shou-kuei,

33, 55 n. 33 31-32, 53 n. 17, n. 18,

n. 19, n. 20, 54 n. 22 115 -

- 116

- Index -

-

Chang T'ung-ju,

Chia Mountain,

23 n. 22,

25 n. 39, 35, 41, 45, 46, 48,

n. 141

63 n. 61, 76 n. 132, 82 n. 161,

Chiang Ch'ing,

n. 165, 83 n. 170, 86 n. 183

Ch'ien-chung,

Chang Wen-yen, Ch'ang-an,

37, 68-69 n. 97

5, 7-8, 15, 16, 22-23

n. 22, 25 n. 44, 28 n. 65, 29 n. 79,

41, 77 n. 140, 78 n. 140,

Chih River,

40, 73 n. 123 41

4, 41, 76 n. 134, n. 135

Chin, Prince of,

42

Ch'in, Lady of,

58 n. 41

54 n. 22, 58 n. 41, n. 43, 60 n. 51,

Ch'in-cheng-lou,

63 n. 66, 69 n. 98, 75 n. 127, n. 131,

Ch'in-jen (section of Ch'ang-an),

78 n. 143, n. 145, n. 146, 80 n. 149,

60 n. 51

82 n. 161, n. 164, n. 165, 83 n. 169,

Chin Yu-fu,

87 n. 188

Ching,

Ch'ang-an, Deputy Legate of, 25 n. 39 4, 22 n. 12, 24 n. 35,

Ch'ang-shan,

Ch'ang-shan Commandery,

41,

77 n. 139, n. 140, 78 n. 140 Chao Prefecture, Ch'en-liu,

Ching-chao,

41, 79 n. 148

Ch'ing-ch'i,

45, 85 n. 176

Chou dynasty,

16

Chou, King of,

88 n. 196

Ch'ou-ssu-kang,

45

Ch'ii-wo,

21 n. 4 72 n. 114, n. 115, n. 116,

87 n. 188

44, 83 n. 170, n. 171

Chung-tsung, Emperor,

16

Dance of the Barbarian Whirl,

73 n. 120 Ch'en-liu Commandery, 24 n. 35, 39, Ch'en Yin-k'o,

2, 29 n. 81, n. 89,

30 n. 97, n. 101, 52 n. 15, 56 n. 36, 60 n. 50, 70 n. 103 Cheng Ch'u-hui,

Ch'eng-an Metropolitan Prefecture (see Hsiang Prefecture), Chi Prefecture,

des Rotours, R.,

45

62 n. 58, 71 n. 103

Ch'i Prefecture (see Ch'ing-ch'i), 85 n. 176

40 25 n. 46, 26 n. 48,

51 n. 7, 62 n. 57 Eberhard, W.,

23-24 n. 32

Edwards, E. D.,

50 n. 3, 66 n. 86 14-15, 28 n. 76,

60 n. 50 Ennin,

65 n. 79

Fan-yang,

7, 24 n. 35, 35, 38, 41,

45, 53 n. 19, 62 n. 58, 63 n. 60, 67 n. 88, 68 n. 96, 69 n. 101,

37, 68 n. 93, n. 94

Chia, Lady of (see Tuan), 58 n. 42, 80 n.

34,

60 n. 50 Deputy Ministers,

72 n. 112

Chi Wen,

21 n. 7, 22 n. 8, n. 9, 28n. 65

41

Ch'ing-ho, Governor of, 85 n. 179

77 n. 140

Chao Ying,

34

70 n. 103, 71 n. 110, 88 n. 191 Fan-yang, Legate of,

53 n. 19,

- Index -

- 117 -

55 n. 32, 63 n. 60, 71 n. 110 favor, Emperor's toward An, 12, 32, 33-34, 60 n. 51, 61 n. 52 Feng Ch'ang-ch'ing,

38, 40, 71 n. 110,

Feng River,

44, 81 n. 160

22-23 n. 22

Five Dynasties,

68 n. 92, n. 93, n. 97

Ho-tung,

40, 63 n. 60, 70 n. 103,

Ho-tung Army, 38

24 n. 35, 36-37,

67 n. 88

36

Ho-tung Commandery, Ho-tung, Legate,

44

35, 61 n. 53,

85 n. 177

Fu Lo-ch'eng, Fu-yang,

25 n. 44, 70 n. 101

46-47, 88 n. 192

Generals of An Lu-shan, Grand Generals,

5

38, 64 n. 74

Great Exalted Emperor, 42, 48 Han Hsiu-min,

61 n. 53

Ho-tung legateship, Ho-yang Bridge, Hsl,

36, 53 n. 20, n. 21, 62 n. 58,

64 n. 76, 65 n. 77, 66 n. 81, n. 83 Hsi Chien-hou,

33, 56 n. 34

Han Yii,

Hsi-tsung, Emperor,

Heng, Mt.,

77 n. 139, n. 140

Heng Prefecture, Heng-shan, Hirth, F.,

45

22 n. 12

Ho-nan Legate,

59 n. 47

Hsi-yuan, battle of,

4

Hsiang-chi Temple,

83 n. 169

35, 64 n. 69

Hsiang Jun-k'o (see Hsiang Jun-jung),

35, 38, 64 n. 70

Ho-nan, Intendant of,

15, 28 n. 78, n. 79

Hsiang Jun-jung,

50 n. 4

Ho Ch'ien-nien,

65 n. 78

40, 47

Hsi-nei Palace,

83 n. 167

63 n. 60

Ho-tung Prefecture,

Han, Lady of, 58 n. 41

Ho-nei,

68 n. 95, n. 96

71 n. 103

82 n. 162

2, 9

Forbidden (Palace) Guard, Fu Ch'iu-lln,

35, 37,

horses, procurement of, Ho-ssu-te,

73 n. 120, 74 n. 124, n. 127 Feng-hsiang Commandery,

63 n. 58, n. 67, 70 n. 101 horses, expropriation of,

40

63-64 n. 69 Hsiang Prefecture,

39

5, 45, 49, 88 n. 192,

n. 193, 94

45

Hslen-ch'eng Commandery, Prince of,

Hopei (modern province),

20, 21 n. 3,

63 n. 60, 77 n. 139

84 n. 174 Hsien-ti, Emperor,

Ho-pei (T'ang "circuit" or province),

Hsin-tien,

6

44, 83 n. 171, 84 n. 172

41, 44, 45, 75 n. 130, 76 n. 131,

Hsing-ch'ing Palace,

84 n. 172

Hsiung-wu (An's stronghold),

Ho-pei, Inspector of, Hori Toshikazu,

32-33, 85 n. 177

53 n. 18, 57 n. 38,

14, 28 n. 79

62 n. 58 Hua-yin, Magistrate of,

9

35,

- 118

- Index -

-

Hsiian-tsung, Emperor,

Kao Shang,

7, 10, 12-20,

35, 38, 43, 46, 48, 49,

63 n. 65, 78 n. 143, 84 n. 174, 86 n. 183

24 n. 35, 27 n. 55, n. 65, 28 n. 78, 29 n. 86, 30 n. 98, 32-34, 36-38, 41,

Kao-tsu, Emperor,

43, 54 n. 22, 56 n. 36, n. 37, 57 n. 38,

Kao-tsung, Emperor,

15

n. 39, 59 n. 46, n. 49, 60 n. 51, 61 n. 54,

Kitan,

15-16

10, 36, 42, 53 n. 20, n. 21,

62 n. 54, 64 n. 75, 65 n. 77, 67 n. 88, n. 89,

54 n. 25, 62 n. 58, 64 n. 76,

n. 91, 69 n. 97, n. 98, 70 n. 101, 71 n. 110

65 n. 77, n. 78, 66 n. 81, 70 n. 103,

Hsuan-yuan Temple,

71 n. 105, 81 n. 153

60 n. 51

Hsueh Sung,

46, 87 n. 188, n. 189, n. 190

Ko-shu Han, 4, 41, 78 n. 144, n. 146

Hsiieh Yuan,

80 n. 150

Ku River,

Hu Chii,

Hu San-hslng,

64 n. 71, 65 n. 78, 68 n. 95, 76 n. 133, 83 n. 169, 89 n. 198 Huang Ch'ao,

37, 43

2

Kuo Na,

Kuo Ying-yu,

Levy, H. S ,

13

Jen-tsung, Sung Emperor, Jui-tsung, Emperor,

43

3

16

39, 72 n. 116, n. 117

K'ang, family name,

43, 50 n. 2

Li-fei Shou-yu, Li Fu-kuo, Li Han,

38, 40, 71 n. 109,

Li K'ang,

85 n. 177 13, 19

38, 71 n. 106 84 n. 175

39, 73 n. 120

14-15, 16

83 n. 167 23 n. 32

Li Kuang-pi,

74-75 n. 12 7

Kao-p'ing,

42-43, 80 n. 151, 81 n. 153,

n. 158, n. 159

Kao Hsien-chih,

Kao Mo,

57 n. 38 31

39, 40, 73 n. 121

Li Chu-erh,

58 n. 42

Kao Hsiu-yen,

22 n. 22

53 n. 18

Li Ch'eng,

K'ang, Lady of,

Kao Li-shih,

5, 22 n. 22, 24 n. 35,

Lan Prefecture,

Jen-chih (see An Ch'ing-hsu),

Jung-yang,

39, 72 n. 115

KuoTzu-i,

Kuwabara Takeo,

60 n. 51

70 n. 103

Inner Palace,

43

58 n. 41, 70 n. 102

41, 44, 46, 47, 77 n. 138, 82 n. 162, n. 165

36, 65 n. 80

Temple),

44 Kuo, Lady of,

Hui-yiian Temple (see Hsuan-yuan I-lo-ho,

5, 22 n. 22,

Kuang-yang, Governor of,

Huang-ho of the North (see T'u-hu-chen River),

69 n. 100

Kuang-p'lng, Prince of,

2, 10, 27 n. 57,

Hua-ch'ing Palace,

47

Kuan-chung,

61 n. 52

5, 24 n. 35, 41, 77 n. 137,

n. 139 Li Kuei-jen,

5, 23 n. 22, 35, 46, 64 n. 70,

88 n. 191, n. 192 Li Kuei-nien,

34, 59 n. 47

- Index -

- 119 -

Li Lin-fu,

Ming Huang, Emperor (see Hsiian-

11, 17-20, 33-34,

tsung),

56 n. 35, n. 36, 58 n. 40, 59 n. 46 LI Lung-chi (see Hsiian-tsung), Li Shih-min (see T'ai-tsung),

14

Mullie, J., 66 n. 80

16 29 n. 81

Nai Yuan-hao,

35, 45, 85 n. 176, n. 177

Li Shih-yii,

35, 63 n. 63

Nan-chao,

59 n. 47

Li Seu-yeh,

82 n. 165

Nan-yang,

41, 76 n. 135, 77 n. 136

Li Te-yii,

Niu T'ing-chieh,

24 n. 32

Li The Tenth One, Li T'ing-wang,

63 n. 62

oaths of brotherhood,

Li T'ing-chien (see Li T'ing-wang),

35,

63 n. 62 Liang Shang,

28 n. 65, 29 n. 89

Ling-ch'ang Commandery, Ling-hu Huan,

28 n. 65

Ling-pao,

4, 41, 78 n. 145

Ling-pao, battle of,

4

8, 12, 15, 41, 79 n. 147, n. 148

Liu Ch'eng, Liu Fang,

14, 28 n. 76, 31 13-14, 19, 30 n. 98

Liu Hsu,

2, 21 n. 4

Liu Lo-ku,

33, 34, 35, 58 n. 43

Liu Po-chi,

53 n. 18, 56 n. 36

22 n. 22

Lo-yang,

5-6, 7-8, 23 n. 22, 25 n. 40,

71 n. 110, 74 n. 125, 75 n. 131, 80 n. 150, 84 n. 172 Lou-fan,

37

39-40, 73 n. 122

Lu Kuei,

4, 40, 76 n. 133, n. 135,

77 n. 136 12, 14-15

Ou-yang Hsiu,

54 n. 24

3, 5-6, 9, 18, 21 n. 7,

P'ang Chien,

80 n. 150

Pao Hsii,

24 n. 32

Pei-hai,

85 n. 176

P'ei K'uan,

41

Ling-wu,

72 n. 112

5

Ling-nan,

Ma-wei,

86 n. 181

23 n. 29, 26 n. 53

6, 23 n. 28

Ling-hu Ch'ao,

Lu I,

oaths of loyalty,

33, 91 n. 203

Officers Who Seize Alive,

Li Tsung-t'ung,

Lo-ku,

35, 63 n. 68,

84 n. 174

34, 59 n. 46

32-33, 55 n. 31

Pei Prefecture, Pien River,

45, 85 n. 179

73 n. 118

P'ing-i Commandery, Prince of, P'ing Lieh, P'ing-lu,

43

35, 48, 63 n. 63, 84 n. 174 32, 36, 55 n. 29, 63 n. 60,

65 n. 78, 70 n. 103, 71 n. 110, 85 n. 176 P'ing-lu Army District,

54 n. 26,

66 n. 85 P'ing-lu, the Legateship of,

63 n. 60,

71 n. 110, 85 n. 176 P'ing-yiian, Governor of, 85 n. 178 Po-ling,

78 n. 141

Pulleyblank, E. G.,

1, 7, 9, 11, 13,

21 n. 3, 23 n. 30, 24 n. 32, n. 33, 25 n. 45, 27 n. 64, n. 65, 28 n. 66, n. 75, 29 n. 84, 30 n. 98, n. 102, 50 nn. 1-4, 51 n. 5, n. 6, n. 8, n. 10,

- 120

- Index -

-

52 n. 11, n. 12, n. 15, n. 16, 53 n. 18,

Ssu-shui,

73 n. 118, 74 n. 124

n. 20, 55 n. 29, n. 33, 56 n. 35, 58 n. 42,

Ssu-shun,

31

59 n. 45, 66 n. 85, 69 n. 100, n. 100a,

Su-tsung, Emperor,

P'u-ku Huai-en,

62 n. 57, 79 n. 147, 81 n. 160, 82 n. 163

44

Reischauer, E. O., Rideout, J . K.,

Sui-yang Commandery,

65 n. 79

68 n. 92, 81 n. 157

Sang Tao-mao, the Wizard,

Sun Hsiao-che,

49,

92 n. 205 40, 74-75 n. 127, 83 n. 171

Shan Commandery,

22 n. 22, 40, 44,

82 n. 165, 83 n. 169 Shao Yiieh,

50 n. 2

She District,

66 n. 85

Sung dynasty,

2, 9

Ta-hsi Hsiin,

40, 74 n. 126, 76 n. 132

88 n. 196

5, 9, 17, 20, 24 n. 32,

78 n. 141, 81 n. 155, 86 n. 184, n. 196, 89 n. 199, 90 n. 200, n. 202, n. 203, 91 n. 203, n. 204 Shih Su-kan (see Shih Ssu-ming),

T'ai-yuan,

15, 29 n. 81

71 n. 107

T'ang dynasty,

1-3, 8-9, 13, 17-19,

52 n. 15, 68 n. 9 5 , 80 n. 149,

87 n. 190, 88 n. 191, n. 192, n. 195,

54 n. 23

70 n. 103

86 n. 181 T'ang Prefecture, Tao-cheng,

84 n. 175

60 n. 51

Te Prefecture,

85 n. 178

Te-tsung, Emperor, T'ien-Ch'eng-ssu,

Shu, 41, 78 n. 146 Shun-ti, Emperor,

5, 11, 17,

T'ai-tsung, Emperor,

32, 46-48, 54 n. 23, n. 24,

6

89 n. 197, 94 1, 50 n. 1, n. 3

Ssu-ma Kuang,

24 n. 32

56 n. 34, 82 n. 163

48

Shih Ssu-ming,

Sogdian,

3, 21 n. 7

Sung Chii,

Tai-tsung, Emperor,

40

Shih, Prince,

Shun-1Hen,

38, 48, 49, 66 n. 84,

Sung Ch'i,

Ta Yen,

41,76 n. 135

Shih Prefecture,

Shih-wei,

44, 82 n. 166,

n. 167 71 n. 105, 84 n. 174, 87 n. 188, 90 n. 201

Shan City,

Sheng-wu,

12-17, 23 n. 22,

27 n. 65, 30 n. 98, 44, 46, 61 n. 52,

81 n. 155

1, 2, 8-12, 14,

17 35, 64 n. 72,

84 n. 175, 87 n. 188 T'ien

Ch'ien-chen,

8, 35, 41,

64 n. 73, 78 n. 143, 79 n. 148 Tongra,

62 n. 58, 70 n. 103

26 n. 53, 53 n. 20, 62 n. 58, 64 n. 69,

Tou T'ing-chih,

73 n. 117, 74 n. 127, 75 n. 127, n. 130,

Ts'ai Hsi-te,

40 4, 35, 45-46, 64 n. 70,

76 n. 132, 78 n. 141, 83 n. 170, 84 n. 171,

84 n. 175, 85 n. 180, 86 n. 181,

91 n. 203, 94

n. 184

- Index -

- 121

Ts'ui Ch'ien-yu,

4, 35, 40, 4 1 , 44,

46-49, 64 n. 70, 82 n. 162, 84 n. 174, 87 n. 188, 90 n. 201 Ts'ui Kuang-yiian,

8, 22 n. 22, 25 n. 41,

Ts'ui Wu-pi,

39, 72 n. 117 58 n. 42,

60 n. 50

Tu-ku Wen-su,

35, 63 n. 64

5-6

T'u-men Road, T'ung-kuan,

36, 65 n. 80

41, 77 n. 139, n. 140

22 n. 22, 40, 41,

74-75 n. 127, 76 n. 131, 78 n. 143 T'ung-p'ing Commandery, Prince of,

Wu-kung,

15-16 29 n. 86, 30

22 n. 22 4, 35, 41, 64 n. 70,

73 n. 117, 84 n. 175 Ya-lo-shan (see A-lo-shan),

31, 50 n. 3,

Yang (clique), Yang Hsien,

12, 15, 66 n. 86, 70 n. 102 33, 58 n. 40

Yang Kuei-fei,

18-19, 33, 57 n. 38, n. 39,

58 n. 41, 60 n. 50, 70 n. 102 Yang Kuo-chung,

18, 19, 27 n. 55, 29 n. 93,

30 n. 93, 36-38, 58 n. 40, 67 n. 90, n. 91,

59 n. 45 31, 50 n. 1, n. 4, 51 n. 6,

79 n. 149

Yang Shou-ching,

77 n. 140

Yang T'ai-chen (see Yang Kuei-fei),

85 n. 176 24 n. 35, 44, 81 n. 161,

82 n. 165, 83 n. 171 Waley, A.,

69 n. 98, n. 100a, 70 n. 101, n. 102, 71 n. 107

Tzu-ch'ing (see Ch'lng-ch'i),

45, 85 n. 178

Wang Chung-ssu, Wang Fu-te, Wang Hung,

27 n. 55

87 n. 188 33, 59 n. 44, n. 45

Wang Mao-chung, Wang Ssu-li,

68 n. 92

82 n. 165

Wei Chien-su,

27 n. 55

Wei, Empress,

16, 18

40, 75 n. 129

Wei Prefecture,

47, 87 n. 188,

33,

57 n. 38 Yano Chikara, Yao Ju-neng,

30

Wang Chien,

Wei Pin,

21 n. 4

17

51 n. 5, 52 n. 13

T'u-hu-chen River,

Uigurs,

24 n. 32

Wu Ling-hsun,

Tuan An-chieh,

Turks,

Wen Yii, Wu Chen,

Wu Hui-fei,

80 n. 152

Tung Cho,

88 n. 195 Wen-tsung, Emperor,

Wu, Empress,

47, 79 n. 148, 88 n. 194 Tuan, Lady of (see Chia),

-

Yao Yin,

57 n. 38 9, 25 n. 45, 26 n. 49, 57 n. 38

44, 83 n. 168

Yeh Commandery (see Hsiang Prefecture), 5, 45, 84 n. 175, 86 n. 182 Yeh,

86 n. 180

Yeh District, Yellow River,

47 39, 72 n. I l l , 74 n. 127,

87 n. 188, 91 n. 204 Yen Chuang,

5, 23 n. 22, 38, 42-45,

71 n. 104, 78 n. 143, 80 n. 151, 81 n. 154, 83 n. 170, 84 n. 172

- 122

- Index -

-

Yen dynasty,

74 n. 126

Yen Keng-wang, Yen, King of, Yen State,

51 n. 7

57 n. 38

35, 44, 64 n. 70,

Yu Prefecture Legateship,

46, 87 n. 186, n. 187

Yu Prefecture, Legate of,

4, 41, 80 n. 150,

84 n. 175 Ying Prefecture, 66 n. 85

Yoshikawa K5jir5, Yii Ch'ao-en,

82 n. 167, 83 n. 170 Ying-ch'uan,

39, 73 n. 120

47

40

Yin Tzu-ch'i,

Ying-tzu Valley,

Yii-wen K'uan,

31, 55 n. 26,

53 n. 19

45, 85 n. 179

Yiian Chih-t'ai, Yiian Tsai,

31

5

11-12

Yung-feng-ts'ang,

22 n. 22

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